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Full text of "Y Cymmrodor : the magazine of the Honourable Society of Cymmrodorion"

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F SILAS WRIGHT btrNNlMci 1 ! 

BEQUEST 
UNIVERSm- or MICHIGAN 

4t. GKNERAL L1BR.\RY J 













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Vol. XIV. 


y Cpmmroaon 




CBt magazint 




01 Itt IMMinMl 


, 


Soctetp or Cpmmrodorlon. 




PRODUCED UNDER THE DIRECTtON OF 




THE EDITOJUAL COMMITTEE. 




LOUDON: 


: 


ISSUED BV THE SOCIETY, 




NEW STONE BUILDINGS. «* CHANCERY LANE 




J 




■■flSMrotniABLH SOCIETY OP CYMMKODORIOl 



Prrsidtal :~Tht Right Hen. Lord TretUgar. 
CAairman of the CotmcU .-—Afr. Siephen Evattt.J.r. 
TtMturer.-^Mr H. Lhvd Ktitrtt. 
Secrviarv :—Mr. E. ViiiteMt B-vans.. 



1 



H<»<*>irB&Bl^ SOCntTT op CXMItttOIXIKlCif . origin«Uj ruimilod imdi't Itof»] 

pktnMutgv In ITBl. ww revived in 18T3. witbUieobj^tof biic^ng tnio o1d«ui contuiT 
Wnhiltfaiui, jimUcuIiuI)' tbuae lealdeut out of Walaa. who ar« uniloiii to lulvHiion Ibo 
welfsK of Ihulr coiinirj ; and of euibllDg theio to ua1l« Ui«lr niXitU (at iluti pnrpuw. 
lU H»pedoI ttimB Jire t.lie iioprovennjilt of Education, and the promotiim of InWllnotiUal 
oolturc by ibo gooouinjpimiukt of Lit4tmtiiio, Scunoe, and Ajl, br ooaai^Xt^ wUb 

SobucTliitlim to liio Suuitit?, «nUt1ing to oopiu o( all its poblloatlans, nut 
Adndnlon \a kU nuctltigs :— Oqi: (falooa pet anaam. 

Atfi>UcUli^t' ^oc iDHiabenbip shoiUd be s4cIroHed to tbo fienraUrj, B. Vliiora^^^ 

»KTa:». New SVtiio Ilui)dIti)CKi fll> CbaDe«if Iduc, Londcm, WC. fij^H 

LIST OF POBUCATIORS. ^V 

y Cymnjrodor, V.di il, Iv, t. rt, v(i, «ll, U, x. xi. ilL Kuw Sofiw. ToU. xBI 

oo'l i1t. Ul>. lU. |ii-i voliim" fVulH. i »nd iQ aru out of print.] 
ThAHlsiorycifUinOyinmrodorion. Oniofnriat. 
A XHctJooary la Bngl^aho and 'nrol«h«. oy WjUyam gnlMbnij (lirtT). 

FftMlniUn. hlucV latter. 1 pailj. 14. td, o&oh, 

Th« Qododta of Aneortn Ownwdrydd, i^ Thomiu BtupbtuiR. AntTiw ol r*« 

Lillfniturf «Tl>^- K^arlf. C [MlU, :a. Hrf. vaclt. 

An Kuay onPeaauUoii8iasUig(llHnw»MiHoii:illiwiUCiaDnG]rdit'rT«imu), 

by J, Jo(iuii(Wr« I'jji-ijij*), I jjurt. 2«. Hit 
Yfitorya de Carolo Mafoio (fnxa tb« " Red Book or HaiKi'*!"). I iMri, Si M 
Atbrsraoth Ori^tUOgavl (Troot the oultiun cony beloiiKliifr tu Ibo luM I'rinoe 

U>;,\i i,ii^,in !k>iiai»iuv orlKltiialy iirtiilJtd at MlUu. A.a. ItJeHi), I [itrt. Sc IW. 
The BlMMxinea of Brytalno, br Mnurice K.vlBD(l5(tT>. I [lun, It. iW. 
OofWld the Welahman, by llwt7 0<rm, B.C,L. Oxiid„F,3.A. OoniyXvo.,voUiuii 

c!nlb. ftUt. lOi, 
Owoltblaulolo Qoob: GydaHddiDdau IlMiivrviMoi A GMrril(u)>)'. gac DturlM 

Ai.li^.0 TiM n'ofkit at I»)o Qooli. Pilnf Kb. tl<i. 
Tbo Traosootloiui of the H<Hioarabla Society of Crmairodofioa 

(S«»it<B.,lBya8B.ii«is-w. i«ii*-n6. i6M-yii, is9c»7. iSbt-us. jwaoii, isw.iww). 

ly niK ClHlilKKKillIUM RXUUKO SSUIM. 



r^rtlalilp of Butbfii or Dytnyo-Clwyd, ut ibt- 

l'i»l. pttnr<ud lit (lif I'ubllt- Jtroont <ll!:».'u. tillwl. 

l.> IL .\nburIUilvrt<.uf It U. fuliilu l;poonU>in». 

' Hrnfd .-^rtM Ptli:.: Sli 

I 'or de Pumltontlo, nooedll et Zaorioa 

' i.r.'\lD. fioi^tBcnta tniiu l.[>st LnUsr*. Uia 

u n of Oildiu.1 l>iin L Sdltcd by ItHb 
,,^,.a tlUt/wnt llie n.«obelulOoUt«c, Bala. 

Daint; S,... .1 uf tL- (.;,«.■,, ,ii,jn;.'i VMwrJ ;*fT-l<w. In Thriiii P*tM, Prloa 31*, 
iu MniDb<ir> nl t).n BoOU'ly, )rlt, M. 

A CttuUoguo of Ills HoQUMirliita relnUiiB to Wftlaa In Um BriUalt 

" P»rt I. CoiuuUwl Kul IWji«d bf Klmid 0«»<i, ot Omy^ Iiio. 

' - " ■ - Mix < »r Uiit rVntwiw^** p . . ^ . - ..-. -. 




QanMvi-At-LAw. Being Ho. 4 vJ Uiit rVwimM^^M AbmtW Strtu. 
iMOOd (ran apuQ »ppUmtlan tu HtsitiKrs ot Llu> Siickty. 



I Saertttinr. itt tit {^vrmnyJurUn Al 



"™«™ 




Cpmmrodon 



THE MAGAZINE 



OF THE HONOURABLE 



SOCIETY OF CYMMKODORION. 



VOL. XIV. 



PRODUCED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF 
THE EDITORIAL COMMITTEE. 



4 



LONDON: 

ISSUED BT THE SOCIETY, 

NEW STONE BUILDINGS, 64, CHANCERY LANE. 

1901. 



Dbvizbs : 
Pbintbd by Gbobgb Simpson. 






CONTENTS. 



EDglish Law in Wales and the Marches. By Henbt 
Owen, D.C.L.Oxon., P.S.A. 

Appendix : The State of the Cause coDcemiDge the 
Lo. President and Counsell in ye Marches of 

W UiXt. D ••• ••• ••• ••• ••• 



88 



The Broughtons of Marchwiel. Contribution to the 
History of the Parish of Marchwiel. By Alfred 
Neobabd Palmeb ... ... ... ... 42 



Vita Sancti Eebie. By the Bev. S. Barino-Gould, M.A 

i^alesbury's Dictionary and the Eing's Licence. By J. H 
Dayies, M.A. ... 

A Welsh Love Song of the 16th Century. By J. H 
Davies, M.A. 



86 



96 



98 



The Expulsion of the Dessi. By Professor Euno 

XtLEiERy JlU.X/. ... ... ... ... 



101 



Bide Lights on Welsh Jacobitism. By J. Arthur 

JlRICE) JjwA* ... ... ••• .»• XOO 



Supplement : List of Publications. 







Cjmmrnirnr* 



Vol. XIV. "Cared doeth yb encilion." 



1900. 






By henry OWEN, D.C.L.Oxon., F.S.A. 



I. 

The history of the administration of English law in Wales 
and the Marches may be divided into three periods : — (1) 
during the gradual conquest of the country by the Anglo- 
Norman kings and their barons ; (2) after the completion 
of that conquest, when " Wales " was governed by the 
Crown through the English Prince of Wales and the 
Marches were self governed and merely owned feudal 
subjection to the king ; and (3) from the time of the union 
of Wales and the Marches to England until the abolition 
of judicial "Wales." 

It has been the custom of writers on English history, 
so far as they think it worth while to refer to the Princi- 
pality of Wales, to state that Wales was conquered by 
Edward I. But what Edward conquered was the dominion 
which was left to the last prince of the Welsh blood royal : 
the greater part of Wales had been conquered long before. 



2 English Law in Wales and the Marches, 

and remained for centuries under its peculiar jurisdiction 
quite apart from the realm of England and from the new 
created Principality of Wales. The effect of the Norman 
Conquest of England was soon felt in Wales. Norman 
adventurers, especially after the encouragement of the 
winning of Glamorgan in the early years of William 
Rufus, obtained grants from the English king of such 
lands as they could acquire in Wales ; the Welsh historian 
took occasion to remark '^ the king was very liberal of that 
which was not his own." 

It has been alleged that these grants were made on the 
ground of some claim of forfeiture of the Principality to 
the English crown; but although Edward could show 
some reason for his claim of feudal superiority over the 
dominions of Llewelyn, the earlier charters to the invaders 
granted to them in plain terms such land as they had 
acquired or should thereafter acquire " from our enemies 
the Welsh.'" 

These lands came, early in the thirteenth century, 
to be called the Marches, and the holders of them Lords 
Marcher. The words " March " and " Marcher " appear 
in various forms in several European languages. The 
March was the boundary, and many writers have been led 
astray by the supposition that the Welsh Marches meant 
the lands on the borders of England and Wales (that is to 
say as at present constituted) ; but as the limits of the old 
Principality shrunk, the Marches followed them, so that 
we find Lordships Marcher in the farthest parts of Wales. 
After the prerogatives of the Lords Marcher were vested 
in the crown by Henry VIII, it was often difficult to 
decide which were or had been Marches ; none could have 
arisen after Edward had annexed the remnant of the 

' Seo Rot. Chart., 63 and mb. 



English Law in Wales and the Marches, 3 

Principality. Some (called Lordships Royal) had been 
acquired by the king at his own charges, and many were 
from time to time forfeited to the Crown, especially after 
the Wars of the Roses ; in these he exercised jurisdiction, 
not as king, but as dominus Marchice. Although the laws 
of Henry IV, which deprived Welshmen of their rights 
and liberties, were directed against the inhabitants of the 
Principality and not those of the Marches, it was the 
latter which, after the union with England, continued 
to be more disorderly. 

Some few lordships had been granted to Welshmen 
who were content to hold their lands of the King of 
England; for example, the Lordship of Powys, which 
became subject to the crown "by submission and not by 
conquest," retained the Welsh divisions of land and had 
courts baron and courts leet for each commote, in the 
same manner as the district afterwards included in the 
Statute of Rhuddlan. It is worth noting that the only 
Lordship Marcher in Wales in which some of the old 
prerogatives survive is that of Kemes in North Pembroke- 
shire, which was conquered by Martin de Tours in the 
reign of William Rufus; and it is to a Lord of Kemes 
in the time of Queen Elizabeth, one George Owen, to 
whose writings we are indebted for the greater part of our 
knowledge of the rights and privileges of these sovereigns 
of the land of Wales, for owing to the wholesale destruc- 
tion of the local records, and the scanty reference to 
the subject in those of the Crown, the material for the 
historian is small. 

The extent of the territory of the Marchers may be 

estimated by that of the dominions ol Llewelyn annexed 

by Edward I, for the government of which were framed, 

in 12 Edward 1, a set of regulations called the Statute 

of Rhuddlan, or the Statute of Wales. By it were ap- 

b2 



4 English Law in Wales and the Marches. 

pointed sheriflPs for Anglesey, Carnarvon and Merioneth, 
the old inheritance of the Princes of Gwynedd, for Flint, 
parcel of the Palatinate of Chester which was finally 
annexed to the Principality of Wales tefmp. Edward EI, 
and for Carmarthen and for Cardigan and Lampeter, 
i.e, Llanbadara, by Aberystwyth. To Carnarvon, Merio- 
neth and Flint, certain cantreds and commotes were 
assigned, of the others it was merely stated that they 
should have their present metes and boimds. The three 
South Wales districts included a part of West Carmar- 
thenshire which had been obtained by the princes of 
North Wales after the extinction of the Welsh princes 
of the South, and nearly the whole of the present county 
of Cardigan, the only Welsh county which represents 
an ancient territorial division, and the only part of Wales 
in which the Welsh had succeeded in driving back the 
Lords Marcher. The territory comprised in this Statute 
remained for centuries what was known to English law as 
" Wales", ruled by English law as modified by the Statute, 
and was, until the death of Arthur Tudor, the son of 
Henry VII, granted by Charter (as was the Earldom 
of Chester) to each heir apparent " and to his heirs Kings 
of England"; nevertheless, the charters to towns were 
granted by the king and not by the Prince of Wales. 
The Prince was solemnly invested with the chaplet ring 
and sceptre ; to this day the eldest son of the sovereign is 
bom Duke of Cornwall, but he is created Prince of Wales 
and Earl of Chester. All the rest of Modem Wales not 
subject to the Statute was the " Marches", over which the 
King was, by 3 Edward I, cap. 17, proclaimed Sovereign 
Lord, and which, by 28 Edward III, cap. 2, was declared 
to be attendant on the Crown of England as heretofore, 
and not on the Principality of Wales, and under the same 
term were included the forty-four Lordships which were 



English Law in Wales and the Marches. 5 

added to EngKsh counties by the Act of Union (27 
Henry VTII, cap. 26), besides the Lordships east of 
Chepstow Bridge, which were added to Gloucestershire. 
The Lordships mentioned in the Act amount to over one 
hundred. 

n. 

The way for the Statute of Wales had been prepared 
by the Commission which Edward had issued four years 
previously^ (that is to say, after the submission of 
Llewelyn and before his final revolt), to enquire into 
the laws and customs of the Welsh districts then held 
by the King. His father had granted to him in 1254 
the palatinate of Chester, una cum conguestu nostro Wallice 
infinibuAi illisy ita tamen quod nunquam separentur a Corona^ 
and Edward had shown a characteristic desire to set in 
order his possessions, which were practically the later 
Principality, with the exception of Anglesey and the land 
of Snowdon, which remained with Llewelyn. The Com- 
missioners were the Bishop of St. David's and two Norman 
barons. They sat at five places and summoned one 
hundred and seventy-two witnesses; it appears from the 
evidence that even then Welsh law and custom had been 
affected by those of England. It was the object of the 
ambition of the Welsh princes to emulate the position 
of the English kings, and some of their chief nobles had 
assumed the state of English barons. 

The Statute of Wales recites that the Principality, 
as then remodelled, *Hhe land of Snowdon and other our 
lands in Wales," which had hitherto been subject to the 
Crown in jure feudally had then fallen in proprietatis 
dominium ; it was thenceforth to be a distinct portion 
of the realm of England, over which the Courts of West- 

' Eot. Wall., 9 Edw. I, M. 6. 



6 English Law in Wales and the Marches. 

minster had no jurisdiction, but justice was to be adminis- 
tered in accordance with the King's original writs and the 
provisions of the Statute. It is stated that the laws and 
customs of Wales had been examined by the King, of 
which, some he had abolished, some allowed, and some 
corrected, others he had added. The editor of Reeves' 
History of English Law, points out in a note that although 
the object of the Statute was to assimilate the Welsh laws 
and institutions to the English, there was not found much 
in the former which required alteration, and draws the 
inference that the laws of the conquerors and the con- 
quered were alike derived from the Roman law ; he gives 
instances where the laws of the " Romanized Britons of 
Wales" could show a marked superiority over those of the 
Anglo-Normans. In civil actions the Welsh procedure 
was made by the Statute substantially the same as the 
English ; the Welsh equivalent for gavelkind was allowed 
to remain, but bastards were debarred from a share in the 
inheritance; women were to be entitled to dower, in the 
sense of the endowment of the wife by the husband; and 
the coheiresses were to share equally. 

The itinerant justiciary of Snowdon appointed by the 
Statute afterwards gave place to the Justices of North 
Wales and West Wales, who held their courts of Chancery 
and Exchequer at Carnarvon and Carmarthen respectively, 
in which all pleas of the Crown and the most important 
causes were heard and determined, and from which there 
was no appeal to the courts of Westminster. At these 
superior courts were granted the misesy being payments to 
every new prince on his creation for the allowance of their 
laws and ancient customs and for the pardon of oflFences. 
No shires were appointed by the Statute, but the several 
groups of commotes were in North Wales, in time, welded 
into a county, and the Sheriff held his County Courts 



English Law in Wales and the Marches. 7 

after the English manner. In West Wales courts baron 
were held in each commote by the "stewards of the Welsh 
Courts". The county, properly the district governed by 
an Earl, became the shire, the division of a kingdom, and 
Anglesey, Carnarvon and Merioneth were afterwards called 
the three ancient shires of North Wales, and together 
with Flint were soon divided into hundreds, which usually 
took their form and name from the Welsh commote — the 
Norman lawyers, here, as elsewhere, applying their own 
rules to the old Welsh divisions of land. The provisions 
of the Act of Union for dividing Wales into hundreds 
is limited to " South Wales" and the Marches. 

The Sheriff, who was appointed during pleasure by 
the Crown, had in each commote a bailiff who later held 
his Hundred Court. In the monthly County Court the 
Sheriff heard questions of contract, trespass against the 
peace, and detainer of cattle, and there was an appeal " at 
the coming of the justice". In his biennial turn in each 
commote he tried, with a jury of twelve, usurpations of 
franchises and certain classes of crime, he could admit 
prisoners to bail or keep them for the assize, lesser 
offences he could dispose of. One Coroner at least for 
every commote was to be chosen in full County Court; 
his principal duties were to enquire as to death by mis- 
adventure and as to the chattels of felons to be answered 
at the coming of " the justice of our lord the king". 
There are elaborate provisions in the Statute as to the 
form of writs according to the English law and as to civil 
business which could be determined by the Sheriff and 
jury or referred to the Justice. Questions as to realty 
were to be tried by a jury, and as to personalty by the 
Welsh custom, that is to say, "in some cases things may 
be proved by those who have seen and heard, but where 
this is not possible the defendant is to be put to his 



8 English Law in Wales and the Marches. 

purgation with a greater or less number of purgators, 
according to the gravity of the matter in hand." In 
criminal matters the law of England was to prevail. The 
object of Edward was to adapt the then form of English 
local government to the Principality, and it is to be 
noticed that the administration soon fell for the most part 
into the hands of Welshmen. From the Record of 
Camarvoriy which has been called the Domesday of Wales, 
and which contains the extents of Carnarvon and Anglesey 
in the reign of Edward III, and of part of Merioneth 
in that of Henry V, it is evident that many Welsh 
customs had survived the Statute ; but the work of assimi- 
lation went on. There were no mesne lords among the 
Welsh, the chieftains' rights were transferred after the 
conquest to the Prince of Wales. Manors grew up, and 
the maenol, a division of a commote, became in Law 
Latin the manerium and in English the manor, the free 
tribesmen the manorial freeholders, and the tceogs or 
villani the copyholders; the food rents were commuted 
in time for each class into the tunc pound of silver, which 
was paid to the Prince of Wales and is still paid in the 
form of crown rents. The quasi-feudal services of the 
free Welshmen were continued, but in many cases Welsh 
landowners had adopted the rule of primogeniture instead 
of the entail of family land, which, however, like the joint 
holdings of the tceogsy lingered on in many places. The 
tenure by the gwely, or family group (associated originally 
for jurisdiction and tribute), of land partible among heirs 
male, was adapted to the tenure by knights' service, and 
although it was formally abolished by the Ordinances for 
Wales, both gavelkind and borough -English are still to be 
found in some Welsh manors. The revenue of the Princi- 
pality in the time of the Black Prince was over £4,000 
a year, but this had greatly decreased in Tudor times. 



English Law in Wales and the Marches, 9 

in. 

The law of the Marches, except in such as were in the 
King's hands, was not so well ordered. It is obvious that 
in these petty principalities, in a disturbed state of the 
country, justice and good government were not the first 
consideration, and in 1472 the Commons, in view of the 
grievances of the King's subjects in the lands adjoining 
" Wales", sent a petition to the King, which resulted in 
the formation by Edward IV of the Court of the Marches, 
which sat by royal commission with an extensive juris- 
diction of no clearly defined limits, and became a powerful 
instrument in the hands of the Crown, which resisted its 
abolition until long after the prerogatives of the Marches 
had been absorbed and Wales had been annexed to 
England, and when the word " Marches" had become of 
doubtful meaning. 

The members of this court, the head-quarters of which 
were at Ludlow Castle, and which was the Star-Chamber of 
Wales, were nominated by the Crown. They consisted of 
a Lord President (until the Reformation always a bishop) 
and of divers personages, spiritual and lay, the " Justices 
of Wales", who, after the institution of the Court of the 
Great Sessions, were the Chief Justice of Chester and the 
Justices of the three circuits of Wales, " and such others 
as are learned in the Lawes and are to be called to 
Councell when the Lord President shall think requisite." 
They were empowered to deal with all causes and matters 
comprised in the letters of instruction from the Crown to 
the Lord President of the Council. It was in its origin a 
Court of Equity, but it encroached upon the province 
of the Courts of Common Law, probably in a great 
measure owing to the inability of these courts to enforce 
their decrees. In the time of Elizabeth it had grown 



8 English Law in Wales and the Marches. 

purgation with a greater or less number of purgators, 
according to the gravity of the matter in hand." In 
criminal matters the law of England was to prevail. The 
object of Edward was to adapt the then form of English 
local government to the Principality, and it is to be 
noticed that the administration soon fell for the most part 
into the hands of Welshmen. From tlie Record of 
Carnarvon, which has been called the Domesday of Wales, 
and which contains the extents of Carnarvon and Anglesey 
in the reign of Edward III, and of part of Merioneth 
in that of Henry V, it is evident that many Welsh 
customs had survived the Statute ; but the work of assimi- 
lation went on. There were no mesne lords among the 
Welsh, the chieftains' rights were transferred after the 
conquest to the Prince of Wales. Manors grew up, and 
the maenol, a division of a commote, became in Law 
Latin the manerivm and in English the manor, the free 
tribesmen the manorial freeholders, and the tceogg or 
villani the copyholders ; the food rents were commuted 
in time for each class into the tunc pound of silver, which 
was paid to the Prince of Wales and is still paid in the 
form of crown rents. The quasi-feudal services of the 
free Welshmen were continued, but in many cases Welsh 
landowners had adopted the rule nf (jrimngeniture instead 
of the entail of family land, which, however, like the joint 
holdings of the twogg, lingered on in many places. The 
tenure by the gwely, or family grt'up (nasociatK'd originally i 
for jurisdiction and tribute), of laiifi partible among hon j 
male, was adapted to the tenure by kuights' service, uidj 
although it was fonnally abolisheil by tlie Ordinnncea fori 
Wales, both gavelkind and borouff li-English are still to 6 
found in some Welsh manors. The revenue of the Prind-^ 
pality in the time of the Black Piince was over &4fii 
a year, but this had greatly deer u^od in Tudor timi 



r 



lo English Law in Wales and the Marches, 

to be an ordinary Court of Justice, and besides mitigating 
the rigour and supplying the deficiencies of the Common 
Law, it dealt with all manner of misdemeanours, examined 
the title to lands, and gave possession thereof, held pleas 
of debt and detinue, called to account evil-dealing 
" Tutors", examined witnesses " to remain of record", and 
punished the vices of incest, adultery, and fornication. 
It also took upon itself to deal with such questions as 
the apprehension of Jesuits and Seminarists, the assize of 
bread, ale and beer, unreasonable excess of apparel and 
the preservation of game. There were four terms during 
the year, each of which lasted a mouth. The Court 
brought law and order into the Marches ; in a report as to 
the state of Wales immediately before the Act of Union, 
to be found among the Miscellanea of the Exchequer, it is 
stated that no inquest in Wales would find a gentleman 
guilty of the murder of a poor man, and that if it were 
not for the Council of the Marches the crime would go 
unpunished; also that the council was daily besieged by 
those whose cattle had been stolen and driven off from 
one petty Lordship to another. "All the thieves in 
Wales quake for fear", said Bishop Rowland Lee, the 
strongest of the rulers of the Marches. The process was 
speedy, and the fees (at first) were light, but to a litigious 
people the delight of summoning their adversary to 
Ludlow, which for many parts of Wales was nearly as 
inaccessible as Westminster, led to many frivolous suits 
and much oppression. The easy method which the 
Council had provided for poor suitors, of bringing cases 
before the Court by bill and answer without witnesses, 
encouraged this spirit of litigation, and had attracted a 
swarm of lawyers who defeated the original object of the 
Court. But the Court was too useful to the Crown to 
permit of its abolition, although the creation of the 



English Law in Wales and the Marches, 1 1 

itinerant Justices of the Great Sessions had rendered it no 
longer useful to the people. 

The ^^ Act for re-continuing the liberties in the Crown 
(27 Henry VIII, cap. 24), a general act for this realm, 
Wales and the Marches of the same," had discrowned the 
Marchers by enacting that no one could pardon treason 
and felony or appoint justices but the King, and that all 
"original and judicial writs" were to be in the King's 
name (" the Justice of the County Palatine of Chester and 
Flint" was excepted from the Act). The Act of Union of 
the same year had annexed their Lordships to the 
different Shires, yet by the Act for the " Ordinances for 
Wales" (34 and 35 Henry VIII, cap. 26), the President 
and Council of the Marches were retained, with power 
" to hear and determine such causes and matters as shall 
be assigned to them by the King's Majesty as heretofore 
hath been accustomed." 

In the troubles after the Reformation, Wales, from 
the nature of the country and the multitude of its juris- 
dictions, had become the refuge for the disaffected. 
Various criminal acts were passed, but shortly afterwards 
the whole country was incorporated with England, "it 
being thought a better policy to adopt that people into 
the same form of government as the English, than by 
keeping them under more severe and strict laws to hazard 
the alienating of their affections." The same troubles 
had caused the establishment of the President and Council 
of the North and the President and Council of the West, 
both of which were even in those times objected to as 
illegal. A subsidy act of 32 Henry VIII, cap. 50, provides 
for the " raising a President and Council in the Western 
Parts having like authority with the Council of Wales 
and the North". 

By the like stretch of the royal prerogative which had 



1 2 English Law in Wales and the Marches. 

created these unconstitutional councils, it was provided in 
the " Ordinances for Wales" that the King's most royal 
majesty might alter anything contained in that statute, 
and make new laws and ordinances for Wales " as to his 
most excellent wisdom and discretion should be thought 
convenient," and that these alterations and new enact- 
ments, if made in writing under his Highness' great seal, 
should have the same force and effect as if they had been 
made by authority of Parliament. It was afterwards 
argued that this power was limited to Henry VIlI, and 
that the most excellent wisdom and discretion did not 
descend with the Crown ; but the Tudors wore that crown 
pretty firmly on their heads, and the clause was not 
repealed until 21 Jac, cap. 10, which recites that the laws 
ordained for Wales are for the most part agreeable to 
those of England, and are obeyed with " great alacrity", 
and that after so great a quiet any further change or 
innovation might be dangerous. 

James I yielded to the petition of the Commons 
on this point; but another grave constitutional question 
was not so easily settled. So far as Wales was con- 
cerned the Court of the Marches claimed, and was allowed, 
a concurrent jurisdiction with the newly appointed 
Court of Great Sessions, but it also claimed jurisdiction 
over the four bordering counties of Worcester, Gloucester, 
Hereford and Shropshire, as parcel of the ancient Marches 
of Wales, and this brought them into collision with the 
Courts of Westminster. These counties had been sub- 
jected to the Court before the Act of Union and were 
afterwards included in the letters of instruction from 
which certain places were from time to time omitted on 
petition to the Crown, but by 26 Henry VIII, cap. 11, 
the three last counties, as then constituted, were clearly 
distinguished from the Marches. These letters were 



I 

English Law in Wales and the Marches. 1 3 

addressed, as before, to the Council of Wales and the 
Marches. " Wales " had been defined, and it was con- 
tended by the Crown that the " Marches " were now 
represented by the English shires, to which some of them 
had been added, that it was expedient that the inhabitants 
of both sides of the border should be subject to the same 
civil law, and that the powers of the Council rested not on 
statute but on the royal prerogative. It was alleged on 
the other side that the extraordinary powers vested in the 
Council were intended to supplement and not to supersede 
the Common Law, that they had no definite rules of pro- 
cedure, that they put prisoners to torture in cases of 
treason and felony, and that they were in great measure 
dependent on fines imposed for offence and contempt of 
court and upon fees ascertained by custom, of which 
custom the lower officials were the interpreters. In Trin. 
Term, 2 Jac, one Farley sued for a habeas corpus in the 
King's Bench; Lord Zouch (then President of Wales and 
the Marches) submitted the case to the King in council, 
who referred it tx) the judges, who decided that the four 
counties were not within the jurisdiction. Lord Zouch 
resigned, " and yet " says Coke (who was one of the 
judges) " the commission was not reformed at all points 
as it ought to have been." 

In the instructions to Lord Eure, the President in 
1 607, the extraordinary criminal powers were confined to 
Wales, but the Council was empowered to hear and deter- 
mine matters of debt and trespass on the English and 
Welsh side under £10, for such of the poorer sort as were 
not fit to be compelled to go to Westminster. In 1608 
the question again came before the Privy Council; the 
decision was not published, but was apparently not in 
favour of the Crown. In the instructions to Lord 
Compton, the President in 1617, the civil jurisdiction on 



14 English Law in Wales and the Marches. 

the English and Welsh side in purely personal actions was 
limited to £50, concurrently with the Common Law courts, 
but extended to any amount when the poverty of the 
plaintiff was certified. Full equitable jurisdiction was also 
granted, and the salaries remained charged on the fines 
and fees. The agitation to release the "four shires in the 
Marches of Wales" continued during the next year, and a 
bill was brought in upon a report of a committee of the 
Commons in 16 Car., and passed both houses, but never 
received the royal assent. The matter dropped during the 
Commonwealth and was not revived at the Restoration, 
but immediately after the Revolution the movement 
against the Court was renewed, and a petition for its 
abolition from ten thousand inhabitants of the towns and 
parishes in Wales was presented to Parliament. In it was 
given a new suffrage to the litany, " From plague, pesti- 
lence, and the name of Ludlow Court, good Lord deliver 
us." In the evidence taken by the Lords' Committee in 
1689, it was stated that the Court cost the Crown £3000 a 
year, that the judges were judges of the law as well as of 
the fact, that the trial was not by jury but by " English 
bill", that there was no appeal from its decisions, that 
the costs in the abundant small actions were excessive, 
that actions of trespass, damage and small debt were 
usually brought there, and that several counties had got 
released by Charles II from " pertaining to the Court ". 
Sir John Wynne gave it in evidence that land in Wales 
was two or three years' purchase the worse because of the 
Court. Evidence was also given in favour of the con- 
tinuance of the Court. But the result was that 1 Will, 
and Mary, cap. 27, abolished altogether " the Court before 
the President and Council of the Marches in Wales", as 
contrary to the Great Charter, the known laws of the land, 
and the birthright of the subject, and declared that the 



English Law in Wales and the Marches, 1 5 

matters determinable in that Court could have sufficient 
redress in the ordinary courts of justice/ 

IV. 

Yet it was not in the Court of the Marches but in the 
courts of the Lords Marchers themselves that justice was 
for many centuries administered for the greater part of 
Wales. Of the power of the Lords Marcher, many of 
whom sat in Parliament, no better evidence can be given 
than the ostentatious way in which their liberties were 
reserved in various Statutes, even in some in which those 
liberties were practically taken away. Some of the 
greatest of the English nobles held Lordships in the 
Marches ; in the reigns of Edward II and III, twenty- 
one Lords Marcher sat among the Barons in Parlia- 
ment. 

Even under Mary they were still strong enough to 
obtain the passing of the ^' Act to confirm the liberties of 
the Lords Marcher of Wales" (1 and 2 Philip and Mary, 
cap. 15), which provided that the moiety of the forfeiture 
by their tenants " for every common mainprise, recog- 
nisance of the peace or appearance", which had been 
by the Act of Union reserved to the lay lords then in 
existence (the other moiety going to the Crown) should be 
payable also to " bishops and other ecclesiastical persons 
being Lords Marchers", and to the heirs and successors of 
the lay lords, and also that they should have such " mises 
or profits of their tenants, keep their courts baron, courts 
leet and law-days, and should have waifs, strays, infangthef 
and outfangthef, treasure trove, deodands, chattels of 



' The original documents appended to Mr. Lleiif er Thomas' Further 
Notes on the Court of the Marches (Y Cyynmrodory xiii, pp. 125-163), 
contain a store of valuable information on the subject of this chapter. 



1 6 English Law in Wales and the Marches. 

felons, wrecks, wharfage and customs of strangers as 
before the making of the said Statute." 

The Statute-book throws much light on their powers. 
The " Bill concerning Councils in Wales" (26 Henry VIII, 
cap. 6), after reciting that the people of Wales and the 
Marches had been guilty of " scelerous deeds and abomin- 
able malefacts", commands the inhabitants thereof upon 
due summons to appear before the justice, steward, lieu- 
tenant or other officer of the court in any castle, fortress, 
or other place, and gives the right of appeal to the Council 
of the Marches from the unlawful exactions and false 
imprisonment of these same officers, to which the Statute 
explains they are somewhat prone. It also empowers the 
justices in the English shire, " where the king's writ 
runneth", next adjoining any Lordship Marcher, to try 
certain felonies committed in such lordship, and this was 
especially confirmed in the "Ordinances for Wales." 

The Act "for the abuses in the Forests of Wales" 
(27 Henry VIII, cap. 7) declares that the customs and 
exactions in the forests of Wales and the Marches are 
"contrary both to the law of God and man", and in- 
stances that if any one is found on a path in a forest 
without the forester's token, and not being a "yearly 
tributer or chenser",* he has to pay a grievous fine, and if 
twenty-four feet out of the path, he may lose all the 
money he has about him and a joint of one of his hands ; 
also that " all beasts and quick cattle" found straying in 
the forest are confiscated to the Lord. All these customs 
are to be held for naught after the Feast of the Nativity 
of St. John the Baptist, 1536. 

The powers of the Earls Palatine were so great that 
the Crown, when it was sufficiently strong, annexed their 

^ L.L. censariuSf a fanner at a fixed rent. 



English Law in Wales and^i^e Marches. 17 

earldoms, but the powers of the Lords Marcher were 
greater. The Counties Palatine were parcel of the realm 
of England and derived thereform. Wales was not. 
Brevis domini regis non currit in Walliay i.e. Wales and the 
Marches, save only in the county palatine of Pembroke. 
A writ of error lay from a county palatine to the King's 
Bench; if any "foreign plea or voucher" arising in a 
county palatine was pleaded, the record was sent to that 
county to be tried and returned to the King's Bench 
for judgment. The Lord of Kemes tells us that the 
Lords Marcher were sworn to perform covenants as full 
and absolute princes are, whereas Earls Palatine tied 
themselves by covenants and bonds as subjects do. 

The Palatinates were governed by the laws and 
customs of England, the Marches by the " Lex et consue- 
tvdo Marchiae'*\ The invader, we are told, when he won 
his Lordship, was " forced to devise and execute laws of 
himself to keep his people in quiet and peace, for there 
was no higher court which could minister justice unto 
them". These laws were a mixture of English law and 
will of the Lord, and in earlier times the latter predomi- 
nated. The law and custom of the Marches may be 
summarised as follows: — 1. The Lordships were held of 
thfe crown of England in capite, and the lords appointed 
sheriffs, coroners, constables of the castle, chamberlains, 
chancellors, escheators, and other officers. The writs ran 
in the name of the Lord and not of the King, even in those 
held by the Crown ; it was the Lord's peace, and not the 
King's, which the people of the Marches were bound to 
keep. 2. The Lords granted charters of incorporation to 
boroughs, founded abbeys and churches, and gave lands 
in mortmain. 3. They had bona intestatorum and for- 
feiture of goods of felons (including everything found in 

their possession), stolen goods wherever found, goods of 

c 



1 8 English Law in Wales and the Marches, 

outlaws, deodands, and wrecks. They had the rights of 
wardship and marriage in respect of their tenants-in-chief, 
levied scutages and reliefs, all the lands of the lordship 
were held immediately or mediately of them. By 24 
Henry VIII, cap. 9, they were given the forfeiture from 
butchers who killed ^^wainlings" under two years old. 
4. They had judgment of life and limb, pardoned felons 
and murderers, ^^ set them to fine or hanged them at their 
pleasure". 5. They held in their own names pleas of the 
crown, of land, of fresh force, and pleas personal and mixed 
to any amount. 6. Such of them as were maritime were 
admirals of the coast, with the prerogatives of the old 
ciistodes maris. 7. They could grant out any of their 
privileges to subordinate lords. 8. They made war and 
peace with their neighbours at their pleasure. In 1291 
Humphrey de Bohun, Earl of Hereford, complained to the 
King that Gilbert de Clare, Earl of Gloucester, who was 
also lord of Glamorgan and Morganwg, had with the men 
of his Welsh lordship invaded the complainant's lordship 
of Brecon. The proceedings are given at length in Ryley ; 
the defendants set up the law and custom of the Marches, 
under which they claimed rights which were not to be 
found extra Marchiarriy and were told that for the public 
good, the King was per prerogativam suam in multis casibus 
supra leges et consiietiidines in regno sua usitatas. The 
result shows that even Edward I thought it prudent to 
deal leniently with the invaders. 9. They had rights of 
forest as above mentioned. 10. The more important of 
the lords were summoned to parliament as barons by 
tenure, and it is to be noted that the King's writs for men 
and munition of war were sent only to the Marchers ; those 
to the new formed principality were sent by the Prince of 
Wales. 11. The form of conveyance of land was in 
general as was used in England; in some lordships there 



English Law in Wales and the Marches, 19 

were copyholds after the English manner, and in others, 
especially in those adjacent to the mountainous district, 
there was, besides the English court, a Welsh court, in 
which lands were partible among brothers and were sur- 
rendered in court in accordance with the old Welsh 
custom, and in which the rents and services differed from 
those in the Englishry. These Welsh courts appear to 
have become more frequent after the English plantations 
of the first settlers had died out; many of these had 
married Welsh women, and their children became Welsh, 
and more Welshmen came in. The Lords, following the 
example of Edward I, permitted " certaine pointes of 
the old Welsh lawes which were nothing noysome to the 
lords nor repugnant to the lawe of Englande"; these 
'' pointes" were afterwards held to be particular customs 
of the manors. 12. The division of land was into knights' 
fees, ploughlands and oxlands, although the forms of 
the old Welsh cantred and commote were sometimes 
maintained. The dimensions of the acre in the Englishry 
and Welshry were not the same. 

The high court of the Lord was usually held in the 
castle, a necessary adjunct to a March, and the seneschal 
or other presiding officer was the judge and not the 
suitors as in the old county courts and courts baron. It 
was a court of record, and transacted all the criminal and 
civil business of the Lordship ; in it were collected all the 
fines and dues to the Lord, and from it there was no 
appeal. 

The tenure of the Lords Marcher was to guard their 
castles (this was enforced by 2 Henry FV, cap. 18), and 
also in some cases the sea coast, and to supply the King 
with "men and munition" against his enemies. 

After the death of a Lord Marcher the King's writ v/as 

sometimes sent to the escheator of the shires of Glou- 

c2 



20 English Law in Wales and the Marches. 

cester, Hereford, Salop, and Worcester, who was also 
escheator of the Marches, who held an inquisitio post 
mortem locally as to the tenure and value of the lordship. 
We do not find any enquiry, as in England, as to the dues 
to the Crown ; the object usually was to ascertain whether 
the King might take the lordship. That the King had no 
right of wardship in the Marches, ubi brevia Regis non 
currunty was recognised in the Statute Prerogativa Regis 
(17 Edward 11, Stat. 1). The King's court also tried any 
question as to the title of the lordship itself, which was 
for this purpose supposed to be within the English county 
next adjoining (much as in a famous case Minorca was 
presumed to be in the ward of Cheap), also "for want of a 
superior" it tried any dispute between two Lords Marcher 
and sometimes enquired by quo warranto as to the claims 
of the Marchers. In ecclesiastical matters, as the court of 
the Lord could not make process to the bishop, the King's 
Bench issued a writ to send the record up, and the matter 
was then dealt with. 

The Welsh bishops, so far as their dioceses lay in the 
Marches, were also Lords Marcher, as were also other 
ecclesiastical personages, especially the Knights Hospital- 
lers, who held much property in Wales. These spiritual 
Marchers did not obtain their rights by conquest but from 
the necessity of the case, " for otherwise their tenants and 
people must have lived lawless and without government"; 
but they were in many cases confirmed by grants from the 
Crown, and the invaders respected the lands of spiritual 
men, even if they were Welshmen. The bishops of St. 
David's led their " subjects" to war with the shrine and 
relics of the patron Saint at their head; they had the 
power of life and death; their stewards, constables, and 
recorders, were noblemen and men of high position ; they 
had garrisons in their city and castle; and as their statutes 



English Law in Wales and the Marches, 2 1 

show, regulated the price of labour and victuals upon pain 
of fine and imprisonment. 

We have accounts written in the reign of Elizabeth of 
two Lordships Marcher at either end of South Wales, the 
Lordship of Kemes and the Lordship of Glamorgan, which 
give us some idea of their state and position. 

The Lordship of Kemes, which was conquered by 
Martin of Tours in the reign of William Rufus, consisted 
of the Domain and the Service. The Domain included 
the Lord's castle at Newport with four manors annexed, 
divers farms and houses, rents and suit of tenants, mills, 
fishings, woods and forests, perquisites of court and casu- 
alties and patronage of churches. The Service was 
divided into the High Fee, eight knights' fees and seven- 
teen ploughlands held immediately of the Lord, and the 
Mean Tenure of the same number of fees and ploughlands 
held as sub-ordinate manors ; there were also annexed to 
the Lordship four other manors as " ornaments and for 
the more dignity thereof,"' and four corporate towns ; the 
whole was under the jurisdiction of the High Court of 
Kemes.* 

The great lordship of Glamorgan, the lowland portion 
of which was conquered by Robert Fitzhamon in the reign 
of William Rufus, consisted of — 1, the Corpus ComitatuSy 
some thirty-six knights' fees which did suit to the castle of 
Cardiff, where the Sheriff held his monthly court and the 
Chancellor his court on the day following for " matters of 
conscience." 2, The Members, the twelve chief lordships, 
which had like regal jurisdiction, except that a writ of 
error lay to the Chancery of Glamorgan, and that the 
suitors, and not the presiding officer, were judges. In the 
hill districts the Welsh laws remained until the end, and 

^ OwerCs Pembrokeshire y i, 496. 



2 2 English Law in Wales and the Marches. 

the customs varied as they did in most Lordships Marcher. 
3, The Boroughs, both in the Corpus and the Members, 
which held their liberties by Charter from the Lord of 
Glamorgan and were governed by mayors and bailiffs or 
by stewards ; and 4, the possessions of the Cathedral of 
Llandaff and the religious houses. The bishops had ^ura 
regaliay but sede vacante the Lord of Glamorgan claimed 
the temporalities of the see and the right to appoint to 
preferments. The chronicler rejoices that after the Act 
of Union life and death, land and goods, were no longer 
at the pleasure of the Lords or dependant upon uncertain 
laws, customs, and usages, of which some part " rested in 
memory" and were not written,^ 

After that Act the Lords Marcher were practically 
reduced to the position of lords of manors; many customs 
and usages lingered on, but the law was to be found in the 
English Statute Book. It will be seen that the Lords 
Marcher were in theory and in practice sovereign princes. 
Their powers rested on no grant from the crown but 
gradually grew up from force of circumstances, and for 
practical purposes they might have boasted, like the Udal- 
lers of Shetland, that they held of God Almighty. Living 
in a warlike state they were of the greatest service to the 
English kings in their wars against the Welsh princes, 
while their castles (of which there were in Glamorganshire 
forty-six and in Pembrokeshire nineteen) made their posi- 
tion almost impregnable. There is only one instance of 
their endeavouring to act in a corporate capacity, they 
{Marchiones de Marchia Wallice) claimed in 1236, against 
the Barons of the Cinque Ports, to bear the canopies over 
Henry III and his Queen at their marriage, but their 
claim quodam modo frivolum putabatur. 

^ Rico Merrick's Morgania Archaiographia, 



English Law in Wales and the Marches. 23 

Stephen, in his History of the Criminal Law, says, in 
reference to a qtto warranto brought against Thomas 
Cornwall in Term Mich., 44 and 45 Elizabeth, as to his 
claim to jura regalia in two lordships, notwithstanding 
that they had been annexed to Herefordshire by the Act 
of Union : " The pleadings come to this, that so much of 
Wales as had not been brought under the Statute of 
Wales, continued until 1535 to be governed by a number 
of petty chiefs called Lords Marcher, who may be compared 
to the small rajahs to whom much of the territory of the 
Punjab and North West Provinces still belong." 

V. 

The Statute Book already contained divers Acts in- 
tended to bring the Welsh into more complete subjection, 
and after the insurrection of Owen Glyndwr in the reign 
of Henry TV a series of enactments deprived the inhabi- 
tants of the Principality of all rights of citizenship. 

The Act of Union (27 Hen. VIII, cap. 26) 1, united 
Wales to England; 2, created the new shires of Mon- 
mouth, Brecon, Radnor, Montgomery and Denbigh, and 
made the Marches shire ground ; 3, abolished the civil and 
criminal jurisdiction of the Lords Marcher, saving to them 
courts baron and courts leet, certain seignorial rights and 
a moiety of forfeiture and fees ; 4, extended the benefit of 
English la;ws to Wales and directed that justice should be 
administered in the English tongue (by 4 Geo. 11, cap. 26, 
it was enacted that all proceedings in the courts of 
England and Wales should be in English) ; and 5, gave 
the Welsh people representation in Parliament. Wales 
and the Marches had, like the Counties Palatine, been 
hitherto unrepresented, although in 1322 and 1327 certain 
representatives had been summoned from Wales. 



24 English Law in Wales and the Marches. 

The Act for the Ordinances for Wales (34 and 35 Hen. 
Vni, cap. 26) I, divided Wales into twelve shires, i.e. the 
four recently created and the eight "of long and ancient 
time"; 2, abolished the Welsh tenure of land ; 3, appointed 
yearly sheriffs (they had previously been appointed for 
life), who held courts as in England and who by 1 Edward 
VI, cap. 10, were directed to have deputies in the Courts 
of King's Bench and Common Pleas at Westminster, 
coroners, escheators (to hold inquisitions on the death of 
crown tenants and to take charge of forfeited lands and 
goods for the crown), and other shire officers and a limited 
number of justices of the peace; 4, confirmed the hundreds 
made by royal commission ; 5, continued the Court of the 
Marches; and 6, established a new court of itinerant 
justices. 

This was "the King's Great Sessions in Wales", of 
which the judges were the Chief Justice of Chester and 
three other justices, each of whom had three shires in his 
circuit. They had the powers of the judges of the King's 
Bench and Common Pleas and of assize, had a Chancery 
jurisdiction and held sessions in each shire twice in the 
year, each of which was to last six days. There are 
various regulations for their " original seals" for original 
writs, "judicial seals" for judicial process, and for the 
officers and proceedings of the Courts. A writ of error 
lay from the Great Sessions in pleas real and mixed to 
the King's Bench, and in personal pleas to the Court of 
the Marches, and after the abolition of that Court, also to 
the King's Bench. (A custos rotulorum and justices of the 
peace were also appointed as in England for each shire, 
the number of the latter, beyond those wlio were ex officio, 
was limited to eight, and this was not altered until after 
the Revolution. The Act of 27 Henry VIII, cap. 5, had 
already appointed justices of tlie peace for the County 



English Law in Wales and the Marches. 25 

Palatine of Chester and the then existing Welsh counties.) 
The business of the Court of Great Sessions having much 
increased, and many important cases having to be decided 
there, an additional justice was, by 18 Elizabeth, cap. 8, 
appointed for each circuit. The two justices sat together, 
and when the court was not unanimous the inconvenience 
was obvious. There was at first much doubt whether the 
Courts of Great Sessions had any equitable jurisdiction, 
but the point was decided in their favour by the King's 
Bench in 19 Car. 11. The courts at Westminster claimed 
concurrent jurisdiction, and in time obtained it. In the 
case of Lampley v. Thomas (21 George EC) it was decided 
that brevis Domini Regis de latitat (and semble other mesne 
process between subjects) non currit in Wallia^ notwith- 
standing that it was admitted that all judicial process 
could go, and that it was contended that the High Court 
had a general jurisdiction, although there was a sufficient 
court to try the case in Glamorgan, where the cause of 
action arose. This case forms the text of " A discourse 
against the jurisdiction of the King's Bench over Wales 
by process of latitat," in which the author enters at length 
into the history of the courts of Wales and the Marches 
and inveighs against the ^^custodia marescalH", the great 
engine of the encroachments of the King's Bench, which 
had usurped civil business from other courts by the fiction 
that the defendant had committed a breach of the peace 
in the County where the court sat and was in the custody 
of the Marshall of the court. The editor of the report 
suggests that it was the interest of the officials of the 
King's Bench to bring Welsh litigants into their net, and 
their efforts were attended with success, for the case was 
over-ruled by Lloyd v. Jones (9 George III), where it is 
stated that actions are every day brought in the King's 
Bench against a defendant in Wales ; and in the same 



26 English Law in Wales and the Marches. 

« 
year, in Rex v. Lewis ei al., it was decided that a certiorari 

lies to move an indictment from the Glamorgan Quarter 
Sessions per saltum to the King's Bench, without going 
through the Great Sessions. Lord Mansfield, in his judg- 
ment in Mostyn v. Fabrigas, a case before alluded to, said: 
'^If an action is brought here for a matter arising in 
Wales, you must show the jurisdiction of the Court in 
Wales. If there is no other mode of trial, that will give 
the King's Court jurisdiction." The Courts of Westmin- 
ster were much sought after by Welsh litigants, who 
preferred them in important matters to the local tribunal, 
but they were also largely used in small matters where the 
plaintiff entered his action to be tried in the nearest 
English county. In 1773, by the 13 George EH, cap. 51, 
entitled '' An Act to discourage the practice of commencing 
frivolous and vexatious suits in his Majesty's Courts at 
Westminster in causes of action arising witliin the 
Dominion of Wales, and for further regulating the pro- 
ceedings in the Courts of Great Session in Wales," the 
defendant in such an action tried at the assizes in the 
next English county was entitled to judgment if the 
plaintiff did not recover £10 debt or damages. This Act, 
which has been called " the Welsh Judicature Act", con- 
tained various regulations as to the deputies of the Welsh 
judges, the striking of juries, the return of original writs, 
and other matters. It also empowered the judges of 
Great Sessions to appoint commissioners to take affidavits 
to be used in their courts, and to nominate persons (other 
than common attorneys or solicitors) to take recognizance 
of bail ; it also provided that certain penalties, given by 
statute and directed to be recovered in the courts of West- 
minster, should be recoverable at the Great Sessions. 

But notwithstanding this Act, efforts were still made 
to reform or abolish tlie Welsh Judicature, the reason of 



English Law in Wales and the Marches. 27 

whose existence had in the opinion of many passed away. 
Among the five bills in Burke's projected plan of economi- 
cal reform in 1780 was one *^ for the more perfectly 
uniting to the Crown the Principality of Wales and the 
County Palatine of Chester, and for the more commodious 
administration of justice within the same"; and in 1798 a 
select committee of the House of Commons on finance 
in courts of justice recommended the amalgamation of the 
four Welsh courts of Great Session. 

Another Select Committee was appointed by that 
House on the administration of justice in Wales, who 
made an interim report in 1817. Owing to the death of 
the chairman of the Committee their proceedings had been 
checked, but they stated that some of the points which 
called for amendment were — 1, the long period of the year 
during which no recovery could be suffered or fine levied, 
and the magnitude and uncertainty of the expense 
thereof ; 2, the inability of each Court of Great Session 
to compel the attendance of witnesses outside its own 
particular jurisdiction; 3, the necessity of moving for 
a new trial before the same judges immediately at the 
close of the first trial ; 4, the security of funds directed to 
be paid into Court depending on the personal solvency of 
the officers of the Court ; 5, the diversity of practice in 
the different circuits with regard to writs of certiorari (by 
which the proceedings were removed to the court above) ; 
and 6, the necessity of judges and counsel remaining the 
same time at each place on the circuit whether there was 
business for them or not. 

In 1820 the Committee submitted further evidence, but 
offered no opinion, and in 1821 issued their third and final 
report. In this, some of the points mentioned in the 
report of 1817 are repeated, and the Committee bring 
forward further defects. Each Court being supreme had 



28 English Law in Wales and the Marches. 

in the course of years established its peculiar standard 
of justice, so that there were in Wales four indepen- 
dent jurisdictions, each containing three counties (one 
circuit including Chester). The Court could not enforce 
its own decrees, and defendants frequently and easily 
withdrew from the jurisdiction. When the two judges 
differed there was no decision, and there was no appeal 
except to the House of Lords, and by writ of error to 
the King's Bench. Writs of certiorari were used for 
purposes of delay, and the trial in the next English 
county was a denial of justice to the poorer suitor. As 
the Court was only open for three weeks twice in the 
year it was not possible to conduct the necessary pro- 
ceedirigs in a suit of equity, which was stated to have 
been ^^ more dilatory and prolix" than in the High Court 
of Chancery itself. The encouragement to the attor- 
neys, who were easily admitted and were attached to 
each circuit, the Committee consider to be "highly dis- 
advantageous". The Committee state that the judges, 
who hold office during the pleasure of the Crown, received 
no pension, but a salary of £1,150 each (with the exception 
of the Chief Justice of Chester and his puisney who were 
more highly paid), and they gave it as their opinion that 
" minor difficulties might be removed by new regulations, 
but no right administration of justice could be obtained 
without such fundamental changes as would amount to a 
new jurisdiction." 

How the Court employed the six days which they were 
obliged by the Act of Ordinances to spend in each assize 
town may be gathered from the evidence of Sir William 
Garrow, a Baron of the Exchequer and formerly Chief 
Justice of Chester (this last office was always considered a 
stepping-stone to preferment in England). On Monday 
the Court was opened, but no business was done ; Tuesday, 



English Law in Wales and the Matches, 29 

the Grand Jury Day, the judges went to Church and the 
Grand Jury was charged: Wednesday, the trial of ad- 
journed issues, the amount of business may be judged 
from the fact that this was known as "nothing at all 
day"; Thursday, crown business ; Friday, new issues; and 
on Saturday the court left for the next town. 

How far the proceedings in equity had become a farce 
may be estimated from the fact recorded that with a view 
to an increase of costs the ancient ballad of Chevy Chase 
was copied into a Chancery Bill and escaped detection. 

The Welsh Judicature was the subject of a long and 
heated controversy and of many debates in both Houses 
of Parliament. Lord John Russell, in a debate in 1820, 
said that as the Welsh judges were eligible for seats in 
that House their posts were looked upon as retainers or 
rewards for the support of ministerial measures. It was 
also objected to them that they used their abundant leisure 
to practice at the bar of the English Courts, and that as 
twelve judges were then deemed sufficient for England, 
eight were a superfluity for Wales. We also hear many 
complaints of the County Courts in Wales, where small 
debts were then recovered, and which were presided over 
by the under-sheriff, who was a judge one year and an 
advocate the next, in the same Court. 

The time was not yet ripe for the fundamental changes 
which the Committee of 1821 had suggested, but a last 
effort was made in 1824 to continue the Courts and to 
establish one uniform course of procedure, in which, as 
may be seen from the books of practice for various cir- 
cuits, many discrepancies had arisen. This was the 5 
George IV, cap. 106, ** An Act to enlarge and extend the 
powers of the judges of the several Courts of Great 
Sessions in Wales, and to amend the laws relating to the 
same." By this the business of the Great Sessions was 



30 English Law in Wales and the Marches. 

increased by a provision non-suiting a plaintiff who ob- 
tained less than £50 debt or damages in a Court outside 
the Principality. The Courts were given various powers 
to extend their jurisdiction and were empowered to hear 
motions and petitions in law and equity in London when 
the Courts were not sitting in Wales. 

After the Act of Union several statutes were passed as 
to the administration of law in Wales, others were especi- 
ally extended to Wales, until, by 20 George II, cap. 42, it 
was declared that the word '^England" in any future 
Act of Parliament shall be deemed to comprehend the 
Dominion of Wales. At length the opponents of the 
local judicature gained their cause; by the 11 George IV, 
and William FV, cap. 70, the Court of Great Sessions was 
swept away, two new circuits of the English judges for 
Chester and Wales were established, Wales became entirely 
subject to the courts of Westminster, and the Act of 
Union was completed. 

It was reserved for another generation to undo the 
work of Edward Plantagenet and Henry Tudor, and to 
inaugurate an era of separate legislation by the Welsh 
Sunday Closing Act, 1881. 



For the subject of this essay reference is made to 
the following works : — 

ArchcBologia Cambrensis, III, iii, 84, and vi, 34 ; IV, viii, 249, 

and xii, 137 and 186. 
Bacon's Works (Spedding ed.), vii, 567. 
Baronia de Kemet/s. 
Burrow's ReportSy iv, 2,456. 
Cambrian Quarterly Magaziney 1829. 
Camden, Britanniay s.v. ** Shropshire". Additions. 
Carte, General History of Englandy iii, 794. 
Cawdor, Earl, Letter to Lord Lyndhurstf 1828. 



English Law in Wales and the Matches. 3 1 

Clive, History of Lvdlotc, 

Coke, Book of Entriesy 649, No. 9. 

Coke, Fourth Institutej 240. 

Cymmrodor, Vols, ix (Professor Tout on the Welsh Shires), xii 
(Judge Lewis on the Court of the Marches), and xiii (Mr. 
Lleufer Thomas' Further Notes on the Court). 

Dineley, Beaufort Progress. Preface. 

Doddridge, Prirunpality cf Wales. 

Duckett, Marches of Wales. 

Hall, Red Book of the Exchequer j ii, 756. 

Hallam, Constitutional History y i, 328. 

Hansard, Parliamentary Debates^ N.S., i, 745 ; xxv, 1,164. 

Hargrave, Tracts, i, 379. 

Herbert, Life and Raigne of Henry VIII (ed. 1649), 369, 381. 

Historical MSS. Commission, 12th Report, Ap. Part 6 ; 13th 
Report, Ap. Part 4. 

Keble's Reports, i, 129 ; ii, 259. 

Lloyd, Powys Fadog. 

Milman, Political Geography of Wales. 

MorganicB Archceographia. 

Owen, Edward, Catalogue of MSS. in the British Museum relating 
to Wales. (Cymmrodorion Record Series, No. 4.) 

Owen, Edward, Report to Welsh Land Commission. 

Owen, George, MSS. 

Chcen's Pembrokeshire. 

Palmer, Ancient Tenures of Land in the MarcJies of North Wales. 

Record of Carnarvon. 

Reeves* History of the English Laxo (ed. Finlason), ii, 8-16. 

Report of Select Committee of House of Commons on Finance in 
Courts of Justice, 1798. 

Reports of Select Committee of House of Commons on the Adminis- 
tration of Justice in Wales, 1817, 1820 and 1821. 

Report of Lords Committee on the Dignity of a Peer, iv, 325. 

Rotuli WallicB. 

Ryley, Placita Parliamentaria, 74, 78 and 80. 

Rymer, Foedera, H. i, 178 ; ii. Part 2, 171. 

Seebohm, Early Village Communities, 181. 

Shrewsbury Chronicle, 1819. Letters on the Practice of the Great 
Sessions. 

Smith, Leading Cases, i, 628. 

State Papers (Domestic J. 



32 English Law in Wales and the Marches. 

Statutes of the Realm. 

Stephen, History of the Criminal Law, i, 141. 

Stubbs, Constitutional History, ii, 219. 

Taylor, History of Gavelkind, 103 and 167. 

Tout, Edward the First, 16-22, 107-119. 

Vaughan's Reports, 395. 

Warrington, History of Wales, Book V. 

Wilson's Reports, i, 193. 

Worcester, Calendar of Quarter Sessions' Records, Part I, p. 684. 

Wootton, Leges Wallicee, Ap. 618. 



English Law in Wales and the Marches. 33 



APPENDIX.^ 



The state of the Cause con- pi 

cerninge the Lo : President and 
Counsell in ye Marches of Wales.^ 



The differences' are fower. 

1. Whither a prohibicion lie out of the Kinge« 

benche into the Marches. 

2. Whither a habeas Corpi^s lie into ihe 

Marches as to question their juris- 
diceion. 

3. Whither the foure counties of Glouce«^er, 

Worce«^er, Hereford, Salop, ought to 
be exempted. 

4. Whither the counsell in the Marches may 

proceed in any case after Judgment. 
The twoe first questions are one in profe, for the asser- 
tion for them of the Marches is that they are not sub- 
ordinat to the Kinge« benche but onlie and immediatlie 
accountable to the Kinge and his privie counsell. 

m xi • fmatter of Lawe. 

To proue this xx ^ j *a ^ 

A \ matter or vsage and president. 

^ [matter of policie and convenience. 

For matter of Lawe wee alledge 

1. That it is a counsell of the Kinge« and partici- 
pant of his prerogatiue and therefore exempt from the 
controule of any cort of Lawe. Britton,* lib. 1. " Wee will 

* The Editorial Committee are indebted for the interesting docu- 
ment contained in this Appendix, and the Notes thereon, to Dr. 
Henry Owen, the writer of the foregoing Essay. — [E. V. E.] 

* This Tract gives the case for the Crown in the proceedings 
before the Privy Council referred to at p. 13 ante. It is taken 
from Karl. MS., 141, in the British Museum. There is a later 
copy in Lansdoione MS.y 216 (see Owen's Pembrokeshire II, pp. 1 and 131). 
It seems to be the original argument of Bacon, as the King's 
Solicitor-General, which he has summarised in the Tract on "The 
Jurisdiction of the Marches", published in Spedding's edition of his 
works, vol. vii, p. 587. ^ Points in dispute. 

* Britten, Pleas of the Croion. Introduction, sect. v. 



34 English Law in Wales and the Marches. 

that Q/wr Jurisdiccion be aboue all Jurisdiccions in our 
Bealme so as wee haue power to geeue or cause Judg- 
mewte« to be geeuen as shall seeme to vs good without 
other forme of proce« where wee may knowe the true right 
as Judge" : w/iich Jurisdiccion the Kinge exerciseth by his 
counsell, for a counsell is no delegacion of power from the 
Kinge but an assistance of the Jurisdiccion inherent in 
the Kinge. 

To proue the counsell in the marches to be a 

counsell of Estate* and not onlie a counsell 

or cort of Lawe yt appeerith by these badges 

The oath of a counsellor in the marches 

is the oathe of a priuy Counsellor. 

p 2. They make proclamacion for matter of 

gouerment. 
They haue a Seriant at Armes and twoe 
Pursivante«. 
2. It is subordinate to the Priuy counsell and vppon 
suggestion that they exceed their Jurisdiccion the Kinge 
by his owne signature hath directed the examinacion of 
compiamtes w^i'ch sheweth they were not to be releeued 
by any ordinary court of Lawe. 

15 H. 8. Hereford and Dolman fol. 12 et 13.' 
23 H. 8. Jon wyn Gruff et Dowmi^s Powys, 

fol. 14. 
There 3. It is a Cort of equitie. Wee grant that prohibi- 

have byn cioTw and writtes of corpus cum causa^ may be awarded out 
dtf»t«»* of the Kinge« bench to Corte« of commen lawe, or cort€« of 
shewenof civiU Lawe, but not to Corte« of equitie. 
W ^''^o ^* '^^^ intencion of the Statute 34 H. 8* which is 
wrUt of*^ proued by twoe clauses. 

corpiw 1. In that it geeueth Jurisdiccion in Written 

<5^"* of error to the counsell in the Marches 

inuTye ^ ^ personall accions and to the Kinge« 

chancery, Bench in England as to Reall and mixt. 

yeExche- 2. In that it geeueth authoritie to award 

Chanobtfr written into the Corte« in Wales so it 

ye Cort' be With the speciall direccton of the 

of 

^the^' * E8tate=State. 

Datchye ' "^h® folio numbers in the text refer to the earlier portion of the 
ye Cham- MS. from which this tract was taken, 
btfrlen of 'A writ issuing out of Chancery to remove the body and the 

Chester record in the case of a man in prison, 
or Chan- * Cap. 26, sec. 113 and 115. 



English Law in Wales and the Marches. 35 



Lord Chauncellor or a priuy coun- 
sellor. 
These proue a fortiori that no written of ordinary course 
from the Corte« at Westminster shold be sent to the Coun- 
sell in the Marches w/iich is the superior Cort in Wales. 

/No corpus cum cat^^a was euer a- 
warded to the Porter* but one in 
the late Erie of Pembroke's time, 
w^ich was not obeyed, and this of 



For Matter of 
President 



In the 
affirmative 



ffor Matter of^ 
Polycie 



In the . ,w».v..* ,,« 
negative |ffarleies.^ 

Neuer any prohibicion to the 
Counsell and f ewe to the parties 
till of late time. 

'A certiorari* out of the Chancerye 
answered only byle^^ers. E. 6. 
An Inhibicton out of thexchequer 
answered only by letters. Eliz. 
''The Cort was erected to retaine those 
counties in obedience and if their 
doinges be subiecte to reexaminacions 
and controllmentes by such written the cort 
wilbe made contemptible. 
The Cort was erected for ease of the 
poore & meane subiect & the double 
examininge of causes wold exceeding- 
lie yncrease charge. 
Third question 

Conceminge the exemption of the f ower Countyes 
the course of prof e on the behalf of the Marches resteth 
vppon these parte*. 

1. The King's Intencion in erectinge the Cort. 

2. The words of the Statute of 34 H. 8=* wAtch 

leaue the Jurisdiccton at large to the 
Kinges Instruccions accordinge to former 
vsage without determininge either matter 
or place. 

Vis termini,* the propriete & significacion of the word 
Marches. 

Vsage and Authoritie. 

Mischeif that wold insue if they shold be exempted. 

* The Porter of the Council had the custody of the prisoners. 

* Farleus or farlies, were money payments in lieu of heriots. 
^ Sec. 4 ; the words are given below. 

* See Bacon's Works (as above), p. 687. 

d2 



celor of 

Durisme, 

wee 

meane 
writtM of 

corpiM 
cnmcaKia 

of ye 

nature 
aforesaid. 



p. 3. 



36 English Law in Wales and the Marches. 

The Intent of the Kinge and parlament in erecting & 
Authorisinge that Cort consisteth vppon three Branches, 
euery of them prouinge plainelie that the shires shold be 
coupled in gouerment with Wales. 

The first is the quiett of the Contries for because 
Wales was newlie reclaimed & subiect to disobedience & 
disorders jrfc was necessarie to bridle them with the Eng- 
lish e shires, & so to compound them vnder one gouer- 
ment. 

It is confessed on the other side that for forces^ and 
misdemeanours & installacion of pose««ion the fower shires 
ought to be included. Whereto wee say that they cannot 
seuer the Jurisdiccton but the lawe must be alike for both. 
4 If the word Marches extend not to those shires at all, the 
counsell can haue noe authoritie there for either. 

The second intent is the ease of the Meaner and poore 
sort of subiecte^ that they shold not fetch Justice to farre 
of. Herevppon wee inforce that it was for noe fait or 
punishment of those shires that they were made subiect 
to the Jurisdiccion of the counsell as is pretended, but a 
favoi^r. 

The like president of a' 
Cort of Equitye erected in the 
North wher the shires without 
all question were euer Eng- 
land. Wee alledge alsoe the 
Example of forren Contryes 
wWch haue diuers provinciale^ 
Cortes of highe Justice, least the subiect shold resort to 
farre of to the seate of ye Kingdome. 

The third intent was the erectinge of a proporcionable 
& fitt honour for the Kinge« eldest son wAich if it had 
consisted of Wales onlie it had bin but labor et Angustia, 
as Wales then was, w/iich wee alledge not as thoughe the 
principality of Wales went otherwise then by the Kinges 
creacion or that it is not in the Kinge« power to Amplifie 
or lymitt that lieftenancie, but to shewe that the shires 
were euer intended to be coupled to the gouermewt of 
Wales & not seuered. 

11 H. 4. Prince Henrie (aft^r King H. 5) made 
Lieftenant in Wales & the marches of tlie Realrae 
of England adioyninge, fol. 8. 

* t.tf., acts of violence. 



Instruct. 17 H. 8. Art. 1 

fol. 22. 
Instruct. 1 Regis Jacobi 

Art. 20. 



English Law in Wales and the Marches. 37 

The worded of 34 H. 8 are these 

There shalbe and remaine a President & Counsell in 
the said dominion and principality of Wales A the 
Marches of the same with all officers clerke« & yncidentes 
to the same, in Maner & forme as hath bin heretofore vsed 
and accustomed, whiche President & Counsell shall haue 
power & authority to heare and determine by their wis- 
domes & discrecions such causes & Matters as be or here- P' 
af ^er shalbe assigned to them by the Kinge« mate«tie as 
heretofore hath bin accustomed & vsed. 

Before this statute the Kinge vsed to assigne causes in 
these fower shires as is proued by the Instruccions of 
17 H. 8 & the presidentes of that tyme. 

And the worde« (of Wales and the Marches) are speci- 
fied in the statute onlie as places for the president & 
Counsels residence & not for limitacion of their Juris- 
diccion. 

The Acception of the word Marches 
It may be taken 

Either in a naturall or vulgar construccion 
Or in a legall construccton 

fPor the first. Marches signifies Borders, limited or 
confines & because it must haue a latitude yt is vnderstood 
of the shires adiacent in any part vppon Wales, all one 
With the familiar taking it in the example of Scotland 
where the Marches of Scotland are vnderstood of the 
three counties w/itch in any part of them ioyne vppon 
Scotland. 

fPor the legall construccion I 1. In recorder, 
wee she we it J 2. In statutes. 

In Eecordes 

6 E. 4. Rex concedit Willelmo Harbert manermm 

de Kilpeck in comitatu Hereford in 
marchtt« WalMe, fol. 11° 

46 E. 3. Inquisitio. Elizabeth Talbott tenet cas- 

trum de Goderidge in Marchijs Wallie, 
fol. 7, & this castle was anchientlie & 
still is in Herefordshire. 

6 E. 1. A commission to some to heare & deter- 
mine causes in Wales & the Marches 
& amongst others the sheriff es of Here- 
ford & Salop are to attend for Juries, 
fol. 6. 



38 English Law in Wales and the Marches. 

In Statutes 

17 E. 2. Statu turn de prerogativa Regis wherein 
P* ^* to the worde« Marchie Wallie is added 

by way of restraint to the generalty of 
the worde, vbi breve regis non currit. 

26 H. 8. Cap. 6. EastalV Wales 25. There is one 

place wA<tch mencioneth of LordsA-ipps 
Marchers & Marches of Wales. 

18 Eliz. Cap. 18. RastaH, Bridges 3, Justices of 

peace in ye Counties of Gloucester & 
Monmouth not following the direccton 
of the Statute are to be sued for penal- 
ties before the counsell in the Marches, 
ffor the equivocacion that the other side would euade by, 
that it shold signifie sometimes lord«/iips Marchers wA<tch 
were as the bateble ground. It is true, sometimes it is so 
taken but vmproperlie for that they all laie in the Do- 
minion and principalitie of Wales w/itch extendeth to 
Seaveme & Dee. But there is an Impossibilitye that in 
the Statute of 34 H. 8 it shold be so taken, bycause that 
these Lorc^A-ipps Marchers were by 27 H. 8 extincted & 
made shire ground, part thereof beinge allotted to England 
and part to Wales, so that in 34 H. 8 there were no 
Marches but the Counties Marchers. 

Besides the word Marches was individuum Vagum, 
varieing as the boundes of the principalitye of Wales 
varied in reputacion or as the enemye wonne or lost, for 
whatsoeuer bordered vppon the Enemy was the Marches. 

Hereford Cittye was reputed in Wales.- 
1 Richard 1 \ 

17 Johannis Regis \ vide fol. 1 
11 H. 3 J 

cf ^ E. 1 Pleas of the Crowne held in Vrchinfeild in the 
countie of Heref ore? before the sheriff as not within the 
statute of Magna Char/a cap. 17, fol. 6. 

Diuers citties & townes in those partes commanded to 
be walled for defence of them selves & those partes from 
the enemye. 

' William Rjistoirs Colloctioii in English of tlio Statutos from 
9 Honry III to 23 Elizaboth, arranged undor alphabetical head- 
ings (1581 ). The references in the text are to fols. 496 and 46. 

^ Confer. 



p. 7. 



English Law in Wales and the Marches. 39 

8 i: 3 } *^^ Shrewesburyj ^^}; \ 

8 H. 3 for Hereford fol. 3. 

11 H. 3 for Bridgnorth fol. 4. 
13 H. 3 for Worcester fol. 3. 

Vsage and Authoritye. 

Wee haue a possession of aboue one hundred yeres. 
Optima legum interpres consuetudo. 

Hereof wee haue infinite president«s & whereof diners 
are breviated fol. 17, 18, 19, 20. 

This vsage was not a popular vsage but confirmed by 
the Kinge & the State. 

Instniccio 1 Eegis Jacobi artic. [ 9. ffor misdeme- 

nours 
20. ffor mattes 
b etwixt 
partie & 
partie. 

This vsage is referred to pattente«^ to Knight, for Gierke 
of the signett & Counsell, fol. 15, by the worde« of the 
statute of 34 H. 8. 

This vsage is proued by the residence of the president 
& Counsell w/iich was neuer in lorc^sAtpps marchers but at 
Bewdely, Ludlowe, Glouce«<er, Salopp, Hereford & Wor- 
cester. 

This vsage & construccton of the statute both are 
proued by the decree of the late queenes privie counsell 
vppon the certificat of Gerrard & Bromley,* fol. 16. 

The exemptinge of Cheshire maketh for vs. 
Exceptio firmat legem in casibus non exceptis,^ espetially P- ^• 
beinge vppon a particular reason, bycause yt was a countie 
palantine & fetched not Justice from Westminster. 

The Mischeife is the infinite perturbacion w/iich will 
follow by the ouerthrowe of so manye decrees and orders 
for these threescore yeres, for these shires beinge taken 
to be out of the statute ^ must neede« looke backe aswell 
as forwards. 



^ The letters patent pfranting the office to Kni^rht. 

^ Bacon, p. 610, calls them two great learned men, Gerrard and 
Bromley. For Gerrard, see the articles on the Marches in the 
two last numbers of this Journal. Sir George Bromley, C.J. of 
Chester, died in 1689. 

' The quotation and argument arc given by Bacon, pp. 598-9. 



40 English Law in Wales and the Marches. 

By these decrees many hold their possessions of lands 
& goods wAtch nowe shold be avoyded, yea, & the meane 
profitt€« recouered in many places. 

A multitude of fines to his Maie«ti6« vse haue bin 
ymposed wA<ich nowe shold be restored. 

Many haue endured corporall punishmente« wAich 
cannot be restored. 

And infinite other inconveniences. Quod a consuetu- 
dine recedit, licet vtilitate Juuet tamen novitate ipsa 
perturbat. 

The fourth question 

Whither the Court in the Marches may in some 
cases proceed to order or decree after & not- 
withstanding a judgment at the Commen Lawe. 

ffirst in case where the cause hath bin decreed by the 
Counsell in the Marches they may ratifie theire owne 
former decree notwithstandinge any Judgment obteined 
after at the Commen Lawe, for else their whole authoritye 
were subuerted. 

Secondlie Judgmentes that may be avoyded in pays are 
not of that estimacion in Lawe but the cause may be 
examined in Cort of equitye. 

Thirdly where the partie hath not notice of the matter 
p. 9. of equitie, at the time when the sute is adiudged at the 
commen lawe, he ought not to be excluded of the benefitt 
of equitye. 

ffourthlie where the Lawe is doubtfull, it were hard 
that the partie shold be restrained to pitche vppon equitie 
first & not trie the lawe wAich if it passe ageinst him then 
to resort to Equitey. 

ffif tlie where matter of equitie ariseth be puisne^ temps 
after Judgment there is no culler to restraine a sute in 
equitye. 

Sixtlie where the conscience of the partie appeereth 
to be corrupt, the Cort may deale with the person after 
Judgment though it stirr not the possession. 

Seaventhlie St. (iermin in the Doctor and Student* 

• Later. 

^ Doctor and Student, a dialogue on tho English Law, written by 
Christopher St. German, who diea in 1 540, remained for centuries the 
text-book for law-students. Tho reference in the text should be to 
cap. 18, and the statute referred to is 4 lion. IV, cap. 23, mentioned 
in the next answer, which prohibited appeals from the King's court 
to the King himself, the Privy Council, or to parliament, and enacted 
that cases should be tried in the regular course of law. 



English Law in Wales and the Marches. 4 1 

cap. 8, fol. 31, saith, this statute doth notprohibite equitye 
but examinacion of the Judgment. And therefore 9 E. 4 
In the case of one Younge who had Judgment geeven 
against him vppon a triall in a forren countie whither 
he cold not bringe his witnesses, the Chauncellour thought 
fitt to releeue him. 

Answere to Obiections. 
The statute of 4 H. 4 ordaineth that Judgmentes 
geeven in the Kinges Corte« shall not be adnihilated but 
by Error or attaint. 

Answere. 
The Inconvenience w/itch the statute ment to remedie 
was that the Kinges counsell pretended to adnihilate & 
reuerse Judgmente« as appeereth by 39 E. 3^ w/iich intent 
of the said statute is manifest by the preamble w/itch 
maketh mencion that men were putt to answer de nouo. 

2. Obiection. 
It appeereth by the case of 6 E. 4 (thoughe there were 
fraude in the partie that recouered) yet bycause there was 
Judgment he was putt to sue in parlament. And S, Moyle 
ffynches'^ [«tc] that all the Judges tooke the la we to be that 
in such a case the chauncellor ought not to proceed. 

Answeare. 
Circumstances of the cases may be suche as the Chaun- 
cellour may think fitt to putt them of to parlament or 
referre them to the Judges, wA<tch neuertheles resteth in 
his discretion. 

Maneria Ducatw« Lancastrte infra Marchias 
Wallie vt in Recordo de Anno in Annum 
tempore H. 7 et H. 8 ad hunc diem patet 
Manerium de Rideley^ 
Manerium de Tibberton 
Manerium de Rye* 
Manerium de Minsterworth 
Manerium de EUowe 

Ashperton 

Stratton' 

YarkhiU 



Maneria de- 



Some 

further 

In comitatu Glou- ^/Jl^^^^ 

cestrie. ties of 

Glouc^^^ 

and Here- 

tord are 

in comitatu Here- in the 

tordie, marches 

of Wales. 



1 See 26 Edw. Ill, stat. V, cap. 4. 

2 Sir Moyle Finch died in 1614. 

^ Rodley. * Ryolass. ^ Stretton. 



€^t (gton^^ione of {matc?i»ieC. 

CONTRIBUTION TO THE HISTORY OF THE 
PARISH OF MARCHWIEL. 

By ALFRED NEOBARD PALMER. 



More than ten years ago I became so interested in 
the history of the Broughtons of Marchwiel that I 
set down in order all that I knew, or could learn, of 
them, with the intention of writing a paper dealing 
with this family, its genealogy, and its doings. But 
although Mr. W. M. Myddelton, and Mrs. Pearce of 
Leamington, were kind enough to place at my disposal 
certain important particulars relating to the Broughtons 
which Colonel Chester had gathered, there still remained 
so many gaps, which could be bridged by conjecture 
only, that I put all my notes relating to this matter on 
one side. Since that time, however, much information 
has gradually accumulated, many conjectures have been 
verified, and although much that puzzled me formerly 
puzzles me still, it occurred to me recently to disinter 
my old notes, and review them in the light of know- 
ledge which has been acquired during the last few 
years. And it seemed to me then that it might be 
worth while to attempt again the task which I had 
once abandoned, if only to afford some one else the 
opportunity of completing what is now lacking, and of 



The Br ought ons of Marckwiel. 43 

maMng a first contribution to the history of the parish 
of Marchwiel. 

2. The account given of the Broughtons on page 385, 
Vol. II, of Poiuys Fadog is not merely incomplete but 
inaccurate. That account is headed " Plas Isaf in March- 
wiail", and identifies Vl&s Issa with Marchwiel Hall. 
Now, in fact, the house called "Pl&s Issa" (Lower Hall) 
was not in Marchwiel at all, but on the western bank 
of the Dee, in a small detached portion of Dutton 
DifPaeth. Civilly, of course, it was in the county of 
Denbigh, but I have seen it described as ^Hf not extra- 
parochialy in the parish of Church Shocklach, Cheshire". 
The Broughtons now under consideration were of March- 
mel Hall and of Pl&s Issa, Isycoed. Powys Fadog^ 
moreover, identifies Sir Edward Broughton who was 
living in 1648, not only with his son who was slain in 
1666, but even with his grandson, who was sheriff of 
Denbighshire in 1698. Surely one who will lend a 
helping hand out of this imbroglio of misrepresentation 
and error will do some useful service. 

3. I do not propose, spite of strong temptation to 
a contrary course, to go back any further in my account 
of the Broughton family than is necessary to illustrate 
the points which in this paper will be presented and 
discussed. And some, even of these, will be relegated 
to the pedigree herewith given, and to the notes and 
appendix annexed. 

4. And I shall begin in the text with Edward 
Broughton of Plas Issa, who with his brothers, Lancelot 
Broughton, of Eyton, county Denbigh, Francis Broughton, 
and Valentine Broughton [of Chester], are mentioned on 
Nov. 12th, 1576. We thus start with a definite date, 
for which we so often seek, and seek in vain, in Welsh 
genealogies. 



44 The Broughtons of MarckwieL 

6. The Edward Broughton, of Pld»s Issa, just named, 
was succeeded by his eldest son, Morgan Broughton, 
sheriff of Denbighshire in 1608, described as of the age 
of 62 on 3rd Sept. 1606, and as deceased in April 1614. 
He married before 12 Sept. 1589, Margaret, daughter 
of Henry Parry, esq.,* of Marchwiel, and step-daughter 
of Richard Leighton, esq.,^ of Marchwiel (still living 
in 1621). It was by virtue of this marriage, that 
the first Sir Edward Broughton, Mr. Morgan Broughton's 
eldest son, came ultimately, after Mr. Leighton's death, 
into the ownership of Marchwiel Hall. When, there- 
fore. Pennant, dating back from 1660, says that March- 
wiel Hall was "long possessed" by the Broughtons, we 
are to understand by "long" less than forty years. 

6. Under what circumstances the first Sir Edward 
Broughton (son of Morgan Broughton) was knighted at 

m 

* Henry Parry, alias Harry Parry alias Henry ap Thomas ap 
Harry, of Basingwerk, co. Flint, and Marchwiel Hall (see the 
pedigree), directs by his wiU (12 Sept. 1589) that his body should 
be buried in the parish church of "MarchwieU", and speaks therein 
of his son, Thomas Parry (who must have died young), of his daughter 
Margaret, wife of Morgan Broughton, esq., and of his wife Katherine. 
He does not mention his elder daughter, Anne Parry (by his first 
wife Margaret, daughter of Jenkyn Hanmer, of Fenns, co. Flint), 
who married William Mostyn, esq., of Talacre, on whom was settled 
Basingwerk. This will is so interesting that I give a pretty full 
summary of it in Appendix III. Mr. Henry Parry was sheriff of 
Flintshire in 1663 and 1.580, and on both occasions is described as 
" of Greenfield." Greenfield or " Maesglas " is a Township in the 
parish of Holywell. 

^ Richard Leighton, esq., is said to have been second son of Sir 
Edward Leighton, of Wattlesborough, and in 1620 held not merely 
Marchwiel Hall, but more land in the parish than any other person. 
Ho was not, however, absolute owner, for in 1620 he is described as 
holding a messuage and lands in Marchwiel during the life of the tcife 
of Sir Edward Broughton. Mr. Richard Leighton is said to have been 
also of Gwern y go, in the parish of Kerry, Montgomeryshire. His 
monument was formerly in the old church of Marchwiel. 



The Broughtons of MarchwieL 45 

Hampton Court (18 March 161|), I do not precisely 
know, unless it were that he received this distinction on 
account of his wife, who, according to one of Miss 
Augharad Llwyd's notes (kindly furnished me by H. E. 
Hughes, Esq., of Kinmel), had been maid of honour to 
Queen Elizabeth of Bohemia. The Queen, we are told, 
used to correspond with Miss Tyrrell, and sent her full- 
length portraits of herself and of the king, as well as 
leaden busts of the Princes Rupert and Maurice, whom 
she describes in one of her letters as " fine Boyes". Of 
these portraits and busts, long kept at March wiel Hall, 
something will be said hereafter. Perhaps, moreover. 
Sir Edward was himself a courtier. In any case I have 
not much that is new to tell of him, spite of the fact 
that a large number of deeds, to which the knight of 
Marchwiel set his hand, has come under my inspection. 
But one of these deeds, or rather a declaration made 
by Sir Edward, is distinctly interesting from its reference 
to Charles Diodati, the friend of John Milton's early life, 
and not merely to Charles but to John Diodati, his 
brother. Charles is immortalized by Milton's elegy — the 
"Epitaphium Damonis", almost the last product of his 
pen in serious Latin verse. It is known from one of his 
letters^ that, in 1626, Charles Diodati was spending his 
time in the country, happy enough, and wanting only 
a fit companion, " initiated in the mysteries" ; known 
again from Milton's " First Latin Elegy" {Ad Carolum 
Diodatum) that Diodati was then dwelling "on the 
western shore of the Cestrian Dee"^; known, thirdly, 

' Milton's Poetical Works, Masson^s edition (1890), Vol. i, p. 266. 

2 Tandem, chare, tut© mihi pervenire tabellce, 
Pertulit et voces nuncia charta tuas ; 
Pertulit occiduA Devre Castrensis ab or& 
Vergivium prono qu^ petit amne salum*', etc. 



4 6 The Broughtons of MarchwieL 

from the " Sixth Latin Elegy", that he was, in December 
1629, stajring in the country {Ad Carolum- Diodatum^ rure 
commorantem) ; known, lastly, from one of Milton's 
letters,^ that his friend was, in September 1637, still 
staying "among those hyperboreans". Dr. Masson has 
also recorded the " tradition" ^ that Charles Diodati had 
settled as a physician somewhere near Chester, or at any 
rate in the North. But it is not known precisely where 
he lived, and indeed this period of Diodati's life is so 
obscure that even Dr. Masson, with all his marvellous 
industry, has been unable to throw much light upon it. 
Under these circumstances, any additional information, 
or even hint of information, is not without value. It 
appears then that the notorious Collins and Fenn (who, 
8th Dec, 7th year Charles T, obtained an enormous grant 
of Crown rights in Wales), sold on 4 April 1633, to 
Robert Evans, esq., of the parish of St. Martin's in the 
Fields, Middlesex, five parcels of meadow called "the 

Receiuo'' Meadow" and those 3 acres of 

Meadow "in Coyd euan, adjoyninge to a 

certayne Meadow called the Constables Meadow", in 
which Sir Edward Broughton had a leasehold interest. 
These meadows are declared to be " in the charge of the 
baylifs of Cobham Almor and Cobham Iscoyd", two 
manors between Holt and Wrexham, but nearer the first 
than the second named town. " The Constable's Meadow" 
is still so called, and lies in the township of Dutton 
Diffaeth, a little to the south of Holt, county Denbigh. 



^ Mas8on*8 Life of Milton, Vol. i (1859 edition), p. 598. 

2 The same, Vol. ii (1871 edition), p. 81. I see in Vol. i, p. 316, of 
Milton's Poetical WorkSy that Dr. Masson qualifies this statement 
thus : — " Near Chester, it has heen supposed, but that is only a guess 
from the fact that he [C. D.] had been in that neighbourhood in 1626, 
the date of the Elegia Prima" 



The Brouoktons of MarchwieL 47 

7. It was usual, when Collins and Penn had disposed of 
a parcel of lands comprised in their grant to one of their 
acquaintances, for this latter to resell the parcel to some 
one living near the place where the lands were situate, or 
to some landowner who had interests in the neighbour- 
hood. Now we find that, on the 2nd December, ninth 
year of Charles I [1633], the aforesaid Robert Evans 
bargained and sold the meadows above described to 
" Charles Deodate [so the name is spelled in the declara- 
tion], and John Deodate/' expressly named as " sonns of 
Theodore Deodate, of London, Docto' of Phisick." Then 
on the 20th June, eleventh year of Charles 1 [1635], Sir 
Edward Broughton and Charles and John Diodati, mort- 
gage the same meadows to certain persons in trust for Sir 
Thomas Trevor, knight,* of Dorset Court, alms Salisbury 
Court, London. Finally, on the 16th July, in the 
twenty-third year of Charles I [1647],* Sir Edward 
Broughton, by himself, conveys the premises absolutely 
to the said trustees to the use of Sir Thomas Trevor, 
knight. 

^ Sir Thomas Trevor, knight, was the fifth son of John Trevor, 
esq., of Trevalyn Hall, county Denbigh, one of the Barons of the 
Court of Exchequer. His son. Sir Thomas Trevor, baronet, was one 
of the trustees for his father in this transaction, and the others were 
Richard Prydderch, and Richard Davies, vintner of London. \See 
Appendix, notes 5 and 6.] 

■-* Charles Diodati, as is now known, died in August 1638, his 
brother John surviving him. But does it not appear as though John 
himself were dead before 15 July 1647, he not being a party to the 
release of that date ? In that case. Colonel Chester's identification of 
him with the John Diodati of London, " factor," who was living shortly 
before Feb. 168g, must have been mistaken (see Poetical Works of 
Miltoriy Masson's edition, vol. i, p. 328). But I should be sorry to pit 
any notion of mine against the opinion of such a genealogist as 
Colonel Chester, and the omission of John Diodati's name from the 
release of 1647 may, perhaps, be explained on some other sup- 
position than that of his being then dead. 



48 The Broughtons of MarchwieL 

8. Now does it not look likely that, in 1633, and per- 
haps in 1635, Charles and John Diodati were living in or 
near Holt? This town is actually "on the western shore 
of the Cestrian Dee." So also, I may add, was Pld^s Issa, 
one of Sir Edward Broughton's two mansions. Nor was 
Trevalyn Hall, the seat of the Trevors, very far distant from 
that stream, on the western side of it. Chester, on the other 
hand, and all but a small part of Cheshire, are on the east 
of Dee. In any case, the association of the two brothers, 
first with the purchase and then with the mortgage of the 
lands named is of especial interest. They appear to have 
acted as the " go-betweens " of the first Sir Edward 
Broughton and of Sir Thomas Trevor, and were evidently 
well-known to both, and I please myself with speculating 
whether when, on 13th Dec. 1629, Charles Diodati was 
spending his time so merrily at some country mansion 
that he had little leisure for the Muses, he was not 
staying at Plfi^s Issa, at Marchwiel Hall, or at the 
beautiful Elizabethan house of the Trevors of Trevalyn. 

9. It is most unfortunate that in "the declaration'' 
which I have seen, the terms and effects of earlier deeds 
relating to the meadow-lands in point are recited with 
such tantalizing brevity. If we could get hold of those 
earlier deeds, we may be pretty certain that we should 
find given therein, not merely the place of residence, 
but the "occupation" of Charles and John Diodati, 
and conjecture would be at an end. Those deeds ought 
now to be in the possession of one or other of the heirs 
of the Trevors, and may yet be discovered. I must not 
omit to add that the declaration, a summary of which 
has been given above, was found by me at Erddig Hall, 
near Wrexham, the seat of Philip Yorke, esq., and is 
now carefully preserved by him in one of his cabinets. 
I give an exact copy of the deed in Appendix IV, 



[2) Henry Parry, esq.,' 
of Marchwiel and 
Basingwerk, died 
before 7 Feb. 
1689-90 



.Katherine, d. of Wm.=(3) Richard Leigh- 



Mostyn, esq., of 
Mostyn (mar. first 
Edward Dymock, 
gent., of Penley) 
second wife of 
Henry Parry 



ton, esq., of 
Marchwiel, liv- 
ing in 1621, 
mar. to Eathe- 
rlne Parry, 
widow, before 
March 1609-10 



eiress of 

1; 
3, 

.pr. 1660 



Thomas Parry, 

living 12 Sept. 1689; 

died without issue 



*^ 

ft 






^ 



The Broughtons of MarchwieL 49 

10. Coming back from this excursion, I should like 
to make a few observations on the annexed pedigree. 
Some years ago I had lent me an old genealogy of the 
Broughtons of Plfi^ Issa and Marchwiel, the edges of 
which were frayed away, and the words and names, in 
many places, quite illegible. This genealogy, wherever 
I was able to test it, was found correct. Therefore, in 
the first draft of the pedigree constructed by me, all 
the gaps were filled in, with due acknowledgment, from 
this old genealogy. But on submitting the pedigree, so 
composed, to H. R. Hughes, esq., of Kinmel, he largely 
extended it, firstly, from a Hengwrt MS., written between 
1632 and 1662, and secondly, "from two apparently 
contemporary MSS." To every entry, therefore, in the 
pedigree herewith presented, taken from the Hengwrt 
MS. (of which the "old genealogy" above mentioned 
seems to be a copy), I have annexed the letters H.S. 
Those entries marked O.P. are taken from the "two 
contemporary copies." The contributions of the late 
Colonel Chester are indicated by the letters C.C., while 
"M." stands for W. M. Myddelton, esq., and "H. of K." 
for H. R. Hughes, esq., of Kinmel. For all, or nearly 
all, the rest I stand responsible. 

11. Captain William Broughton, of Bersham, the 

third son of Morgan Broughton, esq., of Marchwiel, 

compounded for his estate by the payment of £90 to 

the Parliamentary Commissioners. I owe the following 

note to Mr. W. M. Myddelton: — "The Dep. Lieuts. of 

Denbighshire, by Indenture 5 April, 15 Charles I, 1639, 

handed over to the charge of William Broughton, esq. 

150 men that had been raised in the county of D. and 

to be by him conducted to the towne of Selby upon Ouse 

neere York." Captain Broughton was, I believe, the 

William Broughton who, in 1637, was one of the church- 

s 



50 The Broughtons of Marchwiel. 

wardens of the parish of Wrexham. Perhaps, also, he 
was the same that is mentioned in the jirsi two of the 
following extracts from the Wrexham Registers : — 

Morgan, the sonne of William Broughton, was baptized the 4th 

of June 163.5. 
Elnor fil. Gulielmi Broughton Annoeque ux eius 23 die februarii, 

1636. [Baptizata fuit]. 
Robertus iilius Gulielmi Broughton Christians&que ux eius 23 die 

Octobris 1644. [Baptizatus fuit]. 

If we dare imagine a transcriber's mistake in the name 
of the wife in the third extract given above, we should 
probably have a record of the baptism of another child of 
Captain William Broughton. After the Restoration, the 
Captain seems to have lived for a time at Marchwiel 
flaU. 

12. 1 have ascertained that Colonel Robert Brough- 
ton (fourth son of Morgan Broughton, esq., and another 
brother of the first Sir Edward) was living on the 14th 
Dec. 1658, at Stryt yr hwch in the parish of Marchwiel. 
An extract from a letter, written in 1651 by Mrs. Ursula 
Sontley,^ may perhaps here be given : — '^ Owld Mr*» 
Broughton was praid for in our church [Marchwiel] this 
day, and the Collonell did weepe very much." 

13. Then, as to the "Mr. Morgan Broughton",* 
buried at Marchwiel, 19 Aug. 1699, his burial is also 
noted in the registers of Wrexham as having taken 
place at Marchwiel, and herein he is described as "of 
Esclusham". He was, perhaps, Morgan, son of the 

^ Ursula was, according to Powys Fadog^ the wife of Colonel 
Robert Sontley, of Sontley Ilall, in the parish of Marchwiel. In the 
will of William Edisbury, of Marchwiel, gent. (9 Feb. 1059-60) the 
testator speaks of his " sister-in-law Mrs. Ursula Sontlley of Sontlley, 
wid." 

^ One "Morgan, the sone of Captayne Broughton, of Gwersyllt", 
was baptized at Grosford " November furst 1094'*. Another Morgan, 
and another Captain Broughton, are here, of course, indicated. 



The Broughtons of MarchwieL 51 

Captain William Broughton mentioned in par. 11. "The 
Edward Broughton, of Hatton Garden, in the county of 
Middlesex, esq.", who was buried at March wiel, 18th of 
May 1713, and the "Edward Broughton, esq.", also 
buried there, 28th April 1720, were probably sons of one 
or other of the first Sir Edward's brothers, but I have 
not ventured to insert any of these names in the pedigree. 
I have also sheaves of notes concerning various Brough- 
tons of Broughton and Bersham, in the parish of Wrexham, 
and of Gwersyllt, Burton and Llai in the parish of Gres- 
ford. Some of these seem to have been connected with 
the Broughtons of Marchwiel, but the disentangling of 
the threads of this tangled skein has proved an impossible 
task. 

14. There is an inscribed slab of shaly stone in Marchwiel 
churchyard marking the site of the Broughton burial-place, 
on the exposed portion of which so much of the inscrip- 
tion has flaked off that nothing consecutive, or nothing of 
any value, can now be read. If only some copy had been 
taken, and had survived, of this inscription, many doubt- 
ful points relating to this family would have been at once 
resolved. 

15. The first Sir Edward Broughton, during the 
great civil conflict of the seventeenth century, took 
the Royal side, and was doubtless the " Sir Edmund 
Broughton " who, according to Burghall's Providence Iwr- 
proved, was fetched, in October 1643, with two of his sons 
from his house at Broughton [Marchwiel] and taken 
prisoner to Nantwich. Besides his brother. Captain Wil- 
liam Broughton, his other brother. Colonel Robert Brough- 
ton, and his sons. Lieutenant Edward and Major Robert 
Broughton, were on the same side. But his second son. 
Captain Francis Broughton, espoused, it is said (O.P.), the 
Parliamentary cause. 

£2 



52 The Br ought ons of MarchwieL 

16. Lieutenant Edward Broughton (afterwards the 
second Sir Edward, and eldest son of the first) was taken 
prisoner by General Lambert, in 1659, at the capture of 
Chirk Castle,^ and immured in the Gatehouse Prison, 
Westminster, close to the Abbey. The keeper, Aquila 
Wyke, gent., who held for lives the keepership (which was 
no mean office), appears to have just died, and left a 
blooming young widow, of under thirty years of age, and 
three children. Lieutenant Broughton, himseK a widower, 
was evidently of an exceedingly ardent and susceptible 
disposition, and fell desperately in love with the young 
widow. Mistress Wyke seems to have kept him at bay 
for a time, but at last gave her consent to be his wife, not 
without conditions. 

17. Accordingly, on the sixth and seventh of April 
1660, he being then no longer under arrest, by indentures 
of lease and release, Mr. Broughton, describing himself as 
Edward Broughton, esq., of March wiel, son and heir of 
Sir Edward Broughton, knight, deceased, conveys all his 
tenements and lands in the counties of Denbigh, Flint, 
and Chester, to William Knightley, esq.,^ and John Mills, 
esq., " upon trust and at the only disposition and appoint- 
ment of the said Mary Wykes in writing, duly attested, 
shall nominate." The estate is declared to be of the 
annual value of £550, and free from incumbrance, except 
the life interest of Dame Frances Broughton in the capital 
messuage in Iscoed [Pld,s Issa], being her jointure, late 
the lands of Sir Edward Broughton, father of the said 
Edward Broughton. The capital messuage with appurten- 



* His uncle, Colonel Robert Broughton, was taken prisoner at 
the same time and place. A Colonel Robert Brougliton was Royalist 
Governor of Shrewsbury on 18th August 1644. 

* This William Knightly was evidently either Mistress Wyko's 
father or at least one of her near kinsfolk. 



The Brought ons of MarchwieL 53 

ances in Marchwiel is mentioned as being in the tenure of 
Margaret Broughton, widow, grandmother of the grantor, 
and the only considerations named are " the love and 
affection borne by the said Edward Broughton to the said 
Mary Wykes, and the marriage shortly to be solemnized 
between them". Sir Robert Honeywood, knight,* and 
Thomas Darrell, esq., join with Edward Broughton in the 
conveyance. 

18. It would seem that Mistress Wyke, spite of this 
evidence of Edward Broughton's affection, still doubted, 
or affected to doubt, his fidelity, his constancy, his devo- 
tion. So, less than a week afterwards, on the 12th April 
1660, Mr. Broughton composed, signed, and sealed the 
extraordinary " Imprecation " printed as the 6th Appendix 
to the 3rd vol. of the 1810 edition of Pennant's T(mrs in 
Wales y a document which is surely one of the curiosities of 
literature. 

19. I have some hesitation in transferring to my 
pages this Imprecation, and yet, were I to omit it wholly, 
much of the point and pith of what has to be related 
would be wanting. It will suffice if I summarize the first 
part of the curse, and quote in full only the second part. 
Edward Broughton, then, invokes the most awful and 
terrible plagues upon himself and his posterity *^ if I do 
not utterly forbear all rash swearing and all man'er of 
drinking, and all manner of debauchery whatsoever ; or if 
ever I am guilty of finding fault with anything my in- 
tended wife shall doe or say ; or if ever I undertake any 
business, or any thing, how great a concern soever, or 
small, without the knowledge, assent, consent, advice of 

* Probably Sir Robert Honjrwood, knight, brother to this Ed- 
ward Broughton's first wife, " servant to the Queen of Bohemia," 
knighted at Otelands 7 July 1627, born 3 Aug. 1601, and son of 
another Sir Robert Honywood, knight. 



54 The Brougktons of Marchwiel. 

Mary Weeks, my intended wife, and is to be Mary 
Broughton when this shall effect ; or if shee shall make 
any request unto me in my life-time, it shall be of force 
never to be violated by me, although I surviving her, con- 
cerning body and soule, life or fortune, children or friends, 
how unreasonable soever; or if there shall happen any 
difference betwixt her and me, as there hath been betwixt 
me and my first wife, then, if I am the cause of it, may 
all the plagues im'ginable fall on me and all the plagues 
God can inflict ; or if shou'd arise any quarrell, and shee 
the only cause, yet, when I remember hereof, or shee 
these vows, I most heartily pass by, forgive, and en- 
deavour to pacifie, and use all the art imaginable to please 
here [her], and if shee could impose more, I wou'd most 
willingly doo it, or else, may all those plagues, if there 
were greater curses or imprecacons, I heartily pray they 
may all be powered downe, as the rain fall on the thirsty 
ground, and upon my posterity for ever ; and this I doe 
heartily and voluntarily, and with serious consideration 
and premeditation, having taken a long time to consider 
this ; and most readily signe itt with my owne hand, and 
seal it with my own seale." 

20. Nice sorts of marriage settlements these, and 
casting a vivid light upon the character of these two 
extraordinary personages ! One can easily guess what sort 
of man Edward Broughton was, but the character of his 
second wife presents a more difficult problem. I think 
we should be wrong, on the one hand, to regard her as 
a mere " Becky Sharp*', or, on the other, to set her on too 
high a pedestal. There was plainly something attractive 
about Mistress Wyke, and equally plain that she was 
shrewd, capable, and managing. The probability is that 
she was really dazzled by Edward Broughton, but, per- 
ceiving clearly his faults and vices, took tlie best means in 



The Broughtons of MarchwieL 55 

her power of winning and weaning him from them. The 
possession ot the qualities of justice and affection cannot 
be denied her. There was romance in the affair, so far as 
she was concerned, but romance well under the control of 
sound common sense. But how inferior is this story com- 
pared with that (not unlike it in some points) so sweetly 
told by Chaucer in his Frankeleynes Tale !^ 

21. Accordingly, Edward Broughton and Mistress 
Wyke were shortly after duly married, and she bore him 
three sons. Of these, the two youngest evidently died in 
infancy, and the eldest, Edward, succeeded to the whole 
March wiel estate under his mother's will. 

22. It was not enough that Mr. Edward Broughton 
should settle all his estates on his prospective wife, and 
promise under the most awful engagements, to obey her 
lightest whim, but the attempt was actually made to change 
the name of the more important of his two capital mes- 
suages from " Marchwiel Hall *' to " Conqueress Hall " 
(The Hall of the she- Conqueror). This name first appears 
in Lady Broughton's will (20 Jan. 1680-1), and so late as 

* Hero are the relevant passages from Chaucer : — 

" Ther was a knight, that loved and did his peyne 
In Armoryke, that cleped is Briteyne, 
To serven a lady in his beste wise ; 
And many a labour and many a grete emprise 
He for his lady wrought, er sche were wonne. 



And, for to lede the more in blisse here lyves, 
Of his fre wille he swor hire as a knight, 
That never in his wille by day ne by night 
Ne schulde he upon him take no maystrio 
Ayeins hire wille, ne kuythe hire jalousye. 
But hire obeye, and folwe hire will in al, 
As ony lovere to his lady schal ; 
Save that the name of soveroynet^ 
That wolde he han for schame of his degre." 



56 The Br ought ons of MarchwieL 

the year 1749, I find this mansion described as ^'March- 
wiel Hall, alias Conqueress Hall." It is not quite clear 
whether this attempt was made by the husband or the 
wife, but in either case it is the mark of a tolerably com- 
plete subjectiim of the first to the second. 

23. From what has been said above, it will be evident 
that Pennant made a mistake when he said {Tours in 
Walesy 1810 edition, vol. i, p. 414) that Edward Broughton 
married the daughter of Wyke, the keeper of the Gate- 
house Prison. He married, as we know, the widow of the 
keeper. Pennant is also wrong in his statement that 
Edward Broughton bequeathed his estate to ** his wife's 
brother.'* He gave it wholly to herself before marriage, 
so that he was entirely dependent on her. 

24. There is some uncertainty as to the original form 
of the name of Mistress Broughton's first husband. Ed- 
ward Broughton consistently spelled it ^* Weekes " or 
'^Wykes", and his step-son is called *^Aqualah Weekes" 
in 1703, but Lady Broughton herself and the later mem- 
bers of the family held this surname to be "Wyke", and 
thus accordingly I always spell it. 

25. The estate, when Mr. Broughton conveyed it to 
the widow Wyke, comprised Marchmel Hall, with the 
demesne lands annexed thereto, one of the two farms 
CJilled " Stryt yr hwch", one of the two farms called 
"Croes y mab". Coed Dafydd, one of the two farms 
called " Pont y ffrwd", Tyddyn tu uwch y llan, Tyddyn 
tu is y llan, and other farms in Marchwiel which I have 
been unable to identify, the Pumrhyd Mill and lands in 
Abenbury, Carnarvon Hall in Mount Street, Wrexham, 
and the Lower Hall property, which included lands in 
Button Diffaeth and Sutton Isycoed, and extended into the 
parish of Church Shocklach, in the county of Chester. 
According to a fine levied in 1731, the Marchwiel Hall 



The Broughtons of MarchwieL 57 

estate, not including the Lower Hall property, is returned 
as containing 613 acres, and according to another fine, 
levied in 1773, indvding Lower Holly as. containing 706 
acres. 

26. I think there can be no doubt that the hero (or 
shall we say victim ?) of this romance was knighted, in or 
hef(yi*e the year 1664 [see Addenda], and so became the 
second Sir Edward Broughton. He describes himseK as 
*^ knight" in his will, and is called " Sir Edward Brough- 
ton*' in the entry referring to his burial in Westminster 
Abbey. After his death, moreover, his widow was known 
as '^Lady Broughton." Colonel Chester says that ^*in the 
record of administration to his estate, 28 July 1665, he is 
styled * Kt. and Bart.,' but in subsequent proceedings in the 
Court of Probate, he is described as a knight only." I 
should not be surprised if it were to be found that he was 
designated as a baronet, during the few days succeeding 
his mortal wound, but that he died before the patent could 
be engrossed, or the due formalities carried out. The 
supposition just made cannot be proved, but the acceptance 
of it will remove all the apparent discrepancies which 
exist as to his true title. It will reveal, for example, the 
excvse which his son had for assuming the title of baronet. 
The second Sir Edward Broughton was actually a knight, 
but only a baronet designate. 

27. The Wyke family had, it appears, a lease of the 
Gatehouse Prison and Convict Prison, Westminster, and 
their precincts. After the second marriage of Mistress 
Wyke, a new lease was taken out, or two new leases were 
taken out, and Edward Broughton was admitted to an 
interest therein, so that when he came to make his will 
it was this interest i/vhich formed a large portion of his 
assets. For this reason, and because the document throws 
some light on a very interesting part of old Westminster, 



58 The Broughtons of Marchwiel. 

I propose to give a rather full summary of Sir Edward 
Broughton's will, made 2l8t Oct. 1664 : — 

" I bequeath unto Edward Broughton, my son, after the death of 
Dame Mary, my wife, all that my house and tenement with appurten- 
ances being between the Gatehouse at Westminster on the west, and 
the Convict Prison of the Right Reverend Father in God, Gilbert, 
Lord Bishop of London, on the east, now in the occupation of me. 
Sir Edward Broughton, or my Assignes, with all Stables, Coach- 
houses, Out-houses, Bams, Gardens, Yards, Orchards, and appurten- 
ances belonging or appertaining to the said Messuage or tenement 
which I, Sir Edward Broughton and Dame Mary my wife, hold to us, 
our heirs and assignes, of the said Reverend Father during the lives 
of Aquila Weekes, Mary Weekes, and Edward Broughton. To have 
and to hold the said Messuage, etc., with the said Indenture of Lease 
immediately after the death of Dame Mary my wife. I bequeath to 
Edward Weekes, after the death of Dame Mary my wife, all my lease, 
right, title, and interest of and in the Prison or Gaol called the Gate- 
house of Westminster, with all rooms, easements, comoditios, and 
necessaries belonging to the said Prison, or with the same used or 
occupied. Also the Office and Custody of the said Gatehouse, and 
all Prisoners as shall be committed to the same, with all the fees, 
profits, comodities, advantages, casualties, benefits, and emoluments 
to the said office belonging, made to me and Dame Mary, my wife, 
by John Earles, Doctor in Divinity, Dean of the Collegiate Church 
of St. Peter's, Westminster, and the Chapter of the same, to have 
and to hold the said Indenture of Lease, prison, and premises, im- 
mediately from and after the death of Dame Mary, provided that 
he the said Edward Weekes, his executors and assignes, shall pay to 
my natur&l son, Edward Broughton, the sum of four hundred pounds 
of lawful money of England within twelve months after the death of 
Dame Mary, and if Edward Weekes, his Executors or assignes, shall 
neglect or refuse to pay the said sum of money, I declare the devise 
of the said lease, prison, etc., to my son Edward Broughton. I 
bequeath to Mary Weekes and her heirs, my lease, right, title, and 
interest of the Office of the custody and safe keeping of the Prison of 
the said Gilbert, Lord Bishop of London, called the Convict Prison 
in Westminster, with the keeper's place of the said prison, also the 
Mansion house and messuage now erected and built upon the said 
Prison, wherein Lord ffitzWilliams lately dwelt, at the west end of 
the Abbey called Westminster Abbey, with all Stables, Coach-houses, 
Barns, Outhouses, Gardens, Orchards, etc., to have and to hold the 
same inunediately from and after the death of Dame Mary. I be- 
queath to Aquila Weekes and his heirs, all my right, title, and 



The Broughtons of MarchwieL 59 

interest of or in or to the house adjoining the said Gkitehouse on the 
North side, now in the tenure of Mr. Lewes, called or known by the 
name of the Dolphin, to have and to hold the same after the death 
of Dame Mary. I bequeath to Dame Mary, my wife, for the term of 
her natural life, all and singular the rest and residue of my personal 
estate, goods, chattels, plate, jewels, rings, household stuff, leases, 
debts and dues, and after her death I bequeath all the rest and 
residue of my personal estate to her and my son, Edward Broughton. 
I appoint, as Executors of this my will. Dame Mary my wife. Sir 
Timothy Terrell, of Showre,* in the county of Oxon, and Sir Phillip 
Honywood,^ of Portsmouth, in the county of Southampton, knight, 
and Commander there ; and I bequeath to the said Sir Timothy 
Terrell and Sir Philip Honywood twenty pounds apiece to buy each 
of them a Nagg for their care and pains." [Will proved 16 Dec. 1669.] 

28. Is there not a certain perkiness manifested in 
this "will", as though the testator plumed himself that 
he was not without something to bequeath in spite of all ? 
How often, and with what evident relish does he use this 
word "bequeath"! Finally, notice how artfully he directs 
that after the death of his wife the residue of his personal 
property should go to her and his son Edward Broughton, 
leaving his son the residuary legatee. 

29. Miss Angharad Llwyd wrote in 1821, on the 
information of the Rev. George Warrington, of Wrexham, 
that [the second] Sir Edward Broughton married for his 
second wife "a miller's daughter"; and that Mr. War- 
rington meant by the "miller's daughter", the Mary 

1 Sir Timothy Tyrrell, of Shotover and Oakley, Grovemor of 
Cardiflf, Master of the Ordnance, died 23 Oct. 1701, aged 84, buried 
at Oakley, son of another Sir Timothy Tyrrell, eldest son of Sir Ed- 
ward Tyrrell, of Thornton, by his second wife and own brother to 
Frances Broughton, Edward Broughton's mother. — H. of K. 

^ Sir Philip Honjrwood. Mr. Hughes, of Kinmel, thinks that this 
person must be the Sir Philip, of Petts, co. Kent, another brother of 
Frances Broughton, Edward Broughton*s mother, and the fifteenth 
child of his parents. He could not have been the Sir Philip, Governor 
of Fortsmouthy who died 17 June 1752, 98 years after date of Edward 
Broughton's will. 



6o The Broughtons of Marckwiel. 

Wyke, widow, mentioned in the account given above, is 
clear by his adding that the Browns, of Marchwiel, were 
her heirs. For Mary Wyke's parentage my authority is 
the late Colonel Chester, one of the most careful, cautious, 
and painstaking genealogists of our time. And for the 
history I give of the descent of the estate, I rely not 
merely on the " abstract of title" of the property (a copy 
of which I possess), but also on such contemporary evidence 
as administrations, wills, rate-books and registers. The 
Rev. George Warrington's statements to Miss Angharad 
Llwyd appear to be in this respect, as in other respects 
(see par. 43), wildly wrong. 

30. It seems clear that Sir Edward Broughton after his 
second marriage lived at his tenement next the Gatehouse, 
Westminster, and that when he himself died. Lady 
Broughton and her sons, Edward Broughton and Edward 
Wyke, still lived there. Aquila Wyke, his second step- 
son, was resident at Wrexham, probably at Carnarvon 
Hall, Mount Street (on the site of Brown's Court, im- 
mediately opposite the old Mount House), Carnarvon Hall 
being the only house in the town belonging to the March- 
wiel Hall estate. In 1670, Marchwiel Hall itself, 
according to the hearth tax returns, was occupied by 
Captain Broughton and Mrs. Anne Broughton, and con- 
tained twelve hearths. Although Edward Broughton, 
esq., ^^ alias Sir Edward Broughton, bart." (son of the 
second Sir Edward by his wife Mary) is described as ^^ of 
Marchwiel ", this does not necessarily imply that he lived 
there, and I have not yet come across any decisive proof 
that he did so until after his mother's death, but I may 
say that Edward Lhuyd, in his account of Marchwiel 
Parish, remarks : — " Sir Edw. Broughton has a warren 
adjoyning to his Hall." The house was subsequently 
tenanted (before 1731) by the Rev. Thomas Holland, of 
Berw, who was still tliere in 1735. 



The Broughtons of MarchwieL 6 1 

31. When war was declared against Holland, 22 Feb. 
1664-5, the second Sir Edward Broughton joined the fleet, 
and was engaged in the famous naval battle of June 3rd, 
when he was mortally wounded. However, he was taken 
home to Westminster, where he died on the 20th, and 
was buried (26 June 1 665) in the Abbey, " in the north 
part of the cross aisle near the monument door." [CO.] 

32. On the 20th Jan. 1680-1, Mary Lady Broughton 
made her last will (which was proved 21st March 1694-5). 
Therein she bequeathed to her son, Edward Broughton, 
her property in the town of Kingston-upon-Thames, in the 
county of Surrey ; all her leasehold messuages and lands 
in Westminster ; her right and title in the prison or 
" Goale" called The Gratehouse there, and in the Convict 
Prison and Mansion at the west end of Westminster 
Abbey, and all other her right and interest in her estate, 
personal and real, in the county of Middlesex, city of 
Westminster, and county of Surrey, she having purchased 
the same with her own ^* reall money or porcon or patri- 
moniall estate", subject to two annuities of £40 each to 
her two *^ undutif ull sonnes", Edward Wyke and Aquila 
Wyke. She bequeathed also to her said son, Edward 
Broughton, and his heirs lawfully begotten, the whole of 
the Marchwiel or Conqueress Hall estate in the parishes 
of Marchwiel, Wrexham, Holt, and Shocklache, in the 
counties of Denbigh, Flint, and Chester, and all the 
residue of her goods, chattels, leases, bonds, and all other 
her personal estate whatever, subject to the payment of 
her debts and the satisfaction of her legacies. Amongst 
these was a bequest of £100 to Mr. Roger Jackson, to 
whose care she left the management of her estate for the 
benefit of her children, and another of £50 to " her un- 
fortunate undutifuU daughter, Mary Decombe, daughter 
of my first husband, Aquila Wyke, deceased ", this sum 



62 The Brougktons of MarckwieL 

being the sole provision made for Mary Decombe, *^ she 
having formerly imbeazled much of my estate." And in 
case the said Edward Broughton should die without 
[lawful] issue, then the testatrix bequeathed the premises 
unto her second son [by her first husband] , Aquila Wyke 
and his lawful heirs, and for want of such issue to her 
eldest son, Edward Wyke and his lawful heirs. And she 
appointed her son, Edward Broughton, and the said Roger 
Jackson, sole executors. I print a fuller summary of this 
interesting wiU in Appendix V. 

33. It has been repeatedly, but most inaccurately, 
stated that Edward Broughton (son of the second Sir 
Edward) was disinherited. But it now appears that Lady 
Broughton disinherited her two other sons and only 
daughter, in favour of this very Edward Broughton ; these 
other sons were only to benefit beyond their beggarly 
annuities of £40 apiece in the event of Edward Broughton 
dying without lawful issue. 

34. If Sir Edward Broughton had not settled his whole 
estate on Mary Wyke before his marriage with her, he 
would probably have squandered the greater part, if not 
all, of it. But his wife not merely maintained his credit 
and honour, but handed on to his only surviving son a 
largely augmented property. There is no ground for the 
outcry that has been made against Sir Edward Broughton's 
second wife. 

36. Mary Lady Broughton is said to have been buried 
19 March 1694-5, in Westminster Abbey, but Mr. W. M. 
Myddelton tells me that the record of her interment there 
is not recorded in the Abbey registers, and is only noted 
" in a herald painter's work book in the College of Arms" 
(50, p. 106). 

36. It is evident that there was some litigation during 
Lady Broughton's life relating to the custody of the Gate- 



The Brought ons of MarchwieL 63 

house prison, for Mr. Myddelton found in Sir C. Levinz's 
Law ReportSy 1722, the following sentence : — " And so was 
the case of Lady Broughton lately, who had the custody 
of the Prison of the Gatehouse at Westminster, under the 
Dean and Chapter, who being conricted of a forfeiture 
before Hale, 'twas resolved by him and all the Judges of 
King's Bench that the forfeiture belonged to the Dean and 
Chapter and not to the King." I am glad of this clue, 
but have not been able to follow it up. 

37. The interest which one feels in March wiel Hall 
and its owners is not exhausted when the chief actors in 
the strange history just described pass off the scenes. 

38. There is much mystery attaching to Edward, the 
sole surviving son of the second Sir Edward Broughton by 
Mary his wife. Under his mother's will he came into 
possession of all the Marchwiel Hall estate, and assumed 
the title of baronet, a title which was freely conceded to 
him by all and sundry. As Sir Edward Broughton, bart., 
he was high sheriff of Denbighshire in 1698. He is so 
styled in the rate books of Abenbury, where he had a mill 
and lands, and in the record of his burial (14 June 1718) 
in Marchwiel parish register he is again described as 
" Sir Edward Broughton, of Marchwiel, baronet." Other 
instances might be supplied, if those already given were 
not sufficient, of his being thus styled during his life. 
On the other hand, in the record of administration to his 
estate, which did not take place until 1738, he is called 
" Sir Edward Broughton, Baronet, otherwise Edward 
Broughton, Esq.^^ I have already suggested (in par. 26) 
what excvse Edward Broughton may have had for assum- 
ing a title which did not properly belong to him. He was 
a baronet claimant only. 

39. To all this has to be added that there is not the 
slightest evidence to show that this Edward Broughton 



64 The Broughtons of Marchwiel. 

ever married. In the administration of his will he is, in 
fact, described as " batchelor." And as this administra- 
tion is very short I will give it in full : — 

May, 1738. 

July On the fifth day issued forth a Common [commission] to 

Aquila Wyke, Esq., the Nephew by the Brother on the 
mother side and next of kin of Sir Edward Broughton, 
Baronet, otherwise Edward Broughton, Esq., late of 
Marchwiel Hall in the County of Denbigh, Batchelor, 
dec'ed [deceased] to ad'ster [administer] the Goods Chat- 
tels and Credits of the said dec'ed [deceased] being first 

Jan. 1738 sworn by Common [commission] duly to ad'ster [administer]. 

40. Edward Broughton executed a will which, if it 
could be found, would be certainly most interesting, and 
might clear up many points on which some uncertainty 
may still exist. I have had a search made at Somerset 
House for this will, but no mention of it occurs in the 
indexes there. 

41. There is some discrepancy in the different accounts 
of the date of death of this Edward Broughton. According 
to the abstract of title he died in 1719, and, according to 
Colonel Chester in 1738. This last date I am able to 
explain. It was not until 1738 that administration was 
granted of his estate, and Colonel Chester has taken the 
year of this " administration " for the year of his death. 
Prom the Itfarchwiel register we learn that he was 
buried on 14 June 1718, and in the Abenbury rate books 
for the last-named year " the heirs of Sir Edward Brough- 
ton '' are charged for Pymrhyd Itfill and lands instead of 
"Sir Edward Broughton, Bt.," and in 1724, "Aquila 
Wykes, esq.", the son of his half-brother Edward Wyke, 
is charged for the same. Also, it is stated in the abstract 
of title that Aquila Wyke, on 2 and 3 Sept. 1728, suffered 
a recovery of the Itfarchwiel Hall estate at the Great 
Sessions for county Denbigh. It would be possible to 



The Br ought ons of MarchmieL 65 

adduce much other evidence for the statement that Edward 
Broughton (son of the second Sir Edward) died in 1718, 
and that Aquila Wyke succeeded him under the provision 
of Mary Lady Broughton's will. But enough has been 
said on this point. 

42. There is, however, another problem that has to 
be faced. Spite of the fact that in the administration to 
his estate Edward Broughton is said to have died un- 
married, and that Aquila Wyke succeeded as his heir-at- 
law, it is claimed that he left at least one daughter and 
heiress, and, by implication, another daughter or other 
daughters. Thus, in Burke's Landed Gentry^ 1846, we are 
told that "Theodosia, eldest dau, and heir of Edward 
Broughton, esq., of Marchwiell Hall, co. Denb.", married 
Bees Hanmer, esq., of Pentrepant, co. Salop, whose 
daughter and heir, Mary,, married Henry Strudwick, esq., 
whose daughter, Mary, married the Rev. George War- 
rington, of Wrexham (vicar of Hope, Flintshire, 1773-1796, 
rector of Pleaseley). 

43. When the Rev. George Warrington was talking 
with Miss Angharad Llwyd in 1821, he told her, or she 
said he told her, that [the second] Sir Edward Broughton 
married, secondly, " a Miller's daughter '' [but see what I 
have said before, A. N. P.], and that "her influence was 
such that she persuaded Sir Edd. to disinherit his only 
son in favour of her daughter [who was, in fact, cut off 
with £60, A. N. P.]. The young baronet became dis- 
gusted, and went to the West Indies with his wife, who 
was Miss Hanmer, the heiress of Pentrepant. They left 

one daughter, who md Estwick, esq.^ They 

were parents to the late Mrs. Warrington,'' etc. 

^ Should be Henry Strudwickf esq. Here we have evidently a 
mistake of Miss Llwyd, who could not catch the name rightly in the 
form Mr. Warrington gave it. 

F 



66 The Broughtons of MarchwieL 

44. According to this account, then, Mrs. Warrington, 
instead of being grmi grand-daughter to Edward Brough- 
ton, of Marchwiel, was grand-daughter to him, and if we 
combine three of the different pedigrees we get the 
extraordinary result that Edward Broughton and his 
grandson, Henry Strudwick, married the same woman ! 

46. There is not the slightest reason to suppose that 
there has been any wilful misrepresentation here on the 
part of any one, but only that sort of mistake which is so 
easy to persons unpossessed of the critical temperament. 
There is no doubt some basis of truth in all these stories, 
but they are so muddled up that it is not only impossible 
[for me at any rate] to sift them, but even to make any 
sort of use of them. 

46. The constant insistence on the disinheriting by 
the second Sir Edward Broughton of his only [surviving] 
son becomes unintelligible when we know that this son, 
Edward, actually came into full possession, although under 
his mother's will, of all his father's estates. And, if it be 
said that the son Edward, who was disinherited, was the 
son of Sir Edward's first wife, Alice, then we have to 
assume that Sir Edward had two sons, each bearing at the 
same time exactly the same name,^ and each a " young 
baronet." 

^ It is right to say that there is some contemporary evidence for 
the statement that there were two brothers, each named Edward 
Broughton. Mr. Hughes, of Kinmel, calls my attention to the 
following obituary notice in the Historical Register Chronicle, which 
is the chronological diary to the Historical Register^ 25 vols., 8vo, 
London, 1714-38 :— 

" Broughton (or Braughton) Mary (Mrs.), relict of Edward, bro. of 
Sir E. B. Bt. Denbeighs. 13-15 Jan. 1730." However, the more this 
entry is examined, the more evident it becomes that there is some 
error in it. The statement as it stands, unsupported by any other 
evidence, cannot be accepted. But it ought not to be ignored or 
suppressed. 



The Broughtons of MarchwieL 67 

47. All this, however, is but one example of the sort 
of stuff with which the historian of the later Broughtons 
of Marchwiel has to deal. One is enveloped in an 
atmosphere of " hud a Uedrith", of fantasy and illusion, 
of perverted and hopelessly entangled imaginations, in 
which nothing is what it seems, and everything appears in 
the guise of something else. Fortunately the path is 
fairly straight, and no one who takes pains and has the 
instinct of direction can wholly miss it. To drop metaphor, 
the actual evidence, as it is contained in deeds, wills, settle- 
ments, registers and rate books, is perfectly clear and 
consistent, and corresponds with what is otherwise known. 
What else is still entangled may yet be made plain by 
following the same method, or by some chance discovery. 

48. Aquila Wyke, of Marchwiel Hall, grandson of 
Mary Lady Broughton, is also described as of Llwyn 
Egryn, near Mold, an estate which he owned. I do not 
know how he came into possession of it, but I do know 
that he was continuaUy mortgaging and re-mortgaging his 
Denbighshire property, and always hard up for money. 

49. When Aquila Wyke died without issue, the 
Marchwiel Hall and Llwjm Egryn estates went to Stephen 
Brown, the husband of his sister Martha, whose son, 
Charles Brown, married his cousin, the daughter of another 
sister of Aquila Wyke. Thus, until 1795, Marchwiel Hall 
still remained in the possession of persons who had the 
blood of the "Cwncweres" in them. 

60. T think it must have beent his Mr. Charles Brown, 
rather than his father, Mr. Stephen Brown, of whom 
" Nimrod ^' * in his Life and Times thus writes : — 

^* There was a very extraordinary character residing in 
Marchwhiel parish, of whom an anecdote or two will not 

^ Charles James Apperley, in Fraser's Magazine y April 1842. 

f2 



68 The Broughtons of MarchwieL 

come amiss. This was a Mr. Brown, who lived at what is 
called Marchwhiel Hall, a gentleman of good fortune and 
of a naturally kind disposition, notwithstanding the fact 
of his having been known in the neighbourhood (near 
London) where he had previously resided as ** Bloody 
Brown/' The origin of the appellation was this. His 
garden had been frequently robbed of ranch of its choicest 
fruit, and he, being an old soldier — ^having served at the 
siege of Havanna, of which he gave a most wonderful and 
amusing account — was not one to be trifled with on such 
occasions ; consequently, he was determined to put a stop 
to the depredations to which he had been subject. He 
applied to a dissecting-room in London, and obtained the 
leg of a human being, fresh cut from the body, on which 
he put a stocking and a shoe, and then suspended it in a 
man-trap over his garden wall. The act obtained him the 
soubriquet I have mentioned, but his fruit was afterwards 
safe. 

The following trait in his character was related to me 
by Mr. Strong [the Rev. Samuel Strong, rector of March- 
wiel], who was one of the executors under his will. Four 
letters, marked 1, 2, 3, and 4, were found among his 
papers, three of them written by himself to some noble 
lord, whose name has escaped me. They were to the 
following effect : — 

No. 1. " My lord, I did myself the honour to write to 
your lordship on the . . . instant. I fear my letter 
may not have reached your lordship's hands." 

No. 2. ^^My lord, I had the honour to write to your 
lordship on the . . . ult., and am surprised that your 
lordship has not acknowledged the receipt of that, as well 
as of a former letter, should it have reached you." 

No. 3. " My lord, I have had the honour to write two 
letters to your lordship, to neither of which you have 



The Broughtons of MarchwieL 69 

thought proper to reply. Unless I receive an acknowledg- 
ment of either one or the other of them, in a week from 
this timey you will hear from me in that language which 
one gentleman uses towards another when he considers 
himself insulted/* 

JN"o. 4. His lordship's answer, pleading parliamentary 
occupation. 

61. The great grandson of Mary Wyke was evidently 
a man who would stand no nonsense. 

52. The Rev. George Warrington (who must be taken 
to be a wholly trustworthy authority for all matters within 
his own knowledge and experience) told Miss Angharad 
Llwyd in 1821 that Mr. Brown [obviously Mr. Charles 
Brown] melted down the leaden busts of Prince Rupert 
and Prince Maurice, while the portraits of the king and 
queen of Bohemia (see par. 6) were dispersed at the sale 
at March wiel Hall which had taken place "about 30 years" 
before. Mr. Brown died at Bath 10 July 1795, and in 
1799 is described as "formerly of Llwynegryn, in the 
parish of Mold, afterwards of Carson, in parish of God- 
stone, Surrey, and late of Reigate, Surrey." 

53. From the sale of household effects at Marchwiel 
Hall must be distinguished the sale of the estate itself, 
which seems to have taken place somewhat later. I once 
saw a catalogue of this sale, but unfortunately, although 
the day of the month — 31st of May — was given, the year 
was omitted. For the purposes of the sale, the estate was 
divided into six lots. Part of the mansion (with coach- 
house, stables, lawn, and gardens) was stated to be in the 
possession of the owner, and could be entered upon at 
pleasure. The remainder of the mansion was occupied as a 
farm-house, and was held, with orchard, yard, and lands 
directly appurtenant thereto, at an annual rent of £166. 
Lot 6 comprised a "handsome new built dwelling-house 



yo The Broughtons ofMatchwieL 

called Lower Hall, situate, if not extra-parochialy in the 
townships of Button Dififeth and Shocklach", a small 
tenement called Parry's Tenement, and 157 acres of land 
thereto belonging, mostly pasture and meadow, on the 
banks of the Dee, in the occupation of Mr. William Par- 
sonage, under a lease for four lives, at an annual rent of 
£177, "worth £800 a year". Lord Kenyon, Mr. Richard 
Birch, Mr. John Edgworth, and Mr. Thomas Parsonage 
were among the purchasers, but the Hall itself, its demesne 
lands, and various detached parcels, were still unsold at the 
beginning of 1799. However, on March 24, 1801, Mrs. 
Lucy Brown, widow, and second wife of Charles Brown, 
esq., sold March wiel Hall and the lands comprised in Lot 1 
of the catalogue, containing 177i acres, and two pews in 
Marchwiel Church, to Samuel Riley, esq., of Pickhill Hall, 
for £7,000. There had formerly (in 1773) been a 'Move 
house" among the outbuildings ; and in the same year "a 
building adjoining " the Hall, " called the Gate House ", 
a name curiously reminiscent of the old Gate House Prison 
in Westminster. 

55. We might conjecture from the name " Old 
Marchwiel Hall " that the tenement so designated repre- 
sents the capital messuage of the Broughtons of March- 
wiel, and this indeed is the common belief, based wholly on 
the namey which, however, so far as I can discover, does 
not occur earlier than the beginning of the nineteenth 
century. The names of the fields, moreover, attached to 
Old Marchwiel Hall (Trawsdir, Wern, Rofft, Maes gwjm, 
Maes Madoc, Cae du, PwU fifranklin, etc.) are not men- 
tioned in the deeds of the Marchwiel Hall of the 
Broughtons and Wykes, while many of the names of fields 
actually mentioned in those deeds still persist, and indicate 
lands attached to the present Marchwiel Hall. When this 
latter was built I do not know : it appears to be compara- 



The Broughtons of MarckwieL 71 

tively modem, but that it represents the house of the 
Broughtons, Cwncweres Hall, or the true Marchwiel Hall, 
is to me beyond question. " Henblas" {Old Hall) is a field 
with no house on it on the Marchwiel Hall estate, but it 
was so named and in the same condition in the time of 
Aquila Wyke, and was among the lands mortgaged by him, 
afterwards redeemed, and finally included in Lot 1, when 
the whole estate was put up for auction. I only deal in 
this paper with the owners of the mansion called " March- 
wiel Hall ", without prefix or addition. 

66. The later history of Marchwiel Hall concerns us 
very little, but it may be well to add that it was bought in 
1826 from Thomas Parker, esq.^ (the devisee under Mr. 
Eiley's will) for £13,000, by Samuel Boydell, esq., of 
Manor, in the parish of Hawarden, who sold it in 1831 to 
the late Townshend Mainwaring, esq., then of Lljmdir, for 
£11,000. Samuel Pearce Hope, esq., of Betley Hall, 
Staffordshire, purchased Marchwiel Hall and estate from 
Mr. Mainwaring in 1861, for £13,451, and Mr. Hope's 
widow, Mrs. Amelia Hope, sold the same in 1882 to the 
late Benjamin Piercy, esq., for £18,437, the area of the 
property being then nearly 190 acres. Mrs. Piercy still 
occupies Marchwiel Hall. 

57. One remark I may make by way of reflection. 
Is there not shown, in the history of the Broughton and 
Wyke families, how untrustworthy, how contrary to truth, 
is much that passes under the name of " tradition"? The 
most careful antiquary makes mistakes, sometimes serious 
mistakes, now and again, spite of himself, but there are 
people who seem incapable of telling a story exactly as it 

^ Mr. Samuel Riley's last will was made 24 Sept. 1823, and it was 
proved at Chester on 19 Dec. following. The above-named Thomas 
Parker, esq., was only son and heir of the Rev. John Parker, and 
married (about 1795) Dorothy Cholmondeley, spinster. 



7 2 The Broughtons of MarchwieL 

is told them^ are blind to improbabilities, have no concep- 
tion of the nature of evidence, and never think of subjecting 
any statement, especially if it be once printedy to due 
examination. However little interest this history in itself 
may have, it will at least demonstrate the necessity of 
consulting, so far as they are available, original sources 
and contemporary records, and of not allowing even these 
to go uncriticized. 

68. I must, in conclusion, acknowledge my indebted- 
ness to the researches of the late Colonel Chester, and 
render thanks for the many hints, readily given, by W. 
M. Myddelton, of St. Alban's, and H. E. Hughes, of 
Kinmel Park, esquires. 

Wrexham y April 1900. 



ADDENDA. 



59. Referring to Mr. Leighton of Marchwiel, I have 
become aware of a literary treasure he possessed. In what 
is known as the "Peter Ellice Genealogies" (Harleian 
Collection, British Museum, Additional MSS., Nos. 28,033 
and 28,034) occurs the following sentence : — " In Mr. 
Leighton 's Card written by Rees Cain of Oswestry, 
A** 1597, mencon is made of these Beirdd : vz Guttyn Owen, 
Evan Breghva, Gruffith Hiraethog, Symon vychan, 
W. Uyn, William Cynwall, Rees Cain, Lewis Dwn." 

60. In the text, the second Sir Edward Broughton has 
been described as knighted " in or before the year 1 664." 
But I am now able to say that he was knighted at some 
time between the 7th April 1660 and 8th Nov. 1661. 



The Broughtons of MarchwieL 73 

61. The son, Edward, of the second Sir Edward 
Broughton of March wiel was one of the deputy lieutenants 
for county Denbigh in 1714, and was then officially 
described as *^ Sir Edward Broughton, hari.^^ 



APPENDIX I. 



Summary of Will op John Mostyn.^ 

March 1609-10. — Last will of John Mostyn, of parish 
of *^Kilken", county of fflint .... to my uncle Eoger 
Mostyn the forty shillings he oweth me .... my brother, 

Sir Thomas Mostyn, knt to my sister Katherine 

Leighton "my chaineof gould", . . . . to A.nne Broughton 
daughter to Morgan Broughton, esq., all the sheep I have 
at Bangor in the custodie of John Hanmer, of Ruyton, 
gent., and half a dozen of heyfifers of three years ould, and 

six kine, etc to my nephew, William Dymock, esq., 

the parcels of land called dol gwernhescog, kae newydd, 
gwerglodd kae newydd and all my lands in gwerglodd hir 
in the township of Sesswick, being " coppehould landes," 
.... to Edward Broughton, son and heir of Morgan 
Broughton, esq., the lands some time in tenure of dauid 
ap John ap Jenkyn "in leangth from the Lande called kae 
r scubor on thone ende and the Lande called kae rhwng y 
ddwyffordd in the other end, and in bredth betwene the 
Lande called yr Acre yslaw y ffordd on the one side and 
the heigh waye that leadeth from Bangor to the Pymrhydd", 
"being coppehould landes". "My well beloved Nephew 
Sir Eoger Mostyn, knt., whom I appoint my sole executor." 



^ John Mostyn, second son of William Mostyn of Mostjm, esq. 
He married Elizabeth, daughter of Roger Decka, and widow of the 
John Hanmer named in the will, and died without offspring. He is 
described in 1617 as deceased. His second sister was Margaret, wife, 
first, of Wm. D^ock, of Penley, gent. ; secondly, of Henry Parry, 
esq., of Marchwiel and Basingwerk ; and thirdly, of Richard Leighton, 
esq., of Marchwiel. [See Broughton pedigree.] 



74 The Broughtons of Marchwiel. 



APPENDIX II. 



Indenture . . . Feb. 1616-7 (Summary). — ^Whereas 
William Lloyd of halghton, co. fflint, gent., John ap John 
ap Robte goch of Bedwall, gent., and Robte Dycus aU 
Robert ap Dauid ap Richard ap dycus did enter into a bond 
of £50 unto John Hanmer, deceased, and Elizabeth his 
wife, dated 12th May in 28rd year of Queen Elizabeth, the 
condition being that John Hanmer should quietly occupy 
those clausures of land called y weirgloth newith, y 
weirgloth perllan, y kochdjrr, and the fourth lieth within a 
meadow called y weirgloth hiyr. And whereas Sydney 
Ellis, of Pickhill, gent., likewise entered into a bond of 
£100 to John Mostyn of Sesswicke, gent., deceased, and 
the naid Elizabeth his then wife, dated 8 March 45th (?) 
year of Queen Elizabeth. And whereas said John Mostyn, 
surviving said Elizabeth, did by his last will dated . . . 
March 1609, give to Edward Broughton, gent., son and 
heir of Morgan Broughton, esq., amongst other things 
the said bonds, Now the said Edward Broughton, etc. 



APPENDIX III. 



Abstbact op the Will op "Henry Parrey, Esq., of 
Marchwiell, in the County of Denbigh" (made 12 
Sept. 1589). 

I will my body to be buried in the Parish Church of 
Marchwiell. I bequeath the sum of forty shillings to be 
employed and divided among the poorest sort of people 
dwelling in the parish of Marchwiell. I bequeath to my 
Son in Law Morgan Broughton, esq., and Margaret his 
wife my daughter my best gelding with saddle and bridle. 
I bequeath to my son Thomas Parrye my best gold chain, 
gold signet ring, and my second gelding saddle and bridle 
according to my former gift made to him. I bequeath all 
the messuages, lands, tenements, and hereditaments which 
I have in the realm of England or Wales to my said son 
Thomas Parry and to his heirs lawfully begotten, and in 
default of such issue to the lawful male heirs of myself 



The Br ought ons of Marchwiel. 75 

and my now wife Katherine^ and in default of such issue 
to my daughter Margaret Broughton and her lawful heirs, 
and in default of such issue, to the lawful issue of myself 
and my wife Katherine. I bequeath to my Overseers 
hereafter named twenty-five pounds each of lawful money 
of England. All the rest of my goods, chattels, household 
stufp, plate, jewels, leases, " ffearmes", store, and substance, 
I bequeath to my said wife, whom I charge to be a good 
and natural mother to my and her lawful son, Thomas 
Parrey, and to provide that he may have the portions, left 
unto him by my will, delivered and assured unto him 
before she shall marry again, in order that he whom she 
may marry shall not defraud my child Thomas Parrey of 
any thing he ought to have — 1 appoint my wife sole and 
full executrix to this my will, and I appoint as overseers 
my trusty brethren, Thomas Mostyn, esq.,^ Bennet ap 
Thomas ap Harry,* and my friends ftobert Turbridge, esq., 
and William Knight, gent., that by their discretion my 
said child, Thomas Parrey, may enjoy the benefit of all 
things left to him. Witnesses, Henry Mostyne, Thomas 
Broughton, William Knighte, John Hughes, Elizabeth 
Roberts. 

Proved 7 Feb. 1689-90. 

[I believe it has not been hitherto recorded that Mr. 
Henry Parry had a son, who, however, must have died with- 
out issue, for Mr. Parry's estates went in fact to his two 
daughters and their heirs — Basingwerk, etc., to his elder 
daughter, Mrs. Ann Mostyn, and Marchwiel, etc., to his 
younger daughter, Mrs. Margaret Broughton. — ^A. N. P.] 



APPENDIX IV. 



Declaration by the first Sir Edward Broughton, op 

Marchwiel (15 July 1647). 

To ALL cxRiAN PEOPLE to whome this p'sent writinge 
shall come or it shall reade heare or see I Sir Edward 
Broughton of Marchwiell in the County of Denbigh knt. 

' Afterwards Sir Thomas Mostjm of Mostyn, knt. 
* Bennet ap Thomas ap Harry of Perth y maen, testator's own 
brother. 



"](> The Br ought ons of Marchwiel. 

doe send greetinge in o^ Lord god everlastinge Whereas 
Sir Henry Hobard knt and barronet late Chief Justice of 
his Ma^^ Courte of Comon Pleas and Chancellor to his 
Ma^ie when he was Prince of Wales Duke of Cornwall and 
of Yorke and Earle of Chester, Thomas Morray esq^ secre- 
tarie to his Ma^-ie when he was Prince Sir James fullerton 
knt Master of his Highnes Wards and Liueries Sir John 
Walter knt his Highnes Attumey generall and afterwards 
Chief Baron of his Ma^ Court of Exchequer all deceased 
and Sir Thomas Treuor knt then his Highnes SoUissitor 
generall and now one of the Barrons of his Ma^s Courte 
of Exchequer' by theyre Indenture beareinge date the first 
day of July in the twentieth yeare of the Eaigne of o^ late 
Soueraigne Lord kinge James his raigne ouer England, 
haue graunted and to farme Letten vnto the said Sir 
Edward Broughton all those fine acres of meadow called 
or knowne by the Name of the Receiuo'^s Meadow Lyeinge 
betweene the Landes Late of Peter Eoden of the East 
pte and the Lands late of Eaph Broughton and Robert 
ap Randle on the West pte Now or Late in the tenure or 
occupation of Robert Puleston esq or his assignes And all 
those three acres of Meadow by estimation in Coyd euan 
adioyninge to a certayne Meadow called the Constables 
Meadow now or late in the tenure or occupation of Richard 
Ey ton gent or his assignes w^^ all and singular their appur- 
tenaunces being pcell of the Lordship of Broomfield and 
Yeale in the said county of Denbigh and of the Land of 
the Manno^s in the charges of the Baylifs of Cobham 
Almor and Cobham Iscoyd in the said Lordship, except in 
the said Indenture excepted vnto the said Sir Edward 
Broughton to hould from the feast of the Annuntiation 
then last past for and duringe the terme of one and thirtie 
yeares at the rent of thirtie shillings eight pence as in and 
by the said Indenture of Lease more at Large it doth and 
may appeare And whereas the said Sir Edward Brough- 
ton for and in consideration of a certayne some of money 
to him beforehand payd by the said Sir Thomas Treuor 



* Those were the Commissioners appointed by James I on the 
27th January in the 22nd year of his reign for the sale of leasehold, 
escheat, and demesne lands in the lordship of Bromtiold and Yale, so 
that such lands might thenceforth Iw hold in free and common socage. 
I believe there had been an earlier grant of the lordships to those 
Commissioners. 



The Broughtons of Marchwiel. yy 

and by the appojmtment and at the nomination of the said 
Sir Thomas Treuor and for diverse other good causes and 
valuable considerations him therevnto espetially moueinge 
hath graunted, assigned and set ouer vnto the said Sir 
Thomas Treuo^ Edward Harris and Richard Winch theire 
executors Administrators and assignes all the said Sir 
Edward Broughton his estate right title interest terme of 
yeares and clayme and demand whatsoeuer of him the said 
Sir Edward Broughton of in or to the said p'mises or 
euy parte thereof w^*» the appurtenennces as in and by the 
Indenture made betweene the said Sir Edward Broughton 
of the one partie and the said Sir Thomas Treuo'' knt 
Edward Harris and Richard Winch of the other partie 
beareinge date the nynteenth day of June in the eleauenth 
yeare of the Raigne of our Soueraigne Lord Charles by the 
grace of god of England Scotland ffraunce and Ireland 
kinge defender of the faith etc may more playnely appeare 
And whereas Sir William Russell of London knt and 
Barronett William Collins and Edward ffenn of London 
gent, by theire Indenture dated the fourth day of Aprill 
Anno dom one thousand six hundred thirtie three in the 
nynth year of the Raigne of our Soueraigne Lord kinge 
Charles for the considerations therein mentioned did 
bargaine sell and confirme vnto Robert Euans of the parish 
of Set Martins in the fields in the County of Middlsex esq 
his Heires and assignes, amongfst other things, the said 
recited premises as fully freely and wholy in as Large and 
ample manner and forme as by our Soueraigne Lord kinge 
Charles by His Highnes his letters pattents sealed as well 
by the greate scale of England as w^-^i the scale of the 
dutchy and county pallatyne of Lancaster beareing date 
the eighth day of December in the seauenth yeare of his 
Ma^-s Raigne, the said p'mises w^-h the appurtenaunces 
(amongst other things) weare graunted to the said William 
Collins and Edward ffenn theire Heires and assignes for 
eu^ in fee farme And in as ample manner and forme as 
the Right ho^^^ Thomas Vicecount Sauage Chauncellor to 
the Queene Ma^ie ffrauncis Lord Cottington Chauncellor 
of his Mamies Exchequer and one of his Mamies most ho^ie 
priuie Councell Sir ffrauncis Crane knt Chauncellor of the 
most noble order of the garter, Sir Thomas Treuo^ knt 
one of the Barrens of his Ma^s said Exchequer Sir Walter 
Pye knt his Ma^-ies Attumey of his Highnes Courte of 
Wards and Liueries and Sir John Banks knt then Attumey 



yS The Brought ons of MarchwieL 

generall to the most excellent Prince Charles, by Indenture 
vnder theire hands and seales beareinge date the seauententh 
day of January then last past and enrowled in the Chan- 
eery and for the Considerations therein mentioned haue 
graimted bargained sould and confirmed the same p'emises 
(amongst other things) vnto the said William Collins and 
iSdward ffenn theire Heires and assignes And whereas 
the said Robert Euans by his Indenture beareinge date 
the second day of December in the said nynth yeare of his 
said Ma^sRaigne for the considerations therein mentioned 
at the nomination and appoyntm^ of the said Sir Edward 
Broughton and in trust for him hath graunted bargained 
sould and confirmed vnto Charles Deodate and John 
Deodate sonns of Theodore Deodate of London Docto'^ of 
Phisick their Heires and assignes all and singular the 
said prmises as by the said Indenture more at large ap- 
peareth. And lastly whereas the said Sir Edward 
Broughton Charles Deodate and John Deodate sonns of 
Theodore Deodate of London, Docto^ of Phisick by theire 
Indenture bearinge date the twentieth day of June in the 
said eleauenth yeare of kinge Charles for and in considera- 
tion of the some of two hundred pounds of good and lawf ull 
money of England to the said Sir Edward Broughton by 
the said Sir Thomas Treuor in hand payd by the nomina- 
tion and appoyntmt of the said Sir Thomas Treuo^ and in 
trust for him and his Heires hauve graunted bargained 
sould enfeoffed and confirmed vnto Richard Prytherch* 
Sir Thomas Treuo^ Baronett sonne and heire of the said 
Sir Thomas Treuor by the name of Thomas Treuo^ esq 
and Richard Dauies vintener' and their heires and assignes 
the recited p'mises and euery parte and parcell of tiiem 
w^*^ the appurtenennces in wc^^ said Deed there is this 
prouiso that if the said Sir Edward Broughton Charles 
Deodate and John Deodate theire Heires and assignes or 
any of them doe pay or cause to be payd vnto the said Sir 

^ Richard Prytherch. Mr. Hughes, of Kinmel, tells me he was 
son of Rhyddercn ap Richard of Myfyrian, co. Anglesey. He entered 
Inner Temple 2 Dec. 1696, became barrister-at-law 10 Feb. 1616, 
Puisne Judge of Chester, 1636, and died 1647. His mother was 
Margaret, daughter of Piers Puleston, and his wife Martha, daughter 
of (Godfrey Goodman. 

'^ Richard Davies of London, vintner, was also owner of the 
Erddig House estate, county Denbigh, which he afterwards sold to 
John Edisbury, esq. Erddig is a township adjoining that of Marcbwiel. 



The Br ought ons of MarchwieL 79 

Thomas Treuo^ his execute^ administrors or assignes the 
whole and entire some of two hundred and fifteene pounds 
of lawfull Money of England at or vpon the twentie 
fourth day of June w^*i shall be in the yeare one thousand 
six hundred thirtie six at the now dwellinge House of the 
said Sir Thomas Treuo^ in or neere Dorset Courte als 
Sallisburv Courte London that then and from henceforth 
this p'sent Indenture and allsoe an assignment of a Lease 
and terme of the p'mises bearinge date the nynteenth of 
this Instant June shalbe voyd and of non effect as by the 
said Indenture may more fully appeare w^h said Money was 
not paid accordinge to the said Condition and therefore 
Know yee that I the said Sir Edward Broughton of eightie 
pounds interest Money due to the said Sir Thomas Treuo^ 
knt as allsoe in consideration of the some of one hundred 
pounds of lawf uU money of England to me the said Sir 
Edward Broughton in hand well and truely payd before 
the enseallinge and deliuery by the said Sir Thomas 
Treuo^ the Receipt whereof I the said Sir Edward 
Broughton doe heareby acknowledge and confesse and 
thereof and of eu'y parte and parceU thereof doe fully and 
absolutely exonerate acquit release and discharge the said 
Sir Thomas Treuo^ his heires executors and administrators 
and euery of them for euer by these presents haue remised 
released acquitted confirmed and for me my heires 
executo™ and administrator** for euer quit claymed and by 
these presents doe acquit release remise confirme for me 
my heires executor's and administrators quit claymed vnto 
the said Sir Thomas Treuo"" Sonne and heire of the said 
Sir Thomas Treuo^ Richard Pry therch and Richard Dauies 
and their heires all my right title interest condition of 
redemption clayme propertie challenge and demaund what- 
soeur wch I now haue or at any tyme hereafter may haue 
clayme challenge or demaund to haue of and to the said 
parcell of Lands meadows and pasture w^h the appurten- 
ennces or any parte or parcell thereof by virtue of the said 
condition or any other way whatsoeur To have and to 
HOULD aU my said right title interest clayme and demaund 
whatsoeur of in and to the said premises or any parte 
thereof w^h the appurtenennces vnto the said Sir Thomas 
Treuor sonne and heir of the said Sir Thomas Richard 
Prytherch and Richard Dauies theire heires and assignes 
to the only proper benyfit vse and beehoofs of them the 
said Sir Thomas Treuo^ Richard Prytherch and Richard 



8o The Broughtons of MarchwieL 

Dailies foreuer soe as neyther T the said Sir Edward 
Broughton' nor my heires executors nor administro^s nor 
any of vs shall or may at any tyme heareafter clayme 
challenge or demaund the said premises or any parte 
thereof or any benyfit of or out of the same but that wee 
and eu'y of vs be in that respect wholy and absolutely 
excluded and debarred foreu' by these presents, And I the 
said Sir Edward Broughton and my heires aU the said 
Lands and premises and eu'y pte thereof w^h theire ap- 
purtenennces vnto the said Sir Thomas Treuo^ Richard 
Prytherch and Richard Dauies and their heires and 
assignes to the only proper vse and beehoofe of them the 
said Sir Thomas Treuo"" Richard Prytherch and Richard 
Dauies and their heires foreu' against me and my heires 
executo" administro»*«* and assignes and against all other 
person or persons Lawfully clayminge the premises or 
any parte thereof by from or vnder me the said Sir Edward 
Broughton shall and will warrant and foreuer defend by 
these presents In Witnes whereof I the said Sir Edward 
Broughton haue hearevnto put my hand and seale the 
fiefteenth day of July in the yeare of the Raigne of our 
Soueraigne Lord kinge Charles of England Scotland 
fpraunce and Ireland defender of the faith etc the three 
and twentieth Ann dom 1647. 




;3r 



6U^ 




Seal indistinct y hut apparently a lion statant gardant. 

Sealed and deliuered in the presence of 

J. Edisbury 
Geo. Dalton 
William ap Robert [mark]. 



The Brought ons of MarchwieL 8 1 



APPENDIX V. 



Abstract op the Will op Mary, Lady Broughton (20th 

January 1680-1). 

I Dame Mary Broughton of Marchweil ah Conqueress 
Hall in the County of Denbigh widow being of good and 
perfect health and sound memory do make ordain publish 
and declare this writing ^^ writt by my owne hands " to be 
my last Will and Testament revoking and making void all 
and every Will and Wills by me formerly made. 

As to my body I leave it to be disposed of according 
to the discretion of my executors to be decently buried ; 
as to my " temporall estate " first I bequeath unto my 
son Edward Broughton my house and tenement with the 
appurtenances lying and being in the market place in the 
Town of Kingston-upon-Thames in the County of Surry 
now or late in the tenure or occupation of Robert Punter 
or his assignes with "all wayes, watercourses, stables, 
gardens, orchards, stalls, or standings in the market place", 
also I bequeath unto my said son Edward Broughton my 
house and tenement with the appurtenances Ijdng and 
being between the Gatehouse at Westminster and the 
Convict Prison of the Eight Reverend Father in God. . . . 
Lord Bishop of London on the East, now or late in the 
occupation of John Hamden, gent., with all stables, coach- 
houses, outhouses, bams, gardens, yards, orchards, and 
appurtenances to the said house, messuage, or tenement 
belonging. I also bequeath to my said son Edward 
Broughton my right, title and interest of and in the prison 
or " Goale " called the Gatehouse Westminster with all 
rooms comodities and necessaries with all appurtenances 
to the said Prison house or Goale belonging or with the 
same used or occupied. I also bequeath unto my said son 
Edward Broughton all my right title and interest in the 
convict prison in Westminster together with the Mansion 
House and Messuage now erected and built upon the said 
prison wherein the Countess of Tirconnell now dwellith, 
lying and being at the West end of Westminster " Abby", 
with aU stables, coach-houses, outhouses, bams, gardens, 
orchards, and all appurtenances to the same belonging. I 
bequeath unto my said son Edward Broughton all my other 
right title and interest of and in aU my estate personal & 



8 2 The Brought ons of MarchwieL 

real in the county of Middlesex, City of Westminster and 
County of Surry, I having purchased the same with '^ my 
own reall money or porcon or patrimoniall estate" upon 
condition and it is my true meaning that the said Edward 
Broughton shall pay unto my two other sons Edward and 
Aquila Wyke fourscore pounds yearly during their natural 
lives, that is to say £40 a year each son to be paid quar- 
terly by equal portions. If my said son Edward Broughton 
neglect or refuse to pay unto my said two "imdutifull 
sonnes" Edward Wyke and Aquila Wyke their said 
annuity of £40 a year in manner aforesaid or within 40 
days after each quarter day if lawfully demanded of the 
said Edward Broughton at his Mansion House at March- 
weil aU Conqueress Hall, then my said devise of the 
premises in the said County of Middlesex and City of 
Westminster to be void and the said houses to go to my 
other two sons Edward and Aquila Wyke to be equally 
divided between them share and share alike. I give and 
bequeath unto my son Edward Broughton and his heirs 
lawfully begotten " All that my Capitall Messuage called 
Marchweil alias Conqueress Hall " with the bams, stables, 
outhouses, edifices, buildings, gardens, orchards and de- 
measjies lands thereunto belonging with their appurtenances 
in the said parish of Marchweil in the County of Denbigh 
and all other my Messuages, demesnes, Lands, tenements 
and hereditaments lying and being in the several parishes 
of Marchweil, Wrexham, Holt, and Shocklyche, or any or 
either of them, or elsewhere, in the counties of Denbigh, 
Flint, and Chester, and for want of such issue of my son 
Edward Broughton, then I bequeath the said Messuages, 
lands, and premises unto my second son Aquila Wyke and 
his lawful heirs, and for want of such issue, then to my 
eldest son Edward Wyke and his lawful heirs and for want 
of such issue to my own right heirs for ever. Provided 
always that the said Messuages etc devised to my said 
three sons and their heirs " in taile " shall stand charged 
and be chargeable with the several Legacies and bequests 
hereafter mentioned and shall be paid to the said Legatees 
within the space of one year after my decease. 1 bequeath 
unto " my unfortunate undutif uU daughter Mary Decombe 
daughter of my first husband Aquila Wyke deceased, she 
having formerly imbeazled much of my estate, £60 ". To 
my waiting woman, £10, To every servant that shall 
serve me at the time of my death 408. a piece. To the 



The Broughtons of MarchwieL 83 

poor of the parish where I am buried, £10. To the 
preacher of my funeral sermon, £10. To my friend Mr. 
Roger Jackson £100 to whose care I leave the management 
of my estate for the benefit of my children. I bequeath 
to my son Edward Broughton all the residue of my goods, 
chattels, leases, bonds and all other my personal estate 
whatsoever, he paying my debts, and satisfying my 
Legacies. I appoint my said son Edward Broughton and 
my said loving friend Roger Jackson my sole executors. 

Mary Broughton. 
Witnesses — 

Thomas Crue 

John Richardson 

Daniell Browne. 

Proved 21st March 1694-5. 



APPENDIX VI. 



The Daceombes (see p. 62) . 

There were Dackombes, or Dy combes, of Wrexham, 
and I copy from the Wrexham registers the following 
notes concerning them : — 

24 Sept. 1713, Edward, son of John Dacomb, gent., w[rexham] a[bbot] 

bom 19th, bapt. 24. 
17 Nov. 1714, Katherine, wife of John Daxton [Dacomb ?] Gont, of 

Pen y brinn was buryed. 
13 Sept. 1716, Edward, son of Mr. John Dycomb, of w.a., was buryed. 
6 Apr. 1716, Mary, da. of Jo. Dicomb, of w.a., born ye 3rd, bapt. 
20 Sept. 1717, Robt., son of Mr. Robert Dacomb, of w. a. . . . bapt. 

It is obvious that Mr. John Dackombe married again, 
and as his daughter by his second wife was named " Mary" 
it might be surmized that he it was who married Mary 
Wyke. But the dates are against this supposition, for 
Mary Wyke was already Mrs. Dackombe in 1681. Still it 
is not at all unlikely that she was the mother, or, at any 
rate, somehow connected with the Dackombes mentioned 
above, who lived in the lower part of Pen y bryn, now 
called " Bridge Street ", at the house next but one to The 
Horns. It may be added that in 1843 and again in 1857 
Daniel Dackombe, esq., was owner of Pumrhyd Mill in 
Abenbury, part of the old Marchwiel Hall estate. This 

a2 



84 The Broughtons of MarchwieL 

is curious, but I am certain that he did not inherit it either 
from the Broughtons, Wykes, or Browns of MarchwieL 

[Since writing the foregoing I have discovered that a 
John Duckome and Margt. Davies,both of Wrexham Parish, 
were married at Gresford, 21 Feb. 1710-1. I have learned 
also from Mr. Edward Owen, of the India Office, that " Sir 
John Daccombe, knt.," was one of six Commissioners to 
whom James T, on the 10 Jany., in the fourteenth year of 
his reign, granted the Lordship of Dyffryn Clwyd for 99 
years. He was probably Sir John Daccombe of Stapleton, 
Dorset, Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, knighted in 
1616.] 

I have had copied the pedigrees of Dackombe of Corfe, 
of Stepleton, and of Winterborne Kingston, in Hutchins' 
History of Dorset, but in no one of them does the name of 
Wyke occur, nor any name which can be identified with 
that of the Daccombes or Dycombs of Wrexham. 

Mr. Hughes, of Kinmel, has, however, given me a real 
clue to the Dackombes, who were related to the Wykes, 
which unfortunately 1 cannot now follow up or disentangle. 
He writes : — " In Manning and Bray's History of Surrey, 
vol. ii, 630, I find that John Knightley [and be it remem- 
bered that Mary Lady Broughton, was a Knightley of 
Kingston] of Little Ashted or Priors Farm in that county, 
in 1713 suffered a Recovery of the said manor farm, the 
Whitehouse, the old Courthouse, and the Quakers' Meeting 
House in Kingston, and sold it to Aquila Wyke, who 
settled it on his daughter's marriage with Charles Browne 
of MarchwieL She ob. s. p., and it descended to Aquila 
Dackambe as heir-at-law, and he owned it in 1809." Now 
Charles Browne, of Marchwiel, did not marry Aquila 
Wyke's daughter. He married his cousin, Anne Rock wood, 
whose mother, Mary, was daughter of Edward Wyke, 
elder brother of the Aquila Wyke who died in 1703, and 
father of the Aquila Wyke who died in 1772, both dying 
without issue. There is thus a mistake in Bray's History 
of Surrey, but it evidently reveals some connection between 
the Knightleys, Wykes, and Dackambes, which requires 
further elucidation. — A. N. P. 

Mr. Hughes continues : — " In the Heraldic Visitation 
of Surrey, in 1 632, the following coat of arms is recorded 
to John Knightley, of Kingston — Quarterly, 1 and 4 
ermine, 2 and 3 paly of six or and gules, over all on a bend 
azure, a tilting spear or headed argent. The foundation 



The Broughtons of MarchwieL 85 

of this is the Fawsley coat differenced by the bend. 
Possibly they were an illegitimate branch. John Knightley, 
who sold to Aquila Wyke, was the son of Robert Kuightley, 
by Ann, dau. of Sir John Chapman, who was son and heir 
of Sir Robert Knightley, kt., who purchased Little Ashted 
in 1671, from Leonard Wessell, his Trustee. The only 
mention I find of William Knightley is that in 1647 his 
daughter, Sarah, mairied Richard Cowper, of Temple 
Elephant in Capel, co. Surrey, and d. 3 Nov. 1662. She, 
of course, was sister to Mary, Lady Broughton." 



BY 

THE REV. S. BARING-GOULD 



There are extant two lives of S. Cybi or Cuby, both in 
Latin, and both in the same MS. Collection (Cotton Lib. 
Vesp. A. xiv) in the British Museum ; both are apparently 
independent translations from one Welsh original. The 
first has been published by Bees in his Lives of the Cambro- 
British Saints^ Llandovery, 1853. 

The MS. belongs to the 13th century. It contains a 
calendar, and lives of S. Gundleus, S. Cadoc, S. lltut, S. 
Teliau, two of S. Dubricius, S. David, S. Bemac, S. 
Paternus, S. Cledauc, two of S. Kebi, S. Tatheus, S. 
Carantoc, and S. Aed. 

The author of the Latin life of S. Gundleus seems to 
imply that he derived his narrative from a Welsh poem 
on the life of the saint, for he records the circumstances 
of the composition of this bardic eflPusion. And that the 
two lives of S. Cybi are taken from a Welsh original 
hardly admits of a doubt, for both narrate the same cir- 
cumstances in the same order, and only differ in the 
rendering into Latin. 

Solomon, the father of S. Cybi, was princeps militiwy 
i,c,y Gwledig, or chief military officer, also called Dux of 
the British, and a local Cornish king. 

The Lives give his pedigree differently from the Welsh 
genealogies. Solomon, according to the latter, was "ap 



Vita Sancti Kebie, $7 

Gereint ap Erbin ap Cystennin Gorneu", whereas the 
hives make hiin son of Erbin son of Gereint, whom they 
represent as son of the fabulous Lud, the builder of 
London. 

There were two Gereints. The second was son of 
Caranog of the race of Cadell Deyrnllug, and was father 
of S. Eldad, Bishop of Gloucester, who was killed by the 
Saxons; and the Gereint, who had a church dedicated to 
him in Hereford, was probably this latter Gereint. 

Assuredly the Welsh pedigrees are more likely to be 
right than the Znve«, for they invariably call Gereint the 
son of Erbin, and derive his descent from Constantine, 
and there is absolutely no confirmation of the statement 
that Gereint was son of Lud. 

The mother of Cybi was Gwen, sister of Non, the 
mother of S. David. "Ortus autem fuit de regione 
Cornubiorum, inter duo flumina, Tamar et Limar " 
(Vit. Inaa). This is the principality of Gallewick, between 
the Tamar and Lynher, of which Callington is the principal 
town. There are, in the district, no churches that now 
bear the names of Solomon and Gwen as founders, but 
there are traces of the presence of Non and David, and 
possibly of David's father Xant, in Altarnon, Landew, and 
Lansant (Lezant). There is, moreover, a tradition of a 
visit of S. David to Cornwall, mentioned by the poet 
Gwynfardd, who says that he received there ill-treatment 
at the hands of a woman.^ 

S. Wenn or Gwen has left traces of herself in Morval 
and S. Wenn, and possibly Llansalos may have been a 
foundation of S. Selyf or Solomon. 

At the age of seven Cybi went to school, and lived 
thenceforth, till he was twenty-seven years old, in Cornwall. 

^ Myvyrian Archaiologyy i, p. 270. 



88 Vita Sancti Kebie. 

After that he started on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, and 
on his way home visited S. Hilary at Poitiers, who con- 
secrated him bishop. This is an anachronism, as S. 
Hilary died in 366, nor does it help us if we suppose that 
a mistake has been made between Hilary of Aries and his 
namesake of Poitiers, for the former died in 449. It is 
not possible to put S. Cybi so early, when his grandfather 
Grereint fell at Llongborth in 622. In the Lives Elien 
Geimiad, his kinsman, has been confused with Hilary. 
As Rees, in his Essay on the Welsh Saints, has pointed out, 
Elien is very generally confounded with Hilary, as 
Geimiad (the Pilgrim) has been changed into Caimaid 
(bright) to correspond with the Latin Hilarius ; moreover 
the name Hilary is rendered in Welsh Elian.^ 

The Lives assert that Cybi remained for fifty years on 
the Continent. This is incredible, as shall be presently 
shown. 

On his return to Cornwall, Cybi probably made his two 
important foundations of Duloe and Tregony. Duloe is 
remarkable as having adjoining it Morval, a foundation of 
his mother S. Gwen, and Pelynt, one of his aunt S. Non. 
Due North is S. Keyne, who was his cousin. If, as I 
conjecture, Lansalos was a foundation of S. Selyf, then 
his father was not far off. At Tregony again, we find in 
close proximity his aunt, S. Non, at Grampound. 

How long Cybi remained in Cornwall we do not know. 
The Lives inform us that the natives desired to elevate 
him to the throne, but that he refused the honour. We 
know so little of the history of Cornwall at this period 
that we can do no more than conjecture that his father 
Solomon was dead, and that Catau, the Duke Cador of 
Geoffry of Monmouth, had succeeded. Cador was in turn 

' Rees, Weish Saints, 1836, p. 267. 



Vita Sancti Kebie, 89 

succeeded by the turbulent Constantine, who was so 
violently assailed by Gildas in his epistle, circ. 545. 

Tmmediately after this abortive attempt to raise Cybi 
to the throne, the saint left his native land for Wales. It 
is easy to read between the lines of the narrative and see 
that a disaJBfected portion of the Cornish endeavoured to 
put Cybi at their head against, probably, the violent Con- 
stantine ; that this attempt failed, and that Cybi was 
obliged to fly for his life. 

He took with him ten disciples, of whom four are 
named Maeloc, Llibio, Peulan, and Cyngar. Cyngar was, 
in fact, his uncle, the famous founder of Congresbury, 
in Somersetshire, which he had abandoned probably 
on account of the incursions of the Saxons. Cyngar 
was now an aged man, *' Consobrinus ejus Kengar erat 
senex." 

On leaving Cornwall, Cybi went to Morganwg, where 
he was not at first well received by the king, Etelic. We 
meet with this name in the Inhtr Landavensis ; Etelic is 
there represented as son of Judael, King of Morganwg. 
Finally, the King surrendered to Cybi two sites for 
churches, Llangybi and Llandeverguer. The former is in 
Monmouthshire, the latter site has not been identified. 

Cybi does not seem to have remained long in Morganwg. 
He went to Porthmawr, near St. David's, where he tarried 
three days, and thence crossed into Ireland, and made no 
delay till he had reached the island of Aran M6r, where 
he placed himself under the direction of S. Enda. 

Enda had obtained a grant of the island from -3Engus 
MacNadf raich, King of Munster, who fell in battle in 489, 
and Enda can hardly have founded his abbey there much 
before 486. He is supposed to have died in 540. 

Cybi still had with him his disciples ; and the account 
in the Lives is confirmed by what we hear of S. Enda, that 



90 Vita Sancti Kebie. 

he did have in Aran a disciple Libio, who is the Lebiauc 
or Llibio of the Yiia, 

In Aran S. Cybi remained four years. There he built 
a church. His uncle Cyngar was with him, and was so 
decrepit with age that he could eat no solid food. Conse- 
quently Cybi bought a cow with its calf, to supply milk 
for the old man. 

Melioc or Maeloc, the disciple of Cybi, cultivated a 
patch of land near the cell of another monk, named Fintan 
the Priest (Crubthir-Cruimthir) Fintan. This led to 
angry altercation, as Fintan considered this to be an en- 
croachment. S. Enda was called in to make peace between 
them, but the grievance rankled in Fintan's mind. 

The calf, moreover, strayed, and got into the meadow 
of Fintan, whereupon the disciples of Fintan impounded 
it ; and tied it to a shrub (the Life says — a big tree, but 
there are not now and never were trees in Arran). The 
calf managed to tear up the shrub and ran back to its 
mother. 

Fintan was furious and betook himself to prayer. He 
called on God to drive or blot Cybi out of the island, 
*^ deprecatus est Dominum, ut f ugaret vel deleret Sanctum 
Kebium de insula Arun, quia Deus amavit eum." 

An angel was accordingly sent to Cybi to tell him to 
go. Doubtless the angel was a peace-loving monk, who 
saw that there would be incessant quarrels so long as these 
two angry saints were near each other in a confined island. 

Accordingly Cybi departed for Meath, and there fasted 
forty days and nights on one spot, so as to secure it as a 
foundation for himself for ever, according to the well- 
known Celtic custom, described by Bede. The place 
Mochop is Kilmore of S. Mocop, near Artaine. But 
Fintan followed him there, and on the pretext that the 
land belonged to himself, drove Cybi away. 



Vita Sancti Kebie, 91 

The Cornishman, along with his disciples, now went 
into Magh Breagh, the great plain in which is Kildare, 
but remained there only seven days, as the implacable 
Fintan pursued him, stirred up the people against him, and 
expelled Cybi and all his men. 

Cybi next betook himself to Vobium or Vobyun by 
the sea, a district I cannot identify unless it were the 
country of the Hy Faelain, Ofaly. Fintan once more 
pursued him, and by some means or other was successful 
in again obtaining his expulsion. Cybi now solemnly 
cursed Fintan — " May all thy churches be deserted, and 
may never be found three churches singing at thy altar 
in all Ireland." 

Thereupon Cybi and his disciples — to the number of 
twelve — entered a wickerwork coracle and passed over to 
Wales. On reaching the coast the boat got among rocks oflE 
the Carnarvon shore, and was almost lost ; however, all on 
board got safe to land, and Cybi founded a church at a 
spot then called Cunab, but now Llangybi near Pwllheli, 
where, with his staff, he elicited a spring that bears his 
name to this day. 

Maelgwn, King of Gwynedd (d. 547), was hunting, when 
a goat he pursued fled for refuge to S. Cybi. The King 
went to the cell of the Saint, who entreated that he might 
be given as much land as the hound could run the goat 
round. " And Cybi let loose the goat, and the hound 
pursued it through all the promontory (i.e., Lleyn), and 
it returned again to the cell of S. Cybi." 

Afterwards, a rupture occurred between Maelgwn and 
the saint. Maelgwn was a very immoral man, and what 
especially gave offence was that he had been brought up 
in the ecclesiastical state, and had deserted it. Cybi got 
the upper hand — the particulars are not recorded — and 
the King surrendered to him his castellum in Anglesey, 



92 Vita Sancti Kebie. 

which thenceforth bore the name of Caergybi, and thither 
the Saint removed with his monastic family. 

Here he again met with Elian the Pilgrim, who had 
ordained him, and who had a church at Llanelian. Ac- 
cording to tradition they were wont to walk along the 
cliflF to meet each other at a spot called Llandyfrydog, the 
one from the east the other from the west. Another friend 
with whom Cybi here associated was S. Seiriol, of 
Penmon. 

The legend tells how Cybi sent his disciple Caffo to 
fetch fire from a smith, and the pupil returned bearing 
red hot charcoal in the lap of his habit. After this ensued 
a rupture between them, the occasion of which is not told. 
The writer of the first life merely records, out of place, 
and in a fragmentary manner : " And 8. Cybi said to his 
disciple CaflFo, depart from me, we two cannot get on to- 
gether. And he went to the town called at this day 
Merthir CaflFo, and there the Rosswr shepherds killed 
Caflfo. Therefore the blessed Cybi cursed the shepherds 
of Rosswr." This comes in in the middle of the story of 
Cybi and Maelgwn, thus : — " Tunc capra ad sancti Kepii 
casulam, refugii causa, velociter cucurret ; et dixit sanctus 
Kepius ad discipulum suum Caflfo, Recede a me, non 

possumus esse simul et invenit capra refugium," 

&c. The second Life omits the passage relative to Caflfo. 

Now it is very significant that it was on the meeting 
of Cybi with Maelgwn that Cybi was obliged to dismiss 
Caflfo from his attendance, and that shortly after some of 
Maelgwn's people should fall on and kill Caflfo. When we 
learn that CaflFo was the brother of Gildas, the whole is 
explained. Caflfo was first cousin to Cybi, and very pro- 
bably the estrangement between Maelgwn and the Saint 
was due to the publication of Gildas's intemperate and 
scurrilous epistle, in which Maelgwn was singled out for 



Vita Sancti Kebie. 93 

invective of the most insulting character. We can well 
understand that the King was ill pleased to have the 
cousin of his reviler settle on his lands, and that he only 
consented to tolerate his presence on condition that he 
should dismiss the brother of Gildas. We see also a reason 
for the murder of Caffo. The shepherds took up the quarrel 
and slew CaflEo in revenge for the abuse poured on their 
King. 

S. Cybi died on November 8, certainly after 647, the 
date of Maelgwn's decease in the Yellow Plague. 

It is not possible to admit that the age of the saint 
was seventy-two when he returned from the continent to 
Cornwall, but that may very well have been his age when 
he returned finally to Britain, after the four years spent 
in Ireland. His uncle was, indeed, still alive — but may 
have been nearly ninety. S. Enda, to whom he had gone 
was almost certainly his senior, and he died in or near 540. 

Of the disciples of S. Cybi we have seen that Libiauc 
or Libio is known on Irish testimony to have been in Aran 
with S. Enda. He came to Wales with Cybi and founded 
Llanllibio in Anglesey. Paulinus or Peulan was the son 
of Pawl Hen, of Ty Gwyn, whose monumental inscription 
is now in Dolau-Cothi House, Carmarthenshire. He 
founded Llanbeulan in Anglesey. Another disciple, 
Maelauc or Maeloc, was the son of the Cornish Gereint, 
and was Cybi's first cousin, probably he was a good deal 
yoimger than his master, for after having founded a 
chapel at Llanfadog, under the church of his fellow pupil 
at Llanbeulan, he left and became a disciple of S. Cadoc, 
and finally settled at Llowes in Elfael in Radnorshire. 

It is not possible to determine who was Cybi's great 
adversary, Crubthir Fintan. Finnan or Fintan is a very 
common name among the Irish Saints, and of a great 
many of them nothing is known. From the curse pro- 



94 Vita Sancti Kebie. 

nounced by Cybi, which we may suppose was held to have 
been accomplished, Fintan his adversary obtained no 
extended cult in Ireland. There is indeed a Cruimthir 
(Crubthir) Finnan marked in the Irish Martyrolo^es on 
February 9, as of Droma Licci, in Leitrim, but this can 
not be the man, as according to the Zii/e, Cruimthir 
Finnan was a person of influence in Leinster, and not in 
Northern Connaught. A Crubthir Fintain, however, 
occurs in the Martyrology of Donegal on July 13, of 
Killairthir, the site of which has not been satisfactorily 
determined. 

It is conceivable that the departure of Cybi from Aran 
was due to the death of S. Enda in 540, and this will well 
agree with the date of his arrival in Wales, about 542. 

If we suppose that he was then aged seventy-two, then 
he arrived in Ireland in 538, sixteen years after the fall of 
his grandfather in the battle of Llongborth (Langport in 
Somersetshire). We may conjecture that it was due to 
the defeat of the Britons in that battle, that Cyngar 
Gereint's son was obliged to escape from Congresbury to 
Cornwall. 

Taking Cybi to have lived to the age of 84, he would 
have died in 554. 

The IAve% of S. Cybi seem to me to deserve more regard 
than has hitherto been paid them, for the statements 
made in them receive remarkable corroboration from 
various quarters. 

According to both Liv^ Cybi died on November 8. 
His feast is, however, very variously observed. In the 
Calendar prefixed to the Livesy in the same MS., his day is 
given as November 7. A Welsh MS. Calendar of the 
15th cent, in Jesus College, Oxford (xxii), gives Nov. 5, 
so also the Welsh Calendar of 1670, in Agoriad ParadwSy 
a Welsh Calendar in the lolo MSS., on Nov. 5, Ab Ithel, 



Vita Sancti Kebie, 



95 



in his, gives Nov. 6, and a Welsh Calendar copied by 
W. ap W. in 1591, in the British Museum (Add. MSS. 
14,882), gives Nov. 6. The parish feast at Tregony is 
observed on October 4. That, however, at Duloe is on 
November 9. 

It may not be uninteresting to have the genealogy of 
S. Cuby or Cybi set foriih as given by the Welsh authori- 
ties. 



Gjrnyr of ===S. Anne 
Caer Grawch 



S. Gereint==Enid, daughter of 
d. 522 Ynywl, Lord of 

Caerleon 



S.Sandde-=S. Non S. Gwen=S. Selyf Cado S. Cyngar Cau 

or Solomon Duke 



S. David, S. Cybi, 
d. circ. 662 d. circ. 564 



I 
Constantine, S. Caffo, S. Gildas, 

K. Cornwall disc, of d. circ. 550 

Cybi, 

d. circ. 645. 



By J. H. DAVIES, M.A. 



The following licence, granted by Henry the Eighth in 
the thirty-seventh year of his reign, to William Salesbury, 
is of considerable interest. It was printed at the end of 
the Epistles and Gospels published by Salesbury in 1561, 
and the present transcript is copied from the Shirbum 
Castle copy of the book. It has been suggested that this 
licence referred to the publication of the Welsh Bible only, 
but it clearly refers to all books translated by Salesbury 
and more particularly to his Dictionary, which was 
published in 1547. It did not debar any other person 
from publishing a book in the Welsh language, and 
simply preserved the copyright of Salesbury's translations. 
Clearly the possibility of writing an original work in the 
Welsh language had not at that date occurred to 
Salesbury, or we may be sure that his rights in it would 
have been preserved. 



A Copy of the Kynqes Moste Gracious Priuiledqe. 

Henry the eyght by the grace of God Kyng of England 
France and Ireland, defender of the faith and of the 
churche of Englande and Irelande in earth the supreme 
head. To all Printers and bokesellers and to other 
oflBcers ministers and subiectes we do you to understand 



Salesburys Dictionary and the Kings License. 97 

that of our grace especial we have graunted and geuen 
priuiledge and licence to our well beloved subiectes 
Willia Salesbury and Jhon Waley to print or cause to be 
printed oure booke entitled a Diction arie bothe in englyshe 
and welche whereby our well beloved subiectes in 
Wales may the soner attayne and learne our mere 
englyshe tonge and that no other person or persons of 
what estate degree or condicion so euer they be of do 
prynte or cause the same Dictionary to be printed or any 
part thereof but only the sayd William and Jhon and 
eyther of them and the assignes of anye of them duryng 
the space of seuen yeres next ensuing the first printing 
of the sayd Dictionarie and that none other person or 
persons of what estate degre or condicion soeuer they be 
do printe or cause to be printed any other booke or bookes 
whych oure sayd subiectes William and Jhon or eyther of 
of them hereafter do or shal first translate and set forth 
during seuen yeares next ensuing the fyrst printing of any 
suche booke or bokes. Wherfore we wfi and straytly 
commaund and charge all and syngular our subiectes as 
well printers as bookesellers and other persons within our 
dominions that they ne any of them presume to print or 
cause to be printed the sayde Dictionary or any part 
thereof or anye other boke or bokes first translated and 
printed by the sayde Wylliam and John or either of the 
contrary to the meanyng of thys our presente licence and 
priuiledge upon payne of our hygh displeasure geuen at 
our palace of Westminster the xiii day of December in the 
xxxvii yere our raigne. 



H 



O: li?d6^ &o}>t §oni of (^t 

By J. H. DAVIE8, M.A. 



The little song which follows appears to have been 
written about the end of the sixteenth century. The 
manuscript from which it is taken was written in 1637-8, 
but the poetry immediately preceding and following the 
song, was composed at an earlier date. Of the author 
nothing is known, as he can hardly be the Llewelyn ab 
Hwlcyn of the Anglesey pedigrees who lived about the 
beginning of the sixteenth century. Several of the other 
poems in the manuscript are very similar to this one, and 
they were unquestionably written by Richard Hughes, of 
Cefn Llanfair in Lleyn. Hughes's long poems have 
recently been published in book form. 

Peculiar interest attaches to this poem, as well as to 
those of Richard Hughes, for they represent an attempt 
to import into Welsh poetry the style and the delicate 
conceits of the Elizabethan lyric writers. 

It is known that Hughes was an oflScial of the English 
Court, and Llewelyn ab Hwlcyn must also have been 
acquainted with the works of the contemporary English 
song-writers. 



Kabol 01 Gabiad. 
Myfi ywr merthyr tostur lef 
Duw lesu or nef am helpio 
Megis llong rhwng ton a chraig 
O gariad gwraig rwyn kirio. 



A Welsh Love Song of the i6th Century. 99 

Och trwm ywr loes i rwyn i ddwyn 
Heb obaith help na swyn 
Onid Duw ar ferch ai rhoes. 

Drylliodd Cariad glwyde fais 
Am seren gwrtais amlwg 
Mae arnaf glwyfe mwy na mil 
Wrth graffy ar gil i golwg. 
Och trwm ywr loes, &c. 

Kil i golwg fal dan haul 
O gusgod dwy aul feinion 
Yn* sym dwyn ar Hall im gwadd 
At ddau syn Uadd fynghalon. 
Och trwm ywr loes, &c. 

Kalon fyngwir galon i 
Oedd ag ihi ymgowleidio 
Ymgowleidio hon ni chawn 
Pei cawn ni feiddiwn geisio. 
Och trwm ywr loes, &c. 

Ag o digia teg i ffryd 
Ffarwel ir byd a ercha 
Ar y ddayar help nid oes 
Fy nerth am hoes a goUa. 
Och trwm ywr loes, &c. 

Ag o coUa i foes am hon 
Rwyn ddigon bodlon iddi 
Er i glanach meinir syth 
Nid allwn byth i golli. 

Och trwm ywr loes, &c. 

^ al. un. 

H 2* 



icx) A Welsh Love Song of the i6th Century. 

Kollodd glendid yr hoU fyd 
A Duw i gyd ni tyrrodd 
Ag wrth lunio dailiwr ton 
Yn wineb hon fo i gwreiddiodd. 
Och trwm ywr loes, &c. 

Gwreiddiodd hithe dan fy mron 
O gariad^ glwyfon anial 
Wanach, wanach wy bob awr 
Drwy gariad mawr a gofa!. 
Och trwm ywr loes, &c. 

Na ofelwch troso i mwv 
At Dduw ir wif i yn myned 
Rwy yn madde i bawb ond iddi hi 
A ffawb i mi maddened. 

Och trwm 3rwr loes, &c. 

Py holl frins na fyddwch dig 
Fo am rhoes y meddig heibio 
Help nid oes na syt ym fyw 
Ffarwel a Duw am helpio. 
Och trwm ywr loes, &c. 

Och trwm ywr loes a rwy yn i dwyn 

Heb ym obaith help na swyn 

Ond Duw ne'r ferch ai rhoes 

Mwy help i mi nid oes 

Ond amdo, clul a gwledd, elor, arch a bedd, 

A nawdd y gwr am rhoes. 

LI? AB HwLKYN Fou «i catit. 



^5e ^jcputeion of t^t ^teeu 



By professor KUNO MEYER, Ph.D. 



OuE knowledge of Irish history during the early centuries 
of our era is fortunately not confined to the meagre 
accounts of the Annals. In addition to them, and as 
independent sources, we possess a large mass of materials 
in the histories of individual tribes, genealogical tables, 
chronological poems, sagas, and saints' Lives, all bearing 
upon the early history of Ireland. These materials are, 
of course, of the most varied origin and age, and will have 
to be carefuUy tested and sifted. Not until this has been 
done will the historian of Ireland have before him all the 
materials which Irish literature affords. 

Much inedited matter of this kind is found in the 
Bodleian codices Rawlinson B. 502 and 512,and in Laud 610. 
Among other important texts I may mention the piece 
called Bails in Scdily or ^ The Vision of the Phantom,' which 
enumerates more than fifty Irish kings from Conn 
C^tchathach (a.d. 123-157) downward to the eleventh 
century, together with the duration of their reigns, long 
lists of battles fought by them, the circumstances of their 
deaths, and other details.^ But it is the tribal histories 
that are perhaps of the greatest historical value, as they 
certainly are of the widest interest. One of these, dealing 

^ There is a fragment of the same piece in Harleian 5280, of which 
I am preparing an edition for publication in the third number of the 
Zeitschrift fur Celt Philoloffie, vol. iii. 



I02 The Expulsion of the Dessi. 

with what in a term borrowed from contemporary history 
may be called the trekkings of the tribe of the D^ssi * 
and originally written, as has been shown,* in the latter 
half of the eighth century, is here edited and translated for 
the first time. Its special interest for Welsh students lies 
in the fact that it contains an account of an Irish settle- 
ment in Wales during the third century (§ 11). 

Two diflEerent versions of the story have come down to 
us. The older, the one here printed, which E will call A, 
has been preserved in Laud 610, fo. 996 2 — 102a 2, and in 
Eawl. B. 502, fo. 72a 2— 73a 2. In Laud the title is De 
caims torche^ na nDessi . i . acuis toirge na nDSsse^ while 
Rawl. has the heading Tairired* na nDessi, As is so 
often the case in dealing with Irish texts, it was difficult 
to decide which of the two copies to make the staple of the 
edition, as neither is in every way superior to the other, 
and both correct and supplement each other. The best 
thing undoubtedly would be to do, as Stokes has done with 
Felire Oengusso^ and Windisch with several pieces in the 
Irische Texte, to print both copies in extensoy but this would 
have taken up too much space. I have, therefore, selected 
the Rawlinson text as needing, on the whole, less cor- 
rection than that of Laud, though the latter excels it in 
retaining a more archaic spelling. As regards the text 
itself, the two copies are in the main almost identical, 

^ Tho name of this tribe is preserved by those of the barony of 
D^ecCy CO. Meath; their original homo, and of the two baronies of 
DecieSf co. Waterford. 

^ See Y Cyminrmlory vol. xii, p. 20. 

' T am not sure of tho exact moaning of turch^ (toirt/e). It seems to 
com])ine tho meanings of Gorman Zi/f/ (1) expedition, {2} band, com- 
pany. 

* As to tairired * journeying,' cf. mithid dam-sa toiriredy Book 
of Lismore, fo. 63^ 2. tairired Bdinne, LL. 191a 7. gen. fer tainrid, 
LawSf i, p. 194, 20. 



The Expulsion of the Dessi. 103 

though the single paragraphs are diflFerently arranged. 
The most important variants of Laud are given in the foot- 
notes. Where Laud deviates from Rawlinson I have 
sometimes indicated this in the translation by putting the 
reading of Laud in parenthesis; in a few cases these 
translations have been put at the foot of the page. Towards 
the end of both copies the scribes have become careless, 
and each has blundered in his own way. 

The second and later version of our story, which I will 
call B, deserves a separate publication. So far as I know, 
it has come down to us in three copies, the oldest of which 
is a fragment contained in the Booh of the Dun, pp. 53a — 
646. It has the heading Tucait innarba na nDesi imMumain 
7 aided Gormaic. Its gaps can easily be supplied from two 
later copies, one in H.3. 17, col. 7206 — 723a (entitled Gdechad 
Gormaic i Temraig), the other in H. 2. 15, pp. 67a — 68b 
(Tucaid chdechta Gormaic do Aengus Gaihuaihtheach 7 
aigead Geallaig 7 fotha indarbiha na nDeissi do Muig Breag) . 
The latter MS. preserves a number of poems not contained 
in the other copies. Whether one of the two versions, or 
which of them, is identical with the Tochomlad na nDesi a 
Temraig quoted in the list of tales in D'Arbois de Jubain- 
ville's Gatalogue, p. 263, and with the Longes Eithne 
Uathaige (ib.y p. 171), I cannot say. 

K. M. 



I04 The Expulsion of the Dessi. 



Tairired ria nDessi inso ar a clioibne fri Fotharto ocus 
batar trichdSx, hliadan la Laignm/ 



1. Cethri mate batar la Harttchorb mac Meschuirb . i . 
Brecc 7 Oengus 7 Eochuid' 7 Forad.' Forad dano, mac 
side ct^maile* 7 ni ragaib thir, 7 is he ba siniu" dib. Nert 
coecat immurqu la Hoengus. 

2. Bse dano mac t^t la rig Temrach . i . Conn mac 
Oorbmaic. Gabais laim ingine Foraid® . i . Forach a 
[hjainm 7 f ordoscarastar. Forumai Oengus for a hiarair 
na hingine^, co luid'* hi Temraig. Ni tharraid gabail na 
slabrad batar ar comlaid na slige ;' ar ba h^cen f er cechtar 
a da slabrad side dogres." Confacca achomalta** for dAeis 
maic ind rig. ^ Ni maculammar in clemnas nna sin,' ar 
Oengus." Friscair mac ind rig : * Daimthi dail cuind 
dam-sa!^^ Archena d6ma-su cen co dama-su.' *Nocon 

• 

fodem cetumus,"* ar Oengus. Atr6eraid Oengus [d]in 
tsleig triit.** Bi dano indala slabrad suil ind rig, co 
roemaid^* ina chind." Intan dosreng in sleig adochum. 



Laud 610, fo. 99 b 2.— ^ De causis torche na nD^isi innso . i . acuis 
toirge na nD^isi * Allmuir add. ' Sorad * chumle * a 
sinser ® Soraith ^ luidh Aengus gaibuaibthech lad gaile for iarair 
** conliiid ^ ni tarraid na slabrada batar hi croumlaib in gai 

"^ Z. omits this sentence. ^^ inn ingin '^ ni messe, ol se, conailla 
in clemnas n-isiu " Atberat ris : Daimthi dal cuind do-som inni sein. 
'* ni didam-sa caimme ^^ atnuarith side din tsleig conluith triit . i . 
sleg 7 da slabrad esti 7 triar for each slabrad dib *® corobris " co 
n-ecmoing a hirlond inn-dton in rechtaire co mboi triana chend siar. 
Immalle dorochratar in mac 7 in rechtairi 7 romebaid siiil Cormaic 7 
ni roach tas greim fair, corrocht a theg 7 romarb nonbar do churadaib 
Cormaic occa thafund . i . a dalta leis . i . Core Duibne diatat Corco 
Duibne 7 atrullai sede a giallu. 



The Expulsion of the Dessi. 105 

These are the Wanderings of the Dessi (which are 
put here) because of their kinship with the 
Fothairt \ and they were thirty years in 
Leinster. 

1. Artchorp son of Messchorp had four sons, to wit, 
Brecc and Oengus and Eochuid and Forad.' Forad, 
however, was the son of a bondmaid and did not get any 
land, and he was the eldest of them. Oengus had the 
strength of fifty men. 

2. Now the King of Tara' had a wanton son, to wit, 
Conn* mac Cormaic, who forcibly seized the daughter of 
Forad — Forach was her name — and ravished her. Then 
Oengus set out in search of the girl and went to Tara. He 
did not secure the chains which were on the . . .'of the 
lance ; for a man was needed for each of these two chains 
of his always.' He saw his fosterchild sitting at the right 
hand of the King's son. ^ We have not heard of this new 
alliance,' said Oengus. The King's son answered: ^ Grant 
me the respite of a grown-up person ! In any case, thou 
wilt have to bear it, though thou do not grant it.' ^ To 
begin with, I will not bear it ! ' said Oengus and ran the 
lance through him. Then one of the two chains struck the 
eye of the King, so that it broke in his head; and when he 

^ An account of the tribe of the Fothairt precedes this story in the 
MS. * Sorad, Laud. ' i.e. Cormac mac Airt. * He is called Cellach 
byTigemach (see Reo. Celt.^ xvii, p. 19.) * What the comla (* valve') 
of a lance, to which the chains were affixed may be I do not know ; 
perhaps a ring that would turn round. Nor do I understand the 
croumlaib of Laud. ^ i. e. these chains when taken out would each 
demand the sacrifice of a man. The scribe of H. 2. 15 understands 
this differently ; for he writes : triar fer cacha slabraid ig a tarraing 
* three men were needed- for carrying each chain.' This lance reminds 
one of Maelodran's lance, the Carr Belaig Durgiriy which killed of its 
own accord, or when moved by a demon. See Hibemica Minor a^ p. 81. 



io6 The Expulsion of the DessL 

rodbi fochoir na sleigi triasin deogbaire, conid se conapaid 
prius. Is ama slabradaib tra ba Hoengus Grsebuaibthech a 
ainm-seom. 

3. Is desin rognid Ocheill for Temraig sechtair . i . 
clasa rath la Cormac, conid inte nofoihed som dogres, ar 
ni ba hada ri co n-anim do feis i Temraig. Conid de 
asberar Achell ar Themair n6 ar aicce TemracA, daig na 
faichle bee ar soil ind rig.^ 

4. Bebais mac ind rig 7 dobert Oengus in mnai leis. 

5. Dobert Cormac sluago forsna Deisse 7 romebdatar 
secht catha forthu ria n-Oengus co maccaib a brathar . i . 
Buss 7 Eogan.^ Ba rii Oengus dar eisse mBricc co cenn 
. xl . laithi. Et balobrathair cacA fer iarum, ar ni 
foerlangtar nert ind flatha 7 ind laith gaile 'moal^. Is 
ann asbeir-som : ^ Forasselbthai for rige. Is dech dam-sa 
mo nert fodessin.' 

6. Tecmall ri TemracA firu Herenn forthu 7 ni damair 
cert catha doib, co tarlaicset a thir do. Dolotar iarum co 
Laigniu co Fiachai^ m-Baicceda mac Cathair, co rochart swte 
hii Bairrche remib asa tir 7 fothaigtir na Deisse ann co 



* Ni deochaid ^\diu Cormac hi Temuir, conid i n-Ochaill 
[fo. 100 a 1] ar Themair robiii on uair sin. ^ Doratsat na Ddise 
iarsin secht catha do Chormac. Ba tresiu fortarlin fer nHeirenn 
fadeoid la Cormac. Ba maith cid a cenel-som .i. na nDdise, eland 
Fiachach Soguitte ma/c Feidlimthe Rectoda mate Tuathail 
Techtmair. Oc Dumu Der vaamurgu^ is and celebrait mna na nD^ise 
.i. d^ra fola rotheilcset ic scarad fria tir 7 fria talmuin co brath. 
I mMaig fnair, is and doratsat in cath ddidenach. ^ Is irtinair in 
comrac indossa/ ar Cormac. ^ Bid ed a hainm co brath, Mag 
Innair.* 



The Expulsion of the Dessi. 107 

pulled the lance back, its butt end struck the cup-bearer and 
passed through him so that he died the first." It was from 
the chains that his name was Oengus of the Dread Lance. 

3. Hence AchailP was built by the side of Tara, that 
is to say, a rath was dug by Cormac in which he would 
always sleep; for it was not lawful for a king with a 
blemish to sleep in Tara. Hence is said Achaill by Tara 
(or near Tara), on account of the care {faichill) taken of 
the eye of the Eling. 

4. The King's son died, and Oengus took the woman 
away with him. 

5. Cormac sent hosts against the Dessi, who were 
routed in seven battles under the leadership of Oengus and 
his brother's^ sons, to wit, Russ and Eogan. To the end of 
forty days Oengus was king after Brecc, and then every 
man murmurs,* for they could not endure the combined 
power of the prince and the champion together. It is 
then he said: 'Take possession (?) of the kingship! My 
own strength is best for me.' 

6. The King of Tara gathered the men of Ireland 
against them, and did not grant them fair fight, so that 
they left his land to him. Then they went into Leinster 
to Fiachu Bacceda, Bon of Cathair, who drove the Hui 
Bairrche for them out of their land ; and there the Dessi 
were settled until the time of Crimthann, son of Enna 



^ So that its butt-end struck the forehead of the steward and came 
out at the back of his head. A.t the same time did the son and the 
steward fall and Cormac's eye was broken ; and they could not lay 
hold of him, so that he reached his house. And he killed nine of 
Cormac's warriors as they were pursuing him, and his fosterson was 
with him, to wit. Core Duibne (from whom are the Corco Duibne), who 
had escaped from hostageship — Laud. ^ Now the Hill of Skreen. 

^ i.e. Brace. * For balobrathair read folabrathair, 3rd sing. pres. 
ind. of folabrur. 



io8 The Expulsion of the Dessi. 

haimsir Crimthaiwd maic Ennse Ceinselaigr maic Labrada 
male Bresail Belai^ maic FiachacA Baicceda.^ 

7. Dorala Isech" amra la hu' Bairrchi . i . Eochu 
Guinech mac Oengusa, co rosglan side dia thir.* Berthiti« 
Crimthand mac Ennse i n-Aird Ladrann fodes' immirge na 
n-Deisse, conid de ata Tir na Himmergi 7 Aes na Him- 
mergi o shein ille. 



8. Mell ingen Embraind ben Crimthaind bert mocco 
do Chrimthund 7 atbath Mell iar suidiu. Ocus dobreth 
Cuiniu ingen Embraind do iarum.® Ber^ Cuimu ingin do 
. i . Eithne UathacA. Bse Bri mac Bairceda in drui isin 
dun in n-aidchi^ rogenair Eithne. [fo. 726, 1] *Ind ingen 
rogenair** innocht,' ar Bri, ' rosfessatar** fir Herenn uili*° 7 
ardaig na hingine sin gebait a mathre in tir artrefat/* 
AmaiZ atchualatar" som coir in sceoil sin lasin dniid," co 
mbad tria chumachtu na hingine nogebtais forbbse,'* ros- 
altatar" for carnaib^® mac mbec co mbad luath no-assad." 
Is de ba Heithne Uathach a hainm-se, ardaig nos-aigtis in 
meicc bice." 



^ Rodlomtha tra co mbatar occ Hard na nDdise hi crich Laighen 
for Mag Liffe. Fiacho Baicceda 'vavnurgu mac Cathair Moir, is h6 
ba righ in inbaid sin hil-Laignib. Cart side Au Barrche rempu assa 
tir 7 suidigestar na Dt^isse and. Rothrebsat and co haimsir Grimthain 
mtc Censelaig mtc Endai Labrada mic Bresail Belaig mic Fiachach 
Bacceda. Is 'na haimsir-side tollotar na Deisse for longais. * Robui 
oclach ' d'uib * tir {sic leg.) ^ berthus Crimthan mac 

Censelaich issind Aird fodeissin. ® Bert Meld ingen Ernbuimd 
maccu do-side. O rodamuir side dobreth Annu ingen Er[n]bruind 
dobert side oenmgen (sic) do . i . Ethne a hainm '' Biii 
Brl faith mtc Bairchetia isin diin ind adaich sin ^ gignathar 
® rofessatar ^° om, L. '^ Is tria chumachta gebaid am-mathre 
thir arattrefat co brath ^^ rochualatar '' faith ^* tir 

^ ^ nosgabatsom 7 nosnaltatar ^^ feolaib '^ luathite a forbairt 

"* ar donaigtis na mate becca. 



The Expulsion of the DessL 109 

Censelach, son of Labraid, son of Bressal Belach, son of 
Fiachu Bacceda. 

7. There chanced to be a famous warrior with the Hui 
Bairrchi, to wit, Eochu Guinech, son of Oengus/ and he it 
was who drove them out of their land. Then Crimthann, 
son of Enna, sent the wandering host of the Dessi to Ard 
Ladrann southward, whence the Land of the Wandering 
Host and the Folk of the Wandering Host have been so 
called ever since. 

8. Meld, the daughter of Embrand, the wife of 
Crimthand, bore sons to Crimthand and then died, where- 
upon Cuiniu, the daughter of Ernbrand, was married to 
him. 

Cuiniu bore him a daughter, even Ethne the Dread. 
In the night when Ethne was bom Bri, the druid, son of 
Bairchid," was in the stronghold. ' The maiden that has 
been bom to-night,- said Bri, 'all the men of Ireland 
shall know her, and on account of this maiden her mother's 
kindred will seize the land on which they shall dwell.' 
When they heard the truth of that story from the druid, 
that it was through the power of the maiden that they 
would obtain inheritance, they reared her on the flesh of 
little boys that she might grow quickly.^ Hence Ethne 
the Dread was her name, for the little boys dreaded her. 



^ Cf. Crimthand mac Emiae. Eocho guinech ri \nXa mBarrchi, 
mac a mgini f^in, rosmarb, LL. 39 b. 

'^ Cf. Bri mac Baircheda, LL. 197 a 3. 

' the quicker. — Land, 



1 1 o The Expulsion of the Dessi, 

9. Is e a senathair in druad sin dano rochachain^ a 
n-imthechta doib hie tuidecht atuaid hi cath Truisten.'* 
Is ann asbei-t: 'Ni o Temair dochumlaid ticid ticid doth- 
aide gluind mara cotobcatha crethit cetnaanad tuidecht do 
mac Daurtheeht deircthe Eo^n sceo echta seen macco 
EchacA^ Airiman Artt ero Corp coitual eel eiehsit datf iannse 
im Fiiidchad mac Niod atroinne noifidir ruthit min mairfitit 
coicthe rann Dil diairithe Lethe Laidcind ilar lentht«« diacoi 
crochse inarfit Dil nad flathit^ gaile genithar gaibthiut co 
firu Fochlse ifaitse dosclich doarnid arM« mac Meschuirb 
mogifhar dalsus condesil fidgella forderga ordd araserb slas 
ninde mac nDega diagraif arrigthiti* rige os cacA^ ros codi- 
diandesingar ar Ros mac Feochair feig falnathar cotafodlaib 
fergair cain iamitha mac Riath rascthiw* itreichnimi 
conoid ni.' Ni.' 

10. Ticht* tra o Chormac i n-diaid mac mBric . i . 
Ros 7 Eogan, co ndigsitis afrithisi co Cormac. Amat7 
rochuala Oengus, asbert friu :' ' In fir,' ar se, ^ tuidecht 
fri himmarchur sid 7 chorse frib-se ? [' Fir/]" ol seat. 
^ Ronbia slan cacA neich dorigensam^ 7 ronbiat da 
chutrumma ar tire liar tir fodesin** 7 og corse co brath.* 



' dicachain * o chath Druissen oc tuidecht antueth ' Nitho * 

Themuir dochumlith ticith dofaiteth gluind mair conib cath 
crechtnigther aratuitet da m«c Durthacht dercth?/« echen sceo ech- 
de sceo n\ac mair-Echach ere maine ard ere corba m«ccu delchidechsit 
dodareim Findchath mac Nlathait no Endi rofitir ruithid find niar- 
fithid coderaind Dil dia rathus Lithi Ladcend hilar lentus dia 
ChondochtiB norbe dal nad lathugaile gainethur gaibidith co firo 
Foi'jhle hi foidse dosfeth tus ar dith arus innc Meschuirp mogethar 
dalsf/^ condeisel ditafind gola folt forderga ord tera serbsi as indin 
indinw dega grisas rigth?/« rigib os cech rus condirannais ingair arus 
mac mrMc Fechuir fech fellnatar contofodli fergair conamith mac Niath 
naiscthiis hi ^trena hi triach none conoethu nithu Ni o Themuir 
dochumlit. ^ Tohet ' dot^it co maccu [fo. 100 a 2] a brathar dia 
n-acallttini. " sic L. ^ do neoch dongnisiu ** da tir lar tir 



The Expulsion of the Dessi, 1 1 1 

9. Now, it was that druid's grandfather, who had sung 
their wanderings to them as they went from the north to 
the battle of Truistiu/ 'Tis then he said: ^Not from 
Tara, &c." 



10. Then messengers were sent from Cormac after the 
sons of Brecc, even Buss and Eogan, that they should 
come back to Cormac. When Oengus heard that, he said 
to them: ^Is it true,' said he, Hhat they have come on an 
errand of peace' and treaty with you?' ^It is true,' said 
they. 'We are to be absolved of everything that we have 
done, and we are to have twice as much again as our own 
land, together with our own land and full peace till 
Doom.^ 'Do not do it,' said Oengus, 'leave me not alone ! 



' Or, perhaps, ' at the Ford (ic dth) of Tniistiu.' 

' In the present state of our knowledge of Old-Irish it is impos- 
sible to understand more than an occasional word or phrase in these 
rhapsodical compositions. A comparison of the two versions shows 
how little they were understood by the scribes themselves. 

• Cf . do immarchor chdre, Wb. 6 a 6. 



112 The Expulsion of the Desst. 

• 

* Na^ denid/ ar Oengus, ^ nadimfacbaid-se'' m'oenur ! Eo- 

forbia^ da trian in* tire araglainfem/ Remthus' do for 

clannaib for mo chlainn-se co brath. Ocus mo chlann-sa 

do dul i cath 7 hi crich ria cacA 7 do bith fodeoid ic 

tudecht a crich.^ Ocus co n-irglantar tir remib.® NacA- 

imfacbaid-se !' Dorigset" iarum anisin 7 dobretha" fir" 

fris . i . fir ciche 7 gruaide, nime 7 talman^ grene 7 esca, 

druchta 7 daithe, mara 7 tire. 

11. Luid Eochaid mac Arttchuirp dar muir cona 
chlaind hi crich Demed," conidanu atbathatar'' a mate 7 a 
hui. Conid dib cenel Crimthaind allae,^* diata Tualodor 
mac Elgin maic Catacuind maic Caittienn maic Clotenn 
maic Nsee maic Artuir maic Retheoir maic Congair maic 
Gartbuir maic Alchoil maic Trestin maic Aeda Brosc maic 
Corath maic EchacA Almuir maic Arttchuirp.^* 



12. Dobert Cormac hua Cuind breic im [d]a milid 
Oengusa ind rig^** . i . Grainne 7 Moinne, diatat^^ Granraige 
7 Moinrige. Atberthi^** uad f ri cechtar de i n-ecmais" araile : 
* Is bee do brig lat rig, a Grainne.*® Ni tabar hi cosmailius 
fri Moinne nGall.*^ Asbered a chummat cetna fri Moinne. 
Et asbetr stcie fri Oengus: ^Dia nomthabarthar-sa** hi 



^ nach ^ nachamfacbaidHsi ' robarbiat ^ om.L * aran- 
glanfam ® tiis ^ essi ^ corroglantar tlr duib ' dogniat 

>® dobretha with punctum delens under a — L, ** fer add, L, 
^* Demeth ^* robo marbh 7 ** Grimihain alle " Taulodar 
mac Rigind mtc Catien mtc Clothieun mtc No^ mtc Artuir mtc Petuir 
mtc Congair mtc Goirtiben mtc Alcon mtc Tresund mtc Aeda mto 
Brosc mtc Corach mtc Echdach AHmair mtc Airtchuirp. '® br^ic im 
dunuth oenguill ind rig (sic) ^^ diata ^^ asbreth ^' i n-^cndairg 
(cmrected out q/'ecndairt) ^ a Gronfir ** co n-4rbrad hi cosmai/tM 
fri Moinne nChJl '* dia nomtarta-sa 



The Expulsion of the Dessi. 1 1 3 

Tou shall have two thirds of the land which we shall clear, 
precedence to your children over my own children till 
Doom, and my own children to go to battle and across the 
border before every one, and to be the last to come out 
of the enemy's land. And they shall clear the land before 
you. Do not leave me!' Then they did that, and truth 
was pledged for it, to wit, truth of breast and cheek, of 
heaven and earth, of sun and moon, of dew and drop, of 
sea and land. 

11. Eochaid, son of Artchorp, went over sea with his 
descendants into the territory of Demed, and it is there 
that his sons and grandsons died. And from them is the 
race of Crimthann over there, of which is Teudor son of 
Begin, son of Catgocaun, son of Cathen, son of Cloten, 
son of Nougoy, son of Arthur, son of Petr, son of Cincar, 
son of Guortepir, son of Aircol, son of Triphun, son of 
Aed Brosc,* son of Corath, son of Eochaid Allmuir, son of 
Artchorp. 

12. Cormac, the grandson of Conn, played a trick 
upon two soldiers of Oengus the King, to wit, Grainne and 
Moinne, from whom Granraige and Moinrige are so called. 
He caused it to be said to either of them in the absence of 
the other : ^ Small is thy esteem with thy king, Grainne. 
Thou art not deemed worthy to be compared to Moinne 
the Gull.' The same thing was said to Moinne. Then 
the latter said to Oengus: ^If I am put in comparison 
with Grainne, I shall put this spear through thee.' When 
Cormac knew the order of the watch which would come 



^ As Zimmer has shown {Nennius Vind., p. 88) this is the Ewein 
Vreisc of Teudos' pedigree in the Jesus College MS. 20, fo. S5b. I 
have restored the Welsh forms of the names according to Anscombe's 
Indexes to Old-Welsh Genealogies, Archiv, fur celt, Lexikographie^ 
i, pp. 187-212. 

I 



1 1 4 The Expulsion of the Dessi. 

cubes fri Grainne, dob^-sa in sleig se triut-su/ rafitir 
Cormac ord na haire dodasicfad a ndis i n-oenaidchi 
immoalle. It he rotheilcset slog fair inna dun 7 rongeguin 
indara de 7 roort mac a brathar 'moalle fris.* 

13. Dosbert Crimthann i n-Ard Ladrann iarsain. Et 
d [o] coirsetar maic Crimtham cocad f risna Deisse* . i . Eochu, 
is e rogab doib in ndarbre cona f renaib (sic) 7 doscartsat 
im-maidm as hi tir n-Osairge. 

14. Imaittreib doib alia aniar hi Commur Tri n-Usc^ 
hir-rind tire Tigemaich.' Ardosfaicce* ri Osraige matan 
moch iar ndenam a n-aittreib.' *Is mili tige 7 mile 
ndethac^ ani thall/ ar se. Is de asberar Milidach.' 
Gebtait forn (sic). Atasaigid hi tenid, loiscitir a nhuile 
aittreba^ 7 nistalla leo thiar iarsuidiu.^ Doloingset as 7 
dothaegat iar" muir siar, co n-gabsat i nHirchuilind tiar,*° 



15. [fo. 726, 2] Isind aimsir sin ba marb ben Oengusa 
maic Nadfraich rig Caisir', et dothat nech uad do 
thochmarc na hingine cucco, ar robsB Eithne moalle friu- 
som thiar. Atrogell Oeiigus a tri rinnroisc di. Batar se 
a tri rindroisc . i . faithchi Chaissil"* o Luaisc co Caissel do 



* Ar rofitir Cormac ord n-aire nachommaitethe rofitir donticfad 
oenadaig immole side. Tulldicset slog fair inna dun 7 goguin indole 
he 7 Imirt mac a brathar immollo. * Inn uair ropo marb Crimthan 
mac ConBolaiff, dogensat Lagin coccad friu-som. ' O rofitir Ossuirge 
immarthrub alle aniar fri Comur tri n-Uisci ir-rind tire EchacA 
^ atchi ^ atniib " Is mile tigo ani thall, ol se, conid desin 
rohainmniged Milithach. "^ huile in att-[fo. 100b 2] ruib " nistall 
thair hisuidiu " dothiagat tar "^ tiar thoss ^' hi Gaisiul. 

Ardrig Gaisil 7 Muman hoside ^'^ Is mo inrasc-sa 6m ol si, 

faithchi Ghaisil. 



The Expulsion of the Dessi, 1 1 5 

to them on the same night together ' 'Tis 

they who let in a host upon him in his fortress, and one 
of them wounded him, and his brother's son was slain 
together with him. 

13. Thereupon Crimthann sent them into Ard 
Ladrann. And after the death of Crimthann, his sons 
made war upon the Dessi ; and one of them, Eochu, took 
the oak with its roots to them.'' And in a rout they drove 
them out into the land of Ossory.' 

14. There in the east by the meeting of the Three 
Waters* on a point of the land of Tigemach* they dwelt. 
Early one morning, after they had built their dwel- 
lings, the King of Ossory saw them. ^Yonder,' he said, 
^are a thousand houses (miJa %e) and a thousand 
smokes.' Hence Miledach® is so-called. He put fire 
to them,' and all their dwellings are burnt. After that 
there was no pla<;e for them in the east to stay in. 
They fared forth and went along the sea westward until 
they settled in Irchuilenn in the (south-) west. 

1 5. At that time the wife of Oengus son of Nadfraich, 
King of Cashel, died, and a messenger was sent by him to 
the Dessi to woo the maiden Ethne, for she had been with 
them in the west. Oengus promised her three wishes. 
These were her three wishes, to wit, that the meadow land 



^ Something seems omitted here. 

^ This seems an idiom, which I cannot explain. Cf. crothais d6ib 
dairbre ndaU, Jr. Texte^ i, p. 108, 4. 

' The ancient kingdom of Ossory comprised nearly the whole of 
the present county Kilkenny as well as the baronies of Upper Woods, 
Glandonagh and Clarmallagh in Queen's County. 

* The meeting of the rivers Suir, Nore and Barrow near Waterford. 

* Eochu, Latid, 

* A place near the Meeting of the Three Waters. Cf. commor 
immar Milidach, LL. 44 b 9. 

^ Cf. adachtatar in crich hi tenid, LU. 65 a 12. 

i2 



1 1 6 The Expulsion of the Dessi. 

thabairt di 7 a maithriu do airisem ann. Et in cenel 
nothogfaitis^ do aurglanad rempu 7 a dilsi doib in tiri sin. 
Et comsaire doib frisna teora Heoganachta Muman . i . 
E [o] gonacht Raithlind 7 EoganacA^ Locha Lein 7 EoganacA^ 
Hua Fidgeinti* co n-Huib Liathain. 



16. Togait' iarum na Deisse Osair^i do aurglanad 
rempu* 7 do chocad' friu. Lotar da druid lasna Deisse . i . 
Drong' et Cecht.' Bse dawo drui la Hosair^iw . i . Dil 
mac Hui Chrecca, 7 roptar daltai doswte druid na n-Deisse. 
Dobertsat na Deisse secht catha do Osair^ift 7 romaidset 
na secht catha sin ria n-Osair^i forsna DeissiV hi Lethet 
Laidcind i n-Ard Chatha.® 

17. Dobreth Eithne Uathach iarsin comairle dia 
meithre . i . dula^° co cenn adchomairc Human, co fath- 
brithemain" Casil, co [Lugaid] Laigde Cose, conid he 
roscobair tria gaes 7 trebaire." Ba he ba brithem do 
Chorccu Laigde. Ar robee^' imthus do^* Chorccu Laigdi 7 do 
Eoganacht hi Caissiul" . i . intan nobid ri do Chorccu 
Laig(2i, nobid brithem do EoganocA^. Oengus mac Nad- 
fraich ba ri in tan sin 7 Lugaid Laigcfi Cosc^' ba brithem. 

' dongoetais ' 7 comsoere doib fri rig teora ndEoganachta 
Muman .1. ri Raithlind 7 ri Lochrce 7 rihuad {sic) Fidgenti ' togdatar 
* rembi ' do chath " Droch '' do sil maccu Crecca add, X. 
^ for na Ddisse ® il leith Ladcind . i . Art. Asb^^t araile is 
XXX. cath ^^ Is and airlestar Ethne Huathach dona D^isib dia 
haitib dul doib *^ brithem ^'^ Luigith Core (*ic), is he nodairlestar 
ar a gals 7 ar a threbairi. ^' ata ^* etir ^' o aimsir Darine 7 
Dercthine, a britliomna do chlandaib Luighdech 7 rigi do chlandaib 
Aiighim {s{c)y rigi da;/o do chlandaib Liiigdech 7 brithemnas do 
chlandaib Auluiin, co roimchhi lith ifuctsa rige dogr^s hi clnnnaib 
[fo. 101 b 1] Auluim 7 breithemn^^« dogr^ la clandaib Luighdech. 
^^ Luigith Cose. 



The Expulsion of the DessL 1 1 7 

of Cashel from Luasc to Cashel be given to her, for her 
mother's kindred to dwell there, that the tribe which they 
would choose should clear the land before them, which 
should then belong to them; and that they should be as 
free as the three Eoganacht of Munster, to wit, the Eogan- 
acht of Raithlenn, the Eoganacht of Loch Lein and the 
Eoganacht of the Hui Fidgenti together with the Hui 
Liathain. 

16. Then the Dessi chose the people of Ossory to be 
cleared out before them and to fight against. There were 
two druids with the Dessi, to wit, Drong and Cecht; and 
there was also a druid with those of Ossory, Dil, the 
descendant of Crecca, and the druids of the Dessi had been 
foster-sons of his. The Dessi fought seven battles with 
the men of Ossory at Lethet Laidcind in Ard Catha,^ in 
all of which they were routed by the men of Ossory. 

17. Then Ethne the Dread advised her mother's kins- 
folk to go to the chief counsellor of Munster, the seer- judge 
of Cashel, Lugaid Laigde Cose. He by his wisdom and 
prudence helped them. He was judge to the Corco Laigdi. 
For there had been an interchange between the Corco 
Laigdi and the Eoganacht* in Cashel (from the time of 
Darfine and Dercthine), to wit, whenever there was a king 
of the Corco Laigdi, there was a judge of the Eoganacht. 
Oengus, son of Nadfraich, was king at that time, and 
Lugaid Laigde Cose was judge. 

^ Others say there were thirty battles. — Laud. 

" Between the children of Lugaid and the children of (Ailill) Olum. 
— JLaud. 



ii8 The Expulsion of the Dessi. 

18. Tiagait maithi na nDeisse 7 Eithue Huathach leo 
CO \j\xgaid} Cose 7 asberat fris: ^Ronfoire' im chobair 
diin.' Rotbia tir linni dar a eisse cen chis, cen chongabail,* 
cen diinad^ cen biathad, 7 ni thiefam dar cert ar do chlaind 
CO brath/* Naidmthir® fir n-Oengussa 7 fir n-Eithne 7 fir 
flatha na nDeisse fri sodain. ^Congraid for ndruide 
dam-sa/ ar Luga-icT Cose, . i . Droch 7 Checht. Congraitea'* 
do, et dobretha di muinnir . i . da phaitt doib,® hit e lana 
do fin. Dobreth doib-sium a tirib Gall 7 biad Gall lais, ar 
ba mescamai{ sobruige inti nocliaithed.^° ^ Berid in fricill^* 
se do for n-aite 7 apraid fris at f orn-aithrig do debaidfris." 
Et berid tecosc" dia ingin iar n-ol ind finse.' 



914 



19. Dorigset amlaid.^* Et arfofet Dil" in fricill^' 7 
roscar-som ind ingen 7 ro-oslaid in fuiriud rempu." Dall 
da^diu in Dil." Rochomairc ind ingen d6 ar belaib a dalta 
isin tan ba mesc." ^ A mo sruith,^ ar ind ingen, * ini bia 
tesargain" na nDeisse indorsa ?'" * Biaid amse,'" ar Dil, 
^mad i n-urd turcbad grtan foraib 7 na robeotais 7 na 
roruibtis necli ann. Ar inti bifas no genfas nech do slog 
araile immarac^ ar thus^ noco n-aittrefa in tir sin^ co 



* Luigith ^ Tonfairne ' a Lugith add. * chongbail • 7 
ni thesseba a chert co brath ^ adguiter ^ Gairthir dam-sa tra, 
ar Lugith, bar ndruidi •* congairter * doboir da muinirlana doib 
'° biath na nOall laiss 7 it he nohithed a bargin namma. ^* Berith 
inso '^ abraid is he bar n-aithrech debuid fris '' teco3C 

^^ tria mesci in fina iama ol ^^ Dogensat som ani sein ^® som 
*^ nisreccoll {sic) ^^ cartait som in ingin Dil 7 asoelc a forud remib 
'" ropu dall Dil '^^ ni chuingen ba frit comairc ind ingen o ropo 
mesc ar belaib a da dalta ^* im bui tosorcud ^^^ innosa *'bai, 
a muinecan ^* mad mattain foraib imbarach ni urd 7 ni fuibitis 
nech n-and. Ar inti on gontar nech imbarach ni aitreba a tir so 



The Expulsion of the Dessu 1 1 $ 

18. The nobles of the Dessi, and Ethne the Dread 
with them, went to Lugaid Cose and said to him: 'Help 
us ! Thou shalt have land with us for it without rent, 
without seizure, without levy of host or food, nor 
shall we ever trespass against thy descendants.' The 
truth of Oengus and of Ethne and of the princes of the 
Dessi is pledged for this. 'Call your druids to me,' said 
Lugaid Cose, 'even Droch and Cecht.' They were called 
to him, and they gave them two jars full of wine, which had 
been brought to them^ from the lands of Gaul, together 
with food of Gaul ; for he who would eat and drink it 
would be intoxicated and sober (at the same time). ' Take 
this gift to your tutor and say to him that ye repent of 
fighting against him. And he will instruct his daughter 
after he has drunk the wine.' 

19. They did so. And Dil accepted the gift, and 
the girl divided it and opened (?) .... before 
them.^ Dil, however, was blind. Then, when he was 
drunk, the maiden asked him before his two foster-sons : 
'0 my venerable (father)' said she, 'will there be rescue 
for the Dessi now?' ^Indeed, there ivill be,' said Dil, 'if 
the sun rise upon them in battle-order and they slay and 
wound no one. For he who will first slay or wound any 
one of the other host to-morrow morning, shall not 
inhabit this land till Doom.' ' Perhaps there will be no 



^ t.e., to Oengus and Lugaid, as Raw!, indicates by the insertion of 
marks of reference over ddib-sium and the two names. 

* I do not know yf\iB.tforud or fuiriud may mean. Perhaps it is 
0'Clery*8 fuireadh . i . ullmhughadh. 



1 20 The Expulsion of the Dessi. 

brath.* * Bess ni hin^ad anisin," ar ind ingen, ardaig 
CO cloistis na gillse. *Dia mbeind hi ccemthecht na 
nDesse,* nodolbfaind^ boin deirg do duiniu 7 nogonfaitis 
Osairgi, in boin sin."* 

20. Mosdailet an druid* cosna Deissib fochetoir 
fothuaid do Cliasiul 7 doberat na Dessi leo co m-batar i 
n-urd matan moch iarnabarach." Astuat tenid' cairthind 
ann 7 foidit a diaid sair co Hosairgib. Tecait* Osairyi 
iarum co Hinneoin 7 fucairthir la Dil na rorubtha 7 na 
robeota nech dona Deissib ann.® Dolbait dano druid na 
n-Deisse aithech^° hi richt bo dergce" . i . Dochet a anmain," 
ar soire dia chlaind dogr^s. Teit iarum ina ndaiP' 7 cot- 
meil foraib 7 giallaid gail 7 gonair forsind ath fri Indeoin 
aniar." Is de asberar Ath Bo Deirge. Conid iarum 
adchonncatar co mba^' colann duine iama guin. 



21. Maitte for Ossairgfit sair co Handobru** (sic) 7 
imsoat Ossairgfi a sain 7 doberat a mbiu^' 7 am-marbu coema 
i n-airther Eatha sair."* Maidte foraib atherruch o Andobur 



^ Boss ni goiitar om ^ Mad mo bad chend athchomairc 

laisna {sic) D^sib ^ nodoilfind ^ nosgonfatis Ossirge. 

^ Tochumlat iarsain in da driiith ^ Tosborat co mba mattin 

foraib i n-urd ^ attait tonti " Totot » [f o. 101b 2] Focairthor 
o Dil arna rogonta nech ann dona D<588ib ^° sonaithech and dona 
D^isib ^^ mailo add. '* Dochoth a hainm '• Teit dochum in 
tshluaig sair ^ * Cid dognither thiar innossa, a gillai ? or Dil. Tene 
do fhatog 7 bo dorg do thelcud forsin n-ath aniar. Ni ba hi ma moni 
ar so. Na gonat ind fhir in boin, ar se. Noslecet seccu. Nosgonait 
gillai na n-ech iama ciil 7 lecit gair impo. Cissi gdir so, a gillai P or 
se. Inna gillai oc guin na bo. Fe f o anidi ! or 8(5. Mo charput dam ! 
arse. A hord slaitir Indooin. ^^ corbo ^^^ Ilandobor '^ boritt 
a n-aithbiu ^^ condicce airther R4tha Machuthnoe for brii Andobor 



The Expulsion of the Dessi. 1 2 1 

slaying then/ said the girl, so that the young men should 
hear it. * If I were in the company of the Dessi, I should 
by magic shape a man into a red cow, so that the men of 
Ossory would kill that cow.' 

20. Forthwith the druids repair northward to Cashel to 
the Dessi and take them with them in battle-order early 
on the next morning. They light a fire of rowan there 
and send its smoke eastward into Ossory. Thereupon the 
men of Ossory come to Inneoin, and it was proclaimed by 
Dil that no one of the Dessi should be slain or wounded 
there. But the druids of the Dessi formed an old serf, 
Docheth by name, into the shape of a red (hornless) cow, 
promising freedom to his descendants for ever. Then the 
cow went to encounter the men of Ossory and flings 

herself upon them, and ^ and is killed at the 

ford^ westward of Inneoin,' whence the Ford of the Red 
Cow is so called. And then they saw it was the body of 
a man that had been slain. 

21. The men of Ossory were routed eastward as far 
as the Andobur,* and there they turn and take their 

^ I do not know what giallaim gail may mean. As Strachan 
points out to me, the phrase seems a corruption of gdelaim gaily which 
occurs in Salt, na Hann, I. 6167. Laud gives a more detailed account : 

* What are they doing in the west now, my lads ? ' said Dil. * They 
are kindling a fire and letting a red cow into the ford from the west.' 
' That is not my work. Do not let the men kill the cow ! ' said he. 
They let her go past them. But the horse-boys behind their back 
kill her and raise a shout. * What shout is that, my lads ? ' said Dil. 

* The horseboys are slaying the cow.* * Woe is me ! * said Dil. 

* Bring me my chariot.' 

' This must be a ford on the river Suir. 

' Also called Indeoin na n D^ssi, now Mullach Indeona, a townland 
near Clonmel. See O'Don. F.M. a.d. 852. 

* This I take to be the river Anner, a tributary of the Suir, co. 
Tipperary. It is called Anniiir by Keating (Gaelic League Series of 
Irish TexU, I, p. 204). 



122 The Expulsion of the Dessi, 

CO Lainnen.^ Na hothurbi* forfacabsat Ossatrgri i 
n-airthiur Ratha rosgegnatar^ na Desse oc tintud* anair. 
Is de ata BelacA. n-Eca iar' fiad Batha. 



22. Eannait iaruin na Dessi i cetrib rannaib na tiri 
sin." Cach clann tarraid in cethramaid sin, ata a chuit 
isin tir.'^ Coeca toirgi lasna Dessib, a .xxu.** [fo. 73a, 1] 
dib tarthatar raind 7 a .xxu.** aile na° tartliatar 7 is dona 
toirgib sin is ainm Dessi, ar it e fil fo chis^° 7 dligud 7 
bothachas^^ na nDeisse^* dona flaithib . i . do Dail FiachacA 
Suidge 7 ni hainm doib-side Deisse. CacA^^ longas tra rofitir 
Eithne HuathacA la Herind dosreclam" cosna Deisse, fobith 
nodigbaitis^* Dal FiachacA Suidge isna^^ cathaib mencib. 



23. Do thoirgib na nDessi inso sis. 
Dobert" Semuin^'* di TJltaib cucu, diatat Semuine.'" 



Dobert cuco Nemungin^° di Huaithnib . 1 . diatat Nechtarge. 



^ conod hi sein in choicrich co brath etir na Deisi 7 Ossoirge. Amail 
ossa, is amiaid rorathatar ass. Is de ata Ossoirgi foraib 7 rofaithaigset 
na Dosi inna tir co brath. ' na hothair ' nosgognatar * im- 

pud ' hi ® Ronnit a cetraind tire hi sein ' Nach duine 

tarnaid in cetraind sin, ata a chuit ar a raind sin. " cuic 

fichct " nach ^^ deisis " bodagas ** na n Deisse oiw. L. 

"nach ** dosfuido '' arcrunad *" isnaib '^ TobrtV 

^•^ Semon mac Oongusa mate Cel[t]chair vaaic Iluithechair *® Semoni 
'^^ Nemongen mac Nechtain 



The Expulsion of the DessL 1 23 

wounded and their dead nobles into the front part of Rath 
Machuthnoe^ (on the bank of the Andobur) in the east. 
Again they were routed from the Andobur to the 
Lainnen,* (which is the boundary between the Dessi and 
the men of Ossory till Doom. They ran away like deer 
(p%%a)^ As the Dessi were returning from the east they 
killed the wounded men whom those of Ossory had left 
behind in the front part of the fortress. Hence the Boad 
of Death along the front^ of the fortress is so called. 

22. Thereupon the Dessi divide those lands into four 
parts. Each family which came into this first division has 
its share in the land. There are fifty septs among the 
Dessi, of whom twenty-five got a share, while the other 
twenty-five did not ; and the former are called Dessi, for 
it is they who are under rent and law and hut-tax* to the 
princes, viz. to the Division of Fiachu Suidge, and the 
latter are not called Dessi. Every exiled band, however, 
of which Ethne the Dread knew in Ireland, she gathered 
to the Dessi, because the Division of Fiachu Suidge had 
been diminished in so many battles. 

23. Of the septs of the Dessi. 
She brought Semon (son of Oengus, son of Celtchar, son 

of TJthechar) of the men of Ulster to them (with 150 

men) from whom are the Semuine.* 
She brought to them Nemongen (son of Nechtan) of the 

Uaithni, with fifty men, from whom are the Nechtarge, 

^ Not identified. 

^ This is the river now called Lingaun (from Mod. Ir. Lainnean) 
which forms the boundary between the barony of Iffa and Oflfa East 
and that of Iverk. 

' Here I take^a^ (W. gwydd) to be the noun which has passed 
into the nominal preposition ^ttc? * coram.' 

^ bothachas (bodagasj^ the tax payed by a bothach or * hut-dweller, 
cottar.' 

^ Gf. LL. 331c : Glann Sem diatat Semni na nDesi. 



124 The Expulsion of the Dessu 

Dobert^ cuco tri macco Lu^dacA* Cosca britheman Corco 

Laigdi a Cassiul. 1 ? 
Tri ch6icait dano do thrib maccaib Oengupa mate 'Derhchon 

maic Gormaic Uipjatai, de quibus Mechain.* 

Coeca do maccaib Feideilmid Brufir/ de quibus'' Bruirige, 
Coeca do maccaib Odro/ de quibus Odraige.* 

Nonbur di maccaib Ditha do Emaib, de quibus® Corco 

Ditha. 
Get IsBch luid Benta in t-eces" di TJltaib, de quo® Bent- 

raige. 
Nonbur do maccaib Conaill maic Neill, de quo' Condrige.'° 

'Nonbur do maccaib Suird maic Mugdomaj Duib, de quo 

Sordraige." 
Nonbwr do maccaib Munigblae maic MugdomsB Dwift," de 

quibus® Duibrige. Maic ingine Briuin in sin. 



• ix . do maccaib MugdomaB Cerbfir do Chairige/* 

• ix . do maccaib Laidir maic Firchi do Ladraige.^* 

Tri nonbwir do Oengus Pirgabrse mac Conaire maic Messi 
Buachalla do Gabraige." 

^ Dob«> ^ Luigdech ^ Tri choicait lin Somoin, coica lin 

mrtccu Luigdech, coica lin niffccu Nemongin. * Coica liech do 

mcrccaib Oengusa Darcon maic Cormaicc Aulfata dal maic 
Con. * Feidlimthi Bniirir ® diata ' Bni nd 

Odro E. di Hiiltaib add. L. ^ Odrige "^ C6t leech 

lin hue mflric Bind ind ecis ^° Conrigo ** Soirt maic Doima 
diata Sorthrige '^ Muindigbloa maic Maugdomo) diata Loch 
Muindig hi tirib Maugdornw ^^ Nonbur do maccaib Cerir maic 
MugdorniB diata Ciarraige. '* Nonbur do maccaib Latfir diatat 
Lattrige . i . maic Fir Cooch ^^ diatat Ghibrigo 



The Expulsion of the DessL 125 

She brought to them the three sons of Lugaid Cose, judge 

of the Corco Laigdi, from Cashel, with fifty men. 
Next, 150 men of the three sons of Oengus, son of 

Derbchu (Oengus Darchu), son of Cormac tJlfata, de 

quibus Meehain (Dal Maic Chon). 
Fifty men of the sons of Fedilmid Brufer, de quibus 

Brurige. 
Fifty men of the sons of Odro, from Ulster, de quibus 

Odraige. 
Nine men of the sons of Dith, of the Erainn, de quibus 

Corco T>itha. 
A hundred warriors was the number of the descendants of 

Benta (Mac Bind), the poet from Ulster, de quo Bentraige. 
Nine men of the sons of Conall, son of Niall, de quo 

Condraige. 
Nine men of the sons of Sord, son of Mugdoma JDub,^ de 

quo Sordraige. 
Nine men of the sons of MundechblsB,* son of Mugdoma 

Dub, (from whom Loch Muindig* in the lands of the 

Mugdoim* is so called), de quibus Dubrige. These are 

the sons of Briun's daughter. 
Nine men of the sons of Cerbfer (Cerir), son of Mugdoma, 

from whom are the Ciarraige (Cairige). 
Nine men of the sons of Latfer, son of Fer Ceoch, from 

whom are the Latraige. 
Three times nine men of Oengus Firgabra, son of Conaire, 

son of Mess Buachalla, from whom are the Gabraige. 



^ He was the son of Colla Menu. 

^ Cf. Mundechblai and Mundechdub, LL. 828a 13. 

^ Cf . Hinc Loch Demundech hi tirib Mugdomo, LL. 327A. 

* From them the present barony of Cremome (Crich Mugdorn), 



CO. Monaghan, takes its name. 



I z6 The Expulsion of the Dessi. 

. ix . do Afir do Ernaib do Uraige.' 

. ix . do Fir Menn mac Cuscraid Mind Macha maic Con- 

chobuir do Mennraige. 
. ix . do mac^ Glasschaich mate Moga Euith do 

Rodi^aige.' 
Tri iion6?nr do Oengus Chreca* mac Ctmchobitir Msel maic 

FormseP di TJltaib. Is e nochrecad goo® hi Temair. 

A quo Crecraige. 
BiDne 7 Eochaid C6en' do Bintrige 7 do Choenrige. 

Nowbitr doib. 
. ix . do Naithir mac Fircheich do Nathraige.** 



10 



. ix . do Nudfir® do Laignib do Nudraige. 
• ix . do maccaib Blait do Blatraige." 



• 

. ix . do Nindfir mac Bairrche do Nindrige.^" 

• ix . do FiurLuide ar Sid ar Femen do Ludraige." 

. ix • do Chserfir^* di Chruithnib do Chserige." 

Tri nonbuir do thrib maccaib Bonnfir do Bonnraige/' 



• ix • do Luthor mac Arda do Luthraige. 



17 



. ix . do Blotchoin^^ di Bretnaib do Blotraige/*' 

^ Nonbor di Haiirir do Homaib diata Aurige ^ maccaib L, 

' Roithrige * Crece * Mdil vaaic Formail " crec 

gai ' Coene ^ Nothir mac Firceoch diata Nothrige 

® Nudir '° diata Nudrige ^^ Blathrig diata Blathrige 

** Z. (ymits this paragraph. *' hiSid ar Femon di Hultaib nad aicidacht 
diata Luidrige ^* Celir ^* diata Celrigi ^" Tri mate Boindfir 
buachala Eithne diata Boendrige ^^ Non&ur [do] Libur mac Arta 
diata Lubrige. ^"^ B16thchum ** diata Blodrige 



The Expulsion of the Dessi. 127 

Nine men of Aurir of the Erainn, from whom are the Aurige. 
Nine men of Fer Menn, son of Cuscraid Menn of Macha, 

son of Conchobor, from whom are the Mennraige/ 
Nine men of the son (sons) of Glaschach, son of Mug Euith 

from whom are the Rodraige. 
Three times nine men of Oengus Crece, son of Conchobor 

Mael, son of Formael, of the men of Ulster — 'tis he who 

sold spears in Tara — a quo Crecraige. 
Binne and Eochaid Coen, from whom are the Bintrige and 

Coenrige. They were nine. 
Nine men of Nothir, son of Fer Ceoch, from whom are the 

Nothrige. 
Nine men of Nudfer from Leinster, from whom are the 

Nudraige. 
Nine men of the sons of Blat, from whom are the Blat- 

raige. 
Nine men of Nindf er, son of Bairche, from whom are the 

Nindrige. 
Nine men of FerLuide from Sid ar Femun, from whom are 

the Ludraige. 
Nine men of Caerfer (Celir) of the Picts, from whom are 

the Caerige (Celrige). 
Three times nine men of the three sons of Bonnfer (the 

cowherd of Ethne), from whom are the Bonnrige. 
Nine men of Luthor (Liber), son of Art, from whom are 

the Luthraige (Luburige). 
Nine men of Blotchu of the Britons, from whom are the 

Blotrige. 



» Mendraige, LL. 331*, 16. 



128 The Expulsion of the Dessu 

. ix . do Grutbit mac Dubain do Grutbrige.* 

. ix . do mac Buidb* do Bodbrige. 

. ix . do mac Grinnir do TJltotft do Grinnrige.' 

• ix . do Gallaib do Muinrige im mac Muinmind/ 
. ix . do Maine mac Cuinrige/ 

^^ • 

. ix . do mac Dimain do Darfiniu do Chorco Dimaine.* 

. ix . do macco EniisB TJniche di Gallaib do Chorcco TJniche/ 

Coeca® do Glasschatt mac Ailella k.v\uim di Chattraige.* 

Coeca do trib maccaib MathracA maic Ailella Auluimb do 
Dal maic Cuirb.*® 



Coeca Tidil" mate Ailella kxXuim do Dal Tidil Cichich f orsa 
mbatar . iii . cicheich.^^ 

. ix . do Magneth^^ Gall do dal Magned/' 

• ix . Michoil do Dairfin[i] u di Dal Michoil." 

^ Gubrith maccu Bu6n diata Gubtrige * do maccaib Bodb 

' Grrfn diata Gremrige di Hultaib * Z. omiU this paragraph, 

^ do mac Ainiu mate Cuirir diata Cuirrige * Dimdini di Darin 
dia-[fo. 101 a 2] t& Corco Din "^ Endi Uiniche diatat Corco 
Huiniche do Gallaib ** Coica fer " diata Catrige. 

*° Mathrach maic Ailolla Auluim. Ingen Firgair a mathair, diata 
dal Mathrach. Coica d 'liib mate Cuirp mate Ailella Auluim diatiit d&l 
matcCuirp. *' coica di huib Didil. ^^ dal Didil c^t cige forsarabi. 
^' Maign^n ^* Mochon mac Dare di Darino diata d&I Mechon 



The Expulsion of the Dessi. 129 

Nine men of Grutbit (Gubrith maccu Buen), son of 

Duban, from whom are the Gnitbrige (Gubtrige). 
Nine men of the son of Bodb, from whom are the Bodb- 

rige. 
Nine men of the son of Grinner (Gran) of Ulster, from 

whom are the Grinnrige (Granrige). 
Nine Guuls of Muinrige with the son of Muinmend. 
Nine men of Maine (of the Son of Ainiu, son of Cuirer) 

from whom are the Cuirrige. 
Nine men of the son of Dimain of Darfine, from whom 

are the Corco Dimaine. 
Nine men of the descendant of Enne TJniche of the Guuls, 

from whom are the Corco TJniche. 
Fifty men of Glaschatt,^ son of Ailell Aulom, from whom 

are the Cattraige. 
Fifty men of the three sons of Mathri,^ son of Ailill Aulom 

(Fergair's daughter was their mother), from whom are 

the Dal Mathrach. Fifty men of the descendants of 

Mac Corp, son of Ailill Aulom), from whom are the Dal 

Maic Chuirp. 
Fifty men of Tidel, son of Ailill Aulom, from whom are 

the Dal Tidil Cichich, on whom were three (a hundred) 

teats. 
Nine men of Magneth (Maignen) the Guul, from whom 

are the Dal Magned (Maignen). 
Nine men of Michol (Mechon, son of Dare) from Darfine, 

from whom are the Dal Michoil (Mechon). 



^ He is called Glass Catha, and his descendants Cathraige in 
LL. 8196. 

^ He is called Mathreth, and his descendants Dal Mathra in 
LL. 319*. 

K 



1 30 The Expulsion of the Dessi. 

Tri nonbuir do maccaib DorcAow mate Huair do Dal 

DorcAon/ 
TW nonbuir do maccaib Luigne^ di Ernaib do Dal Luigni. 

Coeca do trib maccaib Nuidni mate Conrui do Dal Nuidni.* 

. ix . do trib maccaib Niamdse di Dal Niamdse/ 

. xi . do Loiscniu mac Cuinniath do Dal Loscind.* 

Tri lege' Eithne Hua^/iaigf diata Dal Niathlega/ 

Tri maic Moga Caintich do Dal Mogaide/ 

Tri maic Cairinne cerdda do Cherdraige.® 

Lsemman'^ mac Niathatgf maic Briuin, is e cetnagaibed 

giallu Ferchair. Fathbrithem. 
CsBchros mac Fiaich cetarogaib cath n-lnde do laim.** 

24. Teora hingena Embraind, Mell 7 Beige" 7 Cinnu, 
dochuatar co Crimthann'^ a triur, each hae^* i ndiaid araile. 
Sil Mella o Meill. Hm Beilge o Beilge/* Eithne namma 
rue Oinnu do.'® 

25. doluid iarum'^ Corbmac asa rige^"* iama gollad** 
do Oengus mac Artchuirp, gabai^ Carpre LiphecAar in 



M 



^ L. omits this paragraph. ^ d'uib Luigni Leithduib ' Noidne 
diata dal Nuidn . i . mate Chonru m^ic Dare * Nimde diata dal 
Nimde ^ Luiscniu vaac Cumenath diata dal Luiscni * . iii . 

laigni ^ Mathlego {sic) '* Mugo mfltc Cuthig diata dal Mugith. 
"Tri mflric Arme cerda diatat Cerdraige '° Lrobdn *' rogab 

giallu Fer nGair robo brithem rainni caich Ros mac F^ico cotnaragaib 
cath nlndido do laim ^^ Belc ^^ Crimthan ^* dib ** Belo 
^° conid hi side dalta na nD6isi 7 rl. add, L. '^ tra '" rlgu *" ch&ichad 
^° 07n L, 



The Expulsion of the Dessi. 1 3 1 

Three times nine men of the sons of Dorchu, son of TJar, 

from whom are the Dal Dorchon. 
Three times nine men of the sons Luigne (Lethdub) of the 

Erainn, from whom are the Dal Luigni. 
Fifty men of the three sons of Nuidne, son of Curoi (son 

of Dare), from whom are the Dal Nuidni. 
Nine men of the three sons of Niamda (Nimde) from whom 

are the Dal Niamda (Nimde) . 
Nine men of Loiscne (Luiscniu) son of Cuinnia (Cumenath), 

from whom are the Dal Loscind (Luiscni). 
Three leeches of Ethne the Dread, from whom are the 

Dal Niathlega. 
Three sons of Mug Cain tech (son of Cuthech), from whom 

are the Dal Mogaide (Mugith). 
Three sons of Cairinne (Arme) Cerd, from whom are the 

Cerdraige.* 
Laemman, son of Niathach, son of Briun, 'tis he who first 

took hostages of the Fir Gair.^ He was a seer-judge. 
Caechros, son of Fiach (Feice), who first pledged the 

battalion of Inde (?). 

24. The three daughters of Embrand, Mell and Belc 
and Cinniu were all three married to Criiothann, one 
after another. From Mell are the Sil Mella, from Belc the 
Hui Beilce. Cinniu bore Ethne only to him. 

25. Now, when Cormac, after having been blinded by 
Oengus, son of Artchorp, gave up his kingship, Carpre 
Lifechar took the government in the place of his father. 
This is what he practised every day before his father : he 
would put two fingers around the tusk-hilted sword and 



^ A different account of the origin of the Cerdraige Tuilche Gossa 
will be found in O'Curry's Lectures^ iii, p. 207, from LL. 320/. 

^ The Fir Gair were descendants of Brecc mac Artchuirp. See 
LL. 328^. 

k2 



132 The Expulsion of the Dessi, 

iaith ar belaib a athar. Is i abairt dognid^ Cormac ar a 
belaib each dia . i . dobered a da mer immun colg* ndet 7 
a mer hi^ timchul lainne in sceith. Is ed noinchoisced 
sain, slaidi mui[n]^ire Cairpre immun mBoin[n] sanchan 
[fo. 73 a 2] . i . do each leith/ Is de doloinsieh* hi erich 
Lagen. O rabi" Fiaehu Sraip^iwe 7 CoUa Huais' 7 Colla 
Mend do Mugdornaifr"* rig na nDeisse" . i . Breee mac 
Arttchuirp, roehartsat Laigen (sic) uaid^° siar for Commur 
trian in tsluaig. Tuait do Chassiul do ehuingid ehobrad o 
Oengus. Is annsin marbais Fedelmid Clar mae hui Braiehte 
7 Anlathe mac Eogain i n-Etarbaine. Is de ata Cam 
mBrigti ingen*^ Dubthaieh maic Duib mate LugdacA di 
[Jltaib. 

26. In trian iarwm doluid atuaid, hit e tureaibset inn 
ingin . i . Eithni UathacA ingen Crimthainn. Moalle 
longsigset Osair^i 7 Corco Laigdi, ar it he batar eeh — eeh — . 
Ar gabsat o Chommur tri n-usce eo Birra Lagen, i mbatar 
hi tir Osair^e, eo Heochair anair. Is de ata Ath Fothart 
7 Daire Lagen la Hossairgfi. Is inund aimser hi lotar^* na 
Deisse for Gabruan'^ 7 Fene for Fid Mar 7 Fothairt" for 
Gabruan sair. Ar robatar Fothairt for longais iar 
nGabran'* iar nguin Echac/i Domplen maic Carpre LipA- 
echair do Samiad^® mae Cirb" brathair Bronaieh do 
Fothartaib;-* 



^ ba si a brtth (sic) dogniad ^ cailg ' om. * in- 

rochosecht troso dani sladi muintiVe Coirpri sainchan immon B6ind 
di each leith ' dolonget " ho roblth arna ragegain ^ Condla 

Hos (sic) diatat Iliii mate Guais ** diatat MugdomoB "* [fo. 102 

a 2] geognaitir ri na iiD^isi *" leg. Laigin uaidib " leg. 

ingine >^ tulatar '^ Gabran '* Fothart '' Fothart iar 

longis for Gabran ^^ Seminaith *^ Coirpri ^"^ diatat Hui 

Bronaieh la Fotharta 7 rl. 



The Expulsion of the Dessi. 133 

one-finger around the boss of the shield. In that way he 
was instructed to slay the people of Carpre on either side 
of the Boyne. Hence they went into exile into the terri- 
tory of Leinster. After Fiachu Sraiptine and CoUa Uais 
and CoUa Menu of the Mugdoirn had slain the king of 
the Dessi, Brecc, son of Artchorp, the men of Leinster 
drove one third of the host westward to Oommur. They 
sent to Cashel to ask help of Oengus. 'Tis there he killed 
Fedelmid Clar, the descendant of Brigit and Anlathe, son 
of Eogan, in Etarbaine. Hence is the Cairn of Brigit, 
daughter of Dubthach, son of Dub, son of Lugaid, of 
Ulster.^ 

26. Now, the third who came from the north, 'tis 
they that reared the maiden Ethne the Dread, the 
daughter of Crimthann. The men of Ossory and the Corco 
Laigdi went into exile together, for they ....'' 
They took land from the Meeting of the Three Waters 
as far as Birr in Leinster. When they were in the land 
of Ossory, as far as Eochair in the east. Hence the Ford 
of the Fothairt and the Oakwood of Leinster in Ossory 
are so called. At the same time the Dessi went to 
Gabruan (Gabran) and the F^ni to Fid Mar and the 
Fothairt to Gabruan (Gabran), in the east. For the 
Fothairt were in exile in Gabruan (Gabran), after Echu 
Domlen, son of Carpre Lifechar had been slain by 
Samiad (Seminaith)' the son of Cerb, the brother of 
Bronach, of the Fothairt. 

' Cf. LL. 328a : Secht maic Brigti ingine Dubthaig de Ulbaib : 
Irruis, Fedlimid Clar, a quo Iliii Chlare. Iss ed a charn til i n- 
Etarphainiu. 

"^ I can make nothing of ech — ech — . 

^ Ho is called Seniach by Tigernach {Rev. Celt., xvii, p. 23), Simeon 
by the Four Masters, a.d. 284. In a poem in LL. 48A. 60 Echu Domlen 
is said to have been slain by Senioth and Sarnia : 

Senioth, Sarnia^ noco chely 
is tat romarb EocJio Doml^. 



1 34 The Expulsion of the DessL 

• 

27. Forsluinte Dal FiachacA Suidge. 

Semuinrige, Nechtraige, Bentraige, Odraige, Osraige, 

Bruirige o Brum mac Artharu rig Cnithni, Sordraige, 

Latraige, Carraige, Gabraige, Cairige, Mentrige, Rotraige, 

Rudraige, Blairige, Ranrige, Luidrige . i . fer luid hi sid, 

Callraige . iii . maic, Bodraige, Lubentraige, Crobentraige, 

Corco Che, Corco Ainige, Corco Dithech, Dal Mechoin, 

Dai MathracA, DaZ Maigne, Dai Luigne, DaZ Mcricuirp, 

Dal nInidsB, DaZ nUidne, DaZ nDorchon, Dorchu mac 

Linne, DaZ Luiscne. Hit he insin dia ngair^er Deisse . i . 

ar dihuaise n6 ar diahuaise . i . ar immad al-lamdia, n6 ar 

huaise no ar deisse no ar diuisse n6 ar gaire ind inaid 

asrogeinset n6 ara ndifisse, amaiZ ata a tuirim 7 a taiririud 

7 a toirge la cacA. Teora bliadna trichat o doludsat* na 

Deisse o ThematV eo tucsat Lagin dorair doib for Gabruan* 

7 for Commur^ Tri nUsct iar maidm secht catha forthu/ 



' dolotar '^ Gabran ^ 7 Chommor * forsna D^isi 7 rl. 

(end of Laud). 



The Expulsion of the Dessi. 135 

27. The by-names* of the Divisions of Fiachu Suidge. 

Semuinrige, Nechtraige, Bentraige, Odraige, Osraige, 
Bruirige from Brum, son of Artharu, king of the Picts, 
Sordraige, Latraige, Carraige, Gabraige, Cairige, Mentrige, 
Rotrige, Rudraige, Blairige, Ranrige, Luidrige (viz. a man 
who went into an elf mound) , Callraige (three sons) , Bodraige, 
Lubentraige, Crobentraige, Corco Che,^ Corco Ainige, 
Corco Dithech, Dal Mechoin, Dal Mathrach, Dal Maigne, 
Dal Luigne, Dal Menchuirp, Ddl nlnidae, Ddl nUidne, Ddl 
nDorchon (Dorchu mac Linne), Ddl Luiscne. These they 
are who are called Dessi, for their great nobleness' or for 
the nobleness of their gods, i.e. for the number of their 
idols, or for their skilfulness, or for their great justice, 
or for their love of the place in which they were bom, or 
for their great celebrity, since their expedition and their 
wanderings and their marchings are known to every one. 
It was thirty-three years after the Dessi went from Tara 
that the men of Leinster gave them battle at Gabruan and 
at the Meeting of the Three Waters, after having routed 
the Dessi in seven battles. 

^ forslondud * over-name/ as distinguished from prim-slondud 
(LL. 312a). Cf. d4 prim-acmi d^c do Ernaib 7 cethri forslointe fichet 
. i . da forslonnud each aicme, LL. 324^. 

' Cf . De Chorco Che, LL. 327e. 

^ These are etymological speculations on the name of D^nsi. 



^iU Bi^^te on li)dB^ ^^cotitiBm. 



By J. ARTHUR PRICE, B.A. 



Introduction. 

More than one Welshman has asked me whether it would 
be not as sensible to write on the snakes of Iceland as on 
the Jacobites of Wales. The idea that underlies this 
remark may be unhistorical, but it illustrates the difficulty 
of the inquiry to which this paper is a feeble contribution. 
The religious revival of the eighteenth century in Wales 
turned Welshmen's thoughts in a direction far away from 
the cult of "the White Rose of Amo," (David Morgan's 
poetical name for Prince Charlie) and Welsh Jacobitism 
is to-day so extinct a tradition, that it does not seem 
absurd to question its very existence. 

That Wales in the eighteenth century was far more 
Jacobite in political sentiment than was England is a fact 
which to those who have studied the question must 
nevertheless seem indisputable. To those, whom ignor- 
ance makes sceptical, I may recall a few facts. The 
greatest test of a political faith is its constancy to 
death. Even after Culloden there still lived, as the 
pages of Redgauntlet show, in the hearts of the faithful 
few a hope of aid for the Prince from the land of 
Wales, where the names Cavalier and Roundhead were 
still in common parlance as party names. And the 
hope was not without some foundation. As late as 1751 
an almanac that found its way into the peasant farms of 
Wales, preached treason to the powers that were, in the 



Side Lights on Welsh Jacobitism. 137 

following verses, the homage of a Welsh Bedgauntlet to 
the dying Rose : — 

(Almanac, Sign Prys, 1751.) 

" Y peth a haeddeu ei y8t3rried jni f wyaf arbenig yn y flwyddyn hon 
y w DiffygiadeuV Lleuad ar peth i maent 3m ei arwyddo : ni feiddiaf 
moi egluro, ond mewn Heroglyphics ar ol athrawiaeth un Michael 
Nostradamus. 

" Llid jrw affaith lliwY Diffyg — ei Frydain 
Afrwydd-deb a Dirmig 
H .... f .... d, ddwfn Ryfig 
O Iwynau Diawl a luniodd y dig. 

" Boed enwog eurog ei Siar-las wrol 
Lwys arail ddigjrmmar, 
St ... r ... d hynaws diwar 
Ein Tywysog bach, tofia ei bar."^ 

Perchance, even then, there were Welshmen who went 
an inch beyond the homage of wine and song. We know 
now, thanks to Mr. Andrew Lang's researches, that the 
picture of the collapse of Jacobitism in the fiasco of the 
rebellion, portrayed in the last chapters of Redgauntlety 
depicts in its main details an over true scene. Readers of 
these chapters will remember Squire Meredyth and his 
Shakesperian Welsh. 

Of the strength of Welsh Jacobitism at an earlier period 
there can be no question. 

In the '45 the two most dangerous men South of the 
Tweed, in the opinion of English Whigs, were Sir Watkin 
Wynn (the Brutus of Charles Edward's correspondence) and 

* I would suggest the following as a free English rendering of the 
above. " The changes in the Moon and what they portend call for 
especial note this year. I dare not explain them except through 
hieroglyphics according to the doctrine of Nostradamus." " The hue 
of the eclipse of the moon portends wrath, disquiet, and scorn. The 

blasphemous Hanoverians, born of the , have brought on this 

feeling of wrath. May the brave Charles, unrivalled in grace, be 
glorious and crowned with gold, O Stuart, guileless and kindly, 
our dear Prince, tame their unruly ways." 



138 Side Lights on Welsh Jacobitism. 

the Duke of Beaufort, and they were both Welsh land- 
owners. The Cycle Club in Denbighshire, which was 
closely associated with the Wynn family, and existed down 
to our own day, was without doubt at one period an im- 
portant political organisation, and there is no doubt some 
truth in the story, that Chambers, in his History of the 
Rebellion in 1745 (vol. i, p. 272 et post)^ tells us on the 
authority of a Welsh friend, that at the time when the 
Highland hosts turned back on Derby a number of Welsh 
Squires were riding hard to join Prince Charlie's banner, 
and only turned back when they heard of the retreat, and 
that ever after " he was of the company most accounted, 
who had ridden furthest on the way." 

Now, if the sceptic still insists that such facts as those 
that I have mentioned, only prove the sentiments of the 
Welsh aristocracy and Bards, it is only necessary to refer 
him to the curious facts relating to the Jacobitism of the 
lower orders in Wales, collected in Mr. Hobson Matthews' 
recent collection of Cardiff documents, though, perhaps, an 
even stronger proof is furnished by the savage riot with 
which the miners of Bhos greeted the accession of the House 
of Brunswick to the English throne. Welsh Jacobitism 
being, then, an unquestioned fact, it is surely time to study 
its history before the disappearance of documents and the 
failure of tradition render the work impossible. 

Pabt n. 

Sir Watkin and David Morgan. 

To Welshmen the two most interesting things in con- 
nection with the '45 are the waiting of Sir Watkin Wynn 
and the fate of David Morgan. 

On the first point I can now say little, though I hope 
on another occasion to return to the subject. 



Side Lights on Welsh Jacobitism. 139 

Two facts about Sir Watkin's attitude we know without 
dispute. As the Highland host entered England they 
received a message to the eflPect that Sir Watkin had been 
with the citizens of London, whom he found as well 
disposed as ever to treat with the Prince. " The Elector of 
Hanover and his Ministry's interests decline so fast that 
Sir Watkin says nobody now will accept of their places 
and employments, which throws them into the greatest 
distraction " (Ewald's Idfe of Prince Charles Edward Stuart^ 
p. 181 ; Wales J 1894, p. 19). And we know also that the 
Prince wrote in after days to his father: "Mr. Barry 
arrived at Derby two days after I parted. He had been 
sent by Sir Watkin Wynn and Lord Barrymore to assure 
me, in the name of my friends, that they were ready to join 
me in whatever manner I pleased, either in the capital or 
everyone to rise in his own country" (Stanhope's History 
of England^ vol. ii, p. 415). 

So much for undisputed facts ; but on these facts two 
difEerent conclusions are formed. Mr. Andrew Lang, who 
is unquestionably the highest living authority on Jacobite 
history, considers Sir Watkin's Jacobitism, like that of 
many English Peers, to have been of the Platonic order, 
that abstained deliberately from taking any practical step 
until the day after the fair. The other view, which is put 
forward in that charming story. For the White Rose of 
Arnoj is that Sir Watkin and his friends were ready to 
take up arms, and actually despatched a messenger to the 
Pnnce, as soon as he entered England. This messenger, 
according to the story, had the bad luck to get intercepted. 
Thus, when the Highland chiefs at Derby offered to continue 
the advance if the Prince could produce a letter from a 
single nobleman or gentleman in England or Wales 
favourable to his cause. Sir Watkin had already written. 
The despatch of Barry was on this view a second attempt 



140 Side Lights on Welsh Jacobitism. 

to get into communication with the Prince. Certainly 
the story that many Welsh gentlemen were riding to 
join the army which I have mentioned, also seems 
to show that Sir Watkin was ready and in earnest. 
There are, so far as I have as yet been able to learn, 
no documents in existence that throw much light on 
the subject one way or the other; the story indeed 
is that on the retreat of the Prince, Lady Wynn burnt 
all the papers that would have incriminated her husband, 
his friends of the Cycle, and in fact most of the 
Gentlemen of North Wales. ^ It is at least a significant 
fact that the Prince, in the Council at Derby, when the 
chiefs refused to continue the advance on London, is said 
to have vainly suggested that in place of retreating on 
Scotland, the army should march through Wales. 

With regard to David Morgan, I am in a position to 
add something to what is generally known. Up to the 
present time, the chief authority for the life of that 
unfortunate Welshman has been the biographical sketch 
by Llewellin, and the record of his fate in the State 
Trials, For readers who are not acquainted with 
Llewellin's Memoirs (published at Tenby 1862), I may, 
perhaps, here reprint a summary of Morgan's early life, 
taken from that work. 

"The most energetic of all the Jacobites of the South" 
{i.e. South Wales) " was Thomas David Morgan, Barrister- 
at-Law, of Pen-y-Graig and Coed-y-Gorres. David Morgan 
was a scion of the house of Tredegar, and so the blood of 
Ivor Hael ran in his veins. His father was Thomas 
Morgan, who in 1682 was under-sheriff of the county of 
Glamorgan. His mother, from whom he probably in- 

' This story was told to my informant by tho lato Mr. Wynne, of 
Peniarth. It is stated that the (hiy after the burning of the papers 
the soldiers arrived and ransacked Wynnstay for documents. 



Side Lights on Welsh Jacobitism. 141 

herited Pen-y-Graig, was the daughter of David Mathew, 
of Llandaff, by his wife Joan, the daughter of Sir Edward 
Stradling. He was also first cousin of Admiral Mathews, 
member of Parliament for Glamorganshire. His wife 
appears to have been a London lady, and through her he 
seems to have acquired a considerable leasehold property 
at Shoreditch. He was a prominent member of a Club 
known as the ^Independent Electors of Westminster,' 
which was largely frequented by the magnates of the city. 
In the opinion of the author of a disgraceful pamphlet 
written after his death, and put in the form of a speech 
by his ghost to the members of this Club,^ all the members 
fomented the insurrection for which the unlucky Welsh- 
man alone died. Two interesting facts in connection with 
Morgan's relations with this Club the pamphleteer has 
also preserved. He had an intimate friend in a Welsh 
Squire of Bedford Street (whom I have failed to identify), 
and he entirely devoted his attention to the ' High 
Church ' party, whom he sought to convince that the 
Church had everything to gain by a Stuart Restoration. 
It also appears from the same source that he rejoiced 
warmly at Walpole's fall." 

Horace Walpole sums up Morgan as a "poetical 
lawyer." And it is not surprising if his muse found a 
theme in the fall of Walpole, the great enemy of the Stuart 
cause. Mr. Ballinger, the Librarian of the Cardiff Free 
Library, has shown me a printed poem which is ascribed 
to Morgan. It is not of great merit, though there are 
occasional flashes of powerful satire. It is in the main 
taken up with a denunciation of Walpole's pacific policy, 
and would mark the author if he were living in these days 
as a strong Imperialist. In his prophetic frenzy he almost 

^ The pamphlet is at the British Museum. 



142 Side Lights on Welsh Jacobitism, 

foresees the coming triumphs of Chatham's administration. 
It is dated 1739, entitled the Country Bard, and dedicated 
to Frederick, Prince of Wales. I give the commencement 
and conclusion : — 

1. " Since Monarchs by Prerogative are wise, 
How daring the Presumption to advise ! 
How idly wild our Compliments to pay ! 
They have the highest made them every day ; 
6. Censure exalted natures can't endure, 
Censure is Satyr, and too rough a cure. 
To compliment, advise, or censure them, 
Hence seems an awkward and imprudent scheme. 
Nor is it less a misdemeanour held, 

10. Rashly to say the knight hath not exceWd, 
Since it prevails in spite of Common Sense, 
Whoever hits the Courtier wounds the Prince. 

A Prince not much in Politicks refin'd. 

When to a Courtier's little Arts resigned ; 

15. When grown the Property of sycophants f 

That know no candour, and abound in wants. 

Laymen and Priests at C 1 all sympathize. 

Their Incense Flattery, Truth their Sacrifice. 
The haughtiest P ^te, and the proudest P ^r, 

20. Obsequious cringe with low Obeisance here.*' 
» « » 

401 . " If Virtue can divert the Storms of Fate, 

Let our few Patriots save our sinking State. 

Our P[r]ay'r8 are heard, arm Britons, scour the 

Main, 

A few Broadsides shall humble haughty Spain. 
405. See dawning Hope creaks on us from afar. 

Too long obscured in Peace ^ declares for War. 

Bright she advances from yon azure Sky, 

Big with success, and fraught with Victory. 

Resume your Spirit, Britons, arm again, 
410. Heav'n will support us, if we act like Men." 

The two following MS. poems in the CardiflP Free 
Library, the one a circuit song, the other a sarcastic poem 
on the marriage of a young vicas-choral of Llandaff 
Cathedral with an old lady, are more interesting. 



Side Lights on Welsh Jacobitism, 143 

The latter, in particular, throws an interesting Ught on 
the condition of the Church as seen from the eyes of a 
sympathetic High Churchman in the middle of the 
eighteenth century. 

"To THE Babr on the Welsh Circuit. 

" By Counsellor David Morgan. ^ 

1 
" Friends ! frankly I send you my Thoughts, 
To my Ballad give Ear ; 
I promise it free'er from Faults 
Then this here and that there? 

2 
" O Wales ! how unhappy thy Fate, 
Beyond doubt it's severe ; 
Thy Judges, the Farce of the State, 
Are this here and that there. 

3 
** Which of them is worst, or is best, 
The moot Question forbear ; 
Poor Creatures, by all its confest, 
Are this here and that there, 

4 
" This here, what a formal dull Fool ! 
That there what a Bear ! 
All Ministers have a sure tool, 
In this here and that there. 

5 
" What a Void and a Chaos of Mind, 
In their judgment appear ! 
To Justice and Candour stark blind 
Are this here and that there. 

6 
" When obvious Point they'd explain. 
They puzzle what's clear ; 
All they say, and more than they mean, 
Are this here aud that there. 



From Ph. MSS., No. 14970. * Judges Carter and Proctor. 



144 ^^^ Lights on Welsh Jacobitism. 



i " To say, would be wickedly odd, 

{ And so like a damn'd sneer, 

f That such were the Image of God, 

As ihii here and that there, 

8 
" I'll no more in your Circuit regale, 
My Companions so dear ; 
But Cambria's hard Fate will bewail, 
In thu here and that there^ 



"On Miss Haddocks, apterwakds Mrs. Price, 

OP Landaff. 

By Counsellor Morgan. ^ 

'' Hannah, some years ago a Toast, 
By Justice Sly^ admir'd. 
For Shape and Features then could boast. 
Her Eyes all youths set fire ; 
Genteel and easy is her Air, 
She learn'd of Lady Betty, 
Still of her years a clever Fair, 
And justly too thought pretty. 

2 
'^ Long had she liv'd a maid, 'twas hard, 
To man a perfect Stranger ; 
Time had her Frame somewhat impair'd. 
Her charms were in some danger ; 
Pensive one mom the maid reflects. 
Lord ! what have I been doing ? 
I have some beauties of the Sex, 
They're surely worth the wooing. 

3 

" My Eyes preserve their Lustre still. 
No mortal can deny it ; 
Resolv'd I am, marry I will. 
If there be Joys, I'll try it ; 

' From Ph. MSS. No. 14970. ' Mr. Powel, of Eneyslyn. 



Side Lights on Welsh Jacobitism, 145 

Then straight her Eyes with Lustre glow'd, 
No Lightning e'er flashed quicker ; 
They rolPd at Prayers, that from the Pew 
Struck thro' the Choral Vicar.' 



" The Vicar soon disclosed his Love, 
Supported well by Grany, 
At Fifty Hannah he did move, 
Tho* clogg'd with Children many : 
Marry she must, Fate had ordain'd, 
'Gainst all her Friends' Persuasion ; 
Nought else could please, 'twas all in vain, 
Her Parts in Agitation." 

" Made to her Brother, who married a good Fortune in London, 
which he spent in entertaining Sir Robert Walpole and other great 
men in expectation of a Bishoprick. 

" Our Brother does much assume 

At Hannah's Indiscretion ; 
O ! Brother Greorge, look once at Home, 

You'll see as odd a Passion ; 
Twelve hundred Pounds, quoth George, she's mad. 

To Choral Vicar given ; 
While he twelve thousand pounds has had. 

Priests marry sure in Heaven." 

The account of the part played by David Morgan in 
the '45, alike in Llewellin's Memoirs and in the White Rose 
of Arno, is drawn from the proceedings against him in the 
State Trials (vol. xviii, pp. 371-394). Two facts of im- 
portance have also been added by Llewellin, the local 
tradition of his talk with the smith at Ef ail Llancaiach, 
when starting on the fatal expedition, and his remark to 
Vaughan* on the first day of the retreat from Derby, when 
the latter declared that wherever the army went he was 



* Mr. Price. 

' There were two of the Court-field Vaughans out in the '46, 
William and Richard. See article on William Vaughan, Dictionary 
of National Biography, vol. Iviii, 187. 

L 



146 Side Lights on Welsh Jacobitism. 

determined to go with them, which is taken from Lord 
Elcho's Memoirs. 

The report of the trial shews that David Morgan, in 
company with a friend, joined the Jacobite army at 
Preston, and accompanied them as a volunteer to Derby, 
taking a prominent part in arranging the plans of the cam- 
paign, and being known as the " Pretender's counsellor ", 
that he followed their retreat to Ashbume, where he left 
them and proceeded to Stone, where he was arrested on 
suspicion. He was finally, as is well known, executed 
at Kennington Common, on July 30th, 1746. 

The briefs of the counsel engaged in the prosecu- 
tion of the Jacobite prisoners are, however, preserved 
in the British Museum, and from a study of the brief 
relating to David Morgan, I am enabled to throw 
considerably fresh light alike on his journey to join the 
Prince's army, and on the position held by him in the 
army after he had joined it. 

The evidence of John Barry (or Berry) occupies only 
seventeen lines in the State Trials report, and as to the 
unlucky ride of Morgan to Preston, he merely states that 
he came out of Monmouthshire with his Master and " the 
defendant," and that they joined the Prince's army at 
Preston. The proof, however, of John Barry in the brief 
enables us to follow Morgan and his friend throughout 
their journey. The proof, which is of sufficient import- 
ance for a full transcription, is as follows : — 

"That he (Barry) was servant to Mr. William Vaiighan in Mon- 
mouthshire, and in the beginning of November, last" (of course 1745), 
" his master told him that he was going a-shooting at Mr. Berkeley's 
of Speechly in Worcestershire, and bid him get a couple of fowling 
pieces and the spaniels ready in the morning, and they went to 
Mr. Berkeley's and stayed there one night, and then his master met 
with the defendant Morgan, and from thentie his master and Mr. 
Morgan went to Mr. FitzIIorbert's house in Staffordshire, and stayed 



Side Lights on Welsh Jacobitism. 147 

there one night, and then went to a gentleman's house near Leigh, in 
Lancashire — but does not remember his name — and stayed there 
two nights. And then went to Preston, and stayed there all the night 
before the rebels came, and he says he and Mr. Morgan's servant were 
ordered by their masters to take the horses to Walton (about a mile 
north of Preston), and in case any of the rebels came that way, then 
they were to take the horses to a village four miles further oflf. And 
that about 10 or 11 o'clock the said Vaughan and Morgan came to the 
house, where witness and the other servant were with the horses, 
stay'd there all night and walked back to Preston the next morning, 
and directed the witness and the other servant to stay where they 
were till they came again. And they came again about 10 o'clock 
the second night, and the next morning directed the witness and the 
other servant to take the portmanteau and horses and go to Leigh 
aforesaid ; but to wait in the road a little way short of Leigh, till 
they were come to them. And about 4 o'clock in the afternoon he 
said Vaughan and Morgan came to them, with each a white cockade 
in his hat, and then went to the same gentleman's house at Leigh 
where they had been and lay there that night ; and next morning 
they went to Manchester with the said cockades in their hats and 
put up at a constable's house behind a church, but does not know 
the name, and he attended his master at supper the second night he 
lay there. And there were there the said Mr. Vaughan, Mr. Morgan, 
and Mr. Murray, the Secretary to the young Pretender, at supper to- 
gether. And he heard Mr. Morgan call him Mr. Murray. And he 
saw Mr. Murray go in and out of the said house, where Vaughan and 
Morgan lodged, several times. And he says his master and defendant 
Morgan joined the young Pretender's life guards, under the command 
of Lord Elcho, and rode with them from Manchester to Derby, and 
his master gave him two guns to curry from Manchester to Derby. 
And he says, when the rebels went back to Manchester, his time 
being out with his master, he left him there. As he was going," 
he concludes " he was taken up and committed to gaol." 

These statements clear up several points of doubt in 
Morgan's story. In the first place they show that Morgan 
did not, as I thought probable {Wales, 1894, p. 20), 
proceed through North Wales or visit Sir Watkin on his 
journey, and therefore relegates some interesting chapters 
in the White Rose of Arno to the region of fiction. 

In whatever negotiations, therefore, Sir Watkin may 
have been carrying on with the Prince at this juncture, 



148 Side Lights on Welsh Jacobitism, 

Morgan played no part. It also clears up the further point 
as to the companion of Morgan's ride. It has been always 
supposed that it was one of the two Vaughans, and the 
proof makes it clear that it was William and not Bichard. 
How or when Richard Vaughan joined the Jacobite army 
there is, so far as I know, no evidence. The remaining 
proofs relate to the action of Morgan after he had joined 
the Jacobites, and throw a considerable light on the part 
played by him in the campaign. 

Most important on this matter is the proof of Samuel 
Maddock or Maddox, the informer on whose evidence 
Morgan was mainly convicted. Maddox, as the chief 
witness for the Crown, was naturally examined at con- 
siderable length ; and I do not think that any purpose would 
be served by repeating here such parts of his evidence as 
appear in the State Trials. 

Maddox's evidence at the trial and his statement in the 
proof, however, contain an apparent discrepancy on a 
small point to which attention may be drawn. In the 
report (p. 374) the informer is first asked when he saw 
the prisoner, and he replied at Manchester. He is next 
asked " Did he march away from Manchester with the 
rebels? " and replies : " He marched with them to Derby, 
and there being an information given that some arms were 
secreted from the rebels, he gave orders for a party of the 
rebel army to go and search for them." Being asked 
whether the prisoner went with the party, he adds not to 
his knowledge, and states that he saw " Captain James 
Dawson " (whose tragic fate Sherstone has told in verse), 
" deliver him a pair of pistols." In the proof, however, 
Maddox states that the search for arms took place at 
Manchester. The proof on this point is as follows : 
"When the rebels came to Manchester he" (Maddox) 
" saw the Defendant among them with a white cockade in 



Side Lights on Welsh Jacobitism. 149 

his hat, and he was reported the chief man in getting 
from the Pretender's son press warrants " to seize horses 
and arms." The proof proceeds to state how information 
was given to the officers of the Manchester regiment of 
the place to which a certain Justice Drinckenfield had fled 
with a large quantity of arms, and then Morgan obtained 
a warrant from the Prince to send a file of Highland 
soldiers and Lord Pitsligo (the old Scottish Cavalier of 
Aytoun's lays) in a fruitless search after him. The dis- 
crepancy between the proof and the evidence in the report 
will not perhaps strike a lawyer as serious, since it is not 
impossible that Morgan, as a matter of fact, may have 
been engaged in superintending a search for arms at 
Derby as well as at Manchester. At the same time, the 
statement in the proof is interesting, since it makes it clear 
that immediately on his joining the army, Morgan took 
a leading position. The rest of the proof is certainly 
worth transcription, as it very considerably amplifies, 
though it does not contradict, Maddox's evidence in the 
report. 

" And the witness afterwards frequently saw the defendant upon 
the march with the Rebels from Manchester to Derby armed with a 
brace of pistols and a broad sword and " (he) " had a white cockade. 
And in the retreat to Ashburn the defendant came to the house 
where the Manchester officers were quartered, where Capt. Dawson of 
the Manchester Regiment gave him a brace of pistols. And then the 
said defendant left the Army. This Witness heard the defendant say 
that he had the offer of the Manchester Regiment made him by the 
young Pretender, but he refused it, not being a military man. That 
the defendant was generally with the young Pretender at nights, and 
lodged in the same quarters with him. And that he acted as spy for 
the rebel army in observing the Duke's {i.e.y the Duke of Cumberland) 
Army. And further, that while the Rebels were at Manchester, the 
defendant met Mr. Francis Townley, Peter Moss, Jas. Dawson, George 
Fletcher, James Bradshaw, Thomas Fumival, all at Mr. Cookson's, 
the sign of the Dog in Manchester. And the said defendant proposed 
the raising of a regiment for the said Pretender, to which proposal all 



1 50 Side Lights on Welsh Jacobitism, 

present agreed. And all of them having white cockades in their hats. 
And then the company considered which should have the command 
of the regiment, and after a short consultation oflfered the command 
to the defendant ; but he thanked them, and desired to be excused, 
saying he did not understand military discipline well enough to take 
so large a command upon him. And said that Mr. Townley had 
been in the French service and understood the military discipline 
much better than he. Whereupon Mr. Townley was named Colonel. 
And he set his name down in a paper first as Colonel. And the rest 
set down their names with title of rank in the said regiment. And 
then the defendant took the list away with him to the Pretender, 
and promised to furnish them arms, and then ordered a drummer 
about the town to beat up for volunteers." 

The remaining proof in the brief is that of the witness, 
Edward How, who was Morgan's landlord at Derby. The 
evidence in the report is in the main similar to that in the 
proof — but as the latter is short, and throws considerable 
light on the geniality of Morgan's character, [ give it in 
full :— 

"This witness says the defendant and about twenty other rebels, 
eight of whom were officers, were quartered in his house at Derby 
when the rebel army was there, and defendant told him that these 
eight officers were not come to live upon him or anybody else, for 
they would pay for what they had. And he said the defendant 
appeared to be the chiefest person of those quartered at his house, 
and gave all the directions for providing for their entertain- 
ment and the witness a guinea and three shillings for such enter- 
tainment of himself and the other rebels, and sayd he payd him like a 
gentleman. And says defendant was then publicly called and re- 
ported to be the prince's, meaning the young Pretender's, counsellor. 
The witness having seen the prisoner in Newgate " (this must have 
been of course after Morgan's arrest) " who told the witness he would 
come to Derby and see him again in spight of King George, and all the 
people in the world, or to that purpose, and he saw the defendant 
frequently go to the Pretender's lodging-house and never appeared to 
be under any restraint while he was at Derby." 

There exists no proof of the evidence of the other 
Crown witnesses against Morgan, whose testimony appears 
in the reports, Edward Tew, of Preston, who gave evidence 
as to Morgan's conversation with Lord Elcho at the 



Side Lights on Welsh Jacobitism. 151 

Joiners' Arms, Preston, Benjamin Bowker, the deputy 
constable at Manchester, who gave evidence as to the 
warrant which Esquire Morgan gave him to search for 
arms in the town, and Captain Vere, the Hanoverian officer, 
who seems to have been practically a military spy. In 
drawing any conclusions from these proofs, it should of 
course be remembered that the evidence it affords is in a 
sense tainted by the character of most of the deponents. 
Reading them, however, in connection with the report of this 
and the other Jacobite trials, and making all allowances, 
they at least establish the fact that David Morgan was 
unquestionably one of the prime movers in the rebellion 
of '45 : and that no man outside the circle of Scotch 
adherents and French and Irish officers possessed greater 
influence with the Prince. 

The result would seem to be that Welshmen may claim^ 
in this country-man, the most active of the Prince's 
southern adherents, and more, the one man whose advice, if 
followed, might have placed the Prince in St. James' 
Palace. 

A Whig School-boy. 
I may conclude this paper with certain Latin verses 
on Culloden, by a Whig Welsh school-boy (or at least a 
boy educated at Cowbridge school) shortly after the battle, 
composed, no doubt, with a view of obtaining a half- 
holiday for the school. The poem is here printed exactly 
as it was written. The author must be responsible for 
the syntax. For these verses I am indebted to my friend, 
the present Head -Master of that ancient school. 

"Georgides, victab progubuere metu. 
" Reppulit, inque fugam trepidas dare terga coegit, 
Vertit in auctores saevaque bella suos. 
Qui modo terrebat minitans, nunc dicere causam 
Cogitur, et legum subdere colla jugo. 



152 Side Lights on Welsh Jacobitism, 

Sic erat in fatis ; sic inconsulta ruit vis, 

Praecipitans fatum saepe sinistra suum. 
Spes ubinunc, Ludovice, tuae vocesque, minaeq ?^ 

Ilia ubi Bmnsviciae certa niina dom^s ? 
Si nescisy domus haec humanis altuis ortum 

Traxit, et e coelis, unde perennet habet. 
Italus Angliacas regeret peregrinus habenas, 

Brunsvici^ regeret sceptra gerenda manu P 
Demens, ilia tibi quando sperare, tuisque 

Ausus es, hunc aleret cum Domus ista Ducem ? 
Quid parat ille tibi campo monstravit in illo, 

Spes ubi Scotorum, spes tua fracta jacet. 
Scoticae eum pavidae videre in montibus Alpes 

Tendere,. et in summis poenere^ castra jugis. 
Non ilium montes, non ilium sistere possunt 

Flumina, nix et Hiems, difficilesque viae. 
Et levis est, leviorque avium pemicibus alis, 

Cunctantes linquit post sua terga duces. 
Nee mora longa fuit, Cyclopum allabitur oris ; 

Monticolis solo nomine terror errat.^ 
Hirta illis mens est, et corporis aemula, qualis 

Et decet agrestes, monticolasque decet. 
Et credas, scopulorum instar, traxisse rigorem, 

Mens adeo est illis effera, mensque ferox. 
Barbara gens tota est, effraenaque, et horrida et exlex, 

Sive homines mavis dicere, sive feras. 
Aspice Monticolam ; Dii talem avertite pestem ! 

Impya Styx illo nil, puto, pejus habet. 
Arma dedit rabies, quaetrux Polyphemus, et ingens 

Sidera qui fulcit, ferre recuset, Atlas. 
Lumborumque tenus falcatus acinace largo est ; 

Hoc fuit Aetnaei munus opusque fabri. 
Et capite a summo totus jam ferreus ille est ; 

Visus et ingenti mole Colossus erat. 
Tum nova turmatim videas erumpere monstra, 

Aetneos fratres Nubigenasque truces ; 
Tullibardinos, Glenbuckettosque rebelles, 

Totque alios scelerum perfidiaeque duces. 
Quo vos, quo belli rabies, fiu*iaeque, scelesti, 

Praecipitant P scelerum terror, et ultor adest. 



• qu€Bre minaeque. ^ ^tterf! ponere. ' qiu&rej erat. 



Side Lights on Welsh Jacobitism. 153 

Nee mora ; Georoidem venientem fulminis instar, 

Quern non posse putat Scotus adesse, videt. 
Stant acies : dant signa tubae : concurritur, et mox 

Horruit Angliacum barbara turba Ducbm. 
Emicat ante alios Miles spectandus in hostem 

Kegius, in primtl proelia fronte ciens. 
Qiii vigor oris erat ? qualis pugnantis Imago ? 

Aut Mars, aut certe Martis Imago fiiit. 
Dimicat, et totum castris Dux exuit hostem, 

Omniaque ingenti caede fugaque replet. 
Vicini montes, vicini sanguine valles, 

Et procul hinc late sanguine terra rubet. 
Sic quatit attonitos, sic fulmen vibrat in illos, 

Ut dextra credas fulmina missa Jovis. 
Facti certa fides ; perierunt millia quinque ; 

Ipsa facit caedes Cullodenana fidem." 



(S. SiMPftoN, PkiNTEk, Devizes. 




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Contents: — The Necessity of Teaching English through the 
Medium of Welsh, by the Rev. D. Jones Davies, M.A. ; What 
Government is doing for the Teaching of Irish, by Professor Powel. 
M.A. ; The late Sir rlugh Owen, by Lewis Morris, M.A.; Welsn 
Fairy Tales, by Professor Rhys; Morwynion Gldn Meirionydd 
(translated by H. W. Lloyd) ; Professor Rhys on Welsh Antiquities 
and Fairy Tales; Dinas Penmaen or Penma£nmawr, a Druidical 
Temple before being a British Fortress, by Clara P. ; Names of 
Printers and Publishers of Welsh Books, by JBemard Quaritch ; The 
Legend of the Oldest Animals, by Professor E. B. Cowell ; The 
Delimitation of the English and Welsh Languages, by Alex. J. 
Ellis, F.R.S. ; The Ancient Ethnology of WcUes, oy Professor W. 
Boyd Dawkins ; The Welshman ojEnglish LitercUure, by David 
Lewis ; The Eisteddfod and Popular Music in Wales, by J. Spencer 
Curwen ; Reviews of Books, Notes and Queries. 

Volume VL 

Contents: — The Metalliferous Deposits of Flintshire a$id 
Denbighshire, by D. C. Davies, F.G.S. ; Welsh Hymnology, by the 
Rev. W. Glanffrwd Thomas ; A Cornish Song QCan Kerniw) ; A 
Poem by lolo Goch (translated by H. W. Lloyd) ; The Ethnology of 
the Welsh Race, by the Most Hon. the Marquess of Bute, K.T. ; 
The Treatment of English Borrowed Words tn Colloquial Welsh, 
by Professor Powel, M.A.; A Progress through Wales in the 17/A 
Century, by David Lewis; Welsh Fairy Tales, by Professor Rhys; 
Reviews of Books, Notes and Queries. 

Volume vn. 

Contents : — Anerchiad, gan Gwilym Hiraethog; A Comparison 
of some Sanskrit and Celtic Words, by the Rev. John Davies, M.A. 
The Legend of Llyn Lhnclys, by the Rev. W. Watkins, M.A., 
Folk-Lore— Highland Parallels to Welsh Popular Tales, etc,; 
Notes on Celtic Phonology, by Professor Khys; The Royal 
Cambrian Academy of Art,Dy T. H. Thomas, R.C.A. ; A Fragment 
from Hengwrt mS. No. 202, and Facsimiles of Classical Welsh 
MSS., by Egerton Phillimore, M.A. ; Historical Poems, by lorwerth 
Vynglwyd, by Professor Powel, M.A. ; Anglesea Folk-Lore, by 
W. W. Cobb, M.A. ; Early Welsh Milanese Literature, by Professor 
F. T. Palgrave ; Reviews, Notes and Queries, etc. 



Honourable Society of Cymmrodorion. 



Volume VILL 

Contents: — Race and Nationality ^ by Isambard Owen, MA., 
M.D. ; Notes on the Life of St. Davtd^y Howel W. Lloyd, M.A. ; 
Selection of Welsh Poetry^ by lago ab Dewi ; Sir William tones as 
Linguist and Author, by the Kev. John Davies, M.A. ; Pedigrees 
from Jesus College MS. 20, by Eeerton Phillimore and T. Gwenogfryn 
Evans; Observations on the Welsh Pronouns^ by Max Nettlau, 
Ph.D., with notes by Professor Rhys ; Ebostol y Sul^ by Professor 
Powel, M.A. ; Ancient Welsh Words^ by T. W. Hancock; Reviews 
and Notices, Reports, etc. 

Volume IX. 

Q,ovi\.&oXB\— Selection of Welsh Poetry ^ by lago ab Dewi; The 
Personal Name-System in Old Welsh^ by J. E. Lloyd, M.A. ; On 
the Circular Huts (Cyttiau'r Gwyddelod) and their Inhabitants^ by 
the Rev. Elias Owen, M.A. ; The Annates Cambria and Old Welsh 
Genealogies from Harleian MS. 3859, by Egerton Phillimore, M.A. ; 
The Welsh Shires, by Professor Tout. M.A. ; Old Welsh Folk- 
Medicine, by E. Sidney Hartland; Observations on the Welsh 
Nouns, etc, by Max Nettlau, Ph.D. ; Extracts from Hengwrt MS. 
VL edited by J. Gwenogfryn Evans ; The Possibilities of Welsh 
Music, by Joseph Bennett ; An Unpublished Welsh Fragment^ by 
Egerton Phillimore, M.A. ; Reviews, Notes and Queries, etc. 

Volimie X. 

Contents : — Comparative Notes to the Mabinogion, by Professor 
Henri Gaidoz ; Notes on the Early History of Bangor Isy Coed^ 
and Welsh Settlements East of Offds Dyke during the wth Century, 
by Alfred Neobard Palmer; Some Minor Welsh Poets of the 
ueof^ian Era (iii^-iSv>), by Richard Williams, F.R.H.S. ; Professor 
HaJB^nann and Sir Wtlham Jones, by the Rev. John Davies, M. A.; 
Welsh Pedigrees, by Henry F. J. Vaughan, B.A.; The Public 
Records Relating to Wales, by Richard Arthur Roberts ; The Legend 
of King BladuOfhy the Rev. Professor Sayce, MJ\., LL.D.; Selection 
of Weuh Poetry, by lago ab Dewi (concluded). 

Volume XL 

Contents '.—The Preservation of Ancient Monuments in Wales, 
by J. Romilly Allen, F.S.A. (Scot.); Welsh Place Names, by J. E. 
Lloyd, M.A., with Notes by Egerton PhiHimore, M.A; The Settle- 
ment of Brittany, by Wm. Edwards, M.A. (with Notes by Egerton 
Phillimore, M.A.) ; The Tnu Objects of Welsh Archaotogy, by J. 
W. Willis Bund, F.S.A. (with Notes by Egerton Phillimore, M.A.) ; 
The Publication of Welsh Historical Records, by Egerton Phillimore, 
M.A.; The Crofter System of the Western isles of Scotland, 
and the Callemish Stone of Lewis, by Alfred N. Palmer ; Henry 
Vaughan of Scethrog, by Professor Palgrave; The Proposed 
University of Wales, by Principal T. F. Roberts ; Errata, etc. 

Volume Xn. 

Contents : — The Court of the President and Council of Wales and 
the Marches from 1478 to 1J75, by His Honour Judge Lewis, with 
Note as to Appendices ; Offa s ana Wat's Dykes, by Stred Neobard 



List of Publications. 



Palmer; Celtic Art^ with a Suggestion of a Scheme for the better 
preservation and freer study of the monuments of the early 
Christian Church in Wales, by T. H. Thomas, R.C.A.; Obituary 
Notice : His Honour Judge David Lewis, by D. Lleufer Thomas, 
B.A. 

Volume XHL 

Contents: — Vicar Prichard : a study in IVelsh Bibliography, by 
John Ballinc;er ; A Collation ol Rees Lives of the Camoro-Britisk 
Saints, by Professor Kuno Meyer, Ph. D. ; Further Notes on the 
Court of the Marches : with Original Documents, by D. Lleufer 
Thomas, B.A. ; The Jesus College Peithynen, by Professor John 
Rhys, M.A., LL.D. 

Volume XIV. 

Contents : — English Law in Wales and the Marches, by Henry 
Owen, D.C.L. Oxon., F.S.A. ; The Broughions ofMarchwtel: Con^ 
tribution to the History of the Parish of Marchwiel, by Alfred 
Neobard Palmer ; Vita SancU Kebie, by the Rev. S. Baring Gould, 
M.A.; Salesburys Dictionary and the Kin^s License, by J. H. 
Davies, M.A. ; A Welsh Love Song of the u>th Century, by J. H. 
Da vies, M.A.; T?ie Expulsion of the Dessi, by Professor Kuno 
Meyer, Ph.D.; Side Lights on Welsh Jacobittsm, by J. Arthur 
Price, B.A. 



Ctan0ac^ion0 



OF THE 



j^onouvafife ^ociet^ of C^mmvobonotu 



Session 1892-98. 

Sacred Wells in Wales, by Professor John Rhys, M.A., LL.D.; 
Welsh Bards and Reviewers, by Ernest Rhys ; The Celt and the 
Poetry of Nature, by W. Lewis Jones, M.A. ; On Science as a 
Relaxation, by W. H. Preece, F.R.S. ; Dyffryn Clwyd: ei Ramantau 
di La/ar gwlad, gan Isaac Foulkes \Lfyfrbryf) ; Report of the 
Council for 1891-92. 

Session 1893-94. 

The Ancient Church in Wales, by Sir R. L. Vaughan- Williams, 
one of Her Majesty's Judges; Welsh Saints, by J. W. Willis- 
Bund, F.S.A. ; Some Aspects of the Christian Church in Wales 
during the $th and 6tn Centuries, by the Rev. Professor Hugh 
Williams, M.A. ; Reports on Publications (Owen*s Pembrokeshire, 
by Henry Owen, F.S.A.. and The Black Book of St, David's, 
by T. W.Willis-Bund, F.S.A.) ; Reports of the Council for 1892-93 
ana 1893-94. 



Honourable Society of Cymmrodorion. 



Session 1894-96. 

Notes on the Hunting of Twrch Trwyth^ by Professor John Rhys, 
M.A., LL.D. ; The Future of Welsh Education^ by Miss E. P. 
Hughes; The Cistercian Aobey of Cwm-Hir^ Radnorshire^ by 
Stephen W. Williams, F.S.A., with Illustrations by W. G. Smith ; 
The Welsh Calendar^ by the Rev. John Fisher, B.D. Report 
of the Council, List of the Officers, Council, and Members of 
the Society for 1894-95. 

Session 1896-96. 

The Historical Importance of the Cymric Tribal System^ by 
Frederic Seebohm, LL.D. ; The Development of the Agricultural 
Resources of Wales^ by T. Parry ; Early Relations beSveen Gael 
and Brython^ by Professor Kuno Meyer, M.A., Ph. D. ; Cymru Fu : 
some Contemporary Statements^ by R. Arthur Roberts ; Transcript 
of ^^ Ministers' Account'' (Portfolio 1158, No. \^ preserved pn the 
Public Record Office.) Report of the Council and Statement of 
Receipts and Payments for 1895-96; Report of Annual Dinner 1896, 
(Guest : H.R.H. the Duke of York, K.G.) 

Session 1896-97. 

Music in Wales, by Joseph Bennett; Domestic and Decorative Art 
in Wales, by Thomas E. Ellis, M.P. ; Suggestions as to the f idler 
study of Owen Glyndwr, by " Owen Rhoscomyl ", Observations on 
the foregoing Paper, by Hubert Hall, F.S.A ; Recent Developments 
in tVelsn Eaucation, by Rev. G. Hartwell Jones, M.A. ; Illustrations 
to the Paper on Domestic and Decorative Art in Wales, and Notes 
thereon, by Robert Williams, F.R,I.B.A. Report of the Council. 
Statement of Receipts and Payments, and List of Officers, Council 
and Members of the Society for 1896-97. 

Session 1897-98. 

Early Welsh Bibliography (with facsimile Illustrations), by J. H. 
Da vies, M.A. ; John Wilkinson and the Old Bersham Iron Works 
{with Illustrations), by Alfred Neobard Palmer ; Welsh Folk Music, 
by Miss Mary Owen (Mrs. Ellis J. Griffith) ; The Character of the 
Heresy of the Early British Church, by Fred C. Conybeare, M.A. ; 
The Greater Britain of the Sixth Century; Note. Report of the 
Council, and Statement of Receipts and Payments for 1897-98. 

Session 1898-99. 

Early Fortifications in Wales, by the Rev. S. Baring Gould, 
M.A. ; Early Social Life in Wales, by David Brynmdr Tones, Q.C., 
M.P. ; Geoffrey of Monmouth, by Professor W. Lewis Jones, M.A. ; 
Argraphwyr, Cyhoeddwyr, a Llyfrwerthwyr Cymru, gan Isaac 
Foulkes (iJyfriryf). Report of the Council, and Statement of 
Receipts and Payments for 1898-99. 

Session 1899-1900. 

Portrait and Obituary Notice oi the late Marquess of Bute, K.T. 
(President of the Society) ; Welsh Cave Legends, and the Story of 
Owen Lawgoch, by Professor Rhys. LL.D. ; Owain Lawgoch — 
Yeuain de Galles : some Facts and Suggestions, by Edward Owen 
(with facsimile Illustration); Canu Pennillion, by Rev. W. H. 
Williams (Watcyn Wyn) ; tVales and the Coming of the Normans, 
1039-1093, by Professor J. E. Lloyd, M.A. Report of the Council, 
and Statement of Receipts and Payments for i899-i9oa 



List of Publicattans, 



^tq^femeniavf (^oCumeff. 



A SKBTOH OF THE HISTOBY OF THE 

CYMMBODOBION, 

Including a Reprint of The Constitutions, as originally settled 
for the use ot the Society (1751). 1877. {Out of print). 

A DICTIONARY IN ENQLYSHE AND WELSHE, 

By Wyllyam Salesbury (Imprynted at London, in Foster Lane, 
by John Waley [1547]). Facsimile reprint. 4 parts. 

THE QODODIN OF ANEUBIN QWAWDBYDD: 

An English translation, with copious explanatoiy notes, and a Life of 
Aneurin. By the late Thomas Stephens, Author of The IMera- 
ture of the Kymry. Edited by Professor Powel, M.A., 1888. 

ATHBAVAETH QBISTNOQAVIi, 
Le oair uedi oynniiys yn grynno *r hoi brifbynoiau oyd i 
gyfaruydo dyn ar y phord i baraduys; 

Originally printed at Milan, 1568. Reproduced in facsimile 
from the unique copy formerly in the possession of H.LH. 
Prince Louis-Lucien Bonaparte. 1880. 

YSTOBYA DE OASOLO MAQNO ; 

Transcribed by Mrs. John Rhys from the Red Book of Hergest, 
Edited by Professor Powel, M.A., 1883. 

• 

THE BLESSEDNES OF BBYTAINE, 
Or a Celebration of the Queenes Holyday. 

By Maurice Kyffin. Originally publisl^fed 1587. Reprinted 1885. 

AN ESSAY ON PENNHJON SINQINQ: 
Hanes ao Henaflaeth Canu Qyda^ Tannau, 

gan John Jones (Idris Vychan), 1885. 

G-EHALD THE WELSHMAN, 

By Henry Owen, B.C.L., of Corpus Christi College, Oxford. 1889. 

A COLLECTION OF THE POEMS OF lOLO GOCH, 

With Historical and Critical Notes by Charles Ashton. 

QweitMau lolo Gooh: gyda Nodladau Beimiadol 

a Hanesyddol, 
Gan Charles Ashton. 1896. 



8 Honourable Society of Cymmrodorion, 



C^mmvobovion (Recovb ^evietf. 



No. I. 
THE DESCBIFTION OF PENBBOEBHIBE (1603), 

By George Owen, ot Henllys, Lord of Kernes. Edited, with Notes 
and an Appendix, by Henry Owen, D.C.L. (Ozon.), F.S-A. 
1892. Vol. I, being Parts I and II oi Owen's Pembrokeshire. 

No. II. 

THE OOnBT BOLLS OF THE LORDSHIP OF 

BUTHIN, or Dyffiryn-Clwyd, of the Beign of 

King Edward L (1294-5). 

Edited, with Notes and Translation, by Richard Arthur RobertSi 
of Her Majesty's Public Record Office. 

No. III. 

QILDAE BE EXOIDIO BBTFANNLAlE, 
Fragmenta, Liber de Paenitentiay aooedit et 

Lorioa Qildae. 

(Gildas : the Ruin of Britain, Fragments irom Lost Letters, the 
Penitential, together with the Lorica of Gildas.) Edited 
by Hugh Wiluams, M.A., Professor of Church History 
at the Theological College, Bala. In 3 parts. Part I issued. 

No. IV. 

A OATALOQUE OF MSS. BELATINa TO WALES IN 

THE BBITISH MUSEUM, 

Compiled and Edited by Edward Owen, of Gray's Inn, Barristei^ 
at-Law. In 3 Parts. Part I issued, containing list of MSS. 
from the following collections, the Cottonian, Lansdowne, 
Royal, Hargrave, Bumey, Arundel, and Church Briefs. 

In Preparation, 

THE BLACK BOOK OF ST. DAVIDnS (1326). 

Edited by J. W. Wiixis Bund, F.S.A 

THE WB1TIEGH3 OF G-EOFFBEY OF MONMOUTH. 
Edited by Professor W. Lewis Jones, M.A. 



To bt had on appiicaHon to thi Stertiaryt at iks Cymmrodarum LUiraryt 
Ntm SioMt Buildingt^ Ckaneny Lam^ Lomion^ W.C% 



Cptnittrodjiortiim Htcoflj ficrtes. 

yiRsr PBosPSVTun. 

\ Tatiidea oF tbe pBHIoatioo ot WeUh Rooocda. wbicli h»dbiisOuie Uoie oucapl«<l ^tle 



f 

F of tlju (^ynudroddlon Section ot the Nntlouii {Clslodiliml biild nt. Itttoob in 

lo the papers wbich were nnd at tlittt i/i40tlti^ it wu MtMnTi that a vut qmuititr cJ 
mnMrtiil neceKsarjr for undurftliUidiiiK th« tilBtory ut WnlM Htill ri'mAliiad burled In 
pubUo and private Librariw, tui<l aJso tlutt lUoU of thu W«l<b l.^luuutuleii m bfld 
bgen hIvbd to the world bwl booa edited In k nuintmr wluob li:k(l not fuUHIod the 
r<*({iiln>menta of modern snholuship. 

A* It Appeared that the Qovcramrjit dedlnnil M nnJfirtnJro tikV fnrtlm pubtion- 
lUoo of puTGljr Welsli Itocord*, tt wu aueK<i*<^' ^ '^ -^'^ witUnriM tlmt thn 
, Cuuncil of the CfrnmrodorlOD Sodet}' tibuuld t»ko Uih wijrk in bnuU, and eadibUili a 
''^seinraM fotid for that pnrptne. 

Tlio Connovl ate of opinion tbat a work of till* magiilindo uantiot inb IcCt U> 
prlvale euterprisa. altbanati tbo; thackfoUy aolciiowLedKa (tiu lodcMo'lauM of all 
,wcUtinieD to Enob moa aa Mr, Q. '£, Ulark vl I'sijKam, ihe Bci-. Otooa Hiliao Gvacu, 
Jar. J. UvenogbTn Evani, Ur Owen EdwArdi, lli. EKurton VlilUlmoTO, imd Tio- 
'basor John Rhjs, and tliej (ally appreoiate ttio ntlnablu wock tt'ino b; laiRnbm Uf 
'*" varioue AndijOBiiiLD Societiea. 

FrtvaM oattnpriao tioa enabled tbaCoiincU to iMtkO.witboot iioac lu IbuSuoivtJ*. UiB 
,Ai*t numboi of tbn Sarlai which tiiaj haro imiiflrtalun, TEio odillnn of Oi-cK''' /^m- 
'irttlmitKire, two paiti ol wtdott btir* olroiMlf b»«ci iMoed), U ttin rcaalt twi Ur, Uonrjr 
Oweii~« in<.imb«i' o! tbe Socifty'* Cunucil - of looir aixl ttrdnnuf labour, and ot an 
asDiuiditar* oI » «iai of mouuy wtikb would unablu an; pau-ioUu WnUbmnn wUo 
f oDowa tbat aiiaapXv to preoeot timUaT naabois ot tbo propa«ei1 fitvit* to )il* oonntrf 

Tbe teooed namber of thcSniina coualut* ot Reonrd* I'ou- tiM RotUn OMrt 
Hollii (A.D. 13S4-6J. edited by Mr. U. Artbiir Kobott*, of the TubU:: Rftjorf Ofiloo. J 
Catalogue if tht WeWk Mannufript* in the SriHth Mtusiuin a n-anioript of T\t 
Bloih Saah vf St. iJcciTidlV, aad ouw tdiljona of itVitnisu aiid (Vl/'^oroju tn counAot 
pre^ptuntion. 

in the Eatnre nnmben ot tb« BotloM win be publiabod, ir<im j >ibUn or prlvat« 
US8., with Introdactioiia and NoI«a br eompHlfnt Hbulai-a, *iidO Hiiflord* a* will 
tbcow l%ht on Roote period of Wbbib UMory. Tbew! |iublioHlkrmk 'Till, tlio tJotnw.ll 
tngsl. Ku far lu r«iaiote from Iba Frinolii<ilit]r the duboDoor ut bfutt' Uio oil!' ofttiou 
iu Europe whiah U wltboat aortldag apprQaoblRfc lea siWiiUl ' 'i "ry. 

It uborwdtofasue annuAllj one notober 0* Win ■= ■■' ■ ..j.,_i. 

b«t wUL. it U anUdfiitad, be aboni) JE^SO. 'loanKm 
ta neOGMutrr to f onn a Penuaiiotit Capital Fund, aii 1 1 < 
bm'o resolveil to do. Thi* Fund, of wbicb Sit 
TboBKW Lowi», Bart, and Mr. Henry Ciw.^n, r^s.^^., . 
control of tba CooJiiil, but will I ■ 



»ly f.. 

recoipU OQapaymontu nlU bi< 

Towards tbe «xpeiiemo[ i ' ' 
fotrOXati lo nM aiildo, fiom tiinu ;..> 
£180, aoontribnilon whieb Ibcy t. 



1 laifcii I 



inddontly niipeal M all WeUbmen for dymuHtby and help ht tfala 
raoll; national «tit(TrpTliie. Wolabflien aro pruvarblatlv proitd of tlie antii|dltlRi of 
If tti<ir Inad. IXj placo tbo racoid of tbt.'se aatlqatUi-i witCln Llin mch of orury Webb 
.tlndoni In an iwioiirat« and intoUMblo form, and to enable iilm to nnilantacd tbu 
growth ot tho natlooal and Indlfidual llto. Ih a. oorlt wbioh abouid uotI« all WcUi- 
■Dun for tbo becuat of thoir noimtryiuen. and for tbu honour of Wal«. 
Btnil. Prfi4mt. 
S. VDiOfiNT BVA1«. Baentarfi • 
CnmBODOBiao LifisiJtT, 
' M, OJIJIBCBW Lahi. IhwdoM, W.C. 



'.• Clioqnas may bo xmt to E. VTCTCBNT EVANS, Soordtary lo the 
^onoumbla Society uf Oymtnrodorioo, 64, Ohiuioory Luno, W.O., 
woMod "IjondOQ Joint Stock Btuik, X.lt&ll«d, to tlie oredJl of tb9 
Oymmrodorlon Rooord Sarlaa Fimd." 



liononfable ^^boelif of Cgnrntrobonon^^ 



UUrafur/^ SdtHtt, and Art ai anauOeti wiiA IVitUr. 

fmriBto ini. RxviviD iSii, 

OOm): KffV BTDirS BUODnrOS. M, CKtHCKHY LUTB. LomOJt, W.C 



1 



The Right Hoouuml'lp Lord TRZDCOAn. 

FiiP^lrniSRiU. 
The Rislit Honourable Tlic Earl or Jebhky. 
The Might Htmourabic Tin- Eari. ofIVwb. 
The Kii^t Hcv. 1"li<? Lord BrsHOP of LtAiiDAtT. 

The Riglil R'^v- The Lord nifmcip or Sr. AhAPH. 
ThcR ' '■ "- Tb- ' "■ - jcSi. OaviuV 

Tbr i-' ■'■ tlAkT^R. 

Thi- ) I 1>, DiEtidjiorMHievla. 



Th.- I 
Til.- i 
Tl" I 



UJ--. 



Sir WaTXIS WlLLbUl- S\'\■K.^■. liai!. 

Sfr RofiCRT A. CuNUFiE, Bart, 
Sir W. 'ino«A« I.twi^ Bart. 
SbJoHH r [) I.Lt,-,vi.i.vs, Ban. 
Sil A' " "' ' ■[•. Bum, 

Lici'i 1 Hais- 

Sii i.. . '"'i-, J>LV. 

Sir Vm -. >. ICC.IJ- 

SirDAVii' l-:\;>NT-,KC.M.G. 
Sir OwtN RosKRnt D.CU 
Sir WaLI»R Mo»ca». 
Sir Lxwffi JilUKHts. 
Sir JODx H. Puusrm. 



AiraED Damuiu MX D5c 

j. H. Daviejs ma 

W. Ca&waladr D.*\nEs. 

W- E. DaVus. 

E. Viwrnn Eva.^s, 

\VlI.UA»il EVAI»!>. 

Kllis ] GKirrmi, M.P. 

W. TuiniR Hovm-i- 

T. HnWEu. WiLUAMS ipRJS F.C.S, 

B. HiJwr Jenkiss. 

Kev. G. HARTWEiJ.-liij<xa, M_,V 

R«» H, Ci,vi.TLt:wi», M-A. 

T.£ Mi^Hiirii, MA. LLM. 

ALTiiKf Ninr. 



W. CoKXWAtUS Wcsi. Lnrf 1 

leoutl, 00. OcnlnB!). 
H. R. Huoiiis, UirdU«m., en. Fll 
Ovres M. RtiWABiiR, M.A. 
TiniHAfi E. Eu.15, M V-f-UoMttd): 
D. BRTBM*»Jo-.t5. Q.C, UK 
His H'woiir Judos fjWiai- 
Hiu Hntkiar Jiroiijt PaMJLY. 
lii» IIoOOUT JUDOK 

Wirj-rAjia. 

WiLMAB RatHDONK, J.1..D. 
J. ICKATIl-'a WlUJAHa. 

WiixiAM It- M. WrMKK. Lurd I 
iBunl, CO. XlcrlooKtb. 



KnWAttD OWTH. 

HcKiiY OwfW, DCL-Oxmi- TSA 

Isamharp Owek, U D^ Ma. 

PrtaclfiAl Join RuYs, MA, ULD, 

Probttor nunil. T. SooinTs, K 

H. Llotd RoBntn. 

R. Aicnitm Roantra. 

RicnARXi Ronntra, B.A. 

J Kounxv Auo, K.SA 

Hovro. TiioHAs. 

\aa» TliiiUAft [f'trnxnU (rwntJni). 

W, Caw TimHAA, F S.S. 

Sir toiw Wi».tAj«^ E»n, M D, 

T. MaKCIIAXT Vr'lLUAltt, B^, 

J, w. WtLLo-Qimo. rsA 



t. VincinfT EVAS*. 



y Cpmmroaor. 



C5« magazliu 

Ct IPX fW^iwilMDIe 



Sociclp or Cpminroaorion. 



TJ/a SOIfORUL comfitrnE 



ISSUED UV THE SOClETy, 
NEW STONE BUILDINGS, H, CHANCERY L/\NE. 

t9(U> 



"*BB BONOtSASBE flOmfff'OFOTHlHWSOliroR.^^ 



CAtupnofi a//Ae Cinwfil .-—Mr. Sttfknf Svoiu,JJ'. 
7>tmnnr."-Ur. U. iJoy* ftebrftt. Stentitry t—Mr. S, Vimma Sw 



P iplillt*!!-!. !■■! iiuDi:..rr-!iLi, ..li.iLiPil 



; \o ooplM of all tl« poMtaUl<nu, ( 



y Clynuarodor. 



The G 
AaXr 



LIBT OP PDBtlO&TIONS. 

. ii IV, V. vl. ril. vti). li. I. il. »iL WBwa»*(0«. Val4. ilK. 
i,f. }.rr V jIu™, H'.Oi t iiwl 111 nn u«l ot pHM.) 

of tjid Cymiuioilorlou. <\--A •it piink' 

-,- 111 i:ijf;i\.-,h.> u'^[J Wclhh'j. bj Wrllyani SwImIhm/ (IMy 

'huinu Hti>pli«fw. Aathiit 'if i 



I-.. 
The 131 

GDnUaili-.' WoL'ilir,!-;,^. !■■ >!■:.. j m.,,, 

k rMh.tlll. I".. 

,' Aihtou, Thii Works or Tolo Otx>h 

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liTl!,; ■ '•■- r ■' • 



tf t»a»U>».<ii."i 




y Cpmmrodor* 



THE MAGAZINE 



OF THE HONOURABLE 



SOCIETY OF CYMMRODORION. 



VOL. XV. 



rUODUCED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF 
THE EDITORIAL COMMITTEE. 



LOJSTDON : 

ISSUED BY THE SOCIETY, 

NEW STONE BUILDINGS, 64, CHANCERY LANE 

1902. 



Devizes : 
Printed by George Simpson. 



CONTENTS. 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. By D. Lleufer Thomas 1 

Saint Caraniiog. By the Rev. S. Baring Gould, M.A. 88 

Old County Families of Dyfed. The Wogans of Boulston. 

By Francis Green. (With lllustrationa and Pedupee) 100 

Keviews: — Edwards' (Owen M.) Wales, By W. 

Llewelyn Williams, B.C.L., Oxon. ... 150 

Bradley's (Arthur G.) Owen Glyndtvr : and the La.st 
Stntfjf/le for Welsh Independence. By T. 
Stanley Roberts, M.A. ... ... ... 168 

Loth's (J.) La Metrique Oalloise, By H. Elvet 

Lewis, M.A. ... ... ... ... 173 

Roessler's (Chas.) Les hijiuinces Celtiques. By 

H. Elvet Lewis, M.A. ... ... ... 174 




Cjutmrnirnr* 



Vol. XV. "Cared doeth yr kncilion." 1901 



Btme (TUorrie in Cav^ic^anB^ivt. 

By D. LLEUFER THOMAS. 



As part of the gradual assimilation of VSTelsh legal institu- 
tions to those of England, a process which commenced 
immediately after the conquest of VSTales by Edward I, the 
cantrefi and cymydau of the Principality came to be treated 
and regarded by English lawyers as the VSTelsh equivalents 
of the lordships and manors of England. English manorial 
law was applied to the ancient VSTelsh divisions, and the 
rights which the lord and free tribesmen of a cantref en- 
joyed under the VSTelsh laws were interpreted as far as 
possible in accordance with those of the lord and free- 
holders of an English manor. Among other doctrines 
thus applied to Wales was the presumption that all 
unenclosed land was the waste of the lordship or manor in 
which it was situated : the Crown, as the successor in title 
to the tribal, and therefore not strictly feudal, rights of the 
VSTelsh lords, claimed extensive tracts of unenclosed lands 
as waste of its various lordships ; a claim strenuously 
opposed by most of the great landowners and freeholders, 
who on their part asserted that such lands, though unen- 
closed, were not common or waste at all, but formed part 
of their freehold estates. The chronic hostility which 

B 



2 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 

existed between Welsh landowners and the Crown, with 
reference to this question, culminated from time to time 
in " pitched battles," fought either in the law-courts,^ or 
more often in an appeal to physical force on the slopes of 
one of the mountains, the ownership of which was in 
dispute. 

The more salient facts of several of these conflicts may 
be found collected and commented upon in the Report of 
the Welsh Land Commisaion (pp. 185-8, 199-207). But 
one of the earliest and most important seems to have 
hitherto escaped attention. As the official champion of 
the Crown rights on that occasion was none other than 
the bard and antiquary, Lewis Morris [Llewelyn Ddu o 
F6n)y the story may probably be deemed of sufficient his- 
torical importance to be accorded space in the pages of 
Y Gymmrodor, The Welsh bard's great-grandson and 
namesake. Sir Lewis Morris, of Penbryn, has kindly placed 
in my hands, for perusal, a large collection of recently 
discovered papers in his ancestor's handwriting, including 
one hundred and twenty letters, addressed by Lewis to his 
brother William at Holyhead, between 1748 and 1762, 
but by far the greater number of them bearing date be- 
tween 1753 and 1757 inclusive. The bundle also contains 
drafts or copies of answers and affidavits sworn in 1757 
by Lewis Morris as defendant, in an equity suit instituted 
against him, by information of the Attorney-General, on 
behalf of the Treasury, praying inter alia that the de- 
fendant should be ordered to deliver an account of his 
stewardship of certain Crown manors in North Cardigan- 
shire. In these answers, Lewis Morris discloses the fact 

' As in the case of The Attorney-General a^aifist Rereleyy heard in 
the Court of Exchequer in May 18(58 and July 1869. A report of the 
case by W. W. Karslake was privately printed in 1870, for the use of 
the office of Woods and Forests. 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 3 

that only a few years previously, even at the risk of his 
life, he had been the champion of the rights of the Crown 
in a dispute as to the ownership of a tract of unenclosed 
land in the same district. 

In the following pages, I shall endeavour to tell the 
story of these two struggles so far as I am able to do so 
from the papers before me, and also bring out a few other 
facts relating to Morris's connection with Cardiganshire. 
The letters teem with literary material of very great in- 
terest and value, especially with reference to Goronwy 
Owen, and to the early history of the Cymmrodorion 
Society, which was founded in 1751. All this I have, 
reluctantly, to eschew at present, with the object of con- 
fining myself to the story of Lewis Morris's Cardiganshire 
struggles. 

According to a statement supplied to the Welsh Land 
Commission by the Office of Woods and Forests, the 
Crown, in right of the seven hundreds or manors of 
Creuddyn, Perfedd, Mabwnion, Myfenydd, Harminiog, 
Cyfoeth y Brenin, and Talsarn and Silian, was in 1893 the 
owner of upwards of 26,000 acres of unenclosed waste land 
in the county of Cardigan, subject to commonable rights. 
In addition to this, it also possessed " the minerals within 
upwards of 28,000 acres of 'other land, formerly waste of 
the above manors, but which has either been sold or en- 
closed under Act of Parliament with a reservation to the 
Crown of minerals.'^ 

Originally, all the lands in question formed part of the 
ancient Principality of Wales, but on its conquest by 
Edward I, they became attached to the Crown of England. 
Along with much other Crown property in Mid Wales 
they were managed throughout the Tudor period by the 
Earls of Pembroke, who acted as Crown Stewards. Accord- 
ing to a petition presented to Parliament on behalf of 

b2 



4 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 

their freeholders in 1660, the Cardiganshire manors had 
been alienated by the Commonwealth in 1649, — 

'* thereby becoming the possessions of private men, particularly of 
Thomas Evans, Henry Vaughan, John Vaughan,' and others, who 
using their jurisdiction with more rigour than your Petitioners or 
Predecessors were formerly acquainted with, by excessive amerce- 
ments, fines, and threats, extorting your Petitioners* Voices at 
Publick Elections, and a conformity to their will and pleasure, many 
times contrary to your Petitioners' judgments and inclinations." 

In view of these grievances, the petitioners prayed that 
the manors in question should be re-united to the Crown, 
which was effected shortly afterwards, as a natural sequel 
of the Restoration. 

And now to come to Lewis Morris's own period. In 
1746 the stewardship of several, perhaps all, of the crown 
manors in Cardiganshire was granted to William Corbett. 
Most probably he was a younger brother of Thomas 
Corbett, who was an Admiralty official from about 1720, 
filling the post of Secretary of the Admiralty from 1742 
till his death in 1751. What suggests this to me is the 
fact that it was through Thomas Corbett's interest 
(secured through the good offices of Meyrick of Bodorgan) 
that Lewis Morris was commissioned, in 1741, to complete 
the survey of St. George's Channel, a work commenced 
in 1737, but not proceeded with, owing to the scant 
encouragement that Morris had received in the matter. 
The Secretary's brother, William Corbett, commenced 
his career as secretary to Viscount Torrington in the 
Baltic expedition in 1717, and subsequently became 

' " Of Peterwell, Plas Cilcennin, and Trawscood Fespectively (see 
Meyrick's Cardiganshire, 208, 28o, 322). According to a MS. written 
circ. 1(3(51, John Vaughan (who subsequently became Lord Chief 
Justice of the Common Pleas) "purchased Mcvenyth, one of his late 
Majesty's manors." When this was re-united to the Crown at the 
Restoration, Vaughan was made steward of Myfenydd and four other 
Crown manors in the district. 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 5 

cashier of the Navy.^ Lewis Morris's younger brother, 
Richard, who became a chief clerk in the Navy oflSce, 
probably owed his introduction into that department to 
his elder brother's connection with the Corbetts. 

When the stewardship of the Crown manors was 
granted to William Corbett in 1746, Lewis Morris was 
appointed deputy steward,^ then, and for some years after 
also holding the oflSce of Collector of the Customs at 
Aberdovey. The new oflSce necessitated his settling in the 
district. His brother William, in a letter to Richard 
(dated 10 May 1746, and preserved at the British Museum), 
conveys the news that Lewis had recently purchased 
" part of an estate situated in such a place that I would 
not have accepted it gratis to live upon it. No doubt he 
has some inducement, mwyn neu rywbeth^^ minerals or 
something. This probably referred to Galltfadog, a farm 

^ See Dictionary of National Biography^ under Thomas Corbett. 
According to Burke, whose account of the family is in many respects 
unreliable, William the cashier was the third son of a William Corbett, 
by Eleanor, daughter and co-heir of Colonel John Jones, of Nanteos, 
Cardiganshire (cf . Meyrick's Cardiganshire, pp. 402, and 572-5). Burke 
erroneously describes William, the father, as " Secretary of the Ad- 
miralty " — but that office was held not by him but by his eldest son 
Thomas — and states that he was the son of Thomas Corbett of Nash, 
Pembrokeshire, who was second son of Robert Corbett (himself a 
younger son of Sir Vincent Corbet, of Moreton Corbet, Salop), by 
Bridget, daughter and heiress to Sir James Pryse, of Ynys y maengwyn, 
near Towyn. There were also later inter-marriages between the Nant- 
eos family and the Corbets of Ynys y maengwyn, both the Rev. W. 
Powell, LL.D. (1705-1780), and his son Thomas (? 1745-1797) marrying 
1 adies from the latter family ( Meyrick, 388-9, 403). In any case, William 
Corbett, the navy cashier, had family connections with West Wales, 
especially North Cardiganshire, and this corroborates the identifica- 
tion I suggest. From him the Corbetts of Darnhall, in Cheshire, are 
descended. A daughter of Lewis Pryse, of Gogerddan (who died in 
1720), was married to a Corbet, whose Christian name Meyrick 
(p. 398) does not give. 

^ This is the date given by Morris himself in his history of the 
Crown manor of Creuthyn, printed in Meyrick's Cardiganshire (see p. 



6 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 

some five miles out of Aberystwyth J Lewis was not 
long before taking up his residence there, for he dates a 
letter (also in the British Museum) to Richard from 
Galltfadog on 31 July 1747, in which he says: ^^T expect 
Mr. Corbett and some e^reat men here daily, and am very 
busy in drawing maps, accounts, &c." Shortly afterwards, 
a friend of the brothers Morris, Alderman Prichard, saw 
Lewis in Cardiganshire, " in company of Mr. W. Corbett 
and Mr. Chambers, to whom he gave great satisfaction." 

Now Corbett's interest in the minerals of the district 
was not merely official. He and a Charles Richards had 
obtained a lease of " all mines within the wastes of the 
manor of Cwmwd y Perfedd, in the parish of Llanbadam 
Fawr," at a rent of 6s. 8d. a year, and one-tenth of the 

658), though according to a letter of 17 Aug. 1745 (preserved in the 
Brit. Mus.) from William Morris to Richard, Lewis had a short time 
previously been made " Dy (deputy) steward of all the King's Courts 
in these parts, with an extensive power and tolerable profit." 

^ "In the year 17(X), Sir H. Mackworth took a lease of Margaret 
Lewis, of Gallt-vadog, and of her son, R. Lewis, of the mines upon 
certain hills, moors, or places called Pwll yr Enaid, Bwlch cwm 
ervin, and Ryginan, for 99 years, in consideration only of £50 in 
hand. They had also a lease of Cwmsymlog, and worked there for 
some years" (Meyrick, p. ccxxxiii). Did Morris purchase Mackworth's 
interest under these leases ? On acquiring the property Morris at once 
proceeded to carry out some improvements on it. His farm bailiff and 
factotum, Edward Hughes, writing from Galltfadog on 14 Oct. 1748, to 
Morris himself, who was then in London (attending iyiter alia to the 
printing of his Survey of St. George's Channel) refers to the new garden 
he was laying out. On 16 Feb. 1749, Morris writes to William from 
Galltfadog, mentioning that he had pulled down the house there " in 
order to make it more comfortable." This was also preparatory to 
his bringing there a wife, for on the 20th of October in the same year, 
he married (for his second wife) Ann Lloyd, described as "heiress of 
Penbryn." She went to live at Galltfadog, but in April 1757 (her 
husband being at the time in London), the family removed to Penbryn 
(sometimes called by Morris, probably in jest, Penbryn y barcud); 
which is about eight miles out of Aberystwyth. 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 7 

profits.* As the usual term for mineral leases was thirty- 
one years, and this one expired on 12 July 1773 (when it 
was not renewed) it probably commenced to run from 
July 1742. 

In 1748, Corbett was vigorously working Cwmsymlog 
mine, possibly under the above mentioned lease from the 
Crown. It was probably in August of that year that a 
Cornish mining expert, Edmond Moore, visited the mine and 
reported on it to him.^ At that time the resident manager 
was John Paynter (of whom a good deal hereafter)^ while 
Edward Hughes, already referred to as Morris's factotum, 
was next in command under Paynter. Hughes seems to 
have been some relative, or at least an old acquaintance, of 
the Morrises from Anglesey, and like them had literary 
tastes (which he however drowned in drink j, lorwerth 
Fwynwr and lorwerth Frych being notti de 'plumes of his. 
Hughes continued at Cwmsymlog till the end of 1752, if 
not later. 

Some of the landowners of the district seem to have 
resisted the lessees, in the exercise of their rights. 
This resulted in a suit being instituted in 1743, by the 
Attorney-General, on behalf of the Crown and its lessees, 
Charles Eichards and William Corbett, against Thomas 
Pryse (probably the then M.P. for Cardiganshire), Thomas 
Griffiths and others. Unfortunately the records of this 
suit are now lost. So also are those of another contempo- 
rary local action, the Attorney-General v. Thomas Powell 
(of Nanteos), E. Jenkin and others. As deputy steward, 
Lewis Morris had doubtless to take an active part in pre- 

^ See Returns relating to the Woods, Forests and Land Revenues 
of the Crown, 1831, p. 22. 

^ It may be that the year of Moore's visit was 1752, but a state- 
ment in Meyrick's Cardiganshire (p. 558) suggests that William 
Corbett had died in or before 1761. 



8 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 

paring the case for the Crown in both suits, and this did 

not tend to make him a jpersona grata with the countj 

gentry, who felt that their rights were being invaded. 

The second action, in which, we know, the Crown was 

defeated, arose out of a dispute as to the ownership of a 

mine called Bwlchgwyn, situated on unenclosed land^ which 

the Crown claimed as common of its manor of Perfedd, 

while Thomas Powell, on the other hand, claimed it as his 

own freehold. Unfortunately only two documents relating 

to it — both in h very torn condition and neither of them 

dated — are included among the papers before me.^ The 

first is a list (in Lewis Morris's writing) of 

" The Freeholds in the neighbourhood of Bwlchgwyn Mine whose 
tenants have always made use of the lands where the mine stands^ as 
well as of all the mountains adjoining as a Common, have cut turf on 
the mountain as a common over against their tenements as cus- 
tomary, and those that had no wood growing on their lands made 
use of ye wood of Alltrudd as a common, and have always turned 
their cattle to graze on the common, as belonging to the tenants of 
the Manor of Pervedd and not to any other person." 

The freeholds enumerated are Llwynteifi (? uchaf and 
isaf), Brynbras uchaf and isaf, and Troed y Uwybr clun. 
There are added " proofs " of such evidence as could be 
given by the more aged persons who then were, or had 
been tenants or servants at these farms. On the back of 
this sheet are also the *^ proofs " of some seventeen 

" Cottagers upon the Common of the Mannor of Pervedd, some 
miles distant from the common in dispute, and on the other side the 
great river Rheidol, that have for many years, according to ancient 
custom, cut House Boot, &c., in the wood calle<l ye Allt Rudd near 
Bwlch gwyu mine, being always accounted part of the common of the 
Mannor of Porveth." 

' Further particulars concerning this suit, as well as to other 
matters which brought Morris into conflict with the county gentry, 
may be gleaned from Morris's History of the Crown Manor of 
Creuddyn, printed in Mey rick's Card i</anf hire ^ p. o(>5. 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 9 

There is also a memorandum to the following effect : — 

" Very few of the Persons that are material evidences for the 
King about Bwlch gwyn mines will care to speak their minds unless 
forced thereto, for fear of disobliging Mr. Powell, Mr. Parry, &c." 

In order to obtain the necessary evidence, some of 
those who had been concerned in what may be called acts 
of ownership in connection with the land in dispute are 
called upon to answer interrogatories, one set of which, 
translated into Welsh, forms the only other document now 
before me relating to this suit. The case set up by the 
Crown appears to have been somewhat as follows : — 

A short time previously a mine had been discovered on 
Bwlch gwyn, which was the name of that portion of a 
large tract of unenclosed mountain land adjoining and 
lying over against a farm called Pen-y-b^rth, owned by 
Thomas Powell, and occupied by Richard Thomas Pugh as 
his tenant. A boundary fence, erected apparently by or on 
behalf of the " brinkers ", separated this unenclosed land 
(including Bwlch gwyn) from the freehold farms that 
surrounded it. By a customary arrangement agreed to, or 
sanctioned by, the tenants of the lordship of Perfedd, each 
"brinker" "claimed" the exclusive use of that portion of 
the mountain which lay over against his own tenement, 
and such portion was designated — So-and-So's " liberty 
of pasture " (" liberty j?oW ^') . Bwlchgwyn, on which the 
mine was situated, was recognised as the "liberty" of 
Pen-y-berth. Each individual " brinker" would also drive 
away, though he would never impound, the sheep or cattle of 
any other "brinker" that might come to graze on his own 
" liberty." All unclaimed animals or Estrays {Diarddel) 
found on this mountain had to be delivered up to such 
person as had a grant of the Estrays of the lordship from 
the Crown under a lease. The plaintifE Powell however 
had, at some time or other, set up a claim to " some lord- 



lo Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 

ship in the commote of Perfedd," the public proclama- 
tion of which by a crier he had procured. A nominee of 
his had also been directed to collect the Estrays on Bwlch- 
gwyn. 

These papers, as I have said, are undated, but the suit 
had probably been determined before 1750, "Powell carry- 
ing the cause in the Exchequer against the Crown." That 
Morris was blamed for the Crown's interference may be 
inferred from a letter (draft of which is before me) written 
by him early in 1 750 to Gwyn Vaughan,' then a Commis- 
sioner of the Customs. Though the exact import of the 
first part of the communication is not apparent, I think it 
better to give it without any curtailment. 

*• Galltvadof;, near Aberystwyth, 
" IIoND. Sir,— " Feb. 1, 1750. 

" I reed, your kind favour of ye 29th Dec. in duo time, and a few 
days a^o I reed, ye Deputation from my Lord Lincoln,- one of which 
1 herewith return executed by me. The distemper among ye cattle 
in England occasioned ye delay, for ye Carriers are not allowed to 
travel ye road. 

** I have deferd answering yours till now in Expectation of seeing 
James James wiiom you had recommended, but he hath not yet called 
here, though I hear he hath letters for me, nor have I had an oppor- 
tunity of going [there] to Dovey, but intend to go soon if he doth not 

* lie was of Jordanston, Pembrokeshire, being probably a son of 
Lewis Vaughan of that place (High Sheriff of Pembrokeshire for 
1717) by Grace, daughter of Thomas Johnes of Llanfaiir Clydoghu. 
Two members of the same family, probably son an<l grandson of the 
Ccmimissioner, were Sherift's in 17J^ and IHlJi (Allen, i<hor%ffi< of Pern- 
hrokeshire). The Commissioner (who was a member of the (^ym- 
mrodorion Society) died 20 March 1758. lie has l)een erroneously 
identitied (W. R. Williams, Pari. Hist, of Woles^ p. H); liyeyotien for 13 
Mar. 1901, p. 54) with a namesake — who was the eldest son of Wm. 
Gwynn Vaughan, of Trebarried (M.P. for Brecknockshire 1721-1744). 
He is referred to by William Morris in a letter to Richard (juotud in 
liyfytnirny loc. cit. 

- Henry Clinton, JHh Earl of Lincoln, whose wife was Catherine, 
eldest daughter and heiress of Henry Polham. Jle inherited in 1768 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 1 1 

come and see me. I shall do him all the service in my power, and you 
shall hear from me. 

*' [As for Gower's affair] I expect daily to hear from Mr. Reade 
with a Rent Roll [of my Lord's Estate], and till then I can do nothing 
in my Lord Lin(col)n's affairs. 

"As for ye Grant of Waives and Estrays, if you are concerned in 
it, I shall give you all the assistance I am able, to bring it into order, 
but if Mr. Johnes is concerned in it, I shall not care to meddle in it 
unless you'll lay your commands upon me, for he hath not used me as 
he ought. I had some busines with Mr. Powell ye other day at 
Nanteos, when he and his brother the clergyman could not help com- 
plaining what a cruell thing it was of ye Government to fall upon a 
private Gentleman as they had done upon him, and that it was 
wicked in me to be concerned against him for he was sure no body 
else would ; all the answer I made was, that I was but a servant of 
ye Government's, and it was very hard the King should not have ye 
same privilege of defending his right as a private man had. I asked 
him whether he allowed the King had any property in this 
Country, to which he replyed, that he had much less than I imagind. 

" In short the Insolence of these people is Intolerable, and I am 

sure that if some care be not immediately taken, about the King's 

rights in Wales, it will be all sunk in a few years. I wish his 

Majesty knew as well as I do the consequence this loss will be to 

him. 

" I am Sir, 

" Your most obligd & obedt. humble servant, 

'' L. M." 
" G. Vaughan, Esq. 

'* I am told Mr. Powell is now about purchasing the Tythes of 
Cardiganshire of Mr. Chichester.' It is an Estate of about £'700 a 
year, and will give him such a power here that there will be no living 



the Dukedom of Newcastle, on the death of the Countess's uncle, 
Thomas Pelham, who had been created Duke of Newcastle-under- 
Lyme, with special remainder to the Earl of Lincoln. Henry Pelham 
and (still more so) his brother, the 1st Duke, figure largely in Morris's 
correspondence. 

^ John Palmer Chicoster,of Arlington Court, Devon, whose mother, 
Catherine, was buried in the church of Llanbadarn. Their grandson 
was High Sheriff of Cardiganshire for 1 831 . The tithes of Llanfihangel 
Genau'r Glyn and a moiety of those of Gwnnws belonged to the Chi- 
chester family (Meyrick, 304, 384, 430). 



12 Lewis Mor^n^ in Cardiganshire, 

for any man Init his creatures. Tf you or your friends have any 
inclination for such a purchase, I believe I can send for a full account 
of that Estate, but cannot at present find the papers. — I am, Ac/' 

From what has already been said, it may be seen 
that the advent of Lewis Morris into Cardiganshire was 
coincident with a considerable revival of activity in the 
mining industry of that part of the country. 

In 1747, he set some miners to open an old drowned 
work known as Nant y Creiau in Llanbadarn Fawr. The 
Crown agreed to grant a lease of it to John Vaughan, a 
London merchant, who assigned his rights to Owen Mey- 
rick. In September 1751, Powell of Nanteos, perceiving 
that it was not being worked by the Crown, set some 
miners to work it, but Morris threatened to prosecute them 
and they discontinued. Morris subsequently restarted it 
on behalf of the Crown a few years hiter, but in the mean- 
time, that is, in 1751, he or his servants had discovered 
rich deposits of lead ore at Esgair y mwyn in the upper 
parcel of the parish of Gwnnws, and in the lordship (or 
manor) of Myfenydd, or broadly speaking about half-way 
between Strata Florida and Ysbytty Ystwyth. It was fully 
twenty miles from his home at Galltfadog, being separated 
from it by the Rheidol and Ystwyth, both often impass- 
able in rainy weather, and by the very formidable spur of 
Plinlynum which forms the watershed between these two 
rivers. But despite the inhospitable nature of the region 
he had to traverse in order to reach the mine*, Morris 
seems to hav(» paid close attention to its development. 
In his capacity of C^rown Steward he let it for the term of 
one year, from 1 July 1751, to three working miners 
(Evan Williams, John and David Morgan) at the rcMit of 
10^. for every ton of ore raised. Some thn»e months later, 
Morris himself and another person for liis use ent4»re<l 
into partnership with the three bargain- tukei's for the 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 13 

remainder of their term, taking care to inform the Trea- 
sury of the transaction, which, as Morris subsequently 
alleged, was entered into '* in order the better to secure the 
mine from several riotous persons who had a view to 
taking it by force, which they afterwards compass'd." 

Meyrick, in his History of the county (p. ccxli), states, 
on what authority I know not, that during that year the 
partners " cleared about £1,800 each." The duty (at the 
rate of 10s. per ton) which Morris charged himself as 
having received was £500 3«. 9d., representing a total of 
1,000 tons of ore raised. When in the subsequent litiga- 
tion Morris was pressed for a detailed account of the re- 
ceipts and disbursements for the year, his reply, as given 
in some memoranda, probably prepared for his counsel, 
was that 

" the accounts for the year 1761 were private accounts between 
the partners who paid the Cro\\n a duty per Ton, the partners being 
in a manner illiterate, and each keeping accts. on sticks or stones. 
No regular account was kept, all being concernVl in the expense of 
raising the ore and in the management. Therefore the Crown had 
nothing to do with their private expenses for raising the ore, and was 
only to receive the duty agreed upon ; and they were apprehensive 
that if they could have produced any manner of an account of their 
expenses in raising that ore that the officers of the Crown would 
have taken it into their heads to charge them with the whole profits, 
especially as Mr. Sharpe [the Solicitor to the Treasury] and others 
ha<l hinted that I had no authority to set that Bargain, and* we 
look'd upon giving up those private accounts to be examined by the 
Crown to the giving up their right to that year's bargain, and it 
certainly would have been so ; and I would have been charg'd with the 
whole year's profits." 

After the expiration of the year's lease the Treasury, 
however, appointed Morris, on 15th July 1752, Agent and 
Superintendent of the Esgair y mwyn mine, and " all 
other mines which he had then discovered or should 
discover " on the wastes or commons of the Crown 
Manors in the counties of Cardigan and .Merioneth. He 



14 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

at once applied himself with characteristic energy to the 
development of the mine, for during the remainder of 1752, 
and before he could dispose of the ore raised in the interval, 
he "expended over and above the duty which he had 
received for ye Crown, many large sums of money of his 
own, in workmen's wages, and otherwise." But the 
owners of the freeholds adjoining the mine were not going 
to submit tamely to what they considered to be sheer con- 
fiscation of their property by the Crown, and several of 
the parties interested, including Lord Lisbum, Powell of 
Nanteos, and two brothers, John and David Williams 
(owners of Llwyn-y-mwyn and Cilfach-y-rhew which 
adjoined Esgair y mwyn), joined forces with the view of 
contesting the title set up by the Crown. 

In anticipation of their attempting to dispossess him 
by some legal process, Morris wrote on 19 Feb. 1753 to one 
Thomas Evans, a London Attorney,* enclosing a copy of 
his Commission from the Treasury, and requesting him to 
obtain an opinion as to his position from " any eminent 
Council except ye Attorney-General, and except also such 
persons that you may suspect will be employed by my 
adversaries." The questions which he submitted in the 
letter were as follows : — 

1. "Whether an Injunction from any Court of Law can or ought 
to stop me in working these mines for ye Crown ? It would l)e a 
hard case upon me, after laying out my money in raising ore by 
virtue of the said Commission, to be obliged to stop and take off the 
King's miners that are in possession, only upon a false affidavit, pre- 
tending we commit waste on a freehold. If they could get an In- 
junction, I loose ye possession of course, and about the value of 
£6,000 in ore ready raised. . . 



^ lie was a native of Anglesey. His name appears in the list of 
members of the Cymmrodorion Society for 17/>9, his offices being then 
in the Inner Temple. 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 15 

2. " If I am serv'd with a supoena to answer a bill in Chancery for 
being a forcible detainer of a freehold, &c., what answer can I make, 
as I work it under the above Commission for ye Crown ? Am I to 
recite my Commission in answer ? 

" I have worked ye mine by ye directions of ye officers of ye Crown 
since June 1761, without any claim or disturbance from the person 
that just now claims, and so far was he from claiming, that he 
assisted to carry on the mine and received pay, &c., and often 
declared to several persons he had no right there." 

The first step which the claimant or claimants how- 
ever took was to take possession of the mine by force. 

On the 23rd of February 1753, two of the county 
magistrates, with the sheriff or his deputy, and " a mob of 
several hundred arm'd and tumultuous people," came to the 
banks of the mine and threatened not only the life of 
Lewis Morris, whom they regarded as the author of all 
the mischief, but also '' the lives of his agents and miners 
on refusal to deliver up the possession of the mine," and 
further to enforce their threats, " one of the ringleaders, 
a Justice of the Peace, presented a cock'd pistol" at 
Morris's head, " and threaten'd to shoot him, while the 
rest surrounded him with firearms," and, seizing him, 
carried him a prisoner to Cardigan Gaol.^ He remained 
there in confinement till the 4th April, when the Lord 
Chief Justice (Lee) admitted him to bail, on his own 
recognizances, to appear later at the King's Bench, when 
the question of title between the Crown and the claimants 
would come on for trial in the Exchequer Court. 

Meanwhile, one John Ball (who figured largely in sub- 
sequent years), managed the mine for Powell of Nanteos, 
and "carryd away the King's ore". It was not long, how- 
ever, before an order was made for the re-delivery of 
possession to the Crown pending the trial. Immediately 

' Here he had a strange dream, which he reported to his brother 
in a letter of 1 Nov. 1767. 



1 6 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 

on his release^ Lewis Morris proceeded to London in order 
to assist in the preparation of the case for the Crown. 
The following draft of a letter written by him from ^* Tavis- 
tock Court, 4th May 1 753," to Gwyn Vaughan, shows how 
things were going at the time. 

" Hon'd Sib — 

« « « « « 

" I have a letter this post from Mr. Johnes of Abormaide (the 
Justice that gave repossession of the mine to ye Crown with Lord 
Lisbum) wondering that Herbert Lloyd hath not been discharged 
from all offices under the Crown, and desiring to know whether any- 
thing is intended to be done against the two Justices for their 
behaviour at Esgair y mwyn. If not, he hints as if he himself would 
article against them. 

'^ I have also a letter giving me an account that Mr. Evan Lloyd, 
who is Mr. Johnes of Lanvair the Custos's Agent, hath given Wm. 
Jones, one of ye Crown's under-agents at Esgair y mwyn, a private 
caution not to go near Aberystwyth or in ye way of ye rioters, for that 
he and other persons that he named are to be destroyed if they can 
be found in a convenient place for that purpose. 

*' My orders for the work to go on was not arrived when these 
letters came off. 

" P.S. — Mr. West^ seemed to think it impracticable to advance me 
any money here to carry on the mine. If I am allow'd to go into the 
country and [be] properly protected there, with a military force, so 
that we may do our duty in safety, and that an example is made as 
soon as possible of some of ye rioters to check ye rest, there will be no 
occasion for ye public money, and I am far from desiring to finger any 
of them or meddle with them. I shall not think any future risque of 
my own money and credit too great if I was sure that 1 serve my Lord 
Lincoln. But if I am detained here and the mine carried on at my 
expence and that I don't know for whose Benefit I do this, perhaps 
for my very enemies, and that the people by me employed are in 
danger of their lives every minute as above mentioned, I think it is 
a situation that no man living would desire to be in." 

On the 27th of June Morris attended "the Board of 
Treasury," when the First Lord, Henry Pelham, " in the 
presence of others of the lords", told him that he should 
have a settled salary as Agent and Superintendent of the 

^ Secretary to the Treasury. 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. ly 

mines, and it would have saved some future difficulty for 
Morris had the amount of the salary been then fixed. 
Some time afterwards, when Morris suggested £500, both 
the Secretary and Solicitor (West and Sharpe) thought it 
reasonable, but still later an attempt was made to disallow 
his salary altogether. Reverting to the chronological order 
of events, we find that early in August, Morris was able to 
report to his brother William at Holyhead that he had 
already overcome several of his opponents, and *^the 
Esgair-y-mwyn Justices were struck out of their Commis- 
sions." In a letter of the 18th of August, he gives us a 
peep at the intriguing that was then going on with refer- 
ence to the future disposition of the mine. 

" Mr. Pelham is just come to town from Scarborough, 
and is now at Greenwich, considering upon this affair how 
to do for the best, iddo ei hurt ai deulu^ ay nid i neb arall " — 
that is, what is best for himself and his family and not for 
any others. And then he continues, in Welsh (into which 
his letters generally glide when he has anything very con- 
fidential to communicate) — " The Duke of Cumberland 
opposes Pelham with all his might in elections, ^nd in 
everything else, and refuses to send soldiers to protect the 
Cardiganshire mine. So it is likely the King will have to 
be approached in the matter, for he is the sledge hammer 
to drive the nail home. The Duke says it is much fitter 
that the King's son rather than Pelham's son should have 
a lease of Esgair-y-mwyn." 

Dr. Hampe, the Princess of Wales's German physician, 

and ''a great mineralist," whose acquaintance Morris had 

made, was advising him to send some specimens of the 

ore to the King, who would be highly pleased to receive 

some from " his Welsh mines," but " perhaps I had better 

not, lest I offend Harri [Pelham] " is Morris's cautious 

conclusion. It would seem that the Earl of Powis was also 

c 



1 8 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

at this time trying to obtain a lease of the mine for him- 
self, as he must, I think, be the nobleman^ mysteriously 
referred to by Morris — again under the cover of Welsh 
in the same letter — " An Earl was in my chambers privily 
this morning. May God grant that it may come to pass 
as he and I intend that it should, then we can help our 
friends." 

During the five months that Morris spent in London 
on this occasion, his time seems to have been pretty fully 
occupied, what between " drawing and obtaining affidavits 
from the King's witnesses in London and the country, 
assisting to search the records in the Tower and at the 
Rolls Chapel, defending ejectments and attending his 
Majesty's counsel in the cause till a feigned issue was 
agreed upon." The actual fight in the Law Courts was 
thus deferred till the ensuing judicial year. On his return 
to Cardiganshire, Morris found much to require his atten- 
tion at home, and though usually a regular and voluminous 

^ This identification is confirmed by the fact that Morris in a subse- 
quent letter (23 Oct.) refers to the Earl of Powis as being at that time 
a '^ supplicant *' of his, and that the mine was in fact eventually leased 
to the Eari. It is also clear from the same letter that the " friend " 
whom Morris was most anxious to help was the poet Goronwy Owen, 
whose claims to clerical preferment he kept constantly bringing to 
Lord Powis's notice. The Earldom of Powis was at this time held by 
Henry Arthur Ilerbert (d. 11 Sept. 1772, aged 70), who inherited the 
Powis estates on the death, unmarried, in March 1748, of his kinsman 
William, 3rd Duke of Powis, and who was created Earl of Powia 
27th May of the same year. Three years later (30 March 1751) he 
married Barbara, sole daughter of Lord Edward Ilerbert, only brother 
of the last Marquis. As her family was Roman Catholic, his Protes- 
tant, it was arranged that the eldest son and daughter by the marriage 
should bo brought up as members of the Church of England, and the 
younger children in their mother's religion. They had only one son, 
George (1755-1801) -who succeeded his father as 2nd Earl -and throe 
daughters, two of whom died in infancy, so that the Powis family thus 
ceased to bo Roman Catholic. 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 19 

correspondent, he could scarcely find time to write to his 
brother William, " being extreem busy setting things in 
order." Though there was probably less open violence, 
the animosity of the contending parties had increased in 
bitterness, and the Crown Agent described himself (on 
28 Sept.) as being "in a continual state of war, law, 
squabbles, wrangling, enough to make the dullest fellow 
in ye world rouse his spirits, and to make a man of spirit 
mad." In addition to the mines, he had to attend occa- 
sionally to custom-house affairs at Aberdovey, where "they 
riot a little now and then, break our windows and threaten 
our oflBcers, etc." On one of these visits he gathered 
shells for Lady Lincoln, and recommended his brother 
William to do the same — " and I will tell you how to make 
the shells your friends by recommending you to great 
folks" (Letter dated 23 Oct. 1753). 

Besides his official cares he had also his own private 
troubles and anxieties : when he was at last able to get 
away from London, he hurried home "by forced marches," 
on a newly-bought mare, so as to be in time for the open- 
ing of the Great Sessions on September 1st, at Cardigan, 
where there was set down for hearing a lawsuit as to some 
property of his wife's known as the Cwmbwa estate.^ His 
infant daughter, Jane, died on the 23rd October; while 
Eleanor, his second daughter by his 1st wife, was on the 
point of getting married, and before the year was out 
settled with her husband (Eichard Morris) at Mathafam, 



^ The suit was not, however, tried out at Cardigan. Morris was 
" advised to suffer judgment at common law, having no chance to try 
it in Cardiganshire" — he seemed to fear the Under Sheriff's partiality 
in empanelling a jury — ''and (writes he on 31 Jan. 1764) have filed a 
cross bill since". This was done so as to remove the cause into Chan- 
cery. "Troubles enough of all conscience, and not a friend to help 
me!" 

c2 



20 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

near Machynlleth^ But he never lost courage, or, at all 
events, there is nothing but a cheery optimism in all 
letters. 

After much delay, the military arrived in order to 
protect the mines and miners, for on Dec. 1 st, he reports 
himself as being then busy quartering them in proper 
places.^ On that very day, too, good news reached him 
from London : — 

"We have given our enemies another fall this term, and drove 
them oflf the walls again till next term, when no doubt they will make 
another attempt upon us. Some of our greatest managers above 
are my enemies also, which is a sad situation. But they could not 
help giving it under their hands by last post, that I had [done ?] very 
great things, in drawing myself ye affidavits of 16 men and so much 
to ye purpose as to defeat our opponents." 

What his "enemies" seem at this time to have aimed 
at, above all else, was utterly to destroy his credit, and the 
steps which he took to defend himself in this respect are 
indicated in another letter written from Galltvadog, 14 
Dec. 1753, to his brother William : — 

" I find it necessary to provide against next term some affidavits 
from the county of Anglesey, to guard against some malignant and 
spiteful affidavits that have been filed against me last term, in order 



' '' My wife is returned from Mathafani and praises the place 
much, and the neighbourhood, "pM ddhiiireidtioch a mwy cymdogol na 
Sir Aberteifi. 1 have api)ly\l for a lease for R. M. for Mathafarn in Sir 
W[atkin] W[ynn]'s family after the most prudent manner 1 could." 
(Letter of 1 Dec. 1753.) 

* Dr. Thomas Rees, in his vol. on South Wales in Beauties of 
England and Wales Series (1813), referring to Esgair-y-mwyn says 
(p. 414) : — " The late Lord Lisburne claimed it, but Government sent 
down a party of Scots Greys under the command of the Gustos 
Rotulorum, the late Thomas Johnes, Esc]., who took possession of it 
for the Crown. The Duke of Newcastle, while Minister, granted a 
lease of it to 'the late Earl of Powis*s father. This lease has been 
long expired, and it is now worked on sufferance.*' 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 21 

to throw dirt on my character, and to insinuate that I was but of a 
mean family and very little or no fortune, and not to be trusted with 
such a great concern as the mine in dispute, with abundance of 
venomous stuflf of that kind ; praying that a new receiver might be 
appointed and that I might be called to an account. The chief part 
of their requests were denied by ye Court, but I suspect they will 
make a fresh attack the first day of next term, by filing more affidavits 
to ye same purpose, for they now know what answers I have sent 
from hence to their last attack ; and that those are not from my 
native country." 

He then proceeds to name some Anglesey people who 
might be asked to assist him in the manner suggested, and 
encloses drafts for their use. But there was no time to be 
lost, for the affidavits had to reach the Solicitor to the 
Treasury in London "by ye 19th or 20th [of February] 
at furthest, to be copied and briefs drawn to Council 
against ye first day of Term."^ Some exceUent affidavits, 
"very bitter and biting", were got ready, but the motion 
did not come on on the first day of Term as expected. " I 
should be extream glad ", says Morris, however, " if our 
affidavits were read in Court, for they would expose them 
[his opponents] with a vengeance." 

But the defence of his own character was not the only 
legal work which devolved upon him. The Treasury 
officials relied almost entirely upon him for the necessary 
evidence to establish the right of the Crown to the mine, 
and Morris must have been more than fully occupied 
during the earlier months of 1 754 in interviewing likely 
witnesses, and in taking down proofs of their testimony : — 
" I shall be extream busy, and don't expect a night's easy 
rest till the month of June, however things will turn out", 

^ On 24 Dec. 1753, he wrote to William another letter, to the 
same effect. This is not included in the collection before me, but 
appears to have come into the possession of Chancellor D. Silvan Evans, 
who supplied a copy of it to Myrddinfardd, in whose Adgof Utoch 
Anghof{l9^) it is printed (p. 4). 



22 Lezvis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

was what he wrote to his brother William on the last day 
of January, and, as it happens, the 8th of July is the date 
of the next letter of his which is preserved in this collec- 
tion, though most probably the correspondence between 
the brothers was not wholly suspended in the interval. 
Belonging to this period, however, is a small memorandum 
book, inscribed "Witnesses examinati [ons] ," originally 
containing (according to its table of contents) the proofs 
of ten witnesses, though only those of seven are now 
preserved in it, all of which is in Morris's own hand- 
writing. When the time came for him to proceed to 
London for the trial he was accompanied by ^* near four 
score witnesses *' from the country, and those whose names 
are given in this book are numbered 18 to 26, and 50. I 
think it is well to reproduce in eztenso at least two of the 
proofs thus preserved, as they disclose to us the nature of 
the evidence on which the Crown relied, and also some- 
thing as to the thorough method and the legal acumen of 
the Crown Agent. 

" Margaret Richard, of parish of Gwnnws, the widdow of Jenkin 
Richard that sold Llwyn y mwyn to William Richard, aged about 62, 
was wife to Jeiikin Richard when he sold Llwyn y mwyn and Cilfach 
y rhew to Wm. Richard, the father of ye plaintiffs, and had been for 
some years before. That the chief rent that Jenkin Richard used to 
pay to Lord Lisbum for Llwyn y mwyn and Cilfach y rhew was 22s. a 
year, and called Rhent Brenin, i.e. king's rent. That one Morgan 
Jones once took a lease of Llwyn y mwyn and Cilfach y rhew of 
Jenkin Richard for about £10 or £11 a year, but not liking his 
bargain did not come to live there, but gave Jenkin Richard about 
eight Pound or eight Guineas for takeing up ye bargain, who now 
says he had a lease of Esgair y mwyn. That she lived at Llwjm y 
mwyn with her husband for several years, and tliat neither she nor 
her husband ever claim'd further than the boundary fence to belong 
to Llwyn y mwyn freehold, antl that Esgair y mwyn mine is on the 
Mynydd (or Common) and is not on the freehold of Llwyn y mwyn or 
Cilfach y rhew, or on any freehold. That her husband paid suit and 
service at the Court of ye Lordship usually kept at Llanilar, and that 
she remembers her husband had a law suit at ye Court kept at 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 23 

Uanilar when they lived at Llwyn y mwyn. That there used to be 
more of ye Commoners cattle grazing on ye bank of Esgair y mwjni 
than of ye cattle belonging to her husband. That she often heard 
the mynydd or Common where Esgair y mwyn mine is, called Tir y 
hreniriy i.e. King's land, and was also reputed so, and that particularly 
one time her husband J. R. told her a miner Lewis Richard, a 
nephew of his, wanted to take a bargain of him to raise ore on ye 
bank of Esgair y mwyn in an old trench there, and that Jenkin 
Richard told her he had refused to meddle with it because it 
belonged to ye King, or to that effect." 

The following additional notes are added in the margin : — ** M. R. 
shewed boundaries to Wm. Richard. Cattle turned to ye common 
when Wm. Richard attempted to distrain for rent. Morgan Robert, 
one of Mr. Powell's witnesses advised her to pretend sickness, and 
not to be a witness for the Crown." 

" Richard Thomas, of Ty'n y banadl, in ye parish of Lledrod, 
aged about 52, born in ye neighbourhood of Esgair y mwyn and hath 
known it for above 40 years. Knows the mountain fence and all ye 
Tenements adjoining on it by name. That the said fence is ye 
boundary between ye freeholds and common, That from ye said 
fence to Claerwen and the lordship of Ysbytty is all an open 
Common, except a few huts which belong to particular persons ; that 
there is neither land mark nor division on ye said Common from ye 
mountain fence of Llwyn y mwyn and Cilfach y rhew to Claerwen. 
That the mine of Esgair y mwyn is on ye said Common, and not on 
ye freehold of John Williams or Lewis Williams, or any other free- 
holds whatsoever, and that it is on ye waste or common belonging to 
the Lordship of Mevenyth whose Courts Leet and Baron are usually 
kept at Llanilar within ye said Lordship, and sometimes at Lledrod, 
sometimes at Llan y Gweryddon. That he hath been often on ye 
Jury in that Court, and that formerly the said Courts were kept by 
Deputy Stewards under Mr. Brigstock in the King's name, and that 
the said Court was, since this deponent remembers it (which is far 
above 30 years past), always held in the King's name, or the name of 
ye Prince of Wales. That the tenants of the Lordship of Mevenyth 
attend the said Court from eight parishes, Gwnnws, Llanilar, Llan y 
Gweryddon, Lledrod, Llanddeiniol, Llanrhystyd,Rhosdie,Llanychaiam, 
who send there eleven constables appointed by said Court. That the 
borderers on ye Common fence from Marchnad river to the river 
Teivi, attend and do suit and service in said Court. That the bank 
of Esgair y mwyn hath been always for 40 years past grazed in 
common by the inhabitants of ye Upper parcel of Gwnnws. That a 
Mayor and Biddle to gather Chief Rents in ye said mannor are 
appointed yearly by ye Leet Jury of said Court, and that he hath 



24 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 

heard that Lord Lisburn hath a grant from ye Crown of certain 
Rents out of some tenements in the said Lordship of Mevenyth. 
That several of ye Tenants in ye Freeholds adjoining to ye 
Common take the Cattle and Sheep of distant Freeholders under 
their care to look after them on the Common, paying for the sd. care 
and keeping of them a few pence per head for ye season, as they have 
the opportunity of seeing them daily, and not that they have a 
greater right to the Common than others." 

The proofs of the other deponents contain somewhat 
similar statements, which may be summarised as follows: 
That there was a boundary fence between the freeholds 
and the common, and each freehold went no further than 
the boundary fence; that from the fence of Llwyn y 
mwyn, Cilfach y rhew, Llwyn llwyd, etc., to the river 
Claerwen was all a Mynydd or Commins^ without mere or 
division, which during the last thirty or forty years had 
been called sometimes Tir y brenin, and sometimes Cae 
Siors "(i.e. George's field), meaning that it was a common 
belonging to King George"; that it was a common to 
all the inhabitants of the upper parcel of Gwnnws, and 
was the same common as that on which Khos fair was 
held three times every year; it was on this open common, 
and not on any freehold, that Esgair-y-mwyn mine was 
situated, and the Commoners depastured their sheep and 
cattle on Esgair-y-mwyn bank, as well as on any other 
bank on the said common, without let or hindrance. 

As to the boundary fence, one of deponents, a man of 
sixty, adds that " ever since he remembers it, he hath 
seen it repaired by ye Tenants of adjoining freeholds, and 
hath heard always that it was presented at ye said Court 
Leet (usually held at Llanilar) if not repaired against 
summer. Also that the borderers on ye Common do now 
and then chace ye Commoners' cattle from their boundary 
fence, but that he remembers to have heard of their being 
punisli'd for it by Justices of the Peace." 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 25 

Another deponent, aged &7^ referring to turf-cutting 
states that '' the first that opens a Turf pit on ye common 
keeps it till he leaves it off". Some other interesting 
facts are added by another deponent, from whose proof a 
few concluding extracts must I think be given, especially 
as they further indicate the nature of the evidence on 
which the claimants relied. 

" John Edward, of the parish of Gwnnws, aged about 66, born and 
bred at Llwyn y Gwyddyl in ye said parish, where he has lived ever 
since. Hath been a constable of ye upper parcel of Gwnnws above 
20 years ago, to which ofl&ce he was appointed by ye Jury of ye 
Court Leet of a Lordship whose Courts are kept usually at Llanilar, 
and that he hath also been appointed a sightman by ye said Court 
about 20 years ago and often since, to view and present ye great 
boundary fence dividing between ye freeholds and ye common in ye 
sd. upper parcel of Gwnnws, which fence reaches from ye river 

Marchnad to ye river Teivi That about 30 years ago or 

more he remembers the Tenants living at Llwyn y mwyn sent to his 
father to desire assistance to repair ye great boundary fence between 
Llwyn y mwyn and the Mynydd or Commons where Esgair y mwyn 
mine stands, it having been presented at ye Leet Court for being out 
of repair, and that deponent's brother was sent there to assist them 
to repair ye same against ye following Court. 

" That about 7 years ago Deponent cut Turf for fireing in a bog 
near Esgair Ddu on said Common in right of his Tenement of Ty'n 
rhos in said upper parcel of Gwnnws, and having no conveniency of 
carrying them home directly, he thought of makeing them into a 
stack at a place called y Gam wenn, because there were stones there 
to keep ye cattle from throwing them down that had been gathered 
by some other persons, but recollecting that some 30 or 40 years ago 
he had seen Turf there stacked, belonging to the mother of Jenkin 
Richard, once owner of Llwyn y mwyn, he was afraid that John 
Williams, present owner of Llwyn y mwyn, would give him some inter- 
ruption, because his Predecessors might have been ye persons that 
had raised those stones for that purpose, and therefore he went to 
said John Williams and told him he had seen the Turf of ye aforesd. 
old woman in ye said Gam wenn. and asked him whether there was any 
harm if he laid his turf there that year, meaning that as he imagin'd 
the former owner of Lly wn y mwyn had raised those stones to defend 
their Turf, John Williams might have some claim to that turf stack 
site, and Deponent saith that he had no manner of notion that John 



26 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 

Williams had any better claim to ye mountain from ye boundary 
fence to ye river Claerwen than all others of ye inhabitants of ye 
Lordship. And this Deponent hath cut Turf near Esgair Ddu with- 
out interruption for about 13 years past, and that his father used to 
cut Turf for fireing at Rhos maen gwelw on said common for about 60 
years or as long as this Dept. can remember any thing. That he 
hath raised Tythes of Corn with his father on said Tenement of 
Llwyn y mwyn on a part of it below the great boundary fence, 
commonly called rhwng y ddeuglawdd, and within ye freehold of 
Llwyn y mwyn, which bank is also called Esgair y mwyn, because it 
is a continuation of said bank of Esgair y mwyn on ye Common. 

"That about ye beginning of April 1754 Thomas Richard, an 
Agent of Lord Lisburn, came to this Deponent and charged him not 
to go to Mr. Lewis Morris, the King's Agent, at Esgair y mwyn, to 
testjrfy anything in relation to the said mine, and that none of my 
Lord's tenants were to go and give their evidence at their peril, this 
Deponent being one of Ld. Lisburn's tenants." 

Three documents relating to this case (which was 
intituled The Attorney-General r. Lord Lisburne and 
others) are preserved at the Record Office : — 

1. The bill of complaint or information of the Attor- 
ney-General — a huge document measuring 10ft. by 8ft. 

2. Answer of John Williams and Lewis Williams, two 
of the defendants ; and 

3. Answer of Lord Lisburne, Charles Waller and 
William Powell, other defendants. 

Great must have been the excitement in North Cardi- 
ganshire towards the end of April 1754, where the forces 
of the contending parties were being marshalled, and the 
witnesses, in two separate armies, were being got ready to 
proceed to London for the impending battle. On King 
George's side, Lewis Morris (who left home on or about 
April 26) brought up with him " near four score witnesses 
that he had subpoenaed in the country", and after his 
arrival in London with this personally conducted party, 
his time was taken up in assisting the Solicitor to the 
Treasury (Mr. Sharpe), taking care of the witnesses — ^no 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 27 

light task ! — and " drawing releases of their several Titles 
and other matters ". When this had been going on for 
about three weeks, lo ! the end came like a bolt from the 
blue, and the Cardiganshire folk were deprived of the 
honour of being actors in a great dramatic trial. 

An arrangement partaking of the nature of a com- 
promise was arrived at, " upon the Government's agreeing 
with the claimants for their rights in the mines," ^ but it 
was, in effect, an almost unqualified victory for the Crown, 
for on the 24th of May " the Claimants suffered a non- 
suit." At the same time, the Crown also discontinued its 
intended prosecution of the ringleaders of the riot of 
Feb. 1753, for their riotous conduct, and their assault 
upon the King's Agent. Morris himself was, however, far 
from approving of such leniency towards his enemies, 
especially as " Lord Mansfield, then SoUr.-General had 
declared upon the consultation on the affair at the house 
of Sir Dudley Rider, then Attorney-General, that upon 
an action being brought for the false imprisonment, etc., 
a Middlesex jury (he did not doubt) would at least give a 
verdict for £500 " in Morris's favour. With very proper 
caution, the Treasury took steps to perpetuate the testi- 
mony of the witnesses who had been brought up to 
London, the versatile Morris being naturally requisitioned 
" to settle their affidavits ... to be ready for a future 
defence." 

Though a sort of compromise had been arrived at, it 
does not seem to have covered all the points at issue, for 
even subsequent to the non-suit, Morris, according to 
his own account, " assisted to give instructions to the 
Attorney-Genl. in drawing a bill to be prefer 'd against 

' In another connection it is stated that "the property of the 
said mine was establish'd by some releases made to the Crown by the 
several persons that litigated the Crown's right/' 



28 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

the Claimants, Mr. Powell, Lord Lisbume and others," 
but this bill must have been subsequently abandoned 
under circumstances tx) be mentioned later on. 

The litigation, even so far as it has already gone, had 
cost at least one of the claimants more than he could well 
afford, if common gossip was to be believed, for Powel of 
Nanteos was said to have been obliged to borrow more 
than £1,500 to go on with it, — and " he calls for his rents 
before hand, and curses the hour he ever meddled with 
this Lawsuit.'" We shall see later on how there came to 
the relief of the claimants a deus ex machind in the person 
of Mr. Chauncey Townsend. 

After the non-suit Morris was not long detained in 
London, for he appears to have reached his home at Gallt- 
fadog on or about the 19th of June. Here he found 
himself the hero of the hour, for there was now no lack 
of people who openly proclaimed themselves as his par- 
tisans, and they celebrated his triumph in characteristic 
fashion at the annual fair held on the 2nd of July at 
Tstradmeurig, which was only some two or three miles 
distant from the mine. A graphic account of this affair, 
together with other interesting information, is contained 
in a letter which he wrote from Esgair-y-mwyn to his 
brother William a few days later — 8 July. 

. . . . *' I am liero [i.e. at Esgair-y-mwynJ at ye Quarter's pay, 
payinpj miners, carriers, washers, witnesses, iV:c., nid Uni na mil 
o hutmau a yludais i o arian (nhlicartref i dalti iddynt !'^ A prodigious 
affair, no wonder people should run mad about it. Mae'n debyg mao 

' Letter 8 Sept. 1754. 

^ The magnitude of his transactions about this time may be 
inferred from a letter he wrote to his brother more than two years 
later (VI March 1757). " I have had above 1*8,000 in money in yo 
house at ye same time, where ye meanest sluipherd might have como 
at them, but such is ye honesty of Car<i[igan]8hire in that respect, 
and their Ignorance, that I never was robbed of any." 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 29 

fi y w'r sobraf oV holl genedlaeth ag yn cadw lleiaf o swn yn ei gylch 
ac yn cadw fy lie jna lew hyd jna hyn er gwaetha'r gelyn ddyn. I have 
a fine prospect of Lead ore on a Tenement that I have a Lease of on 
ye forefield of Esgair y mwjna, the same vein. This will drive them 
madder then ever, we are raising some ore there and I believe it will 
answer. . . . Notwithstanding all the surprising schemes of my 
Enemies I have defeated them surprisingly, and trust in God I shall 
hereafter. ... 

" Yr ydym ni wedi gorthrechu V Gelyn am fobbio yn glir Ian. Ni 
fu'r fath Lachio erioed yn Llanerchymedd ag a fu yma yn flfair Ystrad 
meurig yr wythnos ddiwaethaf ; f e ddarf u ein pobl ni drwy nerth 
cocddes^ a'r cwrw ei Sgwrrio nhwy'n Dei/is ag yn Wyddelod drwy'r 
fFair yn 61 ac ymlaen, dros bedair Battel a wnaethont, roedd yno 
gantoedd o Gloliau cochion i bawb a waeddai Bowel for Ever ; King 
George a Mr. Morris for ever oedd yn ei charrio hi yn deg. Would 
any man believe such a thing possible ? But so it is. Fair honest 
dealings and punctual payments, and an open behaviour hath outdone 
all their schemes and villanies, and hath brought the body of ye 
country [on] our side." 

Another source of much gratification to Morris was the 
great and increasing confidence that the Earl of Powis now 
seemed to place in him. By this time, the Earl had pro- 
bably become interested in some of the numerous mines of 
the upper part of Cardiganshire. If so, it was probably 
about these mines that Morris would be so consulted. At 
all events, he informs bis brother (in a letter dated 8 Sept.) 
that he was then in such high favour with the Earl that his 
lordship did nothing of importance without first consulting 
him " and there is often two messengers in the same week 
from him to me". No wonder that many were jealous 
of Morris's good fortune, and, as he says, were full of 
venom, " achosfod dynyn truan yn mynd rhagddo "... 
"It is envy more than anything else that poisons the 
mind of Collector Smith," and he, whoever he might be, 
was only a type of the many, for "this aflPair [of Esgair-y 

^ The royal favours, the black cockades of Hanover, as distin- 
guished from the white cockades of the Stuarts. 



30 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

mwyn] is vastly magnify'd in all countries to be a pro- 
digious affair for my profit ." 

The success which had hitherto crowned nearly all his 
efforts, led Morris to believe that he was the object of 
special protection at the hands of a kind Providence. 
" The Gods take care of Cato", he quoted in one of his 
letters to his brother (26 Oct. 1754) — " and why not of me? 
You see they do, and everybody sees it. Then what signifys 
the efforts of little mortal animals to hurt me ?" What 
he might have feared, however, was that there should be a 
Nemesis pursuing him, on account of the undue share 
of good fortune which had fallen to his lot. Already 
some events had happened which might have served him 
as warnings, but for his placid optimism, and the almost 
overweening confidence which he had in himself. The 
political situation, on which much depended, had under- 
gone considerable change through the death of Henry 
Pelham, in March 1754, even though his brother the Duke 
of Newcastle succeeded him as Prime Minister. A Minis- 
terial crisis or a General Election might bring some of 
Morris's opponents into influence and power. He soon 
had reason to believe that some of the Treasury officials, 
notably West and Sharpe, were probably not too well 
disposed towards him.' A letter from West, dated 19 
June 1754, forbad him to dispose of any more ore. An 
incident which occurred later on in the same year illus- 
trates the kind of treatment he received from the Treasury. 
Morris's own account of it,^ though somewhat lengthy^ 
deserves reproduction. 

* " Mr. Sharpo always endeavoured to hurt me since the year 
1745, wlion I had some dispute with liim al>out money, and there are 
gentlemen belonging to the Treasury wlio know it and wore concerned 
in that affair." — (From a Memorandum written by Morris, probably 
in 1767.) 

'^ In a letter to William Morris from "Galltvadog, Oct. 26th, 1764." 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 31 

" It was contrived by some little malicious fellow in ye Exchequer 
the other day to get an Exchequer process directed to ye Sheriflf of 
Cardigan to distrain on me for £100, money remmitted me in ye year 
1745 and 46 to be laid out to Lawyers, &c. for the King's service and 
for which I was accountable. I had accounted for the money and for 
several hundreds after that, but for all this the Sheriff distrained, and 
I gave him a note for £100. Doth not this look odd, think you ? 
The very person on whom depends all their affairs here to be dis- 
trained upon by a Tory Sheriff. Now a passionate man (as they call 
me at ye Treasury) would have thrown dirt in their faces, and kick'd 
all about him. But another of ye Gods of ye ancients called 
Patience told me that it was impossible this could come from the 
leading men my superiors, for it was too ill-timed a thing if they had 
a mind to fall out with me. and it was the direct way to drive me off 
with what money I could lay my hands on, and to suffer all to go to 
wreck and ruin. Therefore I immediately wrote to ye Sollr. of the 
Treasury [John Sharpe] to desire him to put a stop to these Excheqr. 
processes, for that I should be never safe to enjoy one penny of ye 
money paid me by ye Treasury for my services while this gate was 
open. How slippery is our situation ! A man may be thunder- 
struck with a writ from ye Excheqr. for money he hath accounted for 
ten years ago, and all his effects swept away, and it shall cost him a 
London journey and a Quarter of a year's application before he can 
recover his own, and yet not know as long as he lives from whence 
the bolt comes. . . . The Sollr. was never more surpris'd at any- 
thing than at this proceeding, and doth not know how it came about, 
wrote to me that he wd. get an order of ye Treasury to the Sheriff 
to return me my note, &c., &c., &c., and that I was to have all the 
countenance, assistance, &c., as I could wish to have : diolch % chvn 
ehr finaur 

More than two years had now elapsed since Morris had 
been appointed Superintendent of the King's mines, but as 
yet he had not submitted to the Treasury any statement 
of his receipts and disbursements. While actively en- 
gaged in preparing the case for the Crown, he had 
scarcely time to attend to the matter, but after the non- 
suit, he was probably expected to do so forthwith. But 
the fact that he did not promptly respond to a request to 
that effect gave room in the official mind to that suspicion 
of his conduct which his opponents had sedulously fostered 
by insinuating that he was not to be trusted with the 



32 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

management of so great an affair. As his delay in this 
respect appears to have been the source of almost all his 
subsequent troubles, his own explanation of it, given when 
he was placed in the position of defendant, ought to be 
here quoted. 

" This deft, admits that he did for some time defer to deliver in 
his accounts after he had been required there to by the SoUr. and 
Secretary of the Treasury, by reason that this deft, did not think it 
safe for him so to do, not only as this deft, was at a constant con- 
siderable expence in working the said mine and in raising of ore 
where some Hundreds of persons were concerned under defies, 
management and on his credit, but also as several other persons 
litigated the property of the said mine, and in case such persons 
could have made it appear that they had a right to such mine, this 
deft, was afraid he might be answerable over to thepi for such money 
as then remained in his hands. And what increased this deft's. fears 
was that, by a letter dated June 19th 1764, defendant was forbid 
by Mr. West, Secretary of the Treasury, to dispose of any more ore, 
the consequence of which was, that the money in deft's. hands must 
be laid out to carry on the mine or else that the raising of ore must 
be stop'd." 

In the following autumn, Morris did, however, make 
preparations for proceeding to London to pass his accounts, 
and, as the unsold ore was accumulating in the warehouses, 
he wrote (5 Oct. 1754) to Sharpe, inquiring whether he 
might not sell it as he "purposed to come to London that 
winter with his accounts". The prohibition was not can- 
celled, but Morris was assured (31 Dec. 1754) that if any 
ore were lost during his absence, he would not be held 
accountable for it. Immediately on receipt of this letter 
(on or about 3 Jan. 1755) Morris stopped the raising of 
ore, dismissed all the workman except an agent (William 
Jones) and a nimiber of men who were kept on to pump 
the water and to keep the works in repair generally. 

Having made these arrangements for his absence^ 
Morris, on the 21st January, set out for London with his 
books of account^ being accompanied by his nephew^ John 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 2)2) 

Owen/ to whom most of the book-keeping had been 
entrusted. Towards the end of February, or early in 
March, he delivered "an Abstract of his Payments and 
Receipts in relation to the mine", for submission to the 
Duke of Newcastle, who required such an Abstract (so 
Morris had been informed) so -that " he might see how 
matters stood, and that he might the better judge how 
the accounts were to be pass'd, and what allowances were 
to be made " to Morris, " and that he might also inform 
himself of the value of the mine and how to Lease it." In 
this Abstract, which extended from 1 July 1751 to 3 Jan. 
1755, Morris stated his receipts at £13,684 12«. lid., 
and his disbursements (including payments made by order 
of the officers of the Treasury) at £12,594 11«. 6^^., which 
left in his hands a balance of £1,090 1«. 4fd. An obvious 
discrepancy, which told against Morris's accuracy, what- 
ever about his honesty, dj^d not escape the notice of the 
Treasury officials. He had charged for the washing and 
carriage to Aberystwyth of 1,767 tons of ore, but had 
accounted for only 1,611 tons of it as sold. Morris does 
not appear to have been told of this discrepancy immedi- 
ately it was detected, and it would seem that it was a 
considerable time after that he was asked to explain it.* 

' John Owen (who like Edward Hughes had come from Anglesey 
to Cardiganshire) was a son of a sister of Morris. He eventually 
became a purser in the navy and died at sea, some time between 
1759 and 1762. He was a promising poet, and a friend of leuan 
Brydydd Hir and Goronwy Owen. 

^ Morris's explanation was that the remainder of the ore was 
supposed to be in the warehouse at Aberystwyth, unless it had been 
stolen, either in 1753, when Morris was put by the rioters in Cardigan 
Gaol, or " after the soldiers were taken oflf who, for some time, by 
order of the Government, guarded the warehouses where the said 
ore was kept ; those warehouses have been often broke open by 
storms and sometimes (as defendant verily believes) by Ill-disposed 
persons, upon a presumption that the mine and the ore was the 

P 



34 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

In fact, Morris assumed an attitude of haughty aloofness 
so far as the Treasury officials were concerned, and having 
understood that they doubted his honesty he would not 
condescend to go near them, unless specially requested 
to do so, and did his business with them chiefly by 
correspondence, though he had taken lodgings quite 
close to the Government offices, viz., "at Hopkins and 
Taylor, the corner house in St. Martin's Churchyard, 
St. Martin's Lane, Westminster". 

" I have a kind of spirit that cannot bend," ho wrote to his brother 
at Holyhead on 14th May, "and now they call me here about ye 
offices the Proud hot Welshman y oblegyd' er fy mod yn Uundain er 
dechreu Chwefror, nid ois i etto i ymddangos nag i ymostwng i un o 
wyr y Treasury er cymaint ydynt ; nid oes r3rfedd ynteu fy mod yma 
cyhyd. Gadewch iddo. I will have it done in my own way, or it 
shall not be done at all. Mi^ af i Ffraingc, mi af i Fflandrys, mi af i 
Gaordroia, cyn y caffont y gair i ddywedyd fy mod i yn dwyllwr, nag 
yn rhagrithiwr. This was attempted, and all the ill offices that could 
be done me. I was the greatest rogue in ye Kingdom, not to be trusted 
with money, or with the King's effects. Was it not my business to 
clear these affairs up before I went to cringe to any of them ? I don*t 
want their favours, if I have but fair play I shall get off with money 
in my Pocket, a^ draen yn eu coppiau." 

He had by this time fully realised that there were in- 



property of the public." There was another explanation possible : 
by order of the Government Examiners (Paynter and Tidy), the ore 
remaining in the neighbourhood was weighed out — without any 
notice given to Morris, and in the absence of the Examiners them- 
selves — by "strangers who they knew to be [his] enemies, and declared 
them so, . . . who might give what account and what weight they 
pleased." 

' For though I am in London since the beginning of February, I 
have not yet gone to show myself or to Iwnd before any of the 
Treasury people, great though they are. No wonder I am here so 
long. So let it be. 

*^ To France, to Flanders, even to Troy will I go before they can 
say I am a cheat or a hyix)crite. 

^ And thorns in their heads. 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 35 

fluences most inimical to his interests working against him 
at the Treasury; "I have powerful people against me, tooth 
and nail", he wrote as early as Feb. 11 — then in Welsh — 
"nor is my own party weak. The great sledge hammer^ says 
I shall suffer no wrong." Then some two months later 
(19 April) : — " I am obliged to fight hard here and gain 
ground but by inch and inch, so strong are the party 
against me in the Treasury, who have suffer'd my 
opponents to do surprizing illegal things against me." 

By the beginning of April, if not indeed earlier, he 
must also have discovered that the Treasury had been 
somehow influenced — probably through secret channels — 
to show a more yielding disposition in the matter of its 
title to the mine, and had practically abandoned the posi- 
tion which Morris himself had taken up and had so 
valiantly defended. What appears to have happened was 
this : some time after the non-suit in the Exchequer Court, 
Chauncey Townsend (M .P. for Westbury, and Alderman 
of the city of London),* purchased from the claimants 

* Morris elsewhere applies this expression— y morthioyl mawr — to 
the King, who seems to have been approached on his behalf, but I 
think Newcastle is meant here. 

"^ Townsend, who was a wealthy merchant of Austin Friars, 
London, had, among other properties, extensive collieries and copper 
works in the parish of Llansamlet, just outside Swansea, being in fact 
the originator of the coal trade on the East, or Kilvey, side of the 
river Tawe. He first leased the Birchgrove colliery area from Mary 
Morgan, widow, of Llansamlet (ctrc« 1746-50), and subsequently acquired 
further coal measures from the Mansels of Margam, under leases of the 
7th Nov. 1750 and 1 Sept. 1755, the latter being confirmed by a 
Private Act of Parliament in 1767. His 4th son, Joseph Townsend 
(1739-1816), became known as a geologist and mineralogist, and is 
noticed in the Did. of IS at. Biography. A daughter married John 
Smith, of Drapers HaU, London, who thus acquired the Birchgrove 
leasehold and settled at Gwernllwyn-chwith close by — whence the 
Smiths of that place. Townsend and Smith had also an interest in 
Lead Works, at Upper Bank, Swansea, and are said to have worked 
lead mines at Pengored, near Llechryd in South Cardiganshire (see 

D 2 



36 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

what Morris called " their pretended right and title to the 
mine," paying therefor, it was said, about a Thousand 
Pounds, and promising also to pay the costs of the law- 
suit. Townsend then approached the Lords of the 
Treasury, and mirabile dictu ! succeeded in persuading them 
to buy him out, so as to save further law-suits.^ For his 
title he was paid £3,500, and was also allowed all the 
unsold lead ore then lying on the bank of the mine, which 
ore alone Morris asserted to be worth about £4,000, and 
he had every opportunity of knowing, for the ore was 
delivered by his agents to those of Townsend between 
April and September 1755. 

It is scarcely necessary to add that, under these circum- 
stances, the bill which the Attorney-General had intended 
to prefer against the claimants would naturally be aban- 
doned. In October, Morris suspected that "Townsend's 
people were upon playing tricks " with the under agent, 
William Jones, *' as they find he is a fool." Here is **a 
bold attempt a-making by Townsend to abolish the bargain 
made with Evan Williams and the two Moi'gans " ; "I pre- 

Grant Francis' Smelting of Copper in the Swansea District , 117-120). 
Meyrick (Hist.^ Intro, pp. 225-6) says that Townsend also worked the 
Goginan and Llanfair lead and silver mines, and that the mines of 
Cwmervin belonged at one time to the ** heirs of Townsend, Smith 
and Co.*' (Walter Davies, Agricultural Survey of South Wales), He 
also had ** works" at Llanelly, in Carmarthenshire, in 1754 (Mee*8 
Llanelly Parish Churchy pp. xxii, xxvi, and 97). Townsend died in 1770.- 
^ In the bitterness of his heart Lewis Morris thus mentions the 
matter in a letter to his brother (12 June 1755): *'The Lords of the 
Treasury know that Townsend is a rascal arid a Bite, yet they suffer 
him to make fools of them before their faces." Referring elsewhere 
to the mine at Nant y creiau, where Morris had raised a few tons of 
ore, an<l had left it 011 the bank unwashed, he says (Meyrick, p. 564) : 
" Being called for to London to pass my accounts, I had no sooner 
turned my back, but Powell and Townsend's people, John Ball, Ac, 
went there and dressed the ore and carried it off by a mob of the 
poorest people they could find," 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 2>7 

sume Oliver," whoever he was, " is at the bottom of it." 
This was probably the beginning of much trouble. 

Affairs had thus taken a turn which assuredly was not 
to Morris's liking, but he was as confident as ever that 
eventually all would be well with him. However numer- 
ous his enemies, he felt that he could count upon all the 
influence that the Earl of Powis could exercise in his favour, 
while the Duke of Newcastle had also flattered, and 
perhaps deceived him, with some vague promises of his 
protection. His changing mood during this period of 
uncertainty is doubtless reflected pretty accurately in his 
letters to his brother William. He is never weary of 
praising the Earl, who at times would visit him at his 
lodgings almost every day, sometimes even twice a day. 
"It is a great honor to be concern'd with such a man 
even in writing, dictating, contriving, and planning Let- 
ters." " He waits on me instead of my waiting on him." 
"Have I not done surprizing things^ to bring such a 
great man to wait on myLevie!" he jestingly exclaims, 
though as if suddenly sobered, he adds — in Welsh — " But 
God help me, I am poor and friendless enough, and without 
a single man of sense in my service, a terrible case." He 
however reports in the same letter (14 May), that the Duke 
of Newcastle had said that he (Morris) was in the right. 

^ Morris greatly pleased the Earl by presenting him on 19 April 
1765 with "a most noble MS. upon vellum with the pedigree and 
arms of ye Herberts finely drawn and proved from ancient records, 
deeds, MS., histories, Ac." On the birth of the Earl's only son (Lord 
Ludlow), in July, Morris induced his friend Goronwy Owen to write an 
elaborate ode in Welsh and Latin to celebrate the event. But it was 
not delivered to his Lordship till August 1756 (see Works of Goromcy 
Owen, ed. R. Jones, p. 246). About the end of 1756, Morris further 
presented the Earl with a fine coUection of shells and mineralogical 
specimens, the acquisition and the classification of which in a specially 
constructed cabinet, had claimed the attention of the brothers Lewis 
and William for several months previously. 



38 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 

A month later (12 June), he is somewhat puzzled at the 
way in which the Government's patronage was being dis- 
pensed : — 

'* Have made surprizing defences here, and God visibly help'd me 
by unsearchable ways. If this great opposition had not been made 
to me, I shouhl have been no more known among them than LolCr 
Gfci/dd, but now my name is as well known at ye Treasury and at ye 
D. of N. Castle's Levy as the name of the Attorney-General. — * I 
don't know how this man came to be made boatman at Aberystwyth ' 
said one of his Secretaries to the Duke the other day. 'Lewis Morris 
used to have the Nomination of the officers in that country. I must 
give the Conmiissioners [of Customs] a rebuff about this affair.* And 
yet, at the very same time, this sneak is ready to undermine me. Its 
a servant of Powel's that they have made Doatman there I I am 
ollended to the very marrow." 

Morris thought it was the work of Commissioner 
Gwyn Vaughan, in order to spite him, " a weak stroke of 
malice, thank God that greater things are not in his 
power." In his anger, he felt disposed to throw up his 
collectorship of Customs, but on second thought, "I 
shall exchange it, if possible, for a better, so that I may 
not be under a malicious sneak."' 

But there was another matter that augured still worse 
for him than this appointment of the boatman. The 
sitting member for Cardiganshire, John Lloyd of Peter- 
well, was expected to die shortly, which in fact he did 
before the month (June) was out, and Morris heard to liis 
chagrin that Lord Lisbume's son was to be put forward as 
a candidate " through the interest of the Government ! " 
''Monstrous ! tlie man who the other day made them spend 
thousands of pounds on the lawsuit, through his joining 
Powel and the Jacobites." 

The correspondence during the summer months was 
more than usually voluminous, some twenty letters being 
written to William during July, August and September. 
So far, tlie contest with tlie Treasury officials appears to 
have chiefly related to the questions how and by whom 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 39 

the accounts were to be taken ; the impression which the 
correspondence conveys is that of a succession of inter- 
mittent "alarums and excursions," which left the parties in 
pretty much the same position, though Morris felt con- 
vinced that he was steadily gaining ground, thanks to 
Lord Powis's unceasing exertions on his behalf. More 
than once he compares himself to a wether entangled 
among brambles [llwdn dafad mewn drysi, cant fieri a 
gafael yn fy nqwlan) and set upon by a gang of sheep- 
stealers. '^ I have just got free from one bramble bush, 
so Lord Powis tells me to-day," he writes on 23 June. 
On 4 July^ he reports that the Earl had paid another 
visit to the Treasury, '^ and T hope he hath carried the 
point we wanted, as our adversaries have fortify'd them- 
selves so well by bribery and corruption we are obliged to 
fight our way inch by inch," but he hoped to undermine 
them very shortly as there remained " only one tower 
unconquered ". " The more I advance in my affairs, new 
difficulties start, as if they had a mind I never should 
have an end", was what he had to confess on 15 July; 
" but they use Lord Powis as they do me, so I suffer in 
good company, and I would not desire better. I shall 
hear to-day from Lord Powis how this last contrivance is 
like to turn out: surprizing people, made up of Pride, 
Ignorance, and Falsity". On the 21st he declares himself 
"tired of writing accounts, &c." and is uneasy because he 
had not heard from Lord Powis, who was so busy about 
christening his son that there was "no seeing of him".^ 

^ A day or two before this, Morris removed from his lodgings at St. 
Martin's lane to " Mr. Prestwood's over against the coffee-house on 
Great Tower hill," where he would bo near his brother Richard at 
the Navy office. 

2 In the same letter he says : " God hath sent away two of the 
dogs that bark'd at me in Ceredigion, one of them ye very worst in 
ye world ; he died last week at a Tenant's house of mine, a public- 
house, with ye d — 1 in his mouth. A Rare breed ! " 



"" •"'""/, 







40 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 

At the end of July, the Treasury olficials seem to have 
gone away on a holiday. Morris remained in town, utili- 
sing his leisure in preparing a work on Mines, and in en- 
deavouring to get a living for Goronwy Owen. ^^ If my 
aflFairs were determined," he writes on 2nd August, " he 
would be sure of a living, but I cannot push things on so 
heartily as aflFairs are now circumstanced. Things are in a 
fair way of doing well, but that we move slow." He was 
chafing at being obliged to stay in London instead of 
pushing on matters at his own mine of Cwmervin (which 
"will make a good thing"). By the 22nd September he 
was able to inform his brother that he wa« then expecting 
orders to begin the examination of his accounts. 

When at last the order came (by letter of 2nd October 
from Mr. Harding, Secretary to the Treasury) Morris was 
jubilant at the choice of Examiners on behalt of the 
Crown. An eflFort had been made on his behalf to secure 
the nomination of two old Anglesey friends — Williams of 
Geirchog, and William Parry, of Gwredog.^ But this was 
frustrated through the Treasury obtaining information of 
their being friends of Morris. The persons eventually 
selected were John Tidy (steward to the Earl of Darling- 
ton, who was then one of the Lords of the Treasury) and 
John Paynter, who has been previously mentioned as 
resident manager of the Cwmsymlog mine under William 
Corbett. Morris alludes to Paynter as " formerly of Pen- 
rhyn" [PPenrhyn Deudraetli^] , refers to their old acquain- 

' Parry was Deputy Comptroller t)f tlie Mint. Goronwy Owen, in 
IToi"), invited him (in a Cytnjdd printed in Owen's WorkSf od. R. Jones, 
p. 178) to visit the poet at Northt)lt. lie was the Cofiadur or Recor- 
der of the Cymmrodorion Society in \l^i>\}, 

^ After perusinjij a pedigree communicated to me by Mr. Charlos 
E. Paynter, of ()1, Devonshire Road, Claughton, Cheshire, I have come 
to the conclusion (though it is not <lirectly suggested by tlie pedigree) 
that the Paynter of our text should 1x3 identified with a John Paynter 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 41 

tanceship, and never for a moment questions the staunch- 
ness of his friendship, though the Treasury officials were 
not to know anything of this. It was on Lord Powis's 
recommendation that Paynter was selected,^ and Morris 
readily accepted the selection. 

The eif orts made to secure the appointment of a friendly 
examiner, and Morris's elation at his success in that re- 
spect, coupled with some vague allusions to what he hoped 
to gain thereby,^ seem to suggest that it was not merely 

who, in 1734, manied one Elizabeth Perks, by whom he had four sons — 
Andrew, Thomas, John and William. Andrew (1735-1802) became 
an officer of the customs, and married a daughter of Joseph Cox, comp- 
troller of customs at Pwllheli, by Ellen Wynne, of Glasgoed, Llanddei- 
niolen. He was buried at Llanfrothen ; his widow removed to Amlwch, 
and the High Sheriff of Anglesey for 1871 (T. Wynne Paynter, of 
Amlwch) was their grandson. {Cymru for Jan. 1896, x, 29-36.) Andrew's 
customs appointment was perhaps secured through his father's con- 
nection with the Corbett's, and William (born 1741) was probably the 
" William Paynter, Navy Office, gent.," who figures in the list of 
Cymmrodorion members for 1759, being described as a native of 
Denbighshire. The third son, John, married a widow named Eleanor 
Morris. It is not improbable that she was Lewis Morris's daughter of 
that name, who married (for her first husband) Richard Morris, of 
Mathafam. John and Eleanor Paynter lived at Aberdovey, and were 
buried in the parish churchyard of Towyn, the husband on 28 Oct. 1815, 
aged 78, and his widow on 2 1 Sept. 1820, aged 90. The earliest Paynters 
were interested in lead mining, and most probably came to Wales from 
Cornwall. There is no traceable connection between them and the 
Paynters of Dale in Pembrokeshire, which is believed to have been an 
offshoot of the Paynters of Boskenna, near Penzance in Cornwall. 
(For pedigrees of these latter families see Burke's Landed Gentry (1875), 
p. 1062, and Supplement, p. 54.) 

^ Onid oedd Arglwydd Powys Iwyd a minau yn bobl ryfeddol ei 
hymladd hi hyd yma, a chael Sicui Painter y dyn clifria yn y deyrnas 
am y fath beth ? Oeddem, Oddem " (Oct. 13, 1755). 

^ In referring to Tidy as Earl Darlington's Steward he says — " Os 
yw'r gwas fal y meistr, mi wnawn o'r goreu ag ef." In fact Tidy is 
represented somewhat as a lay figure, Paynter wielding the controlling 
and directing power in the whole proceedings. As to the Treasury 
officials — " if they are other people's fools, pan na fyddant i minnau ?" 



42 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 

fear lest he should suffer injustice at the hands of hostile 
examiners that influenced him, but that there had been 
some irregularities which he wished, if possible, to be 
passed over lightly. On the other hand, one cannot too 
much emphasize the fact that, though these letters were 
written confidentially to his brother, their whole tone is 
that of righteous indignation at injustice done to Morris 
by the Treasury officials, and there is not a single state- 
ment from which one could reasonably infer that he had 
been guilty of anything worse than slight irregularities, if 
so much, — certainly not of the systematic peculation which 
was the hitherto unformulated charge against him. 

On 9 October the two Examiners commenced their in- 
vestigation of Morris's Abstract or "General Statement 
of Payments and Receipts," and Morris, who had handed 
in his books and vouchers, ''assisted them almost every 
day", until the conclusion of the audit on the 28th, when 
the Examiners " seem'd well pleased " with the explana- 
tions that had been furnished them. Two days later, 
according to the Answer which Morris filed in the subse- 
quent proceedings, Paynter came to his lodgings and 
informed him that " he and Tidy had been the day before 
with Mr. Sharpe, who was ordered by the Treasury to 
assist them, and that they had shew'd to Mr. Sharpe a 
draught of [Morris's] accounts as stated by them, and had 
taken his directions how to make the report, and that 
Sharpe had approved of the said accounts, and that they 
would be passed as they were in liis books, except some 
few trifling articles which he said they had struck off to 
shew their assiduity". Paynter at the same time shewed 
to Morris a draft of the report which he and Tidy 
intended to make. No report was then, however, pre- 
sented ; and Morris subsequently alleged that the object of 
the Examiners in declining to r€»port was "to delay the 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 43 

time and to continue their employment by the Treasury, 
as they were greatly paid by them " — their remuneration 
being at the rate of Two Guineas a day each — and also to 
secure thereby the appointment of one of them to succeed 
Morris in the management of the Mine. 

A fuller account of the interview with Paynter on 
30 Oct. 1 755 is contained in a long letter written on the 
same day by Morris to a certain noble lord, undoubtedly the 
Earl of Powis.^ In this, the writer reproduces Paynter's 
account of what he had heard at the Treasury. Sharpe 
had shown the Examiners a letter addressed to the Trea- 
sury by a "Mr. Knightley", which Morris believed to be 
a fictitious name assumed to cover an anonymous attack 
on him. "No doubt it came from Commsr. Welles and 
Townsend ", writes Morris, and to the latter he attributes 
its " venom and low cunning". 

" He hints, there should be a View of the Mine^ that [it] is going 
to ruin, that these Examiners are men of knowledge and would 
discover my frauds ; That he had heard my character in travelling 
from Swansey to Aberystwyth, and was desired to let them knoiv by 
word of mouth that the gentlemen of the country are not Inclined to 
be rebels (tho' they go to law about ye mines) unless they are pro- 
voked to be so by such an Incendiary as L. M. ; and he is surprised 
people of their sense should suffer me to go on at that rate, and 
abundance of the like stuff throwing dirt. Such a letter in other 
hands would be construed to my advantage for all the King's Enemies 
call me an Incendiary^ which gives me great pleasure. It seems Mr. 
Sharpe is uneasy about Townsend, having not yet received the £1,350 
of him which he was to have pai<l me, and I hope he'll never pay it, nor 
the money of the last ore where he had promis'd. I know Townsend 
is in London, but they have not seen him yet. I think your Lord- 
ship's putting off coming to town to the 9th Nov. given them an 
opening to play tricks. I am sure these people's report may be 
ready in a few days if you were here to egg them on, for they have 
now nothing to do but to write their abstract and report. The scheme 



' 1 am indebted to Mr. J. II. Davies for a copy of this letter, which 
is preserved at the British Museum. 



44 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

of this Ficticious letter may perhaps be taken hold of, if they have a 
mind for a Colour to put your Lordship's grant oflf again by sending 
these Examiners to Cardiganshire, and I presume it wd. not be a 
disagreeable jaunt for them." 

The Examiners' version of Morris's conduct may per- 
haps be gathered from certain denials subsequently made 
by him in his Answer. They seem to have alleged that 
in the course of the examination Morris declined to assist 
them with such information as he was possessed of, and 
that they told him they were unable " to reduce his 
accounts to method or form" unless he supplied them 
with some further papers, which, however, he did not do, 
alleging that the documents he had already handed them 
"contained all his receipts and payments". The result was 
that the Secretary to the Treasury issued an order, on 21 
Nov. 1755, directing the Examiners to proceed to Cardigan- 
shire so that they might there further investigate Morris's 
accounts. In justice to Morris himself, it should be stated 
that several passages in the letters which he wrote to his 
brother during the progress of the examination, tend to 
corroborate his statement that the Examiners made no 
complaint, and, in fact, " seemed well pleased " with his 
explanations.^ 

* On 13 October — four days after the commencement of the 
audit — he writes : " Just now Lord Powys's agent, and John Paynter 
and self sitting together over a Bowl of Punch in my room." Six 
days later he reports : -" The examination goes on glibly, 8\on 
baintiirr yn ddyn rhxjfedda fn erioed [Paynter the strangest man that 
ever lived], all pride and vanity, and good sense, extraordinary parts, 
a heap of contradictions." On the 20th he refers in somewhat 
similar terms to a person whom he calls Payan Sparduuoy, un- 
doubtedly Paynter. Morns himself is speaking fairly (Jinneu^n 
dywedyd yn dey^ A'c, iV:c.> to the Examiners, who "seem to Iw con- 
vinced of the reality of my case whi(;h ye other rascals have a mind to 
conceal." By the " other rascals " he meant Sharpe, the Solicitt)r, 
and West, one of the Secretaries to the Tre»isury, for he jestingly 
proceeds to derive the wor<l " scroundel " from the Welsh Hy% c\m^ 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 45 

Once more Cardiganshire became the scene of action. 
It was a race from London there between Morris and the 
Examiners, each party being eager to be first at the 
mine. But Morris's haste involved him in an accident 
for on his way home, accompanied no doubt by his nephew, 
John Owen, who had remained with him in London all the 
time, he had the misfortune to fall from his horse, and 
this seems to have enabled the Examiners to reach the 
mine before him, which they did on lOtli December. At 
Rhayadr, they had been met by William Jones, the agent 
left in charge of the mine during Morris's absence, but at 
the mine itself they were unable to obtain possession of the 
house (called the King's house), which Morris had built 
for his accommodation as manager. In it, Evan Williams, 
one of the three partners in the original taking of the mine, 
was living with his wife and family as caretakers, and as 
he had previously held possession of it by Morris's direc- 
tions " tho' attempted often to be thrown out by the 
sheriflF of the county," he who had been " a constant and 
true friend of the cause of the Crown," refused admittance 
to the Examiners, as they were strangers to him and he 
had no knowledge of their authority. Without waiting to 
eject him, or making any sort of inspection of the mine, the 
Examiners proceeded immediately to Aberystwyth, which 
place they made their headquarters. 

Down to this stage Morris seems to have maintained — 

y drel — "a rhywogaeth y drel hwnnw yw'r Llym yma a'r Gorllewin. O 
Fileiniaid ! ar fedr andwyo dyn ai deulu i borthi eu pendro gythreulig 
— worse than dogs or serpents". In a letter of the 24th he again 
describes Paynter as "a grotesquely curious man, but as the steel all 
the same [rii welais i erioed ei ail o ddyn gxcrthun, ond mae ef fal y dur 
er hynyX Self interest is ye great tye. The last part of my 
vouchers I delivered to-day, ag ricyn gobeitho y gtcnant report gonest 
Tneion ychydig ddyddiau [and I hope they will make an honest report 
in a few days]." 



46 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

outwardly at all events — his friendly relations with 
Paynter : *^ I often attended the Examiners at Aberystwyth 
and dined and supped with them, and they appeared 
always very friendly during the course of their examin- 
ation, and did not require any explanation of me, except 
the Partners' or Bargain takers' account for the first year 
(1751)," which was not however forthcoming. But Morris 
subsequently discovered, according to his statement, 
that Paynter was all this time plotting his ruin. ^*At 
the same time that the Examiners behaved to me so civil, 
Mr. Paynter told several persons that now he had an 
opportunity to be reveng'd on me for speaking against 
him when he was agent of mines to Mr. Corbett, and that 
he would paint me as black as the devil, and that he 
v/ould represent me to the Treasury as one ignorant of 
everything relating to mines." 

But the account subsequently given by Morris of the 
conduct of the Examiners at this time must necessarily be 
accepted with caution, for allowance should doubtless be 
made for the fact that this account was not written till 
after the lapse of some eighteen months; when, moreover, 
he had to defend himself against charges which were based 
upon the Examiners' reports as to his stewardship. On 
the other hand, as Morris's allegations against the 
Examiners were made in the course of legal proceedings, 
they were all liable to be rebutted, especially as they 
related for the most part to specific facts, and such rebuttal 
would have had the inevitable result of destroying Morris's 
credit and reputation; and unless there was, therefore, some 
foundation in fact for his allegations he would scarcely 
have been so reckless as to place them formally on record 
in his pleadings. 

According to Morris, whose version we think it right to 
give, subject to the foregoing reservation, the Examiners, 



Lewis Morns in Cardiganshire, 47 

before proceeding to examine the mine, spent five or six 
weeks^ '^ chiefly in visits at the houses of the claimants 
of the mine," and also "in keeping an open house of 
revelling, balls and entertainments at Aberystwyth, with 
harpers and fiddlers," by which means they "persuaded 
several persons to make complaints against [Morris] in 
their drunkenness, which they afterwards owned they 
were sorry f or.^ And the people that they chiefly carress'd 

^ They had a good excuse for not going to the mine, for they 
could not do so " for frost and snow'\ 

'^ The following is from one of Morris's numerous memoranda : " Mr. 
Paynter, on his first coming to Cardiganshire on ye examination of 
my accounts publicly declared in my presence and of several others 
that the Treasury were so surfeited with affidavits from Cardiganshire 
they would have no more of them, but that he would take all exami- 
nations about my accounts without the ceremony of an oath, and that 
if anybody had any demands upon me he would pay them on their 
making their complaints. This occasioned a vast number of poor 
indigent people to make demands where there was no colour, and 
several to deny their hands to the receipts they had given, so that 
according to this way of examination all my payments might be 
struck off, if all the persons concerijed had as little conscience as 
some had." 

Elsewhere he states that "they took down in writing whatever 
any drunken fellow, whom they had treated, had the conscience to 
say against me, telling him beforehand that he need not be on oath — 
and this in a country where I had made me so many enemies on the 
King's account, by endeavouring to maintain his right." 

Among the specific instances which Morris gives are the follow- 
ing : — " Two of the Partners were made drunk at the Examiners' 
lodgings, being persuaded by Mr. Paynter to make complaints which 
they were told need not be on oath, and that he would make me pay 
them more money, and offered to help them to file a bill in Chancery 
against me. When thoy grew sober they came to me and own'd 
what they had done, and sign'd papers (which I have) testifying to 
the contrary." 

There is also a note stating that the wife of one of the washers in 
the Vmrgain of 1751, was given a guinea by Paynter at Lord 
Lisburne's house, with the view of her proving that she had washed 
more ore than was accounted for, &c., but when told by Morris's 
nephew, John Owen, that later on she would be required to sub- 
stantiate her statement upon oath, she also retracted. 



48 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

and entertained in those revells were the very people that 
always opposed the title of the Crown to the mine, and 
were [Morris's] utter enemies on that account."* More- 
over, Morris complained that the Examiners, though they 
had paid only one visit to his house, which was near to 
their lodgings, " were frequently at the Houses of Mr. 
Powell and Lord Lisburn, who had given the Crown so 
much trouble by claiming the mine, and there examined 
the persons who Mr. Powell and Ld. Lisbum could per- 
suade to say anything against me because I had so stren- 
uously defended the King's right against them". 

Either the Examiners were not empowered to take 
evidence on oath, or they elected not to do so, for it 
appears that they obtained all their information by means 
of unsworn testimony, that Morris was never allowed to be 
present when witnesses were examined, and that they *^never 
would let him know what complaints there were against 
him [so as] to give him an opportunity of clearing himself, 
though he expressly desired of them to let him bring 
persons to answer some complaints that he had heard had 
been made." 

^ Another memorandum contains the following serious allega- 
tion : — 

^^ To aggravate the country against me on their examination, Mr. 

Paynter read publicly the letters I had wrote to Mr. Sharpe and 

others during my maintaining and disputing the rights of the Crown 

with Lord Lisbum and Mr. Powell, which I presume were given him 

for the purpose by Mr. Sharpe, and as I am inform'd Mr. Paynter 

gave up to Mr. Powell and Lord Lisbum my original letters to Mr. 

Sharpe, to see if they couhl get any handle against me. This is a 

proceeding never used by any person or oflice, to expose their Agent 

or Attorney's letters, who perhaps might Iw sometimes t<H) warm in 

his expressions, when ill-used by his antagonists, but it is however a 

Caveat to others never to be too faithful to their trust when 

employ'd by the Government, lest some of those they opiK>se should 

turn to be useful members in the House of Commons, as Lord 

Lisbum's son and Mr. Townsend now are." 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 49 

Morris claimed that he had given to the Examiners, so 
far as they would permit him, all the assistance in his 
power, and especially that he had delivered to them all his 
books of account relating to the period of his superin- 
tendence. Paynter, however, wrote to him that *' some 
folks (such were his words) thought it would be proper 
they should see the Partners' accounts for the year 1721," 
to which Morris replied that owing to the bargain-takers 
being illiterate no regular accounts had been kept, and 
that moreover the venture of 1751 was "a private concern'*, 
as to the receipts and expenses of which the Crown could 
not justly demand an account. But even in this respect 
he seems to have made some concession later, for, referring 
to the matter m his Answer, he states that the Examiners 
"might, if they had thought proper, have settled and 
adjusted the account of ore got out of the mine in 1751, as 
he had delivered to them the accounts of the sale of the 
said ore, and all the names of the Buyers, who were all to 
be spoke with," but what enquiries they had made of the 
merchants who bought the ore, Morris was unable to say. 

On 22 January 1756, the Examiners "contrived an 
artful malicious letter" to Morris, complaining that a 
caretaker, by his directions, withheld from them posses- 
sion of the King's house at the mine, "against the 
order of the Lords of the Treasury." Two days later, 
without waiting for Morris's reply, they wrote to West at 
the Treasury, enclosing a copy of their letter of the 22nd, 
and alleging that Morris would not suflFer any of the 
King's servants to go near them, a statement which, he 
says, after Euclid's manner, was absurd, as there were then 
no King's servants to be so prevented, all having been 
discharged above a twelvemonth before, except William 
Jones, the agent, and some twelve pumpers "who were 
always in the mine and at the Examiners' command"; 



E * 



50 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

all which the solicitor to the Treasury (Sharpe) "knew 
very well, though to aggravate the Treasury and to pro- 
mote Mr. Pajrnter, he wink'd at this falsehood that 
I hinder'd the King's servants to appear." There was 
nothing left to the Examiners, so they seem to have 
represented, but "to proceed in the best manner they 
could, without the inspection of such books and papers as 
Morris had withheld from them"; while as further proof 
of their assiduity, or "to prolong time", they also 
examined the custom-house books, though Morris explained 
to them that "no officers of the customs enter in their 
books out of what mine any ore comes, no more than out 
of what farm any corn comes." 

On 26 January, they wrote to Morris informing him 
that, by the authority of the Treasury, they revoked and 
determined his superintendency of the mine, and that he 
would have further directions concerning the Balance 
** pretended by them" to remain in his hands as soon as 
their report had been considered by the Treasury. At the 
same time, or very shortly after, Paynter himself was 
entrusted by the Treasury with the management of the 
mine, an object which had been secured, so Morris con- 
tended, " by malicious and false representations " of his 
conduct. 

The Examiners presented two distinct accounts, one of 
which, described as drawn up from such books as Morris 
had thought fit to produce to them, showed a balance of 
£2,910 11«. 3d. due from him to the Crown. The other, in 
the preparation of which the Examiners had "considered 
themselves as two indifferent Referees, abstracted from all 
prejudices, collusions, or misbehaviour in him (Morris) 
and made him all just and reasonable allowances," showed 
as due from him, a balance of £3,468 bs. \d. In the bill 
of complaint subsequently filed against Morris, the former 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 51 

sum was claimed on an account stated, while the latter 
sum was claimed in the alternative. These results were 
obtained by striking out many payments which Morris 
claimed to have made {e,g,, in respect of "double stems" 
worked), and also disallowing his salary, "alleging, 
perhaps from their ignorance of these things, that he 
deserved no salary." 

No balance was, however, demanded of Morris, nor 
was the result of the investigation directly communi- 
cated to him, though shortly after the Examiners' return 
to London it was commonly reported that " some officers 
of the Treasury wanted to arrest his body for about 
£3,000." But he lost no time in going himself to London, 
where he arrived on 22 March, not to return home till 
about Christmas 1757, or possibly the beginning of 1758. 

As he believed that his opponents were plotting his 
ruin, it was necessary, if possible, to check their machin- 
ations, and in sheer self-defence go in for counter-plotting. 
A break in the correspondence leaves us, however, in the 
dark as to what was being done between April and July. 
The veil is lifted by the following letter or report written 
to the Lords of the Treasury by their solicitor, John 
Sharpe, on 28 July 1756. 

" In obedience to your Lordships' commands signify'd to me by Mr. 
Harding's letter of the 16th July instant, I have laid the several 
reports of Messrs. Painter and Tidy concerning the conduct of Mr. 
Lewis Morris, agent to the King's mines in Wales, and the state of 
his accounts, and their report of the value and condition of the 
mine at Esgair-y-mwyn, with the authority given to those gentlemen, 
with a proper state of the case drawn up by me, before Mr. Attorney 
General, and have taken his opinion touching the method by which 
the King s interest in the said mine may be most properly secured, 
whether by a lease thereof in the manner proposed in one of the said 
reports, or by what other method, and also what will be the best 
method of recovering the money due from Mr. Morris, and I herewith 
lay before your Lordships the said case with Mr. Attorney General's 
opinion." 

£ 2 



52 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

The subsequent course of events enable us to infer the 
purport of that Opinion. Meanwhile, however, another 
blow was aimed at Morris by his dismissal, early in 
August, from the coUectorship at Aberdovey. Writing 
to his brother at Holyhead on 28 August, he said that 
the Duke of Newcastle solemnly assured him that he was 
not privy to his dismissal — ^that it was the work of other 
people.* But, observes Morris, 

"He dare not refuse the Jacobites anything they ask, an odd 
mortal, without bottom or solidity. I know they'll carry their spight 
against me to ye utmost, and [he] hath neither courage nor honesty 
to stop them, but there will come a time soon that the scenes will 
be chang'd." 

It was well on in the following year before he had much 
to communicate to his brother as to the dispute with the 
Treasury. Meanwhile he busily occupied himself with 
preparing a cabinet of mineralogical specimens, which he 
intended for, and eventually presented to, the Earl of Powis. 
He was also keenly interested in Lord Powis's endeavour 
to obtain a lease of Esgair-y-mwyn mine from the Crown, 
a project which Pajmter also favoured and worked for, 
but for ulterior objects of his own which Morris had as yet 
no suspicion of. "Who knows but I shall go again to 
Wales Deheubarthegy^^ he optimistically exclaims on receipt 
of a letter from Lord Powis that everything was going on 
all right. "1 find," Morris writes (25 Sept. 1756), "that 
Smedley came to town a few days ago by ye direction" of 
Harding of the Treasury, a bitter opponent of Morris's party, 
but after oifering 40«. per ton royalty, he hurried home, in- 
continently complaining that he had been made a fool of, 
as the lease would be granted to Lord Powis, whatever 
royalty his Lordship offered. Townsend also offered "twice 

* " Am fy materion i, yr im fath er pan sgrifennais ddiweddaf. Fe 
dyng y Oast, newydd na wyr ef ddim oddiwrth fy hel i o Ddyfi, ond 
mae gwaith pobl ereill oedd." 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 53 

as much as the thing would pay ", but " he was too light in 
the scales against Lord Powis, tho' he had another member 
to be a partner with him (Vaughan of Crosswood) and it 
seems he could not give proper security. However 
Smedley has been a complaining to a friend of his that 
nobody has any chance with Lord Powis, for that he 
insisted upon having it, and he could lead ye Morthwyl 
mawr as he pleas'd." 

Meanwhile Paynter was down at Esgair-y-mwyn, 
"going on after the same wild manner, building and 
throwing down .... even in the depth of winter " 
(30 Nov. 1756) — "driving levels, sinking engine shafts, 
rioting, &c., &c." (4 Feb. 1757), but slipping away for a 
few days at Christmas, apparently to visit Lord Powis at 
Oakley Park. But "these things will be over by and by," 
says the poet, "and that honest Ivddew [Jew] known 
there as well as in other places." Even Powell, of 
Nanteos, declared that Paynter was not to be trusted, and 
that Morris would once more return to the mine. So 
firmly did Morris believe this himself that he instructed 
" honest Evan William" to purchase about £200 worth of 
timber in the district, so that Lord Powis could have it to 
work the mine, but "for certain reasons" it was "bought 
in Evan Williams's name" (Jan. 1, 1757). During the 
winter months, Morris was much troubled with asthma and 
a persistent cough, which prevented his resting in a prone 
position. An illness of Lord Powis's also delayed matters, 
but the lease of Esgair-y-mwyn from the Treasury to his 
lordship was eventually signed on February 24th, 1757. 
"God knows how it will affect me!" was Morris's com- 
ment to his brother. 

His lordship shortly afterwards, in addition to this 
lease, appears to have obtained a lease of the manors of 
Myfenydd and Creuddyn, and all mines and minerals 



54 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

within those manors except Esgair y-mwyn, the rent 
reserved bein^ £2 for the manors, £2 for the mines, and 
one-tenth of the ore. This second lease expired on 2 April 
1788, its term probably being thirty-one years, which was 
then the usual term for mineral leases from the Crown. 

It was probably with a view to these leases that Morris 
had presented Lord Powis, in December 1766, with his 
histories of the manors of Creuddyn and Myfenydd. 

Not long after this, Morris thought that Lord Powis's 
manner towards him was less cordial than it used to be. 
At first he fancied that this arose from an unreadiness on 
his lordship's part to refund the money which he had 
paid for the timber, and he now feared that in so paying, 
he had done "an indiscreet thing". He was probably 
nearer the mark as to the cause of the estrangement 
when he informed his brother (6 May 1 769) that Paynter 
was in London, "pushing his long nose no doubt into 
Ld. P.'s ears.'" It is, at all events, clear that Lord Powis 
retained Paynter as his agent and manager of the mine at 
Esgair-y-mwyn. 

Moreover, the change of Ministry which happened about 
this time did not prove to Morris's advantage. Early in 

' Paynter's departure from Esgair-y-mwyn had been somewhat 
mysterious, and Morris believed that he had escaped in disgrace or 
in fear of the law (letter of 8 April 1757): — "A messenger from 
London arrived in that neighbourhood [Esgair-y-mwyn] ye 26th 
March, and 27th early before the man came Pajmter took horses and 
slipt away to Salop, and some think to London. I supi)ose his 
pride and folly reached ye ears of ye Treasury, and that they sent a 
man to supersede him. I believe in my heart he has drawn Arg. 

Po[wi8] into a scrape The London messenger, after 

looking about him, and seeing Paynter had given him ye slip, 
went back to London, and a change happens in the Ministry at that 
veiy crisis, nolxMly can proten<l to determine how it will turn out." 
And then he introduces a morsel of folklore which is worth pre- 
serving : "It is surprising what «M>ufusion8 money will make. Is it 

any wonder that the d 1 should sit cross-legged in ogo maen 

cymrivd to guard the treasures there.** 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 55 

May, proceedings were launched against him to recover 
the balance which Paynter and Tidy had reported as still 
due from him to the Treasury. John Owen was joined as 
co-defendant, " with a view to take off his evidence from 
being on his (Morris's) side". Writing to William Morris 
on 18 May, he says : — 

" My Treasury enemies caused him [J. Owen] to be served with 
an Exchequer writ ye beginning of this month, at ye suit of ye 
Attorney-genl. by Information. ... I had notice of it before- 
hand and ordered him out of ye way, but he was so Hypd. [? Hypo- 
chondriacal] that he could not move an inch, or did not think my 
information was of any consequence. You see what low shifts my 
enemies are put to, to seek out for matter of Information against me, 
for this is intended for that purpose. Ond ebr yr hen ddihareb ni 
thwyllwyd a rybuddiwyd ; felly minneu wnaf y goreu oV gwaethaf ." 

He probably owed his early knowledge of these pro- 
ceedings to some friendly official at the Treasury, for on 
21 May he writes : — "I have opened a door into ^rdrysorfa^ 
a kind of a private access, by which I shall discover the 
intentions of men. I wish I had seen it sooner, but this 
was only a work of providence, and could not be sooner." 
By the end of May, a bill of " three skins of parchment '* 
had been filed against himself and Owen. It is signed by 
Robert Harley (the Attorney-General) and George Perrott, 
and is still preserved at the Record Office, where also are 
to be seen the Answer of the two defendants, and the 
Crown's Exceptions thereto, both of which will be referred 
to later. Owen's presence in London now became neces- 
sary, and, on 18 June, Monis wrote to his wife (who had 
removed to Penbryn in the spring) bidding her despatch 
Owen to London with all speed, and giving directions as to 
the journey. " The neighbours need not know where he 
goes that they may not have business to talk." He also 
gave instructions "to push Cwmervin on", but owing to 
heavy floods during the summer, the output there fell short 
of what it might otherwise have been. As to Esgair-y- 



56 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

mwyn, Paynter had now returned, but there was '^no 

work (raising^ ore) going on yet". As to the lawsuit, " I 

am fighting them now in equity", he writes to his brother 

(18 June), "and have the same Counsel as was against the 

King in the great trial.^ Must not I change sides as well 

as others?" He was busily preparing his answer, which 

was to be filed during the Michaelmas term. But he also 

devoted much time to literary work and scientific research. 

It was at this period that he wrote the greater part of his 

Celtic Remains ; he also made a collection of coins, and 

studied their inscriptions ; he presented his brother 

William with a microscope, which he had made with his 

own hands. Writing to William on 28 September he 

sends him important news from Cardiganshire : — 

" This post brinj^s me news that Johnes, of Abermaid, was on ye 
21 st instant carried to Cardigan Jail by a mob of 100 men, and that 
about a iOO men of his mob, hearing of his being decoyed into their 
snare, have marched on ye 23rd at night to Cardigan to carry him oflf. 
We shall hear next post, I suppose, of a Battle there. Herbert Lloyd 
decoyVl him into their trap, who pretended to be his bosom friend. 
Lladdant eii gilydd a chroeso. A Duio gattcoW gwirion.^ 

Some ten days later he gives further news of this 

flare-up {rhyfel bentan) between the factions of Abermaid 

and Llanvair y Clywedogau {sic) : — 

*^ 140 men of a side or more. Abermaid hath several allies, 
Nanteos, Trawsgood, Aberllolwyn, and Llandudoch. Llanvair hath 
strong allies, colliers from Pembrokeshire, miners of Es(gair) y mwyn, 
Grogwynion, Llwjm y gwyddyl, Lewis Llanchairon, A'c, all under 
arms. You never heard of such madness since the attempt or attack 
formerly on Esgair y mwyn." 

The attempted rescue seems to have proved unavailing, 
for on 18 October Morris reported that Johnes was then 

^ The Counsel who subsequently settled the defendants' answer, 
and also argued on their behalf against the exceptions thereto, was 
Edmund Starkie. Morris's attorney was Thomas Cross, of Wine 
Office Court, who was a member of the Cymmrodorion Society, bis 
qualification being that his mother was a Welsh woman. 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 57 

in the King's Bench, " where he was like to end his wicked 
life," but the writer had no sympathy to waste on him. 
The great county quarrel was in his eyes a case of " dog 
eat dog." Paynter, on the other hand, was "cutting a 
most astonishing figure" in Cardiganshire, "building, 
taking great farms, &c., in short, driving " ten times 
hotter than Jehu." Towards the end of October, he 
(accompanied by his brother) went up to London, leaving 
the work on stop, except one small level, and, as Morris 
heard, hatching some plots against himself, which was 
likely enough. " If the Treasury want a tool of destruc- 
tion, he is the fittest man in the world for it." On Dec. 1, 
in a postscript to a letter of the previous day, Morris men- 
tions a rumour that Lord Powis had surrendered his lease 
of Esgair-y-mwyn to the Treasury owing to the unprofit- 
ableness of the undertaking: "If it is so," adds Morris, 
" there is one of Paynter's tricks in it, for there has been 
a vast deal of unnecessary work done there since they 
began, of levels, shafts, building of houses, and great wells 
and ponds, &c., and I am told all brought to ye account of 
ye mine under the title of labour, in order to induce the 
Treasury to grant a lease on better terms."^ 

Meanwhile, the end of the long vacation was drawing 
near, and Morris's Answer was not yet ready ; he had to 
urge on his lawyer, and even drank hard with him so as to 
"drive instructions into him." "According to my de- 

' Some further references to this matter are given in the Appendix. 
It would appear that Lord Powis did, in fact, surrender his lease, and 
that a new one was subsequently granted to him, on easier terms, for 
a lease of Esgair-y-mwyn to him (at a rent of 5«. a year and ^th of the 
ore) expired on the 20 Dec. 1796, when no new lease was granted 
{see Whittle Harvey's Returns of the Land Revenues of the Crown 
1831, p. 24). In a subsequent return (Appendix 3 to Report of Land 
Rev. of the Crown 1833;, there is this note as to Esgair-y-mwyn: "These 
mines were some years since surrendered to the Crown by Lord Clive." 



58 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 

mands", he adds, " they owe me above two thousand 
pounds, and as yet I don't know what will be the conse- 
quence." The result of this dilatoriness wa« reported 
by Morris in a letter of 14 November 1757/ 

" For want of bringing in our Answer the first day of 
term, owing to the Tardiness of my Lawyers, there is an 
attachment taken out against Jo. Owen and self in order 
to make us give bail to stand a trial. But they shall not 
attack me unless they break doors," while he had also 
warned his nephew. 

At last the formal Answer was, however, sworn to by 

the defendants before Chief Baron Parker on 25 November 

1757. In it Morris, of course, denied that there was due 

from him to the Treasury the sum of £3,468 claimed, or 

any other sum. On the contrary, Morris insisted that if a 

fair account were taken of his receipts and payments, and 

of the proper allowances, which ought in justice to be made 

to him, and which he humbly hoped would be allowed him 

as set forth in the two schedules annexed to his Answer, 

there would appear to be justly due to him (defendant) 

the sum of £2,885 \s. This amount was made up as 

follows : — 

Expenses while in Cardigan jail, 41 days at 2 guineas 

a day, £86 2«. ; damages for assault and false imprison- 
ment, £500 ; expenses in London after being bailed out, 
155 days from 4 April to 6 Sept. 1753, £325 10«. ; expenses 
attending the trial, 55 days from 26 April to 19 June 1754, 
£115 108.; expenses and journey of himself and John 
Owen " to London by the order of the officers of the 
Treasury, to settle his accounts with the Treasury, being 
out 305 days, from 21 January 1755, to the 21st November 
following, at 3 guineas a day for both, £960 15^.; salary 

^ By a slip ho Iihh written 1755, but intonml ovidenco proves that 
beyond doubt it should be 1757. 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 59 

as superintendent of Esgair-y-mwyn mine from 1 Jan. 
to 26 Feb. 1756 (at the rate of £600 a year), £578 \s. Id. ; 
cash paid on 2 April 1755 by order of Sharpe to Stephen 
Edwards, Attorney, " for business done in the defence of 
the said mine ", £118 17«. 3d. ; payments since the delivery 
of his accounts : — to the Examiners under 5 separate 
orders from the Treasury, £404 7s. 9d., and expenses of 
the mine from 3 January 1755 (i.e. the date to which his 
abstract had been made up) to 28 Feb. 1756, " with other 
bills inserted in this account by Paynter and Tidy of their 
own private expenses," (which the Under- Agent at the 
mine was ordered by them to pay), £386 188. YOd. All 
these items made up a total of £3,475 28. 5d., out of which 
there was to be deducted the sum of £1,090 l8. 5d., which 
Morris, in his abstract, admitted to be the cash in his 
hands on 3 January 1755, leaving a balance in his favour 
of £2,385 l8. For most (if not all) of his disbursements, 
Morris had vouchers, and, in many cases, specific orders 
also. 

It was characteristic of Morris that on the very day 
on which he attended before Chief Baron Parker to have 
his Answer sworn to, he should also occupy himself with 
copying Cyfoesi Myrddin a Gwendydd ("a monstrous 
long thing of 128 stanzas of Engl[ynioii] milwr^^) and 
Marwnad Trahaern Brydyddy besides writing one of his 
usual long letters to his brother William. A fortnight 
later (15 Dec. 1757) he writes again to William, and 
mentions that with a view to returning home he had 
packed the greater part of his impedimenta in some ten 
boxes which he intended directed to Mathavam (Mont.), 
whence he could have them home by degrees. He was 
uncertain whether he could leave London before Christmas. 
But his return home was not long postponed, and his pro- 
tracted absence of some 21 months was at last brought to 



6o Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

an end. His nephew, John Owen, however, remained 
behind in London, though no regular employment had 
yet been secured him, and in a few months time "he 
shew'd great uneasiness at being detained in such an 
inactive, precarious state of suspense." Morris was 
perhaps not able to sympathise with his nephew's 
restlessness any more than with his brother Bichard's 
easy-going temper.^ 

The next step in the Exchequer suit was that the 
Attorney-General,^ as the informant, took Exceptions 
against Morris's Answer as "imperfect, evasive and in- 
sufficient." The Exceptions, which were nine in number, 
were filed on 13 February 1 758, and were set down for 
argument on the 25th. The interval was too short to obtain 
instructions from Morris in Cardiganshire, so " instead of 
coming to a hearing upon the insufficiency of the Answer," 
his Attorney, Thomas Cross, moved for an adjournment 
till the ensuing term, "which with some difficulty was 
obtained." At the same time " a peremptory rule was 
made either to submit to amend and put in a full Answer 
by the next term or argue the Exceptions." At tliis 
critical period Cross was deprived of the assistance, not 
only of Morris himself, owing to his being in Wales, but 
also of Richard Morris, who was away at Portsmouth 
attending a Court Martial. The Attorney, however, laid 
the whole case before Counsel, and also wrote to Morris 
(2 March 1758) for full instructions. 

" Whatever intimation or hopes you might have given you before 



^ " Dyma fi yn ymadel a Sion [Owen], fal y gallo fynd iV mor neuV 
mynydd : a thoughtless vain lad, God help him. Ac ydywV 
Gardiwr wyf yn i add arno [Richard Morris] fawr well." Owen was 
still in London in May 1768, but ho eventually wont to sea. 

=• Camden Pratt (afterwards Ist Lord Camden), by this time held 
office. 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 6i 

you left London," he tells him, " they seem determined to shew you 
no favour. 

" If the last exception to yonr answer should hold, the proceedings 
will be extended to an endless length. The books delivered in by you, 
as apprehended, are no more than quarterly payments. You are 
wanted to account from the first entries or journals, which if 
destroyed when the quarterly books were made up, will be looked 
upon and construed as done to serve certain ends." 

Morris's instructions to Cross were contained in a 
letter dated "Penbryn, March 13th 1758". He could 
prepare no further account, as all his books and vouchers 
were in the hands of the Examiners, and the only further 
answer that he could give would be to refer to Paynter and 
Tidy's acknowledgment of the documents which he had 
delivered to them, and to state that they had also received 
from the under-agents the day-books, "to be examined 
with the quarter-books", and that the Examiners had 
"detained these as well as the rest," but "they gave no 
receipt for the "day-books." As a good deal depended on 
these day-books, Morris gives the following account of the 
way they were kept : — 

" The first entries, or day-books, of the transactions of the mine 
were not made by me but by ye several under agents who were on ye 
spot, and who I superintended, and the books containing the quarterly 
payments are actual entries made by the under agents of each par- 
ticular miner's account, of work done, and subsistence received within 
that quarter, and posted as soon as possible by the under agents out 
of the day-books from time to time, and prepared for me by them 
against the quarter's end, at which time I my self paid the people 
their ballance publicly and took their receipts under their accounts 
in the said original journals or Quarter Books, attested by some 
person that could write his name, of which there are not many among 
miners. No day-books were destroyed by me, nor could it be my 
interest, but in a great measure I neglected them after I had examined 
and compared the accounts in the Quarter Books with the day books, 
and accounted with ye under agents for the money I had left in their 
hands to subsist the mine." 

Morris contended that no account ought to be based on 



62 Lezvis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

the day-books, but only on the quarter-books, which were 
all properly attested, " each miner setting his hand to a 
receipt under his account." Furthermore, " the times of 
my quarterly payments were always proclaimed, and I paid 
publicly at ye mine in the presence of all the miners/* As 
the Exceptions would come on for argument in the ensuing 
term, Morris instructed Cross to retain "the ablest Counsel 
that you can get, and as many as are sufficient/' As to 
the possibility of mediation by some friend at Court, 
Morris writes: — "You mistook me if you thought I 
expected any favour from the officers till application was 
made to them, which is not yet made, but depends upon 
other circumstances which may or may not come to pass." 

During the next two months Eichard Morris acquainted 
his brother in Cardiganshire " how his aifair with the 
Crown and ye Exchequer was being transacted." It had 
turned out rather unfavourably to Morris, as may be seen 
by the following extract from a letter written to him by 
his Attorney, Cross, on 20 May 1758. 

" On the 29th April (after being put off three several times, twice 
on your part and once by the Crown) the Exceptions came on to be 
argued. The two first were got over, but the 3rd being allowed, all the 
subsequent, by the rules and practices of the Exchequer, wore like- 
wise allow'd %cith costs, which I shall pay, as I have engaged, as soon as 
I can get the bill from the Clerk in Court. 

" The Monday following, the Crown, upon motion, obtained an 
order to amend their bill or information, and that you and Mr. 
[John] Owen shall answer the same at the time of answering the 
Exceptions. This procedure will in some measure be instituting the 
suit de novo. As yet they have not given notice of their amendment, 
tho' I expect they will by the first day of the ensuing term. I 
presume that it was from tho arguments and observations of Mr. 
Starkie (who did not spare them) that they discovered their own 
defects. 

" If the names of certain personages (who you flattered yourself 
would be your friends), had boon set forth as they ought, it might 
have been eventually of more service than all their promises. It's 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 63 

strongly insinuated that you have withheld and secreted several 
material books relative to the mine account, which, if produced, will 
discover great frauds, which I apprehend will be the principal 

additional charge The affair, from the nature of it, must 

terminate in an account to bo stated and settled between you and 
the Crown. But the time when, or the manner how, that might 
happen seems at present very remote and doubtful. That it is 
intended to be made as tedious and expensive to you as possible, is 
beyond question." 

Owing to Morris's absence from London, Cross ex- 
pressed his intention to try and get an extension of time 
till Michaelmas term for answering the amended bill and 
Exceptions. Whether the amended bill was ever delivered, 
and if so, when, and what manner of answer (if any) 
was made to it, I am unable to say, as the documents 
before me throw no light on the subject. But the trial 
itself never came on, nor was any account decreed to be 
taken. Some friends of Morris advised him to make an 
end of the dispute with the Treasury "in a summary 
way", and they promised to assist him with that object. 
How the compromise was to be effected does not appear, 
but at all events Morris wrote (from Penbryn) to his 
brother Richard, on 5 January 1760, asking him to obtain 
from Cross all the documents in the case. " The sooner 
you have them the better, for you'll be called upon very 
soon at the Navy Office for the papers, and I hope the affair 
will have the desired effect." To Cross himself he wrote 
on the same date the following letter, which is the last 
in this bundle relating to the law suit : 

"As i am advised and promised assistance to get clear of the 
dispute I have with the officers of the Treasury, in a summary way, 
you are upon receipt of this to deliver to my brother, Richard Morris, 
of the Navy Office, all papers that I have left in your hands, as also 
of the proceedings since, that there may be no loss of time. And I 
desire and direct you will not proceed any further in that affair in 
my defence or otherwise." 



64 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

That a settiement out of Court was eventually arrived 
at, there can be no doubt, but there is nothing in the 
papers now before me to show what were the terms agreed 
upon. Morris's numerous enemies seem to have spread 
about the report that he had been defeated and ruined — 
and as bad news travel far, this story was told even to 
Goronwy Owen in far Virginia by a Merionethshire parson^ 
who emigrated to America in 1763 or shortly after/ 
There is reason to believe, however, that the settlement 
did not involve any dishonour or disgrace on Morris, 
though the litigation undoubtedly proved very costly to 
him, and its anxieties told heavily on his constitution. At 
home in Cardiganshire he does not seem to have lost any 
of the respect in which he was previously held, though he 
still had his enemies. In 1760 he was admitted a burgess 
of the Borough of Aberystwyth, and in the following year 
he was placed on the Commission of the Peace for the 
county of Cardigan, though it is doubtful whether he ever 
qualified. 

Other law-suits, however, still continued to claim 
his attention. Writing to William from Penbryn, 
Sept. 3, 1761, he says: — "My wife set out yesterday to 
Cardigan and Haverfordwest, on account of some troubles 
in the Bishop's Court given by the most reverend Wm. 
Powel, of Nanteos, in relation to her father and mother's 
personal effects, who died intestate.'"* Then referring to 
another action, he says : — " We are on the brink of making 

* Hee Llythyrau Goronicy Oiverif ed. Professor J. Morris Jones 
(1895), p. 13o. " Sion ap II uw, Cymro o Feirionydd .... a 
ddywed, i mi fod fy Nghyf aill Lewis Morys wedi cael ei daflu yn y 
Qyfraith, ai ddiswyddo ai ddifetha, cyn iddo adaol Cymni ; ond nis 
cl3rwai mo'i farw." 

^ The same letter has the following: — "Nid oes yma ddim ond 
Cjrfreithii) ac aflwydd a dyryswch, a chlefydon — very disagreeable 
companions." 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 65 

some end in Chancery about the mortgage of Dan y Castell.^ 
Ock yn nghalonnau V Gyfreithwyr cas.^^ In a later letter 
(20 Oct. 1761) he refers probably to the same action. He 
had been away from the 3rd to the 16th, in various parts 
of Cardiganshire and Carmarthenshire and at Brecon, 
searching for certain deeds to enable him to answer a Bill 
of Powel's (doubtless of Nanteos) : " I have met with some 
intelligence that I hope will give him a fall, with his 
iniquitous scheme." But more than three years had still 
to pass before Powel's suit against him was determined, as 
may be seen from a letter sent by him on 18 Jan. 1765 to 
his brother-in-law, Owen Davies, of Holyhead (quoted 
later on) . 

During this time his health was, however, rapidly 
failing. Each winter he was prostrated by asthma. ^* A 
salt herring boil'd and eaten with boil'd eggs " gave him 
ease, so also did raw oysters, which had much liquor in 
them, '' muscles and cockles in their own liquor boil'd, 
in short all sea fish which had plenty of the sea salt 
in them." At other times, rheumatism or gout crippled 
him. He complained, in a letter of 23 April 1760, that 
he could only get about on a pair of crutches. 

In view of a Parliamentary contest in Cardiganshire 
in the spring of 1761, he was anxious to be well enough to 
go to Cardigan to support the Whig candidate, John Pugh 
Pryse, of Gogerddan, but it would cost him his life (he 
wrote on 13 Feb.) unless he could have a chaise to travel 
in ; but when a Whig was picked for the shrievalty,* the 

' A paragraph in an earlier letter (dated 11 Oct. 1767), refers to 
this mortgage : — *' Powell Nanteos told ray wife the other day, Well I 
believe we shall be friends agairij and offered to take the interest on the 
mortgage, and the principal too, being in great want of money he pre- 
tended. 1 don't know as yet how my affairs here will turn out, 
therefore it is no proper time to pay money." 

' Walter Lloyd, of Coedmor. 

F 



66 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

opposition of Vaughan of Trawscoed (who had sat in the 
previous Parliament) and of his staunch supporter, the squire 
of Nanteos, crumbled away.^ Morris was thus relieved of the 
journey to Cardigan. Not long after, he seems to have had 
a slight paralytic seizure, but on 27 July he was able to 
write to his brother William, though with a less steady 
hand, io report that he was then gaining a little strength — 
ond yn bur fusgrell ac yn henhoeden dros ben : *^ I have the ver- 
tigo as described by Dr. Shaw, but sometimes in both eyes, 
and only one of them is partly blind, with bright oblique 
pillars and coloured flowers playing in the optic nei've. 
. . . I hate vomiting and cupping, and I can get 
nobody to bleed me in the jugular as Shaw directs.'* 
" A vial of that extra-ordinary spirit the aether of Liver- 
pool" gave some relief, though in mid-September he was 
unable to walk for shortness of breath. Early in October 
he was, however, able to journey to Brecon as already 
mentioned, but he was somewhat worse after his 
" laborious ride". 

Vertigo and gout troubled him again,^ and he discusses 
with his brother various remedies for these and other 
complaints. For years past, he had paid considerable 
attention to the study of medicine, one of his chief author- 

' On Ist March 1761, he writes :— "Maeiit yn dywodyd fod Traw§- 
goed a Phowol yn Ildio gwodi ini gael sirjrf o'n hochr ni. Wrth 
hyny roeddynt oV blaen yn ymddiriod, sef cael false return." On 29 
March he adds : — " We are not certain yet whether Trawsgoed will 
make any show of opposition, but wo suppose they will not. However, 
our people are upon their guard." Pryae was returned unopposed on 
20 April. 

^ " Eich brawd troetrwm Lin." is his signature to a letter of 21 
Doc. 1761, to William. This letter contains a reference to the 
printing press which Morris had sot up in 1736 at Bodedom, 
Anglesey, and which ho had never disposed of. lie asks William— 
"Pwy ydywV argraffydd a fynai brynu y wasgP Oni phrynnir hi, 
gwell ini ei chael yma o dippyn i dippyn." 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 67 

rities being Dr. Shaw's l^ew Practice of Physic. He seems 
to have thus acquired no little skill both in medicine and 
surgery. Eeferring to the Bloody Flux, which he de- 
scribes as being "very rife about the waterside of 
Llansantffred, Llanrhystyd, &c.," in Cardiganshire, he 
details the process of its cure which he " formerly used at 
AberfPraw and cured Hundreds." Mining enterprise con- 
tinued to attract him despite his enfeebled health. In 

1760 he recommenced operations at Cwmervin.^ In May 

1761 he procured very detailed information about a 
small copper mine on Tan y garreg in the parish of Bettws, 
Carnarvon, with the view of buying that and an adjoining 
farm called Bryn y Glog. A few days before Christmas 
1761 (when he had with him at Penbryn a merry juvenile 
party consisting of six of his own children and three grand- 
children from Mathafam) he asked William for news of 
Sion Dwyran and the mines of Anglesey. Early in 1762 he 
commenced mining operations on Llain y felin — " part of a 
lease on Mr. Pryse's ground in my holding." " The mines 
have a very promising aspect," he writes on 8 March ; 
"attending on them will add to my health if my torn 
constitution can hold out," but "a sudden rain after a 
hard frost brought a sad fit of the asthma last night." He 
procured a white goat to supply him with milk, but con- 
tinued very feeble till well on in the summer. 

He hoped to get well enough to go and see some 
mineral property in North Wales, particulars of which he 



^ In a letter written in 1760 by Lewis to his brother at the Navy 
Office, he says : — " I begin to clear Cwm Ervin again, in hopes of a 
peace — Rhiong Ned Huws feddw feddal, a Jack Oioen ddifeddwl — Cwm 
Ervin has been hundreds of pounds out of my way. Goginan is to be 
sold : 1 am anxious to have it. Mi ton fod mtoyn iw gael yno, ped fax 
eiddofi: it is as rich ore as any in the county, and just at the door 
of my house." {See Davies* Agricultural Survey of S. WaleSy ii, 613.) 

F 2 



68 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 

wished his brother to obtain from good Jack Salisbury. 
He might take a lease of it, or could, at all events, 
advise its owner — "yr urkhennes^'* (query the Dowager Lady 
Watkin Wynn) — as to how to let it to advantage. But 
most probably the journey was never taken. On 21 Jan. 
1763 he signed an agreement for a lease for twenty-one 
years, of the minerals under Troed rhiw las, the property 
of William Jones, of Dol y clettwr, in Llangynfelin. 
But, even to his last day, no mine could have interested 
him so much as distant Es^ir-y-mwyn, now in Lord 
Powis's hands, though he was fully conscious that his con- 
nection with it had for ever ceased, and that others were 
to reap the benefit of his labours in the early stages of its 
development. When news reached him from time to time 
of the way it was now being managed (or as he thought 
mis-managed), and how the interests of Lord Powis were 
being betrayed, he must have yearned for a few more years 
of health and strength, though he also knew that his days 
were already numbered. However, he could at least write 
once more to Lord Powis, give him the benefit of his own 
experience, and warn him against some who would only 
betray his confidence. This he did about the middle of 
July 1763, and as this was perhaps the last letter of any 
importance that he wrote to anyone outside his family, a 
lengthy extract from it may be given.* 

" My Lord. I reed, your favour of the 30 June, and am very glad 
my poor endeavours seem to have pleasd you, but to understand me 
the better it may not be amiss to let your Lordship know that my 
Scituation is very particular and uncommon : I am neither in want 
nor in great plenty, but enjoy contentment of mind. I have no 
connection with any people in power and am not soUicitous of 



^ This letter was not included in the bundle originally submitted 
to me, but came to my hands after most of this article had been 
printed off. 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 69 

obtaining any favours except it was a sinecure, my hands and feet 
being scarcely fit for any business of activity at present. I find 
myself by the decay of my materials to be drawing towards a dissolu- 
tion, and my passions, which are few, I am not over fond of gratifying. 
I have hit on ungrateful masters in the Treasury, and I look on all 
the pains I have taken to come at knowledge as thrown away foolishly 
by a mistaken application ; so that my whole life has been in a 
manner a cypher. When I am gone hence all that I have at present 
any care of are a wife and 7 small children, the welfare of whom it is 
my duty to study, that they may not be a load on the world. My 
other children and grand-children are provided for pretty well. And 
this is the chief reason that makes me trouble myself at all as to 
what comes after my time. The few friends that have assisted me 
in my troubles I look upon as my guardian angels, among whom your 
Lordship was my chief prop, and I look upon the remainder of my 
life as entirely your property, to dispose of it as you please. I shall 
set no price upon it, nor desire any, but wish it was worth your 
acceptance in some shape or other. If you can hit upon the way, 
perhaps it might be of some small service to you. Your affairs in this 
country, I know, if carried on with good ceconomy may be made of 
vast consequence, and without proper oeconomy they may either, 
by an extravagant scheming head, or a miserable griping hand, be 

not only of small profit to your Lordship, but ruind The 

height of the art is in rearing a mine-work from nothing under all 
difficulties imaginable, defending it from encroachers, and making 
room for several hundred of men to get their bread and profit to 
their employers. This I did at Esgair y mwyn, and the world sees 
how they rewarded me. The very persons that oppos'd me and who 
strived to thwart the Treasury, as Ball, Townsend, Jonas, &c., have 
been the people that reapd most of the profit from it." 

He then refers to Sharpe's endeavours to ruin him 
for no reason, but that he had been 

''So imprudent and honest as to oppose that infamous sale of the 
ore on bank to Townsend, who choused not only those wise heads of 
the Treasury, but also Powell and Lord Lisburn who expected great 
things from that well contrived purchase of Jno. Williams's right, 
after they had been fairly non-suited. And Townsend's attempt to 
get the Lease between him and Vaughan of Crosswood should not be 
forgot." 

But these things were irretrievable, and as their repeti- 
tion was likely to carry the writer beyond his ^* just 



70 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

bounds '^ he proceeded to refer to ^^some things that 
might be serviceable" to his lordship. He gives minute 
particulars as to how an exhaustive survey of the manors 
leased to Lord Powis should be carried out. He also warns 
Lord Powis, in the plainest terms, against certain '* sharks" 
whom he had admitted into his confidence, though he was 
"happy in the acquaintance and friendship of Mr. Her- 
bert, whose long experience must have made him a pro- 
ficient in mining" and capable of judging whether Morris 
advised his lordship rightly.^ 

There is something of the old feudal relation in his 
loyalty to Lord Powis, and few things could be more 
convincing as to the injustice that Morris suffered at the 
hands of the Treasury officials than his pathetic reference 
to the manner they had "rewarded him". 

At his home at Penbryn, he still had his consolations. 
One source of great pleasure to him was his garden, with 

^ Morris also refers to three enclosures (marked A, B, and C), 
which were to be forwarded with his letter, and contained some 
damaging information about Ball and Townsend. Owing to his 
difficulty in writing, these were copied out by his eldest son, Lewis, 
" a child of 12 year old only". 

Paper A contained an account of Ball's dismissal in 1753 from the 
employment of the company of mine-adventurers, whose secretary 
(O'Connor) however saved him from being prosecuted. At this time 
the coui-t of directors requested Morris " to receive their stores 
from Ball, and to put another agent in the house in his room, and 
dispose of their ore on bank and warehouses." Ball was subsequently 
reinstated by Townsend, who succeeded in getting elected "a board 
of directors of his own ccmtriving, whereby he (Townsend) got all the 
company's works in Cardiganshire either assign'd or sold to him, and 
Ball had their management under him." 

Paper B contained ^'the miners' complaints in 1754, against 
Martin O'Connor, who was drawn by Ball to side with him against the 
interest of his employers." 

Paper C contained Ball's history down to date, including a 
Hubsequont dismissal and re-instatement by Townsend, with whom 
he had been concerned *^ in some dirty work about Esgair y mwyn.^ 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. yt 

its abundance of flowers, cherries, apples, plums of every 
sort, quince, medlar, and several varieties of pears — " par- 
ticularly a pear called in Pembrokeshire Peran Mary Harry 
(supposed to be the orange pear from beyond sea) got from 
a ship at Milford/' William, who was no mean naturalist 
and had now become almost his only correspondent, sent 
him from Holyhead rare seeds and plants, and duplicates 
from his collection of shells and fruit. 

They were timely gifts, for William's end was not far 
off. The last letter that Lewis wrote to his favourite 
brother was that of the 25th November 1763 (unfortunately 
torn), in reply to one commenced by William on the 9th 
and finished on the 16th. " Something tells me," says 
Lewis (who was himself very weak and on crutches), "that 
the next letter from Holyhead will bear a black seal." 
William died before the end of the year, leaving several 
sons and daughters behind him. On 2 Jan. 1764, Owen 
Davies (a brother-in-law who lived at Holyhead), wrote 
to Cardiganshire as follows : — 

" Dr. Brother — This \^ill Lett you know that your sister and I 
and what is left of both families are well. Our Lewis wrote a line 
the day your Bror. died, and we buryd him next day,' for the corps 

swelld verry fast. He made no will I wrote to Bror. 

Richard to desire of him to solicit with Mr. Myrick for to have his 
place for our Lewis, whom is twenty years old now, but our collector 
has apply d for the Salt. And I am thinking if I should happen to 
live so long as Robin Morris comes to be of age to leave this and go 

to Pentrerianell, and Robin to have one of the two places 

I shall endeavor to have a cy wydd made by Bardd Coch if he can do 



' The late Mr. J. Lloyd Griffith, M.A., at my request, kindly 
searched the Holyhead Parish Register, and found that William 
Morris's burial is there entered under December 29, 1763. He there- 
fore must have died on December 28th. Most biographers incorrectly 
state that he died in 1 764. In his letter to me, Mr. Griffith added — 
" I have made inquiries for W. M.'s grave, but nothing is known," 



72 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

it, for the best old man that ever Anglesey bredd Robin 

has no mind to sell his father's shells and books.'' 

Morris's reply, dated "PeBbryn, Jan. 12th," contains 
some interesting matter : — 

"1 was very weak and decrepid before I reed, this dismal acct. of 
my poor bror.'s death, but now much more so. God help his children. 
. . . . I wish you success with Mr. Meyrick, but I am afraid he is 
indolent, and no great good can be expected of him. As for my 
Bror.'s Books and Curiosities, they should be sold by auction by all 
means, for if keeping of them is attempted, they'll be pilferd by piece- 
meal by all comers and goers, so that by the time the boy is of age 
and discretion if ever he comes, they'll be dwindled away to nothing. 
. . . . I desire you would take care for me about the following 
articles. If my tenants were not very forward they have hardly paid 
my Bror. All Saints rent for last year. If they have, pray secure it 
for me, or if they have not, pray receive it. When my Bror.'s effects 
are apprais'd pray take care to lay by the following things belonging 
to me, which I left in my Bror.'s care. A small spinnet that was 
once with W. Lloyd, a guitar or two and a Welsh crwth, and a French 
Hautboy, my Printing Press and materials, a Madagascar spear with 
iron heads, given me by Bror. John. These are only curiosities, and 
only of little use, but if I live I should be glad to have them. I 
left behind me also several books when I left the place ... let 
them and others be sold for the children's benefit, only 1 should be 
glad if you'd buy for me at the sale the old manuscript of Gwem 
Eigron, beginning thus, with part of a poem of Meiljrr, Ked galioad 
unyc nid oet ofyyiaxcc, and a MS. of my Bror.'s own handwriting, 
called I think Y Prif Feirdd Cymreig, containing the works of 
Taliesin, Llywarch hen, &c., of which poems I sent him a vast 
number. I'll give for them more than is bid by the highest bidder; 
they are fit for few people besides myself." 

A twelvemonth later he wrote again,^ probably for the 

^ On 2 Dec. 1764, Morris had written to his wife's uncle, Rees 
Lloyd, at No. 4, Middle Temple, with reference to Lloyd's wish to get 
some little post he could manage in the Stamp Office : — " Sir Herbert 
Lloyd, the present member for Cardigan [Borough] is my particular 
friend, and when he comes to town in January, on the meeting of 
Parliament, V\\ give you a letter to him, as he will be on the spot, 
and I'm sure he*ll do you for my sake any service in his power. Youll 
know better by that time what to apply for." 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. J^ 

last time, to his sister and her husband at Holyhead. It 

is the last letter in Morris's handwriting contained in this 

collection, and as he died within three months of its date, 

he probably wrote but little, if anything, subsequent to 

this. It runs as follows : — 

" Penbryn, Jan. 18, 1765. 
" Anwyl vrawd a chwaer. 

*' I receivd. Lewis's letter and yours of ye 13th Deer., and am glad 
you are all well, and that Mr. Meyrick is in the way of helping you. 

" Sr. Herbert Lloyd is gone to London, and is a good back on 
occasion, but I hope you will want none of his assistance. I can't 
tell whether he and Sr. Wm. Owen be friendly, but shall enquire. 
Should be glad if 1 had my famous cap here, perhaps it might do my 
head good. I have an excellent pair of scissors for sister if I could 
send it, and if I had the Tywridyn rents laid out in butter and 
cheese and got here they would be of great service here, for I have a 
great undertaking in a rich mine going on here soon, which will 
require such things, and I must endeavor to pick up a few crumbs 
for these poor children before I depart, 1 believe it ivill be a great 
thing. My commission with Powell is over, and common report says 
I have carried it by a pike's length, but the decree of the Lord 
Chancellor is not yet come out. We know, however, that he has not 
been able to prove anything, and how can he have money, without 
something to shew ? 

" I have been extream ill after my Pembrokeshire journey, being 
caught by the easterly wind, but hope I have conquerd. it. 

" Will Parry (Jo. Parry's son) was here lately, and he promisd. to 
bring my press and letters,^ &c., with him, in his return from Liver- 
pool e to Aberdovey. Cannot you send by him as much butter and 
cheese as you can get moderately? Cheese was sold lately at 
Aberystwyth (from Pwllheli) at 2U. a hundred, and salt butter is now 
there 'id. a pound or 6d. sometimes. I have heard nothing from 
Bror. Richard this 2 months, but expect daily. 

" Your affectionate Bro., L. M." 

The journey to Pembrokeshire, whatever may have 
been its object, probably proved too much for him, though 

^ Morris's printing p-ess and type were eventually acquired by 
Dafydd Jones, of Trefriw. but this was probably after the lapse of 
several years, as the first book issued by Jones from it appeared in 
1777. (See Cymmrodorion Transactions for 1898-99, p. 107 ; Rowlands' 
Llyfryddiaeth, pp. 367-370.) 



74 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

when writing he thought he had got over its eflPects. He 
died on 11 April 1765, and was buried in the chancel of 
the historic church of Llanbadarn Pawr, but there is no 
manner of memorial to him there. By his will he had 
appointed his widow and his son Lewis co-executors of his 
estate, and on 10 May, two neighbours, David Morgan and 
William Jones, made a valuation of his personal effects. 
The appraisement would seem to be unusually low, even for 
probate purposes: 20 homed cattle and 100 sheep were 
valued at £45; " two old horses and four old mares" at £9 ; 
the household furniture (of which an interesting inventory 
is given) at £4 16«. 6d. ; the dairy utensils, farming 
implements, and the contents of the smithy at £2 7«. 6d. ; 
a watch and wearing apparel at £3 13«. ; and " a cabinet 
of curiosities, a pair of old globes, a parcel of books, 
mathematical and musical instruments, £2 2«.," making a 
total of £66 19«. The cabinet, with some of its drawers 
still full of mineral specimens, is now in the possession 
of Sii' Lewis Morris at Penbryn. But how much would 
we not have given for the parcel of books? Of course 
nothing is said in this inventory as to the extent and value 
of Morris's real estate. But however much it may have 
been, it is obvious that Morris did not die a rich man — 
not as rich as might have been expected, considering the 
very large and profitable transactions he had at one time 
been engaged in. Had he been spared for a few more 
years to watch and direct the development of his mines, 
they would probably have brought him a rich return. 
But there was no member of his family experienced 
enough to carry on his work in this respect. Confident of 
ultimate success, Morris had invested not only his own 
money, but that of his wife also, in his mining operations, 
and the surviving brother Richard sent the widow what 
advice and consolation he could^ living away in London as 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 75 

he did. The following passages from a letter of his, dated 
23 Dec. 1766, throw some light on the position of the 
family : — 

" Dear Sister — I received all your letters, and inclosed you have 
one from your son, Lewis, who has left school, and I must endeavour 
to get him into some business to get a livelyhood as soon as I can, 
and hope to be able to get him something to his advantage, but this 
money is the misfortune, there is no getting any good birth, excepting 
by great chance, without money, which sets all the wheels in motion. 
I am very sorry that you should give yourself the least uneasiness at 
my mentioning anything about your money, which I find my poor 
brother sunk in trials for ore, &c., to a very large amount, and it can 
in no other way be accounted for. I heartily wish things were better 
for the sake of yourself and numerous family." 

The dead poet's old antagonist, Dr. Powell, of Nanteos, 
seems not to have ceased his attacks on the family, for 
Richard reports that he had consulted a legal friend at 
the Temple, William Myddelton, about a note sent by 
Powell to the widow '^ which I thought was intended to 
take advantage of you unknown to Mr. [Stephen] 
Edwards," the faoiily solicitor, at Aberystwyth. leuan 
Brydydd hir had been on a visit to Penbryn, but Richard 
Monis was glad to hear that Mrs. Morris had not let him 
have any books, ''for he would have lost them all." 

At Morris's death none of his children by his second 
wife had attained years of discretion, the eldest being only 
about 15, the youngest less than four. By his first wife, 
Elizabeth Griffiths, the heiress of Ty-wridyn, near 
Holyhead (not Ty Wrdyn as given by all his biographers), 
Morris had one son and two daughters. The eldest, 
Margaret ("Peggy"), who was wilful and headstrong 
" like her mother", married (in 1756 or perhaps a year or 
two later), somewhat against her father's will, one Richard 
Lance. In 1761 they were living at Llanbadam. The 
second daughter, Eleanor ("Elin") married, about Nov. 



76 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 

1753, one Richard Moms, of Mathafam, near Mach- 
ynlleth,^ and Lewis Morris had a high opinion of his 
grandchildren, " the Mathafam boys", so much so that 
he removed his own boys from " Ned Richards's school " 
at Ystradmeurig, to a Machynlleth school, which his grand- 
sons attended. The late Rev. Morris Hughes, of Pen- 
traeth, Anglesey (who died a nonagenarian some fifteen 
years ago), was descended from the Mathafarn line. I 
have already suggested'^ the probability that after her first 
husband's death, Elin married John Paynter, son of her 
father's old enemy of the same name. Strange irony of 
fate if that was so ! ^^ his second wife, Morris had 
five sons and four daughters ; of these, the eldest, Lewis, 
died in 1779 at the age of 29, in Jamaica ; John ("fierce as 
a tiger," while Lewis was "tractable"), died at Penbryn, 
probably in the same year as his father; Jane, died 23 
Oct. 1758, aged nine months. A second daughter of the 
same name (? bom July 1754), married a Mr. Cuthbert, 
whose son, Lewis Morris Cuthbert, bequeathed £30,000 
away from the family to charities; Richard, died about 
21 August 1755, aged two months ; Elizabeth (? bom 
11 December 1756), who married a Mr. Crebar;' William, 
who on Lewis's death, succeeded as eldest surviving son, and 
through whom the line was continued; Mary, born April 
1760 ; and Pryse, bom August 1761, died September 1797. 



^ Goronwy Owen celebrated the event by writing a " Wedding 
Song", printed in Robert Jones's ed. of Q. OwerCa Works j p. 98. 

=» See Note 2, p. 40 above. 

* A " John Crebar, gentleman " was buried at Eglwys Newydd 
on 14 June 1774. He was probably the Mr. Crebar who, with another, 
worked the Bwlchgwyn for a year, about 1740. A "William Crebar 
of this town, gentleman," was admitted burgess of Aberystw3rth at 
the Michaelmas Court Leet, 1784 (G. Eyre Evans's Aberystwyth^ &c., 
p. 147). 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 77 

William Morris married Marian Reynolds, the heiress 
of the Blaennant estate in the parish of Llanf eigan, Breck- 
nockshire, daughter of George Reynolds, of Aberystwyth. 
Her mother, Lucy Williams, was one of the Williamses of 
Ffrwdgrech, near Brecon, afterwards of Blaennant (see 
their pedigree in Jones's Brecknockshire y ed. 1898, p. 617), 
a junior branch of the family of the same name (but 
originally Boleyn or Bullen), of Abercamlais (IWd., 
pp. 508-9). William Morris repaired and almost rebuilt 
the dwelling-house of Blaennant, where he resided and 
died, being survived by his wife {Ibid.^ p. 460) . They 
were both buried at Llanfeigan, and the parish registers 
there contain numerous entries as to their family, which 
consisted of eleven children. The eldest child, Lucy, 
married David Williams (brother of Archdeacon Williams), 
master of Ystradmeurig School, and in that post, he was 
succeeded by his brother-in-law (one of William Morris's 
sons) John Williams Morris. Another son was Lewis 
Morris, who settled as a lawyer at Carmarthen, and 
became the father of the present Sir Lewis Morris, 
Knight, whose residence just outside Carmarthen bears 
the same name of Penbryn as his ancestor's home near 
Aberystwyth. The perpetuation of this name would 
have doubtless gratified the subject of our article, still 
more so the new lustre which the present holder of 
his name has cast on it. Referring to his eldest grandson 
of Mathavarn, he once wrote, '^ Lewis will make a poet, 
a musician, and is full of wit." After probably his last 
visit to Mathavarn, he again observed (19 Dec. 1754), 
" Dyma fi gwedi bod yn Mathafarn yn gweld fy wyr Lewis 
Morris ; gwych o'r cynyddu y mae 'r enw hwnw. Pwy 
wyr na fydd gor-wyrion etto o'r enw ?" Who knows — he 
asks — but that there will be great-grandchildren bearing 
that name — Lewis Morris ? 



78 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 



APPENDIX. 



John Patnter at Esgaib-t-Mwtn and Hapod 

(1757-1775.) 

It may not be inappropriate to append a few further 
notes with reference to John Paynter's connection with 
Cardiganshire subsequent to the transactions dealt with 
in the text above. It has already been stated that when 
Esgair-y-mwyn was transferred to the Earl of Powis, 
under the Crown lease of February 1757, his lordship con- 
tinued Paynter's employment as manager of the mine. 
The manager immediately launched into great expenditure, 
and in some memoranda, prepared by Lewis Morris, most 
probably in December 1757, '^for Lord Powis's informa- 
tion," on "Mismanagement at ye mine in 1757," it is 
stated that it was the common report that Paynter and 
John Ball "had combined to bring unnecessary charges 
on the mine so as to put Lord Powis out of conceit with 
it, and to induce him to surrender his lease to the Treasury, 
on the ground that the terms were too hard, viz., "a duty 
of half ye ore," . . . "and that while Lord Powis 
soUicits for a better bargain, Mr. Townsend will take it up 
on the terms his lordship had it, for the sake of getting 
ore for his smelting house." 

It is alleged that "by a forced push," 284 tons of ore 
were raised for the Crown, out of the bottoms, in less than 
two months' time, in the early part of 1 757. " How 
happens it then," asks Morris, "that there was an ac- 
count of but 50 tons given to Lord Powis, and said to be 
raised out of the bottoms for him in 8 months' time?" 
He indeed suspected that a great deal of his lordship's ore 
had been thrown into the waste hillocks which Ball had 
bought of Paynter before Lord Powis had his lease, " but 
the common report is that they are partners in the waste, 
and that it was a collusive sale. Paynter, as well as Ball, 
knew what vast quantities of ore Mr. Townsend had thrown 
into the waste hillocks in washing the ore in that wise 
bargain made by the Treasury, therefore this sale was not 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 79 

done through ignorance." At all events, it was said that 
Ball had actually got about 500 tons of ore from the waste 
hillocks. 

Among other expenditure that Paynter had incurred 
was that of building a new "Square house" for himself, 
and of making gardens fenced in with a great boundary 
wall, on the mountain near the mine, though " the house 
that had been built by L. M., and in which Mr. Herbert 
lodged, was sufficient for any agent to reside in during his 
necessary attendance at the mine, as at other times he 
might have lived in the warmer vallies." But Paynter 
could scarcely have used the new house at all, for about 
the same time he secured the house and farm of Hafod, on 
a lease for life from the owner, Thomas Johnes, " at a 
great advanced rent." He at once set about repairing 
Hafod, cutting down timber for the purpose, "of which, 
when Mr. Johnes came to know, he ordered his agent, 
Evan Lloyd, to put a stop to, alledging that he had 
committed damages above a £100 on the trees." 

The quaintest statement contained in this memoran- 
dum is " that Mr. Paynter had made a great pond of water 
near the new house, which he calls Fwll dialeddy i.e., the 
pool of punishment. This pool is not for the use of the 
mine, being below it, but is contrived to frighten Bailiffs 
or any persons that have the confidence to come and 
demand money of the agent, or that have otherwise 
affronted him. Several persons have been threatened 
with it, and even carried to ye brink of it by a body 
of mmers, by Mr. P.'s order, particularly Evan Thomas, 
the sheriff's bailiff." It is evident that Paynter did not 
show the same promptitude as Morris had done in paying 
wages and other claims, and this was the cause of serious 
disputes between him and several of the bargain-takers 
who at one time had been friendly with him. 

A letter written by one of them — John Charlton — on 
9 December 1757, to Morris, contains a comic account of 
the reception accorded to them on one occasion: 

Paynter had "ordered that we should come up on a Sunday and 
make up our account ; and, instead of settling, his servant, when I 
went to the door, threw the stool at my face, and, with hearing of a 
noise, Mr. Paynter asked what was there, his servant answered * that 
Rogue Charlton ' ; with that Mr. P. came out with his stick and hegan 
to beat me as hard as ever he could, instead of settling accounts. 
Then his lady came with a stick and begins to beat me, then when 
they seed [saw] yt there was John Ball and Kennion, Bichd. Owen, 



8o Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

John Jones, clerk, Julian Willcock, Michael Rogers, and Greorge 
Smeadley — his servant and their wifes (?), they set on a throwing 
stones as hard as ever they could, and told me as they should murder 
me, (to) which I made answer — it was a fine way to pay debt ; 
they sent for the pumpers out of the work, followed me down below 
Cricklas to Marchnat, Mr. Paynter and all of them bare-headed. 
P.S. — He sent 14 men after night again to look after me a horse-back." 

He desired Morris's assistance '^for to know what 
he should do with these gent^lmen," adding — "there 
is several other people unpaid besides us, which I 
hope your honour will look unto." It is not likely 
that Morris was able to render much, if any, help in 
the matter, for we find that Paynter was rapidly gaining 
further power in the district, and that, in the use 
of it, he brooked no opposition, but ruled the inhabitants 
with a rod of iron. He was placed on the Commission of 
the Peace, and was most active in the discharge of his 
magisterial duties.^ He filled the office of High Sheriff 
of the county for the year 1763. He also appears to 
have succeeded Morris as Deputy Steward of some of 
the Crown manors, or at least of the Manor of Creuddyn, 
and in this capacity he soon asserted his authority. In 
the parish register of Eglwys newydd — which was practic- 
ally a chapel -of-ease for Hafod — is preserved a copy of the 
minutes of the Leet Court held for this manor in the 
autumn of 1759. The Court met at Tavarn Newydd on 
9 October ; thirteen jurors were sworn, but as they failed 
to agree as to their presentments, an adjournment was 
made to the following day, when there occurred what 
would now be described as " a scene in Court", According 
to the record, Paynter "attended the Court as steward 
thereof, and two of the jurymen not appearing when 
called," they were fined one and two guineas respectively. 
"Cornelius Griffiths, one of the jurymen, was likewise 
fined in the sum of 1 guineas for uttering abusive lan- 
guage towards the said steward in the execution of his 
office, and for creating a disturbance in Court, whereupon 
the Court was again adjourned to the 7th of November 
following. By the time of the adjourned Court, most of 
"the jury aforesaid" were probably docile enough to 
adopt without protest whatever presentments the steward 

^ Morris refers to this in a letter of 2 December 1761 thus: — 
" By w'r luddew brych yn eistedd yn ben ustus "; and another of 16 
April 1762, "Mae'r Imldew brych yn actioV ustus yn bawdwr." 



Lewis Morris in Cardioanshire. 8i 

required them to make. Several ditches and fences were 
presented as out of repair, and those responsible for them, 
were, on further default, to be fined. Sixteen persons 
were fined 5s. each for keeping goats "to the annoyance 
of the publick." The jury saddled even themselves with 
responsibility by presenting that the high road leading 
from Pont rhyd y groes to Pentre, and the common Pound 
near Eglwys Newydd were out of repair, and ought to be 
repaired, and that a pair of stocks ought to be set up 
by the inhabitants of the upper parcel of Llanfihangel y 
Creuddyn, on pain of several penalties for default. As 
copies of the "findings" of the jury would, of course, be 
communicated to the Crown officials in London, they were 
cleverly utilised to discredit some former official — could it 
be Lewis Morris? The record on this point is as follows : 

" It was proposed that Cornelius Griffiths^ should serve the office 
of a Praepositor in ye room of John Parry, but two of ye Jurymen, 
Wm. Ball and Oliver Lewis, objected to the said Cornelius Griffiths 
as having no visible Freehold and being often not to be found, there- 
fore unfit for an employment of Trust in receiving the Quit Rents 
payable yearly at his Majesty's audit, for which reasons the Steward 
of the Court directed that the said James (pic) Parry should continue 
in the receit of the said rents for the ensuing year, the freeholders of 
the said Lordship having already suffered greatly by the insolvency 
of a Person who at this very time is charged by his Majesty's Audit 
with being considerably in arrear to the Crown, which Arrear must 
unavoidably fall upon the said freeholders or some of them." 

Why the minutes of only this particular Court Leet 
were copied into the Church Register it is difficult to 
say, unless it was Paynter's desire that there should be a 
record in the locality to remind the inhabitants how he 
had asserted his authority. The same Register^ also con- 
tains copies of the correspondence relating to Eglwys 
Newydd Church, printed in Meyrick's Cardiganshire (pp. 
360-363). Paynter, it seems, had been for some time 
endeavouring to obtain for the church a grant from Queen 
Anne's Bounty. On 9th January 1762,^ the Bounty Secre- 

^ He was one of the Griffiths of Penpompren, being a brother of 
the High Sheriff of the County for 17/57. 

- 1 am indebted to the present Vicar of Eglwys Newydd (the Rev. 
T. Noah Jones), for kind hospitality, which enabled me to inspect and 
make extracts from the Register at his house, Pwll peiran, near 
Hafod. 

^ Meyrick gives the date as 1760, but I think this is clearly a 
mistake for 1762. 

a 



82 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

tary (H. Montague), acknowledging the receipt of his 
" very pressing letters", writes to him thus : — 

" From the great friendship I always have for you, I 
have at length surmounted the great obstacles that lay in 
our way to success, (but) in order thereto I have been 
obliged to strain a point in this office." Then followed the 
assurance that tlie Bishop of the Diocese (Dr. Squire), 
as well as the writer, was " a friend to Paynter and his 
religious design " — and that he would soon hear from the 
Bishop. On 4 February 1762 the Bishop did in fact 
write, putting some queries with reference to Eglwys 
Newydd, and graciously accepting Paynter's recommenda- 
tion of its vicar (Hughes) for the vacant living of Llanilar. 
Paynter's reply, dated from Hafod 3 March 1762, brings 
out strongly the urbane and diplomatic side of his 
character. He assures the Bishop that he "would take 
uncommon pains to get the church first into proper repair, 
and to recommend a worthy clergyman to succeed Mr. 
Hughes." Then, after answering his lordship's queries, 
and giving "a few anecdotes'^ concerning "the first 
establishment of Eglwys Newydd," he proceeds : — 

"Bishop Trevor, 1 am told, came once as far as Tregaron to 
confirm ; now if your Lordship shouhl chance to do the like, I may 
flatter mvself with hopes of entertaining you and your retinue at 
Ilavod." ' 

This invitation to the Bishop would doubtless have 
immensely tickled Lewis Morris, had he known of it, for 
on more than one occasion he suggests pretty clearly that 
Paynter's menage at Hafod and elsewhere was not what 
would commend itself to the average moralist, least of all 
to a bishop, who should be a man of one wife. Judging 
from the fact that Thomas Jolines in 1773 described the 
church as then ruinous, Paynt<*r could scarcely have 
carried out his promise to repair it. What he had how- 
ever done before this, namely in 1760, was to construct a 
vault in the chancel, "designing it for himself and his 
wife." In June 1773, Johncs, as "the sole proprietor of 
the chancel," authorised that ''when the time should 
come" the minister should "permit the interment of each 
of them respectively in the said vault." It did not long 
remain untenanted after this, for the Ri»gister contains the 
following entry, in the iiandwriting of the then vicar, 
David Williams : — 

** 1775, Dec. U). Buried, John Paynter of Ilavod, Esquire." 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 83 

The Re^ster contains no entry relating to his wife. 
As to their descendants I have nothing to add to what is 
stated in note 2, p. 40 above. 

One word with reference to Hafod itself. In his letter 
to Dr. Squire, Paynter refers to "the surprising singu- 
larity of this enchanting spot," which threw him into 
raptures when he "first accidentally saw it". In 1783, 
Thomas Johnes (the son of Paynter's lessor of the same 
name) decided to settle at Hafod. The old house was 
pulled dov/n and a magnificent new mansion built instead. 
The greater part of this (including the library, with many 
of its priceless treasures), was burnt down in March 1807, 
but the mansion was soon rebuilt in all its original splendour. 
Col. Johnes died in 1816.^ In March 1833, the estate and 
the mansion (together with all its contents, including the 
library) were sold for £62,000 to the 3rd Duke of New- 
castle, who intended it as a country residence for his son, 
the Earl of Lincoln, and his wife. A grandson of Lewis 
Morris, the Rev. J. Williams Morris, head master of 
Ystrad Meurig School (see p. 77 above), was appointed 
domestic chaplain to the Earl during his residence at 
Hafod, the long arm of coincidence thus bringing the two 
families once more into close though temporary associa- 
tion. The 3rd Duke dying on 18 October 1834, the Earl 
succeeded to the Dukedom, but kept on Hafod, and many 

' As much of this paper deals incidentally with the history of land 
in North Cardiganshire, the statement of a Government official 
affecting Col. Johnes deserves to be recorded here, though it should 
be borne in mind that it was not made till many years after his 
death. lie is said to have " appropriated to his own use nearly 7,000 
acres of waste, belonging to the Crown, adjoining his farms". Being 
steward of the Crown Manors in Cardiganshire, as well as Crown 
Auditor for Wales, " there was no check upon him". This was not 
discovered till the estate was sold, after his death, to a Mr. Claughton, 
who, with the aid of Chancery, ** got rid of his bargain", presumably 
on the ground that there was no title to the encroachments. Johnes* 
executors and trustees paid £800 for the King's interests in the 
wastes, the minerals being reserved. It was then that the estate was 
sold to the Duke of Newcastle, who, after purchasing it, tried also to 
buy the minerals, but the Crown refused to sell. "The Duke, 
regardless of his application, and of the reservation, ordered his agent 
to discharge the workmen employed by the Crown tenants. The 
Commissioners of Woods and Forests are taking the proper steps to 
establish the right of the Crown and to prevent the Duke's encroach- 
ment." See Evidence of John Wilkin, Receiver of Crown Rents for 
Wales, o Juno 1834, before Lord Duncannon's Select Committee on 
Land Revenues of the Crown, questions 2965-67, and 3423. 

g2 



84 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire. 

improvements which he carried out there are still known 
by his name, especially the Duke's Drive. The subsequent 
owners have been Henry Houghton, who was High Sheriff 
of Cardiganshire for 1849, William Chambers (of Llanelly 
and of Bicknor, Kent), who purchased it in 1853, and 
T, J. Waddingham, Esquire, who is the present owner. 



POSTSCRIPT. 



When the greater part of the preceding article had 
been printed off, a letter book, containing copies, in Lewis 
Morris's handwriting, of letters and one or two other 
papers written by him in 1 744?-47, was forwarded to me 
by Sir Lewis Morris. They contain much that is of the 
utmost vahie as to the history of the common lands of the 
district, but this cannot be dealt with in a Postscript. A 
brief reference must however be made to their contents, 
in so far as they throw light on the commencement of 
Morris's official connection with the Cardiganshire manors. 
The following tells its own story as to the beginning of 
that connection : — 

" Sr, — It being necessary for his Majesty's service to have a correct 
survey and plan of the Mannor of Cwniwooil y Perveth in the county 
of Cardigan, These are therefore to authorise and desire you to repair 
to the said Mannor and Survey tlie same and make a correct Flan 
thereof, particularly describing tlie Wastes and C<.)mmon8 within the 
said Mannor belonging to the Crown and the lands beh)nging to the 
Freeholders ; and also all Mines of Copper, Lead, Tinn, or other 
minerals within the said Mannor, but more particularly to describe 
a Lead Mine within the Parish of Llanbadai-n Vawr within the said 
Mannor, concerning the Right to which Mine a dispute is n<iw de- 
pending in the Court of Exchecjuer. And you are desired to transmit 
such Survey and Plan under your Hand to mo with all convenient 
speed, and for so doing this shall be your warrant. 

" 1. Walker, Surveyor-General. 

" Burlington Garden, 2 August 1744. 
" To Mr. Lewis Morris, Surveyor.'' 

There are good grounds for believing that William 
Corbett (see p. 4 above) was in some way or other con- 
cerned in securing this appointment for Morris.^ During 

^ Even before this appointment, Morris appears to have visited 
Bwlchgwyn mine, for in Referring to it in a lettt»r of KJ Nov. 1744, ho 
says :- -*' Most that 1 know of it is from views 1 took of it formerly, 
as it was said to belong to a gentleman I had a value for.** 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 85 

the next two or three years he acted as Morris's corre- 
spondent in London, interviewing Government officials in 
his interest, and on at least one occasion receiving a 
remittance from the Treasury as Morris's agent. Morris, 
on the other hand, kept him duly informed from to time 
as to the state of aifairs in Cardiganshire. He thus wrote 
to Corbett a long letter on 14 September ] 744, " to desire 
him to speak with Mr. Sharpe," of the Treasury, as to 
Morris's remuneration and expenses, and with Zachariah 
Chambers (an official in the Surveyor-General's Depart- 
ment), as to whether Morris could not be empowered to 
compel the deputy steward and other officers of the manor 
to produce their records for his inspection. Morris had, 
in fact, written to Chambers himself, on 17 August, en- 
closing a number of queries on points as to which he 
desired guidance, but the answers which he received on 13 
September were "not at all satisfactory". His difficulties 
in Cardiganshire were very great, for his inquiries were 
met with a conspiracy of silence on almost every hand. 
The steward of the Crown manors in the county was 
Owen Brigstocke, who had been M.P. for the county, 
1718-22, but he had never been in the manor of Pervedd 
since receiving the office.^ He had, however, appointed 
three deputies, viz., Lloyd of Mabws,^ Lewis (or query 
Thomas) Parry, and another (whose name is not given) 
for the south of the county. Parry was also attorney to 
Thomas Powell of Nanteos (who claimed Bwlchgwyn 
mine), and had " an estate of his own of above £100 a year 
in the very centre of this Lordship, and particularly a 
cottage or summer house upon the mountains which he 
called his freehold." So he was not likely to favour the 
claims of the Crown. In fact he, in conjunction with 
Powell, who was then M.P. for the county, gave notice 

' In 1719, William Gower, of Glandovan (M.P. for Ludlow), had a 
fi^rant of the profits, fines, and estrays of these Lordships, and was 
succeeded by Wilson Abel Gower, who held them in 1747, but neither 
of them had raised the fines imposed at the various Courts. 

^ Probably Richard Lloyd, who liad stood against Powell of Nanteos 
in 17:^9, and Thomas Pryse of Gogerddan in 1741, in the Parliamentary 
Election for Cardigan Boroughs. He appears to have been friendly 
to Morris, and inclined to assist him, but as he had left all the work 
to Parry, he was unable to give much, if any, information. More- 
ever, he seems to have been about this time superseded in the deputy 
stewardship — perhaps owing to his friendliness to Morris. 



86 Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 

to Morris that if he "dared to go on Freeholders' lands in 
the Lordship of Perfedd to survey them or the mines, he 
would be forthwith prosecuted for damages." 

** Thoa. Pryso, Esqr., another member of Parliament, who hath 
a fjreat estate in this Lordship, hath also given me the like notice, 
telling me that he had given his attorney orders to prosecute me as 
soon as ever he could have proof I made advances that way. . . . 
As T was willing to have my residence near the center of ye Lordship, 
for ye readier carrying on the Survey, and to get what information I 
could, I took a House in ye mountains, but several attempts have been 
made to turn me out of it, and I have been publicly threatened to be 
drove out of the country." (Letter to the Surveyor-General, 1 1 April 
1745.) 

Morris had to confess that he had " not one man in the 
whole county to consult with"; and when Sharpe required 
him to recommend some one to act as solicitor for the 
Crown, he found that all the local men were "either in- 
terested or related to the persons that disputed with the 
Crown, or else guilty themselves of the like encroachments." 
Early in July he journeyed all the way to Llandovery with 
a view of retaining one James Pryse, an attorney of that 
town, but "he entirely refused to undertake the manage- 
ment of the affair for the Crown." Nothing daunted, he 
went the next day to Presteign to see an attorney named 
Jenkin Edwards, "a native of Cardiganshire, and a 
gentleman of years and experience (who knew) the 
country, and no way byass'd by ye great men thereof." 
Edwards promised to act on receiving instructions to that 
effect direct from the Treasury. Pending this, Morris 
drew up "a state of the case", and proofs of the evidence 
of his witnesses, to enable Sharpe to settle interrogatories, 
and (on 12 August) he begged Sharpe to hasten the 
"deputation" for him, by which it would appear that it 
was intended to confer on him powers to act as deputy 
steward for Perfedd, and i)robably tor Mefenydd and 
Creuddyn also. 

Powell seems to have based his claim to Bwlchgwyn on 
the following grounds : — (1) that it was in a small mesne 
manor belonging to him, and lying within the lordship of 
Pervedd ; and that the beadle of the latter never raised 
the king's rent within his m(»sne manor. (2) That some 
lO years previously the company of mine-adventurers, 
under a lease from one of PowelTs predecessors, had cut 
trenches and dug for mine on the mountain at or near 



Lewis Morris in Cardiganshire, 87 

Bwlchgwyn. It has already been stated (p. 10) above that 
Powell won this suit in the Exchequer, though I am 
unable to say when it was tried out. 

Morris's letters contain a mass of interesting informa- 
tion relating to the lordship ; he appears to have drawn 
up a formal report of his survey of it — three folios of 
the opening part of this report are wrapped up with the 
letter-book. 

Brigstock, the Crown Steward, seems to have died in 
1746, and William Corbett was appointed steward to 
succeed him, whereupon Morris was appointed his deputy 
steward for the manor of Perfedd. But the landowners 
in the district gave orders to their tenants not to attend 
his Courts, so that in his first two Courts only one free- 
holder appeared. It is indeed probable enough that the 
customs of the manor, as given by Meyrick (Hist, of Car- 
diganshire, p. 568), from some MSS. of Morris, were never 
sworn to at any court of survey in the year mentioned 
(1747), but simply drawn up by Morris in readiness for 
one of his abortive courts. 

The conclusion that is forced on one in reading Morris's 
letters during the years 1744-47, is that in addition to 
being bitterly opposed by practically all the men of in- 
fluence in Cardiganshire, while attempting to carry out a 
work bristling with difficulties, he was also accorded but 
very inadequate support by the Treasury officials, who 
seemed afraid lest he should create too many enemies to 
the Government among Cardiganshire landowners. Our 
knowledge of his loyalty to duty in face of these difficulties 
increases our wonder at the persecution he subsequently 
suffered. But was it not the same cowardly and inhuman 
Government that authorised the judicial murder of Byng? 
In a somewhat similar way, Lewis Morris also seems to 
have been sacrificed on the altar of political expediency. 
But his memory will ever be cherished by Welshmen as 
one of the most versatile sons of Wales, one of the 
sweetest of its ballad singers, and as the disinterested 
friend and patron of many a struggling bard and student 
of Welsh literature — notably of his poor neglected con- 
temporary Goronwy Owen. 



§aint Caxannoc^. 



By the liEV. S. BARING GOULD, M.A. 



Carannog is said to have been son of Corun ab Ceredig, by 
Rees in his "Essay on the Welsh Saints", and a Life is 
in the MS. Cotton., Vespasian A. xiv, which has been 
printed in the Lives of the Camhro-Briiish Saints, Llan- 
dovery, 1853. Having recently come upon another Life, 
which is in the Breviary of the Church of Leon, printed in 
1516, and of which only two copies exist, and which seems 
to be generally unknown, I venture to note a few parti- 
culars relative to this very remarkable man, as a prelude 
to this Leon Life, which I propose to give. 

Apparently there were two saints of a very similar 
name, and their stories have been fused together. Tne 
second Carannog, or as the Irish call him, Caimech, was 
the son of Saran, King in Oriel, and of Babona, daughter 
of Loarn, King of Alba (508-508). Earca, sister of 
Babona, married first Murtogh, son of Eoghain, son of 
Niall of the Nine Hostages (878-405), and was the mother 
of Murtogh mac Earca, King of Ireland (518-588) ; and 
Murtogh mac Earca mariied the widow of Lurig, brother 
of S. Cairnech. Earca married, secondly, Fergus, son of 
Conall Gulban (d. 404), and by him was mother of 
Fedlilim, and grandmother of S. Columba of Hy. The 
period at which Cairnech lived is accoidingly pretty well 
fixed. He died in 545 (Irish Naivivs, ed. Todd & Herbert, 
p. ex). 



Saint Carannog, 89 

From this it will be seen that Carannog ab Corun 
belonged to an earlier period. 

In the Jjife of 8, Carannog (Vespasian A. xiv) we are 
informed that at the time when he was bom, " The Scots 
(Irish) overcame Britain for thiity years, the names of 
whose generals were Briscus, Thuthaius, Machleius, and 
Anpachus." And again: "Ceredig held Ceredigion, and 
from him it received its name. And after he held it, the 
Scots came and fought with them, and seized aU the 
country." So in the Leon Life: "In those days came 
the Scots and occupied the British region", and this was 
when Ceredig was "an old man". Here we have an in- 
timation of two invasions, one before Ceredig arrived and 
expelled them, another, later, when they attempted to 
recover what they had lost. 

The names of the Irish chiefs of the first invasion are 
not easy to identify in their Latin form; Tuathius may be 
Dathi, King of Ireland 405-408, and Anpachus may be 
Amalghaid, King of Connaught 438-449, and the name 
of a Mac Lear (Laoghuire) may be disguised under 
Machleius. 

According to the Latin Lives, Carannog, in Latin Caran- 
tocus, was son of Ceredig and not grandson. He went to 
Ireland " in the vear of the birth of Saint David, son of 
Sandde." Unfortunately, it is exceedingly doubtful what 
year that was. 

" He went to Ireland, Patrick having preceded him ; and 
they met each other and resided together. And they 
consulted together what they should do, and they agreed 
that they should separate, one go to the left, and the 
other to the right, because many clerics walked with them, 
and others because they wanted health. And Carantoc 
went to the right part, and Patrick to the left, and they 
agreed that they should meet once a year." 



90 Saint Carannog, 

The Leon Life is fuller. On account of the invasion 
by the Irish, and the advanced age of Ceredig, the chiefs 
met and desired to set his eldest son, Carannog, at their 
head. He, however, declined the honour, loving the 
Kingdom of Heaven better than earthly kingdoms, and he 
fled with staff and wallet till he came to a place called 
Guerith Karanktoc, where he set up his rest. But after 
some time an angel bade him go to Ireland and assist 
Patrick in his labours there. Accordingly he departed, 
and built a monastery in Ireland. This, apparently, is 
his foundation at Dulane, in Meath. 

In the histories of S. Patrick, which we have, Carannog 
does not seem to have been intimately associated with 
him, except on one notable occasion ; and the Life (Vesp. 
A. xiv) implies as much ; the sphere of Patrick was in the 
north, that of Carannog in the south. The notable occa- 
sion referred to is the drawing up of the Seanchus Mor. 
When the bulk of the population of Ireland had accepted 
Christianity, it became advisable that the laws should be 
readjusted to meet the new condition of affairs. King 
Laoghaire saw this, and although not himself a C hristian 
he is traditionally said to have appointed a joint Commis- 
sion for the revision and codification of the laws. The 
Commission consisted of three Kings, three Brehons or 
Druids, and three Christian Bishops. Patrick, Benignus, 
and Carantoc sat as representatives of the Church. The 
code remained in force among the Irish throughout the 
Middle Ages, and in Clare even down to 1600. 

The Latin Livcsi say not a word about this, which 
occupied Carannog and the other Commissioners three 
years, and was completed in or about 438, and which 
was the most imijortant and far-reaching act of his life. 

Whilst in Ireland, Carannog received as his pupil one 
who is called in Brittany Tennenan, and who is represented 



Saint Carannog, 91 



as son of an Irish King, Tinidor. The names have not an 
Irish sound, but they are evidently corrupt. Tennenan 
being a leper, was excluded from the succession, and 
embraced the ecclesiastical life under Carannog, who, 
according to the legend, healed him of his leprosy. This 
may have an allegorical meaning, and imply no more than 
that by baptism he purged him of the leprosy of sin, or 
that whilst undergoing his training in the Monastery of 
Carannog, he got rid of a distressing skin disease which had 
troubled him in his youth. Can Tennenan be Finnian ? 

The Leon hije speaks of an Irish King Dulcemius 
contributing timber to the erection of the church for 
Carannog, but under this name it is not possible to 
determine what chieftain of South Ireland is meant. 

After a while Carannog retired from active work in 
Ireland, and the Latin published Life goes on to relate 
that he retreated to a cave in Ceredigion, and founded the 
Church of Llangranog. After a while, taking his portable 
altar with him, he went to the Severn, and threw his 
altar in, resolving to settle wherever it was washed up. 
Then we are told that in those days Cado and -.Irthur 
ruled the land, and the latter had his dwelling at Din- 
drarthron. In the adjoining district of Carron was a 
dragon, which Arthur induced Carannog to overcome. 
Arthur meanwhile got hold of Garannog's altar-table and 
purposed appropriating it to his own use. However, when 
Carannog had tamed the dragon, he reluctantly sur- 
rendered the altar, which Carannog again threw into 
the sea. 

Dindrarthron is Dinedor, in Herefordshire, and Carron 
is the marshy region of the Garran. Here there is a 
church called Llangaran. All this portion of the legend 
must be dismissed as an anachronism. It is not possible 
to make Carannog, who assisted at the compilation of the 



92 Saint Ca7'annog, 

Seanchus Mor in 438, a contemporary of Arthur, who fell 
in 537. It applies to the second Carantoc, or Caimech, 
son of Saran. 

Carannog crossed to Cornwall, and landed at a place 
called in the hife Grwellit (the Grassy). It was probably 
the long curious creek called the Gannel. Here he 
resolved to settle, and he borrowed a spade from a poor 
man, wherewith to dig the ground. He also cut for him- 
self a staff, and at intervals, when tired of digging, he 
wittled the handle of the staff. 

Presently he observed a wood-pigeon fly out of the 
adjoining grove, and carry off in its beak some of the 
shavings from his staff. He resolved on following the 
bird, and he found that she had dropped the chips in one 
paHicular spot. He determined to build a church there, 
and place in it his altar, which had been washed up on the 
shore. 

We are then told that "a voice came to him from 
heaven and said he should go into exile, and leave his 
family. Innumerable persons were buried in that city, 
but he alone went to Ireland." Here we have the first 
summons, as given in the Leon lAfe^ and this is an 
instuncc of the sad jumble of which the Life (Vesp. A. 
xiv) is made up. It is not possible to decide, with any- 
thing approaching to certainty, what the real order of 
events was in the life of Carannog ; but this, at least, 
seems clear, that after having been for a while living a 
solitary life in Wales, he went to Ireland and did 
missionary work there, then, for some reason that we shall 
shoHJy consider, he left Ireland, and came to Cornwall, 
where he founded the church now called C^rantock, and 
perlijips at the same time Carhamplon in Somersetshire, 
a mile and a-half from I)uust4»r, of which church he 
was considered the patron. The church passed into the 



Saint Carannog, 93 

possession of Bath Abbey, where the festival of the 
Saint was observed on May 16 (Bath Calendar, circ, 1383, 
in Brit. Mus. Add. MSS. 10,628). 

Now it is very noteworthy that Carannog or Carantoc 
has an extended cult in Brittany. There is a parish, 
Carantec, and another Tregarant^c, that bear his name in 
Finist^re, but he is also widely known as S. Caradec, as 
patron of St. Caradec, near Loudeac, of Saint Caradec, 
Priziac, and of S. Carreuc. He has, as well, chapels at 
Mellac, at Pontaven, and is honoured at Quimperle. He 
has been dealt with by two writers, B. Oneix, S. Caradoc 
en Bretagne, S. Brieuc, Prud'homme, 1880, and by De la 
Borderie, Les deux Saints Caradec, Paris, Champion, 
1883, but neither being in possession of all known about 
him in Wales and Ireland, have been able to altogether 
unriddle the puzzle of his presence in Armorica. That 
Caradec or Careuc is the same as Carantoc is shown by 
the commemoration of this saint being always on May 16, 
which is that of Carantoc in the Irish Martyrologies, 
and also by his identification in the Breviary lessons 
with the son (or grandson) of Ceredig. His main settle- 
ment was Saint Caradoc near Loudeac, in Cotes du Nord, 
which is spoken of in the 13th cent, as "Monasterium 
Caradoci". He is mentioned in the Life of 8, Guenael. 
That Saint had been to Britain, and he returned laden 
with books and followed by forty disciples. He landed first 
in the He de Groix, and then went overland to visit Cara- 
doc, whom he held in high esteem. According to local 
tradition S. Gonnec or Connoc, and S. Gonery, were among 
the pupils of Caradoc. That Tennenan was so — but in 
Ireland — we have already seen. In Morbiban, as well, 
Carannog has two churches, S. Caradoc Hennebont, and 
S. Caradec Thegomel; and he is commemorated in the 
Vannes Breviaries on May 16, the same day of S. Carantoc. 



94 Saint Carannog, 

Now it seems to me that the settlements in Cornwall 
and Brittany of such assistants of S. Patrick as Carannog 
and Mancen, or Ninio, mean a great deal, for which we 
look in vain into such scanty documents as have reached 
us, to find an explanation. 

Patrick was supplied with a stream of missioners serving 
under him from Britain and Armorica. There was a 
great nursery at Witherne, in Galway, that furnished him 
with men for work in the North of Ireland; and at Ty 
Gwyn, in Pembrokeshire, he had a great college under 
Mancen, otherwise called Ninio the Old, which sent over a 
supply for the mission field in South Ireland. But we find 
Mancen also in Cornwall and in Brittany, under the form 
of Mawgan or Meaugon, in Wales as Meugan. There are 
two Mawgans in Cornwall. The identity would seem to 
be established by Mawgan-in-Pyder Feast being observed 
on July 25, which is the day of Meugant or Ninio in the 
Irish Martyrologies. In Brittany, near S. Brieuc, is la 
M^augon (Llan-Meugant), where the Pardon is observed 
on the same day. Is it not conceivable that Meugant or 
Mancen had branch estiiblishments in Armorica and Corn- 
wall to serve as feeders in Ty Gwyn? We know that there 
was close intercourse between Brittany and Wales and 
Ireland in the fifth and sixth centuries. And in like 
manner I would conjecture that the object of Carannog's 
leaving Ireland was to undertake the very important task 
of establishing monastic settlements in Cornwall and in 
Armorica to serve the same purpose as those of Meugant 
or Mancen. 

Tennenan, the disciple of Carannog in Ireland, followed 
his master. We have unfortunately no early life of this 
saint, all we know of him is from the lessons in the 
ancient Breviaries of Leon and Folgoiit, which are full of 
fable. He is there said to have been the pupil of Karadoc 



Saint Carannog, 95 

or Karentec, and to have been cured by him of leprosy in 
Ireland. Afterwards he embarked with S. Senan and S. 
Ron an, and crossed the sea to Armorica, and landed in 
the harbour of Brest, near where is now the little town of 
Landerneau, and founded the church of Ploubennec, near 
Plabennec. Together with S. Senan (of Iniscathy) and S. 
Ronan, he had with him two others, who are named Armen 
and Glanmeus, the latter a priest. M. de la Borderi^ 
considers that there were more saints than one that bore 
the name of Tennenan or Tinidor — for he is known by both 
names in Brittany. The diocese of L^on is supposed to 
have had a Tennenan as its bishop, after S. Goulven, but 
if so, he belongs to the beginning of the seventh century, 
and as he is ignored by the early writers who composed 
the list of the Bishops of Leon, the existence of such a 
bishop is doubtful. One interesting fact is that in the 
parish of Tregarantec, which by its name shows that it 
was a tref of Carantoc, S. Tennenan is held to be the 
patron of the church. 

Senan of Iniscathy, who is said to have come over with 
Tennenan, is widely venerated in Brittany, and finds his 
place in the ancient Breviaries on March 6. Another 
Irish Colonist, Kenan, is confounded with Kianan, Bishop 
of Duleek; his name is contracted to Kay or Quay, and 
he is the same as the Cornish S. Kea. He is commemo- 
rated in Brittany on Sept. 13 and Nov. 5. 

Goulven, who is also brought in contact with Carannog, 
was born in Armorica; his parents, Glaudan and Gologuenn, 
were refugees from Britain, who landed in the broad 
shallow bay that now goes by the name of the Anse de 
Goulven. He was bishop of L^on after Cetemerin, who 
succeeded Paul of Leon. 

Unfortunately we know neither the date of the 
death of Carannog nor the place where he died, but 



96 Saint Carannog. 

there is remarkable consensus as to the day on 
which he is to be honoured. The Welsh, as well as the 
Irish, Calendars ^ive that day as May 16. In a MS. 
Breviary of the diocese of Treguier, of the fifteenth 
century, is the entry: "xvii Kal. Junii, Caranauci abb." On 
the same day, in the L^on Breviary of 1516 in the library 
of the Fr^res Lamennais, at Ploermel : "xvii Kal. Junii, 
Caradoci abb." In the Vannes Missals of 1530 and 1535 
it is the same. Whytford's Martyrologe, 1526, an English 
rendering of the Bridgetine Marty rology of Sion House, 
also gives the same day. This is the day of the Village 
Feast at Crantock in Cornwall, and of the Pardon at 
Carantec in Brittany. The Felire of Aengus, on May 16, 
has this entry: "The illustrious death of Cainnech the 
powerful," and the gloss adds, "t.e. Camech of Tuilec, 
in the neighbourhood of Cenannas (Kells), and he is of 
the Britons of Cem (Cornwall)." The Exeter Calendars 
give his day as May 16. 

In the Celtic Litany of the tenth century, published 
by Mabillon, from a Rheims MS., he is invoked between 
S. Brendan and S. Gildas. 

As to the date of his death, that can only be fixed 
tentatively. It most probably occurred later than that of 
Patrick, but scarcely later than 470, for he can hardly 
have been a young man when engaged on the revision of 
the laws of Ireland in 488. A brother of S. Carannog 
was S. Pedr, according to the Welsh genealogists, and it 
is rather remarkable that a holy well bearing that name 
should be found in the parish of S. Columb Minor, that 
adjoins Crantock. The Holy Well of S. Carantock him- 
self is in the midst of the village of Crantock, and a 
stream steadily flows from it. 

The Life in the Leon Breviary follows. I will first 
premise that of this Breviary only two copies are known 



S^, Carannog, 97 

to exist, one is in the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, and is 
imperfect : it is without the calendar, and the sanctoriale is 
wanting from the end of November to the end of June. 
The other copy is in the possession of the Brothers of 
Christian Instruction, or Freres Lamenais at Ploermel. 
It has the calendar, but is deficient in the names of the 
saints from November 29 to June 12. It was printed bj 
Didier Maheu, Paris, 1516. I have not printed all the 
abbreviations. 



Lect. I. 

Quodam tempore fuit vir nomine Cereticus et hie vir 
habuit multosfilios : quorum unus erat Karadocus nomine. 
In illis diebus venerunt Scoti et occupaverunt regionem 
britannicam. Cereticus autem erat senex : et dixerunt 
seniores, Senex es tu non potes dimicare : debes unum 
ordinare de filiis tuis qui est senior. Dixerunt illi 
Karadoco : Oportet te esse regem : Karadocus autem plus 
dilio^ebat esse regem celestem quam terrenum : et postquam 
audivit fugam iniit ne invenirent eum. Accepit ergo 
Karadocus peram cum baculo et sacculo a quodam paupere, 
et venit in locum qui dicitur Guerith Karantoc et mansit 
ibi per aliquod lemporis. Post multos autem dies venit 
ad Sanctum Karadocum vox de celo precepitque ut quia 
hie latere non poterat et quanto ignotior et remotior a 
suis tanto fieret servus dei utilior : Patricium sequeretur 
in hyberniam. Karadocus igitur discedit in hyberniam, et 
ibi incepit construere monasterium. Relatum erat Kara- 
doco in partibus illis apud quemdam tyrannum Dulcemium 
nomine esse quemdam arborem ornatam atque caram que 
principis sui fuerat. Venit Karadocus et petiit arborem. 
TJtrum melior es tu dixit tyrannus omnibus Sanctis qui 
postulaverunt earn, non sum dixit Karadocus. 



98 .SV. Carannog, 

Lect. II. 

Tyraniius dixit Voca tamen deum tuuni et si ce- 
ciderit tua est. Respondit Karadocus : Non est impos- 
sibile deo quicquam : et hec dicens orarit Dominuin : com- 
pleta oratione cecidit arbor radicibus extirpatis et stabant 
attoniti infideles. Credidit ergo tiraunus et baptizatus 
est et omnes sui cum illo conversi sunt ad fidem : et 
receperunt sacrament um. Hoc lignum artifices por- 
taverunt in crastino ad opus incohatura et scinderunt in 
quatuor bases. Quadam nocte venerunt religiosi qui- 
dam aliunde ad locum et deerant ligua foco ad usum 
pernoctantiuin : tunc surrexit Karadocus ad unam basem 
de quattuor absciditque particulam ex ilia. Artifex 
autem hoc intuens vehementer indignatus est : et decrevit 
abire : et ait Karodocus : Fili mi mane in hac nocte. Hie 
vero mansit invitus. Sole autem orto surrexit ut abiret : 
et exiens circa ecclesiam vidit basam illam similem aliis 
basibus non habeutentem in se cissuram. 

Lect. III. 

Erat illis diebus quidam sanctus in hybernia nomine 
Tenenanus et hie erat leprosus. Vinit igitur ad sanctum 
Karadocum : sed antequam venisset* nunciavit ei angelus 
venturum ad se Tenenanum : ICaradocus cum gaudio et 
exultatione preparavit balneum suo hospiti. Veniens ille 
cum exisset jam ecclesiam et orasset occurrit iste obviam 
illi et osculati sunt invicem benedicentes. £t ducto eo a 
monasterio ad refecterium cogebat eum oppido ut introiret 
lavacrum. Ille ncgabat et inveniebat causas satis 
ydoneas : denique Karadocus ait : si non intraveris non 
vives in vita etorna. Cum lioc audisset Tenenanus coactus 
intra vit balneum: accedebat iterum Karadocus ut lavaret 
eum. Animadvertens igitur Tenenanus quoniam ad 
se abluenduui accederet dixit. Non lavabis me in eter- 



Si, Cai'annoj^, 99 

num. Respondit Karadocus : Nee tu vives in eternuin si 
non lavero te. Lotus est itaque et statiin ut tetigit eura 
Karadocus sanatus est a lepra : et conquerebatur dicens : 
Non bene fecisti in me f rater : quia forte superbus fiam a 
modo et multum deceptus ero. Nequaquam ille ait : sed 
pulchrior eris : et tua caro non erit f etida : tunc sanctus 
Tenenanus ait: Ingredere et tu utlaveris. Adjuratus ipse 
ingressus est babieum : Surrexit Tenenanus ut faceret 
obsequia. Habebat enim Karadocus septem cingulaferrea 
circa se : et mox ubi tetigit ea Tenenanus f racta sunt 
omnia. Tunc ait Karadocus : non bene egisti : tibi verum 
tamen dampnum hoc videtur reparabile. Ait Tenenanus : 
Nequaquam quia si venerint omnes f abri : non poterunt 
tibi fabricare cingulum : Et post hec verba laudaverunt 
deum et facta est pax et unitas inter ipsos. 

I may add, in conclusion, that after many and vain 
efforts to obtain a copy of M. de la Borderie's article on 
The Two Saints Caradec, on my application, the Bollandist 
Fathers at Antwerp have most courteously lent me their 
copy. I find in it that M. de la Borderi^ has printed the 
Latin life from the copy of the Breviary he found in 
Paris. There are only two or three trifling differences 
between my transcript and his. 



h2 



Ofb Coun^g ^amtfua of ©^feb^ 



THE WOGANS OF BOULSTON. 

By FRANCIS GREEN. 



It might naturally be imagined that the spread of educa- 
tion would tend to stimulate a love of county history 
amongst the rising generation, but so far from doing this 
its tendency, it is to be feared, is quite in the opposite 
direction. In days gone by, when books and newspapers 
were rarely accessible, folk-lore and the genealogies of the 
different residents in the neighbourhood were constantly 
discussed at the fireside, but these have now given place 
to the topics of the day, and as a result the ancient tradi- 
tions and other facts in regard to county history are fast 
being lost to memory. In Pembrokeshire, for instance, 
a county that is overflowing with interesting features, 
historical and antiquarian, the old legends, and even the 
names of families, which not so very long ago must have 
been household words, are now almost forgotten. Pew 
probably of the rising generation could tell an enquirer 
who the Wogans were, and even those of maturer age 
know little beyond the fact that there were families of 
that name who in days gone by lived at Wiston and 
Boulston. Yet it is barely a hundred years since the 
name of Wogan became extinct in the county. 

It would be unfair to attribute the decadence of one 
of the most characteristic traits of the Welsh race from 
the earliest days to a change in the national disposition; 



Z^t li)oc^anB of (g< 



— <^» ^«^ 



Henry Wogan, of Milton, son of Sir John Wogan, ^^ 



Thomas Wogan, 
ob. s.p. 



Heniy V 
Boulstoi 



Agnes Tasker, 
uf Harbeston 



I I 

Richard Wogan, of=fMaud, d. of Sir Henry>-£lizabethj_d. of 
Buul^ton, ob. 1541. I Thomas Phil- Wogan. 

lipps, of Kil- 
sant. 



Thomas Canon 
of Llawhadeo. 



Will 
Wof 
ob. 



William Wogan. 



I 
David Wugan=i- Kathcrine, d. 
Thos. Herbert, 
of Colbrook. 



Margaret - John Wogan*- (1) Jane, 
Grilliths. ob. 1601. of 

(a) Eliza 
Bin, 
mart 



^ ^ ^ ^ ^ 



Richard Dcvereux^Mag- Maud^Morgan Powell, 

Wogan. Wogan, dalen. Wogan. Mayor of Pem- 

ob. s.p. broke, circ. 1591. 



I i 

J ane Elinor 

Wogan. Wogan. 



I I I 

Margarct(2)— Sir John Wogan, ^(i) Frances, d. Rees r^Janet, d. Llew. Richard*-Ju» 

of Koulston, ob. I Lewis Pollard, ol Wogan. | Lloyd, of Llan- Wogan. Dol 



i6s6. 



Kings Nympton, 
Devon. 



A 



stinan. 



I 
P ranees 
Wogan. 



John Wogan, 
dead in 1613. 



Maurice Wogan. of— Frances, d. Sir 
Houlston, ob. 1640. ; Hugh Owen, of 

Wilton, ob. 1658. 



Abraham Wogan, ^, Jane, d. of Sir Lewis 
of Houlston, ob. Mansel, Margam, 
1651. Glaiii., ob. 1655. 



I 



John Peter Wogan, 

Wogan of Carew. W 



I 
Sybil Wogan -»Rees Bowen, 

of Upton. 



Lewis Wogan,— Katherine, d. James 
of Koulston, I Phillips, The Priory, 
ob. 1702. I Cardigan. 



Kdward Wogan, 
ob.aiile 1702, s.p. 



I I 

Anno Wogan, John Laugharne, \\ other Children who 
ob. 1715, s.p. St. ilriile.s. pix'deceased their father. 



Juhn\ 
Gaw 
t>b. I 



John \ 

ub. I] 



William 
of Gaw 



fe^on, (J)ew6roRe6?ire* 



i=Margaret, d. of Wilcocks Dyer, ofBoulston. 



1, of=j=Elizabeth, sister of Sir James 
1499. j ap Owen, of Pentre Evan. 



. . d. of Llizabeth=Wi 1 1 i a m 

. . Cres- ap Owen 

ford, of David 

Clydon. Gwyn. 



Daugh-=Thos. Bateman, 
ter. of Honeboro'. 



ichard Wogan, 
on. 

d. Robert 
irman of Car- 



Anne Wogan=Henry Adams, 
'.P. for Pem- 
> r o k e s h i re, 



I 



I 
William Wogan"= 



Margaret=William Mor- 
gan, of Mud- 
dlescombe. 



Maurice Wogan, of= Elizabeth. 
Bloxham, Oxon., 
ob. 1557. 



Margaret: 
Wogan. 



Henry Maud=Morris Bowen, 

Wogan. Wogan. of Llochtrwye. 



I I 

^William Ann=WiUiam Cecilia=Rev. Ro- 

Davids, Wogan. Adams. Wogan. land Lloyd 
Regist'r of 

Fletheratown. 



i=John Voyle, of 
Haverfordwest. 



Maud Elizabeth Jane=Wm. Jones. 

Wogan. Wogan. Wogan. 



John Wogan, of Gawdy Hall (probably a~Sarah, d. Robert Longe, of Fowlden, Norfolk, and 



son of John, the brother of Maurice 
Wogan), ob. 1707 



widow of Tobias Frere, the son of Tobias Frere, 
M.P. for Norfolk in 1654 ; ob. 1684. 



John Wogan, of==Elizabeth Bancroft, 



Gawdy Hall, 
ob. 1723. 



niece of Archbishop 
Sancroft. 



Walter Wogan. 



n, of--Elizabeth, d. of William Sarah Wogan, ^Rev. Gervas Holmes, 



lall, Sancroft, of Suffolk, 
ob. 1786. 



m, Elizabeth Wogan, 

,p. ob. 1773, spinster. 



ob. 1764. 



of Fressingfteld, 
ob. 1776. 



Elizabeth Wogan, 
ob. 1738, aet. 18. 



Rev. Gervas Holmes, of=== Rebecca Grim wood, 
Gawdy Hall, ob. 1796. ob. 1718, aet. 73. 



I 



I 



John Holmes. -pAnne, d. Kev. Wm. Rev. Gervas Holmes. 



awdy Hall, ob. 



VVhitear, of Ore, 
Sussex, ob. 1877. 



Rebecca Holmes. >= Rev. Wm. 

Whitear. 



croft Hohnes, , Hester Elizabeth, d. Davies Gilbert, Anna holmes, 
all. ob. i8.|9 of Eastbourne, ob. 1885. ob. 1881. 



)lin Sancroft Holmes, the^Edith Kinp-rote, d. Henry 
present owner oi Gawdy Kinj^scole, ot Kingscote, 
Hall. Gloucestershire. 



I 
Charlotte Holmes. 



94 Saint Carannog, 

Now it seems to me that the settlements in Cornwall 
and Brittany of such assistants of S. Patrick as Carannog 
and Mancen, or Ninio, mean a great deal, for which we 
look in vain into such scanty documents as have reached 
us, to find an explanation. 

Patrick was supplied with a stream of missioners serving 
under him from Britain and Armorica. There was a 
great nursery at Withenie, in Galway, that furnished him 
with men for work in the North of Ireland; and at Ty 
Gwyn, in Pembrokeshire, lie had a great college under 
Mancen, otherwise called Ninio the Old, which sent over a 
supply for the mission field in South Ireland. But we find 
Mancen also in Cornwall and in Brittany, under the form 
of Mawgan or Meaugon, in Wales as Meugan. There are 
two Mawgans in Cornwall. The identity would seem to 
be established by Mawgan-in-Pyder Feast being observed 
on July 25, which is the day of Meugant or Ninio in the 
Irish Martyrologies. In Brittany, near S. Brieuc, is la 
Meaugon (Llan-Meugant), where the Pardon is observed 
on the same day. Is it not conceivable that Meugant or 
Mancen had branch establishments in Armorica and Corn- 
wall to serve as feeders in Ty Gwyn? We know that there 
was close intercourse between Brittany and Wales and 
Ireland in the fifth and sixth centuries. And in like 
manner I would conjecture that the object of Canmnog's 
leaving Ireland was to undertake the very important task 
of establishing monastic settlements in Cornwall and in 
Armorica to serve the same purpose as those of Meugant 
or Mancen. 

Tennenan, the disciple of Carannog in Ireland, followed 
his master. We have unfortunately no early life of this 
saint, all we know of him is from the lessons in the 
anci(»nt Breviari(*s of Leon and Folgoiit, which are full of 
fable. He is there said to have been the pupil of Karadoc 



Saint Carannog, 95 

or Karentec, and to have been cured by him of leprosy in 
Ireland. Afterwards he embarked with S. Senan and S. 
Ron an, and crossed the sea to Armorica, and landed in 
the harbour of Brest, near where is now the little town of 
Landerneau, and founded the church of Ploubennec, near 
Plabennec. Together with S. Senan (of Iniscathy) and S. 
Ronan, he had with him two others, who are named Armen 
and Glanmeus, the latter a priest. M. de la Borderi^ 
considers that there were more saints than one that bore 
the name of Tennenan or Tinidor — for he is known by both 
names in Brittany. The diocese of L^on is supposed to 
have had a Tennenan as its bishop, after S. Goulven, but 
if so, he belongs to the beginning of the seventh century, 
and as he is ignored by the early writers who composed 
the list of the Bishops of L6on, the existence of such a 
bishop is doubtful. One interesting fact is that in the 
parish of Tregarantec, which by its name shows that it 
was a tref of Carantoc, S. Tennenan is held to be the 
patron of the church. 

Senan of Iniscathy, who is said to have come over with 
Tennenan, is widely venerated in Brittany, and finds his 
place in the ancient Breviaries on March 6. Another 
Irish Colonist, Kenan, is confounded with Kianan, Bishop 
of Duleek; his name is contracted to Kay or Quay, and 
he is the same as the Cornish S. Kea. He is commemo- 
rated in Brittany on Sept. 13 and Nov. 5. 

Goulven, who is also brought in contact with Carannog, 
was bom in Armorica; his parents, Glaudan and Gologuenn, 
were refugees from Britain, who landed in the broad 
shallow bay that now goes by the name of the Anse de 
Goulven. He was bishop of Leon after Cetemerin, who 
succeeded Paul of L^on. 

Unfortunately we know neither the date of the 
death of Carannog nor the place where he died, but 



96 Sahit Carannog, 

there is remarkable consensus as to the day on 
which he is to be honoured. The Welsh, as well as the 
Irish, Calendars give that day as May 16. In a MS. 
Breviary of the diocese of Treguier, of the fifteenth 
century, is the entry : "xvii Kal. Junii, Caranauci abb." On 
the same day, in the L^on Breviary of 1516 in the library 
of the Fr^res Lamennais, at Ploermel: "xvii Kal. Junii, 
Caradoci abb." In the Vannes Missals of 1530 and 1635 
it is the same. Whytford's Martyrologe, 1526, an English 
rendering of the Bridgetine Martyrology of Sion House, 
also gives the same day. This is the day of the Village 
Feast at Crantock in Cornwall, and of the Pardon at 
Carantec in Brittany. The Felire of Aengus, on May 16, 
has this entry: "The illustrious death of Cainnech the 
powerful," and the gloss adds, "i.e. Carnech of Tuilec, 
in the neighbourhood of Cenannas (Kells), and he is of 
the Britons of Cern (Cornwall)." The Exeter Calendars 
give his day as May 16. 

In the Celtic Litany of the tenth century, published 
by Mabillon, from a Rheims MS., he is invoked between 
S. Brendan and S. Gildas. 

As to the date of his death, that can only be fixed 
tentatively. It most probably occurred later than that of 
Patrick, but scarcely later than 470, for he can hardly 
have been a young man when engaged on the revision of 
the laws of Ireland in 438. A brother of S. Carannog 
was S. Pedr, according to the Welsh genealogists, and it 
is rather remarkable that a holy well bearing that name 
should be found in the parish of S. Columb Minor, that 
adjoins Crantock. The Holy Well of S. Carantock him- 
self is in the midst of the village of Crantock, and a 
stream steadily flows from it. 

The Life in the Leon Breviary follows. I will first 
premise that of this Breviary only two copies are known 



kS/. Carannog, 97 

to exist, one is in the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, and is 
imperfect : it is without the calendar, and the sanctoriale is 
wanting from the end of November to the end of June. 
The other copy is in the possession of the Brothers of 
Christian Instruction, or Fr^res Lamenais at Ploermel. 
It has the calendar, but is deficient in the names of the 
saints from November 29 to June 12. It was printed by 
Didier Maheu, Paris, 1516. I have not printed all the 
abbreviations. 

Lect. I. 

Quodam tempore fuit vir nomine Cereticus et hie vir 
habuit multos filios : quorum unus erat Karadocus nomine. 
In illis diebus venerunt Scoti et oceupaverunt regionem 
britannicam. Cereticus autem erat senex : et dixerunt 
seniores, Senex es tu non potes dimicare : debes unum 
ordinare de filiis tuis qui est senior. Dixerunt illi 
Karadoco : Oportet te esse regem : Karadocus autem plus 
diligebat esse regem celestem quamterrenum: etpostquam 
audivit fugam iniit ne invenirent eum. Accepit ergo 
Karadocus peram cum baculo et sacculo a quodam paupere, 
et venit in locum qui dicitur Guerith Karantoc et mansit 
ibi per aliquod temporis. Post multos autem dies venit 
ad Sanctum Karadocum vox de celo precepitque ut quia 
hie latere non poterat et quanto ignotior et remotior a 
suis tanto fieret servus dei utilior : Patriciura sequeretur 
in hyberniam. Karadocus igitur discedit in hyberniam, et 
ibi incepit construere monasterium. Eelatum erat Kara- 
doco in partibus illis apud quemdam tyrannum Dulcemium 
nomine esse quemdam arborem ornatam atque caram que 
principis sui f uerat. Venit Karadocus et petiit arborem. 
Utrum melior es tu dixit tyrannus omnibus Sanctis qui 
postulaverunt eam, non sum dixit Karadocus. 



The Wogans of Boulston, toi 

it is not that ^'Youn^ Pembrokeshire" has adopted the 
tenets of Gallio, but that he has not the opportunity of 
gaining the knowledge. There is no history of the county 
that can be properly so called, and the only means open to 
the student is long and tedious research among the musty 
and in many cases almost illegible records belonging to 
the nation and private individuals in different parts of the 
country. Only those who have hunted these preserves are 
aware of the mass of chaff, so to speak, which has to be 
winnowed by the searcher in order to obtain a grain of 
wheat for his use. In the Record Office, for instance, 
there are bundles of documents for which there are no 
indexes, and one cannot help feeling that a good deal of 
money expended on procuring Returns for Parliament — 
many of them of no earthly interest to any one except the 
member desiring the same — might be much better laid out 
in making the records of the country accessible to the 
nation . 

These are the reflections that occurred to me after 
delving into England's "Muniment Chest", in which I 
came across several incidents in connection with the 
Wogans, of so interesting a nature that I was induced to 
attempt a sketch of the family. I propose in this article 
to touch on the Wogans of Boulston, which although but 
an offshoot from the main stem at Wiston, at one time 
almost rivalled the parent line in importance and wealth 
of possessions. It is unanimously agreed by Welsh 
genealogists that the Wogans are of Welsh descent. The 
name is said to be a corruption of Gwgan, the son of 
Bleddyn ap Maenarch, Chieftain of Brycheiniog, who was 
slain about the year 1090 in a battle with Bernard New- 
march, the Norman Baron. Gwgan, according to the 
Welsh pedigrees, married Gwenllian, the daughter and 
heiress of Philip Gwys or Wizo, a Fleming, who then held 



102 Old County Families of Dyfed. 

Wiston, and through this marriage that property came 
into the possession of the Wogan family, and remained in 
it over six hundred years. While there is no doubt that 
Wiston was owned for that period by the Wogans, it is 
plainly evident that the compilers of the pedigrees are in 
error as to Gwgan having married Gwenllian Gwys. 
Philip Gwys was alive in 1193, and Gwgan must have 
been born before 1090; it is therefore practically im- 
possible that this union could have taken place. In all 
probability the genealogists have left out a generation or 
two, and it was a descendant of Gwgan who was the bride- 
groom on the occasion. 

Another hypothesis, mentioned in Count O'Kelly's me- 
moir of the family, is that the Wogans are descended from 
Ugus, a Roman Patrician from Florence. This derivation 
is so unsupported by even traditionary evidence in Wales 
that, but for the fact that it was again brought forward 
this year in an article in the Cornhill Magazine^ I should 
not have referred to it. If the founder of the family was 
a foreigner it would be much more reasonable to suppose 
that he was a Norman. Yet there is no trace of the name 
in the Roll of Battle Abbey, althougli those of most of the 
advenae who settled in the county are to be found in it, 
including that of Perrott, a family that did not for cen- 
turies afterwards attain anything like the standing of 
the Wogans. On the whole, tlie preponderance of the 
evidence, if such it may be called, is in favour of a Welsh 
origin. First we have the testimony of the Welsh genealo- 
gists, and although they are frequently wrong as to details, 
1 have generally found, where documents are available to 
test their statements, that in the main they are correct. 
It might be contended that the present pronunciation of 
the name does not very closely approximate that of Gwgan. 
I would suggest, however, that formerly tlie pronunciation 



The IVooans of BoiUston. 103 

was much closer, and that at a very early date the first 
syllable was enunciated soft. In the earliest documents 
the name is spelled as at present, but as far back as 1331 
it is written "Wougan", which was probably pronounced 
as in French, and some years later it is written " Woogan". 
The more convincing fact is the rarity of the name in 
England in early times. Prior to 1600 the name 
"Wogan", so far as I have been able to ascertain, was 
confined entirely to members of the Welsh and Irish 
branches. There was a family named Owghan at Wood- 
ham Walter, in Essex, in 1658, but probably this is merely 
a rendering of Orgen or Worgan, which is not an un- 
common name in England. There was also a Wogan who 
owned lands in England in 1311-12. In a Fine made in 
5th Edward II, a Richard Wogan and his wife Alice 
granted two messuages, 1^ virgates of arable land, and 10 
acres of meadow in La Cloude and Cameleye in Somerset- 
shire, to Walter de la Haye and his wife Cecilia. This 
might suggest a Norman origin for the Wogan family, 
but on the other hand the Welsh pedigrees state that one 
of the earliest Wogans of Wiston married Margaret, the 
daughter and heiress of Adam de Staunton or Stanton, and 
this is to some extent borne out bj' a Patent in 1301, by 
which a John Wogan (probably the Justiciary of Ireland, 
and in that case owner of lands in Pembrokeshire) was 
granted the marriage of Margaret, the daughter and one 
of the heirs of Adam de Stanton, tenant-in-chief in Ire- 
land. Now in 1311-12 there were Stauntons who owned 
property in Somersetshire, and as nothing is more likely 
than that John Wogan married Margaret Staunton to his 
son, or at all events a near relative, it is quite possible 
that Alice was the same person as Margaret, and that the 
lands mentioned in the Fine formed part of her jointure. 
After this brief review of the origin of the Wogans we 



104 ^^^ County Families of Dy/ed. 

will now turn to the branch which settled at Boulston. 
Tlie founder was Henry, the son of Sir John Wogan of 
Wistx>n. Owing to the absence of dates in the Welsh 
pedigrees and the partiality of the family to the name of 
John, it has been impossible to decide with any degree of 
certainty which particular Sir John this is. The first 
Henry Wogan of Boulston, is described by Lewis Dunn 
as of Milton,' a property wliich was presumably given to 
him by his father. The Cheetham MSS. state that he 
married Margaret, or, according to Lewis Dunn, Joan, the 
daughter of Wilcocks Dyer, of Boulston, and it must have 
been through this union that that estate came into the 
possession of this branch. The Wogan tombstone at 
Boulston church describes him as Sir Henry Wogan, and 
there is little doubt that he is the Sir Henry Wogan 
who was a witness to a Release made by John Hogekyn, 
rector of tlie church of St. Bridget, to John Don and John 
Elliott, of the manor of Robertiston and Nolton, in 
October 1453-4, and in which he is described as a knight 
and steward of Haverfordwest. {Ancient Deeds Gal.y p. 
865.) Lewis Dunn, who is corroborated by Geo. Owen^s 
MSS., states that the children of the marriage were : — 

(1) Thomas Wogan, who apparently died without 

issue. According to the Harleian MSS., 
No. 14,814, fol. 866, he was the heir. 

(2) Henry Wogan, who inherited the property, 

presumably on the death of his brother. 

The Cheetham MSS. make no mention of Thomas, but 
trace the descent through his brother Henry, while 
Vincent brings the line through Thomas. It is, however, 
the opinion of E. L., who edited an edition of the 
Choetliani MSS., that these records were the work of Sir 

' in Burton parish. 



^ .&II 



The Wogans of Boulston, 105 

John Wogan, who married Frances Pollard, and in that 
case they should be the better authority. The memorial 
stone in Boulston Church, and also Geo. Owen's MSS., 
trace the descent through Henry, so there seems little 
doubt that Vincent's Collection is wrong on this point. 
Possibly the explanation is that Thomas Wogan was a 
priest. Mention is made in the VaUyr Ecclesiasticus, taken 
in 27th Henry VHI (1535-6), of a Thomas Wogan, who 
was rector of Lawrenny, Nolton, and Henry's Mote in 
Pembrokeshire, all of which benefices were in the gift of 
John Wogan of Wiston. Unfortunately, the lack of 
details and dates renders it impossible to form any reliable 
opinion on the question. The problem is not assisted by 
the will of Henry Wogan — the earliest will of any of the 
family that I have come across — which so far as the date 
is concerned might have been made either by the brother 
of Thomas or by his father. The document was executed 
on the 31st Aug. 1499, and the testator describes himself 
as •' Henricus Ogan." No address is given, but he 
desired to be buried in the church of St. Mary the Virgin, 
at Woran.^ Now as Milton is very much nearer to 
Warren than is Boulston, the presumption is that the 
testator lived at the former place ; this would suggest that 
the will was made by the first Henry ^ as one would 
naturally expect that his son would have come into 
possession of Boulston, and have resided there before his 
death. The assumption that the first Henry was the 
maker of the will is further strengthened by the fact 
that while the testator bequeaths a legacy of 100 Marks 
to Alicia " my daughter", he does not refer to Richard 
Ogan, whom he makes residuary legatee, as his son. 

There are several other interesting questions opened 

' Warren. 



io6 Old Cottnty Faviilies of Dyfcd, 

up by this will. A legacy of 6s. 8d. is given to the church 
of St. Mary at Woran,^ 20s. to the church of St. David's, 
and 6s. 8cZ. to the church of Whitlakyngton, in Somerset- 
shire. This again indicates that there was some connection 
between the Welsh Wogans and Somersetshire, and, thanks 
to this clue, just as this page was going to press, further 
evidence turned up which proves, beyond a doubt, that 
the testator was the second Henry. An Inquisition held 
at Bridgwater in the 15th Henry VII, on the estate of a 
Henry Wogan, states that he died on the 31st Aug. 1499, 
and that Richard, his son and heir, was then 22 years of 
age and more. The date of the death thus corresponds 
exactly with that of the will, satisfactorily proving the 
identity of Henry Wogan. The Inquisition states that he 
held a messuage and 101 acres of land, called Orchardiston, 
in Knightisby, in Somersetshire. 

Further research in Somerset House revealed the exis- 
tence of an offshoot of the family there in later times. 
Among the records is a will of John Wogan of Sylving," 
in the parish of Whitelakington, dated 27tli Oct. 1558, 
and proved on 7tli May 1559. By this instrument the 
testator bequeathed 'is. 4^^. to each of the churches of 
Pocklynchrokepe, Stocklynch Maude'hyn,^ and Puckington, 
and desired his body to be buried at Whitelakington 
church "amongst my ancestors". In his will only one 
child is mentioned, a daughter, Phillippa, to whom he 
gives £100 " towards her marriage", conditionally that 
she be " ruled by her mother", but it would seem that he 
also had another daughter. His wife, whom he makes 
residuary legat<»e, appears to have been Anne Rose, as the 
t4?st4itor bequeaths to Nicholas Rose, whom he styles " my 
brother-in-law'', his best gown. He also refers to his 

^ Warren. '^ Syvinch. ^ Stocklinch Magdalono. 



The PFoi^ans of Boulston, 107 

" brother", Enthebert Rose. His wife Anne survived him, 
as she took out probate to the will, and I think there 
is little doubt that she was the Agnes Wogan whose will, 
dated the 8th Feb. 1574, was proved on 30th April 1575. 
This Agnes Wogan is described as of Sylvinche, Somerset- 
shire, and she also desired to be buried in Whitelakington 
church. She made her daughter Mary, the wife of 
William Stourton, of Woemyster,' her residuary legatee, 
but omitted any reference to Phillippa. The Visiiaiioix of 
Somersetshire in 1623 (Harleian MSS., No. 1141) states 
that Mary, daughter and co-heiress of John Wogan, of 
Sylvinch, married Robert Morgan of South Mapleton, 
Dorset. This is probably a mistake for Phillippa. Agnes 
Wogan was a lady of property. She devised her estates, 
which comprised lands and manors in Brent Marshe, in 
Crokern, in Meriatt, in Shepton, in Heachin, in Stock- 
linche-in-Sea, in Hilcom, in Chilworthye, in Buckland, in 
Croome St. Nicholas, Donyett Pisend'she, Langeporte, 
Estover, Westover, and Cwry Rivell, in the county of 
Somerset, to George Speake of Whitelakington, knt., 
William Stourton of Worminster, Esq., and John Morgan 
of Maperton, Dorset, gent., for the use of John Rose, son 
of Nicholas Rose of Shepton Beachin, in the county of 
Somerset. This Nicholas Rose I believe to be the 
testatrix's brother. 

We must now return to the direct line of the Wogans 
of Boulston. Henry Wogan, the son of Sir Henry Wogan, 
married Elizabeth, the sister of Sir James ap Owen of Pen- 
tre Evan in the Lordship of Kernes in Pembrokeshire, and 
the daughter, according to the Cheetham MSS., of Owen 
Bo wen of Pentre Evan. The issue of this marriage was : — 

(1) Richard Wogan. 

^ Warminster. 



ro8 Old Comity Families of Dy/ed. 

(2) Henry Wogan, who married Elizabeth, daugh- 

ter of Thomas Canon of Llawhaden, and 
founded a branch which existed in Oxford- 
shire for a couple of generations. (Harl. 
MSS., No. 14,314, fol. 866.) 

(3) Margaret Wogan, who married Henry Morgan 

of Muddlescombe, Glam. (Geo. Owen.) 

(4) William Wogan, who married the daughter of 

— Cresford of Clydon, and died without 
issue. (Hari. MSS., 14,314, fol. 866.) 

(5) Elizabeth Wogan, the wife of William ap Owen 

David Gwyn. (G. Owen.) 

(6) A daughter, who married Thomas Bateman of 

Honeborough. (G. Owen.) Possibly the 
Alicia mentioned in Henry Wogan's will. 

Richard Wogan, the eldest son, who succeeded to the 
estate, was the first of the family, so far as the records 
show, to reside at Boulston. He lived in the time of 
Henry VIII, and appears to have had little regard for the 
power of the Church, as it is stated in the Valor Ecclesias- 
ticusy taken the 27th of that reign (1635-6), that nothing 
had been received that year or for many years previously 
from the manor of Villa Clement, the property of the 
Archdeacon of Menevia, which formerly yielded £10 4». 8d. 
per annum, because Richard Wogan, of Boulston, had 
seized and held it by main force, but by what title he did 
so the Commissioners could not ascertain. I have been 
unable to find many references to Richard Wogan, but 
fortunately his will is registered at Somerset House, and 
this document throws a good deal of light, not only on his 
family but on his surroundings. It is dati»d 23rd Nov. 1540, 
and was proved on 29th April 1511, by Matilda Wogan, 
his widow, who, it is thus clear, survived him. Matilda 
Wogan, or Maud as she is called by Welsh genealogists. 



The Wogans of Boulston. 109 

was the daughter of Sir Thomas Phillipps of Kilsant, 
Pembrokeshire, and the ^Tand-daughter of Owen Donne 
of Picton. She was a much-married lady, for after the 
death of her husband, Richard Wogan, she married 
Morgan Jones of Harmeston, and, surviving him, married 
Nicholas Vaughan. According to Lewis Dunn (vol. i, 
p. 171), she was also the wife of Owen Barrett of Gellywick. 
Richard Wogan in his will mentions only two children 
— a son and a daughter Anne — as being the issue of this 
marriage, but George Owen's MS. states that there was a 
daughter Jane. There is scarcely a doubt, however, that 
in this case the Pembrokeshire historian has made a 
mistake in the name. The children are as follows : — 

(1) John Wogan. 

(2) Anne Wogan, the wife of Henry Adams of 

Patricksehurch. (Cheetham MSS.) 

The two children, John and Anne, were both under age 
in 1540, the date of the will, as the testator bequeathed 
to his wife his '* Manor Place of BuUiston and Hampton 
duringe her widohed for ye tender age of the childerne", and 
both these properties are stated to be "socage tenor". To 
the church of Burton he gave 6s. Sci., the one half of the 
sum to the chancell and the other to the body of the 
church, and he also desired to be buried before the high 
altar of that church. It would appear that his wishes in 
this respect were carried out, as there is in Burton church 
a sixteenth century tomb in the position mentioned, on 
which are inscribed the initials, "R. W." The tomb is 
thus described [Arch. Ca/mh., Series V, vol. xv, p. 183) in an 
account of a visit by the Association in 1897 : — 

*' There is a remarkable altar-tomb to a Wogan of Boulston, with 
a slab bearing a cross ragul^ and two shields on the top, and the 
sides decorated with heraldic shields, one bearing the punning device 
of the sails of a windmill above a cask, meaning mill tun or Milton, 



I lo Old County Families of Dyfed. 

the Wogans being lords of Boulston and Milton. The slab on the 
top of the tomb seems to be of the fourteenth century and the rest 
of the tomb of the fifteenth or sixteenth century." 

Besides the son and daughter mentioned in his will, 
Eichard Wogan had two illegitimate children: William 
Wogan and David Wogan. Although not explicitly stated^ 
the presumption is that their mother was Agnes Tasker — 
a pedigree in Lewis Dunnes Visitation states that she was 
— as the testator acknowledges that she holds a tenement 
in Harbeston of the annual value of seven Nobles for her 
life, and that after her decease the property was to revert 
to his heir. The presumption is strengthened by the fact 
that this clause comes immediately between the bequests 
to his son John and William Wogan. It is interesting to 
note that the "bar sinister" in 1540 was by no means 
such a disability as at the present day. It would appear, 
from the tenor of the will, that if the sons William and 
David were not brought up with their half-brother they 
were evidently held in high esteem by their father. Thus 
all the real estate, subject to certain bequests, is left by the 
testator to his son John Wogan, together with specified 
valuables which in the event of his dying without issue 
were to go to William and David Wogan. William is 
also made trustee of his half-sister Anne Wogan, as well 
as receiver of all the testator's socage lands, while he is 
left an annuity of 20 Nobles per annum for his life. Pro- 
vision is also made for David Wogan. He is given a 
quarter-share in a barge and a quarter-share in the ship 
called the "Elbewe." As the other shares in these 
vessels were bequeathed to John Wogan, David was thus 
a partner with his half-brother. David was also given 
for his life a tenement with the lands appertaining 
thereto in Herston' and Therston. He married Katherine^ 

^ Ilearston and Thurston, in Burton parish. 



The Wogans of Boulston, 1 1 1 

the daughter of Thomas Herbert, and the grand-daughter 
of Sir Richard Herbert of Colbrook. From the marriage 
there was a daughter Maud, who married Morgan Powell, 
mayor of Pembroke about 1591 ; also two sons, Richard 
and Devereux. The latter died prior to 1616, and was a 
Citizen and Clothworker of London. He married Magda- 
len — who on his death took, in 1617, as her second hus- 
band, William TaiUer, a Citizen and Merchant Taylor, of 
London. Devereux Wogan left no children. Of Richard, 
the son of David Wogan, I have found no further mention. 
Richard Wogan of Boulston bequeathed all his "goods 
and cattails", with certain exceptions, to his wife Maud, 
and it is the specified items which make the instru- 
ment so interesting at the present day. He evidently 
kept a certain amount of land in hand, as he gave to his 
wife 200 sheep and .... "hed of beasts"; the 
number of the latter however is unfortunately left blank 
in the will. We also get an insight into the contents of 
his plate chest. Among the articles left to his wife were 
two bowl pieces of silver with one ewer and two flat 
pieces ; a standing cup with a ewer, the top of the cover 
being ornamented with a squirrel; another standing cup 
of silver with a cover, on which was a little boy bearing a 
child ; two salt (cellars) with two covers, one gilt and the 
other partly gilt ; a silver taster ; a . . . . with a 
silver band and a foot of silver ; a chalice ; two dozen 
silver spoons ; a small silver cover and a "napple cuppe of 
silver." In these days of women's rights it is curious to 
read that the testator directed his wife's "wering 
garments to be at her own pleasure and dysposytion". 
These included a " Dymysent^ girdell of clene golde with a 
dyamonde and a ruby therein, a chayne and a bullyon of 

* Probably Damascene. 



1 1 2 Old County Families of Dyfed. 

golde with a crosse of sylver and a crosse of golde withe a 
dyamonde in the mydde and a ruby one every quarter, an 
ooche of golde with a dyamonde in the myddest and also a 
great parle (pearl), also a chayne of golde of the weight 
of eight double Ducketts.'" To John, his son, he left 
" myne owen broche, and it hath a garnet in the mydell 
as it is set aboute with pearles". 

Mention is also made of *'two great gunnes withe 
their foure chambers", which, with a great crock in the 
kitchen, the testator desired should be kept in the house of 
Boulston. What kind of guns these were can only be 
surmised, but there can be little doubt that they were 
intended for the defence of the Manor House, and 
possibly to command any ships passing up and down the 
river. Various legacies and bequests for life and in fee 
were made to servants and others, in most cases with the 
proviso that the recipients would faithfully serve his wife 
and his son John. The real estate so devised was briefly 
as follows : — 

Hoiiso at Sloboch to Richard Millor for life. 

House of Wostfelde, on the east side of the said township, to John 
Taylor for life. 

House in the same township to Richard Howell for life. 

" Calbrocke," in the fields of Prendergaat, to Hugh Lloid for 
life. 

The southest house in Dale to Anne Tasker for her life. 

Tenement and lands at Wiston to John Myller. 

The other properties mentioned in the will were : — 

(1) Lands of Repston ; the manor place of Crapull, Williamyston, 
Frogholl, Spittell, Williamyston at the same place, and Crasselley. 

(2) The lordship of Sutton ; lands within the Rurrowes of Haver- 
fordwest, Cronett and Poyston; a Noble of Rent in Houston, 
Mylton, Flethershill, with a *'tockynge'' (tucking) mill, and Wulhlale 
and Camros ; a meadow by the Friars' garden ; the Bechem with my 



^ Ducats. The Dutch ducat weighed d'494 grammes. 



The Wogans of Bo7ilston. 1 1 3 

lands in Dale except the tenement given to Anne Tasker ; lands 
within the Burrowes of Saint Davys within Chayltie. All which 
towns and villages were held by socage tenure. 

The properties in the first paragraph were charged 
with a legacy of 200 Marks for a marriage portion for 
Anne Wogan. The sum was to be raised by William 
Wogan and kept, until that event took place, in the 
common coffer of the town of Haverfordwest or elsewhere, 
at the discretion of the overseers of the will. The over- 
seers appointed were : " my brother, John Phillips of 
Picton, Thomas Johns of Haroldiston, Esquires ; Master 
Thomas Lloid, Chaunter of Sainte Davyde's ; and Master 
John Lewis, Treasurer" there. 

On the death of Richard Wogan, which as I have 
pointed out must have occurred about the year 15-41, his 
son John, on attaining his majority, succeeded to the 
property. According to the tombstone at Boulston church 
he was raised to the honour of knighthood, but curiously 
enough he is not so described in his will. He was Sheriff 
for Pembrokeshire several times, but owing to his son 
bearing the same name it is impossible in all cases to 
distinguish the respective offices held by each. Mr. 
Egerton Allen, in his interesting and useful work. Sheriffs 
of Pembrokeshire, states that Sir John Wogan, senior, 
held that office in 1566, 1574, 1584, 1598 and 1606, and 
that he was created a knight in the interval between 
1584 and 1598. It is, however, certain that he was not 
sheriff in 1606, as I recently came across his will in the 
Carmarthen Tlegistry, which appears in the index as 
having been proved in 1601. 

All authorities, including the Cheetham MSS., agree 
that Sir John Wogan married Jane, the daughter of 
Richard Wogan, of Wiston, thus once more uniting the 
two branches of the family. After her death he took for 



1 1 4 Old County Families of Dyfed, 

his second wife Elizabeth, daughter of Robert Byrte, of 
Llwyndiris, Cardiganshire, Alderman of Carmarthen, and 
Elizabeth, co-heiress of Edward Ryd, of Castle Moel,* 
Carmarthenshire. She was the widow of Einion Phillipps, 
the grandson of Sir Thomas Phillipps of Kilsant, Pem- 
brokeshire, and in the will is described as ^* Dame 
Elizabeth Wogan, aliaa Byrte." A portion of this 
instrument, which is as interesting as that of Sir John's 
father, has been torn off and some of the writing is 
illegible, but sufficient remains to enable the reader to 
ascertain not only the particulars of the estate, but also to 
obtain an insight into the life of that period. The first 
bequest is the munificent gift of 4d. to the Cathedral 
church of St. David's; then comes a number of bequests to 
Dame Elizabeth, including " all her apparel of all sortes^ 
all her ringes and juelles with alsoe six of my best 
geldinge," all the movable and immovable household 
goods at the house of Porth Rynen in Cardiganshire, and 
similar articles, together with all the com cut or growing 
on the dower house and lands "at Llanvemach .... 
cauled Erwyon," and at the dower house and lands of 
Sutteine."* Dame Elizabeth was evidently an heiress, as 
not only are the lands at Sutteiue, together with the stocky 
bequeathed " to remayne as yt is laye downe in the deade 
of gifte", but all the lands and leases of lands or mills, 
stock and household effects, " such as plate, or whatever 
the said Elizabeth was owner of at the day of my marriadge 
unto her the said Elizabeth, which to me hath desended 
and by reight ought to desend frome her unto me by the 
said marriadge, wherever the same may be in the counties 
of Pembroche, Carmarthen, or Cardigan," are also left to 
her. Ill addition, her husband gave her the cattle, goods, 

' Ureun Castle. ^ Sutton, in Lanibston parish. 



The Wogans of Boulston. 115 

and lease of a house in Henllan Amgoed in Cardiganshire, 
the lease of a mill called Molfre Dyffryne, otherwise 
"Wyrgloedd", in the parish of Clydey, Pembrokeshire, 
and the cattle and chattels mentioned in a schedule 
annexed to a deed of gift by him to John Stradley and 
John Hogwent, gent., to the use of his wife Dame 
Elizabeth. Sir John Wogan also left his wife the 
messuage and lands of Milton, with the tenement there- 
unto belonging called *^ Milton Mylle", in the parish of 
Burton. This bequest, simple in itself, is important, as it 
sets at rest the uncertainty which existed as to the 
identity of the original home of the Boulston branch. 
The will also reveals that the testator kept Milton in 
hand, for he not only bequeathed " the store of cattle and 
stuffe" there to his wife, but gave, at the end of his will, 
the following list of the animals : — 

A note of which cattle and sheepe I shall leave my executor : — 
Imprimis, of cattle upon Boulston ground .... fourscore lacking 

one. Item, of sheepe there twoe hundred and fower. 

Besides horses, mares and coultes, and besides the household stuffe. 

The stock of Milton : — 
Imprimis, of keyne . . . . . . foreteene. 

Item, of sheepe 
Imprimis, of keyne 
Item, of oxen 
Item, of sheepe 



one hundred. 

twelve. 

twoe. 

a hundred. 



Milton would appear to have been kept as a dower 

house, as his son and heir John, whom he appoints 

executor, is described as of that place. Sir John had two 

illegitimate daughters, Jayne and Elinor, the latter being 

the daughter of Margaret Griffith, the daughter of Jennet 

Webbe. To each of these two daughters the sum of forty 

pounds was bequeathed for a marriage portion, and their 

bringing up was entrusted by Sir John to his wife 

Elizabeth. Tn the event of John, the son and heir, 

i2 



1 1 6 Old County Fainilies of Dyfed, 

declining to act as executor, Sir John appointed his cousin 
Thomas Lloyd, treaisurer of St. David's Cathedral, as a 
substitute. This Thomas Lloyd, according to Jones and 
Freeman's History of St. David^s, was the second son of 
Hugh Lloyd of Llanllyr, Cardiganshire, descended from 
the Lloyds of Castle Howell in that county. He died in 
1613, and his memorial stone, erected by his son Marma- 
duke Lloyd, of the Middle Temple, is in the Cathedral 
at St. David's. 

There is a curious memorandum appended to Sir 
John's will which indicates that if relations were not 
exactly strained between him and his sons-in-law, he 
placed very little confidence in them. The memonindum, 
which of course refers to the husbands of his legitimate 
daughters, runs as follows : — 

It may bo tluit my twoo sonnes in lawes will say that I owe 
thorn somo mariad^^o mony, but I p'test boforo God I have payd 
thorn all the monoys I p'missod thom, and to ony of them more than 
1 p'missed them. 

There can be little doubt that it was Sir John Wogan, 
senior, who sat on the post mortem inquisition held on 
the 24th Oct. 1578 (20th Elizabeth), at Haverfordwest, to 
enquire into the goods of his rehitive, John Wogan, of 
Wiston. In tlui Roll of a subsidy grant^jd in 1562-3 (5th 
Eliz.) he is described as " John Wogan, armiger," and his 
assessment for lands in "Bulsti^n" parish, valued at £10, 
is 2?5^^ iyil. Li tlic Inquisition referred to he is not 
described as " miles". 

It is evident that Sir John Wogan, senior, on more 
than one occasion had difficulties with the Government, 
Mention is made in the Privy Council Acts that on 15th 
Sept. 1564, *' Edward Vaughan, John Wogan, and Francis 
Laugharne, prisoners in tlie Flete, shulde be brought at 
oone of the clock at afteruoone to nxorrow before mjr 



7^he Wogans of Boulston, 1 1 7 

Lords of the Counsell." It is possible that the John 
Wogan referred to may have been his relative of Wiston, 
but the fact of his being coupled with Francis Laughame 
suggests that he was of Boulston. The imprisonment was 
apparently due to noncompliance with an order to deliver 
up nine of Cobham's men, as, on bonds being given on 
30th Sept. for their constant attendance in London, they 
were released from their confinement. In 1579 we find 
John Wogan of Boulston in a more dignified position. It 
was at this date that George Owen was engaged in assert- 
ing his rights as lord of Kemes, iu the course of which he 
instituted no fewer than four different suits in the Star 
Chamber. Party feeling ran high, and recourse was had 
to some extraordinary proceedings. George Owen was 
accused of having counterfeited the great seale of Arms of 
William, Earl of Pembroke, the first of that name, and of 
having forged a certain charter and deeds. As a result, a 
letter was sent from the Privy Council instructing Thomas 
Powell, the sheriff of the county of Pembroke, John 
Barlow, Morgan Phillippes, John Wogan of Boulston, and 
Eynok Phillippes, to search George Owen's house and to 
examine certain persons to be nominated by William 
Gwynne of Rickerston. An interesting description of the 
search is given in Owen's Pembrokeshire, but it will suffice 
here to say that the charge fell through. 

There is a passing reference to Sir John Wogan in 
1588, when on Jan. 26, we learn from the Pri^y Council 
Acts, a certain William Cattell, James Dun and David 
Eastmont, were bound before him to appear personally 
before the Privy Council. In the same year Sir John was 
involved in considerable difficulties through the dealings of 
certain pirates with some of the responsible officials and 
inhabitants of Pembrokeshire and Carmarthen, and indeed 
there seems some doubt as to whether Sir John was not 



1 1 8 Old County Families of Dyfed, 

himself mixed up in the transactions. There are several 
letters on the subject in the Privy Council Acts, and it 
would appear that there were at least two cases in which 
illegalities were committed. The first occurred in 1588, 
when a complaint was lodged by George Pery, John 
Osborne, William Erwyn^ and James Brown, subjects of 
the "King of Scottes" — a description which reminds us 
that at that time Scotland had not been united to 
England. It seems that a vessel called the Elizabeth of 
Orkney, belonging to the complainants, which was laden 
with salt, had been captured by a pirate named Thomas 
Cooke and brought by him into Milford Haven, where the 
cargo had been sold to certain inhabitants of the towns of 
Haverfordwest and Carmarthen and the surrounding 
districts. These were : — Sir John Wogan ; John Morryce, 
ma^yor of Carmarthen ; Thomas Canon of Haverfordwest ; 
John Lloyd of Haverfordwest ; John Vaughan,'^ Customer, 
of Haverfordwest, and Jenkin David of Haverfordwest. 
The result of this complaint was that in Dec. 1588 Sir 
John Wogan was commanded by the Council to make 
restitution to Mr. Robert Brown. This order seems to 
have been prompted by the interposition of Archibald 
Douglas, the Scottish Ambassador, as on 24th Feb. 1589, 
Sir John wrote the following letter, which is amongst the 
Salisbury MSS. : — 

I can by no nioanH as yet come by the CuRtomor, neither by Jothro 
Bipgs, Jolm Moris, Maud Nothed, John Lloyd, or Mathow Synott. 
Neither shall I ever be able to apprehend those «>f Carmarthon. It 
may Ihj well U^ send a warrant to apprehend and bind the mayor and 
bailiffs of Carmarthen to ap^war or else that they deliver tho said 



^ The complaint at this datt* was made by Rol)ort Brown, who 
is described as a Scotchman. Ht» was probably the same person 
James Brown. The particulars given are taken from later lottors. 

^ Chief of the Customs. 



The Wogans of Boulston, 1 1 9 

persons to me, that I may bind them for appearance or commit them 
to gaol for the county of Pembroke. If they should be committed to 
the gaol of Carmarthen, they should have that favour that they would 
not care for the matter. The rest I doubt not to have before Easter, 
or else make them fly the country, which Synnett hath done. John 
Lloyd keepeth his house in Haverfordwest. If I knew that I might 
do it with their Honours* liking, I would break his house and fetch 
him out. If I cannot get them before Easter, then must new letters 
be sent. 

This letter indicates the condition of the country in 
1589. Pembrokeshire and Carmarthenshire, like Gal way, 
seem to have been a little west of the law. Some of the 
leading inhabitants of the former county, as well as of 
Carmarthen, were practically setting it at defiance, and 
there was more than a suspicion that Sir John Wogan was 
also mixed up in the transaction. The case was referred 
for hearing to the Ambassador for Scotland, the Judge of 
the Admiralty, and Mr. Beale, and Sir John was allowed 
to go to Wales to deal with the offenders. This was in 
the previous November, and the result of his efforts is 
recorded in the letter above quoted. The Council next 
ordered Sir John to appear in London — an order which he 
manifestly disliked and begged to be excused, as it would 
cost him at least £200. In a letter dated 11th April 1589, 
to Sir Francis Walsingham, and another two days later to 
the Scottish Ambassador, we get some further light on the 
case. According to Sir John's account the salt was 
brought into Milford Haven by John Kyfte and Cooke. A 
declaration made by Sir John on 22nd Sept. 1590 states 
that it was sold to Vaughan and Kyfte. The probable 
explanation of this discrepancy is that Cooke, the pirate, 
sold the cargo when lower down the Haven to Vaughan 
and Kyfte, and that they brought it up and resold it to 
the parties mentioned. Now John Vaughan was the 
" Customer" of Haverfordwest, in other words a custom- 
house officer, while John Kyfte was the local sergeant of 



1 20 Old County Families of Dyfed. 

the Admiralty. Both John Vaughan and Kyfte had been 
mixed up in a somewhat similar transaction in connection 
with the pirate Herberde, in which Sir John Perrott of 
Haroldston was concerned in 1577; indeed it would appear 
that there was little compunction about such traffic shown 
by any of the residents. Sir John Wogan protested that 
he had had no dealings either with the ship or the goods, 
beyond that he had received sixty-six barrels of salt 
delivered to him at Haverfordwest by John Vaughan and 
John Kyft«, as a tenth due to the Lord Admiral, and that 
he had put his hand to no indenture of Prisement nor had 
he caused the same to be prised. When the salt was 
received he believed tliat it was, as then reported, 
" Portingalle's goods," and had no idea that it belonged 
to ^' Irish or Scottishmen," until they appeared in person 
to claim it. He concludes with the following appeal to the 
Scottish Ambassador : — " I have got with dealing in the 
commission many enemies in the country, gentlemen of 
good account and others, therefore it is good for me to 

deal until the cause be ended as to leave 

Truly that salt hath cost me already one way and another 
as good as £200. I cannot come to London under seven 
or eight score pounds, which 1 hope you will consider, 
and favour me so much as I may save the same." 
(Salisbury MSS.) 

The matter dragged on until 28th Oct. 1590, when it 
assumed international importance. On that date orders 
were sent to Dr. Awbrev, Dr. Caesar and Mr. Robert 
Beale, to do justice in the matt<?r, and, before dismissing 
the parties, to report to the Council, so that it might 
acquaint the " King of Scottes " with what had been 
done for the contentment of his subjects, and consider 
'* what shal bo furd<»r nioott* to bo done* with the parties 
for their contempte in not appearing uppon their Lord- 



The Wogans of Boulston, 1 2 1 

ships' sundrie warrauntes and messengers sent for them." 
The end of the matter was a kind of compromise. The 
Privy Council, on 26 Nov. 1590, issued an order that Sir 
John Wogan, then Vice- Admiral of South Wales, who had 
received seventy barrels of salt — it will be remembered 
that in his defence he owned up to only sixty-six barrels 
— should pay the sum of £32, or at the rate of 13«. 4d.' per 
barrel, as compensation to the Scotchmen ; Thomas Canon, 
£13 6s. 8ci., and John Kyfte, who was then a prisoner in 
the Marshalsea, presumably for his laches in duty, was 
mulcted to the tune of £'>0. John Vaughan was called 
upon for £40, and was to deliver up the ship " with her 
tacklings and furniture as she now remaineth." Any that 
refused to pay the respective sums were to be committed 
to prison until they did, and the other persons who had 
already compounded and had obtained acquittances were 
to be let alone. From this it would seem that the Mayor 
of Carmarthen, Jenkin David, and John Lloyd of Haver- 
fordwest, had previously come to terms. Whether Synnett 
returned to face the music is not disclosed. 

The second little complication in which Sir John 
Wogan was concerned was also in connection with a 
Scotchman. On the 4th May 1590, there was a letter sent 
by the Privy Council to the Judge of the Admiralty to 
examine into the charge of George Paddy, a " pore Skotch- 
man", who complained that he had been "spoiled at sea by 
Sir John Wogan, whereby he alleageth to have been 
indamaged to the value of fower hundred poundes." 
From this it might be assumed that Sir John had started 
business as a pirate on the high seas, but it appears from 
a later order that he was merely " the occasion that 



* The arithmetic appears somewhat weak, but this is as it reads 
in the volume published by the Record Office. 



1 2 1 Old Cotinty Families of Dyfed. 

certaine persons bought the goods of a poor Scottishman," 
and he was instructed either to compel such persons to 
make satisfaction, assist in apprehending them, or to 
repair to the Court without delay. Whether the Council 
experienced as much difficulty in bringing this matter to a 
conclusion as in the other affair, is unfortunately left in 
doubt. All that is known is that in December of that 
year a warrant was issued for his arrest, and of the others 
concerned, unless he appeared at the Court to answer for 
his refusal to give satisfaction, and on 5th May 1691 
another letter was sent to him requiring his immediate 
appearance to answer " certain matters objected against 
him." 

It would appear that in April 1590 Pembrokeshire was 
alarmed by fear of a Spanish invasion. The Council, it 
seems, had been informed by certain arrivals at Milford 
Haven from sea, that they had seen a fleet apparently 
coming from Capo Finistere on a course towards Ireland, 
and its a result Sir John was instructed to order his 
Deputy-Lieutenant to put all the forces of the county into 
readiness to defend the same. From this it would seem 
that Sir John was Lord-Lieutenant of the countv. 

In a subsidy roll of the assessment of three payments 
of three subsidies granted on the inhabitants of the county 
of Pembroke in 159G-8 (89 and 40 Eliz.), John Wogan, 
miles, is down for 40«. for lands at Boulston of the value 
of £10. 

Sir John Wogan apparently had no children from his 
second marriage. The issue from his union with Jane 
Wogan, according to George Owen, who died in 1630, and 
must therefore have been well qualified to s{)eak on the 
matter, was : — 

(I) John Wogan. 

f2) Ilees Wogan, who married Janet, daughter and 



The Wogans of Boulston. 123 

(according to an old MS. said to have been 
copied, by Thomas Tucker of Sealyham, 
from an original book) co-heiress of Llewellin 
Lloyd, of Llanstinan, near Letterston, Pem- 
brokeshire. From this marriage came the 
Wogans of Llanstinan. 

(3) Richard Wogan, who married Jane Dolbyn. 

(4) Henry Wogan. 

(5) Maud Wogan, who married Morris Bowen, of 

Loehtruye.* (Middle Hill MSS.) 

(6) Wogan, the wife of William Davids, 

Registrar. (George Owen MSS.) 

(7) Ann Wogan, the wife of William Adams. 

(8) Cecilia Wogan, who, according to Lewis Dunn, 

married the Rev. Rowland Lloyd, of Flether- 

ston. 
John Wogan, the eldest son, who was afterwards raised 
to the dignity of Knighthood, succeeded to the estates. 
He was, as I have pointed out, sheriff for the county of 
Pembroke in 1606, and he also filled that office in 1630. 
He was twice married — a fact which seems to have escaped 
the notice of most genealogists. His first wife was 
Frances Pollard, the daughter of Lewis Pollard of Kings- 
nympton, in the county of Devon. From this union there 
were the following children : — 

(1) Maurice Wogan. 

(2) John Wogan. 

(3) Peter Wogan, who, according to a deed recited 

in the j>0Bi mortem inquisition on the pro- 
perty of his father, lived at Carew in Pem- 
brokeshire. He was educated for the Bar, 
and the Registers at Gray's Inn show that he 

^ ? Lochturfin, Pembrokeshire. 



1 24 Old County Families of Dy/ed. 

was admitted to that institution on 21st May 
1617. 

(4) Ellen Wogan, who married John Voyle, of 

Hav^erfordwest. 

(5) Maud Wogan (Lewis Dunn). 

(6) Elizabeth Wogan (Lewis Dunn). 

(7) Jane Wogan, the wife of William Jones. 

(Tucker MS.) 

After the death of liis wife, Lady Frances, on 7th Nov. 
1623, Sir John once more essayed matrimony. I have not 
been able to find anything to throw any light on the lady's 
identity except that her name was Margaret. The fact, 
however, that the trustees of the property set aside for her 
maintenance were John Gunning, an alderman of Bristol, 
and John Bush, a gentleman of the same place, suggests 
that she was probably a daughter or relative of one of 
them, or, at all events, that she was from that city. The 
only child of this marriage appears to have been a 
daughter, Frances, of whose after life nothing more is 
heard. These facts are gathered from the recital of an 
indenture, dated 26th Nov. 1632, in the post mortem 
inquisition held on the property of Sir John. In this 
deed Sir John assigns to the Jolm Gunning and John 
Bush referred to, and to Peter Wogan of Carew, Sir 
John's son, one messuage called Neshooke in the parish of 
Lambton, upon trust after Sir John's death, for his wife 
Lady Margaret, so as to provide her with a maintenance 
suitable for her condition, with remainder to their daughter 
Frances Wogan and her children, and in default of such 
issue, in trust for Peter Wogan and his heirs in tail. 
This was not the only provision made for Lady Margaret 
by her husband, ft appears that in the following year, 
on the 16th Oct. 1633, Sir John purchased from John 
Voyle, gent., William Voyle, his son and heir apparenti 



The Wogans of Boulston. 



and Maurice Canon, all of 
suage in rranklaaton, alm.s 
Penally, for £40. This I " 
property was conveyed i 
subject to a life inter- { 
est for Sir John, to ; 
Lady Margaret for 
life, and after her de- 
cease to their daugh- 
ter Frances and lier 
heirs in tail male, and 
in default of such issue 
to Maurice Wogan and 
his heirs in tail, with 
remainder to the right 
heirs of Sir John Wo- 
gan. 

In the inquisition 
referred to Sir John is 
stated to have died on 
14th Sept. 1636, but 
this does not agree 
with the date given 
on the memorial stone 
in Boulston church. 
This stone, of which 
a drawing is given, 
covers a tomb which 
has the Wogan coat 
of arms at the head, 
and lies on the north 
side of the chancel. 
The inscription is dis- 
tinctly interesting, as 



Haverfordwest, a capital mes- 
Frankeleston, in the parish of 



^t=fi^^°!z!!i 



^izSa^^z^H^'^x 












P 



128 Old County Fmnilies of Dyfed. 



£ 8, d. 



Four acres of land in Yelbloke, held by knight^s 
services of the Lord of Picton, and a free 
rent ot Is. Id. . . . . 10 

One messuage and one carucate of land in 
Drenehill, held by knight's service, of the 
manor of Great Pulla 1 13 4 

Twelve burgages in the town of St. David's held 

in socage of the Bishop of St. David's . . 14 

The manor of Treglemes and one carucate of 
land and one corn-mill in Treglemes and 
Carnevaure, held by knight's service and 
suit at the Court of the Bishop of St. David's 10 
One bovate of land in Trefllyne and Solvach, 
held by socage service of the Bishop of St. 
David's . . . . 1 10 

Four acres of land in Lloythred, held in socage 

of the Court of Erwgelly . . 18 

One and a half acres of land ii\ the town of St. 
David's, held in free socage and a rent of 4d. 
per annum of the Chancellor of St. David's . . 2 

One acre of land in Caredway, held by knight's 
service and a rent of 1</. per annum of the 
Church of St. David's . . 10 

Five acres of land in Cared, held by knight's 
service and an annual rent of 1^. of the 
manor and lordship of Cared . . . . 4 2 

Five acres of land at Trefmanhier, held by 
knight's service and an annual rent of Id. of 
Thomas ap Kees, armiger, as of his manor 
of Richardston . . . . 3 4 

Half a carucate of land in Bronghollys, held of 
John Barlow by knight's service as of his 
Coiuii of Bronghellys . . . . 6 8 

Seven acres of land in Crankerbin, held by 
knight's service of the lordship and manor of 
Llandonoke . . . . . . 6 

Two bovates of land in Trefiny, alias Tregwy, 
held of Thomas Canon, knight, by knight's 
service, as of his manor of Trevoughlydd ... 7 8 

Six messuages and three carucates of land in 
Williamston in Rous, held by knight's service 
of the King's lordship and manor of Castle 
Wallwyn . . 6 18 



The IVogans of Bonis ton, 129 

£ 8. d. 
Three carucates and five bovates of land in 

Sutton, in parish of Lambston, as to the tenure 

of which the jurors were ignorant . . 4 3 4 

One messuage and one bovate of land in Camros, 
held of the King's manor of Camros by 
knight's service and an annual rent of 8rf. ... 5 

Three burgages in Dale, held in soca^ge of the 

Lord de Vale . . . . . . 3 

One messuage and one carucate of land in 
Wolfes Dale, held of Morgan Bowen as of 
his manor of Wolfes Dale, by knight's service 
and a free rent of 4d. per annum ... 19 8 

One third of a carucate of land in Le Hill, held 
of Richard Newport, knight, by socage service 
and an annual rent of \d. . . 8 

Two messuages and two carucates of land in 
Boulston, held of Richard Phillipps of Picton, 
as of his manor of Picton, by knight's service 
and a free rent of \d. per annum . . 1 10 

Three parts of one bovate of land in Llanelwy, 

held in socage of the Bishop of St. David's . . 11 

One acre of land near Measur Long, held in 

socage of the Bishop of St. David's . . 2 

Two parts of one bovate of land in Trefraneth, 

held in socage of the Bishop of St. David's . . 3 

((/) One messuage called Neshooke, in the parish of 

Lambton . . 6 8 

One capital messuage in Frankleston, alias 
Frankeleston, in the parish of Penally, held 
of the King's manor of Manorbeer and Long- 
ston by knight's service and suit at the Court 
of the Barony there . . . . 6 7 

(h) One messuage and 4^ bovates of land at the 
Hill, in the parish of Dale, held by knight's 
service of the King's manor of St. Thomas . . 6 

One messuage and divers parcels of land called 
Carfield, Crowread, Calvynes Parcke, Milhill, 
4 acres called Calhynesparke, and one fulling 
mill, in the several tenures of Richard 
Howell, Jane Walter, widow, John Barlowe 
and Henry Bowen, in the parish of St Martin ; 
also a rent of 12«. 4d. from two parcels of land 
of Sir Thomas Canon, knight, in Carfield, 

K 



1 30 Old Cotinty Families of Dyfed. 

£ 8. d. 

held by free and common service of the 

King's lordship of Haverfordwest .. .. 15 

Four messuages in the town and county of 
Haverfordwest, in the parish of St. Mary, in 
the several occupations of Thomas Hayward, 
John Barlow, Griffitli Rees and Alban 
Leonard, and certain gardens there in the 
occupation of Arnold Jones ; also a rent of 
\'2d. per annum from a messuage of the said 
Sir Thomas Canon, knt., in Ship Street, 
Havei-fordwost, and a rent of 3/- per annum 
from a messuage of Jenkin Howell in St. 
Mary's Ward; three messuages in the town 
of Haverfordwest, occupied by Walter Webbe, 
William Williams and Arnold Thomas ; a 
rent of 0/- from a messuage of Thomas Rymey 
in High Street, Haverfordwest ; all held in 
free an<l common socage of the King's lord- 
ship of Haverfordwest . . 2 

The properties under the sub-head of "a" were, by an 
indenture dated 10th Nov. J 608, being the marriage 
settlement of Maurice Wogan (son of Sir John) with 
Frances, daughter of Sir Hugh Owen of Bodeon, Anglesey, 
and Orielton, Pembrokesliire, conveyed by Sir John and 
Frances his wife to the said Sir Hugli Owen, upon the 
following trusts: for Maurice and his wife for life and 
their first and other sons successively in tail; in default of 
such issue, for John, the second son of Sir John Wogan 
and his sons in tail, and should he have no sons then for 
his youngest brother Peter in like manner. Subject to a 
life estate for Sir John, the properties under the head "6** 
were to be held on practically the same trusts as those 
under "a". As to those under 'SZ" Maurice took a life 
interest subject to Sir John's life interest, otherwise the 
trusts were the same, except that Maurice's wife took no 
benefit. It was specially stipulated, however, that the capi- 
tal messuage of Boulston and the lands in Hampton and 
Norchard, the house and closes of Milston, and the manor 



The Wogans of Boulston, 1 3 1 

of Williamston in the parish of Harriston West, should be 

held by Lady Frances Wogan during the life of her son 

Maurice. 

The properties under "^" were, as I have already 

mentioned, settled on Sir John's second wife. As regards 

the remainder of the lands of Sir John, previously settled 

as a jointure for his wife, they were to be held in trust for 

Sir John for life, and subject to his wife's life estate upon 

the trusts in regard to "a." Other property not so settled 

was to be upon the trust in regard to ''d". On 11th Sept. 

1609, a fine was levied, when William Wogan, knt., and 

John Owen, esq., were plaintiffs, and Sir John Wogan, knt., 

Frances his wife, and Maurice Wogan their son, described 

as of Williamston, defendants. Under it the following 

lands were re-conveyed to the custom of frank-pledge : — 

Manors, lands and tenements in Roos, Sutton and Treclemes, 
120 messuages, 24 tofts, 3 water mills, 1 fulling mill, 3 dovecotes, 43 
orchards, 80 gardens, 2700 acres of land, 280 acres of meadow, 1 ,200 
acres of pasturage, 240 acres of wood, 2,340 acres of gorse and heath, 
1(X) acres of marsh, the Rectory of Boulston and 6/8 rent, with 
property in Sutton, Williamston Elmer, Ilardstonwest, Carewe, Rob- 
l)eston, St. Brides, Drynehill, Camros, Woodhall, Redberston, Yeld- 
bleete, Boulston, Norchard, Rowston, Lampeter, Rotham, Marios, 
Hill, Dale, Frogholl, Spitte, Milton, Croyshelly, Jeffreston, Cosheston, 
St. David's, Menevy, Llathdy, Trevinyard, Ewer-y-Koed, Whitechurch 
Salvaugh, Tremainhir, Kinheried, Tregwy, Llanhowell, Cradway, 
Trevyne, Llanrian, Carnevawr, Trevrayneth, Llandeloy, Kerbytt, 
Prestarawe, Treffwycke, Asklethe Manor, or Trenewydd, Treiva, 
Lloythredy, and also the property held by frank-pledge in William- 
ston, Sutton and Treclemish. 

To meet the requirements of the law £40 in silver was 
paid by the plaintiffs to the defendants. 

At the time that the inquisition was held, Sir John's 

wife, Lady Margaret, and her daughter Frances, as well as 

Maurice Wogan and his wife, were residing at Boulston. 

Maurice is stated to have been fifty-three years of age 

when his father died, so he must have been born in 1583. 

K 2 



1 30 Old County Families of Dyfed, 

£ s, d. 

held by free and common service of the 

King's lordship of Haverfordwest . . . . 15 

Four messuages in the town and county of 
Haverfordwest, in the parish of St. Mary, in 
tlio several occupations of Thomas Uayward, 
John liarlow, Griffith Roes and Alban 
Le<mard, and certain gardens there in the 
occupation of Arnold Jones; also a rent of 
1:2^/. per annum from a messuage of the said 
Sir Thomas Canon, knt., in Ship Street, 
Uavei-fordwest, and a rent of 3/- per annum 
from a messuage of Jonkin Howell in St. 
Mary's Ward; three messuages in the town 
of Haverfordwest, occupied by Walter Webbe, 
William Williams and Arnold Thomas ; a 
rent of 1)/- from a messuage of Thomas Rymey 
in High Street, Haverfordwest; all held in 
free and commcm socage of the King's lord- 
ship of Haverfordwest . . 2 

The properties under the sub-head of "a" were, by an 
indenture dated 10th Nov. 1608, being the marriage 
settlement of Maurice Wogan (son of Sir John) with 
Frances, daughter of Sir Hugh Owen of Bodeon, Angleaey, 
and Orielton, Pembrokesliire, conveyed by Sir John and 
Frances his wife to the said Sir Hugli Owen, upon the 
following trusts: for Maurice and his wife for life and 
their first and other sons successively in tail; in default of 
such issue, for John, the second son of Sir John Wogan 
and his sons in tail, and should he have no sons then for 
his youngest brother Pet^^r in like manner. Subject to a 
life estate for Sir John, the properties under the head "6" 
were to be held on practically the same trusts as those 
under "a". As to those under "tZ" Maurice took a life 
interest subject to Sir John's life interest, otherwise the 
trusts were the same, exco2>t that Maurice's wife took no 
bencifit. It was specially stipulated, however, that the capi- 
tal messuage of Boulston and the lands in Hampton and 
Norcliard, the house and closes of Milston, and the manor 



The Wogans of Boulston. 1 3 1 

of Williamston in the parish of Harriston West, should be 
held by Lady Frances Wogan during the life of her son 
Maurice. 

The properties under "^" were, as I have already 
mentioned, settled on Sir John's second wife. As regards 
the remainder of the lands of Sir John, previously settled 
as a jointure for his wife, they were to be held in trust for 
Sir John for life, and subject to his wife's life estate upon 
the trusts in regard to "a." Other property not so settled 
was to be upon the trust in regard to ''ci". On 11th Sept. 
1609, a fine was levied, when William Wogan, knt., and 
John Owen, esq., were plaintiffs, and Sir John Wogan, knt., 
Frances his wife, and Maurice Wogan their son, described 
as of Williamston, defendants. Under it the following 
lands were re-conveyed to the custom of frank-pledge : — 

Manors, lands and tenements in Roos, Sutton and Treclemes, 
1 20 messuages, 24 tofts, 3 water mills, 1 fulling mill, 3 dovecotes, 43 
orchards, 80 gardens, 2700 acres of land, 280 acres of meadow, 1,200 
acres of pasturage, 240 acres of wood, 2,340 acres of gorse and heath, 
\<)^ acres of marsh, the Rectory of Boulston and 6/8 rent, with 
property in Sutton, Williamston Elmer, Hardstonwest, Carewe, Rob- 
beston, St. Brides, Drynehill, Camros, Woodhall, Redberston, Yeld- 
V)leete, Boulston, Norchard, Rowston, Lampeter, Rotham, Marios, 
Hill, Dale, Frogholl, Spitte, Milton, Croyshelly, Jeflfreston, Cosheston, 
St. David's, Menevy, Llathdy, Trevinyard, Ewer-y-Koed, Whitechurch 
Salvaugh, Tremainhir, Kinheried, Tregwy, Llanhowell, Cradway, 
Trevyne, Llanrian, Carnevawr, Trevrayneth, Llandeloy, Kerbytt, 
Prestarawe, Treffwycke, Asklethe Manor, or Trenewydd, Treiva, 
Lloythredy, and also the property held by frank-pledge in William- 
ston, Sutton and Treclemish. 

To meet the requirements of the law £40 in silver was 
paid by the plaintiffs to the defendants. 

At the time that the inquisition was held, Sir John's 

wife, Lady Margaret, and her daughter Frances, as well as 

Maurice Wogan and his wife, were residing at Boulston. 

Maurice is stated to have been fifty-three years of age 

when his father died, so he must have been born in 1583. 

K 2 



132 Old County Families of Dyfed. 

His marriage with Frances Owen doubtless took place 
about the year 1603, just when he was attaining his 
majority. He does not appear to have held any public 
office — a fact which is no doubt due to his having only 
survived his father by tliree years. His death occurred on 
2nd April 1640. 

According to the inquisition taken on his death he 

appears to have owned all the property held by his father, 

except the portions under the head of "gf", and in addition 

the following: — 

«. d. 

One tenement and a half canicate of land in Thurston 
held of the Lordship of Burton by knighVs ser- 
vice, the annual value being . . . . ..68 

One bovate of land in Trefdyn, held in socage 

service of the Bishop of St. David's ..26 

One tenement and one canicate of land in Burton, 
held of that lordship by knight's service, the 
annual value being . . . . . . 10 

One tenement and four acres in Milford, held of the 
lordship of Burton by knight's service, the clear 
aimual value being . . . . ..10 

One tenement and one carucate of land called 
Prontshill, held of the lordship of Burton by 
knight's service, the clear annual value being . . 10 

One messuage in WUIiamston Erven, held of the 
King's Barony of Carew by knight's service, the 
clear annual value being . . . . 10 

One messuage and two bovates of land and one 
ruined house and one parcel of waste land, held 
of the Lord of Dale in free socage, the clear 
annual value being . . . . ..26 

One messuage and one garden at Cosheston held of 
the King's manor of Cosheston by knight's ser^ 
vice, the clear annual value being ..26 

One parcel of land called Dumlinhayes, live acres 
formerly common situated in a certain close of 
Richard Philipps, Bart., called "Fursey-close** in 
the parish of Usmeston, held of Richard Philipps, 
Bai*t., by knight's service, the clear annual value 
l)eing . . ..10 



The Wogans of Boulston. 133 

d. 

One parcel of meailow lami called '"Vogen's 
Meadow," adjoining the tenement called "Ilooke" 
in the parish of Rudhaxton, containing one 
jongam of land, held of the King's manor of 
Flatherhill by knight's service, the clear annual 
value being , . . . 2 

The j)o»i mortem inquisition hpld after his death states 
that Maurice Wogan left by his will, dated 18th March 
1638, an annuity of £10 to his brother Peter, who was in 
j^ood health at the time that the inquisition was held. 
How long Frances, 
the widow of Maurice, 
resided at Boulstoti 
after her husband's 
death it is impossible 
to say. At the time 
of her death she lived 
at Philbeach,' now an 
ordinary farm house, 
tlie only old portion 
being a curious round 
chimney, shown in 
the illustration. The 
exact date of her de- 
cease is unknown, but 

her nuncupative will, From a Pholo. by F. GruH. 

under which her grandson, Lewis Wogan, was appointed 
residuary legatee, was proved in May 1659. The children 
of Maurice and Frances Wogan were : — 

(1} John Wogan, who died in 1613. (Lewis Ihinn.) 

(2) Abraham Wogan, who succeeded to the property. 

(3) Sybil Wogan, who married Beee Bowen, of 

Upton. (Dale MSS.) 




' In Marloes parish. 



1 34 Old County Families of Dyfed, 

There are very few particulars available as to Abraham, 
and although lie lived in the troublous times of the Civil 
War between King and Parliament, he appears to have taken 
no prominent part on either side. Practically, all that is 
known of him is that he was Sheriff for Pembrokeshire 
in 1618, and in 1651 there was an order from the Com- 
pounding Committee instructing him to pay over £36 he 
had received as High Sheriff from John Bowen, for a debt 
of William Phillips. Abraham married Jane, the daughter 
of Sir Lewis Mansel of Margam. The date of his death 
is also uncertain, owing to the Registers at Boulston Church 
not going back to this period, and the memorial stone 
which records that he was buried at that church omits 
this detail. He must, however, have died prior to Jan. 
1652, as his nuncupative will is proved on that date. His 
widow Jane survived some four years, as her will is 
proved in 1655. The issue of Abraham and Jane was: — 
Lewis Wogan, who must have been a minor at tlie 
time of his mother's death, as she appointed 
Mrs. Katherino Nott to be his guardian. 

Lewis is the only offspring of Abraham of whom I have 
been able to find indisputable proof, but I am inclined to 
believe that then* was another son, James, as in a fine 
levied in 165-3, a James Wogan and his wife Jane acknow- 
ledge the right of Jane Wogan, widow — evidently Jane 
the widow of Abraham — to the moi(jty of two messuages 
and 130 acres of land in Good Hooke. Now, a James 
Wogan of Good Hooko' — presumably the same peraon — 
died prior to 1681, as in that year administration of his 
effects was grantiul to his wife Ann. There must, there- 
fore, be a mistake in the namt* of his witV or else he must 
have been twice married. The inv(»ntory of his goods 

' In thu parish of Uzniti8ti)ii. 



The Wogans of Boulston, 135 

shows that the value of live stock at this period must have 
been very low, even allowing for the fact that it was made 
for probate purposes. Fourteen cows and a calf are set 
down at only £1 6 8s. ; four oxen at £6 10s. ; four horses, three 
mares and three colts at £10 2s., and nine pigs at 36s. 

Lewis Wogan, who succeeded to the Boulston estate, 
was Sheriff for Pembrokeshire in 1672, and was probably 
Mayor of Haverfordwest in 1680 ; 1 say probably, as no 
address is given in the list, and his kinsman of the same 
name at Wiston was his contemporary. Lewis married 
Katherine Phillips of the Priory, Cardigan. She was the 
daughter and heiress of James Phillips and his second 
wife, Catherine, daughter of John Fowler, a London mer- 
chant. The mother of Catherine Wogan was a celebrated 
authoress in her day, who wrote under the name of 
^'Orinda". One of her works was entitled, Letters from, 
Orinda to Poliarchus, the latter being a pseudonym for her 
friend Sir Charles Cotterell. She was, it is stated, parti- 
cularly courted in the higher circles of society, and when 
visiting Ireland, to look after her husband's affairs, she 
received much attention from the Duke of Ormond. 

Lewis Wogan died on the 25th March 1702, but 
although his wife presented him with no fewer than fif- 
teen children, only one daughter apparently survived him. 
I fortunately came across Katherine Phillips' Bible — a fine 
old book bound in velvet with silver mountings. It is 
dated mdcxxx, and on the title page is the following: — 
''Imprinted at London by Robert Barker, Printer to the 
King's most excellent Maiestie; and by the assignees of 
John Bill." The owner had made entries of the births in 
the family, of which this is a copy : — 

At Boulston. 
Katherine Wogan was borne ye 6th of September 1672, being Fry- 
day betwixt 4 & 6 of clock in the afternoon. 



I ^6 Old County Families of Dyfed. 

Edward Wogan was borne the 26th of March 1674, about 8 of 
clock in the morning?, on a Thursday. 

Jane Wogan was borne the 22nd of March 1 674-5, on Sunday, be- 
tween ten and eleaven of clock at night. 

Elizabeth Wogan was borne the 24th of Aprill 1676, being Mun- 
day, betwixt three and 4 of clock in the morning. 

Anne Wogan was bonio the 23rd of May 1 677, being Wednesday, 
about five of the clock in the afternoon. 

Francis Wogan was borne the 23rd of July 1678, being Tuesday, 
iHitwixt eight and nine of the clock at night. 

Lewis Wogan ye younger was borne November the 6th 1679, 
about two a clocke in the afternoon. 
Still borne. 

Arabella Wogan was borne of a Wednesday, the 22nd of February 
H)81-82, about eight of the clocke at night. 

Hector Wogan was borne the 1.5th of May 1683, of a Tuesday, 
between eight and nine in the morning. 

Abraham Wogan was borne the 27th of March, about three a 
clocke in the morning, on a Friday, l(>8o. 

James Wogan was borne March the 8th l(>86-7, about two of 
clocke in the afternoone, on a Tuosdav. 

Lewis Wt)gan the youngeer was borne Aprill the 19th, on a 
Thursday, between seaven and eight a clocke at night, 1688. 

Katherine Wogan was borne the 2J)th of August 1689, on a 
Thursday, a little after one of clocke in the morning. 

Lewis Wogan was borne the (ith of March 1()1X)-91, on a Fryday, 
neere eleaven a clocke at night. 

Philippa Wogan was borne the 17th day of May 1699, l)eing on 
Ascension Thursday, in the morning between six and 7 a clocke. 

Each of the above entries are separated from the other 
by a line, and underneath are the following : — 

One son dead born, February the 13th 17(X), at St. Brides. 
Rowland Laugharne was horn at St. Brides the loth of April, of 
a Tuseday, between five and six in the morning, 1701. 

I believe that the two last entries record the births of 
the children of Anne Wo^an, the daughter of Lewis^ who 
married John Laughann* of St. Brides. 

On the first fly-leaf of th(» Bible, written in ink^arethe 
initials '*K.P." and underneath, *' Katherine Wogan, her 
Bible." On tlie next page, just above the birth entries is, 
** Katherine Philips was borne ye 13th Aprill 1656, being 



The Wogans of Botdston, 



^^1 



Sunday morning, betwixt 4 & 5 of clock at ye Priory of Car- 
digan" — evidently the record of Mrs. Katherine Wogan's 
birth. With the exception of Anne, Edward Wogan 
appears to have been the only child who reached his 
majority. He was educated for the Bar, and was admitted 
to Gray's Inn on the 27th June 1694. According to the 
Tucker MSS. he married Mary, the daughter of Sir Hugh 
Owen of Orielton, but in that event he can have left no 
issue, as Lewis Wogan by his will bequeathed practically 



The fovrgrekt grandfathers 

AND 
THE FOVR GREAT GRANDMOTHERS 
OF LEWS WOGAN Of BOVLSTONES^ 
WERE AS FOLLOWETH 
SIR lOHN WOGAN OF BOVLSTON PEN 
FRANCES POLLARD OF KINGSNIMPTON DEl/DN 
SIRHVCH OWEN OT BODEON ANC 

ELIZABETH W>TOJOT OF ORlELTON,^PEM 
SIR THOMAS MANSELLOF MARGAM CLA^"* 
MARy MORDAVNT OF TVPVEV BED 
SIR. EDWARD LEWIS OF THE VAN CLA 
BLANCH MORGAN OF TREDEGAR MON 

THIS STONE WAS DVG OVT OF 
HAMPTON aVARRy ^^i^ JO J70J 
THEABOVESAID LEWIS >iyOCAN OB"" 



Inscription at Boulston Church. 
From a Drawing by F. Green. 

all his property to his daughter Anne and her husband John 
Laugharne, for their lives, with remainder to their heirs 
in tail. In default of such issue, the property was to go to 
John Wogan of Gawdy Hall in Norfolk, for life, with re- 
mainder to his sons in tail, and on failure of such issue, to 
Sir William Wogan of Gray's Inn — one of the Llanstinan 
Wogans ; next, to Thomas Wogan of Treslannog, in the 
parish of Mathry, in the same way ; then to Lewis Wogan 
of Wiston, and finally to James Wogan of Wiston. 



1 38 Old County Families of Dyfed. 

Lewis Wogan, like his great-grandfather, did his 

share towards setting on ' 

record the genealogy of tt u ^^ E 1- P 

the family. In the little ; ^X^J^^-uQ 

church of Etoulston, ^ ^'^^^QO^^u 

which stands on the bank ^ C § ^ i5 5 r^zSu 1 

of tlie river a few hun- ^t^oZSmTt?'"^ ' 

dred paces west of the pi<^n^'^(-yrf 

old manor lionse, is a ^Z5<^§'^2'^''^ 

nienioriai stone erected 5— q-^CoO 

by him in his lifetime, ^E^O^u^ijy^L- 

on which are given the /^HX'"8<lZ ' 

names of his eiglit great , '^Z'^0>q9oS ' 

grand-parents (see illus- S^S^Q?^^^ 

tration p. 1S7). This ^<3^ZQ-'2 






atone is on the south 

wall of the chancel, and ? ^ o 5 7 S ^^ 2 

underneath is the tomb 

uf Maurice, or as lie 



there described "Morris" f^I'*J<CIO"^OtiS 

Wogan and several of ux? vXvar* 

his descendants, covered ^X^D*^*^ ^ 

by a slab with an inscrip- c^y^^^-^Zu 

tiim erected by Anne, the ■'^^ S [^ Jt -^ ^ 

sole heiress of Lewis ^^Z^Q^LJlJ 

Wugan. It will be ob- E^^ouS-^o>- 

sorved th^t in the illus- ^^§^H4j2xfe 

tnition of the inscrii)- "Sn O ^ S T »J 

tion to Morris the first gg ^ ^ p 13 iJ I g 

few words have been x^ 2 -" rt 5 VJ 2 

duplicated. Presumably ■ ^O^Q^eoZ'^I 

the sculptor commenced ^S^<*^^^*^'~ 

with tlie smaller letter- iS^PS^^il!- 

mg but afterwards do- j~^ ^ 



The Wogans of Boulston, 1 39 

cidod to use a larger size. The word **Esq." over the 
first line is evidently an afterthought, either of the original 
artist or of some irresponsible person, who apparently had 
some idea of making the inscription read ''Morris Wogan, 
Esq., and Frances Wogan n\ia» Owen". 

Boulston church, as will be seen from the illustration, 
which shews the north side of the edifice, is a very plain 
structure and is badly in need of repair. It was last re- 
stored in 1818 by Col. Ackland, but it is now many years 
since services have been held there. It contains twelve 
pews, four of which are marked ''free". The others bear the 
names of the different residences in the parish. Four are 
appropriated to Boulston mansion and farm, and one each 
to "Hanton", "Norchard" and "Eose in Green". In the 
north pillar of the arch dividing the nave from the chancel 
is a fireplace.^ 

Anne Wogan married John Laugharne of St. Brides, 
th(» grandson of Rowland Laugharne, the Parliamentary 
Major-General, on the 26th December 1698, and she 
erected the tombstone to her father in Boulston church 
represented in the illustration. It is interesting to note 
that Lewis Wogan by his will bequeathed to the minister 
of Boulston church the tithes of Boulston. Unless the 
two entries in the Wogan Bible, to which I have referred, 
relate to the children of Anne and John Laugharne, there 
could have been no issue from the marriage ; in any 
event none survived the mother, as by her will she 
somewhat unnecessarily bequeathed all her property (ex- 
cept those lands purchased by her father in Haskard 
and her husband's property), to John Wogan of Gawdy 
Hall for his life, with remainder to his sons in tail. 

' Since thii abovo was in typo Boulston cluirch has onco more 
l)oeu repaired, and re-opened for public services, after an interval of 
nineteen years. 



1 40 Old County Families of Dyfed, 

Her will was proved in 1715. The exact relationship of 
Anne Laugharne to John Wogan of Gawdy Hall, who came 
into the estate, I have been unable to ascertain. In the 
draft of a case for counsel in regard to the title of the farm 
of Glandovem in Kilgerran, he is described as the cousin 
of Anne Laugharne, but the term "cousin" is somewhat 
elastic in Wales. If he had been a first cousin he would 
have been a brother of Lewis Wogan, yet Lewis in his will 
describes him as "my kinsman". It may have been that 
he was the son of Maurice Wogan, but on the other hand 
I have found no evidence of Maurice having any other 
children than the three mentioned above. The most pro- 
bable theory is that he was either the son of John, the 
second brother of Maurice, or else he was John, the son of 
Rees Wogan of Llanstinan, and therefore the grandson of 
Sir John Wogan of Boulston and Jane the daughter of 
Richard Wogan of Wiston. However this may have been, 
it is evident that the owner of (lawdy Hall was most closely 
allied to the possessor of Boulston, as in the order of suc- 
cession in Lewis's will the Llanstinan branch, which was 
more nearly related, was preferred to those of Wiston. 

At first sight it appears strange that a Pembrokeshire 
scion should suddenly appear as tlie owner of a considerable 
estate in Norfolk, but the explanation is simple. It was 
merely that a Welshman adopt<?d the old Norman principle 
in Wales and married a Norfolk heiress. Gawdy Hall had 
long been in the possession of the Gawdys. According to 
Blometield's Topographical irUtory of Norfolk, published in 
180G, the estate was held in liy'^yS by Sir Thomas Gawdie, 
knight, and it was mortgaged by Charles Gawdie to Tobias 
Frere, who afterwards purcluised it. There is little doubt 
that in the main this account is correct. 

Through the courtesy of Mr. John Sancroft Holmes, 
the present owner of Gawdy Hall and a lineal descendant 



The Wogans of Boulston, 1 4 1 

of the Wogans of Boulston, I was allowed access to his old 
records and rolls of the manors which belonged to Sir 
Thomas Gawdy and afterwards to Tobias Frere. From 
them I ascertained that the last mention of a Gawdy as 
Lord of Redenhall Manor was in 1649, at which date 
Tobias Frere was Steward. It is stated in Redenhall 
Parish Accounts by Mr. Candler of Harleston, that this 
Tobias Frere was an attorney of good means. In 1654 he 
was a J.P., Sequestrator and M.P. for Norfolk. He died 
in 1655, leaving a widow Susanna, and a son Tobias. 
In 1649 Frere is mentioned as Steward of Hawker's Manor, 
and from 1666 to 1672 Sarah Frere was Lady of that 
manor, and John Wogan's first Court was held in 1672. 

In 1656 there is an entry in the rolls of Witchington of 
the admission of Tobias Frere, junior, to the copyhold 
lands held by his father of that manor, which the latter 
had inherited from his brother Richard Frere. Tobias 
Frere, junior, married Sarah Longe, the daughter, according 
to Burke's History of Commoners^ of Robert Longe of 
Foulden, who was Sheriff of Norfolk in 1844. From this 
marriage there were two children, a son Tobias, and a 
daughter Elizabeth, both of whom died in childhood. 
Their father died in Oct. 1666, and their mother, who 
appears to have come in for the property, subsequently 
married John Wogan, the "kinsman" of Lewis Wogan of 
Boulston. The marriage was by license, which is dated 
31 Dec. 1667, and this document shows that the bride and 
bridegroom were then resident in Covent Garden, London. 
The license authorised the ceremony to take place either in 
St. Dunstan's in the West or St. Clement's le Danes in the 
Strand, and it states that Mrs. Sarah Frere was a widow of 
about 28 years of age. John Wogan is described as a 
bachelor of about 35, and it is therefore evident that he 
could not have been the brother of Maurice Wogan of 



142 Old Cotiftty Families of Dyfed. 

Boulston, though he iniglit have been his nephew. The 
Rolls of Hawker's Manor confirm this descent, for they 
show that in 1656 Susanna Frere was Lady of the Manor ; 
in 1657 her son, Tobias, was Lord, and in 1666 his wife 
Sarah was Lady. From the union with Sarah Frere John 
Wogan had two children : — 

(1) John Wogan, who was baptised at Bedenhall 

church in 1668. 

(2) Walter Wogan. 

Whether the Freres ever owned the Manor of Reden- 
hall seems questionable. A Court was held in 1659 by 
Robert Bransby the Steward, under Letters Patent from 
William Gawdy, "late lord of the manor", but from 1660 
until 1664 James Hobart is mentioned as the Lord, 
and it was not till 1678 that John Wogan figured in that 
position. Presumably William Gawdy sold the Manor to 
Hobart, who in turn resold, in 1 ^^\^ either to the Freres or 
to John Wogan himself. Mrs. Sarah Wogan died in 1684, 
and was buried at Redenhall. Her husband survived until 
about 1707, in which year his will was proved. John, tlie 
eldest son, was brought up to the Bar and was admitted to 
Gray's Inn on 1 1th Feb. 1686. He "married in 1706 Eliz- 
abeth Sancrof t, the niece of the celebrated Archbishop of 
Canterbury of that name, and it appears from the will of 
his father that provision was made for him and his brother 
Walter in the settlement made on that occasion. It is in- 
teresting to note that under the will it was provided that 
in the event of neither of the brothers having children, the 
manors of Hawker, R<Hlenhall, Holbrooke, Coldham, as 
well as Gawdy Hall, and other lands in Norfolk, would 
have gone to the heirs male of Walti^r Cuny of Pembroke. 
This Walter Cuny was a relative of the Wogans of Gawdy 
Hall — althoujTfh in what degrees I have been unable to dis- 
cover — as John Wogan, the second of that name at Gawdy 



The Wogans of Boulston. 143 

Hall, describes Richard Cuny of Perdbroke, no doubt the 
son of Walter, as his "trusty friend and kinsman", and 
appointed him trustee of the estates in Pembrokeshire 
until liis son John Wogan came of age. Elizabeth Bancroft 
died in 1 755, having survived her husband John Wogan by 
several years. Their children were : — 

(1) John Wogan, who was baptized in 1713, and 

succeeded to the property. 

(2) Sarah Wogan, who was baptized in 1729, and 

married the Rev. Gervas Holmes, vicar of 
Fressingfield in Suffolk. 

(3) Elizabeth Wogan, who died unmarried in 1728, 

at the age of 18. 

Under the will of their father, Sarah and Elizabeth 
were each left £1000 and lands in Fressingfield and Crat- 
field, while Walter, the testator's brother, was given £40. 
Walter Wogan must, therefore, have been alive at this 
date, but this is the last mention I have found of him. 

John Wogan, the third of Gawdy Hall, married his cou- 
sin Elizabeth, the daughter of William Sancroft of Suffolk, 
and Catherine, the daughter of Sir John Hynde Cotton, of 
Madingley, Cambridge, Receiver for that town. She was 
ultimately the sole heiress of Francis Sancroft, the grand- 
nephew of the Archbishop. The marriage took place at 
Gray's Inn Chapel in 1 735, to which Inn the bridegroom had 
been admitted a member in February 1687. The issue 
of this marriage was two children — John and Elizabeth. 
The latter died unmarried in 1773. Her brother John 
was admitted to the Inner Temple as a student in April 
1757, but there is no record of his ever having been called. 
He died a bachelor in 1763, in his father's lifetime, who was 
thus the last male Wogan of Bonis ton and Gawdy Hall. 
It was probably on this account that he resolved to sell the 
Pembrokeshire property. An attempt was made with this 



1 44 Old County Families of Dyfcd. 

view in 1773 by private contract, but, for reasons to which 
I will refer, it was several years before a sale could be 
effected, the eventual purchaser being Col. Robert Innes 
Ackland, who built the present mansion on the hill. 

The particulars of sale which were prepared in the 
earlier year are distinctly interesting, as they show not 
only the acreage and value of the different lots, but also 
details of the outgoings on the property. The estate con- 
tained 4,750a. 2r. 27p., and the aggregate rents, exclusive 
of the collieries which were then being worked by the 
owner, and quit rents amounting to 34«. per annum, were 
£701 188. Od. This rental it was estimated could be 
raised, presumably on the expiration of the leases, to 
£1,445 10s. Od. The difficulty in the way of sale was the 
appearance of a claimant for the property in the person of 
Elizabeth Warlow, a widow of about 65 years of age, who 
lived at Trefgame in Pembrokeshire. Her maiden name 
was Pritchard, and a certain David Hughes, who had been 
inquiring into the matter, was of opinion that she was a 
niece of a Roger Pritchard to whom Mr. Wogan had given 
an annuity of £4. This lady claimed to be the heir at law 
of Mr. Wogan, presumably the father of the then owner, 
and by way of protecting her alleged rights published 
advertisements warning purchasers against paying over any 
money to the vendor. It is difficult to understand what 
claim she could have had, but she certainly frightened off 
buyers for the time. Mr. Hughes, for instance, says that 
her advertisements ^'damped the sale, and particularly to 
the Scotchman lately sent into this county to view the 
estate". In regard to John Wogan's estates in Redenhall 
and Wortwell in Norfolk, an old valuation taken in 1779, 
the year after his death, shows that the acreage was 
764a. 2r. 35p., the annual rent being £562 28. Od. The 
timber on the property was valued about three years 



The Wogans of Boulston. 145 

previously at over £10,000, exclusive of a large number of 
young ash and oak. Since that date, however, a portion 
of it had been cut down. 

I have found no record showing when the old Manor 
House at Boulston was built. All that is left of it now are 
the few ruins shown in the illustrations. Standing close 
to the bank of the western arm of the river Cleddau — the 
high tides admit of small boats being brought right up to 
the walls — it is easy to realise that the owners in days 
gone by might be tempted to try and evade the ganger. 
Overgrown as the site is by trees and briars it is almost 
impossible to form any idea as to the different apartments. 
One or two vaults remain, and appearances indicate that 
the ground floor, if one may so describe it, stood over 
vaulted cellars. A good deal of the stone has been carried 
away and used probably for the erection of the present 
mansion by Colonel Ackland. The walls of the tower 
shown in the small illustration are three feet thick. The 
house would appear to have been one of the old castellated 
residences in Pembrokeshire which were capable of defence, 
and this seems the more likely as there are traces of a 
small moat to the north and east of the ruins. Fenton, 
in his History of PembroJceshire, written in 1810, says that 
the Manor House had been uninhabited for one hundred 
and fifty years, but this is clearly an exaggeration, as the 
entries in the Wogan Bible show that the youngest of 
Lewis Wogan 's children was born there in 1699. It is prob- 
able that it was after the death of Lewis Wogan that the 
house was deserted. Anne Laugharne, his daughter, 
seems never to have lived there after her marriage, and at 
the date of her death resided at St. Bride's. 

John Wogan, the last of that name at Gawdy Hall, 
died on 31st May 1778, aged 65, and by his will directed 
all his estates to be sold and the proceeds invested. The 



1 46 Old County Families of Dyfed, 

interest from the investments from the Norfolk property 
was, subject to Mrs. Wogan's life interest, allotted to his 
nephew Gervas Holmes and his children; and that from 
the personalty and from the other properties was be- 
queathed to the testator's widow during her widowhood, 
and after her death the principal, subject to £10,000 left 
to Gervas Holmes and his children and a legacy to the 
testator's sister-in-law Catherine Bancroft, was bequeathed 
to the children of Sir John Hynde Cotton. After the 
death of her husband, Mrs. Elizabeth Wogan lived at 
Wimpole Street in London. She died on 25th Jan. 1788, 
and by her will left all her real estate to the children of 
Sir John Hynde Cotton. By a codicil she directed £800 
to be expended on a marble monument in Bedenhali 
church to the memory of her husband and herself; and 
also left £100 to be invested, and the interest to be 
applied to keep the monument, and that of Arch- 
bishop Sancroft in the churchyard in Fressingfield, in 
repair. The monument in Redenhall church was duly 
erected and still stands in the Gawdy Chapel at 
Redenhall. 

The Rev. Gervas Holmes, who married Sarah Wogan, 
died on 28th June 1776, aged 80, and his wife on the 17th 
May 1764, aged 55. Their son, the Rev. Gervas HolmeB, 
who on the death of his uncle John Wogan came into 
Gawdy Hall, died in 1796. He married Rebecca Grim- 
wood of Dedham, Essex, who died in 1817, aged 78. 
They had the following children : — 

(1) John Holmes, who married Anne, the daughter 

of Rev. William Whitear of Ore, Sussex, 
and succeeded to Gawdy Hall on the death 
of his father. 

(2) Rev. Gervas Holmes, the Rector of Copford, 

Essex, 



B 



C.AWDV Hall, Norkolk -From V\t:\ 







G,uvi>Y Ham. -Swrn 



The Wogans of Boulston. 147 

(3) Rebecca Holmes, who married Rev. William 
Whitear, Rector of Starston. 

John Holmes, the eldest son, was vicar of Flixton, and 
died in 1831. His eldest son, William Bancroft Holmes, 
married in 1840 Hester Elizabeth Gilbert, youngest 
daughter of Mr. Davies Gilbert, President of the Royal 
Society and M.P., of Eastbourne and Tredrea in Cornwall. 
Mr. William Bancroft Holmes died in 1849, and was suc- 
ceeded by his son Mr. John Bancroft Holmes, the present 
owner of Gawdy Hall. This gentleman was bom in 1847, 
and in 1877 married Edith Kingscote, the youngest 
daughter of Mr. Henry Kingscote of Kingscote in Glou- 
cestershire. 

Some idea of the appearance of Gawdy Hall will be 
obtained from the illustrations. The house, which is 
Elizabethan in character, is in the shape of an "L". The 
structure was built of brick and subsequently covered with 
stucco, but it had suffered so much from the ravages of 
time that the present owner had it faced with new bricks. 
The wing to the right of the front door is, with slight 
exception, exactly as it originally stood, the muUion win- 
dows being about ten feet from the ground. The main 
portion of the house had at one time a much steeper roof, 
under which was another storey of apartments, but Mr. 
Gervas Holmes, the first owner of that name, finding the 
accommodation too large for his requirements, lowered the 
pitch when he reduced the size of the house. The porch 
is of recent date, but the coat of arms of the Wogans over 
the porch door is of the Wogan period. The date of the 
erection of Gawdy Hall is uncertain, but it is evident that 
the original Hall was built nearly 350 years ago. This is 
proved by an interesting old Black Letter work in Mr. 
Holmes's possession entitled. Histories of the Worthy Ghrono- 

graphevy Polybivs^ by Christopher Watson, published in 

L 2 



148 Old County Families of Dyfed. 

1568, and dedicated to Thomas Gawdy, Esq., in which the 
following statements on different pages appear: — "From 
my chamber in your house at Gawdy Hall"; "From Grawdy 
HaU in Norfolk." 

The front door opens into a fine large hall originally 
floored with flag stones, but since replaced with oak. The 
west or garden front of the Hall is ascribed, as well as the 
panelling of the hall and other rooms, to the first John 
Wogan. To him also is assigned the alteration of the 
direction of the moat which bounds the flower garden at 
the west side of the house. It appears from an old map 
that at one period the moat existed on three sides of the 
Hall. When John Wogan came into possession he ex- 
tended and altered it so as to give it the appearance of a 
river. On the wall of the house overlooking the garden 
is the coat of arms of Archbishop Bancroft, removed to the 
Hall when the old Harleston Chapel, which he restored^ 
was taken down. Many years since, when the tapestry in 
the present billiard room was removed, a beautiful " Star" 
watch of the 17th century was found, the covers, inside 
and out, being engraved with biblical scenes, while the 
edges of tlie points of the star are decorated with engrav- 
ings of wild animals. 

One of the illustrations before referred to shows the 
front of Gawdy Hall, and the other the view from the 
stables. In the latter can be seen the two old chimneys 
which now have no connection with the heating arrange- 
ments of the house, but have been left standing as a relic 
of former days. They are quite plain in appearance, but 
Mr. Holmes believes that originally they had tall orna- 
mented tops. 

I have now traced the descent of the direct line of the 
Wogans of Boulston down to the present day, and I trust 
at not so great a length as to weary the readers of 



The Wogans of Boulston. 1 49 

Y Gymmrodor. Before concluding, however, I must tender 
my thanks to the Clergy both in England and Wales, 
and others, who have not only kindly assisted me with 
information, but have freely afforded me access to their 
records. 



(Sity>imB. 



WALES. By Owen M. Edwards, Fellow of Linooln OoUoge 
Oxford. (The Story of the Nations.) London : T. Fiflihar 
Unwin, 1901. 



The rapidity with which the first edition of Mr. Owen 
Edwards's "Story of Wales" has been exhausted is 
evidence not only of the need of such a work but also of 
the singular charm and fascination of the narrative. Mr. 
Edwards brings to the task many qualities which are 
essential to success in such an undertaking. His know- 
ledge of Welsh life, literature, and story is wide, if not 
profound; he has a keen eye for the picturesque and the 
dramatic; his style is at once lucid and graceful. He has 
woven into a connected and consistent drama the varying 
fortunes of the Cymry: for the first time he has shown 
how "the story of AVales" acted and re-acted upon the 
story of England. It is his special merit that he has made 
intelligible the obscure policy of the mediaeval princes by 
reference to what was taking place in England. So sure 
is the touch, so attractive is the manner, so clear and con- 
densed is the narrative, that the reader is carried on, in 
spite of himself, till the close of the stirring drama, before 
he begins to criticise the piece. It is only on a second 
perusal, when the novelty and charm of the literary worjc- 
manship have worn oft*, that its defects come to be noted^ 
and if we dwell somewhat minutely upon them, it is, we 
hasten to add, in no captious spirit and with no grudging 
acknowledgment of the sterling merits of Mr. Edwards's 
work. 



Reviews, 153 

was looked back to as a reign of peace and of wonderful 
prosperity" (p. 40). Howel reigned for forty years and 
died in peace. He left behind him the noblest monument 
of ancient Welsh civilisation. Llewelyn won his throne 
by the sword : he died by the sword (a fact glossed over 
on p. 41) after a troubled reign. Or take again Mr. 
Edwards's estimate of the two great allies and contempo- 
raries — Griffith ap Cynan and Griffith ap Rhys. The 
latter, we are told, "was strong on account of his alliance 
with Griffith ap Cynan, whose daughter Gwenllian he had 
married" (p. 78). The Prince of South Wales was strong 
because he was one of the most consummate statesmen of 
his time, cautious in peace, and resolute in war. His 
alliance with Gwynedd added to his strength, as it did to 
the power of his father-in-law. It was twice blessed. 

Similarly, this cardinal error has forced Mr. Edwards 
to take two entirely inconsistent views of the other Princes 
of Wales. Those who resisted the claims of Gwynedd 
were either right or wrong. Those who did so success- 
fully, such as the Lord Rhys, are praised ; those who 
failed, like Rhys ap Meredith, are called traitors. Thus 
Gwenwynwyn of Powys is at one time "tortuous" (p. 128), 
at another time "far-sighted" (p. 133). Again, Owen 
Goch, the eldest son of Griffith, and his brother Davydd — 
who had as good a claim to the crown of Gwynedd as 
Llewelyn — are said to have "revolted" against their 
brother (p. 160). In fact, they were only maintaining 
what appeared to themselves and their contemporaries, 
as well as to posterity, to be their hereditary rights. 

Indeed, one of the greatest blots on Mr. Edwards's 
work is his comparative ignorance of the history, person- 
alities, and topography of South Wales. To him the 
history of Gwynedd is the history of Wales. Dyved and 
Powys, Gwent and Morganwg, only become important as 



T 5 2 Reviews, 

In describing, for instance, the Laws of Howel, Mr. 
Edwards says (p. 37): — 

**Most important was the king of Gwynedd, in his court 
at AberfFraw, to him alone was gold paid as a fine for treason: 
then came the king of South Wales in his court at Dynevor ; 
then the king of Powys, in his court at Mathraval." 

Mr. Edwards is reading into the Laws of Howel some- 
thing which is not there, or which was added at a much 
later period than the 10th century. The Dimetian Code 
places the King of Dynevor exactly on an equality with 
the King of A.berflfraw, and as for the fine for treason, it is 
expressly said 

" Ny thelir eur nam3rn yvrenhin Dineuur neu yvrehin 
Aberffraw." — (Owens Atwient Laics of IVales^ vol. i, p. 348.) 

Dyved, in the days of Howel, and again in the days of 
the Lord Rhys, Powys in the days of Bleddyn, came 
to be regarded as the sovereign Welsh state. Exactly as 
in the days of the Heptarchy the supremacy changed 
from Northumbria to Mereia, or from Mercia to Wessex, 
so the Welsh states varied in relative importance and 
dignity from time to time. When Dyved was powerful 
we find its Prince building a castle on the Dovey, and even 
seizing Merioneth ; when Gwynedd was triumphant it ex- 
tended its sovereignty almost to the Teivy. If Griffith ap 
Cynan was "the sovereign and protector and peacemaker 
of all Wales", the Lord Rhys was " the head and the shield 
and the strength of the South and of all Wales" (p. 102). 

This unfortunate provincial prejudice has, all uncon- 
sciously, vitiated Mr. Edwards's judgment in his estimate 
of the personal forces in Welsh history. "The Welsh 
lawgiver was not a groat king; he was Howell, son of 
Cadell, and he ruled with his brother in Dyved" (p. 86). 
" Llewelyn (ab Seisyll) became king of Wales. He lived 
in Gwynedd, and had a well-organised army. His reign 



'h 



Reviews, 153 

was looked back to as a reign of peace and of wonderful 
prosperity" (p. 40). Howel reigned for forty years and 
died in peace. He left behind him the noblest monument 
of ancient Welsh civilisation. Llewelyn won his throne 
by the sword : he died by the sword (a fact glossed over 
on p. 41) after a troubled reign. Or take again Mr. 
Edwards's estimate of the two great allies and contempo- 
raries — Griffith ap Cynan and Griffith ap Rhys. The 
latter, we are told, "was strong on account of his alliance 
with Griffith ap Cynan, whose daughter Gwenllian he had 
married" (p. 78). The Prince of South Wales was strong 
because he was one of the most consummate statesmen of 
his time, cautious in peace, and resolute in war. His 
alliance with Gwynedd added to his strength, as it did to 
the power of his father-in-law. It was twice blessed. 

Similarly, this cardinal error has forced Mr. Edwards 
to take two entirely inconsistent views of the other Princes 
of Wales. Those who resisted the claims of Gwynedd 
were either right or wrong. Those who did so success- 
fully, such as the Lord Rhys, are praised ; those who 
failed, like Rhys ap Meredith, are called traitors. Thus 
Gwenwynwyn of Powys is at one time "tortuous" (p. 128), 
at another time "far-sighted" (p. 133). Again, Owen 
Goch, the eldest son of Griffith, and his brother Davydd — 
who had as good a claim to the crown of Gwynedd as 
Llewelyn — are said to have "revolted" against their 
brother (p. 160). In fact, they were only maintaining 
what appeared to themselves and their contemporaries, 
as well as to posterity, to be their hereditary rights. 

Indeed, one of the greatest blots on Mr. Edwards's 
work is his comparative ignorance of the history, person- 
alities, and topography of South Wales. To him the 
history of Gwynedd is the history of Wales. Dyved and 
Powys, Gwent and Morganwg, only become important as 



1 54 Reviews. 

and when they affect directly the fortunes of Gwynedd ; 
the latter two are hardly ever mentioned, and their history 
is left in complete obscurity. The personalities of the 
various Rhyses, Maelgwns, and Merediths of the princely 
Kne of Dyved are so confused that it is impossible to read 
into the chaotic mass of details any meaning or order. 
Mr. Edwards himself does not seem to be clear as to the 
identity of the different princes. Maelgwn ap Rhys, for 
example, is represented (on p. 129) as having "fled from 
Aberystwyth " before Llewelyn ap lorwerth, and as 
^'anxious" to get Ceredigion and Tstrad Towy by the 
help of the English king, and in despite of the Welsh 
prince; on p. 140 he is described as the man whom 
Llewelyn ^^had always trusted and to whom he gave the 
most important castles of the south". No attempt has 
been made to show the relationship of the various mem- 
bers of the Houses of Powys, Dyved, and Glamorgan, 
though that relationship exercised great influence on con- 
temporary Welsh politics and would explain much of the 
"tortuous" policy of Gwenwynwyn and the "treachery" 
of Rhys ap Meredith. 

In his opening chapter Mr. Edwards emphasises per- 
haps with too pontifical a dogmatism the influence of 
geography on the history and development of a people. It 
was natural to expect therefore that Mr. Edwards would 
pay minute attention to the geography even of South 
Wales. This he has not done. Nothing could be more 
inaccurate than the description (on p. 7) of the "Vale of 
Towy, which lay beneath the southern Plinlimmon range, 
or the wavy lowlands of the Vale of Glamorgan, upon 
which the princes of the Black Mountains looked down." 
The princes of the Black Mountains looked down on the 
upper i>art of tin* Vale of Towy, but by no stretch of 
imagination can they be said to have looked down on the 



Reviews. 155 

Garden of Wales. Mr. Edwards, however, seems to think 
— which is only natural if one looks at Wales from the 
standpoint of a Northern Welshman — that Carmarthen is 
"the lower Plinlimmon range" (p. 14), while Gwent and 
Morganwg are "the Black Mountain district" (p. 15 and 
p. 17). It is quite erroneous to describe Llandovery as 
being " in the centre of the Vale" of Towy (p. 77), or to 
say that the castle of Llandovery is " lower down in the 
valley of the Towy" than Dynevor (p. 210). Dynevor is the 
centre, and Llandovery is twelve miles higher up the valley. 
On p. 283 Mr. Edwards couples "Caerphilly and Neath" 
together, as if they were not divided by nearly the whole 
breadth of Glamorgan. Henry Tudor did not "follow the 
Teivy" on his way to Bosworth from Milford, but passed 
along the sea-coast through Llanarth (p. 300). A graver 
inaccuracy is contained in the assertion that " Cardigan- 
shire, with its definite geographical unity mirrored in the 
strongly-marked characteristics of its people, is the old 
Ceredigion" (p. 318). The old Ceredigion was something 
quite different from the modern county. To this day the 
people of South Cardigan — from the river Wyre near 
Llanon to the river Teivy — speak substantially the same 
dialect as is in use in Carmarthenshire north of the Towy. 
The people of North Cardiganshire not only speak a 
different dialect, but their origin has recently been traced 
from the Brythonic tribe which followed Cunedda from 
the North in the 5th century. 

The hegemony of Gwynedd among the Welsh states 
was not finally recognised before the days of Llewelyn the 
Great. It is possible to feel all the admiration which Mr. 
Edwards expresses for the greatest of Welsh princes 
without being unfair to his ill-fated grandson, Llewelyn the 
Last. At one time Mr. Edwards is inclined to blame the 
last Prince for deliberately invoking the just wrath of the 



156 Reviews. 

English king by departing from his grandfather's safe and 
strong policy. Llewelyn ap lorwerth is said, quite truly, 
to have striven for a united and semi-independent Wales, 
acknowledging the feudal suzerainty of England, but 
retaining a full measure of local and national indepen- 
dence, under the supremacy of Gwynedd. But "the 
policy of allegiance died with the childless Davydd : the 
idea of independence was transmitted by the unfortunate 
Griffith as an impossible task to his son Llewelyn" 
(p. 150). Yet we are told, a few pages later, that 
" Llewelyn (ap Griffith) and Edward (of England) may be 
said to have the same final aim — the subjection of chief 
and baron to the prince, who was to owe allegiance to the 
king of England. It was the ideal of Llewelyn the 
Great — the reconciliation of Welsh independence with 
British unity" (p. 160). Still later it is said that 
^* Llewelyn's policy presupposed the independence of 
Wales" (p. 172) : yet, after the disastrous peace of 1277, 
Mr. Edwards concludes that " Llewelyn was resigned to 
his lot. But peace, even in the fastnesses of Snowdon, or 
the sea-girt security of Mon was impossible" (p. 181). 
Truth to tell, Mr. Edwards's trick of generalising about 
the character and policy of a prince lands him in hopeless 
inconsistencies and contradictions. It may be doubted 
whether either of the two Llewelyns started with a clear 
and defined policy. That was not the custom of the age; 
certainly it was impossible for a Welsh prince who had to 
trim his sails to every shifting wind of policy. Llewelyn 
the Great moved cautiously. He was a wary diplomatist 
and a born soldier. He was fortunate in his age and his 
opponents. The Lord Rhys, his only rival in Wales, died 
when he was still young. King John, with a hostile 
baronage, an alienated Church, an oppressed people, and 
foreign enemies on English soil, was no match for the 



H ' 



Reviews. 157 

resolute Welshman. The long minority and the weak 
character of Henry III made Llewelyn the most powerful 
vassal in the kingdom. Far different was the fate of his 
grandson. Llewelyn the Last displayed as much genius 
in war, and as much adroitness in diplomacy, as his grand- 
father had done. He won the throne of Gwynedd from 
powerful rivals while still in extreme youth. He used the 
civil dissensions which distracted England between 1257 
and 1267 with consummate skill, and in spite of the 
disastrous defeat of his baronial allies at Evesham, peace 
left him almost as supreme in Wales as ever his grand- 
father had been. The settlement of 1267, which he con- 
cluded when he was in the heyday of his vigorous man- 
hood and at the zenith of his power, showed that he had 
as true a conception of the place of Wales in the British 
economy, and as nice a judgment of what was possible for 
Wales to achieve, as ever his grand-father had. The last 
Prince should be judged by the 1267 settlement, when he 
was in a position to have a real voice in directing the 
destinies of the Principality. For ten more years he 
reigned in peace. But a stern and ambitious King had in 
1272 succeeded to the English throne. Edward the First 
has been called " the greatest of the Plantaganets"; he 
was a master of the art of war, and he was besides a great 
constructive statesman. He was burning to avenge the 
humiliations which his father and he had undergone at the 
hands of the Welsh prince. His ambition was to bring 
the whole of Britain directly under the English Crown. 
He would leave no shred of independence either to Wales 
or to Scotland. He was in the prime of early manhood ; 
Llewelyn was close upon fifty, already worn by twenty-five 
years of restless toil and the unsleeping anxieties of an 
insecure throne. The Welsh prince was under no delu- 
sion as to the result of a conflict with Edward. He tried 



158 Reviews, 

to stave off the evil day by making a humiliating peace in 
1277. But, as Mr. Edwards points out, peace was impos- 
sible while the Welsh prince possessed a semblance of 
independence. Step by step Edward rutlilessly drove him 
to a hopeless war. The death of his wife Eleanor destroyed 
Llewelyn's last vestige of indecision. He determined to 
make one last desperate fight for freedom. He rose 
suddenly in 1282; he delivered a rapid succession of 
staggering blows to Edward's power. Mr. Edwards does 
scant justice to Llewelyn's heroic prowess in his last great 
struggle. The defeat and death of Luke de Tany — a 
reverse which disarranged all Edward's plans and caused 
him to remain for months inactive at Bhuddlan — ^is dis- 
missed in a sentence, and the name of the fiery Lord 
Marcher is not even mentioned (p. 187). Gloucester and 
Mortimer are said to have defeated Griffith ap Meredith 
and Rhys ap Maelgwn at Llandilo, whereas in fact the 
southern Welsh gained a decisive victory over the enemy 
(p. 188). Nor is anything said of the marvellous way in 
which Llewelyn raised South Wales by the sheer mag- 
netism of his personality, though the castles were in the 
hands of the English, and the chiefs were almost invari- 
ably hostile. When one reads the account given by Mr. 
J. E. Morris, in his Welsh Wars of Edward J, of Llewelyn's 
stupendous activity during the last few months of his life, 
of Edward's difficulties, and of Llewelyn's unbroken series 
of successes, it is hard to avoid the conclusion that but 
for his untoward death — which was the result of the merest 
accident — he might have still, in some measure, retrieved 
his fortunes, and preserved, at least in part, the indepen- 
dence of Gwynedd. 

We cannot help feeling that Mr. Edwards would have 
written very differently of the Conquest of Wales if he 
had had the opportunity of reading Mr, Morris's careful 



Reviews. 1 59 

work. He would have known, for instance, that Criccieth 
and Harlech Castles were not built bj Edward (p. 201), 
but were old Welsh castles which he enlarged and 
strengthened ; and he would have known that the 
manoeuvre at Conwaj, repeated shortly after at Orewin- 
bridge, and subsequently imitated by Edward at Falkirk, 
was due not to the Earl of Warwick but to John Giffard. 
He would have understood the true significance of 
Edward's visit to Glamorgan, and his arbitration between 
the Earls of Hereford and Gloucester (p. 209). He would 
also, we believe, have seen reason to temper some of his 
criticisms of the policy of the South Wales princes. It is 
absurd, for instance, to speak of Rhys ap Meredith as one 
" who had betrayed Llewelyn '' (p. 207). Tn 1267 Meredith 
had been exempted from any obligation to do homage to 
Llewelyn (p. 171) ; in 1277 his son Rhys had risen with 
Llewelyn. The Prince of Gwynedd gave him no help; 
probably, as Mr. Edwards says, '^no help was possible 
from Llewelyn" (p. 178). Rhys had to surrender, and his 
castles were garrisoned either by English troops or Welsh 
friendlies. It would be as correct to speak of Llewelyn 
'^betraying" Rhys in 1277, as of Rhys "betraying'* 
Llewelyn five years after. As a matter of fact, though 
Llewelyn in 1282 incorporated in his schedule of complaints 
against Edward charges of oppression in South Wales, 
Mr. Morris has shown that Llewelyn probably did so on 
his own initiative. Llewelyn rose in 1 282 because of the 
oppression of the Perveddwlad, and without consultation 
with the princes of South Wales. The marvel is, not that 
he received so little but that he obtained so much support 
from South Wales. The most extraordinary phenomenon 
in Welsh history is the way in which the men of South 
Wales have always, irrespective of the wishes of their 
immediate chiefs, responded to the call of a national 



1 60 Reviews. 

leader, whether he was an upstart like Griffith ap Llewelyn, 
or princes of Gwynedd like Griffith ap Cynan and the two 
Llewelyns, or a simple squire like Owen Glendower. 

It is also incredible, in view of the figures laboriously 
worked out by Mr. Morris, that Mr. Edwards's estimate 
of the strength of Llewelyn's army — 30,000 footmen and 
500 mail-clad horsemen — should be correct (p. 165). We 
greatly question if Llewelyn ever had to " keep in the field 
for weeks together" a fifth part of the number. " Skill 
in archery", says Mr. Edwards, "was universal in Wales" 
(p. 237). Mr. Morris has shown that the long-bow was 
the weapon of South Wales, and more especially of Gwent, 
and that the national weapon of North Wales was the 
spear. The long-bow "failed to preserve the independence 
of Wales" (p. 217), because the men of Gwent, who were 
its most skilful professors, fought with Edward against 
Llewelyii to the bitter end. 

It would be unfair, perhaps, to blame Mr. Edwards for 
his inaccurate references to Owen of Wales, though his 
true story was unfolded several months before the publi- 
cation of the book by Mr. Edward Owen in the Transdc-- 
tions of the Gymmr odor ion Society. But there is no excuse 
for speaking of Davydd as " the last prince of Wales " 
(p. 192), or of Edmund Mortimer as " the next heir to the 
Welsh Crown" (p. 205), at a time when Owen Goch and 
Rhodri, Llewelyn's brothers, and his daughter Gwenllian 
(as Mr. Edwards mentions on p. 214), were alive. 

Perhaps the most delightful part of Mr. Edwards's 
book is that which deals with the "Story of Wales" from 
the Conquest to Tudor times. He is at home in the period, 
and he does not therefore overload his narrative with dry 
and pointless detail. Few have written with such grace 
and knowledge, with such insight and charm of the twi- 
light of the days of chivalry. His treatment of the reign 



Reviews, 1 6 1 

of Edward II will not commend itself to English his- 
torians, but it is none the less a striking and suggestive 
contribution to the history of that unhappy reign. Mr. 
Edwards shows that the key to all the king's troubles and 
difficulties is to be found in Wales and the Marches. He 
describes with convincing power the tragedy which ended 
in the final loss of Welsh independence. We are apt to 
forget that Edward I conquered Scotland almost as com- 
pletely as he had conquered Wales. Wallace was hanged; 
the Bruce was an outcast when Edward died. Of the 
reign of his weak and amiable son the Scots cannily took 
advantage. They won back at Bannockburn more than 
they had lost at Falkirk. Why did not Wales rise after 
Bannockburn and win back its independence? Mr. Ed- 
wards supplies the answer. Welshmen liked Edward of 
Carnarvon ; they ignored his weakness and only remem- 
bered his amiability. He had always flattered their 
national vanity ; he had distributed largesse among the 
bards ; he had invariably taken the part of the conquered 
against the conquerors. Out of personal loyalty and 
affection, Welshmen let slip an opportunity which was 
never to recur. For when the genius of Glendower blazed 
forth in the next century, it was pitted against the military 
skill of the greatest Captain that ever sat on the English 
throne. 

We have been surprised to find Mr. Edwards guilty of 
small inaccuracies which the author would characterise 
as "howlers" in the Oxford Examination Schools. Nest, 
the daughter of Rhys ap Tewdwr, is stated to have been 
"wronged by Henry I and then given in marriage to the 
Castellan of Pembroke" (pp. 71-116). Such a statement 
might pass without criticism when made by Mr. Baring 
Gould in Fabo the Priest, or even by English historians 
such as Palgrave and Freeman, but a historian of Wales 

M 



1 62 Reviews, 

should know that the Fitzgeralds were probably the eldest 
of Nest's brood, while the FitzHenrys were perhaps the 
youngest (Gir. Cambr., De reirn* a se gestis, i, pp. 58 seq.^ 
and Appx. to Pref. to Topographia Hibernicay pp. v, c, ci. 
Mr. Edwards is equally unfortunate in his references to 
Nest's progeny. Gerald the Welshman, Nest's grandson, 
is said to have inherited ^* his strong likes and dislikes and 
lovable vanity from a Welsh mother" (p. 106). Gerald's 
mother was a daughter of Nest by Gerald of Windsor, and 
was therefore as much Norman as Welsh. The date of 
Ehys Goch has not been fixed (p. 26i]), but if one thing is 
certain about him it is that he flourished much later than 
Davydd ap Gwilym. We are at a loss to know what 
warrant Mr. Edwards has for calling lolo Goch *' Old lolo 
of the Eed Mantle, a chief of Dyffryn Clwyd" (p. 271), 
There is no evidence to show that lolo was a *' chief " in 
Dyffryn Clwyd or elsewhere, and the epithet "Goch" was 
probably a family cognomen, and had no reference to the 
colour of the poet's mantle. Griffith Vaughan of Caio 
was not "htanged, drawn, and quartered", but beheaded 
for avowing his belief in Owen Glendower (p. 274). It is 
not known where Owen Glendower lies buried ; certainly 
it is incorrect to say that "Owen himself lies probably 
at Corwen hard by ; though there is a tradition that he 
found a gnive at Mounington" (p. 285). There is as 
much — and as little — authority for the one stiitcment as 
the other. It is not true to say that **it was rarely that a 
Welsh-speaking Herbert, &c., .... became judge" in 
the two and a half centuries following the incorporation 
of Wales (p. 336). As a fact, the proportion of Welsh- 
speaking judges in the 17th and 18tli centuries was 
abnormally high. One of them, Vaughan of Trawscoed, 
became Chief Justice (not Lord Chief Justice, p. 359) of 
the Common Pleas in the reign of Charles II. 



Reviews. 163 

The account given of the trial of Rhys ap Griffith, the 
grandson of Rhys ap Thomas (on p. 822) teems with minor 
inaccuracies. After the "afiPray" at Carmarthen between 
Rhys and the King's Deputy, Lord Ferrers, the two lords 
did not '^retire to their estates and begin to prepare for a 
renewal of the struggle." Rhys was kept in. prison by 
Lord Ferrers, and was only released on being summoned 
to answer for his conduct before the Court of King's Bench 
at Westminster {not the Star Chamber). Rhys's father 
had not '^been too independent", or '^paid for his temerity 
with his head". His father, Sir Griffith ap Rhys, was 
thoroughly Anglicised. He had been brought up, from 
his youth upwards, in the Eaglish Court, and though he 
died in his prime, and in the lifetime of his father, he did 
not fall a victim to the royal Tudor's jealousy. Nor is it 
quite fair to say of Rhys ap Thomas that he " was 
thoroughly hated by his weaker neighbours", merely 
because a Flintshire soldier records some idle gossip 
against the old Welsh chieftain. 

Mr. Edwards seems to suggest (p. 350 segr.) that the 
early Catholic missionaries in Wales were Jesuits. "The 
Jesuits would appeal to the longing for the old worship 
that was dying so hard among the mountains." The 
suggestion is not well-founded. The early Catholic mis- 
sionaries to England and Wales were secular priests. "In 
1583, the Jesuit John Bennett", says Mr. Edwards, "was 
tortured at Hawarden". Li 1583 John Bennett was a 
secular priest, and it was several years later that, in his 
exile on the Continent, he joined the Society of Jesus, 
and he was tortured not at Hawarden but at Bewdley or 
Ludlow. In fact, the number of Jesuits engaged in the 
English mission-held in the 16th century is exceedingly 
small. In the next century they became prominent in 

Wales, but that was only after they had captured the 

M 2 



1 64 Reviews. 

English seminaries on the Continent. If Mr. Edwards had 
gone outside the pages of Foley, he would have found that 
the martyr, William Davies of Carnarvon, was a secular 
priest, and that his story was far more worth telling than 
that of John Bennett or Robert Jones. The Jesuits con- 
fined their activity almost altogether, in the reign of 
Elizabeth, to the field of politics, and paid but little 
attention to the purely religious side of mission work. 
The Jesuits were "anti-nationalist", and nearly all the 
great names among the Welsh Catholics are to be found 
opposed to them. It is with the fortunes of the revived 
order of St. Benedict that the names of Welshmen — 
Augustin Baker, John Roberts and Leander Jones — are 
indelibly associated. 

The account given of the Puritan movement in Wales 
— a movement whicli arrested the decay of the Welsh 
language and, for the first time for centuries, awakened 
the conscience of Welshmen — is very jejune and inade- 
quate. A good deal is said about Morgan Llwyd's "dreamy 
mysticism", but not a word is taid of Walter Wroth or 
William Erbury, of Walter Cradock, the founder of the 
" Ciudocians" and the teacher and inspirer of Morgan 
Llwyd, or of Christopher Love; and even Stephen Hughes, 
to whom Wales owes a debt which it has lately begun to 
realise, is only mentioned as an afterthought in connection 
with the Methodist revival (p. 387). 

Equally stninge is Mr. Edwards's dispropoi*tionate 
praise of Howell Harries as tlie leader of the Methodist 
revival, and his failure even to mention Daniel Rowlands, 
Llangeitho — a man who laboured in the vineyard when 
Harries sulked in "Mynachloy fawr Tn^vecca", and who 
was probably the most inspired preacher Wales has ever 
produced (p. 389). It is somewhat startling also to read 
that the hymns of Ann Griffiths weix» '*cauglit from her 



Reviews, 165 

lips as she sang them at her spinning-wheel" (p. 390). 
The same gift of exaggeration is seen in the statement 
that Davydd ap Gwiljm was "welcomed in every town 
throughout Wales" (p. 261) ; that Glendower once exer- 
cised "wider sway" and wielded "greater power even 
than Llewelyn the Great" (p. 269); and that Islwyn 
was "the greatest Welsh poet of the present century" 
(p. 12). 

Mr. Edwards has an inconvenient trick of alluding in 
vague language to people and incidents the ordinary 
reader has never heard of. The reader of a popular hand- 
book must have been mystified by the unexplained refer- 
ences to Arise Evans (p. 13), Hugh of Chester's " here- 
ditary greed for Welsh land" (p. 48), "Madoc" (p. 71), 
" Dinas Dinlle" (p. ] 5), "Eees of perennial youth" (p. 141), 
"the inhuman punishment of Maelgwn Vychan" (p. 214), 
"Patrick Sarsfield" (p. 241), "the Welshman Pecock," 
the nameless " last great Welsh mediaeval poet " (p. 267), 
"Eees Vychan" (p. 191), "Cefnybedd" (p. 192), and 
"the daring piracy of Henry Morgan" (p. 381). Mr. 
Edwards has other mannerisms which are the only defects 
in a fascinating style. He is fond of the romantic manner; 
"mighty he was" (p. 50-56) ; " tall and stately was she" 
(p. 64); "he built him a castle at Talgarth" (p. 55). 
Occasionally his antitheses become strained. "He be- 
queathed to his son Cadwaladr a vanishing crown, power- 
ful enemies, and a plague-stricken country" (p. 29) ; " he 
left behind a daughter as heiress to a burnt home, a 
harried land, and an impossible task" (p. 33) ; " negotia- 
tions and the Scotch moved slowly" (p. 369) ; "casting 
the future of England to the fortune of battle" (p. 360). 
Once or twice Mr. Edwards uses curiously infelicitous 
epithets, as where he applies the adjective "saintly" to 
Baxter (p. 332). Mr. Baxter wrote a devotional work 



1 66 Reviews, 

called The Saint* s Resty but there was nothing other- 
wise "saintly" in his laborious, fi«fhting, embittered 
life ; and nothing could more erroneously describe 
Willii^.m the Conqueror's ruthless march from the 
Humber to the Tees than to say he "wandered to the 
North" (p. 45). 

Perhaps a somewhat graver fault in a historian of Mr. 
Edwards's standing is his habit of shallow, but none the 
less dogmatic, generalisation. Take for instance his de- 
scription of the influence of a country on the character of 
it« inhabitants (p. 7) : — 

^'The wild and niggod outlines of tho mountains are 
mirrored as intense but broken purposes in the Welshman's 
character, always forming great ideals, but lacking in the 
steady perseverance of the people of the plain. His imagin- 
ation makes him exceedingly impressionable, — he has always 
loved poetry and theology : but this very imagination, while 
enabling him to see great ideals, makes him incapable of 
realising them, — he is too impatient to l>e capable of organ- 
isation. . . . There is a ditlerence between the slow and 
strong man of Snowdon and the versatile laughter-loving son 
of Plinlimmon." 

This passage displays at once the strength and weak- 
ness, the beauty and defect, of Mr. Edwards's style and 
manner. It is charmingly written, but it is full of unsafe 
generalisations and inaccurate observation. It is an old 
reproach that Welshmen are "incapable of organisation". 
But who can read the history of Welsh Nonconformity, of 
the Eisteddfod, or of Welsh education, without realising 
tliJit Welshmen can not only " form great ideals", but can 
by steady perseverance realise tliem 'P Or who can observe 
tlie marvellous industrial d«?velopmont that has taken 
])lace in the Principality during the last half century with- 
out fe(4ing that all this line talk about "the broken pur- 
poses'' ot" tlie Welshman, and his impatienc*(H)f organisation^ 
is so much picturesiiue nonsense ? The truer conception 



Reviews. 167 

of the basis of national character has been given by Mr. 
Lecky (History of England^ vol, ii, p. 320) : — 

"The character of large bodies of men depends in the 
main upon the circumstances in which they have been placed, 
the laws by which they have been governed, the principles 
they have been taught. When these are changed the cha- 
racter will alter too." 

The mountains of Wales remain the same to-day as in 
the days of Glendower and Llewelyn ; but the character of 
Welshmen has been profoundly modified by the discipline 
of war and conquest, of alien laws and Anglican civilisation, 
of Calvinistic theology and educational zeal, of free insti- 
tutions and industrial prosperity. 

We have thought it our duty — however hazardous and 
ungrateful the task — to dwell at some length on the flaws 
which mar the perfection of Mr. Edwards's work. But 
when all is said and done, we yield to none in our admir- 
ation for the real triumph he has achieved. He has told 
the story of Wales for the first time in an interesting and 
intelligible manner to the stranger. He has breathed new 
life and meaning into the old story of purposeless strife 
and warfare. He has made many an old-world hero live 
again in his vivid pages. He has not been content with 
giving us a Chronicle of the Princes, but he has attempted, 
for the first time and not without success, to tell the story 
of the Welsh people. He has presented us with a portrait 
gallery full of exquisite pictures, — of prince and bard, of 
priest and preacher, of Catholic Saints and Protestant 
heroes. His sympathy has ever been fresh and spontan- 
eous ; he has been quick to appreciate all good men, how- 
ever distorted their views or erring their aims, who strove 
according to their lights to serve Wales. It is this wide 
outlook and catholic sympathy with all that is best and 
noblest in Welsh life and story that gives to Mr. Edwards's 



1 68 Reviews. 

book its chief est charm and power. We shall have, we 
doubt not, a fuller and more accurate history of Wales and 
its people in the coming years : we are certain we shall 
never have one informed with more delicate sympathy or 
told with subtler grace. 

W. Llewelyn Williams. 



OWEN GLYNDWR: and the Last Struggle for Welsh 
Independenoe. By Arthur Granville Bradley. London: 
G. F. Putnam's Sons, 1901. 



All lovers of Wales and its history are deeply indebted to 
Mr. Bradley for the very readable and entertaining life of 
Owen Glyndwr which he has brought within tlieir reach. 
Mr. Wylie's great work on Henry IV is so expensive, that 
very few, except those who happen to live near Public 
Libraries, have been able to read it. The moderate cost 
of " Owen Glyndwr" will bring it within the reach of all. 
Mr. Bradley, unlike Mr. Wylie, has made of Sir Owen a 
hero for himself, and gives the story of his wonderful 
career without any prejudice in favour of King Henry IV, 
who, whatever may liave been his talents, showed only the 
most contemptible incompetence in all his dealings witli 
Wales and his Welsh subjects. Mr. Bradley's style is 
ch^ar and forcible, and sometimes he rises to eloquence. 
He knows Wales from end to end, and must have been a 
lover of its b(»autiful scenerv before he became a student 
of its history. Headers ot the book will do well to make 
notes of "special bits" which the author describes so 



Reviews. 1 69 

charmingly. But Mr. Bradley does not make his theme 
subservient to geography ; his descriptions of places 
always serve to give life and interest to his narrative, 
and help, just as dates do, to fix the story in the reader^s 
mind. 

The book reviews the whole of Welsh history ; it begins 
with the coming of the Romans, and ends with the rise of 
Methodism. We think it would have been better to begin 
with the Norman Conquest, and to point out clearly the 
radical difiPerence between its effects in England and 
Wales. In England, the Norman kings checked the 
growth of feudalism. In Wales, the Normans super- 
imposed a feudal regime upon a system of tribal 
government. In the 13th century the Princes of Gwynedd 
attempted to do in Wales what the sons of Alfred did in 
England in the 10th century. They might have succeeded 
had not the privileged Anglo-Normans the whole power 
of the Crown of England behind them. Edward I saw 
that it was vital to the security of England to overthrow 
the representatives of Welsh national unity. His conquest 
of Wales completed the work of the Normans, and intro- 
duced little that was new to Wales into the government 
of the Principality. Welshmen could see before their 
eyes a people free from the tyranny of alien lords, by 
their alliance with the Crown, but were doomed to feudal 
misgovernment, till a king arose who should do for Wales 
what William the Norman had done for England. In 
spite of the long introductory chapter, a fourth of the 
whole book, we do not think Mr. Bradley has made these 
things quite clear. 

Again, we do not think that Mr. Bradley has given Sir 
Owen, in spite of his admiration for his hero, an adequate 
place in history. From the narrative, his chief title to 
fame seems to be the number of his slain enemies, and 



1 70 Reviews. 

the desolation of their lands. He is said to have planned 
schemes which came to naught, and that his rebellion 
made Wales more miserable during the 15th century than 
she had been in the preceding one. In one place Mr. 
Bradley does tell us something, but he does not, we think, 
follow out his discovery to its logical conclusion. Sir 
Owen linked the fortunes of the Welsh Nationalist Party 
with those of the House of York. Therefore the Wars of 
the Roses, as far as the West is concerned, were in a large 
degree a continuation of the struggle commenced by Sir 
Owen. That Welshmen who enjoyed Marcher privileges 
fought on the Lancastrian side only serves to emphasise 
the fact that the unprivileged joined the House of York, 
Important as this is. Sir Owen did more, he so shattered 
the strength of the Lords Marchers that they never 
recovered the position they held before 1399. His hand 
was heavy on the towns and the castles of the Anglo- 
Normans. The 15th c(»ntury was an age of decay, and we 
know that the towns of Wales were in a bad way in 
Henry VIII's time. The Flemings, of Pembrokeshire, 
also failed to become an aggressive force after Sir Owen's 
devastation of that county. In the next century many 
thousands of Irishmen settled in South Pembrokeshire, a 
thing which could not have been done if it had recovered 
from the ravages of Sir Owen's days. 

In the reign of Edward iV Welshmen were the most 
prominent figures in Wales ; such were the Herberts, and 
the family of Sir Rhys ap Thomas. When a Herbert be- 
came Earl of Pembroke the old Anglo-Normans are said to 
have turned in their graves. Their rest would not have been 
disturbed had not Sir Owen sw(»pt away their descendants. 
We may conclude, theroforo, that Owen Glyndwr broke 
the p(>w(»r of tli(» Englisliry in Wales, and made tlie 
support of the national party essential to one or other of 



Reviews. 171 

the English factions. These were the causes that put 
Henry ^W upon the throne of England. That Henry was 
a Tudor was an accident, in the same sense as it is an 
accident that any man bears the name of his father; 
that he came to be King of England, was the result of 
deliberate policy. Edward IV was secure on the throne, 
because he had the support of the Welsh, but when 
Henry of Richmond came, not only as a Lancastrian, but 
also as the descendant of the Tudors of Penmynydd, he 
united Wales and overthrew Richard, whose throne was 
undermined when the county of Pembroke was given to a 
Herbert. 

Mr. Bradley thinks the 15th century one of misery 
for Wales, because of the pressure of the Lancastrian 
Coercion Acts. There can be no doubt that they look 
formidable enough. It is, however, quite clear that 
Parliament when it passed them was acting ultra vires y 
Wales being outside its sphere of influence, and it is more 
than probable that they sufiPered the usual fate of such 
measures. They bear witness to the panic of the English 
Parliament rather than to the hardships of the Welsh in 
the 15th century. The attempts of Parliament to re- 
organise the government of Wales are at once a proof that 
the day of feudal government was over, and that some 
readjustment of the relations between England and Wales 
must be found. 

Mr. Bradley draws attention to the disorder and 
anarchy in Wales during the 15th century. These things 
were not peculiar to Wales. It is a commonplace that the 
anarchy which afflicted England during the same period 
was the cause of the fall of the Houses of Lancaster and 
York. There is no need to repeat here what the late 
Bishop of Oxford says about the " lack of governance" in 
England. I have mentioned this because Froude does 



172 Reviews, 

the same thing as Mr. Bradley, citing the reports of 
Bishop Lee, President of the Council of Wales. Froude, 
however, omit« to tell his readers that Lee reports more 
murders in Cheshire alone than in the whole of Wales for 
a given period. 

Mr. Bradley is not quite free from " Teutonic " preju- 
dices in discussing the history of the Welsh Princes, and 
their mutual wars and murders. Gavelkind doubtless 
accounts for many of these murders, but they are not 
peculiar to Wales and her factions any more than disorder 
is peculiar to Wales in the 15th and 16th centuries. The 
history of the Kings of England in the 14th and 16th 
centuries is quite as revolting, and if we could foreshorten 
the events of those centuries, as time foreshortens the 
earlier ages for us, their history would be little else than 
murders and rebellions. Edward II was murdered by his 
wife's paramour ; Richard II was murdered by his cousin, 
who in his turn only managed to keep himself from 
death by the utmost vigilance. Plots were formed 
against Henry V ; Henry VI and his son were murdered. 
Richard II murdered both his nephews, and in turn fell 
before the sword of his enemies. 

Both English and Welsh writers have striven after 
the odd in Welsh history, and seem quite disinclined 
to find the same ciiuses producing the same results in 
Wales as in Enghmd. English history has suffered very 
much because of this, for it is impossible to isolate two- 
thirds of Southern Britain, and write their history as if 
the other third did not exist. Welsh history has suffered 
still more, and has no unity as it is now presented. Owen 
Glyndwr's movement has been hitherto without cause and 
without roHult ; wo are indebted to Mr. Bradley for showing 
that he has a roal mt^aniug, not only in Welsh, but in 
British history. If what has been said above is right, the 



Reviews, 173 

tradition which regards Owen Glyndwr as the national 
hero is right also. 

T. Stanley Roberts. 

Feterhousey Cambridge, 



IjA METRIQUE GALLOISE. Far J. Loth. Tome I. Paris : 
Anoienne Librairie Thorin et Fils, 4, Rue le Goff. 



This first of two volumes on Welsh Metres reaches to a 
little over 400 pages (xiii + 388) . Even as it is, it is of 
considerable interest, but the interest of it would have 
been much increased were it more minutely accurate. 
Every one that has tried to master the rules of Welsh 
cynglianedd, and then attempted to practise them, knows 
how many pitfalls there are, hidden at first view but 
evident enough after having been extricated from them. 
Unfortunately these very pitfalls M. Loth has not been 
skilful enough to avoid. In this matter, an hour with a 
real master of cynghanedd would have been worth weeks of 
mere book-work : solvitur ambulando. We much regret an 
opportunity missed ; the chance of initiating the outsider 
in the mysteries of our ars poetica is for the moment gone. 
The expert alone will be able to make use of the material 
brought together in this volume — and, as a consequence, 
in the second volume also, we fear. For how can there be 
an accurate historical treatment of inaccurate matter ? It 
would be well if the author made sure of the rules first, 
and then provided us with a historical grammar of them. 

[Those who wish to see a capable discussion (and 
trenchant withal) of the whole subject of the volume will 



174 Reviews, 

find it in the Zeitschrift filr Celtische Philologie, vol. iv, port i. 
The article (of nearly 40 pages) is in English, and is written 
by Prof. J. Morris Jones, M.A.] 

H. Elyet Lewis. 



LES INFLUENCES CELTIQUES. Par Charles Boessler. 
Paris: 1901. 



A VOLUME of 102 pp. It forms another link in the chain 
of evidence for the character and influence of Celtic Art in 
the immediate pre-Christian centuries. The author has 
brought together a good deal of scattered material, and 
treated it with some skill. He holds that the period fixed 
as the probable date of '^the ancient pacific civilisation 
of the Celts " — viz., the 6th century b.c. — is rather the 
close of a period still more ancient, and wide-reaching in 
its influence. There are eight plates, with illustrations 
from medals, pottery, engraved stones, MSS., &c. 

H. Elvet Lewis. 



G. Simpson, Printer. Devizes. 



^^i C^mmirobonon (Record §k^\t0. 



NOTICE. 



^Xfte Black Book of St mm'%r 



Royal octavo f pp. exit] ;^66. (No. 5, Cymmrodorton Record 
Series.) The Black Book of St. Davids. An Extent of 
all the Lands and Rents of the Lord Bishop of St. David^s^ 
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David^s in the time of the Venerable Father the Lord 
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in the year of our Lord 1326. [From the British Museum 
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Members of the Society at los. 6d. 



The Black Book of St. David's, which forms No. 5 of the 
Cymmrodorion Record Series, and which is now ready for issue, is a 
most vahiable mine of material for the history of South Wales during 
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each paid, the services and customs in each place, and their value. 

As the Estates of the See of St. David's extended into each of the 
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of things that existed in the different districts, and shews the extent to 
which Welsh Law and Custom remained unaffected by the English 
invasion. It also shews the means that were taken to establish and 
incorporate the Enghsh land laws in Wales. 

As one of the early medieval documents shewing the extent of the 
Episcopal Estates of St. David's it has a great value for the modern 
student of the history of Manorial Law and Custom in the Principality, 
and by its aid a good deal of the history of the manors now held by the 
Ecclesiastical Commissioners can be traced. 

As a record of the Place-names of the different localities it is of very 
great importance, and it also throws some light on the Welsh personal 
names 01 the time. It has also a very important bearing on the status 
and condition of the people, particularly of the Clergy, in the 14th 
century. — [v.e.] 



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Rev. H. Ei.VTT L«W!V M.A. 
T-E MnKjuis.M.A« l.t.M. 



l/»nniii fltif-ini-. 



•»(»«< • 



y cpmmroaon 



CDC nagazint 



Soclclp or Cpminrodonon. 



PRODtlceii vmsti tub muzcrtoN oe 

THE BDITOtUAL COMMITTSE. 



lOHDOK 

issust> uv Tac sociery, 
KEW STONE BUILDINGS, 6*. CHANCCRY 1.ANE. 

IllOJ. 



Dkvizks: 
Pbintbd by Gbobob Simpson. 



y Cpmitirodor, 



THE MAGAZINE 



OF THE HONOURABLE 



SOCIETY OF CYMMRODORIOR 



VOL. XVI. 



t'RODUCED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF 
THE EDITORIAL COMMITTEE. 



LONDON : 

ISSUED BY THE SOCIETY, 

NEW STONE BUILDINGS, 64, CHANCERY LANE 

1908. 



* :• 



Dkvizks: 
Pbintkd bt Geo bob Simpson. 



-«i 



CONTENTS. 



A Welsh Insurrection. By W. Llewelyn Williams, 

B.G.L. OxoN. ... ... ... ... 1 

Old County Families of Dyfed — II. The Wogans of 
Merrion and Somersetshire (with Pedigree), By 
Francis Green ... ... ... ... 96 

The Holy Grail. A Discrimination of the Native and 
Foreign Elements of the Legend. 

Part I— Early History ... ... ... 106 

Part II— The Round Table ... ... 127 

Reviews ... ... ... ... ... 140 

Eisteddfod Genedlaethol Banoob. Y Fardd- 
oniaeth a*i Beirniadaeth. Awdl : " Ymadamad 
Arthur" (T. Gtoynn Jones); Pryddest: ^^Trys- 
tan ac Esyllt " (R. Silyn Roberts, M.A,). Gan 
R. A. Griffith (Elphin) . . 140 

Old Pembroke Families in the Ancient County 
Palatine of Pembroke (Henry Owen, D.C.L. 
Oxon.). By J. H. Davies, M.A. . . 168 

The Welsh Wars of Edward I (John E. Morris, 
M.A.). By Hubert Hall, F.S.A. . . . . 178 

Coebespondenoe ... ... ... ... ... 176 

"The Two Hugh Owens." Contributions by 
H. R. Hughes of Kinmel (Lord Lieutenant 
of Flintshire), and W. Prichard Williams . . 176 




Cjmmrnirnr, 



Vol. XVI. "Cared doeth yr encilion.'^ 1902. 



@ 13)dB^ ^nButucdon. 



By W. LLEWELYN WILLIAMS, B.C.L. Oxon, 



No passage in the dark and bloody annals of Henry VIII 
is more obscure than the "conspiracy" which led to the 
execution of Rhys ap Griffith in December 1531. Froude, 
who barely mentions the incident, states in a note that — 
"It was a Welsh plot conducted at Islington. The par- 
ticulars of it I am unable to discover, further than it was a 
desperate undertaking, encouraged by the uncertainty of 
succession and by a faith in prophecies, to murder the 
King. Rice was tried in the Michaelmas term 1531, and 
executed. His uncle, who passed under the name of 
Brancetor, was an active revolutionary agent on the Con- 
tinent in the later years of Henry's reign,"^ — a statement 
which teems with a greater number of inaccuracies than is 
excusable even in the pages of a master of a poignant and 
dramatic style. 

In the second volume of the Cambrian Register is pub- 
lished a defence of Rhys ap Griffith, which seems to have 
been written in 1625 by his great-grandson, Henry Rice of 

' History of England, vol. ii, p. 214. 

B 



2 A Welsh Insurrection, 

Dynevor. Mr. Edward Owen, who was the first to discover 
its existence, is of opinion that MS. 14,416 of the Phillips 
Collection, now in the Cardiff library, is the original from 
which Fenton published the article in the Register, and 
there can be no doubt that Mr. Owen is right, for the 
MS. was originally in the Fenton Collection. But the 
"defence", though interesting and in many respects im- 
portant, was only compiled nearly a century after the 
tragic episode ; it was written in an uncritical age, and con- 
fessedly in an uncritical spirit — for its admitted and mani- 
fest object was to clear the memory of Rhys of a charge 
of treason, and io appeal to King Charles I for a restoi*ation 
to royal favour of Rhys's descendants. The writer was 
without some of the contemporary material which is at 
our disposal to-day, and in one or two matters, which can 
be tested by independent evidence, he did less that justice 
to some of Rhys's friends and contemporaries in order to 
elicit, by a more startling contrast, the Royal sympathy for 
Rhys's own sorrows and misfortunes.^ The only other 

' As Iloiiry Rico's petition has never been published, though his 
defence, which is a portion of the same MS., has appeared in the 
Cambrian Register ^ we append it here : — 

" Henry Rice, his petition to Kinjij Charles the First. 
'• To the Kind's most excellent Majesty the humble (sic) of H. Rice 
servant to the late King's Majesty. 

"Humbly showing that I have served your Majesty's brother, 
nowe with God eight years, as howsoever I cannot raise unto myself 
anie groat hope of reoomponso, tliough my service had been of longer 
time and of more valuable employnu^nt. yet the cons'n thereof, accom- 
j)aniod with what I shall farther j)resume herein to represent unto 
your Majesty, will, I liopc^, induce your Majesty graciously to com- 
miserate my unhapj)io (•♦.nulition. My great grandfather, R. G.,at the 
age of 2.*5, was ai.'cuMod and condoiiuiod for designing to make your 
Majesty's auncestor, James the oth of Scotland, to be King of 
Englan<l, by whose attain<ler there came to the crown© landes worth 
.ClOjCXK) poundes a year, and a personall estate to the value of £30,000 
poundes. Queene Elizabeth, upon the humble suit of my grandfather 



A Welsh Insurrection, 3 

attempt which has been made to clear up the mystery was 
by the late Mr. David Jones, who published a paper on the 
subject in the Archceologia Camhrensis (5th ser., vol. ix, pp. 
81-101, 192-214). But the paper is incomplete, the writer 
did not live to finish his researches, and though it repre- 
sents a sane and patient effort to unravel the tangled 

and father, did graciously promise, as before her sister Queen Marie 
hadden, a graunt unto them of soe much of their auncestor's landes as 
remained in the crowne. That promise, not taking effect, my Father 
did renew his petition to the late King's Majesty, wherein he did 
insist upon certaine particulars, which onlie showed that his auncestor 
which was attainted had great enemies and a prosecution that 
admitted him onlio little favour, which Petition was referred to cer- 
taine Lords of the Counsell with a singular commendation in his 
behalf : That such was his ill fortune that having far spent in his 
estate, he was forced to retire himself, leaving that unperfected which 
had so hopefuU a beginning ; -my grandfather and father (to ad more 
strength to their suit) represented to Queene Elizabeth and your 
royall Father the services of their auncestor Sir Rice ap Thomas, who 
received in Henry the 7th at Milford Haven with 4000 men, and a1>- 
tended him with 18 horse for his owne change at Bosworth field, and 
that Thos. Rice, another of my auncestors, in later time was slaine in 
the service of that Queene of famous memorie, your Majesty's grand- 
mother, at what time the new usurping Lord of the Isles invaded 
Scotland. 

"My most humble suit, therefore, to your Majestie is that in 
cons'n of the premisses and in accomplishment of the gracious 
intentions of your royall father, and the Queene's your predecessors, 
you will be pleased to bestowe upon me (the lineall heire of the 
aforesaid Rice) that poore portion of his great estate as yet undis- 
posed of from the Crowne, being £200 per annum or thereabouts, or 
else in some other kind as shall best suit with your Majesty's grace 
and bountie, to support the weaknesse of my present condition : soe 
shall I ever pray for your Majesty's long life and happie rayne over 



us." 



** Whitehall, 27 May, 1625. 
*'His Majesty's pleasure that the Lord High Treasurer of Eng- 
land, Lord Evansholl, Lord Chamberlaine, and Mr. Chancellor of the 
Exchequer consider of the notices laid doune in this petition and the 
reason and equitie of this wish, and certifie unto his Majestie their 
opinions thereof. " E. Conwy." 

B 2 



4 A Welsh Insurrection. 

skein of Tudor statecraft, it hy no means exhausts the 
material which was even then accessible to the writer (he 
does not seem to have seen Henry Rice's defence in the 
Camhrian Regwter), and some of his suggestions have been 
falsified, and some gaps in his account have been supplied 
by contemporary records which have been discovered or 
published in recent years. Without pretending to be in 
a position to say the final word on this chapter in oiu: 
national story, we may safely claim to be in possession 
of so many "new facts" as to be entitled to re-open the 
whole question. 

It would be travelling beyond the scope of this paper 
to give in any detail the story of Sir Rhys ap Thomas, 
the friend of Henry Tudor, Earl of Richmond, and the 
pillar of the dynasty which he founded. It will be suffi- 
cient for our present pui-pose to recapitulate, as briefly as 
possible, the broad facts of his career. Sir Rhys had been 
brought up in a Yorkist home. His grandfather, Griffith 
ap Nicholas of Dynevor, had fallen fighting for the White 
Rose, at Mortimer's Cross in 1461. His father, Thomas ap 
Griffith, was one of the bright particular stars of the court 
of Burgundy, where the Duchess Mary, the sister of 
Edward IV, afterwards did her best, by plot and intrigue, 
to maintain the languishing Yorkist cause. Rhys himself 
had spent the formative years of his youth in the Court of 
Charles the Bold. The battle of Tewkesbury, however, 
changed the course of English history. The murder of 
young Edward of Wales, the hope of the Lancastrian line, 
undoubtedly secured the power and throne of Edward IV 
for a time. But it had a portentous and unlooked-for 
result. A Welshman, the grandson of Owen Tudor of 
Penmynydd and of Catherine of France, became the repre- 
s(mtative of the House of Lancaster. The Welsh bards 



A Welsh Instcrrection, 5 

were not slow to grasp the significance of this fact. They 

saw in it the fulfilment of the prophecies of Taliesin and 

Myrddin that a Welsliman would be crowned in London, 

and would triumph over their secular foes. They recalled 

the mysterious prognostications, the "brudiau^\ which 

foretold that the name of the deliverer of Wales would be 

Owen; and was not Henry Tudor a grandson of Owen 

Tudor, the cousin of Owen Glendower, and the cousin, too, 

of that "Owen of Wales", the last descendant in the male 

line of the princely house of Gwynedd ? The people were 

quick to respond to the bardic songs. They cared nothing 

for White or Red Rose ; but they cared everything for a 

Welsh king to rule in London. Rhys ap Thomas, also, 

felt the stirring of the national pulse. His grandfather 

aimed at making himself semi-independent of the English 

king, by playing one faction against the other; Rhys 

abandoned the traditions of his family and sacrificed his 

own personal ambition for the sake of realising the dearest 

and most persistent hope of Welsh bards and people. 

It were not to the purpose to relate here how strangely 

and romantically this object was achieved ; how Henry 

Tudor landed at Milford Haven after his long, perilous 

exile in Brittany, with hardly a friend or follower; how 

the balance was turned in his favour by the adhesion 

of Rhys ap Thomas, who could put a thousand horsemen 

in the field and thrice as many footmen, well armed and 

appointed, of whom Rhys Nanmor sang, 

" Y Brenhin bia'r ynys 
Ond sy' o lan i Sir Rhys ;" 

how the Pretender marched through Ceredigion and 
Powys, gathering strength as he journeyed, appealing to 
Welshmen as their countryman and kinsman ; how Rhys 
ap Thomas travelled through Ystrad Towy and Brych- 



6 A Welsh htsurrection. 

eiuiojjf, iiiid joined Henry, with a great following, at 
Shrewsbury ; how at last Henry Tudor, with an army 
mainly composed of Welshmen who fought under the Red 
Dragon, defeated Richard III at Bosworth and won the 
English Crown ; how Rhys ap Thomas remained the 
steadfast friend of the new dynasty throughout all the 
insurrections and impostures of the reign of the first Tudor 
sovereign ; how the subtle king, knowing the loyalty 
of the Welsh chieftain, and yet jealous of his power, 
never rewarded him with any more substantial dignity 
than the Garter; and how, unconscious of, or ignoring, 
this mean and petty treatment, the old knight upheld 
the son's throne after the crafty father's death. No one 
can read the story of the first Tudor sovereign without 
being convinced that, under God, he owed at first his 
throne, and then the stability of his dynasty, to tlie 
unflinching support of Sir Rhys ap Thomas/ 

I. TiiK Rising in Carmarthen. 

In the year 1525, sixteen yeara after Henry VII had 
been laid to rest, Sir Rliys ap Thomas, full of honours and 
dignities, died in the seventy-sixth year of his age, and 
was buried, with his forefathers, in the Priory Church of 
Carmarthen. He was succeeded in his estates by hia 

* Tliat Welshmen looked upon the accession of Henry Tudor as a 
national trimnph is clear from the writin«2;s of contomjwrary bards. 
That Henry himself judiciously fostered this feelin/j; may bo gathorod 
from the fact that he named his elih^st son Ai*thur. In an Italian 
lielation of the Island of Enyhimlj written in 1. ")()() and publishetl by 
tht; Camden Society, there is some evidence that this was also the 
contemporary view among intelligent foreij^ners. "Wales was form- 
erly" it is said "a separate kingdom .... hut in the reign of Edw. I 
— (hy a slip the writer says Edw. HI) -they were reduced to the 
dominion of tlu^ English. . . . They may now, however, ho said to 
have recovered their former independence, for tlie most wis© and 
fortunate Henry VII is a Welshman." .... 



A Welsh Insurrection, 7 

grandson, a bright and studious young man, who is known 
to English writers as Rhys, Rice, or Richard ap Griffith/ 
The last years of the old chieftain, one can well imagine, 
were full of anxiety. He knew, none better, the jealous, 
savage, masterful nature of Henry VIII. He had seen the 
blood of a Pole and a Buckingham flow from the scaffold, 
and he knew that it was not safe for a subject to be too 
powerful or too ambitious under such a king. The two 
most prominent personages in England in his later years 
were Cardinal Wolsey, whose position, as the King's chief 
Minister, seemed then impregnable, and the third Duke of 
Norfolk, who, as Earl of Surrey, had crushed the power 
and pretensions of the Scots at Flodden Field. There 
was no love lost between the two great men. Norfolk 
hated the Cardinal for his influence with the king, despised 
him for his lowly origin, and envied him for his vast 
wealth and power. Sir Rhys ap Thomas, like an ex- 
perienced courtier, thought to steer a middle course. In 
1524 he married his young grandson, the heir and hope of 
the old princely line of Rhys ap Tewdwr, to the Lady 
Katherine Howard, daughter of the second and sister of 
the third Duke of Norfolk. At the same time, he culti- 
vated the friendship of the great Cardinal with such 
success that, as we shall see, his memory was probably one 
of the factors which impelled Wolsey to save young Rhys 
ap Griffith from his enemies, four years after Rhys ap 
Thomases death. 

It is not certain what was Rhys ap Griffith's age at the 
time of his grandfather's death in 1525. His descendant, 
writing in 1625, states that Rhys was twenty-three in 1531, 
and that he would therefore be only seventeen in 1525. 

^ Sir Griffith ap Rice ap Thomas died 1521. The date of his 
marriage to the daughter of Sir John St. John does not seem to have 
been ascertained. 



8 A Welsh Insurrection. 

Ho was married, as we have seen, in 1524, but it was no 
uncommon thing in those days for young noblemen to 
marry in tlieir teens/ Still, it is almost incredible that 
probate of his grandfather's will should have been granted 
to him if he was under age in 1525. Whether it was his 
youth, or whether it was the beginning of the King's 
sinister policy, we know that he was not continued in his 
grandfather's offices in South Wales. Walter Devereux, 
Lord Ferrers, afterwards the first Viscount Hereford, was 
appointed Justice and Chamberlain of South Wales. For 
some time friction seems to have been avoided. But Lord 
Ferrers was not the easiest man to get on with, and young 
Rhys, for all his devotion to his books, was not devoid of 
the high spirit of his race, and was, moreover, married to 
a woman of an ambitious, if not turbulent, nature. Early 
in the year 1529 we find events maturing for a crisis. On 
March 8^ Rhys wrote to Cardinal Wolsey to complain of 
the conduct of Lord Ferrers. 

** My poller tenants and servants", ho says, ** by tho 
lyght and malicious inyndes of sucho lyglito persons that be 
deputies under my Lord Ferrers in these pai-tes, Ikj dayly, 
without cause reasonable or f^^ood groundo put to voxaciou ; 
and some of my household servants kept under appearance 
from county to county, for tlieir ])leasures only." 

He finishes up by requesting letters from Wolsey to 
Lord Ferrers to enable Rhys to be his lordship's deputy 
justice and chamberlain in South Wales, and consenting 
to give Lord Ferrers any sum that Wolsey thought con- 
venient for the office. 

There is little doubt that the complaint made in Rhys's 

' Prince Arthur, for example, was only fifteen when ho married 
(.'atlieiiiie of Arra^'on. The Earl of Shrewslniry, «;iving evidence in 
llenvy VII Ts divorce procci-din^s. stated that he himself had married 
when he was tiftecn-and-a-half. 

- iState PapcrSy vol. iv, part iii, 0,345. 



A Welsh Insurrection. 9 

letter was well-founded. The abuse of legal procedure 
was an old grievance, and one that Lord Ferrers himself 
had drawn attention to three years previously. In a letter, 
dated January 9, 152(), he wrote to the Lord President 
of the Princess's Council in the Marches of Wales that 

"When his Lordship was first admitted President of the 
Princess's Council my Lord Legate (Wolsey) instructed the 
writer and others of tliat Council that no subpoenas should be 
directed into Wales or the Marches, but every cause be first 
tried before the stewards and oflScers there, the appeal to lie 
afterwards to his Lordship and other commissioners. Sub- 
poenas are now served in Carmarthen and Cardigan in spite 
of the proclamations, the like of which was never seen 
before." 

The conclusion of the letter is : "And now both shires 
saitli plainly that they will not pay one groat at this pre- 
sent Candlemas next coming, nor never after, if any man 
do appear otherwise than they have been accumed, but 
they had liever ryn into the woods.'" 

In two other letters,'^ written a few days later to a 
friend, Lord Ferrers dwells on the gravity of the situation. 
After statinff the facts he adds, " this is the most serious 
thing that has occurred since I first knew Wales". 

Nothing, however, seems to have been done to assuage 
the public excitement or to remedy the grievance. We 
hear no more, it is true, during Lord Ferrers's tenure of 
office of encroachments on the part of the Council at Lud- 
I0W5 but Rhys complains that his tenants were harried in 
a similar way by Lord Ferrers's own deputies. It was 
quite as irritating for a Carmarthenshire man to be sum- 
moned to Pembrokeshire as to Ludlow, especially as he 
knew that he was put to expense and inconvenience merely 
to satisfy the hungry maw of the Chief Justice's servants. 
The old Welsh ideas concerning the tenure of land were 

' is. P., vol. iv, pt. i, 1872. * i&., 1887. 2201. 



lO A Welsh Insurrection, 

also gradually giving way to English ideas, and though the 
English system did not become the law of the land till 
1536, Welsh customs were fading away as they were being 
iiitoi-preted in the terms of English lawyers. No doubt 
there was much grumbling and discontent, much restless- 
ness and uncertainty and hatred of all change. No doubt 
the young chieftain fumed and chafed under his impotence. 
He was reminded by followers and retainers of the ancient 
splendour of his house ; he was driven to assert himself by 
the importunities of a wife prone, as she showed herself in 
later days, to ambitious intrigues.* The letter of March 
1529 was, without doubt, the result of continued pressure. 
Lady Katherine, writing to VVolsey after matters had 
reached their crisis in June, says that **great dissatisfaction 
has prevailed ever since Ferrers was officer in these parts, 
for he and his servants quarrel with Ryx's tenants." 
There is nothing in all young Rhys's career to show that 
he was ambitious of office and power. His descendant, 
Henry Rice, describes him as a retiring and bookish man, 
who was so modest that he refused the Earldom of Essex 
at the hands of the King. However that may be, it is 
almost certain that if tlie compromise suggested in his let- 
ter of March had been accepted, much misery and injustice 
would have been averted, and the name of Henry VlIE 
would have been cleared of at least one reproach. 

It may be that Cardinal Wolsey would have been glad 
to have avoided friction in South Wales by accepting young 
Rliys's suggestion. But the Cardinal was no longer mas- 
ter. Before the year was out he had fallen a victim to 
King Henry's anger and to the Duke of Norfolk's intrigues. 
Even in March he was insecure, and he may have found 

' Ljidy Catheriiio manied iov her set'oiid huHbaiul tho Earl of 
Bri(lj;owator, and shu was iiivolvod in tho triigody of Cuthoriiie 
Howard's divorce and oxocution. 



A Welsh Insurrection. 1 1 

himself unable to meet the wishes of his old friend's 
trrandson. It is possible that he communicated the con- 
tents of the letter to Lord Ferrers. It is certain that 
henceforward Lord Ferrers acted with a degree of violence 
and malice towards the lord of Dynevur which argues per- 
sonal animosity. A. contemporary writer, Ellis Griffith, 
who shows himself to be intimately acquainted with the 
details of Rhys's history, and who was actually present at 
Rhys's first trial, tells us that 

"Wlien Rhys went to Wales the whole country turned 
out to welcome him, and this made Lord Ferrers envious and 
jealous."' 

In 1529, therefore, we have all the elements of strife 
present in South Wales ; a popular young chief, the de- 
scendant of the old Princes of South Wales, married to an 
ambitious wife ; a restless and discontented people, angry 
at the encroachments of a strange jurisdiction and the 
changes in legal procedure and the tenure of land ; a 
jealous and envious King's officer, ready to take advantage 
of the most trivial error or indiscretion of his rival; a 
great ^^inister on the eve of his dramatic fall, his enemies 
active and hopeful ; and disquieting rumours that the 
King was about to cast aside his wife and to marry another, 
who was known to favour the Protestant doctrines, which 
she had imbibed during her sojourn in the court of 
France. 

In June 1529, the crisis came to a head. In that 
month Lord Ferrers came to Carmarthen to hold the 
Sessions. Carmarthen at the time was the first town in 
South Wales. Thither the gentry of West Wales flocked 
for a "season" in their town houses, and among others 
Rhys ap Griffith, who was one of the bailifts of Carmarthen 
for the year, and the Lady Katherine, his wife. 

' Introduction to the Mostyn MSS. Catalogue, p. ix. 



12 A Welsh histirrcction. 

It. is not difficult to trace the sequence of events. Lord 
Ferrers's account is still extant in his hurried letters to 
Wolsey/ and in more detail, in the Bill of Indictment 
which he preferred at^ainst Rhys ap Griffith in the follow- 
ing autumn." Rhys ap Griffith's own version is briefly 
given by his wife, the Lady Katherine, in a letter to Wol- 
sey,^ and is supplemented by scattered references to the 
episode which may be found in the Stat« Papers of the 
time. Piecing together these various materials, it is 
possible to construct a fairly complete and connected 
account. 

On Saturday, the 5th of June 1529, (wo^ the 6th, as 
given in the Bill of Indictment), Lord Ferrers came to 
Carmarthen to hold the Great Sessions in eyre as Chief 
Justice of South Wales. His deputy, James Leche, who 
had been one of the bailiffs of Carmarthen two years be- 
fore, went to the Mayor, David Llewelyn,* to take lodgings 
for Lord Ferrers's servants. The Mayor delivered billets 
to Lecho, who in turn sent one Thomas Here to the 
houses, which had been assigned by the Mayor, to make 
arrangements for the reception of the Chief Justice's men. 
When Here came to the houses, he found that one Thomas 
ap Morgan, a retainer of Rhys ap Griffith's, had already 
set his master's ** badges upon papers painted" upon 
the doors of the houses, with the intention of keeping 
them for the use of Rhys and his servants.' Upon what 

' .S*. /*., v<»l. iv, pt. iii, loi^t), otiO.'^. 

- Star Chitmhrr PrtK-t't'tUnt/s : Henry VIII, bund. IH, No. 234; pub- 
lisliod in tliu Arch. Camhr., otli sor., vol. ix. 

^ S. P., vol. iv, pt. iii, l.">s(). 

' Camhr, l\f*ff.^ vol. iii. 

' It is not (juitt' cloar from Lord KoncrK'M aroount whether 
Tlioinas ap Mor^^an or Thomas Ilert^ arriv*Ml first on the Hcene, hut it 
seums probable that Ap Mor«,nin liad secured the houses Iwforo 
Thomas lli-re, since Jlhys ha<l evidi^ntly been preparing; for a disputo 



A Welsh Insurrection, 13 

ground Ehys ap Griffith rested his right to the lodgings 
cannot now be determined. Whether it was prior occu- 
pation — which would not avail against the rights of the 
King's officer supported by the Mayor's assignment, or 
whether the houses were his own and in the occupation of 
his tenants, which is probable and is Lady Katherine's 
reason, or whether, lastly, he had assigned them to his 
own use in virtue of his office as Bailiff of Carmarthen, 
there is no means of deciding. What is certain is that 
this comparatively trifling matter led to most serious con- 
sequences. That very night. Lord Ferrers says, Rhys's 
men came flocking towards the town. The following day, 
being Sunday the 6th of June, — if we may believe the 
charges preferred against him in the Bill of Indictment 
before the Star Chamber — Rhys sent proclamations, to be 
openly read in divers churches in the counties of Carmar- 
then, Cardigan, and Kidwelly, "that such that were his 
kynesraen, lovers and ffrynds, and wold do anything for 
hym shuld come well appoynted and wepened to the king's 
towne of Kermerdyn on Monday next after, being the viii 
(vii) June". Probably Lord Ferrers has greatly exagger- 
ated the activity of Rhys. Nothing of any moment seems 
to have happened on the Monday or during the week, and 
it is scarcely credible that any of Rhys's men could have 
turned up in the town without occasioning a disturbance. 



with the Chief Justice, and had, according to Lord Ferrers, "prevelye 
causyd his frynds and adherents to be warnyd, as well in the countie 
of Kermerdyn as in the Lordship of Kidwelly, who in ryettous manner, 
well wepunyd, assemblyd them the same night to a great nombre ". 
This, at all events, is Lady Katherine's account of the matter in her 
letter to Wolsey, which on the whole is more accurate than the 
account given by Rhys's accusers. "The same Ryx," she says, " before 
he came to Carmarthen sent his servants to take lodgings for him 
among his tenantry, and to set up his arms on certain doors, which 
were taken down by Ferrers." 



14 A Welsh Insurrection. 

Still, there must have been some truth in the charge, for 

we have it on record that 

^^ David ap Rice bacs [/>^««, not haxih^ as Mr. D. Jones 
conjoctiirod] unckyll to the said Rico Griffith, by his nephew 
is coinmaundementc caused proclamacyon to be maile in the 
churches of Llansadorne and Llanwoorda^ and confessyd the 
same in the chancery of Kermerdyn, as appered as well by 
the same confession as by confession of Sir Walter ap Davyd, 
prist and curate there, who publyshed proclamacyons in 
cliurch of Llanwoorda aforesaid." 

More than a week elapsed before the great men them- 
selves came into personal conflict. We cannot do better 
than let Lord Ferrers tell his own tale, in order to under- 
stand the gravity and importance of the affray. On Tues- 
day, June 15 (the date is correctly given in Perrers's letters 
to Wolsey, which were written at the time, but not in the 
Bill of Indictment, which was drawn up three months 
later), Rhys ap Griffith came into the King's Castle of 

Carmarthen 

" accompany 'd witli ffortye and more of his servants well 
armyd and wepyned, and knockyd at the Chamber door of 
the ssiid Justice, where ho was accompanyVl with dyvers 
gontylmcn of the said county in the said Chamber, and mad 
quaiTol with the said Justice why he shuld keep in ward one 
Thomas ap Ilowen, his kynesman, which is a mysruled person 
and oon of the chofo borers and mayntenors of all evil-dis- 
posed men and naughty matters in this partes, and hath 
forfeited fyvo hundred markos to the kings use for the 



same." 



This account, which is given in the Bill of Indictment 
preferred against Rhys ap Griffith in the autimm of 1529, 
does not accord in all respects with that given at tliattime 
in Ferrers's letter to Wolsey. The letter states that on 

* Rliys was Lord of the Manor of Abermarlais in the parish of 
Lhinsadwrn, it Imving bocome pai-t of the Dyncvor possessions 
through tlio mother of Rhys ap Thomas, wlio was the daughter and 
heiress of Sir John Griffith, Abormarhiis, a descendant of Ednyfed 
Fychan. 



A Welsh Insurrection. 15 

Tuesday, the 1 5th June, Rhys 

" came into the castle with his armed servants, where I was 
with other gentlemen, and picked a quarrel with me about 
Thomas ab Howen, his kinsman, whom I had committed to 
ward for various misdemeanors, and for hurting the people 
when they came to the castle to demand remedy, by which 
he has forfeited to the King 650 markes, as appears by his 
recognizance and other bonds taken before the King's 
Council." 

Unfortunately the recognizance seems to have been 
lost, and so it is impossible to find out exactly who Thomas 
ab Owen was, and what crime he had been guilty of. 
How little reliance can be placed on the hasty account 
given in the letter may be gathered from the fact that the 
amount of Ab Owen's recognizance is wrongly stated. On 
the next day, Lady Katherine sent a letter to Wolsey, 
which contained another version of the cause of the dis- 
pute. She describes Lord Ferrers's surmise as "false" 
that Rhys desired 

" one Thomas ab Owen, servant to the King, then in ward in 
the same castle, to take out of the constable's hands one 
Jankyn, servant to the said Ryx."* 

The most probable conjecture, therefore, is that Lord 
Ferrers had caused one "Jankyn",* a servant to Ehys ap 

» S, p., vol. iv, pt. iii, 1686. 

^ A list is given at the end of the Bill of Indictment of the persons 
who "assembled, reased, and gatheryd the King's subjects with open 
owtcrye in South Wales, and brought them towards the King's town 
of Kcrmerdyn to thentente to have destroyed the lord Fferrers, the 
King's Chief Justice there", and among them is the name of "Hugh 
ap Jencken, leder of the Abbot of Talley's tenants". This may be the 
"Jankyn" on behalf of whom Thomas ab Owen is alleged to have in- 
terfered. Some, if not most, of the persons mentioned in the schedule 
to the Tndictment were concerned in the later disturbances, but it 
may be that the Abbot of Talley's tenants, - some of whom lived in 
Llansadwrn and Llanwrda, where the proclamation was read out in 
church on June 6th, — may have started for Carmarthen on Monday, 
June 7th. 



1 6 A Welsh Insurrection. 

Griffith, to be arrested, no doubt for complicity in the dis- 
turbance which took place after the affair of June 6. In 
his letter Lord Ferrers states that Thomas ab Of^en, — ^who 
is only described as Rhys's kinsman, and not, as in Lady 
Katherine's letter, " the king's servant," — had been put in 
ward ''for hurting the people when they came to the 
castle to demand remedy". The natural inference is that 
Ab Owen endeavoured in some way to effect the release 
of Jankyn, and that he was forthwith sent to bear 
Jankyn company in prison/ 

After Rhys had burst in upon the Chief Justice in 
Carmarthen Castle, a violent scene ensued. Lord Ferrers 
states, both in his letter to Wolsey and in the Bill of 
Indictment, that Rhys drew his dagger *'and therewith 
would have foyned and strycken him in presenss of dyvers 
gentylmen". In the letter he takes the credit to himself 
for liaviug disarmed Rhys, but in the Indictment the deed 



^ The two references help us to identify Thomas ab Owen with 
some approach to certainty. Lord Ferrers calls him a kinsman to 
Rhys ap Griffith ; Lady Katherine describes him as '' servant to the 
King". A Thomas ab Owen was in lo24 appointed Collector of 
Haverfordwest by Sir Rhys ap Thomas {S. P., vol. iv, pt. i, p, 428): 
in the same year we find tliat Thomas ap Owen (probably the 
same as Thomas Bowen, bailiff of Carmarthen in 1519), was Mayor 
t)f Carmarthen. The Mayor seems to have been a dependent of the 
Justice and Chamberlain of South Wales (at that time Sir Rhys 
ap Thomas), and it seems certain that the man who filled the 
important ofhces of Collector of Haverfordwest and Mayor of 
Carmarthen in the same year was a kinsman or connection of 
his patron, Sir Rhys ap Thomas. On Septeml)er 10, 1525, we 
find that Thomas ab Owen, "sewer of the chamlwr", was appointed 
by the Kin^ constable of the castle of Builth in succession to Sir 
Rhys ap Thomas. It is no unreasonable assumption that this is 
the Thomas ap Owen who was thrown into prison by Lonl Ferrers. 
The animus of the Chamberlain is evident, for it is hardly possible 
that such a man was the notorious evil-doer Lord Ferrers would 
have the Couucal believe. 



A Welsh Insurrection, 17 

is ascribed to Lewis Thomas ap John, " gentylinan, the 
king's sworn servant", who is said to have been sore hurt 
and wounded in the right hand by Rhys. Lady Katherine, 
on the other hand, in her letter to Wolsey, says that it 
was Lord Ferrers that first drew his dagger, that Rhys in 
self-defence did likewise, and that there was no harm done 
except that Rhys was hurt in his arm. This, one must 
confess, is the more likely story, for Lord Ferrers was 
by no means a long-suffering man, nor was Rhys a 
violent and quarrelsome hot-head. The conclusion of the 
matter was that Rhys was taken into custody by Lord 
Ferrers, and commanded, on a penalty of £1,000, to remain 
in the castle. Lord Ferrers sent his Chaplain post-haste 
to London to know the Cardinal's will in the matter, and 
the Cardinal, urged by the Lady Katherine, '^for the great 
love between Wolsey and her father, that he will not allow 
her husband and herself to have shame and rebuke", lost 
no time in directing the discharge of Rhys, on bail, and 
his appearance before the Court at Westminster to answer 
Lord Ferrers 's allegations. 

Tn the meantime, things had progressed rapidly in 
Carmarthen. On the day after Rhys's arrest, Lord Ferrers 
bears witness to the fact that " his friends stir up the 
people to rebellion", and the Lady Katherine states that 
" the county is discontented " at the action of the Chief 
Justice. On June 18 the Chamberlain writes to tell Wolsey 

"of the ^reate rebellion and insurrection of the people in 
thys partyes at the commandyment of Rice GriflSith and my 
lady Ilaward, as for a troth ther was not such insurrecc*on 
in Walys at any time a man can remembre." . . . 

Rhys himself could not, of course, have directed this 
third disturbance, for he was in the Chief Justice's custody 
in Carmarthen Castle. It must, therefore, have been his 
wife, if anyone, who sent the "fiery cross" among his 

c 



1 8 A Welsh Insurrection. 

tenants and friends, and it is to this episode, no doubt, 
that Chapuys, the Finperial ambassador, alludes in his 
letter- of Oct. 15, 15:^0, to Chas. V,' when he says that the 
Lady Katherine had "some months ago besieged the 
governor of Wales (in his castle) for several days, and had 
some of his attendants killed". The details are given with 
some minuteness in the Bill of Indictment. On Wednes- 
day, June 1(), the Lady Katherine, we are told, sent 
messengers "by night and day" to all parts of the 
counties of Carmnrthen, Cardigan, and Pembroke, to all 
other lordships from Builth to St. David's "which is nere 
an hundred myles", to raise the country to the rescue of 
Ehys. In a schedule which is annexed to the Bill of 
Indictment a list is given of "the Captaynes and 
ry'gleders of all the people so reased ", and who are said 
to have approached the town and castle of Carmarthen 
upon every quarter by night. Three of them — Rice Bede 
(one of the Redes of Roche Castle ?), Lewis Powell ap 
Phyllyp, and Owen Morgan, all of Isthethe (Iscothi ?) in 
the county of Carmarthen — are mentioned as having 
entered " on the west syde of the towne and came in the 
raye of battell," with seven-score men, as far as the dark 
gate, and sent messages to the Chief Justice demanding 
the release of their lord and master. Six score of the 
"captiiyns and ryngleders" were indicted, with Rhys ap 
Griffith, at the Carmarthen Sessions for rebellion, but the 
record of the trial is lost, and the issue is unknown. 

It is clear, however, that there was nothing like an 
organised insurrection on the part of Rhys ap Griffith or 
his tenants. The whole story reads like an unpremedi- 
tat<?d riot. If Rliys had meant seriously to raise an insur- 
rection, he could probably have put, not seven-score, but 

' Cal. ^Stftfe I\ij)eriij Spanish. 



A Welsh Insurrection, 19 

three or four thousand men in the field. But the men who, 

in unknown numbers, marched upon Carmarthen by night, 

and the seven-score men who actually entered the town to 

effect his rescue, were in all probability his own personal 

retinue, who, on finding ''shame and rebuke" being put 

upon their liege lord, burst into open violence. Their 

names were known to Lord Ferrers, which would hardly be 

the case if they were drawn indiscriminately from all parts 

of the three counties. We know, too, that they entered 

Carmarthen on Thursday, June 17, two days after the 

arrest of Rhys, wlien it was almost impossible for them to 

have come, except in a straggling and haphazard way, 

from Emlyn and Uwchcothi in Carmarthen, and Narberth 

in Pembrokeshire. The nucleus of the "captayns and 

ryngleders" would certainly seem to be Rhys's personal 

retainers, supplemented perhaps by stray "friends and 

lovers" who happened to be in town attending the Sessions, 

while a few dependents may have hurried from Rhys's 

possessions upon receiving tidings of his arrest from the 

Lady Katherine. The attempt at rescue, at all events, was 

a disastrous failure. No lives seem to have been lost, and 

no damage is alleged to have been done. Lord Ferrers, 

writing on the next day — Friday, June 18 — to Wolsey^ 

says that he made proclamations in the King's name, and 

that divers of the King's servants and true subjects came 

to his assistance. 

** Then the Captayns and Ryngleders with all other their 
retynues in every quarter retornyd home into their coun- 
treys, and as now everythyng is quyette." 

The names of the Captains and Ringleaders as given 
in the schedule to the Bill of Indictment, are as follows : — 

" Of the Countie of Kermerdyn : Isthethe (Iscothi ?) Rhys 



» 8, P., vol. iv, pt. iii, 6693. 

2 



20 A Welsh Insurrection, 

Rode — Lewis ap Ilowell Phillip — Owen Morgan, gentyl- 
man. 

*' Of the Couiitie of Pembroke : 

John Og^an [Wogan ?]— Henry Wyriott, Esquires — ^Wm. 
ap Owen, lernyd in the lawe — Willyam David William, 
geiityhnen— John ap Evan ap Gwilym, in the lordship of 
Narberth. 

" Of Emlyn lordship : 

Sir Hugh Gwyn, clerk — Gitto ap Evan ap U'en — Davyd 
ap Rees, yeoman. 

" Kidwelly ivS lordship : 

Davyd Vachg'n — Roger Vachg'n — Thomas Vachg'n— 
Morgan Vachg'n, gentylmen. 

^* Of the countie of Kermerdyn — Vuchcotho : 

Evan ap TIenrye— John Gr. ap Morgan — Wm. John 
Dee - John Lloyd — Wm. ap Evan ap Rothereche — 
Philip William — John ap Gl'im Thomas — John Lle*n 
Dee the younger— Owen Ryse— Wm. ap Rs ap Eynon, 

gentylmen. 

" Hugh ap Jencken, leder of the Abbot of Talley's tenants. 

*^ Wm. Thomas Goze, leder of the tenants of the bysshop's 
lands in the counties of Kermerdyn and Cardigan, with 
many others." 

After this armed demonstration of Thursday, June 17, 
no fui-ther attempt was made to rescue Rhys ap Griffith. 
Some time later he was released on bail of £1,000 by 
order of the Kint^'s Council, and he probably departed 
for one of his seats — Carewe or Emlyn, Dynevor or Aber- 
marlais — to prepare for the coming trial in the autumn in 
London . But the temper of Rhys's retainers was still ugly, 
if we may believe the story told in the Bill of Indictment. 
Sometime after the release of Rhys, two of his household 
servants, one called GrifHth ap Morgan, "usser of his 
haule", and the other Griffith ap John, "his faulk'nor", 
about nine o'clock in the evening of August Cth 



A Welsh Insurrection. 21 

" laye in wayte in the toune of Kermerdyn for oon Reynold 
ap Morgan, gentylman, learned in the lawe, lieftenante to 
the said lord fferrers, the king^s justice there, and also the 
kyng's bailiff,^ and officer of the same toune for the yere 
where the same Ile3mold was, in Gk>d's peace and the Kyng's**, 
and assaulted him "the oon with a greyve and the other 
with a swerd and buckler, geving him many cruell wounds in 
dyyers places of his body, and so hayneously murderyd hym 
ther." 

Lord Ferrers goes on to say that after the murder, the 
two Griffiths were several times, "as well in the towne of 
Tenbye as dy vers other places within the said Rice auctor- 
ities, and so dayley maynteyned and favoryd by hym and 
his." 

In the Michaelmas term — ^probably in the month of 
November 1629, — Bhys ap Griffith was placed upon his 
trial before the Court of Star Chamber. Mr. David Jones, 
writing in 1892, had to confess that "what actually took 
place is to me unknown, for beyond the Bill no record of 
these proceedings has been discovered. It is probable 
that he was heavily fined ". Since 1892, a most valuable 
and interesting MS. has been discovered by Mr. Gwenog- 
vryn Evans in the Mostyn CoUection. It contains, among 
other material, a history of his own times by one Ellis 
Griffith, a soldier of Calais. He describes many scenes of 
which he had been an eye-witness. In his Introduction to 
the Mostyn Cataloguej Mr. Evans gives us a tantalising 
taste of the impressionist sketch of Bhys ap Griffith's trial, 



^ In the Cambrian Begister, vol. iii, the name of Reynold Morgan is 
given as one of the bailiffs for Carmarthen in 1527, but lUijrs ap 
Griffith and David Rees David Thomas, are given as the batliffs for 
the year 1529. It may be, however, that after his arrest lUijrs waa 
suspended from the duties of his office, and Reynold Morgan appoint- 
ed in his stead. 



2 2 A We/sh Insurrection. 

at the Court of King's Bench at Westminster, which the 
soldier wrote/ 

^SViid it chanced that I was present on that day, with 
many others from all parts of the kingdom, when and where 
1 heard the ugliest accusations and charges that two gentle- 
men could bring each against the other, — charges and accu- 
sations which thousands of poor men would not for any 
amount of wealth have had brought against them by word of 

mouth, much less in writing And notwithstanding 

the numerous threats of the Cardinal against them, I never 
once heard a word from him in defence of the poor, whom 
both had grievously wronged, according to the written state- 
ment of each about the other. '*^ 

The procedure is not very clear from the condensed 
account given of Ellis Griffith's narrative in the Intro- 
duction to the Mostyn Catalogue. "Both parties were sum- 
moned before the Court," — what Court we are not told, 
but it must have been the Court of King's Bench in 
Westminster — 

" wlujre each of thom made the most serious complaints and 
allegations against the other that was possible, not only 
aV)out the aflfray (ffrae) that had been between them, but in 
respect of the oppression of the people and the bribery of 
which each said the other was guilty. And when the Court 
had listened to their mutual accusations for some time, the 
Cardinal summoned the case before him into the Star Cham- 
ber," 

where it was not till "after a long process of time" that 
the Cardinal "bade them tuke up their written evidence" 
{i hysgriven o gyhuddiaiit), "Both parties were next cen- 

' Intro., pp. ix, x. 

- Ellis Grittith felt no love for Rhys. [le records that his death was 
generally looked upon as the visitation of God, for the many deeda of 
injustice and spoliation done by his father, grandfather, and great 
gi*andfathor, a statement which is hard to reconcile with the known 
facts of young Khys's career and his great popularity in Soutli Wales. 



A Welsh Insurrection, 23 

sured severely for their misdoings," says Mr. Evans in his 
summary of Ellis Griffith's account, "and Lord Ferrers 
in particular for his bad temper and want of sense in 
quarreling with one young enough to be his son, and 
whose youth was his excuse. They were finally dis- 
missed, with the command that they were to make peace 
between their respective followers, ^ and to depart thence 
by land and water, arm in arm, to the palace and the 
Fleet'." 

So ends the first act in Ehys ap Griffith's tragic story. 
He must have been released not later than the month of 
November 1529, for in that month the great Cardinal fell, 
never to rise again. It is not improbable that this was his 
last big affair of State. It may be that he was moved to 
do an act of kindness to young Rhys out of tenderness to 
the memory of his old acquaintance. Sir Rhys ap Thomas ; 
or it may be that he took that opportunity of showing his 
"great love" to the Duke of Norfolk, Rhys's brother-in- 
law, who was even then desperately intent on his rival's 
downfall, and who was intriguing to supplant the "old 
Queen," Catherine of Arragon, by his young and beautiful 
niece, A.nne Boleyn. Whatever might have been the 
Cardinal's motive, — whether pity for an attractive youth, 
or tenderness for his grandsire's memory, or whether it 
was a gambler's last throw in the game for power, — it is 
certain that the Cardinal's intervention saved Rhys ap 
Griffith for a time from the fate which was impending over 
him. As long as Wolsey lived, Rhys was suffered to re- 
main — ^probably in London — unmolested. The last eccle- 
siastical statesman of England did not long survive 
his fall from power. He was disgraced before the 
end of 1529 ; the summer of the following year had 
not closed before the great Cardinal was sleeping his 
last long sleep. 



24 A Welsh Insurrection. 



II. The Death of Ehys ap Griffith . 

What happened from the release of Rhys ap Griffith at 
tlie end of 1529 to the beginning of October 1530, where 
Rhys spent the interval, and what were his pursuits, are 
questions which cannot now be answered. He seems to 
have possessed a house in Islington, then a fashionable 
suburb of London, and, judging from the absence of any 
warrant for his arrest, such as was sent to Lord Ferrers 
for the arrest of his kinsman, James ap Griffith, we may 
conclude that in October he was in residence there. 

On October 7, 1580, the King sent the following war- 
rant to Lord Ferrers for the arrest of one James ap Griffith 
ap Howell/ 

"Henry tho Eight by tho grace of Grod king to our 
right trystyo and right well beloved counsellor, Walter Lord 
Fferrers our justice in South Wales grotyiig. Fforasmuche 
as it ys come to our privyto knowledge and undcrstandyng, 
that Jauies ap GrifFyth ap Tlowell hath not only dysobeyed 
sundry our lettrea and comniandymonts, but also fortefyod 
himself in South Wales within the Castell of Emlyn as our 
rebel 1 and dysobeysaunte subjecte, Wo therefore havyng 
specyall truste and confidence in your approved fidelite 
wyadome and circumspection woU and comaunde you and 
by thes presentys yeve unto you full power and auctorite to 
levye assemble and gadre suche and as many our subjectys 
inhabitaunts as wtdl within South Wales as in North Wales 
as yi> shall thynke mete and convenyent for the apprehensyon 
and takyng of the said James ap Griftyth ap Howell his ^mr- 
takers and adherents being wnthin the said castell as our 
re]>ells and ilysobeysainit subiectya, And in case any of the 
said re])ellea within the said castell do defende theym selfys 
ayenste you with force and strength then those that ye shaU 
fynde so defendyng th(^ym selfys in that behalf to put to duo 



6'. i\, vol. iv, <)7Ui), Privy Seal, Oct. 22, H. VIU. 



A Welsh Insurrection. 25 

executyon accordyng to the ordre of our lawes. Wherefore 
we woll and commaunde you with diligence to execute this 
our pleasure and commaundement, And moreover we woll 
and commando all and singler mayors shirreffs bayliffes 
constables and all other our officers and faithfull subiectys 
by these presents to be aidyng helpyng counselling and 
assisting you in the executyon herof, As they will answer 
unto us at theyr uttmoste perils, In witness whereof,** &c. 

This is the first mention we have of James ap Griffith 
ap Howell^ a man who was to exercise a baleful influence 
over Rhys's future career, and who was destined to endure a 
long exile on the Continent, and to lead a life alternating 
from the depths of penury to the heights of splendid ro- 
mance. He is described in the pardon, which was made 
out to him two years later, as of "Castell Maelgwn in the 
county of Pembroke, alias of Spyttye (Tsbytty) in the lord- 
ship of St. John in the county of Cardigan, alias of Emlyn 
in the county of Carmarthen, alias of Llanddewibrefi in the 
lordship of the Bishop of St. David's, and alias of Bustely 
and Cavillog (Arwystli and Cyveiliog) in Powys". Lord 
Dacre, writing to Henry VIII on July 2, 1533, says that 
James "calls himself uncle to Ryse of Wales", and Sir 
Thomas Wharton, writing to Cromwell on July Unsays 
that James "is said to be the uncle of Rys ap Griffith, some 
say his sister's son". On July 20, Lord Dacre calls him 
"son to Sir Rice ap Thomas"; and a good deal of uncertainty 
existed at that time and since as to the identity of James 
ap Griffith and his relationship to Rhys ap Griffith. Mr. 
David Jones was unable to " fix his place in Welsh genea- 
logy", and in the Index to the State Papers, and in 
Fronde's History , he is confounded with a certain Robert 
Branseteur, an Englishman in the Emperor's service. His 
pedigree is, however, given in The Booh of Oolden Qrove, 
and is referred to also in Lewis Dwnn's HeraMie VisikMon. 
On the father's side he was lineally desc^ided from 



26 A Welsh Insurrection. 

Elystan Glodrydd, and on the mother's side he was a 
"Welsh uncle" of Ehys ap Griffith.^ His mother was 
Sage, the daughter of Thomas ap Griffith ap Nicolas, and 
the sister of Sir Rhys ap Thomas. His father predeceased 
Sage, who married, for her second husband, Gwilym Gt)ch 
Thomas Vychau.'* James's family, therefore, was one of 
some position and importance in South Wales, and he 
himself seems to have been a man of substance, for we 
find Cromwell fixing his ransom in 1531 at £626 13«. 4d., 
a very large sum in those days.' Rhys's great-grandson, 
Henry Rice, calls James ap Griffith "a man of mean estate, 
having his chiefest stay of living from the said Rice, and 

• Tho following j^encalo^y may bo of use, takon from The Book qf 
Golden Grore, B. iH)l ; and Lewis Dwnn: 

Grono (ioch of Llangathen (living at Lanlas, Llangathcn). 

I 
Gritfith, lord of Llangathcn, Carmarthen. 

David ,=Joan, f. Morgan Winter, Carmarthen. 

Thomas. 



! I I 

Ihomas Vachaii Rhys, Abcrgwili David. Gwernant, Troed- 

{v. Dwnn, p. 140). U'.Dwnn, p. 26). yraur, Cardigan. 

GrinUh, ot Cryng.nc (2) f. .Sir Thos. Per--Ho\vi-ll, of Ccfn-=-(i) Anne, f. Dd. Poll 
in Kinlyn^OwtMi- rutt, Kt. cued, IJanegwad, GrifBth Va'n of 



llian. f. (irfiith ap 
Nicolas. 



Cana. Trcwem. 



(2) 
(;ri 



Sajjc, fcich Thomas ap^GrilTith- (1) Sibil, f. Rowland Wig- 
iritlith ap Nicolas. more, f. Dd. Ll'en ap 

/ * • 1 1 — 



G'llm. 



(i I Mawd, f. Morgan lievan—Jamcs^(2' Klizabcth or Klcn, f. 
LPcn Ci'llm Lloyd. [ I Owen ap Kvan Va'n. 



I I I 

Jcnkin, als. JdIih-, Marv, t. Jiio Tho- 5agc-=«^I*hilip ap Klizabeth, f. Castell 
Puwcl), of Ten- ina-< ap Harry of Henry, als. Maclgwn^John 

rallt, Ksq. | Crvngac : he" m. Vaughan. Rees Va'n. 

I Klcn, f. Les Dd. 
Mcrd. It'. Dwnn, 
p. 62). 



I I I 

lary -Matthias llDwcn Klizal;cth=^John Lc's, par- John Powell ~f. Parry, 
of Ncvcrn. .son, Llanpump- C'then. 



- GoMen Grove liiHtk^ A. 130. 
^S'. i'., Hon. Vlll, vol. V, ()37. 



A Welsh Insurrection. 27 

being on a tynie verie familiar together"/ It is probable 
that some of James's possessions, mentioned in his pardon, 
were not his own in absolute ownership. Emlyn was 
almost certainly the property of Rhys ap Griffith, and is 
mentioned as such in the computus of Wm. Brabazon after 
Rhys's death. ^ Nor is it likely that his interest in Ysbytty 
and Llanddewibrefi was very valuable. His connection 
with Arwystli and Cyveiliog — the westernmost portions of 
modern Montgomeryshire — is still more obscure. But 
whatever it was, it must have brought him into personal 
contact with the inhabitants of those districts : for as late 
as September 1535, when James had long been a fugitive 
on the Continent, we find that a certain David Lloyd ap 
Owen, dwelling in Maigham Cloyth (Machynlleth) in 

m 

Cyveiliog, sent a letter to one Robert ap Reynolds, a spear 
at Calais, asking news of James Griffith ap Howell, and 
"to send word to Bosums Inn".^ The lordship of Castell 
Maelgwn, in Pembrokeshire, would however seem almost 
certainly to have been his. In the Indictment against 
Rhys [vide infra) ^ James is described simply as of " Castell 
Maelgom," and his daughter Elizabeth is said, in the 
pedigrees, to have been '^ferch Castell Maelgwn". His 
son, John or Jenkin, is described in the Booh of Oolden 
Grove as being "of Penrallt", a small country seat 

' Cambr. Reg.^ vol. ii. 

^ *S'. P., vol. V, 448. It is treated by James himself, while in the 
Tower, as the property of Rhys. See the Indictment infra. 

3 *S'. P., vol. ix, 319. Dd. Lloyd is described by Robert ap Reynolds, 
who was probably a native of Cyveiliog, as "one of the richest men in 
Wales". On September 21, 1635, Cromwell ordered Bishop Lee, of 
Lichfield, the President of the Council of the Marches, to apprehend 
David Lloyd ap Owen. A month later Lee sends him to Cromwell 
{S. P., vol. ix, 706). His further fate is unknown, unless he be the 
man mentioned by Lee in his letter to Cromwell on January 19, 1536 
(6'. P., vol. X, 130). "We have received the two outlaws, David Lloide, 
or Place, and John ab Richard Ilockulton We have sent the 



28 A We/sh Insurrection, 

between Cardigan and New Quay : but this probably came 
to him through liis wife, the daughter of John Thomas ap 
Harry, of Cryngae, for James was attainted in 1639, and 
his son Jenkin was witliout lands in 154fO. But though 
James must have been a man of some consequence, and of 
more ambition, he is never mentioned as having filled any 
office under Sir Ehys ap Thomas or the King. This could 
hardly have been due to youthfulness. His mother, Sage, 
was the daughter of Thomas ap Griffith ap Nicolas, and 
must have been born before 1470. Griffith ap Howell was 
her iirst husband, and a conjecture that his son James was 
born about 1490 would probably not be wide of the mark. 
James, therefore, would be nearly forty years of age at the 
time of the '^affray" in Carmarthen between Lord Ferrers 
and Rhys ap Griffith. He took no pai-t in the disturbance, 
and he does not seem to have been with his nephew in the 
town. He was implicated in none of the subsequent riots. 
The little we know of the earlier portion of his life is de- 
rived from the confession of his servant, David Williams.* 
His friends wore "Thomas ap Rother, of the Krengarth" 
(Thomas ap Rhydderch of Cryngae in Emlyn, whose grand- 
daughter James's son Jiiukin afterwards married), David 
Vauglian, and David Meredith of Kidwelly, Rhydderch ap 
David ap Jenkyn in South Carmarthenshire, and Walter 

two .... to trial. To-nnnTow thuy shall have justice done to them. 

God pardon tlioir s<.)ul.s '*. Thoro aro frequent refer- 

muH'S to KoluMt ap Ki*ynoMs, the "spoar," in the State Papers. In 
J)econiber Jo.*^0, 8ir Ih'ury Knowet writes frc>ni Windsor to Lord 
Lisle, tluj Governor of Calais, to say that *' Rob. Reynoldos, spear of 
Cahiis, desires to set up a brewhouse within the Marches, which he 
oainiot do without the Kinjj:*s licenee. lie ia a very honest man, and 
I hvit yim will write me h'tiiM's (h'sirinjjj me ti> labour to the King in 
his behalf. This looks as if this was his reward for his treachery to 
J)avid Lloyd ap Owen in yieldin*,' up his hotter in the previous 
ISei)tend)er. 

' .S. P., Hen. VIII, vol. vi, loJM. 



A Welsh Insurrection, 29 

ap John, who cannot be further identified. He would, 
therefore, seem to have spent most of his life in Carmar- 
thensliire and the Emlyn district, and there is no hint that 
his life was in any way different from that led by other 
country gentlemen of the same class and position. No 
reason is assigned in the warrant for his action in fortifying 
himself in the Castle of Emlyn, in October 1530. In 
what respect he had "disobeyed sundry letters and com- 
mandyments" of the King, or what the letters referred to, 
we are not told. Henry Rice, indeed, suggests a ground 
for his arrest which seems incredible. "James ap Griffith", 
he says, "was apprehended by the said Rice (ap Griffith) 
for counterfeating the Great Seal, and by him sent up to 
the lords of the Council, and so committed to the Tower." 
Whatever element of truth this statement may contain, it 
conveys no real explanation of James's arrest in October 
1530. The warrant was issued by the King and directed 
to Lord Ferrers. Rhys ap Griffith is not mentioned any- 
where as having taken any part in his apprehension. He 
appears to have been in London at the time, and within a 
few days of the issue of the warrant, and before James 
had been brought a prisoner to London, Rhys was himself 
lodged in the Tower on some unknown charge. All the 
circumstances attending this incident are obscure. The 
whole of our knowledge is obtained from a letter which the 
watchful Chapuys sent to Charles V, on October 15, 1530.* 

" The King has sent to the Tower a Welsh gentleman 
named Ris, who married one of the Duke of Norfolk's sisters, 
])ecause (as report goes) not satisfied with his wife having 
some months ago besieged the governor of Wales (in his 
Castle) for several days, and had some of his attendants 
killed, he himself has threatened to finish what his wife had 
begun." 

' Cal. State Papers^ Spanish. 



30 A Welsh Insurrection. 

It almost looks as if Bhys had not taken to heart the 
warning he had received the preceding year, but that he 
nursed his wrath and cherished schemes of revenge against 
Lord Ferrers. In James ap Griffith he would find a willing 
tool for daring and desperate plans, and nothing is more 
likely than that the arrest of uncle and nephew, which 
took place almost simultaneously, was due to the same 
cause. 

It is not known when and how James ap Griffith was 
apprehended. That his arrest was effected without diffi- 
culty, if not without opposition, may be gathered from the 
silence of the State Papers on tlie point. Many years later, 
in 1548, James Leche of South Wales — no doubt, the James 
Leche already mentioned as Mayor of Carmarthen in 1527, 
and Lord Ferrers's messenger in 1529 — ^petitioned the Privy 
Council of Edward VI for the continuance of an annuity 
of 20 marks, which had been granted him in September, 
1535,^ '^n respect of his old service in the apprehension of 
James Griffith Apowell, traitour and outlawe".' It would 
seem, tlierefore, that Lord Ferrers sent Leche to Emlyn to 
apprehend James ap Griffith. In one place — in the con- 
fession of Ellington, which will be dealt with more fully 
later on — there may be a hint that James defended him- 
self. In 1533 James, we know, was sending Ellington to 
London to make certain payments on his behalf "con- 
sarnynge the hurtynge of Wylliam Vaghan of Kylgarron".' 
William Vaughan of Cilgerran Castle was a considerable 
personage in his own district, which bordered on the lord- 



• S. n. Pat., p. 2, m. o. 

- Acts of tho Privy Couticil, od. J. R. Dacent, vol. ii, p. 224. The 
reason for tho request, ''forasiuych as tho pooro ^ontleman, being now 
a^ed and lackin-i: living", presumably woij,'hod with the Council, and 
the annuity was confirmed. 

•'' IS. P., lien. VIII, vol. vi, 1548. 



A Welsh Insurrection, 31 

ship of Emlyn. In 1535, for instance, he and Thomas ap 

Ehjdderch of Cryn^^ae and four others were appointed 

"Commissioners to inquire into tlie tenths of spiritualities 

in St. David's".^ It is not improbable that, as he was 

close to Emlyn, James Leche should have called upon him 

to assist in the apprehension of James ap Griffith, and that 

he was wounded in the attempt. There is, at least, no 

record of any other proceeding in which James ap Griffith 

could have done any "hurt" to William Vaughan. Be 

that as it may, James was taken to the Tower of London, 

where he found his nephew, Rhys ap Griffith, already 

lodged. There they lay for many months without, so far 

as is known, being put upon their trial or being acquainted 

with the charges made against them. By June 1531, 

however, long confinement and anxiety began to tell 

upon Rhys, and he was let out on bail, according to 

Chapuys, on account of ill-health.'* Until the following 

September 21, Rhys remained at liberty. On that day, 

however, we are told by Chapuys that he was sent back to 

bear his uncle company. On September 26, 1531, Chapuys 

writes :^ 

*^ Five days ago the seigneur de Ris, brother-in-law of the 
Duke of Norfolk, was re-arreated and lodged at the Tower. 
He was let out on bail, ou the plea of bad health, but has 
again been constituted a prisoner. He is accused of having 



' .S'. P., Hen. VIII, vol. viii, 149 (71). 

2 Cal. S. Pap.j Spanish, 796. The date of Rhys's release on bail is 
fixed by an entry in the State Papers (vol. xii, pt. ii, 181 : v. also Cott, 
Titus B. i, fo. 155, in the Brit. Mus.), "Rhys ap Griffith, for his bed 
and board (at the Tower) for eleven months at 10«., and his servant 
at 40^." Rhys was, therefore, eleven months altogether in the Tower. 
We know he was first lodged there in October 1530, that he was sent 
back on September 21, 1531, and beheaded, December 4, 1631. He 
was therefore let out on bail early in June 1631. 

' Cal. S. P., Span., 796. 



32 A Welsh Insurrection. 

tried to procure means of escaping [from England], and 
goinfi; either to your Majesty's Court or into Scotland, 
whore, owinpj to the credit and favour he enjoys in Wales, he 
hoped to be able to undertake something against the King.** 

Chapuys' information was accurate, so far as it went. 
The full story of Ehys's crimes and misdemeanours 
was told before the Court of King's Bench at Westminster 
in the following November, — " in the Monday next after 
the xvth of seynt Martin last past" is the date given in 
the Indictment and the Act of Attainder passed in 1532. 
Two others, servants or df^pendents of his own, were placed 
in the dock beside him. The one was his clerk, Edward 
Lloyd or Floyd, of Carew, who turned King's evidence ; 
the other was William Hughes, gentleman, also of Carew, 
who sturdily protested his and his master's innocence to 
the last. Young Khys and his faithful servant, William 
Hughes, \ver(» found guilty by the jury, and condemned to 
death by the Court. On Monday, Dec. 4, 1631, the last 
penalty of the law was inflicted. '^The execution took 
place this morning", writes Chapuys on December 4,* 
" and the said JRis was beheaded in the same spot where 
the Duke of Buckingham suffered a similar fate", i.c, on 
Tower Hill. A less honourable and more barbarous 
punishment befel poor William Hughes. He was "drawne 
from the Tower of London to Tiburne, where he was 
hanged, his bowells burnt, and his bodie quartered".* 
In the following Sessions of Pjirliament both master and 
man were dulv attainted.^ 

Henry Rice has ^iven a summary of the counts in tlie 
Indictment which was preferred against Rhys and his 

^ Cnl. State Papers, Spanish, 8i>3. 

2 Wriothesleya C/ironictes, Camden Serios, p. 17; ?». also Holling* 
shed, who gives liis names as **John llewes". 

^ Ro/h of Parliamcut, •2:\ Hon. VI 1 1. State Papers, 153-720. No. 14, 
given in full in the Arch. Cambr., 5th ser., vol. ix. 



A Welsh insurrection. 33 

two servants.^ Henry Rice, however, in his anxiety to clear 

his ancestor of the charge of treason, does scant justice to 

the evidence with which the charge was supported. The 

Indictment itself, which has never before been published 

in its entirety, is worth careful and close scrutiny. 

"Adhuc de termino Sancti Michaelis Rex. 
M'sex Alias scilicet die mercurie proximo post Octavum sancti 
Martini isto eodem termino coram domino rege apud West- 
monasterium per sacramentum xii juratorum extitit praesen- 
tatus Quod Ricardus ap Grifiith nuper de London armiger 
alias dominus Rice ap Gruffith nuper de Karewe in Wallia 
armiger Edwardus Ffloid nuper de London yoman alias 
dominus Edwardus Lloid nuper de Karewe in Wallia yoman 
et Willielmus Hughes nuper de London gentilman alias 
dominus Willielmus Hughes nuper de Karewe in Wallia 
gentilman deum pro oculis non herentes set instigatione 
diabolica seducti ex eorum malicia proditorita praecogitata 
vicesimo octavo die Augusti anno regni supremi domini 
nostri regis nunc Henrici octavi vicesimo tertio apud 
Iseldonem in praedicto comitatu Middlesex false proditorie 
et contra eorum legeancie debitum se invicem vinculo 
juramenti admunierunt et confederaverunt depositionem 
quoque ac mortem serenissimi et excellentissimi principis 
domini nostri regis supradicti adtunc et ibidem false et 
proditorie machinaverunt imaginaverunt et compassaverunt 
et ad illud eorum abolendissimum et nephandissimum pro- 
positum practicandum perimplendum et perficiendum post 
longa eorum inde tractatus et colloquia inter se adtunc et 
ibidem habita inter que adtunc et ibidem recolebant et inter 
se colloquentes sepius repetendo et dicebant quod hec 
antiqua subsequens prophecia existit in Wallia videlicet 
that king Jamys with the red hand^ and the ravens should 

^ Cambrian Register y vol. ii, p. 270. 

'^ The prevalence of the prophecy at this time that the King of 
Scotland, together with the Red Hand (Llawgoch) and the Ravens 
would conquer all England is interesting. It shows that in Rhys's 
country — which was, roughly speaking, Carmarthenshire — the tra- 
dition about Owen Lawgoch was even then current, and it is not 
unimportant that the tradition should still be found in South, not in 
North Wales. The Ravens, of course, were the ravens of Owen ap 
Urien Rheged, which formed the coat of arms of the Dynevor family. 

D 



34 A Welsh Insurrection. 

conquere a]l England super quo adtunc et ibidem finaliter 
false ct proditorie concluserunt aggreaverunt et determin- 
averunt quod ipsi iidom Ricardus Edwardus et Willielmos 
infra hrevo tompus extunc ffuturum videlicet quamcito idem 
Ricai'dus per modum venditionis alicujus maneriorum terra- 
rum aut tonemontorum suorum seu impignorationis alicujua 
eorundein aut per mutuum chevecenciam vel aliter com- 
petentem pecunie summam obtinere seu acquirere poterat in 
Scotiiini ad Jacobum regom Scotorum occulte videlicet per 
et idtra insulani Mannie et deinde per et ultra terram 
Ilibernio vocatam Wilde Irish et abinde in Scotiam pre- 
dictam false ot proditorie iter arriperent dicti quare regis 
Scotorum vim et potentiam armatam et auxilium in prtemisais 
implorarent peterent et obtinerent hac proditoria intentione 
videlicet quod ipsi in hoc regnum Anglie unacum praefato 
Jacobo Scotorum rego et maguo virorum bellicorum exercitu 
videlicet tam Scotorum quam ceterorum si qui fuerint 
Anglorum proditorum false et proditorie reverterent necnon 
bellum publicum versus ct superdictum supremum dominum 
nostrum regem proditorie erigerent et levarent. Eorum 
bello eundem domiiuim nostrum regem et regia sua dignitate 
false et proditorie deponerent et interficerent atque etiam 
secundum propheciam suprascriptam praefatum Scotorum 
regom in regem hujus regni Anglie et praefatum Ricardum 
ap Gruflith in principom Wallioe proditorie perficereut 
facerent et crearent eo hiis omnibus suprascriptis per et 
inter pracfatos Ricardum Edwardum et Willielmum false et 
proditorie conclusis et determinatis idem Ricardus postea 
videlicet primo die Septembris anno vicesimo tertio supn^ 
dicto proditorie misit praefatum Edwardum ffloyd ab 
Iseldone pracdicta usque ad et in turrom Londinii proditorie 
percipiendo eidem Edwardo -quatenus ipso fidem et pro- 
missum securum ex (juodaTu Jacobo ap GrufHth ap Howell 
nuper domino de Castell Maelgom in Wallia Gentilman 
adtunc in turre pracdicta prisonario existente acciperet quod 
ipse idem Jacobus omnia et singula i>er ipsum Edwardum ex 
I)raedicto domino Ricardo aj) GrulHth intimanda et revolanda 
secrete celaret ((piibus tide et promisso acceptis) idem 
Edwiirdus omnia (>t singula ut praefortur proditorie conclusa 
et determinata atcjuo i>rophociam praedictam eidem Ja(K>bo 
plene t^t intcgrt; indicarct tit revelaret instanter i*equireDa 
eundem Jacobum (juod ipso so eisdem Ricanlo Edwardo et 
Willielmo ad praemissa agt'uda et jxiriicienda adjuY[a]ret (P) 
et confedcratum exhiheret et quod si idem Edwanlus fidem 



A Welsh Insurrection. 35 

et promissum secunim praefati Jacobi habere potuisset 
tunc idem Edwardus praefatnm Jacobum persuaderet quod 
ipse sacramentum eucharistie cum prefato Ricardo in fedus 
et securitatem praemissa perficiendi reciporet. Cujus quidem 
praecepti praetextu praedictus Edwardus Ffloyd ab Iseldone 
praedicta usque ad et in dictam turrem Londinii dicto primo 
die Septembris proditorie transivit et in eadem turre 
negotium praedictum in omnibus prout oi per dictum 
Ricardum ut praescribitur fuit praeceptum eodem primo die 
Septembris in turre praedicta praefato Jacobo proditorie 
dixit fecit et performavit praedictusque Jacobus fidem et 
promissum sua praedicta ad praedicta omnia sibi intimata 
secrete colanda adtunc et ibidem praefato Edwardo pro- 
ditorie dedit atque ad praemissa proditoria proposita et 
intentiones praefati Ricardi peragendi ad posse suum adju- 
vare et in feodus praemissorum ex parte sua peragenda 
perimplenda sacramentum eucharistie cum praefato Ricardo 
recipere adtunc et ibidem praefato Edwardo concensiit et 
aggreavit et quod in praedictis tractatu et confederatione 
inter praefatos Jacobum et Edwardum de praemissis habitis 
idem Edwardus praefato Jacobo adtunc et ibidem dixit et 
intimavit quod idem Jacobus adeo bene salvo et securo 
potuit dare fidem et credere praefato Willielmo Hughes 
et animum ipsius Jacobi eidem Willielmo in praemissis 
revelare quandocumque idem Willielmus cum prefato Jacobo 
de praemissis loqueretur siculi eidem Edwardo crederet et 
quod praedictus Ricardus ap Gruffith proponebat et inten- 
debat impignorare et in mortuum vadium ponere cuidam 
Roberto White civi et pannario Londinii maneria ipsius 
Ricardi de Narberth et Carewe pro quibus idem Ricardus 
habere debuit de praedicto Roberto Whyte in promptis 
pecuniis duo millia librarum. Et quod idem Ricardus voluit 
mutuare tantum pecunie quantum possibiliter potuit et quod 
idem Richardus non curabat in quas obligationes obligaretur 
pro optentione inde quia dixit quod idem Ricardus nunquam 
praevaleret in hoc mundo excepto eo quod manibus suis 
lucraretur et quod idem Ricardus nunquam voluit ire in 
Walliam nisi poterat cam ingredi ad habendam earn totam 
ad ejus bene placitum et mandatum et insuper praesentatus 
extitit quod postea videlicet quarto die Septembris anno 
vicesimo tertio supradicto praefati Ricardus ap Gruffith et 
Edwardus Ffloyd dictum Willielmum Hughes ab Iseldone 
praedicta usque ad et in praedictam turrem Londinii prae- 
fato Jacobo proditorie miserunt eidem Willielmo praecip- 

D 2 



36 A Welsh Insurrection. 

ieiitcs quod ipse cum praefato Jacobo proditorie loqueretur 
eidem que Jacobo diceret quod ipse missus fuit eidem 
Jacobo per praefatum Ricardum ap Gruffith per hoc signum 
videlicet quod dictus Edwardus Ffloyd eidem Jacobo dizerat 
quod ipse tantum crederet dicto Willielmo cum accederet 
ad cum (]uantum eidem Edwardo. Et quod adtunc idem 
Willielmus cum praefato Jacobo coincaret et colloqueretur 
ad inteutionem quod ipse animum praefati Jacob! scrutaret 
et centiret (juomodo idem Jacobus dispositus erat et inten- 
debat in praemissis et quod si eum securum dispositum ad 
dicto prod i tori a proposita praefatorum Ricardi Edwardi et 
Willielmi porficionda adjuvare inviniret ipsum Jacobum 
ad sacramentuni cucharistie in Ifedus praemissarum pro- 
dicionuui poriinplendi et performandi cum praefato Ricardo 
recii)ere j)ro(litorie persuaderet et provocaret atque pres- 
biteruiii ad Hacramentum illud in fedus praedictum eidem 
Jacobo et postoa praefato Ricardo ministrandum pro- 
ditorie olFerret cujua quidem praecepti praetoxti dictus 
Williebnua Iluj^dies ab lacldone praedicta usque ad et in 
praedictam turrem Londiiiii in dicto comitatu Middlesex 
praedicto die Septembris proditorie transivit et in eadem 
turro ne^otiuni praedictum in omnibus prout eidem Willielmo 
per dictoa Ricarchnn et Edwardum ut praescribitur praecep- 
tum fuit eodem quarto die Septtmibris apud turrem prae- 
dictam et in eadem turre in dicto comitatu Middlesex 
praefato Jacobo proditorie dixit fecit et performavit et 
ultimo — quod praedictus Jacobus proditorios animos et 
mentes praefatorum Ricardi ap Gruffith Edwardi ot Willielmi 
ex dictis inainuatione et iutimatione inde praefati Edwardi 
flloyd eidem Jacobo factis sciens et a^noscens et duorum 
eorundem Ricardi Edwardi et Willielmi feloniis et proditoriis 
propositis et intontionibus ut praescribitur proditorie concen- 
siena vol ens <iue eosdem Ricardum Edwanlum et Willielmum 
ad diotas eorum proditi(mes perliciendas quantum in eodem 
Jacobo adtunc extiterat proditorie adjuvare et succurrere 
tertio die Septembris amio vicesimo tertio supradicto apud 
dictani turrem Londinii in dicto comitatu Middlesex litteras 
(luasdam proditorie acripsit et eas cuidam Johanni Hughes^ 
proditorie direxit ])er quas litteraa idem Jacobus intendena 



' This John Tluj^hea ia ^n-obably the same as the one mentioned in 
CromwelVa ** de8])orat obliirationa" next year. On Sept. 2, 16d2| 
(<S. P., vol. V, l^foj Cromwell entered among his "obligationa** that 



A Welsh Insurrection, 37 

pecunias pro praefato Ricardo providere et optinere ad 
dicta ejus et ipsius Jacobi falsta et proditoria proposita 
et intentiones perficienda et exequenda praefato Johanni 
Hughes inter cetera proditiorie intimabat quod praefatus 
Ricardus ex necessitate unum vel duo de domiiiiis suis 
in Wallia existentibus vendere aut impignorare oportebat 
ad contendandum et solvendum dicto domino regi et ceteris 
creditoribus suis eorum debita. Et quod dominium praefati 
Ricardi de Emlyn pro diversis considerationibus aptum fuit 
pro praefato Johanne Hughes quod quo si idem Johannes 
cum praefato Ricardo pro eodem dominio bargainare vellet 
idem Ricardus allocare volebat praefato Johanni antiquum 
debitum quod praodictus Jacobus eidem Johanni .... 
prius debebat, praedictusque Jacobus easdem litteras suas a 
dicta turre Londinii praefato Johanni Hughes per quemdam 
Willielmum ap John servientem ipsius Jacobi proditorio 
mi sit et deliberari fecit, et ulterius quod praedictus Jacobus 
dictos proditorios animos et mentes praefatorum Ricardi 
Edwardi et Willielmi ex dictis informatione et intimatione 
inde praefati Edwardi Ffloyd eidem Jacobo ut praedicitur 
factis sciens et agnoscens atque suprascriptis eorundem 
Ricardi Edwardi et Willielmi feloniis et proditoriis propositis 
et intentionibus ut praefertur concensiens proditorieque 
volens et appetens eosdem Ricardum Edwardum et Williel- 
mum in practitionilDus perpetrationibus et operationibus 
eorundem proditionum praevalere secundo tertio et quarto 
diebus dicti mensis Septembris consilium opinionem et 
avisamentum ipsius Jacobi per dictos Edwardum et Williel- 
mum diversis vicibus videlicet quolibet die eorundem dierum 
inter prefatos Ricardum et Jacobum tanquam nuntios 
eorundem Jacobi et Ricardi hinc et inde videlicet a turre 
praedicta a praefato Jacobo usque ad Iseldonem praedictam 
ad praedictum Ricardum et deinde ab ipso Ricardo usque ad 
et in turrem praedictam ad praefatum Jacobum euntes et 
redeuntes praefato Ricardo viis mediis et modis quibus iidem 
Ricardus et Jacobus nequissime potentissime et callidissirae 
proditiones supradictas per praefatos Ricardum Edwardum 
et Willielmum ut praedicitur compassatas et imaginatas 
porimplere exequi et perficere potuissent proditorio exhibuit 



^'by John Heughes of London to Sir Wm. Kyngeston (the constable 
of the Tower) and Sir Edw. Walsingham, that James GriflSth 
Appowell shall be true prisoner in the Tower". 



38 A We/sk Insurrection, 

misit et dcstinavit, et praeterea per sacramentum juratorum 
proflitorio extitit praosentatus <iu()d praefatus Ricardus ap 
Griffith post dicta falsa et proditoria proposita sua ut praedici- 
tur devisata et imagiuata videlicet dicto primo die Septem- 
bris a pud Iseldonem praedictam uovum nomen videlicet 
Ryce ap Gruifith fiitzuryen in se proditorie assumpsit hac 
intontiono videlicet quod ipse statum et honorem dictae 
principalitatis Wallie proditoriis suis viis et mediis supra- 
scriptis diguius et sub praotenso tituli colore proditorie 
optinere poterat et habere. Sicque praedicti Ricardus ap 
Gruffith Edwardus Ffloyd Willielnius Hughes et Jacobus ap 
Gruffith ap Howell depositionem et mortem supremi dicti 
domini regis Henrici octavi supradicti false et proditorie 
contra eoruni legeancie debitum machinavenmt imagin- 
avcrunt et coinpassaverunt contra pacem coronam regaliam 
ot dignitatem suas et universum regnum dicti domini nostri 
regis nunc, «S:c., per quod praeceptum fuit vicecomiti quod 
noil omitteret, &.Q., quin caperct eos si, (S:c., et modo scilicet 
die veneris proximo post octavum sancti Martini isto eodem 
termino coram domino rege apud WestnKmasterium vene- 
runt praedicti Ricardus ap Gruffith et Willielmus Hughes 
per Willielmum Kyngston militem constabularium turris 
Londiiiii in cujus custodia perantea ex causa praedicta et 
aliis certis de cnusis commissi sunt ad baiTam hie ducti in 
propriis porsonis suis qui committuntur eidem constabulario, 
(&c., et statim de proditionibus praedictis cis separatim 
suporius imponoriti separatim allocuti qualiter se velint inde 
ac(piiotaro dicunt .separatim quod ipsi in nullo sunt inde 
culpabilos et inde de bono (>t malo separatim ponunt se 
super terrain, iVc, Ideo veiiit inde jurati coram domino rege 
apud Westmonasterium die lune proximo jiost quindenum 
saiioti Martini et (jui, Arc, ad recognitionem, &c., Quia, &c., 
idem dies daius est praefati Ricardus ap Gruffith et Williel- 
mus Hughes in custodia praefati constabularii dicto turris 
Loiidinii, tVc, ad quos diem et locum coram <loniino rege 
voneruut praedicti Rieardus ap Gruffith et Willielmus 
llujrlu's sub custodia praefati constabularii turris Londinii ill 
propriis personis suis et jurati exacti scilicet venerunt. Qui 
ad veritatem de praemissis diceiidam electi triati et jurati 
dicunt sui)er sacranu'iituiu suuni quod praedicti Ricardus ap 
Gruifith et Wilhelnuis Hughes de altis jiroditionibus prae- 
dictis eis sui>erius iiuponeritis sunt culpabiles et uterque 
eoruni est culpabilis eo (piod praedictus Ricardus ap Gruffith 
habet diversa bona et catalla terras et teneiiieuta iu Wallia 



A Welsh Insurrection. 39 

sed quali aiit de quo valore penitus ignorant. Eo quod 
praedictus Willielmus Hughes nulla habet bona catalla terras 
neque tenenienta, &c., super quo instanter servientes 
domini regis ad legis ac ipsius regis attornati petunt 
judicium et oxecutionom versus eosdem Ricardum ap 
Gruffith et Willielmum Hughes superinde juxta debitam 
legis formam pro domino rege habendam et super hoc visis 
et per curiam hie diligenter examinatis et intellectis omni- 
bus et singulis pracmissis constitutum est quod praedicti 
Ricar(his ap Gruffith et Willielmus Hughes ducantur per 
praefatum constabularium turris Londinii seu ejus locum- 
tenentem usque eandem turrim et ab inde per medium 
civitatis Londinii usque ad furcas de Tyburn trahantur et 
ibidem suspendantur et uterque eorum suspondatur et 
viventes at terram prosternantur et uterque eorum vivens 
prosternatur et interiora sua extra ventres suos et utriusque 
eorum capiantur et ipsis viventibus comburentur et quod 
capita sua amputentur quodque corpora utriusque eorum in 
quatuor partes dividantur eo quod capita et quarteria ilia 
ponantur ubi dominus rex ea assignare voluerit, &c." 

No modern lawyer can read the Indictment through 
without being struck with the meagreness of the evidence 
and the inadequacy of the crime alleged against Rhys ap 
Griffith. Shorn of its technical phraseology the acts on 
account of which Rhys was found guilty of high treason — 
even if proved by satisfactory evidence — were not very 
serious, and not worthy of the extreme penalty of the law. 
But treason in Henry VIII's days, and for a century after, 
was a very different thing from what it has come to be 
considered in our own days. The law of evidence, as we 
know ifc, was unborn, and our modern maxim that every 
man is innocent till he is proved to be guilty would have 
excited the ridicule of every lawyer. Prisoners were first 
subjected to a private examination before the Council. 
They had no chance of seeing or cross-examining their 
accusers ; they were not even told what the nature of the 
charges against them was. When, as was the case here, 
three men were jointly indicted, it was easy to work upon 



40 A Welsh Insurrection. 

the fears, the hopes, or the cupidity of one or more of 
them in their isolated anxiety. Before condemning a man 
for turning " King's evidence" we should know what in- 
duced him to tell what he knew ; for it frequently hap- 

m 

pened that prisoners were told that their accomplices had 
already confessed in order to induce a further confession. 
The Council would, after an examination of this kind, send 
the prisoners for trial by a jury at Westminster. The 
Council felt no responsibility, knowing that the ultimate 
decision rested with another tribunal. The jury would 
be influenced by the knowledge that the Council had 
already inquired into the matter, and had considered the 
evidence sufficient. If the evidence which was made 
public — and it must be remembered that the jury would 
only hear the depositions read of the evidence already 
given before the Council and the comments of the prosecu- 
tion and prisoners upon it — seemed to be inadequate, the 
jury would conclude that the Council was keeping back the 
most important part of it in the public interest. 

On August 28, 1531, Rhys ap Griffith was alleged to 
have "plotted, imagined, and comi)assed the king's depo- 
sition and death" with his two servants — Edward Floyd 
and William Hughes — in his house at Islington. All the 
proof that w^as adduced was that the three had recalled 
to one anotlier a prophecy which was said to be then 
current in Wales that *'King Jamys with the Red Hand 
and the Ravens should conquer all England", that Rhys 
had intended to mortgage his lordships of Carew and 
Narberth to one Robert White, a citizen and draper of 
London, for £2,000, in order to enable him to fly secretly 
to the Isle of Man, thence to the "Wild Irish", and thence 
to King James of Scotland, and that King James was to 
lead a great army, with which he was to conquer England 
for himself, and Wales for Rhys ap (Jriffith. 



A Welsh Insurrection, 41 

To our modern notions the evidence was most unsatis- 
factory. The conversation, if it ever took place, could only 
have been known to the three persons concerned. Edward 
Floyd turned King's evidence, but in our days his 
evidence would have been insufficient to convict Rhys 
of high treason. Floyd's story could not have been cor- 
roborated by the admissions of Rhys and Hughes, who 
both died protesting their innocence. It is also the 
wholesome custom of cur Courts to look with suspicion on 
the evidence of an accomplice. It is not altogether re- 
jected, but it is only accepted after jealous scrutiny and 
after submitting it to severe tests. But these refinements 
were unknown to the lawyers of Tudor times. Sir Walter 
Raleigh, in the next century, was convicted on evidence 
quite as unsatisfactory.' Henry Rice was only justified by 
our later standard in submitting that there was no satis- 
factory evidence upon which to convict Rhys on the first 
count of the Indictment. Rice's other points are hardly 
conclusive. He lays great stress upon the fact that King 
James was not known as *' James of the Red Hand". But 
the phrase "with the Red Hand" does not refer to a per- 
sonal peculiarity of the King of Scots, but to the old 
Welsh tradition of Owen Lawgoch. Nor is there much 
substance in the plea that Henry VIIT and his nephew of 
Scotland were at peace. The two countries were nominally 
at amity, but the period in question was halfway between 
Flodden and Pinkie. In October 1528 Henry had to write 
to James V to warn him to desist from advancing to the 
borders, for if he did not Henry would be compelled to 
adopt precautionary measures/ Two years later, James 

' Edwards's Life of Raleigh, i, 388. For an excellent description of 
the law of treason as it stood in the sixteenth and seventeenth 
centuries, see Gardiner's Hist, of Enylandy vol. i, p. 123 %eq. 

^ 6'. P., vol. iv, pt. iii, 204 App. 



42 A Welsh Insurrection, 

ap Griffith found refuge and help in the Court of Scotland^ 
and in the lifetime of Henry himself, the Scots were to be 
crushed a<^ain in the stricken field of Solway Moss. The 
relations of the two countries were undoubtedly disturbed, 
but after making every allowance for Henry's anxieties on 
this head, it must be confessed that a vague and casual 
conversation between master and men, even if proved, 
was not a sufficient ground to sustain a charge of high 
treason. 

The second allegation is more definite. Bhys is 
accused of having on several occasions sent Edward Floyd 
to James ap Griffith, who was still a prisoner in the Tower, 
to persuade him to enter into the conspiracy, and, as a sign 
of his fidelity, to partake of the holy sacrament with Rhys. 
Floyd is said to have broached the matter to James ap 
Griffith on Friday, September 1 — four days after the 
treasonable conversation at the house at Islington — and 
to have told him, after receiving his adherence to the 
scheme, to put as much trust in William Hughes, another 
of Rhys's servants, as in himself, Edward Floyd. A 
mysterious and traitorous significance is attached to 
Edward Floyd's statement to James that Rhys wanted 
as much money as possible, that he did not care — ^Uke 
many another borrower before and since — what liabilities 
he incurred to obtain it, that Rhys would never prosper 
in anything except that which he achieved with his own 
hands, and that he would never return to Wales except 
to hfive the whole limd at his good pleasure and command* 
A vague charge is made, for which no evidence was ad- 
duced, that on the following day, Saturday, September 2, 
several messages were exchanged between Rhys and James. 
On Sunday, September -5, James ap Griffith writes to one 
John Hughes, presumably a wealthy Welsh friend resident 
in London, offering to sell or mortgage to him the lord- 



A Welsh Insurrection, 43 

ship of Emlyn on behalf of Rhys, who wanted the money 
"to pay his debts to the King and his other creditors". 
James's messenger was William ap John, his own servant. 
On Monday, September 4, William Hughes, another of 
Rhys's servants, went to the Tower and conversed with 
James. He repeated to the prisoner the words which 
Edward Floyd had used of him on the previous Friday, 
that James could put as much trust in him as in Floyd, 
and having in this way gained James's confidence, the 
two are alleged to have indulged in a treasonable talk in 
the same strain as the one already detailed. One other 
"treasonable" allegation is made, that Rhys, on Septem- 
ber 1 — the day of Floyd's interview with James in the 
Tower — assumed the name and title of Fitz-Urien ! 

This was all the evidence which the Crown was able to 
scrape together, after weeks of preparation, and after 
every kind of sinister inducement had been held out to the 
witnesses. James ap GriflSth had not once seen Rhys 
himself ; he had only the word of Floyd for it that he was 
an emissary from Rhys. Ths whole story is fatuous, if 
not incredible. On a Monday, a conspiracy is hatched at 
Islington against the King. The chief plotter, instead of 
hastening into Wales, or sending messengers to prepare 
his retainers and tenants, remains supinely within easy 
distance of the King, and he is only anxious a week later 
to enlist the sympathy of a man who was a prisoner in the 
Tower. Nothing is done, or attempted to be done. Not 
a man is raised, not a letter or messenger sent to James of 
Scotland, the pivot upon which the success of the plan 
would turn. Even assuming that the story told by the 
prosecution was true in all particulars, there was no overt 
act done, unless, indeed, the alleged assumption of the 
name and title of Fitz-Urien by Rhys can be so described. 
There was no proof of Rliys's connection with the alleged 



44 A Welsh Iftsurrection. 

plot. The whole of the events took place within eight 
days, between Monday, Augfust 28, and Monday, Septem- 
ber 4. For another seventeen days, until September 21, 
the Crown waited and watched. Rhys made no move; 
none of the conspirators did anything ; the plot did not 
"march". At last, Rhys is cast into the Tower, the 
authorities despairing of his further implicating himself. 
If the Government really believed in the existence of a 
genuine plot, no one who has any knowledge of the 
Machiavelian st^itocraft of Thomas Cromwell would doubt 
that he would have played a little longer with his victim, 
and would have allowed him a little more rope to hang 
himself withal. The arrest of Rhys, after his admitted in- 
activity for seventeen days, shows that the Government 
had given up all hope of his further incriminating himself. 
The witnesses against Rhys, it is almost cei-tain, were 
Edward Floyd, his servant, and James ap Griffith, his 
father's cousin. Though Floyd was indicted with his 
master and fellow-servant, his name is absent from the 
barbarous sentence which was passed upon them, and 
from the Act of Attainder which received the sanction of 
Parliament in 1532.* Floyd was the most active agent of 
the conspiracy, and if his story was true he was the most 
guilty of the four. The fact that he escaped punishment 
is strong evidence that he purchased immunity by betray- 
ing his master. Henry Rice states that "the Ladle 
Kathorine Howard did take much pains to be trulie in- 
formed of this Edward Floyd : who knowing in her own 
heart her husband's innoconcie, and fearing the I'uyne of 
herself and children, left no stone unmoved wherby this 

' Iloiiry Rico says that Floyd and Jamos woro tho only two that 
"pivo ill ovidonco against llico, being both of them condemned with 
him, but afterwards ])ardoiiod." But this ai)poar8 to be an error. 
James was never tried, and Lloyd was not convicted. 



A Welsh Insurrection, 45 

practice might be discovered. At length (by the help of 
her friends and God's direction) shee found out that this 
man was corrupted with a reward of five hundred marks 
to betray his master, and this also was proved by divers 
others." 

That James ap Griffith was also a hostile witness 
against his nephew is as certain as anything can well be. 
He was more deeply implicated than William Hughes ; 
he was a man of higher position than Edward Floyd. Yet 
he is not indicted with the others ; it would almost appear 
as if he was the informer who put the Government on 
its guard. The subject of his conversation with Floyd on 
Friday, September 1, could have been disclosed by Floyd ; 
the letters which he wrote on Sunday, September 3, and 
sent by his servant, might have been intercepted ; but no 
one but James himself could have related the conversation 
which he had in the Tower with William Hughes on 
Monday, September 4, for not a word did Hughes utter 
against his master; else he would probably have been 
spared his barbarous and ignominious death at Tyburn. 
It is, indeed, not necessary to believe the account of 
James's share in the ignoble transaction which is given 
by Henry Rice. The age was not squeamish ; sixteen 
years later we find the Duchess of Richmond giving 
evidence which led her brother, the gallant Earl of Surrey, 
to the block, while her father, the Duke of Norfolk — Rhys 
ap Griffith's brother-in-law — was more concerned with 
saving himself than with clearing his son. But it is hardly 
credible that even in that age, when the misunderstood and 
misapplied doctrines of Machiavelli exercised so sinister 
an influence on conduct, and when the new ideas repre- 
sented by the Renaissance and the Reformation snapped 
the old ties of conventional morality and honour, one kins- 
man would have deliberately set himself to ruin another. 



46 A Welsh Insurrection. 

The motive of revenge which Henry Rice ascribes to James 
has already been shown to be impossible. The details of 
the story itself, as given by Rice, are no less incredible. 

"James ap Griffith and Edward Floyd (the one's heart 
full of revenge, tlie other of corruption and treachery) did 
oftentymes meet and consult by what means they might lay 
matters of treason to Rice his charge, and (as fitting for their 
purpose at that time) they called to mind an unfortunate 
blank of Rice s, which had long layne in the hands of James 
ap Griflith, and was gotten upon this occasion. James ap 
Griffith, a man of mean estate, having his chiefest stay 
of living from the said Rico, and being on a time verie 
familiar together, <lc8ired the said Rice his letter to a gentle* 
man in North Wales for a farm, which was then to be lett, 
which the said Rice gi*anted to him ; but never a clerk being 
present to write the letter, the said James persuaded Rice to 
subscribe to a blank, and that Edward Floyd, his clerk, 
should indite the letter according to his meaning. In this 
blanck was set doune matter enough for the Indictment." 

The charge of such horrible and cold-blooded treachery 
by one kinsman against another could only be justified by 
the clearest proof ; and such proof is entirely absent. 
Had Floyd and James ap Griffith deliberately plotted 
"oftentymes" how to inveigle Rhys into a conspiracy, they 
could easily have done their work more thoroughly and 
satisfactorily. It is true that James is said to have written 
a treasonable letter to John Hughes, which Was twisted 
also into some sort of evidence against Rhys. But the 
letter to Hughes, as summarised by the unfriendly hand 
which drew up the Indictment, does not sustain the charge 
made by Henry Rice against James ap Griffith. It cer- 
tainly does not read like the letter of a man who was 
trying to implicate another in a charge of treason. That 
James, however, did give evidence against his nephew is 
beyond contradiction. Not only was he not placed in the 
dock to stand his trial \vith the others, not only was 
evidence of conversations given which could only be sworn 



A Welsh Insurrection, 47 

to by James himself, but family tradition is so strong on 
the point as to be all but conclusive, without further cor- 
roboration. Henry Rice states plainly that James was 
one of the two hostile witnesses. In the Phillips MS. 
No. 14,416, now in the Cardiff Library, there occurs the 
following marginal note, which is not found in the Gam- 
hrian Register: — 

" James ap Griffith (a man banished for divers reasons and 
excepted in all pardons) did confess beyond seas to divers of 
his acquaintance this damnable practice of his against Rico, 
and being sore troubled in conscience he returned home with 
intent to acknowledge his offence and to submit himself to 
my grandfather [i. e., Griffith Rice, the son of Rhys and the 
Lady Katherine]. And he (my grandfather not enduring to 
hear of him) retired himself into Cardiganshire, where he 
died most miserably ; there are some yet alive will affirm 
this from my grandfather's mouth." 

A still stronger, because a direct contemporary and 

unconscious proof, is supplied by an entry in the Acts of 

the Privy Council, which has already been cited for 

another purpose. In 1548 James Leche petitioned to have 

his annuity continued, which had been granted him 

" in respect of his old service in thapprehencion of James 
Griffith Apowell, traitour and outlawe, icho appeched Sir Rice 
Griffith^ attainted for treason." 

But though it is impossible to avoid the conclusion 
that James ap Griffith turned King's evidence against his 
nephew, there is no evidence to convict him of malicious 
and deliberate treachery. Indeed, the presumption is all 
the other way. As far as one can discover, there was an 
entire absence of motive. Rhys had done him no wrong ; 
they were "verie familiar" together ; James was in prison 
for having, presumably, acted in conjunction with Rhys. 
Had he been bent on ruining his nephew, he could easily, 
on account of his intimacy and relationship with Rhys, 
have manufactured evidence against him. Moreover, Rhys 



48 A Welsh Insurrection, 

was undoubtedly popular in South Wales, and his betrayer 
would have received short shrift at the hands of Rhys's 
supporters and friends. Yet, James went back and lived 
in peace for some time in South Wales after his release 
from the Tower. His ancient friendship with Thomas ap 
Rhydderch of Cryngae, and David Vaughan of Kidwelly, 
does not appear to have been impaired, which we may 
assume would not have been the case had James been 
guilty of the unutterable baseness which is laid to his 
charge by Henry Rice.^ What probably happened was 
that the Government was anxious to make a case against 
Rhys, that it worked upon the cupidity of Moyd, and upon 
the fears or hopes of James — Cromwell, indeed, would 
have thought little of extracting confessions from them by 
use of the rack — that they told what they knew, and that 
the prosecution placed their own interpretation on perfectly 
innocent transactions. It was not by the evidence of 
Floyd and James that Rhys ap Griffith was condemned. 
An unscrupulous prosecution, working on a timorous jury, 
obtained a verdict of guilty ; but it is manifestly clear that 
the real cause of Rliys's downfall was the jealousy of a 
savage and suspicious king.* 

^ James's son, Joiikyn, marriod a daughter of Thomas ap 
Rhyddorch's only daughter and heiress. David Vaughan, Kidwelly, 
helped James to eseape by boat from Kidwelly in the summer of 1533, 
and as late as April ,*50, bVJd, we have Bishop Lee writing to Cromwell 
from Brecknock, *' You are advertised from this Council that David 
Vaughan, officer of Kidwelly in Wales, is accused by your servant 
Jankyn Lloyd for assisting the rebellion of James ap Howell Griffith." 
('S'.P., vol. X, 7(W.) 

'^ Mr. David Jones mentions, in his article in the Arch, Camhr,y 
another family tradition found in the Dale MSS., that Rhys fell 
'* through the trea(?herous malice of his brother-in-law, the Duke of 
Norfolk". That the Duke did not interfere very zealously in behalf 
of his kinsman may be taken for granted ; but there is no more 
evidence to convict him than James ap Griffith of '^ treacherous 
mahce". 



A Welsh Insurrection, 49 

The verdict of contemporaries was certainly against 
the king, and it must be remembered that the facts were 
known to all men after the public trial in Westminster. 
Chapuys, writing to Charles V on the morning of Rhys 
ap Griffith's execution, sums up the case as follows : — 

" The cause of his condemnation is, as far as I have been 
informed, that he would not confess that one of his own 
servants had solicited hini to revenge the wrongs he com- 
plained of by entering into a conspiracy and subsequently 
taking flight to Scotland, where he could easily, owing to his 
influence over the Welsh, and to the general discontent caused 
by this divorce, have persuaded the king to make the con- 
quest of this kingdom. And although the said Rice had not 
accepted the ofl^ers made to him, nor entered into the con- 
spiracy, yet as he would not confess who it was who solicited 
him, he was condemned to death, notwithstanding the many 
apologies he made ; and there is a rumour about town that 
had it not been for the king's lady, who hated him because 
he and his wife had spoken disparagingly of her, he would 
have been pardoned and escaped his miserable fate.^ 

Here we have probably the true explanation of the 
tragic death of Rhys ap Griffith. He was, like most of 
his countrymen at the time, a sincere Catholic ; he had 
been befriended by Cardinal Wolsey ; he was on the side 
of the old Queen in the matter of the King's divorce. 
Anne Boleyn was not yet acknowledged as wife or mistress 
by the King; but she was maturing her plans, which were 
being furthered by her uncle^ the Duke of Norfolk. It is 
easy to understand with what hatred Anne and her uncle 
would regard anyone, especially one who might have been 
expected, on account of his close relationship, to support 
her claims, who "spoke disparagingly" of her in those 
anxious days when her position had not been secured. 

All the evidence we have goes to show that contempo- 

' It would have been quite sufficient to secure a conviction if the 
facts alleged by Chapuys were proved against Rhys. See Gardiner, 
i, 123 %eq. 

£ 



50 u4 Welsh Insurrection, 

raries reg^arded Rhys as being innocent of the accusations 
hiid to his charge. Even Ellis Griffith, prejudiced as he 
was against Rhys's family, could only say that Rhys had 
paid the penalty for the sins of his forefathers. The one 
suggestion we find, that there was something in the allega- 
tion that Rhys put some credence in the Lawgoch prophecy, 
is to be met with in the confession of William Nevill, who, 
in describing his visit to the wizard Jones at Oxford, says 
that he replied to a remark of the wizard's "that the late 
Duke of Buckingham, young Ryse, and others, had cast 
themselves away by too mucli trust in prophecies"/ But 
all the other evidence goes to show that Chapuys was inter- 
preting the popular feeling when he declared Rhys to be 
innocent. In August 15«S4, Martin de Cornoca writes to 
Charles V from Venice with reference to Reginald Pole, who 
was then residing in that city. He says that Pole's father 
>vas " a worthy knight of Wales", and that his family had 
great influence in the Principality. "On account of their 
love for the Princess and the death of don Ris, who was 
beheaded three* years ago, the whole province is alienated 
from the king."^ In November of the same year Chapuys 
writes to the Emperor to say that he understands the 
people of Wales are very angry at the ill-treatment of the 
Queen and Princess, and also at what is done against the 
faith, "for they have always been good Christians. Not 
long ago there w^as in that district a mutiny against the 
governor of the county on account of a certain execution, 
when the governor was very nearly undone, and it is said 
the people only wait for a chief to take the field." We 
have no record of this "mutiny", unless it be that of Rhys 
in 1529, or James in 1580. But probably it refers to a 
"mutiny" which took place after the execution of Rhys. 

' .V. 1\ Dec. 30, 1.j3i>, voJ. v, UOii. '' K P., vol. vii, 1040. 



A Welsh Insurrection, 51 

Even in England men thought Rhys an ill-used man. 

One of the allegations against John Hale, the Vicar of 

Islevvorth, in 1535, was that he told one Feron that Ireland 

was set against the King, and added, " And what think ye 

of Wales ? Their noble and gentle Ap Ryce so cruelly 

put to death, and he innocent, as they say, in the cause.'" 

What was the popular view of the transaction may be 

gathered from a story which Henry Rice heard related in 

the next century by the Earl of Nottingham, "the only 

man of note now living who came nearest those times". 

The story may be mythical, but it is an index of what 

people thought and said of the matter, even after the 

public trial at Westminster. 

" The king one daie at Wandsworth hawking at the 
brooke, his falcon being seized of a fowle, there came by 
accident a raven, that put his falcon from the quarry, 
whereat the king chafed exceedingly. One standing by (as 
malice is ever watchful to do mischief) stepps to the king 
and whispered him in the eare, saying, * Sir, you see how 
peremptorie this raven is growne, and therefore it is high 
time to pull him down, therefore to secure your majestie, 
and to prevent his insolencies'.'* 

The King made no reply, but brooded over the matter. 
To such a mind and temper as Henry's, the remembrance 
of his family's obligations to the house of Dynevor could 
not fail to be irksome and irritating to a degree. He 
had not broken with old Sir Rhys ap Thomas, but he had 
never shown any favour to his grandson, and it is no 
wonder if Rhys used to complain to his associates that 
"Welshmen and priests were sore disdained nowadays".* 
If we may believe Henry Rice, Queen Elizabeth — who was 
a second cousin through her mother to Griffith Rice — was 
''so well satisfied of the extreme and bad measure oflPered 
to Rice Griffith, that she never looked upon any of his 

' 6'. P., vol. viii, 609. = 8, P., vol. viii, 567. 

£ 2 



52 A Welsh Insurrection, 

children, but as upon spectacles of infinite sufferance ; in- 
somuch that she would often say she was indebted. both to 
justice and her father's honour till she had repaired them. 
But my grandfather, and father after him, met with here- 
ditarie enemies^ at court, and thus stands our case." 



III. 
James ap Griffith in Exile. 

After the death of Rhys ap Griffith, the interest of the 
narrative shifts to James ap Griffith ap Howell. It is 
extremely difficult to discover exactly what happened after 
Ehys's execution on December 4, 1531, when and how 
James was released from custody, and what events led to 
his exile and long odyssey. We must be content with 
surmises, and trust to the discovery of new facts from 
time to time to throw further light on the dark passages 
in the story. 

In a letter to a friend, one Vitus Theodorus, ** teacher 

' Probably the Deverouxes, one of whom, Lord Essex, was the 
Queen's favourite in her hitor years. A genealogy of the Rices may 
be useful, taken from Lewis Dwnn : — 

Sir Rhys ap Thomas=Mabli, f. ag aeres Harri ap Gwilym. 



Sir GrulFydd Rhys=Catrin, f. Sir John ap John. 



Rhys ap Griftith—Catrin, f. Thos., Duke of Norfolk. 



Gruffydd Riee=Elinor, f. Sir T. Johnos, kt. 



Sir Walter Rice==Elsbeth, f. Sir Edward Mansel, kt. 
Henry Rico. 



A Welsh Insurrection, 53 

of the Gospel in the church of Nuremberg," written prob- 
ably from Wittenberg in April 1537,^ Philip Melancthon 
gives us a captivating glimpse at James's life on the Con- 
tinent, and a suggestion of the account which James gave 
of himself : — 

"I have given these letters to an Englishman who asked 
me to commend him to you. lie helfl land of his own in 
which he could raise 1:2,000 soldiers, and was moreover 
Governor of Wales, hut spoke rather freely against the 
Divorce. To him was particularly commended the daughter 
of the first Queen, because she had the title of Princess of 
Wales, and therefore he grieved at the contumelies put upon 
her. lie was afterwards put in prison, from which, after a 
year and three months, he escaped by making a rope out of 
cloth. I beg you to receive and console him. Ilis exile is 
long, his misfortune long, and he seems a modest man. 
[lere he has asked for nothing. I think he takes little 
pleasure in the court."^ 

In the midst of much loud talk and gasconading, which 
seems to have been taken as gospel truth by the simple 
and trustful Melancthon, we have one statement of fact 
which can be relied on. James said that he had been 
imprisoned for fifteen months, and he was not likely to 
understate the amount of his sufferings. We may dis- 
miss, as mere braggadocio, his tale about his escape from 
prison "by making a rope out of cloth". He was prob- 
ably, as Henry Eice said, remorseful as to the part he had 
played in Rhys's trial, and was unwilling to admit, even 
to his own conscience, much less to a Protestant, that he 
had earned his pardon by betraying his kinsman. But he 

' S. P., vol. xii, pt. i, 845. 

- However much wo may reprehend James's habit of boasting of 
mythical ancient splendours, let us charitably remember that it is 
the besetting sni of those who " have seen better days", and that 
James did not dwell on his misfortunes with the view to "obtaining 
money by false pretences", but that ho refrained from asking Melanc- 
thon for anything. 



A Welsh Insurrection, 53 

of the Gospel in the church of Nuremberg," written prob- 
ably from Wittenberg in April 1537,^ Philip Melancthon 
gives us a captivating glimpse at James's life on the Con- 
tinent, and a suggestion of the account which James gave 
of himself : — 

" I have given these letters to an Englishman who asked 
me to commend him to you. lie held land of his own in 
which he could rjiise 1:2,000 soldiers, and was moreover 
Governor of Wales, hut spoke rather freely against the 
Divorce. To him was particularly commended the daughter 
of the first Queen, because she had the title of Princess of 
Wales, and therefore he grieved at the contumelies put upon 
her. lEe was afterwards put in prison, from which, after a 
year and three months, he escaped by making a rope out of 
cloth. I beg you to receive and console him. His exile is 
long, his misfortune long, and he seems a modest man. 
[lere he has asked for nothing. I think he takes httle 
pleasure in the court."^ 

In the midst of much loud talk and gasconading, which 
seems to have been taken as gospel truth by the simple 
and trustful Melancthon, we have one statement of fact 
which can be relied on. James said that he had been 
imprisoned for fifteen months^ and he was not likely to 
understate the amount of his sufferings. We may dis- 
miss, as mere braggadocio, his tale about his escape from 
prison "by making a rope out of cloth". He was prob- 
ably, as Henry Eice said, remorseful as to the part he had 
played in Rhys's trial, and was unwilling to admit, even 
to his own conscience, much less to a Protestant, that he 
had earned his pardon by betraying his kinsman. But he 

' S. P.J vol. xii, pt. i, 845. 

^ However much we may reprehend James's habit of boasting of 
mythical ancient splendours, let us charitably remember that it is 
the besetting sm of those wht) ** have seen better days", and that 
James did not dwell on his misfortunes with the view to "obtaining 
money by false pretences", but that ho refrained from asking Melanc- 
thon for anything. 



54 A Welsh Insurrection, 

had no motive to understate the period of his imprison* 
ment, and we may therefore take it that he was lodged in 
the Tower altogether for fifteen months. If, as is likely, 
he was first arrested in October 1530, the fifteen months 
would be up in January l£82, just a month or so after the 
execution of Rhys. This is as we should have expected, 
but there are several difficulties still in the way. On 
June 20, 1532, James petitioned the King for his pardon 
in the following terms : — 

*' To the king our Soverai^e Lorde. 

*' Please it your highiics of your mosto abundante grace 
to graunte untt) your desolate subject James Gruft'yth ap 
Howell being prisoner in Westminster your most gracious 
letters of pardon in due forme undre your greate seall to 
be made after the forme and effect hereafter ensuying and 
that this bill signed with your most gracious hande maye be 
a sufHcient warrant and discharge unto the Lord Keper of 
your grete seale without suying of any other writing or 
warrant under your signet privey seale or otherwise. And 
your said orator shall continually during his lif pray for the 
good preservacion of your moste noble estiite being long to 
endure," et(\ 

Then follows the *' form and effect'' of the pardon, signed 
by the King, in the same terms as those in which it was 
afterwards enrolled.' 

Two things are worthy of note in this Sign Bill. Its 
date is June 20, 1532, and in it James ap Griffith is 
described as b(»ing a ''prisoner in Westminster". In the 
engrossed pardon" (and in the printed State Papers) the 

' *y. p.,voi. V, ii;{9(is). 

- The pardon, which is in t'onnnon form, and not worth repro<hic- 
tion luM'o, is made out to James GrilHth ai> Ilowel of the various 
lnr<lshij)s already meiitioni'<l, and absolv^.«^! James of all *'prodiciono8 
tam majores (juam minores ac . . . alias prodicionestpuvsoumtiuo 
murdra homicidia folonias roborias burgulara abjuraoiones rapta 
cai)ciones et alxluctiones mulierum (lUecuuKpie per ipsum Jacobum 
ante hec tompora," iftc. Thu mistako as to the date was probably a 



A We/sk Instii'vection, 55 

date is wrongly given as June 20, 1531. As we have seen, 
that date is impossible, for in August and September of 
that year we know, from the indictment against Rhys ap 
Griffith, that James was still a prisoner in the Tower. In 
the fifth volume of the State Papers (No. 657) certain 
"fines made with divers persons by the King's Council" 
are assigned to the end of the year 1581. Among them 
we find one John ab Owen, late prisoner in the Tower, 
who " sometimes was towards Rice Griffith", fined 
£26 13s. 46?. ;^ while in Cromwell's own hand there is 
added, "James Griffith ap Howell, for his pardon 
c€526 13s. Idf.," 400 marks of which being "in obliga- 
tions". A few pages later (No. 683) we find "instructions 
by the King as to Rice ap Griffith's property", so that in 
all probability John ab Owen and James ap Griffith were 
fined for their pardons ahnost immediately after the 
conclusion of Rhys's trial. But the pardon would perhaps 
not become operative until the fine was paid. Is not this 
the explanation of the fact that James was still described 
in June 1532 as a "prisoner in Westminster"? After 
receivin^f his promise of pardon on payment of a fine, he 
may have been removed from the Tower to Westminster as 
the King's debtor. On June 13, 1532 — after the Bill of 
Attainder against Rhys ap Griffith, which had been passed 
in the previous January — instructions were given to four 
Commissioners, Thomas Jones, Morris ap Harry, John 
Smythe, and William Brabazon, to take possession of all 
Rhys's lands, etc., and deliver them to the King, and 

clerical error, but it is barely possible that he was pardoned only for 
oll'ences coininitted before June 1531, and that his complicity in Rhys 
ap Grittitirs so-called ''conspiracy" was still to bo held m terrorem 
over his head. {Pat. Rolls, L>3 11. VlII, p. i, m. 34.) 

' Can this be the Thomas ab Owen, Rhys's kinsman, who was 
imprisoned by Lord Ferrers ? No further reference is to be found to 
this John ab Owen. 



56 A Welsh Ifisujv^eciion. 

ascertain, at the same time, what lands and goods were 
possessed by James Griffith ap Howell. 

^' ItoTii, yo shall also inquire ... by all the manners and 
weyes yo can possiblie what landes, houses or hereditamenta 
James ap Griffith ap Howell hath, whether in Wales, Eng- 
lundo, and the marches of the same and what yerelie saum 
tlioy do amounte to, and to certifie us and our oounsaill 
therefore. Item, yo shall also inquyre to make sure by all 
the spocdinoss ye can devise what ifermes, etc., the said 
Jaymes ap Griffith ap HowoU hath or hadd .... and 
what yearlie proffits thoy amounted to. . . . Item, as to 
cattle, in whoso hands," etc. {S. P., vol. v, 724, 9.*) 

On the very same day, June 13, 1532, Cromwell wrote 
to the King, evidently in answer to Henry's inquiry, that 
he could not " inform the King of the conclusion of James 
Griffiths ap Howell's matter, as he had not spoken with 
Mr. Treasurer of the Household, who will to-day be at 
Westminster."" This, it will be observed, was seven days 
before the linal pardon was drawn up and executed. On 
the following September 2, we find an entry among Crom- 
well's "desperat obligations'" one *' by John Heughes, of 
London, to Sir AVilliam Kyngstone and Sir Edward 
Walsingham, that James Griffith Appowell shall be true 
prisoner in the Tower." James's fine seems never to have 
been paid in full. Late in 1533, among "the debts 
remaining upon sundry obligations to the King's use", we 
twice find James ap Griffith's name.* In February 1585^ 



A vtM'v intt'i(.'stii)*r account of Rhys up Griffith's property is 
given, not only in tlio coniimtus <»f William iinibazon (A*. P,, vol. v, 
No. -14S), but also in tlio 'rrcasuiy llc^coipts (Uocjord Office), Mis- 
celliineous Hooks, lol, whiMo u minute^ (Icscviptiou of each of his 
"ciistclls" of Knilyn, Carow, Naibortli, Newton ^Dinofwr), und Aber- 
ni,ii les is given. 

'' !S. 1\, vol. V, m)± 

^ *V. i\, vol. V, ll^So. 

* is. i^, vol. vi, una. 



A Welsh Insurrection. 57 

among the "obligations due at and before the Purification 
of our Lady next" is entered ^^^ 138. 4df. from James; 
and among the bonds to the King "not yet due" on that 
date, are tAro sums, one of £266 13s. 4d!. from James ap 
Griffith and Walter Boules, and another of t^^ 13^. 4i. 
from James ap Griffith. Of the fine of £526 138. 4df. it 
would seem that James only paid £126 13s. 4{Z., and that 
the other £400 was still owing. May not this account for 
the entry, already cited, concerning John Hughes's "obli- 
gation" to the Constable of the Tower that James ap 
Griffith shall be "true prisoner in the Tower"? May it 
not also explain the somewhat mysterious origin of James's 
connection with Harry Ellington, a merchant of Bristol ? 

Henry, or Harry, Ellington was a man of unsavoury 
reputation and worse character. The first mention we 
have of him in the State Papers is when he was an ap- 
prentice to a merchant named Abraham, of London, and 
resident in the Low Countries. He was then concerned in 
a bit of sharp practice, which was the subject of complaint 
on the part of the English agent at Antwerp.^ Some years 
after we find him. a prisoner in the Tower, writing on May 
28, 1532, toCromwelP:— 

' \Wlh. iS. p., vol. iv, No. 1794. Ellington, apprentice to Thos. 
Abraham, merchant adventurer, is alleged in a Bill in Chancery to 
have bought *' \S'2 pieces of camlet worth £207, at the Sykson mart 
in Antwerp in 1523, and for which he refuses to pay". The bill given 
by Ellington to the merchant, Rodericus Royfernandus, was not 
signed by Abraham ; and the Dutch merchant had therefore never 
been paid. 

■ The date assigned to this letter in the printed State Papers, is 
May i?8, 1533, but that must be an error, for we find him "about 
Whitsuntide" (which fell on June 1 in that year) starting from Kid- 
welly with James ap Griffith. According to his own account, he had 
been with James for some days before the start, and he had been 
twice to London on business for him. He could not, therefore, have 
been in the Tower in May 1533. On May 19, 1534, we know he was 



58 A Welsh Insurrection, 

" Since I left Bristol, during mine imprisonment in the 
Tower, I have sustained gi'eat wTongs and losses in the town 
of Bristol, of which I should be glad to inform you. I beseech 
you, therefore, to send some token to the lieutenant of the 
Tower, that he will license me to come to you." {S. P., vol. 
vi, 551.) 

Ill a "confession", which he made to Stephen Yaughan^ 
Crom weirs agent in the Low Countries, Ellington relates 
how he came to be connected with James ap Griffith. 

*• Master Vaghan, the cawsse of my departynge out of the 
realm of ynglande was this, Fyrst where 1 was presonad in 
the to ware of London for Jamys Greffythe apowell at my 
comyng to lyborty I came to Walls to the said Jamys for 
to have restietycion for my chargys that I was at in tyme of 
my trobill, and then he promysyd me xl pecys of Welohe 
ffrysso and mor desiryd me to remayne with hyme for a 
monyth and that tlion he wolde make me Delyverance of the 
said xl pecys of iiryssis and so in the meantyme he sent me 
to tynis to London consarnynge the hurtjmge [not hunttfnffe^ 
as it is given in the printed State Papers] of Wylliam 
Vaghan of Kylgarron [not Kyh/arsoiiy as printed], and so at 
my last comynge home frome Ltmdon I bad hyme send no 
iiior ])ut goo hyme sellfe wythe his payments and in so 
doynge lie shuld have hys porpos and apon this he toke his 
advys and within to or iii dais after he came to me and said 
Harry wher as you geve nio this counsell to goo up my seUffe 
1 wyll not so dowe for and yf 1 shulde goo up wythe part of 
my money and not with the hole I fere me to be put in 
prisson.'" («V. /'., vol. vi, 1548.) 

Amid so miKdi uncertainty, it is impossible to walk 
with a sure tread, and we can only conjecture, with what 
plausibility we may, what was the real course of events. 

in Bristol, and lU'osuniably in CromwcH's favour. The conjecture is 
thurcjfore justiliod that tlio letter was written from the Tower in 
May I5:iL>. 

^ Klliiigtons last ai)iH?arance in the Staff* Papers is characteristic. 
On April '2'2, lo.'U, he writes to Cromwell to inform him otticiously 
'*of c(»rtain oaiistis", and in the following May he receives the con- 
fession of ()n(j of the cul}>rits, a goldsmith of Jiristol. {S, P,, vol, vii, 
Nos. 532, ()IH\) 



A Welsh Insurrection. 59 

It would seem, then, that the offence for which James ap 
Griffith had been fined was ''the hurtynge" of William 
Vaughan, of Cilgerran. This incident has already been 
dealt with, and we have accepted, as a working hypothesis, 
that Vaughan was so "'hurt" while attempting to appre- 
hend James in October 1530. Immediately after the 
execution of Rhys, i.e., before the end of 1531, James is 
fined the large sum of £526 138. Ad. (probably equivalent 
to about £7,000 of our money) for his pardon. At this 
time, no enquiry had been held as to the amount and value 
of James's possessions, and James, no doubt, was glad to 
purchase his life at whatever cost. In January 1532, if 
James's story to Melancthon can be relied on, he was re- 
leased from the Tower on finding sureties for the payment 
of the fine, though in the following June James is still a 
''prisoner in Westminster". One John Hughes, of London 
— probably the same as James's correspondent in Septem- 
ber 1531, who is mentioned in the Indictment of Rhys — 
was certainly one of those who entered into an "obligation" 
on behalf of James. Henry Ellington seems to have been 
another, according to his own story, for he was at some 
time a prisoner in the Tower, and put to certain "chargys" 
for James ap Griffith. The Walter Boules, mentioned as 
jointly with James indebted to the King in the sum of 
£266 138. 4J., may have been a third surety. On June 13, 
1532, Cromwell, finding the King becoming impatient, 
instructs Commissioners to inquire into the extent and 
value of James's estate and goods, and seven days later a 
formal pardon is made out to him. The "prisoner in 
Westminster" probably then hurried home — not to Emlyn, 
which was in the hands of the King's Commissioners since 
the attainder of Rhys, but yet somewhere not far from 
the town of Carmarthen. It may be he went to Castell 
Maelgwn on the banks of the Teivi in Pembrokeshire, but 



I' 



A U\/sh Insurrection. 



59 



It would seem, then, that the otFence for which Ja,iiies up 
(.Jriftith liiid been fined was "the hurtyiif»e" of William 
Vausli'i"- ti^ Cilgen-an. This incident has already been 
dealt with, and we have acceptetl, as a working hypothesis, 
that Vaughan was so "hurl" while attempting to appre- 
lienil James in October lo'W. Iminediatelv after the 
execution of Rhys, i.e., before the end of lo^il, James is 
fined the large sum of i52(J \'^». M. fjtrobably equivalent 
to about £7,000 of our money) for liis pardon. At this 
time, no enquirj- had been held as to the amount and value 
of James's i)os3GSsions, and James, no doubt, was glad to 
purchase his life at whatever cost. In January l-jSi, if 
James's story to Melancthon can be relied on, he was re- 
leased from the Tower on finding sureties for tlie payment 
of the fine, though in the following June James is still a 
"prisoner in Westminster". One John Hughes, of London 
— ^probably the same as James's correspondent in Septem- 
ber 1531, who is mentioned in the Indictment of Rhys — 
was certainly one of those who entered into an "obligation" 
on behalf of James. Eeniy Ellington seems to have been 
another, according to his own atory, for he was at some 



^H time a prisoner in the Tower, and put to certain "cliar^iys" 


^H for James ap Urithth. The WaUoi- Boi^ 


Mtaationed as 


^H jointly with James iiideltted to thiv Ki^ 


■Tir. mm of 


^^^ £2(it! 19«. id., may have h>v'u < ' 


■'U.June 13, 


^B loSS, Cnitnwell, tiudiott tl^^^ 


impatient, 


^H hlsiTM.J- ''""^^^^B 


extent and 


^^H ralu'^ ''^^^^^r 


J lys later a 




"priHoner in 




iiuf to Kmlyn, 






^^Huitell 


^^^^^^BTli d^^^^^^^^^^B^^H 


^^H^but 



6o A Welsh Insurrection. 

this a^ain we are slow to believe. Had James been there, 
it would have been easy for him to set sail from the Pem- 
brokeshire or Cardiganshire coast for Ireland in ISSS, 
instead of embarking at Kidwelly, as we know he did. 
Mention is made in David Williams's confession of one 
"Retlier ap Davyd ap Jankyn, in whose house the said 
Gryfiitli was lodged in South Gare", and it is not unlikely 
that, while the King's Commissioners were making an 
inquisition into his property, James and his family found 
refuge in a friend's house in ''South Gare" (South Car- 
marthenshire?). We know that "about Whitsuntide" 
1588, James was somewhere in Carmarthenshire. David 
Williams, in his confession, says that 

** Thorn's ap K- )ther of the Kron^arth was a gret frond of the 
saide GryfKth and otfured him iiic men to ayde him as 
GryfKth sayed, and that one David Vaughan of Kidwellys 
hind brought the saide GryfKth to the waterside at his 
departing out of Wales, and that David Meredith of Kid- 
welly s land aforesaid was also a greto ffronde and ffautor of 
the saide GrytHthes with also one Rether ap Davyd ap 
Jenkyn in whose house the saide Gryffith was lodged in 
South Gare, and the said David sayeth that James GryflSth 
would often make moche mone that lie had no wey to convey 
lettres into Knglond to one Fraunces Novile. He also 
seyeth that Walter ap John was a fi'autor and frend of the 
8ai<l GryfHth, and kept him mo(?he company in Wales long 
tyme before he <leparted to Scotland." (*y. P., vol. vi, Io91.) 

The reference to Francis Nevile, with whom James 
wanted to ^et into touch, is significant. On December 30, 
1532, a William Nevill confessed to certain treasonable 
practices. A sentence in his confession, which has 
already boon quoted, shows that he was acquainted with 
the story, if not with the person, of Rhys ap Griffith. 
James, in his inacc«»ssible homo, ''makes much moan" 
that ho was not in communication with another Nevill. 
He tries to ward off the Government's suspicion by 



A Welsh Insurrection, 6i 

sending Ellino^n twice up to London to pay off instal- 
ments of his fine ; in all he paid £126 13s. \d. There is 
no doubt, however, that his mind was full of plots and 
schemes to overthrow the King. He had probably been 
ruined by the infliction of the heavy fine, following close 
upon his patron's death. His predilections were Catholic, 
and he supported the old Queen against her supplanter. 
He professed to David Williams that he was in communi- 
cation with Queen Catherine, and there is nothing 
inherently improbable in his statement, though, of course, 
it may have been nothing more than a silly boast. David 
Williams, in his confession, which was made at the end of 

1533, stated that 

** about Whitsuntide last James Griffith ap Howell receyved 
a letter from the queen's grace as the saide Gryffith sayd 
commanding you to provide hobbeyes for her grace in 
Irelond. And thereuppon for that purpose as he sayeth 
take a ship and sayled towards Irelond." 

Ellington, indeed, makes no mention oE the Queen's 
letter, but he was anxious to show his innocence of James's 
treasonable designs, and that he was only constrained 
"for fear", after reaching the coast of Ireland, to accom- 
pany James into Scotland. Three things incline us to 
believe that James was possibly in direct communication 
with Queen Catherine. In the first place, there is James's 
own statement to David Williams, his servant, which 
accords with the general view taken by contemporaries as 
to the cause of his exile. Ellington states that a man from 
Flanders came to James at Leith, and said that 

" he had been in the court of my lady Mary, Quene of 
Ilungre [who was Regent of the Netherlands under her 
brother the Emperor] when he dyd here myche goodnes of 
the said Jaymys, and that yt was showyd my lady Mary 
that he was a gret lord banyshed out oflf Ynglande for 
takynge part with the olde queene, and that she wychyd for 
hyme with here by caus she hard tell that he myght also 
myche i Walls." {S. P., vol. vi, 1648.) 



62 A Welsh Insurrection. 

This was the tale t^old to the Eegent, be it noted, not 
by James himself, or any of his emissaries, but either 
by common report or by somebody acting in Queen 
Catherine's interest at her niece's Court. Melancthon's 
letter to Vitus Theodorus and Legh's description of 
James's behaviour at the Court of the Duke of Holst^ 
show, also, that James himself did his best to live up to 
his reputation as the old Queen's friend. Then, there can 
be no doubt that the unfortunate Catherine was at this 
time at the very lowest ebb of her fortunes. In the 
previous March, the King had privately married Anne 
Boleyn. On May 23, 1533, Archbishop Cranmer formally 
announced the decree of divorce from Catherine. On 
May 28, the King's marriage with Anne was declared 
valid, and on Whit-Sunday, June 1, at the time when 
James received his letter from Queen Catherine, conveying 
a hint that he should fly to Ireland, Anne Boleyn was 
crowned Queen. If there had been any plots to prevent 
the marriage and coronation of Esther, what more natural 
than that Vashti should warn her friends at the first 
possible moment of the failure of their hopes and the 
triumph of her rival ? There is still another supposition, 
which does not altogether lack probability. Ellis Griffith 
tells us Queen Catherine was in the habit of repairing, in 
the days of her bitter trouble, to the house of a Spanish 
servant named Philip. She used to confide all her 
troubles to her sympathetic countrymen, and no doubt 
found much relief in relating her woes to her humble 
friends. All the servants in Philip's house were Welsh- 
men, and some of them, especially David ap Robert of Llan- 
gollen, were well acquainted with Spanish, the language 
in which the Queen conversed. It is no wild assumption 

' S. 1\ vol. vii, No. 710. 



A Welsh Insurrection, 63 

to conclude that James ap Griffith was known to David 
ap Robert, especially as Llangollen was on the borders 
of James's lordships of Arwystli and Cyveiliog. There 
were few Welshmen resident in London in those days, and 
we may be sure that they clung together. Even if we 
discard the idea that the Queen herself should have been 
James ap Griffith's correspondent, it iis not unnatural to 
suppose that one of Master Philip's Welsh servants should 
have learnt the failure of the Queen's hopes, and hastened 
to warn his countryman of the triumph of his foes. 
Certain it is that the inability to pay the full fine was not 
the only, perhaps not the predisposing cause of James's 
resolve to quit his native land. The relentlessness with 
which he was pursued all over the Continent by Henry 
and his agents, showed that there was some other and 
graver offence laid to his charge than mere failure to pay 
a fine. 

A graphic account of James ap Griffith's departure 
from Wales and his adventures in Ireland, Scotland, and 
Flanders is supplied by the confessions of David Williams, 
one of James's servants, and Henry Ellington, and we 
cannot do better than reproduce them in full, omitting 
only those passages in them which have already been 
cited. James was accompanied to the seaside, somewhere 
near Kidwelly, by his old friend David Vaughan. 

*^ And thereuppon", said David Williams . . . . " he 
sayled towards Irelond, being in his company at that tyme 
Alice his iix. (wife), Sache (Sage) his daughter, John a Mor- 
gan a kynnesman of his, Henry Ellington^ Lewes a maryner, 
John a pen berere [o Ben-y-Buarth ? a place in Emlyn, 
mentioned in Dwnn, p. 20], John Bean Teaw (ben tewP), 
John Owon a gooner, and the saide David Willyams, which 
ship was of the portage of xv or xvi tooune laden with benes, 
and in the same ship he sayeth were vi maryners, that is to 
say, a master and five maryners, And ferther ho seyeth that 
before they take shipping in the forsaid ship, the said Gryffith 



64 A Welsh Insurrection. 

and other his complices abovesaide were conveyed over in a 
cole bote to Uphill in Somersetshire, where they toke the 
saido ship bein^ laden with beanes as is aforsaide, and so 
sayled into Irclonde to the port of Yowghale, where they 
landed and remaynud there a sevennight, in which tyme he 
soldo his beanes to him that was owner of the saide ship. 
And after that the saide Gryffith with his saide complices 
take ship agayn and sailed towarde Scotlande and arryved 
at Saynt Tronyans the Son day before the natyvyte of Saynt 
John Baptist last past, where he was lodged in a widowe*8 
house, And within iii dayes aft^r the sayde Griffith arrived 
there the Kyng of Scots repay red thither to Saynt Tronyans 
at which tyme the saido James Gryffith sent to the lorde 
Fflemynjx, a Scottish man, and met with him in the Abbey 
of St. Tronyan's aforsaide, where they talked together an 
hower or more, Which lorde Fflemyng was brother of the 
Abbot of St. Tronyan, and the saide lorde Fflemyng at the 
instance of the saido Gryffith repayred to the Scottish King. 
And within iii dayes after the Scottish King repayred to the 
town of Saynt Tronyan's aforsaide, where he tarried iii or iiii 
dayes, and then depai-ted, after whose departing the saide 
James Gryffith with his famylic aforsaide repayred to Edin- 
burgh, whore ho tarried on moneth and was lodged in one 
Richard Lundell's house, being servante to the secretary 
unto the Scottish King, at which tyme the saide James 
Gryffith spake with the Chauncelor and Treasourer, and also 
with the secretarye in the Chauncelor s house at severaU 
tymcs, and that they gave unto the said Gryffith as the 
saying was about an eight score crownes [and within that 
tyme of his beyng at Edinburgh before the receyte of that 
money he had moclie communication with one .... 
loyd .... vyd .... or long .... (c)om- 
paney departed to Denmark.]' Also the said David Wil- 
lyams sayeth that the saide James Gr^'ffith having com- 
munycacions with the saide Chauncelor and others desired to 
have 3,000 men to go with him into Wales, alledging himself 
to be the gretest man in Wales, And that he with the lyon 
of Scotlande should subdue all Englond, howbeit the said 



' The sentence in brackets is written in between the lines and in 
the margin, and a portion of it is illegible. James seems to have mot 
at Edinburgh a man named Loyd, who had since gone to Denmark. 



A Welsh Insurrection. 65 

David knoweth not that the Scotts oflfered or proffered him 
any suche ayde of men, But he sayeth that the saide Gryffith 
opteyned of the said counscile of Scotland a passeporte to 
go into Fflannders, and we so departed from Edinburgh to 
Newbotell, where he tarryed a sevennight flfayning himself to 
be sycke, in the which tyme cam unto him two merchantmen 
of Edinburgh aforsaide. And from Newbotell the said 
Gryffith departed to Davykythe (Dalkeith) and there taryed 
a flfourtenight, and from Davykyth departed to Lygth, and 
being there, sent Henry Ellington into Fflaunders, but for 
what purpose this deponent knoweth not." — {S, P., vol. vi, 
1591.) 

Henry Ellington's narrative is not less vivid and 

dramatic in style, nor less copious in matter. After giving 

the account of his dealings with James, which has already 

been quoted, he goes on to say that "about Whitsuntide", 

James ap Griffith 

" asked me and I knew Irelond and I said I knew ytt, then 
he askyd me in what parts that the best horsis wher in in 
Irelonde, and I sayd in Dredathe, then he sayd he wold goo 
thether to by som horssis, won for to geve the kyng's grace 
and another for to geve the queen's grace, and won for Mr. 
Cromwell and a nothar for on Edwarde Aynton,^ and so 
desiryd me for to goo with hymme becaws I knewe the 
partis of lerlande, and in this behalffe I was contentyd to go 
with hyme, and so departyd to a place within xv myle of 
Bristow cawllid Uphill, and ther the sayd Jamys fraytyd a 
smalle penes (pinnace) and so we departyd the Monday 
benytte after Wytsonday and landed in Yoholte (Youghal) 
upon Corpus Crysty day and taryd there a senyt, and so 
then departed toward Dredathe, and when we came affor the 
havyn of the sayd place the said Jamys came to me and said 
Henry wyll yowe agre to goo with me to Skotlande, and I 
sayd no I will not adyd mor trobuU for you for I have hade 
1 now . . . . and I wyll not for sake my wiflf noer my 
chylderyn for yow nor my friends, so with this he went to 
the master of the botte and to all the company and askyde 
theme whether they wolde agre to goo wyth hym and they said 
no, for thay warnot bownde to goo no fardare then Dredathe, 



^ Queen Anne Boleyn's Chamberlain. 

P 



66 A Welsh Insurrection. 

then he cawllyd me and bad me gett me and the master and 
his company under hatches and so towke from me viii /t. 
storlinge wyclie T thowght to bestow in Irlyand for my own 
pers, and then the company for fere agreyd to go with hyme 
and I in caslyke agi-ede to the sayme for fere also, then was 
ther a wrcchyd fellowo that is his servant, whose name is 
Davy, bad the sayd Jamys lat lis kell them and throwe them 
over bowrde, but the sayd Jamys wold not agre to the sayme, 
the sayd Davy showyd me the sayme syns, then upon myd- 
ssomar evyn wo came aboude in Skotlande at a place cawllyd 
Wliythorne, and ther the Kinge was, and so he felle 
aquantyd with the lorde Flemyn, whiche showyd the Kynge 
of hyme, and apon this 1 wrought his letters to the Kynge 
for hyrao, for he ha<ld no other body to doo hit but I, and at 
my comynge to the kyiig's grace of Englande and to the 
honorabill lords of the cownsell I wyll show the fekle of thos 
letters and off all othar letters consarnynge his desynes and 
oifercs, and nowe of at here came a man from Flanders to 
Skotlande, and ( . . . see above). . . . And so he 
gave some credance to the sayd man, and so apon this he 
causyd nio to -wTytto to my Lady Mary and so put me in 
trost to bring tliys letter to her, wiche I was goynge in to 
Yngland withall, so yt me chancyd that I hard of youre 
beynge there Mr. Vaughan, and bycaus I knew that yowe 
are the Kyngs grace sarvant I move this my mynd to you 
in as myche that yff yt be the Kyng's grace pleasure to 
furuysh me with a ship as his grace shall know by the 
letters dorectyd to my Lady Mary, and by that at I wyll show 
his grace and his honorabill counsell by mowth that if I do 
not deliver the sayd Jamys in to his grace hands within 
short apace that then I wyll los my lyffe and thus God save 
the Kyngs grace." 

By reading tlieso two documents together, we are able 
to piece together a connected and intelligible account of 
James ap Griffith's departure from Wales. The tone of 
the two documents is markedly different : Davy's "con- 
fession" is plain, blunt, straightforward, hiding and 
extenuating nothing, except that the "wret<;hyd fellowe" 
omits all mention of that dramatic scene outside the haven 
at Droglieda. Ellington's narrative is written evidently 
with an eye to effect. He says nothing of tlie letter from 



A Welsh Insurrection. 67 

the Queen which reached James before the start, but he 
insinuates that the original object of the journey was to 
buy horses for the King, Queen Anne, Cromwell, and the 
Queen's Chamberlain, and that it was only at Drogheda 
that this plan was altered. These little differences in the 
narratives, however, only lend fresh interest to the story; 
they do not in any way impair the credibility of the two 
narrators. 

"About Whitsuntide", 1533, then, James received the 
Queen's letter, and left his friend's house in "South Gare" 
and made for Kidwelly. Accompanied by his friend, 
David Vaughan, he reached the shore, and then, with his 
wife, daughter, and a few retainers, embarked on board a 
coal-boat for Uphill, a little village near Weston-super- 
Mare. On Monday night, June 2, James and his company 
left Uphill for Toughal, in Ireland, and on the following 
Friday, June 6, being Corpus Christi Day, they arrived 
safely at their destination. After selling, like a prudent 
man, his cargo of beans, on June 13 James started for 
Drogheda. When they came outside the harbour, how- 
ever, James insisted on proceeding to Scotland. Ellington 
and the crew refused, but James drove them under the 
hatches, and "for fear" they consented to go on to Scot- 
land. On the Sunday before the Nativity of St. John the 
Baptist, I.e., on June 22 — according to David Williams — 
or on June 23, Midsummer eve — according to Ellington — 
James and his party landed at St. Tronyan's, St. Ninians, 
or Whythorn, on the south-west coast of Scotland. James, 
hearing that the King of Scots was on his way thither, 
determined to await his arrival,^ and lodged in a widow's 
house. Three days later, June 25, the King arrived, and 

^ That David Williams's account is correct on this point, and not 
Ellington's, is proved by the testimony of Lord Dacre's letter of 
July 2 to Henry VIII. (6'. 1\ vol. vi, 750.) 

F 2 



68 A Welsh Insurrection, 

with him Lord Fleming, with whom James picked up an 
acquaintance. An interview was arranged between the 
two at St. Tronyan's Abbey, whose Abbot wa« Lord 
Fleming's brother. The result of that interview was that 
James was presumably presented three days later, on 
June 28, to the King, by whom he was well received. 
The warmth of James's reception caused quite a flutter in 
diplomatic dovecotes. Lord Dacre, Sir T. ClifiPord, Sir G. 
Lawson, the Earl of Northumberland, and Sir Thomas 
Wharton, during the month of July, can write no letter to 
the King or Cromwell without mentioning the "gentleman 
of Wales. "^ Lord Dacre informs the King that immedi- 
ately on his arrival at St. Ninians, James ap Griffith "sent 
two sei'vants into Wales."* On July 11, the Commissioners 
on the Borders write to Henry VIII from Newcastle to say 
that they had remonstrated with the Scotch Council that 
King James should have received Henry's rebels, when 
proposing to enter into amity. "They answered they had 
heard such a person had arrived, but knew nothing more." 
Matters might have become critical between the two 
countries, but for a timely discovery which was made by 
a spy in the employ of Sir Thomas Wharton, one of the 
four Commissioners, which was made known to Cromwell 
on the same day, July 11. 

** The Soots Kinf^, hearing tho woman named his daughter 
tobo fair and about tho age of 15 years, repaired to the said 
castle [James was said to have been "appointed to a castle 
S.W. of E(b'nbiirgh"] and did speak with the said gontloman, 
and for the beauty of his daughter, as mine espeiall saith, 
the King repaired hitely thither again." — (S, P., vol. vi, 803.) 



' Viih iV. P., vol. vi, Nos. 7rA 80i>, 803, 8i>8, 870, 892, 895, 907. 

- They were probably sent to acquaint James's friends of his safe 
arrival, and to raise fluids, of which James evidently was in need. 
Next month we find him in receipt of 1()0 crowns from tho Scottish 
treasury. 



A Welsh Insurrection. 69 

No doubt this information helped to allay the 
threatened storm, for Henry VIII was not the man 
to undervalue the attractions of a pretty face. 

On July 1 the King of Scots left St. Ninians for 

Edinburgh, and James followed in his train. He remained 

for a month at Edinburgh, being lodged in the house of 

Richard Lundell, servant to the Scotch King's secretary. 

It was here, without doubt, that King James V saw and 

admired the beauty of the Welsh maiden. But James ap 

Griffith was not long in perceiving that the King came to 

flirt with his pretty daughter, and not to hatch plots with 

the father. He received some help from the Scottish 

Treasury, and hearing that he was well spoken of in the 

Court of Queen Mary, Regent of the Netherlands, he 

decided to go thither. A.n unpleasant encounter which he 

had with a countryman no doubt quickened his resolution 

to be gone. Sir Thomas Wharton, writing on July 24, 

gives a somewhat cryptic account of the matter. 

" On Monclay last {i.e., July 23), James Apowell had licence 
from the Provost to leave the realm, but his ship has since 
been arrested in consequence of a dispute with one Upp 
Risse, the one appealing the other connecting the accusa- 
tion of Risse put to execution according to his demerits, was 
both called afore the Council."— (^S*. P., vol. vi, 892.) 

The story, as related by Wharton, is a confused tangle, 
but with the knowledge we have of James's previous 
career, it is not difficult to imagine what occurred. James 
came across a fellow-countryman in Edinburgh, and the 
two fell into an altercation concerning Rhys ap Griffith's 
death. James was probably denounced as a traitor, who 
had betrayed his kinsman and patron, and James was not 
the man to take such reproaches meekly, and so "both 
were called afore the Council." Who the other man was, 
is not clear. David Williams states that at this time 
James was much in the company of one "Lloyd", who 



yo A Welsh Insurrection. 

afterwards went to Denmark. It may be that this was 
no other than the Edward Floyd, who also betrayed 
his master, and that the two traitors fell out in apportion- 
ing the blame for that gross act of treachery. Lloyd 
went to Denmark, the "Llychlyn" of the h'vdiaUy per- 
haps in search of that Owen Lawgoch, who was to sail in 
seven ships over the sea to deliver Wales from the alien.^ 
James ap Griffith, at least, was still a believer in the 
prophecy ; for we find him assuring the King of Scots 
that *'he with the Lyon of Scotland would subdue all 
England", almost in the same terms as the prophecy cited 
in the Indictment against Rhys ap Griffith. 

The first seven days of August, James spent at New- 
botell ; and the next fortnight in Dalkeith. Then, at the 
end of August, he went to Leith. There Ellington wrote 
him a letter to Queen Mary, which Ellington was dis- 
patched to convey to Flanders. No sooner had Ellington 
landed in Antwerp than he put himself in communication 
with ■ Stephen Vaughan, one of Cromwell's most active 
agents on the Continent, and, as we have seen, he not only 
betrayed James's plans, but offered to capture James 
himself and deliver him over to the English Government. 
Vaughan, on November 17, sent Ellington to England. 
On November 21 he writes to Cromwell from Antwerp : — 

*' Four (lays past I aont, in company of Martin Caley, Henry 
Ellington, sometime servant to Abraam. lie came here out 
of Scotland with letters from James Grittith Appowoll to the 
Queen of Hungary. These letters, with others of his 
writings, I sent in my letters enclosed to you/' — {S, P., 
vol. vi, 1,44S.) 

Cromwell tried, in characteristic fashion, to use the 

' Jlenry Rice, in MS. 14,41<) of the Phillipps Collection, in a 
marginal note, which was not published in tlie Camhr, jR^y., states 
that "Edward Floyd, being ashamed of his villanie, fled his country 
and Wiuj never heard of afterwards/' 



A Welsh Insurrection. yi 

opportunity to the utmost. It was an anxious and critical 
time for Henry VIII and his Minister. The new Queen 
was not popular; Henry himself had been disappointed 
that the child of the union was not a boy, so as to make 
sure the succession to the throne. The Emperor was 
more than suspected of being a warm partisan of his aunt, 
Queen Catherine, and it was important to discover how far 
he was willing to go in defending her interests and righting 
her wrongs. Cromwell, thinking to find through James 
ap Griffith the secret mind of the Emperor and his sister, 
the Regent, despatched Ellington back to the Netherlands 
with all speed, with instructions to deliver James's letter 
to Queen Mary, and hand over the reply to him. No one 
was let into the secret, so that when Ellington arrived in 
Brussels, not even Hacket, who was acting as agent in 
Stephen Vaughan's absence, suspected that Ellington was 
anything but a bona fide messenger from James ap 
Griffith.^ How Cromwell's subtlety was baulked is told by 
Ellington in a letter which he wrote from Antwerp on 
December 20. 

" On the first Doccmhor I came to Brussels, where my Lady 
Mary is, and delivered my letter to the Bishop of Palermo, 
her chancellor, who delivered it to the Queen, and brought 
me an answer from her that she thanked James Greflfythe, 
whom she called my master, for his pfoodwill to the Emperor 
and his oflfers, which you shall further know when I come 
home. For the ship ho has written for, she can send him 
none without the Emperor's commandment, for they have 
nothing adoing against England or Ireland, but if he came 
there lie shall be welcome. I left Brussels 5 December for 
Antwerp, and on the morrow, which was Sunday (I'.c, 
December 8), went to Mass, and mot a Scotchman that 
came over from Scotland in the same ship with me. lie 
loves James well, and his business is in Louvain and 
Brussels. He had made groat inquiries for me amongst the 



' S. P., vol. vi, 1523. 



72 A Welsh Insurrection. 

English, when I was gone to England, but seeing me there, 
ho laid wait for me, and brought me before the skowtte, 
saying I had brought letters out of Scotland to my Lady 
Mary, had been in England and showed the letters to the 
King. I was brought to the Pynbanke "whereon they 
woldo apullyd me," on which I confessed that I had shown 
the letter to the Council, and I was compelled by reason of 
my oath, and in order to come quietly into the realm to live 
\^ith my wife and children as 1 did, and that this traitor 
carried me out of Ireland into Scotland against my will, 
For this they have kept me in prison 16 days [«ic], and have 
sent to my Lady Mary to know her pleasure, and I have 
written to Mr. Hakett. I beg you not to change your 
favor because I have failed in this business. The matter 
could not be kept close, for GriflSth communicated the letter 
to all the crew. If the King will let me have a ship, I will 
deliver Griffith to him." 

From the time when Ellington was despatched into 
Flanders from Leith, we hear nothing of James ap 
Griffith's movements. He must have stopped in Scotland 
awaiting the coming of the ship which he had asked from 
Queen Mary. That he suspected Ellington from the first 
is evident from his action in telling the crew the object of 
Ellington's journey. No doubt he thought to frighten 
Ellington into fidelity, as he had no one else to send. 

Shortly after the departure of Ellington, David Wil- 
liams, James's servant, was sent on a message to England 
or Wales. We know that he was apprehended, and that 
he was examined, perhaps after torture or threat of 
torture, as happened to Ellington in Antwerp. But 
nothing is known as to where he was arrested, except 
that it was in the house of one Thomas Lewis.' In 
Cromweirs "remembrance to Master Richard Cromwell to 



* A Thomas Lowoa is moutionod tia ono of tho '^servitors for the 
drosser" at Anno Boloyn's Coronation ('V. P., vol. vi, p. i?48), and it 
may Im^ that David Williams was apprehended in Loudon. The 
Kiclmrd Cromwell who examined David was, of course, the nephew of 



A Welsh Insiirrectton, 73 

examine the servant of James Griffith Powell," we find 
that among the ten questions which were to be put to 
David Williams were : — 

8. " Why he came from his master now, and what 
letters and tokens he had to his master's friends in England 
or Wales ? 

9. "IIow long he had been in Thomas Lewes's house 
before he was taken, and what communication he had with 
Lewis about his master ? 

10. ** Whether Lewes did not speak with him secretly 
since he was taken, and what communication he had with 
him ?" 

As the answers to these questions have been lost, it 
would be useless at this distance of time to conjecture 
what they were. What is certain is that by some means 
or other Ellington was released from his captivity in Ant- 
werp, and was at home at Bristol in April 1534, while, in 
the next month, we find James ap Griffith at Lubeck, in 
the territory of the Duke of Holste. On May 12, John 
Coke writes to Cromwell from Barowe : — 

" Received to-day a letter from Lubeck that 

Griffith ap Ilowel and his wife have come from Scotland to a 
town 10 miles from Lubetik [Ulm r'], in the dominion of the 
Duke of Ilolste."— (6'. P., vol. vii. No. 650.) 

He did not long remain in the dominion of a prince- 
ling who was known to be inclined to the Protestant cause. 
On May 25, Dr. Legh writes to Cromwell from Hamburg : — 

'* The Welshman who was in the Tower, and after in Scot- 
land, was lately with the Duke of Hoist. lie said he was a 
f^reat man in England, and banished for the Princess 
Dowager's sake, biit he heard of me and privily went his 
way, some say to Ferdinand, others to the Emperor." — {8. P., 
vol. vii. No. 710.) 

If a conjecture as to James's destination may be 

Mr. Secretary Cromwell, the son of Morgan Williams, of Putney and 
Glamorganshire, and the great grandfather of Oliver Cromwell. 
{S. P., vol. vi, 1591, ii.) 



74 A Welsh Insurrection. 

hazarded^ we are inclined to believe that James attempted 
to attach himself to Reginald Pole at Venice. Pole was 
at this time not even in holy orders, though he held 
several ecclesiastical offices in England, including the 
Deanery of Exeter. He was uncertain what line to take 
with regard to King Henry's divorce. A sincere liking 
for the King, and perhaps the whispers of worldly am- 
bition, inclined him to extenuate the King's conduct. He 
had, in some measure, been Henry's instrument in obtain- 
ing the opinion of the University of Paris some years 
before on the validity of the marriage with Catherine 
of Arragon. He was a man of singularly mild and 
moderate temper, a convinced and genuine reformer, a 
patriotic Englishman, proud of his native land, though 
ever mindful of his Welsh descent,^ averse to extreme 
measures, and hoping against hope to his last day to brings 
about a reconciliation between England and the Papacy. 
It was natural that James, both as a Welshman and a 
Catholic, should have repaired to Pole. There is no direct 
evidence of the fact, but that the theory is permissible 
may be gathered from the subsequent connection of 
James with Pole, and from a letter written from Venice 
on August 4, 1584, by Martin de Cornoca to Charles V : — 

"There is now living in these parts a groat English per- 
sonage, named Reynaklo Polo, of the blooil royal, of the illus- 
trious house of Clarence, and the Earl of Warwick. He is the 
son of the Countess of Salisbury. . . . Polo is by his 
niotlier's side of the noblest l)lood in the kingdom. His 
father, Sir Richard Pole, was a worthy knight of Wales, a 
near relative of the late King, and greatly estoomed in his 
country. . . . He is related to most of the great 



^ 7'., e.g., vol. xii, pt. i, No. 107. Poles father, Sir Richard Pole, 
**a knight of Wales", was lineally descended from the ancient Princea 
of Powys, who in Edw. Is time adopted the Norman name of ''de la 
Pole". 



A Welsh Iiistirreciion, 75 

families, and is connected by an indissoluble friendship with 
all the Queen's friends, and especially with a great lord 
named de Doulier. The whole of Wales is devoted to his 
house, for his sake and the sake of his relations Vuquingan 
and Vorgona [Buckingham and Abergavenny]. On account 
of their love for the Princess and the death of Don Ris, who 
was beheaded three years ago, the whole province is alienated 
from the King. ... It would be a pious and famous 
deed to help such a man in preserving a kingdom oppressed 
by a harlot and her friends, and in reinstating the Queen and 
Princess. . . . Does not know Pole's mind about all this, 
but thinks he would not be wanting in the delivery of his 
country from tyranny." — {S. P., vol. vii, No. 1040.) 

But if the Emperor's correspondent, who waxed almost 
lyrical in his enthusiasm for Pole and his hatred of 
Anne Boleyn, did not receive his information from the great 
man himself, from whom could it have been derived ? His 
informant, whoever he was, was well versed in the state 
and condition of Wales. He knew, and laid great stress 
upon, Pole's ancient connection with the Principality, his 
relationship to great Welsh noblemen, and the date, 
manner, and effect of Rhys ap Griffith's death. We have 
no record of any Welshman's adherence to Pole except 
James ap Griffith. It requires no great stretch of fancy, 
therefore, to hear the voice of James behind the hand of 
Martin de Cornoca. 

Reginald Pole, however, was in dire poverty at this 
time. His supplies from England had been stopped, as 
his royal kinsman was becoming more and more suspicious 
of his attitude and intentions. On July 4, 1535 — not quite 
a year after — the Bishop of Farnza wrote to the Cardinal 
Palmieri urging that Pole, who was then in Padua "in a 
low state and ruined", should be given Cardinal Fisher's 
hat.^ Pole had no use for adventurers such as James, and 
no means of maintaining them. It is no wonder that by 

' S. P., vol. viii, 986. 



76 A Welsh Insurrection, 

the end of the year James should be back once more in 
Flanders, where there was always a ready market for a 
good sword. In December 1534, Stephen Vaughan, writing 
to Cromwell from Antwerp, states that 

" My lord of Bure entertains Jamys Griffith ap Powell and 
his wife, and has given them a house in Bure. The knave 
sent his wife to the Queen of Hungary with an interpreter 
to show her griefs. The Queen gave her 100 guylden.** — {S. P., 
vol. vii, No. lo()7.) 

Throughout the next year, 1535, we can find hardly a 
trace of James's movements on the Continent. We gather 
from some of Cromwell's "remembrances" that he was 
trying to keep in touch with his Welsh friends and 
adherents. In 1534, for instance, we find a memorandum 
"to send into Wales for him that would have conveyed 
James Griffith Aphowell's man", but we know nothing of 
the incident to which the entry refers.* Again, in the 
autumn of 1535, another "remembrance" is to "examine 
the person that came from the traitor James Griffith ap 
Howell ".^ On September 9, 1535, also, occurred the 
incident at Calais, to which reference has already been 
made, when David Lloyd ap Owen, of Machynlleth, tried 
to get into communication with James, who was supposed 
to be then somewhere in Flanders. 

Early in 153G we come across another of James ap 
Griffith's emissaries. A "remembrance" of Cromwell*8 
mentions "a bill for the execution of him that came from 
James Griffith ap Howel, which killed the two men at 
Hounslow."^ Of this incident, again, we know nothing 
more than is contained in this bald entry. But it is clear 
that James was still active, and that he was still able to 
send messengers to his friends. The Government were 
becoming alarmed, and in March Henry VIII sent two 

^ S. 1\ vol. vii, No. 108. ^^ iS. P., vol. ix, 498. 3 *S'. P., vol. x, 264. 



A Welsh Insurrection, *jy 

autograph letters, one to Stayber and the Consuls and 
Senate at Nuremberg, and the other to Charles V, con- 
cerning James ap Griffith and his companion, Harry 
Phillips. He requests the Senate of Nuremberg 

"to arrest two criminals, James Griffith Apowell fan 
English subject of low birth, guilty of treason, robbery, man- 
slaughter, and sacrilege, who is travelling with a rebel 
named] Henry Philip through Grermany on his way from 
Flanders to Italy."— /S. P., vol. x, 529-530.) 

In his letter to the Emperor, Henry desires that the 
two "rebels" may be given up to Pate, the Archdeacon 
of Lincoln, who was his ambassador at the Emperor's 
Court. 

In the following month, April 30, 1536, Bishop Lee 
wrote from Brecknock to inform Cromwell that "David 
Vaughan, oflBcer of Kidwelly, in Wales, is accused by 
your servant Jankin Lloyd, for assisting the rebellion of 
James ap Howell Griffith. I send you the process." 
Whether this refers to the old affair of 1530, when James 
fortified himself in the castle at Emlyn, or to Vaughan's 
part in the departure of James from Kidwelly in 1533, or 
whether it relates to some attempt on the part of James 
to raise another insuiTection in Wales, cannot be deter- 
mined. There was a general impression abroad that 
Wales was ready for rebellion — "the people only wait 
for a chief to take the field," Chapuys said in 1534?. The 
scandal about the King's divorce, the violent break with 
Rome, the death of young Rhys, the abrogation of ancient 
religious customs, the extinction of old Welsh customs in 
1534, the changes in the law relating to land tenure, the 
rough rule of Bishop Lee, the spoliations and hypocrisy of 
Bishop Barlow, of St. David's, the dissolution of the 
monasteries, and the incorporation of Wales with England, 
entailing unknown consequences, all helped to render 



78 A Welsh Insurrection. 

men's minds restless and unquiet. A spark might have 
been sufficient to light up afresh the old racial antipathy 
between Welsh and English, and James ap Griffith seems 
to have done his best to ignite the flame. In 1687 
we know that the greatest confusion prevailed in Arwystli 
and Cyveiliog, two districts of Powys with which James 
had been connected. The disturbance arose through the 
clashing claims of the Earl of Worcester and Lord Ferrars 
to exercise jurisdiction in these provinces of Powys. 
There is no proof of James's complicity in the turmoil, 
but when we remember the attempt of David Lloyd ap 
Owen, of Machynlleth, the chief town of Cyveiliog, to get 
into touch with James in 1535, the supposition cannot be 
lightly scouted/ 

In April 1587, we know from Melancthon's letter to 
Vitus Theodorus that James was starting from Witten- 
berg for Nuremberg, whose Senate had been warned the 
previous year against harbouring the "rebel". We hear no 
more of him during the rest of the year. Pole had been 
made a Cardinal in 1536, and in 1537 he was appointed 
Legate to England, though he was only thirty-seven 
years old. The young Cardinal did not care for his task. 
He travelled slowly, and took Paris, Cambray, and Liege 
on his way. He was beset by English spies, perhaps even 
by would-be assassins. When he arrived at Liege, he was 
entertained in princely style by the Bishop at the old 
episcopal palace. No stranger was allowed to come or go 

' r., 6'. p., vol. xii, pt. i, Nos. 1183, li>71, pt. ii, Nos. 158, 490, 776, 
835, 852, 857, 89(^-7, 98.5-0, 993, 1024, 1057, 1199. 

Hy December 20, 1537, however, Bishop Loo was able to iiifomi 
Oroiuwell that all was quiet in Wales, " savynjj; now and then a little 
conveyinjT amonj^st themselves for a fat sheep or bullock in Kery, 
Kedewen, Arustley, and Kevylyoke : which is impossible to be 
amended, for thieves T found them and thieves 1 shall loave them.** — 
(6'. P., vol. xii, pt. ii, 1237.) 



A Welsh Insurrection, 79 

unexamined. Among those who came was a Welshman 
named Vaughan, who had fled out of England for man- 
slaughter. At Barowe, he made the acquaintance of John 
Hutton, another of Cromwell's agents. On May 26, 1537, 
Button wrote to his employer from Brussels that 

" To-day one Vaiighan came to me. . . . lie had come 
to mo at Baroiighe for relief in great necessity, which I pro- 
cured him from the merchants ; and he says he applied to 
Henry Phillippes, an Englishman in Lovayn, who offered to 
get him into the service with Cardinal Pole, knowing one of 
his gentlemen named Throgmorton. In further conversation 
he discovered that Michael Throgmorton was to be sent to 
England as soon as Pole was settled in Liege, with letters to 
several of Pole's friends, which Philippis undertook to 
convey, as ho had done some letters to his father, baked 
within a loaf of bread. They were to be set on land in 
Cornwall, and he offered to take Vaughan with him. I 
advised him to encourage the enterprise, and gave him 40«. 
He is to inform me secretly of everything while he is here, 
and on landing cause them to be attached. As to his crimes, 
I have promised to sue not only for his pardon but for a 
reward."— (^. P., vol. xii, pt. i, 1293.) 

In 1536, Harry Phillips, "the betrayer of good Tyn- 
dale," was travelling through Germany with James. His 
career had been a chequered one. He had lived a wild 
life in his youth in England, and fled across the seas after 
robbing his father. For years he had lived in Louvain 
the happy-go-lucky life of a student, always up to mischief 
and sometimes to graver offences. He had betrayed Tyn- 
dale to the Government, not that he wanted money so 
much as because he detested the Protestant heresy. "The 
fellow hath a great wit, he is excellent in language," said 
no friendly critic of him in 1539.^ His association with 
James may serve to explain the latter's activity in 1536. 
He was full of schemes such as Hutton describes in his 
letter^ and nothing would have given him more genuine 

^ Wriothesley to Cromwell, 8. P., vol. xiv, pt. i, 247. 



8o A Welsh Insurrection. 

pleasure than to use his ingenuity to circumvent the 

King's agents, and put James in communication with his 

friends in Wales/ It is not worth while giving in full 

the story of Vaughan's acquaintance with Pole, and the 

dubious part which Harry Phillips played in it. It is 

sufficient to record that when Pole saw Yaughan he said 

to him — 

" As I am informed, you be banished out of your native 
country as well as I. I rejoice to see a Welshman, as my 
grandfather came out of Wales. I have my full number of 
Bervants, but if you will come to Italy when I am there I 
will be glad to take you." — (8, P., vol. xii, pt. ii, 107.) 

Vaughan returned to Hutton and told him all. 
"Vaughan shall return and enter further into the matter", 
added Hutton, in his letter to the King. But Yaughan 
seems to have had qualms of conscience, and nothing more 
was done.^ 

James could hardly have been with Pole in May and 
June 1537 at Liege, or we should have found Phillips re- 
commending Vaughan not to Throgmorton, but to his 
fellow-countryman. In the spring of the following year 
James was once more in Germany. On March 24, 1538, 
Thomas Theobald wrote to the King from Augsburg in 
these terms : — 

" Pleaseth it your Grace to understand that [whereas] . . . 
[I] did inform your Grace and my lord Preavy Seal . . . 
which nameth himself here Sir James Groflfeth . . . . 



^ The writer of the article on Cardinal Pole in the Diet. ofNatiimal 
Biography, said that while Pole was at Venice in 1538, he was ''beset 
by spies and would-be assassins — one of them, the plausible scoundrel 
Phillips, who had betrayed the martyr Tindal." Phillips, no doubt, 
deserves some hard words, but there is no proof that he was either a 
spy or an assassin. On the contrary, all his actions show him to have 
been a sincere and loyal Catholic. Nor is it probable that he tried or 
intended to assassinate Pole. 

^ S. P., vol. xii, pt. ii, 128. 



A Welsh Insurrection. 8i 

when if my lord Privy Seal had geve[n commandment unto 

me to] take him, I could have found the means .... 

[that he should] have been other in hold or punished as a 

t[raitor : for at my depar] tyng from Tubyng, one of his chief 

compa[nions] .... hath married his daughter came 

from Augsburg .... he and his father-in-law, James 

Poell, to be fallen a . . . . declaring unto me many of 

his practices of what . * . . of the which I know some 

of them to be true and most .... and in specially in 

that he showed me that he should [be at] this present with 

the Duke of Saxony, which I know we[ll to be a] lie, as I 

proved also since he went about with many p ... to 

invade me, for my reports unto certain of the c[ity] of 

Augsburg, was an occasion that they were comman[ded to] 

depart thence : how be it James Poell hath not shew[ed 

him]self there openly this half year and more. But my 

ansLwer] unto this Welchman was this, that I thought that 

the King's [grace] did know better where he was than he 

could inform [me], and if his Grace had been desirous to 

have had him take[n] he had not now been at liberty ; and 

if his grace had hy[m], I doubt not but he would punish him 

worthily, according to his deserving : and whereas he is now 

out of his Grace's hands, his Grace does not pass of him. 

After this he would have had me to help him to be in service 

with the Prince as a gentle[man], not as a man of war, in 

the which when I would give him no comfort, then he went 

about to borrow money of me, w[hen] because^ his wife 

was great with child, and upon the c[onditi]on he should 

depart incontinent, I gave him a gu and his costs 

there, dispatching him after a good sort : ho[wbeit], I dining 

the next day with the governor of the city, [and] one or two 

of the Prince's Council, showed him what he wa[8 and] about 

what practices he came, and declared to them the tray[son] 

of James Poel and his abuses here : whereupon they ma[de] 

this answer, that if he that were at Tubyng with [me] were 

of that conspiracy and trayson, they would take him [and] 

hang him, and likewise if James of Poel came [hither] they 

would, if they might show him surely, punish hy[m] as a 

traytor, for albeit in all Docheland they do great[ly] abhor 

traitors, yet the gentlemen of Sueveland be [above] all other 

in punishing that fault. Whereunto I answered that [I 

did] perceive no other of him that was at Tubing, but that 

he [was] a banished man, as I did mark by the burning of 

his ha[nd], which and the misery he is in, or like to come to, 

o 



82 A Welsh Insurrection, 

wo[re] punishment enough for him, seeing I had no [know- 
leclp;o] of [any] other [things] committed of him : but in case 
this .... thither if they did take him and punish him 
upon .... en they sliould not only in that behalf do 
high just[ice and to the king*s] grace of England high 
pleasure, but also the ci[ties and princes] imperial, whom he 
hatli and intendeth .... [d]eceave, &c., and if he 
como there now in my absence .... he shall have 
there but small courtesy. I am [sure he] had been there 
long or this time, but for fear of [me] : for while riding to- 
wards Italy 1 passed through Ulmes, 7 Dutch miles from 
Tubing, whore James Poel was 3 weeks before my ooming, 
but ho tarried not. Perhaps when he hears that I have 
depai-tcd he will make suit to the Duke of Wirtemberg, as 
he has done to other princes, but his errand is done or he 
come. The chief persons of Augsburg say that if this in- 
formation liad come to them from the king of England when 
ho was hero, tlicy would have taken and worthily punished 
him. Laurence Staber might have taken him if he would. 
If the King wants him taken, I think 1 could nearly do it 
as well as Staber, for the chief of the learned men, both 
spiritual and temporal, and others, officers and gentlemen of 
Tubing and thereabouts, do highly favour me .... So 
that I trust to be able to know everything and write often, 
and to get to'Roine without being known for an Englishman." 
— {S. P., vol. xiii, pt. i, 092.) 
• 

This letter casts a cruel light on the life which was 
being led by our exile in the courts of various German 
princelings. He had continually to change his ground^ 
from Ulnics to Tubing, from Tubing to Bure, from Bure 
to Wittenberg, from Wittenberg to Nuremberg, from 
Nuremberg to Augsburg. No sooner had he found a new 
patron, than an agent of the English King appeared on the 
scene and laid terrible charges against him, as Henry him- 
self had done, of being guilty of rebellion, treason, homicide, 
robbery, and sacrilege. Living this hunted life, it is no 
wonder if the poor exile lost his nerve somewhat, and that 
Melancthon should have thought he " took little pleasure 
in the Court at Wittonberg". The scene which Theobald 



A Welsh Insurrection. 83 

describes with such malicious pleasure, and with such 
graphic minuteness, of his interview with our exile's son- 
in-law, shows to what mean and petty shifts the company 
had been reduced. Sage, whose beauty had attracted a 
King when she was barely sixteen, is now, at twenty, the 
wife of a penurious vagabond, who professes his ability 
and readiness to betray his father-in-law, and who is glad 
to accept a contemptuous guinea from the agent of the 
King who has banished him, on condition that he shall 
"depart incontinent", "because his wife was great with 
child". Even if, as one sometimes suspects, the son-in- 
law only wished to "spoil the Egyptian" without doing 
an injury to his wife's father, — for he did not tell Theobald 
what was James's real address at the time — it was still a 
paltry and ignominious device. The name of this precious 
rogue is not given, but Theobald says that he was "a 
banished man, as I did mark by the burning of his hand". 
The description is reminiscent of the Welshman to whom 
Cardinal Pole said at Liege, in June of the previous year, 
"You be banished out of your country as well as I". That 
Welshman's name was Vaughan, who fled or was banished 
from England for manslaughter. He, like James ap 
Griffith, was acquainted with Harry Phillips ; he, also 
like James, wished to attach himself to Pole. He pre- 
tended to Hutton that he was anxious to betray Pole, as 
the husband of Sage pretended to Theobald his willingness 
to betray her father. Hutton gave Vaughan 408. to 
encourage him in his traitorous designs ; Theobald gave 
the other a guinea, "dispatching him after a good sort". 
Vaughan, at a pinch, let his conscience master him, and 
the enterprise against Pole failed; Theobald's vagabond 
displays flashes of prudence, which would enable him to 
retrace his steps, if necessary. The part which both 

characters play is contemptible. Pole had no use for 

a 2 



84 A Welsh Insurrection. 

such poor stuffy and Theobald thought he was not worth 
hanging. There is no direct and conclusive proof that 
Button's Vaughan and Theobald's rogue are one and the. 
same person ; but the conjecture is somewhat borne out 
by certain later references to James ap Griffith's son-in- 
law. On September 9, 1540, a meeting of the Privy 
Council was held at Ampthill. The business transacted 
was entered as follows in the minute book of the 
Council : — 

** Letters brought from Norfolk, declaring receipt of letters 
from Mr. Pate, of the coming over of Philip ap Henry, aUoM 

Philip ap Ilary, a}ia» Vaughan, who also came to Court 

from ])eyon<l sea, where he was long in company of Poole 
and James ap IIowoll, whose daughter he married at Regnis* 
borough : after being examined he was set at liberty and 
commanded to attend daily." — {Proceedings of the Privy 
Council^ vol. vii, pp. 3:?, 33 ; iS'. P., vol. xvi, p. 32, 10.) 

On the next day it is recorded that Ap Henry was to 
attend daily that they might take occasion "to suck some 
material thing out out of him". On September 16, a 
letter is sent to Pate from the Council telling him that a 
pardon would be granted to his protegS, On October 14 
Pate writes to thank the King "for the pardon granted, 
at his request, to Philip ap Henrie. He trusted therein 
to do the King service, as the Duke of Norfolk can 
testify."' On June 28 of the following year, a formal 
and engrossed pardon, countersigned by Thomas Audeley, 
Chancellor, is made out to Philipp ap Harry." 

It is unnecessary to dwell, in any detail, upon the 
statements in the minute book, which seem to identify 
the Vaughan of Hutton with the son-in-law of James ap 
Griffith. Both are called Vaughan ; both had long been 
"in company of Poole and James ap Howell" beyond sea ; 

' S. p., vol. xvi, 100. '' JS. P., vol. xvi, 947 (74). 



A Welsh Insurrection, 85 

both were looked upon as likely objects " to suck some 
material thing out of". No more is heard of Philip ap 
Harry and his dangerously beautiful wife. The homicide 
was pardoned ; the exile returned. The next eighteen 
years were among the most bloody and horrible in 
English history. Let us be thankful that the veil has not 
been lifted over Philip ap Harry's subsequent career, else 
we might discover him "smelling out Papists" under 
Edward VI or lighting the faggots in the days of Mary. 

In the midst of such nauseating treachery and petty 
persecution, it is gratifying to find that never once does 
James himself seem to have tried to curry favour with the 
relentless King and his agents, by betraying his patrons or 
his comrades. Theobald, while scorning to take the life of 
so poor a creature as the son-in-law, never lost an oppor- 
tunity of making things uncomfortable for James. He 
relates to the Council at Tubing the heinousness of 
James's offences, and hints to them that if they punish 
him, they would "in that behalf do high justice and to 
the King's grace of England high pleasure". Wherever 
he goes, he endeavours to prevent James from winning 
the ear of Prince or Councillor, and he even suggests, 
though in somewhat faltering accents, that he might be 
able to capture the redoubtable exile, who had so long 
eluded Henry's wrath. The last thing Theobald did in 
August 1538, before "departing from Almayne towards 
Italy", was to write to Archbishop Cranmer about 
"James Poell".' 

When Theobald arrived in Italy he found James 
already there. Germany had become too hot for him. 
He was known in every town and country as the enemy of 
the terrible Island King, and trouble seemed always to 

^ F., end of Letter to Cranmer, 8. P., vol. xiii, pt. ii, No. 609. 



86 A Welsh Insurrection. 

follow in his train. Writing from Padua on October Ist to 
Cromwell and Cranmer, Theobald relates how he had just 
met Throgmorton, the fussy and talkative servant of Cardi- 
nal Pole. Throgmorton was a timorous man — "-Every wag- 
ging of a straw maketh him now afraid," said Theobald. 
He told Theobald that Harry Phillips had asked his master 
for employment, but Phillips was "arrayed as a switzer 
or a man of war", and Pole became afraid that he was 
"suborned by the Council either to destroy him or" at 
least search what he did"; and so he forbade him his 
house and the whole dominion of Venice.^ Throgmorton 
added "that James oft* Poel had gone to Rome to seek his 
master, but they suspected him, as they did Phillips, and 
would cause him to forsake these parts."^ It must have 
been about this time that James came across Anthony 
Budgewood at Bologna. Anthony had been servant to 
the Marquis of Dorset, and then to Thomas Cromwell. In 
the summer of 1588 he suddenly fled to Rome, and on 
December 29 he sent a petition to the Pope for help. His 
meeting with James he thus describes : — 

" And there [at Bologna] I met James Griffet, a Welshman, 
who sent me by his letters to Dominus Bernanlus Boeriusto 
aid me in all my business at Rome : and tlien that James 
told me that Cardinal Pole was in Venice, and so I went 
to Venice, and when I came there ho was gone to 
Rome . . . /' 

This would seem to indicate that James was familiar 
with the ground, and had made useful acquaintances in 
Italy. Another statement of Budgewood's shows the 
extent and minuteness of James's familiarity with the 
habits of English agents in Ttaly, and serves to explain 
his long immunity from their attempts at capture. 

' 6'. i*., vol. XI ii, pt. ii, 501). -^ *S'. P., vol. xiii, pt. ii, 507. 



'^T 



A Welsh Insurrection. 87 

•'Oil Saturday last Lee met me in the street [at Rome] and 
asked me if 1 had any message into England, because within 
two days he was going thither : so I think it is necessary to 
follow him and his baggage, because James Griffith told me 
in Bologna that every month he sent letters by post." — (^S. P., 
vol. xiv, pt. i, No. 1.) 

If Pole was suspicious of James ap Griffith's fidelity in 
the autumn of 1538, he was soon to receive the best proof 
that his suspicions were unfounded. Early in 1539 a com- 
prehensive Act of Attainder was passed by the English 
Parliament. A score or more of the King's enemies were 
attainted, and among them several persons whose names 
have been mentioned in the course of this narrative : Lady 
Salisbury and her son, Cardinal Pole ; Michael Throgmor- 
ton ; Robert Branceteur; Henry Philippes ; and "James 
Griffith Appowel, late of London".^ On June 3 following, 
one Thomas Rolffe was appointed " auditor of the lands of 
James Griffith".^ Aft^r this, we need not be surprised to 
find in the following year a petition to Cromwell from 
Jenkin, the son of James ap Griffith, who does not appear 
to have shared his father's exile, but who was probably 
living in South Wales (it may be in Cryngae with his 
father's old friend, Thomas ap Ehydderch, whose grand- 
daughter he married) , asking for some honourable employ- 
ment with which he might maintain himself. 

*' To the right honorable my lorde Cromwell, lord pryvy seell. 
^* Most humbly shewith unto your honorable good lordshipe 
your humble peticyoner and daily orator, Jenkyn ap Jamys 
ap Gryflith ap Howell, that where as youre poore orator hath 
noo lands nor other lyvyug of certyntie whereby he shuld 
lyve apon, and also hath noo service with noo honorable 
man, whereby he myght lyve, as an honest yong gentilmau 
should do nowe in this hard world, whiche is grette hevynesse 
to your poore orator, In tendre consideracion of the 



^ S. P., vol. xiv, pt. i. No. 867, cap. 15. 
* S. P., vol. xiv, pt. i, No. 1192 (3). 



88 A Welsh Insurrection. 

promisses ffor so moche as your poore orator*8 hole hart 
and mynde ys oonly to your honorable good lordship (under 
the Kyng highnes) by fore any honorable man lyvying, May 
it thoi-fore please your honorable good lordshipe of your 
most habundant charytie to accepte and admiytte your 
humble poore orator into your lordship's service, And he 
shall than be glad to do his dutie and diligence in the same 
accordingly, And thus at the reverence of Almyghty God, to 
whom your humble peticyoner shall duly pray for the most 
prosperouse preservacyon of your good lordshipe long in 
honour to endure."— (6^. P., vol. xv, 1029 (36).) 

Jenkin's petition to Cromwell seems to have been more 
successful than his prayer "for the most prosperous pre- 
servation" of his patron "long in honour to endure". As 
Wolsey's last act as minister was to discharge Rhys ap 
Griffith with a reprimand, so one of Oromwell*B last 
exercises of patronage was probably to bestow a small 
office on Jenkin ap James, young Rhys's second cousin. 
Lewis Dwnn, in his Heraldic Visitation to Wales, in 
1597 (p. 02), says that Mary, the daughter of Sion ap 
Thomas ap Harri ap Thomas ap Grulfydd ap Niclas of 
Cryngae (who had married Maud, the daughter and heiress 
of our old acquaintance, Thomas ap Rhydderch), 

" ahriododd John {a/ias Jenkin) Powel mab i Siams ap 
GrufTydd ap Tlowol, niarsial o'r Ilawl." 

What the words "marsial o'r Hawl" mean, and whether 
they refer to John or to his father James, may be the sub- 
ject of differing opinions. We prefer to believe that they 
apply to John, and that he was given some official post — 
perhaps a sinecure — by Thomas Cromwell, who may have 
felt disposed, having a prescient warning of his own 
fate, to show mercy to the son of an attainted traitor. 
Whatever the office was, it was at all events sufficient to 
enable Jenkyn to marry, and to "lyve as an honest young 
gentleman should do now in this hard world". He is 
described in the Book of Golden Grove (cited above) as of 



A Welsh Insurrection, 89 

Penrallt, esquire, and he left behind the assurance that his 
family would reach at least to the third generation, for 
one of his daughters was maiTied to a clergyman — John 
Lewis, vicar of Llanpumpsaint. Jenkyn himself is men- 
tioned by Dwnn as if he were still living in 1597, — not an 
improbable thing even for one who was a " yong gentil- 
man" in 1540. 

The last years of James ap Griffith himself are wrapt 
in almost rayless obscurity. We have seen that he was in 
Italy in 1538, vainly asking to be taken into the service of 
Cardinal Pole. In the following year, Pole was sent by 
the Pope to the Emperor in Spain, and it may be that 
James accompanied him, but of this there is no kind of 
evidence. In 1540 Pole was appointed to the secular 
government of the patrimony of St. Peter, and the Pope 
assigned him a bodyguard. Pole was, as we have seen, 
anxious to do a Welshman a good turn in Liege, and 
promised to give him employment in Italy. It is not un- 
likely that now, after James's integrity had been demon- 
strated by his inclusion in the same Act of Attainder as 
Pole himself, the kindly young Cardinal should have taken 
pity on a Catholic fellow-countryman, of whom even the 
Protestant Melancthon could compassionately write : " His 
exile is long, his misfortune long," and should have pro- 
moted him to be an officer in his own bodyguard.^ 

An absurd mistake, which has led to endless confusion, 

' Wyatt, the English ambassador at the Imperial Court, writing 
his apologia to the Council from prison in March 1541, recalls that 
once in Paris '*a light fellow, a gunner, that was an Englishman and 
came out of Ireland with an Irish traitor named James, I have forgot 
his otiier name," called on him. The gunner was "a drunken fellow " 
whom he rebuked out of his house, and who came to advertise him of 
James's coming again. James ap Griffith went and came out of 
Ireland with a gunner — John Owen — and it is just possible that he 
may be the person mentioned. (^S'. P., vol. xvi, 640.) 



90 A We/sk histirrection. 

was made by Sir Thomas Seymour, the English agent at 
Vienna. Writing to Henry Vlll on August 8, 1542, from 
the Emperor's camp outside Buda, he says that 

'* Two (lays aj^o Lawrence Grey .... came to declare 
that lately two Englishmen, Harry Pfelepes and James 
Grift'eth l'pi>owell came to Vienna. Perceiving Pfelepes to 
be a traitor, Grey fell out with him and laid 'trayterey' to 
hJH charge, and he is detiiined by the heads of the town. 
. . . The other, being the ranker traitor, as I think, has a 
letter from the Bishop of Rome to be captain of 2|000 
* howsherenes', the best light horse of Hungary : and seems 
to have »ome hope thereof, or else he would not 'leave his 
return t(^ Rome from Noremberge to tarry the King's 
coming to Vienna.' He names himself Robert Bramto(n), 
but is well known in Vienna to have before this confessed 
himself a gentleman of Wales, and his names to be James 
Greffeth Upowehell. Mistrusts him the more because be 
says 'who so ever saith that Harry Pffelepes is not an honest 
true man he is unhonest himself.' Has written to Hance 
Ilonganowde, the King's lieutenant (who is in Vienna) 
according to the copy enclosed. If his answer shows him 
disposed to do the King 'this pleasure', will ride to Vienna 
and examine the parties."— (*V. P., vol. xvii, 683.) 

It will be noted that Harry Phillips's companion de- 
scribed himself as Robert Bramton, or Robert Branceteur, 
and that it was only by Grey that he was said to be James 
ap (jrritHth. Seymour himself had not seen the two 
"rebels'' at the time. Three weeks later, on September 6, 
he rode into Vienna, saw "the lord of Felee, lieutenant of 
that town and all Ostre^e", who told him 

'• R(>bui*t Bramstone had been put in trouble by Mr. Wyett in 
France, and delivered upon the Emperor's letters to the 
French Kinge: and he would be loth to put them (i.^., 
Phillips and liraniston) in trouble, and then have them 
delivered by such means, and had written to the King." 
— (.S. P., vol. xvii, 748.) 

In the second letter, it will be observed, there is no 
mention of James ap Griffith, but "the lord of Felee 



.» 



A Welsh Insurrection, 91 

assured that the man in Vienna is the same Robert Bran- 
ceteur who was imprisoned in Paris at the instance of the 
Eiii^lish ambassador, and who was released upon the indig- 
nant remonstrance of the Emperor, as a member of whose 
suite he was jjassin^^ through the French capital. In the 
\\^y± year, Seymour writes to the King that "Branceteur 
and other semblable rebels" had gone to Scotland.' By 
that time Seymour had no doubt satisfied himself as to the 
identity of Harry Phillips's comrade. 

Unfortunately, the casual mistake of Seymour — or 
rather of Laurence Grey — has misled the compilers of the 
Index to the State Papers, who in turn have misled Froude 
and others. That Branceteur was a totally distinct person 
from James ap Griffith hardly needs to be proved. Bran- 
ceteur had been for years in the Emperor's service in 1533, 
before James had started on his long Odyssey (vol. vi, Nos. 
79, 315, 838). When Branceteur was arrested in Paris 
in 1540, the Emperor angrily interfered on his behalf, 
because, said Wyatt in a letter to Henry VIII, 

" this man had done him service, gone on an embassy to the 
Kiii^ of Persia when his regular ambassador sickened by the 
way. I have had him follow me this ten or twelve years in 
all my voyages, in Africa, in Province, in Italy, and now 
here .... and since that time I know not that he 
hath been in England, whereby he hath done offence to the 
king, unless it be for going with Cardinal Pole, that asked 
me leave for him by cause of the language." — (*S^. P., vol. xv, 
38.) 

Finally, in the same Act of Attainder as James ap 
Griffith's, we find the name of "Robert Branceteur, late of 
London, merchant, and now in Italy devising the king's 
destruction, who, having knowledge of the late rebellion 
made by Darcy and others, moved divers outward princes 
to levy war against the king".^ 

' 6\ P., vol. xviii, (2), No. 290. =^ 8, P., vol. xiv, pt. i, No. 867, cap. 16. 



92 A Welsh Insurrection, 

Nor is it diflScult to perceive how the mistake originally 
arose. We have seen how closely Harry Phillips and 
James ap Griffith have been connected. They are men- 
tioned in the same letters by Henry VIII as *^two rebels 
travellino; through Germany", and both had been in com- 
munication, about the same time, with Cardinal Pole. 
When Phillips appeared in Vienna, mated to an accom- 
plished swash-buckler, who no doubt talked familiarly of 
Pole, it was, perhaps, pardonable in an English stranger to 
mistake him for James ap Griffith. Branceteur had long 
been friendly with Pole, and he had struck a friendship 
with Harry Phillips in the Low Countries, soon after his 
release from the Paris prison. Harry's daring humour, 
and fondness for tricking English spies and agents, 
appealed to Branceteur's blunt and reckless temper. 
Together they succeeded, in Flanders, in cleverly out- 
witting an English spy, a servant of Wallop's, one of 
Henry's ambassadors, and laying him by the heels.* 

The allusion to James ap Griffith in the Aci% of the 
Privy Councily vol. ii, p. 224 (cited above), shows that as 
late as October 1548, James was still looked upon as being 
alive and in exile. In the following year. Cardinal Pole, 
writing from Rome to the Bishop of Oeneda, the Papal 
Nuncio in France, recommended to him 

" especivlly Captain Grifotti) in case ho should either have 
to remain [in Kngland, whitlier he was being sent as one of 
two envoys whom Polo was sondinjij to the Protector Somer- 
set] or to return in France.'' — {Calendar State Papers: Venice, 
p. 234.) 

The compilers of the State Papers' Index have assumed 
that the "Captain Grifetto" mentioned in Pole's letter is 
James ap (jriffith. Nor, perhaps, is the assumption un- 
justified, when the facts of James's career and his long 

' /S'. P., vol. XV, 188, 203, 449 ; vol. xvi, 30, 176, 349. 



A Welsh Insurrection, 93 

acquaintance with Pole are considered. If, as Henry 
Rice states, on the strength of family tradition, James ap 
Griffith did at last return to his native land, he probably 
did so on the accession of Mary, when all his faults and 
treasons would be turned, by the whirligig of time, into 
loyal virtues. No formal pardon or annulment of the Act 
of Attainder was procured ; or else the record of them is 
lost. His best years, and the whole of his substance, had 
been spent in the cause of Rome and Mary. He probably 
did not find the "Restoration^' any more complete or 
satisfactory than other loyalists did then or since. If 
Rice's story is to be relied upon, he repaired to Cardigan- 
shire, "where he died most miserably". It is permissible 
to hope that he repaired to his son's seat at Penrallt, and 
that when the close of his stormy and adventurous career 
came, it found him surrounded by his own kith, at peace 
with the world, having expiated, by repentant confession 
and long suffering, the one great offence of his life, the 
"appechement" of his young kinsman, Rhys ap Griffith. 






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0(b County SamtitB of ®pfet>. 

II. 

THE WOGANS OF MERRION AND 

SOMERSETSHIRE. 

By FRANCIS GREEN. 



In my account of the Wo^ans of Boulston I referred to 
the connection between that family and another branch of 
the race in Somersetshire, and identified Henry Wogan* 
of Warren in Pembrokeshire, who made his will in 1499, 
as the Henry Wogan of Boulston who married Elizabeth, 
sister of Sir James ap Owen of Pentre Evan, and was the 
father of Richard Wogan of Boulston. Since that article 
has appeared in print evidence has turned up which indi- 
cates that this could not have been the case unless he had 
led a Jekyll and Hyde existence — in other words, had a 
son and heir in Somersetshire as well as in Pembrokeshire 
— which, in view of the fact that two different post mortem 
inquisitions were held on his property, is not very probable. 
The confusion has arisen from the coincidence that both 
Henry Wogan of Warren and his namesake at Boulston 
each had a son called Richard. It is on occasions such as 
this that one regrets that Mr. T. E. Morris has lived some 
nine hundred years or so too late. Had his interesting 
paper,^ " The Re-naming of Welshmen," been read and 
duly acted on before the Conquest what a blessing it would 

^ Y Cymmrodorj vol. xv, p. 106. 

^ Transactions of the Hon. Society of Cymmrodorionf 1901-2, p. 1. 



96 Old County Families of Dyfed. 

have been to genealogists and historians, and ^hat endless 
mistakes and incidents would be avoided at the present day. 

Proof is afforded, by a post mortem inquisition, of the 
existence of a Richard Wogan in Somersetshire, who died 
in 1506, and was undoubtedly a different person to his 
contemporary at Boulston, as his property was inherited 
by the Somersetshire branch ; and this, taken in conjunc- 
tion with the evidence of Gerrard, referred to later on, 
renders it almost certain that Henry Wogan of Warren 
was the founder of the Wogans of Wiltshire and Somer- 
setshire. 

The exact relationship of Henry Wogan to the other 
branches in Pembrokeshire is unfortunately not ascertain- 
able from the records so far come to light, but there is 
very little doubt that he was a member either of the 
Boulston or of the Wiston family. He died on the Slst 
August 1499, and the inquisition,^ taken at Bridgwater on 
his death, shows that he owned a messuage and some one 
hundred acres of land, called Orchardlond, in Knightisby, 
Somersetshire, of the annual value of 26«. 8d., held of 
Richard Newton, Esq., and that Richard Wogan, his son 
and heir, was twenty-two years of age at the date of his 
father's death. He also appears to have held, either as 
trustee or otherwise, a share of the manor of Brockeley, in 
the same county ; as by an inquisition,^ held at Wells in 
1499, it was found that FitzJamys senior, Henry Wogan, 
and Thomas Montague, Esqrs., convoyed one moiety of that 
manor to Alice Montague, formerly wife of Thomas Pyke, 
for her life, with remainder to her son, John Pyke, junior. 
It also records that Alice died seised of the property, and 
that her son, John Pyke, was then alive. Unfortunately 
the document is so faded that I was unable to decipher 

^ Chan., vol. xiv, No. 43 ; also E:vchq,y File 986, Sor. 2, No. 10. 
2 Rvchq.y File 89(5, Ser. H, No. (5. 



The Wogans of Merrion and Somersetshire. 97 

the date of Alice Montage's death. The inquisition was 
held on 26th October 1499, while that of Henry Wogan 
took place a few days earlier, thus suggesting that he pre- 
deceased her. If this were so, it would strengthen the 
suspicion that Alice Montague was none other than Henry 
Wogan's daughter,^ to whom he bequeathed by his will 
100 marks. 

It might be imagined from the inquisition on the death 
of Henry Wogan that he was not a very large landed pro- 
prietor ; it was, however, the custom to hold an inquisition 
in each county in which the deceased owned property, and 
the explanation probably is that the documents relating to 
inquiries made in other counties have disappeared. The 
curious feature is that although there seems very little 
doubt that he held other lands in Somersetshire, no men- 
tion of them is found in the Somersetshire inquisition. 
As to his other possessions, the Description of Somerset, by 
T. Gerrard, in 1653, affords a little light. Referring to 
Sylving or Sylvinche, which it will be remembered was 
mentioned as the residence of John Wogan* who died in 
1559, the author says : — 

" Silvayne wliich gave that name unto ye ancient owners 
of it; of whom Richard Silvayne increased his estate by 
matching with Margarett, co-heire to John Merland of 
Orchardley in this county, by whom he had one sonne Roger 
and a daughter named Isabell. This Roger had one only 
daughter, Elianora, second wife of Sir Thomas Beauchampe 
of Whitlackington (36 Hen. VI), whom she outlived, but 
died herself without childe ; whereupon Silvayne fell unto 
Henry Ogan in right of his wife .... daughter and 
heire general of Isabell, sister of Roger Silvajme, and the 
heires of Ougan in our grandfathers' daies parted this place 



^ Y Cymmrodorj vol. xv, p. 105. 
" Y Cymmrodor, vol. xv, p. 106. 



98 Old County Families of Dyfed. 

between Stourton, Larrler, Crewkeme, etc., but now by pur- 
chase it belongs, if not the whole the most, unto Sir G^rge 
Speake of Whitlackington." 

Now as we have seen, Henry Wogan was the owner 
of Orchardlond, no doubt the same place as Orchardley, 
and although we find no direct mention of this property 
amongst the assets of the family in later years, Silvinche, 
as will be shown further on, was owned by his descendants, 
jind if the Somersetshire historian be correct, came to 
him through his marriage with the daughter of Isabel 
Silva3me. 

Eichard, the son of Henry Wogan, is probably the 
person mentioned in the wiir of William Dawstone, proved 
in 1500. By it the testator bequeathed to "Richard Ogan 
one jackett of Chamlet of black colour". He also gave to 
Philip Ogan, whom he appointed overseer of his will, "my 
other horse", the best horse having been previously be- 
queathed to the Prior of Taunton "for my tithes for- 
gotten" ; from which we gather that Mr. Dawstone was 
somewhat neglectful of the dues of the Church. Probably 
this Philip was a brother of Richard, and the sou of Henry 
Wogan of Warren. 

There are several inquisitions'^ on the death of Richard 
Wogan. They are unanimous in stating that he died in 
March 1506, and the majority agree that his death occurred 
on the 10th of that month. His property, briefly sum- 
marised, was as follows : — 

WILTSHIRE. 

Annual Value. 

The nitmors of Hampton Turbile and West 
Thorpe, held of the Kin^ in capite by knight*8 
service . . £22 10 



1 



10 Moone. 

Evchq.f File 970, Ser. 2, No. 7 ; Chan,, vol. xxxiii, Nos. 90 and 
1(H); C/t(in., vol. xxiii, Xo. J(>0. 



2 



The Wogans of Merrion and Somersetshire, 99 

Annual Value. 

A capital messuage and 319 acres of land 
in Est Bedwyn held of the King, the service 
being unknown . . . . ..£400 

Three messuages, 4 cottages, and 100 acres of 
land in Wilton, Stowford, Chylehampton, Byche- 
hampton and South Newcoken, held of the Abbey 
of Wilton by a rent of 20.s. . . . . 

SOMERSETSHIRE. 

One messuage and toft, one mill, two dovecotes, 
one garden, 154 acres of land, and a rent of 
408. 2d, in Sylvene, Atherston, Amgerslygh, 
Abbott's Isle and South Bradon : — 

The property in Sylvene and Atherston was 
held of the heirs of John Speke as of the manor 
of Whitelackyngton by fealty and suit at the 
court there . . . . . . . . . . 46 13 

The property in Amyerslygh was held of 
C. Capell, knight, by a rent of a red rose . . 1 10 8 

The property in Abbott's Isle was held of the 
heirs of Roger Newburgh, knight, by socage and 
a rent of 2«. . . . . . . . . 16 10 

The property in South Bradon was held of 
Nicholas Bradhin, knight, by socage arid a rent 
of \d. . . . . . . . . . . 12 8 

Richard Wogan's wife was Alice Columba, but the 
inquisition' which mentions her name does not reveal her 
identity, but states that in 1503-4 a suit was brought by 
Sir Richard Speke and John Soper, at Richard Wogan's 
request, by which the Somersetshire property was re- 
covered by them, and in April 1519, was granted by them 
to Alice Columba for her life. This presumably was a 
post nuptial settlement. It is thus evident that she sur- 
vived her husband. The only issue of Richard that I have 
discovered is his son and heir John, who was bom at 
Westroppe, in the parish of Highworth in Wiltshire, on 

* Inq. P. M.f Chan,, vol. xxziii, No. 90. 

H 2 



lOO Old County Families of Dyfed. 

10th March 1498/ and was baptised at Highworth. He 
was, therefore, only about eight years of age at the date 
of his father's death. There are several inquisitions' ex- 
tant in regard to John Wogan's property, which, in addition 
to that held by his father, comprised the following : — 

WILTSHIRE. 

Annual Valoe. 

The manor of Est Bedwyn, 8 messuages, 
and 2,100 acres of land in Est Bedwyn held of the 
Queen, the service being unknown . . . . £7 11 

One messuage and 92 acres of land in Wotten 
Dasseu .. .» •• •• ^~~ "^~ "'^ 

PEMBROKESHIRE. 

The manor of Myryan,' 16 messuages, 3,020 
acres of land, and the moiety of a mill, in Myryan,^ 
Kanamston,* Knegh,^ TrefF Braun," and Newton''^ 
near Knegh and Warran,' held of the heirs of 
Isabel, wife of John Wogan, knight, of Wooston,® 
Pembrokeshire, by a rent of a rose . . . . 14 9 2 

Here, for the first time since the will of H enry "Wogan 
in 1499, do we find direct evidence of a connection between 
the Somersetshire family and Pembrokeshire ; yet from the 
fact that Henry Wogan, by his last testament, not only 
desired to be buried at " Woran"," but also bequeathed a 
legacy of 6s. 8cZ. to the church there, the inference is that 

^ Inq. P. M.J C/ian.j vol. xxxv. No. 120. 

^ Ifiq. P. M.f Chan., vol. cxxiv, No. 197 ; Chan.f vol. cxix, No. 161 ; 
/??/y. P. M., Exchq., File 9^), Ser. 2, No. 2 ; Inq. P. M., Kvchq., File 946, 

Sor. 2, No. 25. 

^ Morrion in Warren Parish. 

* Cannaston in Roboston Wathen parish. 

'' Neath in Rhoscrowthor parish. 

" Trobrowen in Rhoscrowthor parish. 

^ In Rhoscrowthor parish. 

** Warren. " Wiston. 



The Wogans of Merrion and Somersetshire. loi 

he owned the estate in question, and that it descended 
through Richard to Henry's grandson, John. There are 
no records of inquisitions held in Pembrokeshire on the 
deaths of either Henry or Richard Wogan, and the same 
remark holds good in regard to John Wogan ; but, on the 
other hand, the extent of the Pembrokeshire property is 
contained in two Somersetshire inquiries on the death of 
John Wogan. Possibly the reason why no reference is 
made to the Pembrokeshire estate in the English inquisi- 
tions of Richard Wogan is that Escheators may have been 
more particular in the time of Elizabeth than their con- 
freres in the reigns of her predecessors. 

Up till 1498, the family's headquarters appear to have 
been in Wiltshire,^ but subsequently John Wogan must 
have moved to Sylvinche, as in his will he is described as 
of that place. There are few, if any, remains left of the 
old home of John Wogan at Sylvinche, as will be seen from 
the following description, for which I am indebted to the 
courtesy of the present vicar of Whitelackington ; it was 
written in November 1901 : — " Sylvinge, or Sylvinche, as 
they call it now, is a dairy farm on the boundary of this 
parish and Stocklinch. There is no trace of a mansion. 
At present it consists of a modem cottage built two years 
ago by the Squire, Major Vaughan-Lee, who now owns the 
property. This is attached to an older thatched-covered 
stone house of the type of the labourers' cottages about 
here, only a little larger. I believe the modern cottage 
replaced a similar building to the older one still in 
existence, and when the two made one building, as they 
may once have done, it \rould have been a fair-sized 
residence.'^ 

The name of John Wogan's wife was Anne or Agnes, 

* Inq. p. M.y Chan.y vol. xxxv, No. 120. 



I02 Old County Families of Dyfed. 

and, as mentioned in my account^ of the Wogans of 
Boulston, her maiden surname was probably Bosse. In 
the light of records which have recently turned up there 
can be little doubt that she was his second wife. She was 
apparently an heiress in her own right, as she devised the 
bulk of her property to John Rosse, who was presumably 
her nephew. Whether her daughter Mary, mentioned in 
her will, made in 1574, as the wife of William Stourton, 
of Warminster, was the issue of her marriage with John 
Wogan, or from a previous union, is not clear. The date of 
her marriage with John Wogan was probably in the reign 
of Philip and Mary, as the inquisition'* states that he con- 
veyed the manor of Sylvinche, with other property, to 
Hugh Paulet, knight, and George Speake, Esq., upon trust 
for himself and his wife Agnes for their lives, but the date 
of the year in which the grant was made is illegible in the 
document. Assuming, however, that the union took place 
in 1555 (1 and 2 Philip and Mary) the date would certainly 
admit of a daughter being of a marriageable age by 1674; 
but, on the other hand, if Mary had been the daughter of 
John Wogan, one would expect to find her taking a share 
of the property with his other daughters. The children 
from the first marriage were : — 

Miirp;ory, tlio wife of John Larder, j^ont. 

Alice, tlie wife of Robert IlarryHon. 

Hrijxotte, the wife of Giles Saunders. 

Mary, the wife of Robert Morj^an, esq. 

Philippa Wo«;an, who was about eighteen years of ftge in 1558. 

Hugh Wogan, the only son, married about 1654* Jane, 
one of the daughters of Christopher Cheverell; and in 

' Y Cijmmrodory vol. xv, p. 1(M5. 

'' Inq, P. .1/., Chnn.y vol. cxix, No. 151. 

^ Inq. 1\ M.y C/ian.f vol. cxix, No. 161. 



The Wogans of Merrion and Somersetshire. 103 

that year his father conveyed the Pembrokeshire estate, a 
messuage, garden, and 10 acres of land in Whitlackington 
and Atherston, 52 acres in Petmyster and Amerslyge, 
22 acres in Abbotsfylde and 8 acres in South Bradon in 
Somersetshire, to Robert Morgan, Nicholas Marten, Walter 
Grey, Robert Fowk, John Larder, Nicholas Rosse and 
Richard Younge, upon trust, as to the Pembrokeshire 
property, for Hugh Wogan and his wife Jane for their 
lives, with remainder to their sons, and, in default of issue, 
upon trust for the heirs of John Wogan the grantor; and 
as to the other property, upon the same trusts subject to a 
life estate for the said John Wogan. 

Hugh Wogan, however, died^ in Dorsetshire on 29th 
May 1555, without issue, and his wife Jane, who survived, 
took a life interest in the Pembrokeshire property. His 
father died on 31st March 1559, and was survived by his 
wife Agnes, whose will^ was proved in 1575. On the death 
of Jane, the widow of Hugh Wogan, the Pembrokeshire 
property, under the deed of settlement, descended to the 
five co-heiresses of John Wogan, who no doubt, as stated 
by Gerrard, sold it. At all events, in 1571, the legal 
estate of the manor of Merrion was vested in Mark 
Abowen and John Abowen, clerk, as in that year a fine 
was levied on the manor of "Merrion" and "Llanunwesse" 
and other lands, in which they were defendants, and 
Thomas Abowen and Francis Laughame were plaintiffs, 
when the manors in question were adjudged to be the 
property of the claimants. No doubt this was merely a 
settlement of the lands mentioned. The names only of the 
parties to the fine are given, so it is impossible to ascer- 
tain from it their identity, but unquestionably they were 



^ Inq. P. M.^ vol. cxix, No. 151. 
^ Y Cymmrodory vol. xv, p. 107. 



1 04 Old County Families of Dyfed. 

members of the Eoblinston family, as George Owen, the 
rembrokeshire historian, in his list of manors' in Pem- 
brokeshire in 1587-8 (30 Eliz.), states that the manor of 
"Meirian" was then owned by Bowen of Boblinston. Now 
Thomas Bowen, the son of Mark Bowen, of Boblinston^ 
married Margarefc, the daughter of Owen Laugharne, of St. 
Brides, who died in 1550, and her brother was Francis 
Laugharne. It is, therefore, likely that the fine in ques- 
tion was in connection with a settlement on the marriage 
of Thomas Bowen with Margaret Laugharne. 

How long the manor of Merrion remained in the 
possession of the Bowens of Roblinston is uncertain. 
The next mention of it is in a fine levied in 1600, when 
Hugh Owen and his wife Lucy were plaintiffs, and John 
Pledall or Pleydell was defendant. Later on a fine was 
levied in 1623 on the manor. On this occasion Morris 
Bowen and his wife Matilda were defendants, so that the 
legal estate, at all events, was then vested in the Bowen 
family. In 1692 a fine was levied in which Stephen Morris 
and William Morgan were defendants, and Thomas Owen 
was plaintiff. In this suit not only the manor of Merrion, 
but the manors of Stackpole and Nangle were involved. 
It is impossible to draw any satisfactory conclusion from 
this record. The defendants, however, called upon Gilbert 
Lort, presumably Sir Gilbert Lort, the last baronet, who 
died without issue in 1698,'' to warrant the title ; and in 
view of this, and of the fact that the manor of Stackpole 
had belonged to the Lort family since 1613, it is a fair 
assumption thut the Lorts had acquired the manor of 
Merrion by purchase or otherwise. This is further borne 
out by a writ in 1718, when Edward Archer, the defen- 

' OwerCs Pembrokeshire y vol. ii, p. 522. 
^ Old Pembroke Families, p. 31. 



The Wogans of Merrion and Somersetshire, 105 

dant, called upon John Campbeir to warrant the titles of 
the manors of Staokpole, Merrion, and Nangle, Stackpole 
having been inherited by the ancestors of the present 
Lord Cawdor through a marriage with Elizabeth Lort, 
the heiress of Sir Gilbert Lort. 



' Son of Elizabeth Lort and Sir Alexander Campbell, of Cawdor, 
in Nairnshire. 



t^t gofp &tait 



A DISCRIMINATION OF THE NATIVE AND FOREIGN 

ELEMENTS OF THE LEGEND. 



Part I. — Early History. 



The story of the Grail has two parts, one called Jotteph of 
Arimathea, or Li romanz de Vestoire dau Gi'oal, or generally, 
"The Early History"; the other, which is by some considered 
the earlier of the two in respect of origin, The Quest of the 
Grail. The earliest extant version of the Quests called Li 
Contes del Graal, is dated variously between 1175 and 1182, 
and of the Early History, Li romanz de Vestoire dou Oraal 
by De Borron, the earliest known text is assigned to the 
end of the century. Without debating the question of 
priority, we will begin our enquiry in the natural order, 
that is with the Early History ; first making a few neces- 
sary observations on the name by which the whole story is 
generally known. 

What ought to be understood by " Grail " is as difficult 
to determine as is the origin of the story which tells of it. 
According to most, grail is a dish or vessel of the type of 
basin, but one learned commentator maintained that it was 
a book, ^ra (Zait'=gradual, a service book. Robert De Borron^ 
who wrote his Romanz about the year 1200, says the Grail 
was the vessel in which Joseph of Arimathea gathered up 
the blood Christ shed upon the Cross, and that Christ had 



The Holy Grail. 107 

used the same vessel at the house of Simon for the institu- 
tion of the Sacrament. When Jesus was taken the house 
was looted — 

''Leenz eut un veissel mout gent, 

Oa Criz feisoit son sacrement ; 

Un Juis le veissel trouva 

Ghi4s Symon," etc., 

w. 894-7. 

and the Genoese, who supposed thej had acquired this 
precious memorial of the Supper^ called it 9(wro eaUno^ to 
which name the word "grail'* fairly corresponds in some 
MSS. and in Du Cange. The latter has ^^OradaUj Oatino 
species, pro gramh. Inter vasa mensaria seu utensilia 
coquiiiae annumeratur in charta ann. 1263/' and ^^ChrasaJUiy 
grasale, vasis genus, ex ligno, terrft, metalove, non unius 
notionis ; occurrit enim pro vase rotundo largiore ac minus 
profundo." The diminutive gradcUetto remained in use in 
Italy as a general name for table-ware till the fourteenth 
century, for it is so used in the Italian version of the story:* 
"Tutte le scodelle e gli gradaletti de Dinadan erano nuove 
e belle." Another form of the name is Sang Real, which^ 
if a corruption, shows at least what was at one time the 
belief concerning this relic. The MS. edited by Fumivall 
for the Boxburghe Club is entitled Seynt Orcuxl or tiie Sank 
Ryal ; it is a version of the Early History. Helinandus, 
writing in 1220 ci/rca^ while recognising the domestic uses 
of the vessel called grail, endeavours to give a spiritual 
sense to the word. He says ^^OradaMs aut gradale gallice 
dictur scutella lata, et aliquantulum profonda in quae 
preciosae dapes divitibus solent apponi gradaHm unus mor- 
sellus post alium in diversis ordinibus ; . . . . Dicitur et 



^ La Tavola Bitonda, vol. i, p. 278, MS. of the fourteenth oen- 
tury, printed at Bologna, 1865. 



io8 The Holy Grail, 

vulgari nomine greal^ quia grata et acceptabilis est in ea 
comedenti "; and this was a favourite explanation. The 
Grand St, Grraal, written about the time when Helinandus 
made that note, says of Nasciens that, "being shown the 
vessel wherein was Christ's blood, he thought that never 
was anything to be compared with it for excellence ; for 
whereas nothing he had seen before but somewhat dis- 
pleased him (li degraa;St) this pleased him entirely (11 
gr6e)/" 

This will be enough to show how uncertain was the 
opinion about this "vesseP' at the time when the stories 
are said to have been made. No one at the time seemed 
to know whether the Grail, about which he wrote, was 
dish or cup, whether it was a vessel only, or a vessel con- 
taining the Precious Blood shed on Calvary. There is 
agreement, however, in ranking it above all memorials of 
the Passion, which the Church was reputed to possess ; 
and surely, the Cup which Christ's own hands had held at 
the Institution, or the Dish in which He had dipped at the 
Supper, could not have been exceeded in sanctity by any 
other relics of His life on earth, and, if any portion 
of the Divine blood had been preserved with either, the 
tremendous importance of the possession would have been 
unspeakable. 

When we think of this it will appear more strange 
that any uncertainty should have existed as to the precise 
nature of tlie relic ; we sliall have to reconsider the cir- 
cumstances, to see that the obscurity surrounding it is 
natural. Tt lies in the detachment of the first Christiana 
from all material things. Iiiving in constant expectation 
of the second coming of their Lord, all phenomena of His 
earthly life and of their own were disregarded, so that it 

' A If rod Nutt, ^Studies in the Holy Graily analysis of tlie Grafid St, GraaL 



The Holy GraiL 109 

was not until this first state of expectancy had given way 
that the Church began to regard its own history more 
closely, and to preserve its monuments. 

Whether, then, the Dish and the Cup of the Last 
Supper were ever used again by the first disciples in their 
solemn commemorations, or whether they were thought too 
sacred for use, we shall never know ; but we may presume 
the Church had not yet begun to venerate any such 
memorials. We hear nothing of the relics of Stephen, nor 
of the place where the body was laid. A century later 
Justin Martyr also suffered and was buried, and the place 
of his sepulture is equally unknown. What we call relics 
are evidences of later date, and of a more systematic perse- 
cution. When suffering became the badge of a christian, 
the Church consoled herself by making trophies of the 
bodies of her martyrs. The cuUub thus began. Garments 
torn by wild beasts, sponges dipped in blood, were exhibited 
at the tombs when the anniversaries came round, and were 
affectionately and reverently kissed by the crowds passing 
through the cemeteries. At first, probably, such relics 
were the property of relatives only, and not until private 
interests diminished did the Church acquire her full right ; 
but with the success of Constantine came also the triumphs 
of the martyrs. The magnificent basilicas erected over 
their tombs brought crowds of pilgrims, and the memorial 
churches grew in wealth and beauty by their offerings. 
The possession of relics became a source of prosperity to 
City as well as Church ; all relics were eagerly demanded, 
but especially those of the first days, and, of these what- 
ever might recall the Life or the Passion of our Lord. 
The Holy Places of Palestine began to be visited ; the 
mother of the Emperor was one of the first pilgrims, and to 
her was vouchsafed the discovery of the Cross, and of other 
relics of the Passion. Further discoveries were constantly 



1 1 o The Holy GraiL 

expected.* Portraits of Christ were demanded, and though 
the more prudent doctors declared that none existed, or 
ought to exist, it was not long before the curiosity of the 
ladies of the Court was satisfied. At first was produced 
the portrait made by Christ himself on the napkin of 
Veronica, then under its supreme sanction others, reported 
to have been painted by St. Luke. Nothing, finally, 
belonging to Christ's ministry on earth, but found its 
illustration — from the cradle of Bethlehem to the prints of 
the feet on the Mount of Olives. This being so, it is 
not to be supposed that the greatest, the most precious 
relic of all, would be wanting. If the blood of the meanest 
of God's servants had been treasured, was it credible that 
the piety of the "beloved disciple" or of Joseph^ who 
took upon himself the last duties of the dead, had failed 
to preserve for the Church that most precious blood of the 
Divine Master? The imagination of those days would 
not have tolerated so great a neglect. In the fifth century 
Germanus visited the tomb of St. Alban and took away 
some of the earth supposed to be stained with the blood of 
the Martyr."* In the sixth century, Gregory of Tours 
tells how a certain Gallic matron returned from Judea tn 
thefird century with a shell full of the blood of John the 
Baptist, then recently murdered by Horod.* In the 
seventh century the earth soaked with the blood of Oswald, 
who fell at Maserfield, a.d. 642,* was religiously preserved. 

^ The Bordeaux Pilgrim, who arrived at Jonisalem about seven 
years later than the Empress, found already certain sites established, 
whicli had not been recognised in her time, viz., the House of 
Caiaphas, "where is the pillar of Christ's scourging"; the House of 
Peter, the Little II ill of Golgotha, "the Ci*ypt where our Lord*a 
body was laid." — Beazley, Modern Geography, vol. i. 

'^ Constantius, l)e Vita Germani, cap. vi. 

3 De Gloria Martyrum, cap. 12. 

' Bede, Uist. Eccles. 



■_J, 



The Holy Grail. 1 1 1 

Such like instances are unmistakable. They show what 
would have been the feeling against Joseph if it could 
have been believed that this Holy relic had been lost to 
the Church by his fault. True, the blood was not openly 
shown, but that would not have hindered the belief in its 
existence somewhere ; it might have been supposed hidden 
during time of persecution, to be one day revealed. Such 
like beliefs were common. The Booh of the Penitence of 
Adam tells of *'the Cave of Treasures", where were pre- 
served the gold of Paradise, the myrrh and the incense, 
which Adam had taken away wUh him, to be offered one 
day to the infant Saviour by the Magi.^ 

Benan, commenting on this, remarks that the belief in 
the existence of this cavern was widespread in the East.' 
It is more difficult, in the presence of these beliefiEi, to 
suppose that a tradition of the existence of the Precious 
Blood did not exist than that it did, but it is true that an 
opinion contrary to this was also held, and that there were 
pious and learned persons to whom the idea was distaste- 
ful. Theodosius, writing also in the sixth centuiy, says : — 
^' There are indeed some persons who affibrm that every 
part of the true cross which touched the naked body of 
the Lord and was stained with His bloody was caught, 
up to heaven straightway from all human touch and sighti, 
and that it will at last appear in the Day of Judgment."* 
It was argued also that, since Christ had ascended into 
Heaven, every part of His human body must have been 
taken thither, and that nothing pertaining to it remained. 
To many people the popular belief would appear the more 
reasonable ; but that was peculiarly an age of marvels^ and 

^ Migne, vol. xziii, col. 290. 
^ Journal Anatiqttef 6th series, vol. ii, p. 427. 
3 De Terra Sancta, Trans, by Dr. Bernard for the PtJestme 
Pilgrims* Text Society, 1891. 



1 1 2 The Holy GraiL 

no natural difficulty would have been considered on one 
side or the other ; we may conclude that the prevailing 
belief would have been that which corresponded best with 
popular sentiment, and what evidence there is goes to 
support that. In 1204 Dandolo sent to Venice, after the 
taking of Constantinople, a portion of earth stained with 
blood, said to have been taken from the place where the 
Cross had stood, but whether preserved by the care of 
Joseph of Arimathea, or discovered later, is not said, nor 
is it known how long the relic had been in possession of 
the Emperors. In 1150, a few drops of the Precious 
Blood were presented by Count Theodore of Manders to 
the town of Bruges, and the ^^Chapel of the Holy Blood" 
was built for the care and exposition of the relic. Other 
portions also were brought from the East by Crusaders, 
and are still in certain Treasuries on the Continent. 
Richard, Earl of Cornwall, presented part of the same 
holy relic to the church of Hailes, in Gloucestershire, and 
to the Abbey of Ashridge, in Hertfordshire. Of the 
existence of these before the twelfth century nothing 
perhaps is known ; pilgrims do not mention the Holy 
Blood, but they did not visit Constantinople, and what 
remained of this was, possibly, in the custody of the 
Emperors only, with whom also the other great memorials 
of the Passion were deposited : the Crown of Thorns, the 
sponge, one of the nails (the others formed part of the 
Crown of Lombardy, and the sword of Charlemagne). 
The spear remained at Jerusalem, and is mentioned by 
Pilgrims. Theodosius describes it as still to be seen in 
the Church of Golgotha, where it "shone by night as the 
sun by day". Antonius, a pilgrim, saw there also the cup 
(of onyx) which the Lord blessed at the Supper ; this was 
about 570 a.d. The invasion of Chosroes in 614 would 
have led to tho hiding of all relics, and some may have 



The Holy Grail. 113 

been hidden and forgotten. In 680 ▲.!>. came Arcolf, and 
he describes "the Cup of the Lord*'; "of silver, about 
the size of a Vrench quarts and has two little handles 
to it on either side/' " From this cup, as is reported, the 
Lord drank after His resurrection, as He sat at meat with 
the Apostles, and this holy Arculf saw and touched with 
his own hand and kissed through the opening of the per- 
forated cover of a. little shrine in which it was preserved ; 
indeed the whole people of the City resort constantly to 
this Cup with great reverence/'* He was then shown the 
spear "in the portico (aisle) of Constantino's basilica." 
The pilgrimage of Arculf was known in Strathdyde, in 
Northumbria probably, and in Wales, in the eighth century, 
his relation having been put into writing t^ Adamnan in 
686. We may assume then that in the eighth century 
certain chief relics of the PaBsion were currently reported 
as existing: the Blood at Constantinople, with the true 
Cross and the others already mentioned; the Cup of the 
Last Supper and the Spear at Jerusalem. The last two 
being commended to the veneration of British Christians 
by the Abbot of the famous monastery of Hi. 

Some part of the story of Joseph of Arimathea was also 
known here.^ Everywhere, indeed, his personality had 
taken great hold on the imagination of Christians from 
the first, no hero of the Faith appealed so strongly to their 
admiration, no one had a greater claim on their gratitude ; 
"Benefactor Dei" he is called by Gregory of Tours. The 
popular affection for Joseph was strengthened by the 

^ The Churches of Canstantine at Jerusalem. Paleatine PUgrhns' 
Text Society, 1891, quoting from Adamnan. 

^ Nutt, Studies, p. 221. Nicolas, Les Evangiles ApoeryfkeSf p. 866, 
says that the Anglo-Saxon version of the Oospel of Nicodemus has 
many Welsh idioms, and he refers to the Arehmologia BritmmkMf 
p. 266. 

I 



114 The Holy Grail. 

popular love of justice ; amends must be made for fhe 
neglect of Joseph by the canonical writers. The sacred 
texts say nothing about him after the entombment. What 
became of him 9 Did he flee with the Maries and other 
witnesses of the Eesurrection ? If so, there was nothing 
to prevent his coming to Provence in some Syrian ship, and 
the legend of the landing at Marseilles may have been the 
popular answer to the question. 

Legends of Joseph began to be made at a very early 
date. . The compiler of the Gospel of Nicodemus only put 
together what was and had long been common belief con- 
cerning him, and he did not necessarily collect all the 
stories current ; that which concerns us, for example, did 
not come into the purpose for which the "Gospel" was 
writteu, mz,, the cultivation of the belief in a netherworld, 
a place of waiting for judgment. This belief, of so great 
importance to the Church, depended on the popular or so- 
called apocryphal writings more than on the canonical, and 
for this reason the book which professed to have been re- 
vealed to the two sons of Simeon was quoted and approved 
by churchmen when other apocryphal stories of Joseph 
were left to maintain themselves by their picturesqueness 
alone. So eminent a person as the Archbishop of Tears 
introduces parts of the Gesta Pilati and the Evangelium 
into his version of the Life of Christ,* no doubt because 
they filled a gap left by the canonical writers. When 
Gregory wrote, the article of the Creed, DescendU ad 
inferos J had not yet been generally received,* and it was the 
more necessary to keep all "evidences" in sight, hence the 

^ Part of tho general introduction to the Church History of the 
Franks, 

^ It was accepted by the foui-th Council of Toledo in A.D. 638, and 
reaflirmed in a.d. (393. The Apostles* Creed, so called, was not fioaUy 

settled as to its terms until tho ninth century. 



The Holy Grail. 115 

importance of that part of the story of Joseph. Our 
legend of the landing in Provence and of the preservation 
of the Precious Blood served no doctrinal purpose, and it 
existed, if at all, in popular story only. De Borron^s 
Estoire contains the earliest written statement ve have of 
the preservation of it by Joseph. Now, was De Borron 
the inventor of that part of the Joseph legend ? 

An examination of the Estoire makes the supposition of 
his absolute authorship impossible. It is full of details 
which we cannot believe he invented, descriptions of cere- 
monies, for example, which in his time were obsolete, un- 
known, and could only have been inserted by him because 
he found them in the story, or the scraps of stories, from 
which he was working. It is worth while to examine 
some of these. 

The ceremony of central importance in any supposed 
cultvs of the Grail must be the Celebration or Commemora- 
tion of the Last Supper. As described by De Borron this 
is of extreme si^iiplicity, such as the poorest disciples in 
Palestine might have had among themselves. A table is 
dressed in the desert, the vessel was placed in the middle, 
and in front of it a fish, then the people were called to sit 
round, except such as were sinners. Why this fish P De 
Borron, who is supposed to have invented the ''Early Hig- 
tory'^, does not know. He attempts an explanation which 
does very little credit to his intelligenoe, and completely 
destroys any presumption of his authorship. The truth is, 
that when he wrote, the fish had long disappeared from 
the Euchaiistic feast, of which it was an ordinary feature 
in primitive times; the story he was telling, therefore, 
must have been a very early one, or the ritual of the Qrail 
had somewhere preserved to itself the andent ''use". The 
simplicity of the rite is further shown by the aasertianj 

pointedly made, that ''only the words of Christ Himself " 

z2 



ii6 The Holy Grail. 

were used at the consecration. The discipline also is 
primitive : the catechumens and penitents aton(2, and are 
required to leave before the mysteries were reached. 
" Then all the people were invited, but only those who 
were conscious of having obeyed all the precepts Joseph 
had taught them were to sit at the table." "Those sitting 
at the table were penetrated with a delicious satisfaction 
which those standing did not feel .... these left the 
chamber covered with shame/" One very ancient feature 
in the tradition is found in the Grand St. Oraal. Joseph 
enters the "Ark" in order to consecrate. The practice of 
consecrating secretly is now peculiar to the Eastern rite, 
but once it was general. No traces of it remained in the 
West so late as a.d. 1200, unless in certain Basilicas of 
Italy, where curtains appear to have been fixed to the 
baldachins which enclosed the altars ; but possibly the 
very narrow openings into the chancels of some of our 
most ancient Welsh and Irish churches may have relation 
to this practice."^ 

A very curious ceremony is described in the High 
History^ and also by Gerbert. It is a manner of "creep- 
ing to the Cross", and, as both writers take pains to 
explain what it means, it may have belonged to an older 
story. The rite is performed by two priests (or hermits) 
named Alexis and Jonas ; nothing calls for the names of 
the two actors in this scene, and we are led to suppose it 

> De Borron. Furnivall, app. to vol. i, Th^ Seynt Graalf w. 2537 
et seq. The withdrawal of catechumens, or those "unfit to sit at 
Christ's table", is also part of the preparation for the great solemnity 
with which the Quests closes. 

- The church of St. Bridget at Kildare had a solid screen of timber 
right across, separating the nave from the choir or sanctuary. — 
Warren, Celtic liitual, p. 81). 

^Branches, xvi, 3, and xviii, 17; also in Potvin's abstract of 
Gerbert, p. lM;3, or Nutt, ^StudieSj p. 24. 



.^■-li 



The Holy GraiL 1 1 7 

has been taken, names and all, from some mystery play; 
unless there is, or was, a story of Alexis and Jonas, which 
both writers by some coincidence resorted to for their inci- 
dents. All the stories of the Grail furnish illustrations 
of archaisms, but we are more particularly concerned at 
present with the Estoire, as this has the reputation of 
being the earliest to tell of the "Invention" of the Grail 
and of its coming to Britain. 

The story of Joseph leading his small army of Chris- 
tians into Britain (the promised land) is modelled on that 
of the wanderings of Israel in the desert. The analogy is 
so obvious it might have been made at any time, but there 
are peculiarities in De Borron's treatment of it which show 
it could not have been derived from the canonical scrip- 
tures, and that it was taken either from some apocryphal 
book or was the confused ending of a long tradition. The 
Moses of the Estoire is not the leadler. Joseph was that, 
and Moses appears in the ungracious part of rebel and 
Anti-Christ, endeavouring to recover the place which under 
the Christian dispensation he had lost. In this allegory 
we must suppose Joseph to be sometimes Christ, as when 
he sits at the head of the Grail table ; sometimes Moses, as 
leader of the chosen people. As Christ, his proper vice- 
gerent would have been Peter, who sometimes appears in 
that role; but in other places Peter is also Moses — the true 
Moses who has been supplanted. He has no clearly- 
marked function in the story, he is introduced by De 
Borron suddenly, and as suddenly disappears. We might 
suppose that the author was diversely inspired, and that if 
one story told about Peter another did not. He promises, 
for instance, that when he comes to the Vaus d'Avaron 
(Avalon) he will say 

"quen vie Petrus mcna 
Qu' il devint", etc. — 

vv. 3469-70. 



1 1 8 The Holy Grail. 

but he either forgets to do so, or he has nothing to tell. 
Perhaps the Gravd St. Chraal partly supplies the defect 'j 
there is in it a long story of Peter ; how he was cast ashore 
an infant and found by the daughter of King OrcawB, how 
he was brought up secretly by the Princess, and how he 
became a most valiant knight. The chivalric part we need 
not follow, but the opening of the story, which identifies 
Peter with Moses, may perhaps belong to that which De 
Borron had before him. The identification or paraUelism 
of Peter and Moses is very ancient. In the early mosaics 
Peter is the recipient of the New Law ; in representations 
of Moses striking the rock Peter is clearly the person 
represented — "Moyses figura fuit Petri", says St. Augus- 
tine. This displacement of Moses by Peter is mainiained 
in the Grail as part of the system of disparagement of the 
Old Law which runs through it. It is more noteworthy, 
perhaps, that in these places the writers always speak as if 
the New Law had beeu recently established, a thing quite 
inconsistent with the belief that the Estoire Avas entirely a 
work of the twelfth century ; whether the establishment 
of the New Law may refer to the introduction of Chris- 
tianity into Britain or to the success of Christianity 
generally. The grotesque side of De Borron's picture, 
where he distorts the character of Moses, is possibly a pure 
blunder. Peter has another opponent named Symen or 
Symeu, who is called Moys' father. He tries to kill Peter. 
Moses had beeu punished for his presumption in taking 
the high seat by seven flaming hands which carried him . 
to a place " burning like a dry bush" ; Symen is punished 
similarly, he is carried off by devils and thrust into a fiery 
grave. This looks as if Simon Magus may have been con- 
founded with the Moses who, at first set in apposition with 
Peter, became later his opponent and enemy; a curious 
travesty of ancient symbolism if true, and unmistakably a 



The Holy Grail. 119 

blunder in respect of the persons. Shall we take this as a 
measure of De Borron's knowledge of Sacred History, or 
ought we to consider that he is repeating an ancient storj 
which he did not think himself at liberty to alter ? 

The manner of consecrating Joseph as ^^ Sovran Shep- 
herd", could scarcely have been invented by De Borron ; 
in the twelfth century no one would have thought of 
making any man a bishop who was not abeady priest, 
though that would not have been considered irregular in 
the fif th.^ Not more would it have occurred to him to make 
Joseph Bishop for the sole purpose of consecrating the 
Eucharist; that point of order belongs also to a very early 
period of Church history. These and such-like anachronisms 
in De Borron's text lead us to suspect he is not the author 
of all he writes, and that the ^^book" to which he refers 
may have been a real one. Granting a previons belief in 
the existence of the ^^vessel" and of the Precious Blood, 
some story of Joseph which connected him directly with 
the preservation of the relic seems necessary, to no one 
else could the pious act have been attributed. This story 
would have been the Gospel of Joseph, and its object 
would have been to redress the injustice which. Joseph 
may be said to have received. The omission of his name 
from the Canon of the Mass may have been a grievance. 

^ Consecration of laymen to the episcopate, per saltum, was still 
valid in the sixth century in Gaul, but the Church disliked it. In 
Ireland at that time there does not appear to have been any question 
(of the story of St. Columba) ; and in the Celtic Church generally the 
ancient liberty may have existed so long as that Church remained 
independent, but in the twelfth century such laxity was no longer 
possible. Henry I, being anxious to appoint an Englishman to the 
See of St. David, caused the Queen's chancellor, a layman, to be 
ordained priest one day and consecrated the next. He feared the 
Welshmen might be before him, but this was the most he could do ; 
no doubt he would gladly have saved one of these days had he 
dared. 



I20 The Holy GraiL 

In the "great book" of the Grail, from which De Borron 
says he is quoting, Christ promises that "never should the 
sacrifice be offered without mention being made of what 
Joseph had done." The Sacrament of the Altar became, 
for the cultores of the "Benefactor Dei", a joint com- 
memoration of Jesus and Joseph : " The Altar shall 
represent the sepulchre where you laid me, the corporal, 
the cloth in wliich you wound my body, the chalice will 
recall the vessel in which you caught my blood, and the 
paten resting on the chalice shall signify the stone placed 
over the sepulchre.'" If De Borron invented this he was 
hardy. If it is derived from that ancient book we need 
not wonder if it is now lost. The destruction of heretical 
books was a duty, and the reference to the diptychs is a 
direct challenge to the Church.^ 

We may now turn to the legends connected with the 
arrival in Britain : there is the Glastonbury legend, which 
in some of its particulars is very old, and there is the 
legend of the landin^: in Provence. The latter was 
popular.^ Joseph of Arimathea is represented as landing 
on the coast of Provence vnth. Mary Magdalen and the 
other Maries, Lazarus, and about forty in all. This com- 
pany of disciples is described as being wafted over the sea, 
very much as were Joseph and his companions in the 
story of the Grail. Marseilles would have been in the 
first century the proper port for any one voyaging from 
the East to Britain. The route from Marseilles was by 
the Rlioue to Lyons, and then it either turned aside to 

^ Do Borron's poom, vv. 1K)1-13. 

- As a matter of fact tlio romancea of tho Grail wore expressly 
inturditited by tho Court of Ronio at tho samo time that the Order of 
Tomi)hirs was aiipprosaod. Soo Mohiud, Les Oriyines Litteraires de la 
France, p. 7 1 . 

^ Acta ISanctorumy 17th March, and the Legend of Les Saintee 
Maries auw B ouches du lihune, still current in Provence. 



The Holy GraiL 121 

descend the Loire or it continued upwards by the Sadne^ 
to descend the valley of the Seine or to pass into the lower 
Ehine, and so by one course or the other to reach the 
estuary of the Thames^ the creeks of the South Coast, or 
the Severn Sea. It was by Marseilles that Christianity 
came to Gaul and Britain. The Christianity of Southern 
Gaul, moreover, was essentially Asiatic or Syriac, and if 
this legend of the Grail had its orig^ in Syria, it may 
have been first heard of in Europe at Marseilles ;' and this 
may be what is meant by the memory of so many of the 
holy women who were present at the Cross and the 
Sepulchre, being preserved there. Provence was the final 
home of many personages in the drama of the Passion. 
Pilate came here after his disgrace, and lived at Yienne. 
Martha lived at Tarascon, and the Magdalen in the solitude 
of the Saint<e Baume.^ Among those who landed from 
the rudderless ship wq^s the Hemorroissa, who is sometimes 
identified with Martha. She is called Marie la Yenis- 
sienne in the Qrarid St. OracUy and Yerrine by De Borron. 
The latter name (or Ste. Yenise) is that by which she is 
known in Northern Prance, where she probably represents 
a former goddess of the Somanized Gauls.' 

^ ^'Depuis longtempB," says Renan, ''an courant de commonioationB 
reciproques ^tait ^tabli entre les ports d^Asie Mineure et les rivages 
m^diterran^ens de la Oaule. Ces populations d'Asie et de Syrie, 
tr^s port^s k remigration vers I'occident, aimaient k remonter le 
Rhone et la Sa6ne, ayant avec elles un bazar portatif de marchandises 
diversesy ou bien s'arretant sur les rives de oes grands fleuves, aux 
endroits on s'offrait k elles I'esp^rance de vivre. Yienne et Lyons 
6taient en quelque sorte le point de mire de oes migrants qui 
apportaient en Oaule les qualitds de marchands, de domestiques, 
d'ouvriers et memes de m^decins." — Renan, L'JE^liae Ckritiefme, 
p. 468. These emigrants formed a large part of the population of the 
cities on the river, and the stories of Martha, Mary Magdalen, and 
Pilate may be part of the deposit of legend they have left there. 

^ Maury, Croyances et Ligendes de VAnUquiU (La Veronique). 



122 The Holy GraiL 

In this case, then, De Borron would be repeating a local 
tradition, but there is confusion nevertheless, Yeronica, 
not Verriue, is really meant ; the uncertainty, however, is 
of very early date. De Borron perhaps justifies his use of 
the local name by calling the imprinted 9uda,rium **la 
Veronique". All the legend of the landing in Provence, 
and of the events which determined the exile of Joseph, 
would not have been known at every place on the route 
we have indicated ; there would have been many stories, 
some attaching themselves to one place, some to another, 
and they might have arrived in Britain from the East or 
from the West, or Winchester and Salisbury might have 
been the places where they were first known. There 
seems to be no further memory of Joseph in Provence 
than that he landed ; it may be presumed that he did not 
remain, and may have followed the ordinary course of 
immigrants, northward. A tradition that his body was at 
Moyen Moustier in Alsace at the end of the eighth century, 
and that it was subsequently stolen, is recorded by 
Mabillon, and in the Ada Sanctorum.^ It is not said 
whither the body was taken, but the Vatican church 
claims to possess one of the arms. A legend of Joseph in 
Alsace is an argument for the existence of our legend 
there also, and we may couple this with the recent trans- 
lation of the Hvangelium in England — clearly an interest in 
him and his work was increasing. In England the centre 
of the Joseph legend is Glastonbury, and, curiously enough 
it has little to do with the Grail ; Glastonbury may be 
the Abbey of Glays and the He de Verre, but it is not 
certain that it was Avalon, and nothing is said in the storj 
of Joseph, as it is given by the French authors, about 
the wattled church, or the Thorn. The fragments of the 

^ Mab. AnnaleSy sub aiiuo 799. Acta Hanctorumf Martii 17. 



The Holy Grail. 123 



u 



Early History" which seem to relate to the conversion of 
Britain belong to the Augustinian mission rather than to 
the earlier Celtic Christianity, The story which attributes 
the conversion to Peter has been mentioned. This is part 
of the enlarged story (the Orand St. Qraal) ; De Borron 
does not bring the Grail to Britain, though he may have 
intended it. He relates how Peter received a divine 
commission, direct, and that he chose the West for the 

scene of his labours, 

"En ]^ terre vers Occident, 
Ki est sauvage durement 
Es vaus d' Avaron m'en irei." 

w. 8219^21. 

When the Orand St. Qraal was written the Welsh in- 
fluence appears to have dominated, and we have Celidoine, 
Nasciens and Mordrains as the active lieutenants of Joseph 
for the conversion of Britain, the story of Petrus and King 
Lucius coming rather awkwardly in another place. Still, 
though the names are mainly Celtic, the story told reminds 
us of the perils of Augustine's mission and its re-establish- 
ment by Theodore. Celidoine, after converting a few, one 
hundred and fifty, persons, is put in prison with his con- 
verts, and that might have been the end, but Mordrains 
has a vision of the extremity of the Christians, and arrives 
in time. Glastonbury would thus have been the second 
home of the legend. The chosen knight assumed the 
shield of Joseph of Arimathea at a "certain abbey'*. Now 
the body of Joseph was translated to the Abbey of Glays 
from an Abbey of the Cross.^ The almost inaccessible 

^ Lonelich, Seynt Qraal, The French version says only that 
Joseph dieSy apparently at the Castle of Galafort in Northumberland, 
whence the body was carried to Scotland becanse of a great famine 
there, which it changed instantly to a great plenty; and that the 
body was there enteres en une abeie de glay, ''which Abbey of GUkystyng^ 
bery now men hald," says Lonelich, chap, liv, Bozbnrglie Olnb 
edition, 1863. 



124 The Holy Grail, 

position of Glastonbury may have led to its becoming a 
refuge for persecuted or timorous Christians, either at the 
time of the invasion of Wessex or later, when Alfred 
betook himself to Athelney. The translation of the 
body of Joseph from the North suggests rather a flight 
thence. The names Celidoine, Nasciens and many others, 
in the Story of the Grail belong to the North. The only 
British names in De Borron are Brons, Alain and Enygeus. 
Brons=Bran (the Blessed) *^who first brought Christianity 
to Britain", and was very appropriately first keeper of the 
Grail ; Alain, who in one part of the story seems to have 
been intended for the same office, may represent the Breton 
side of the legend, which De Borron decided to neglect in 
favour of the British form ; Enygeus, may be the same 
with the mother of Arthur. The Orand St. Oraal, which 
extends and fills up the story, gives us more names. 
Nasciens, who was the " first to behold the wonders of the 
Grail", is supposed by the learned author of the Arthurian 
Legend to be the same with Nectan or Naitan who played so 
decided a part in the establishment of Catholic Christianity 
in the North. Of Nasciens' line, the last was Galahad. 
Nasciens' son was Celidoine, the eponymous hero of Sco1>- 
land. Evelach was the first convert ; the name is that of 
one of the sons of Cuneda, but it has also much higher 
dignity in Welsh genealogies. "Avallach, son of Canalech, 
son of Beli, and his mother was Anna, who they say was 
cousin of the Virgin Mary."' Evelach is also called 
Mordrains or Mordains, Noodrans, which is explained as 
"hard of belief"; it may perhaps have relation to Meaux 
(Melda) where he was born, though it is said to have been 
given after his baptism. He was the sou of a cobbler, and 
was sent to Rome, with other youths and maidens. 



^ Rees, Cnmbro-BritiAh Saints, "Lifo of St. Carannog". The name 
occiirK iiiruin in the geiioalogioH of St. Cadoo and St. David; in this 
last is a Euguuii, son of the .sistor of Mary. 



m_^ 



The Holy GraiL 125 

tribute in the time of Augustus Caesar ; the two daughters 
of the Count of the Town were also sent, and Evelaeh was 
their servant — the beginnings of a very pretty story of 
which we should have been glad to hear the rest. Another 
Fi-enchman gets into the story as Blaise, the "Master" of 
Merlin ; he is Lupus the celebrated Bishop of Troyes, who 
accompanied Germanus on his first expedition to Britain ; 
and again we have one of the founders of Christianity in 
Britain figuring as a fundamental personage in our story. 
Perhaps Germanus is also commemorated under the form 
Gonemans, the first instructor of Perceval. It cannot be 
pretended that these names occur in an orderly, connected 
narrative, but they do belong to the very beginnings of 
Christianity in this Island, and the use of them may imply 
a belief that the coming of the Grail was contemporary, or 
nearly so, with the coming of the Gospel. The tradition 
which mixes one with the other may have been a scarcely 
intelligible story in the twelfth century. It had passed 
through many hands, from Celt to Saxon, from Saxon to 
Frank, and also, by another route, from Breton to Frank 
and Norman, no wonder if it had changed form and 
personifications ; it is wonderful that so many of the 
oldest names have been preserved. 

The Early History, "commencemens de I'estoire del 
saint graal," ends with the coming of the Saxons (K game) 
and the deposition of the Grail in a castle built for it 
"en-i-estrainge roiaume ou il auoit plente de niche (simple) 
gent : qui ne sauoient rien f ors seulement de terre 
cultilier," the charge of the Grail being given to Alain^ 

' According to the Grand St. Graal ; but De Borron, after appoint- 
ing Alain in tho earlier part of the story, appears to forget him and 
he makes Brons the Grail keeper. The change of name (and family) 
may have been a result of the wandering of the story ; the line of 
keepers tracing from Brons being part of the Welsh tradition, that 
deriving from Alain being Breton. 



126 The Holy Grail. 

and his descendants^ the last of whom was Gralahad. And 
so ends this first part of the Story of the Grail. It is the 
history, apparently, of the belief that some portion of the 
Precious Blood still existed on earth, notwithstanding the 
discouragement given to that belief by sober-minded men ; 
it is therefore the story of an unauthorized or "pious'* belief 
and of a cult, if cult there was, which was practised 
secretly, unless, under peculiar circumstances, overt acts 
might have been permitted in honour of the relic. The 
signs of a ritual of the Grail, and more especially the per- 
sistence of the primitive mode of celebration, out of which 
grew the story of the Round Table, seems to prove an unin- 
terrupted tradition of fellowship among believers in the 
Grail ; the tradition of names also supports the pre- 
sumption of antiquity for the legend. It must be under- 
stood, however, that the object of these papers is not to 
establish a formal tradition or Legend of the OraUy but to 
show that there might have been, and probably was, a belief 
in the existence of some relic of the Passion of pre-eminent 
sanctity from very early times, and that the belief attracted 
to itself a great mass of legend and folk-story wherever it 
took root. This relic, if not the Precious Blood itself, was 
some other most intimate memorial of the Last Supper; 
the identification of the Grail with the supposed relic is 
the object of our enquiry. But in arriving at this, many 
matters of no less importance in the story will have to be 
considered ; and first of these is the question ; What was 
meant by the Round Table ? 



The Holy Grail. 127 



Pabt n. — ^Thb Sottnd Table. 



The story of the Grail tended naturally to become one 
of adventure; Christians would inevitably ask, "Where 
then is the Castle of Gorbenic, and why should not' the 
Grail be exposed to the adoration of the faithful ?'' When 
this time came, and a hero had to be found, equal by his 
reputation to achieve the discovery of the Vessel, it would 
be to Arthur's Court romancers would turn: to Arthur 
himself or to the foremost of his knights, to Gwalchmai or 
Owen. The story of Arthur, more especially the later and 
more familiar part of it, represents him as little likely to 
undertake an enterprise wholly religious ; but Arthur was 
Emperor and victorious, and the destined Leader therefore, 
if not the Eero of every great achievement. He thus 
inevitably became Christian Hero of Britain, and the 
Eound Table of the Grail will always be known as his. 

The table at which Arthur feasted with his champions 
did not differ in respect of its "roimdness'% or otherwise, 
from the table of Conchobar at Emain, or that at which 
Charlemagne may have sat with his peers. The number 
of the peers, or companions, wasthe same in all ; it was 
the number consecrated alike by Pagan and Christian 
precedent, and symbolised a certain diviniiy attachixig to 
the central figure. Arthur's table has become famous 
beyond others because of the Grail, but in itself it 
had no pre-eminent lustre, nor was it exceptional in 
any way. Soundness was not peculiar to Arthur's table, 
— all "tables" were round at the time ; nor was there any- 
thing unusual in a great chief holding a table for his 
immediate household, the great officers of state, who were 
called, in the general language of Europe, the comes of the 



128 The Holy Grail. 

Kin^. The dimity of Arthur's table and its distinction 
above all others, was due only to the Grail, to its identifi- 
cation with tlie table of the Grail, and for this reason only 
does it belong to our subject. 

The "table" of Joseph of Arimathea was not of his 
invention, but imitated from that at which Christ himself 
presided. The Queste says, "Since Christ's coming were 
three chief tables: first, that at which Christ often ate 
with his Apostles ; the second table was that of the Holy 
Grail, established in semblance and remembrance of the 
first, by which many miracles were wrought in this land 
in the time of Joseph of Arimathea, in the beginning when 
Christianity was brought to this country ; and last come 
tiie round table made by Merlin's counsel to show the 
roundness of the world and the firmament."^ 

The Petit Saint Graal says shortly, "Our Lord made the 
first table, Joseph the second. Merlin the third"; and 
other statements agree. Now we know exactly what that 
"table" was like at which Christ ate with his disciples. 
In the first century, whether in the public cenactda or in 
private houses, guests meeting to eat the evening meal 
together had but one custom at table : they reclined on 
couches arranged on three sides of a space, in which stood 
a little stool {m^nsaf on which the dish was placed. This 
arrangement was the triclinium^ the couches of which 
never held more than three persons each, nine comedentes 
in all. When a great diimer was given the number of 
triclinia was increased.^ In public dining-rooms, such as 

' La Queste del Saint Graal, printed for the Koxburghe Club, 1864^ 
chap. V. 

^Mensn, of course, (loos not mean "stool," nor does it mean 
"tabic" properly, it must be referred to inetior. 

^ The Chnfmtrioli7iium at Conatiintinople had apses for eight 
" beds", it was an octagonal building. 



The Holy Grail. 129 

may have been the ^^upper-room" at Jerusalem^ where 
companies of more than nine sometimes supped together^ 
and where also less state was nsed^ a thick bolster {f,(miMy 
pulvinvs) took the place of the three couches. This was 
laid on the ground, or on a low platform, and almost 
encircled the mensa. Because of its shape when so laid, 
C (that of the Greek S), it was called sigma. The feasters 
lay outside the sigma on the ground, or on a carpet, and 
supported the body on the cushion and the left elbow; 
each guest was thus able to reach the dish with his right 
hand. This circular grouping must have been the arrange- 
ment of the twelve who ate the Last Supper with their 
Lord. There can be no doubt of this whatever. It is 
equally certain that in this way, and no other^ Arthur 
must have messed in camp with the British chiefs; but 
some proofs of this may be asked, seeing that, in the 
romances^ the round-table is sometimes spoken of as a 
very substantial piece of furniture at which the knights 
sat. In the twelfth century the change from the recum- 
bent position to the upright had been made^ and a 
misunderstanding of what had been formerly the custom^ 
was very natural. Tables, in the modem sense, were by 
that time in use in all civilized countries, and the difficulty 
of attaching any but the common meaning to the word 
would have been very great ; it was increased^ moreover^ 
by the acceptation of mensa as the equivalent Latin. 

The Eoman fashion of reclining at meat had certainly 
not been abolished in the fifth century, when ttie last 
legion left Britain. Illustrations of the sixth century show 
us that both in court and camp the old custom was main- 
tained. In the Ambrosian Library is a pictured MS. of 
the Iliady of the sixth century ; the Greek chieftains are 
represented feeding on the plain^ or eating their evening 
meal ; they recline on the Bigma in groups of three or four. 



130 The Holy GraU. 

The Abimelech and Pharaoh scenes of the Yienna 
^^ Genesis" of about the same date, show that the fashion 
of reclining at meals was still observed at Court ; but here 
tlie mensa has become a semi-circular table and the |m2vtniu 
a couch fitted closely to the rounded part. In the church 
of S. ApoUinare in .Classe at Bavenna, is a mosaic of the 
Last Supper, where the disciples recline at a table very 
like those in the Vienna MS. ; the mosaic is of the sixth 
century. In the same century, Antoninus of Placentia 
was shown at Cana "the very couch" on which JesoB 
reclined at the w^edding feast*; not a picture this, but the 
substantial "bed", and proof, therefore, that the custom 
of reclining still held not only in Syria but in Italy, for 
Antoninus does not speak of it as strange or antiquated. 

Now, these illustrations cover the time when the living 
Arthur had his "table" in Britain. He succeeded to a 
Roman post, he was possibly of Roman origin, and his 
customs were doubtless those of a Roman general* We 
may take those pictures in the Ambrosian Iliad, of the 
Greeks under the walls of Troy, as very fair evidence of 
what might have been seen in a British camp in the fifth 
century. The Vienna MS. shows us the utmost state the 
Dux Britannise might have exhibited in his feasts at York. 
If, however, examples of the Celtic custom of the time be 
preferred, we must turn to Ireland, where Roman influence 
was least felt. There we find remains of what are called 
FuUocht FiomiSy or Fenian hearths ; they were sometimes 
paved for supporting a fire, sometimes dug out and lined 
with stout planks, which are embedded in close marl or 
clay, presumably for boiling water by means of hot stones. 
Where a fire was made, the flesh might be broiled, or 
fried, or a caldi'on would be used for seetliing. 

Very fine caldrons have been found in Ireland, and the 
tales of the country record some famous ones. Arthur 



The Holy Grail. 131 

made an expedition to Anwfn to obtain for himself a cele- 
brated caldron. The caldron of the Dagda we shall speak 
of later. These "hearths", where the meat was cooked, 
were apparently feasting places also ; we presume this 
because of the mound of earth surrounding each one, 
horseshoe like — ^the universal torm or iiyma^ 

Turning from camp to palace, we have the description 
of the "mead hall" of Conchobar at Emain, which was 
ordered, as we are told, upon the pattern of the great 
palace of Tara. It had nine "beds", t.c., tncKnia, The 
"bed" of the king was in the "forefront" of the haU, 
it had a ceiling of silver with pillars of bronze/ Under 
this canopy (dais) he feasted with his twelve "chariot 
chiefs". There is obviously no essential difference be- 
tween the Eoman fashions and these; either the ring 
round the mensa or the more stylish ^^bed" was the rule. 

It is believed that the custom of sitting at meat, whether 
on bench or chair, though not without its examples in the 
ancient world, was in its domestic and everyday obser- 

1 See W. G. Wood-Martm, Traces qfthe JBlder Faitka qf Ireland^ 
1902, vol. i, pp. 121 et seg. As part of this subject, the Brudm8 or 
wayside hostels of ancient Erin ought to be mentioned ; they were 
free to all, and food and shelter were given. The Brudm Da Derga 
was the most famous, its caldron was always simmering. From the 
fact that these Brudins never failed to entertain the wayfarer may 
have arisen the fable of the inexhaustible or magic caldrons. It is 
perhaps to the closing of these hostels that the prologue of the CawU 
refers, where it laments for the good old time, when ''the rich land 
of Logres was full of springs which harboured damsels who led the 
wayfarer with meat and pasties and bread." It should have been 
said that the Fullocht Fionns and the Brudins are always found near 
water courses — ''wherever a well or spring develops into a good sised 
rivulet." 

^ This suggests a four-poster, but it was not eiEaotly that ; the 
translator calls it a "compartment", but admits that bed is the 
literal word, perhaps exedra would be a fair rendering. See the 
Cuchtdlin Saga^ Grimm Library, Nntt^ 1898, p. 67. 

k2 



132 The Holy Grail. 

yance^ Teutonic. K so, it would not have got into vogoe 
in countries where Eoman fashions were practised until 
respect for the Eoman name had been lost. The Franks 
may have begun the revolution in Gaul and the Normans 
completed it. They at least brought it to Wales. In the 
twelfth century, still, the Welsh ate sitting on the ground on 
bundles of hay or sedges, over which a cover of some sort 
was spread. The story of Owen shows Arthur seated on 
such a cushion in his own hall, and in the lives of the 
Welsh Saints are frequent evidences that the ancient custom 
still prevailed in Wales in their time : — ''Qui nichil aut mod- 
icum habet in penum quod opponat diacu/mh&rdibus^^y and 
"circa modium cervisia3 ordinatim in modum drcuU illud 
circumdando discubuerunt.^^^ These will suffice to prove 
that the modern "table" was unknown in Wales at the time 
of our Story. Giraldus says, moreover, the Welsh "had no 
tables" even in his time, 1188, the date of the peregriniUio. 
It is certain, then, that by "round table" must be under- 
stood the circle of the guests^ not any piece of furniture 
whatever. San Marte suggests this in his preface to the 
Seynt Oraal, without, however, offering proofs ; he was 
acute enough to perceive some equivoque in the name. 

Now, there was only one moment when the name 
"round table" could have come into use, and this was just 
as the new fashion of sitting to meat at a "board" (Scan- 
dinavian ftord^plank, tabula) was getting itself estab- 
lished. The "board" was usually long, extending down 
the hall on either side, with seats against the walls ; or it 
was set athwart at the upper end for the master of the 
feast, the king or lord. The "high-seat", with canopy or 
da'is^ was first placed at the end of the hall, in Norway, in 

^ Giraldua Cambronsis, Descriptio Katnb., Bk. i, ch. 10. Mabinogion^ 
Story of *'Owain, or the Lady of the Fountjiin." Roes, CmnJbro-Britiih 
Saints f Life of St. Brynach, p. 12 ; Life of St. Cadoc, p. 45. 



The Holy Grail. 133 

the time of Olaf the Quiet, 1066-98/ in France perhaps 
earlier. 

In the Bemward Oospehj of the eleventh century, the 
Last Supper is represented as being eaten at a long table ; 
sometime in that century then, and perhaps as early as the 
tenth, the antique mensa had become a table; and the 
name ''round table" would have been given as well to 
the half round table (at first with a semi-circular bed 
for reclining, afterwards with seats), as to the more ancient 
t(yni8y wherever the more ancient use of sitting or lying on 
the ground was maintained. During the time of transition 
only could the "table" of Arthur have been .called "round 
table", for before the change began tabula had no meaning 
as applied to the apparatus for feasting, and later, in the 
twelfth century say, when the vestiges of ancient custom 
had been lost, Arthur's "table" could only have been 
imagined as like the usual high-table of the day ; just as 
the Last Supper was supposed by medisBval painters to 
have been eaten at the same high-table. The name Baumd 
Table then is a sign of a certain antiquity, of a time of 
transition, when the ancient use of Some and the civilised 
world was giving way to the fashions introduced by Franks 
and fTorthmen. 

Arthur's mensay or mwy8, or caMawr or whatever may 
have been the word which had to be exchanged for table 
when tables became fashionable, had probably never ceased 
to be a subject of boasting and regret to his compatriots. 
Their last great leader was best remembered by his cam- 
paigns, and not least, we may imagine, by the songs and 
shouts of his champions as they feasted with him after a 
battle. In after days of disunion and disaster, Arthur's 



^ Heinukrinffla, X, ii, and cf . the Eyrbyggya Saga^ Morris and 
Magnusson, 1892, p. 269. 



134 'The Holy Grail. 

camp fire would become a memory and also a symbol of 
victory, and when, under pressure of the Saxons ; the 
wretched Cymry found themselves crowded into a poor 
mountainous country, Arthur's caldron would become, in 
their stories, an inexhaustible vessel, magical, like the 
mythic caldron of Gwyddno. What memory of Arthur 
popular rhymes have preserved is precisely of his table : 

" When good King Arthur ruled this land," &c. 

But Arthur was also Grail King ; he would therefore 
have another table, also round, but of more ceremonious 
decking. We may see this table to-day as it may have 
been imagined, before the eleventh century, in MSS. 
where the Last Supper is depicted. Christ sits at a 
half round table, not as at first in comu sinistro (to the 
left of one looking at the straight side of it), but in the 
middle of the round, the Apostles on either hand, "en virunt 
et en coste", as says the poem of "The Pilgrimage of 
Charlemagne"; just as the Bishop sat in church with his 
clergy.' 

Such, shortly, is the history of the transformations 
which changed the almost universal mensa and tridinia, or 
the stibadium with its torus, into the long table with seats. 
Some steps have been omitted so as not to burden this 
paper with details, but, broadly, the course was as indi- 
cated : first, the adoption of the sitting posture, either on 
cushions on the ground or on suhsellia ; then, when the 
tables became long, chairs, faldstools, or benches. During 
the same time the "table" was being modified as follows : 

^ The position of the bishop's seat in the middle of the curve of the 
apse, of very ancient adoption, no doubt led to the variation in the 
placing of Christ and his Apostles in pictures of the Last Supper, 
which bopfan in the sixth century. Cf. Fleury, La Meue, The 
Rossano MS. of the same century places them as does the moaaio of 
Ravenna. 



The Holy Grail. 135 

the mensa was increased in size and height and was 
made half round to correspond with the closely-fitting 
"bed", then seats were adapted to the mensa; this be- 
came the table of the master of the feast and his prin- 
cipal guests, and in church, the altar, round which sat the 
clergy with their bishop; in the lower part of the hall 
other guests and the "family" of the Lord had small tables 
at which they sat in groups, often in twos ; or they 
sat on the ground round a great platter, lifted, perhaps, 
above the floor by short legs, a« the Japanese zen. The 
small tables were readily placed and carried away ; they 
were probably set on trestles. Then came the long tables, 
at first removable also, and finally "dormant". There 
was little difference at first between the ordering of a feast 
in hall and the disposition of the messes in camp. King 
Mangons and a hundred companions camp near a spring — 

" Et quant bien Porent conr66 (corn6 ?) 

Les tables misent, si s'assist 

Li rois si com lui plot, ot sist 

A son dois, et tout environ 

S'assisent li. C. compagnon." 

Conte, vv. 38588-92. 

At a meeting of the Round Table the knights are 
described in the same Conte — 

" Assis partout, si com il durent 

Au dois et as tables par ti^re"; 

V. 1688. 

and in another place 

" S'assist li rois 

Lassus amont al mestre dois." 

V. 21912. 

where it is plain that "tables" is used for the more ancient 
mensae, mwysaUy missoria, set on the ground, unless we 
assume that tables and trestles were carried for a hundred 
people, and faldstools also; but the expression par tiers 
scarcely allows of any other interpretation than that of 



136 The Holy Grail. 

sitting on the ground. The half-round table, dow, for the 
King, is abundantly represented in MSS/ 

We now understand how it happened, that while the 
Trouv^res were repeating stories of the Grail, in which 
the feasters are described as sitting par ^tere, they also 
imagined a round table big enough to seat five hundred 
knights. The beginnings of the story were inherited, and 
they were repeated with reasonable accuracy by the 
French writers, but as the tale grew in their hands they 
had to work it out as they might. The number of the 
"companions" of the table increased from twelve to 
twelve score, and then they were reckoned by hundreds, 
and for all these the supposed table had to be enlarged. 
The Trouveres were thus brought to imagine a monstrosity, 
but they had for it a certain authority in the Estoire ; the 
table which Joseph dressed for believers in the Grail was 
a circle on the grass, which, according to the number of 
communicants, would be greater or less ; it would be easily 
adjusted, but always the table was full — 

^^ Dou pouplo assist une partie 

Li autre no s'assistront mie 

La taiilo (table) toute pleinne estoit 

Fors le liu qui pleins ne pooit 

Estre ;" 

De Borron, vv. 2669-68. 

If all had sat it would have been only full, just the same, 
the one place excepted. 

And now we come to speak of this one place, le liu 
vuity which is so important a feature in the Table of the 
Grail and the Eound Table equally ; which is indeed the 
same place, the two tables being one. 

The "higli-seat" in the hall was that of the King or 

' Miniature sacre e profane delt anno 10:^3. Monte Cassino. Weat- 
wood, ralaeoyraphia ISacra IHctoria, 



The Holy Grail. 137 

Master, it was left empty in his absence and at his death, 

and could only be filled again after death by his son, or by 

his elected successor. The seat would remain vacant in 

case a young son inherited, until his coming of age, and 

anyone daring in the meantime to occupy it, would have 

looked to be rudely expelled. Leading up to, and placing 

in the high-seat was formal investiture. The practice in 

the case of bishops and their seat in church was the same : 

between the death of one bishop and the institution of 

another -the "see" was vacant. The Table of the Grail 

was established "in semblance and remembrance of the 

first", viz., of that at which Christ had eaten with His 

Apostles. At this table the place of Christ could only be 

filled by His legitimate representative. De Borron did not 

understand that, he thought the vacant place was that of 

Judas. 

" Qui par f olie 

De nostre compeignie eissi." 

V. 2529. 

He was confused, perhaps, by the presence of Joseph, 

who may have seemed to him the proper president, and he 

rightly was, so soon as this part of Joseph's history had 

been invented ; but the Grail is older than the story of 

Joseph of Arimathea, and when that was taken in hand to 

give a logical foundation to the belief in the existence of 

the Precious Blood, the Table of the Grail with its one 

vacant seat was already in existence. De Borron was 

right in making Joseph the visible president during his 

life, and in assuming therefore that an empty seat would 

be that of an Apostle, but he might have suspected some 

confusion if he had regarded more closely the story he 

tells, for it makes Moses ambitious of the office of Leader. 

This is part of another story, where Peter, the vicegerent 

of Christ, is assailed by Moses, who thinks himself entitled 

to the place. De Borron did not like to exclude this inci- 



138 The Holy Grail. 

dent, but Joseph was the necessary Leader, the first of the 
series of Grail-keepers and heroes to which Perceval and 
Galahad belon*^, and he could only make a vacant place by 
supposinf^ tliat of Judas had not l)een filled. 

The punishment of Moses was a frightful example; 
henceforth the liu vuit becomes the siege perilleux of the 
romances. It had been the seat of Christ reserved for His 
second cominj?, it was now the seat of the "Good Blnight", 
who should preside in His name, and let all usurpers 
beware. 

A contemporary illustration will show exactly what 

was understood of this liu tmit; it is from the poem of 

"The Pilgrimage of Charlemagne," written early in the 

second half of the eleventh century.^ At that time, when 

pilgrimages were general, and a visit to the Holy Sepulchre 

the ambition of every brave and pious soul, it was not 

permissible that the great Emperor should have done less 

than the best, so a pilgrimage to Jerusalem was imagined 

for him also, and he is supposed to go thither with his 

peers. When he arrived he went straight to the " Temple", 

where, in the sanctuary, were the seats of Christ and his 

Apostles ; that of Christ carefully "sealed", to guard it 

from profane intrusion. It was believed that here He had 

instituted His sacrament — 

'^Dieii i chantait messe, si iirunt 11 apostle 
Et le xii chaires i sunt tutcs encore 
La treziemu ost en mi ben sell(Se e close." 

Charles took it without hesitation, and his twelve peers 
the seats of the Apostles — 

"Karles i entrat, ben ont al queer grant joie 
Lo xii peers as altres en virunt et en coste 
Ainz n'i sist liunie ne imkes prus encore.'* 



^ Gaston Paris, La vie poetique de Charlemayne^ and Biomania^ 
No. XXV, p. 481. 



The Holy Grail. 139 

Nevertheless Charles had no fear, nor would a Briton 
have feared any more for Arthur placed in the same 
seat. Were they not both Champions of Christendom, 
carrying on in their day the work Christ had begun, 
killing His enemies, maintaining His Law ? It was part 
of the proper mythical character of each that he should 
preside at the table Christ had established as a perpetual 
sign of His kingship. 



( To be co7itinued.) 



(getoime- 



EISTEDDFOD GENEDLAETHOL BANGK>B (1002): Y 
Farddoniaeth a'i Beimiadaeth. Dan Olygiaeth E. Vlnoent 
Evans. Cyhoeddedig gan GYMDEITHAS yr EISTEDI>- 
FOD GENEDLAETHOL, 64, Chancery Lane, Llundaln, 
1903. 

AwDL Y Gadair : ^^Ymadawiad Arthur^\ gan T. Gwynn 

Jones, Caernarfon. 

Pryddest y Goron : ^^Trystan ac EsylW\ gan E. Silyn 

Eoberts, M.A.., Llundain. 



Crwx^drodd yr Awen Gyrnreig ym mhell oddiar ban 
bynciai Hywel ab Owain Gwynedd ei "Orhoffedd", neu ban 
nyddai Dafydd ab Gwilym ei gywyddau i Porfudd; ac fel y 
dywedir am y gwr adt'ydus, bi a ymdarawodd & chymdeithion 
rhyfedd. Pe gallasai y Cynfeirdd ddychwelyd i dir y byw, 
prin iawn yr adwaenent eu mam Ceridwen, gan mor Uesg 
ei cham, mor Uwyd ei gwep, ac mor garpiog ei gwisg lawer 
pryd. Sawl gwaith y gwelsom y foneddiges eiriandlws a 
groesewid gynt i fysg tywysogion wedi syrthio, druan o 
honi, ar eluseii plwy neu drugaredd Dorcas. Ond g^wnaeth 
Pwyllgor Llenyddol Bangor ymdrech iV hudo yn ol i'w 
hen gynefin, sef llwybrau anian; a chawn weled iddynt 
Iwyddo i raddau o leiat'. A thyma'r moddion a gymeras- 
ant i'w denu ; nid ei Uygad-dynu a Uawer o aur ac arian, 
eithr cynyg testynau cyf addas iddi ganu arnynt. Pa fenyw 
freiniol na ddirywiasai o gydgam A'r fath bethau a "Brawd- 
oliaeth Gyffredinol"? Pa bren tirf na wywa wedi tynu 
ei wreiddiau o'r ddaear roddasai faeth iddo ? 

Testyn y Gadair oedd "Ymadawiad Arthur"; testyn y 



Reviews. 141 

Goron "Trystan ac Esyllt". Yr oedd cjmaint a hyn o 
deby grwydd rhyngddynt, perthynai y ddau i gyff y chwedlau 
Arthuraidd; yr oeddynt yn rhamantas ac yn Gymreig. 
Ond yr oedd y ddwy stori yn bur wahanol i'w gilydd, 
a gofynent ymdriniaeth wahanol. Un digwyddiad, un 
syniad geid yn "Ymadawiad Arthur"; i wneyd gwrhydri 
ohono rhaid i'r bardd wrth amgyffred, darfelydd, ac awen* 
Ar y llaw arall stori amlganghenog ydoedd ^'Trystan ac 
Esyllt", yn orlawn o amryfal elfenau, ac ar brydiau yn 
treiddio i guddfanau mwyaf cyfrin traseroh. Cynwysai 
y testyn hwn gyflawnder o ddefnyddiau ; y penaf peth a 
ofynid oddiar y bardd oedd gallu i ddethol ac i grynhoi. 
Yr oedd Uawer o f eirdd, mewn llawer iaith, wedi canu ar y 
ddau destyn, ac oni buasai eu bod yn dwyn y nodwedd 
sydd byth yn newydd, tra byth yn hen, gallasai hyn fod 
yn anf antais i'r ymgeisydd. Amcan yr ysgrif hon yw 
chwilio ansawdd y ddau gyfansoddiad buddugol^ er gweled 
pa gymaint o ffyniant a ddilynodd antnr y Pwyllgor. 
Cymerwn orchest y Gadair yn gyntaf . 

Er fod y Proffeswr J. Morris Jones, yn ei f eimiadaeth 
ddysgedig a dyddorol, wedi talu dod uchel i Tvr na n^g^ 
prin y sylwodd ddigon ar yr hyn a ymddengys i mi yn brif 
gamp yr awdl, sef ei dramatic quoMHes. Mor gyfyng oedd 
cylch y testyn fel yr oedd yn demtasiwn i gyfansoddwr 
anghelfydd fyned tuallan iddo a Uusgo pob math o bethau 
afreidiol ac amherthynasol i mewn. Hyny wnaeth wyth 
o'r deng ymgeisydd. Yn Ue barddoniaeth, eb y beimiad, 
'^ni gawn ymsonau a myfyrdodau, traethodau ar ddylanwad 
Arthur, Arthur eto'n fyw, ac felly ymlaen/' Prawf yw 
hyn o dlodi awenyddol, o anallu i amgyffred y testyn, o 
eiddilwch dychymyg. Yr oedd Camlan wedi ei hymladd 



^ Y ffug-enw a ddefnyddiwyd gan awdwr yr Awdl faddagoly 
Mr. T. Gwynn Jodob.— (E.V.B.) 



142 Reviews. 

rhwng Arthur a'r carnfradwr Medrawd. Ni bu erioed y 
fatli wrhydri, erioed y f ath laddfa. "And ever they fought 
still till it was iiigh night, and by that time was there a 
hundred thousand laid dead upon the down" — dyna eiriau 
yr hen chwedleuwr diddan Malory. Meddianodd Kr no, 
n-Og ei hun. Efe yn unig gafodd ^'weledigaeth eglur". 
Difynaf sylw y beimiad ar ei dduU o gyfleu yr hanes. 
"Medrod wedi ei ladd. Y mae yn dechreu fel hyn ar 
ddiwedd cad Gamlan, ac yna'n adrodd yr hanes, a dim ond 
yr hanes, hyd y diwedd, ond ei fod ef yn ei addumo a 
disgrifiadau a chyifelybiaethau tlysion o'i waith ei hun, a*r 
oil yn null ac ysbryd y rhamantwyr." Ond fe wnaeth Tir 
im n-Og f wy na hyd yn oed hyny. Mewn byr eiriau fe 
dynodd bictiwr ddyry ini well dimadaeth o frawychdod yr 
olygf a na phe dilynasai hynt y f rwydr yn f anwi. Medrawd 
wedi ei ladd ! Y gorchfygwyr yn anos y gorchfygedig I 
Wedi'r trin neb yn aros i gadw gwylnos a'r meirwdn 
oddieithr y brenin clwyf edig a'r ffyddlon f archog Bedwyr I 

** Yno, mal duw celanedd, 
A'i bwys ar gam glwys ei gledd, 
Y naill oedd, aV Hall gerllaw, 
A golwg syn yn gwyliaw." 

Nid anhebyg i hyn ydyw dull Tennyson o agor ei gerdd ar 
yr un testyn, "Morte d'Arthur": 

" So all day long the noise of battle rolPd 
Among the mountains by the winter sea ; 
Until King Arthiir's table, man by man, 
Had fallen in Lyonnesso about their Lord." 

Dichon fod Tir tm )i-Og yn ddyledus i Tennyson am yr 
awgrym. Boed hyny fel y bo, yr wyf hyfed a meddwl fod 
y Cymro yn y fan hon yn fwy grymus na'r Sais. Llwy- 
ddodd Tir na n-Og i gadw'r nodwedd hon i fyny bron hyd y 
diwedd. Lie mae Tennyson yn colli, ceir fod Tir na n~Og 
yn enill, sef mewn angerddoldeb a chynildeb. Mae 



Reviews. 143 

cymeriadau Tennyson yn rhy barablus. Nid naturiol, i'ra 
tyb i, yw gwneuthur i frenhin wedi ei glwyfo hyd farw 
draddodi araeth o bum-llinell-ar-hugain yn y dull chwydd- 
fawr ac amleiriog liwn : 

" The sequel of to-day unsolders all 
The goodliest fellowship of famous knights 
Whereof this world holds record," 

ac felly ymlaen. Gwell genyf dawedo^wydd a dwyster 
Tir na n-Og. Pan fynai Bedwyr i'r brenin ymuno yn yr 
anos, ei ateb yw : 

" Ebr yntau ; Cly w, brwnt y clwyf 
Hwn ; clyw, Fedwyr, claf ydwyf ." 

Ni ddaw neb person arall i dori ar y gyfeillach hon 
sydd yn dyf nhan ar drothwy'r bedd. Dim ond y ddeuddyn 
— a'r celaneddau ! Yng nglyn a chysondeb dramadig, 
dengys Tir tia n-Og fedrusrwydd dihafal i dynu contrasts. 
Mor frawychus, eto mor dyner, yw y darlun hwn o'r haul 
yn bwrw ei rudd-wawr dros yr erchylldra ! 

" Troes gemliw wawl tros Gamlan 
Oni bu coch wyneb can 
A marw pawb o'r Cymry pur 
Yno syrthiodd dros Arthur, 
Ac onid oedd holl gnawd du 
Drudion Medrawd yn madru !" 

"Drudion Medrawd {Mordred's braves) yn madru" — ^buasai 
hwn bron yn anioddefol heb y tosturi oddifry. Ni fyn y 
bardd arteithio ein teimladau yn rhy hir. Ceir gwanwyn 
a gaeaf, marwolaeth a bywyd bob amser finfin a'u gilydd. 
Ar ei fraich gref cludodd Bedwyr y brenin claf ymaith i le 
esmwyth He caffai ymgeledd. 

" Yngo'r oedd lannerch rhwng iraidd Iwyni 
A lien der wastad o feillion drosti ; 
Wynned oedd a phe doi hi, Olwen dlos, 
Ar hyd yr himos i grwydro ami. 



144 Reviews. 

"A ffynon dirion o dan y deri 
Oedd, a femid & rhad gyneddf ami, 
Sef oedd, os ef ae iddi, y doi gUf 

I'w glan heb anaf na'i glwy'n ei boeni." 

Ond rliy dda y gwyddai y teyrnfilwr clwyfus fod ei awr 

wedi dod, a rhaid j^wneyd y goreu o'r munudau gwerth- 

fawr oedd yn aros. Dyry i'r marchog y genadwri fjrthgof- 

iadwy drist, sef myiied o hono a bwrw jr hen gleddyf 

hardd ergydlym Caledf wlch i'r Uyn gerllaw, a dychwelyd i 

adrodd yr hya a ddigwyddai. Tma ceir un o'r darnau 

prydfertliaf yn yr awdl. Clywsom lawer o son am natural 

mngic, Peth anhawdd i'w ddeffinio yw, oddieithr ei fod 

yn golygu rhyw ddawn gyfriniol i ddeongli natur — ^nid yn 

unig i adnabod ei hwyneb, ond hefyd i glywed curiadau ei 

chalon. Dyma'r olygfa a ymagorodd o flaen Bedwyr wedi 

myned i wneyd y neges a roddes Arthur iddo : 

" O'r drum, rhoes Bedwyr dremyn, 
A cliafas faith, frychlas fryn, 
Tonnog, a marian tano, 
Yn dres fraith ar draws y fro, 
'Roedd prydfei-th flodauV perthi, 
Unlliw 6d nou ewyn lli ; 
Dibrin flodauV eithin aur 
Mai haen o glych molynaur ; 
Man flodau*r grug yn hugan 
Ar y geillt, o borffor gwan ; 
A gwrid yr haul ar grwydr hyd 
Y ban, bron bob rhyw ennyd 
Yn nowid Uiw, troi dull hon 
A'i hon woddau'n newyddion." 

Nid wyf yii petruso dweyd fod y penill hwn yn 
farddoniaeth byw, ac yn deilwiig o'r delyn Gymreig yn ei 
dyddiau hoewaf a dedwyddaf . Yn sydyn clywai Bedwyr 
ryw "grawc anghynes grds" a dorai yn anhyfryd ar ei 
fyfyrdodau ; a safodd yn syn i wrando. Hyd y gwn, mae 
y ddyfais hon gan Tir na n-Og yn perthyn iddo 'i hun. Ni 
cheir dim tebyg yng ngh&n Tennyson nag yn hanesion 



Reviews. 145 

Malory. Dywedais nad oedd un bod rhesymol i'w weld yn 

y fangre oddigerth Arthur a'i farchog. T mae ymddan- 

gosiad disymwth y frfi-n ddu frudiol yn gwneyd yr olygfa 

yn fwy llethol fyth. 

*' Bran ddu groch ar bren oedd grin, 
Goelfawr a hir ei gylfin, 
Fwriai'n oer, afar ei nwyd, 
Fregliach o'r dderwen friglwyd." 

A pha iaith mor addas i greglais yr aderyn hwn a 

thriban milwr ? 

" Glywaist ti a gant y fran, 
Ai drwg ai da'r darogan, 
*Na fid cryf heb gleddyf gl&n."* 

Parodd hyn i Fedwyr ystyried ac ymson ag ef ei bun. 
Mae'n sicr fod cywreinwaith y cledd yn ei demtio, ond nid 
hyny a gyfaddefai efe iddo ei bun. Pa f odd yr ymdarawai 
ei wlad wedi colli yr arf anorfod bwn ? 

" Cododd Bedwyr y cadarn 
Gledd gerfydd ei gelfydd gam, 
A thremio'n hir a thrwm wnaeth 
Ar ei gywrain ragoriaeth." 

Mor anhawdd oedd ymadael a'r fath drysor! A thy ma 

Bedwyr yn dechreu anwesu'r cledd a'i gyfarch fel petai 

beth by w : — 

" Ba dro fyth" eb Bedwyr, "fai 
Ddigon i'r sawl a'th ddygai 
Di, Galedfwlch deg, glodfawr, 
Heb falio, a'th luchio i lawr 
Megys pedfai ddirmygwr, 
Onid aet o dan y dwr ! 
A'n hil, Och ! ba ryw fam lem 
Nas gallai'n dal pes collem 
Dithau ? Gan adwythig gur 
Y dinerthwyd dawn Arthur, 
Onide, diau nad hyn 
A barasai, heb resyn. 
Diogel mi a'th gelaf, 
A gwel'd a ddigwyddo g&f." 

L 



1 46 Reviews, 

Ehaid fod poen wedi dyrysu pen y brenin— dyna rat y 
cyfiawnhai Bedwyr ei dwyll. Ac yn lie bwrw y cledd i*r 
llyn yn ol arch ei deym, efe a'i cuddiodd mewn ogof 
gerllaw. Tna dychwelodd at Arthur a chelwydd ar ei 
dafod. Yn y fan yma eto tybiaf fod Tennyson yn llawer 
gwanach na'r bardd Cymreig. 

" He grazed so long 
That both his eyes wore dazzled, as he stood, 
This way and that dividing the swift mind, 
In act to throw : but at the last it seemM 
Better to leave Excalibur conceal'd 
There in the many-knotted waterflags, 
That whistled stiff and dry about the marge." 

"Better to leave Excalibur conceal'd", — nid hawdd foasai 
llunio brawddeg fwy anheilwng o'r achlysur. Ond ni 
chymerai y brenin mo'i dwyllo. "Ba argoel fu*', ebai. A 
Bedwyr atebodd : — 

** Ilyd y gwn, bid wiw gennyd, 
Ni bu un arwydd o'r byd." 

Braidd yn wan yw yntau, Tir na n-Og^ yn yr ateb hwo. 
Llinell wael enbyd yw, "Ni bu un arwydd o'r byd." 
Gymaint yn well yw y geiriau ddyry Malory yng ngenau y 
marcliog : "Sir", said he, "I saw nothing but waves and 
wind." Eilchwyl gorfu i Fedwyr fynd ymaith ar ei neges 
droni. Och ! nior anhawdd oedd jTnadael fl,'r cledd. Yn 
ebrwydd mae Tir na n-Og yn adenill ei nerth a'i swyn- 
gyfaredd. Dyma eto ddarlun byw : — 

" Yna rhag genau'r ogo, 
Safodd ac edrychodd dro ; 
Eto, nid oodd yno ddyn 
Vn yinyl, na swn, namyn 
Twrw'r dwr, man He torrai r don, 
Mwynder hiraothus meindon 
Awol y'mysg y dail m&n — 
Ochenaid onaid anian." 



Reviews. 1 47 

Pan oedd ar gyrchu y cledd o'r ogof, clywodd grawc y 

fr&n. 

" Gwae i'n tud o frud y fran 
A drwg oedd ei darogan — 
*Na fid cryf heb gleddyf glan.' " 

Eilchwyl dychwelyd at Arthur. Yma eto ceir ychydig 

o arwydd llesgedd neu ddiofalwch yng ngwaith Tir na 

n-Og, Onid rhyddiaith troednoeth yw Uinell gyntaf yr 

englyn hwn ? 

" Ceisiodd Bedwyr bob cysur — oedd ddichon 

Wrth ddychwel yn brysur ; 

Er gwaith cad, er gwaetha' cur, 

Rhy wiiihun oedd marw Arthur !" 

Lied ddibwynt, hefyd, yw yr esgyll. Mae ateb Bedwyr 
i'w feistr yn well y tro yma. "Ba argoel sydd?" 

" Troes Bedwyr gan ynganu, 
* Un arwydd, f arglwydd ni f u, 
Ond dwr a'i dwrdd yn taro 
Ar y graig, a'i su drwyV gro/ " 

Yr wyf yn tueddu i feddwl fod Tir na n-Og wedi 
ef elycliu tipyn ar Tennyson yn y fan yna : — 

" I heard the water lapping on the crag, 
And the long ripple washing in the reeds." 

Ni thyciodd y celwydd. Cychwyn eto tua'r llyn, a 
cherydd ei f renin yn ei glust, f u raid i Pedwyr. Y drydedd 
waith daeth at yr ogof. Prin yr wyf yn hoffi'r llinell : 

Plygodd, penlinodd mewn pannwl yno, 

Nid achwyn yr wyf ar y gair — "pannwl" (a hollow), 
ond tybiaf fod gormod o debygrwydd sain drwy y llinell, 
nes ei gwneyd fel tincian efydd. Ond hawdd maddeu y 
m&n feflau hyn, pan geir yn ymyl ddarn mor orchestol a'r 
disgrifiad a ganlyn o'r cledd : — 

" Trwy'r bwlch, dwyn Caledfwlch l&n 
O'r gwyU a orug allan. 
Ei ddymfol aur addumfawr, 

L 2 



1 48 Reviews, 

Cywrain oedd, ac ami wawr 

O liwiau gemau lawer, 

Lliw'r tan a lliw eira ter, 

Lliw'r gwaed rhudd, lliw gwydr a haul, 

Neil 801* y'nghyfnos araiil ; 

Ei hir lafn dur lyfnod oedd 

A difreg lif y dyfroedd, 

A gloywed a gwiw lewych 

Rhudd yr haul ar ddisglair ddrych." 

Dyddorol y w cymharu y darn hwn a disgrifiad Tenny- 
son: 

** There drew he forth the brand Excalibur, 

And o'or him, drawing it, the winter moon, 
Brightening the skirts of a long cloud, ran forth 
And sparkled keen with frost against the hilt: 
For all the liaft twinkled with diamond sparks, 
Myria<l of topaz-lights, an<l jacinth-work 
Of subtlest jewellry." 

Edrychwn He maent yn ymdebygu, a lie y gwahaniaethant. 
Blank verse, wrtli gwrs, yw y llinellau Seisnig; er hyny, 
cynhwysant gryn lawer o gynghanedd o ddosbarth j 
"braidd gyffwrdd", a byddai yn iechyd i'r moel-odlwyr 
Cymreig sylwi ar liyn : 

**The^»rand ExcaliAur. 
A7ul o'er him. . . . wifitor moon 
Long r/oud .... sparAVed keen 
With //-oat against the hi\t . . . for all the kait 
Ti)\niz-I\^ht8 .... «ubt/e«^ 
t7acinth-/ro7-k .... jaicuWry." 

Er nad yw y gynghanedd wedi ei gweu wrth reol 
fanol, 11a thybior mai damweiniol yw. Y mae yn fwy cudd 
na'r gynghaiiodd Gynireig, ac ar ryw ystyr yn fwy celfydd. 
Dibynai y bardd ar oi glust ei liun i gynyrchu cydbwysedd 
prydt'erth rliwiig y cydseiniaid a'r llafariaid. Yn y mesur 
Seisnig, iiid y w fai yn y byd t'od rhan o linell yn cyng- 
liaiieddu a'r Uinell nesaf. Yn y darn cywydd cawn 
gynghanedd reolaidd, a hi yn ddiau yw'r felusaf i'r glust 



Reviews, 1 49 

Gymreig. Y mae cynghaneddion Tir na n-Og yn gywrain 
heb fod yn rhodresgar. Ar eithriad y deuvvii ar draws swn 
clogsiau difiwsig fel "a raagwyr yn ei mygu". Mae'n 
amlwg fod Tir na n-Og dan ryw gymaint o ddyled i 
Tennyson am ei ddisgrifiad penigamp o'r addumwaith. 
Llinell gampus yw "Lliw 'r t4n a Uiw eira ter", ond 
perthyn yn agos i "With frost against the hilt". Wedi'r 
cwbl, nid yw hyny o debygrwydd sydd ynia yn tynu dim 
oddiar ogoniant y darn Cymraeg. 

O'r diwedd mae y marchog yn ufuddhau. " Yn iach 
Galedfwlch glodfawr", llefai, dan fwrw y Uafn i'r llyn. 

"Ond ar un naid, er hynny 
Chwyfiodd ei fraich ufrudd fry, 
A'r arf drosto drithro drodd 
Heb aros, ac fe'i bwriodd 
Onid oedd fel dam o dan 
Yn y nwyfre yn hofran. 
Fel modrwy trwy'r gwagle trodd • 
Ennyd, a syth ddisgynnodd 
Fel mellten glaer, ysplenydd, 
A welwo deg wawl y dydd ; 
Ond cyn iddo daro'r dwr, 
I'w wyneb daeth rhyw gynnwr' ; 
Ar hyn o'r llyn cododd Haw 
Gadarn, gan fedrus gydiaw 
Yn ei gam, ac yna gyd 
A deheurwydd drud wryd, 
Codi'r cleddyf a'i chwyfio, 
Gwaniad a thrychiad dri thro ; 
Yna'n ol hynny wele. 
Tan y dwfr y tynwyd e !" 

Disgrifiad rhagorol. Mae darfelydd y bardd yn gjrfartal 
i'w ddawn i drosi geiriau. Mor gyson, mor gryno yw y 
darlun drwyddo ; mor lfi,n oddiwrth ddim byd ystrydebol ! 
Does yma ddim gwastraff ; ^1 pob ergyd i'w nod yn syth 
ac uniongyrch. Ni thynwn oddiwrth werth y disgrifiad 
drwy ei gymharu ag eiddo Tennyson : — 



1 50 Reviews. 

"Then quickly rose Sir Bedivere, and ran, 
And, leaping down the ridges lightly, plunged 
Among the bulrush-beds, and clutch'd the sword, 
And strongly wheel'd and threw it. The great brand 
Made lightnings in the splendour of the moon, 
And flashing round and round, and whirPd in an arch, 
Shot like a streamer of the northern mom. 
Seen where the moving isles of winter shock 
By night, with noises of the northern sea. 
So flasli'd and fell the brand Excalibur : 
But crc he dipt the surface, rose an arm 
Clothed in white samite, mystic, wonderful. 
And caught him by the hilt, and brandished him 
Three times, and drew him under in the more." 

Nid ^wiw gwadu fod Tennyson wedi aw^ymu rhai o 

ymadroddion goreu Tir na n-Og, er engraifft : — 

" And strongly whoel'd and threw it.*' 
" A*r arf drosto drithro dr6dd." 

" Made lightnings in the splendour of the moon." 
"Fel mellten giaer, ysplenydd." 

" And flashing round and round,'* etc. 
" Fel modrwy trwy'r gwagle trodd." 

" But ere he dipt the surface." 
** Olid cyn iddo daroV dwr." 

Dyma'r cwbl a geir yn y chwedl : "And then he threw 
the sword into the water as far as he might, and there 
came an arm and a hand above the water and met it and 
caught it, and so shook it thrice and brandished. And 
then the hand vanished away with the sword in the water." 
Dengys hyn faint o gynoi-thwy gafodd Tir na n-Og oddi- 
wrth Tennyson. Mwy priodol, hwyrach fyddai "ysbry- 
doliac^th" na "chynorthwy". Oni thynodd Tennyson ei 
hun yn helaoth oddiar Malory yn yr "Idylls of tlie King" ? 
Nis gwaeth faint o dd(Hinydd gafodd Tir na n^Og yng 
nghoidd Tennyson; oni chreodd rywbeth newydd? 
Ac wodi'r cwbl, onid oes mawr wahaniaeth rhyngddynt? 
Mae Tir na n-Og yn ddigon beiddgar i dori lliuell newydd 
pan welo hyny yn oreu. 



Reviews, 1 5 1 

Ehaid i minau frysio, fel y bu gorfod i Fedwyr, i 
gludo'r brenin claf hyd fin y dwr. Caraswn ddifynu 
disgrifiad Tennyson o'r gorchwyl blin a phruddaidd hvvnw. 
Dengys f wy o ofal ac o dosturi dros glwyfau y gwr ardder- 
chog oedd ar adael y byd na Tir na n-Og, 

*' Quick, quick I 
I fear it is too late, and I shall die." 

Fel engraifft o saerniaeth farddonol, hwyrach nad oes 
yn awdl Tir na n-Og ddim cystal a'i ddisgrifiad o'r Hong 
oedd i gludo Arthur i Ynys Afallon. Llong ddu ddar- 
parodd Tennyson, "dark as a funeral scarf from stem to 
stern," ag ar ei bwrdd lu o wyryfon urddasol mewn 
galarwisgoedd, "black-stoled, black-hooded". Ond "llong 
eres", sydd gan Tir na n-Og^ a thyma'i ddisgrifiad: — 

** Y'nghraidd y llong, ar ddull ail 
I orsedd, 'roedd glwth eursail, 
Ac ar ei gerfwaith cywrain 
Gwrlid mwyth o 'sgarlad main. 
Tair hefyd o wyrj^on 
Ar sedd wrth yr orsedd hon 
Eisteddai. Dlysed oeddynt ! 
Nid oedd gwedd Blodeuwedd gynt 
O geinder ail ; rhag gwyndawd 
Perlog ne eu purloyw gnawd 
Pylai gwawT y pali gwyn, 
A ymdonnai am danyn' ; 
A lliw teg eu gwalltiau aur 
Drwyddo fal cawod ruddaur. 
Gyddfau a thalceunau cin 
Mai eira ymyl Aran ; 
Deufan goch pob dwyfoch deg, 
Lliw gwin drwy wynlliw gwaneg." 

Y mae y darlun godidog yna ynddo ei hun yn werth 
mwy na chadair Bangor. Ond beth yn enw barddas, a 
wnaeth i Tir na n-Og ollwng i mewn i'w awdl linell mor 
ddiawen, mor ddiurddas a hon : — 

"A chodwyd e'n barchedig — i'r glwth draw." 



1 5 2 Reviews, 

Os byth y caffo gyfle, tyned hi allan pe costiai hyny iddo ei 
f ywyd. Lied oeraidd ydy w araeth ffarwel Arthur. Brudio 
am ddyddiau adfydus a wiia, ac am ei ail ddyfodiad. 

" Vn fy nghledd 
Gafaelaf, dygaf eilwaith 
Glod yn ol in gwlad a'n hiaith." 

Et(), mae yr araeth hon yn gorwedd yn esmythach ar 
galon Cymro na'r bregeth wyntog a geir yn yr un cyfwng 
yng ngliS^n Tennyson; "The old order changeth^ giving 
place to new," &c. Ac y mae diwedd awdl Tir na n-Og 
yn hoUol deilwng o'r dechreuad. 

" Yn y pellter fel peraidd 
Anadliad, sibrydiad bvaidd, 
Darfu'r llais ; o drofauV llyn 
Anial, lledodd niwl llwydwyn, 
Yna araf cyniweiriodd, 
Ac ynoV llonj^ dano dodd 
A'i cliolu ; fel drychiolaeth 
Yn y niwl diflannu wnaoth. 

"Bndwyryn drist a distaw 
At y drin aeth eto draw." 

Nis gallaf ddychmygu am ddim mwy effeithiol na'r 

diweddglo hwn. Hapus a phrydferth iawn, hefyd, yw 

disgrifiad Tennyson o ymadawiad y Hong : maddeuer imi 

am ei dditynu: — 

'*So said be, and tbe barge witb oar and sail 
Moved from tbe l)rink, bke some full-breasted swan 
Tbat fluting a wild carol ere ber deatb, 
Kutilea ber pure cobl plume, and takes tbe flood 
Witb swarthy webs. Long stood Sir Bedivero, 
Revolving many memories, till tbe bull 
Look'd one black (b>t against tbe verge of dawn, 
And on tbe mere tlie wailing died away." 

Nid wyf yn holt' o brotfwydo, ond credaf y cymer awdl 
'Vir na n-Og safli* nehol ym mvsg caniudau (»i wlad. Enwais 
y gamp t'wvat:* arni, sot' iJrttmafic realization, Yn nesaf at 
hyny ei rhagoriaeth yw mireindeb. Y mae yr awdwr yn 



Reviews, 153 

artut. Amlwg ei fod wedi efrydu yr iaith yn llwyr, a 

gwyr yn dda sut i'w defnyddio. Gwelir fod ei ardduU yn 

tynu yn nes at gyfnod Dafydd ab Gwilym na'r dyddiau 

diweddar hyn. Eto, nid ardduU Dafydd ab Gwilym moni. 

Saif, yn wir, ar ei phen ei hun. Dichon fod ei iaith a'i 

dduU-ymadrodd yn rhy goeth, rhy glasurol i rai pobl ; ond 

eu hanifawd liwy yw hyny. Gwir iddo arfer rhai geiriau 

ansathredig, megis lias, deryw, dmdion, breithell, gwrrriy 

gnav)dy orug, nevd, gUiif, dioer, gwyndawdy pannwl ; ond nid 

ydynt mor lliosog, ac y mae rhai o honynt na ddylesid eu 

gollwng oddiar gof . Un arall o deithi mwyaf hudohis yr 

avvdl yw swyngyfaredd. Y mae Tir na n-Og yn cam 

natur yn fwy nag athrawiaeth. Efe a ddug yr awen 

Gymreig yn ol i'w hen arfer. Ychydig o fesurau a 

ddefnydiodd — Unodl Union, Deuair Hirion, Toddaid, a 

Thriban Milwr. Gwnaeth yn ddoeth ymwrthod a phethau 

ffug-gywrain ym mhlith y mesurau Cymreig. Os oes bai 

ar yr awdl, yr wyf bron meddwl y gall fod rhy fychan o 

deimlad ynddi. Buaswn yn barod i gyfnewid peth o'r 

ceinder marmoraidd am ychydig o ddagrau. Ond nid 

wylo gwneyd ychwaith : gwell genyf heb hwnw. Be 

ddy wed yr hen benill bendigaid : — 

" Ti gel glywed os gwrandewi 
Swn y galon fach yn tori." 

Oni sibrydodd yr Awen wrth y bardd, "Dod dy glust 
ar fron y gwron clwyfedig, a thi a gei glywed swn y galon 
fawr yn dryllio." Ond dyna ; nis gall dyn na bardd fod 
yn bobpeth. 

Deliais yr awdl ochr yn ochr a chyfansoddiad y prif- 
fardd Tennyson, gy da dau neu dri o amcanion. Tybiais 
niai nid anyddorol fyddai i'r darllenydd wybod i ba raddau 
yr oedd y bardd byw yn ddyledus i'r marw, yr anenwog i'r 
bydenwog. Os digwydd i rai o awenwyr ieuainc Cymru 
ddarllen hyn o ysgrif, hwyrach yr argyhoeddir hwynt 



1 54 Reviews. 

gymaint allent fanteisio drwy efrydu gweithiau dynion 
mwy na hwy eu hunaiii. Hefyd, yr oedd yn haws ffurfio 
bam deg am yr awdl drwy ei dal yn gjrfochrog & gwaith 
awdurol, a chyferbynu yr hyn oedd wych yn y naill &'r 
hyn oedd wael yn y Ilall. Yn olaf, credaf imi roddi prawf y 
gall y bardd Cymreig, ond iddo Wneyd tegwch ag of ei hun, 
fod yn gystal a'r goreuon. Am un peth yn arbenig dylem 
ddiolch i Tir na n-Og ; ni ddarfu iddo, fel y gwnaeih 
Tennyson yn ei ol-arawd, gyffelybu Arthur — ^yr Arthur a 
ddaw — i ^'modern gentleman of stateliest port". Cyiigor 
bach yng nglilust Tir tia n-Og — ^Na fydded iddo gipris am 
ormod gwobrau. Mae un gadair gystal a chant. T 
cywydd deuair-hirion yw ei nerth. Boed iddo ddewis ei 
destynau fel y daw yr hwyl, a chanu ar ei f wyd ei hun. 



n. 

Pan drown oddiwrth awdl Tir na ii-Og at bryddest €hvyd- 
ion ab Don,' symudwn i hinsawdd dra gwahanol. Nid oes 
eisieu miiiiylu ar y gwahaniaeth rhwng y ddau dduU o 
ganu — yr hen a'r diweddar, y caeth a'r rhydd. Llai fyth 
sydd o aiighen dadleu pa un yw y mwyaf gorchestol : pe 
caem y ddau ar eu goreu, gwynfydedig yn wir fyddem. 
Nil, HieddwX yr oeddwn am y ddau destyn. Tn y 
naill, cerddcnn ar adegau liyd lenyrch paradwysaidd. 
Ond swn hiraetha niarwolaeth oedd yn yr awel. Nid 
yw ceinder yii gyfyngoJig i fywyd na dedwyddwch. 
Onid yw gruddiau angeii yn ami yn hawddgar, ymylon 
bedd yn flodeuogr^ Yn ing "Ymadawiad Arthur" ni 
clilywsom air o son jim Wonhwyfar, na thanau'r 
delyn, na dewiniaeth Myrddin. Ond yn stori amlgeino- 

'^ 11 wn yw y ll'ujj-oiiw a ddufiiyddiwyd j^an y Parch. R Bilyn 
Roberts, M.A., avvdwr y Bryddest fuddugol.— ^E.V.E.) 



Revietvs, 155 

iog Trystan ac Esyllt, yr hyn oedd yn ein haros oedd 
swynion serch, ei nwyfiant a'i soriant, ei fwyn ofalon, 
ei dor calon a'i dranc. Bawb ohonom oedd wedi croesi'r 
cyhydedd, deisyfasom fyned yn ifanc drachefn. Canys 
hoen ieuenctid sydd lond y testy n. Yr oeddym, hefyd, yn 
gwybod am y bardd enillodd y llawryf. Darllenasom ei 
delynegion. Disgwyliem lawer oddiwrtho. O blith y rhai 
a ganasant o'i flaen i'r un testyn, dylid enwi Matthew 
Arnold a Swinburne. Nodweddir cerdd Arnold gan 
davvelwch prudd-dyner. Disgrifir y gwron yn ei gystudd 
olaf, yn ail fyw yr helynt caru mewn breuddwyd. Difera 
ambell air neu riddfaniad dros ei wefusau, yna dyry'r 
bardd gainc i mewn i lenwi'r bylchau. Ymestyn cfi^n 
Swinburne i bum mil o linellau agos. Edrydd efe yr 
hanes bron o'r dechreu i'r diwedd gydag afiaeth, darfelydd, 
a dawn digy^ffelyb. Mae byd o wahaniaeth rhwng cynllun 
ac ardduU y ddwy gerdd. 

Er mwyn hwylusdod rhoddaf grynhodeb o'r hanes^ 
wedi ei godi o Chambers* Encyclopcedia : 

** Tristrem was the love-child of King Mark of Comwall's sister and 
Roland of Ermonie, and at fifteen repaired to Cornwall, where he 
charmed the whole Court by his minstrelsy. lie slew Moraunt in 
mortal combat, and lay ill three years of the wounds he received, but 
was borne to Ireland, and there cured by Ysolt or Ysonde, daughter 
of the Queen. On his return to Cornwall he told his uncle of the 
marvellous beauty of the Irish Princess, and was sent to solicit her 
hand ft)r him in marriage. Tristrem escorted Ysonde on her voyage 
to Enf,dand ; but both unwittingly drank of a love-potion intended 
for Mark, and from that day to the day of their death no man or 
woman could come between their loves. Ysonde was married to the 
King of Cornwall, but by the help of her clever maid, Brengwain, had 
many a secret interview with her lover. Tristrem was banished from 
Cornwall, but again brought to his uncle's Court, and again their 
inevitable loves began anew. Next he wandered to Spain, Ermonie, 
Jhittany, and here married another Ysonde — her with the white 
hand, daughter of Duke Florentine — but he could not forget his love 
for Ysonde of Ireland. Grievously wounded in battle, he sent a 
messenger to bring her to him. *If you bring her with you/ he 
charged him, 'hoist a white sail; if you bring her not, let your sail 



156 Reviews. 

l>e black.' Soon the ship is siglited, and Tristrom asks eagerly what 
is the colour of hor sail. It was white, bnt Ysonde of Brittany, her 
heart being filled with bitter jealousy, told Tristrem the sail was 
black, whereupon the heart-sick lover sank back and died. Ysonde 
of Ireland threw herself in passionate despair upon his body and died 
heart-broken beside liim. King Mark subsequently learned the story 
of the love-potion, and buried the twain in one grave, planting over 
Ysonde a rose-bush, over Tristrem a vine, which grew up so inextric- 
ably intertwined that no man could separate them." 

Stori hynod o brydferth ! Cyfrifir hi gan lawer yn 
frenhines yin mysff storiau serch. O'r ddeuddegfed ganrif 
hyd ein hamser ni fe ysbrydolodd lu o feirddion a cherdd- 
orion ym mhob gwlad yn Ewrob i gaiiu a plirydyddu. 
Hon YN testyn un o brif weithiau Wagner. Cydnebydd 
yr awdurdodau penaf mai stori Geltaidd yw. Ai dyna'r 
rheswm paham y darfu i'r beirdd Cyinreig ei diystyru mor 
hir ? Nid y w hyny yn glod nac yn enill iddynt. Modd 
bynag fe roddodd dewisiad Pwyllgor Bangor gyfleustra 
ardderchog i rai ohonynt anfarwoli eu hunain. Yn Uyfr 
Malory mae y chwedl yn faith a chymysglyd, ag iddi 
lawer ystlys a mwy na digon o aniweirdeb. Fel yr 
awgrymwyd eisoes, o hyny y cyfyd yr unig anhawster 
sydd yn perthyn i'r testyn. Y gamp, felly, oedd sut i 
ddeol y pethau mwyaf gwrthun yn y stori heb abertliu ei 
bywyd a'i swyn. 

Ehanodd Gwydion ah Don ei gerdd yn bum penod. Yn 
y gyntaf gwelwn long yn marchogaeth y tonau tua'r 
Twerddon, a Thrystan ar ei bwrdd. Ceir disgrifiad by wiog 
a chryno o'r gwron clwyfedig : 

" Ar gwrlid drud, mewn gwisg o borflbr breiniol, 
Gorwedda clwyfus wr o dreni urddasol, 
Y gwinau wallt, lliw'r gneuon, yn modrwyog 
Gylchynnu'i wyneb hanld, boneddig, rhywiog ; 
Ond yn ei lygaid tristwch du deyruasa, 
A gwywder bedd ar Iwydiii 'i rudd arhosa : 
Ei ghvyf a ysa'i fywyd tan ei ddwyfron, 
A' i wenwyn marwol tiferra waed ei galon. 



Reviews. 157 

A segur ydyw'r waew fawr ei grym, 
Yr helm o ddur, a'r cleddyf hirbraflf llym ; 
Ei fron ni wisg y gref ddihafal hirig 
A her i odd ruthr 11a wer ymwan fFyrnig, 
Gorffwysa'i delyn euraidd wrth ei ystlys, 
A'i thannau yn anghofio'i thonau melus." 

Mae arddull y darn uchod yn fwy Cymreig, a'i symu- 

diad yn fwy urddasol na llawer pryddest a goronwyd yn 

yr Eisteddfod Genedlaethol. Er hyny, Uithra'r awdwr 

weithiau. Mwy boddhaol fuasai llai o '^wr o drem", 

"gwisg o borffor", "tielm o ddur". Cydmarer y dam 

hwn a disgrifiad Tit na n-Og o'r llong y dodwyd Arthur 

arni, a gwelir fod pellder difesur rhyngddynt. Yn dilyn 

y Uinellau yna, ceii* cipdrem dros fywyd boreol Trystan — 

marwolaeth ei fam, ei gampau fel cerddor a milwr, ei 

ddyfodiad i Gernyw, ac yn benaf yr ornest fawr rhyngddo 

a MoroUt, pan laddwyd y Gwyddel ac y clwyfwyd yntau. 

Ar y cyfan mae yr iaith yn gref, ond canfyddwn ar 

brydiau duedd i rigymu, megys : 

" Ym mroch yr helynt Trystan a ddaeth o daith iV llys, 
Ac achos Cern3rw arno'i hun gymerodd gyda brys." 

Lied ddof hefyd yw ei ddisgriflad o'r ymladd : 

" Roedd wyneb yr ynysig yn weirglodd wastad las, 
Ac yno bwriwyd Morollt falch a'i ryf elf arch a las. 
Disgynnodd Trystan jmtau iV gyrchu gyda*i gledd, 
Ond yn yr ymgyrch cafodd glwyf a Iwydodd wrid ei wedd. 
Er gwaetha'r archoll hyrddiodd un dymod grymus mawr 
Nes hollti helm ei elyn a'i fwrw'n fud i'r Uawr ; 
A darn o'r glaif clodforus a dorrodd yn y briw 
Anrhydedd gorsedd Cernyw Ion a gadwodd Trystan wiw." 

Gymaint yn fwy arwrol yw rhyddiaeth Malory ! Dyma 
ddarn o'i ddisgriflad ef : 

"And they began for to fewtre their spears, and they met so 
fiercely together that they smote each other down, both horse and 
all, to the earth. But Sir Marhaus smote Sir Tristram a great wound 
in his side with his spear, and then they avoided their horses, and 



158 Reviews, 

drew out their swords anon, and cast their shields before them, and 
then thoy laslied together as it had been two wild boars that be 

courageous." 

Pan orweddai Trystan yn glaf, daeth '^gwr o hil y 
tylwyth t^g" ato a dywedodd mai yn llys Iwerddon yn 
unig y caffai feddyginiaeth i'w glwyf. 

" A'r Ynys Werdd, trwy far y don ormesol, 
A gyrchaV clwyfus wr o drem urddasol." 

"O drem urddasol" eto! Fel yna y gadewir Trystan 
ar y mor i gyfeirio ei rawd am yr Iwerddon. Ni adroddir 
ei hanes wedi cyrhaedd y wlad hono, yr hyn a hkv dipyn 
o ddyryswch i'r darllenydd. 

"Y Llys Gennad" yw penawd yr ail adran. Egyr 
gyda molawd fer ar ddylanwad serch. Bydd genyf 
rywbeth i'w ddweyd am y dernyn hwn cyn diweddu. 
Erbyn hyn y mae Trystan yn ol yng Nghernyw, a chodir 
y lien arno yn eist^dd ar grib craig uwchben y mor ac yn 
canu alawon serch i Esyllt, y ferch a welsai yn Ilya 
Iwerddon. Mae y darlun hwn wedi ei liwio yn hynod o 

gelf ydd : 

" Yng Nghornyw Ion yn swn y Hi ar glogwyn uchel unig 
Eisteddai gwr o osgedd hardd urddasol a bonheddig ; 
Modrwyau anil am ei law, ei wisg o bali purddu, 
A rhagdal aur rhud<lomog dnid gynhalia'i wallt gwineuddu ; 
Cain lafiiau curaidd oodd yn cau'i wintasau cordwal newydd, 
Ei ddeliou law gynhaliai bwys ei dolyn aur ysblennydd ; 
Ei rudd orifwysai ar y Hall ; a'i dywell drem frouddwydiol 
Yn crwydro ar liiraethlon daitli trwy wyll y nos lodrithiol 
I oleu llys yr Ynys Werdd, oi gyfoeth a'i ysblander, 
A mel acenion Esyllt won yn ysbrydoHM louder " 

Rhed ei fyfyrdodau yn ol at y feinir deg "fu'n 
cliwilio'r arclioU eclirys". lacliasai'r fam y clwyf, ond 
"clwyt'asai'r forcli ei ddwyfron". Mae'n eglur tuhwnt i 
bob dadl fod Trystan wedi syrthio yn ddwfn mewn serch 
ag Esyllt. Ehag bod cysgod o amheuaoth ar y pwnc, 
gesyd y bardd delyneg liiraethlawn yng ngenau Trystan : 



Reviews. 159 

** O dan fy mron mae cur, 

Esyllt wen, Esyllt wen, 
Am wen dy lygaid pur, 

Esyllt wen, 
Cael eto'th gwmni tirion, 
A miwsig dy acenion, — 
Ilyn leddfa gur fy nghalon, — 

Brysia i Gernyw, Esyllt wen." 

Pedwar penill tebyg i'r uchod yw y delyneg. Nid oes 
fawr ddim newydd yn y syniadau, ac y mae gorinod o 
adsain "Mentra Gwen" jn y seiniau. Byrdwn sal a 
dienaid yw "Brysia i Gernyw". Anaturiol i'r eithaf yw 
dechreu y pedwerydd penill : — 

" Fy ngwlad a ddenfyn wys 

Esyllt wen, Esyllt wen. 
Am danat ti iV llys, 

Esyllt wen." 

Nis gwyddai ei wlad ddim am y ferch Wyddelig oedd 
wedi tanio ei fron. Y prawf goreu o hyny yw y dam sydd 
yn dilyn : — 

" Ar hyd y llwybr anwastad, cam, dros lethrau serth y clogwyn, 
Yr araf rodiai'r brenin March ; a chlybu glod y forwyn." 

Mae y brenin "yn ymholi am ei Hun a'i lliw", ac yn 
ddioed clywir Trystan yn udganu ei chlodydd. Tr oedd 
mor anwyl a Gwener, yn serchocach naLalage, na Chloris, 
na Lesbia ; yn fwy swynol na Helen Troia. ithyfedd 
genyf i fardd Cymreig lusgo i'w gerdd y sothach coeg- 
glasurol yma sydd mor gyffredin ym marddoniaeth Seisnig 
yr eilfed-ganrif-ar-bymtheg — pethau nad oeddynt namyn 
efelychiadau o Horas. Ehaid hefyd fod dawn yn brin, a 
iaith yn dlawd os nad all bardd ddarlunio tegwch merch 
heb ymostwng i'r fath gyffredinedd a'r ddwy linell a 
ganlyn : — 

" Ni feddai beirdd holl oesau'r byd y crebwyll naV darfelydd 
Ddisgrifiai'n llawn y filfed ran o gyfoeth ei grasusau." 



1 60 Reviews. 

Nid oes raid wrth fardd i ddweyd pethau fel yna, 
Gwell, hefyd, f uasai y ^erdd heb linell mor aflednais a hon, 
am yr hen freiiin March : 

" A thoimlai iasau nwydau sorch jn cerdded ei wythiennau." 

Eto: 
" Ond 08 dychwolai codid had i March oV ieiianc fanon." 

Beth allsai fod yn fwy disynwyr, pan ystyriom nad 
oedd March erioed wedi gweled y ferch, na'r ffurf a roddir 
i'w orchymyn. "Dos" ebe March : 

" I ddwyn fy mherl (bos frig y don i'w chartref yii fy mreichiau.** 

Perl — cartref — breichiau ! A pha fath garwr oedd Trys- 

tan, pan dderbyniai y gorchymyn hwn i gyrchu y ferch i 

arall heb wrthdystiad bach na uiawr? Yr anffawd yw fod 

Gwydlon ah Don wedi gwneyd i Drystan ac Esyllt syrthio 

mewn serch a'u gilydd yn llawor rhy gynar, a cheir gweld 

fod hyny wedi ei dynn i fagl arall. le, mae dau yn caru 

Esyllt, sef y brenin a'i nai. "Ond sut i'w chael", medd 

y bardd : 

" I'r llys anfonwyd rhoddion heirdd \v brenin a'r frenhines, 
A thlysau aur a gemau dnid i Esyllt dywysoges/' 

Drwy hyny cafodd Trystan ei draed eilwaith ar dir 
Twerddon. Ond ni sonir dim am dano'n cyflwynoV 
genadwri a ddygasai oddiwrth frenin Gernyw. T peth a 
wnaeth oedd myned allan i ymladd k draig oedd yn blino'r 
wlad, ac oherwydd iddo ei Uadd bu Trystan yn fawr ei 
barch. Arfollwyd gwledd iddo, a galwyd ar y frenhines 
a'r ferch i'w ymgeleddu. Dechreua Esyllt amheu ai nid 
efe oedd y Uanc a ymwelodd a'r llys o'r blaen dan yr enw 
Tantrys. Tra mae Trystan yn y baddon, archwilia hithau 
ei wisg a'i arfau, a thyn ei gledd o'r wain — fenyw gywrain 
— yn ei gorawydd am ryw dystiolaeth. Yn ebrwydd 
cenfydd y bwlch yn y llafn, a thyna'r gwirionedd yn 
gwawrio ar ei meddwl, 



Reviews. 1 6 1 

" Fflachiodd goleuni ffaith i'w bryd yn sydyn fel taranfoUt : 
Cofiodd y dam dynesid gynt o ben clwyfedig Morollt. 
Dial gynheuai yn ei gwaed ; a rhuthrai i daroV gelyn 
Oedd yn y baddon marmor gwyn yn llesg a diamddiffyn. 
* Tydi dywelltaist waed fy nghar', dolefai'r ferch yn llidiog, 
*■ Tydi yw gelyri penna ngwlad, y gwaedlyd Drystan farchog.* 
A chyda'r gair dyrchaf ai'r cledd i drychu Trystan fradus ; 
Ond gwelai wen, a Uygaid du, a gwallt gwineuddu Tantrys." 

Mae y ferch yn gwareiddio ac yn maddeu. Ond mor 

afresymol yw yr yinfiBamychiad hwn ; mor anaturiol y 

darlun ! Beth barai i Esyllt ymboeni cymaint am "ben 

clwyfedig Morollt?" A hi yn "serchocach na Lalage," 

beth enynasai y fath ddygasedd ynddi at y '^gwr a garai 

orau"? Iseult, you had a vile temper. Dywedir, hwyrach, 

fod digwyddiad cyffelyb yn llyfr Malory. Oes, ond y mae 

wedi ei gyfleu yn bur wahanol. Nid Esyllt, ond ei mham, 

a fygythiai lofruddio'r marchog "yn y baddon", a rhoddir 

rheswm da paham. Yr oedd Morollt yn frawd i'r fren- 

hines. Ni wneir hyny yn eglur yn y bryddest. Hawdd 

fuasai hebgor yr hanesyn rhyfedd hwn, ond os nad 

allasai Gwydion ah Bon wrthsefyll y demtasiwn o'i 

ddefnyddio, beth oedd yn galw am iddo ei wyrdroi a'i 

wneuthur yn anf esurol ddigrif ach peth nag y caf odd ef ? 

Modd bynag, fe ddaeth Trystan allan o'r baddon yn fyw 

a gwisgodd am dano, a bu yn edifar gan y fun iddi fod 

mor chwyrn. 

" Breuddwydiai Esyllt ieuanc am y gwr a garai orau 
A'r dagrau'n perlio ar ei grudd o dan ei mucbudd aeliau, 
Glan a diniwed oedd ei serch fel gwynder blodauV gwanwyn, 
A'i theimlad tyner mor ddi-nwyd ag awel Mai mewn irlwyn." 

Cyrhaeddir y climax yn y drydedd benod, "Y Cwpan 
Swyn". Mae y Hong yn mordwyo yn ol tua Chemyw, a'r 
ddeuddyn dedwydd, Trystan ac Esyllt, ar ei bwrdd. 
Llithra'r dydd heibio yn ddifyr rhwng ymddiddanion 
cariadlawn ac odlau mwyn y delyn. Erbyn yr hwyr 
edrychai y rhwyfwyr yn llesg gan y gwres a'r Uudded. 



1 62 Reviews. 

" Ac moddai Trystan : * Wyr, gorflfwyswch, weithion, 
* A p^wyliaf fmnau'ch hiin ar fron yr eigion.' 
Gafaelai yn y i-hwyfaii hir anhyblyg, 
O'i nertli ystwythent mogys gwiail helyg. 
Ei rym digymar yrrai'r Hong i'w thaith ; 
Fel gwisgi gysgod cjorddai'i llwy})yr llaith.'" 

Nid oes air o grybwylliad am hyn yn hanes Malory. 
Cyinerwyd y s}Tiiad, mi dybiaf, o gerdd Swinburne. 
Pedwar rhwyfwr sydd ar ei long ef ; ac er mwyn ystwytho 
ei gyinalau, cyniertli Trystan le un o honynt wrth y rhwyf . 

" Then Tristram girt liim for an oarsman^s place 
And took his oar and smoto, and toiled with might 
In the east wind's full face and the strong sea's spite 

• Laboiirinfjj ; and all the rowers rowed hard; but he 
More mightily than any wearier three." 

Ond ni t'oddlonai Ghoydion ah Don ar hyny ; mynai efe 
i Drystan wneyd gwaith y cwbl. Nid wyf yn ei feio am 
t'enthycioV ddyfais, ond yn hytrach am ei difetha. T 
gwir am can oedd codi syched ar Drystan ar gyfer y peth 
pwysig — y pwysicaf yn y gerdd — oedd i ddilyn. "Trystan, 
gad dy rwyfo", sibrydai Esyllt, ac yntau a eisteddodd 
wrtli ei thraed. Yna ceir disgrifiad niaith o'r ymserchu 
fu rliwng y ddau. Difynaf ranau ohono, a gofynaf i'r 
darllonydd sylwi mor frwd oedd eu teimladau, mor nwyd- 
lawn eu liymarweddiad. 

"Addolai Trystan brydferth fun ei gariad, 
A pheraroglan serch yn meddwi'i deimlad, 
l^"wy w^ythiennau llosgai tan y duwiau ; 
A chrynnai neges serch ar ei wefusan. 

• • • • 

Ei mynwos hithau'n Uawn o dyner d&n, 
A'i wrcs yn araf wrido 'i gruddiau gl&n ; 
Pelydrai 'i llygaid fel dwy seren befr : 
Agosrwydd Trystan doimlai mogys gwefr ; 
Disgynnai llesmair serch ar ei haolodau 
A'i ddwys ddyhead byw yn llenwi ei bronnau. 



Reviews, 1 63 

Dymunai Trystan sugno mel y rhos ; 

A chuddio 'i ben am byth tan lenni'r nos. 

• • • • 

Fe blygai Esyllt ar y cwrlid purddu ; 
A'i lili law roi ar ei wallt gwineuddu ; 
A pliwysai 'i ben i orwedd ar oi gliniau ; 
A theimlai'r gwros ennynai 'i wythiennau." 

A llawer mwy o bethau cyffelyb, yn gwneyd cant o 

linellau. Prin y gallasai'r awdwr dynu y gorchudd 

ymhellach oddiar ddygyfor cariad heb irroesi terfynau 

gweddeidd-dra. Yn wir y mae rhai o'r Uinellau yn cerdded 

yr ymylon. Ond dyma'r pwynt — yr oedd y Cwpan Swyn eto 

heb ei yfed ! Pryder y f renhines am y f erch oedd yn 

myned i briodi hen wr wnaeth iddi barotoi y diodlyn 

serch. Wele eiriau Malory : 

*'And then the Queen, La Beale Isoude's mother, gave Dame 
Bragwaine, her daughter's gentlewoman, and unto Gk)vemale a drink, 
and charged them that what day King Mark should wed, that same 
day they should give him that drink, so that King Mark should drink 
with La Beale Isoude, and then *I undertake,* said the Queen 
^either shall love other all the days of their life.'" 

Dyna sut y daeth y Iovq philtre i chware rhan mor 
bwysig yn y stori. Y mae Gwydion ah Don wedi gwneyd 
i Drystan syrthio mewn serch ag Esyllt, ac Esyllt & 
Thrystan o'r dechreu. Beth sydd i'r cwpan ei wneyd wedi 
hyn ? Mor wahanol yw ymdriniaeth Swinburne ! Cyfyd 
syched angerddol ar Drystan wedi y rhwjrfo, a geilw am 
ddiod. Naid Esyllt i fyny rhed i ymofyn gwin ; cenfydd 
y gostrel aur wedi ei chuddio ym mynwes Branwen, a 
dwg hi at Drystan. Nid oes dim mwy effeithiol yng 
ngherdd Swinburne na'r llinellau He disgrifia'r ddeuddyn 
yn edrych i wynebau eu gilydd am y tro olaf yn ddibrofiad 

o boenau serch : 

'^ The last hour of their hurtless hearts at rest, 
The last that peace should touch them breast to breast, 
The last that sorrow far from them should sit, 
This last was with them and they knew not it.'' 

m2 



1 64 Reviews. 

Yf y ddau o'r ddiod, a thyna'r drwg wedi ei wneyd, y 
fflani aniffoddol wedi ei henyn. Disgrifia Ghvydion ab Don 
y weithred hon yn fanwl. Ond i ba beth? Tng ngh&n 
Swinburne gotyna Trystan i'r fun gyffwrth y cwpan A'i 
gwefusau : 

''Give mo to drink and give me for a pledge 
The touch of four lips on the beaker's edge.'' 

Dyfais Swinburne ei hun yw hon, a thyma'r defnydd 
wna Gmydian ab Don ohoni : 

** I ^'paii swyn edrychai'r non ddigymyl ; 
A gwelai hetlair j^wefus ar oi ymyl 
Yn yfod hudwin tynged hob betnisdor, 
^'n drachtio rhudd ddiodlyn gwinllan Gwener." 

Dau yn yfed o'r un gostrel, neu phiol, ar unwaith I 
Nid felly Swinburne ; y fun yn gyntaf, yna y Uanc. Wedi 
yr yfed, ceir gan Gwydion ab Don ail genllif o ufelwy serch 
a nwyd : — 

** Hi doimlai'r tan yn ennyn yn ei chalon, 
A'i wroa yn j^wrido 'i grudd, yn chwyddo 'i dwyfron, 
Ei (ihorff yn ci-ynnu dan ei loesion melus, 
A'i flwynion yn parlysu ei howyllya. 
Oo^^wyddai 'i phen ; a ehoisiai guddio 'i Uygaiil ; 
Ond rnethai 'i gwallt gymylu 'u pelydr tanbaid. 
A thrasort'h Trystan, wodi ei wallgofi, 
Fol ufel mynwcs Etna yn dylosgi, 
Dynesai ; ymddisgloiriai Uygaid Eayllt, 
Serch, dychryn, nwyd yn llonwi on dyfnder trywylit ; 
Dychlamai bronnau'r ddau ; ymwelwai 'u gruddiau ; 
Byrhai, dyfnhai, cyflyniai 'u hanadliadau.** 

Yr unig wahaniaetli rliwng y darn liwn a^r disgrifisid 
ddifynwyd eisoc^s cyn yfed ohonynt o'r Cwpan Swyn yw 
yr awgryin o drytliyllwcli tua'r diwedd. Cyfrifir Svrin- 
burne y niwyaf nwyfus a liyf ei leferydd o'r beirdd 
Seisnig, ond y inae yn Uawer cynilach o'i eiriau a^i afiaeth 
11a Gwydlnn ab Don yn y cyfwngliwn. Dim ond un-llinell- 



Reviews, 165 

ar-byintheg sydd ganddo ar ganlyniad uniongyrchol yr 
yfed. Dyma'r cryfaf o honynt : 

"And all their life changed in thom, for they quaflfed 

Death 

Each on each 
Hung with strange eyes and hovered as a bird 
Wounded, and each mouth trembled for a word ; 
Their heads neared, and their hands were drawn in one, 
And they saw dark, though still the urisunken sun 
Far through fine rain shot fire into the south ; 
And their four lips became one burning mouth." 

Erysdwybenod eto— ^^Tr Alltud", a'r ^^Hwyl Ddu". 
Ond mae'r amynedd yn pallu. Fe'm siomwyd yn aruthr 
yn y gerdd hon. Dywedais air da am ran ohoni. Gyda 
gofal ac ynidrech, diau y gallasai yr awdwr gynyrchu 
rhywbeth a bri arno, ond methodd a chadw ei safon ei hun 
i fyny. Ar brydiau naid yn uchel i'r nwyfre, ond yn 
etrwydd disgynna yn ol i'r ddaear. Mae weithiau yn 
ehedydd, weithiau fel hwyaden yn hedfan ar ei thraed. 
Yn awr ac eilwaith meddienir ef gan iasau o glefyd y 
Bardd Newydd. Ar dudalen 36, ceir y ddwy linell a 
ganlyn bron y drws nesaf i'w gilydd : 

" Mae calon tragwyddoldeb ynddo'n euro." 
" Mae'r ser yn gwenu cariad tragwyddoldeb." 

Am Esyllt ym mhothder ei serch dywed : 

"Ni chaiflf ond cariad weld ei thrysor penaf, — 
Shecinah glan ei chysegr sancteiddiolaf." 

A glybuwyd erioed y f ath ffwlbri ? Yn un o'i delyneg- 
ion serch sonia am '^y manna a'r gwin'^, ac "emynau 
mawl ". Os emyn, emyn ; os telyneg, telyneg. Yn 
gymysg a hyny daw y mnrsendod colegaidd y soniais am 
dano. Fwy nag unwaith ceir ganddo bethau gwir chwer- 
thinllyd. Yn y bedwaredd benod Uwyddodd rhyw grythor 



1 66 Reviews, 

crwydrol drwy dric lied blentynaidd i ysbeilio y brenin 
March o'i wraig. Ond yr oedd Trystan yn gwylio ei 
gyfleustra "ineAvn ogof y^ y coed". Daeth yntau ar 
warthaf y crythor a chyda tipyn o strcUegyy cipiodd 
Esyllt o'i feddiant. Chware teg iddo; nid twyll twyllo 
twyllwr. T peth sydd yn anfaddeuol yn yr helynt yw y 
cwpled a ganlyn : 

**A fflaohiodd cilwg Trystan, i'r Gwyddol rhoddodd wth: 
* Fy nholyu aui a biau'r god onillaist ti a'th grwth*." 

Beth pe dywedasai Mathew Arnold neu Swinburne yn 
eu cerddi hyglod : 

*' His eye flashed out in anger tierce, he gave the Pat a shove, 
* My golden harp has won the girl, a fiddler she's above'." 

Pan 61 Gwydion ab Don i gyfarch yr Awen, boed iddo 
ar bob cyfrif orclilygu ei duedd i wneuthur ei hun yn gareg 
ateb i feirdd eraill, waetli pwy fyddont. Yn y g&n hon ceir 
amryw adseiniau o Elfed. Un o honynt yw "Milfil chwer- 
thin distaw'r Hi " ("Milfil chworthin ei diluw'* — Caniadau 
Elfed), Ai' y goreu nid yw ond cyfieithiad o ymadrodd 
enwog iEschylus, "Kuniaton anerithmon gelasma" {Prome- 
theus Bound), Mae amryw feirdd ereill wedi gwneyd 
defnydd oliono (c. g, "Many twinkling smile of Ocean" — 
Keble)y ac y mae i'w gael yjn mhob geiriadur Groeg o 
bwys. Gan ei fod wedi chwerthin ers mwy na dwy file 
flynyddoedd, y mae'n bryd iddo dyuu ei gemau adref. 
Engndiftiau pellach o Elfediaeth yw "O ddwyfol serch, 
anfarwol sei'cli", a "Llwybyr paradwys mab a nierch". 

'' O! wynfyd Sorch, 01 ddolur Serch/' 

** Ponyd nofolaidd mab a merch." 

(Caniadau luffed,) 

Un o'r pethau hynotaf yn perthyn i gerdd Swinburne 
yw ei ragarawd maith ar Serch fel dylanwad cynwynol 
drwy'r greadigaeth. Ceir rhagymodrodd byr ar yr un 



Reviews, 167 

pwnc ar ddechreu ail benod Gwydion ab Don. Dechreua 
Swinburne fel hyn : 

"Love, that is first and last of all things made." 

A Gwydion ab Don : 
"Serch, cryfach yw nag angeu du, a hynach na'r myuyddoedd." 

Mae'n ddigon eglur eisoes mai Swinburne awgrymodd 
y drychfeddwl hwn i Gwydion ab Don. Tn awr mi godaf 
ychydig linellau o'r naill a'r Hall er mwyn dangos pa 
ddefnydd wnaeth bardd coronog Bangor o'r awgrym : 

" One fiery raiment with all lives inwrought, 
And lights of sunny and starry deed and thought." 

" Serch y w goleuni bywyd dyn a dwyfol grewr hyder. 

"And with the pulse and motion of his breath 
Through the great heart of the earth strikes life and death." 

" Yra more gwyn ieuenctyd bod, ar wawr y dechreu cynnar, 
Deffrodd pelydrau t3,n yr haul nwyd serch ym mron y ddaear." 

" Love that is blood within the veins of time." 

" Anfarwol serch yw'r bywiol waed yng ngwythiennau amser." 

Tybiaf i mi ddangos yn fy sylwadau ar awdl Tir na 
n-Og nad wyf yn gulfarn na chrintachlyd ynghylch hawl 
awdwr i gymeryd awgrymiadau o waith awdwr arall. T 
cwestiwn yw hwn, — beth a wna o honynt. Tr hyn a 
wnaeth Gwydion ab Don yma oedd pigo llinellau o 
ragarawd Swinburne a'u troi i'r Gymraeg a'u dodi yn ei 
gS^n ei hun yn y drefn a welodd efe yn oreu. Beth yw y 
Ilinell olaf a ddifynais heblaw cyfieithiad noeth o ua o'r 
llinellau mwyaf barddonol a ysgrifenodd Swinburne 
erioed ? 

Ond yr anaf mwyaf ar y gerdd yw ei chynlluniad. 
Teimlwn fod gormod o wagle rhwng y benod gyntaf a'r 
ail. Trwyddo i gyd eyll y cyfansoddiad mewn cysondeb. 
Nid oes yma ddim o'r dramatic instinct hwnw a esyd y f ath 
arbenigrwydd ar awdl Tir na n-Og. Ni bu Gwydion ah 



1 68 Reviews. 

Don yn ddoeth i ddewis y pethau goreu o*r hen chwedl ; 
ni bu yn gelfydd wrth gyfleu y rhai a ddewisodd. Benth- 
yciodd amryw bethau o gerdd Swinburne, ac andwyodd 
hwynt. Gwaeth na'r cwbl methodd yn ei ymgais i ddwyn 
rhawd y stori i'w glimax yn namwain y Cwpan Swyn, yr 
hyn y w craidd a chnewyllyn yr hoU ramant. 

B. A. Gbiffith (Elphin). 



OLD FEMBBOKE FAMILIES in the Anoient County 
Palatine of Pembroke. Compiled (in part from the 
Floyd MSSJ by Henry Owen, D.C.L. Oxon., F^.A^ 
High Sheriff of Pembrokeshire. London: Published 
for the Author by Chas. J. Clark, 36, Essex Street, 
Strand, 1902. 



In the book before us Dr. Owen makes another valuable 
addition to his scholarly researches into the history of his 
native county. The work forms a welcome supplement to 
the volumes he has already issued, concerned as those are 
with the topography of the shire. 

We owe what knowledge we possess of the ancient 
families of Pembroke to the History of the verbose and 
inaccurate Feiiton. The contrast between the two books 
is remarkable. Indeed, one might well suppose that Dr. 
Owen had ever before his mind's eye a fear of Fenton*s 
failings, for never was there a book so shorn of verbiage 
and so minuk^ly accurate. The author might well have 
been pardoned had he dwelt at greater length upon the 



Reviews, 1 69 

story of some of the notable personages whose names he 
records, or given the reader a glimpse of the romances' 
which underlie the history of the families whose fortunes 
he narrates. But he dismisses the famous Tournament held 
at Carew Castle in 1507 with a bare reference, and even 
Sir John Perrot has to be content with a paltry page or two. 
To a certain extent, however, this deficiency is made less 
apparent by the play of the dry wit never absent from Dr. 
Owen's pages. Occasionally, also, the reader is enlivened 
by the author's cynical contempt for shams, as for instance 
in his exposure of the Norman pedigree of the De La 
Roche family. 

When William the Conqueror turned his horde of 
adventurers loose over England and Wales, the rich 
pasture lands of Glamorgan and Pembroke soon attracted 
their notice. Not only did these districts promise a rich 
harvest to the Norman knight, whose only fortune was his 
sword, but he also "got something else which probably 
pleased him quite as much, namely, his stomachful of 
fighting. There were other attractions too, does Welsh 
tradition belie not, for if fate decreed that the Welsh 
chieftain and his heirs fell on the field of battle, the 
Norman was seldom averse to an alliance with the chief- 
tain's daughter and her estate. The fair Welshwomen 
made easy captives of the men who had defeated their 
fathers and brothers. The voluminous works of Mr. G. T. 
Clark and Dr. De Gray Birch have, of recent years, placed 
us in possession of a mass of details about the Glamorgan 
settlers ; but hitherto no attempt has been made to reduce 
tliese isolated facts into an accurate and consecutive narra- 
tive. 

That interesting story still remains to be told, and we 
fancy the coming historian will find his labours consider- 
ably lightened by delving into the Floyd CoUections now 



1 70 Reviews, 

at Aberystwyth College. Dr. Owen has generously paid 
his acknowledgments to Mr. Floyd, though every page of 
the book bears witness to his own unrivalled knowledge of 
the history of the County. 

But what remains to be done for the Glamorgan lords 
has been accomplished for their Pembroke compeers in 
the book before us. We have here a succinct and com- 
pressed account of twenty-eight of the chief families of the 
County Palatine. When it is stated that eight of these 
families settled in the county early in the twelfth century, 
and that the history of all the others is traced back to the 
fourteenth century, it will be easy for those who delight in 
antiquarian pursuits to gauge the value of the book. 

Few of the families mentioned are to-day represented 
in the county, and fewer still retain their ancient heritages. 
The Hon. Mrs. Trollope, who is at present the owner of 
Carew Castle, is a lineal descendant of Nest, the "Helen 
of Wales", who brought it as dower to Gerald de Windsor 
about the year 1104. Surely few families in the United 
Kingdom have a record such as this. The Wirriots also, 
who were settled at Orieltoii in the twelfth, century are now 
represented by Sir Hugh Owen, of Good wick, one of 
whose ancestors married the heiress of the family. From 
Nest and Gerald de Windsor are descended some of the 
most famous families of Ireland: the Fitzgeralds, who 
became Earls of Kildare and Dukes of Leinster ; the Fitz- 
Maurices, Earls of Kerry and Marquises of Lansdowne; 
the Graces, Barons of Courtstown, and the Gerards, Lord 
Gerrard. A branch of the family returned to Wales at a 
later date, and, settling in North Wales, became the 
founders of many of the best-known families there, such 
as tlio Vaughans of Corsygedol, and the Wynns of 
Peniartli. 

Quito a controversy seems to have risen as to the 



Reviews, 1 7 1 

meaning of the word Carew. Old Richard Carew, the 
Elizabethan historian of Cornwall, quaintly says : 

•* Carow, of ancient, Carru was, 
And Carru is a plough ; 
Roman's the trade, Frenchman the word, 
I do the name avow." 

Dr. Owen thinks the word is of Welsh origin, and 
probably meant Caerau, camps, the local pronunciation, 
Carey, giving some colour to this surmise. In Welsh 
poetry of the fifteenth century, it is spelt Caeryw, and this 
was probably the Welsh pronunciation as distinguished 
from tliat adopted by those living in the locality, who were 
certainly not Welsh-speaking. 

Next to the Carews, the families whose history presents 
the greatest interest are the Wogans, the Perrots and the 
Owens. Sir John Wogan, **the greatest man of all the 
Wogan families, and one of the greatest men whom 
Pembrokeshire has produced", was Justiciary of Ireland 
in the thirteenth century, where **he kept everything so 
quiet that we hear of no trouble in a great while". 

Surely, no better proof of shrewd diplomacy or great 
wisdom could be adduced. Another Wogan, Thomas by 
name, signed the death warrant of Charles I. At the 
Restoration he escaped to Utrecht, and amused himself 
by plotting against his jovial majesty Charles 11. Tradi- 
tion says that he afterwards returned to his native county, 
and lived on charity in the church porch of Walwyn's 
Castle, where he was one morning found dead. Yet 
another Wogan was a correspondent of Dean Swift, and 
was created a baronet by the Pretender in 1 719. A Sir 
John Wogan, of Wist^n, was killed fighting for the 
Yorkists at the battle of Banbury in 1469, along with 
many another gallant Welshman. 



174 Reviews. 

ledge of "the sources" which is displayed throughout 
Mr. Morris's book. 

From this point of view alone the book must be of real 
value to the students of the period, whilst its interest is 
certainly many-sided. As an essay on the military aspects 
of the Feudal System it contributes a number of new and 
material facts to our knowledge of contemporary warfare ; 
but this, though perhaps the chief, is not the only merit 
of Mr. Morris's work. The customs and topography of 
the Welsh Marches are carefully described, with references 
to original records, which unfortunately are not described 
in a series of mediaeval calendars, such as those which are 
devoted to the description of the Scottish and Irish records 
preserved in the London Archives. 

Naturally, these careful details of the military opera- 
tions against the Welsh fastnesses between the years 1277 
and 1295 involve an examination of the political and con- 
stitutional history of the period, and, to some extent, of the 
social and economic conditions of the times. Mr. Morris 
handles the difficult subject of the Edwardian policy with 
much dexterity; and, allowing for a good many necessary 
assumptions, it may fairly be considered that many obscure 
points in that policy have been illumined by the author's 
industrious researchers. Indeed, it was inevitable that the 
production of a mass of statistics from contemporary 
records should materially contribute to the better compre- 
hension of the deep-laid plans of the conqueror of Wales 
and Scotland. In this connexion Mr. Morris seems to 
have received valuable assistance from a careful study of 
the best authorities, though he very properly declines to 
follow the example of a former generation of scholars 
in a blind acceptance of the statements of contemporary 
chroniclers. 

On the other hand, Mr. Morris's speculations on several 



Reviews. 173 



THE WELSH WARS OP EDWARD I. A Contribution to 
MediaBval Military History, Based on Original Docu- 
ments. By John E. Morris, M.A., formerly Demi of 
Magdalen College, Oxford. Oxford: The Clarendon 
Press, 190L 



It is now very generally recognised that the value of 
an historical work no longer depends chiefly on the 
interest of the subject-matter, or the attractiveness of the 
author's style. There are many important problems of 
national history which could scarcely interest the general 
reader; and, again, there are many highly-trained and 
acute historical scholars who could make no pretension to 
elegance of literary composition. When these difficult 
problems have been solved by the patient researches of 
the scientific student there will be materials available for 
the construction of a national history which may take its 
place amongst the masterpieces of our national literature. 

These reflections naturally occur to us after the perusal 
of such a monograph as that which Mr. Morris has 
laboriously compiled to illustrate the historical significance 
of '*The Welsh Wars of Edward I.'^ 

A work of this kind makes somewhat high demands 
upon the intelligence both of its author and his readers, 
but the former is also required to possess a special know- 
ledge of several distinct branches of historical and 
antiquarian study. It is important, therefore, to satisfy 
ouiselves that the author's equipment is sufficient for the 
historical object which he has in view, before we rely 
upon the authority of his statement?, and here we are at 
once reassured by the comprehension and technical know- 



174 Reviews. 

ledge of ^Hhe sources" which is displayed throughout 
Mr. Morris's book. 

Frojn tliis point of view alone the book must be of real 
value to the students of the period, whilst its interest is 
certainly many-sided. As an essay on the military aspects 
of the Feudal System it contributes a number of new and 
material facts to our knowledge of contemporary warfare ; 
but this, thougli perhaps the chief, is not the only merit 
of Mr. Morris's work. The customs and topography of 
the Welsh Marches are carefully described, with references 
to original records, which unfortunately are not described 
in a series of mediaeval calendars, such as those which are 
devoted to the description of the Scottish and Irish records 
preserved in the London Archives. 

Naturally, these careful details of the military opera- 
tions against the Welsh fastnesses between the years 1277 
and 1295 involve an examination of the political and con- 
stitutional history of the period, and, to some extent, of the 
social and economic conditions of the times. Mr. Morris 
handles the difficult subject of the Edwardian policy with 
jnuch dexterity; and, allowing for a good many necessary 
assumptions, it may fairly be considered that many obscure 
points in that policy have been illumined by the author's 
industrious researches. Indeed, it was inevitable that the 
production of a mass of statistics from contemporary 
records should materially contribute to the better compre- 
hension of the deep-laid plans of the conqueror of Wales 
and Scotland. In this connexion Mr. Morris seems to 
have received valuable assistance from a careful study of 
the best authorities, though he very properly declines to 
follow the example of a former generation of scholars 
in a blind acceptance of the statements of contemporary 
chroniclers. 

On the other hand, Mr. Morris's speculations on several 



Reviews. 1 7 5 

difficult constitutional questions do not appear always con- 
vincing, and his account of Knight-service and Scutage in 
this later period does not add to our knowledge of the 
subject. Here, perhaps, Mr. Morris lost an opportunity of 
throwing light upon the later history of this institution by 
his obvious anxiety to reconcile the conditions which 
existed in the twelfth century with those which charac- 
terize the period of transition at the close of the thirteenth. 
More than once the author hazards, in a half-hearted 
fashion, suggestions of his own, which show a true appre- 
ciation of the altered conditions. In short, if Mr. Morris 
had been a little more dogmatic at this point his conclusions 
would perhaps have been both more valuable and more 
intelligible to the general reader. As an instance in point 
the "Note on Scutage" (p. 108) may be mentioned, which 
appears to have been inserted at the end of the chapter 
dealing with the Edwardian army for the purpose of 
discounting the theories to which the author has apparently 
given some credence in the preceding pages. At the same 
time, it is scarcely fair to lay stress upon a point which lies 
somewhat beyond the scope of Mr. Morris's work, and it 
would be still less fair to pick out a few slips here and 
tliere in the references and facts. The feeling of every 
practical student of History who has read this book care- 
fully, and estimated the methods by which it has been 
compiled, should be one of keen appreciation of the 
writer's industry and scholarly discernment. 

Hubert Hall. 



CotueponUnu^ 



THE TWO HUGH OWENSJ 



The following correspondence with reference to certain 
interesting points suggested by Mr. W. Llewelyn Williams 
in Appendix H (The Two Hugh Owens) ^ to his Article on 
"Welsh Catholics on the Continent,"^ has been placed at 
tlie disposal of the Editorial Committee. 

Mr. Hughes of Kinmel, Lord Lieutenant of the 
County of Flint, writes as follows to Mr. Llewelyn 
Williams in reference to 

Captain Hugh Owen, of Talebolion. 

" I think I have discun-ered tho Hu(/k Oicen you are in search of. 
In the parish of Llanflowin, Ilundrotl of Talebolion, co. Anglesey, 
there is a small place called 'Gwennynog', mis-spelt *Gwnwnog' m 
the Ordnance Survey. 

Owen ah Hugh, of Gwennynog==Jano, vch. Hugh ab Howol ab 



descended from Ilwfa ab 
Cynddelw. 



Llewelyn ab Ithei to Hwfa 
aforesaid. 



** Captain" Hugh ==Elisabeth, vch. Thos. Elizabeth =Robt. Gruffydd 



Owen, of Gwen- 
nynog, afore- 
said. 



Bulkeley, of Croes ab William ab 

Vechan, 3rd son Edmund Gniff- 

of Porthamel. ydd, of Taly- 

t>ont. 

r-r-, < 



I III 

Hugh Owen. Margaret. 

Jane. 



Mary — and one or two more daughters. 



' Vide "The Transactions of the Honourable Society of 
Cvmmrodorion." St'ssion llH)l-()i\ p. li>S.— (E.V.E.) 



Correspondence. 



^77 



*What became of Hugh I have not been able to ascertain ; but all 
the daugliters appear to nave married. One of them to ... . 
^Nightingale, a white silversmith.' This couple were living in great 
poverty in Beaumaris, when an estate fell to Nightingale in England, 
and there they went to live. 

''Captain" Hugh Owen could hardly be described as a relation of 
Sir Hugh, of Bodeon. To find a common ancestor they must go 
back to Ilowel ab lorwerth Ddu, whose eldest son, Hwlkin ab Howel 
— Sir Hugh's ancestor — was alive on the next Monday after the 
Festival of the Assumption, 21 Richard II (1398). Captain Hugh 
Owen was descended from Hwlkin's third brother, Llewelyn ab 
Ilowel. 



Hugh Owen the Conspirator. 

" In reference to Hugh Owen, of Plasddu, the 'Conspirator', there 
can be no doubt that the Salusbury Pedigree is wrong. He was un- 
questionably uncle to John Owen the Epigrammatist, brother of 
Thomas Owen, of Plasddrl, and son of Owen ab Gruffydd ab Morris, by 
his wife, Margaret Salusbury, of Llanrwst. 



Owen ab Gruflfydd ab==Margal:et vch. Foulke 



Morris ab Gruflfydd 
to Collwyn ab 
Tangno. 



Salusbury, of Llan- 
rwst. 



I I 



Thomas ab Owen,=Sian vch. Hugh 
of PlasdA [co. 
Carnarvon], 
Sheriff, 1669. 



Robert Anne8=Tho8. Mad- 

Morys Owen. Owen, ryn ab 

ab Elis- Foulke anolde Gruffydd 

au ab Owen. Priest. Madryn. 
Morys. 



Owen ab Thomas: 
of PlasdA, b. 
1660. This 
Owen soulde 
PlasdA to Sir 
Thomas Myd- 
dleton, knt. 



:Margaret, vch. Ris. William Owen, 
Gruffydd ab a Priest, bom 
Robert Van of 1561. 
Plas hen yn 
Evionydd. 



Hugh Owen, 
Secretarie 
to tjie 
Duke of 
Norfolk. 



John Owen, 
the famous 
Epigram- 
matist. 



Cadd' ab Ris.= 
Gruffydd ab 
Robt. Va'n. 
(per liber Mr. 
Davies, p. 
414.) 



=Margaret Wen=Morri8 Tanat of 
vch. Thomas BlodwellVechan 

(per Sion Cain). 



N 



178 Correspondence. 

"In an old Carnarvonshire MS. I find the above Hueh Owen 
doscribod as— ^privatte Counsell tt) the Prince of Parma. Tnis Hugh 
Owen was born in tliia county |'C»i^""»^^'v^>"]» ^ younger brother of an 
ancient jrontlcnian's bouse, callo<] Plas dii. He served in great credit 
with th(^ Karl of Aiinidell. an<l was a chief actor in the Duke of 
Norfolk's action, iuul was thouj^ht to be the wisest man amongst 
tbcni ; and when he saw that his Counsel] was not followed, he 
traversed his ground in time into Brussells, where he continued 
priveo Councillor to the State for forty years, until the end of 
his dayes.'" 



Mr. W. Prichard Williams, of Bangor, wrote to Mr. 
Llewelyn Williams, as follows : — 

** I submit to you a copy of Hugh Owen's Gwenynnog pedigree 
taken from a MS. in the possession of Mr. J. E. Griffiths, Brvn 
Dinas, Bangor, who has kindly allowed me to make the extract for 
you. It does not throw much light on Hugh Owen's life. The fact 
that his wife's grandfather died in I06:? may be of help. John Ellis, 
of Tai Crocision -in whose handwriting the book is mainly written — 
is considered the most accurate and careful of the North Wales 
Genealogists. 



GWENWYNNOG [LlANPPLEWYN] . 



Morris, from IIwfa= 
ap Cinddelw 



I)avid=7-- 



II()W0ll== 



Richard=Grace vch. Rhees ap Evan ap 
Llewelyn, of Trefeilir. 



IIugli=Margarott vch. David ap Rhees ap 
David ap Ouilim, of Llwydiart. 



Owcn=Jane vch. Hugh ap Howell an Llewelyn 
ap Ithel fro Ilwfa ap Cinddelw. 
a 



Correspondence. 



179 



a 



Capt. Hugh= 
Owen. 



Ellin vch. T. Bulkeley, Croes Elizabeth= Robert Grif- 

Fechan ail[trydyd(l ?] fab [or Ann ac- f y t h a p 

o B[orth] Amel o Jonet cording to 

vch. IIu Gwyn Bodew- some pedi- 

yryd. [Hugh Gwyn, ob. grees]. 
1562, Bodewryd ped] 



William ap 
Edmund o 
Dal y bont. 



Hugh. Margaret. Jane. 



Mary= Wm. Dd. ap Rees ap 
Dd. ap Howell ap 
Mredydd ap Rees, 
of Bodelwyn. 



Dd.==Elizabeth Pierce, dau. Pierce Owen, of Sign 
y Bedol and Ellin Lloyd, of Marian. 



William==Margaret, dau. Wm. Warmingham. 



David [Williams,=Ellin, dau. Griff. Roberts, • 
of BodyTidlwyn.] Bach y Saint. 

" There was one maried to Price Prichd., Scubor ddu, another 
Edw. Owen Prees, of Cynddoll or Gardd Gynddol, in Rhos golyn, 
and secondly, Trefridin, another to Nevydd issa, another to 

Nightingale, a whitesmith. I have seen him, his wife and 

dau. at Beumarsh Hospitall. An estate fell to him in Eng<^ and there 
went in a hired coach." 

[From a MS. "Llyfr lachau", in the possession of J. E. 
Griffith, Esq., F.L.S., etc., Bryn Dinas, Bangor, in the 
handwriting of John Ellis, Tai Croesion. The above 
pedigree, to and including Captain Hugh Owen, is in John 
Ellis' hand {circa 1720), and he gives Catherine as the 
name of his wife. But another hand has drawn a line 
through Catherine and carried the pedigree on from 
"ElUn".] 

John Roberts, Trawsptnydd.^ 

With reference to John Roberts, the Benedictine 
Martyr, Mr. Priohard Williams writes : — 

*' I have been trying for some years to gather information about 
the family history of John Roberts without any success. A very 



^ Vide "The Transactions of the Honourable Society of 
Cymmrodorion/' Session 1901-02, p. 120.— [E.V.E.] 



1 80 Correspondence. 

concise account of his life is given in a little book written in WelBh, 
and piibliHhod in 1824, in the intorost of the Roman Catholics. His 
birth-placo is given as *Dolgollau\ However, Dom Bede Camm is 
utterly wrong in aHSO(;iating his name with John Roberts of the 
Vaner Gymnior. That can bo clearly seen from Lewis Dwnn, as you 
point out in your article. I notice that you have transcribed uiat 
pedigree from Cainm'H book, and not from Lewis Dwnn, as the (G) is 
meaningless at the end of the line. It should be at the beginning of 
the next, thus : — ^G) [gwraig] John Roberts, etc. 

"Your own conjecture about D61 y Ddwyryd will not bear investt- 
gation either. If you will consult Lewis Dwnn again yon will find 
that Sion ab Robert ab John ab Robert is referred to in a footnote 
as being coroner for Merionethshire, and that is the John Roberts 
you must be referring to. D61 y Moch and D61 y Ddwyryd refer to 
one and the same place. Further, the parishes of Festiniog and 
Trawsfynydd are not contiguous, Maontwrog lying between them. I 
think that John Roberts' home must be looked for in the Dolgelley 
end of Trawsfynydd parish." 



G. Simpson, Printer, Devizes. 



r 



C^ntmroitjortoit »rtort> prrttg. 



iraftjn in JiJSJ.* 
Tiul qniuitkt? of 7 

rhTn&h'lffl lift iiut' * 



riiA saiti^lvl by Sir J>>>d Willlnnia that tlir, 



iDplo (fi )itR«!at limUiu aiunbi . I 



;" 6t. Bttviifr, nod cow aditiam 



) iliillTtilonl &h-. I 



E. VIKUKNT BVa!!- '«■-;.(, 



*,* ObOQaes may bo seat to B. TINCOaTT BVjUrs, Beorourr lo tl 
SonourBblo Sooloty oS Cj-mmrodorlon. 01, 0>uui<y:iry Lono, 
iroMDd, "Iidndon Joint Btook Baak, Iilniltod, to Aut i 
' irton Booord Sorln Fund." 



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