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BEQUEST 
UNIVERSm-  or  MICHIGAN 

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1    . . 

Vol.  XIV. 

y  Cpmmroaon 

CBt   magazint 

01  Itt  IMMinMl 

, 

Soctetp  or  Cpmmrodorlon. 

PRODUCED    UNDER    THE   DIRECTtON   OF 

THE    EDITOJUAL    COMMITTEE. 

LOUDON: 

: 

ISSUED  BV    THE  SOCIETY, 

NEW  STONE  BUILDINGS.  «*  CHANCERY  LANE 

J 

■■flSMrotniABLH  SOCIETY  OP  CYMMKODORIOl 


Prrsidtal  :~Tht  Right  Hen.  Lord  TretUgar. 
CAairman  of  the  CotmcU  .-—Afr.  Siephen  Evattt.J.r. 
TtMturer.-^Mr  H.  Lhvd  Ktitrtt. 
Secrviarv  :—Mr.  E.  ViiiteMt  B-vans.. 


1 


H<»<*>irB&Bl^  SOCntTT  op  CXMItttOIXIKlCif .  origin«Uj  ruimilod  imdi't  Itof»] 

pktnMutgv  In  ITBl.  ww  revived  in  18T3.  witbUieobj^tof  biic^ng  tnio  o1d«ui  contuiT 
Wnhiltfaiui,  jimUcuIiuI)'  tbuae  lealdeut  out  of  Walaa.  who  ar«  uniloiii  to  lulvHiion  Ibo 
welfsK  of  Ihulr  coiinirj ;  and  of  euibllDg  theio  to  ua1l«  Ui«lr  niXitU  (at  iluti  pnrpuw. 
lU  H»pedoI  ttimB  Jire  t.lie  iioprovennjilt  of  Education,  and  the  promotiim  of  InWllnotiUal 
oolturc  by  ibo  gooouinjpimiukt  of  Lit4tmtiiio,  Scunoe,  and  Ajl,  br  ooaai^Xt^   wUb 

SobucTliitlim  to  liio  Suuitit?,  «nUt1ing  to  oopiu  o(  all  its  poblloatlans,  nut 
Adndnlon  \a  kU  nuctltigs :— Oqi:  (falooa  pet  anaam. 

Atfi>UcUli^t'  ^oc  iDHiabenbip  shoiUd  be  s4cIroHed  to  tbo  fienraUrj,  B.  Vliiora^^^ 

»KTa:».  New  SVtiio  Ilui)dIti)CKi  fll>  CbaDe«if  Iduc,  Londcm,  WC.  fij^H 

LIST  OF  POBUCATIORS.  ^V 

y  Cymnjrodor,  V.di  il,  Iv,  t.  rt,  v(i,  «ll,  U,  x.  xi.  ilL    Kuw  Sofiw.  ToU.  xBI 

oo'l  i1t.     Ul>.  lU.  |ii-i  voliim"     fVulH.  i  »nd  iQ  aru  out  of  print.] 
ThAHlsiorycifUinOyinmrodorion.   Oniofnriat. 
A  XHctJooary  la  Bngl^aho  and    'nrol«h«.  oy  WjUyam  gnlMbnij  (lirtT). 

FftMlniUn.  hlucV  latter.     1  pailj.  14.  td,  o&oh, 

Th«  Qododta  of  Aneortn  Ownwdrydd,  i^  Thomiu  BtupbtuiR.  AntTiw  ol  r*« 

Lillfniturf  «Tl>^-  K^arlf.     C  [MlU,  :a.  Hrf.  vaclt. 

An  Kuay  onPeaauUoii8iasUig(llHnw»MiHoii:illiwiUCiaDnG]rdit'rT«imu), 

by  J,  Jo(iuii(Wr«    I'jji-ijij*),     I  jjurt.  2«.  Hit 
Yfitorya  de  Carolo  Mafoio  (fnxa  tb«  "  Red  Book  or  HaiKi'*!").    I  iMri,  Si  M 
Atbrsraoth  Ori^tUOgavl  (Troot  the  oultiun  cony  beloiiKliifr  tu  Ibo  luM  I'rinoe 

U>;,\i  i,ii^,in  !k>iiai»iuv  orlKltiialy  iirtiilJtd  at  MlUu.  A.a.  ItJeHi),     I  [itrt.  Sc  IW. 
The  BlMMxinea  of  Brytalno,  br  Mnurice  K.vlBD(l5(tT>.    I  [lun,  It.  iW. 
OofWld  the  Welahman,  by  llwt7  0<rm,  B.C,L.  Oxiid„F,3.A.    OoniyXvo.,voUiuii 

c!nlb.  ftUt.  lOi, 
Owoltblaulolo  Qoob:  GydaHddiDdau   IlMiivrviMoi  A   GMrril(u)>)'.  gac  DturlM 

Ai.li^.0     TiM  n'ofkit  at  I»)o  Qooli.     Pilnf  Kb.  tl<i. 
Tbo  Traosootloiui  of  the  H<Hioarabla    Society  of   Crmairodofioa 

(S«»it<B.,lBya8B.ii«is-w.  i«ii*-n6.  i6M-yii,  is9c»7.  iSbt-us.  jwaoii,  isw.iww). 

ly  niK  ClHlilKKKillIUM  RXUUKO  SSUIM. 


r^rtlalilp  of  Butbfii  or  Dytnyo-Clwyd,  ut  ibt- 

l'i»l.  pttnr<ud  lit  (lif  I'ubllt- Jtroont  <ll!:».'u.     tillwl. 

l.>  IL  .\nburIUilvrt<.uf  It  U.  fuliilu  l;poonU>in». 

'   Hrnfd  .-^rtM     Ptli:.:  Sli 

I  'or  de  Pumltontlo,  nooedll  et  Zaorioa 

'  i.r.'\lD.    fioi^tBcnta   tniiu    l.[>st    LnUsr*.   Uia 

u  n  of  Oildiu.1     l>iin  L    Sdltcd  by  ItHb 
,,^,.a   tlUt/wnt  llie  n.«obelulOoUt«c,  Bala. 

Daint;  S,...  .1  uf  tL-   (.;,«.■,, ,ii,jn;.'i  VMwrJ  ;*fT-l<w.     In  Thriiii  P*tM,     Prloa  31*, 
iu  MniDb<ir>  nl  t).n  BoOU'ly,  )rlt,  M. 

A  CttuUoguo  of  Ills  HoQUMirliita  relnUiiB  to  Wftlaa  In  Um  BriUalt 

" P»rt  I.    CoiuuUwl  Kul  IWji«d  bf  Klmid  0«»<i,  ot  Omy^  Iiio. 

'    -      "  ■    -  Mix  <  »r  Uiit  rVntwiw^**  p  .     .  ^  .  -     ..-.      -. 


QanMvi-At-LAw.     Being  Ho.  4  vJ  Uiit  rVwimM^^M  AbmtW  Strtu. 
iMOOd  (ran  apuQ  »ppUmtlan  tu  HtsitiKrs  ot  Llu>  Siickty. 


I  Saertttinr.  itt  tit    {^vrmnyJurUn   Al 


"™«™ 


Cpmmrodon 


THE    MAGAZINE 


OF   THE    HONOURABLE 


SOCIETY  OF  CYMMKODORION. 


VOL.  XIV. 


PRODUCED    UNDER    THE    DIRECTION    OF 
THE    EDITORIAL    COMMITTEE. 


4 


LONDON: 

ISSUED    BT    THE    SOCIETY, 

NEW  STONE  BUILDINGS,  64,  CHANCERY  LANE. 

1901. 


Dbvizbs  : 
Pbintbd  by  Gbobgb  Simpson. 


CONTENTS. 


EDglish  Law  in  Wales  and  the  Marches.     By  Henbt 
Owen,  D.C.L.Oxon.,  P.S.A. 

Appendix  :  The  State  of  the  Cause  coDcemiDge  the 
Lo.  President  and  Counsell  in  ye    Marches  of 

W  UiXt.  D   •••  •••  •••  •••  ••• 


88 


The  Broughtons  of  Marchwiel.  Contribution  to  the 
History  of  the  Parish  of  Marchwiel.  By  Alfred 
Neobabd  Palmeb  ...  ...  ...  ...         42 


Vita  Sancti  Eebie.     By  the  Bev.  S.  Barino-Gould,  M.A 

i^alesbury's  Dictionary  and  the  Eing's  Licence.     By  J.  H 
Dayies,  M.A.  ... 

A  Welsh  Love  Song  of  the  16th  Century.     By  J.  H 
Davies,  M.A. 


86 


96 


98 


The    Expulsion    of   the    Dessi.      By    Professor    Euno 

XtLEiERy   JlU.X/.  ...  ...  ...  ... 


101 


Bide    Lights    on    Welsh    Jacobitism.     By    J.    Arthur 

JlRICE)    JjwA*  ...  ...  •••  .»•  XOO 


Supplement :  List  of  Publications. 


Cjmmrnirnr* 


Vol.  XIV.       "Cared  doeth  yb  encilion." 


1900. 


By  henry  OWEN,  D.C.L.Oxon.,  F.S.A. 


I. 

The  history  of  the  administration  of  English  law  in  Wales 
and  the  Marches  may  be  divided  into  three  periods  : — (1) 
during  the  gradual  conquest  of  the  country  by  the  Anglo- 
Norman  kings  and  their  barons  ;  (2)  after  the  completion 
of  that  conquest,  when  "  Wales  "  was  governed  by  the 
Crown  through  the  English  Prince  of  Wales  and  the 
Marches  were  self  governed  and  merely  owned  feudal 
subjection  to  the  king ;  and  (3)  from  the  time  of  the  union 
of  Wales  and  the  Marches  to  England  until  the  abolition 
of  judicial  "Wales." 

It  has  been  the  custom  of  writers  on  English  history, 
so  far  as  they  think  it  worth  while  to  refer  to  the  Princi- 
pality of  Wales,  to  state  that  Wales  was  conquered  by 
Edward  I.  But  what  Edward  conquered  was  the  dominion 
which  was  left  to  the  last  prince  of  the  Welsh  blood  royal : 
the  greater  part  of  Wales  had  been  conquered  long  before. 


2        English  Law  in  Wales  and  the  Marches, 

and  remained  for  centuries  under  its  peculiar  jurisdiction 
quite  apart  from  the  realm  of  England  and  from  the  new 
created  Principality  of  Wales.  The  effect  of  the  Norman 
Conquest  of  England  was  soon  felt  in  Wales.  Norman 
adventurers,  especially  after  the  encouragement  of  the 
winning  of  Glamorgan  in  the  early  years  of  William 
Rufus,  obtained  grants  from  the  English  king  of  such 
lands  as  they  could  acquire  in  Wales ;  the  Welsh  historian 
took  occasion  to  remark  '^  the  king  was  very  liberal  of  that 
which  was  not  his  own." 

It  has  been  alleged  that  these  grants  were  made  on  the 
ground  of  some  claim  of  forfeiture  of  the  Principality  to 
the  English  crown;  but  although  Edward  could  show 
some  reason  for  his  claim  of  feudal  superiority  over  the 
dominions  of  Llewelyn,  the  earlier  charters  to  the  invaders 
granted  to  them  in  plain  terms  such  land  as  they  had 
acquired  or  should  thereafter  acquire  "  from  our  enemies 
the  Welsh.'" 

These  lands  came,  early  in  the  thirteenth  century, 
to  be  called  the  Marches,  and  the  holders  of  them  Lords 
Marcher.  The  words  "  March  "  and  "  Marcher  "  appear 
in  various  forms  in  several  European  languages.  The 
March  was  the  boundary,  and  many  writers  have  been  led 
astray  by  the  supposition  that  the  Welsh  Marches  meant 
the  lands  on  the  borders  of  England  and  Wales  (that  is  to 
say  as  at  present  constituted) ;  but  as  the  limits  of  the  old 
Principality  shrunk,  the  Marches  followed  them,  so  that 
we  find  Lordships  Marcher  in  the  farthest  parts  of  Wales. 
After  the  prerogatives  of  the  Lords  Marcher  were  vested 
in  the  crown  by  Henry  VIII,  it  was  often  difficult  to 
decide  which  were  or  had  been  Marches  ;  none  could  have 
arisen   after   Edward   had   annexed   the  remnant  of  the 

'  Seo  Rot.  Chart.,  63  and  mb. 


English  Law  in  Wales  and  the  Marches,        3 

Principality.  Some  (called  Lordships  Royal)  had  been 
acquired  by  the  king  at  his  own  charges,  and  many  were 
from  time  to  time  forfeited  to  the  Crown,  especially  after 
the  Wars  of  the  Roses  ;  in  these  he  exercised  jurisdiction, 
not  as  king,  but  as  dominus  Marchice.  Although  the  laws 
of  Henry  IV,  which  deprived  Welshmen  of  their  rights 
and  liberties,  were  directed  against  the  inhabitants  of  the 
Principality  and  not  those  of  the  Marches,  it  was  the 
latter  which,  after  the  union  with  England,  continued 
to  be  more  disorderly. 

Some  few  lordships  had  been  granted  to  Welshmen 
who  were  content  to  hold  their  lands  of  the  King  of 
England;  for  example,  the  Lordship  of  Powys,  which 
became  subject  to  the  crown  "by  submission  and  not  by 
conquest,"  retained  the  Welsh  divisions  of  land  and  had 
courts  baron  and  courts  leet  for  each  commote,  in  the 
same  manner  as  the  district  afterwards  included  in  the 
Statute  of  Rhuddlan.  It  is  worth  noting  that  the  only 
Lordship  Marcher  in  Wales  in  which  some  of  the  old 
prerogatives  survive  is  that  of  Kemes  in  North  Pembroke- 
shire, which  was  conquered  by  Martin  de  Tours  in  the 
reign  of  William  Rufus;  and  it  is  to  a  Lord  of  Kemes 
in  the  time  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  one  George  Owen,  to 
whose  writings  we  are  indebted  for  the  greater  part  of  our 
knowledge  of  the  rights  and  privileges  of  these  sovereigns 
of  the  land  of  Wales,  for  owing  to  the  wholesale  destruc- 
tion of  the  local  records,  and  the  scanty  reference  to 
the  subject  in  those  of  the  Crown,  the  material  for  the 
historian  is  small. 

The  extent  of  the  territory  of  the  Marchers  may  be 

estimated  by  that  of  the  dominions  ol  Llewelyn  annexed 

by  Edward  I,  for  the  government  of  which  were  framed, 

in  12  Edward  1,  a  set  of  regulations  called  the  Statute 

of  Rhuddlan,  or  the  Statute  of  Wales.     By  it  were  ap- 

b2 


4        English  Law  in  Wales  and  the  Marches. 

pointed  sheriflPs  for  Anglesey,  Carnarvon  and  Merioneth, 
the  old  inheritance  of  the  Princes  of  Gwynedd,  for  Flint, 
parcel  of  the  Palatinate  of  Chester  which  was  finally 
annexed  to  the  Principality  of  Wales  tefmp.  Edward  EI, 
and  for  Carmarthen  and  for  Cardigan  and  Lampeter, 
i.e,  Llanbadara,  by  Aberystwyth.  To  Carnarvon,  Merio- 
neth and  Flint,  certain  cantreds  and  commotes  were 
assigned,  of  the  others  it  was  merely  stated  that  they 
should  have  their  present  metes  and  boimds.  The  three 
South  Wales  districts  included  a  part  of  West  Carmar- 
thenshire which  had  been  obtained  by  the  princes  of 
North  Wales  after  the  extinction  of  the  Welsh  princes 
of  the  South,  and  nearly  the  whole  of  the  present  county 
of  Cardigan,  the  only  Welsh  county  which  represents 
an  ancient  territorial  division,  and  the  only  part  of  Wales 
in  which  the  Welsh  had  succeeded  in  driving  back  the 
Lords  Marcher.  The  territory  comprised  in  this  Statute 
remained  for  centuries  what  was  known  to  English  law  as 
"  Wales",  ruled  by  English  law  as  modified  by  the  Statute, 
and  was,  until  the  death  of  Arthur  Tudor,  the  son  of 
Henry  VII,  granted  by  Charter  (as  was  the  Earldom 
of  Chester)  to  each  heir  apparent  "  and  to  his  heirs  Kings 
of  England";  nevertheless,  the  charters  to  towns  were 
granted  by  the  king  and  not  by  the  Prince  of  Wales. 
The  Prince  was  solemnly  invested  with  the  chaplet  ring 
and  sceptre ;  to  this  day  the  eldest  son  of  the  sovereign  is 
bom  Duke  of  Cornwall,  but  he  is  created  Prince  of  Wales 
and  Earl  of  Chester.  All  the  rest  of  Modem  Wales  not 
subject  to  the  Statute  was  the  "  Marches",  over  which  the 
King  was,  by  3  Edward  I,  cap.  17,  proclaimed  Sovereign 
Lord,  and  which,  by  28  Edward  III,  cap.  2,  was  declared 
to  be  attendant  on  the  Crown  of  England  as  heretofore, 
and  not  on  the  Principality  of  Wales,  and  under  the  same 
term  were  included  the  forty-four  Lordships  which  were 


English  Law  in  Wales  and  the  Marches.        5 

added  to  EngKsh  counties  by  the  Act  of  Union  (27 
Henry  VTII,  cap.  26),  besides  the  Lordships  east  of 
Chepstow  Bridge,  which  were  added  to  Gloucestershire. 
The  Lordships  mentioned  in  the  Act  amount  to  over  one 
hundred. 

n. 

The  way  for  the  Statute  of  Wales  had  been  prepared 
by  the  Commission  which  Edward  had  issued  four  years 
previously^  (that  is  to  say,  after  the  submission  of 
Llewelyn  and  before  his  final  revolt),  to  enquire  into 
the  laws  and  customs  of  the  Welsh  districts  then  held 
by  the  King.  His  father  had  granted  to  him  in  1254 
the  palatinate  of  Chester,  una  cum  conguestu  nostro  Wallice 
infinibuAi  illisy  ita  tamen  quod  nunquam  separentur  a  Corona^ 
and  Edward  had  shown  a  characteristic  desire  to  set  in 
order  his  possessions,  which  were  practically  the  later 
Principality,  with  the  exception  of  Anglesey  and  the  land 
of  Snowdon,  which  remained  with  Llewelyn.  The  Com- 
missioners were  the  Bishop  of  St.  David's  and  two  Norman 
barons.  They  sat  at  five  places  and  summoned  one 
hundred  and  seventy-two  witnesses;  it  appears  from  the 
evidence  that  even  then  Welsh  law  and  custom  had  been 
affected  by  those  of  England.  It  was  the  object  of  the 
ambition  of  the  Welsh  princes  to  emulate  the  position 
of  the  English  kings,  and  some  of  their  chief  nobles  had 
assumed  the  state  of  English  barons. 

The  Statute  of  Wales  recites  that  the  Principality, 
as  then  remodelled,  *Hhe  land  of  Snowdon  and  other  our 
lands  in  Wales,"  which  had  hitherto  been  subject  to  the 
Crown  in  jure  feudally  had  then  fallen  in  proprietatis 
dominium ;  it  was  thenceforth  to  be  a  distinct  portion 
of  the  realm  of  England,  over  which  the  Courts  of  West- 

'  Eot.  Wall.,  9  Edw.  I,  M.  6. 


6        English  Law  in  Wales  and  the  Marches. 

minster  had  no  jurisdiction,  but  justice  was  to  be  adminis- 
tered in  accordance  with  the  King's  original  writs  and  the 
provisions  of  the  Statute.  It  is  stated  that  the  laws  and 
customs  of  Wales  had  been  examined  by  the  King,  of 
which,  some  he  had  abolished,  some  allowed,  and  some 
corrected,  others  he  had  added.  The  editor  of  Reeves' 
History  of  English  Law,  points  out  in  a  note  that  although 
the  object  of  the  Statute  was  to  assimilate  the  Welsh  laws 
and  institutions  to  the  English,  there  was  not  found  much 
in  the  former  which  required  alteration,  and  draws  the 
inference  that  the  laws  of  the  conquerors  and  the  con- 
quered were  alike  derived  from  the  Roman  law ;  he  gives 
instances  where  the  laws  of  the  "  Romanized  Britons  of 
Wales"  could  show  a  marked  superiority  over  those  of  the 
Anglo-Normans.  In  civil  actions  the  Welsh  procedure 
was  made  by  the  Statute  substantially  the  same  as  the 
English  ;  the  Welsh  equivalent  for  gavelkind  was  allowed 
to  remain,  but  bastards  were  debarred  from  a  share  in  the 
inheritance;  women  were  to  be  entitled  to  dower,  in  the 
sense  of  the  endowment  of  the  wife  by  the  husband;  and 
the  coheiresses  were  to  share  equally. 

The  itinerant  justiciary  of  Snowdon  appointed  by  the 
Statute  afterwards  gave  place  to  the  Justices  of  North 
Wales  and  West  Wales,  who  held  their  courts  of  Chancery 
and  Exchequer  at  Carnarvon  and  Carmarthen  respectively, 
in  which  all  pleas  of  the  Crown  and  the  most  important 
causes  were  heard  and  determined,  and  from  which  there 
was  no  appeal  to  the  courts  of  Westminster.  At  these 
superior  courts  were  granted  the  misesy  being  payments  to 
every  new  prince  on  his  creation  for  the  allowance  of  their 
laws  and  ancient  customs  and  for  the  pardon  of  oflFences. 
No  shires  were  appointed  by  the  Statute,  but  the  several 
groups  of  commotes  were  in  North  Wales,  in  time,  welded 
into  a  county,  and  the  Sheriff  held  his   County  Courts 


English  Law  in  Wales  and  the  Marches.        7 

after  the  English  manner.  In  West  Wales  courts  baron 
were  held  in  each  commote  by  the  "stewards  of  the  Welsh 
Courts".  The  county,  properly  the  district  governed  by 
an  Earl,  became  the  shire,  the  division  of  a  kingdom,  and 
Anglesey,  Carnarvon  and  Merioneth  were  afterwards  called 
the  three  ancient  shires  of  North  Wales,  and  together 
with  Flint  were  soon  divided  into  hundreds,  which  usually 
took  their  form  and  name  from  the  Welsh  commote — the 
Norman  lawyers,  here,  as  elsewhere,  applying  their  own 
rules  to  the  old  Welsh  divisions  of  land.  The  provisions 
of  the  Act  of  Union  for  dividing  Wales  into  hundreds 
is  limited  to  "  South  Wales"  and  the  Marches. 

The  Sheriff,  who  was  appointed  during  pleasure  by 
the  Crown,  had  in  each  commote  a  bailiff  who  later  held 
his  Hundred  Court.  In  the  monthly  County  Court  the 
Sheriff  heard  questions  of  contract,  trespass  against  the 
peace,  and  detainer  of  cattle,  and  there  was  an  appeal  "  at 
the  coming  of  the  justice".  In  his  biennial  turn  in  each 
commote  he  tried,  with  a  jury  of  twelve,  usurpations  of 
franchises  and  certain  classes  of  crime,  he  could  admit 
prisoners  to  bail  or  keep  them  for  the  assize,  lesser 
offences  he  could  dispose  of.  One  Coroner  at  least  for 
every  commote  was  to  be  chosen  in  full  County  Court; 
his  principal  duties  were  to  enquire  as  to  death  by  mis- 
adventure and  as  to  the  chattels  of  felons  to  be  answered 
at  the  coming  of  "  the  justice  of  our  lord  the  king". 
There  are  elaborate  provisions  in  the  Statute  as  to  the 
form  of  writs  according  to  the  English  law  and  as  to  civil 
business  which  could  be  determined  by  the  Sheriff  and 
jury  or  referred  to  the  Justice.  Questions  as  to  realty 
were  to  be  tried  by  a  jury,  and  as  to  personalty  by  the 
Welsh  custom,  that  is  to  say,  "in  some  cases  things  may 
be  proved  by  those  who  have  seen  and  heard,  but  where 
this  is  not  possible  the   defendant  is  to   be   put  to  his 


8        English  Law  in  Wales  and  the  Marches. 

purgation  with  a  greater  or  less  number  of  purgators, 
according  to  the  gravity  of  the  matter  in  hand."  In 
criminal  matters  the  law  of  England  was  to  prevail.  The 
object  of  Edward  was  to  adapt  the  then  form  of  English 
local  government  to  the  Principality,  and  it  is  to  be 
noticed  that  the  administration  soon  fell  for  the  most  part 
into  the  hands  of  Welshmen.  From  the  Record  of 
Camarvoriy  which  has  been  called  the  Domesday  of  Wales, 
and  which  contains  the  extents  of  Carnarvon  and  Anglesey 
in  the  reign  of  Edward  III,  and  of  part  of  Merioneth 
in  that  of  Henry  V,  it  is  evident  that  many  Welsh 
customs  had  survived  the  Statute  ;  but  the  work  of  assimi- 
lation went  on.  There  were  no  mesne  lords  among  the 
Welsh,  the  chieftains'  rights  were  transferred  after  the 
conquest  to  the  Prince  of  Wales.  Manors  grew  up,  and 
the  maenol,  a  division  of  a  commote,  became  in  Law 
Latin  the  manerium  and  in  English  the  manor,  the  free 
tribesmen  the  manorial  freeholders,  and  the  tceogs  or 
villani  the  copyholders;  the  food  rents  were  commuted 
in  time  for  each  class  into  the  tunc  pound  of  silver,  which 
was  paid  to  the  Prince  of  Wales  and  is  still  paid  in  the 
form  of  crown  rents.  The  quasi-feudal  services  of  the 
free  Welshmen  were  continued,  but  in  many  cases  Welsh 
landowners  had  adopted  the  rule  of  primogeniture  instead 
of  the  entail  of  family  land,  which,  however,  like  the  joint 
holdings  of  the  tceogsy  lingered  on  in  many  places.  The 
tenure  by  the  gwely,  or  family  group  (associated  originally 
for  jurisdiction  and  tribute),  of  land  partible  among  heirs 
male,  was  adapted  to  the  tenure  by  knights'  service,  and 
although  it  was  formally  abolished  by  the  Ordinances  for 
Wales,  both  gavelkind  and  borough -English  are  still  to  be 
found  in  some  Welsh  manors.  The  revenue  of  the  Princi- 
pality in  the  time  of  the  Black  Prince  was  over  £4,000 
a  year,  but  this  had  greatly  decreased  in  Tudor  times. 


English  Law  in  Wales  and  the  Marches,        9 

in. 

The  law  of  the  Marches,  except  in  such  as  were  in  the 
King's  hands,  was  not  so  well  ordered.  It  is  obvious  that 
in  these  petty  principalities,  in  a  disturbed  state  of  the 
country,  justice  and  good  government  were  not  the  first 
consideration,  and  in  1472  the  Commons,  in  view  of  the 
grievances  of  the  King's  subjects  in  the  lands  adjoining 
"  Wales",  sent  a  petition  to  the  King,  which  resulted  in 
the  formation  by  Edward  IV  of  the  Court  of  the  Marches, 
which  sat  by  royal  commission  with  an  extensive  juris- 
diction of  no  clearly  defined  limits,  and  became  a  powerful 
instrument  in  the  hands  of  the  Crown,  which  resisted  its 
abolition  until  long  after  the  prerogatives  of  the  Marches 
had  been  absorbed  and  Wales  had  been  annexed  to 
England,  and  when  the  word  "  Marches"  had  become  of 
doubtful  meaning. 

The  members  of  this  court,  the  head-quarters  of  which 
were  at  Ludlow  Castle,  and  which  was  the  Star-Chamber  of 
Wales,  were  nominated  by  the  Crown.  They  consisted  of 
a  Lord  President  (until  the  Reformation  always  a  bishop) 
and  of  divers  personages,  spiritual  and  lay,  the  "  Justices 
of  Wales",  who,  after  the  institution  of  the  Court  of  the 
Great  Sessions,  were  the  Chief  Justice  of  Chester  and  the 
Justices  of  the  three  circuits  of  Wales,  "  and  such  others 
as  are  learned  in  the  Lawes  and  are  to  be  called  to 
Councell  when  the  Lord  President  shall  think  requisite." 
They  were  empowered  to  deal  with  all  causes  and  matters 
comprised  in  the  letters  of  instruction  from  the  Crown  to 
the  Lord  President  of  the  Council.  It  was  in  its  origin  a 
Court  of  Equity,  but  it  encroached  upon  the  province 
of  the  Courts  of  Common  Law,  probably  in  a  great 
measure  owing  to  the  inability  of  these  courts  to  enforce 
their   decrees.     In  the   time   of  Elizabeth  it  had  grown 


8        English  Law  in  Wales  and  the  Marches. 

purgation  with  a  greater  or  less  number  of  purgators, 
according  to  the  gravity  of  the  matter  in  hand."  In 
criminal  matters  the  law  of  England  was  to  prevail.  The 
object  of  Edward  was  to  adapt  the  then  form  of  English 
local  government  to  the  Principality,  and  it  is  to  be 
noticed  that  the  administration  soon  fell  for  the  most  part 
into  the  hands  of  Welshmen.  From  tlie  Record  of 
Carnarvon,  which  has  been  called  the  Domesday  of  Wales, 
and  which  contains  the  extents  of  Carnarvon  and  Anglesey 
in  the  reign  of  Edward  III,  and  of  part  of  Merioneth 
in  that  of  Henry  V,  it  is  evident  that  many  Welsh 
customs  had  survived  the  Statute  ;  but  the  work  of  assimi- 
lation went  on.  There  were  no  mesne  lords  among  the 
Welsh,  the  chieftains'  rights  were  transferred  after  the 
conquest  to  the  Prince  of  Wales.  Manors  grew  up,  and 
the  maenol,  a  division  of  a  commote,  became  in  Law 
Latin  the  manerivm  and  in  English  the  manor,  the  free 
tribesmen  the  manorial  freeholders,  and  the  tceogg  or 
villani  the  copyholders ;  the  food  rents  were  commuted 
in  time  for  each  class  into  the  tunc  pound  of  silver,  which 
was  paid  to  the  Prince  of  Wales  and  is  still  paid  in  the 
form  of  crown  rents.  The  quasi-feudal  services  of  the 
free  Welshmen  were  continued,  but  in  many  cases  Welsh 
landowners  had  adopted  the  rule  nf  (jrimngeniture  instead 
of  the  entail  of  family  land,  which,  however,  like  the  joint 
holdings  of  the  twogg,  lingered  on  in  many  places.  The 
tenure  by  the  gwely,  or  family  grt'up  (nasociatK'd  originally  i 
for  jurisdiction  and  tribute),  of  laiifi  partible  among  hon  j 
male,  was  adapted  to  the  tenure  by  kuights'  service,  uidj 
although  it  was  fonnally  abolisheil  by  tlie  Ordinnncea  fori 
Wales,  both  gavelkind  and  borouff  li-English  are  still  to  6 
found  in  some  Welsh  manors.  The  revenue  of  the  Prind-^ 
pality  in  the  time  of  the  Black  Piince  was  over  &4fii 
a  year,  but  this  had  greatly  deer  u^od  in  Tudor  timi 


r 


lo      English  Law  in  Wales  and  the  Marches, 

to  be  an  ordinary  Court  of  Justice,  and  besides  mitigating 
the  rigour  and  supplying  the  deficiencies  of  the  Common 
Law,  it  dealt  with  all  manner  of  misdemeanours,  examined 
the  title  to  lands,  and  gave  possession  thereof,  held  pleas 
of  debt  and  detinue,  called  to  account  evil-dealing 
"  Tutors",  examined  witnesses  "  to  remain  of  record",  and 
punished  the  vices  of  incest,  adultery,  and  fornication. 
It  also  took  upon  itself  to  deal  with  such  questions  as 
the  apprehension  of  Jesuits  and  Seminarists,  the  assize  of 
bread,  ale  and  beer,  unreasonable  excess  of  apparel  and 
the  preservation  of  game.  There  were  four  terms  during 
the  year,  each  of  which  lasted  a  mouth.  The  Court 
brought  law  and  order  into  the  Marches ;  in  a  report  as  to 
the  state  of  Wales  immediately  before  the  Act  of  Union, 
to  be  found  among  the  Miscellanea  of  the  Exchequer,  it  is 
stated  that  no  inquest  in  Wales  would  find  a  gentleman 
guilty  of  the  murder  of  a  poor  man,  and  that  if  it  were 
not  for  the  Council  of  the  Marches  the  crime  would  go 
unpunished;  also  that  the  council  was  daily  besieged  by 
those  whose  cattle  had  been  stolen  and  driven  off  from 
one  petty  Lordship  to  another.  "All  the  thieves  in 
Wales  quake  for  fear",  said  Bishop  Rowland  Lee,  the 
strongest  of  the  rulers  of  the  Marches.  The  process  was 
speedy,  and  the  fees  (at  first)  were  light,  but  to  a  litigious 
people  the  delight  of  summoning  their  adversary  to 
Ludlow,  which  for  many  parts  of  Wales  was  nearly  as 
inaccessible  as  Westminster,  led  to  many  frivolous  suits 
and  much  oppression.  The  easy  method  which  the 
Council  had  provided  for  poor  suitors,  of  bringing  cases 
before  the  Court  by  bill  and  answer  without  witnesses, 
encouraged  this  spirit  of  litigation,  and  had  attracted  a 
swarm  of  lawyers  who  defeated  the  original  object  of  the 
Court.  But  the  Court  was  too  useful  to  the  Crown  to 
permit  of  its  abolition,  although  the  creation    of    the 


English  Law  in  Wales  and  the  Marches,       1 1 

itinerant  Justices  of  the  Great  Sessions  had  rendered  it  no 
longer  useful  to  the  people. 

The  ^^  Act  for  re-continuing  the  liberties  in  the  Crown 
(27  Henry  VIII,  cap.  24),  a  general  act  for  this  realm, 
Wales  and  the  Marches  of  the  same,"  had  discrowned  the 
Marchers  by  enacting  that  no  one  could  pardon  treason 
and  felony  or  appoint  justices  but  the  King,  and  that  all 
"original  and  judicial  writs"  were  to  be  in  the  King's 
name  ("  the  Justice  of  the  County  Palatine  of  Chester  and 
Flint"  was  excepted  from  the  Act).  The  Act  of  Union  of 
the  same  year  had  annexed  their  Lordships  to  the 
different  Shires,  yet  by  the  Act  for  the  "  Ordinances  for 
Wales"  (34  and  35  Henry  VIII,  cap.  26),  the  President 
and  Council  of  the  Marches  were  retained,  with  power 
"  to  hear  and  determine  such  causes  and  matters  as  shall 
be  assigned  to  them  by  the  King's  Majesty  as  heretofore 
hath  been  accustomed." 

In  the  troubles  after  the  Reformation,  Wales,  from 
the  nature  of  the  country  and  the  multitude  of  its  juris- 
dictions, had  become  the  refuge  for  the  disaffected. 
Various  criminal  acts  were  passed,  but  shortly  afterwards 
the  whole  country  was  incorporated  with  England,  "it 
being  thought  a  better  policy  to  adopt  that  people  into 
the  same  form  of  government  as  the  English,  than  by 
keeping  them  under  more  severe  and  strict  laws  to  hazard 
the  alienating  of  their  affections."  The  same  troubles 
had  caused  the  establishment  of  the  President  and  Council 
of  the  North  and  the  President  and  Council  of  the  West, 
both  of  which  were  even  in  those  times  objected  to  as 
illegal.  A  subsidy  act  of  32  Henry  VIII,  cap.  50,  provides 
for  the  "  raising  a  President  and  Council  in  the  Western 
Parts  having  like  authority  with  the  Council  of  Wales 
and  the  North". 

By  the  like  stretch  of  the  royal  prerogative  which  had 


1 2      English  Law  in  Wales  and  the  Marches. 

created  these  unconstitutional  councils,  it  was  provided  in 
the  "  Ordinances  for  Wales"  that  the  King's  most  royal 
majesty  might  alter  anything  contained  in  that  statute, 
and  make  new  laws  and  ordinances  for  Wales  "  as  to  his 
most  excellent  wisdom  and  discretion  should  be  thought 
convenient,"  and  that  these  alterations  and  new  enact- 
ments, if  made  in  writing  under  his  Highness'  great  seal, 
should  have  the  same  force  and  effect  as  if  they  had  been 
made  by  authority  of  Parliament.  It  was  afterwards 
argued  that  this  power  was  limited  to  Henry  VIlI,  and 
that  the  most  excellent  wisdom  and  discretion  did  not 
descend  with  the  Crown ;  but  the  Tudors  wore  that  crown 
pretty  firmly  on  their  heads,  and  the  clause  was  not 
repealed  until  21  Jac,  cap.  10,  which  recites  that  the  laws 
ordained  for  Wales  are  for  the  most  part  agreeable  to 
those  of  England,  and  are  obeyed  with  "  great  alacrity", 
and  that  after  so  great  a  quiet  any  further  change  or 
innovation  might  be  dangerous. 

James  I  yielded  to  the  petition  of  the  Commons 
on  this  point;  but  another  grave  constitutional  question 
was  not  so  easily  settled.  So  far  as  Wales  was  con- 
cerned the  Court  of  the  Marches  claimed,  and  was  allowed, 
a  concurrent  jurisdiction  with  the  newly  appointed 
Court  of  Great  Sessions,  but  it  also  claimed  jurisdiction 
over  the  four  bordering  counties  of  Worcester,  Gloucester, 
Hereford  and  Shropshire,  as  parcel  of  the  ancient  Marches 
of  Wales,  and  this  brought  them  into  collision  with  the 
Courts  of  Westminster.  These  counties  had  been  sub- 
jected to  the  Court  before  the  Act  of  Union  and  were 
afterwards  included  in  the  letters  of  instruction  from 
which  certain  places  were  from  time  to  time  omitted  on 
petition  to  the  Crown,  but  by  26  Henry  VIII,  cap.  11, 
the  three  last  counties,  as  then  constituted,  were  clearly 
distinguished    from    the    Marches.     These    letters    were 


I 

English  Law  in  Wales  and  the  Marches.       1 3 

addressed,  as  before,  to  the  Council  of  Wales  and  the 
Marches.  "  Wales  "  had  been  defined,  and  it  was  con- 
tended  by  the  Crown  that  the  "  Marches "  were  now 
represented  by  the  English  shires,  to  which  some  of  them 
had  been  added,  that  it  was  expedient  that  the  inhabitants 
of  both  sides  of  the  border  should  be  subject  to  the  same 
civil  law,  and  that  the  powers  of  the  Council  rested  not  on 
statute  but  on  the  royal  prerogative.  It  was  alleged  on 
the  other  side  that  the  extraordinary  powers  vested  in  the 
Council  were  intended  to  supplement  and  not  to  supersede 
the  Common  Law,  that  they  had  no  definite  rules  of  pro- 
cedure, that  they  put  prisoners  to  torture  in  cases  of 
treason  and  felony,  and  that  they  were  in  great  measure 
dependent  on  fines  imposed  for  offence  and  contempt  of 
court  and  upon  fees  ascertained  by  custom,  of  which 
custom  the  lower  officials  were  the  interpreters.  In  Trin. 
Term,  2  Jac,  one  Farley  sued  for  a  habeas  corpus  in  the 
King's  Bench;  Lord  Zouch  (then  President  of  Wales  and 
the  Marches)  submitted  the  case  to  the  King  in  council, 
who  referred  it  tx)  the  judges,  who  decided  that  the  four 
counties  were  not  within  the  jurisdiction.  Lord  Zouch 
resigned,  "  and  yet "  says  Coke  (who  was  one  of  the 
judges)  "  the  commission  was  not  reformed  at  all  points 
as  it  ought  to  have  been." 

In  the  instructions  to  Lord  Eure,  the  President  in 
1 607,  the  extraordinary  criminal  powers  were  confined  to 
Wales,  but  the  Council  was  empowered  to  hear  and  deter- 
mine matters  of  debt  and  trespass  on  the  English  and 
Welsh  side  under  £10,  for  such  of  the  poorer  sort  as  were 
not  fit  to  be  compelled  to  go  to  Westminster.  In  1608 
the  question  again  came  before  the  Privy  Council;  the 
decision  was  not  published,  but  was  apparently  not  in 
favour  of  the  Crown.  In  the  instructions  to  Lord 
Compton,  the  President  in  1617,  the  civil  jurisdiction  on 


14      English  Law  in  Wales  and  the  Marches. 

the  English  and  Welsh  side  in  purely  personal  actions  was 
limited  to  £50,  concurrently  with  the  Common  Law  courts, 
but  extended  to  any  amount  when  the  poverty  of  the 
plaintiff  was  certified.  Full  equitable  jurisdiction  was  also 
granted,  and  the  salaries  remained  charged  on  the  fines 
and  fees.  The  agitation  to  release  the  "four  shires  in  the 
Marches  of  Wales"  continued  during  the  next  year,  and  a 
bill  was  brought  in  upon  a  report  of  a  committee  of  the 
Commons  in  16  Car.,  and  passed  both  houses,  but  never 
received  the  royal  assent.  The  matter  dropped  during  the 
Commonwealth  and  was  not  revived  at  the  Restoration, 
but  immediately  after  the  Revolution  the  movement 
against  the  Court  was  renewed,  and  a  petition  for  its 
abolition  from  ten  thousand  inhabitants  of  the  towns  and 
parishes  in  Wales  was  presented  to  Parliament.  In  it  was 
given  a  new  suffrage  to  the  litany,  "  From  plague,  pesti- 
lence, and  the  name  of  Ludlow  Court,  good  Lord  deliver 
us."  In  the  evidence  taken  by  the  Lords'  Committee  in 
1689,  it  was  stated  that  the  Court  cost  the  Crown  £3000  a 
year,  that  the  judges  were  judges  of  the  law  as  well  as  of 
the  fact,  that  the  trial  was  not  by  jury  but  by  "  English 
bill",  that  there  was  no  appeal  from  its  decisions,  that 
the  costs  in  the  abundant  small  actions  were  excessive, 
that  actions  of  trespass,  damage  and  small  debt  were 
usually  brought  there,  and  that  several  counties  had  got 
released  by  Charles  II  from  "  pertaining  to  the  Court ". 
Sir  John  Wynne  gave  it  in  evidence  that  land  in  Wales 
was  two  or  three  years'  purchase  the  worse  because  of  the 
Court.  Evidence  was  also  given  in  favour  of  the  con- 
tinuance of  the  Court.  But  the  result  was  that  1  Will, 
and  Mary,  cap.  27,  abolished  altogether  "  the  Court  before 
the  President  and  Council  of  the  Marches  in  Wales",  as 
contrary  to  the  Great  Charter,  the  known  laws  of  the  land, 
and  the  birthright  of  the  subject,  and  declared  that  the 


English  Law  in  Wales  and  the  Marches,       1 5 

matters  determinable  in  that  Court  could  have  sufficient 
redress  in  the  ordinary  courts  of  justice/ 

IV. 

Yet  it  was  not  in  the  Court  of  the  Marches  but  in  the 
courts  of  the  Lords  Marchers  themselves  that  justice  was 
for  many  centuries  administered  for  the  greater  part  of 
Wales.  Of  the  power  of  the  Lords  Marcher,  many  of 
whom  sat  in  Parliament,  no  better  evidence  can  be  given 
than  the  ostentatious  way  in  which  their  liberties  were 
reserved  in  various  Statutes,  even  in  some  in  which  those 
liberties  were  practically  taken  away.  Some  of  the 
greatest  of  the  English  nobles  held  Lordships  in  the 
Marches ;  in  the  reigns  of  Edward  II  and  III,  twenty- 
one  Lords  Marcher  sat  among  the  Barons  in  Parlia- 
ment. 

Even  under  Mary  they  were  still  strong  enough  to 
obtain  the  passing  of  the  ^'  Act  to  confirm  the  liberties  of 
the  Lords  Marcher  of  Wales"  (1  and  2  Philip  and  Mary, 
cap.  15),  which  provided  that  the  moiety  of  the  forfeiture 
by  their  tenants  "  for  every  common  mainprise,  recog- 
nisance of  the  peace  or  appearance",  which  had  been 
by  the  Act  of  Union  reserved  to  the  lay  lords  then  in 
existence  (the  other  moiety  going  to  the  Crown)  should  be 
payable  also  to  "  bishops  and  other  ecclesiastical  persons 
being  Lords  Marchers",  and  to  the  heirs  and  successors  of 
the  lay  lords,  and  also  that  they  should  have  such  "  mises 
or  profits  of  their  tenants,  keep  their  courts  baron,  courts 
leet  and  law-days,  and  should  have  waifs,  strays,  infangthef 
and   outfangthef,   treasure    trove,    deodands,    chattels   of 


'  The  original  documents  appended  to  Mr.  Lleiif er  Thomas'  Further 
Notes  on  the  Court  of  the  Marches  (Y  Cyynmrodory  xiii,  pp.  125-163), 
contain  a  store  of  valuable  information  on  the  subject  of  this  chapter. 


1 6      English  Law  in  Wales  and  the  Marches. 

felons,  wrecks,  wharfage  and  customs  of  strangers  as 
before  the  making  of  the  said  Statute." 

The  Statute-book  throws  much  light  on  their  powers. 
The  "  Bill  concerning  Councils  in  Wales"  (26  Henry  VIII, 
cap.  6),  after  reciting  that  the  people  of  Wales  and  the 
Marches  had  been  guilty  of  "  scelerous  deeds  and  abomin- 
able malefacts",  commands  the  inhabitants  thereof  upon 
due  summons  to  appear  before  the  justice,  steward,  lieu- 
tenant or  other  officer  of  the  court  in  any  castle,  fortress, 
or  other  place,  and  gives  the  right  of  appeal  to  the  Council 
of  the  Marches  from  the  unlawful  exactions  and  false 
imprisonment  of  these  same  officers,  to  which  the  Statute 
explains  they  are  somewhat  prone.  It  also  empowers  the 
justices  in  the  English  shire,  "  where  the  king's  writ 
runneth",  next  adjoining  any  Lordship  Marcher,  to  try 
certain  felonies  committed  in  such  lordship,  and  this  was 
especially  confirmed  in  the  "Ordinances  for  Wales." 

The  Act  "for  the  abuses  in  the  Forests  of  Wales" 
(27  Henry  VIII,  cap.  7)  declares  that  the  customs  and 
exactions  in  the  forests  of  Wales  and  the  Marches  are 
"contrary  both  to  the  law  of  God  and  man",  and  in- 
stances that  if  any  one  is  found  on  a  path  in  a  forest 
without  the  forester's  token,  and  not  being  a  "yearly 
tributer  or  chenser",*  he  has  to  pay  a  grievous  fine,  and  if 
twenty-four  feet  out  of  the  path,  he  may  lose  all  the 
money  he  has  about  him  and  a  joint  of  one  of  his  hands ; 
also  that  "  all  beasts  and  quick  cattle"  found  straying  in 
the  forest  are  confiscated  to  the  Lord.  All  these  customs 
are  to  be  held  for  naught  after  the  Feast  of  the  Nativity 
of  St.  John  the  Baptist,  1536. 

The  powers  of  the  Earls  Palatine  were  so  great  that 
the  Crown,  when  it  was  sufficiently  strong,  annexed  their 

^  L.L.  censariuSf  a  fanner  at  a  fixed  rent. 


English  Law  in  Wales  and^i^e  Marches.       17 

earldoms,  but  the  powers  of  the  Lords  Marcher  were 
greater.  The  Counties  Palatine  were  parcel  of  the  realm 
of  England  and  derived  thereform.  Wales  was  not. 
Brevis  domini  regis  non  currit  in  Walliay  i.e.  Wales  and  the 
Marches,  save  only  in  the  county  palatine  of  Pembroke. 
A  writ  of  error  lay  from  a  county  palatine  to  the  King's 
Bench;  if  any  "foreign  plea  or  voucher"  arising  in  a 
county  palatine  was  pleaded,  the  record  was  sent  to  that 
county  to  be  tried  and  returned  to  the  King's  Bench 
for  judgment.  The  Lord  of  Kemes  tells  us  that  the 
Lords  Marcher  were  sworn  to  perform  covenants  as  full 
and  absolute  princes  are,  whereas  Earls  Palatine  tied 
themselves  by  covenants  and  bonds  as  subjects  do. 

The  Palatinates  were  governed  by  the  laws  and 
customs  of  England,  the  Marches  by  the  "  Lex  et  consue- 
tvdo  Marchiae'*\  The  invader,  we  are  told,  when  he  won 
his  Lordship,  was  "  forced  to  devise  and  execute  laws  of 
himself  to  keep  his  people  in  quiet  and  peace,  for  there 
was  no  higher  court  which  could  minister  justice  unto 
them".  These  laws  were  a  mixture  of  English  law  and 
will  of  the  Lord,  and  in  earlier  times  the  latter  predomi- 
nated. The  law  and  custom  of  the  Marches  may  be 
summarised  as  follows: — 1.  The  Lordships  were  held  of 
thfe  crown  of  England  in  capite,  and  the  lords  appointed 
sheriffs,  coroners,  constables  of  the  castle,  chamberlains, 
chancellors,  escheators,  and  other  officers.  The  writs  ran 
in  the  name  of  the  Lord  and  not  of  the  King,  even  in  those 
held  by  the  Crown ;  it  was  the  Lord's  peace,  and  not  the 
King's,  which  the  people  of  the  Marches  were  bound  to 
keep.  2.  The  Lords  granted  charters  of  incorporation  to 
boroughs,  founded  abbeys  and  churches,  and  gave  lands 
in  mortmain.  3.  They  had  bona  intestatorum  and  for- 
feiture of  goods  of  felons  (including  everything  found  in 

their  possession),  stolen  goods  wherever  found,  goods  of 

c 


1 8      English  Law  in  Wales  and  the  Marches, 

outlaws,  deodands,  and  wrecks.  They  had  the  rights  of 
wardship  and  marriage  in  respect  of  their  tenants-in-chief, 
levied  scutages  and  reliefs,  all  the  lands  of  the  lordship 
were  held  immediately  or  mediately  of  them.  By  24 
Henry  VIII,  cap.  9,  they  were  given  the  forfeiture  from 
butchers  who  killed  ^^wainlings"  under  two  years  old. 
4.  They  had  judgment  of  life  and  limb,  pardoned  felons 
and  murderers,  ^^  set  them  to  fine  or  hanged  them  at  their 
pleasure".  5.  They  held  in  their  own  names  pleas  of  the 
crown,  of  land,  of  fresh  force,  and  pleas  personal  and  mixed 
to  any  amount.  6.  Such  of  them  as  were  maritime  were 
admirals  of  the  coast,  with  the  prerogatives  of  the  old 
ciistodes  maris.  7.  They  could  grant  out  any  of  their 
privileges  to  subordinate  lords.  8.  They  made  war  and 
peace  with  their  neighbours  at  their  pleasure.  In  1291 
Humphrey  de  Bohun,  Earl  of  Hereford,  complained  to  the 
King  that  Gilbert  de  Clare,  Earl  of  Gloucester,  who  was 
also  lord  of  Glamorgan  and  Morganwg,  had  with  the  men 
of  his  Welsh  lordship  invaded  the  complainant's  lordship 
of  Brecon.  The  proceedings  are  given  at  length  in  Ryley ; 
the  defendants  set  up  the  law  and  custom  of  the  Marches, 
under  which  they  claimed  rights  which  were  not  to  be 
found  extra  Marchiarriy  and  were  told  that  for  the  public 
good,  the  King  was  per  prerogativam  suam  in  multis  casibus 
supra  leges  et  consiietiidines  in  regno  sua  usitatas.  The 
result  shows  that  even  Edward  I  thought  it  prudent  to 
deal  leniently  with  the  invaders.  9.  They  had  rights  of 
forest  as  above  mentioned.  10.  The  more  important  of 
the  lords  were  summoned  to  parliament  as  barons  by 
tenure,  and  it  is  to  be  noted  that  the  King's  writs  for  men 
and  munition  of  war  were  sent  only  to  the  Marchers ;  those 
to  the  new  formed  principality  were  sent  by  the  Prince  of 
Wales.  11.  The  form  of  conveyance  of  land  was  in 
general  as  was  used  in  England;  in  some   lordships  there 


English  Law  in  Wales  and  the  Marches,       19 

were  copyholds  after  the  English  manner,  and  in  others, 
especially  in  those  adjacent  to  the  mountainous  district, 
there  was,  besides  the  English  court,  a  Welsh  court,  in 
which  lands  were  partible  among  brothers  and  were  sur- 
rendered in  court  in  accordance  with  the  old  Welsh 
custom,  and  in  which  the  rents  and  services  differed  from 
those  in  the  Englishry.  These  Welsh  courts  appear  to 
have  become  more  frequent  after  the  English  plantations 
of  the  first  settlers  had  died  out;  many  of  these  had 
married  Welsh  women,  and  their  children  became  Welsh, 
and  more  Welshmen  came  in.  The  Lords,  following  the 
example  of  Edward  I,  permitted  "  certaine  pointes  of 
the  old  Welsh  lawes  which  were  nothing  noysome  to  the 
lords  nor  repugnant  to  the  lawe  of  Englande";  these 
'' pointes"  were  afterwards  held  to  be  particular  customs 
of  the  manors.  12.  The  division  of  land  was  into  knights' 
fees,  ploughlands  and  oxlands,  although  the  forms  of 
the  old  Welsh  cantred  and  commote  were  sometimes 
maintained.  The  dimensions  of  the  acre  in  the  Englishry 
and  Welshry  were  not  the  same. 

The  high  court  of  the  Lord  was  usually  held  in  the 
castle,  a  necessary  adjunct  to  a  March,  and  the  seneschal 
or  other  presiding  officer  was  the  judge  and  not  the 
suitors  as  in  the  old  county  courts  and  courts  baron.  It 
was  a  court  of  record,  and  transacted  all  the  criminal  and 
civil  business  of  the  Lordship ;  in  it  were  collected  all  the 
fines  and  dues  to  the  Lord,  and  from  it  there  was  no 
appeal. 

The  tenure  of  the  Lords  Marcher  was  to  guard  their 
castles  (this  was  enforced  by  2  Henry  FV,  cap.  18),  and 
also  in  some  cases  the  sea  coast,  and  to  supply  the  King 
with  "men  and  munition"  against  his  enemies. 

After  the  death  of  a  Lord  Marcher  the  King's  writ  v/as 

sometimes  sent  to  the  escheator  of  the  shires  of  Glou- 

c2 


20      English  Law  in  Wales  and  the  Marches. 

cester,  Hereford,  Salop,  and  Worcester,  who  was  also 
escheator  of  the  Marches,  who  held  an  inquisitio  post 
mortem  locally  as  to  the  tenure  and  value  of  the  lordship. 
We  do  not  find  any  enquiry,  as  in  England,  as  to  the  dues 
to  the  Crown ;  the  object  usually  was  to  ascertain  whether 
the  King  might  take  the  lordship.  That  the  King  had  no 
right  of  wardship  in  the  Marches,  ubi  brevia  Regis  non 
currunty  was  recognised  in  the  Statute  Prerogativa  Regis 
(17  Edward  11,  Stat.  1).  The  King's  court  also  tried  any 
question  as  to  the  title  of  the  lordship  itself,  which  was 
for  this  purpose  supposed  to  be  within  the  English  county 
next  adjoining  (much  as  in  a  famous  case  Minorca  was 
presumed  to  be  in  the  ward  of  Cheap),  also  "for  want  of  a 
superior"  it  tried  any  dispute  between  two  Lords  Marcher 
and  sometimes  enquired  by  quo  warranto  as  to  the  claims 
of  the  Marchers.  In  ecclesiastical  matters,  as  the  court  of 
the  Lord  could  not  make  process  to  the  bishop,  the  King's 
Bench  issued  a  writ  to  send  the  record  up,  and  the  matter 
was  then  dealt  with. 

The  Welsh  bishops,  so  far  as  their  dioceses  lay  in  the 
Marches,  were  also  Lords  Marcher,  as  were  also  other 
ecclesiastical  personages,  especially  the  Knights  Hospital- 
lers, who  held  much  property  in  Wales.  These  spiritual 
Marchers  did  not  obtain  their  rights  by  conquest  but  from 
the  necessity  of  the  case,  "  for  otherwise  their  tenants  and 
people  must  have  lived  lawless  and  without  government"; 
but  they  were  in  many  cases  confirmed  by  grants  from  the 
Crown,  and  the  invaders  respected  the  lands  of  spiritual 
men,  even  if  they  were  Welshmen.  The  bishops  of  St. 
David's  led  their  "  subjects"  to  war  with  the  shrine  and 
relics  of  the  patron  Saint  at  their  head;  they  had  the 
power  of  life  and  death;  their  stewards,  constables,  and 
recorders,  were  noblemen  and  men  of  high  position ;  they 
had  garrisons  in  their  city  and  castle;  and  as  their  statutes 


English  Law  in  Wales  and  the  Marches,      2 1 

show,  regulated  the  price  of  labour  and  victuals  upon  pain 
of  fine  and  imprisonment. 

We  have  accounts  written  in  the  reign  of  Elizabeth  of 
two  Lordships  Marcher  at  either  end  of  South  Wales,  the 
Lordship  of  Kemes  and  the  Lordship  of  Glamorgan,  which 
give  us  some  idea  of  their  state  and  position. 

The  Lordship  of  Kemes,  which  was  conquered  by 
Martin  of  Tours  in  the  reign  of  William  Rufus,  consisted 
of  the  Domain  and  the  Service.  The  Domain  included 
the  Lord's  castle  at  Newport  with  four  manors  annexed, 
divers  farms  and  houses,  rents  and  suit  of  tenants,  mills, 
fishings,  woods  and  forests,  perquisites  of  court  and  casu- 
alties and  patronage  of  churches.  The  Service  was 
divided  into  the  High  Fee,  eight  knights'  fees  and  seven- 
teen ploughlands  held  immediately  of  the  Lord,  and  the 
Mean  Tenure  of  the  same  number  of  fees  and  ploughlands 
held  as  sub-ordinate  manors  ;  there  were  also  annexed  to 
the  Lordship  four  other  manors  as  "  ornaments  and  for 
the  more  dignity  thereof,"'  and  four  corporate  towns ;  the 
whole  was  under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  High  Court  of 
Kemes.* 

The  great  lordship  of  Glamorgan,  the  lowland  portion 
of  which  was  conquered  by  Robert  Fitzhamon  in  the  reign 
of  William  Rufus,  consisted  of — 1,  the  Corpus  ComitatuSy 
some  thirty-six  knights'  fees  which  did  suit  to  the  castle  of 
Cardiff,  where  the  Sheriff  held  his  monthly  court  and  the 
Chancellor  his  court  on  the  day  following  for  "  matters  of 
conscience."  2,  The  Members,  the  twelve  chief  lordships, 
which  had  like  regal  jurisdiction,  except  that  a  writ  of 
error  lay  to  the  Chancery  of  Glamorgan,  and  that  the 
suitors,  and  not  the  presiding  officer,  were  judges.  In  the 
hill  districts  the  Welsh  laws  remained  until  the  end,  and 

^  OwerCs  Pembrokeshire y  i,  496. 


2  2      English  Law  in  Wales  and  the  Marches. 

the  customs  varied  as  they  did  in  most  Lordships  Marcher. 
3,  The  Boroughs,  both  in  the  Corpus  and  the  Members, 
which  held  their  liberties  by  Charter  from  the  Lord  of 
Glamorgan  and  were  governed  by  mayors  and  bailiffs  or 
by  stewards ;  and  4,  the  possessions  of  the  Cathedral  of 
Llandaff  and  the  religious  houses.  The  bishops  had  ^ura 
regaliay  but  sede  vacante  the  Lord  of  Glamorgan  claimed 
the  temporalities  of  the  see  and  the  right  to  appoint  to 
preferments.  The  chronicler  rejoices  that  after  the  Act 
of  Union  life  and  death,  land  and  goods,  were  no  longer 
at  the  pleasure  of  the  Lords  or  dependant  upon  uncertain 
laws,  customs,  and  usages,  of  which  some  part  "  rested  in 
memory"  and  were  not  written,^ 

After  that  Act  the  Lords  Marcher  were  practically 
reduced  to  the  position  of  lords  of  manors;  many  customs 
and  usages  lingered  on,  but  the  law  was  to  be  found  in  the 
English  Statute  Book.  It  will  be  seen  that  the  Lords 
Marcher  were  in  theory  and  in  practice  sovereign  princes. 
Their  powers  rested  on  no  grant  from  the  crown  but 
gradually  grew  up  from  force  of  circumstances,  and  for 
practical  purposes  they  might  have  boasted,  like  the  Udal- 
lers  of  Shetland,  that  they  held  of  God  Almighty.  Living 
in  a  warlike  state  they  were  of  the  greatest  service  to  the 
English  kings  in  their  wars  against  the  Welsh  princes, 
while  their  castles  (of  which  there  were  in  Glamorganshire 
forty-six  and  in  Pembrokeshire  nineteen)  made  their  posi- 
tion almost  impregnable.  There  is  only  one  instance  of 
their  endeavouring  to  act  in  a  corporate  capacity,  they 
{Marchiones  de  Marchia  Wallice)  claimed  in  1236,  against 
the  Barons  of  the  Cinque  Ports,  to  bear  the  canopies  over 
Henry  III  and  his  Queen  at  their  marriage,  but  their 
claim  quodam  modo  frivolum  putabatur. 

^  Rico  Merrick's  Morgania  Archaiographia, 


English  Law  in  Wales  and  the  Marches.      23 

Stephen,  in  his  History  of  the  Criminal  Law,  says,  in 
reference  to  a  qtto  warranto  brought  against  Thomas 
Cornwall  in  Term  Mich.,  44  and  45  Elizabeth,  as  to  his 
claim  to  jura  regalia  in  two  lordships,  notwithstanding 
that  they  had  been  annexed  to  Herefordshire  by  the  Act 
of  Union :  "  The  pleadings  come  to  this,  that  so  much  of 
Wales  as  had  not  been  brought  under  the  Statute  of 
Wales,  continued  until  1535  to  be  governed  by  a  number 
of  petty  chiefs  called  Lords  Marcher,  who  may  be  compared 
to  the  small  rajahs  to  whom  much  of  the  territory  of  the 
Punjab  and  North  West  Provinces  still  belong." 

V. 

The  Statute  Book  already  contained  divers  Acts  in- 
tended to  bring  the  Welsh  into  more  complete  subjection, 
and  after  the  insurrection  of  Owen  Glyndwr  in  the  reign 
of  Henry  TV  a  series  of  enactments  deprived  the  inhabi- 
tants of  the  Principality  of  all  rights  of  citizenship. 

The  Act  of  Union  (27  Hen.  VIII,  cap.  26)  1,  united 
Wales  to  England;  2,  created  the  new  shires  of  Mon- 
mouth, Brecon,  Radnor,  Montgomery  and  Denbigh,  and 
made  the  Marches  shire  ground ;  3,  abolished  the  civil  and 
criminal  jurisdiction  of  the  Lords  Marcher,  saving  to  them 
courts  baron  and  courts  leet,  certain  seignorial  rights  and 
a  moiety  of  forfeiture  and  fees ;  4,  extended  the  benefit  of 
English  la;ws  to  Wales  and  directed  that  justice  should  be 
administered  in  the  English  tongue  (by  4  Geo.  11,  cap.  26, 
it  was  enacted  that  all  proceedings  in  the  courts  of 
England  and  Wales  should  be  in  English) ;  and  5,  gave 
the  Welsh  people  representation  in  Parliament.  Wales 
and  the  Marches  had,  like  the  Counties  Palatine,  been 
hitherto  unrepresented,  although  in  1322  and  1327  certain 
representatives  had  been  summoned  from  Wales. 


24      English  Law  in  Wales  and  the  Marches. 

The  Act  for  the  Ordinances  for  Wales  (34  and  35  Hen. 
Vni,  cap.  26)  I,  divided  Wales  into  twelve  shires,  i.e.  the 
four  recently  created  and  the  eight  "of  long  and  ancient 
time";  2,  abolished  the  Welsh  tenure  of  land ;  3,  appointed 
yearly  sheriffs  (they  had  previously  been  appointed  for 
life),  who  held  courts  as  in  England  and  who  by  1  Edward 
VI,  cap.  10,  were  directed  to  have  deputies  in  the  Courts 
of  King's  Bench  and  Common  Pleas  at  Westminster, 
coroners,  escheators  (to  hold  inquisitions  on  the  death  of 
crown  tenants  and  to  take  charge  of  forfeited  lands  and 
goods  for  the  crown),  and  other  shire  officers  and  a  limited 
number  of  justices  of  the  peace;  4,  confirmed  the  hundreds 
made  by  royal  commission ;  5,  continued  the  Court  of  the 
Marches;  and  6,  established  a  new  court  of  itinerant 
justices. 

This  was  "the  King's  Great  Sessions  in  Wales",  of 
which  the  judges  were  the  Chief  Justice  of  Chester  and 
three  other  justices,  each  of  whom  had  three  shires  in  his 
circuit.  They  had  the  powers  of  the  judges  of  the  King's 
Bench  and  Common  Pleas  and  of  assize,  had  a  Chancery 
jurisdiction  and  held  sessions  in  each  shire  twice  in  the 
year,  each  of  which  was  to  last  six  days.  There  are 
various  regulations  for  their  "  original  seals"  for  original 
writs,  "judicial  seals"  for  judicial  process,  and  for  the 
officers  and  proceedings  of  the  Courts.  A  writ  of  error 
lay  from  the  Great  Sessions  in  pleas  real  and  mixed  to 
the  King's  Bench,  and  in  personal  pleas  to  the  Court  of 
the  Marches,  and  after  the  abolition  of  that  Court,  also  to 
the  King's  Bench.  (A  custos  rotulorum  and  justices  of  the 
peace  were  also  appointed  as  in  England  for  each  shire, 
the  number  of  the  latter,  beyond  those  wlio  were  ex  officio, 
was  limited  to  eight,  and  this  was  not  altered  until  after 
the  Revolution.  The  Act  of  27  Henry  VIII,  cap.  5,  had 
already  appointed  justices  of  tlie  peace  for  the  County 


English  Law  in  Wales  and  the  Marches.      25 

Palatine  of  Chester  and  the  then  existing  Welsh  counties.) 
The  business  of  the  Court  of  Great  Sessions  having  much 
increased,  and  many  important  cases  having  to  be  decided 
there,  an  additional  justice  was,  by  18  Elizabeth,  cap.  8, 
appointed  for  each  circuit.    The  two  justices  sat  together, 
and  when  the  court  was  not  unanimous  the  inconvenience 
was  obvious.    There  was  at  first  much  doubt  whether  the 
Courts  of  Great  Sessions  had  any  equitable  jurisdiction, 
but  the  point  was  decided  in  their  favour  by  the  King's 
Bench  in  19  Car.  11.     The  courts  at  Westminster  claimed 
concurrent  jurisdiction,  and  in  time  obtained  it.     In  the 
case  of  Lampley  v.  Thomas  (21  George  EC)  it  was  decided 
that  brevis  Domini  Regis  de  latitat  (and  semble  other  mesne 
process  between  subjects)  non  currit  in  Wallia^  notwith- 
standing that  it  was   admitted  that  all  judicial  process 
could  go,  and  that  it  was  contended  that  the  High  Court 
had  a  general  jurisdiction,  although  there  was  a  sufficient 
court  to  try  the  case  in  Glamorgan,  where  the  cause  of 
action  arose.     This  case  forms  the  text  of  "  A  discourse 
against  the  jurisdiction  of  the  King's  Bench  over  Wales 
by  process  of  latitat,"  in  which  the  author  enters  at  length 
into  the  history  of  the  courts  of  Wales  and  the  Marches 
and  inveighs  against  the  ^^custodia  marescalH",  the  great 
engine  of  the  encroachments  of  the  King's  Bench,  which 
had  usurped  civil  business  from  other  courts  by  the  fiction 
that  the  defendant  had  committed  a  breach  of  the  peace 
in  the  County  where  the  court  sat  and  was  in  the  custody 
of  the  Marshall  of  the  court.     The  editor  of  the  report 
suggests  that  it  was  the  interest  of  the  officials  of  the 
King's  Bench  to  bring  Welsh  litigants  into  their  net,  and 
their  efforts  were  attended  with  success,  for  the  case  was 
over-ruled  by  Lloyd  v.  Jones  (9  George  III),  where  it  is 
stated  that  actions  are  every  day  brought  in  the  King's 
Bench  against  a  defendant  in  Wales ;  and  in  the   same 


26      English  Law  in  Wales  and  the  Marches. 

« 
year,  in  Rex  v.  Lewis  ei  al.,  it  was  decided  that  a  certiorari 

lies  to  move  an  indictment  from  the  Glamorgan  Quarter 
Sessions  per  saltum  to  the  King's  Bench,  without  going 
through  the  Great  Sessions.  Lord  Mansfield,  in  his  judg- 
ment in  Mostyn  v.  Fabrigas,  a  case  before  alluded  to,  said: 
'^If  an  action  is  brought  here  for  a  matter  arising  in 
Wales,  you  must  show  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Court  in 
Wales.  If  there  is  no  other  mode  of  trial,  that  will  give 
the  King's  Court  jurisdiction."  The  Courts  of  Westmin- 
ster were  much  sought  after  by  Welsh  litigants,  who 
preferred  them  in  important  matters  to  the  local  tribunal, 
but  they  were  also  largely  used  in  small  matters  where  the 
plaintiff  entered  his  action  to  be  tried  in  the  nearest 
English  county.  In  1773,  by  the  13  George  EH,  cap.  51, 
entitled  ''  An  Act  to  discourage  the  practice  of  commencing 
frivolous  and  vexatious  suits  in  his  Majesty's  Courts  at 
Westminster  in  causes  of  action  arising  witliin  the 
Dominion  of  Wales,  and  for  further  regulating  the  pro- 
ceedings in  the  Courts  of  Great  Session  in  Wales,"  the 
defendant  in  such  an  action  tried  at  the  assizes  in  the 
next  English  county  was  entitled  to  judgment  if  the 
plaintiff  did  not  recover  £10  debt  or  damages.  This  Act, 
which  has  been  called  "  the  Welsh  Judicature  Act",  con- 
tained various  regulations  as  to  the  deputies  of  the  Welsh 
judges,  the  striking  of  juries,  the  return  of  original  writs, 
and  other  matters.  It  also  empowered  the  judges  of 
Great  Sessions  to  appoint  commissioners  to  take  affidavits 
to  be  used  in  their  courts,  and  to  nominate  persons  (other 
than  common  attorneys  or  solicitors)  to  take  recognizance 
of  bail ;  it  also  provided  that  certain  penalties,  given  by 
statute  and  directed  to  be  recovered  in  the  courts  of  West- 
minster, should  be  recoverable  at  the  Great  Sessions. 

But  notwithstanding  this  Act,  efforts  were  still  made 
to  reform  or  abolish  tlie  Welsh  Judicature,  the  reason  of 


English  Law  in  Wales  and  the  Marches.      27 

whose  existence  had  in  the  opinion  of  many  passed  away. 
Among  the  five  bills  in  Burke's  projected  plan  of  economi- 
cal reform  in  1780  was  one  *^  for  the  more  perfectly 
uniting  to  the  Crown  the  Principality  of  Wales  and  the 
County  Palatine  of  Chester,  and  for  the  more  commodious 
administration  of  justice  within  the  same";  and  in  1798  a 
select  committee  of  the  House  of  Commons  on  finance 
in  courts  of  justice  recommended  the  amalgamation  of  the 
four  Welsh  courts  of  Great  Session. 

Another  Select  Committee  was  appointed  by  that 
House  on  the  administration  of  justice  in  Wales,  who 
made  an  interim  report  in  1817.  Owing  to  the  death  of 
the  chairman  of  the  Committee  their  proceedings  had  been 
checked,  but  they  stated  that  some  of  the  points  which 
called  for  amendment  were — 1,  the  long  period  of  the  year 
during  which  no  recovery  could  be  suffered  or  fine  levied, 
and  the  magnitude  and  uncertainty  of  the  expense 
thereof ;  2,  the  inability  of  each  Court  of  Great  Session 
to  compel  the  attendance  of  witnesses  outside  its  own 
particular  jurisdiction;  3,  the  necessity  of  moving  for 
a  new  trial  before  the  same  judges  immediately  at  the 
close  of  the  first  trial ;  4,  the  security  of  funds  directed  to 
be  paid  into  Court  depending  on  the  personal  solvency  of 
the  officers  of  the  Court ;  5,  the  diversity  of  practice  in 
the  different  circuits  with  regard  to  writs  of  certiorari  (by 
which  the  proceedings  were  removed  to  the  court  above)  ; 
and  6,  the  necessity  of  judges  and  counsel  remaining  the 
same  time  at  each  place  on  the  circuit  whether  there  was 
business  for  them  or  not. 

In  1820  the  Committee  submitted  further  evidence,  but 
offered  no  opinion,  and  in  1821  issued  their  third  and  final 
report.  In  this,  some  of  the  points  mentioned  in  the 
report  of  1817  are  repeated,  and  the  Committee  bring 
forward  further  defects.     Each  Court  being  supreme  had 


28      English  Law  in  Wales  and  the  Marches. 

in  the  course  of  years  established  its  peculiar  standard 
of  justice,  so  that  there  were  in  Wales  four  indepen- 
dent jurisdictions,  each  containing  three  counties  (one 
circuit  including  Chester).  The  Court  could  not  enforce 
its  own  decrees,  and  defendants  frequently  and  easily 
withdrew  from  the  jurisdiction.  When  the  two  judges 
differed  there  was  no  decision,  and  there  was  no  appeal 
except  to  the  House  of  Lords,  and  by  writ  of  error  to 
the  King's  Bench.  Writs  of  certiorari  were  used  for 
purposes  of  delay,  and  the  trial  in  the  next  English 
county  was  a  denial  of  justice  to  the  poorer  suitor.  As 
the  Court  was  only  open  for  three  weeks  twice  in  the 
year  it  was  not  possible  to  conduct  the  necessary  pro- 
ceedirigs  in  a  suit  of  equity,  which  was  stated  to  have 
been  ^^  more  dilatory  and  prolix"  than  in  the  High  Court 
of  Chancery  itself.  The  encouragement  to  the  attor- 
neys, who  were  easily  admitted  and  were  attached  to 
each  circuit,  the  Committee  consider  to  be  "highly  dis- 
advantageous". The  Committee  state  that  the  judges, 
who  hold  office  during  the  pleasure  of  the  Crown,  received 
no  pension,  but  a  salary  of  £1,150  each  (with  the  exception 
of  the  Chief  Justice  of  Chester  and  his  puisney  who  were 
more  highly  paid),  and  they  gave  it  as  their  opinion  that 
"  minor  difficulties  might  be  removed  by  new  regulations, 
but  no  right  administration  of  justice  could  be  obtained 
without  such  fundamental  changes  as  would  amount  to  a 
new  jurisdiction." 

How  the  Court  employed  the  six  days  which  they  were 
obliged  by  the  Act  of  Ordinances  to  spend  in  each  assize 
town  may  be  gathered  from  the  evidence  of  Sir  William 
Garrow,  a  Baron  of  the  Exchequer  and  formerly  Chief 
Justice  of  Chester  (this  last  office  was  always  considered  a 
stepping-stone  to  preferment  in  England).  On  Monday 
the  Court  was  opened,  but  no  business  was  done ;  Tuesday, 


English  Law  in  Wales  and  the  Matches,      29 

the  Grand  Jury  Day,  the  judges  went  to  Church  and  the 
Grand  Jury  was  charged:  Wednesday,  the  trial  of  ad- 
journed issues,  the  amount  of  business  may  be  judged 
from  the  fact  that  this  was  known  as  "nothing  at  all 
day";  Thursday,  crown  business ;  Friday,  new  issues;  and 
on  Saturday  the  court  left  for  the  next  town. 

How  far  the  proceedings  in  equity  had  become  a  farce 
may  be  estimated  from  the  fact  recorded  that  with  a  view 
to  an  increase  of  costs  the  ancient  ballad  of  Chevy  Chase 
was  copied  into  a  Chancery  Bill  and  escaped  detection. 

The  Welsh  Judicature  was  the  subject  of  a  long  and 
heated  controversy  and  of  many  debates  in  both  Houses 
of  Parliament.  Lord  John  Russell,  in  a  debate  in  1820, 
said  that  as  the  Welsh  judges  were  eligible  for  seats  in 
that  House  their  posts  were  looked  upon  as  retainers  or 
rewards  for  the  support  of  ministerial  measures.  It  was 
also  objected  to  them  that  they  used  their  abundant  leisure 
to  practice  at  the  bar  of  the  English  Courts,  and  that  as 
twelve  judges  were  then  deemed  sufficient  for  England, 
eight  were  a  superfluity  for  Wales.  We  also  hear  many 
complaints  of  the  County  Courts  in  Wales,  where  small 
debts  were  then  recovered,  and  which  were  presided  over 
by  the  under-sheriff,  who  was  a  judge  one  year  and  an 
advocate  the  next,  in  the  same  Court. 

The  time  was  not  yet  ripe  for  the  fundamental  changes 
which  the  Committee  of  1821  had  suggested,  but  a  last 
effort  was  made  in  1824  to  continue  the  Courts  and  to 
establish  one  uniform  course  of  procedure,  in  which,  as 
may  be  seen  from  the  books  of  practice  for  various  cir- 
cuits, many  discrepancies  had  arisen.  This  was  the  5 
George  IV,  cap.  106,  **  An  Act  to  enlarge  and  extend  the 
powers  of  the  judges  of  the  several  Courts  of  Great 
Sessions  in  Wales,  and  to  amend  the  laws  relating  to  the 
same."     By  this  the  business  of  the  Great  Sessions  was 


30      English  Law  in  Wales  and  the  Marches. 

increased  by  a  provision  non-suiting  a  plaintiff  who  ob- 
tained less  than  £50  debt  or  damages  in  a  Court  outside 
the  Principality.  The  Courts  were  given  various  powers 
to  extend  their  jurisdiction  and  were  empowered  to  hear 
motions  and  petitions  in  law  and  equity  in  London  when 
the  Courts  were  not  sitting  in  Wales. 

After  the  Act  of  Union  several  statutes  were  passed  as 
to  the  administration  of  law  in  Wales,  others  were  especi- 
ally extended  to  Wales,  until,  by  20  George  II,  cap.  42,  it 
was  declared  that  the  word  '^England"  in  any  future 
Act  of  Parliament  shall  be  deemed  to  comprehend  the 
Dominion  of  Wales.  At  length  the  opponents  of  the 
local  judicature  gained  their  cause;  by  the  11  George  IV, 
and  William  FV,  cap.  70,  the  Court  of  Great  Sessions  was 
swept  away,  two  new  circuits  of  the  English  judges  for 
Chester  and  Wales  were  established,  Wales  became  entirely 
subject  to  the  courts  of  Westminster,  and  the  Act  of 
Union  was  completed. 

It  was  reserved  for  another  generation  to  undo  the 
work  of  Edward  Plantagenet  and  Henry  Tudor,  and  to 
inaugurate  an  era  of  separate  legislation  by  the  Welsh 
Sunday  Closing  Act,  1881. 


For  the  subject   of  this  essay  reference   is   made   to 
the  following  works : — 

ArchcBologia    Cambrensis,   III,  iii,   84,   and  vi,    34  ;  IV,  viii,  249, 

and  xii,  137  and  186. 
Bacon's  Works  (Spedding  ed.),  vii,  567. 
Baronia  de  Kemet/s. 
Burrow's  ReportSy  iv,  2,456. 
Cambrian  Quarterly  Magaziney  1829. 
Camden,  Britanniay  s.v.  **  Shropshire".     Additions. 
Carte,  General  History  of  Englandy  iii,  794. 
Cawdor,  Earl,  Letter  to  Lord  Lyndhurstf  1828. 


English  Law  in  Wales  and  the  Matches.      3 1 

Clive,  History  of  Lvdlotc, 

Coke,  Book  of  Entriesy  649,  No.  9. 

Coke,  Fourth  Institutej  240. 

Cymmrodor,  Vols,  ix  (Professor  Tout  on  the  Welsh  Shires),  xii 
(Judge  Lewis  on  the  Court  of  the  Marches),  and  xiii  (Mr. 
Lleufer  Thomas'  Further  Notes  on  the  Court). 

Dineley,  Beaufort  Progress.     Preface. 

Doddridge,  Prirunpality  cf  Wales. 

Duckett,  Marches  of  Wales. 

Hall,  Red  Book  of  the  Exchequer j  ii,  756. 

Hallam,  Constitutional  History y  i,  328. 

Hansard,  Parliamentary  Debates^  N.S.,  i,  745  ;  xxv,  1,164. 

Hargrave,  Tracts,  i,  379. 

Herbert,  Life  and  Raigne  of  Henry  VIII  (ed.  1649),  369,  381. 

Historical  MSS.  Commission,  12th  Report,  Ap.  Part  6 ;  13th 
Report,  Ap.  Part  4. 

Keble's  Reports,  i,  129  ;  ii,  259. 

Lloyd,  Powys  Fadog. 

Milman,  Political  Geography  of  Wales. 

MorganicB  Archceographia. 

Owen,  Edward,  Catalogue  of  MSS.  in  the  British  Museum  relating 
to  Wales.     (Cymmrodorion  Record  Series,  No.  4.) 

Owen,  Edward,  Report  to  Welsh  Land  Commission. 

Owen,  George,  MSS. 

Chcen's  Pembrokeshire. 

Palmer,  Ancient  Tenures  of  Land  in  the  MarcJies  of  North  Wales. 

Record  of  Carnarvon. 

Reeves*  History  of  the  English  Laxo  (ed.  Finlason),  ii,  8-16. 

Report  of  Select  Committee  of  House  of  Commons  on  Finance  in 
Courts  of  Justice,  1798. 

Reports  of  Select  Committee  of  House  of  Commons  on  the  Adminis- 
tration of  Justice  in   Wales,  1817,  1820  and  1821. 

Report  of  Lords  Committee  on  the  Dignity  of  a  Peer,  iv,  325. 

Rotuli  WallicB. 

Ryley,  Placita  Parliamentaria,  74,  78  and  80. 

Rymer,  Foedera,  H.  i,  178  ;  ii.  Part  2,  171. 

Seebohm,  Early  Village  Communities,  181. 

Shrewsbury  Chronicle,  1819.  Letters  on  the  Practice  of  the  Great 
Sessions. 

Smith,  Leading  Cases,  i,  628. 

State  Papers  (Domestic J. 


32      English  Law  in  Wales  and  the  Marches. 

Statutes  of  the  Realm. 

Stephen,  History  of  the  Criminal  Law,  i,  141. 

Stubbs,  Constitutional  History,  ii,  219. 

Taylor,  History  of  Gavelkind,  103  and  167. 

Tout,  Edward  the  First,  16-22,  107-119. 

Vaughan's  Reports,  395. 

Warrington,  History  of  Wales,  Book  V. 

Wilson's  Reports,  i,  193. 

Worcester,  Calendar  of  Quarter  Sessions'  Records,  Part  I,  p.  684. 

Wootton,  Leges  Wallicee,  Ap.  618. 


English  Law  in  Wales  and  the  Marches.      33 


APPENDIX.^ 


The  state  of  the  Cause  con-  pi 

cerninge    the    Lo :    President     and 
Counsell  in  ye  Marches  of  Wales.^ 


The  differences'  are  fower. 

1.  Whither  a  prohibicion  lie  out  of  the  Kinge« 

benche  into  the  Marches. 

2.  Whither   a   habeas   Corpi^s    lie    into    ihe 

Marches    as    to    question   their    juris- 
diceion. 

3.  Whither  the  foure  counties  of  Glouce«^er, 

Worce«^er,   Hereford,    Salop,   ought    to 
be   exempted. 

4.  Whither  the  counsell  in  the  Marches  may 

proceed  in  any  case  after  Judgment. 
The  twoe  first  questions  are  one  in  profe,  for  the  asser- 
tion for  them  of  the  Marches  is  that  they  are  not  sub- 
ordinat  to  the  Kinge«  benche  but  onlie  and  immediatlie 
accountable  to  the  Kinge  and  his  privie  counsell. 

m  xi  •        fmatter  of  Lawe. 

To  proue  this  xx       ^  j         *a     ^ 

A         \  matter  or  vsage  and  president. 

^  [matter  of  policie  and  convenience. 

For  matter  of  Lawe  wee  alledge 

1.  That  it  is  a  counsell  of  the  Kinge«  and  partici- 
pant of  his  prerogatiue  and  therefore  exempt  from  the 
controule  of  any  cort  of  Lawe.    Britton,*  lib.  1.    "  Wee  will 

*  The  Editorial  Committee  are  indebted  for  the  interesting  docu- 
ment contained  in  this  Appendix,  and  the  Notes  thereon,  to  Dr. 
Henry  Owen,  the  writer  of  the  foregoing  Essay. — [E.  V.  E.] 

*  This  Tract  gives  the  case  for  the  Crown  in  the  proceedings 
before  the  Privy  Council  referred  to  at  p.  13  ante.  It  is  taken 
from  Karl.  MS.,  141,  in  the  British  Museum.  There  is  a  later 
copy  in  Lansdoione  MS.y  216  (see  Owen's  Pembrokeshire  II,  pp.  1  and  131). 
It  seems  to  be  the  original  argument  of  Bacon,  as  the  King's 
Solicitor-General,  which  he  has  summarised  in  the  Tract  on  "The 
Jurisdiction  of  the  Marches",  published  in  Spedding's  edition  of  his 
works,  vol.  vii,  p.  587.  ^  Points  in  dispute. 

*  Britten,  Pleas  of  the  Croion.    Introduction,  sect.  v. 


34      English  Law  in  Wales  and  the  Marches. 

that  Q/wr  Jurisdiccion  be  aboue  all  Jurisdiccions  in  our 
Bealme  so  as  wee  haue  power  to  geeue  or  cause  Judg- 
mewte«  to  be  geeuen  as  shall  seeme  to  vs  good  without 
other  forme  of  proce«  where  wee  may  knowe  the  true  right 
as  Judge"  :  w/iich  Jurisdiccion  the  Kinge  exerciseth  by  his 
counsell,  for  a  counsell  is  no  delegacion  of  power  from  the 
Kinge  but  an  assistance  of  the  Jurisdiccion  inherent  in 
the  Kinge. 

To  proue  the  counsell  in  the  marches  to  be  a 

counsell  of  Estate*  and   not  onlie  a   counsell 

or  cort  of  Lawe  yt  appeerith  by  these  badges 

The  oath  of  a  counsellor  in  the  marches 

is  the  oathe  of  a  priuy  Counsellor. 

p  2.  They  make   proclamacion   for  matter    of 

gouerment. 
They  haue  a  Seriant  at  Armes  and  twoe 
Pursivante«. 
2.     It  is  subordinate  to  the  Priuy  counsell  and  vppon 
suggestion  that  they  exceed  their  Jurisdiccion  the  Kinge 
by  his  owne  signature  hath  directed  the  examinacion  of 
compiamtes  w^i'ch  sheweth  they  were  not  to  be  releeued 
by  any  ordinary  court  of  Lawe. 

15  H.  8.     Hereford  and  Dolman  fol.  12  et  13.' 
23  H.  8.     Jon   wyn   Gruff   et   Dowmi^s   Powys, 

fol.  14. 
There  3.     It  is  a  Cort  of  equitie.     Wee  grant  that  prohibi- 

have  byn  cioTw  and  writtes  of  corpus  cum  causa^  may  be  awarded  out 
dtf»t«»*    of  the  Kinge«  bench  to  Corte«  of  commen  lawe,  or  cort€«  of 
shewenof  civiU  Lawe,  but  not  to  Corte«  of  equitie. 
W  ^''^o         ^*     '^^^   intencion   of  the  Statute  34  H.  8*  which   is 
wrUt  of*^  proued  by  twoe  clauses. 

corpiw  1.     In  that  it  geeueth  Jurisdiccion  in  Written 

<5^"*  of  error  to  the  counsell  in  the  Marches 

inuTye  ^  ^  personall  accions  and  to  the  Kinge« 

chancery,  Bench  in  England  as  to  Reall  and  mixt. 

yeExche-  2.     In   that  it   geeueth   authoritie   to    award 

Chanobtfr  written  into  the  Corte«  in  Wales  so  it 

ye  Cort'  be  With   the   speciall   direccton   of  the 

of 

^the^'         *  E8tate=State. 

Datchye         '  "^h®  folio  numbers  in  the  text  refer  to  the  earlier  portion  of  the 
ye  Cham-  MS.  from  which  this  tract  was  taken, 
btfrlen  of        'A  writ  issuing  out  of  Chancery  to  remove  the  body  and  the 

Chester    record  in  the  case  of  a  man  in  prison, 
or  Chan-        *  Cap.  26,  sec.  113  and  115. 


English  Law  in  Wales  and  the  Marches.      35 


Lord    Chauncellor    or    a    priuy     coun- 
sellor. 
These  proue  a  fortiori  that  no  written  of  ordinary  course 
from  the  Corte«  at  Westminster  shold  be  sent  to  the  Coun- 
sell  in  the  Marches  w/iich  is  the  superior  Cort  in  Wales. 

/No  corpus  cum  cat^^a  was  euer  a- 
warded  to  the  Porter*  but  one  in 
the  late  Erie  of  Pembroke's  time, 
w^ich  was  not  obeyed,  and  this  of 


For  Matter  of 
President 


In  the 
affirmative 


ffor  Matter  of^ 
Polycie 


In  the      .  ,w».v..*  ,,« 
negative    |ffarleies.^ 

Neuer  any  prohibicion  to  the 
Counsell  and  f  ewe  to  the  parties 
till  of  late  time. 

'A  certiorari*  out  of  the  Chancerye 
answered  only  byle^^ers.     E.  6. 
An  Inhibicton  out  of  thexchequer 
answered  only  by  letters.     Eliz. 
''The    Cort    was    erected  to    retaine  those 
counties      in     obedience     and     if      their 
doinges     be    subiecte    to     reexaminacions 
and  controllmentes  by  such  written  the  cort 
wilbe  made  contemptible. 
The   Cort  was    erected    for  ease    of    the 
poore    &    meane    subiect    &    the    double 
examininge    of     causes     wold    exceeding- 
lie  yncrease  charge. 
Third  question 

Conceminge  the  exemption  of  the  f  ower  Countyes 
the  course  of  prof e  on  the  behalf  of  the  Marches  resteth 
vppon  these  parte*. 

1.  The  King's  Intencion  in  erectinge  the  Cort. 

2.  The  words  of  the  Statute  of  34  H.  8=*  wAtch 

leaue  the  Jurisdiccton  at  large  to  the 
Kinges  Instruccions  accordinge  to  former 
vsage  without  determininge  either  matter 
or  place. 

Vis  termini,*  the  propriete  &  significacion  of  the  word 
Marches. 

Vsage  and  Authoritie. 

Mischeif  that  wold  insue  if  they  shold  be  exempted. 

*  The  Porter  of  the  Council  had  the  custody  of  the  prisoners. 

*  Farleus  or  farlies,  were  money  payments  in  lieu  of  heriots. 
^  Sec.  4 ;  the  words  are  given  below. 

*  See  Bacon's  Works  (as  above),  p.  687. 

d2 


celor  of 

Durisme, 

wee 

meane 
writtM  of 

corpiM 
cnmcaKia 

of  ye 

nature 
aforesaid. 


p.  3. 


36       English  Law  in  Wales  and  the  Marches. 

The  Intent  of  the  Kinge  and  parlament  in  erecting  & 
Authorisinge  that  Cort  consisteth  vppon  three  Branches, 
euery  of  them  prouinge  plainelie  that  the  shires  shold  be 
coupled  in  gouerment  with  Wales. 

The  first  is  the  quiett  of  the  Contries  for  because 
Wales  was  newlie  reclaimed  &  subiect  to  disobedience  & 
disorders  jrfc  was  necessarie  to  bridle  them  with  the  Eng- 
lish e  shires,  &  so  to  compound  them  vnder  one  gouer- 
ment. 

It  is  confessed  on  the  other  side  that  for  forces^  and 
misdemeanours  &  installacion  of  pose««ion  the  fower  shires 
ought  to  be  included.  Whereto  wee  say  that  they  cannot 
seuer  the  Jurisdiccton  but  the  lawe  must  be  alike  for  both. 
4  If  the  word  Marches  extend  not  to  those  shires  at  all,  the 
counsell  can  haue  noe  authoritie  there  for  either. 

The  second  intent  is  the  ease  of  the  Meaner  and  poore 
sort  of  subiecte^  that  they  shold  not  fetch  Justice  to  farre 
of.  Herevppon  wee  inforce  that  it  was  for  noe  fait  or 
punishment  of  those  shires  that  they  were  made  subiect 
to  the  Jurisdiccion  of  the  counsell  as  is  pretended,  but  a 
favoi^r. 

The  like  president  of  a' 
Cort  of  Equitye  erected  in  the 
North  wher  the  shires  without 
all  question  were  euer  Eng- 
land. Wee  alledge  alsoe  the 
Example  of  forren  Contryes 
wWch  haue  diuers  provinciale^ 
Cortes  of  highe  Justice,  least  the  subiect  shold  resort  to 
farre  of  to  the  seate  of  ye  Kingdome. 

The  third  intent  was  the  erectinge  of  a  proporcionable 
&  fitt  honour  for  the  Kinge«  eldest  son  wAich  if  it  had 
consisted  of  Wales  onlie  it  had  bin  but  labor  et  Angustia, 
as  Wales  then  was,  w/iich  wee  alledge  not  as  thoughe  the 
principality  of  Wales  went  otherwise  then  by  the  Kinges 
creacion  or  that  it  is  not  in  the  Kinge«  power  to  Amplifie 
or  lymitt  that  lieftenancie,  but  to  shewe  that  the  shires 
were  euer  intended  to  be  coupled  to  the  gouermewt  of 
Wales  &  not  seuered. 

11  H.  4.  Prince  Henrie  (aft^r  King  H.  5)  made 
Lieftenant  in  Wales  &  the  marches  of  tlie  Realrae 
of  England  adioyninge,  fol.  8. 

*  t.tf.,  acts  of  violence. 


Instruct.  17  H.  8.     Art.  1 

fol.  22. 
Instruct.  1   Regis  Jacobi 

Art.  20. 


English  Law  in  Wales  and  the  Marches.      37 

The  worded  of  34  H.  8  are  these 

There  shalbe  and  remaine  a  President  &  Counsell  in 
the  said  dominion  and  principality  of  Wales  A  the 
Marches  of  the  same  with  all  officers  clerke«  &  yncidentes 
to  the  same,  in  Maner  &  forme  as  hath  bin  heretofore  vsed 
and  accustomed,  whiche  President  &  Counsell  shall  haue 
power  &  authority  to  heare  and  determine  by  their  wis- 
domes  &  discrecions  such  causes  &  Matters  as  be  or  here-  P' 
af  ^er  shalbe  assigned  to  them  by  the  Kinge«  mate«tie  as 
heretofore  hath  bin  accustomed  &  vsed. 

Before  this  statute  the  Kinge  vsed  to  assigne  causes  in 
these  fower  shires  as  is  proued  by  the  Instruccions  of 
17  H.  8  &  the  presidentes  of  that  tyme. 

And  the  worde«  (of  Wales  and  the  Marches)  are  speci- 
fied in  the  statute  onlie  as  places  for  the  president  & 
Counsels  residence  &  not  for  limitacion  of  their  Juris- 
diccion. 

The  Acception  of  the  word  Marches 
It  may  be  taken 

Either  in  a  naturall  or  vulgar  construccion 
Or  in  a  legall  construccton 

fPor  the  first.  Marches  signifies  Borders,  limited  or 
confines  &  because  it  must  haue  a  latitude  yt  is  vnderstood 
of  the  shires  adiacent  in  any  part  vppon  Wales,  all  one 
With  the  familiar  taking  it  in  the  example  of  Scotland 
where  the  Marches  of  Scotland  are  vnderstood  of  the 
three  counties  w/itch  in  any  part  of  them  ioyne  vppon 
Scotland. 

fPor  the  legall  construccion  I    1.    In  recorder, 
wee  she  we  it  J   2.    In  statutes. 

In  Eecordes 

6  E.  4.     Rex  concedit  Willelmo  Harbert  manermm 

de  Kilpeck  in  comitatu  Hereford  in 
marchtt«  WalMe,  fol.  11° 

46  E.  3.     Inquisitio.     Elizabeth  Talbott  tenet  cas- 

trum  de  Goderidge  in  Marchijs  Wallie, 
fol.  7,  &  this  castle  was  anchientlie  & 
still  is  in  Herefordshire. 

6  E.  1.  A  commission  to  some  to  heare  &  deter- 
mine causes  in  Wales  &  the  Marches 
&  amongst  others  the  sheriff es  of  Here- 
ford &  Salop  are  to  attend  for  Juries, 
fol.  6. 


38      English  Law  in  Wales  and  the  Marches. 

In  Statutes 

17  E.  2.     Statu  turn   de  prerogativa  Regis  wherein 
P*  ^*  to  the  worde«  Marchie  Wallie  is  added 

by  way  of  restraint  to  the  generalty  of 
the  worde,  vbi  breve  regis  non  currit. 

26  H.  8.     Cap.  6.    EastalV  Wales  25.    There  is  one 

place  wA<tch  mencioneth  of  LordsA-ipps 
Marchers  &  Marches  of  Wales. 

18  Eliz.     Cap.  18.     RastaH,  Bridges  3,  Justices  of 

peace  in  ye  Counties  of  Gloucester  & 
Monmouth  not  following  the  direccton 
of  the  Statute  are  to  be  sued  for  penal- 
ties before  the  counsell  in  the  Marches, 
ffor  the  equivocacion  that  the  other  side  would  euade  by, 
that  it  shold  signifie  sometimes  lord«/iips  Marchers  wA<tch 
were  as  the  bateble  ground.     It  is  true,  sometimes  it  is  so 
taken  but  vmproperlie  for  that  they  all  laie  in  the  Do- 
minion  and   principalitie   of   Wales  w/itch  extendeth  to 
Seaveme  &  Dee.     But  there  is  an  Impossibilitye  that  in 
the  Statute  of  34  H.  8  it  shold  be  so  taken,  bycause  that 
these  Lorc^A-ipps  Marchers  were  by  27  H.  8  extincted  & 
made  shire  ground,  part  thereof  beinge  allotted  to  England 
and  part  to   Wales,  so  that  in  34  H.  8  there  were  no 
Marches  but  the  Counties  Marchers. 

Besides  the  word  Marches  was  individuum  Vagum, 
varieing  as  the  boundes  of  the  principalitye  of  Wales 
varied  in  reputacion  or  as  the  enemye  wonne  or  lost,  for 
whatsoeuer  bordered  vppon  the  Enemy  was  the  Marches. 

Hereford  Cittye  was  reputed  in  Wales.- 
1  Richard  1  \ 

17  Johannis  Regis    \  vide  fol.  1 
11  H.  3  J 

cf  ^  E.  1  Pleas  of  the  Crowne  held  in  Vrchinfeild  in  the 
countie  of  Heref ore?  before  the  sheriff  as  not  within  the 
statute  of  Magna  Char/a  cap.  17,  fol.  6. 

Diuers  citties  &  townes  in  those  partes  commanded  to 
be  walled  for  defence  of  them  selves  &  those  partes  from 
the  enemye. 

'  William  Rjistoirs  Colloctioii  in  English  of  tlio  Statutos  from 
9  Honry  III  to  23  Elizaboth,  arranged  undor  alphabetical  head- 
ings (1581 ).     The  references  in  the  text  are  to  fols.  496  and  46. 

^  Confer. 


p.  7. 


English  Law  in  Wales  and  the  Marches.      39 

8  i:  3  }  *^^   Shrewesburyj  ^^};  \ 

8  H.  3       for  Hereford  fol.  3. 

11  H.  3       for  Bridgnorth         fol.  4. 
13  H.  3       for  Worcester  fol.  3. 

Vsage  and  Authoritye. 

Wee  haue  a  possession  of  aboue  one  hundred  yeres. 
Optima  legum  interpres  consuetudo. 

Hereof  wee  haue  infinite  president«s  &  whereof  diners 
are  breviated  fol.  17,  18,  19,  20. 

This  vsage  was  not  a  popular  vsage  but  confirmed  by 
the  Kinge  &  the  State. 

Instniccio  1  Eegis  Jacobi  artic.  [  9.  ffor  misdeme- 

nours 
20.  ffor     mattes 
b  etwixt 
partie   & 
partie. 

This  vsage  is  referred  to  pattente«^  to  Knight,  for  Gierke 
of  the  signett  &  Counsell,  fol.  15,  by  the  worde«  of  the 
statute  of  34  H.  8. 

This  vsage  is  proued  by  the  residence  of  the  president 
&  Counsell  w/iich  was  neuer  in  lorc^sAtpps  marchers  but  at 
Bewdely,  Ludlowe,  Glouce«<er,  Salopp,  Hereford  &  Wor- 
cester. 

This  vsage  &  construccton  of  the  statute  both  are 
proued  by  the  decree  of  the  late  queenes  privie  counsell 
vppon  the  certificat  of  Gerrard  &  Bromley,*  fol.  16. 

The  exemptinge  of  Cheshire  maketh  for  vs. 
Exceptio  firmat  legem  in  casibus  non  exceptis,^  espetially      P-  ^• 
beinge  vppon  a  particular  reason,  bycause  yt  was  a  countie 
palantine  &  fetched  not  Justice  from  Westminster. 

The  Mischeife  is  the  infinite  perturbacion  w/iich  will 
follow  by  the  ouerthrowe  of  so  manye  decrees  and  orders 
for  these  threescore  yeres,  for  these  shires  beinge  taken 
to  be  out  of  the  statute  ^  must  neede«  looke  backe  aswell 
as  forwards. 


^  The  letters  patent  pfranting  the  office  to  Kni^rht. 

^  Bacon,  p.  610,  calls  them  two  great  learned  men,  Gerrard  and 
Bromley.  For  Gerrard,  see  the  articles  on  the  Marches  in  the 
two  last  numbers  of  this  Journal.  Sir  George  Bromley,  C.J.  of 
Chester,  died  in  1689. 

'    The  quotation  and  argument  arc  given  by  Bacon,  pp.  598-9. 


40      English  Law  in  Wales  and  the  Marches. 

By  these  decrees  many  hold  their  possessions  of  lands 
&  goods  wAtch  nowe  shold  be  avoyded,  yea,  &  the  meane 
profitt€«  recouered  in  many  places. 

A  multitude  of  fines  to  his  Maie«ti6«  vse  haue  bin 
ymposed  wA<ich  nowe  shold  be  restored. 

Many  haue  endured  corporall  punishmente«  wAich 
cannot  be  restored. 

And  infinite  other  inconveniences.  Quod  a  consuetu- 
dine  recedit,  licet  vtilitate  Juuet  tamen  novitate  ipsa 
perturbat. 

The  fourth  question 

Whither  the  Court  in  the  Marches  may  in  some 
cases  proceed  to  order  or  decree  after  &  not- 
withstanding a  judgment  at  the  Commen  Lawe. 

ffirst  in  case  where  the  cause  hath  bin  decreed  by  the 
Counsell  in  the  Marches  they  may  ratifie  theire  owne 
former  decree  notwithstandinge  any  Judgment  obteined 
after  at  the  Commen  Lawe,  for  else  their  whole  authoritye 
were  subuerted. 

Secondlie  Judgmentes  that  may  be  avoyded  in  pays  are 
not  of  that  estimacion  in  Lawe  but  the  cause  may  be 
examined  in  Cort  of  equitye. 

Thirdly  where  the  partie  hath  not  notice  of  the  matter 
p.  9.      of  equitie,  at  the  time  when  the  sute  is  adiudged  at  the 
commen  lawe,  he  ought  not  to  be  excluded  of  the  benefitt 
of  equitye. 

ffourthlie  where  the  Lawe  is  doubtfull,  it  were  hard 
that  the  partie  shold  be  restrained  to  pitche  vppon  equitie 
first  &  not  trie  the  lawe  wAich  if  it  passe  ageinst  him  then 
to  resort  to  Equitey. 

ffif  tlie  where  matter  of  equitie  ariseth  be  puisne^  temps 
after  Judgment  there  is  no  culler  to  restraine  a  sute  in 
equitye. 

Sixtlie  where  the  conscience  of  the  partie  appeereth 
to  be  corrupt,  the  Cort  may  deale  with  the  person  after 
Judgment  though  it  stirr  not  the  possession. 

Seaventhlie  St.   (iermin  in  the  Doctor   and  Student* 

•  Later. 

^  Doctor  and  Student,  a  dialogue  on  tho  English  Law,  written  by 
Christopher  St.  German,  who  diea  in  1 540,  remained  for  centuries  the 
text-book  for  law-students.  Tho  reference  in  the  text  should  be  to 
cap.  18,  and  the  statute  referred  to  is  4  lion.  IV,  cap.  23,  mentioned 
in  the  next  answer,  which  prohibited  appeals  from  the  King's  court 
to  the  King  himself,  the  Privy  Council,  or  to  parliament,  and  enacted 
that  cases  should  be  tried  in  the  regular  course  of  law. 


English  Law  in  Wales  and  the  Marches.      4 1 

cap.  8,  fol.  31,  saith,  this  statute  doth  notprohibite  equitye 
but  examinacion  of  the  Judgment.  And  therefore  9  E.  4 
In  the  case  of  one  Younge  who  had  Judgment  geeven 
against  him  vppon  a  triall  in  a  forren  countie  whither 
he  cold  not  bringe  his  witnesses,  the  Chauncellour  thought 
fitt  to  releeue  him. 

Answere  to  Obiections. 
The   statute   of   4   H.   4   ordaineth   that  Judgmentes 
geeven  in  the  Kinges  Corte«  shall  not  be  adnihilated  but 
by  Error  or  attaint. 

Answere. 
The  Inconvenience  w/itch  the  statute  ment  to  remedie 
was  that  the  Kinges  counsell  pretended  to  adnihilate  & 
reuerse  Judgmente«  as  appeereth  by  39  E.  3^  w/iich  intent 
of  the  said  statute  is  manifest  by  the  preamble  w/itch 
maketh  mencion  that  men  were  putt  to  answer  de  nouo. 

2.  Obiection. 
It  appeereth  by  the  case  of  6  E.  4  (thoughe  there  were 
fraude  in  the  partie  that  recouered)  yet  bycause  there  was 
Judgment  he  was  putt  to  sue  in  parlament.  And  S,  Moyle 
ffynches'^  [«tc]  that  all  the  Judges  tooke  the  la  we  to  be  that 
in  such  a  case  the  chauncellor  ought  not  to  proceed. 

Answeare. 
Circumstances  of  the  cases  may  be  suche  as  the  Chaun- 
cellour  may  think  fitt  to  putt  them  of  to  parlament  or 
referre  them  to  the  Judges,  wA<tch  neuertheles  resteth  in 
his  discretion. 

Maneria  Ducatw«  Lancastrte  infra  Marchias 
Wallie  vt  in  Recordo  de  Anno  in  Annum 
tempore  H.  7  et  H.  8  ad  hunc  diem  patet 
Manerium  de  Rideley^ 
Manerium  de  Tibberton 
Manerium  de  Rye* 
Manerium  de  Minsterworth 
Manerium  de  EUowe 

Ashperton 

Stratton' 

YarkhiU 


Maneria  de- 


Some 

further 

In  comitatu  Glou-  ^/Jl^^^^ 

cestrie.  ties  of 

Glouc^^^ 

and  Here- 

tord  are 

in   comitatu    Here-     in  the 

tordie,  marches 

of  Wales. 


1  See  26  Edw.  Ill,  stat.  V,  cap.  4. 

2  Sir  Moyle  Finch  died  in  1614. 

^  Rodley.  *  Ryolass.  ^  Stretton. 


€^t  (gton^^ione  of  {matc?i»ieC. 

CONTRIBUTION  TO  THE  HISTORY  OF  THE 
PARISH  OF  MARCHWIEL. 

By  ALFRED  NEOBARD  PALMER. 


More  than  ten  years  ago  I  became  so  interested  in 
the  history  of  the  Broughtons  of  Marchwiel  that  I 
set  down  in  order  all  that  I  knew,  or  could  learn,  of 
them,  with  the  intention  of  writing  a  paper  dealing 
with  this  family,  its  genealogy,  and  its  doings.  But 
although  Mr.  W.  M.  Myddelton,  and  Mrs.  Pearce  of 
Leamington,  were  kind  enough  to  place  at  my  disposal 
certain  important  particulars  relating  to  the  Broughtons 
which  Colonel  Chester  had  gathered,  there  still  remained 
so  many  gaps,  which  could  be  bridged  by  conjecture 
only,  that  I  put  all  my  notes  relating  to  this  matter  on 
one  side.  Since  that  time,  however,  much  information 
has  gradually  accumulated,  many  conjectures  have  been 
verified,  and  although  much  that  puzzled  me  formerly 
puzzles  me  still,  it  occurred  to  me  recently  to  disinter 
my  old  notes,  and  review  them  in  the  light  of  know- 
ledge which  has  been  acquired  during  the  last  few 
years.  And  it  seemed  to  me  then  that  it  might  be 
worth  while  to  attempt  again  the  task  which  I  had 
once  abandoned,  if  only  to  afford  some  one  else  the 
opportunity  of  completing  what  is  now  lacking,  and  of 


The  Br  ought  ons  of  Marckwiel.  43 

maMng  a  first  contribution  to  the  history  of  the  parish 
of  Marchwiel. 

2.  The  account  given  of  the  Broughtons  on  page  385, 
Vol.  II,  of  Poiuys  Fadog  is  not  merely  incomplete  but 
inaccurate.  That  account  is  headed  "  Plas  Isaf  in  March- 
wiail",  and  identifies  Vl&s  Issa  with  Marchwiel  Hall. 
Now,  in  fact,  the  house  called  "Pl&s  Issa"  (Lower  Hall) 
was  not  in  Marchwiel  at  all,  but  on  the  western  bank 
of  the  Dee,  in  a  small  detached  portion  of  Dutton 
DifPaeth.  Civilly,  of  course,  it  was  in  the  county  of 
Denbigh,  but  I  have  seen  it  described  as  ^Hf  not  extra- 
parochialy  in  the  parish  of  Church  Shocklach,  Cheshire". 
The  Broughtons  now  under  consideration  were  of  March- 
mel  Hall  and  of  Pl&s  Issa,  Isycoed.  Powys  Fadog^ 
moreover,  identifies  Sir  Edward  Broughton  who  was 
living  in  1648,  not  only  with  his  son  who  was  slain  in 
1666,  but  even  with  his  grandson,  who  was  sheriff  of 
Denbighshire  in  1698.  Surely  one  who  will  lend  a 
helping  hand  out  of  this  imbroglio  of  misrepresentation 
and  error  will  do  some  useful  service. 

3.  I  do  not  propose,  spite  of  strong  temptation  to 
a  contrary  course,  to  go  back  any  further  in  my  account 
of  the  Broughton  family  than  is  necessary  to  illustrate 
the  points  which  in  this  paper  will  be  presented  and 
discussed.  And  some,  even  of  these,  will  be  relegated 
to  the  pedigree  herewith  given,  and  to  the  notes  and 
appendix  annexed. 

4.  And  I  shall  begin  in  the  text  with  Edward 
Broughton  of  Plas  Issa,  who  with  his  brothers,  Lancelot 
Broughton,  of  Eyton,  county  Denbigh,  Francis  Broughton, 
and  Valentine  Broughton  [of  Chester],  are  mentioned  on 
Nov.  12th,  1576.  We  thus  start  with  a  definite  date, 
for  which  we  so  often  seek,  and  seek  in  vain,  in  Welsh 
genealogies. 


44  The  Broughtons  of  MarckwieL 

6.  The  Edward  Broughton,  of  Pld»s  Issa,  just  named, 
was  succeeded  by  his  eldest  son,  Morgan  Broughton, 
sheriff  of  Denbighshire  in  1608,  described  as  of  the  age 
of  62  on  3rd  Sept.  1606,  and  as  deceased  in  April  1614. 
He  married  before  12  Sept.  1589,  Margaret,  daughter 
of  Henry  Parry,  esq.,*  of  Marchwiel,  and  step-daughter 
of  Richard  Leighton,  esq.,^  of  Marchwiel  (still  living 
in  1621).  It  was  by  virtue  of  this  marriage,  that 
the  first  Sir  Edward  Broughton,  Mr.  Morgan  Broughton's 
eldest  son,  came  ultimately,  after  Mr.  Leighton's  death, 
into  the  ownership  of  Marchwiel  Hall.  When,  there- 
fore. Pennant,  dating  back  from  1660,  says  that  March- 
wiel Hall  was  "long  possessed"  by  the  Broughtons,  we 
are  to  understand  by  "long"  less  than  forty  years. 

6.  Under  what  circumstances  the  first  Sir  Edward 
Broughton  (son  of  Morgan  Broughton)  was  knighted  at 

m 

*  Henry  Parry,  alias  Harry  Parry  alias  Henry  ap  Thomas  ap 
Harry,  of  Basingwerk,  co.  Flint,  and  Marchwiel  Hall  (see  the 
pedigree),  directs  by  his  wiU  (12  Sept.  1589)  that  his  body  should 
be  buried  in  the  parish  church  of  "MarchwieU",  and  speaks  therein 
of  his  son,  Thomas  Parry  (who  must  have  died  young),  of  his  daughter 
Margaret,  wife  of  Morgan  Broughton,  esq.,  and  of  his  wife  Katherine. 
He  does  not  mention  his  elder  daughter,  Anne  Parry  (by  his  first 
wife  Margaret,  daughter  of  Jenkyn  Hanmer,  of  Fenns,  co.  Flint), 
who  married  William  Mostyn,  esq.,  of  Talacre,  on  whom  was  settled 
Basingwerk.  This  will  is  so  interesting  that  I  give  a  pretty  full 
summary  of  it  in  Appendix  III.  Mr.  Henry  Parry  was  sheriff  of 
Flintshire  in  1663  and  1.580,  and  on  both  occasions  is  described  as 
"  of  Greenfield."  Greenfield  or  "  Maesglas "  is  a  Township  in  the 
parish  of  Holywell. 

^  Richard  Leighton,  esq.,  is  said  to  have  been  second  son  of  Sir 
Edward  Leighton,  of  Wattlesborough,  and  in  1620  held  not  merely 
Marchwiel  Hall,  but  more  land  in  the  parish  than  any  other  person. 
Ho  was  not,  however,  absolute  owner,  for  in  1620  he  is  described  as 
holding  a  messuage  and  lands  in  Marchwiel  during  the  life  of  the  tcife 
of  Sir  Edward  Broughton.  Mr.  Richard  Leighton  is  said  to  have  been 
also  of  Gwern  y  go,  in  the  parish  of  Kerry,  Montgomeryshire.  His 
monument  was  formerly  in  the  old  church  of  Marchwiel. 


The  Broughtons  of  MarchwieL  45 

Hampton  Court  (18  March  161|),  I  do  not  precisely 
know,  unless  it  were  that  he  received  this  distinction  on 
account  of  his  wife,  who,  according  to  one  of  Miss 
Augharad  Llwyd's  notes  (kindly  furnished  me  by  H.  E. 
Hughes,  Esq.,  of  Kinmel),  had  been  maid  of  honour  to 
Queen  Elizabeth  of  Bohemia.  The  Queen,  we  are  told, 
used  to  correspond  with  Miss  Tyrrell,  and  sent  her  full- 
length  portraits  of  herself  and  of  the  king,  as  well  as 
leaden  busts  of  the  Princes  Rupert  and  Maurice,  whom 
she  describes  in  one  of  her  letters  as  "  fine  Boyes".  Of 
these  portraits  and  busts,  long  kept  at  March  wiel  Hall, 
something  will  be  said  hereafter.  Perhaps,  moreover. 
Sir  Edward  was  himself  a  courtier.  In  any  case  I  have 
not  much  that  is  new  to  tell  of  him,  spite  of  the  fact 
that  a  large  number  of  deeds,  to  which  the  knight  of 
Marchwiel  set  his  hand,  has  come  under  my  inspection. 
But  one  of  these  deeds,  or  rather  a  declaration  made 
by  Sir  Edward,  is  distinctly  interesting  from  its  reference 
to  Charles  Diodati,  the  friend  of  John  Milton's  early  life, 
and  not  merely  to  Charles  but  to  John  Diodati,  his 
brother.  Charles  is  immortalized  by  Milton's  elegy — the 
"Epitaphium  Damonis",  almost  the  last  product  of  his 
pen  in  serious  Latin  verse.  It  is  known  from  one  of  his 
letters^  that,  in  1626,  Charles  Diodati  was  spending  his 
time  in  the  country,  happy  enough,  and  wanting  only 
a  fit  companion,  "  initiated  in  the  mysteries" ;  known 
again  from  Milton's  "  First  Latin  Elegy"  {Ad  Carolum 
Diodatum)  that  Diodati  was  then  dwelling  "on  the 
western   shore   of   the   Cestrian   Dee"^;   known,   thirdly, 

'  Milton's  Poetical  Works,  Masson^s  edition  (1890),  Vol.  i,  p.  266. 

2  Tandem,  chare,  tut©  mihi  pervenire  tabellce, 
Pertulit  et  voces  nuncia  charta  tuas ; 
Pertulit  occiduA  Devre  Castrensis  ab  or& 
Vergivium  prono  qu^  petit  amne  salum*',  etc. 


4  6  The  Broughtons  of  MarchwieL 

from  the  "  Sixth  Latin  Elegy",  that  he  was,  in  December 
1629,  stajring  in  the  country  {Ad  Carolum-  Diodatum^  rure 
commorantem) ;  known,  lastly,  from  one  of  Milton's 
letters,^  that  his  friend  was,  in  September  1637,  still 
staying  "among  those  hyperboreans".  Dr.  Masson  has 
also  recorded  the  "  tradition"  ^  that  Charles  Diodati  had 
settled  as  a  physician  somewhere  near  Chester,  or  at  any 
rate  in  the  North.  But  it  is  not  known  precisely  where 
he  lived,  and  indeed  this  period  of  Diodati's  life  is  so 
obscure  that  even  Dr.  Masson,  with  all  his  marvellous 
industry,  has  been  unable  to  throw  much  light  upon  it. 
Under  these  circumstances,  any  additional  information, 
or  even  hint  of  information,  is  not  without  value.  It 
appears  then  that  the  notorious  Collins  and  Fenn  (who, 
8th  Dec,  7th  year  Charles  T,  obtained  an  enormous  grant 
of  Crown  rights  in  Wales),  sold  on  4  April  1633,  to 
Robert  Evans,  esq.,  of  the  parish  of  St.  Martin's  in  the 
Fields,   Middlesex,   five  parcels   of  meadow   called   "the 

Receiuo''  Meadow" and  those  3  acres  of 

Meadow "in  Coyd  euan,  adjoyninge  to  a 

certayne  Meadow  called  the  Constables  Meadow",  in 
which  Sir  Edward  Broughton  had  a  leasehold  interest. 
These  meadows  are  declared  to  be  "  in  the  charge  of  the 
baylifs  of  Cobham  Almor  and  Cobham  Iscoyd",  two 
manors  between  Holt  and  Wrexham,  but  nearer  the  first 
than  the  second  named  town.  "  The  Constable's  Meadow" 
is  still  so  called,  and  lies  in  the  township  of  Dutton 
Diffaeth,  a  little  to  the  south  of  Holt,  county  Denbigh. 


^  Mas8on*8  Life  of  Milton,  Vol.  i  (1859  edition),  p.  598. 

2  The  same,  Vol.  ii  (1871  edition),  p.  81.  I  see  in  Vol.  i,  p.  316,  of 
Milton's  Poetical  WorkSy  that  Dr.  Masson  qualifies  this  statement 
thus  : — "  Near  Chester,  it  has  heen  supposed,  but  that  is  only  a  guess 
from  the  fact  that  he  [C.  D.]  had  been  in  that  neighbourhood  in  1626, 
the  date  of  the  Elegia  Prima" 


The  Brouoktons  of  MarchwieL  47 

7.  It  was  usual,  when  Collins  and  Penn  had  disposed  of 
a  parcel  of  lands  comprised  in  their  grant  to  one  of  their 
acquaintances,  for  this  latter  to  resell  the  parcel  to  some 
one  living  near  the  place  where  the  lands  were  situate,  or 
to  some  landowner  who  had  interests  in  the  neighbour- 
hood. Now  we  find  that,  on  the  2nd  December,  ninth 
year  of  Charles  I  [1633],  the  aforesaid  Robert  Evans 
bargained  and  sold  the  meadows  above  described  to 
"  Charles  Deodate  [so  the  name  is  spelled  in  the  declara- 
tion], and  John  Deodate/'  expressly  named  as  "  sonns  of 
Theodore  Deodate,  of  London,  Docto'  of  Phisick."  Then 
on  the  20th  June,  eleventh  year  of  Charles  1  [1635],  Sir 
Edward  Broughton  and  Charles  and  John  Diodati,  mort- 
gage the  same  meadows  to  certain  persons  in  trust  for  Sir 
Thomas  Trevor,  knight,*  of  Dorset  Court,  alms  Salisbury 
Court,  London.  Finally,  on  the  16th  July,  in  the 
twenty-third  year  of  Charles  I  [1647],*  Sir  Edward 
Broughton,  by  himself,  conveys  the  premises  absolutely 
to  the  said  trustees  to  the  use  of  Sir  Thomas  Trevor, 
knight. 

^  Sir  Thomas  Trevor,  knight,  was  the  fifth  son  of  John  Trevor, 
esq.,  of  Trevalyn  Hall,  county  Denbigh,  one  of  the  Barons  of  the 
Court  of  Exchequer.  His  son.  Sir  Thomas  Trevor,  baronet,  was  one 
of  the  trustees  for  his  father  in  this  transaction,  and  the  others  were 
Richard  Prydderch,  and  Richard  Davies,  vintner  of  London.  \See 
Appendix,  notes  5  and  6.] 

■-*  Charles  Diodati,  as  is  now  known,  died  in  August  1638,  his 
brother  John  surviving  him.  But  does  it  not  appear  as  though  John 
himself  were  dead  before  15  July  1647,  he  not  being  a  party  to  the 
release  of  that  date  ?  In  that  case.  Colonel  Chester's  identification  of 
him  with  the  John  Diodati  of  London,  "  factor,"  who  was  living  shortly 
before  Feb.  168g,  must  have  been  mistaken  (see  Poetical  Works  of 
Miltoriy  Masson's  edition,  vol.  i,  p.  328).  But  I  should  be  sorry  to  pit 
any  notion  of  mine  against  the  opinion  of  such  a  genealogist  as 
Colonel  Chester,  and  the  omission  of  John  Diodati's  name  from  the 
release  of  1647  may,  perhaps,  be  explained  on  some  other  sup- 
position than  that  of  his  being  then  dead. 


48  The  Broughtons  of  MarchwieL 

8.  Now  does  it  not  look  likely  that,  in  1633,  and  per- 
haps in  1635,  Charles  and  John  Diodati  were  living  in  or 
near  Holt?  This  town  is  actually  "on  the  western  shore 
of  the  Cestrian  Dee."  So  also,  I  may  add,  was  Pld^s  Issa, 
one  of  Sir  Edward  Broughton's  two  mansions.  Nor  was 
Trevalyn  Hall,  the  seat  of  the  Trevors,  very  far  distant  from 
that  stream,  on  the  western  side  of  it.  Chester,  on  the  other 
hand,  and  all  but  a  small  part  of  Cheshire,  are  on  the  east 
of  Dee.  In  any  case,  the  association  of  the  two  brothers, 
first  with  the  purchase  and  then  with  the  mortgage  of  the 
lands  named  is  of  especial  interest.  They  appear  to  have 
acted  as  the  "  go-betweens "  of  the  first  Sir  Edward 
Broughton  and  of  Sir  Thomas  Trevor,  and  were  evidently 
well-known  to  both,  and  I  please  myself  with  speculating 
whether  when,  on  13th  Dec.  1629,  Charles  Diodati  was 
spending  his  time  so  merrily  at  some  country  mansion 
that  he  had  little  leisure  for  the  Muses,  he  was  not 
staying  at  Plfi^s  Issa,  at  Marchwiel  Hall,  or  at  the 
beautiful  Elizabethan  house  of  the  Trevors  of  Trevalyn. 

9.  It  is  most  unfortunate  that  in  "the  declaration'' 
which  I  have  seen,  the  terms  and  effects  of  earlier  deeds 
relating  to  the  meadow-lands  in  point  are  recited  with 
such  tantalizing  brevity.  If  we  could  get  hold  of  those 
earlier  deeds,  we  may  be  pretty  certain  that  we  should 
find  given  therein,  not  merely  the  place  of  residence, 
but  the  "occupation"  of  Charles  and  John  Diodati, 
and  conjecture  would  be  at  an  end.  Those  deeds  ought 
now  to  be  in  the  possession  of  one  or  other  of  the  heirs 
of  the  Trevors,  and  may  yet  be  discovered.  I  must  not 
omit  to  add  that  the  declaration,  a  summary  of  which 
has  been  given  above,  was  found  by  me  at  Erddig  Hall, 
near  Wrexham,  the  seat  of  Philip  Yorke,  esq.,  and  is 
now  carefully  preserved  by  him  in  one  of  his  cabinets. 
I  give  an  exact  copy  of  the  deed  in  Appendix  IV, 


[2)  Henry  Parry,  esq.,' 
of  Marchwiel  and 
Basingwerk,  died 
before      7     Feb. 
1689-90 


.Katherine,  d.  of  Wm.=(3)  Richard   Leigh- 


Mostyn,  esq.,  of 
Mostyn  (mar.  first 
Edward  Dymock, 
gent.,  of  Penley) 
second  wife  of 
Henry  Parry 


ton,  esq.,  of 
Marchwiel,  liv- 
ing in  1621, 
mar.  to  Eathe- 
rlne  Parry, 
widow,  before 
March  1609-10 


eiress  of 

1; 
3, 

.pr.  1660 


Thomas  Parry, 

living  12  Sept.  1689; 

died  without  issue 


*^ 

ft 


^ 


The  Broughtons  of  MarchwieL  49 

10.  Coming  back  from  this  excursion,  I  should  like 
to  make  a  few  observations  on  the  annexed  pedigree. 
Some  years  ago  I  had  lent  me  an  old  genealogy  of  the 
Broughtons  of  Plfi^  Issa  and  Marchwiel,  the  edges  of 
which  were  frayed  away,  and  the  words  and  names,  in 
many  places,  quite  illegible.  This  genealogy,  wherever 
I  was  able  to  test  it,  was  found  correct.  Therefore,  in 
the  first  draft  of  the  pedigree  constructed  by  me,  all 
the  gaps  were  filled  in,  with  due  acknowledgment,  from 
this  old  genealogy.  But  on  submitting  the  pedigree,  so 
composed,  to  H.  R.  Hughes,  esq.,  of  Kinmel,  he  largely 
extended  it,  firstly,  from  a  Hengwrt  MS.,  written  between 
1632  and  1662,  and  secondly,  "from  two  apparently 
contemporary  MSS."  To  every  entry,  therefore,  in  the 
pedigree  herewith  presented,  taken  from  the  Hengwrt 
MS.  (of  which  the  "old  genealogy"  above  mentioned 
seems  to  be  a  copy),  I  have  annexed  the  letters  H.S. 
Those  entries  marked  O.P.  are  taken  from  the  "two 
contemporary  copies."  The  contributions  of  the  late 
Colonel  Chester  are  indicated  by  the  letters  C.C.,  while 
"M."  stands  for  W.  M.  Myddelton,  esq.,  and  "H.  of  K." 
for  H.  R.  Hughes,  esq.,  of  Kinmel.  For  all,  or  nearly 
all,  the  rest  I  stand  responsible. 

11.  Captain    William    Broughton,   of  Bersham,   the 

third   son   of  Morgan   Broughton,    esq.,    of    Marchwiel, 

compounded  for  his   estate   by  the   payment  of  £90  to 

the  Parliamentary  Commissioners.     I  owe  the  following 

note  to  Mr.  W.  M.  Myddelton: — "The  Dep.  Lieuts.  of 

Denbighshire,  by  Indenture  5  April,  15  Charles  I,  1639, 

handed  over  to  the  charge  of  William  Broughton,   esq. 

150  men  that  had  been  raised  in  the  county  of  D.  and 

to  be  by  him  conducted  to  the  towne  of  Selby  upon  Ouse 

neere   York."     Captain   Broughton   was,   I   believe,   the 

William  Broughton  who,  in  1637,  was  one  of  the  church- 

s 


50  The  Broughtons  of  Marchwiel. 

wardens  of  the  parish  of  Wrexham.  Perhaps,  also,  he 
was  the  same  that  is  mentioned  in  the  jirsi  two  of  the 
following  extracts  from  the  Wrexham  Registers : — 

Morgan,  the  sonne  of  William  Broughton,  was  baptized  the  4th 

of  June  163.5. 
Elnor  fil.  Gulielmi  Broughton  Annoeque  ux  eius  23  die  februarii, 

1636.     [Baptizata  fuit]. 
Robertus  iilius  Gulielmi  Broughton  Christians&que  ux  eius  23  die 

Octobris  1644.     [Baptizatus  fuit]. 

If  we  dare  imagine  a  transcriber's  mistake  in  the  name 
of  the  wife  in  the  third  extract  given  above,  we  should 
probably  have  a  record  of  the  baptism  of  another  child  of 
Captain  William  Broughton.  After  the  Restoration,  the 
Captain  seems  to  have  lived  for  a  time  at  Marchwiel 
flaU. 

12.  1  have  ascertained  that  Colonel  Robert  Brough- 
ton (fourth  son  of  Morgan  Broughton,  esq.,  and  another 
brother  of  the  first  Sir  Edward)  was  living  on  the  14th 
Dec.  1658,  at  Stryt  yr  hwch  in  the  parish  of  Marchwiel. 
An  extract  from  a  letter,  written  in  1651  by  Mrs.  Ursula 
Sontley,^  may  perhaps  here  be  given : — '^  Owld  Mr*» 
Broughton  was  praid  for  in  our  church  [Marchwiel]  this 
day,  and  the  Collonell  did  weepe  very  much." 

13.  Then,  as  to  the  "Mr.  Morgan  Broughton",* 
buried  at  Marchwiel,  19  Aug.  1699,  his  burial  is  also 
noted  in  the  registers  of  Wrexham  as  having  taken 
place  at  Marchwiel,  and  herein  he  is  described  as  "of 
Esclusham".      He    was,    perhaps,    Morgan,    son    of  the 

^  Ursula  was,  according  to  Powys  Fadog^  the  wife  of  Colonel 
Robert  Sontley,  of  Sontley  Ilall,  in  the  parish  of  Marchwiel.  In  the 
will  of  William  Edisbury,  of  Marchwiel,  gent.  (9  Feb.  1059-60)  the 
testator  speaks  of  his  "  sister-in-law  Mrs.  Ursula  Sontlley  of  Sontlley, 
wid." 

^  One  "Morgan,  the  sone  of  Captayne  Broughton,  of  Gwersyllt", 
was  baptized  at  Grosford  "  November  furst  1094'*.  Another  Morgan, 
and  another  Captain  Broughton,  are  here,  of  course,  indicated. 


The  Broughtons  of  MarchwieL  51 

Captain  William  Broughton  mentioned  in  par.  11.  "The 
Edward  Broughton,  of  Hatton  Garden,  in  the  county  of 
Middlesex,  esq.",  who  was  buried  at  March wiel,  18th  of 
May  1713,  and  the  "Edward  Broughton,  esq.",  also 
buried  there,  28th  April  1720,  were  probably  sons  of  one 
or  other  of  the  first  Sir  Edward's  brothers,  but  I  have 
not  ventured  to  insert  any  of  these  names  in  the  pedigree. 
I  have  also  sheaves  of  notes  concerning  various  Brough- 
tons of  Broughton  and  Bersham,  in  the  parish  of  Wrexham, 
and  of  Gwersyllt,  Burton  and  Llai  in  the  parish  of  Gres- 
ford.  Some  of  these  seem  to  have  been  connected  with 
the  Broughtons  of  Marchwiel,  but  the  disentangling  of 
the  threads  of  this  tangled  skein  has  proved  an  impossible 
task. 

14.  There  is  an  inscribed  slab  of  shaly  stone  in  Marchwiel 
churchyard  marking  the  site  of  the  Broughton  burial-place, 
on  the  exposed  portion  of  which  so  much  of  the  inscrip- 
tion has  flaked  off  that  nothing  consecutive,  or  nothing  of 
any  value,  can  now  be  read.  If  only  some  copy  had  been 
taken,  and  had  survived,  of  this  inscription,  many  doubt- 
ful points  relating  to  this  family  would  have  been  at  once 
resolved. 

15.  The  first  Sir  Edward  Broughton,  during  the 
great  civil  conflict  of  the  seventeenth  century,  took 
the  Royal  side,  and  was  doubtless  the  "  Sir  Edmund 
Broughton  "  who,  according  to  Burghall's  Providence  Iwr- 
proved,  was  fetched,  in  October  1643,  with  two  of  his  sons 
from  his  house  at  Broughton  [Marchwiel]  and  taken 
prisoner  to  Nantwich.  Besides  his  brother.  Captain  Wil- 
liam Broughton,  his  other  brother.  Colonel  Robert  Brough- 
ton, and  his  sons.  Lieutenant  Edward  and  Major  Robert 
Broughton,  were  on  the  same  side.  But  his  second  son. 
Captain  Francis  Broughton,  espoused,  it  is  said  (O.P.),  the 
Parliamentary  cause. 

£2 


52  The  Br  ought  ons  of  MarchwieL 

16.  Lieutenant  Edward  Broughton  (afterwards  the 
second  Sir  Edward,  and  eldest  son  of  the  first)  was  taken 
prisoner  by  General  Lambert,  in  1659,  at  the  capture  of 
Chirk  Castle,^  and  immured  in  the  Gatehouse  Prison, 
Westminster,  close  to  the  Abbey.  The  keeper,  Aquila 
Wyke,  gent.,  who  held  for  lives  the  keepership  (which  was 
no  mean  office),  appears  to  have  just  died,  and  left  a 
blooming  young  widow,  of  under  thirty  years  of  age,  and 
three  children.  Lieutenant  Broughton,  himseK  a  widower, 
was  evidently  of  an  exceedingly  ardent  and  susceptible 
disposition,  and  fell  desperately  in  love  with  the  young 
widow.  Mistress  Wyke  seems  to  have  kept  him  at  bay 
for  a  time,  but  at  last  gave  her  consent  to  be  his  wife,  not 
without  conditions. 

17.  Accordingly,  on  the  sixth  and  seventh  of  April 
1660,  he  being  then  no  longer  under  arrest,  by  indentures 
of  lease  and  release,  Mr.  Broughton,  describing  himself  as 
Edward  Broughton,  esq.,  of  March wiel,  son  and  heir  of 
Sir  Edward  Broughton,  knight,  deceased,  conveys  all  his 
tenements  and  lands  in  the  counties  of  Denbigh,  Flint, 
and  Chester,  to  William  Knightley,  esq.,^  and  John  Mills, 
esq.,  "  upon  trust  and  at  the  only  disposition  and  appoint- 
ment of  the  said  Mary  Wykes  in  writing,  duly  attested, 
shall  nominate."  The  estate  is  declared  to  be  of  the 
annual  value  of  £550,  and  free  from  incumbrance,  except 
the  life  interest  of  Dame  Frances  Broughton  in  the  capital 
messuage  in  Iscoed  [Pld,s  Issa],  being  her  jointure,  late 
the  lands  of  Sir  Edward  Broughton,  father  of  the  said 
Edward  Broughton.     The  capital  messuage  with  appurten- 


*  His  uncle,  Colonel  Robert  Broughton,  was  taken  prisoner  at 
the  same  time  and  place.  A  Colonel  Robert  Brougliton  was  Royalist 
Governor  of  Shrewsbury  on  18th  August  1644. 

*  This  William  Knightly  was  evidently  either  Mistress  Wyko's 
father  or  at  least  one  of  her  near  kinsfolk. 


The  Brought ons  of  MarchwieL  53 

ances  in  Marchwiel  is  mentioned  as  being  in  the  tenure  of 
Margaret  Broughton,  widow,  grandmother  of  the  grantor, 
and  the  only  considerations  named  are  "  the  love  and 
affection  borne  by  the  said  Edward  Broughton  to  the  said 
Mary  Wykes,  and  the  marriage  shortly  to  be  solemnized 
between  them".  Sir  Robert  Honeywood,  knight,*  and 
Thomas  Darrell,  esq.,  join  with  Edward  Broughton  in  the 
conveyance. 

18.  It  would  seem  that  Mistress  Wyke,  spite  of  this 
evidence  of  Edward  Broughton's  affection,  still  doubted, 
or  affected  to  doubt,  his  fidelity,  his  constancy,  his  devo- 
tion. So,  less  than  a  week  afterwards,  on  the  12th  April 
1660,  Mr.  Broughton  composed,  signed,  and  sealed  the 
extraordinary  "  Imprecation  "  printed  as  the  6th  Appendix 
to  the  3rd  vol.  of  the  1810  edition  of  Pennant's  T(mrs  in 
Wales y  a  document  which  is  surely  one  of  the  curiosities  of 
literature. 

19.  I  have  some  hesitation  in  transferring  to  my 
pages  this  Imprecation,  and  yet,  were  I  to  omit  it  wholly, 
much  of  the  point  and  pith  of  what  has  to  be  related 
would  be  wanting.  It  will  suffice  if  I  summarize  the  first 
part  of  the  curse,  and  quote  in  full  only  the  second  part. 
Edward  Broughton,  then,  invokes  the  most  awful  and 
terrible  plagues  upon  himself  and  his  posterity  *^  if  I  do 
not  utterly  forbear  all  rash  swearing  and  all  man'er  of 
drinking,  and  all  manner  of  debauchery  whatsoever ;  or  if 
ever  I  am  guilty  of  finding  fault  with  anything  my  in- 
tended wife  shall  doe  or  say ;  or  if  ever  I  undertake  any 
business,  or  any  thing,  how  great  a  concern  soever,  or 
small,  without  the   knowledge,  assent,  consent,  advice  of 

*  Probably  Sir  Robert  Honjrwood,  knight,  brother  to  this  Ed- 
ward Broughton's  first  wife,  "  servant  to  the  Queen  of  Bohemia," 
knighted  at  Otelands  7  July  1627,  born  3  Aug.  1601,  and  son  of 
another  Sir  Robert  Honywood,  knight. 


54  The  Brougktons  of  Marchwiel. 

Mary  Weeks,  my  intended  wife,  and  is  to  be  Mary 
Broughton  when  this  shall  effect ;  or  if  shee  shall  make 
any  request  unto  me  in  my  life-time,  it  shall  be  of  force 
never  to  be  violated  by  me,  although  I  surviving  her,  con- 
cerning body  and  soule,  life  or  fortune,  children  or  friends, 
how  unreasonable  soever;  or  if  there  shall  happen  any 
difference  betwixt  her  and  me,  as  there  hath  been  betwixt 
me  and  my  first  wife,  then,  if  I  am  the  cause  of  it,  may 
all  the  plagues  im'ginable  fall  on  me  and  all  the  plagues 
God  can  inflict ;  or  if  shou'd  arise  any  quarrell,  and  shee 
the  only  cause,  yet,  when  I  remember  hereof,  or  shee 
these  vows,  I  most  heartily  pass  by,  forgive,  and  en- 
deavour to  pacifie,  and  use  all  the  art  imaginable  to  please 
here  [her],  and  if  shee  could  impose  more,  I  wou'd  most 
willingly  doo  it,  or  else,  may  all  those  plagues,  if  there 
were  greater  curses  or  imprecacons,  I  heartily  pray  they 
may  all  be  powered  downe,  as  the  rain  fall  on  the  thirsty 
ground,  and  upon  my  posterity  for  ever ;  and  this  I  doe 
heartily  and  voluntarily,  and  with  serious  consideration 
and  premeditation,  having  taken  a  long  time  to  consider 
this ;  and  most  readily  signe  itt  with  my  owne  hand,  and 
seal  it  with  my  own  seale." 

20.  Nice  sorts  of  marriage  settlements  these,  and 
casting  a  vivid  light  upon  the  character  of  these  two 
extraordinary  personages  !  One  can  easily  guess  what  sort 
of  man  Edward  Broughton  was,  but  the  character  of  his 
second  wife  presents  a  more  difficult  problem.  I  think 
we  should  be  wrong,  on  the  one  hand,  to  regard  her  as 
a  mere  "  Becky  Sharp*',  or,  on  the  other,  to  set  her  on  too 
high  a  pedestal.  There  was  plainly  something  attractive 
about  Mistress  Wyke,  and  equally  plain  that  she  was 
shrewd,  capable,  and  managing.  The  probability  is  that 
she  was  really  dazzled  by  Edward  Broughton,  but,  per- 
ceiving clearly  his  faults  and  vices,  took  tlie  best  means  in 


The  Broughtons  of  MarchwieL  55 

her  power  of  winning  and  weaning  him  from  them.  The 
possession  ot  the  qualities  of  justice  and  affection  cannot 
be  denied  her.  There  was  romance  in  the  affair,  so  far  as 
she  was  concerned,  but  romance  well  under  the  control  of 
sound  common  sense.  But  how  inferior  is  this  story  com- 
pared with  that  (not  unlike  it  in  some  points)  so  sweetly 
told  by  Chaucer  in  his  Frankeleynes  Tale  !^ 

21.  Accordingly,  Edward  Broughton  and  Mistress 
Wyke  were  shortly  after  duly  married,  and  she  bore  him 
three  sons.  Of  these,  the  two  youngest  evidently  died  in 
infancy,  and  the  eldest,  Edward,  succeeded  to  the  whole 
March wiel  estate  under  his  mother's  will. 

22.  It  was  not  enough  that  Mr.  Edward  Broughton 
should  settle  all  his  estates  on  his  prospective  wife,  and 
promise  under  the  most  awful  engagements,  to  obey  her 
lightest  whim,  but  the  attempt  was  actually  made  to  change 
the  name  of  the  more  important  of  his  two  capital  mes- 
suages from  "  Marchwiel  Hall  *'  to  "  Conqueress  Hall " 
(The  Hall  of  the  she- Conqueror).  This  name  first  appears 
in  Lady  Broughton's  will  (20  Jan.  1680-1),  and  so  late  as 

*  Hero  are  the  relevant  passages  from  Chaucer : — 

"  Ther  was  a  knight,  that  loved  and  did  his  peyne 
In  Armoryke,  that  cleped  is  Briteyne, 
To  serven  a  lady  in  his  beste  wise  ; 
And  many  a  labour  and  many  a  grete  emprise 
He  for  his  lady  wrought,  er  sche  were  wonne. 


And,  for  to  lede  the  more  in  blisse  here  lyves, 
Of  his  fre  wille  he  swor  hire  as  a  knight, 
That  never  in  his  wille  by  day  ne  by  night 
Ne  schulde  he  upon  him  take  no  maystrio 
Ayeins  hire  wille,  ne  kuythe  hire  jalousye. 
But  hire  obeye,  and  folwe  hire  will  in  al, 
As  ony  lovere  to  his  lady  schal ; 
Save  that  the  name  of  soveroynet^ 
That  wolde  he  han  for  schame  of  his  degre." 


56  The  Br  ought ons  of  MarchwieL 

the  year  1749,  I  find  this  mansion  described  as  ^'March- 
wiel  Hall,  alias  Conqueress  Hall."  It  is  not  quite  clear 
whether  this  attempt  was  made  by  the  husband  or  the 
wife,  but  in  either  case  it  is  the  mark  of  a  tolerably  com- 
plete subjectiim  of  the  first  to  the  second. 

23.  From  what  has  been  said  above,  it  will  be  evident 
that  Pennant  made  a  mistake  when  he  said  {Tours  in 
Walesy  1810  edition,  vol.  i,  p.  414)  that  Edward  Broughton 
married  the  daughter  of  Wyke,  the  keeper  of  the  Gate- 
house Prison.  He  married,  as  we  know,  the  widow  of  the 
keeper.  Pennant  is  also  wrong  in  his  statement  that 
Edward  Broughton  bequeathed  his  estate  to  **  his  wife's 
brother.'*  He  gave  it  wholly  to  herself  before  marriage, 
so  that  he  was  entirely  dependent  on  her. 

24.  There  is  some  uncertainty  as  to  the  original  form 
of  the  name  of  Mistress  Broughton's  first  husband.  Ed- 
ward Broughton  consistently  spelled  it  ^*  Weekes "  or 
'^Wykes",  and  his  step-son  is  called  *^Aqualah  Weekes" 
in  1703,  but  Lady  Broughton  herself  and  the  later  mem- 
bers of  the  family  held  this  surname  to  be  "Wyke",  and 
thus  accordingly  I  always  spell  it. 

25.  The  estate,  when  Mr.  Broughton  conveyed  it  to 
the  widow  Wyke,  comprised  Marchmel  Hall,  with  the 
demesne  lands  annexed  thereto,  one  of  the  two  farms 
CJilled  "  Stryt  yr  hwch",  one  of  the  two  farms  called 
"Croes  y  mab".  Coed  Dafydd,  one  of  the  two  farms 
called  "  Pont  y  ffrwd",  Tyddyn  tu  uwch  y  llan,  Tyddyn 
tu  is  y  llan,  and  other  farms  in  Marchwiel  which  I  have 
been  unable  to  identify,  the  Pumrhyd  Mill  and  lands  in 
Abenbury,  Carnarvon  Hall  in  Mount  Street,  Wrexham, 
and  the  Lower  Hall  property,  which  included  lands  in 
Button  Diffaeth  and  Sutton  Isycoed,  and  extended  into  the 
parish  of  Church  Shocklach,  in  the  county  of  Chester. 
According  to  a  fine  levied  in    1731,  the  Marchwiel  Hall 


The  Broughtons  of  MarchwieL  57 

estate,  not  including  the  Lower  Hall  property,  is  returned 
as  containing  613  acres,  and  according  to  another  fine, 
levied  in  1773,  indvding  Lower  Holly  as.  containing  706 
acres. 

26.  I  think  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  the  hero  (or 
shall  we  say  victim  ?)  of  this  romance  was  knighted,  in  or 
hef(yi*e  the  year  1664  [see  Addenda],  and  so  became  the 
second  Sir  Edward  Broughton.  He  describes  himseK  as 
*^  knight"  in  his  will,  and  is  called  "  Sir  Edward  Brough- 
ton*' in  the  entry  referring  to  his  burial  in  Westminster 
Abbey.  After  his  death,  moreover,  his  widow  was  known 
as  '^Lady  Broughton."  Colonel  Chester  says  that  ^*in  the 
record  of  administration  to  his  estate,  28  July  1665,  he  is 
styled  *  Kt.  and  Bart.,'  but  in  subsequent  proceedings  in  the 
Court  of  Probate,  he  is  described  as  a  knight  only."  I 
should  not  be  surprised  if  it  were  to  be  found  that  he  was 
designated  as  a  baronet,  during  the  few  days  succeeding 
his  mortal  wound,  but  that  he  died  before  the  patent  could 
be  engrossed,  or  the  due  formalities  carried  out.  The 
supposition  just  made  cannot  be  proved,  but  the  acceptance 
of  it  will  remove  all  the  apparent  discrepancies  which 
exist  as  to  his  true  title.  It  will  reveal,  for  example,  the 
excvse  which  his  son  had  for  assuming  the  title  of  baronet. 
The  second  Sir  Edward  Broughton  was  actually  a  knight, 
but  only  a  baronet  designate. 

27.  The  Wyke  family  had,  it  appears,  a  lease  of  the 
Gatehouse  Prison  and  Convict  Prison,  Westminster,  and 
their  precincts.  After  the  second  marriage  of  Mistress 
Wyke,  a  new  lease  was  taken  out,  or  two  new  leases  were 
taken  out,  and  Edward  Broughton  was  admitted  to  an 
interest  therein,  so  that  when  he  came  to  make  his  will 
it  was  this  interest  i/vhich  formed  a  large  portion  of  his 
assets.  For  this  reason,  and  because  the  document  throws 
some  light  on  a  very  interesting  part  of  old  Westminster, 


58  The  Broughtons  of  Marchwiel. 

I  propose  to  give  a  rather  full  summary  of  Sir  Edward 
Broughton's  will,  made  2l8t  Oct.  1664 : — 

"  I  bequeath  unto  Edward  Broughton,  my  son,  after  the  death  of 
Dame  Mary,  my  wife,  all  that  my  house  and  tenement  with  appurten- 
ances being  between  the  Gatehouse  at  Westminster  on  the  west,  and 
the  Convict  Prison  of  the  Right  Reverend  Father  in  God,  Gilbert, 
Lord  Bishop  of  London,  on  the  east,  now  in  the  occupation  of  me. 
Sir  Edward  Broughton,  or  my  Assignes,  with  all  Stables,  Coach- 
houses, Out-houses,  Bams,  Gardens,  Yards,  Orchards,  and  appurten- 
ances belonging  or  appertaining  to  the  said  Messuage  or  tenement 
which  I,  Sir  Edward  Broughton  and  Dame  Mary  my  wife,  hold  to  us, 
our  heirs  and  assignes,  of  the  said  Reverend  Father  during  the  lives 
of  Aquila  Weekes,  Mary  Weekes,  and  Edward  Broughton.  To  have 
and  to  hold  the  said  Messuage,  etc.,  with  the  said  Indenture  of  Lease 
immediately  after  the  death  of  Dame  Mary  my  wife.  I  bequeath  to 
Edward  Weekes,  after  the  death  of  Dame  Mary  my  wife,  all  my  lease, 
right,  title,  and  interest  of  and  in  the  Prison  or  Gaol  called  the  Gate- 
house of  Westminster,  with  all  rooms,  easements,  comoditios,  and 
necessaries  belonging  to  the  said  Prison,  or  with  the  same  used  or 
occupied.  Also  the  Office  and  Custody  of  the  said  Gatehouse,  and 
all  Prisoners  as  shall  be  committed  to  the  same,  with  all  the  fees, 
profits,  comodities,  advantages,  casualties,  benefits,  and  emoluments 
to  the  said  office  belonging,  made  to  me  and  Dame  Mary,  my  wife, 
by  John  Earles,  Doctor  in  Divinity,  Dean  of  the  Collegiate  Church 
of  St.  Peter's,  Westminster,  and  the  Chapter  of  the  same,  to  have 
and  to  hold  the  said  Indenture  of  Lease,  prison,  and  premises,  im- 
mediately from  and  after  the  death  of  Dame  Mary,  provided  that 
he  the  said  Edward  Weekes,  his  executors  and  assignes,  shall  pay  to 
my  natur&l  son,  Edward  Broughton,  the  sum  of  four  hundred  pounds 
of  lawful  money  of  England  within  twelve  months  after  the  death  of 
Dame  Mary,  and  if  Edward  Weekes,  his  Executors  or  assignes,  shall 
neglect  or  refuse  to  pay  the  said  sum  of  money,  I  declare  the  devise 
of  the  said  lease,  prison,  etc.,  to  my  son  Edward  Broughton.  I 
bequeath  to  Mary  Weekes  and  her  heirs,  my  lease,  right,  title,  and 
interest  of  the  Office  of  the  custody  and  safe  keeping  of  the  Prison  of 
the  said  Gilbert,  Lord  Bishop  of  London,  called  the  Convict  Prison 
in  Westminster,  with  the  keeper's  place  of  the  said  prison,  also  the 
Mansion  house  and  messuage  now  erected  and  built  upon  the  said 
Prison,  wherein  Lord  ffitzWilliams  lately  dwelt,  at  the  west  end  of 
the  Abbey  called  Westminster  Abbey,  with  all  Stables,  Coach-houses, 
Barns,  Outhouses,  Gardens,  Orchards,  etc.,  to  have  and  to  hold  the 
same  inunediately  from  and  after  the  death  of  Dame  Mary.  I  be- 
queath to  Aquila  Weekes    and  his   heirs,  all  my  right,  title,  and 


The  Broughtons  of  MarchwieL  59 

interest  of  or  in  or  to  the  house  adjoining  the  said  Gkitehouse  on  the 
North  side,  now  in  the  tenure  of  Mr.  Lewes,  called  or  known  by  the 
name  of  the  Dolphin,  to  have  and  to  hold  the  same  after  the  death 
of  Dame  Mary.  I  bequeath  to  Dame  Mary,  my  wife,  for  the  term  of 
her  natural  life,  all  and  singular  the  rest  and  residue  of  my  personal 
estate,  goods,  chattels,  plate,  jewels,  rings,  household  stuff,  leases, 
debts  and  dues,  and  after  her  death  I  bequeath  all  the  rest  and 
residue  of  my  personal  estate  to  her  and  my  son,  Edward  Broughton. 
I  appoint,  as  Executors  of  this  my  will.  Dame  Mary  my  wife.  Sir 
Timothy  Terrell,  of  Showre,*  in  the  county  of  Oxon,  and  Sir  Phillip 
Honywood,^  of  Portsmouth,  in  the  county  of  Southampton,  knight, 
and  Commander  there ;  and  I  bequeath  to  the  said  Sir  Timothy 
Terrell  and  Sir  Philip  Honywood  twenty  pounds  apiece  to  buy  each 
of  them  a  Nagg  for  their  care  and  pains."    [Will  proved  16  Dec.  1669.] 

28.  Is  there  not  a  certain  perkiness  manifested  in 
this  "will",  as  though  the  testator  plumed  himself  that 
he  was  not  without  something  to  bequeath  in  spite  of  all  ? 
How  often,  and  with  what  evident  relish  does  he  use  this 
word  "bequeath"!  Finally,  notice  how  artfully  he  directs 
that  after  the  death  of  his  wife  the  residue  of  his  personal 
property  should  go  to  her  and  his  son  Edward  Broughton, 
leaving  his  son  the  residuary  legatee. 

29.  Miss  Angharad  Llwyd  wrote  in  1821,  on  the 
information  of  the  Rev.  George  Warrington,  of  Wrexham, 
that  [the  second]  Sir  Edward  Broughton  married  for  his 
second  wife  "a  miller's  daughter";  and  that  Mr.  War- 
rington meant  by  the   "miller's   daughter",   the   Mary 

1  Sir  Timothy  Tyrrell,  of  Shotover  and  Oakley,  Grovemor  of 
Cardiflf,  Master  of  the  Ordnance,  died  23  Oct.  1701,  aged  84,  buried 
at  Oakley,  son  of  another  Sir  Timothy  Tyrrell,  eldest  son  of  Sir  Ed- 
ward Tyrrell,  of  Thornton,  by  his  second  wife  and  own  brother  to 
Frances  Broughton,  Edward  Broughton's  mother. — H.  of  K. 

^  Sir  Philip  Honjrwood.  Mr.  Hughes,  of  Kinmel,  thinks  that  this 
person  must  be  the  Sir  Philip,  of  Petts,  co.  Kent,  another  brother  of 
Frances  Broughton,  Edward  Broughton*s  mother,  and  the  fifteenth 
child  of  his  parents.  He  could  not  have  been  the  Sir  Philip,  Governor 
of  Fortsmouthy  who  died  17  June  1752,  98  years  after  date  of  Edward 
Broughton's  will. 


6o  The  Broughtons  of  Marckwiel. 

Wyke,  widow,  mentioned  in  the  account  given  above,  is 
clear  by  his  adding  that  the  Browns,  of  Marchwiel,  were 
her  heirs.  For  Mary  Wyke's  parentage  my  authority  is 
the  late  Colonel  Chester,  one  of  the  most  careful,  cautious, 
and  painstaking  genealogists  of  our  time.  And  for  the 
history  I  give  of  the  descent  of  the  estate,  I  rely  not 
merely  on  the  "  abstract  of  title"  of  the  property  (a  copy 
of  which  I  possess),  but  also  on  such  contemporary  evidence 
as  administrations,  wills,  rate-books  and  registers.  The 
Rev.  George  Warrington's  statements  to  Miss  Angharad 
Llwyd  appear  to  be  in  this  respect,  as  in  other  respects 
(see  par.  43),  wildly  wrong. 

30.  It  seems  clear  that  Sir  Edward  Broughton  after  his 
second  marriage  lived  at  his  tenement  next  the  Gatehouse, 
Westminster,  and  that  when  he  himself  died.  Lady 
Broughton  and  her  sons,  Edward  Broughton  and  Edward 
Wyke,  still  lived  there.  Aquila  Wyke,  his  second  step- 
son, was  resident  at  Wrexham,  probably  at  Carnarvon 
Hall,  Mount  Street  (on  the  site  of  Brown's  Court,  im- 
mediately opposite  the  old  Mount  House),  Carnarvon  Hall 
being  the  only  house  in  the  town  belonging  to  the  March- 
wiel Hall  estate.  In  1670,  Marchwiel  Hall  itself, 
according  to  the  hearth  tax  returns,  was  occupied  by 
Captain  Broughton  and  Mrs.  Anne  Broughton,  and  con- 
tained twelve  hearths.  Although  Edward  Broughton, 
esq.,  ^^  alias  Sir  Edward  Broughton,  bart."  (son  of  the 
second  Sir  Edward  by  his  wife  Mary)  is  described  as  ^^  of 
Marchwiel ",  this  does  not  necessarily  imply  that  he  lived 
there,  and  I  have  not  yet  come  across  any  decisive  proof 
that  he  did  so  until  after  his  mother's  death,  but  I  may 
say  that  Edward  Lhuyd,  in  his  account  of  Marchwiel 
Parish,  remarks : — "  Sir  Edw.  Broughton  has  a  warren 
adjoyning  to  his  Hall."  The  house  was  subsequently 
tenanted  (before  1731)  by  the  Rev.  Thomas  Holland,  of 
Berw,  who  was  still  tliere  in  1735. 


The  Broughtons  of  MarchwieL  6 1 

31.  When  war  was  declared  against  Holland,  22  Feb. 
1664-5,  the  second  Sir  Edward  Broughton  joined  the  fleet, 
and  was  engaged  in  the  famous  naval  battle  of  June  3rd, 
when  he  was  mortally  wounded.  However,  he  was  taken 
home  to  Westminster,  where  he  died  on  the  20th,  and 
was  buried  (26  June  1 665)  in  the  Abbey,  "  in  the  north 
part  of  the  cross  aisle  near  the  monument  door."  [CO.] 

32.  On  the  20th  Jan.  1680-1,  Mary  Lady  Broughton 
made  her  last  will  (which  was  proved  21st  March  1694-5). 
Therein  she  bequeathed  to  her  son,  Edward  Broughton, 
her  property  in  the  town  of  Kingston-upon-Thames,  in  the 
county  of  Surrey ;  all  her  leasehold  messuages  and  lands 
in  Westminster ;  her  right  and  title  in  the  prison  or 
"  Goale"  called  The  Gratehouse  there,  and  in  the  Convict 
Prison  and  Mansion  at  the  west  end  of  Westminster 
Abbey,  and  all  other  her  right  and  interest  in  her  estate, 
personal  and  real,  in  the  county  of  Middlesex,  city  of 
Westminster,  and  county  of  Surrey,  she  having  purchased 
the  same  with  her  own  ^*  reall  money  or  porcon  or  patri- 
moniall  estate",  subject  to  two  annuities  of  £40  each  to 
her  two  *^  undutif ull  sonnes",  Edward  Wyke  and  Aquila 
Wyke.  She  bequeathed  also  to  her  said  son,  Edward 
Broughton,  and  his  heirs  lawfully  begotten,  the  whole  of 
the  Marchwiel  or  Conqueress  Hall  estate  in  the  parishes 
of  Marchwiel,  Wrexham,  Holt,  and  Shocklache,  in  the 
counties  of  Denbigh,  Flint,  and  Chester,  and  all  the 
residue  of  her  goods,  chattels,  leases,  bonds,  and  all  other 
her  personal  estate  whatever,  subject  to  the  payment  of 
her  debts  and  the  satisfaction  of  her  legacies.  Amongst 
these  was  a  bequest  of  £100  to  Mr.  Roger  Jackson,  to 
whose  care  she  left  the  management  of  her  estate  for  the 
benefit  of  her  children,  and  another  of  £50  to  "  her  un- 
fortunate undutifuU  daughter,  Mary  Decombe,  daughter 
of  my  first  husband,  Aquila  Wyke,  deceased  ",  this  sum 


62  The  Brougktons  of  MarckwieL 

being  the  sole  provision  made  for  Mary  Decombe,  *^  she 
having  formerly  imbeazled  much  of  my  estate."  And  in 
case  the  said  Edward  Broughton  should  die  without 
[lawful]  issue,  then  the  testatrix  bequeathed  the  premises 
unto  her  second  son  [by  her  first  husband] ,  Aquila  Wyke 
and  his  lawful  heirs,  and  for  want  of  such  issue  to  her 
eldest  son,  Edward  Wyke  and  his  lawful  heirs.  And  she 
appointed  her  son,  Edward  Broughton,  and  the  said  Roger 
Jackson,  sole  executors.  I  print  a  fuller  summary  of  this 
interesting  wiU  in  Appendix  V. 

33.  It  has  been  repeatedly,  but  most  inaccurately, 
stated  that  Edward  Broughton  (son  of  the  second  Sir 
Edward)  was  disinherited.  But  it  now  appears  that  Lady 
Broughton  disinherited  her  two  other  sons  and  only 
daughter,  in  favour  of  this  very  Edward  Broughton ;  these 
other  sons  were  only  to  benefit  beyond  their  beggarly 
annuities  of  £40  apiece  in  the  event  of  Edward  Broughton 
dying  without  lawful  issue. 

34.  If  Sir  Edward  Broughton  had  not  settled  his  whole 
estate  on  Mary  Wyke  before  his  marriage  with  her,  he 
would  probably  have  squandered  the  greater  part,  if  not 
all,  of  it.  But  his  wife  not  merely  maintained  his  credit 
and  honour,  but  handed  on  to  his  only  surviving  son  a 
largely  augmented  property.  There  is  no  ground  for  the 
outcry  that  has  been  made  against  Sir  Edward  Broughton's 
second  wife. 

36.  Mary  Lady  Broughton  is  said  to  have  been  buried 
19  March  1694-5,  in  Westminster  Abbey,  but  Mr.  W.  M. 
Myddelton  tells  me  that  the  record  of  her  interment  there 
is  not  recorded  in  the  Abbey  registers,  and  is  only  noted 
"  in  a  herald  painter's  work  book  in  the  College  of  Arms" 
(50,  p.  106). 

36.  It  is  evident  that  there  was  some  litigation  during 
Lady  Broughton's  life  relating  to  the  custody  of  the  Gate- 


The  Brought ons  of  MarchwieL  63 

house  prison,  for  Mr.  Myddelton  found  in  Sir  C.  Levinz's 
Law  ReportSy  1722,  the  following  sentence : — "  And  so  was 
the  case  of  Lady  Broughton  lately,  who  had  the  custody 
of  the  Prison  of  the  Gatehouse  at  Westminster,  under  the 
Dean  and  Chapter,  who  being  conricted  of  a  forfeiture 
before  Hale,  'twas  resolved  by  him  and  all  the  Judges  of 
King's  Bench  that  the  forfeiture  belonged  to  the  Dean  and 
Chapter  and  not  to  the  King."  I  am  glad  of  this  clue, 
but  have  not  been  able  to  follow  it  up. 

37.  The  interest  which  one  feels  in  March wiel  Hall 
and  its  owners  is  not  exhausted  when  the  chief  actors  in 
the  strange  history  just  described  pass  off  the  scenes. 

38.  There  is  much  mystery  attaching  to  Edward,  the 
sole  surviving  son  of  the  second  Sir  Edward  Broughton  by 
Mary  his  wife.  Under  his  mother's  will  he  came  into 
possession  of  all  the  Marchwiel  Hall  estate,  and  assumed 
the  title  of  baronet,  a  title  which  was  freely  conceded  to 
him  by  all  and  sundry.  As  Sir  Edward  Broughton,  bart., 
he  was  high  sheriff  of  Denbighshire  in  1698.  He  is  so 
styled  in  the  rate  books  of  Abenbury,  where  he  had  a  mill 
and  lands,  and  in  the  record  of  his  burial  (14  June  1718) 
in  Marchwiel  parish  register  he  is  again  described  as 
"  Sir  Edward  Broughton,  of  Marchwiel,  baronet."  Other 
instances  might  be  supplied,  if  those  already  given  were 
not  sufficient,  of  his  being  thus  styled  during  his  life. 
On  the  other  hand,  in  the  record  of  administration  to  his 
estate,  which  did  not  take  place  until  1738,  he  is  called 
"  Sir  Edward  Broughton,  Baronet,  otherwise  Edward 
Broughton,  Esq.^^  I  have  already  suggested  (in  par.  26) 
what  excvse  Edward  Broughton  may  have  had  for  assum- 
ing a  title  which  did  not  properly  belong  to  him.  He  was 
a  baronet  claimant  only. 

39.  To  all  this  has  to  be  added  that  there  is  not  the 
slightest  evidence  to  show  that  this  Edward  Broughton 


64  The  Broughtons  of  Marchwiel. 

ever  married.  In  the  administration  of  his  will  he  is,  in 
fact,  described  as  "  batchelor."  And  as  this  administra- 
tion is  very  short  I  will  give  it  in  full : — 

May,  1738. 

July  On  the  fifth  day  issued  forth  a  Common  [commission]  to 

Aquila  Wyke,  Esq.,  the  Nephew  by  the  Brother  on  the 
mother  side  and  next  of  kin  of  Sir  Edward  Broughton, 
Baronet,  otherwise  Edward  Broughton,  Esq.,  late  of 
Marchwiel  Hall  in  the  County  of  Denbigh,  Batchelor, 
dec'ed  [deceased]  to  ad'ster  [administer]  the  Goods  Chat- 
tels and  Credits  of  the  said  dec'ed  [deceased]  being  first 

Jan.  1738     sworn  by  Common  [commission]  duly  to  ad'ster  [administer]. 

40.  Edward  Broughton  executed  a  will  which,  if  it 
could  be  found,  would  be  certainly  most  interesting,  and 
might  clear  up  many  points  on  which  some  uncertainty 
may  still  exist.  I  have  had  a  search  made  at  Somerset 
House  for  this  will,  but  no  mention  of  it  occurs  in  the 
indexes  there. 

41.  There  is  some  discrepancy  in  the  different  accounts 
of  the  date  of  death  of  this  Edward  Broughton.  According 
to  the  abstract  of  title  he  died  in  1719,  and,  according  to 
Colonel  Chester  in  1738.  This  last  date  I  am  able  to 
explain.  It  was  not  until  1738  that  administration  was 
granted  of  his  estate,  and  Colonel  Chester  has  taken  the 
year  of  this  "  administration  "  for  the  year  of  his  death. 
Prom  the  Itfarchwiel  register  we  learn  that  he  was 
buried  on  14  June  1718,  and  in  the  Abenbury  rate  books 
for  the  last-named  year  "  the  heirs  of  Sir  Edward  Brough- 
ton ''  are  charged  for  Pymrhyd  Itfill  and  lands  instead  of 
"Sir  Edward  Broughton,  Bt.,"  and  in  1724,  "Aquila 
Wykes,  esq.",  the  son  of  his  half-brother  Edward  Wyke, 
is  charged  for  the  same.  Also,  it  is  stated  in  the  abstract 
of  title  that  Aquila  Wyke,  on  2  and  3  Sept.  1728,  suffered 
a  recovery  of  the  Itfarchwiel  Hall  estate  at  the  Great 
Sessions  for  county  Denbigh.     It  would  be  possible   to 


The  Br  ought  ons  of  MarchmieL  65 

adduce  much  other  evidence  for  the  statement  that  Edward 
Broughton  (son  of  the  second  Sir  Edward)  died  in  1718, 
and  that  Aquila  Wyke  succeeded  him  under  the  provision 
of  Mary  Lady  Broughton's  will.  But  enough  has  been 
said  on  this  point. 

42.  There  is,  however,  another  problem  that  has  to 
be  faced.  Spite  of  the  fact  that  in  the  administration  to 
his  estate  Edward  Broughton  is  said  to  have  died  un- 
married, and  that  Aquila  Wyke  succeeded  as  his  heir-at- 
law,  it  is  claimed  that  he  left  at  least  one  daughter  and 
heiress,  and,  by  implication,  another  daughter  or  other 
daughters.  Thus,  in  Burke's  Landed  Gentry^  1846,  we  are 
told  that  "Theodosia,  eldest  dau,  and  heir  of  Edward 
Broughton,  esq.,  of  Marchwiell  Hall,  co.  Denb.",  married 
Bees  Hanmer,  esq.,  of  Pentrepant,  co.  Salop,  whose 
daughter  and  heir,  Mary,,  married  Henry  Strudwick,  esq., 
whose  daughter,  Mary,  married  the  Rev.  George  War- 
rington, of  Wrexham  (vicar  of  Hope,  Flintshire,  1773-1796, 
rector  of  Pleaseley). 

43.  When  the  Rev.  George  Warrington  was  talking 
with  Miss  Angharad  Llwyd  in  1821,  he  told  her,  or  she 
said  he  told  her,  that  [the  second]  Sir  Edward  Broughton 
married,  secondly,  "  a  Miller's  daughter ''  [but  see  what  I 
have  said  before,  A.  N.  P.],  and  that  "her  influence  was 
such  that  she  persuaded  Sir  Edd.  to  disinherit  his  only 
son  in  favour  of  her  daughter  [who  was,  in  fact,  cut  off 
with  £60,  A.  N.  P.].  The  young  baronet  became  dis- 
gusted, and  went  to  the  West  Indies  with  his  wife,  who 
was  Miss  Hanmer,  the  heiress  of  Pentrepant.     They  left 

one  daughter,  who  md Estwick,  esq.^     They 

were  parents  to  the  late  Mrs.  Warrington,''  etc. 

^  Should  be  Henry  Strudwickf  esq.  Here  we  have  evidently  a 
mistake  of  Miss  Llwyd,  who  could  not  catch  the  name  rightly  in  the 
form  Mr.  Warrington  gave  it. 

F 


66  The  Broughtons  of  MarchwieL 

44.  According  to  this  account,  then,  Mrs.  Warrington, 
instead  of  being  grmi  grand-daughter  to  Edward  Brough- 
ton,  of  Marchwiel,  was  grand-daughter  to  him,  and  if  we 
combine  three  of  the  different  pedigrees  we  get  the 
extraordinary  result  that  Edward  Broughton  and  his 
grandson,  Henry  Strudwick,  married  the  same  woman ! 

46.  There  is  not  the  slightest  reason  to  suppose  that 
there  has  been  any  wilful  misrepresentation  here  on  the 
part  of  any  one,  but  only  that  sort  of  mistake  which  is  so 
easy  to  persons  unpossessed  of  the  critical  temperament. 
There  is  no  doubt  some  basis  of  truth  in  all  these  stories, 
but  they  are  so  muddled  up  that  it  is  not  only  impossible 
[for  me  at  any  rate]  to  sift  them,  but  even  to  make  any 
sort  of  use  of  them. 

46.  The  constant  insistence  on  the  disinheriting  by 
the  second  Sir  Edward  Broughton  of  his  only  [surviving] 
son  becomes  unintelligible  when  we  know  that  this  son, 
Edward,  actually  came  into  full  possession,  although  under 
his  mother's  will,  of  all  his  father's  estates.  And,  if  it  be 
said  that  the  son  Edward,  who  was  disinherited,  was  the 
son  of  Sir  Edward's  first  wife,  Alice,  then  we  have  to 
assume  that  Sir  Edward  had  two  sons,  each  bearing  at  the 
same  time  exactly  the  same  name,^  and  each  a  "  young 
baronet." 

^  It  is  right  to  say  that  there  is  some  contemporary  evidence  for 
the  statement  that  there  were  two  brothers,  each  named  Edward 
Broughton.  Mr.  Hughes,  of  Kinmel,  calls  my  attention  to  the 
following  obituary  notice  in  the  Historical  Register  Chronicle,  which 
is  the  chronological  diary  to  the  Historical  Register^  25  vols.,  8vo, 
London,  1714-38  :— 

"  Broughton  (or  Braughton)  Mary  (Mrs.),  relict  of  Edward,  bro.  of 
Sir  E.  B.  Bt.  Denbeighs.  13-15  Jan.  1730."  However,  the  more  this 
entry  is  examined,  the  more  evident  it  becomes  that  there  is  some 
error  in  it.  The  statement  as  it  stands,  unsupported  by  any  other 
evidence,  cannot  be  accepted.  But  it  ought  not  to  be  ignored  or 
suppressed. 


The  Broughtons  of  MarchwieL  67 

47.  All  this,  however,  is  but  one  example  of  the  sort 
of  stuff  with  which  the  historian  of  the  later  Broughtons 
of  Marchwiel  has  to  deal.  One  is  enveloped  in  an 
atmosphere  of  "  hud  a  Uedrith",  of  fantasy  and  illusion, 
of  perverted  and  hopelessly  entangled  imaginations,  in 
which  nothing  is  what  it  seems,  and  everything  appears  in 
the  guise  of  something  else.  Fortunately  the  path  is 
fairly  straight,  and  no  one  who  takes  pains  and  has  the 
instinct  of  direction  can  wholly  miss  it.  To  drop  metaphor, 
the  actual  evidence,  as  it  is  contained  in  deeds,  wills,  settle- 
ments, registers  and  rate  books,  is  perfectly  clear  and 
consistent,  and  corresponds  with  what  is  otherwise  known. 
What  else  is  still  entangled  may  yet  be  made  plain  by 
following  the  same  method,  or  by  some  chance  discovery. 

48.  Aquila  Wyke,  of  Marchwiel  Hall,  grandson  of 
Mary  Lady  Broughton,  is  also  described  as  of  Llwyn 
Egryn,  near  Mold,  an  estate  which  he  owned.  I  do  not 
know  how  he  came  into  possession  of  it,  but  I  do  know 
that  he  was  continuaUy  mortgaging  and  re-mortgaging  his 
Denbighshire  property,  and  always  hard  up  for  money. 

49.  When  Aquila  Wyke  died  without  issue,  the 
Marchwiel  Hall  and  Llwjm  Egryn  estates  went  to  Stephen 
Brown,  the  husband  of  his  sister  Martha,  whose  son, 
Charles  Brown,  married  his  cousin,  the  daughter  of  another 
sister  of  Aquila  Wyke.  Thus,  until  1795,  Marchwiel  Hall 
still  remained  in  the  possession  of  persons  who  had  the 
blood  of  the  "Cwncweres"  in  them. 

60.  T  think  it  must  have  beent  his  Mr.  Charles  Brown, 
rather  than  his  father,  Mr.  Stephen  Brown,  of  whom 
"  Nimrod  ^'  *  in  his  Life  and  Times  thus  writes  : — 

^*  There  was  a  very  extraordinary  character  residing  in 
Marchwhiel  parish,  of  whom  an  anecdote  or  two  will  not 

^  Charles  James  Apperley,  in  Fraser's  Magazine y  April  1842. 

f2 


68  The  Broughtons  of  MarchwieL 

come  amiss.  This  was  a  Mr.  Brown,  who  lived  at  what  is 
called  Marchwhiel  Hall,  a  gentleman  of  good  fortune  and 
of  a  naturally  kind  disposition,  notwithstanding  the  fact 
of  his  having  been  known  in  the  neighbourhood  (near 
London)  where  he  had  previously  resided  as  **  Bloody 
Brown/'  The  origin  of  the  appellation  was  this.  His 
garden  had  been  frequently  robbed  of  ranch  of  its  choicest 
fruit,  and  he,  being  an  old  soldier — ^having  served  at  the 
siege  of  Havanna,  of  which  he  gave  a  most  wonderful  and 
amusing  account — was  not  one  to  be  trifled  with  on  such 
occasions  ;  consequently,  he  was  determined  to  put  a  stop 
to  the  depredations  to  which  he  had  been  subject.  He 
applied  to  a  dissecting-room  in  London,  and  obtained  the 
leg  of  a  human  being,  fresh  cut  from  the  body,  on  which 
he  put  a  stocking  and  a  shoe,  and  then  suspended  it  in  a 
man-trap  over  his  garden  wall.  The  act  obtained  him  the 
soubriquet  I  have  mentioned,  but  his  fruit  was  afterwards 
safe. 

The  following  trait  in  his  character  was  related  to  me 
by  Mr.  Strong  [the  Rev.  Samuel  Strong,  rector  of  March- 
wiel],  who  was  one  of  the  executors  under  his  will.  Four 
letters,  marked  1,  2,  3,  and  4,  were  found  among  his 
papers,  three  of  them  written  by  himself  to  some  noble 
lord,  whose  name  has  escaped  me.  They  were  to  the 
following  effect : — 

No.  1.  "  My  lord,  I  did  myself  the  honour  to  write  to 
your  lordship  on  the  .  .  .  instant.  I  fear  my  letter 
may  not  have  reached  your  lordship's  hands." 

No.  2.  ^^My  lord,  I  had  the  honour  to  write  to  your 
lordship  on  the  .  .  .  ult.,  and  am  surprised  that  your 
lordship  has  not  acknowledged  the  receipt  of  that,  as  well 
as  of  a  former  letter,  should  it  have  reached  you." 

No.  3.  "  My  lord,  I  have  had  the  honour  to  write  two 
letters  to  your  lordship,  to  neither  of  which  you  have 


The  Broughtons  of  MarchwieL  69 

thought  proper  to  reply.  Unless  I  receive  an  acknowledg- 
ment of  either  one  or  the  other  of  them,  in  a  week  from 
this  timey  you  will  hear  from  me  in  that  language  which 
one  gentleman  uses  towards  another  when  he  considers 
himself  insulted/* 

JN"o.  4.  His  lordship's  answer,  pleading  parliamentary 
occupation. 

61.  The  great  grandson  of  Mary  Wyke  was  evidently 
a  man  who  would  stand  no  nonsense. 

52.  The  Rev.  George  Warrington  (who  must  be  taken 
to  be  a  wholly  trustworthy  authority  for  all  matters  within 
his  own  knowledge  and  experience)  told  Miss  Angharad 
Llwyd  in  1821  that  Mr.  Brown  [obviously  Mr.  Charles 
Brown]  melted  down  the  leaden  busts  of  Prince  Rupert 
and  Prince  Maurice,  while  the  portraits  of  the  king  and 
queen  of  Bohemia  (see  par.  6)  were  dispersed  at  the  sale 
at  March wiel  Hall  which  had  taken  place  "about  30  years" 
before.  Mr.  Brown  died  at  Bath  10  July  1795,  and  in 
1799  is  described  as  "formerly  of  Llwynegryn,  in  the 
parish  of  Mold,  afterwards  of  Carson,  in  parish  of  God- 
stone,  Surrey,  and  late  of  Reigate,  Surrey." 

53.  From  the  sale  of  household  effects  at  Marchwiel 
Hall  must  be  distinguished  the  sale  of  the  estate  itself, 
which  seems  to  have  taken  place  somewhat  later.  I  once 
saw  a  catalogue  of  this  sale,  but  unfortunately,  although 
the  day  of  the  month — 31st  of  May — was  given,  the  year 
was  omitted.  For  the  purposes  of  the  sale,  the  estate  was 
divided  into  six  lots.  Part  of  the  mansion  (with  coach- 
house, stables,  lawn,  and  gardens)  was  stated  to  be  in  the 
possession  of  the  owner,  and  could  be  entered  upon  at 
pleasure.  The  remainder  of  the  mansion  was  occupied  as  a 
farm-house,  and  was  held,  with  orchard,  yard,  and  lands 
directly  appurtenant  thereto,  at  an  annual  rent  of  £166. 
Lot  6  comprised  a  "handsome  new  built  dwelling-house 


yo  The  Broughtons  ofMatchwieL 

called  Lower  Hall,  situate,  if  not  extra-parochialy  in  the 
townships  of  Button  Dififeth  and  Shocklach",  a  small 
tenement  called  Parry's  Tenement,  and  157  acres  of  land 
thereto  belonging,  mostly  pasture  and  meadow,  on  the 
banks  of  the  Dee,  in  the  occupation  of  Mr.  William  Par- 
sonage, under  a  lease  for  four  lives,  at  an  annual  rent  of 
£177,  "worth  £800  a  year".  Lord  Kenyon,  Mr.  Richard 
Birch,  Mr.  John  Edgworth,  and  Mr.  Thomas  Parsonage 
were  among  the  purchasers,  but  the  Hall  itself,  its  demesne 
lands,  and  various  detached  parcels,  were  still  unsold  at  the 
beginning  of  1799.  However,  on  March  24,  1801,  Mrs. 
Lucy  Brown,  widow,  and  second  wife  of  Charles  Brown, 
esq.,  sold  March wiel  Hall  and  the  lands  comprised  in  Lot  1 
of  the  catalogue,  containing  177i  acres,  and  two  pews  in 
Marchwiel  Church,  to  Samuel  Riley,  esq.,  of  Pickhill  Hall, 
for  £7,000.  There  had  formerly  (in  1773)  been  a  'Move 
house"  among  the  outbuildings ;  and  in  the  same  year  "a 
building  adjoining  "  the  Hall,  "  called  the  Gate  House  ", 
a  name  curiously  reminiscent  of  the  old  Gate  House  Prison 
in  Westminster. 

55.  We  might  conjecture  from  the  name  "  Old 
Marchwiel  Hall "  that  the  tenement  so  designated  repre- 
sents the  capital  messuage  of  the  Broughtons  of  March- 
wiel, and  this  indeed  is  the  common  belief,  based  wholly  on 
the  namey  which,  however,  so  far  as  I  can  discover,  does 
not  occur  earlier  than  the  beginning  of  the  nineteenth 
century.  The  names  of  the  fields,  moreover,  attached  to 
Old  Marchwiel  Hall  (Trawsdir,  Wern,  Rofft,  Maes  gwjm, 
Maes  Madoc,  Cae  du,  PwU  fifranklin,  etc.)  are  not  men- 
tioned in  the  deeds  of  the  Marchwiel  Hall  of  the 
Broughtons  and  Wykes,  while  many  of  the  names  of  fields 
actually  mentioned  in  those  deeds  still  persist,  and  indicate 
lands  attached  to  the  present  Marchwiel  Hall.  When  this 
latter  was  built  I  do  not  know  :  it  appears  to  be  compara- 


The  Broughtons  of  MarckwieL  71 

tively  modem,  but  that  it  represents  the  house  of  the 
Broughtons,  Cwncweres  Hall,  or  the  true  Marchwiel  Hall, 
is  to  me  beyond  question.  "  Henblas"  {Old  Hall)  is  a  field 
with  no  house  on  it  on  the  Marchwiel  Hall  estate,  but  it 
was  so  named  and  in  the  same  condition  in  the  time  of 
Aquila  Wyke,  and  was  among  the  lands  mortgaged  by  him, 
afterwards  redeemed,  and  finally  included  in  Lot  1,  when 
the  whole  estate  was  put  up  for  auction.  I  only  deal  in 
this  paper  with  the  owners  of  the  mansion  called  "  March- 
wiel Hall ",  without  prefix  or  addition. 

66.  The  later  history  of  Marchwiel  Hall  concerns  us 
very  little,  but  it  may  be  well  to  add  that  it  was  bought  in 
1826  from  Thomas  Parker,  esq.^  (the  devisee  under  Mr. 
Eiley's  will)  for  £13,000,  by  Samuel  Boydell,  esq.,  of 
Manor,  in  the  parish  of  Hawarden,  who  sold  it  in  1831  to 
the  late  Townshend  Mainwaring,  esq.,  then  of  Lljmdir,  for 
£11,000.  Samuel  Pearce  Hope,  esq.,  of  Betley  Hall, 
Staffordshire,  purchased  Marchwiel  Hall  and  estate  from 
Mr.  Mainwaring  in  1861,  for  £13,451,  and  Mr.  Hope's 
widow,  Mrs.  Amelia  Hope,  sold  the  same  in  1882  to  the 
late  Benjamin  Piercy,  esq.,  for  £18,437,  the  area  of  the 
property  being  then  nearly  190  acres.  Mrs.  Piercy  still 
occupies  Marchwiel  Hall. 

57.  One  remark  I  may  make  by  way  of  reflection. 
Is  there  not  shown,  in  the  history  of  the  Broughton  and 
Wyke  families,  how  untrustworthy,  how  contrary  to  truth, 
is  much  that  passes  under  the  name  of  "  tradition"?  The 
most  careful  antiquary  makes  mistakes,  sometimes  serious 
mistakes,  now  and  again,  spite  of  himself,  but  there  are 
people  who  seem  incapable  of  telling  a  story  exactly  as  it 

^  Mr.  Samuel  Riley's  last  will  was  made  24  Sept.  1823,  and  it  was 
proved  at  Chester  on  19  Dec.  following.  The  above-named  Thomas 
Parker,  esq.,  was  only  son  and  heir  of  the  Rev.  John  Parker,  and 
married  (about  1795)  Dorothy  Cholmondeley,  spinster. 


7  2  The  Broughtons  of  MarchwieL 

is  told  them^  are  blind  to  improbabilities,  have  no  concep- 
tion of  the  nature  of  evidence,  and  never  think  of  subjecting 
any  statement,  especially  if  it  be  once  printedy  to  due 
examination.  However  little  interest  this  history  in  itself 
may  have,  it  will  at  least  demonstrate  the  necessity  of 
consulting,  so  far  as  they  are  available,  original  sources 
and  contemporary  records,  and  of  not  allowing  even  these 
to  go  uncriticized. 

68.  I  must,  in  conclusion,  acknowledge  my  indebted- 
ness to  the  researches  of  the  late  Colonel  Chester,  and 
render  thanks  for  the  many  hints,  readily  given,  by  W. 
M.  Myddelton,  of  St.  Alban's,  and  H.  E.  Hughes,  of 
Kinmel  Park,  esquires. 

Wrexham  y  April  1900. 


ADDENDA. 


59.  Referring  to  Mr.  Leighton  of  Marchwiel,  I  have 
become  aware  of  a  literary  treasure  he  possessed.  In  what 
is  known  as  the  "Peter  Ellice  Genealogies"  (Harleian 
Collection,  British  Museum,  Additional  MSS.,  Nos.  28,033 
and  28,034)  occurs  the  following  sentence : — "  In  Mr. 
Leighton 's  Card  written  by  Rees  Cain  of  Oswestry, 
A**  1597,  mencon  is  made  of  these  Beirdd :  vz  Guttyn  Owen, 
Evan  Breghva,  Gruffith  Hiraethog,  Symon  vychan, 
W.  Uyn,  William  Cynwall,  Rees  Cain,  Lewis  Dwn." 

60.  In  the  text,  the  second  Sir  Edward  Broughton  has 
been  described  as  knighted  "  in  or  before  the  year  1 664." 
But  I  am  now  able  to  say  that  he  was  knighted  at  some 
time  between  the  7th  April  1660  and  8th  Nov.  1661. 


The  Broughtons  of  MarchwieL  73 

61.  The  son,  Edward,  of  the  second  Sir  Edward 
Broughton  of  March wiel  was  one  of  the  deputy  lieutenants 
for  county  Denbigh  in  1714,  and  was  then  officially 
described  as  *^  Sir  Edward  Broughton,  hari.^^ 


APPENDIX  I. 


Summary  of  Will  op  John  Mostyn.^ 

March  1609-10. — Last  will  of  John  Mostyn,  of  parish 
of  *^Kilken",  county  of  fflint  ....  to  my  uncle  Eoger 
Mostyn  the  forty  shillings  he  oweth  me  ....  my  brother, 

Sir  Thomas  Mostyn,  knt to  my  sister  Katherine 

Leighton  "my  chaineof  gould",  .  .  .  .  to  A.nne  Broughton 
daughter  to  Morgan  Broughton,  esq.,  all  the  sheep  I  have 
at  Bangor  in  the  custodie  of  John  Hanmer,  of  Ruyton, 
gent.,  and  half  a  dozen  of  heyfifers  of  three  years  ould,  and 

six  kine,  etc to  my  nephew,  William  Dymock,  esq., 

the  parcels  of  land  called  dol  gwernhescog,  kae  newydd, 
gwerglodd  kae  newydd  and  all  my  lands  in  gwerglodd  hir 
in  the  township  of  Sesswick,  being  "  coppehould  landes," 
....  to  Edward  Broughton,  son  and  heir  of  Morgan 
Broughton,  esq.,  the  lands  some  time  in  tenure  of  dauid 
ap  John  ap  Jenkyn  "in  leangth  from  the  Lande  called  kae 
r  scubor  on  thone  ende  and  the  Lande  called  kae  rhwng  y 
ddwyffordd  in  the  other  end,  and  in  bredth  betwene  the 
Lande  called  yr  Acre  yslaw  y  ffordd  on  the  one  side  and 
the  heigh  waye  that  leadeth  from  Bangor  to  the  Pymrhydd", 
"being  coppehould  landes".  "My  well  beloved  Nephew 
Sir  Eoger  Mostyn,  knt.,  whom  I  appoint  my  sole  executor." 


^  John  Mostyn,  second  son  of  William  Mostyn  of  Mostjm,  esq. 
He  married  Elizabeth,  daughter  of  Roger  Decka,  and  widow  of  the 
John  Hanmer  named  in  the  will,  and  died  without  offspring.  He  is 
described  in  1617  as  deceased.  His  second  sister  was  Margaret,  wife, 
first,  of  Wm.  D^ock,  of  Penley,  gent. ;  secondly,  of  Henry  Parry, 
esq.,  of  Marchwiel  and  Basingwerk  ;  and  thirdly,  of  Richard  Leighton, 
esq.,  of  Marchwiel.    [See  Broughton  pedigree.] 


74  The  Broughtons  of  Marchwiel. 


APPENDIX  II. 


Indenture  .  .  .  Feb.  1616-7  (Summary). — ^Whereas 
William  Lloyd  of  halghton,  co.  fflint,  gent.,  John  ap  John 
ap  Robte  goch  of  Bedwall,  gent.,  and  Robte  Dycus  aU 
Robert  ap  Dauid  ap  Richard  ap  dycus  did  enter  into  a  bond 
of  £50  unto  John  Hanmer,  deceased,  and  Elizabeth  his 
wife,  dated  12th  May  in  28rd  year  of  Queen  Elizabeth,  the 
condition  being  that  John  Hanmer  should  quietly  occupy 
those  clausures  of  land  called  y  weirgloth  newith,  y 
weirgloth  perllan,  y  kochdjrr,  and  the  fourth  lieth  within  a 
meadow  called  y  weirgloth  hiyr.  And  whereas  Sydney 
Ellis,  of  Pickhill,  gent.,  likewise  entered  into  a  bond  of 
£100  to  John  Mostyn  of  Sesswicke,  gent.,  deceased,  and 
the  naid  Elizabeth  his  then  wife,  dated  8  March  45th  (?) 
year  of  Queen  Elizabeth.  And  whereas  said  John  Mostyn, 
surviving  said  Elizabeth,  did  by  his  last  will  dated  .  .  . 
March  1609,  give  to  Edward  Broughton,  gent.,  son  and 
heir  of  Morgan  Broughton,  esq.,  amongst  other  things 
the  said  bonds,  Now  the  said  Edward  Broughton,  etc. 


APPENDIX  III. 


Abstbact  op  the  Will  op  "Henry  Parrey,  Esq.,  of 
Marchwiell,  in  the  County  of  Denbigh"  (made  12 
Sept.  1589). 

I  will  my  body  to  be  buried  in  the  Parish  Church  of 
Marchwiell.  I  bequeath  the  sum  of  forty  shillings  to  be 
employed  and  divided  among  the  poorest  sort  of  people 
dwelling  in  the  parish  of  Marchwiell.  I  bequeath  to  my 
Son  in  Law  Morgan  Broughton,  esq.,  and  Margaret  his 
wife  my  daughter  my  best  gelding  with  saddle  and  bridle. 
I  bequeath  to  my  son  Thomas  Parrye  my  best  gold  chain, 
gold  signet  ring,  and  my  second  gelding  saddle  and  bridle 
according  to  my  former  gift  made  to  him.  I  bequeath  all 
the  messuages,  lands,  tenements,  and  hereditaments  which 
I  have  in  the  realm  of  England  or  Wales  to  my  said  son 
Thomas  Parry  and  to  his  heirs  lawfully  begotten,  and  in 
default  of  such  issue  to  the  lawful  male  heirs  of  myself 


The  Br  ought  ons  of  Marchwiel.  75 

and  my  now  wife  Katherine^  and  in  default  of  such  issue 
to  my  daughter  Margaret  Broughton  and  her  lawful  heirs, 
and  in  default  of  such  issue,  to  the  lawful  issue  of  myself 
and  my  wife  Katherine.  I  bequeath  to  my  Overseers 
hereafter  named  twenty-five  pounds  each  of  lawful  money 
of  England.  All  the  rest  of  my  goods,  chattels,  household 
stufp,  plate,  jewels,  leases,  "  ffearmes",  store,  and  substance, 
I  bequeath  to  my  said  wife,  whom  I  charge  to  be  a  good 
and  natural  mother  to  my  and  her  lawful  son,  Thomas 
Parrey,  and  to  provide  that  he  may  have  the  portions,  left 
unto  him  by  my  will,  delivered  and  assured  unto  him 
before  she  shall  marry  again,  in  order  that  he  whom  she 
may  marry  shall  not  defraud  my  child  Thomas  Parrey  of 
any  thing  he  ought  to  have — 1  appoint  my  wife  sole  and 
full  executrix  to  this  my  will,  and  I  appoint  as  overseers 
my  trusty  brethren,  Thomas  Mostyn,  esq.,^  Bennet  ap 
Thomas  ap  Harry,*  and  my  friends  ftobert  Turbridge,  esq., 
and  William  Knight,  gent.,  that  by  their  discretion  my 
said  child,  Thomas  Parrey,  may  enjoy  the  benefit  of  all 
things  left  to  him.  Witnesses,  Henry  Mostyne,  Thomas 
Broughton,  William  Knighte,  John  Hughes,  Elizabeth 
Roberts. 

Proved  7  Feb.  1689-90. 

[I  believe  it  has  not  been  hitherto  recorded  that  Mr. 
Henry  Parry  had  a  son,  who,  however,  must  have  died  with- 
out issue,  for  Mr.  Parry's  estates  went  in  fact  to  his  two 
daughters  and  their  heirs — Basingwerk,  etc.,  to  his  elder 
daughter,  Mrs.  Ann  Mostyn,  and  Marchwiel,  etc.,  to  his 
younger  daughter,  Mrs.  Margaret  Broughton. — ^A.  N.  P.] 


APPENDIX  IV. 


Declaration  by  the  first  Sir   Edward   Broughton,  op 

Marchwiel  (15  July  1647). 

To  ALL  cxRiAN  PEOPLE  to  whome  this  p'sent  writinge 
shall  come  or  it  shall  reade  heare  or  see  I  Sir  Edward 
Broughton  of  Marchwiell  in  the  County  of  Denbigh  knt. 

'  Afterwards  Sir  Thomas  Mostjm  of  Mostyn,  knt. 
*  Bennet  ap  Thomas  ap  Harry  of  Perth  y  maen,  testator's  own 
brother. 


"](>  The  Br  ought  ons  of  Marchwiel. 

doe  send  greetinge  in  o^  Lord  god  everlastinge  Whereas 
Sir  Henry  Hobard  knt  and  barronet  late  Chief  Justice  of 
his  Ma^^  Courte  of  Comon  Pleas  and  Chancellor  to  his 
Ma^ie  when  he  was  Prince  of  Wales  Duke  of  Cornwall  and 
of  Yorke  and  Earle  of  Chester,  Thomas  Morray  esq^  secre- 
tarie  to  his  Ma^-ie  when  he  was  Prince  Sir  James  fullerton 
knt  Master  of  his  Highnes  Wards  and  Liueries  Sir  John 
Walter  knt  his  Highnes  Attumey  generall  and  afterwards 
Chief  Baron  of  his  Ma^  Court  of  Exchequer  all  deceased 
and  Sir  Thomas  Treuor  knt  then  his  Highnes  SoUissitor 
generall  and  now  one  of  the  Barrons  of  his  Ma^s  Courte 
of  Exchequer'  by  theyre  Indenture  beareinge  date  the  first 
day  of  July  in  the  twentieth  yeare  of  the  Eaigne  of  o^  late 
Soueraigne  Lord  kinge  James  his  raigne  ouer  England, 
haue  graunted  and  to  farme  Letten  vnto  the  said  Sir 
Edward  Broughton  all  those  fine  acres  of  meadow  called 
or  knowne  by  the  Name  of  the  Receiuo'^s  Meadow  Lyeinge 
betweene  the  Landes  Late  of  Peter  Eoden  of  the  East 
pte  and  the  Lands  late  of  Eaph  Broughton  and  Robert 
ap  Randle  on  the  West  pte  Now  or  Late  in  the  tenure  or 
occupation  of  Robert  Puleston  esq  or  his  assignes  And  all 
those  three  acres  of  Meadow  by  estimation  in  Coyd  euan 
adioyninge  to  a  certayne  Meadow  called  the  Constables 
Meadow  now  or  late  in  the  tenure  or  occupation  of  Richard 
Ey  ton  gent  or  his  assignes  w^^  all  and  singular  their  appur- 
tenaunces  being  pcell  of  the  Lordship  of  Broomfield  and 
Yeale  in  the  said  county  of  Denbigh  and  of  the  Land  of 
the  Manno^s  in  the  charges  of  the  Baylifs  of  Cobham 
Almor  and  Cobham  Iscoyd  in  the  said  Lordship,  except  in 
the  said  Indenture  excepted  vnto  the  said  Sir  Edward 
Broughton  to  hould  from  the  feast  of  the  Annuntiation 
then  last  past  for  and  duringe  the  terme  of  one  and  thirtie 
yeares  at  the  rent  of  thirtie  shillings  eight  pence  as  in  and 
by  the  said  Indenture  of  Lease  more  at  Large  it  doth  and 
may  appeare  And  whereas  the  said  Sir  Edward  Brough- 
ton for  and  in  consideration  of  a  certayne  some  of  money 
to  him  beforehand  payd  by  the  said  Sir  Thomas  Treuor 


*  Those  were  the  Commissioners  appointed  by  James  I  on  the 
27th  January  in  the  22nd  year  of  his  reign  for  the  sale  of  leasehold, 
escheat,  and  demesne  lands  in  the  lordship  of  Bromtiold  and  Yale,  so 
that  such  lands  might  thenceforth  Iw  hold  in  free  and  common  socage. 
I  believe  there  had  been  an  earlier  grant  of  the  lordships  to  those 
Commissioners. 


The  Broughtons  of  Marchwiel.  yy 

and  by  the  appojmtment  and  at  the  nomination  of  the  said 
Sir  Thomas  Treuor  and  for  diverse  other  good  causes  and 
valuable  considerations  him  therevnto  espetially  moueinge 
hath  graunted,  assigned  and  set  ouer  vnto  the  said  Sir 
Thomas  Treuo^  Edward  Harris  and  Richard  Winch  theire 
executors  Administrators  and  assignes  all  the  said  Sir 
Edward  Broughton  his  estate  right  title  interest  terme  of 
yeares  and  clayme  and  demand  whatsoeuer  of  him  the  said 
Sir  Edward  Broughton  of  in  or  to  the  said  p'mises  or 
euy  parte  thereof  w^*»  the  appurtenennces  as  in  and  by  the 
Indenture  made  betweene  the  said  Sir  Edward  Broughton 
of  the  one  partie  and  the  said  Sir  Thomas  Treuo''  knt 
Edward  Harris  and  Richard  Winch  of  the  other  partie 
beareinge  date  the  nynteenth  day  of  June  in  the  eleauenth 
yeare  of  the  Raigne  of  our  Soueraigne  Lord  Charles  by  the 
grace  of  god  of  England  Scotland  ffraunce  and  Ireland 
kinge  defender  of  the  faith  etc  may  more  playnely  appeare 
And  whereas  Sir  William  Russell  of  London  knt  and 
Barronett  William  Collins  and  Edward  ffenn  of  London 
gent,  by  theire  Indenture  dated  the  fourth  day  of  Aprill 
Anno  dom  one  thousand  six  hundred  thirtie  three  in  the 
nynth  year  of  the  Raigne  of  our  Soueraigne  Lord  kinge 
Charles  for  the  considerations  therein  mentioned  did 
bargaine  sell  and  confirme  vnto  Robert  Euans  of  the  parish 
of  Set  Martins  in  the  fields  in  the  County  of  Middlsex  esq 
his  Heires  and  assignes,  amongfst  other  things,  the  said 
recited  premises  as  fully  freely  and  wholy  in  as  Large  and 
ample  manner  and  forme  as  by  our  Soueraigne  Lord  kinge 
Charles  by  His  Highnes  his  letters  pattents  sealed  as  well 
by  the  greate  scale  of  England  as  w^-^i  the  scale  of  the 
dutchy  and  county  pallatyne  of  Lancaster  beareing  date 
the  eighth  day  of  December  in  the  seauenth  yeare  of  his 
Ma^-s  Raigne,  the  said  p'mises  w^-h  the  appurtenaunces 
(amongst  other  things)  weare  graunted  to  the  said  William 
Collins  and  Edward  ffenn  theire  Heires  and  assignes  for 
eu^  in  fee  farme  And  in  as  ample  manner  and  forme  as 
the  Right  ho^^^  Thomas  Vicecount  Sauage  Chauncellor  to 
the  Queene  Ma^ie  ffrauncis  Lord  Cottington  Chauncellor 
of  his  Mamies  Exchequer  and  one  of  his  Mamies  most  ho^ie 
priuie  Councell  Sir  ffrauncis  Crane  knt  Chauncellor  of  the 
most  noble  order  of  the  garter,  Sir  Thomas  Treuo^  knt 
one  of  the  Barrens  of  his  Ma^s  said  Exchequer  Sir  Walter 
Pye  knt  his  Ma^-ies  Attumey  of  his  Highnes  Courte  of 
Wards  and  Liueries  and  Sir  John  Banks  knt  then  Attumey 


yS  The  Brought ons  of  MarchwieL 

generall  to  the  most  excellent  Prince  Charles,  by  Indenture 
vnder  theire  hands  and  seales  beareinge  date  the  seauententh 
day  of  January  then  last  past  and  enrowled  in  the  Chan- 
eery  and  for  the  Considerations  therein  mentioned  haue 
graimted  bargained  sould  and  confirmed  the  same  p'emises 
(amongst  other  things)  vnto  the  said  William  Collins  and 
iSdward  ffenn  theire  Heires  and  assignes  And  whereas 
the  said  Robert  Euans  by  his  Indenture  beareinge  date 
the  second  day  of  December  in  the  said  nynth  yeare  of  his 
said  Ma^sRaigne  for  the  considerations  therein  mentioned 
at  the  nomination  and  appoyntm^  of  the  said  Sir  Edward 
Broughton  and  in  trust  for  him  hath  graunted  bargained 
sould  and  confirmed  vnto  Charles  Deodate  and  John 
Deodate  sonns  of  Theodore  Deodate  of  London  Docto'^  of 
Phisick  their  Heires  and  assignes  all  and  singular  the 
said  prmises  as  by  the  said  Indenture  more  at  large  ap- 
peareth.  And  lastly  whereas  the  said  Sir  Edward 
Broughton  Charles  Deodate  and  John  Deodate  sonns  of 
Theodore  Deodate  of  London,  Docto^  of  Phisick  by  theire 
Indenture  bearinge  date  the  twentieth  day  of  June  in  the 
said  eleauenth  yeare  of  kinge  Charles  for  and  in  considera- 
tion of  the  some  of  two  hundred  pounds  of  good  and  lawf  ull 
money  of  England  to  the  said  Sir  Edward  Broughton  by 
the  said  Sir  Thomas  Treuor  in  hand  payd  by  the  nomina- 
tion and  appoyntmt  of  the  said  Sir  Thomas  Treuo^  and  in 
trust  for  him  and  his  Heires  hauve  graunted  bargained 
sould  enfeoffed  and  confirmed  vnto  Richard  Prytherch* 
Sir  Thomas  Treuo^  Baronett  sonne  and  heire  of  the  said 
Sir  Thomas  Treuor  by  the  name  of  Thomas  Treuo^  esq 
and  Richard  Dauies  vintener'  and  their  heires  and  assignes 
the  recited  p'mises  and  euery  parte  and  parcell  of  tiiem 
w^*^  the  appurtenennces  in  wc^^  said  Deed  there  is  this 
prouiso  that  if  the  said  Sir  Edward  Broughton  Charles 
Deodate  and  John  Deodate  theire  Heires  and  assignes  or 
any  of  them  doe  pay  or  cause  to  be  payd  vnto  the  said  Sir 

^  Richard  Prytherch.  Mr.  Hughes,  of  Kinmel,  tells  me  he  was 
son  of  Rhyddercn  ap  Richard  of  Myfyrian,  co.  Anglesey.  He  entered 
Inner  Temple  2  Dec.  1696,  became  barrister-at-law  10  Feb.  1616, 
Puisne  Judge  of  Chester,  1636,  and  died  1647.  His  mother  was 
Margaret,  daughter  of  Piers  Puleston,  and  his  wife  Martha,  daughter 
of  (Godfrey  Goodman. 

'^  Richard  Davies  of  London,  vintner,  was  also  owner  of  the 
Erddig  House  estate,  county  Denbigh,  which  he  afterwards  sold  to 
John  Edisbury,  esq.    Erddig  is  a  township  adjoining  that  of  Marcbwiel. 


The  Br  ought ons  of  MarchwieL  79 

Thomas  Treuo^  his  execute^  administrors  or  assignes  the 
whole  and  entire  some  of  two  hundred  and  fifteene  pounds 
of  lawfull  Money  of  England  at  or  vpon  the  twentie 
fourth  day  of  June  w^*i  shall  be  in  the  yeare  one  thousand 
six  hundred  thirtie  six  at  the  now  dwellinge  House  of  the 
said  Sir  Thomas  Treuo^  in  or  neere  Dorset  Courte  als 
Sallisburv  Courte  London  that  then  and  from  henceforth 
this  p'sent  Indenture  and  allsoe  an  assignment  of  a  Lease 
and  terme  of  the  p'mises  bearinge  date  the  nynteenth  of 
this  Instant  June  shalbe  voyd  and  of  non  effect  as  by  the 
said  Indenture  may  more  fully  appeare  w^h  said  Money  was 
not  paid  accordinge  to  the  said  Condition  and  therefore 
Know  yee  that  I  the  said  Sir  Edward  Broughton  of  eightie 
pounds  interest  Money  due  to  the  said  Sir  Thomas  Treuo^ 
knt  as  allsoe  in  consideration  of  the  some  of  one  hundred 
pounds  of  lawf  uU  money  of  England  to  me  the  said  Sir 
Edward  Broughton  in  hand  well  and  truely  payd  before 
the  enseallinge  and  deliuery  by  the  said  Sir  Thomas 
Treuo^  the  Receipt  whereof  I  the  said  Sir  Edward 
Broughton  doe  heareby  acknowledge  and  confesse  and 
thereof  and  of  eu'y  parte  and  parceU  thereof  doe  fully  and 
absolutely  exonerate  acquit  release  and  discharge  the  said 
Sir  Thomas  Treuo^  his  heires  executors  and  administrators 
and  euery  of  them  for  euer  by  these  presents  haue  remised 
released  acquitted  confirmed  and  for  me  my  heires 
executo™  and  administrator**  for  euer  quit  claymed  and  by 
these  presents  doe  acquit  release  remise  confirme  for  me 
my  heires  executor's  and  administrators  quit  claymed  vnto 
the  said  Sir  Thomas  Treuo""  Sonne  and  heire  of  the  said 
Sir  Thomas  Treuo^  Richard  Pry  therch  and  Richard  Dauies 
and  their  heires  all  my  right  title  interest  condition  of 
redemption  clayme  propertie  challenge  and  demaund  what- 
soeur  wch  I  now  haue  or  at  any  tyme  hereafter  may  haue 
clayme  challenge  or  demaund  to  haue  of  and  to  the  said 
parcell  of  Lands  meadows  and  pasture  w^h  the  appurten- 
ennces  or  any  parte  or  parcell  thereof  by  virtue  of  the  said 
condition  or  any  other  way  whatsoeur  To  have  and  to 
HOULD  aU  my  said  right  title  interest  clayme  and  demaund 
whatsoeur  of  in  and  to  the  said  premises  or  any  parte 
thereof  w^h  the  appurtenennces  vnto  the  said  Sir  Thomas 
Treuor  sonne  and  heir  of  the  said  Sir  Thomas  Richard 
Prytherch  and  Richard  Dauies  theire  heires  and  assignes 
to  the  only  proper  benyfit  vse  and  beehoofs  of  them  the 
said  Sir  Thomas  Treuo^  Richard  Prytherch  and  Richard 


8o  The  Broughtons  of  MarchwieL 

Dailies  foreuer  soe  as  neyther  T  the  said  Sir  Edward 
Broughton' nor  my  heires  executors  nor  administro^s  nor 
any  of  vs  shall  or  may  at  any  tyme  heareafter  clayme 
challenge  or  demaund  the  said  premises  or  any  parte 
thereof  or  any  benyfit  of  or  out  of  the  same  but  that  wee 
and  eu'y  of  vs  be  in  that  respect  wholy  and  absolutely 
excluded  and  debarred  foreu'  by  these  presents,  And  I  the 
said  Sir  Edward  Broughton  and  my  heires  aU  the  said 
Lands  and  premises  and  eu'y  pte  thereof  w^h  theire  ap- 
purtenennces  vnto  the  said  Sir  Thomas  Treuo^  Richard 
Prytherch  and  Richard  Dauies  and  their  heires  and 
assignes  to  the  only  proper  vse  and  beehoofe  of  them  the 
said  Sir  Thomas  Treuo""  Richard  Prytherch  and  Richard 
Dauies  and  their  heires  foreu'  against  me  and  my  heires 
executo"  administro»*«*  and  assignes  and  against  all  other 
person  or  persons  Lawfully  clayminge  the  premises  or 
any  parte  thereof  by  from  or  vnder  me  the  said  Sir  Edward 
Broughton  shall  and  will  warrant  and  foreuer  defend  by 
these  presents  In  Witnes  whereof  I  the  said  Sir  Edward 
Broughton  haue  hearevnto  put  my  hand  and  seale  the 
fiefteenth  day  of  July  in  the  yeare  of  the  Raigne  of  our 
Soueraigne  Lord  kinge  Charles  of  England  Scotland 
fpraunce  and  Ireland  defender  of  the  faith  etc  the  three 
and  twentieth  Ann  dom  1647. 


;3r 


6U^ 


Seal   indistinct y   hut  apparently  a  lion  statant  gardant. 

Sealed  and  deliuered  in  the  presence  of 

J.  Edisbury 
Geo.  Dalton 
William  ap  Robert  [mark]. 


The  Brought ons  of  MarchwieL  8 1 


APPENDIX  V. 


Abstract  op  the  Will  op  Mary,  Lady  Broughton  (20th 

January  1680-1). 

I  Dame  Mary  Broughton  of  Marchweil  ah  Conqueress 
Hall  in  the  County  of  Denbigh  widow  being  of  good  and 
perfect  health  and  sound  memory  do  make  ordain  publish 
and  declare  this  writing  ^^  writt  by  my  owne  hands  "  to  be 
my  last  Will  and  Testament  revoking  and  making  void  all 
and  every  Will  and  Wills  by  me  formerly  made. 

As  to  my  body  I  leave  it  to  be  disposed  of  according 
to  the  discretion  of  my  executors  to  be  decently  buried  ; 
as  to  my  "  temporall  estate "  first  I  bequeath  unto  my 
son  Edward  Broughton  my  house  and  tenement  with  the 
appurtenances  lying  and  being  in  the  market  place  in  the 
Town  of  Kingston-upon-Thames  in  the  County  of  Surry 
now  or  late  in  the  tenure  or  occupation  of  Robert  Punter 
or  his  assignes  with  "all  wayes,  watercourses,  stables, 
gardens,  orchards,  stalls,  or  standings  in  the  market  place", 
also  I  bequeath  unto  my  said  son  Edward  Broughton  my 
house  and  tenement  with  the  appurtenances  Ijdng  and 
being  between  the  Gatehouse  at  Westminster  and  the 
Convict  Prison  of  the  Eight  Reverend  Father  in  God.  .  .  . 
Lord  Bishop  of  London  on  the  East,  now  or  late  in  the 
occupation  of  John  Hamden,  gent.,  with  all  stables,  coach- 
houses, outhouses,  bams,  gardens,  yards,  orchards,  and 
appurtenances  to  the  said  house,  messuage,  or  tenement 
belonging.  I  also  bequeath  to  my  said  son  Edward 
Broughton  my  right,  title  and  interest  of  and  in  the  prison 
or  "  Goale  "  called  the  Gatehouse  Westminster  with  all 
rooms  comodities  and  necessaries  with  all  appurtenances 
to  the  said  Prison  house  or  Goale  belonging  or  with  the 
same  used  or  occupied.  I  also  bequeath  unto  my  said  son 
Edward  Broughton  all  my  right  title  and  interest  in  the 
convict  prison  in  Westminster  together  with  the  Mansion 
House  and  Messuage  now  erected  and  built  upon  the  said 
prison  wherein  the  Countess  of  Tirconnell  now  dwellith, 
lying  and  being  at  the  West  end  of  Westminster  "  Abby", 
with  aU  stables,  coach-houses,  outhouses,  bams,  gardens, 
orchards,  and  all  appurtenances  to  the  same  belonging.  I 
bequeath  unto  my  said  son  Edward  Broughton  all  my  other 
right  title  and  interest  of  and  in  aU  my  estate  personal  & 


8  2  The  Brought ons  of  MarchwieL 

real  in  the  county  of  Middlesex,  City  of  Westminster  and 
County  of  Surry,  I  having  purchased  the  same  with  '^  my 
own  reall  money  or  porcon  or  patrimoniall  estate"  upon 
condition  and  it  is  my  true  meaning  that  the  said  Edward 
Broughton  shall  pay  unto  my  two  other  sons  Edward  and 
Aquila  Wyke  fourscore  pounds  yearly  during  their  natural 
lives,  that  is  to  say  £40  a  year  each  son  to  be  paid  quar- 
terly by  equal  portions.  If  my  said  son  Edward  Broughton 
neglect  or  refuse  to  pay  unto  my  said  two  "imdutifull 
sonnes"  Edward  Wyke  and  Aquila  Wyke  their  said 
annuity  of  £40  a  year  in  manner  aforesaid  or  within  40 
days  after  each  quarter  day  if  lawfully  demanded  of  the 
said  Edward  Broughton  at  his  Mansion  House  at  March- 
weil  aU  Conqueress  Hall,  then  my  said  devise  of  the 
premises  in  the  said  County  of  Middlesex  and  City  of 
Westminster  to  be  void  and  the  said  houses  to  go  to  my 
other  two  sons  Edward  and  Aquila  Wyke  to  be  equally 
divided  between  them  share  and  share  alike.  I  give  and 
bequeath  unto  my  son  Edward  Broughton  and  his  heirs 
lawfully  begotten  "  All  that  my  Capitall  Messuage  called 
Marchweil  alias  Conqueress  Hall "  with  the  bams,  stables, 
outhouses,  edifices,  buildings,  gardens,  orchards  and  de- 
measjies  lands  thereunto  belonging  with  their  appurtenances 
in  the  said  parish  of  Marchweil  in  the  County  of  Denbigh 
and  all  other  my  Messuages,  demesnes,  Lands,  tenements 
and  hereditaments  lying  and  being  in  the  several  parishes 
of  Marchweil,  Wrexham,  Holt,  and  Shocklyche,  or  any  or 
either  of  them,  or  elsewhere,  in  the  counties  of  Denbigh, 
Flint,  and  Chester,  and  for  want  of  such  issue  of  my  son 
Edward  Broughton,  then  I  bequeath  the  said  Messuages, 
lands,  and  premises  unto  my  second  son  Aquila  Wyke  and 
his  lawful  heirs,  and  for  want  of  such  issue,  then  to  my 
eldest  son  Edward  Wyke  and  his  lawful  heirs  and  for  want 
of  such  issue  to  my  own  right  heirs  for  ever.  Provided 
always  that  the  said  Messuages  etc  devised  to  my  said 
three  sons  and  their  heirs  "  in  taile "  shall  stand  charged 
and  be  chargeable  with  the  several  Legacies  and  bequests 
hereafter  mentioned  and  shall  be  paid  to  the  said  Legatees 
within  the  space  of  one  year  after  my  decease.  1  bequeath 
unto  "  my  unfortunate  undutif uU  daughter  Mary  Decombe 
daughter  of  my  first  husband  Aquila  Wyke  deceased,  she 
having  formerly  imbeazled  much  of  my  estate,  £60  ".  To 
my  waiting  woman,  £10,  To  every  servant  that  shall 
serve  me  at  the  time  of  my  death  408.  a  piece.    To  the 


The  Broughtons  of  MarchwieL  83 

poor  of  the  parish  where  I  am  buried,  £10.  To  the 
preacher  of  my  funeral  sermon,  £10.  To  my  friend  Mr. 
Roger  Jackson  £100  to  whose  care  I  leave  the  management 
of  my  estate  for  the  benefit  of  my  children.  I  bequeath 
to  my  son  Edward  Broughton  all  the  residue  of  my  goods, 
chattels,  leases,  bonds  and  all  other  my  personal  estate 
whatsoever,  he  paying  my  debts,  and  satisfying  my 
Legacies.  I  appoint  my  said  son  Edward  Broughton  and 
my  said  loving  friend  Roger  Jackson  my  sole  executors. 

Mary  Broughton. 
Witnesses — 

Thomas  Crue 

John  Richardson 

Daniell  Browne. 

Proved  21st  March  1694-5. 


APPENDIX  VI. 


The  Daceombes  (see  p.  62) . 

There  were  Dackombes,  or  Dy combes,  of  Wrexham, 
and  I  copy  from  the  Wrexham  registers  the  following 
notes  concerning  them : — 

24  Sept.  1713,  Edward,  son  of  John  Dacomb,  gent.,  w[rexham]  a[bbot] 

bom  19th,  bapt.  24. 
17  Nov.  1714,  Katherine,  wife  of  John  Daxton  [Dacomb  ?]  Gont,  of 

Pen  y  brinn  was  buryed. 
13  Sept.  1716,  Edward,  son  of  Mr.  John  Dycomb,  of  w.a.,  was  buryed. 
6  Apr.  1716,  Mary,  da.  of  Jo.  Dicomb,  of  w.a.,  born  ye  3rd,  bapt. 
20  Sept.  1717,  Robt.,  son  of  Mr.  Robert  Dacomb,  of  w.  a.  .  .  .  bapt. 

It  is  obvious  that  Mr.  John  Dackombe  married  again, 
and  as  his  daughter  by  his  second  wife  was  named  "  Mary" 
it  might  be  surmized  that  he  it  was  who  married  Mary 
Wyke.  But  the  dates  are  against  this  supposition,  for 
Mary  Wyke  was  already  Mrs.  Dackombe  in  1681.  Still  it 
is  not  at  all  unlikely  that  she  was  the  mother,  or,  at  any 
rate,  somehow  connected  with  the  Dackombes  mentioned 
above,  who  lived  in  the  lower  part  of  Pen  y  bryn,  now 
called  "  Bridge  Street ",  at  the  house  next  but  one  to  The 
Horns.  It  may  be  added  that  in  1843  and  again  in  1857 
Daniel  Dackombe,  esq.,  was  owner  of  Pumrhyd  Mill  in 
Abenbury,  part  of  the  old  Marchwiel  Hall  estate.     This 

a2 


84  The  Broughtons  of  MarchwieL 

is  curious,  but  I  am  certain  that  he  did  not  inherit  it  either 
from  the  Broughtons,  Wykes,  or  Browns  of  MarchwieL 

[Since  writing  the  foregoing  I  have  discovered  that  a 
John  Duckome  and  Margt.  Davies,both  of  Wrexham  Parish, 
were  married  at  Gresford,  21  Feb.  1710-1.  I  have  learned 
also  from  Mr.  Edward  Owen,  of  the  India  Office,  that  "  Sir 
John  Daccombe,  knt.,"  was  one  of  six  Commissioners  to 
whom  James  T,  on  the  10  Jany.,  in  the  fourteenth  year  of 
his  reign,  granted  the  Lordship  of  Dyffryn  Clwyd  for  99 
years.  He  was  probably  Sir  John  Daccombe  of  Stapleton, 
Dorset,  Chancellor  of  the  Duchy  of  Lancaster,  knighted  in 
1616.] 

I  have  had  copied  the  pedigrees  of  Dackombe  of  Corfe, 
of  Stepleton,  and  of  Winterborne  Kingston,  in  Hutchins' 
History  of  Dorset,  but  in  no  one  of  them  does  the  name  of 
Wyke  occur,  nor  any  name  which  can  be  identified  with 
that  of  the  Daccombes  or  Dycombs  of  Wrexham. 

Mr.  Hughes,  of  Kinmel,  has,  however,  given  me  a  real 
clue  to  the  Dackombes,  who  were  related  to  the  Wykes, 
which  unfortunately  1  cannot  now  follow  up  or  disentangle. 
He  writes : — "  In  Manning  and  Bray's  History  of  Surrey, 
vol.  ii,  630,  I  find  that  John  Knightley  [and  be  it  remem- 
bered that  Mary  Lady  Broughton,  was  a  Knightley  of 
Kingston]  of  Little  Ashted  or  Priors  Farm  in  that  county, 
in  1713  suffered  a  Recovery  of  the  said  manor  farm,  the 
Whitehouse,  the  old  Courthouse,  and  the  Quakers'  Meeting 
House  in  Kingston,  and  sold  it  to  Aquila  Wyke,  who 
settled  it  on  his  daughter's  marriage  with  Charles  Browne 
of  MarchwieL  She  ob.  s.  p.,  and  it  descended  to  Aquila 
Dackambe  as  heir-at-law,  and  he  owned  it  in  1809."  Now 
Charles  Browne,  of  Marchwiel,  did  not  marry  Aquila 
Wyke's  daughter.  He  married  his  cousin,  Anne  Rock  wood, 
whose  mother,  Mary,  was  daughter  of  Edward  Wyke, 
elder  brother  of  the  Aquila  Wyke  who  died  in  1703,  and 
father  of  the  Aquila  Wyke  who  died  in  1772,  both  dying 
without  issue.  There  is  thus  a  mistake  in  Bray's  History 
of  Surrey,  but  it  evidently  reveals  some  connection  between 
the  Knightleys,  Wykes,  and  Dackambes,  which  requires 
further  elucidation. — A.  N.  P. 

Mr.  Hughes  continues : — "  In  the  Heraldic  Visitation 
of  Surrey,  in  1 632,  the  following  coat  of  arms  is  recorded 
to  John  Knightley,  of  Kingston — Quarterly,  1  and  4 
ermine,  2  and  3  paly  of  six  or  and  gules,  over  all  on  a  bend 
azure,  a  tilting  spear   or  headed  argent.     The  foundation 


The  Broughtons  of  MarchwieL  85 

of  this  is  the  Fawsley  coat  differenced  by  the  bend. 
Possibly  they  were  an  illegitimate  branch.  John  Knightley, 
who  sold  to  Aquila  Wyke,  was  the  son  of  Robert  Kuightley, 
by  Ann,  dau.  of  Sir  John  Chapman,  who  was  son  and  heir 
of  Sir  Robert  Knightley,  kt.,  who  purchased  Little  Ashted 
in  1671,  from  Leonard  Wessell,  his  Trustee.  The  only 
mention  I  find  of  William  Knightley  is  that  in  1647  his 
daughter,  Sarah,  mairied  Richard  Cowper,  of  Temple 
Elephant  in  Capel,  co.  Surrey,  and  d.  3  Nov.  1662.  She, 
of  course,  was  sister  to  Mary,  Lady  Broughton." 


BY 

THE    REV.    S.    BARING-GOULD 


There  are  extant  two  lives  of  S.  Cybi  or  Cuby,  both  in 
Latin,  and  both  in  the  same  MS.  Collection  (Cotton  Lib. 
Vesp.  A.  xiv)  in  the  British  Museum ;  both  are  apparently 
independent  translations  from  one  Welsh  original.  The 
first  has  been  published  by  Bees  in  his  Lives  of  the  Cambro- 
British  Saints^  Llandovery,  1853. 

The  MS.  belongs  to  the  13th  century.  It  contains  a 
calendar,  and  lives  of  S.  Gundleus,  S.  Cadoc,  S.  lltut,  S. 
Teliau,  two  of  S.  Dubricius,  S.  David,  S.  Bemac,  S. 
Paternus,  S.  Cledauc,  two  of  S.  Kebi,  S.  Tatheus,  S. 
Carantoc,  and  S.  Aed. 

The  author  of  the  Latin  life  of  S.  Gundleus  seems  to 
imply  that  he  derived  his  narrative  from  a  Welsh  poem 
on  the  life  of  the  saint,  for  he  records  the  circumstances 
of  the  composition  of  this  bardic  eflPusion.  And  that  the 
two  lives  of  S.  Cybi  are  taken  from  a  Welsh  original 
hardly  admits  of  a  doubt,  for  both  narrate  the  same  cir- 
cumstances in  the  same  order,  and  only  differ  in  the 
rendering  into  Latin. 

Solomon,  the  father  of  S.  Cybi,  was  princeps  militiwy 
i,c,y  Gwledig,  or  chief  military  officer,  also  called  Dux  of 
the  British,  and  a  local  Cornish  king. 

The  Lives  give  his  pedigree  differently  from  the  Welsh 
genealogies.     Solomon,  according  to  the  latter,  was  "ap 


Vita  Sancti  Kebie,  $7 

Gereint  ap  Erbin  ap  Cystennin  Gorneu",  whereas  the 
hives  make  hiin  son  of  Erbin  son  of  Gereint,  whom  they 
represent  as  son  of  the  fabulous  Lud,  the  builder  of 
London. 

There  were  two  Gereints.  The  second  was  son  of 
Caranog  of  the  race  of  Cadell  Deyrnllug,  and  was  father 
of  S.  Eldad,  Bishop  of  Gloucester,  who  was  killed  by  the 
Saxons;  and  the  Gereint,  who  had  a  church  dedicated  to 
him  in  Hereford,  was  probably  this  latter  Gereint. 

Assuredly  the  Welsh  pedigrees  are  more  likely  to  be 
right  than  the  Znve«,  for  they  invariably  call  Gereint  the 
son  of  Erbin,  and  derive  his  descent  from  Constantine, 
and  there  is  absolutely  no  confirmation  of  the  statement 
that  Gereint  was  son  of  Lud. 

The  mother  of  Cybi  was  Gwen,  sister  of  Non,  the 
mother  of  S.  David.  "Ortus  autem  fuit  de  regione 
Cornubiorum,  inter  duo  flumina,  Tamar  et  Limar " 
(Vit.  Inaa).  This  is  the  principality  of  Gallewick,  between 
the  Tamar  and  Lynher,  of  which  Callington  is  the  principal 
town.  There  are,  in  the  district,  no  churches  that  now 
bear  the  names  of  Solomon  and  Gwen  as  founders,  but 
there  are  traces  of  the  presence  of  Non  and  David,  and 
possibly  of  David's  father  Xant,  in  Altarnon,  Landew,  and 
Lansant  (Lezant).  There  is,  moreover,  a  tradition  of  a 
visit  of  S.  David  to  Cornwall,  mentioned  by  the  poet 
Gwynfardd,  who  says  that  he  received  there  ill-treatment 
at  the  hands  of  a  woman.^ 

S.  Wenn  or  Gwen  has  left  traces  of  herself  in  Morval 
and  S.  Wenn,  and  possibly  Llansalos  may  have  been  a 
foundation  of  S.  Selyf  or  Solomon. 

At  the  age  of  seven  Cybi  went  to  school,  and  lived 
thenceforth,  till  he  was  twenty-seven  years  old,  in  Cornwall. 

^  Myvyrian  Archaiologyy  i,  p.  270. 


88  Vita  Sancti  Kebie. 

After  that  he  started  on  a  pilgrimage  to  Jerusalem,  and 
on  his  way  home  visited  S.  Hilary  at  Poitiers,  who  con- 
secrated him  bishop.  This  is  an  anachronism,  as  S. 
Hilary  died  in  366,  nor  does  it  help  us  if  we  suppose  that 
a  mistake  has  been  made  between  Hilary  of  Aries  and  his 
namesake  of  Poitiers,  for  the  former  died  in  449.  It  is 
not  possible  to  put  S.  Cybi  so  early,  when  his  grandfather 
Grereint  fell  at  Llongborth  in  622.  In  the  Lives  Elien 
Geimiad,  his  kinsman,  has  been  confused  with  Hilary. 
As  Rees,  in  his  Essay  on  the  Welsh  Saints,  has  pointed  out, 
Elien  is  very  generally  confounded  with  Hilary,  as 
Geimiad  (the  Pilgrim)  has  been  changed  into  Caimaid 
(bright)  to  correspond  with  the  Latin  Hilarius ;  moreover 
the  name  Hilary  is  rendered  in  Welsh  Elian.^ 

The  Lives  assert  that  Cybi  remained  for  fifty  years  on 
the  Continent.  This  is  incredible,  as  shall  be  presently 
shown. 

On  his  return  to  Cornwall,  Cybi  probably  made  his  two 
important  foundations  of  Duloe  and  Tregony.  Duloe  is 
remarkable  as  having  adjoining  it  Morval,  a  foundation  of 
his  mother  S.  Gwen,  and  Pelynt,  one  of  his  aunt  S.  Non. 
Due  North  is  S.  Keyne,  who  was  his  cousin.  If,  as  I 
conjecture,  Lansalos  was  a  foundation  of  S.  Selyf,  then 
his  father  was  not  far  off.  At  Tregony  again,  we  find  in 
close  proximity  his  aunt,  S.  Non,  at  Grampound. 

How  long  Cybi  remained  in  Cornwall  we  do  not  know. 
The  Lives  inform  us  that  the  natives  desired  to  elevate 
him  to  the  throne,  but  that  he  refused  the  honour.  We 
know  so  little  of  the  history  of  Cornwall  at  this  period 
that  we  can  do  no  more  than  conjecture  that  his  father 
Solomon  was  dead,  and  that  Catau,  the  Duke  Cador  of 
Geoffry  of  Monmouth,  had  succeeded.     Cador  was  in  turn 

'  Rees,  Weish  Saints,  1836,  p.  267. 


Vita  Sancti  Kebie,  89 

succeeded  by  the  turbulent  Constantine,  who  was  so 
violently  assailed  by  Gildas  in  his  epistle,  circ.  545. 

Tmmediately  after  this  abortive  attempt  to  raise  Cybi 
to  the  throne,  the  saint  left  his  native  land  for  Wales.  It 
is  easy  to  read  between  the  lines  of  the  narrative  and  see 
that  a  disaJBfected  portion  of  the  Cornish  endeavoured  to 
put  Cybi  at  their  head  against,  probably,  the  violent  Con- 
stantine ;  that  this  attempt  failed,  and  that  Cybi  was 
obliged  to  fly  for  his  life. 

He  took  with  him  ten  disciples,  of  whom  four  are 
named  Maeloc,  Llibio,  Peulan,  and  Cyngar.  Cyngar  was, 
in  fact,  his  uncle,  the  famous  founder  of  Congresbury, 
in  Somersetshire,  which  he  had  abandoned  probably 
on  account  of  the  incursions  of  the  Saxons.  Cyngar 
was  now  an  aged  man,  *'  Consobrinus  ejus  Kengar  erat 
senex." 

On  leaving  Cornwall,  Cybi  went  to  Morganwg,  where 
he  was  not  at  first  well  received  by  the  king,  Etelic.  We 
meet  with  this  name  in  the  Inhtr  Landavensis ;  Etelic  is 
there  represented  as  son  of  Judael,  King  of  Morganwg. 
Finally,  the  King  surrendered  to  Cybi  two  sites  for 
churches,  Llangybi  and  Llandeverguer.  The  former  is  in 
Monmouthshire,  the  latter  site  has  not  been  identified. 

Cybi  does  not  seem  to  have  remained  long  in  Morganwg. 
He  went  to  Porthmawr,  near  St.  David's,  where  he  tarried 
three  days,  and  thence  crossed  into  Ireland,  and  made  no 
delay  till  he  had  reached  the  island  of  Aran  M6r,  where 
he  placed  himself  under  the  direction  of  S.  Enda. 

Enda  had  obtained  a  grant  of  the  island  from  -3Engus 
MacNadf raich,  King  of  Munster,  who  fell  in  battle  in  489, 
and  Enda  can  hardly  have  founded  his  abbey  there  much 
before  486.     He  is  supposed  to  have  died  in  540. 

Cybi  still  had  with  him  his  disciples ;  and  the  account 
in  the  Lives  is  confirmed  by  what  we  hear  of  S.  Enda,  that 


90  Vita  Sancti  Kebie. 

he  did  have  in  Aran  a  disciple  Libio,  who  is  the  Lebiauc 
or  Llibio  of  the  Yiia, 

In  Aran  S.  Cybi  remained  four  years.  There  he  built 
a  church.  His  uncle  Cyngar  was  with  him,  and  was  so 
decrepit  with  age  that  he  could  eat  no  solid  food.  Conse- 
quently Cybi  bought  a  cow  with  its  calf,  to  supply  milk 
for  the  old  man. 

Melioc  or  Maeloc,  the  disciple  of  Cybi,  cultivated  a 
patch  of  land  near  the  cell  of  another  monk,  named  Fintan 
the  Priest  (Crubthir-Cruimthir)  Fintan.  This  led  to 
angry  altercation,  as  Fintan  considered  this  to  be  an  en- 
croachment. S.  Enda  was  called  in  to  make  peace  between 
them,  but  the  grievance  rankled  in  Fintan's  mind. 

The  calf,  moreover,  strayed,  and  got  into  the  meadow 
of  Fintan,  whereupon  the  disciples  of  Fintan  impounded 
it ;  and  tied  it  to  a  shrub  (the  Life  says — a  big  tree,  but 
there  are  not  now  and  never  were  trees  in  Arran).  The 
calf  managed  to  tear  up  the  shrub  and  ran  back  to  its 
mother. 

Fintan  was  furious  and  betook  himself  to  prayer.  He 
called  on  God  to  drive  or  blot  Cybi  out  of  the  island, 
*^  deprecatus  est  Dominum,  ut  f  ugaret  vel  deleret  Sanctum 
Kebium  de  insula  Arun,  quia  Deus  amavit  eum." 

An  angel  was  accordingly  sent  to  Cybi  to  tell  him  to 
go.  Doubtless  the  angel  was  a  peace-loving  monk,  who 
saw  that  there  would  be  incessant  quarrels  so  long  as  these 
two  angry  saints  were  near  each  other  in  a  confined  island. 

Accordingly  Cybi  departed  for  Meath,  and  there  fasted 
forty  days  and  nights  on  one  spot,  so  as  to  secure  it  as  a 
foundation  for  himself  for  ever,  according  to  the  well- 
known  Celtic  custom,  described  by  Bede.  The  place 
Mochop  is  Kilmore  of  S.  Mocop,  near  Artaine.  But 
Fintan  followed  him  there,  and  on  the  pretext  that  the 
land  belonged  to  himself,  drove  Cybi  away. 


Vita  Sancti  Kebie,  91 

The  Cornishman,  along  with  his  disciples,  now  went 
into  Magh  Breagh,  the  great  plain  in  which  is  Kildare, 
but  remained  there  only  seven  days,  as  the  implacable 
Fintan  pursued  him,  stirred  up  the  people  against  him,  and 
expelled  Cybi  and  all  his  men. 

Cybi  next  betook  himself  to  Vobium  or  Vobyun  by 
the  sea,  a  district  I  cannot  identify  unless  it  were  the 
country  of  the  Hy  Faelain,  Ofaly.  Fintan  once  more 
pursued  him,  and  by  some  means  or  other  was  successful 
in  again  obtaining  his  expulsion.  Cybi  now  solemnly 
cursed  Fintan — "  May  all  thy  churches  be  deserted,  and 
may  never  be  found  three  churches  singing  at  thy  altar 
in  all  Ireland." 

Thereupon  Cybi  and  his  disciples — to  the  number  of 
twelve — entered  a  wickerwork  coracle  and  passed  over  to 
Wales.  On  reaching  the  coast  the  boat  got  among  rocks  oflE 
the  Carnarvon  shore,  and  was  almost  lost ;  however,  all  on 
board  got  safe  to  land,  and  Cybi  founded  a  church  at  a 
spot  then  called  Cunab,  but  now  Llangybi  near  Pwllheli, 
where,  with  his  staff,  he  elicited  a  spring  that  bears  his 
name  to  this  day. 

Maelgwn,  King  of  Gwynedd  (d.  547),  was  hunting,  when 
a  goat  he  pursued  fled  for  refuge  to  S.  Cybi.  The  King 
went  to  the  cell  of  the  Saint,  who  entreated  that  he  might 
be  given  as  much  land  as  the  hound  could  run  the  goat 
round.  "  And  Cybi  let  loose  the  goat,  and  the  hound 
pursued  it  through  all  the  promontory  (i.e.,  Lleyn),  and 
it  returned  again  to  the  cell  of  S.  Cybi." 

Afterwards,  a  rupture  occurred  between  Maelgwn  and 
the  saint.  Maelgwn  was  a  very  immoral  man,  and  what 
especially  gave  offence  was  that  he  had  been  brought  up 
in  the  ecclesiastical  state,  and  had  deserted  it.  Cybi  got 
the  upper  hand — the  particulars  are  not  recorded — and 
the  King   surrendered  to  him  his  castellum  in  Anglesey, 


92  Vita  Sancti  Kebie. 

which  thenceforth  bore  the  name  of  Caergybi,  and  thither 
the  Saint  removed  with  his  monastic  family. 

Here  he  again  met  with  Elian  the  Pilgrim,  who  had 
ordained  him,  and  who  had  a  church  at  Llanelian.  Ac- 
cording to  tradition  they  were  wont  to  walk  along  the 
cliflF  to  meet  each  other  at  a  spot  called  Llandyfrydog,  the 
one  from  the  east  the  other  from  the  west.  Another  friend 
with  whom  Cybi  here  associated  was  S.  Seiriol,  of 
Penmon. 

The  legend  tells  how  Cybi  sent  his  disciple  Caffo  to 
fetch  fire  from  a  smith,  and  the  pupil  returned  bearing 
red  hot  charcoal  in  the  lap  of  his  habit.  After  this  ensued 
a  rupture  between  them,  the  occasion  of  which  is  not  told. 
The  writer  of  the  first  life  merely  records,  out  of  place, 
and  in  a  fragmentary  manner :  "  And  8.  Cybi  said  to  his 
disciple  CaflFo,  depart  from  me,  we  two  cannot  get  on  to- 
gether. And  he  went  to  the  town  called  at  this  day 
Merthir  CaflFo,  and  there  the  Rosswr  shepherds  killed 
Caflfo.  Therefore  the  blessed  Cybi  cursed  the  shepherds 
of  Rosswr."  This  comes  in  in  the  middle  of  the  story  of 
Cybi  and  Maelgwn,  thus  : — "  Tunc  capra  ad  sancti  Kepii 
casulam,  refugii  causa,  velociter  cucurret ;  et  dixit  sanctus 
Kepius  ad   discipulum   suum   Caflfo,    Recede   a  me,   non 

possumus  esse  simul et  invenit  capra  refugium," 

&c.     The  second  Life  omits  the  passage  relative  to  Caflfo. 

Now  it  is  very  significant  that  it  was  on  the  meeting 
of  Cybi  with  Maelgwn  that  Cybi  was  obliged  to  dismiss 
Caflfo  from  his  attendance,  and  that  shortly  after  some  of 
Maelgwn's  people  should  fall  on  and  kill  Caflfo.  When  we 
learn  that  CaflFo  was  the  brother  of  Gildas,  the  whole  is 
explained.  Caflfo  was  first  cousin  to  Cybi,  and  very  pro- 
bably the  estrangement  between  Maelgwn  and  the  Saint 
was  due  to  the  publication  of  Gildas's  intemperate  and 
scurrilous  epistle,  in  which  Maelgwn  was  singled  out  for 


Vita  Sancti  Kebie.  93 

invective  of  the  most  insulting  character.  We  can  well 
understand  that  the  King  was  ill  pleased  to  have  the 
cousin  of  his  reviler  settle  on  his  lands,  and  that  he  only 
consented  to  tolerate  his  presence  on  condition  that  he 
should  dismiss  the  brother  of  Gildas.  We  see  also  a  reason 
for  the  murder  of  Caffo.  The  shepherds  took  up  the  quarrel 
and  slew  CaflEo  in  revenge  for  the  abuse  poured  on  their 
King. 

S.  Cybi  died  on  November  8,  certainly  after  647,  the 
date  of  Maelgwn's  decease  in  the  Yellow  Plague. 

It  is  not  possible  to  admit  that  the  age  of  the  saint 
was  seventy-two  when  he  returned  from  the  continent  to 
Cornwall,  but  that  may  very  well  have  been  his  age  when 
he  returned  finally  to  Britain,  after  the  four  years  spent 
in  Ireland.  His  uncle  was,  indeed,  still  alive — but  may 
have  been  nearly  ninety.  S.  Enda,  to  whom  he  had  gone 
was  almost  certainly  his  senior,  and  he  died  in  or  near  540. 

Of  the  disciples  of  S.  Cybi  we  have  seen  that  Libiauc 
or  Libio  is  known  on  Irish  testimony  to  have  been  in  Aran 
with  S.  Enda.  He  came  to  Wales  with  Cybi  and  founded 
Llanllibio  in  Anglesey.  Paulinus  or  Peulan  was  the  son 
of  Pawl  Hen,  of  Ty  Gwyn,  whose  monumental  inscription 
is  now  in  Dolau-Cothi  House,  Carmarthenshire.  He 
founded  Llanbeulan  in  Anglesey.  Another  disciple, 
Maelauc  or  Maeloc,  was  the  son  of  the  Cornish  Gereint, 
and  was  Cybi's  first  cousin,  probably  he  was  a  good  deal 
yoimger  than  his  master,  for  after  having  founded  a 
chapel  at  Llanfadog,  under  the  church  of  his  fellow  pupil 
at  Llanbeulan,  he  left  and  became  a  disciple  of  S.  Cadoc, 
and  finally  settled  at  Llowes  in  Elfael  in  Radnorshire. 

It  is  not  possible  to  determine  who  was  Cybi's  great 
adversary,  Crubthir  Fintan.  Finnan  or  Fintan  is  a  very 
common  name  among  the  Irish  Saints,  and  of  a  great 
many  of  them  nothing  is   known.     From  the  curse  pro- 


94  Vita  Sancti  Kebie. 

nounced  by  Cybi,  which  we  may  suppose  was  held  to  have 
been  accomplished,  Fintan  his  adversary  obtained  no 
extended  cult  in  Ireland.  There  is  indeed  a  Cruimthir 
(Crubthir)  Finnan  marked  in  the  Irish  Martyrolo^es  on 
February  9,  as  of  Droma  Licci,  in  Leitrim,  but  this  can 
not  be  the  man,  as  according  to  the  Zii/e,  Cruimthir 
Finnan  was  a  person  of  influence  in  Leinster,  and  not  in 
Northern  Connaught.  A  Crubthir  Fintain,  however, 
occurs  in  the  Martyrology  of  Donegal  on  July  13,  of 
Killairthir,  the  site  of  which  has  not  been  satisfactorily 
determined. 

It  is  conceivable  that  the  departure  of  Cybi  from  Aran 
was  due  to  the  death  of  S.  Enda  in  540,  and  this  will  well 
agree  with  the  date  of  his  arrival  in  Wales,  about  542. 

If  we  suppose  that  he  was  then  aged  seventy-two,  then 
he  arrived  in  Ireland  in  538,  sixteen  years  after  the  fall  of 
his  grandfather  in  the  battle  of  Llongborth  (Langport  in 
Somersetshire).  We  may  conjecture  that  it  was  due  to 
the  defeat  of  the  Britons  in  that  battle,  that  Cyngar 
Gereint's  son  was  obliged  to  escape  from  Congresbury  to 
Cornwall. 

Taking  Cybi  to  have  lived  to  the  age  of  84,  he  would 
have  died  in  554. 

The  IAve%  of  S.  Cybi  seem  to  me  to  deserve  more  regard 
than  has  hitherto  been  paid  them,  for  the  statements 
made  in  them  receive  remarkable  corroboration  from 
various  quarters. 

According  to  both  Liv^  Cybi  died  on  November  8. 
His  feast  is,  however,  very  variously  observed.  In  the 
Calendar  prefixed  to  the  Livesy  in  the  same  MS.,  his  day  is 
given  as  November  7.  A  Welsh  MS.  Calendar  of  the 
15th  cent,  in  Jesus  College,  Oxford  (xxii),  gives  Nov.  5, 
so  also  the  Welsh  Calendar  of  1670,  in  Agoriad  ParadwSy 
a  Welsh  Calendar  in  the  lolo  MSS.,  on  Nov.  5,     Ab  Ithel, 


Vita  Sancti  Kebie, 


95 


in  his,  gives  Nov.  6,  and  a  Welsh  Calendar  copied  by 
W.  ap  W.  in  1591,  in  the  British  Museum  (Add.  MSS. 
14,882),  gives  Nov.  6.  The  parish  feast  at  Tregony  is 
observed  on  October  4.  That,  however,  at  Duloe  is  on 
November  9. 

It  may  not  be  uninteresting  to  have  the  genealogy  of 
S.  Cuby  or  Cybi  set  foriih  as  given  by  the  Welsh  authori- 
ties. 


Gjrnyr  of     ===S.  Anne 
Caer    Grawch 


S.  Gereint==Enid,  daughter  of 
d.  522  Ynywl,  Lord  of 

Caerleon 


S.Sandde-=S.  Non    S.  Gwen=S.  Selyf  Cado      S.  Cyngar     Cau 

or  Solomon    Duke 


S.  David,       S.  Cybi, 
d.  circ.  662      d.  circ.  564 


I 
Constantine,    S.  Caffo,      S.  Gildas, 

K.  Cornwall       disc,  of      d.  circ.  550 

Cybi, 

d.  circ.  645. 


By    J.    H.    DAVIES,    M.A. 


The  following  licence,  granted  by  Henry  the  Eighth  in 
the  thirty-seventh  year  of  his  reign,  to  William  Salesbury, 
is  of  considerable  interest.  It  was  printed  at  the  end  of 
the  Epistles  and  Gospels  published  by  Salesbury  in  1561, 
and  the  present  transcript  is  copied  from  the  Shirbum 
Castle  copy  of  the  book.  It  has  been  suggested  that  this 
licence  referred  to  the  publication  of  the  Welsh  Bible  only, 
but  it  clearly  refers  to  all  books  translated  by  Salesbury 
and  more  particularly  to  his  Dictionary,  which  was 
published  in  1547.  It  did  not  debar  any  other  person 
from  publishing  a  book  in  the  Welsh  language,  and 
simply  preserved  the  copyright  of  Salesbury's  translations. 
Clearly  the  possibility  of  writing  an  original  work  in  the 
Welsh  language  had  not  at  that  date  occurred  to 
Salesbury,  or  we  may  be  sure  that  his  rights  in  it  would 
have  been  preserved. 


A  Copy  of  the  Kynqes  Moste  Gracious  Priuiledqe. 

Henry  the  eyght  by  the  grace  of  God  Kyng  of  England 
France  and  Ireland,  defender  of  the  faith  and  of  the 
churche  of  Englande  and  Irelande  in  earth  the  supreme 
head.  To  all  Printers  and  bokesellers  and  to  other 
oflBcers  ministers  and  subiectes  we  do  you  to  understand 


Salesburys  Dictionary  and  the  Kings  License.  97 

that  of  our  grace  especial  we  have  graunted  and  geuen 
priuiledge  and  licence  to  our  well  beloved  subiectes 
Willia  Salesbury  and  Jhon  Waley  to  print  or  cause  to  be 
printed  oure  booke  entitled  a  Diction  arie  bothe  in  englyshe 
and  welche  whereby  our  well  beloved  subiectes  in 
Wales  may  the  soner  attayne  and  learne  our  mere 
englyshe  tonge  and  that  no  other  person  or  persons  of 
what  estate  degree  or  condicion  so  euer  they  be  of  do 
prynte  or  cause  the  same  Dictionary  to  be  printed  or  any 
part  thereof  but  only  the  sayd  William  and  Jhon  and 
eyther  of  them  and  the  assignes  of  anye  of  them  duryng 
the  space  of  seuen  yeres  next  ensuing  the  first  printing 
of  the  sayd  Dictionarie  and  that  none  other  person  or 
persons  of  what  estate  degre  or  condicion  soeuer  they  be 
do  printe  or  cause  to  be  printed  any  other  booke  or  bookes 
whych  oure  sayd  subiectes  William  and  Jhon  or  eyther  of 
of  them  hereafter  do  or  shal  first  translate  and  set  forth 
during  seuen  yeares  next  ensuing  the  fyrst  printing  of  any 
suche  booke  or  bokes.  Wherfore  we  wfi  and  straytly 
commaund  and  charge  all  and  syngular  our  subiectes  as 
well  printers  as  bookesellers  and  other  persons  within  our 
dominions  that  they  ne  any  of  them  presume  to  print  or 
cause  to  be  printed  the  sayde  Dictionary  or  any  part 
thereof  or  anye  other  boke  or  bokes  first  translated  and 
printed  by  the  sayde  Wylliam  and  John  or  either  of  the 
contrary  to  the  meanyng  of  thys  our  presente  licence  and 
priuiledge  upon  payne  of  our  hygh  displeasure  geuen  at 
our  palace  of  Westminster  the  xiii  day  of  December  in  the 
xxxvii  yere  our  raigne. 


H 


O:  li?d6^  &o}>t  §oni  of  (^t 

By    J.    H.    DAVIE8,    M.A. 


The  little  song  which  follows  appears  to  have  been 
written  about  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  century.  The 
manuscript  from  which  it  is  taken  was  written  in  1637-8, 
but  the  poetry  immediately  preceding  and  following  the 
song,  was  composed  at  an  earlier  date.  Of  the  author 
nothing  is  known,  as  he  can  hardly  be  the  Llewelyn  ab 
Hwlcyn  of  the  Anglesey  pedigrees  who  lived  about  the 
beginning  of  the  sixteenth  century.  Several  of  the  other 
poems  in  the  manuscript  are  very  similar  to  this  one,  and 
they  were  unquestionably  written  by  Richard  Hughes,  of 
Cefn  Llanfair  in  Lleyn.  Hughes's  long  poems  have 
recently  been  published  in  book  form. 

Peculiar  interest  attaches  to  this  poem,  as  well  as  to 
those  of  Richard  Hughes,  for  they  represent  an  attempt 
to  import  into  Welsh  poetry  the  style  and  the  delicate 
conceits  of  the  Elizabethan  lyric  writers. 

It  is  known  that  Hughes  was  an  oflScial  of  the  English 
Court,  and  Llewelyn  ab  Hwlcyn  must  also  have  been 
acquainted  with  the  works  of  the  contemporary  English 
song-writers. 


Kabol  01  Gabiad. 
Myfi  ywr  merthyr  tostur  lef 
Duw  lesu  or  nef  am  helpio 
Megis  llong  rhwng  ton  a  chraig 
O  gariad  gwraig  rwyn  kirio. 


A  Welsh  Love  Song  of  the  i6th  Century.       99 

Och  trwm  ywr  loes  i  rwyn  i  ddwyn 
Heb  obaith  help  na  swyn 
Onid  Duw  ar  ferch  ai  rhoes. 

Drylliodd  Cariad  glwyde  fais 
Am  seren  gwrtais  amlwg 
Mae  arnaf  glwyfe  mwy  na  mil 
Wrth  graffy  ar  gil  i  golwg. 
Och  trwm  ywr  loes,  &c. 

Kil  i  golwg  fal  dan  haul 
O  gusgod  dwy  aul  feinion 
Yn*  sym  dwyn  ar  Hall  im  gwadd 
At  ddau  syn  Uadd  fynghalon. 
Och  trwm  ywr  loes,  &c. 

Kalon  fyngwir  galon  i 
Oedd  ag  ihi  ymgowleidio 
Ymgowleidio  hon  ni  chawn 
Pei  cawn  ni  feiddiwn  geisio. 
Och  trwm  ywr  loes,  &c. 

Ag  o  digia  teg  i  ffryd 
Ffarwel  ir  byd  a  ercha 
Ar  y  ddayar  help  nid  oes 
Fy  nerth  am  hoes  a  goUa. 
Och  trwm  ywr  loes,  &c. 

Ag  o  coUa  i  foes  am  hon 
Rwyn  ddigon  bodlon  iddi 
Er  i  glanach  meinir  syth 
Nid  allwn  byth  i  golli. 

Och  trwm  ywr  loes,  &c. 

^  al.  un. 

H  2* 


icx)     A  Welsh  Love  Song  of  the  i6th  Century. 

Kollodd  glendid  yr  hoU  fyd 
A  Duw  i  gyd  ni  tyrrodd 
Ag  wrth  lunio  dailiwr  ton 
Yn  wineb  hon  fo  i  gwreiddiodd. 
Och  trwm  ywr  loes,  &c. 

Gwreiddiodd  hithe  dan  fy  mron 
O  gariad^  glwyfon  anial 
Wanach,  wanach  wy  bob  awr 
Drwy  gariad  mawr  a  gofa!. 
Och  trwm  ywr  loes,  &c. 

Na  ofelwch  troso  i  mwv 
At  Dduw  ir  wif  i  yn  myned 
Rwy  yn  madde  i  bawb  ond  iddi  hi 
A  ffawb  i  mi  maddened. 

Och  trwm  3rwr  loes,  &c. 

Py  holl  frins  na  fyddwch  dig 
Fo  am  rhoes  y  meddig  heibio 
Help  nid  oes  na  syt  ym  fyw 
Ffarwel  a  Duw  am  helpio. 
Och  trwm  ywr  loes,  &c. 

Och  trwm  ywr  loes  a  rwy  yn  i  dwyn 

Heb  ym  obaith  help  na  swyn 

Ond  Duw  ne'r  ferch  ai  rhoes 

Mwy  help  i  mi  nid  oes 

Ond  amdo,  clul  a  gwledd,  elor,  arch  a  bedd, 

A  nawdd  y  gwr  am  rhoes. 

LI?  AB  HwLKYN  0  Fou  «i  catit. 


^5e  ^jcputeion  of  t^t  ^teeu 


By  professor  KUNO  MEYER,  Ph.D. 


OuE  knowledge  of  Irish  history  during  the  early  centuries 
of  our  era  is  fortunately  not  confined  to  the  meagre 
accounts  of  the  Annals.  In  addition  to  them,  and  as 
independent  sources,  we  possess  a  large  mass  of  materials 
in  the  histories  of  individual  tribes,  genealogical  tables, 
chronological  poems,  sagas,  and  saints'  Lives,  all  bearing 
upon  the  early  history  of  Ireland.  These  materials  are, 
of  course,  of  the  most  varied  origin  and  age,  and  will  have 
to  be  carefuUy  tested  and  sifted.  Not  until  this  has  been 
done  will  the  historian  of  Ireland  have  before  him  all  the 
materials  which  Irish  literature  affords. 

Much  inedited  matter  of  this  kind  is  found  in  the 
Bodleian  codices  Rawlinson  B.  502  and  512,and  in  Laud  610. 
Among  other  important  texts  I  may  mention  the  piece 
called  Bails  in  Scdily  or  ^  The  Vision  of  the  Phantom,'  which 
enumerates  more  than  fifty  Irish  kings  from  Conn 
C^tchathach  (a.d.  123-157)  downward  to  the  eleventh 
century,  together  with  the  duration  of  their  reigns,  long 
lists  of  battles  fought  by  them,  the  circumstances  of  their 
deaths,  and  other  details.^  But  it  is  the  tribal  histories 
that  are  perhaps  of  the  greatest  historical  value,  as  they 
certainly  are  of  the  widest  interest.     One  of  these,  dealing 

^  There  is  a  fragment  of  the  same  piece  in  Harleian  5280,  of  which 
I  am  preparing  an  edition  for  publication  in  the  third  number  of  the 
Zeitschrift  fur  Celt  Philoloffie,  vol.  iii. 


I02  The  Expulsion  of  the  Dessi. 

with  what  in  a  term  borrowed  from  contemporary  history 
may  be  called  the  trekkings  of  the  tribe  of  the  D^ssi  * 
and  originally  written,  as  has  been  shown,*  in  the  latter 
half  of  the  eighth  century,  is  here  edited  and  translated  for 
the  first  time.  Its  special  interest  for  Welsh  students  lies 
in  the  fact  that  it  contains  an  account  of  an  Irish  settle- 
ment in  Wales  during  the  third  century  (§  11). 

Two  diflEerent  versions  of  the  story  have  come  down  to 
us.  The  older,  the  one  here  printed,  which  E  will  call  A, 
has  been  preserved  in  Laud  610,  fo.  996  2 — 102a  2,  and  in 
Eawl.  B.  502,  fo.  72a  2— 73a  2.  In  Laud  the  title  is  De 
caims  torche^  na  nDessi  .  i  .  acuis  toirge  na  nDSsse^  while 
Rawl.  has  the  heading  Tairired*  na  nDessi,  As  is  so 
often  the  case  in  dealing  with  Irish  texts,  it  was  difficult 
to  decide  which  of  the  two  copies  to  make  the  staple  of  the 
edition,  as  neither  is  in  every  way  superior  to  the  other, 
and  both  correct  and  supplement  each  other.  The  best 
thing  undoubtedly  would  be  to  do,  as  Stokes  has  done  with 
Felire  Oengusso^  and  Windisch  with  several  pieces  in  the 
Irische  Texte,  to  print  both  copies  in  extensoy  but  this  would 
have  taken  up  too  much  space.  I  have,  therefore,  selected 
the  Rawlinson  text  as  needing,  on  the  whole,  less  cor- 
rection than  that  of  Laud,  though  the  latter  excels  it  in 
retaining  a  more  archaic  spelling.  As  regards  the  text 
itself,  the  two  copies   are  in  the  main  almost  identical, 

^  Tho  name  of  this  tribe  is  preserved  by  those  of  the  barony  of 
D^ecCy  CO.  Meath;  their  original  homo,  and  of  the  two  baronies  of 
DecieSf  co.  Waterford. 

^  See  Y  Cyminrmlory  vol.  xii,  p.  20. 

'  T  am  not  sure  of  tho  exact  moaning  of  turch^  (toirt/e).  It  seems  to 
com])ine  tho  meanings  of  Gorman  Zi/f/  (1)  expedition,  {2}  band,  com- 
pany. 

*  As  to  tairired  *  journeying,'  cf.  mithid  dam-sa  toiriredy  Book 
of  Lismore,  fo.  63^  2.  tairired  Bdinne,  LL.  191a  7.  gen.  fer  tainrid, 
LawSf  i,  p.  194,  20. 


The  Expulsion  of  the  Dessi.  103 

though  the  single  paragraphs  are  diflFerently  arranged. 
The  most  important  variants  of  Laud  are  given  in  the  foot- 
notes. Where  Laud  deviates  from  Rawlinson  I  have 
sometimes  indicated  this  in  the  translation  by  putting  the 
reading  of  Laud  in  parenthesis;  in  a  few  cases  these 
translations  have  been  put  at  the  foot  of  the  page.  Towards 
the  end  of  both  copies  the  scribes  have  become  careless, 
and  each  has  blundered  in  his  own  way. 

The  second  and  later  version  of  our  story,  which  I  will 
call  B,  deserves  a  separate  publication.  So  far  as  I  know, 
it  has  come  down  to  us  in  three  copies,  the  oldest  of  which 
is  a  fragment  contained  in  the  Booh  of  the  Dun,  pp.  53a — 
646.  It  has  the  heading  Tucait  innarba  na  nDesi  imMumain 
7  aided  Gormaic.  Its  gaps  can  easily  be  supplied  from  two 
later  copies,  one  in  H.3. 17,  col.  7206 — 723a  (entitled  Gdechad 
Gormaic  i  Temraig),  the  other  in  H.  2.  15,  pp.  67a — 68b 
(Tucaid  chdechta  Gormaic  do  Aengus  Gaihuaihtheach  7 
aigead  Geallaig  7  fotha  indarbiha  na  nDeissi  do  Muig  Breag) . 
The  latter  MS.  preserves  a  number  of  poems  not  contained 
in  the  other  copies.  Whether  one  of  the  two  versions,  or 
which  of  them,  is  identical  with  the  Tochomlad  na  nDesi  a 
Temraig  quoted  in  the  list  of  tales  in  D'Arbois  de  Jubain- 
ville's  Gatalogue,  p.  263,  and  with  the  Longes  Eithne 
Uathaige  (ib.y  p.  171),  I  cannot  say. 

K.  M. 


I04  The  Expulsion  of  the  Dessi. 


Tairired  ria  nDessi  inso  ar  a  clioibne  fri  Fotharto  ocus 
batar  trichdSx,  hliadan  la  Laignm/ 


1.  Cethri  mate  batar  la  Harttchorb  mac  Meschuirb  .  i  . 
Brecc  7  Oengus  7  Eochuid'  7  Forad.'  Forad  dano,  mac 
side  ct^maile*  7  ni  ragaib  thir,  7  is  he  ba  siniu"  dib.  Nert 
coecat  immurqu  la  Hoengus. 

2.  Bse  dano  mac  t^t  la  rig  Temrach  .  i  .  Conn  mac 
Oorbmaic.  Gabais  laim  ingine  Foraid®  .  i  .  Forach  a 
[hjainm  7  f ordoscarastar.  Forumai  Oengus  for  a  hiarair 
na  hingine^,  co  luid'*  hi  Temraig.  Ni  tharraid  gabail  na 
slabrad  batar  ar  comlaid  na  slige ;'  ar  ba  h^cen  f  er  cechtar 
a  da  slabrad  side  dogres."  Confacca  achomalta**  for  dAeis 
maic  ind  rig.  ^  Ni  maculammar  in  clemnas  nna  sin,'  ar 
Oengus."  Friscair  mac  ind  rig :  *  Daimthi  dail  cuind 
dam-sa!^^    Archena    d6ma-su    cen   co  dama-su.'     *Nocon 

• 

fodem  cetumus,"*  ar  Oengus.  Atr6eraid  Oengus  [d]in 
tsleig  triit.**  Bi  dano  indala  slabrad  suil  ind  rig,  co 
roemaid^*  ina  chind."     Intan  dosreng  in  sleig  adochum. 


Laud  610,  fo.  99  b  2.— ^  De  causis  torche  na  nD^isi  innso  .  i .  acuis 
toirge  na  nD^isi  *  Allmuir  add.  '  Sorad  *  chumle  *  a 
sinser  ®  Soraith  ^  luidh  Aengus  gaibuaibthech  lad  gaile  for  iarair 
**  conliiid  ^  ni    tarraid  na  slabrada  batar  hi   croumlaib  in  gai 

"^  Z.  omits  this  sentence.  ^^  inn  ingin  '^  ni  messe,  ol  se,  conailla 
in  clemnas  n-isiu  "  Atberat  ris :  Daimthi  dal  cuind  do-som  inni  sein. 
'*  ni  didam-sa  caimme  ^^  atnuarith  side  din  tsleig  conluith  triit .  i . 
sleg  7  da  slabrad  esti  7  triar  for  each  slabrad  dib  *®  corobris  "  co 
n-ecmoing  a  hirlond  inn-dton  in  rechtaire  co  mboi  triana  chend  siar. 
Immalle  dorochratar  in  mac  7  in  rechtairi  7  romebaid  siiil  Cormaic  7 
ni  roach tas  greim  fair,  corrocht  a  theg  7  romarb  nonbar  do  churadaib 
Cormaic  occa  thafund  .  i  .  a  dalta  leis  .  i  .  Core  Duibne  diatat  Corco 
Duibne  7  atrullai  sede  a  giallu. 


The   Expulsion   of  the  Dessi.  105 

These  are  the  Wanderings  of  the  Dessi  (which  are 
put  here)  because  of  their  kinship  with  the 
Fothairt  \  and  they  were  thirty  years  in 
Leinster. 

1.  Artchorp  son  of  Messchorp  had  four  sons,  to  wit, 
Brecc  and  Oengus  and  Eochuid  and  Forad.'  Forad, 
however,  was  the  son  of  a  bondmaid  and  did  not  get  any 
land,  and  he  was  the  eldest  of  them.  Oengus  had  the 
strength  of  fifty  men. 

2.  Now  the  King  of  Tara'  had  a  wanton  son,  to  wit, 
Conn*  mac  Cormaic,  who  forcibly  seized  the  daughter  of 
Forad — Forach  was  her  name — and  ravished  her.  Then 
Oengus  set  out  in  search  of  the  girl  and  went  to  Tara.  He 
did  not  secure  the  chains  which  were  on  the  .  .  .'of  the 
lance ;  for  a  man  was  needed  for  each  of  these  two  chains 
of  his  always.'  He  saw  his  fosterchild  sitting  at  the  right 
hand  of  the  King's  son.  ^  We  have  not  heard  of  this  new 
alliance,'  said  Oengus.  The  King's  son  answered:  ^  Grant 
me  the  respite  of  a  grown-up  person !  In  any  case,  thou 
wilt  have  to  bear  it,  though  thou  do  not  grant  it.'  ^  To 
begin  with,  I  will  not  bear  it ! '  said  Oengus  and  ran  the 
lance  through  him.  Then  one  of  the  two  chains  struck  the 
eye  of  the  King,  so  that  it  broke  in  his  head;  and  when  he 

^  An  account  of  the  tribe  of  the  Fothairt  precedes  this  story  in  the 
MS.  *  Sorad,  Laud.  '  i.e.  Cormac  mac  Airt.  *  He  is  called  Cellach 
byTigemach  (see  Reo.  Celt.^  xvii,  p.  19.)  *  What  the  comla  (* valve') 
of  a  lance,  to  which  the  chains  were  affixed  may  be  I  do  not  know ; 
perhaps  a  ring  that  would  turn  round.  Nor  do  I  understand  the 
croumlaib  of  Laud.  ^  i.  e.  these  chains  when  taken  out  would  each 
demand  the  sacrifice  of  a  man.  The  scribe  of  H.  2.  15  understands 
this  differently ;  for  he  writes :  triar  fer  cacha  slabraid  ig  a  tarraing 
*  three  men  were  needed-  for  carrying  each  chain.'  This  lance  reminds 
one  of  Maelodran's  lance,  the  Carr  Belaig  Durgiriy  which  killed  of  its 
own  accord,  or  when  moved  by  a  demon.     See  Hibemica  Minor a^  p.  81. 


io6  The  Expulsion  of  the  DessL 

rodbi  fochoir  na  sleigi  triasin  deogbaire,  conid  se  conapaid 
prius.  Is  ama  slabradaib  tra  ba  Hoengus  Grsebuaibthech  a 
ainm-seom. 

3.  Is  desin  rognid  Ocheill  for  Temraig  sechtair  .  i  . 
clasa  rath  la  Cormac,  conid  inte  nofoihed  som  dogres,  ar 
ni  ba  hada  ri  co  n-anim  do  feis  i  Temraig.  Conid  de 
asberar  Achell  ar  Themair  n6  ar  aicce  TemracA,  daig  na 
faichle  bee  ar  soil  ind  rig.^ 

4.  Bebais  mac  ind  rig  7  dobert  Oengus  in  mnai  leis. 

5.  Dobert  Cormac  sluago  forsna  Deisse  7  romebdatar 
secht  catha  forthu  ria  n-Oengus  co  maccaib  a  brathar  .  i  . 
Buss  7  Eogan.^  Ba  rii  Oengus  dar  eisse  mBricc  co  cenn 
.  xl  .  laithi.  Et  balobrathair  cacA  fer  iarum,  ar  ni 
foerlangtar  nert  ind  flatha  7  ind  laith  gaile  'moal^.  Is 
ann  asbeir-som  :  ^  Forasselbthai  for  rige.  Is  dech  dam-sa 
mo  nert  fodessin.' 

6.  Tecmall  ri  TemracA  firu  Herenn  forthu  7  ni  damair 
cert  catha  doib,  co  tarlaicset  a  thir  do.  Dolotar  iarum  co 
Laigniu  co  Fiachai^  m-Baicceda  mac  Cathair,  co  rochart  swte 
hii  Bairrche  remib  asa  tir  7  fothaigtir  na  Deisse  ann  co 


*  Ni  deochaid  ^\diu  Cormac  hi  Temuir,  conid  i  n-Ochaill 
[fo.  100  a  1]  ar  Themair  robiii  on  uair  sin.  ^  Doratsat  na  Ddise 
iarsin  secht  catha  do  Chormac.  Ba  tresiu  fortarlin  fer  nHeirenn 
fadeoid  la  Cormac.  Ba  maith  cid  a  cenel-som  .i.  na  nDdise,  eland 
Fiachach  Soguitte  ma/c  Feidlimthe  Rectoda  mate  Tuathail 
Techtmair.  Oc  Dumu  Der  vaamurgu^  is  and  celebrait  mna  na  nD^ise 
.i.  d^ra  fola  rotheilcset  ic  scarad  fria  tir  7  fria  talmuin  co  brath. 
I  mMaig  fnair,  is  and  doratsat  in  cath  ddidenach.  ^  Is  irtinair  in 
comrac  indossa/  ar  Cormac.  ^  Bid  ed  a  hainm  co  brath,  Mag 
Innair.* 


The  Expulsion  of  the  Dessi.  107 

pulled  the  lance  back,  its  butt  end  struck  the  cup-bearer  and 
passed  through  him  so  that  he  died  the  first."  It  was  from 
the  chains  that  his  name  was  Oengus  of  the  Dread  Lance. 

3.  Hence  AchailP  was  built  by  the  side  of  Tara,  that 
is  to  say,  a  rath  was  dug  by  Cormac  in  which  he  would 
always  sleep;  for  it  was  not  lawful  for  a  king  with  a 
blemish  to  sleep  in  Tara.  Hence  is  said  Achaill  by  Tara 
(or  near  Tara),  on  account  of  the  care  {faichill)  taken  of 
the  eye  of  the  Eling. 

4.  The  King's  son  died,  and  Oengus  took  the  woman 
away  with  him. 

5.  Cormac  sent  hosts  against  the  Dessi,  who  were 
routed  in  seven  battles  under  the  leadership  of  Oengus  and 
his  brother's^  sons,  to  wit,  Russ  and  Eogan.  To  the  end  of 
forty  days  Oengus  was  king  after  Brecc,  and  then  every 
man  murmurs,*  for  they  could  not  endure  the  combined 
power  of  the  prince  and  the  champion  together.  It  is 
then  he  said:  'Take  possession  (?)  of  the  kingship!  My 
own  strength  is  best  for  me.' 

6.  The  King  of  Tara  gathered  the  men  of  Ireland 
against  them,  and  did  not  grant  them  fair  fight,  so  that 
they  left  his  land  to  him.  Then  they  went  into  Leinster 
to  Fiachu  Bacceda,  Bon  of  Cathair,  who  drove  the  Hui 
Bairrche  for  them  out  of  their  land ;  and  there  the  Dessi 
were  settled  until  the  time  of  Crimthann,   son  of  Enna 


^  So  that  its  butt-end  struck  the  forehead  of  the  steward  and  came 
out  at  the  back  of  his  head.  A.t  the  same  time  did  the  son  and  the 
steward  fall  and  Cormac's  eye  was  broken  ;  and  they  could  not  lay 
hold  of  him,  so  that  he  reached  his  house.  And  he  killed  nine  of 
Cormac's  warriors  as  they  were  pursuing  him,  and  his  fosterson  was 
with  him,  to  wit.  Core  Duibne  (from  whom  are  the  Corco  Duibne),  who 
had  escaped  from  hostageship — Laud.  ^  Now  the  Hill  of  Skreen. 

^  i.e.   Brace.        *  For  balobrathair  read  folabrathair,  3rd  sing.  pres. 
ind.  of  folabrur. 


io8  The  Expulsion  of  the  Dessi. 

haimsir  Crimthaiwd  maic  Ennse  Ceinselaigr  maic  Labrada 
male  Bresail  Belai^  maic  FiachacA  Baicceda.^ 

7.  Dorala  Isech"  amra  la  hu'  Bairrchi  .  i  .  Eochu 
Guinech  mac  Oengusa,  co  rosglan  side  dia  thir.*  Berthiti« 
Crimthand  mac  Ennse  i  n-Aird  Ladrann  fodes'  immirge  na 
n-Deisse,  conid  de  ata  Tir  na  Himmergi  7  Aes  na  Him- 
mergi  o  shein  ille. 


8.  Mell  ingen  Embraind  ben  Crimthaind  bert  mocco 
do  Chrimthund  7  atbath  Mell  iar  suidiu.  Ocus  dobreth 
Cuiniu  ingen  Embraind  do  iarum.®  Ber^  Cuimu  ingin  do 
.  i  .  Eithne  UathacA.  Bse  Bri  mac  Bairceda  in  drui  isin 
dun  in  n-aidchi^  rogenair  Eithne.  [fo.  726,  1]  *Ind  ingen 
rogenair**  innocht,'  ar  Bri,  '  rosfessatar**  fir  Herenn  uili*°  7 
ardaig  na  hingine  sin  gebait  a  mathre  in  tir  artrefat/* 
AmaiZ  atchualatar"  som  coir  in  sceoil  sin  lasin  dniid,"  co 
mbad  tria  chumachtu  na  hingine  nogebtais  forbbse,'*  ros- 
altatar"  for  carnaib^®  mac  mbec  co  mbad  luath  no-assad." 
Is  de  ba  Heithne  Uathach  a  hainm-se,  ardaig  nos-aigtis  in 
meicc  bice." 


^  Rodlomtha  tra  co  mbatar  occ  Hard  na  nDdise  hi  crich  Laighen 
for  Mag  Liffe.  Fiacho  Baicceda  'vavnurgu  mac  Cathair  Moir,  is  h6 
ba  righ  in  inbaid  sin  hil-Laignib.  Cart  side  Au  Barrche  rempu  assa 
tir  7  suidigestar  na  Dt^isse  and.  Rothrebsat  and  co  haimsir  Grimthain 
mtc  Censelaig  mtc  Endai  Labrada  mic  Bresail  Belaig  mic  Fiachach 
Bacceda.  Is  'na  haimsir-side  tollotar  na  Deisse  for  longais.  *  Robui 
oclach  '  d'uib  *  tir    {sic    leg.)  ^  berthus    Crimthan    mac 

Censelaich  issind  Aird  fodeissin.  ®  Bert  Meld  ingen  Ernbuimd 
maccu  do-side.  O  rodamuir  side  dobreth  Annu  ingen  Er[n]bruind 
dobert  side  oenmgen  (sic)  do  .  i  .  Ethne  a  hainm  ''  Biii 
Brl  faith  mtc  Bairchetia  isin  diin  ind  adaich  sin  ^  gignathar 
®  rofessatar  ^°  om,  L.  '^  Is  tria  chumachta  gebaid  am-mathre 
thir   arattrefat    co   brath  ^^  rochualatar  ''  faith  ^*  tir 

^ ^  nosgabatsom  7  nosnaltatar  ^^  feolaib  '^  luathite  a  forbairt 

"*  ar  donaigtis  na  mate  becca. 


The  Expulsion  of  the  DessL  109 

Censelach,  son  of  Labraid,  son  of  Bressal  Belach,  son  of 
Fiachu  Bacceda. 

7.  There  chanced  to  be  a  famous  warrior  with  the  Hui 
Bairrchi,  to  wit,  Eochu  Guinech,  son  of  Oengus/  and  he  it 
was  who  drove  them  out  of  their  land.  Then  Crimthann, 
son  of  Enna,  sent  the  wandering  host  of  the  Dessi  to  Ard 
Ladrann  southward,  whence  the  Land  of  the  Wandering 
Host  and  the  Folk  of  the  Wandering  Host  have  been  so 
called  ever  since. 

8.  Meld,  the  daughter  of  Embrand,  the  wife  of 
Crimthand,  bore  sons  to  Crimthand  and  then  died,  where- 
upon Cuiniu,  the  daughter  of  Ernbrand,  was  married  to 
him. 

Cuiniu  bore  him  a  daughter,  even  Ethne  the  Dread. 
In  the  night  when  Ethne  was  bom  Bri,  the  druid,  son  of 
Bairchid,"  was  in  the  stronghold.  '  The  maiden  that  has 
been  bom  to-night,-  said  Bri,  'all  the  men  of  Ireland 
shall  know  her,  and  on  account  of  this  maiden  her  mother's 
kindred  will  seize  the  land  on  which  they  shall  dwell.' 
When  they  heard  the  truth  of  that  story  from  the  druid, 
that  it  was  through  the  power  of  the  maiden  that  they 
would  obtain  inheritance,  they  reared  her  on  the  flesh  of 
little  boys  that  she  might  grow  quickly.^  Hence  Ethne 
the  Dread  was  her  name,  for  the  little  boys  dreaded  her. 


^  Cf.   Crimthand   mac   Emiae.     Eocho  guinech   ri  \nXa  mBarrchi, 
mac  a  mgini  f^in,  rosmarb,  LL.  39  b. 

'^  Cf.  Bri  mac  Baircheda,  LL.  197  a  3. 

'  the  quicker. — Land, 


1 1  o  The  Expulsion  of  the  Dessi, 

9.  Is  e  a  senathair  in  druad  sin  dano  rochachain^  a 
n-imthechta  doib  hie  tuidecht  atuaid  hi  cath  Truisten.'* 
Is  ann  asbei-t:  'Ni  o  Temair  dochumlaid  ticid  ticid  doth- 
aide  gluind  mara  cotobcatha  crethit  cetnaanad  tuidecht  do 
mac  Daurtheeht  deircthe  Eo^n  sceo  echta  seen  macco 
EchacA^  Airiman  Artt  ero  Corp  coitual  eel  eiehsit  datf iannse 
im  Fiiidchad  mac  Niod  atroinne  noifidir  ruthit  min  mairfitit 
coicthe  rann  Dil  diairithe  Lethe  Laidcind  ilar  lentht««  diacoi 
crochse  inarfit  Dil  nad  flathit^  gaile  genithar  gaibthiut  co 
firu  Fochlse  ifaitse  dosclich  doarnid  arM«  mac  Meschuirb 
mogifhar  dalsus  condesil  fidgella  forderga  ordd  araserb  slas 
ninde  mac  nDega  diagraif  arrigthiti*  rige  os  cacA^  ros  codi- 
diandesingar  ar  Ros  mac  Feochair  feig  falnathar  cotafodlaib 
fergair  cain  iamitha  mac  Riath  rascthiw*  itreichnimi 
conoid  ni.'     Ni.' 

10.  Ticht*  tra  o  Chormac  i  n-diaid  mac  mBric  .  i . 
Ros  7  Eogan,  co  ndigsitis  afrithisi  co  Cormac.  Amat7 
rochuala  Oengus,  asbert  friu :'  '  In  fir,'  ar  se,  ^  tuidecht 
fri  himmarchur  sid  7  chorse  frib-se  ?  ['  Fir/]"  ol  seat. 
^  Ronbia  slan  cacA  neich  dorigensam^  7  ronbiat  da 
chutrumma  ar  tire  liar  tir  fodesin**  7  og  corse  co  brath.* 


'  dicachain        *  o  chath  Druissen  oc  tuidecht  antueth         '  Nitho  * 

Themuir  dochumlith  ticith  dofaiteth  gluind  mair  conib  cath 
crechtnigther  aratuitet  da  m«c  Durthacht  dercth?/«  echen  sceo  ech- 
de  sceo  n\ac  mair-Echach  ere  maine  ard  ere  corba  m«ccu  delchidechsit 
dodareim  Findchath  mac  Nlathait  no  Endi  rofitir  ruithid  find  niar- 
fithid  coderaind  Dil  dia  rathus  Lithi  Ladcend  hilar  lentus  dia 
ChondochtiB  norbe  dal  nad  lathugaile  gainethur  gaibidith  co  firo 
Foi'jhle  hi  foidse  dosfeth  tus  ar  dith  arus  innc  Meschuirp  mogethar 
dalsf/^  condeisel  ditafind  gola  folt  forderga  ord  tera  serbsi  as  indin 
indinw  dega  grisas  rigth?/«  rigib  os  cech  rus  condirannais  ingair  arus 
mac  mrMc  Fechuir  fech  fellnatar  contofodli  fergair  conamith  mac  Niath 
naiscthiis  hi  ^trena  hi  triach  none  conoethu  nithu  Ni  o  Themuir 
dochumlit.  ^  Tohet  '  dot^it  co  maccu  [fo.  100  a  2]  a  brathar  dia 
n-acallttini.         "  sic  L.        ^  do  neoch  dongnisiu        **  da  tir  lar  tir 


The  Expulsion  of  the  Dessi,  1 1 1 

9.  Now,  it  was  that  druid's  grandfather,  who  had  sung 
their  wanderings  to  them  as  they  went  from  the  north  to 
the  battle  of  Truistiu/  'Tis  then  he  said:  ^Not  from 
Tara,  &c." 


10.  Then  messengers  were  sent  from  Cormac  after  the 
sons  of  Brecc,  even  Buss  and  Eogan,  that  they  should 
come  back  to  Cormac.  When  Oengus  heard  that,  he  said 
to  them:  ^Is  it  true,'  said  he,  Hhat  they  have  come  on  an 
errand  of  peace'  and  treaty  with  you?'  ^It  is  true,'  said 
they.  'We  are  to  be  absolved  of  everything  that  we  have 
done,  and  we  are  to  have  twice  as  much  again  as  our  own 
land,  together  with  our  own  land  and  full  peace  till 
Doom.^     'Do  not  do  it,'  said  Oengus,  'leave  me  not  alone ! 


'  Or,  perhaps,  '  at  the  Ford  (ic  dth)  of  Tniistiu.' 

'  In  the  present  state  of  our  knowledge  of  Old-Irish  it  is  impos- 
sible to  understand  more  than  an  occasional  word  or  phrase  in  these 
rhapsodical  compositions.  A  comparison  of  the  two  versions  shows 
how  little  they  were  understood  by  the  scribes  themselves. 

•  Cf .  do  immarchor  chdre,  Wb.  6  a  6. 


112  The  Expulsion  of  the  Desst. 

•  

*  Na^  denid/  ar  Oengus,  ^  nadimfacbaid-se''  m'oenur !     Eo- 

forbia^  da  trian  in*  tire  araglainfem/      Remthus'  do  for 

clannaib  for  mo  chlainn-se  co  brath.     Ocus  mo  chlann-sa 

do   dul  i  cath  7  hi  crich  ria  cacA  7  do   bith  fodeoid  ic 

tudecht  a  crich.^      Ocus  co  n-irglantar  tir  remib.®      NacA- 

imfacbaid-se !'     Dorigset"    iarum  anisin  7  dobretha"  fir" 

fris  .  i  .  fir  ciche  7  gruaide,  nime  7  talman^  grene  7  esca, 

druchta  7  daithe,  mara  7  tire. 

11.  Luid  Eochaid  mac  Arttchuirp  dar  muir  cona 
chlaind  hi  crich  Demed,"  conidanu  atbathatar''  a  mate  7  a 
hui.  Conid  dib  cenel  Crimthaind  allae,^*  diata  Tualodor 
mac  Elgin  maic  Catacuind  maic  Caittienn  maic  Clotenn 
maic  Nsee  maic  Artuir  maic  Retheoir  maic  Congair  maic 
Gartbuir  maic  Alchoil  maic  Trestin  maic  Aeda  Brosc  maic 
Corath  maic  EchacA  Almuir  maic  Arttchuirp.^* 


12.  Dobert  Cormac  hua  Cuind  breic  im  [d]a  milid 
Oengusa  ind  rig^**  .  i  .  Grainne  7  Moinne,  diatat^^  Granraige 
7  Moinrige.  Atberthi^**  uad  f ri  cechtar  de  i  n-ecmais"  araile : 
*  Is  bee  do  brig  lat  rig,  a  Grainne.*®  Ni  tabar  hi  cosmailius 
fri  Moinne  nGall.*^  Asbered  a  chummat  cetna  fri  Moinne. 
Et  asbetr   stcie   fri  Oengus:    ^Dia  nomthabarthar-sa**  hi 


^  nach        ^  nachamfacbaidHsi        '  robarbiat         ^  om.L        *  aran- 
glanfam  ®  tiis        ^  essi         ^  corroglantar  tlr  duib         '  dogniat 

>®  dobretha  with  punctum  delens  under  a — L,  **  fer  add,  L, 
^*  Demeth  ^*  robo  marbh  7  **  Grimihain  alle  "  Taulodar 
mac  Rigind  mtc  Catien  mtc  Clothieun  mtc  No^  mtc  Artuir  mtc  Petuir 
mtc  Congair  mtc  Goirtiben  mtc  Alcon  mtc  Tresund  mtc  Aeda  mto 
Brosc  mtc  Corach  mtc  Echdach  AHmair  mtc  Airtchuirp.  '®  br^ic  im 
dunuth  oenguill  ind  rig  (sic)  ^^  diata  ^^  asbreth  ^'  i  n-^cndairg 
(cmrected  out  q/'ecndairt)  ^  a  Gronfir  **  co  n-4rbrad  hi  cosmai/tM 
fri  Moinne  nChJl        '*  dia  nomtarta-sa 


The  Expulsion  of  the  Dessi.  1 1 3 

Tou  shall  have  two  thirds  of  the  land  which  we  shall  clear, 
precedence  to  your  children  over  my  own  children  till 
Doom,  and  my  own  children  to  go  to  battle  and  across  the 
border  before  every  one,  and  to  be  the  last  to  come  out 
of  the  enemy's  land.  And  they  shall  clear  the  land  before 
you.  Do  not  leave  me!'  Then  they  did  that,  and  truth 
was  pledged  for  it,  to  wit,  truth  of  breast  and  cheek,  of 
heaven  and  earth,  of  sun  and  moon,  of  dew  and  drop,  of 
sea  and  land. 

11.  Eochaid,  son  of  Artchorp,  went  over  sea  with  his 
descendants  into  the  territory  of  Demed,  and  it  is  there 
that  his  sons  and  grandsons  died.  And  from  them  is  the 
race  of  Crimthann  over  there,  of  which  is  Teudor  son  of 
Begin,  son  of  Catgocaun,  son  of  Cathen,  son  of  Cloten, 
son  of  Nougoy,  son  of  Arthur,  son  of  Petr,  son  of  Cincar, 
son  of  Guortepir,  son  of  Aircol,  son  of  Triphun,  son  of 
Aed  Brosc,*  son  of  Corath,  son  of  Eochaid  Allmuir,  son  of 
Artchorp. 

12.  Cormac,  the  grandson  of  Conn,  played  a  trick 
upon  two  soldiers  of  Oengus  the  King,  to  wit,  Grainne  and 
Moinne,  from  whom  Granraige  and  Moinrige  are  so  called. 
He  caused  it  to  be  said  to  either  of  them  in  the  absence  of 
the  other :  ^  Small  is  thy  esteem  with  thy  king,  0  Grainne. 
Thou  art  not  deemed  worthy  to  be  compared  to  Moinne 
the  Gull.'  The  same  thing  was  said  to  Moinne.  Then 
the  latter  said  to  Oengus:  ^If  I  am  put  in  comparison 
with  Grainne,  I  shall  put  this  spear  through  thee.'  When 
Cormac  knew  the  order  of  the  watch  which  would  come 


^  As  Zimmer  has  shown  {Nennius  Vind.,  p.  88)  this  is  the  Ewein 
Vreisc  of  Teudos'  pedigree  in  the  Jesus  College  MS.  20,  fo.  S5b.  I 
have  restored  the  Welsh  forms  of  the  names  according  to  Anscombe's 
Indexes  to  Old-Welsh  Genealogies,  Archiv,  fur  celt,  Lexikographie^ 
i,  pp.  187-212. 

I 


1 1 4  The  Expulsion  of  the  Dessi. 

cubes  fri  Grainne,  dob^-sa  in  sleig  se  triut-su/  0  rafitir 
Cormac  ord  na  haire  dodasicfad  a  ndis  i  n-oenaidchi 
immoalle.  It  he  rotheilcset  slog  fair  inna  dun  7  rongeguin 
indara  de  7  roort  mac  a  brathar  'moalle  fris.* 

13.  Dosbert  Crimthann  i  n-Ard  Ladrann  iarsain.  Et 
d  [o]  coirsetar  maic  Crimtham  cocad  f risna  Deisse* .  i .  Eochu, 
is  e  rogab  doib  in  ndarbre  cona  f  renaib  (sic)  7  doscartsat 
im-maidm  as  hi  tir  n-Osairge. 

14.  Imaittreib  doib  alia  aniar  hi  Commur  Tri  n-Usc^ 
hir-rind  tire  Tigemaich.'  Ardosfaicce*  ri  Osraige  matan 
moch  iar  ndenam  a  n-aittreib.'  *Is  mili  tige  7  mile 
ndethac^  ani  thall/  ar  se.  Is  de  asberar  Milidach.' 
Gebtait  forn  (sic).  Atasaigid  hi  tenid,  loiscitir  a  nhuile 
aittreba^  7  nistalla  leo  thiar  iarsuidiu.^  Doloingset  as  7 
dothaegat  iar"  muir  siar,  co  n-gabsat  i  nHirchuilind  tiar,*° 


15.  [fo.  726,  2]  Isind  aimsir  sin  ba  marb  ben  Oengusa 
maic  Nadfraich  rig  Caisir',  et  dothat  nech  uad  do 
thochmarc  na  hingine  cucco,  ar  robsB  Eithne  moalle  friu- 
som  thiar.  Atrogell  Oeiigus  a  tri  rinnroisc  di.  Batar  se 
a  tri  rindroisc  .  i  .  faithchi  Chaissil"*  o  Luaisc  co  Caissel  do 


*  Ar  rofitir  Cormac  ord  n-aire  nachommaitethe  rofitir  donticfad 
oenadaig  immole  side.  Tulldicset  slog  fair  inna  dun  7  goguin  indole 
he  7  Imirt  mac  a  brathar  immollo.  *  Inn  uair  ropo  marb  Crimthan 
mac  ConBolaiff,  dogensat  Lagin  coccad  friu-som.  '  O  rofitir  Ossuirge 
immarthrub  alle  aniar  fri  Comur  tri  n-Uisci  ir-rind  tire  EchacA 
^  atchi  ^  atniib  "  Is  mile  tigo  ani  thall,  ol  se,  conid  desin 
rohainmniged  Milithach.  "^  huile  in  att-[fo.  100b  2]  ruib  "  nistall 
thair  hisuidiu  "  dothiagat  tar  "^  tiar  thoss  ^'  hi  Gaisiul. 

Ardrig    Gaisil    7   Muman    hoside  ^'^  Is  mo    inrasc-sa  6m   ol  si, 

faithchi  Ghaisil. 


The  Expulsion  of  the  Dessi,  1 1 5 

to  them  on   the   same   night  together '     'Tis 

they  who  let  in  a  host  upon  him  in  his  fortress,  and  one 
of  them  wounded  him,  and  his  brother's  son  was  slain 
together  with  him. 

13.  Thereupon  Crimthann  sent  them  into  Ard 
Ladrann.  And  after  the  death  of  Crimthann,  his  sons 
made  war  upon  the  Dessi ;  and  one  of  them,  Eochu,  took 
the  oak  with  its  roots  to  them.''  And  in  a  rout  they  drove 
them  out  into  the  land  of  Ossory.' 

14.  There  in  the  east  by  the  meeting  of  the  Three 
Waters*  on  a  point  of  the  land  of  Tigemach*  they  dwelt. 
Early  one  morning,  after  they  had  built  their  dwel- 
lings, the  King  of  Ossory  saw  them.  ^Yonder,'  he  said, 
^are  a  thousand  houses  (miJa  %e)  and  a  thousand 
smokes.'  Hence  Miledach®  is  so-called.  He  put  fire 
to  them,'  and  all  their  dwellings  are  burnt.  After  that 
there  was  no  pla<;e  for  them  in  the  east  to  stay  in. 
They  fared  forth  and  went  along  the  sea  westward  until 
they  settled  in  Irchuilenn  in  the  (south-)  west. 

1 5.  At  that  time  the  wife  of  Oengus  son  of  Nadfraich, 
King  of  Cashel,  died,  and  a  messenger  was  sent  by  him  to 
the  Dessi  to  woo  the  maiden  Ethne,  for  she  had  been  with 
them  in  the  west.  Oengus  promised  her  three  wishes. 
These  were  her  three  wishes,  to  wit,  that  the  meadow  land 


^  Something  seems  omitted  here. 

^  This  seems  an  idiom,  which  I  cannot  explain.  Cf.  crothais  d6ib 
dairbre  ndaU,  Jr.  Texte^  i,  p.  108,  4. 

'  The  ancient  kingdom  of  Ossory  comprised  nearly  the  whole  of 
the  present  county  Kilkenny  as  well  as  the  baronies  of  Upper  Woods, 
Glandonagh  and  Clarmallagh  in  Queen's  County. 

*  The  meeting  of  the  rivers  Suir,  Nore  and  Barrow  near  Waterford. 

*  Eochu,  Latid, 

*  A  place  near  the  Meeting  of  the  Three  Waters.  Cf.  commor 
immar  Milidach,  LL.  44  b  9. 

^  Cf.  adachtatar  in  crich  hi  tenid,  LU.  65  a  12. 

i2 


1 1 6  The  Expulsion  of  the  Dessi. 

thabairt  di  7  a  maithriu  do  airisem  ann.  Et  in  cenel 
nothogfaitis^  do  aurglanad  rempu  7  a  dilsi  doib  in  tiri  sin. 
Et  comsaire  doib  frisna  teora  Heoganachta  Muman  .  i  . 
E  [o]  gonacht  Raithlind  7  EoganacA^  Locha  Lein  7  EoganacA^ 
Hua  Fidgeinti*  co  n-Huib  Liathain. 


16.  Togait'  iarum  na  Deisse  Osair^i  do  aurglanad 
rempu*  7  do  chocad'  friu.  Lotar  da  druid  lasna  Deisse  .  i . 
Drong'  et  Cecht.'  Bse  dawo  drui  la  Hosair^iw  .  i  .  Dil 
mac  Hui  Chrecca,  7  roptar  daltai  doswte  druid  na  n-Deisse. 
Dobertsat  na  Deisse  secht  catha  do  Osair^ift  7  romaidset 
na  secht  catha  sin  ria  n-Osair^i  forsna  DeissiV  hi  Lethet 
Laidcind  i  n-Ard  Chatha.® 

17.  Dobreth  Eithne  Uathach  iarsin  comairle  dia 
meithre  .  i  .  dula^°  co  cenn  adchomairc  Human,  co  fath- 
brithemain"  Casil,  co  [Lugaid]  Laigde  Cose,  conid  he 
roscobair  tria  gaes  7  trebaire."  Ba  he  ba  brithem  do 
Chorccu  Laigde.  Ar  robee^'  imthus  do^*  Chorccu  Laigdi  7  do 
Eoganacht  hi  Caissiul"  .  i  .  intan  nobid  ri  do  Chorccu 
Laig(2i,  nobid  brithem  do  EoganocA^.  Oengus  mac  Nad- 
fraich  ba  ri  in  tan  sin  7  Lugaid  Laigcfi  Cosc^'  ba  brithem. 

'  dongoetais  '  7  comsoere  doib  fri  rig  teora  ndEoganachta 
Muman  .1.  ri  Raithlind  7  ri  Lochrce  7  rihuad  {sic)  Fidgenti  '  togdatar 
*  rembi  '  do  chath  "  Droch  ''  do  sil  maccu  Crecca  add,  X. 
^  for  na  Ddisse  ®  il  leith  Ladcind  .  i .  Art.  Asb^^t  araile  is 
XXX.  cath  ^^  Is  and  airlestar  Ethne  Huathach  dona  D^isib  dia 
haitib  dul  doib  *^  brithem  ^'^  Luigith  Core  (*ic),  is  he  nodairlestar 
ar  a  gals  7  ar  a  threbairi.  ^'  ata  ^*  etir  ^'  o  aimsir  Darine  7 
Dercthine,  a  britliomna  do  chlandaib  Luighdech  7  rigi  do  chlandaib 
Aiighim  {s{c)y  rigi  da;/o  do  chlandaib  Liiigdech  7  brithemnas  do 
chlandaib  Auluiin,  co  roimchhi  lith  ifuctsa  rige  dogr^s  hi  clnnnaib 
[fo.  101  b  1]  Auluim  7  breithemn^^«  dogr^  la  clandaib  Luighdech. 
^^  Luigith  Cose. 


The  Expulsion  of  the  DessL  1 1 7 

of  Cashel  from  Luasc  to  Cashel  be  given  to  her,  for  her 
mother's  kindred  to  dwell  there,  that  the  tribe  which  they 
would  choose  should  clear  the  land  before  them,  which 
should  then  belong  to  them;  and  that  they  should  be  as 
free  as  the  three  Eoganacht  of  Munster,  to  wit,  the  Eogan- 
acht  of  Raithlenn,  the  Eoganacht  of  Loch  Lein  and  the 
Eoganacht  of  the  Hui  Fidgenti  together  with  the  Hui 
Liathain. 

16.  Then  the  Dessi  chose  the  people  of  Ossory  to  be 
cleared  out  before  them  and  to  fight  against.  There  were 
two  druids  with  the  Dessi,  to  wit,  Drong  and  Cecht;  and 
there  was  also  a  druid  with  those  of  Ossory,  Dil,  the 
descendant  of  Crecca,  and  the  druids  of  the  Dessi  had  been 
foster-sons  of  his.  The  Dessi  fought  seven  battles  with 
the  men  of  Ossory  at  Lethet  Laidcind  in  Ard  Catha,^  in 
all  of  which  they  were  routed  by  the  men  of  Ossory. 

17.  Then  Ethne  the  Dread  advised  her  mother's  kins- 
folk to  go  to  the  chief  counsellor  of  Munster,  the  seer- judge 
of  Cashel,  Lugaid  Laigde  Cose.  He  by  his  wisdom  and 
prudence  helped  them.  He  was  judge  to  the  Corco  Laigdi. 
For  there  had  been  an  interchange  between  the  Corco 
Laigdi  and  the  Eoganacht*  in  Cashel  (from  the  time  of 
Darfine  and  Dercthine),  to  wit,  whenever  there  was  a  king 
of  the  Corco  Laigdi,  there  was  a  judge  of  the  Eoganacht. 
Oengus,  son  of  Nadfraich,  was  king  at  that  time,  and 
Lugaid  Laigde  Cose  was  judge. 

^  Others  say  there  were  thirty  battles. — Laud. 

"  Between  the  children  of  Lugaid  and  the  children  of  (Ailill)  Olum. 
— JLaud. 


ii8  The  Expulsion  of  the  Dessi. 

18.  Tiagait  maithi  na  nDeisse  7  Eithue  Huathach  leo 
CO  \j\xgaid}  Cose  7  asberat  fris:  ^Ronfoire'  im  chobair 
diin.'  Rotbia  tir  linni  dar  a  eisse  cen  chis,  cen  chongabail,* 
cen  diinad^  cen  biathad,  7  ni  thiefam  dar  cert  ar  do  chlaind 
CO  brath/*  Naidmthir®  fir  n-Oengussa  7  fir  n-Eithne  7  fir 
flatha  na  nDeisse  fri  sodain.  ^Congraid  for  ndruide 
dam-sa/  ar  Luga-icT  Cose, .  i  .  Droch  7  Checht.  Congraitea'* 
do,  et  dobretha  di  muinnir  .  i  .  da  phaitt  doib,®  hit  e  lana 
do  fin.  Dobreth  doib-sium  a  tirib  Gall  7  biad  Gall  lais,  ar 
ba  mescamai{  sobruige  inti  nocliaithed.^°  ^  Berid  in  fricill^* 
se  do  for  n-aite  7  apraid  fris  at f orn-aithrig  do  debaidfris." 
Et  berid  tecosc"  dia  ingin  iar  n-ol  ind  finse.' 


914 


19.  Dorigset  amlaid.^*  Et  arfofet  Dil"  in  fricill^'  7 
roscar-som  ind  ingen  7  ro-oslaid  in  fuiriud  rempu."  Dall 
da^diu  in  Dil."  Rochomairc  ind  ingen  d6  ar  belaib  a  dalta 
isin  tan  ba  mesc."  ^  A  mo  sruith,^  ar  ind  ingen,  *  ini  bia 
tesargain"  na  nDeisse  indorsa  ?'"  *  Biaid  amse,'"  ar  Dil, 
^mad  i  n-urd  turcbad  grtan  foraib  7  na  robeotais  7  na 
roruibtis  necli  ann.  Ar  inti  bifas  no  genfas  nech  do  slog 
araile  immarac^  ar  thus^  noco  n-aittrefa  in    tir   sin^   co 


*  Luigith  ^  Tonfairne  '  a  Lugith  add.  *  chongbail  •  7 
ni  thesseba  a  chert  co  brath  ^  adguiter  ^  Gairthir  dam-sa  tra, 
ar  Lugith,  bar  ndruidi  •*  congairter  *  doboir  da  muinirlana  doib 
'°  biath  na  nOall  laiss  7  it  he  nohithed  a  bargin  namma.  ^*  Berith 
inso         '^  abraid    is    he     bar     n-aithrech    debuid    fris  ''  teco3C 

^^  tria  mesci  in  fina  iama  ol  ^^  Dogensat  som  ani  sein  ^®  som 
*^  nisreccoll  {sic)  ^^  cartait  som  in  ingin  Dil  7  asoelc  a  forud  remib 
'"  ropu  dall  Dil  '^^  ni  chuingen  ba  frit  comairc  ind  ingen  o  ropo 
mesc  ar  belaib  a  da  dalta  ^*  im  bui  tosorcud  ^^^  innosa  *'bai, 
a  muinecan  ^*  mad  mattain  foraib  imbarach  ni  urd  7  ni  fuibitis 
nech  n-and.     Ar  inti  on  gontar  nech  imbarach  ni  aitreba  a  tir  so 


The  Expulsion  of  the  Dessu  1 1  $ 

18.  The  nobles  of  the  Dessi,  and  Ethne  the  Dread 
with  them,  went  to  Lugaid  Cose  and  said  to  him:  'Help 
us !  Thou  shalt  have  land  with  us  for  it  without  rent, 
without  seizure,  without  levy  of  host  or  food,  nor 
shall  we  ever  trespass  against  thy  descendants.'  The 
truth  of  Oengus  and  of  Ethne  and  of  the  princes  of  the 
Dessi  is  pledged  for  this.  'Call  your  druids  to  me,'  said 
Lugaid  Cose,  'even  Droch  and  Cecht.'  They  were  called 
to  him,  and  they  gave  them  two  jars  full  of  wine,  which  had 
been  brought  to  them^  from  the  lands  of  Gaul,  together 
with  food  of  Gaul ;  for  he  who  would  eat  and  drink  it 
would  be  intoxicated  and  sober  (at  the  same  time).  '  Take 
this  gift  to  your  tutor  and  say  to  him  that  ye  repent  of 
fighting  against  him.  And  he  will  instruct  his  daughter 
after  he  has  drunk  the  wine.' 

19.  They  did  so.  And  Dil  accepted  the  gift,  and 
the  girl  divided  it  and  opened  (?)  ....  before 
them.^  Dil,  however,  was  blind.  Then,  when  he  was 
drunk,  the  maiden  asked  him  before  his  two  foster-sons : 
'0  my  venerable  (father)'  said  she,  'will  there  be  rescue 
for  the  Dessi  now?'  ^Indeed,  there  ivill  be,'  said  Dil,  'if 
the  sun  rise  upon  them  in  battle-order  and  they  slay  and 
wound  no  one.  For  he  who  will  first  slay  or  wound  any 
one  of  the  other  host  to-morrow  morning,  shall  not 
inhabit  this  land  till  Doom.'     '  Perhaps  there  will  be  no 


^  t.e.,  to  Oengus  and  Lugaid,  as  Raw!,  indicates  by  the  insertion  of 
marks  of  reference  over  ddib-sium  and  the  two  names. 

*  I  do  not  know  yf\iB.tforud  or  fuiriud  may  mean.     Perhaps  it  is 
0'Clery*8  fuireadh  .  i .  ullmhughadh. 


1 20  The  Expulsion  of  the  Dessi. 

brath.*  *  Bess  ni  hin^ad  anisin,"  ar  ind  ingen,  ardaig 
CO  cloistis  na  gillse.  *Dia  mbeind  hi  ccemthecht  na 
nDesse,*  nodolbfaind^  boin  deirg  do  duiniu  7  nogonfaitis 
Osairgi,  in  boin  sin."* 

20.  Mosdailet  an  druid*  cosna  Deissib  fochetoir 
fothuaid  do  Cliasiul  7  doberat  na  Dessi  leo  co  m-batar  i 
n-urd  matan  moch  iarnabarach."  Astuat  tenid'  cairthind 
ann  7  foidit  a  diaid  sair  co  Hosairgib.  Tecait*  Osairyi 
iarum  co  Hinneoin  7  fucairthir  la  Dil  na  rorubtha  7  na 
robeota  nech  dona  Deissib  ann.®  Dolbait  dano  druid  na 
n-Deisse  aithech^°  hi  richt  bo  dergce"  .  i .  Dochet  a  anmain," 
ar  soire  dia  chlaind  dogr^s.  Teit  iarum  ina  ndaiP'  7  cot- 
meil  foraib  7  giallaid  gail  7  gonair  forsind  ath  fri  Indeoin 
aniar."  Is  de  asberar  Ath  Bo  Deirge.  Conid  iarum 
adchonncatar  co  mba^'  colann  duine  iama  guin. 


21.  Maitte  for  Ossairgfit  sair  co  Handobru**  (sic)  7 
imsoat  Ossairgfi  a  sain  7  doberat  a  mbiu^'  7  am-marbu  coema 
i  n-airther  Eatha  sair."*   Maidte  foraib  atherruch  o  Andobur 


^  Boss    ni    goiitar    om  ^  Mad    mo    bad    chend    athchomairc 

laisna    {sic)    D^sib  ^  nodoilfind  ^  nosgonfatis    Ossirge. 

^  Tochumlat  iarsain   in    da  driiith  ^  Tosborat  co  mba  mattin 

foraib  i  n-urd  ^  attait  tonti  "  Totot  »  [f o.  101b  2]  Focairthor 
o  Dil  arna  rogonta  nech  ann  dona  D<588ib  ^°  sonaithech  and  dona 
D^isib  ^^  mailo  add.  '*  Dochoth  a  hainm  '•  Teit  dochum  in 
tshluaig  sair  ^  *  Cid  dognither  thiar  innossa,  a  gillai  ?  or  Dil.  Tene 
do  fhatog  7  bo  dorg  do  thelcud  forsin  n-ath  aniar.  Ni  ba  hi  ma  moni 
ar  so.  Na  gonat  ind  fhir  in  boin,  ar  se.  Noslecet  seccu.  Nosgonait 
gillai  na  n-ech  iama  ciil  7  lecit  gair  impo.  Cissi  gdir  so,  a  gillai  P  or 
se.  Inna  gillai  oc  guin  na  bo.  Fe  f o  anidi !  or  8(5.  Mo  charput  dam ! 
arse.  A  hord  slaitir  Indooin.  ^^  corbo  ^^^  Ilandobor  '^  boritt 
a  n-aithbiu        ^^  condicce  airther  R4tha  Machuthnoe  for  brii  Andobor 


The  Expulsion  of  the  Dessi.  1 2 1 

slaying  then/  said  the  girl,  so  that  the  young  men  should 
hear  it.  *  If  I  were  in  the  company  of  the  Dessi,  I  should 
by  magic  shape  a  man  into  a  red  cow,  so  that  the  men  of 
Ossory  would  kill  that  cow.' 

20.  Forthwith  the  druids  repair  northward  to  Cashel  to 
the  Dessi  and  take  them  with  them  in  battle-order  early 
on  the  next  morning.  They  light  a  fire  of  rowan  there 
and  send  its  smoke  eastward  into  Ossory.  Thereupon  the 
men  of  Ossory  come  to  Inneoin,  and  it  was  proclaimed  by 
Dil  that  no  one  of  the  Dessi  should  be  slain  or  wounded 
there.  But  the  druids  of  the  Dessi  formed  an  old  serf, 
Docheth  by  name,  into  the  shape  of  a  red  (hornless)  cow, 
promising  freedom  to  his  descendants  for  ever.  Then  the 
cow  went  to  encounter   the   men   of  Ossory   and  flings 

herself  upon  them,  and ^  and  is  killed  at  the 

ford^  westward  of  Inneoin,'  whence  the  Ford  of  the  Red 
Cow  is  so  called.  And  then  they  saw  it  was  the  body  of 
a  man  that  had  been  slain. 

21.  The  men  of  Ossory  were  routed  eastward  as  far 
as   the   Andobur,*   and  there   they   turn   and   take  their 

^  I  do  not  know  what  giallaim  gail  may  mean.  As  Strachan 
points  out  to  me,  the  phrase  seems  a  corruption  of  gdelaim  gaily  which 
occurs  in  Salt,  na  Hann,  I.  6167.     Laud  gives  a  more  detailed  account : 

*  What  are  they  doing  in  the  west  now,  my  lads  ?  '  said  Dil.  *  They 
are  kindling  a  fire  and  letting  a  red  cow  into  the  ford  from  the  west.' 
'  That  is  not  my  work.  Do  not  let  the  men  kill  the  cow  ! '  said  he. 
They  let  her  go  past  them.  But  the  horse-boys  behind  their  back 
kill  her  and  raise  a  shout.     *  What  shout  is  that,  my  lads  ? '  said  Dil. 

*  The    horseboys    are   slaying    the   cow.*    *  Woe   is    me !  *   said   Dil. 

*  Bring  me  my  chariot.' 

'  This  must  be  a  ford  on  the  river  Suir. 

'  Also  called  Indeoin  na  n  D^ssi,  now  Mullach  Indeona,  a  townland 
near  Clonmel.     See  O'Don.  F.M.  a.d.  852. 

*  This  I  take  to  be  the  river  Anner,  a  tributary  of  the  Suir,  co. 
Tipperary.  It  is  called  Anniiir  by  Keating  (Gaelic  League  Series  of 
Irish  TexU,  I,  p.  204). 


122  The  Expulsion  of  the  Dessi, 

CO  Lainnen.^  Na  hothurbi*  forfacabsat  Ossatrgri  i 
n-airthiur  Ratha  rosgegnatar^  na  Desse  oc  tintud*  anair. 
Is  de  ata  BelacA.  n-Eca  iar'  fiad  Batha. 


22.  Eannait  iaruin  na  Dessi  i  cetrib  rannaib  na  tiri 
sin."  Cach  clann  tarraid  in  cethramaid  sin,  ata  a  chuit 
isin  tir.'^  Coeca  toirgi  lasna  Dessib,  a  .xxu.**  [fo.  73a,  1] 
dib  tarthatar  raind  7  a  .xxu.**  aile  na°  tartliatar  7  is  dona 
toirgib  sin  is  ainm  Dessi,  ar  it  e  fil  fo  chis^°  7  dligud  7 
bothachas^^  na  nDeisse^*  dona  flaithib  .  i  .  do  Dail  FiachacA 
Suidge  7  ni  hainm  doib-side  Deisse.  CacA^^  longas  tra  rofitir 
Eithne  HuathacA  la  Herind  dosreclam"  cosna  Deisse,  fobith 
nodigbaitis^*  Dal  FiachacA  Suidge  isna^^  cathaib  mencib. 


23.     Do  thoirgib  na  nDessi  inso  sis. 
Dobert"  Semuin^'*  di  TJltaib  cucu,  diatat  Semuine.'" 


Dobert  cuco  Nemungin^°  di  Huaithnib .  1 .  diatat  Nechtarge. 


^  conod  hi  sein  in  choicrich  co  brath  etir  na  Deisi  7  Ossoirge.  Amail 
ossa,  is  amiaid  rorathatar  ass.  Is  de  ata  Ossoirgi  foraib  7  rofaithaigset 
na  Dosi  inna  tir  co  brath.  '  na  hothair         '  nosgognatar         *  im- 

pud  '  hi  ®  Ronnit  a  cetraind  tire  hi   sein         '  Nach  duine 

tarnaid    in   cetraind    sin,  ata    a    chuit    ar    a    raind    sin.  "  cuic 

fichct        "  nach  ^^  deisis  "  bodagas  **  na  n Deisse  oiw.  L. 

"nach  **  dosfuido  '' arcrunad  *"  isnaib  '^  TobrtV 

^•^  Semon  mac  Oongusa  mate  Cel[t]chair  vaaic  Iluithechair       *®  Semoni 
'^^  Nemongen  mac  Nechtain 


The  Expulsion  of  the  DessL  1 23 

wounded  and  their  dead  nobles  into  the  front  part  of  Rath 
Machuthnoe^  (on  the  bank  of  the  Andobur)  in  the  east. 
Again  they  were  routed  from  the  Andobur  to  the 
Lainnen,*  (which  is  the  boundary  between  the  Dessi  and 
the  men  of  Ossory  till  Doom.  They  ran  away  like  deer 
(p%%a)^  As  the  Dessi  were  returning  from  the  east  they 
killed  the  wounded  men  whom  those  of  Ossory  had  left 
behind  in  the  front  part  of  the  fortress.  Hence  the  Boad 
of  Death  along  the  front^  of  the  fortress  is  so  called. 

22.  Thereupon  the  Dessi  divide  those  lands  into  four 
parts.  Each  family  which  came  into  this  first  division  has 
its  share  in  the  land.  There  are  fifty  septs  among  the 
Dessi,  of  whom  twenty-five  got  a  share,  while  the  other 
twenty-five  did  not ;  and  the  former  are  called  Dessi,  for 
it  is  they  who  are  under  rent  and  law  and  hut-tax*  to  the 
princes,  viz.  to  the  Division  of  Fiachu  Suidge,  and  the 
latter  are  not  called  Dessi.  Every  exiled  band,  however, 
of  which  Ethne  the  Dread  knew  in  Ireland,  she  gathered 
to  the  Dessi,  because  the  Division  of  Fiachu  Suidge  had 
been  diminished  in  so  many  battles. 

23.     Of  the  septs  of  the  Dessi. 
She  brought  Semon  (son  of  Oengus,  son  of  Celtchar,  son 

of  TJthechar)  of  the  men  of  Ulster  to  them  (with  150 

men)  from  whom  are  the  Semuine.* 
She  brought  to  them  Nemongen  (son  of  Nechtan)  of  the 

Uaithni,  with  fifty  men,  from  whom  are  the  Nechtarge, 

^  Not  identified. 

^  This  is  the  river  now  called  Lingaun  (from  Mod.  Ir.  Lainnean) 
which  forms  the  boundary  between  the  barony  of  Iffa  and  Oflfa  East 
and  that  of  Iverk. 

'  Here  I  take^a^  (W.  gwydd)  to  be  the  noun  which  has  passed 
into  the  nominal  preposition ^ttc?  *  coram.' 

^  bothachas  (bodagasj^  the  tax  payed  by  a  bothach  or  *  hut-dweller, 
cottar.' 

^  Gf.  LL.  331c :  Glann  Sem  diatat  Semni  na  nDesi. 


124  The  Expulsion  of  the  Dessu 

Dobert^  cuco  tri  macco  Lu^dacA*  Cosca  britheman  Corco 

Laigdi  a  Cassiul.  1  ? 
Tri  ch6icait  dano  do  thrib  maccaib  Oengupa  mate  'Derhchon 

maic  Gormaic  Uipjatai,  de  quibus  Mechain.* 

Coeca  do  maccaib  Feideilmid  Brufir/  de  quibus''  Bruirige, 
Coeca  do  maccaib  Odro/  de  quibus  Odraige.* 

Nonbur   di  maccaib  Ditha  do  Emaib,  de  quibus®  Corco 

Ditha. 
Get   IsBch   luid  Benta  in  t-eces"  di  TJltaib,  de  quo®  Bent- 

raige. 
Nonbur  do  maccaib  Conaill  maic  Neill,  de  quo'  Condrige.'° 

'Nonbur  do  maccaib  Suird  maic  Mugdomaj  Duib,  de  quo 

Sordraige." 
Nonbwr  do  maccaib  Munigblae  maic  MugdomsB  Dwift,"  de 

quibus®  Duibrige.  Maic  ingine  Briuin  in  sin. 


•  ix  .  do  maccaib  MugdomaB  Cerbfir  do  Chairige/* 

•  ix  .  do  maccaib  Laidir  maic  Firchi  do  Ladraige.^* 

Tri  nonbwir  do  Oengus  Pirgabrse  mac  Conaire  maic  Messi 
Buachalla  do  Gabraige." 

^  Dob«>         ^  Luigdech  ^  Tri  choicait  lin  Somoin,  coica  lin 

mrtccu  Luigdech,  coica  lin    niffccu  Nemongin.  *  Coica    liech  do 

mcrccaib  Oengusa  Darcon  maic  Cormaicc  Aulfata  dal  maic 
Con.  *  Feidlimthi     Bniirir  ®  diata  '  Bni     nd 

Odro    E.      di     Hiiltaib      add.     L.  ^  Odrige  "^  C6t    leech 

lin  hue  mflric  Bind  ind  ecis  ^°  Conrigo  **  Soirt  maic  Doima 
diata  Sorthrige  '^  Muindigbloa  maic  Maugdomo)  diata  Loch 
Muindig  hi  tirib  Maugdornw  ^^  Nonbur  do  maccaib  Cerir  maic 
MugdorniB  diata  Ciarraige.  '*  Nonbur  do  maccaib  Latfir  diatat 
Lattrige  .  i .  maic  Fir  Cooch        ^^  diatat  Ghibrigo 


The  Expulsion  of  the  DessL  125 

She  brought  to  them  the  three  sons  of  Lugaid  Cose,  judge 

of  the  Corco  Laigdi,  from  Cashel,  with  fifty  men. 
Next,   150   men   of  the   three   sons   of  Oengus,   son    of 

Derbchu    (Oengus  Darchu),  son  of  Cormac  tJlfata,  de 

quibus  Meehain  (Dal  Maic  Chon). 
Fifty   men  of  the  sons  of  Fedilmid   Brufer,   de   quibus 

Brurige. 
Fifty  men  of  the  sons  of  Odro,  from  Ulster,  de  quibus 

Odraige. 
Nine  men  of  the  sons  of  Dith,  of  the  Erainn,  de  quibus 

Corco  T>itha. 
A  hundred  warriors  was  the  number  of  the  descendants  of 

Benta  (Mac  Bind),  the  poet  from  Ulster,  de  quo  Bentraige. 
Nine  men  of  the  sons  of  Conall,  son   of  Niall,   de   quo 

Condraige. 
Nine  men  of  the  sons  of  Sord,  son  of  Mugdoma  JDub,^  de 

quo  Sordraige. 
Nine  men  of  the  sons  of  MundechblsB,*  son  of  Mugdoma 

Dub,   (from  whom  Loch  Muindig*  in  the  lands  of  the 

Mugdoim*  is  so  called),  de  quibus  Dubrige.     These  are 

the  sons  of  Briun's  daughter. 
Nine  men  of  the  sons  of  Cerbfer  (Cerir),  son  of  Mugdoma, 

from  whom  are  the  Ciarraige  (Cairige). 
Nine  men  of  the  sons  of  Latfer,  son  of  Fer  Ceoch,  from 

whom  are  the  Latraige. 
Three  times  nine  men  of  Oengus  Firgabra,  son  of  Conaire, 

son  of  Mess  Buachalla,  from  whom  are  the  Gabraige. 


^  He  was  the  son  of  Colla  Menu. 

^  Cf.  Mundechblai  and  Mundechdub,  LL.  828a  13. 

^  Cf .  Hinc  Loch  Demundech  hi  tirib  Mugdomo,  LL.  327A. 

*  From  them  the  present  barony  of  Cremome  (Crich  Mugdorn), 


CO.  Monaghan,  takes  its  name. 


I  z6  The  Expulsion  of  the  Dessi. 

.  ix  .  do  Afir  do  Ernaib  do  Uraige.' 

.  ix  .  do  Fir  Menn  mac  Cuscraid  Mind  Macha  maic  Con- 

chobuir  do  Mennraige. 
.  ix  .    do     mac^    Glasschaich     mate     Moga     Euith     do 

Rodi^aige.' 
Tri  iion6?nr  do  Oengus  Chreca*  mac  Ctmchobitir  Msel  maic 

FormseP  di  TJltaib.     Is  e   nochrecad   goo®   hi    Temair. 

A  quo  Crecraige. 
BiDne   7   Eochaid  C6en'    do   Bintrige    7   do    Choenrige. 

Nowbitr  doib. 
.  ix  .  do  Naithir  mac  Fircheich  do  Nathraige.** 


10 


.  ix  .  do  Nudfir®  do  Laignib  do  Nudraige. 
•  ix  .  do  maccaib  Blait  do  Blatraige." 


•  

.  ix  .  do  Nindfir  mac  Bairrche  do  Nindrige.^" 

•  ix  .  do  FiurLuide  ar  Sid  ar  Femen  do  Ludraige." 

.  ix  •  do  Chserfir^*  di  Chruithnib  do  Chserige." 

Tri  nonbuir  do  thrib  maccaib  Bonnfir  do  Bonnraige/' 


•  ix  •  do  Luthor  mac  Arda  do  Luthraige. 


17 


.  ix  .  do  Blotchoin^^  di  Bretnaib  do  Blotraige/*' 

^  Nonbor  di  Haiirir   do  Homaib  diata  Aurige  ^  maccaib  L, 

'  Roithrige  *  Crece  *  Mdil    vaaic  Formail  "  crec 

gai  '  Coene  ^  Nothir    mac    Firceoch    diata    Nothrige 

®  Nudir  '°  diata     Nudrige  ^^  Blathrig  diata  Blathrige 

**  Z.  (ymits  this  paragraph.  *'  hiSid  ar  Femon  di  Hultaib  nad  aicidacht 
diata  Luidrige  ^*  Celir  ^*  diata  Celrigi  ^"  Tri  mate  Boindfir 
buachala  Eithne  diata  Boendrige  ^^  Non&ur  [do]  Libur  mac  Arta 
diata  Lubrige.        ^"^  B16thchum         **  diata  Blodrige 


The  Expulsion  of  the  Dessi.  127 

Nine  men  of  Aurir  of  the  Erainn,  from  whom  are  the  Aurige. 
Nine  men  of  Fer  Menn,  son  of  Cuscraid  Menn  of  Macha, 

son  of  Conchobor,  from  whom  are  the  Mennraige/ 
Nine  men  of  the  son  (sons)  of  Glaschach,  son  of  Mug  Euith 

from  whom  are  the  Rodraige. 
Three  times  nine  men  of  Oengus  Crece,  son  of  Conchobor 

Mael,  son  of  Formael,  of  the  men  of  Ulster — 'tis  he  who 

sold  spears  in  Tara — a  quo  Crecraige. 
Binne  and  Eochaid  Coen,  from  whom  are  the  Bintrige  and 

Coenrige.     They  were  nine. 
Nine  men  of  Nothir,  son  of  Fer  Ceoch,  from  whom  are  the 

Nothrige. 
Nine  men  of  Nudfer  from  Leinster,  from  whom  are  the 

Nudraige. 
Nine  men  of  the  sons  of  Blat,  from  whom  are  the  Blat- 

raige. 
Nine  men  of  Nindf er,  son  of  Bairche,  from  whom  are  the 

Nindrige. 
Nine  men  of  FerLuide  from  Sid  ar  Femun,  from  whom  are 

the  Ludraige. 
Nine  men  of  Caerfer  (Celir)  of  the  Picts,  from  whom  are 

the  Caerige  (Celrige). 
Three  times  nine  men  of  the  three  sons  of  Bonnfer  (the 

cowherd  of  Ethne),  from  whom  are  the  Bonnrige. 
Nine  men  of  Luthor  (Liber),  son  of  Art,  from  whom  are 

the  Luthraige  (Luburige). 
Nine  men  of  Blotchu  of  the  Britons,  from  whom  are  the 

Blotrige. 


»  Mendraige,  LL.  331*,  16. 


128  The  Expulsion  of  the  Dessu 

.  ix  .  do  Grutbit  mac  Dubain  do  Grutbrige.* 

.  ix  .  do  mac  Buidb*  do  Bodbrige. 

.  ix  .  do  mac  Grinnir  do  TJltotft  do  Grinnrige.' 

•  ix  .  do  Gallaib  do  Muinrige  im  mac  Muinmind/ 
.  ix  .  do  Maine  mac  Cuinrige/ 

^^  • 

.  ix  .  do  mac  Dimain  do  Darfiniu  do  Chorco  Dimaine.* 

.  ix  .  do  macco  EniisB  TJniche  di  Gallaib  do  Chorcco  TJniche/ 

Coeca®  do  Glasschatt  mac  Ailella  k.v\uim  di  Chattraige.* 

Coeca  do  trib  maccaib  MathracA  maic  Ailella  Auluimb  do 
Dal  maic  Cuirb.*® 


Coeca  Tidil"  mate  Ailella  kxXuim  do  Dal  Tidil  Cichich  f  orsa 
mbatar  .  iii  .  cicheich.^^ 

.  ix  .  do  Magneth^^  Gall  do  dal  Magned/' 

•  ix  .  Michoil  do  Dairfin[i]  u  di  Dal  Michoil." 

^  Gubrith  maccu   Bu6n  diata  Gubtrige  *  do  maccaib  Bodb 

'  Grrfn  diata  Gremrige  di  Hultaib  *  Z.  omiU   this  paragraph, 

^  do  mac  Ainiu  mate  Cuirir  diata  Cuirrige  *  Dimdini  di  Darin 
dia-[fo.  101  a  2]  t&  Corco  Din  "^  Endi  Uiniche  diatat  Corco 
Huiniche      do     Gallaib  **  Coica     fer  "  diata      Catrige. 

*°  Mathrach  maic  Ailolla  Auluim.  Ingen  Firgair  a  mathair,  diata 
dal  Mathrach.  Coica  d 'liib  mate  Cuirp  mate  Ailella  Auluim  diatiit  d&l 
matcCuirp.  *'  coica  di  huib  Didil.  ^^  dal  Didil  c^t  cige  forsarabi. 
^'  Maign^n        ^*  Mochon  mac    Dare  di  Darino   diata  d&I  Mechon 


The  Expulsion  of  the  Dessi.  129 

Nine   men  of   Grutbit    (Gubrith   maccu    Buen),    son    of 

Duban,  from  whom  are  the  Gnitbrige  (Gubtrige). 
Nine  men  of  the  son  of  Bodb,  from  whom  are  the  Bodb- 

rige. 
Nine  men  of  the  son  of  Grinner  (Gran)    of  Ulster,  from 

whom  are  the  Grinnrige  (Granrige). 
Nine  Guuls  of  Muinrige  with  the  son  of  Muinmend. 
Nine  men  of  Maine  (of  the  Son  of  Ainiu,  son  of  Cuirer) 

from  whom  are  the  Cuirrige. 
Nine  men  of  the  son  of  Dimain  of  Darfine,  from  whom 

are  the  Corco  Dimaine. 
Nine  men  of  the  descendant  of  Enne  TJniche  of  the  Guuls, 

from  whom  are  the  Corco  TJniche. 
Fifty  men  of  Glaschatt,^  son  of  Ailell  Aulom,  from  whom 

are  the  Cattraige. 
Fifty  men  of  the  three  sons  of  Mathri,^  son  of  Ailill  Aulom 

(Fergair's  daughter  was  their  mother),  from  whom  are 

the  Dal  Mathrach.     Fifty  men  of  the  descendants  of 

Mac  Corp,  son  of  Ailill  Aulom),  from  whom  are  the  Dal 

Maic  Chuirp. 
Fifty  men  of  Tidel,  son  of  Ailill  Aulom,  from  whom  are 

the  Dal  Tidil  Cichich,  on  whom  were  three  (a  hundred) 

teats. 
Nine  men  of  Magneth  (Maignen)  the  Guul,  from  whom 

are  the  Dal  Magned  (Maignen). 
Nine  men  of  Michol  (Mechon,  son  of  Dare)  from  Darfine, 

from  whom  are  the  Dal  Michoil  (Mechon). 


^  He  is  called  Glass  Catha,   and  his  descendants  Cathraige  in 
LL.  8196. 

^  He  is  called  Mathreth,  and  his    descendants   Dal  Mathra  in 
LL.  319*. 

K 


1 30  The  Expulsion  of  the  Dessi. 

Tri    nonbuir    do    maccaib    DorcAow  mate  Huair   do   Dal 

DorcAon/ 
TW  nonbuir  do  maccaib  Luigne^  di  Ernaib  do  Dal  Luigni. 

Coeca  do  trib  maccaib  Nuidni  mate  Conrui  do  Dal  Nuidni.* 

.  ix  .  do  trib  maccaib  Niamdse  di  Dal  Niamdse/ 

.  xi  .  do  Loiscniu  mac  Cuinniath  do  Dal  Loscind.* 

Tri  lege'  Eithne  Hua^/iaigf  diata  Dal  Niathlega/ 

Tri  maic  Moga  Caintich  do  Dal  Mogaide/ 

Tri  maic  Cairinne  cerdda  do  Cherdraige.® 

Lsemman'^  mac   Niathatgf  maic  Briuin,   is    e  cetnagaibed 

giallu  Ferchair.     Fathbrithem. 
CsBchros  mac  Fiaich  cetarogaib  cath  n-lnde  do  laim.** 

24.  Teora  hingena  Embraind,  Mell  7  Beige"  7  Cinnu, 
dochuatar  co  Crimthann'^  a  triur,  each  hae^*  i  ndiaid  araile. 
Sil  Mella  o  Meill.  Hm  Beilge  o  Beilge/*  Eithne  namma 
rue  Oinnu  do.'® 

25.  0  doluid  iarum'^  Corbmac  asa  rige^"*  iama  gollad** 
do  Oengus  mac  Artchuirp,  gabai^  Carpre  LiphecAar  in 


M 


^  L.  omits  this  paragraph.  ^  d'uib  Luigni  Leithduib  '  Noidne 
diata  dal  Nuidn  .  i  .  mate  Chonru  m^ic  Dare  *  Nimde  diata  dal 
Nimde        ^  Luiscniu  vaac  Cumenath  diata  dal  Luiscni  * .  iii  . 

laigni  ^  Mathlego  {sic)  '*  Mugo  mfltc  Cuthig  diata  dal  Mugith. 
"Tri  mflric  Arme   cerda   diatat  Cerdraige  '°  Lrobdn  *' rogab 

giallu  Fer  nGair  robo  brithem  rainni  caich  Ros  mac  F^ico  cotnaragaib 
cath  nlndido  do  laim  ^^  Belc  ^^  Crimthan  ^*  dib  **  Belo 
^°  conid  hi  side  dalta  na  nD6isi  7  rl.  add,  L.  '^  tra  '"  rlgu  *"  ch&ichad 
^°  07n  L, 


The  Expulsion  of  the  Dessi.  1 3 1 

Three  times  nine  men  of  the  sons  of  Dorchu,  son  of  TJar, 

from  whom  are  the  Dal  Dorchon. 
Three  times  nine  men  of  the  sons  Luigne  (Lethdub)  of  the 

Erainn,  from  whom  are  the  Dal  Luigni. 
Fifty  men  of  the  three  sons  of  Nuidne,  son  of  Curoi  (son 

of  Dare),  from  whom  are  the  Dal  Nuidni. 
Nine  men  of  the  three  sons  of  Niamda  (Nimde)  from  whom 

are  the  Dal  Niamda  (Nimde) . 
Nine  men  of  Loiscne  (Luiscniu)  son  of  Cuinnia  (Cumenath), 

from  whom  are  the  Dal  Loscind  (Luiscni). 
Three  leeches  of  Ethne  the  Dread,  from  whom  are  the 

Dal  Niathlega. 
Three  sons  of  Mug  Cain  tech  (son  of  Cuthech),  from  whom 

are  the  Dal  Mogaide  (Mugith). 
Three  sons  of  Cairinne  (Arme)  Cerd,  from  whom  are  the 

Cerdraige.* 
Laemman,  son  of  Niathach,  son  of  Briun,  'tis  he  who  first 

took  hostages  of  the  Fir  Gair.^    He  was  a  seer-judge. 
Caechros,   son  of  Fiach   (Feice),   who  first  pledged  the 

battalion  of  Inde  (?). 

24.  The  three  daughters  of  Embrand,  Mell  and  Belc 
and  Cinniu  were  all  three  married  to  Criiothann,  one 
after  another.  From  Mell  are  the  Sil  Mella,  from  Belc  the 
Hui  Beilce.     Cinniu  bore  Ethne  only  to  him. 

25.  Now,  when  Cormac,  after  having  been  blinded  by 
Oengus,  son  of  Artchorp,  gave  up  his  kingship,  Carpre 
Lifechar  took  the  government  in  the  place  of  his  father. 
This  is  what  he  practised  every  day  before  his  father :  he 
would  put  two  fingers  around  the  tusk-hilted  sword  and 


^  A  different  account  of  the  origin  of  the  Cerdraige  Tuilche  Gossa 
will  be  found  in  O'Curry's  Lectures^  iii,  p.  207,  from  LL.  320/. 

^  The  Fir  Gair  were  descendants  of  Brecc  mac  Artchuirp.  See 
LL.  328^. 

k2 


132  The  Expulsion  of  the  Dessi, 

iaith  ar  belaib  a  athar.  Is  i  abairt  dognid^  Cormac  ar  a 
belaib  each  dia  .  i .  dobered  a  da  mer  immun  colg*  ndet  7 
a  mer  hi^  timchul  lainne  in  sceith.  Is  ed  noinchoisced 
sain,  slaidi  mui[n]^ire  Cairpre  immun  mBoin[n]  sanchan 
[fo.  73  a  2]  .  i  .  do  each  leith/  Is  de  doloinsieh*  hi  erich 
Lagen.  O  rabi"  Fiaehu  Sraip^iwe  7  CoUa  Huais'  7  Colla 
Mend  do  Mugdornaifr"*  rig  na  nDeisse"  .  i  .  Breee  mac 
Arttchuirp,  roehartsat  Laigen  (sic)  uaid^°  siar  for  Commur 
trian  in  tsluaig.  Tuait  do  Chassiul  do  ehuingid  ehobrad  o 
Oengus.  Is  annsin  marbais  Fedelmid  Clar  mae  hui  Braiehte 
7  Anlathe  mac  Eogain  i  n-Etarbaine.  Is  de  ata  Cam 
mBrigti  ingen*^  Dubthaieh  maic  Duib  mate  LugdacA  di 
[Jltaib. 

26.  In  trian  iarwm  doluid  atuaid,  hit  e  tureaibset  inn 
ingin  .  i  .  Eithni  UathacA  ingen  Crimthainn.  Moalle 
longsigset  Osair^i  7  Corco  Laigdi,  ar  it  he  batar  eeh —  eeh — . 
Ar  gabsat  o  Chommur  tri  n-usce  eo  Birra  Lagen,  i  mbatar 
hi  tir  Osair^e,  eo  Heochair  anair.  Is  de  ata  Ath  Fothart 
7  Daire  Lagen  la  Hossairgfi.  Is  inund  aimser  hi  lotar^*  na 
Deisse  for  Gabruan'^  7  Fene  for  Fid  Mar  7  Fothairt"  for 
Gabruan  sair.  Ar  robatar  Fothairt  for  longais  iar 
nGabran'*  iar  nguin  Echac/i  Domplen  maic  Carpre  LipA- 
echair  do  Samiad^®  mae  Cirb"  brathair  Bronaieh  do 
Fothartaib;-* 


^  ba  si  a  brtth  (sic)  dogniad  ^  cailg  '  om.  *  in- 

rochosecht  troso  dani  sladi  muintiVe  Coirpri  sainchan  immon  B6ind 
di  each  leith  '  dolonget         "  ho  roblth  arna  ragegain  ^  Condla 

Hos  (sic)  diatat  Iliii  mate  Guais  **  diatat  MugdomoB  "*  [fo.  102 

a    2]    geognaitir    ri    na    iiD^isi         *"  leg.    Laigin    uaidib  "  leg. 

ingine         >^  tulatar  '^  Gabran         '*  Fothart         ''  Fothart    iar 

longis    for    Gabran         ^^  Seminaith         *^  Coirpri  ^"^  diatat  Hui 

Bronaieh  la  Fotharta  7  rl. 


The  Expulsion  of  the  Dessi.  133 

one-finger  around  the  boss  of  the  shield.  In  that  way  he 
was  instructed  to  slay  the  people  of  Carpre  on  either  side 
of  the  Boyne.  Hence  they  went  into  exile  into  the  terri- 
tory of  Leinster.  After  Fiachu  Sraiptine  and  CoUa  Uais 
and  CoUa  Menu  of  the  Mugdoirn  had  slain  the  king  of 
the  Dessi,  Brecc,  son  of  Artchorp,  the  men  of  Leinster 
drove  one  third  of  the  host  westward  to  Oommur.  They 
sent  to  Cashel  to  ask  help  of  Oengus.  'Tis  there  he  killed 
Fedelmid  Clar,  the  descendant  of  Brigit  and  Anlathe,  son 
of  Eogan,  in  Etarbaine.  Hence  is  the  Cairn  of  Brigit, 
daughter  of  Dubthach,  son  of  Dub,  son  of  Lugaid,  of 
Ulster.^ 

26.  Now,  the  third  who  came  from  the  north,  'tis 
they  that  reared  the  maiden  Ethne  the  Dread,  the 
daughter  of  Crimthann.  The  men  of  Ossory  and  the  Corco 
Laigdi  went  into  exile  together,  for  they  ....'' 
They  took  land  from  the  Meeting  of  the  Three  Waters 
as  far  as  Birr  in  Leinster.  When  they  were  in  the  land 
of  Ossory,  as  far  as  Eochair  in  the  east.  Hence  the  Ford 
of  the  Fothairt  and  the  Oakwood  of  Leinster  in  Ossory 
are  so  called.  At  the  same  time  the  Dessi  went  to 
Gabruan  (Gabran)  and  the  F^ni  to  Fid  Mar  and  the 
Fothairt  to  Gabruan  (Gabran),  in  the  east.  For  the 
Fothairt  were  in  exile  in  Gabruan  (Gabran),  after  Echu 
Domlen,  son  of  Carpre  Lifechar  had  been  slain  by 
Samiad  (Seminaith)'  the  son  of  Cerb,  the  brother  of 
Bronach,  of  the  Fothairt. 

'  Cf.  LL.  328a  :  Secht  maic  Brigti  ingine  Dubthaig  de  Ulbaib  : 
Irruis,  Fedlimid  Clar,  a  quo  Iliii  Chlare.  Iss  ed  a  charn  til  i  n- 
Etarphainiu. 

"^  I  can  make  nothing  of  ech —  ech — . 

^  Ho  is  called  Seniach  by  Tigernach  {Rev.  Celt.,  xvii,  p.  23),  Simeon 
by  the  Four  Masters,  a.d.  284.  In  a  poem  in  LL.  48A.  60  Echu  Domlen 
is  said  to  have  been  slain  by  Senioth  and  Sarnia : 

Senioth,  Sarnia^  noco  chely 
is  tat  romarb  EocJio  Doml^. 


1 34  The  Expulsion  of  the  DessL 

•  

27.     Forsluinte  Dal  FiachacA  Suidge. 

Semuinrige,  Nechtraige,  Bentraige,  Odraige,  Osraige, 

Bruirige  o  Brum  mac   Artharu   rig  Cnithni,   Sordraige, 

Latraige,  Carraige,  Gabraige,  Cairige,  Mentrige,  Rotraige, 

Rudraige,  Blairige,  Ranrige,  Luidrige  .  i  .  fer  luid  hi  sid, 

Callraige  .  iii .  maic,  Bodraige,  Lubentraige,  Crobentraige, 

Corco  Che,  Corco  Ainige,  Corco  Dithech,  Dal  Mechoin, 

Dai  MathracA,  DaZ  Maigne,  Dai  Luigne,  DaZ  Mcricuirp, 

Dal  nInidsB,  DaZ   nUidne,   DaZ    nDorchon,   Dorchu   mac 

Linne,  DaZ  Luiscne.     Hit  he  insin  dia  ngair^er  Deisse  .  i  . 

ar  dihuaise  n6  ar  diahuaise  .  i  .  ar  immad  al-lamdia,  n6  ar 

huaise  no  ar  deisse  no  ar  diuisse  n6  ar  gaire  ind  inaid 

asrogeinset  n6  ara  ndifisse,  amaiZ  ata  a  tuirim  7  a  taiririud 

7  a  toirge  la  cacA.     Teora  bliadna   trichat  o  doludsat*  na 

Deisse  o  ThematV  eo  tucsat  Lagin  dorair  doib  for  Gabruan* 

7  for  Commur^  Tri  nUsct  iar  maidm  secht  catha  forthu/ 


'  dolotar  '^  Gabran         ^  7  Chommor         *  forsna    D^isi    7  rl. 

(end  of  Laud). 


The  Expulsion  of  the  Dessi.  135 

27.     The  by-names*  of  the  Divisions  of  Fiachu  Suidge. 

Semuinrige,  Nechtraige,  Bentraige,  Odraige,  Osraige, 
Bruirige  from  Brum,  son  of  Artharu,  king  of  the  Picts, 
Sordraige,  Latraige,  Carraige,  Gabraige,  Cairige,  Mentrige, 
Rotrige,  Rudraige,  Blairige,  Ranrige,  Luidrige  (viz.  a  man 
who  went  into  an  elf  mound) ,  Callraige  (three  sons) ,  Bodraige, 
Lubentraige,  Crobentraige,  Corco  Che,^  Corco  Ainige, 
Corco  Dithech,  Dal  Mechoin,  Dal  Mathrach,  Dal  Maigne, 
Dal  Luigne,  Dal  Menchuirp,  Ddl  nlnidae,  Ddl  nUidne,  Ddl 
nDorchon  (Dorchu  mac  Linne),  Ddl  Luiscne.  These  they 
are  who  are  called  Dessi,  for  their  great  nobleness'  or  for 
the  nobleness  of  their  gods,  i.e.  for  the  number  of  their 
idols,  or  for  their  skilfulness,  or  for  their  great  justice, 
or  for  their  love  of  the  place  in  which  they  were  bom,  or 
for  their  great  celebrity,  since  their  expedition  and  their 
wanderings  and  their  marchings  are  known  to  every  one. 
It  was  thirty-three  years  after  the  Dessi  went  from  Tara 
that  the  men  of  Leinster  gave  them  battle  at  Gabruan  and 
at  the  Meeting  of  the  Three  Waters,  after  having  routed 
the  Dessi  in  seven  battles. 

^  forslondud  *  over-name/  as  distinguished  from  prim-slondud 
(LL.  312a).  Cf.  d4  prim-acmi  d^c  do  Ernaib  7  cethri  forslointe  fichet 
.  i  .  da  forslonnud  each  aicme,  LL.  324^. 

'  Cf .  De  Chorco  Che,  LL.  327e. 

^  These  are  etymological  speculations  on  the  name  of  D^nsi. 


^iU  Bi^^te  on  li)dB^  ^^cotitiBm. 


By  J.  ARTHUR  PRICE,  B.A. 


Introduction. 

More  than  one  Welshman  has  asked  me  whether  it  would 
be  not  as  sensible  to  write  on  the  snakes  of  Iceland  as  on 
the  Jacobites  of  Wales.  The  idea  that  underlies  this 
remark  may  be  unhistorical,  but  it  illustrates  the  difficulty 
of  the  inquiry  to  which  this  paper  is  a  feeble  contribution. 
The  religious  revival  of  the  eighteenth  century  in  Wales 
turned  Welshmen's  thoughts  in  a  direction  far  away  from 
the  cult  of  "the  White  Rose  of  Amo,"  (David  Morgan's 
poetical  name  for  Prince  Charlie)  and  Welsh  Jacobitism 
is  to-day  so  extinct  a  tradition,  that  it  does  not  seem 
absurd  to  question  its  very  existence. 

That  Wales  in  the  eighteenth  century  was  far  more 
Jacobite  in  political  sentiment  than  was  England  is  a  fact 
which  to  those  who  have  studied  the  question  must 
nevertheless  seem  indisputable.  To  those,  whom  ignor- 
ance makes  sceptical,  I  may  recall  a  few  facts.  The 
greatest  test  of  a  political  faith  is  its  constancy  to 
death.  Even  after  Culloden  there  still  lived,  as  the 
pages  of  Redgauntlet  show,  in  the  hearts  of  the  faithful 
few  a  hope  of  aid  for  the  Prince  from  the  land  of 
Wales,  where  the  names  Cavalier  and  Roundhead  were 
still  in  common  parlance  as  party  names.  And  the 
hope  was  not  without  some  foundation.  As  late  as  1751 
an  almanac  that  found  its  way  into  the  peasant  farms  of 
Wales,  preached  treason  to  the  powers  that  were,  in  the 


Side  Lights  on   Welsh  Jacobitism.  137 

following  verses,  the  homage  of  a  Welsh  Bedgauntlet  to 
the  dying  Rose : — 

(Almanac,  Sign  Prys,  1751.) 

"  Y  peth  a  haeddeu  ei  y8t3rried  jni  f  wyaf  arbenig  yn  y  flwyddyn  hon 
y w  DiffygiadeuV  Lleuad  ar  peth  i  maent  3m  ei  arwyddo :  ni  feiddiaf 
moi  egluro,  ond  mewn  Heroglyphics  ar  ol  athrawiaeth  un  Michael 
Nostradamus. 

"  Llid  jrw  affaith  lliwY  Diffyg — ei  Frydain 
Afrwydd-deb  a  Dirmig 
H  ....  f  ....  d,  ddwfn  Ryfig 
O  Iwynau  Diawl  a  luniodd  y  dig. 

"  Boed  enwog  eurog  ei  Siar-las  wrol 
Lwys  arail  ddigjrmmar, 
St  ...  r  ...  d  hynaws  diwar 
Ein  Tywysog  bach,  tofia  ei  bar."^ 

Perchance,  even  then,  there  were  Welshmen  who  went 
an  inch  beyond  the  homage  of  wine  and  song.  We  know 
now,  thanks  to  Mr.  Andrew  Lang's  researches,  that  the 
picture  of  the  collapse  of  Jacobitism  in  the  fiasco  of  the 
rebellion,  portrayed  in  the  last  chapters  of  Redgauntlety 
depicts  in  its  main  details  an  over  true  scene.  Readers  of 
these  chapters  will  remember  Squire  Meredyth  and  his 
Shakesperian  Welsh. 

Of  the  strength  of  Welsh  Jacobitism  at  an  earlier  period 
there  can  be  no  question. 

In  the  '45  the  two  most  dangerous  men  South  of  the 
Tweed,  in  the  opinion  of  English  Whigs,  were  Sir  Watkin 
Wynn  (the  Brutus  of  Charles  Edward's  correspondence)  and 

*  I  would  suggest  the  following  as  a  free  English  rendering  of  the 
above.  "  The  changes  in  the  Moon  and  what  they  portend  call  for 
especial  note  this  year.  I  dare  not  explain  them  except  through 
hieroglyphics  according  to  the  doctrine  of  Nostradamus."  "  The  hue 
of  the  eclipse  of  the  moon  portends  wrath,  disquiet,  and  scorn.     The 

blasphemous  Hanoverians,  born  of  the ,  have  brought  on  this 

feeling  of  wrath.  May  the  brave  Charles,  unrivalled  in  grace,  be 
glorious  and  crowned  with  gold,  O  Stuart,  guileless  and  kindly, 
our  dear  Prince,  tame  their  unruly  ways." 


138  Side  Lights  on   Welsh  Jacobitism. 

the  Duke  of  Beaufort,  and  they  were  both  Welsh  land- 
owners. The  Cycle  Club  in  Denbighshire,  which  was 
closely  associated  with  the  Wynn  family,  and  existed  down 
to  our  own  day,  was  without  doubt  at  one  period  an  im- 
portant political  organisation,  and  there  is  no  doubt  some 
truth  in  the  story,  that  Chambers,  in  his  History  of  the 
Rebellion  in  1745  (vol.  i,  p.  272  et  post)^  tells  us  on  the 
authority  of  a  Welsh  friend,  that  at  the  time  when  the 
Highland  hosts  turned  back  on  Derby  a  number  of  Welsh 
Squires  were  riding  hard  to  join  Prince  Charlie's  banner, 
and  only  turned  back  when  they  heard  of  the  retreat,  and 
that  ever  after  "  he  was  of  the  company  most  accounted, 
who  had  ridden  furthest  on  the  way." 

Now,  if  the  sceptic  still  insists  that  such  facts  as  those 
that  I  have  mentioned,  only  prove  the  sentiments  of  the 
Welsh  aristocracy  and  Bards,  it  is  only  necessary  to  refer 
him  to  the  curious  facts  relating  to  the  Jacobitism  of  the 
lower  orders  in  Wales,  collected  in  Mr.  Hobson  Matthews' 
recent  collection  of  Cardiff  documents,  though,  perhaps,  an 
even  stronger  proof  is  furnished  by  the  savage  riot  with 
which  the  miners  of  Bhos  greeted  the  accession  of  the  House 
of  Brunswick  to  the  English  throne.  Welsh  Jacobitism 
being,  then,  an  unquestioned  fact,  it  is  surely  time  to  study 
its  history  before  the  disappearance  of  documents  and  the 
failure  of  tradition  render  the  work  impossible. 

Pabt  n. 

Sir  Watkin  and  David  Morgan. 

To  Welshmen  the  two  most  interesting  things  in  con- 
nection with  the  '45  are  the  waiting  of  Sir  Watkin  Wynn 
and  the  fate  of  David  Morgan. 

On  the  first  point  I  can  now  say  little,  though  I  hope 
on  another  occasion  to  return  to  the  subject. 


Side  Lights  on   Welsh  Jacobitism.  139 

Two  facts  about  Sir  Watkin's  attitude  we  know  without 
dispute.  As  the  Highland  host  entered  England  they 
received  a  message  to  the  eflPect  that  Sir  Watkin  had  been 
with  the  citizens  of  London,  whom  he  found  as  well 
disposed  as  ever  to  treat  with  the  Prince.  "  The  Elector  of 
Hanover  and  his  Ministry's  interests  decline  so  fast  that 
Sir  Watkin  says  nobody  now  will  accept  of  their  places 
and  employments,  which  throws  them  into  the  greatest 
distraction  "  (Ewald's  Idfe  of  Prince  Charles  Edward  Stuart^ 
p.  181 ;  Wales  J  1894,  p.  19).  And  we  know  also  that  the 
Prince  wrote  in  after  days  to  his  father:  "Mr.  Barry 
arrived  at  Derby  two  days  after  I  parted.  He  had  been 
sent  by  Sir  Watkin  Wynn  and  Lord  Barrymore  to  assure 
me,  in  the  name  of  my  friends,  that  they  were  ready  to  join 
me  in  whatever  manner  I  pleased,  either  in  the  capital  or 
everyone  to  rise  in  his  own  country"  (Stanhope's  History 
of  England^  vol.  ii,  p.  415). 

So  much  for  undisputed  facts ;  but  on  these  facts  two 
difEerent  conclusions  are  formed.  Mr.  Andrew  Lang,  who 
is  unquestionably  the  highest  living  authority  on  Jacobite 
history,  considers  Sir  Watkin's  Jacobitism,  like  that  of 
many  English  Peers,  to  have  been  of  the  Platonic  order, 
that  abstained  deliberately  from  taking  any  practical  step 
until  the  day  after  the  fair.  The  other  view,  which  is  put 
forward  in  that  charming  story.  For  the  White  Rose  of 
Arnoj  is  that  Sir  Watkin  and  his  friends  were  ready  to 
take  up  arms,  and  actually  despatched  a  messenger  to  the 
Pnnce,  as  soon  as  he  entered  England.  This  messenger, 
according  to  the  story,  had  the  bad  luck  to  get  intercepted. 
Thus,  when  the  Highland  chiefs  at  Derby  offered  to  continue 
the  advance  if  the  Prince  could  produce  a  letter  from  a 
single  nobleman  or  gentleman  in  England  or  Wales 
favourable  to  his  cause.  Sir  Watkin  had  already  written. 
The  despatch  of  Barry  was  on  this  view  a  second  attempt 


140  Side  Lights  on   Welsh  Jacobitism. 

to  get  into  communication  with  the  Prince.  Certainly 
the  story  that  many  Welsh  gentlemen  were  riding  to 
join  the  army  which  I  have  mentioned,  also  seems 
to  show  that  Sir  Watkin  was  ready  and  in  earnest. 
There  are,  so  far  as  I  have  as  yet  been  able  to  learn, 
no  documents  in  existence  that  throw  much  light  on 
the  subject  one  way  or  the  other;  the  story  indeed 
is  that  on  the  retreat  of  the  Prince,  Lady  Wynn  burnt 
all  the  papers  that  would  have  incriminated  her  husband, 
his  friends  of  the  Cycle,  and  in  fact  most  of  the 
Gentlemen  of  North  Wales. ^  It  is  at  least  a  significant 
fact  that  the  Prince,  in  the  Council  at  Derby,  when  the 
chiefs  refused  to  continue  the  advance  on  London,  is  said 
to  have  vainly  suggested  that  in  place  of  retreating  on 
Scotland,  the  army  should  march  through  Wales. 

With  regard  to  David  Morgan,  I  am  in  a  position  to 
add  something  to  what  is  generally  known.  Up  to  the 
present  time,  the  chief  authority  for  the  life  of  that 
unfortunate  Welshman  has  been  the  biographical  sketch 
by  Llewellin,  and  the  record  of  his  fate  in  the  State 
Trials,  For  readers  who  are  not  acquainted  with 
Llewellin's  Memoirs  (published  at  Tenby  1862),  I  may, 
perhaps,  here  reprint  a  summary  of  Morgan's  early  life, 
taken  from  that  work. 

"The  most  energetic  of  all  the  Jacobites  of  the  South" 
{i.e.  South  Wales)  "  was  Thomas  David  Morgan,  Barrister- 
at-Law,  of  Pen-y-Graig  and  Coed-y-Gorres.  David  Morgan 
was  a  scion  of  the  house  of  Tredegar,  and  so  the  blood  of 
Ivor  Hael  ran  in  his  veins.  His  father  was  Thomas 
Morgan,  who  in  1682  was  under-sheriff  of  the  county  of 
Glamorgan.      His  mother,  from   whom    he   probably  in- 

'  This  story  was  told  to  my  informant  by  tho  lato  Mr.  Wynne,  of 
Peniarth.  It  is  stated  that  the  (hiy  after  the  burning  of  the  papers 
the  soldiers  arrived  and  ransacked  Wynnstay  for  documents. 


Side  Lights  on   Welsh  Jacobitism.  141 

herited  Pen-y-Graig,  was  the  daughter  of  David  Mathew, 
of  Llandaff,  by  his  wife  Joan,  the  daughter  of  Sir  Edward 
Stradling.  He  was  also  first  cousin  of  Admiral  Mathews, 
member  of  Parliament  for  Glamorganshire.  His  wife 
appears  to  have  been  a  London  lady,  and  through  her  he 
seems  to  have  acquired  a  considerable  leasehold  property 
at  Shoreditch.  He  was  a  prominent  member  of  a  Club 
known  as  the  ^Independent  Electors  of  Westminster,' 
which  was  largely  frequented  by  the  magnates  of  the  city. 
In  the  opinion  of  the  author  of  a  disgraceful  pamphlet 
written  after  his  death,  and  put  in  the  form  of  a  speech 
by  his  ghost  to  the  members  of  this  Club,^  all  the  members 
fomented  the  insurrection  for  which  the  unlucky  Welsh- 
man alone  died.  Two  interesting  facts  in  connection  with 
Morgan's  relations  with  this  Club  the  pamphleteer  has 
also  preserved.  He  had  an  intimate  friend  in  a  Welsh 
Squire  of  Bedford  Street  (whom  I  have  failed  to  identify), 
and  he  entirely  devoted  his  attention  to  the  '  High 
Church '  party,  whom  he  sought  to  convince  that  the 
Church  had  everything  to  gain  by  a  Stuart  Restoration. 
It  also  appears  from  the  same  source  that  he  rejoiced 
warmly  at  Walpole's  fall." 

Horace  Walpole  sums  up  Morgan  as  a  "poetical 
lawyer."  And  it  is  not  surprising  if  his  muse  found  a 
theme  in  the  fall  of  Walpole,  the  great  enemy  of  the  Stuart 
cause.  Mr.  Ballinger,  the  Librarian  of  the  Cardiff  Free 
Library,  has  shown  me  a  printed  poem  which  is  ascribed 
to  Morgan.  It  is  not  of  great  merit,  though  there  are 
occasional  flashes  of  powerful  satire.  It  is  in  the  main 
taken  up  with  a  denunciation  of  Walpole's  pacific  policy, 
and  would  mark  the  author  if  he  were  living  in  these  days 
as  a  strong  Imperialist.     In  his  prophetic  frenzy  he  almost 

^  The  pamphlet  is  at  the  British  Museum. 


142  Side  Lights  on   Welsh  Jacobitism, 

foresees  the  coming  triumphs  of  Chatham's  administration. 
It  is  dated  1739,  entitled  the  Country  Bard,  and  dedicated 
to  Frederick,  Prince  of  Wales.  I  give  the  commencement 
and  conclusion : — 

1.  "  Since  Monarchs  by  Prerogative  are  wise, 
How  daring  the  Presumption  to  advise  ! 
How  idly  wild  our  Compliments  to  pay ! 
They  have  the  highest  made  them  every  day ; 
6.     Censure  exalted  natures  can't  endure, 
Censure  is  Satyr,  and  too  rough  a  cure. 
To  compliment,  advise,  or  censure  them, 
Hence  seems  an  awkward  and  imprudent  scheme. 
Nor  is  it  less  a  misdemeanour  held, 

10.     Rashly  to  say  the  knight  hath  not  exceWd, 
Since  it  prevails  in  spite  of  Common  Sense, 
Whoever  hits  the  Courtier  wounds  the  Prince. 

A  Prince not  much  in  Politicks  refin'd. 

When  to  a  Courtier's  little  Arts  resigned ; 

15.    When  grown  the  Property  of  sycophants f 

That  know  no  candour,  and  abound  in  wants. 

Laymen  and  Priests  at  C 1  all  sympathize. 

Their  Incense  Flattery,  Truth  their  Sacrifice. 
The  haughtiest  P ^te,  and  the  proudest  P ^r, 

20.    Obsequious  cringe  with  low  Obeisance  here.*' 
»  «  » 

401 .  "  If  Virtue  can  divert  the  Storms  of  Fate, 

Let  our  few  Patriots  save  our  sinking  State. 

Our  P[r]ay'r8  are  heard,  arm  Britons,  scour  the 

Main, 

A  few  Broadsides  shall  humble  haughty  Spain. 
405.    See  dawning  Hope  creaks  on  us  from  afar. 

Too  long  obscured  in  Peace ^  declares  for  War. 

Bright  she  advances  from  yon  azure  Sky, 

Big  with  success,  and  fraught  with  Victory. 

Resume  your  Spirit,  Britons,  arm  again, 
410.    Heav'n  will  support  us,  if  we  act  like  Men." 

The  two  following  MS.  poems  in  the  CardiflP  Free 
Library,  the  one  a  circuit  song,  the  other  a  sarcastic  poem 
on  the  marriage  of  a  young  vicas-choral  of  Llandaff 
Cathedral    with    an    old    lady,    are     more    interesting. 


Side  Lights  on    Welsh  Jacobitism,  143 

The  latter,  in  particular,  throws  an  interesting  Ught  on 
the  condition  of  the  Church  as  seen  from  the  eyes  of  a 
sympathetic  High  Churchman  in  the  middle  of  the 
eighteenth  century. 

"To   THE   Babr  on   the   Welsh   Circuit. 

"  By  Counsellor  David  Morgan.  ^ 

1 
"  Friends  !  frankly  I  send  you  my  Thoughts, 
To  my  Ballad  give  Ear  ; 
I  promise  it  free'er  from  Faults 
Then  this  here  and  that  there? 

2 
"  O  Wales  !  how  unhappy  thy  Fate, 
Beyond  doubt  it's  severe  ; 
Thy  Judges,  the  Farce  of  the  State, 
Are  this  here  and  that  there. 

3 
**  Which  of  them  is  worst,  or  is  best, 
The  moot  Question  forbear  ; 
Poor  Creatures,  by  all  its  confest, 
Are  this  here  and  that  there, 

4 
"  This  here,  what  a  formal  dull  Fool ! 
That  there  what  a  Bear  ! 
All  Ministers  have  a  sure  tool, 
In  this  here  and  that  there. 

5 
"  What  a  Void  and  a  Chaos  of  Mind, 
In  their  judgment  appear ! 
To  Justice  and  Candour  stark  blind 
Are  this  here  and  that  there. 

6 
"  When  obvious  Point  they'd  explain. 
They  puzzle  what's  clear  ; 
All  they  say,  and  more  than  they  mean, 
Are  this  here  aud  that  there. 


From  Ph.  MSS.,  No.  14970.         *  Judges  Carter  and  Proctor. 


144  ^^^  Lights  on   Welsh  Jacobitism. 


i  "  To  say,  would  be  wickedly  odd, 

{  And  so  like  a  damn'd  sneer, 

f  That  such  were  the  Image  of  God, 

As  ihii  here  and  that  there, 

8 
"  I'll  no  more  in  your  Circuit  regale, 
My  Companions  so  dear  ; 
But  Cambria's  hard  Fate  will  bewail, 
In  thu  here  and  that  there^ 


"On  Miss  Haddocks,  apterwakds  Mrs.  Price, 

OP  Landaff. 

By  Counsellor  Morgan.  ^ 

''  Hannah,  some  years  ago  a  Toast, 
By  Justice  Sly^  admir'd. 
For  Shape  and  Features  then  could  boast. 
Her  Eyes  all  youths  set  fire  ; 
Genteel  and  easy  is  her  Air, 
She  learn'd  of  Lady  Betty, 
Still  of  her  years  a  clever  Fair, 
And  justly  too  thought  pretty. 

2 
'^  Long  had  she  liv'd  a  maid,  'twas  hard, 
To  man  a  perfect  Stranger  ; 
Time  had  her  Frame  somewhat  impair'd. 
Her  charms  were  in  some  danger  ; 
Pensive  one  mom  the  maid  reflects. 
Lord  !  what  have  I  been  doing  ? 
I  have  some  beauties  of  the  Sex, 
They're  surely  worth  the  wooing. 

3 

"  My  Eyes  preserve  their  Lustre  still. 
No  mortal  can  deny  it ; 
Resolv'd  I  am,  marry  I  will. 
If  there  be  Joys,  I'll  try  it ; 

'  From  Ph.  MSS.  No.  14970.  '  Mr.  Powel,  of  Eneyslyn. 


Side  Lights  on   Welsh  Jacobitism,  145 

Then  straight  her  Eyes  with  Lustre  glow'd, 
No  Lightning  e'er  flashed  quicker  ; 
They  rolPd  at  Prayers,  that  from  the  Pew 
Struck  thro'  the  Choral  Vicar.' 


"  The  Vicar  soon  disclosed  his  Love, 
Supported  well  by  Grany, 
At  Fifty  Hannah  he  did  move, 
Tho*  clogg'd  with  Children  many : 
Marry  she  must,  Fate  had  ordain'd, 
'Gainst  all  her  Friends'  Persuasion  ; 
Nought  else  could  please,  'twas  all  in  vain, 
Her  Parts  in  Agitation." 

"  Made  to  her  Brother,  who  married  a  good  Fortune  in  London, 
which  he  spent  in  entertaining  Sir  Robert  Walpole  and  other  great 
men  in  expectation  of  a  Bishoprick. 

"  Our  Brother  does  much  assume 

At  Hannah's  Indiscretion ; 
O  !  Brother  Greorge,  look  once  at  Home, 

You'll  see  as  odd  a  Passion  ; 
Twelve  hundred  Pounds,  quoth  George,  she's  mad. 

To  Choral  Vicar  given  ; 
While  he  twelve  thousand  pounds  has  had. 

Priests  marry  sure  in  Heaven." 

The  account  of  the  part  played  by  David  Morgan  in 
the  '45,  alike  in  Llewellin's  Memoirs  and  in  the  White  Rose 
of  Arno,  is  drawn  from  the  proceedings  against  him  in  the 
State  Trials  (vol.  xviii,  pp.  371-394).  Two  facts  of  im- 
portance have  also  been  added  by  Llewellin,  the  local 
tradition  of  his  talk  with  the  smith  at  Ef  ail  Llancaiach, 
when  starting  on  the  fatal  expedition,  and  his  remark  to 
Vaughan*  on  the  first  day  of  the  retreat  from  Derby,  when 
the  latter  declared  that  wherever  the  army  went  he  was 


*  Mr.  Price. 

'  There  were  two  of  the  Court-field  Vaughans  out  in  the  '46, 
William  and  Richard.  See  article  on  William  Vaughan,  Dictionary 
of  National  Biography,  vol.  Iviii,  187. 

L 


146  Side  Lights  on   Welsh  Jacobitism. 

determined  to  go  with  them,  which  is  taken  from  Lord 
Elcho's  Memoirs. 

The  report  of  the  trial  shews  that  David  Morgan,  in 
company  with  a  friend,  joined  the  Jacobite  army  at 
Preston,  and  accompanied  them  as  a  volunteer  to  Derby, 
taking  a  prominent  part  in  arranging  the  plans  of  the  cam- 
paign, and  being  known  as  the  "  Pretender's  counsellor  ", 
that  he  followed  their  retreat  to  Ashbume,  where  he  left 
them  and  proceeded  to  Stone,  where  he  was  arrested  on 
suspicion.  He  was  finally,  as  is  well  known,  executed 
at  Kennington  Common,  on  July  30th,  1746. 

The  briefs  of  the  counsel  engaged  in  the  prosecu- 
tion of  the  Jacobite  prisoners  are,  however,  preserved 
in  the  British  Museum,  and  from  a  study  of  the  brief 
relating  to  David  Morgan,  I  am  enabled  to  throw 
considerably  fresh  light  alike  on  his  journey  to  join  the 
Prince's  army,  and  on  the  position  held  by  him  in  the 
army  after  he  had  joined  it. 

The  evidence  of  John  Barry  (or  Berry)  occupies  only 
seventeen  lines  in  the  State  Trials  report,  and  as  to  the 
unlucky  ride  of  Morgan  to  Preston,  he  merely  states  that 
he  came  out  of  Monmouthshire  with  his  Master  and  "  the 
defendant,"  and  that  they  joined  the  Prince's  army  at 
Preston.  The  proof,  however,  of  John  Barry  in  the  brief 
enables  us  to  follow  Morgan  and  his  friend  throughout 
their  journey.  The  proof,  which  is  of  sufficient  import- 
ance for  a  full  transcription,  is  as  follows : — 

"That  he  (Barry)  was  servant  to  Mr.  William  Vaiighan  in  Mon- 
mouthshire, and  in  the  beginning  of  November,  last"  (of  course  1745), 
"  his  master  told  him  that  he  was  going  a-shooting  at  Mr.  Berkeley's 
of  Speechly  in  Worcestershire,  and  bid  him  get  a  couple  of  fowling 
pieces  and  the  spaniels  ready  in  the  morning,  and  they  went  to 
Mr.  Berkeley's  and  stayed  there  one  night,  and  then  his  master  met 
with  the  defendant  Morgan,  and  from  thentie  his  master  and  Mr. 
Morgan  went  to  Mr.  FitzIIorbert's  house  in  Staffordshire,  and  stayed 


Side  Lights  on   Welsh  Jacobitism.  147 

there  one  night,  and  then  went  to  a  gentleman's  house  near  Leigh,  in 
Lancashire — but  does  not  remember  his  name — and  stayed  there 
two  nights.  And  then  went  to  Preston,  and  stayed  there  all  the  night 
before  the  rebels  came,  and  he  says  he  and  Mr.  Morgan's  servant  were 
ordered  by  their  masters  to  take  the  horses  to  Walton  (about  a  mile 
north  of  Preston),  and  in  case  any  of  the  rebels  came  that  way,  then 
they  were  to  take  the  horses  to  a  village  four  miles  further  oflf.  And 
that  about  10  or  11  o'clock  the  said  Vaughan  and  Morgan  came  to  the 
house,  where  witness  and  the  other  servant  were  with  the  horses, 
stay'd  there  all  night  and  walked  back  to  Preston  the  next  morning, 
and  directed  the  witness  and  the  other  servant  to  stay  where  they 
were  till  they  came  again.  And  they  came  again  about  10  o'clock 
the  second  night,  and  the  next  morning  directed  the  witness  and  the 
other  servant  to  take  the  portmanteau  and  horses  and  go  to  Leigh 
aforesaid ;  but  to  wait  in  the  road  a  little  way  short  of  Leigh,  till 
they  were  come  to  them.  And  about  4  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  he 
said  Vaughan  and  Morgan  came  to  them,  with  each  a  white  cockade 
in  his  hat,  and  then  went  to  the  same  gentleman's  house  at  Leigh 
where  they  had  been  and  lay  there  that  night ;  and  next  morning 
they  went  to  Manchester  with  the  said  cockades  in  their  hats  and 
put  up  at  a  constable's  house  behind  a  church,  but  does  not  know 
the  name,  and  he  attended  his  master  at  supper  the  second  night  he 
lay  there.  And  there  were  there  the  said  Mr.  Vaughan,  Mr.  Morgan, 
and  Mr.  Murray,  the  Secretary  to  the  young  Pretender,  at  supper  to- 
gether. And  he  heard  Mr.  Morgan  call  him  Mr.  Murray.  And  he 
saw  Mr.  Murray  go  in  and  out  of  the  said  house,  where  Vaughan  and 
Morgan  lodged,  several  times.  And  he  says  his  master  and  defendant 
Morgan  joined  the  young  Pretender's  life  guards,  under  the  command 
of  Lord  Elcho,  and  rode  with  them  from  Manchester  to  Derby,  and 
his  master  gave  him  two  guns  to  curry  from  Manchester  to  Derby. 
And  he  says,  when  the  rebels  went  back  to  Manchester,  his  time 
being  out  with  his  master,  he  left  him  there.  As  he  was  going," 
he  concludes  "  he  was  taken  up  and  committed  to  gaol." 

These  statements  clear  up  several  points  of  doubt  in 
Morgan's  story.  In  the  first  place  they  show  that  Morgan 
did  not,  as  I  thought  probable  {Wales,  1894,  p.  20), 
proceed  through  North  Wales  or  visit  Sir  Watkin  on  his 
journey,  and  therefore  relegates  some  interesting  chapters 
in  the  White  Rose  of  Arno  to  the  region  of  fiction. 

In  whatever  negotiations,  therefore,  Sir  Watkin  may 
have  been  carrying  on  with  the  Prince  at  this  juncture, 


148  Side  Lights  on   Welsh  Jacobitism, 

Morgan  played  no  part.  It  also  clears  up  the  further  point 
as  to  the  companion  of  Morgan's  ride.  It  has  been  always 
supposed  that  it  was  one  of  the  two  Vaughans,  and  the 
proof  makes  it  clear  that  it  was  William  and  not  Bichard. 
How  or  when  Richard  Vaughan  joined  the  Jacobite  army 
there  is,  so  far  as  I  know,  no  evidence.  The  remaining 
proofs  relate  to  the  action  of  Morgan  after  he  had  joined 
the  Jacobites,  and  throw  a  considerable  light  on  the  part 
played  by  him  in  the  campaign. 

Most  important  on  this  matter  is  the  proof  of  Samuel 
Maddock  or  Maddox,  the  informer  on  whose  evidence 
Morgan  was  mainly  convicted.  Maddox,  as  the  chief 
witness  for  the  Crown,  was  naturally  examined  at  con- 
siderable length ;  and  I  do  not  think  that  any  purpose  would 
be  served  by  repeating  here  such  parts  of  his  evidence  as 
appear  in  the  State  Trials. 

Maddox's  evidence  at  the  trial  and  his  statement  in  the 
proof,  however,  contain  an  apparent  discrepancy  on  a 
small  point  to  which  attention  may  be  drawn.  In  the 
report  (p.  374)  the  informer  is  first  asked  when  he  saw 
the  prisoner,  and  he  replied  at  Manchester.  He  is  next 
asked  "  Did  he  march  away  from  Manchester  with  the 
rebels? "  and  replies  :  "  He  marched  with  them  to  Derby, 
and  there  being  an  information  given  that  some  arms  were 
secreted  from  the  rebels,  he  gave  orders  for  a  party  of  the 
rebel  army  to  go  and  search  for  them."  Being  asked 
whether  the  prisoner  went  with  the  party,  he  adds  not  to 
his  knowledge,  and  states  that  he  saw  "  Captain  James 
Dawson  "  (whose  tragic  fate  Sherstone  has  told  in  verse), 
"  deliver  him  a  pair  of  pistols."  In  the  proof,  however, 
Maddox  states  that  the  search  for  arms  took  place  at 
Manchester.  The  proof  on  this  point  is  as  follows : 
"When  the  rebels  came  to  Manchester  he"  (Maddox) 
"  saw  the  Defendant  among  them  with  a  white  cockade  in 


Side  Lights  on   Welsh  Jacobitism.  149 

his  hat,  and  he  was  reported  the  chief  man  in  getting 
from  the  Pretender's  son  press  warrants  "  to  seize  horses 
and  arms."  The  proof  proceeds  to  state  how  information 
was  given  to  the  officers  of  the  Manchester  regiment  of 
the  place  to  which  a  certain  Justice  Drinckenfield  had  fled 
with  a  large  quantity  of  arms,  and  then  Morgan  obtained 
a  warrant  from  the  Prince  to  send  a  file  of  Highland 
soldiers  and  Lord  Pitsligo  (the  old  Scottish  Cavalier  of 
Aytoun's  lays)  in  a  fruitless  search  after  him.  The  dis- 
crepancy between  the  proof  and  the  evidence  in  the  report 
will  not  perhaps  strike  a  lawyer  as  serious,  since  it  is  not 
impossible  that  Morgan,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  may  have 
been  engaged  in  superintending  a  search  for  arms  at 
Derby  as  well  as  at  Manchester.  At  the  same  time,  the 
statement  in  the  proof  is  interesting,  since  it  makes  it  clear 
that  immediately  on  his  joining  the  army,  Morgan  took 
a  leading  position.  The  rest  of  the  proof  is  certainly 
worth  transcription,  as  it  very  considerably  amplifies, 
though  it  does  not  contradict,  Maddox's  evidence  in  the 
report. 

"  And  the  witness  afterwards  frequently  saw  the  defendant  upon 
the  march  with  the  Rebels  from  Manchester  to  Derby  armed  with  a 
brace  of  pistols  and  a  broad  sword  and  "  (he)  "  had  a  white  cockade. 
And  in  the  retreat  to  Ashburn  the  defendant  came  to  the  house 
where  the  Manchester  officers  were  quartered,  where  Capt.  Dawson  of 
the  Manchester  Regiment  gave  him  a  brace  of  pistols.  And  then  the 
said  defendant  left  the  Army.  This  Witness  heard  the  defendant  say 
that  he  had  the  offer  of  the  Manchester  Regiment  made  him  by  the 
young  Pretender,  but  he  refused  it,  not  being  a  military  man.  That 
the  defendant  was  generally  with  the  young  Pretender  at  nights,  and 
lodged  in  the  same  quarters  with  him.  And  that  he  acted  as  spy  for 
the  rebel  army  in  observing  the  Duke's  {i.e.y  the  Duke  of  Cumberland) 
Army.  And  further,  that  while  the  Rebels  were  at  Manchester,  the 
defendant  met  Mr.  Francis  Townley,  Peter  Moss,  Jas.  Dawson,  George 
Fletcher,  James  Bradshaw,  Thomas  Fumival,  all  at  Mr.  Cookson's, 
the  sign  of  the  Dog  in  Manchester.  And  the  said  defendant  proposed 
the  raising  of  a  regiment  for  the  said  Pretender,  to  which  proposal  all 


1 50  Side  Lights  on   Welsh  Jacobitism, 

present  agreed.  And  all  of  them  having  white  cockades  in  their  hats. 
And  then  the  company  considered  which  should  have  the  command 
of  the  regiment,  and  after  a  short  consultation  oflfered  the  command 
to  the  defendant ;  but  he  thanked  them,  and  desired  to  be  excused, 
saying  he  did  not  understand  military  discipline  well  enough  to  take 
so  large  a  command  upon  him.  And  said  that  Mr.  Townley  had 
been  in  the  French  service  and  understood  the  military  discipline 
much  better  than  he.  Whereupon  Mr.  Townley  was  named  Colonel. 
And  he  set  his  name  down  in  a  paper  first  as  Colonel.  And  the  rest 
set  down  their  names  with  title  of  rank  in  the  said  regiment.  And 
then  the  defendant  took  the  list  away  with  him  to  the  Pretender, 
and  promised  to  furnish  them  arms,  and  then  ordered  a  drummer 
about  the  town  to  beat  up  for  volunteers." 

The  remaining  proof  in  the  brief  is  that  of  the  witness, 
Edward  How,  who  was  Morgan's  landlord  at  Derby.  The 
evidence  in  the  report  is  in  the  main  similar  to  that  in  the 
proof — but  as  the  latter  is  short,  and  throws  considerable 
light  on  the  geniality  of  Morgan's  character,  [  give  it  in 
full :— 

"This  witness  says  the  defendant  and  about  twenty  other  rebels, 
eight  of  whom  were  officers,  were  quartered  in  his  house  at  Derby 
when  the  rebel  army  was  there,  and  defendant  told  him  that  these 
eight  officers  were  not  come  to  live  upon  him  or  anybody  else,  for 
they  would  pay  for  what  they  had.  And  he  said  the  defendant 
appeared  to  be  the  chiefest  person  of  those  quartered  at  his  house, 
and  gave  all  the  directions  for  providing  for  their  entertain- 
ment and  the  witness  a  guinea  and  three  shillings  for  such  enter- 
tainment of  himself  and  the  other  rebels,  and  sayd  he  payd  him  like  a 
gentleman.  And  says  defendant  was  then  publicly  called  and  re- 
ported to  be  the  prince's,  meaning  the  young  Pretender's,  counsellor. 
The  witness  having  seen  the  prisoner  in  Newgate  "  (this  must  have 
been  of  course  after  Morgan's  arrest)  "  who  told  the  witness  he  would 
come  to  Derby  and  see  him  again  in  spight  of  King  George,  and  all  the 
people  in  the  world,  or  to  that  purpose,  and  he  saw  the  defendant 
frequently  go  to  the  Pretender's  lodging-house  and  never  appeared  to 
be  under  any  restraint  while  he  was  at  Derby." 

There  exists  no  proof  of  the  evidence  of  the  other 
Crown  witnesses  against  Morgan,  whose  testimony  appears 
in  the  reports,  Edward  Tew,  of  Preston,  who  gave  evidence 
as  to  Morgan's   conversation   with    Lord   Elcho    at  the 


Side  Lights  on   Welsh  Jacobitism.  151 

Joiners'  Arms,  Preston,  Benjamin  Bowker,  the  deputy 
constable  at  Manchester,  who  gave  evidence  as  to  the 
warrant  which  Esquire  Morgan  gave  him  to  search  for 
arms  in  the  town,  and  Captain  Vere,  the  Hanoverian  officer, 
who  seems  to  have  been  practically  a  military  spy.  In 
drawing  any  conclusions  from  these  proofs,  it  should  of 
course  be  remembered  that  the  evidence  it  affords  is  in  a 
sense  tainted  by  the  character  of  most  of  the  deponents. 
Reading  them,  however,  in  connection  with  the  report  of  this 
and  the  other  Jacobite  trials,  and  making  all  allowances, 
they  at  least  establish  the  fact  that  David  Morgan  was 
unquestionably  one  of  the  prime  movers  in  the  rebellion 
of  '45 :  and  that  no  man  outside  the  circle  of  Scotch 
adherents  and  French  and  Irish  officers  possessed  greater 
influence  with  the  Prince. 

The  result  would  seem  to  be  that  Welshmen  may  claim^ 
in  this  country-man,  the  most  active  of  the  Prince's 
southern  adherents,  and  more,  the  one  man  whose  advice,  if 
followed,  might  have  placed  the  Prince  in  St.  James' 
Palace.  

A  Whig  School-boy. 
I  may  conclude  this  paper  with  certain  Latin  verses 
on  Culloden,  by  a  Whig  Welsh  school-boy  (or  at  least  a 
boy  educated  at  Cowbridge  school)  shortly  after  the  battle, 
composed,  no  doubt,  with  a  view  of  obtaining  a  half- 
holiday  for  the  school.  The  poem  is  here  printed  exactly 
as  it  was  written.  The  author  must  be  responsible  for 
the  syntax.  For  these  verses  I  am  indebted  to  my  friend, 
the  present  Head -Master  of  that  ancient  school. 

"Georgides,  victab  progubuere  metu. 
"  Reppulit,  inque  fugam  trepidas  dare  terga  coegit, 
Vertit  in  auctores  saevaque  bella  suos. 
Qui  modo  terrebat  minitans,  nunc  dicere  causam 
Cogitur,  et  legum  subdere  colla  jugo. 


152  Side  Lights  on   Welsh  Jacobitism, 

Sic  erat  in  fatis  ;  sic  inconsulta  ruit  vis, 

Praecipitans  fatum  saepe  sinistra  suum. 
Spes  ubinunc,  Ludovice,  tuae  vocesque,  minaeq  ?^ 

Ilia  ubi  Bmnsviciae  certa  niina  dom^s  ? 
Si  nescisy  domus  haec  humanis  altuis  ortum 

Traxit,  et  e  coelis,  unde  perennet  habet. 
Italus  Angliacas  regeret  peregrinus  habenas, 

Brunsvici^  regeret  sceptra  gerenda  manu  P 
Demens,  ilia  tibi  quando  sperare,  tuisque 

Ausus  es,  hunc  aleret  cum  Domus  ista  Ducem  ? 
Quid  parat  ille  tibi  campo  monstravit  in  illo, 

Spes  ubi  Scotorum,  spes  tua  fracta  jacet. 
Scoticae  eum  pavidae  videre  in  montibus  Alpes 

Tendere,.  et  in  summis  poenere^  castra  jugis. 
Non  ilium  montes,  non  ilium  sistere  possunt 

Flumina,  nix  et  Hiems,  difficilesque  viae. 
Et  levis  est,  leviorque  avium  pemicibus  alis, 

Cunctantes  linquit  post  sua  terga  duces. 
Nee  mora  longa  fuit,  Cyclopum  allabitur  oris  ; 

Monticolis  solo  nomine  terror  errat.^ 
Hirta  illis  mens  est,  et  corporis  aemula,  qualis 

Et  decet  agrestes,  monticolasque  decet. 
Et  credas,  scopulorum  instar,  traxisse  rigorem, 

Mens  adeo  est  illis  effera,  mensque  ferox. 
Barbara  gens  tota  est,  effraenaque,  et  horrida  et  exlex, 

Sive  homines  mavis  dicere,  sive  feras. 
Aspice  Monticolam ;  Dii  talem  avertite  pestem ! 

Impya  Styx  illo  nil,  puto,  pejus  habet. 
Arma  dedit  rabies,  quaetrux  Polyphemus,  et  ingens 

Sidera  qui  fulcit,  ferre  recuset,  Atlas. 
Lumborumque  tenus  falcatus  acinace  largo  est ; 

Hoc  fuit  Aetnaei  munus  opusque  fabri. 
Et  capite  a  summo  totus  jam  ferreus  ille  est ; 

Visus  et  ingenti  mole  Colossus  erat. 
Tum  nova  turmatim  videas  erumpere  monstra, 

Aetneos  fratres  Nubigenasque  truces  ; 
Tullibardinos,  Glenbuckettosque  rebelles, 

Totque  alios  scelerum  perfidiaeque  duces. 
Quo  vos,  quo  belli  rabies,  fiu*iaeque,  scelesti, 

Praecipitant  P  scelerum  terror,  et  ultor  adest. 


•  qu€Bre  minaeque.  ^  ^tterf!  ponere.  '  qiu&rej  erat. 


Side  Lights  on   Welsh  Jacobitism.  153 

Nee  mora ;  Georoidem  venientem  fulminis  instar, 

Quern  non  posse  putat  Scotus  adesse,  videt. 
Stant  acies  :  dant  signa  tubae  :  concurritur,  et  mox 

Horruit  Angliacum  barbara  turba  Ducbm. 
Emicat  ante  alios  Miles  spectandus  in  hostem 

Kegius,  in  primtl  proelia  fronte  ciens. 
Qiii  vigor  oris  erat  ?  qualis  pugnantis  Imago  ? 

Aut  Mars,  aut  certe  Martis  Imago  fiiit. 
Dimicat,  et  totum  castris  Dux  exuit  hostem, 

Omniaque  ingenti  caede  fugaque  replet. 
Vicini  montes,  vicini  sanguine  valles, 

Et  procul  hinc  late  sanguine  terra  rubet. 
Sic  quatit  attonitos,  sic  fulmen  vibrat  in  illos, 

Ut  dextra  credas  fulmina  missa  Jovis. 
Facti  certa  fides  ;  perierunt  millia  quinque ; 

Ipsa  facit  caedes  Cullodenana  fidem." 


(S.  SiMPftoN,  PkiNTEk,  Devizes. 


CDe  honourable 
Soctetp  or  r  r  r 
Cptnitirodorion.  r 

£i$t  of  %  w 

PuDHcations* 


Offices  :—New  Stone  Buildings, 

64,  Chancery  Lane,  London,  W.C. 


LIST   OF    PUBLICATIONS. 


^  Cpmmtobott 

THE  MAGAZINE  OF  THE 

l^onoxtxaiU  ^oeiet^  of  C^mvoboviotu 

Volume  L 

Contents:— i4«  Elegiac  Poem  in  Memory  of  Goronwy  Owen,  by 
Lewis  Morris,  M.A.;  IVelsh  Particles^  by  R-ofessor  Peter;  Natural 
History  Museums,  by  F.  W.  Rudler,  F.G.S.;  The  Invocation,  by 
Mrs.  Hemans,  and  a  Translation  by  Dr.  W.  Owen  Pughe;  The 
Eisteddfod  of  1876  at  Wrexham;  The  University  College  of  Wales; 
The  Harp,  by  Brinley  Richards;  William  Salesbury  and  his 
Dictionary,  by  the  Rev.  Robert  Jones,  B.A. ;  The  Rev.  John 
Peter,  F,GS,  (Obituary  Notice) ;  A  Musical  Scholarship  for  Wales; 
An  Oration  ^y  Gwalchmai',  The  Prospects  of  Education  in  Wales, 
by  the  Rev.  Mark  Pattison ;  The  Potter's  Art,  by  the  Right  Hon. 
W.  E.  Gladstone,  M.P. ;  Letters  from  Lewis  Morris  (Llewelyn  Ddu 
0  F6n)  to  Edward  Richard  of  Ystrad-Meurig ;  Reviews,  Notices  of 
Books,  Reports,  etc. 

Volume  n. 

Contents: — The  National  Music  of  Wales,  by  John  Thomas 
{Pencerdd  Gwalia);  Prrvate  Devotions  of  the  Welsh  in  Days  gone 
by,  by  the  Rev.  Elias  Owen;  Archceological  Notes,  by  Professor 
Rhys ;  The  EisUddfod  of  the  Future,  by  Mrs.  A.  W.  Thomas : 
The  Carnarvon  Eisteddfod  of  \%tj  ;  Dialogue  between  the  Bard  ana 
the  Cuckoo  (from  the  Welsh  of  Owain  Gniffydd),  by  the  Right 
Hon.  Lord  Aberdare ;  Dafydd  ab  Gwilym,  by  Professor  E.  B. 
Cowell;  Old  Welsh  Customs,  by  the  Rev.  Elias  Owen,  M.A: 
Letters  from  Lewis  Morris  (IJewelyn  Ddu  0  Fbn),  Eisteddfod 
Addresses  (1878),  Reviews  ot  Books,  etc. 

Volume  ITT. 

Contents:— 7%^  Celtic  Language  in  Relation  to  other  Aryan 
Tongues,  by  the  Rev.  John  Davies.  M.A;  The  Welsh  THads  as 
they  are  given  in  the  tied  Book  of  Hergest,  by  Professor  Rhys : 
Scientific  Education  in  Wales  ana  its  Bearings  on  the  Indusmal 
Development  of  the  Country,  by  F.  W.  Rudler, T.G.S. ;  Some  Forms 
aud  uses  of  the  Substantive  Verb  in  Welsh,  by  Professor  Powel, 
M.A. ;  Cywydd  i'r  Saeson,  a  Poem  by  Si  on  Mawddwy,  arica  iSQo; 
The  Welsh  as  Pictured  in  Old  English  Jest  Books ;  Some  un- 
published Remains  of  lolo  Morganwg ;  ihe  Rev.  Robert  Jones 
(Obituary  Notice);  Higher  a$ia  Intermediate  Education;  The 
Eisteddfodau  of  1879;  Reviews  of  Books,  Notices,  etc. 


List  of  Publications. 


Volume  IV. 

Contents : — Observations  on  the  PronunciaHon  of  the  Sassarese 
Dialect  of  Sardinia^  etc.,  by  H.I.H.  Prince  Louis-Lucien  Bonaparte: 
Welsh  Books  Printed  Abroad  in  the  i6th  and  lyth  Centuries^  and 
their  Authors,  by  Howel  W.  Lloyd,  M.A. ;  Welsh  Anthropology ^ 
by  F.  W.  Rudler,  F.G.S. ;  The  Present  and  Future  of  Wales,  hy 
Lewis  Morris,  M.A. ;  Merched  y  Ty  Talwyn,  by  the  Rev.  W. 
Watkins,  M.A. ;  A  Description  of  the  Day  of  juagment  from  the 
Cotton  MS.  (Titus  D.,  xxii,  in  the  British  Museuni) ;  Welsh  Fairy 
Tales,  by  Professor  Rhys ;  A  CeltoSlavonic  Suffix,  by  Professor 
Henri  Gaidoz ;  A  Cywyad  to  Sir  Edward  Stradltng  and  Dr.  John 
David  Rhys  (Mairig  Davydd  ai  kant) ;  A  Historical  Poem  by  lolo 
Goch  \  Welsh  Folk-Lore,  Reviews  of  Books,  etc. 

Volume  V. 

Contents: — The  Necessity  of  Teaching  English  through  the 
Medium  of  Welsh,  by  the  Rev.  D.  Jones  Davies,  M.A. ;  What 
Government  is  doing  for  the  Teaching  of  Irish,  by  Professor  Powel. 
M.A. ;  The  late  Sir  rlugh  Owen,  by  Lewis  Morris,  M.A.;  Welsn 
Fairy  Tales,  by  Professor  Rhys;  Morwynion  Gldn  Meirionydd 
(translated  by  H.  W.  Lloyd) ;  Professor  Rhys  on  Welsh  Antiquities 
and  Fairy  Tales;  Dinas  Penmaen  or  Penma£nmawr,  a  Druidical 
Temple  before  being  a  British  Fortress,  by  Clara  P. ;  Names  of 
Printers  and  Publishers  of  Welsh  Books,  by  JBemard  Quaritch ;  The 
Legend  of  the  Oldest  Animals,  by  Professor  E.  B.  Cowell ;  The 
Delimitation  of  the  English  and  Welsh  Languages,  by  Alex.  J. 
Ellis,  F.R.S. ;  The  Ancient  Ethnology  of  WcUes,  oy  Professor  W. 
Boyd  Dawkins ;  The  Welshman  ojEnglish  LitercUure,  by  David 
Lewis ;  The  Eisteddfod  and  Popular  Music  in  Wales,  by  J.  Spencer 
Curwen ;  Reviews  of  Books,  Notes  and  Queries. 

Volume  VL 

Contents: — The  Metalliferous  Deposits  of  Flintshire  a$id 
Denbighshire,  by  D.  C.  Davies,  F.G.S. ;  Welsh  Hymnology,  by  the 
Rev.  W.  Glanffrwd  Thomas ;  A  Cornish  Song  QCan  Kerniw) ;  A 
Poem  by  lolo  Goch  (translated  by  H.  W.  Lloyd) ;  The  Ethnology  of 
the  Welsh  Race,  by  the  Most  Hon.  the  Marquess  of  Bute,  K.T. ; 
The  Treatment  of  English  Borrowed  Words  tn  Colloquial  Welsh, 
by  Professor  Powel,  M.A.;  A  Progress  through  Wales  in  the  17/A 
Century,  by  David  Lewis;  Welsh  Fairy  Tales,  by  Professor  Rhys; 
Reviews  of  Books,  Notes  and  Queries. 

Volume  vn. 

Contents : — Anerchiad,  gan  Gwilym  Hiraethog;  A  Comparison 
of  some  Sanskrit  and  Celtic  Words,  by  the  Rev.  John  Davies,  M.A. 
The  Legend  of  Llyn  Lhnclys,  by  the  Rev.  W.  Watkins,  M.A., 
Folk-Lore— Highland  Parallels  to  Welsh  Popular  Tales,  etc,; 
Notes  on  Celtic  Phonology,  by  Professor  Khys;  The  Royal 
Cambrian  Academy  of  Art,Dy  T.  H.  Thomas,  R.C.A. ;  A  Fragment 
from  Hengwrt  mS.  No.  202,  and  Facsimiles  of  Classical  Welsh 
MSS.,  by  Egerton  Phillimore,  M.A. ;  Historical  Poems,  by  lorwerth 
Vynglwyd,  by  Professor  Powel,  M.A. ;  Anglesea  Folk-Lore,  by 
W.  W.  Cobb,  M.A. ;  Early  Welsh  Milanese  Literature,  by  Professor 
F.  T.  Palgrave ;  Reviews,  Notes  and  Queries,  etc. 


Honourable  Society  of  Cymmrodorion. 


Volume  VILL 

Contents: — Race  and  Nationality ^  by  Isambard  Owen,  MA., 
M.D. ;  Notes  on  the  Life  of  St.  Davtd^y  Howel  W.  Lloyd,  M.A. ; 
Selection  of  Welsh  Poetry^  by  lago  ab  Dewi ;  Sir  William  tones  as 
Linguist  and  Author,  by  the  Kev.  John  Davies,  M.A. ;  Pedigrees 
from  Jesus  College  MS.  20,  by  Eeerton  Phillimore  and  T.  Gwenogfryn 
Evans;  Observations  on  the  Welsh  Pronouns^  by  Max  Nettlau, 
Ph.D.,  with  notes  by  Professor  Rhys ;  Ebostol  y  Sul^  by  Professor 
Powel,  M.A. ;  Ancient  Welsh  Words^  by  T.  W.  Hancock;  Reviews 
and  Notices,  Reports,  etc. 

Volume  IX. 

Q,ovi\.&oXB\— Selection  of  Welsh  Poetry ^  by  lago  ab  Dewi;  The 
Personal  Name-System  in  Old  Welsh^  by  J.  E.  Lloyd,  M.A. ;  On 
the  Circular  Huts  (Cyttiau'r  Gwyddelod)  and  their  Inhabitants^  by 
the  Rev.  Elias  Owen,  M.A. ;  The  Annates  Cambria  and  Old  Welsh 
Genealogies  from  Harleian  MS.  3859,  by  Egerton  Phillimore,  M.A. ; 
The  Welsh  Shires,  by  Professor  Tout.  M.A. ;  Old  Welsh  Folk- 
Medicine,  by  E.  Sidney  Hartland;  Observations  on  the  Welsh 
Nouns,  etc,  by  Max  Nettlau,  Ph.D. ;  Extracts  from  Hengwrt  MS. 
VL  edited  by  J.  Gwenogfryn  Evans ;  The  Possibilities  of  Welsh 
Music,  by  Joseph  Bennett ;  An  Unpublished  Welsh  Fragment^  by 
Egerton  Phillimore,  M.A. ;  Reviews,  Notes  and  Queries,  etc. 

Volimie  X. 

Contents : — Comparative  Notes  to  the  Mabinogion,  by  Professor 
Henri  Gaidoz ;  Notes  on  the  Early  History  of  Bangor  Isy  Coed^ 
and  Welsh  Settlements  East  of  Offds  Dyke  during  the  wth  Century, 
by  Alfred  Neobard  Palmer;  Some  Minor  Welsh  Poets  of  the 
ueof^ian  Era  (iii^-iSv>),  by  Richard  Williams,  F.R.H.S. ;  Professor 
HaJB^nann  and  Sir  Wtlham  Jones,  by  the  Rev.  John  Davies,  M.  A.; 
Welsh  Pedigrees,  by  Henry  F.  J.  Vaughan,  B.A.;  The  Public 
Records  Relating  to  Wales,  by  Richard  Arthur  Roberts ;  The  Legend 
of  King  BladuOfhy  the  Rev.  Professor  Sayce,  MJ\.,  LL.D.;  Selection 
of  Weuh  Poetry,  by  lago  ab  Dewi  (concluded). 

Volume  XL 

Contents  '.—The  Preservation  of  Ancient  Monuments  in  Wales, 
by  J.  Romilly  Allen,  F.S.A.  (Scot.);  Welsh  Place  Names,  by  J.  E. 
Lloyd,  M.A.,  with  Notes  by  Egerton  PhiHimore,  M.A;  The  Settle- 
ment  of  Brittany,  by  Wm.  Edwards,  M.A.  (with  Notes  by  Egerton 
Phillimore,  M.A.) ;  The  Tnu  Objects  of  Welsh  Archaotogy,  by  J. 
W.  Willis  Bund,  F.S.A.  (with  Notes  by  Egerton  Phillimore,  M.A.) ; 
The  Publication  of  Welsh  Historical  Records,  by  Egerton  Phillimore, 
M.A.;  The  Crofter  System  of  the  Western  isles  of  Scotland, 
and  the  Callemish  Stone  of  Lewis,  by  Alfred  N.  Palmer ;  Henry 
Vaughan  of  Scethrog,  by  Professor  Palgrave;  The  Proposed 
University  of  Wales,  by  Principal  T.  F.  Roberts ;  Errata,  etc. 

Volume  Xn. 

Contents : — The  Court  of  the  President  and  Council  of  Wales  and 
the  Marches  from  1478  to  1J75,  by  His  Honour  Judge  Lewis,  with 
Note  as  to  Appendices ;  Offa  s  ana  Wat's  Dykes,  by  Stred  Neobard 


List  of  Publications. 


Palmer;  Celtic  Art^  with  a  Suggestion  of  a  Scheme  for  the  better 
preservation  and  freer  study  of  the  monuments  of  the  early 
Christian  Church  in  Wales,  by  T.  H.  Thomas,  R.C.A.;  Obituary 
Notice :  His  Honour  Judge  David  Lewis,  by  D.  Lleufer  Thomas, 
B.A. 

Volume  XHL 

Contents: — Vicar  Prichard :  a  study  in  IVelsh  Bibliography,  by 
John  Ballinc;er ;  A  Collation  ol  Rees  Lives  of  the  Camoro-Britisk 
Saints,  by  Professor  Kuno  Meyer,  Ph.  D. ;  Further  Notes  on  the 
Court  of  the  Marches :  with  Original  Documents,  by  D.  Lleufer 
Thomas,  B.A. ;  The  Jesus  College  Peithynen,  by  Professor  John 
Rhys,  M.A.,  LL.D. 

Volume  XIV. 

Contents : — English  Law  in  Wales  and  the  Marches,  by  Henry 
Owen,  D.C.L.  Oxon.,  F.S.A. ;  The  Broughions  ofMarchwtel:  Con^ 
tribution  to  the  History  of  the  Parish  of  Marchwiel,  by  Alfred 
Neobard  Palmer ;  Vita  SancU  Kebie,  by  the  Rev.  S.  Baring  Gould, 
M.A.;  Salesburys  Dictionary  and  the  Kin^s  License,  by  J.  H. 
Davies,  M.A. ;  A  Welsh  Love  Song  of  the  u>th  Century,  by  J.  H. 
Da  vies,  M.A.;  T?ie  Expulsion  of  the  Dessi,  by  Professor  Kuno 
Meyer,  Ph.D.;  Side  Lights  on  Welsh  Jacobittsm,  by  J.  Arthur 
Price,  B.A. 


Ctan0ac^ion0 


OF  THE 


j^onouvafife  ^ociet^  of  C^mmvobonotu 


Session  1892-98. 

Sacred  Wells  in  Wales,  by  Professor  John  Rhys,  M.A.,  LL.D.; 
Welsh  Bards  and  Reviewers,  by  Ernest  Rhys ;  The  Celt  and  the 
Poetry  of  Nature,  by  W.  Lewis  Jones,  M.A. ;  On  Science  as  a 
Relaxation,  by  W.  H.  Preece,  F.R.S. ;  Dyffryn  Clwyd:  ei  Ramantau 
di  La/ar  gwlad,  gan  Isaac  Foulkes  \Lfyfrbryf) ;  Report  of  the 
Council  for  1891-92. 

Session  1893-94. 

The  Ancient  Church  in  Wales,  by  Sir  R.  L.  Vaughan- Williams, 
one  of  Her  Majesty's  Judges;  Welsh  Saints,  by  J.  W.  Willis- 
Bund,  F.S.A. ;  Some  Aspects  of  the  Christian  Church  in  Wales 
during  the  $th  and  6tn  Centuries,  by  the  Rev.  Professor  Hugh 
Williams,  M.A. ;  Reports  on  Publications  (Owen*s  Pembrokeshire, 
by  Henry  Owen,  F.S.A..  and  The  Black  Book  of  St,  David's, 
by  T.  W.Willis-Bund,  F.S.A.) ;  Reports  of  the  Council  for  1892-93 
ana  1893-94. 


Honourable  Society  of  Cymmrodorion. 


Session  1894-96. 

Notes  on  the  Hunting  of  Twrch  Trwyth^  by  Professor  John  Rhys, 
M.A.,  LL.D. ;  The  Future  of  Welsh  Education^  by  Miss  E.  P. 
Hughes;  The  Cistercian  Aobey  of  Cwm-Hir^  Radnorshire^  by 
Stephen  W.  Williams,  F.S.A.,  with  Illustrations  by  W.  G.  Smith ; 
The  Welsh  Calendar^  by  the  Rev.  John  Fisher,  B.D.  Report 
of  the  Council,  List  of  the  Officers,  Council,  and  Members  of 
the  Society  for  1894-95. 

Session  1896-96. 

The  Historical  Importance  of  the  Cymric  Tribal  System^  by 
Frederic  Seebohm,  LL.D. ;  The  Development  of  the  Agricultural 
Resources  of  Wales^  by  T.  Parry ;  Early  Relations  beSveen  Gael 
and  Brython^  by  Professor  Kuno  Meyer,  M.A.,  Ph.  D. ;  Cymru  Fu  : 
some  Contemporary  Statements^  by  R.  Arthur  Roberts ;  Transcript 
of  ^^ Ministers'  Account''  (Portfolio  1158,  No.  \^  preserved pn  the 
Public  Record  Office.)  Report  of  the  Council  and  Statement  of 
Receipts  and  Payments  for  1895-96;  Report  of  Annual  Dinner  1896, 
(Guest :  H.R.H.  the  Duke  of  York,  K.G.) 

Session  1896-97. 

Music  in  Wales,  by  Joseph  Bennett;  Domestic  and  Decorative  Art 
in  Wales,  by  Thomas  E.  Ellis,  M.P. ;  Suggestions  as  to  the  f idler 
study  of  Owen  Glyndwr,  by  "  Owen  Rhoscomyl ",  Observations  on 
the  foregoing  Paper,  by  Hubert  Hall,  F.S.A  ;  Recent  Developments 
in  tVelsn  Eaucation,  by  Rev.  G.  Hartwell  Jones,  M.A. ;  Illustrations 
to  the  Paper  on  Domestic  and  Decorative  Art  in  Wales,  and  Notes 
thereon,  by  Robert  Williams,  F.R,I.B.A.  Report  of  the  Council. 
Statement  of  Receipts  and  Payments,  and  List  of  Officers,  Council 
and  Members  of  the  Society  for  1896-97. 

Session  1897-98. 

Early  Welsh  Bibliography  (with  facsimile  Illustrations),  by  J.  H. 
Da  vies,  M.A. ;  John  Wilkinson  and  the  Old  Bersham  Iron  Works 
{with  Illustrations),  by  Alfred  Neobard  Palmer ;  Welsh  Folk  Music, 
by  Miss  Mary  Owen  (Mrs.  Ellis  J.  Griffith) ;  The  Character  of  the 
Heresy  of  the  Early  British  Church,  by  Fred  C.  Conybeare,  M.A. ; 
The  Greater  Britain  of  the  Sixth  Century;  Note.  Report  of  the 
Council,  and  Statement  of  Receipts  and  Payments  for  1897-98. 

Session  1898-99. 

Early  Fortifications  in  Wales,  by  the  Rev.  S.  Baring  Gould, 
M.A. ;  Early  Social  Life  in  Wales,  by  David  Brynmdr  Tones,  Q.C., 
M.P. ;  Geoffrey  of  Monmouth,  by  Professor  W.  Lewis  Jones,  M.A. ; 
Argraphwyr,  Cyhoeddwyr,  a  Llyfrwerthwyr  Cymru,  gan  Isaac 
Foulkes  (iJyfriryf).  Report  of  the  Council,  and  Statement  of 
Receipts  and  Payments  for  1898-99. 

Session  1899-1900. 

Portrait  and  Obituary  Notice  oi  the  late  Marquess  of  Bute,  K.T. 
(President  of  the  Society) ;  Welsh  Cave  Legends,  and  the  Story  of 
Owen  Lawgoch,  by  Professor  Rhys.  LL.D. ;  Owain  Lawgoch — 
Yeuain  de  Galles  :  some  Facts  and  Suggestions,  by  Edward  Owen 
(with  facsimile  Illustration);  Canu  Pennillion,  by  Rev.  W.  H. 
Williams  (Watcyn  Wyn) ;  tVales  and  the  Coming  of  the  Normans, 
1039-1093,  by  Professor  J.  E.  Lloyd,  M.A.  Report  of  the  Council, 
and  Statement  of  Receipts  and  Payments  for  i899-i9oa 


List  of  Publicattans, 


^tq^femeniavf  (^oCumeff. 


A  SKBTOH   OF  THE  HISTOBY  OF  THE 

CYMMBODOBION, 

Including  a  Reprint  of  The  Constitutions,  as  originally  settled 
for  the  use  ot  the  Society  (1751).    1877.    {Out  of  print). 

A  DICTIONARY  IN  ENQLYSHE  AND  WELSHE, 

By  Wyllyam  Salesbury  (Imprynted  at  London,  in  Foster  Lane, 
by  John  Waley  [1547]).    Facsimile  reprint.    4  parts. 

THE  QODODIN  OF  ANEUBIN   QWAWDBYDD: 

An  English  translation,  with  copious  explanatoiy  notes,  and  a  Life  of 
Aneurin.  By  the  late  Thomas  Stephens,  Author  of  The  IMera- 
ture  of  the  Kymry.    Edited  by  Professor  Powel,  M.A.,  1888. 

ATHBAVAETH  QBISTNOQAVIi, 
Le  oair  uedi  oynniiys  yn  grynno  *r  hoi  brifbynoiau  oyd  i 
gyfaruydo  dyn  ar  y  phord  i  baraduys; 

Originally  printed  at  Milan,  1568.  Reproduced  in  facsimile 
from  the  unique  copy  formerly  in  the  possession  of  H.LH. 
Prince  Louis-Lucien  Bonaparte.    1880. 

YSTOBYA  DE  OASOLO  MAQNO ; 

Transcribed  by  Mrs.  John  Rhys  from  the  Red  Book  of  Hergest, 
Edited  by  Professor  Powel,  M.A.,  1883. 

• 

THE  BLESSEDNES  OF  BBYTAINE, 
Or  a  Celebration  of  the  Queenes  Holyday. 

By  Maurice  Kyffin.    Originally  publisl^fed  1587.    Reprinted  1885. 

AN  ESSAY  ON  PENNHJON  SINQINQ: 
Hanes  ao  Henaflaeth  Canu   Qyda^  Tannau, 

gan  John  Jones  (Idris  Vychan),    1885. 

G-EHALD  THE  WELSHMAN, 

By  Henry  Owen,  B.C.L.,  of  Corpus  Christi  College,  Oxford.    1889. 

A   COLLECTION  OF  THE  POEMS  OF  lOLO  GOCH, 

With  Historical  and  Critical  Notes  by  Charles  Ashton. 

QweitMau  lolo  Gooh:    gyda  Nodladau  Beimiadol 

a  Hanesyddol, 
Gan  Charles  Ashton.    1896. 


8  Honourable  Society  of  Cymmrodorion, 


C^mmvobovion  (Recovb  ^evietf. 


No.  I. 
THE  DESCBIFTION  OF  PENBBOEBHIBE  (1603), 

By  George  Owen,  ot  Henllys,  Lord  of  Kernes.  Edited,  with  Notes 
and  an  Appendix,  by  Henry  Owen,  D.C.L.  (Ozon.),  F.S-A. 
1892.    Vol.  I,  being  Parts  I  and  II  oi  Owen's  Pembrokeshire. 

No.  II. 

THE  OOnBT  BOLLS  OF  THE  LORDSHIP  OF 

BUTHIN,  or  Dyffiryn-Clwyd,  of  the  Beign  of 

King  Edward  L  (1294-5). 

Edited,  with  Notes  and  Translation,  by  Richard  Arthur  RobertSi 
of  Her  Majesty's  Public  Record  Office. 

No.  III. 

QILDAE  BE  EXOIDIO  BBTFANNLAlE, 
Fragmenta,  Liber  de  Paenitentiay  aooedit  et 

Lorioa  Qildae. 

(Gildas :  the  Ruin  of  Britain,  Fragments  irom  Lost  Letters,  the 
Penitential,  together  with  the  Lorica  of  Gildas.)  Edited 
by  Hugh  Wiluams,  M.A.,  Professor  of  Church  History 
at  the  Theological  College,  Bala.    In  3  parts.    Part  I  issued. 

No.  IV. 

A  OATALOQUE  OF  MSS.  BELATINa  TO  WALES  IN 

THE  BBITISH  MUSEUM, 

Compiled  and  Edited  by  Edward  Owen,  of  Gray's  Inn,  Barristei^ 
at-Law.  In  3  Parts.  Part  I  issued,  containing  list  of  MSS. 
from  the  following  collections,  the  Cottonian,  Lansdowne, 
Royal,  Hargrave,  Bumey,  Arundel,  and  Church  Briefs. 

In  Preparation, 

THE  BLACK  BOOK  OF  ST.  DAVIDnS  (1326). 

Edited  by  J.  W.  Wiixis  Bund,  F.S.A 

THE  WB1TIEGH3  OF  G-EOFFBEY  OF  MONMOUTH. 
Edited  by  Professor  W.  Lewis  Jones,  M.A. 


To  bt  had  on  appiicaHon  to  thi  Stertiaryt  at  iks  Cymmrodarum  LUiraryt 
Ntm  SioMt  Buildingt^  Ckaneny  Lam^  Lomion^  W.C% 


Cptnittrodjiortiim  Htcoflj  ficrtes. 

yiRsr  PBosPSVTun. 

\  Tatiidea  oF  tbe  pBHIoatioo  ot  WeUh  Rooocda.  wbicli  h»dbiisOuie  Uoie  oucapl«<l  ^tle 


f 

F    of  tlju  (^ynudroddlon  Section  ot  the  Nntlouii  {Clslodiliml  biild  nt.  Itttoob  in 

lo  the  papers  wbich  were  nnd  at  tlittt  i/i40tlti^  it  wu  MtMnTi  that  a  vut  qmuititr  cJ 
mnMrtiil  neceKsarjr  for  undurftliUidiiiK  th«  tilBtory  ut  WnlM  Htill  ri'mAliiad  burled  In 
pubUo  and  private  Librariw,  tui<l  aJso  tlutt  lUoU  of  thu  W«l<b  l.^luuutuleii  m  bfld 
bgen  hIvbd  to  the  world  bwl  booa  edited  In  k  nuintmr  wluob  li:k(l  not  fuUHIod  the 
r<*({iiln>menta  of  modern  snholuship. 

A*  It  Appeared  that  the  Qovcramrjit  dedlnnil  M  nnJfirtnJro  tikV  fnrtlm  pubtion- 
lUoo  of  puTGljr  Welsli  Itocord*,  tt  wu  aueK<i*<^'  ^  '^  -^'^  witUnriM  tlmt  thn 
,  Cuuncil  of  the  CfrnmrodorlOD  Sodet}'  tibuuld  t»ko  Uih  wijrk  in  bnuU,  and  eadibUili  a 
''^seinraM  fotid  for  that  pnrptne. 

Tlio  Connovl  ate  of  opinion  tbat  a  work  of  till*  magiilindo  uantiot  inb  IcCt  U> 
prlvale  euterprisa.  altbanati  tbo;  thackfoUy  aolciiowLedKa  (tiu  lodcMo'lauM  of  all 
,wcUtinieD  to  Enob  moa  aa  Mr,  Q.  '£,  Ulark  vl  I'sijKam,  ihe  Bci-.  Otooa  Hiliao  Gvacu, 
Jar.  J.  UvenogbTn  Evani,  Ur  Owen  EdwArdi,  lli.  EKurton  VlilUlmoTO,  imd  Tio- 
'basor  John  Rhjs,  and  tliej  (ally  appreoiate  ttio  ntlnablu  wock  tt'ino  b;  laiRnbm  Uf 
'*"  varioue  AndijOBiiiLD  Societiea. 

FrtvaM  oattnpriao  tioa  enabled  tbaCoiincU  to  iMtkO.witboot  iioac  lu  IbuSuoivtJ*.  UiB 
,Ai*t  numboi  of  tbn  Sarlai  which  tiiaj  haro  imiiflrtalun,  TEio  odillnn  of  Oi-cK'''  /^m- 
'irttlmitKire,  two  paiti  ol  wtdott  btir*  olroiMlf  b»«ci  iMoed),  U  ttin  rcaalt  twi  Ur,  Uonrjr 
Oweii~«  in<.imb«i'  o!  tbe  Socifty'*  Cunucil  -  of  looir  aixl  ttrdnnuf  labour,  and  ot  an 
asDiuiditar*  oI »  «iai  of  mouuy  wtikb  would  unablu  an;  pau-ioUu  WnUbmnn  wUo 
f oDowa  tbat  aiiaapXv  to  preoeot  timUaT  naabois  ot  tbo  propa«ei1  fitvit*  to  )il*  oonntrf 

Tbe  teooed  namber  of  thcSniina  coualut*  ot  Reonrd*  I'ou-  tiM  RotUn  OMrt 
Hollii  (A.D.  13S4-6J.  edited  by  Mr.  U.  Artbiir  Kobott*,  of  the  TubU::  Rftjorf  Ofiloo.  J 
Catalogue  if  tht  WeWk  Mannufript*  in  the  SriHth  Mtusiuin  a  n-anioript  of  T\t 
Bloih  Saah  vf  St.  iJcciTidlV,  aad  ouw  tdiljona  of  itVitnisu  aiid  (Vl/'^oroju  tn  counAot 
pre^ptuntion. 

in  the  Eatnre  nnmben  ot  tb«  BotloM  win  be  publiabod,  ir<im  j  >ibUn  or  prlvat« 
US8.,  with  Introdactioiia  and  NoI«a  br  eompHlfnt  Hbulai-a,  *iidO  Hiiflord*  a*  will 
tbcow  l%ht  on  Roote  period  of  Wbbib  UMory.  Tbew!  |iublioHlkrmk  'Till,  tlio  tJotnw.ll 
tngsl.  Ku  far  lu  r«iaiote  from  Iba  Frinolii<ilit]r  the  duboDoor  ut  bfutt'  Uio  oil!'  ofttiou 
iu  Europe  whiah  U  wltboat  aortldag  apprQaoblRfc  lea  siWiiUl '  'i  "ry. 

It  uborwdtofasue  annuAllj  one  notober  0*  Win  ■=  ■■'   ■  ..j.,_i. 

b«t  wUL.  it  U anUdfiitad,  be  aboni)  JE^SO.  'loanKm 
ta  neOGMutrr  to  f  onn  a  Penuaiiotit  Capital  Fund,  aii  1 1  < 
bm'o  resolveil  to  do.  Thi*  Fund,  of  wbicb  Sit 
TboBKW  Lowi»,  Bart,  and  Mr.  Henry  Ciw.^n,  r^s.^^.,  . 
control  of  tba  CooJiiil,  but  will  I  ■ 


»ly  f.. 

recoipU  OQapaymontu  nlU  bi< 

Towards  tbe  «xpeiiemo[  i ' ' 
fotrOXati  lo  nM  aiildo,  fiom  tiinu  ;..> 
£180,  aoontribnilon  whieb  Ibcy  t. 


1  laifcii  I 


inddontly  niipeal  M  all  WeUbmen  for  dymuHtby  and  help  ht  tfala 
raoll;  national  «tit(TrpTliie.    Wolabflien   aro  pruvarblatlv  proitd  of  tlie  antii|dltlRi  of 
If   tti<ir  Inad.    IXj  placo  tbo  racoid  of  tbt.'se  aatlqatUi-i  witCln  Llin  mch  of  orury  Webb 
.tlndoni  In  an  iwioiirat«  and  intoUMblo  form,  and  to  enable  iilm  to  nnilantacd  tbu 
growth  ot  tho  natlooal  and  Indlfidual  llto.  Ih  a.  oorlt  wbioh  abouid  uotI«  all  WcUi- 
■Dun  for  tbo  becuat  of  thoir  noimtryiuen.  and  for  tbu  honour  of  Wal«. 
Btnil.  Prfi4mt. 
S.  VDiOfiNT  BVA1«.  Baentarfi  • 
CnmBODOBiao  LifisiJtT, 
'  M,  OJIJIBCBW  Lahi.  IhwdoM,  W.C. 


'.•  Clioqnas  may  bo  xmt  to  E.  VTCTCBNT  EVANS,  Soordtary  lo  the 
^onoumbla  Society  uf  Oymtnrodorioo,  64,  Ohiuioory  Luno,  W.O., 
woMod  "IjondOQ  Joint  Stock  Btuik,  X.lt&ll«d,  to  tlie  oredJl  of  tb9 
Oymmrodorlon  Rooord  Sarlaa  Fimd." 


liononfable  ^^boelif  of  Cgnrntrobonon^^ 


UUrafur/^  SdtHtt,  and  Art  ai  anauOeti  wiiA  IVitUr. 

fmriBto  ini.    RxviviD  iSii, 

OOm):  KffV  BTDirS  BUODnrOS.  M,  CKtHCKHY  LUTB.  LomOJt,  W.C 


1 


The  Right  Hoouuml'lp  Lord  TRZDCOAn. 

FiiP^lrniSRiU. 
The  Rislit  Honourable  Tlic  Earl  or  Jebhky. 
The  Might  Htmourabic  Tin-  Eari.  ofIVwb. 
The  Kii^t  Hcv.  1"li<?  Lord  BrsHOP  of  LtAiiDAtT. 

The  Riglil  R'^v-  The  Lord  nifmcip  or  Sr.  AhAPH. 
ThcR  '  '■  "-    Tb-  ' "■  - jcSi.  OaviuV 

Tbr  i-'  ■'■   tlAkT^R. 

Thi-  )  I    1>,  DiEtidjiorMHievla. 


Th.-  I 
Til.-  i 
Tl"   I 


UJ--. 


Sir  WaTXIS  WlLLbUl-  S\'\■K.^■.  liai!. 

Sfr  RofiCRT  A.  CuNUFiE,  Bart, 
Sir  W.  'ino«A«  I.twi^  Bart. 
SbJoHH  r  [)  I.Lt,-,vi.i.vs,  Ban. 
Sil  A'  "  "'    '      ■[•.  Bum, 

Lici'i  1    Hais- 

Sii  i..  .  '"'i-,  J>LV. 

Sir  Vm   -.  >.  ICC.IJ- 

SirDAVii'  l-:\;>NT-,KC.M.G. 
Sir  OwtN  RosKRnt  D.CU 
Sir  WaLI»R  Mo»ca». 
Sir  Lxwffi  JilUKHts. 
Sir  JODx  H.  Puusrm. 


AiraED  Damuiu  MX  D5c 

j.  H.  Daviejs  ma 

W.  Ca&waladr  D.*\nEs. 

W-  E.  DaVus. 

E.  Viwrnn  Eva.^s, 

\VlI.UA»il  EVAI»!>. 

Kllis  ]  GKirrmi,  M.P. 

W.  TuiniR  Hovm-i- 

T.  HnWEu.  WiLUAMS  ipRJS  F.C.S, 

B.  HiJwr  Jenkiss. 

Kev.  G.  HARTWEiJ.-liij<xa,  M_,V 

R«»  H,  Ci,vi.TLt:wi»,  M-A. 

T.£  Mi^Hiirii,  MA.  LLM. 

ALTiiKf  Ninr. 


W.  CoKXWAtUS  Wcsi.  Lnrf  1 

leoutl,  00.  OcnlnB!). 
H.  R.  Huoiiis,  UirdU«m.,  en.  Fll 
Ovres  M.  RtiWABiiR,  M.A. 
TiniHAfi  E.  Eu.15,  M  V-f-UoMttd): 
D.  BRTBM*»Jo-.t5.  Q.C,  UK 
His  H'woiir  Judos  fjWiai- 
Hiu  Hntkiar  Jiroiijt  PaMJLY. 
lii»         IIoOOUT         JUDOK 

Wirj-rAjia. 

WiLMAB  RatHDONK,  J.1..D. 
J.  ICKATIl-'a  WlUJAHa. 

WiixiAM  It-  M.  WrMKK.  Lurd  I 
iBunl,  CO.  XlcrlooKtb. 


KnWAttD  OWTH. 

HcKiiY  OwfW,  DCL-Oxmi-  TSA 

Isamharp  Owek,  U  D^  Ma. 

PrtaclfiAl  Join  RuYs,  MA,  ULD, 

Probttor  nunil.  T.  SooinTs,  K 

H.  Llotd  RoBntn. 

R.  Aicnitm  Roantra. 

RicnARXi  Ronntra,  B.A. 

J  Kounxv  Auo,  K.SA 

Hovro.  TiioHAs. 

\aa»  TliiiUAft  [f'trnxnU  (rwntJni). 

W,  Caw  TimHAA,  F  S.S. 

Sir  toiw  Wi».tAj«^  E»n,  M  D, 

T.  MaKCIIAXT  Vr'lLUAltt,  B^, 

J,  w.  WtLLo-Qimo.  rsA 


t.  VincinfT  EVAS*. 


y  Cpmmroaor. 


C5«    magazliu 

Ct  IPX  fW^iwilMDIe 


Sociclp  or  Cpminroaorion. 


TJ/a  SOIfORUL  comfitrnE 


ISSUED  UV  THE  SOClETy, 
NEW  STONE  BUILDINGS,  H,  CHANCERY  L/\NE. 

t9(U> 


"*BB  BONOtSASBE  flOmfff'OFOTHlHWSOliroR.^^ 


CAtupnofi  a//Ae  Cinwfil .-—Mr.  Sttfknf  Svoiu,JJ'. 
7>tmnnr."-Ur.  U.  iJoy*  ftebrftt.         Stentitry  t—Mr.  S,  Vimma  Sw 


P  iplillt*!!-!.  !■■!  iiuDi:..rr-!iLi,  ..li.iLiPil 


;  \o  ooplM  of  all  tl«  poMtaUl<nu,  ( 


y  Clynuarodor. 


The  G 
AaXr 


LIBT  OP  PDBtlO&TIONS. 

.   ii   IV,  V.  vl.  ril.  vti).  li.  I.  il.  »iL    WBwa»*(0«.  Val4.  ilK. 
i,f.  }.rr  V  jIu™,     H'.Oi  t  iiwl  111  nn  u«l  ot  pHM.) 

of  tjid  Cymiuioilorlou.    <\--A  •it  piink' 

-,-  111  i:ijf;i\.-,h.>  u'^[J     Wclhh'j.  bj  Wrllyani  SwImIhm/  (IMy 

'huinu  Hti>pli«fw.  Aathiit  'if  i 


I-.. 
The  131 

GDnUaili-.' WoL'ilir,!-;,^.  !■■  >!■:.. j  m.,,, 

k  rMh.tlll.  I".. 

,'  Aihtou,    Thii  Works  or  Tolo  Otx>h 

J  Tho  TraiUBOtlon*  of  th"   Ttrm.-.n'-iiii 
l.!T)^^<.!*J.I«UIl-■.'l  Itir  ■ 
tn  nil 

liTl!,;  ■    '•■-       r  ■'  • 


tf  t»a»U>».<ii."i 


y  Cpmmrodor* 


THE   MAGAZINE 


OF    THE    HONOURABLE 


SOCIETY  OF  CYMMRODORION. 


VOL.  XV. 


rUODUCED    UNDER    THE    DIRECTION    OF 
THE    EDITORIAL    COMMITTEE. 


LOJSTDON : 

ISSUED    BY   THE    SOCIETY, 

NEW  STONE  BUILDINGS,  64,  CHANCERY  LANE 

1902. 


Devizes  : 
Printed  by  George  Simpson. 


CONTENTS. 


Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire.     By  D.  Lleufer  Thomas  1 

Saint  Caraniiog.     By  the  Rev.  S.  Baring  Gould,  M.A.         88 

Old  County  Families  of  Dyfed.     The  Wogans  of  Boulston. 

By  Francis  Green.     (With  lllustrationa  and  Pedupee)       100 

Keviews: — Edwards'      (Owen      M.)      Wales,       By     W. 

Llewelyn  Williams,  B.C.L.,  Oxon.  ...       150 

Bradley's  (Arthur  G.)  Owen  Glyndtvr :  and  the  La.st 
Stntfjf/le  for  Welsh  Independence.  By  T. 
Stanley  Roberts,  M.A.      ...  ...  ...       168 

Loth's   (J.)    La  Metrique    Oalloise,      By   H.    Elvet 

Lewis,  M.A.  ...  ...  ...  ...       173 

Roessler's     (Chas.)     Les    hijiuinces     Celtiques.      By 

H.  Elvet  Lewis,  M.A.        ...  ...  ...       174 


Cjutmrnirnr* 


Vol.  XV.        "Cared  doeth  yr  kncilion."  1901 


Btme  (TUorrie  in  Cav^ic^anB^ivt. 

By  D.  LLEUFER  THOMAS. 


As  part  of  the  gradual  assimilation  of  VSTelsh  legal  institu- 
tions to  those  of  England,  a  process  which  commenced 
immediately  after  the  conquest  of  VSTales  by  Edward  I,  the 
cantrefi  and  cymydau  of  the  Principality  came  to  be  treated 
and  regarded  by  English  lawyers  as  the  VSTelsh  equivalents 
of  the  lordships  and  manors  of  England.  English  manorial 
law  was  applied  to  the  ancient  VSTelsh  divisions,  and  the 
rights  which  the  lord  and  free  tribesmen  of  a  cantref  en- 
joyed under  the  VSTelsh  laws  were  interpreted  as  far  as 
possible  in  accordance  with  those  of  the  lord  and  free- 
holders of  an  English  manor.  Among  other  doctrines 
thus  applied  to  Wales  was  the  presumption  that  all 
unenclosed  land  was  the  waste  of  the  lordship  or  manor  in 
which  it  was  situated :  the  Crown,  as  the  successor  in  title 
to  the  tribal,  and  therefore  not  strictly  feudal,  rights  of  the 
VSTelsh  lords,  claimed  extensive  tracts  of  unenclosed  lands 
as  waste  of  its  various  lordships ;  a  claim  strenuously 
opposed  by  most  of  the  great  landowners  and  freeholders, 
who  on  their  part  asserted  that  such  lands,  though  unen- 
closed, were  not  common  or  waste  at  all,  but  formed  part 
of  their  freehold   estates.     The  chronic  hostility   which 

B 


2  Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire, 

existed  between  Welsh  landowners  and  the  Crown,  with 
reference  to  this  question,  culminated  from  time  to  time 
in  "  pitched  battles,"  fought  either  in  the  law-courts,^  or 
more  often  in  an  appeal  to  physical  force  on  the  slopes  of 
one  of  the  mountains,  the  ownership  of  which  was  in 
dispute. 

The  more  salient  facts  of  several  of  these  conflicts  may 
be  found  collected  and  commented  upon  in  the  Report  of 
the  Welsh  Land  Commisaion  (pp.  185-8,  199-207).  But 
one  of  the  earliest  and  most  important  seems  to  have 
hitherto  escaped  attention.  As  the  official  champion  of 
the  Crown  rights  on  that  occasion  was  none  other  than 
the  bard  and  antiquary,  Lewis  Morris  [Llewelyn  Ddu  o 
F6n)y  the  story  may  probably  be  deemed  of  sufficient  his- 
torical importance  to  be  accorded  space  in  the  pages  of 
Y  Gymmrodor,  The  Welsh  bard's  great-grandson  and 
namesake.  Sir  Lewis  Morris,  of  Penbryn,  has  kindly  placed 
in  my  hands,  for  perusal,  a  large  collection  of  recently 
discovered  papers  in  his  ancestor's  handwriting,  including 
one  hundred  and  twenty  letters,  addressed  by  Lewis  to  his 
brother  William  at  Holyhead,  between  1748  and  1762, 
but  by  far  the  greater  number  of  them  bearing  date  be- 
tween 1753  and  1757  inclusive.  The  bundle  also  contains 
drafts  or  copies  of  answers  and  affidavits  sworn  in  1757 
by  Lewis  Morris  as  defendant,  in  an  equity  suit  instituted 
against  him,  by  information  of  the  Attorney-General,  on 
behalf  of  the  Treasury,  praying  inter  alia  that  the  de- 
fendant should  be  ordered  to  deliver  an  account  of  his 
stewardship  of  certain  Crown  manors  in  North  Cardigan- 
shire.    In  these  answers,  Lewis  Morris  discloses  the  fact 

'  As  in  the  case  of  The  Attorney-General  a^aifist  Rereleyy  heard  in 
the  Court  of  Exchequer  in  May  18(58  and  July  1869.  A  report  of  the 
case  by  W.  W.  Karslake  was  privately  printed  in  1870,  for  the  use  of 
the  office  of  Woods  and  Forests. 


Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire,  3 

that  only  a  few  years  previously,  even  at  the  risk  of  his 
life,  he  had  been  the  champion  of  the  rights  of  the  Crown 
in  a  dispute  as  to  the  ownership  of  a  tract  of  unenclosed 
land  in  the  same  district. 

In  the  following  pages,  I  shall  endeavour  to  tell  the 
story  of  these  two  struggles  so  far  as  I  am  able  to  do  so 
from  the  papers  before  me,  and  also  bring  out  a  few  other 
facts  relating  to  Morris's  connection  with  Cardiganshire. 
The  letters  teem  with  literary  material  of  very  great  in- 
terest and  value,  especially  with  reference  to  Goronwy 
Owen,  and  to  the  early  history  of  the  Cymmrodorion 
Society,  which  was  founded  in  1751.  All  this  I  have, 
reluctantly,  to  eschew  at  present,  with  the  object  of  con- 
fining myself  to  the  story  of  Lewis  Morris's  Cardiganshire 
struggles. 

According  to  a  statement  supplied  to  the  Welsh  Land 
Commission  by  the  Office  of  Woods  and  Forests,  the 
Crown,  in  right  of  the  seven  hundreds  or  manors  of 
Creuddyn,  Perfedd,  Mabwnion,  Myfenydd,  Harminiog, 
Cyfoeth  y  Brenin,  and  Talsarn  and  Silian,  was  in  1893  the 
owner  of  upwards  of  26,000  acres  of  unenclosed  waste  land 
in  the  county  of  Cardigan,  subject  to  commonable  rights. 
In  addition  to  this,  it  also  possessed  "  the  minerals  within 
upwards  of  28,000  acres  of  'other  land,  formerly  waste  of 
the  above  manors,  but  which  has  either  been  sold  or  en- 
closed under  Act  of  Parliament  with  a  reservation  to  the 
Crown  of  minerals.'^ 

Originally,  all  the  lands  in  question  formed  part  of  the 
ancient  Principality  of  Wales,  but  on  its  conquest  by 
Edward  I,  they  became  attached  to  the  Crown  of  England. 
Along  with  much  other  Crown  property  in  Mid  Wales 
they  were  managed  throughout  the  Tudor  period  by  the 
Earls  of  Pembroke,  who  acted  as  Crown  Stewards.  Accord- 
ing to  a  petition  presented  to   Parliament  on  behalf  of 

b2 


4  Lewis  Morris  in   Cardiganshire, 

their  freeholders  in  1660,  the  Cardiganshire  manors  had 
been  alienated  by  the  Commonwealth  in  1649, — 

'*  thereby  becoming  the  possessions  of  private  men,  particularly  of 
Thomas  Evans,  Henry  Vaughan,  John  Vaughan,'  and  others,  who 
using  their  jurisdiction  with  more  rigour  than  your  Petitioners  or 
Predecessors  were  formerly  acquainted  with,  by  excessive  amerce- 
ments, fines,  and  threats,  extorting  your  Petitioners*  Voices  at 
Publick  Elections,  and  a  conformity  to  their  will  and  pleasure,  many 
times  contrary  to  your  Petitioners'  judgments  and  inclinations." 

In  view  of  these  grievances,  the  petitioners  prayed  that 
the  manors  in  question  should  be  re-united  to  the  Crown, 
which  was  effected  shortly  afterwards,  as  a  natural  sequel 
of  the  Restoration. 

And  now  to  come  to  Lewis  Morris's  own  period.  In 
1746  the  stewardship  of  several,  perhaps  all,  of  the  crown 
manors  in  Cardiganshire  was  granted  to  William  Corbett. 
Most  probably  he  was  a  younger  brother  of  Thomas 
Corbett,  who  was  an  Admiralty  official  from  about  1720, 
filling  the  post  of  Secretary  of  the  Admiralty  from  1742 
till  his  death  in  1751.  What  suggests  this  to  me  is  the 
fact  that  it  was  through  Thomas  Corbett's  interest 
(secured  through  the  good  offices  of  Meyrick  of  Bodorgan) 
that  Lewis  Morris  was  commissioned,  in  1741,  to  complete 
the  survey  of  St.  George's  Channel,  a  work  commenced 
in  1737,  but  not  proceeded  with,  owing  to  the  scant 
encouragement  that  Morris  had  received  in  the  matter. 
The  Secretary's  brother,  William  Corbett,  commenced 
his  career  as  secretary  to  Viscount  Torrington  in  the 
Baltic    expedition    in    1717,    and    subsequently    became 

'  "  Of  Peterwell,  Plas  Cilcennin,  and  Trawscood  Fespectively  (see 
Meyrick's  Cardiganshire,  208,  28o,  322).  According  to  a  MS.  written 
circ.  1(3(51,  John  Vaughan  (who  subsequently  became  Lord  Chief 
Justice  of  the  Common  Pleas)  "purchased  Mcvenyth,  one  of  his  late 
Majesty's  manors."  When  this  was  re-united  to  the  Crown  at  the 
Restoration,  Vaughan  was  made  steward  of  Myfenydd  and  four  other 
Crown  manors  in  the  district. 


Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire,  5 

cashier  of  the  Navy.^  Lewis  Morris's  younger  brother, 
Richard,  who  became  a  chief  clerk  in  the  Navy  oflSce, 
probably  owed  his  introduction  into  that  department  to 
his  elder  brother's  connection  with  the  Corbetts. 

When  the  stewardship  of  the  Crown  manors  was 
granted  to  William  Corbett  in  1746,  Lewis  Morris  was 
appointed  deputy  steward,^  then,  and  for  some  years  after 
also  holding  the  oflSce  of  Collector  of  the  Customs  at 
Aberdovey.  The  new  oflSce  necessitated  his  settling  in  the 
district.  His  brother  William,  in  a  letter  to  Richard 
(dated  10  May  1746,  and  preserved  at  the  British  Museum), 
conveys  the  news  that  Lewis  had  recently  purchased 
"  part  of  an  estate  situated  in  such  a  place  that  I  would 
not  have  accepted  it  gratis  to  live  upon  it.  No  doubt  he 
has  some  inducement,  mwyn  neu  rywbeth^^  minerals  or 
something.    This  probably  referred  to  Galltfadog,  a  farm 

^  See  Dictionary  of  National  Biography^  under  Thomas  Corbett. 
According  to  Burke,  whose  account  of  the  family  is  in  many  respects 
unreliable,  William  the  cashier  was  the  third  son  of  a  William  Corbett, 
by  Eleanor,  daughter  and  co-heir  of  Colonel  John  Jones,  of  Nanteos, 
Cardiganshire  (cf .  Meyrick's  Cardiganshire,  pp.  402,  and  572-5).  Burke 
erroneously  describes  William,  the  father,  as  "  Secretary  of  the  Ad- 
miralty " — but  that  office  was  held  not  by  him  but  by  his  eldest  son 
Thomas  — and  states  that  he  was  the  son  of  Thomas  Corbett  of  Nash, 
Pembrokeshire,  who  was  second  son  of  Robert  Corbett  (himself  a 
younger  son  of  Sir  Vincent  Corbet,  of  Moreton  Corbet,  Salop),  by 
Bridget,  daughter  and  heiress  to  Sir  James  Pryse,  of  Ynys  y  maengwyn, 
near  Towyn.  There  were  also  later  inter-marriages  between  the  Nant- 
eos family  and  the  Corbets  of  Ynys  y  maengwyn,  both  the  Rev.  W. 
Powell,  LL.D.  (1705-1780),  and  his  son  Thomas  (?  1745-1797)  marrying 
1  adies  from  the  latter  family  ( Meyrick,  388-9, 403).  In  any  case,  William 
Corbett,  the  navy  cashier,  had  family  connections  with  West  Wales, 
especially  North  Cardiganshire,  and  this  corroborates  the  identifica- 
tion I  suggest.  From  him  the  Corbetts  of  Darnhall,  in  Cheshire,  are 
descended.  A  daughter  of  Lewis  Pryse,  of  Gogerddan  (who  died  in 
1720),  was  married  to  a  Corbet,  whose  Christian  name  Meyrick 
(p.  398)  does  not  give. 

^  This  is  the  date  given  by  Morris  himself  in  his  history  of  the 
Crown  manor  of  Creuthyn,  printed  in  Meyrick's  Cardiganshire  (see  p. 


6  Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire, 

some  five  miles  out  of  Aberystwyth  J  Lewis  was  not 
long  before  taking  up  his  residence  there,  for  he  dates  a 
letter  (also  in  the  British  Museum)  to  Richard  from 
Galltfadog  on  31  July  1747,  in  which  he  says:  ^^T  expect 
Mr.  Corbett  and  some  e^reat  men  here  daily,  and  am  very 
busy  in  drawing  maps,  accounts,  &c."  Shortly  afterwards, 
a  friend  of  the  brothers  Morris,  Alderman  Prichard,  saw 
Lewis  in  Cardiganshire,  "  in  company  of  Mr.  W.  Corbett 
and  Mr.  Chambers,  to  whom  he  gave  great  satisfaction." 

Now  Corbett's  interest  in  the  minerals  of  the  district 
was  not  merely  official.  He  and  a  Charles  Richards  had 
obtained  a  lease  of  "  all  mines  within  the  wastes  of  the 
manor  of  Cwmwd  y  Perfedd,  in  the  parish  of  Llanbadam 
Fawr,"  at  a  rent  of  6s.  8d.  a  year,  and  one-tenth  of  the 

658),  though  according  to  a  letter  of  17  Aug.  1745  (preserved  in  the 
Brit.  Mus.)  from  William  Morris  to  Richard,  Lewis  had  a  short  time 
previously  been  made  "  Dy  (deputy)  steward  of  all  the  King's  Courts 
in  these  parts,  with  an  extensive  power  and  tolerable  profit." 

^  "In  the  year  17(X),  Sir  H.  Mackworth  took  a  lease  of  Margaret 
Lewis,  of  Gallt-vadog,  and  of  her  son,  R.  Lewis,  of  the  mines  upon 
certain  hills,  moors,  or  places  called  Pwll  yr  Enaid,  Bwlch  cwm 
ervin,  and  Ryginan,  for  99  years,  in  consideration  only  of  £50  in 
hand.  They  had  also  a  lease  of  Cwmsymlog,  and  worked  there  for 
some  years"  (Meyrick,  p.  ccxxxiii).  Did  Morris  purchase  Mackworth's 
interest  under  these  leases  ?  On  acquiring  the  property  Morris  at  once 
proceeded  to  carry  out  some  improvements  on  it.  His  farm  bailiff  and 
factotum,  Edward  Hughes,  writing  from  Galltfadog  on  14  Oct.  1748,  to 
Morris  himself,  who  was  then  in  London  (attending  iyiter  alia  to  the 
printing  of  his  Survey  of  St.  George's  Channel)  refers  to  the  new  garden 
he  was  laying  out.  On  16  Feb.  1749,  Morris  writes  to  William  from 
Galltfadog,  mentioning  that  he  had  pulled  down  the  house  there  "  in 
order  to  make  it  more  comfortable."  This  was  also  preparatory  to 
his  bringing  there  a  wife,  for  on  the  20th  of  October  in  the  same  year, 
he  married  (for  his  second  wife)  Ann  Lloyd,  described  as  "heiress  of 
Penbryn."  She  went  to  live  at  Galltfadog,  but  in  April  1757  (her 
husband  being  at  the  time  in  London),  the  family  removed  to  Penbryn 
(sometimes  called  by  Morris,  probably  in  jest,  Penbryn  y  barcud); 
which  is  about  eight  miles  out  of  Aberystwyth. 


Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire,  7 

profits.*  As  the  usual  term  for  mineral  leases  was  thirty- 
one  years,  and  this  one  expired  on  12  July  1773  (when  it 
was  not  renewed)  it  probably  commenced  to  run  from 
July  1742. 

In  1748,  Corbett  was  vigorously  working  Cwmsymlog 
mine,  possibly  under  the  above  mentioned  lease  from  the 
Crown.  It  was  probably  in  August  of  that  year  that  a 
Cornish  mining  expert,  Edmond  Moore,  visited  the  mine  and 
reported  on  it  to  him.^  At  that  time  the  resident  manager 
was  John  Paynter  (of  whom  a  good  deal  hereafter)^  while 
Edward  Hughes,  already  referred  to  as  Morris's  factotum, 
was  next  in  command  under  Paynter.  Hughes  seems  to 
have  been  some  relative,  or  at  least  an  old  acquaintance,  of 
the  Morrises  from  Anglesey,  and  like  them  had  literary 
tastes  (which  he  however  drowned  in  drink j,  lorwerth 
Fwynwr  and  lorwerth  Frych  being  notti  de  'plumes  of  his. 
Hughes  continued  at  Cwmsymlog  till  the  end  of  1752,  if 
not  later. 

Some  of  the  landowners  of  the  district  seem  to  have 
resisted  the  lessees,  in  the  exercise  of  their  rights. 
This  resulted  in  a  suit  being  instituted  in  1743,  by  the 
Attorney-General,  on  behalf  of  the  Crown  and  its  lessees, 
Charles  Eichards  and  William  Corbett,  against  Thomas 
Pryse  (probably  the  then  M.P.  for  Cardiganshire),  Thomas 
Griffiths  and  others.  Unfortunately  the  records  of  this 
suit  are  now  lost.  So  also  are  those  of  another  contempo- 
rary local  action,  the  Attorney-General  v.  Thomas  Powell 
(of  Nanteos),  E.  Jenkin  and  others.  As  deputy  steward, 
Lewis  Morris  had  doubtless  to  take  an  active  part  in  pre- 

^  See  Returns  relating  to  the  Woods,  Forests  and  Land  Revenues 
of  the  Crown,  1831,  p.  22. 

^  It  may  be  that  the  year  of  Moore's  visit  was  1752,  but  a  state- 
ment in  Meyrick's  Cardiganshire  (p.  558)  suggests  that  William 
Corbett  had  died  in  or  before  1761. 


8  Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire, 

paring  the  case  for  the  Crown  in  both  suits,  and  this  did 

not  tend  to  make   him  a  jpersona  grata  with  the  countj 

gentry,  who  felt  that  their  rights  were  being  invaded. 

The  second  action,  in  which,  we  know,  the  Crown  was 

defeated,  arose  out  of  a  dispute  as  to  the  ownership  of  a 

mine  called  Bwlchgwyn,  situated  on  unenclosed  land^  which 

the  Crown  claimed  as  common  of  its  manor  of  Perfedd, 

while  Thomas  Powell,  on  the  other  hand,  claimed  it  as  his 

own  freehold.     Unfortunately  only  two  documents  relating 

to  it — both  in  h  very  torn  condition  and  neither  of  them 

dated — are  included  among  the  papers  before  me.^     The 

first  is  a  list  (in  Lewis  Morris's  writing)  of 

"  The  Freeholds  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Bwlchgwyn  Mine  whose 
tenants  have  always  made  use  of  the  lands  where  the  mine  stands^  as 
well  as  of  all  the  mountains  adjoining  as  a  Common,  have  cut  turf  on 
the  mountain  as  a  common  over  against  their  tenements  as  cus- 
tomary, and  those  that  had  no  wood  growing  on  their  lands  made 
use  of  ye  wood  of  Alltrudd  as  a  common,  and  have  always  turned 
their  cattle  to  graze  on  the  common,  as  belonging  to  the  tenants  of 
the  Manor  of  Pervedd  and  not  to  any  other  person." 

The  freeholds  enumerated  are  Llwynteifi  (?  uchaf  and 
isaf),  Brynbras  uchaf  and  isaf,  and  Troed  y  Uwybr  clun. 
There  are  added  "  proofs "  of  such  evidence  as  could  be 
given  by  the  more  aged  persons  who  then  were,  or  had 
been  tenants  or  servants  at  these  farms.  On  the  back  of 
this  sheet  are  also  the  *^  proofs  "  of  some  seventeen 

"  Cottagers  upon  the  Common  of  the  Mannor  of  Pervedd,  some 
miles  distant  from  the  common  in  dispute,  and  on  the  other  side  the 
great  river  Rheidol,  that  have  for  many  years,  according  to  ancient 
custom,  cut  House  Boot,  &c.,  in  the  wood  calle<l  ye  Allt  Rudd  near 
Bwlch  gwyu  mine,  being  always  accounted  part  of  the  common  of  the 
Mannor  of  Porveth." 

'  Further  particulars  concerning  this  suit,  as  well  as  to  other 
matters  which  brought  Morris  into  conflict  with  the  county  gentry, 
may  be  gleaned  from  Morris's  History  of  the  Crown  Manor  of 
Creuddyn,  printed  in  Mey rick's  Card i</anf hire ^  p.  o(>5. 


Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire,  9 

There  is  also  a  memorandum  to  the  following  effect : — 

"  Very  few  of  the  Persons  that  are  material  evidences  for  the 
King  about  Bwlch  gwyn  mines  will  care  to  speak  their  minds  unless 
forced  thereto,  for  fear  of  disobliging  Mr.  Powell,  Mr.  Parry,  &c." 

In  order  to  obtain  the  necessary  evidence,  some  of 
those  who  had  been  concerned  in  what  may  be  called  acts 
of  ownership  in  connection  with  the  land  in  dispute  are 
called  upon  to  answer  interrogatories,  one  set  of  which, 
translated  into  Welsh,  forms  the  only  other  document  now 
before  me  relating  to  this  suit.  The  case  set  up  by  the 
Crown  appears  to  have  been  somewhat  as  follows  : — 

A  short  time  previously  a  mine  had  been  discovered  on 
Bwlch  gwyn,  which  was  the  name  of  that  portion  of  a 
large  tract  of  unenclosed  mountain  land  adjoining  and 
lying  over  against  a  farm  called  Pen-y-b^rth,  owned  by 
Thomas  Powell,  and  occupied  by  Richard  Thomas  Pugh  as 
his  tenant.  A  boundary  fence,  erected  apparently  by  or  on 
behalf  of  the  "  brinkers  ",  separated  this  unenclosed  land 
(including  Bwlch  gwyn)  from  the  freehold  farms  that 
surrounded  it.  By  a  customary  arrangement  agreed  to,  or 
sanctioned  by,  the  tenants  of  the  lordship  of  Perfedd,  each 
"brinker"  "claimed"  the  exclusive  use  of  that  portion  of 
the  mountain  which  lay  over  against  his  own  tenement, 
and  such  portion  was  designated — So-and-So's  "  liberty 
of  pasture  "  ("  liberty  j?oW  ^') .  Bwlchgwyn,  on  which  the 
mine  was  situated,  was  recognised  as  the  "liberty"  of 
Pen-y-berth.  Each  individual  "  brinker"  would  also  drive 
away,  though  he  would  never  impound,  the  sheep  or  cattle  of 
any  other  "brinker"  that  might  come  to  graze  on  his  own 
"  liberty."  All  unclaimed  animals  or  Estrays  {Diarddel) 
found  on  this  mountain  had  to  be  delivered  up  to  such 
person  as  had  a  grant  of  the  Estrays  of  the  lordship  from 
the  Crown  under  a  lease.  The  plaintifE  Powell  however 
had,  at  some  time  or  other,  set  up  a  claim  to  "  some  lord- 


lo  Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire, 

ship  in  the  commote  of  Perfedd,"  the  public  proclama- 
tion of  which  by  a  crier  he  had  procured.  A  nominee  of 
his  had  also  been  directed  to  collect  the  Estrays  on  Bwlch- 
gwyn. 

These  papers,  as  I  have  said,  are  undated,  but  the  suit 
had  probably  been  determined  before  1750,  "Powell  carry- 
ing the  cause  in  the  Exchequer  against  the  Crown."  That 
Morris  was  blamed  for  the  Crown's  interference  may  be 
inferred  from  a  letter  (draft  of  which  is  before  me)  written 
by  him  early  in  1 750  to  Gwyn  Vaughan,'  then  a  Commis- 
sioner of  the  Customs.  Though  the  exact  import  of  the 
first  part  of  the  communication  is  not  apparent,  I  think  it 
better  to  give  it  without  any  curtailment. 

*•  Galltvadof;,  near  Aberystwyth, 
"  IIoND.  Sir,—  "  Feb.  1, 1750. 

"  I  reed,  your  kind  favour  of  ye  29th  Dec.  in  duo  time,  and  a  few 
days  a^o  I  reed,  ye  Deputation  from  my  Lord  Lincoln,-  one  of  which 
1  herewith  return  executed  by  me.  The  distemper  among  ye  cattle 
in  England  occasioned  ye  delay,  for  ye  Carriers  are  not  allowed  to 
travel  ye  road. 

**  I  have  deferd  answering  yours  till  now  in  Expectation  of  seeing 
James  James  wiiom  you  had  recommended,  but  he  hath  not  yet  called 
here,  though  I  hear  he  hath  letters  for  me,  nor  have  I  had  an  oppor- 
tunity of  going  [there]  to  Dovey,  but  intend  to  go  soon  if  he  doth  not 

*  lie  was  of  Jordanston,  Pembrokeshire,  being  probably  a  son  of 
Lewis  Vaughan  of  that  place  (High  Sheriff  of  Pembrokeshire  for 
1717)  by  Grace,  daughter  of  Thomas  Johnes  of  Llanfaiir  Clydoghu. 
Two  members  of  the  same  family,  probably  son  an<l  grandson  of  the 
Ccmimissioner,  were  Sherift's  in  17J^  and  IHlJi  (Allen,  i<hor%ffi<  of  Pern- 
hrokeshire).  The  Commissioner  (who  was  a  member  of  the  (^ym- 
mrodorion  Society)  died  20  March  1758.  lie  has  l)een  erroneously 
identitied  (W.  R.  Williams,  Pari.  Hist,  of  Woles^  p.  H);  liyeyotien  for  13 
Mar.  1901,  p.  54)  with  a  namesake — who  was  the  eldest  son  of  Wm. 
Gwynn  Vaughan,  of  Trebarried  (M.P.  for  Brecknockshire  1721-1744). 
He  is  referred  to  by  William  Morris  in  a  letter  to  Richard  (juotud  in 
liyfytnirny  loc.  cit. 

-  Henry  Clinton,  JHh  Earl  of  Lincoln,  whose  wife  was  Catherine, 
eldest  daughter  and  heiress  of  Henry  Polham.     Jle  inherited  in  1768 


Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire,  1 1 

come  and  see  me.     I  shall  do  him  all  the  service  in  my  power,  and  you 
shall  hear  from  me. 

*'  [As  for  Gower's  affair]  I  expect  daily  to  hear  from  Mr.  Reade 
with  a  Rent  Roll  [of  my  Lord's  Estate],  and  till  then  I  can  do  nothing 
in  my  Lord  Lin(col)n's  affairs. 

"As  for  ye  Grant  of  Waives  and  Estrays,  if  you  are  concerned  in 
it,  I  shall  give  you  all  the  assistance  I  am  able,  to  bring  it  into  order, 
but  if  Mr.  Johnes  is  concerned  in  it,  I  shall  not  care  to  meddle  in  it 
unless  you'll  lay  your  commands  upon  me,  for  he  hath  not  used  me  as 
he  ought.  I  had  some  busines  with  Mr.  Powell  ye  other  day  at 
Nanteos,  when  he  and  his  brother  the  clergyman  could  not  help  com- 
plaining what  a  cruell  thing  it  was  of  ye  Government  to  fall  upon  a 
private  Gentleman  as  they  had  done  upon  him,  and  that  it  was 
wicked  in  me  to  be  concerned  against  him  for  he  was  sure  no  body 
else  would ;  all  the  answer  I  made  was,  that  I  was  but  a  servant  of 
ye  Government's,  and  it  was  very  hard  the  King  should  not  have  ye 
same  privilege  of  defending  his  right  as  a  private  man  had.  I  asked 
him  whether  he  allowed  the  King  had  any  property  in  this 
Country,  to  which  he  replyed,  that  he  had  much  less  than  I  imagind. 

"  In  short  the  Insolence  of  these  people  is  Intolerable,  and  I    am 

sure  that  if  some  care  be  not  immediately  taken,  about  the  King's 

rights  in  Wales,  it  will   be   all   sunk  in   a   few   years.     I  wish   his 

Majesty  knew  as  well  as  I  do  the  consequence  this  loss  will  be  to 

him. 

"  I  am  Sir, 

"  Your  most  obligd  &  obedt.  humble  servant, 

''  L.  M." 
"  G.  Vaughan,  Esq. 

'*  I  am  told  Mr.  Powell  is  now  about  purchasing  the  Tythes  of 
Cardiganshire  of  Mr.  Chichester.'  It  is  an  Estate  of  about  £'700  a 
year,  and  will  give  him  such  a  power  here  that  there  will  be  no  living 


the  Dukedom  of  Newcastle,  on  the  death  of  the  Countess's  uncle, 
Thomas  Pelham,  who  had  been  created  Duke  of  Newcastle-under- 
Lyme,  with  special  remainder  to  the  Earl  of  Lincoln.  Henry  Pelham 
and  (still  more  so)  his  brother,  the  1st  Duke,  figure  largely  in  Morris's 
correspondence. 

^  John  Palmer  Chicoster,of  Arlington  Court,  Devon,  whose  mother, 
Catherine,  was  buried  in  the  church  of  Llanbadarn.  Their  grandson 
was  High  Sheriff  of  Cardiganshire  for  1 831 .  The  tithes  of  Llanfihangel 
Genau'r  Glyn  and  a  moiety  of  those  of  Gwnnws  belonged  to  the  Chi- 
chester family  (Meyrick,  304,  384,  430). 


12  Lewis  Mor^n^  in  Cardiganshire, 

for  any  man  Init  his  creatures.  Tf  you  or  your  friends  have  any 
inclination  for  such  a  purchase,  I  believe  I  can  send  for  a  full  account 
of  that  Estate,  but  cannot  at  present  find  the  papers. — I  am,  Ac/' 

From  what  has  already  been  said,  it  may  be  seen 
that  the  advent  of  Lewis  Morris  into  Cardiganshire  was 
coincident  with  a  considerable  revival  of  activity  in  the 
mining  industry  of  that  part  of  the  country. 

In  1747,  he  set  some  miners  to  open  an  old  drowned 
work  known  as  Nant  y  Creiau  in  Llanbadarn  Fawr.  The 
Crown  agreed  to  grant  a  lease  of  it  to  John  Vaughan,  a 
London  merchant,  who  assigned  his  rights  to  Owen  Mey- 
rick.  In  September  1751,  Powell  of  Nanteos,  perceiving 
that  it  was  not  being  worked  by  the  Crown,  set  some 
miners  to  work  it,  but  Morris  threatened  to  prosecute  them 
and  they  discontinued.  Morris  subsequently  restarted  it 
on  behalf  of  the  Crown  a  few  years  hiter,  but  in  the  mean- 
time, that  is,  in  1751,  he  or  his  servants  had  discovered 
rich  deposits  of  lead  ore  at  Esgair  y  mwyn  in  the  upper 
parcel  of  the  parish  of  Gwnnws,  and  in  the  lordship  (or 
manor)  of  Myfenydd,  or  broadly  speaking  about  half-way 
between  Strata  Florida  and  Ysbytty  Ystwyth.  It  was  fully 
twenty  miles  from  his  home  at  Galltfadog,  being  separated 
from  it  by  the  Rheidol  and  Ystwyth,  both  often  impass- 
able in  rainy  weather,  and  by  the  very  formidable  spur  of 
Plinlynum  which  forms  the  watershed  between  these  two 
rivers.  But  despite  the  inhospitable  nature  of  the  region 
he  had  to  traverse  in  order  to  reach  the  mine*,  Morris 
seems  to  hav(»  paid  close  attention  to  its  development. 
In  his  capacity  of  C^rown  Steward  he  let  it  for  the  term  of 
one  year,  from  1  July  1751,  to  three  working  miners 
(Evan  Williams,  John  and  David  Morgan)  at  the  rcMit  of 
10^.  for  every  ton  of  ore  raised.  Some  thn»e  months  later, 
Morris  himself  and  another  person  for  liis  use  ent4»re<l 
into  partnership    with    the   three  bargain- tukei's   for   the 


Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire.  13 

remainder  of  their  term,  taking  care  to  inform  the  Trea- 
sury of  the  transaction,  which,  as  Morris  subsequently 
alleged,  was  entered  into  '*  in  order  the  better  to  secure  the 
mine  from  several  riotous  persons  who  had  a  view  to 
taking  it  by  force,  which  they  afterwards  compass'd." 

Meyrick,  in  his  History  of  the  county  (p.  ccxli),  states, 
on  what  authority  I  know  not,  that  during  that  year  the 
partners  "  cleared  about  £1,800  each."  The  duty  (at  the 
rate  of  10s.  per  ton)  which  Morris  charged  himself  as 
having  received  was  £500  3«.  9d.,  representing  a  total  of 
1,000  tons  of  ore  raised.  When  in  the  subsequent  litiga- 
tion Morris  was  pressed  for  a  detailed  account  of  the  re- 
ceipts and  disbursements  for  the  year,  his  reply,  as  given 
in  some  memoranda,  probably  prepared  for  his  counsel, 
was  that 

"  the  accounts  for  the  year  1761  were  private  accounts  between 
the  partners  who  paid  the  Cro\\n  a  duty  per  Ton,  the  partners  being 
in  a  manner  illiterate,  and  each  keeping  accts.  on  sticks  or  stones. 
No  regular  account  was  kept,  all  being  concernVl  in  the  expense  of 
raising  the  ore  and  in  the  management.  Therefore  the  Crown  had 
nothing  to  do  with  their  private  expenses  for  raising  the  ore,  and  was 
only  to  receive  the  duty  agreed  upon  ;  and  they  were  apprehensive 
that  if  they  could  have  produced  any  manner  of  an  account  of  their 
expenses  in  raising  that  ore  that  the  officers  of  the  Crown  would 
have  taken  it  into  their  heads  to  charge  them  with  the  whole  profits, 
especially  as  Mr.  Sharpe  [the  Solicitor  to  the  Treasury]  and  others 
ha<l  hinted  that  I  had  no  authority  to  set  that  Bargain,  and* we 
look'd  upon  giving  up  those  private  accounts  to  be  examined  by  the 
Crown  to  the  giving  up  their  right  to  that  year's  bargain,  and  it 
certainly  would  have  been  so  ;  and  I  would  have  been  charg'd  with  the 
whole  year's  profits." 

After  the  expiration  of  the  year's  lease  the  Treasury, 
however,  appointed  Morris,  on  15th  July  1752,  Agent  and 
Superintendent  of  the  Esgair  y  mwyn  mine,  and  "  all 
other  mines  which  he  had  then  discovered  or  should 
discover "  on  the  wastes  or  commons  of  the  Crown 
Manors  in  the  counties  of  Cardigan  and  .Merioneth.     He 


14  Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire. 

at  once  applied  himself  with  characteristic  energy  to  the 
development  of  the  mine,  for  during  the  remainder  of  1752, 
and  before  he  could  dispose  of  the  ore  raised  in  the  interval, 
he  "expended  over  and  above  the  duty  which  he  had 
received  for  ye  Crown,  many  large  sums  of  money  of  his 
own,  in  workmen's  wages,  and  otherwise."  But  the 
owners  of  the  freeholds  adjoining  the  mine  were  not  going 
to  submit  tamely  to  what  they  considered  to  be  sheer  con- 
fiscation of  their  property  by  the  Crown,  and  several  of 
the  parties  interested,  including  Lord  Lisbum,  Powell  of 
Nanteos,  and  two  brothers,  John  and  David  Williams 
(owners  of  Llwyn-y-mwyn  and  Cilfach-y-rhew  which 
adjoined  Esgair  y  mwyn),  joined  forces  with  the  view  of 
contesting  the  title  set  up  by  the  Crown. 

In  anticipation  of  their  attempting  to  dispossess  him 
by  some  legal  process,  Morris  wrote  on  19  Feb.  1753  to  one 
Thomas  Evans,  a  London  Attorney,*  enclosing  a  copy  of 
his  Commission  from  the  Treasury,  and  requesting  him  to 
obtain  an  opinion  as  to  his  position  from  "  any  eminent 
Council  except  ye  Attorney-General,  and  except  also  such 
persons  that  you  may  suspect  will  be  employed  by  my 
adversaries."  The  questions  which  he  submitted  in  the 
letter  were  as  follows  : — 

1.  "Whether  an  Injunction  from  any  Court  of  Law  can  or  ought 
to  stop  me  in  working  these  mines  for  ye  Crown  ?  It  would  l)e  a 
hard  case  upon  me,  after  laying  out  my  money  in  raising  ore  by 
virtue  of  the  said  Commission,  to  be  obliged  to  stop  and  take  off  the 
King's  miners  that  are  in  possession,  only  upon  a  false  affidavit,  pre- 
tending we  commit  waste  on  a  freehold.  If  they  could  get  an  In- 
junction, I  loose  ye  possession  of  course,  and  about  the  value  of 
£6,000  in  ore  ready  raised.     .     . 


^  lie  was  a  native  of  Anglesey.  His  name  appears  in  the  list  of 
members  of  the  Cymmrodorion  Society  for  17/>9,  his  offices  being  then 
in  the  Inner  Temple. 


Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire,  15 

2.  "  If  I  am  serv'd  with  a  supoena  to  answer  a  bill  in  Chancery  for 
being  a  forcible  detainer  of  a  freehold,  &c.,  what  answer  can  I  make, 
as  I  work  it  under  the  above  Commission  for  ye  Crown  ?  Am  I  to 
recite  my  Commission  in  answer  ? 

"  I  have  worked  ye  mine  by  ye  directions  of  ye  officers  of  ye  Crown 
since  June  1761,  without  any  claim  or  disturbance  from  the  person 
that  just  now  claims,  and  so  far  was  he  from  claiming,  that  he 
assisted  to  carry  on  the  mine  and  received  pay,  &c.,  and  often 
declared  to  several  persons  he  had  no  right  there." 

The  first  step  which  the  claimant  or  claimants  how- 
ever took  was  to  take  possession  of  the  mine  by  force. 

On  the  23rd  of  February  1753,  two  of  the  county 
magistrates,  with  the  sheriff  or  his  deputy,  and  "  a  mob  of 
several  hundred  arm'd  and  tumultuous  people,"  came  to  the 
banks  of  the  mine  and  threatened  not  only  the  life  of 
Lewis  Morris,  whom  they  regarded  as  the  author  of  all 
the  mischief,  but  also  ''  the  lives  of  his  agents  and  miners 
on  refusal  to  deliver  up  the  possession  of  the  mine,"  and 
further  to  enforce  their  threats,  "  one  of  the  ringleaders, 
a  Justice  of  the  Peace,  presented  a  cock'd  pistol"  at 
Morris's  head,  "  and  threaten'd  to  shoot  him,  while  the 
rest  surrounded  him  with  firearms,"  and,  seizing  him, 
carried  him  a  prisoner  to  Cardigan  Gaol.^  He  remained 
there  in  confinement  till  the  4th  April,  when  the  Lord 
Chief  Justice  (Lee)  admitted  him  to  bail,  on  his  own 
recognizances,  to  appear  later  at  the  King's  Bench,  when 
the  question  of  title  between  the  Crown  and  the  claimants 
would  come  on  for  trial  in  the  Exchequer  Court. 

Meanwhile,  one  John  Ball  (who  figured  largely  in  sub- 
sequent years),  managed  the  mine  for  Powell  of  Nanteos, 
and  "carryd  away  the  King's  ore".  It  was  not  long,  how- 
ever, before  an  order  was  made  for  the  re-delivery  of 
possession  to  the  Crown  pending  the  trial.      Immediately 

'  Here  he  had  a  strange  dream,  which  he  reported  to  his  brother 
in  a  letter  of  1  Nov.  1767. 


1 6  Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire, 

on  his  release^  Lewis  Morris  proceeded  to  London  in  order 
to  assist  in  the  preparation  of  the  case  for  the  Crown. 
The  following  draft  of  a  letter  written  by  him  from  ^*  Tavis- 
tock Court,  4th  May  1 753,"  to  Gwyn  Vaughan,  shows  how 
things  were  going  at  the  time. 

"  Hon'd  Sib — 

«  «  «  «  « 

"  I  have  a  letter  this  post  from  Mr.  Johnes  of  Abormaide  (the 
Justice  that  gave  repossession  of  the  mine  to  ye  Crown  with  Lord 
Lisbum)  wondering  that  Herbert  Lloyd  hath  not  been  discharged 
from  all  offices  under  the  Crown,  and  desiring  to  know  whether  any- 
thing is  intended  to  be  done  against  the  two  Justices  for  their 
behaviour  at  Esgair  y  mwyn.  If  not,  he  hints  as  if  he  himself  would 
article  against  them. 

'^  I  have  also  a  letter  giving  me  an  account  that  Mr.  Evan  Lloyd, 
who  is  Mr.  Johnes  of  Lanvair  the  Custos's  Agent,  hath  given  Wm. 
Jones,  one  of  ye  Crown's  under-agents  at  Esgair  y  mwyn,  a  private 
caution  not  to  go  near  Aberystwyth  or  in  ye  way  of  ye  rioters,  for  that 
he  and  other  persons  that  he  named  are  to  be  destroyed  if  they  can 
be  found  in  a  convenient  place  for  that  purpose. 

*'  My  orders  for  the  work  to  go  on  was  not  arrived  when  these 
letters  came  off. 

"  P.S. — Mr.  West^  seemed  to  think  it  impracticable  to  advance  me 
any  money  here  to  carry  on  the  mine.  If  I  am  allow'd  to  go  into  the 
country  and  [be]  properly  protected  there,  with  a  military  force,  so 
that  we  may  do  our  duty  in  safety,  and  that  an  example  is  made  as 
soon  as  possible  of  some  of  ye  rioters  to  check  ye  rest,  there  will  be  no 
occasion  for  ye  public  money,  and  I  am  far  from  desiring  to  finger  any 
of  them  or  meddle  with  them.  I  shall  not  think  any  future  risque  of 
my  own  money  and  credit  too  great  if  I  was  sure  that  1  serve  my  Lord 
Lincoln.  But  if  I  am  detained  here  and  the  mine  carried  on  at  my 
expence  and  that  I  don't  know  for  whose  Benefit  I  do  this,  perhaps 
for  my  very  enemies,  and  that  the  people  by  me  employed  are  in 
danger  of  their  lives  every  minute  as  above  mentioned,  I  think  it  is 
a  situation  that  no  man  living  would  desire  to  be  in." 

On  the  27th  of  June  Morris  attended  "the  Board  of 
Treasury,"  when  the  First  Lord,  Henry  Pelham,  "  in  the 
presence  of  others  of  the  lords",  told  him  that  he  should 
have  a  settled  salary  as  Agent  and  Superintendent  of  the 

^  Secretary  to  the  Treasury. 


Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire.  ly 

mines,  and  it  would  have  saved  some  future  difficulty  for 
Morris  had  the  amount  of  the  salary  been  then  fixed. 
Some  time  afterwards,  when  Morris  suggested  £500,  both 
the  Secretary  and  Solicitor  (West  and  Sharpe)  thought  it 
reasonable,  but  still  later  an  attempt  was  made  to  disallow 
his  salary  altogether.  Reverting  to  the  chronological  order 
of  events,  we  find  that  early  in  August,  Morris  was  able  to 
report  to  his  brother  William  at  Holyhead  that  he  had 
already  overcome  several  of  his  opponents,  and  *^the 
Esgair-y-mwyn  Justices  were  struck  out  of  their  Commis- 
sions." In  a  letter  of  the  18th  of  August,  he  gives  us  a 
peep  at  the  intriguing  that  was  then  going  on  with  refer- 
ence to  the  future  disposition  of  the  mine. 

"  Mr.  Pelham  is  just  come  to  town  from  Scarborough, 
and  is  now  at  Greenwich,  considering  upon  this  affair  how 
to  do  for  the  best,  iddo  ei  hurt  ai  deulu^  ay  nid  i  neb  arall  " — 
that  is,  what  is  best  for  himself  and  his  family  and  not  for 
any  others.  And  then  he  continues,  in  Welsh  (into  which 
his  letters  generally  glide  when  he  has  anything  very  con- 
fidential to  communicate) — "  The  Duke  of  Cumberland 
opposes  Pelham  with  all  his  might  in  elections,  ^nd  in 
everything  else,  and  refuses  to  send  soldiers  to  protect  the 
Cardiganshire  mine.  So  it  is  likely  the  King  will  have  to 
be  approached  in  the  matter,  for  he  is  the  sledge  hammer 
to  drive  the  nail  home.  The  Duke  says  it  is  much  fitter 
that  the  King's  son  rather  than  Pelham's  son  should  have 
a  lease  of  Esgair-y-mwyn." 

Dr.  Hampe,  the  Princess  of  Wales's  German  physician, 

and  ''a  great  mineralist,"  whose  acquaintance  Morris  had 

made,  was  advising  him  to  send  some  specimens  of  the 

ore  to  the  King,  who  would  be  highly  pleased  to  receive 

some  from  "  his  Welsh  mines,"  but  "  perhaps  I  had  better 

not,  lest  I  offend  Harri  [Pelham]  "  is  Morris's  cautious 

conclusion.    It  would  seem  that  the  Earl  of  Powis  was  also 

c 


1 8  Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire. 

at  this  time  trying  to  obtain  a  lease  of  the  mine  for  him- 
self, as  he  must,  I  think,  be  the  nobleman^  mysteriously 
referred  to  by  Morris — again  under  the  cover  of  Welsh 
in  the  same  letter — "  An  Earl  was  in  my  chambers  privily 
this  morning.  May  God  grant  that  it  may  come  to  pass 
as  he  and  I  intend  that  it  should,  then  we  can  help  our 
friends." 

During  the  five  months  that  Morris  spent  in  London 
on  this  occasion,  his  time  seems  to  have  been  pretty  fully 
occupied,  what  between  "  drawing  and  obtaining  affidavits 
from  the  King's  witnesses  in  London  and  the  country, 
assisting  to  search  the  records  in  the  Tower  and  at  the 
Rolls  Chapel,  defending  ejectments  and  attending  his 
Majesty's  counsel  in  the  cause  till  a  feigned  issue  was 
agreed  upon."  The  actual  fight  in  the  Law  Courts  was 
thus  deferred  till  the  ensuing  judicial  year.  On  his  return 
to  Cardiganshire,  Morris  found  much  to  require  his  atten- 
tion at  home,  and  though  usually  a  regular  and  voluminous 

^  This  identification  is  confirmed  by  the  fact  that  Morris  in  a  subse- 
quent letter  (23  Oct.)  refers  to  the  Earl  of  Powis  as  being  at  that  time 
a  '^  supplicant  *'  of  his,  and  that  the  mine  was  in  fact  eventually  leased 
to  the  Eari.  It  is  also  clear  from  the  same  letter  that  the  "  friend  " 
whom  Morris  was  most  anxious  to  help  was  the  poet  Goronwy  Owen, 
whose  claims  to  clerical  preferment  he  kept  constantly  bringing  to 
Lord  Powis's  notice.  The  Earldom  of  Powis  was  at  this  time  held  by 
Henry  Arthur  Ilerbert  (d.  11  Sept.  1772,  aged  70),  who  inherited  the 
Powis  estates  on  the  death,  unmarried,  in  March  1748,  of  his  kinsman 
William,  3rd  Duke  of  Powis,  and  who  was  created  Earl  of  Powia 
27th  May  of  the  same  year.  Three  years  later  (30  March  1751)  he 
married  Barbara,  sole  daughter  of  Lord  Edward  Ilerbert,  only  brother 
of  the  last  Marquis.  As  her  family  was  Roman  Catholic,  his  Protes- 
tant, it  was  arranged  that  the  eldest  son  and  daughter  by  the  marriage 
should  bo  brought  up  as  members  of  the  Church  of  England,  and  the 
younger  children  in  their  mother's  religion.  They  had  only  one  son, 
George  (1755-1801)  -who  succeeded  his  father  as  2nd  Earl  -and  throe 
daughters,  two  of  whom  died  in  infancy,  so  that  the  Powis  family  thus 
ceased  to  bo  Roman  Catholic. 


Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire.  19 

correspondent,  he  could  scarcely  find  time  to  write  to  his 
brother  William,  "  being  extreem  busy  setting  things  in 
order."  Though  there  was  probably  less  open  violence, 
the  animosity  of  the  contending  parties  had  increased  in 
bitterness,  and  the  Crown  Agent  described  himself  (on 
28  Sept.)  as  being  "in  a  continual  state  of  war,  law, 
squabbles,  wrangling,  enough  to  make  the  dullest  fellow 
in  ye  world  rouse  his  spirits,  and  to  make  a  man  of  spirit 
mad."  In  addition  to  the  mines,  he  had  to  attend  occa- 
sionally to  custom-house  affairs  at  Aberdovey,  where  "they 
riot  a  little  now  and  then,  break  our  windows  and  threaten 
our  oflBcers,  etc."  On  one  of  these  visits  he  gathered 
shells  for  Lady  Lincoln,  and  recommended  his  brother 
William  to  do  the  same — "  and  I  will  tell  you  how  to  make 
the  shells  your  friends  by  recommending  you  to  great 
folks"  (Letter  dated  23  Oct.  1753). 

Besides  his  official  cares  he  had  also  his  own  private 
troubles  and  anxieties :  when  he  was  at  last  able  to  get 
away  from  London,  he  hurried  home  "by  forced  marches," 
on  a  newly-bought  mare,  so  as  to  be  in  time  for  the  open- 
ing of  the  Great  Sessions  on  September  1st,  at  Cardigan, 
where  there  was  set  down  for  hearing  a  lawsuit  as  to  some 
property  of  his  wife's  known  as  the  Cwmbwa  estate.^  His 
infant  daughter,  Jane,  died  on  the  23rd  October;  while 
Eleanor,  his  second  daughter  by  his  1st  wife,  was  on  the 
point  of  getting  married,  and  before  the  year  was  out 
settled  with  her  husband  (Eichard  Morris)  at  Mathafam, 


^  The  suit  was  not,  however,  tried  out  at  Cardigan.  Morris  was 
"  advised  to  suffer  judgment  at  common  law,  having  no  chance  to  try 
it  in  Cardiganshire" — he  seemed  to  fear  the  Under  Sheriff's  partiality 
in  empanelling  a  jury — ''and  (writes  he  on  31  Jan.  1764)  have  filed  a 
cross  bill  since".  This  was  done  so  as  to  remove  the  cause  into  Chan- 
cery. "Troubles  enough  of  all  conscience,  and  not  a  friend  to  help 
me!" 

c2 


20  Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire. 

near  Machynlleth^  But  he  never  lost  courage,  or,  at  all 
events,  there  is  nothing  but  a  cheery  optimism  in  all 
letters. 

After  much  delay,  the  military  arrived  in  order  to 
protect  the  mines  and  miners,  for  on  Dec.  1  st,  he  reports 
himself  as  being  then  busy  quartering  them  in  proper 
places.^  On  that  very  day,  too,  good  news  reached  him 
from  London : — 

"We  have  given  our  enemies  another  fall  this  term,  and  drove 
them  oflf  the  walls  again  till  next  term,  when  no  doubt  they  will  make 
another  attempt  upon  us.  Some  of  our  greatest  managers  above 
are  my  enemies  also,  which  is  a  sad  situation.  But  they  could  not 
help  giving  it  under  their  hands  by  last  post,  that  I  had  [done  ?]  very 
great  things,  in  drawing  myself  ye  affidavits  of  16  men  and  so  much 
to  ye  purpose  as  to  defeat  our  opponents." 

What  his  "enemies"  seem  at  this  time  to  have  aimed 
at,  above  all  else,  was  utterly  to  destroy  his  credit,  and  the 
steps  which  he  took  to  defend  himself  in  this  respect  are 
indicated  in  another  letter  written  from  Galltvadog,  14 
Dec.  1753,  to  his  brother  William  : — 

"  I  find  it  necessary  to  provide  against  next  term  some  affidavits 
from  the  county  of  Anglesey,  to  guard  against  some  malignant  and 
spiteful  affidavits  that  have  been  filed  against  me  last  term,  in  order 


'  ''  My  wife  is  returned  from  Mathafani  and  praises  the  place 
much,  and  the  neighbourhood,  "pM  ddhiiireidtioch  a  mwy  cymdogol  na 
Sir  Aberteifi.  1  have  api)ly\l  for  a  lease  for  R.  M.  for  Mathafarn  in  Sir 
W[atkin]  W[ynn]'s  family  after  the  most  prudent  manner  1  could." 
(Letter  of  1  Dec.  1753.) 

*  Dr.  Thomas  Rees,  in  his  vol.  on  South  Wales  in  Beauties  of 
England  and  Wales  Series  (1813),  referring  to  Esgair-y-mwyn  says 
(p.  414) : — "  The  late  Lord  Lisburne  claimed  it,  but  Government  sent 
down  a  party  of  Scots  Greys  under  the  command  of  the  Gustos 
Rotulorum,  the  late  Thomas  Johnes,  Esc].,  who  took  possession  of  it 
for  the  Crown.  The  Duke  of  Newcastle,  while  Minister,  granted  a 
lease  of  it  to  'the  late  Earl  of  Powis*s  father.  This  lease  has  been 
long  expired,  and  it  is  now  worked  on  sufferance.*' 


Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire.  21 

to  throw  dirt  on  my  character,  and  to  insinuate  that  I  was  but  of  a 
mean  family  and  very  little  or  no  fortune,  and  not  to  be  trusted  with 
such  a  great  concern  as  the  mine  in  dispute,  with  abundance  of 
venomous  stuflf  of  that  kind ;  praying  that  a  new  receiver  might  be 
appointed  and  that  I  might  be  called  to  an  account.  The  chief  part 
of  their  requests  were  denied  by  ye  Court,  but  I  suspect  they  will 
make  a  fresh  attack  the  first  day  of  next  term,  by  filing  more  affidavits 
to  ye  same  purpose,  for  they  now  know  what  answers  I  have  sent 
from  hence  to  their  last  attack  ;  and  that  those  are  not  from  my 
native  country." 

He  then  proceeds  to  name  some  Anglesey  people  who 
might  be  asked  to  assist  him  in  the  manner  suggested,  and 
encloses  drafts  for  their  use.  But  there  was  no  time  to  be 
lost,  for  the  affidavits  had  to  reach  the  Solicitor  to  the 
Treasury  in  London  "by  ye  19th  or  20th  [of  February] 
at  furthest,  to  be  copied  and  briefs  drawn  to  Council 
against  ye  first  day  of  Term."^  Some  exceUent  affidavits, 
"very  bitter  and  biting",  were  got  ready,  but  the  motion 
did  not  come  on  on  the  first  day  of  Term  as  expected.  "  I 
should  be  extream  glad ",  says  Morris,  however,  "  if  our 
affidavits  were  read  in  Court,  for  they  would  expose  them 
[his  opponents]  with  a  vengeance." 

But  the  defence  of  his  own  character  was  not  the  only 
legal  work  which  devolved  upon  him.  The  Treasury 
officials  relied  almost  entirely  upon  him  for  the  necessary 
evidence  to  establish  the  right  of  the  Crown  to  the  mine, 
and  Morris  must  have  been  more  than  fully  occupied 
during  the  earlier  months  of  1 754  in  interviewing  likely 
witnesses,  and  in  taking  down  proofs  of  their  testimony : — 
"  I  shall  be  extream  busy,  and  don't  expect  a  night's  easy 
rest  till  the  month  of  June,  however  things  will  turn  out", 

^  On  24  Dec.  1753,  he  wrote  to  William  another  letter,  to  the 
same  effect.  This  is  not  included  in  the  collection  before  me,  but 
appears  to  have  come  into  the  possession  of  Chancellor  D.  Silvan  Evans, 
who  supplied  a  copy  of  it  to  Myrddinfardd,  in  whose  Adgof  Utoch 
Anghof{l9^)  it  is  printed  (p.  4). 


22  Lezvis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire. 

was  what  he  wrote  to  his  brother  William  on  the  last  day 
of  January,  and,  as  it  happens,  the  8th  of  July  is  the  date 
of  the  next  letter  of  his  which  is  preserved  in  this  collec- 
tion, though  most  probably  the  correspondence  between 
the  brothers  was  not  wholly  suspended  in  the  interval. 
Belonging  to  this  period,  however,  is  a  small  memorandum 
book,  inscribed  "Witnesses  examinati [ons] ,"  originally 
containing  (according  to  its  table  of  contents)  the  proofs 
of  ten  witnesses,  though  only  those  of  seven  are  now 
preserved  in  it,  all  of  which  is  in  Morris's  own  hand- 
writing. When  the  time  came  for  him  to  proceed  to 
London  for  the  trial  he  was  accompanied  by  ^*  near  four 
score  witnesses  *'  from  the  country,  and  those  whose  names 
are  given  in  this  book  are  numbered  18  to  26,  and  50.  I 
think  it  is  well  to  reproduce  in  eztenso  at  least  two  of  the 
proofs  thus  preserved,  as  they  disclose  to  us  the  nature  of 
the  evidence  on  which  the  Crown  relied,  and  also  some- 
thing as  to  the  thorough  method  and  the  legal  acumen  of 
the  Crown  Agent. 

"  Margaret  Richard,  of  parish  of  Gwnnws,  the  widdow  of  Jenkin 
Richard  that  sold  Llwyn  y  mwyn  to  William  Richard,  aged  about  62, 
was  wife  to  Jeiikin  Richard  when  he  sold  Llwyn  y  mwyn  and  Cilfach 
y  rhew  to  Wm.  Richard,  the  father  of  ye  plaintiffs,  and  had  been  for 
some  years  before.  That  the  chief  rent  that  Jenkin  Richard  used  to 
pay  to  Lord  Lisbum  for  Llwyn  y  mwyn  and  Cilfach  y  rhew  was  22s.  a 
year,  and  called  Rhent  Brenin,  i.e.  king's  rent.  That  one  Morgan 
Jones  once  took  a  lease  of  Llwyn  y  mwyn  and  Cilfach  y  rhew  of 
Jenkin  Richard  for  about  £10  or  £11  a  year,  but  not  liking  his 
bargain  did  not  come  to  live  there,  but  gave  Jenkin  Richard  about 
eight  Pound  or  eight  Guineas  for  takeing  up  ye  bargain,  who  now 
says  he  had  a  lease  of  Esgair  y  mwyn.  That  she  lived  at  Llwjm  y 
mwyn  with  her  husband  for  several  years,  and  tliat  neither  she  nor 
her  husband  ever  claim'd  further  than  the  boundary  fence  to  belong 
to  Llwyn  y  mwyn  freehold,  antl  that  Esgair  y  mwyn  mine  is  on  the 
Mynydd  (or  Common)  and  is  not  on  the  freehold  of  Llwyn  y  mwyn  or 
Cilfach  y  rhew,  or  on  any  freehold.  That  her  husband  paid  suit  and 
service  at  the  Court  of  ye  Lordship  usually  kept  at  Llanilar,  and  that 
she  remembers  her  husband  had  a  law  suit  at  ye  Court  kept  at 


Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire,  23 

Uanilar  when  they  lived  at  Llwyn  y  mwyn.  That  there  used  to  be 
more  of  ye  Commoners  cattle  grazing  on  ye  bank  of  Esgair  y  mwjni 
than  of  ye  cattle  belonging  to  her  husband.  That  she  often  heard 
the  mynydd  or  Common  where  Esgair  y  mwyn  mine  is,  called  Tir  y 
hreniriy  i.e.  King's  land,  and  was  also  reputed  so,  and  that  particularly 
one  time  her  husband  J.  R.  told  her  a  miner  Lewis  Richard,  a 
nephew  of  his,  wanted  to  take  a  bargain  of  him  to  raise  ore  on  ye 
bank  of  Esgair  y  mwyn  in  an  old  trench  there,  and  that  Jenkin 
Richard  told  her  he  had  refused  to  meddle  with  it  because  it 
belonged  to  ye  King,  or  to  that  effect." 

The  following  additional  notes  are  added  in  the  margin  : — **  M.  R. 
shewed  boundaries  to  Wm.  Richard.  Cattle  turned  to  ye  common 
when  Wm.  Richard  attempted  to  distrain  for  rent.  Morgan  Robert, 
one  of  Mr.  Powell's  witnesses  advised  her  to  pretend  sickness,  and 
not  to  be  a  witness  for  the  Crown." 

"  Richard  Thomas,  of  Ty'n  y  banadl,  in  ye  parish  of  Lledrod, 
aged  about  52,  born  in  ye  neighbourhood  of  Esgair  y  mwyn  and  hath 
known  it  for  above  40  years.  Knows  the  mountain  fence  and  all  ye 
Tenements  adjoining  on  it  by  name.  That  the  said  fence  is  ye 
boundary  between  ye  freeholds  and  common,  That  from  ye  said 
fence  to  Claerwen  and  the  lordship  of  Ysbytty  is  all  an  open 
Common,  except  a  few  huts  which  belong  to  particular  persons  ;  that 
there  is  neither  land  mark  nor  division  on  ye  said  Common  from  ye 
mountain  fence  of  Llwyn  y  mwyn  and  Cilfach  y  rhew  to  Claerwen. 
That  the  mine  of  Esgair  y  mwyn  is  on  ye  said  Common,  and  not  on 
ye  freehold  of  John  Williams  or  Lewis  Williams,  or  any  other  free- 
holds whatsoever,  and  that  it  is  on  ye  waste  or  common  belonging  to 
the  Lordship  of  Mevenyth  whose  Courts  Leet  and  Baron  are  usually 
kept  at  Llanilar  within  ye  said  Lordship,  and  sometimes  at  Lledrod, 
sometimes  at  Llan  y  Gweryddon.  That  he  hath  been  often  on  ye 
Jury  in  that  Court,  and  that  formerly  the  said  Courts  were  kept  by 
Deputy  Stewards  under  Mr.  Brigstock  in  the  King's  name,  and  that 
the  said  Court  was,  since  this  deponent  remembers  it  (which  is  far 
above  30  years  past),  always  held  in  the  King's  name,  or  the  name  of 
ye  Prince  of  Wales.  That  the  tenants  of  the  Lordship  of  Mevenyth 
attend  the  said  Court  from  eight  parishes,  Gwnnws,  Llanilar,  Llan  y 
Gweryddon,  Lledrod,  Llanddeiniol,  Llanrhystyd,Rhosdie,Llanychaiam, 
who  send  there  eleven  constables  appointed  by  said  Court.  That  the 
borderers  on  ye  Common  fence  from  Marchnad  river  to  the  river 
Teivi,  attend  and  do  suit  and  service  in  said  Court.  That  the  bank 
of  Esgair  y  mwyn  hath  been  always  for  40  years  past  grazed  in 
common  by  the  inhabitants  of  ye  Upper  parcel  of  Gwnnws.  That  a 
Mayor  and  Biddle  to  gather  Chief  Rents  in  ye  said  mannor  are 
appointed  yearly  by  ye  Leet  Jury  of  said  Court,  and  that  he  hath 


24  Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire, 

heard  that  Lord  Lisburn  hath  a  grant  from  ye  Crown  of  certain 
Rents  out  of  some  tenements  in  the  said  Lordship  of  Mevenyth. 
That  several  of  ye  Tenants  in  ye  Freeholds  adjoining  to  ye 
Common  take  the  Cattle  and  Sheep  of  distant  Freeholders  under 
their  care  to  look  after  them  on  the  Common,  paying  for  the  sd.  care 
and  keeping  of  them  a  few  pence  per  head  for  ye  season,  as  they  have 
the  opportunity  of  seeing  them  daily,  and  not  that  they  have  a 
greater  right  to  the  Common  than  others." 

The  proofs  of  the  other  deponents  contain  somewhat 
similar  statements,  which  may  be  summarised  as  follows: 
That  there  was  a  boundary  fence  between  the  freeholds 
and  the  common,  and  each  freehold  went  no  further  than 
the  boundary  fence;  that  from  the  fence  of  Llwyn  y 
mwyn,  Cilfach  y  rhew,  Llwyn  llwyd,  etc.,  to  the  river 
Claerwen  was  all  a  Mynydd  or  Commins^  without  mere  or 
division,  which  during  the  last  thirty  or  forty  years  had 
been  called  sometimes  Tir  y  brenin,  and  sometimes  Cae 
Siors  "(i.e.  George's  field),  meaning  that  it  was  a  common 
belonging  to  King  George";  that  it  was  a  common  to 
all  the  inhabitants  of  the  upper  parcel  of  Gwnnws,  and 
was  the  same  common  as  that  on  which  Khos  fair  was 
held  three  times  every  year;  it  was  on  this  open  common, 
and  not  on  any  freehold,  that  Esgair-y-mwyn  mine  was 
situated,  and  the  Commoners  depastured  their  sheep  and 
cattle  on  Esgair-y-mwyn  bank,  as  well  as  on  any  other 
bank  on  the  said  common,  without  let  or  hindrance. 

As  to  the  boundary  fence,  one  of  deponents,  a  man  of 
sixty,  adds  that  "  ever  since  he  remembers  it,  he  hath 
seen  it  repaired  by  ye  Tenants  of  adjoining  freeholds,  and 
hath  heard  always  that  it  was  presented  at  ye  said  Court 
Leet  (usually  held  at  Llanilar)  if  not  repaired  against 
summer.  Also  that  the  borderers  on  ye  Common  do  now 
and  then  chace  ye  Commoners'  cattle  from  their  boundary 
fence,  but  that  he  remembers  to  have  heard  of  their  being 
punisli'd  for  it  by  Justices  of  the  Peace." 


Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire,  25 

Another  deponent,  aged  &7^  referring  to  turf-cutting 
states  that  ''  the  first  that  opens  a  Turf  pit  on  ye  common 
keeps  it  till  he  leaves  it  off".  Some  other  interesting 
facts  are  added  by  another  deponent,  from  whose  proof  a 
few  concluding  extracts  must  I  think  be  given,  especially 
as  they  further  indicate  the  nature  of  the  evidence  on 
which  the  claimants  relied. 

"  John  Edward,  of  the  parish  of  Gwnnws,  aged  about  66,  born  and 
bred  at  Llwyn  y  Gwyddyl  in  ye  said  parish,  where  he  has  lived  ever 
since.  Hath  been  a  constable  of  ye  upper  parcel  of  Gwnnws  above 
20  years  ago,  to  which  ofl&ce  he  was  appointed  by  ye  Jury  of  ye 
Court  Leet  of  a  Lordship  whose  Courts  are  kept  usually  at  Llanilar, 
and  that  he  hath  also  been  appointed  a  sightman  by  ye  said  Court 
about  20  years  ago  and  often  since,  to  view  and  present  ye  great 
boundary  fence  dividing  between  ye  freeholds  and  ye  common  in  ye 
sd.   upper  parcel   of   Gwnnws,   which   fence  reaches   from  ye  river 

Marchnad  to  ye  river  Teivi That  about  30  years  ago  or 

more  he  remembers  the  Tenants  living  at  Llwyn  y  mwyn  sent  to  his 
father  to  desire  assistance  to  repair  ye  great  boundary  fence  between 
Llwyn  y  mwyn  and  the  Mynydd  or  Commons  where  Esgair  y  mwyn 
mine  stands,  it  having  been  presented  at  ye  Leet  Court  for  being  out 
of  repair,  and  that  deponent's  brother  was  sent  there  to  assist  them 
to  repair  ye  same  against  ye  following  Court. 

"  That  about  7  years  ago  Deponent  cut  Turf  for  fireing  in  a  bog 
near  Esgair  Ddu  on  said  Common  in  right  of  his  Tenement  of  Ty'n 
rhos  in  said  upper  parcel  of  Gwnnws,  and  having  no  conveniency  of 
carrying  them  home  directly,  he  thought  of  makeing  them  into  a 
stack  at  a  place  called  y  Gam  wenn,  because  there  were  stones  there 
to  keep  ye  cattle  from  throwing  them  down  that  had  been  gathered 
by  some  other  persons,  but  recollecting  that  some  30  or  40  years  ago 
he  had  seen  Turf  there  stacked,  belonging  to  the  mother  of  Jenkin 
Richard,  once  owner  of  Llwyn  y  mwyn,  he  was  afraid  that  John 
Williams,  present  owner  of  Llwyn  y  mwyn,  would  give  him  some  inter- 
ruption, because  his  Predecessors  might  have  been  ye  persons  that 
had  raised  those  stones  for  that  purpose,  and  therefore  he  went  to 
said  John  Williams  and  told  him  he  had  seen  the  Turf  of  ye  aforesd. 
old  woman  in  ye  said  Gam  wenn.  and  asked  him  whether  there  was  any 
harm  if  he  laid  his  turf  there  that  year,  meaning  that  as  he  imagin'd 
the  former  owner  of  Lly wn  y  mwyn  had  raised  those  stones  to  defend 
their  Turf,  John  Williams  might  have  some  claim  to  that  turf  stack 
site,  and  Deponent  saith  that  he  had  no  manner  of  notion  that  John 


26  Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire, 

Williams  had  any  better  claim  to  ye  mountain  from  ye  boundary 
fence  to  ye  river  Claerwen  than  all  others  of  ye  inhabitants  of  ye 
Lordship.  And  this  Deponent  hath  cut  Turf  near  Esgair  Ddu  with- 
out interruption  for  about  13  years  past,  and  that  his  father  used  to 
cut  Turf  for  fireing  at  Rhos  maen  gwelw  on  said  common  for  about  60 
years  or  as  long  as  this  Dept.  can  remember  any  thing.  That  he 
hath  raised  Tythes  of  Corn  with  his  father  on  said  Tenement  of 
Llwyn  y  mwyn  on  a  part  of  it  below  the  great  boundary  fence, 
commonly  called  rhwng  y  ddeuglawdd,  and  within  ye  freehold  of 
Llwyn  y  mwyn,  which  bank  is  also  called  Esgair  y  mwyn,  because  it 
is  a  continuation  of  said  bank  of  Esgair  y  mwyn  on  ye  Common. 

"That  about  ye  beginning  of  April  1754  Thomas  Richard,  an 
Agent  of  Lord  Lisburn,  came  to  this  Deponent  and  charged  him  not 
to  go  to  Mr.  Lewis  Morris,  the  King's  Agent,  at  Esgair  y  mwyn,  to 
testjrfy  anything  in  relation  to  the  said  mine,  and  that  none  of  my 
Lord's  tenants  were  to  go  and  give  their  evidence  at  their  peril,  this 
Deponent  being  one  of  Ld.  Lisburn's  tenants." 

Three  documents  relating  to  this  case  (which  was 
intituled  The  Attorney-General  r.  Lord  Lisburne  and 
others)  are  preserved  at  the  Record  Office  : — 

1.  The  bill  of  complaint  or  information  of  the  Attor- 
ney-General— a  huge  document  measuring  10ft.  by  8ft. 

2.  Answer  of  John  Williams  and  Lewis  Williams,  two 
of  the  defendants  ;  and 

3.  Answer  of  Lord  Lisburne,  Charles  Waller  and 
William  Powell,  other  defendants. 

Great  must  have  been  the  excitement  in  North  Cardi- 
ganshire towards  the  end  of  April  1754,  where  the  forces 
of  the  contending  parties  were  being  marshalled,  and  the 
witnesses,  in  two  separate  armies,  were  being  got  ready  to 
proceed  to  London  for  the  impending  battle.  On  King 
George's  side,  Lewis  Morris  (who  left  home  on  or  about 
April  26)  brought  up  with  him  "  near  four  score  witnesses 
that  he  had  subpoenaed  in  the  country",  and  after  his 
arrival  in  London  with  this  personally  conducted  party, 
his  time  was  taken  up  in  assisting  the  Solicitor  to  the 
Treasury  (Mr.  Sharpe),  taking  care  of  the  witnesses — ^no 


Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire.  27 

light  task ! — and  "  drawing  releases  of  their  several  Titles 
and  other  matters  ".  When  this  had  been  going  on  for 
about  three  weeks,  lo !  the  end  came  like  a  bolt  from  the 
blue,  and  the  Cardiganshire  folk  were  deprived  of  the 
honour  of  being  actors  in  a  great  dramatic  trial. 

An  arrangement  partaking  of  the  nature  of  a  com- 
promise was  arrived  at,  "  upon  the  Government's  agreeing 
with  the  claimants  for  their  rights  in  the  mines,"  ^  but  it 
was,  in  effect,  an  almost  unqualified  victory  for  the  Crown, 
for  on  the  24th  of  May  "  the  Claimants  suffered  a  non- 
suit." At  the  same  time,  the  Crown  also  discontinued  its 
intended  prosecution  of  the  ringleaders  of  the  riot  of 
Feb.  1753,  for  their  riotous  conduct,  and  their  assault 
upon  the  King's  Agent.  Morris  himself  was,  however,  far 
from  approving  of  such  leniency  towards  his  enemies, 
especially  as  "  Lord  Mansfield,  then  SoUr.-General  had 
declared  upon  the  consultation  on  the  affair  at  the  house 
of  Sir  Dudley  Rider,  then  Attorney-General,  that  upon 
an  action  being  brought  for  the  false  imprisonment,  etc., 
a  Middlesex  jury  (he  did  not  doubt)  would  at  least  give  a 
verdict  for  £500  "  in  Morris's  favour.  With  very  proper 
caution,  the  Treasury  took  steps  to  perpetuate  the  testi- 
mony of  the  witnesses  who  had  been  brought  up  to 
London,  the  versatile  Morris  being  naturally  requisitioned 
"  to  settle  their  affidavits  ...  to  be  ready  for  a  future 
defence." 

Though  a  sort  of  compromise  had  been  arrived  at,  it 
does  not  seem  to  have  covered  all  the  points  at  issue,  for 
even  subsequent  to  the  non-suit,  Morris,  according  to 
his  own  account,  "  assisted  to  give  instructions  to  the 
Attorney-Genl.  in  drawing  a  bill  to  be  prefer 'd  against 

'  In  another  connection  it  is  stated  that  "the  property  of  the 
said  mine  was  establish'd  by  some  releases  made  to  the  Crown  by  the 
several  persons  that  litigated  the  Crown's  right/' 


28  Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire. 

the  Claimants,  Mr.  Powell,  Lord  Lisbume  and  others," 
but  this  bill  must  have  been  subsequently  abandoned 
under  circumstances  tx)  be  mentioned  later  on. 

The  litigation,  even  so  far  as  it  has  already  gone,  had 
cost  at  least  one  of  the  claimants  more  than  he  could  well 
afford,  if  common  gossip  was  to  be  believed,  for  Powel  of 
Nanteos  was  said  to  have  been  obliged  to  borrow  more 
than  £1,500  to  go  on  with  it, — and  "  he  calls  for  his  rents 
before  hand,  and  curses  the  hour  he  ever  meddled  with 
this  Lawsuit.'"  We  shall  see  later  on  how  there  came  to 
the  relief  of  the  claimants  a  deus  ex  machind  in  the  person 
of  Mr.  Chauncey  Townsend. 

After  the  non-suit  Morris  was  not  long  detained  in 
London,  for  he  appears  to  have  reached  his  home  at  Gallt- 
fadog  on  or  about  the  19th  of  June.  Here  he  found 
himself  the  hero  of  the  hour,  for  there  was  now  no  lack 
of  people  who  openly  proclaimed  themselves  as  his  par- 
tisans, and  they  celebrated  his  triumph  in  characteristic 
fashion  at  the  annual  fair  held  on  the  2nd  of  July  at 
Tstradmeurig,  which  was  only  some  two  or  three  miles 
distant  from  the  mine.  A  graphic  account  of  this  affair, 
together  with  other  interesting  information,  is  contained 
in  a  letter  which  he  wrote  from  Esgair-y-mwyn  to  his 
brother  William  a  few  days  later — 8  July. 

.  .  .  .  *'  I  am  liero  [i.e.  at  Esgair-y-mwynJ  at  ye  Quarter's  pay, 
payinpj  miners,  carriers,  washers,  witnesses,  iV:c.,  nid  Uni  na  mil 
o  hutmau  a  yludais  i  o  arian  (nhlicartref  i  dalti  iddynt  !'^  A  prodigious 
affair,  no  wonder  people  should  run  mad  about  it.     Mae'n  debyg  mao 

'  Letter  8  Sept.  1754. 

^  The  magnitude  of  his  transactions  about  this  time  may  be 
inferred  from  a  letter  he  wrote  to  his  brother  more  than  two  years 
later  (VI  March  1757).  "  I  have  had  above  1*8,000  in  money  in  yo 
house  at  ye  same  time,  where  ye  meanest  sluipherd  might  have  como 
at  them,  but  such  is  ye  honesty  of  Car<i[igan]8hire  in  that  respect, 
and  their  Ignorance,  that  I  never  was  robbed  of  any." 


Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire,  29 

fi  y w'r  sobraf  oV  holl  genedlaeth  ag  yn  cadw  lleiaf  o  swn  yn  ei  gylch 
ac  yn  cadw  fy  lie  jna  lew  hyd  jna  hyn  er  gwaetha'r  gelyn  ddyn.  I  have 
a  fine  prospect  of  Lead  ore  on  a  Tenement  that  I  have  a  Lease  of  on 
ye  forefield  of  Esgair  y  mwjna,  the  same  vein.  This  will  drive  them 
madder  then  ever,  we  are  raising  some  ore  there  and  I  believe  it  will 
answer.  .  .  .  Notwithstanding  all  the  surprising  schemes  of  my 
Enemies  I  have  defeated  them  surprisingly,  and  trust  in  God  I  shall 
hereafter.     ... 

"  Yr  ydym  ni  wedi  gorthrechu  V  Gelyn  am  fobbio  yn  glir  Ian.  Ni 
fu'r  fath  Lachio  erioed  yn  Llanerchymedd  ag  a  fu  yma  yn  flfair  Ystrad 
meurig  yr  wythnos  ddiwaethaf ;  f e  ddarf u  ein  pobl  ni  drwy  nerth 
cocddes^  a'r  cwrw  ei  Sgwrrio  nhwy'n  Dei/is  ag  yn  Wyddelod  drwy'r 
fFair  yn  61  ac  ymlaen,  dros  bedair  Battel  a  wnaethont,  roedd  yno 
gantoedd  o  Gloliau  cochion  i  bawb  a  waeddai  Bowel  for  Ever ;  King 
George  a  Mr.  Morris  for  ever  oedd  yn  ei  charrio  hi  yn  deg.  Would 
any  man  believe  such  a  thing  possible  ?  But  so  it  is.  Fair  honest 
dealings  and  punctual  payments,  and  an  open  behaviour  hath  outdone 
all  their  schemes  and  villanies,  and  hath  brought  the  body  of  ye 
country  [on]  our  side." 

Another  source  of  much  gratification  to  Morris  was  the 
great  and  increasing  confidence  that  the  Earl  of  Powis  now 
seemed  to  place  in  him.  By  this  time,  the  Earl  had  pro- 
bably become  interested  in  some  of  the  numerous  mines  of 
the  upper  part  of  Cardiganshire.  If  so,  it  was  probably 
about  these  mines  that  Morris  would  be  so  consulted.  At 
all  events,  he  informs  bis  brother  (in  a  letter  dated  8  Sept.) 
that  he  was  then  in  such  high  favour  with  the  Earl  that  his 
lordship  did  nothing  of  importance  without  first  consulting 
him  "  and  there  is  often  two  messengers  in  the  same  week 
from  him  to  me".  No  wonder  that  many  were  jealous 
of  Morris's  good  fortune,  and,  as  he  says,  were  full  of 
venom,  "  0  achosfod  dynyn  truan  yn  mynd  rhagddo  "... 
"It  is  envy  more  than  anything  else  that  poisons  the 
mind  of  Collector  Smith,"  and  he,  whoever  he  might  be, 
was  only  a  type  of  the  many,  for  "this  aflPair  [of  Esgair-y 

^  The  royal  favours,  the  black  cockades  of  Hanover,  as  distin- 
guished from  the  white  cockades  of  the  Stuarts. 


30  Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire. 

mwyn]  is  vastly  magnify'd  in  all  countries  to  be  a  pro- 
digious affair  for  my  profit ." 

The  success  which  had  hitherto  crowned  nearly  all  his 
efforts,  led  Morris  to  believe  that  he  was  the  object  of 
special  protection  at  the  hands  of  a  kind  Providence. 
"  The  Gods  take  care  of  Cato",  he  quoted  in  one  of  his 
letters  to  his  brother  (26  Oct.  1754) — "  and  why  not  of  me? 
You  see  they  do,  and  everybody  sees  it.  Then  what  signifys 
the  efforts  of  little  mortal  animals  to  hurt  me  ?"  What 
he  might  have  feared,  however,  was  that  there  should  be  a 
Nemesis  pursuing  him,  on  account  of  the  undue  share 
of  good  fortune  which  had  fallen  to  his  lot.  Already 
some  events  had  happened  which  might  have  served  him 
as  warnings,  but  for  his  placid  optimism,  and  the  almost 
overweening  confidence  which  he  had  in  himself.  The 
political  situation,  on  which  much  depended,  had  under- 
gone considerable  change  through  the  death  of  Henry 
Pelham,  in  March  1754,  even  though  his  brother  the  Duke 
of  Newcastle  succeeded  him  as  Prime  Minister.  A  Minis- 
terial crisis  or  a  General  Election  might  bring  some  of 
Morris's  opponents  into  influence  and  power.  He  soon 
had  reason  to  believe  that  some  of  the  Treasury  officials, 
notably  West  and  Sharpe,  were  probably  not  too  well 
disposed  towards  him.'  A  letter  from  West,  dated  19 
June  1754,  forbad  him  to  dispose  of  any  more  ore.  An 
incident  which  occurred  later  on  in  the  same  year  illus- 
trates the  kind  of  treatment  he  received  from  the  Treasury. 
Morris's  own  account  of  it,^  though  somewhat  lengthy^ 
deserves  reproduction. 

*  "  Mr.  Sharpo  always  endeavoured  to  hurt  me  since  the  year 
1745,  wlion  I  had  some  dispute  with  liim  al>out  money,  and  there  are 
gentlemen  belonging  to  the  Treasury  wlio  know  it  and  wore  concerned 
in  that  affair." — (From  a  Memorandum  written  by  Morris,  probably 
in  1767.) 

'^  In  a  letter  to  William  Morris  from  "Galltvadog,  Oct.  26th,  1764." 


Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire,  31 

"  It  was  contrived  by  some  little  malicious  fellow  in  ye  Exchequer 
the  other  day  to  get  an  Exchequer  process  directed  to  ye  Sheriflf  of 
Cardigan  to  distrain  on  me  for  £100,  money  remmitted  me  in  ye  year 
1745  and  46  to  be  laid  out  to  Lawyers,  &c.  for  the  King's  service  and 
for  which  I  was  accountable.  I  had  accounted  for  the  money  and  for 
several  hundreds  after  that,  but  for  all  this  the  Sheriff  distrained,  and 
I  gave  him  a  note  for  £100.  Doth  not  this  look  odd,  think  you  ? 
The  very  person  on  whom  depends  all  their  affairs  here  to  be  dis- 
trained upon  by  a  Tory  Sheriff.  Now  a  passionate  man  (as  they  call 
me  at  ye  Treasury)  would  have  thrown  dirt  in  their  faces,  and  kick'd 
all  about  him.  But  another  of  ye  Gods  of  ye  ancients  called 
Patience  told  me  that  it  was  impossible  this  could  come  from  the 
leading  men  my  superiors,  for  it  was  too  ill-timed  a  thing  if  they  had 
a  mind  to  fall  out  with  me.  and  it  was  the  direct  way  to  drive  me  off 
with  what  money  I  could  lay  my  hands  on,  and  to  suffer  all  to  go  to 
wreck  and  ruin.  Therefore  I  immediately  wrote  to  ye  Sollr.  of  the 
Treasury  [John  Sharpe]  to  desire  him  to  put  a  stop  to  these  Excheqr. 
processes,  for  that  I  should  be  never  safe  to  enjoy  one  penny  of  ye 
money  paid  me  by  ye  Treasury  for  my  services  while  this  gate  was 
open.  How  slippery  is  our  situation !  A  man  may  be  thunder- 
struck with  a  writ  from  ye  Excheqr.  for  money  he  hath  accounted  for 
ten  years  ago,  and  all  his  effects  swept  away,  and  it  shall  cost  him  a 
London  journey  and  a  Quarter  of  a  year's  application  before  he  can 
recover  his  own,  and  yet  not  know  as  long  as  he  lives  from  whence 
the  bolt  comes.  .  .  .  The  Sollr.  was  never  more  surpris'd  at  any- 
thing than  at  this  proceeding,  and  doth  not  know  how  it  came  about, 
wrote  to  me  that  he  wd.  get  an  order  of  ye  Treasury  to  the  Sheriff 
to  return  me  my  note,  &c.,  &c.,  &c.,  and  that  I  was  to  have  all  the 
countenance,  assistance,  &c.,  as  I  could  wish  to  have :  diolch  %  chvn 
ehr  finaur 

More  than  two  years  had  now  elapsed  since  Morris  had 
been  appointed  Superintendent  of  the  King's  mines,  but  as 
yet  he  had  not  submitted  to  the  Treasury  any  statement 
of  his  receipts  and  disbursements.  While  actively  en- 
gaged in  preparing  the  case  for  the  Crown,  he  had 
scarcely  time  to  attend  to  the  matter,  but  after  the  non- 
suit, he  was  probably  expected  to  do  so  forthwith.  But 
the  fact  that  he  did  not  promptly  respond  to  a  request  to 
that  effect  gave  room  in  the  official  mind  to  that  suspicion 
of  his  conduct  which  his  opponents  had  sedulously  fostered 
by  insinuating  that  he  was  not  to  be  trusted  with  the 


32  Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire. 

management  of  so  great  an  affair.  As  his  delay  in  this 
respect  appears  to  have  been  the  source  of  almost  all  his 
subsequent  troubles,  his  own  explanation  of  it,  given  when 
he  was  placed  in  the  position  of  defendant,  ought  to  be 
here  quoted. 

"  This  deft,  admits  that  he  did  for  some  time  defer  to  deliver  in 
his  accounts  after  he  had  been  required  there  to  by  the  SoUr.  and 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  by  reason  that  this  deft,  did  not  think  it 
safe  for  him  so  to  do,  not  only  as  this  deft,  was  at  a  constant  con- 
siderable expence  in  working  the  said  mine  and  in  raising  of  ore 
where  some  Hundreds  of  persons  were  concerned  under  defies, 
management  and  on  his  credit,  but  also  as  several  other  persons 
litigated  the  property  of  the  said  mine,  and  in  case  such  persons 
could  have  made  it  appear  that  they  had  a  right  to  such  mine,  this 
deft,  was  afraid  he  might  be  answerable  over  to  thepi  for  such  money 
as  then  remained  in  his  hands.  And  what  increased  this  deft's.  fears 
was  that,  by  a  letter  dated  June  19th  1764,  defendant  was  forbid 
by  Mr.  West,  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  to  dispose  of  any  more  ore, 
the  consequence  of  which  was,  that  the  money  in  deft's.  hands  must 
be  laid  out  to  carry  on  the  mine  or  else  that  the  raising  of  ore  must 
be  stop'd." 

In  the  following  autumn,  Morris  did,  however,  make 
preparations  for  proceeding  to  London  to  pass  his  accounts, 
and,  as  the  unsold  ore  was  accumulating  in  the  warehouses, 
he  wrote  (5  Oct.  1754)  to  Sharpe,  inquiring  whether  he 
might  not  sell  it  as  he  "purposed  to  come  to  London  that 
winter  with  his  accounts".  The  prohibition  was  not  can- 
celled, but  Morris  was  assured  (31  Dec.  1754)  that  if  any 
ore  were  lost  during  his  absence,  he  would  not  be  held 
accountable  for  it.  Immediately  on  receipt  of  this  letter 
(on  or  about  3  Jan.  1755)  Morris  stopped  the  raising  of 
ore,  dismissed  all  the  workman  except  an  agent  (William 
Jones)  and  a  nimiber  of  men  who  were  kept  on  to  pump 
the  water  and  to  keep  the  works  in  repair  generally. 

Having  made  these  arrangements  for  his  absence^ 
Morris,  on  the  21st  January,  set  out  for  London  with  his 
books  of  account^  being  accompanied  by  his  nephew^  John 


Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire,  2)2) 

Owen/  to  whom  most  of  the  book-keeping  had  been 
entrusted.  Towards  the  end  of  February,  or  early  in 
March,  he  delivered  "an  Abstract  of  his  Payments  and 
Receipts  in  relation  to  the  mine",  for  submission  to  the 
Duke  of  Newcastle,  who  required  such  an  Abstract  (so 
Morris  had  been  informed)  so  -that  "  he  might  see  how 
matters  stood,  and  that  he  might  the  better  judge  how 
the  accounts  were  to  be  pass'd,  and  what  allowances  were 
to  be  made  "  to  Morris,  "  and  that  he  might  also  inform 
himself  of  the  value  of  the  mine  and  how  to  Lease  it."  In 
this  Abstract,  which  extended  from  1  July  1751  to  3  Jan. 
1755,  Morris  stated  his  receipts  at  £13,684  12«.  lid., 
and  his  disbursements  (including  payments  made  by  order 
of  the  officers  of  the  Treasury)  at  £12,594  11«.  6^^.,  which 
left  in  his  hands  a  balance  of  £1,090  1«.  4fd.  An  obvious 
discrepancy,  which  told  against  Morris's  accuracy,  what- 
ever about  his  honesty,  dj^d  not  escape  the  notice  of  the 
Treasury  officials.  He  had  charged  for  the  washing  and 
carriage  to  Aberystwyth  of  1,767  tons  of  ore,  but  had 
accounted  for  only  1,611  tons  of  it  as  sold.  Morris  does 
not  appear  to  have  been  told  of  this  discrepancy  immedi- 
ately it  was  detected,  and  it  would  seem  that  it  was  a 
considerable  time  after  that  he  was  asked  to  explain  it.* 

'  John  Owen  (who  like  Edward  Hughes  had  come  from  Anglesey 
to  Cardiganshire)  was  a  son  of  a  sister  of  Morris.  He  eventually 
became  a  purser  in  the  navy  and  died  at  sea,  some  time  between 
1759  and  1762.  He  was  a  promising  poet,  and  a  friend  of  leuan 
Brydydd  Hir  and  Goronwy  Owen. 

^  Morris's  explanation  was  that  the  remainder  of  the  ore  was 
supposed  to  be  in  the  warehouse  at  Aberystwyth,  unless  it  had  been 
stolen,  either  in  1753,  when  Morris  was  put  by  the  rioters  in  Cardigan 
Gaol,  or  "  after  the  soldiers  were  taken  oflf  who,  for  some  time,  by 
order  of  the  Government,  guarded  the  warehouses  where  the  said 
ore  was  kept ;  those  warehouses  have  been  often  broke  open  by 
storms  and  sometimes  (as  defendant  verily  believes)  by  Ill-disposed 
persons,  upon  a  presumption  that  the  mine  and  the  ore  was  the 

P 


34  Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire. 

In  fact,  Morris  assumed  an  attitude  of  haughty  aloofness 
so  far  as  the  Treasury  officials  were  concerned,  and  having 
understood  that  they  doubted  his  honesty  he  would  not 
condescend  to  go  near  them,  unless  specially  requested 
to  do  so,  and  did  his  business  with  them  chiefly  by 
correspondence,  though  he  had  taken  lodgings  quite 
close  to  the  Government  offices,  viz.,  "at  Hopkins  and 
Taylor,  the  corner  house  in  St.  Martin's  Churchyard, 
St.  Martin's  Lane,  Westminster". 

"  I  have  a  kind  of  spirit  that  cannot  bend,"  ho  wrote  to  his  brother 
at  Holyhead  on  14th  May,  "and  now  they  call  me  here  about  ye 
offices  the  Proud  hot  Welshman y  oblegyd'  er  fy  mod  yn  Uundain  er 
dechreu  Chwefror,  nid  ois  i  etto  i  ymddangos  nag  i  ymostwng  i  un  o 
wyr  y  Treasury  er  cymaint  ydynt ;  nid  oes  r3rfedd  ynteu  fy  mod  yma 
cyhyd.  Gadewch  iddo.  I  will  have  it  done  in  my  own  way,  or  it 
shall  not  be  done  at  all.  Mi^  af  i  Ffraingc,  mi  af  i  Fflandrys,  mi  af  i 
Gaordroia,  cyn  y  caffont  y  gair  i  ddywedyd  fy  mod  i  yn  dwyllwr,  nag 
yn  rhagrithiwr.  This  was  attempted,  and  all  the  ill  offices  that  could 
be  done  me.  I  was  the  greatest  rogue  in  ye  Kingdom,  not  to  be  trusted 
with  money,  or  with  the  King's  effects.  Was  it  not  my  business  to 
clear  these  affairs  up  before  I  went  to  cringe  to  any  of  them  ?  I  don*t 
want  their  favours,  if  I  have  but  fair  play  I  shall  get  off  with  money 
in  my  Pocket,  a^  draen  yn  eu  coppiau." 

He  had  by  this  time  fully  realised  that  there  were  in- 


property  of  the  public."  There  was  another  explanation  possible : 
by  order  of  the  Government  Examiners  (Paynter  and  Tidy),  the  ore 
remaining  in  the  neighbourhood  was  weighed  out — without  any 
notice  given  to  Morris,  and  in  the  absence  of  the  Examiners  them- 
selves— by  "strangers  who  they  knew  to  be  [his]  enemies,  and  declared 
them  so,  .  .  .  who  might  give  what  account  and  what  weight  they 
pleased." 

'  For  though  I  am  in  London  since  the  beginning  of  February,  I 
have  not  yet  gone  to  show  myself  or  to  Iwnd  before  any  of  the 
Treasury  people,  great  though  they  are.  No  wonder  I  am  here  so 
long.     So  let  it  be. 

*^  To  France,  to  Flanders,  even  to  Troy  will  I  go  before  they  can 
say  I  am  a  cheat  or  a  hyix)crite. 

^  And  thorns  in  their  heads. 


Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire.  35 

fluences  most  inimical  to  his  interests  working  against  him 
at  the  Treasury;  "I  have  powerful  people  against  me,  tooth 
and  nail",  he  wrote  as  early  as  Feb.  11 — then  in  Welsh — 
"nor  is  my  own  party  weak.  The  great  sledge  hammer^  says 
I  shall  suffer  no  wrong."  Then  some  two  months  later 
(19  April)  : — "  I  am  obliged  to  fight  hard  here  and  gain 
ground  but  by  inch  and  inch,  so  strong  are  the  party 
against  me  in  the  Treasury,  who  have  suffer'd  my 
opponents  to  do  surprizing  illegal  things  against  me." 

By  the  beginning  of  April,  if  not  indeed  earlier,  he 
must  also  have  discovered  that  the  Treasury  had  been 
somehow  influenced — probably  through  secret  channels — 
to  show  a  more  yielding  disposition  in  the  matter  of  its 
title  to  the  mine,  and  had  practically  abandoned  the  posi- 
tion which  Morris  himself  had  taken  up  and  had  so 
valiantly  defended.  What  appears  to  have  happened  was 
this :  some  time  after  the  non-suit  in  the  Exchequer  Court, 
Chauncey  Townsend  (M .P.  for  Westbury,  and  Alderman 
of  the  city  of   London),*  purchased   from  the  claimants 

*  Morris  elsewhere  applies  this  expression—  y  morthioyl  mawr — to 
the  King,  who  seems  to  have  been  approached  on  his  behalf,  but  I 
think  Newcastle  is  meant  here. 

"^  Townsend,  who  was  a  wealthy  merchant  of  Austin  Friars, 
London,  had,  among  other  properties,  extensive  collieries  and  copper 
works  in  the  parish  of  Llansamlet,  just  outside  Swansea,  being  in  fact 
the  originator  of  the  coal  trade  on  the  East,  or  Kilvey,  side  of  the 
river  Tawe.  He  first  leased  the  Birchgrove  colliery  area  from  Mary 
Morgan,  widow,  of  Llansamlet  (ctrc«  1746-50),  and  subsequently  acquired 
further  coal  measures  from  the  Mansels  of  Margam,  under  leases  of  the 
7th  Nov.  1750  and  1  Sept.  1755,  the  latter  being  confirmed  by  a 
Private  Act  of  Parliament  in  1767.  His  4th  son,  Joseph  Townsend 
(1739-1816),  became  known  as  a  geologist  and  mineralogist,  and  is 
noticed  in  the  Did.  of  IS  at.  Biography.  A  daughter  married  John 
Smith,  of  Drapers  HaU,  London,  who  thus  acquired  the  Birchgrove 
leasehold  and  settled  at  Gwernllwyn-chwith  close  by — whence  the 
Smiths  of  that  place.  Townsend  and  Smith  had  also  an  interest  in 
Lead  Works,  at  Upper  Bank,  Swansea,  and  are  said  to  have  worked 
lead  mines  at  Pengored,  near  Llechryd  in  South  Cardiganshire  (see 

D   2 


36  Lewis  Morris  in   Cardiganshire. 

what  Morris  called  "  their  pretended  right  and  title  to  the 
mine,"  paying  therefor,  it  was  said,  about  a  Thousand 
Pounds,  and  promising  also  to  pay  the  costs  of  the  law- 
suit. Townsend  then  approached  the  Lords  of  the 
Treasury,  and  mirabile  dictu !  succeeded  in  persuading  them 
to  buy  him  out,  so  as  to  save  further  law-suits.^  For  his 
title  he  was  paid  £3,500,  and  was  also  allowed  all  the 
unsold  lead  ore  then  lying  on  the  bank  of  the  mine,  which 
ore  alone  Morris  asserted  to  be  worth  about  £4,000,  and 
he  had  every  opportunity  of  knowing,  for  the  ore  was 
delivered  by  his  agents  to  those  of  Townsend  between 
April  and  September  1755. 

It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  add  that,  under  these  circum- 
stances, the  bill  which  the  Attorney-General  had  intended 
to  prefer  against  the  claimants  would  naturally  be  aban- 
doned. In  October,  Morris  suspected  that  "Townsend's 
people  were  upon  playing  tricks  "  with  the  under  agent, 
William  Jones,  *'  as  they  find  he  is  a  fool."  Here  is  **a 
bold  attempt  a-making  by  Townsend  to  abolish  the  bargain 
made  with  Evan  Williams  and  the  two  Moi'gans " ;  "I  pre- 

Grant  Francis'  Smelting  of  Copper  in  the  Swansea  District ,  117-120). 
Meyrick  (Hist.^  Intro,  pp.  225-6)  says  that  Townsend  also  worked  the 
Goginan  and  Llanfair  lead  and  silver  mines,  and  that  the  mines  of 
Cwmervin  belonged  at  one  time  to  the  **  heirs  of  Townsend,  Smith 
and  Co.*'  (Walter  Davies,  Agricultural  Survey  of  South  Wales),  He 
also  had  ** works"  at  Llanelly,  in  Carmarthenshire,  in  1754  (Mee*8 
Llanelly  Parish  Churchy  pp.  xxii,  xxvi,  and  97).  Townsend  died  in  1770.- 
^  In  the  bitterness  of  his  heart  Lewis  Morris  thus  mentions  the 
matter  in  a  letter  to  his  brother  (12  June  1755):  *'The  Lords  of  the 
Treasury  know  that  Townsend  is  a  rascal  arid  a  Bite,  yet  they  suffer 
him  to  make  fools  of  them  before  their  faces."  Referring  elsewhere 
to  the  mine  at  Nant  y  creiau,  where  Morris  had  raised  a  few  tons  of 
ore,  an<l  had  left  it  011  the  bank  unwashed,  he  says  (Meyrick,  p.  564)  : 
"  Being  called  for  to  London  to  pass  my  accounts,  I  had  no  sooner 
turned  my  back,  but  Powell  and  Townsend's  people,  John  Ball,  Ac, 
went  there  and  dressed  the  ore  and  carried  it  off  by  a  mob  of  the 
poorest  people  they  could  find," 


Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire.  2>7 

sume  Oliver,"  whoever  he  was,  "  is  at  the  bottom  of  it." 
This  was  probably  the  beginning  of  much  trouble. 

Affairs  had  thus  taken  a  turn  which  assuredly  was  not 
to  Morris's  liking,  but  he  was  as  confident  as  ever  that 
eventually  all  would  be  well  with  him.  However  numer- 
ous his  enemies,  he  felt  that  he  could  count  upon  all  the 
influence  that  the  Earl  of  Powis  could  exercise  in  his  favour, 
while  the  Duke  of  Newcastle  had  also  flattered,  and 
perhaps  deceived  him,  with  some  vague  promises  of  his 
protection.  His  changing  mood  during  this  period  of 
uncertainty  is  doubtless  reflected  pretty  accurately  in  his 
letters  to  his  brother  William.  He  is  never  weary  of 
praising  the  Earl,  who  at  times  would  visit  him  at  his 
lodgings  almost  every  day,  sometimes  even  twice  a  day. 
"It  is  a  great  honor  to  be  concern'd  with  such  a  man 
even  in  writing,  dictating,  contriving,  and  planning  Let- 
ters." "  He  waits  on  me  instead  of  my  waiting  on  him." 
"Have  I  not  done  surprizing  things^  to  bring  such  a 
great  man  to  wait  on  myLevie!"  he  jestingly  exclaims, 
though  as  if  suddenly  sobered,  he  adds — in  Welsh — "  But 
God  help  me,  I  am  poor  and  friendless  enough,  and  without 
a  single  man  of  sense  in  my  service,  a  terrible  case."  He 
however  reports  in  the  same  letter  (14  May),  that  the  Duke 
of  Newcastle  had  said  that  he  (Morris)  was  in  the  right. 

^  Morris  greatly  pleased  the  Earl  by  presenting  him  on  19  April 
1765  with  "a  most  noble  MS.  upon  vellum  with  the  pedigree  and 
arms  of  ye  Herberts  finely  drawn  and  proved  from  ancient  records, 
deeds,  MS.,  histories,  Ac."  On  the  birth  of  the  Earl's  only  son  (Lord 
Ludlow),  in  July,  Morris  induced  his  friend  Goronwy  Owen  to  write  an 
elaborate  ode  in  Welsh  and  Latin  to  celebrate  the  event.  But  it  was 
not  delivered  to  his  Lordship  till  August  1756  (see  Works  of  Goromcy 
Owen,  ed.  R.  Jones,  p.  246).  About  the  end  of  1756,  Morris  further 
presented  the  Earl  with  a  fine  coUection  of  shells  and  mineralogical 
specimens,  the  acquisition  and  the  classification  of  which  in  a  specially 
constructed  cabinet,  had  claimed  the  attention  of  the  brothers  Lewis 
and  William  for  several  months  previously. 


38  Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire, 

A  month  later  (12  June),  he  is  somewhat  puzzled  at  the 
way  in  which  the  Government's  patronage  was  being  dis- 
pensed : — 

'*  Have  made  surprizing  defences  here,  and  God  visibly  help'd  me 
by  unsearchable  ways.  If  this  great  opposition  had  not  been  made 
to  me,  I  shouhl  have  been  no  more  known  among  them  than  LolCr 
Gfci/dd,  but  now  my  name  is  as  well  known  at  ye  Treasury  and  at  ye 
D.  of  N.  Castle's  Levy  as  the  name  of  the  Attorney-General. — *  I 
don't  know  how  this  man  came  to  be  made  boatman  at  Aberystwyth ' 
said  one  of  his  Secretaries  to  the  Duke  the  other  day.  'Lewis  Morris 
used  to  have  the  Nomination  of  the  officers  in  that  country.  I  must 
give  the  Conmiissioners  [of  Customs]  a  rebuff  about  this  affair.*  And 
yet,  at  the  very  same  time,  this  sneak  is  ready  to  undermine  me.  Its 
a  servant  of  Powel's  that  they  have  made  Doatman  there  I  I  am 
ollended  to  the  very  marrow." 

Morris  thought  it  was  the  work  of  Commissioner 
Gwyn  Vaughan,  in  order  to  spite  him,  "  a  weak  stroke  of 
malice,  thank  God  that  greater  things  are  not  in  his 
power."  In  his  anger,  he  felt  disposed  to  throw  up  his 
collectorship  of  Customs,  but  on  second  thought,  "I 
shall  exchange  it,  if  possible,  for  a  better,  so  that  I  may 
not  be  under  a  malicious  sneak."' 

But  there  was  another  matter  that  augured  still  worse 
for  him  than  this  appointment  of  the  boatman.  The 
sitting  member  for  Cardiganshire,  John  Lloyd  of  Peter- 
well,  was  expected  to  die  shortly,  which  in  fact  he  did 
before  the  month  (June)  was  out,  and  Morris  heard  to  liis 
chagrin  that  Lord  Lisbume's  son  was  to  be  put  forward  as 
a  candidate  "  through  the  interest  of  the  Government !  " 
''Monstrous  !  tlie  man  who  the  other  day  made  them  spend 
thousands  of  pounds  on  the  lawsuit,  through  his  joining 
Powel  and  the  Jacobites." 

The  correspondence  during  the  summer  months  was 
more  than  usually  voluminous,  some  twenty  letters  being 
written  to  William  during  July,  August  and  September. 
So  far,  tlie  contest  with  tlie  Treasury  officials  appears  to 
have  chiefly  related  to  the  questions  how  and  by  whom 


Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire.  39 

the  accounts  were  to  be  taken ;  the  impression  which  the 
correspondence  conveys  is  that  of  a  succession  of  inter- 
mittent "alarums  and  excursions,"  which  left  the  parties  in 
pretty  much  the  same  position,  though  Morris  felt  con- 
vinced that  he  was  steadily  gaining  ground,  thanks  to 
Lord  Powis's  unceasing  exertions  on  his  behalf.  More 
than  once  he  compares  himself  to  a  wether  entangled 
among  brambles  [llwdn  dafad  mewn  drysi,  cant  0  fieri  a 
gafael  yn  fy  nqwlan)  and  set  upon  by  a  gang  of  sheep- 
stealers.  '^  I  have  just  got  free  from  one  bramble  bush, 
so  Lord  Powis  tells  me  to-day,"  he  writes  on  23  June. 
On  4  July^  he  reports  that  the  Earl  had  paid  another 
visit  to  the  Treasury,  '^  and  T  hope  he  hath  carried  the 
point  we  wanted,  as  our  adversaries  have  fortify'd  them- 
selves so  well  by  bribery  and  corruption  we  are  obliged  to 
fight  our  way  inch  by  inch,"  but  he  hoped  to  undermine 
them  very  shortly  as  there  remained  "  only  one  tower 
unconquered ".  "  The  more  I  advance  in  my  affairs,  new 
difficulties  start,  as  if  they  had  a  mind  I  never  should 
have  an  end",  was  what  he  had  to  confess  on  15  July; 
"  but  they  use  Lord  Powis  as  they  do  me,  so  I  suffer  in 
good  company,  and  I  would  not  desire  better.  I  shall 
hear  to-day  from  Lord  Powis  how  this  last  contrivance  is 
like  to  turn  out:  surprizing  people,  made  up  of  Pride, 
Ignorance,  and  Falsity".  On  the  21st  he  declares  himself 
"tired  of  writing  accounts,  &c."  and  is  uneasy  because  he 
had  not  heard  from  Lord  Powis,  who  was  so  busy  about 
christening  his  son  that  there  was  "no  seeing  of  him".^ 

^  A  day  or  two  before  this,  Morris  removed  from  his  lodgings  at  St. 
Martin's  lane  to  "  Mr.  Prestwood's  over  against  the  coffee-house  on 
Great  Tower  hill,"  where  he  would  bo  near  his  brother  Richard  at 
the  Navy  office. 

2  In  the  same  letter  he  says :  "  God  hath  sent  away  two  of  the 
dogs  that  bark'd  at  me  in  Ceredigion,  one  of  them  ye  very  worst  in 
ye  world ;  he  died  last  week  at  a  Tenant's  house  of  mine,  a  public- 
house,  with  ye  d — 1  in  his  mouth.    A  Rare  breed  ! " 


""  •"'""/, 


40  Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire, 

At  the  end  of  July,  the  Treasury  olficials  seem  to  have 
gone  away  on  a  holiday.  Morris  remained  in  town,  utili- 
sing his  leisure  in  preparing  a  work  on  Mines,  and  in  en- 
deavouring to  get  a  living  for  Goronwy  Owen.  ^^  If  my 
aflFairs  were  determined,"  he  writes  on  2nd  August,  "  he 
would  be  sure  of  a  living,  but  I  cannot  push  things  on  so 
heartily  as  aflFairs  are  now  circumstanced.  Things  are  in  a 
fair  way  of  doing  well,  but  that  we  move  slow."  He  was 
chafing  at  being  obliged  to  stay  in  London  instead  of 
pushing  on  matters  at  his  own  mine  of  Cwmervin  (which 
"will  make  a  good  thing").  By  the  22nd  September  he 
was  able  to  inform  his  brother  that  he  wa«  then  expecting 
orders  to  begin  the  examination  of  his  accounts. 

When  at  last  the  order  came  (by  letter  of  2nd  October 
from  Mr.  Harding,  Secretary  to  the  Treasury)  Morris  was 
jubilant  at  the  choice  of  Examiners  on  behalt  of  the 
Crown.  An  eflFort  had  been  made  on  his  behalf  to  secure 
the  nomination  of  two  old  Anglesey  friends — Williams  of 
Geirchog,  and  William  Parry,  of  Gwredog.^  But  this  was 
frustrated  through  the  Treasury  obtaining  information  of 
their  being  friends  of  Morris.  The  persons  eventually 
selected  were  John  Tidy  (steward  to  the  Earl  of  Darling- 
ton, who  was  then  one  of  the  Lords  of  the  Treasury)  and 
John  Paynter,  who  has  been  previously  mentioned  as 
resident  manager  of  the  Cwmsymlog  mine  under  William 
Corbett.  Morris  alludes  to  Paynter  as  "  formerly  of  Pen- 
rhyn"  [PPenrhyn  Deudraetli^] ,  refers  to  their  old  acquain- 

'  Parry  was  Deputy  Comptroller  t)f  tlie  Mint.  Goronwy  Owen,  in 
IToi"),  invited  him  (in  a  Cytnjdd  printed  in  Owen's  WorkSf  od.  R.  Jones, 
p.  178)  to  visit  the  poet  at  Northt)lt.  lie  was  the  Cofiadur  or  Recor- 
der of  the  Cymmrodorion  Society  in  \l^i>\}, 

^  After  perusinjij  a  pedigree  communicated  to  me  by  Mr.  Charlos 
E.  Paynter,  of  ()1,  Devonshire  Road,  Claughton,  Cheshire,  I  have  come 
to  the  conclusion  (though  it  is  not  <lirectly  suggested  by  tlie  pedigree) 
that  the  Paynter  of  our  text  should  1x3  identified  with  a  John  Paynter 


Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire,  41 

tanceship,  and  never  for  a  moment  questions  the  staunch- 
ness of  his  friendship,  though  the  Treasury  officials  were 
not  to  know  anything  of  this.  It  was  on  Lord  Powis's 
recommendation  that  Paynter  was  selected,^  and  Morris 
readily  accepted  the  selection. 

The  eif orts  made  to  secure  the  appointment  of  a  friendly 
examiner,  and  Morris's  elation  at  his  success  in  that  re- 
spect, coupled  with  some  vague  allusions  to  what  he  hoped 
to  gain  thereby,^  seem  to  suggest  that  it  was  not  merely 

who,  in  1734,  manied  one  Elizabeth  Perks,  by  whom  he  had  four  sons — 
Andrew,  Thomas,  John  and  William.  Andrew  (1735-1802)  became 
an  officer  of  the  customs,  and  married  a  daughter  of  Joseph  Cox,  comp- 
troller of  customs  at  Pwllheli,  by  Ellen  Wynne,  of  Glasgoed,  Llanddei- 
niolen.  He  was  buried  at  Llanfrothen ;  his  widow  removed  to  Amlwch, 
and  the  High  Sheriff  of  Anglesey  for  1871  (T.  Wynne  Paynter,  of 
Amlwch)  was  their  grandson.  {Cymru  for  Jan.  1896,  x,  29-36.)  Andrew's 
customs  appointment  was  perhaps  secured  through  his  father's  con- 
nection with  the  Corbett's,  and  William  (born  1741)  was  probably  the 
"  William  Paynter,  Navy  Office,  gent.,"  who  figures  in  the  list  of 
Cymmrodorion  members  for  1759,  being  described  as  a  native  of 
Denbighshire.  The  third  son,  John,  married  a  widow  named  Eleanor 
Morris.  It  is  not  improbable  that  she  was  Lewis  Morris's  daughter  of 
that  name,  who  married  (for  her  first  husband)  Richard  Morris,  of 
Mathafam.  John  and  Eleanor  Paynter  lived  at  Aberdovey,  and  were 
buried  in  the  parish  churchyard  of  Towyn,  the  husband  on  28  Oct.  1815, 
aged  78,  and  his  widow  on  2 1  Sept.  1820,  aged  90.  The  earliest  Paynters 
were  interested  in  lead  mining,  and  most  probably  came  to  Wales  from 
Cornwall.  There  is  no  traceable  connection  between  them  and  the 
Paynters  of  Dale  in  Pembrokeshire,  which  is  believed  to  have  been  an 
offshoot  of  the  Paynters  of  Boskenna,  near  Penzance  in  Cornwall. 
(For  pedigrees  of  these  latter  families  see  Burke's  Landed  Gentry  (1875), 
p.  1062,  and  Supplement,  p.  54.) 

^  Onid  oedd  Arglwydd  Powys  Iwyd  a  minau  yn  bobl  ryfeddol  ei 
hymladd  hi  hyd  yma,  a  chael  Sicui  Painter  y  dyn  clifria  yn  y  deyrnas 
am  y  fath  beth  ?     Oeddem,  Oddem  "  (Oct.  13,  1755). 

^  In  referring  to  Tidy  as  Earl  Darlington's  Steward  he  says — "  Os 
yw'r  gwas  fal  y  meistr,  mi  wnawn  o'r  goreu  ag  ef."  In  fact  Tidy  is 
represented  somewhat  as  a  lay  figure,  Paynter  wielding  the  controlling 
and  directing  power  in  the  whole  proceedings.  As  to  the  Treasury 
officials — "  if  they  are  other  people's  fools,  pan  na  fyddant  i  minnau  ?" 


42  Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire, 

fear  lest  he  should  suffer  injustice  at  the  hands  of  hostile 
examiners  that  influenced  him,  but  that  there  had  been 
some  irregularities  which  he  wished,  if  possible,  to  be 
passed  over  lightly.  On  the  other  hand,  one  cannot  too 
much  emphasize  the  fact  that,  though  these  letters  were 
written  confidentially  to  his  brother,  their  whole  tone  is 
that  of  righteous  indignation  at  injustice  done  to  Morris 
by  the  Treasury  officials,  and  there  is  not  a  single  state- 
ment from  which  one  could  reasonably  infer  that  he  had 
been  guilty  of  anything  worse  than  slight  irregularities,  if 
so  much, — certainly  not  of  the  systematic  peculation  which 
was  the  hitherto  unformulated  charge  against  him. 

On  9  October  the  two  Examiners  commenced  their  in- 
vestigation of  Morris's  Abstract  or  "General  Statement 
of  Payments  and  Receipts,"  and  Morris,  who  had  handed 
in  his  books  and  vouchers,  ''assisted  them  almost  every 
day",  until  the  conclusion  of  the  audit  on  the  28th,  when 
the  Examiners  "  seem'd  well  pleased  "  with  the  explana- 
tions that  had  been  furnished  them.  Two  days  later, 
according  to  the  Answer  which  Morris  filed  in  the  subse- 
quent proceedings,  Paynter  came  to  his  lodgings  and 
informed  him  that  "  he  and  Tidy  had  been  the  day  before 
with  Mr.  Sharpe,  who  was  ordered  by  the  Treasury  to 
assist  them,  and  that  they  had  shew'd  to  Mr.  Sharpe  a 
draught  of  [Morris's]  accounts  as  stated  by  them,  and  had 
taken  his  directions  how  to  make  the  report,  and  that 
Sharpe  had  approved  of  the  said  accounts,  and  that  they 
would  be  passed  as  they  were  in  liis  books,  except  some 
few  trifling  articles  which  he  said  they  had  struck  off  to 
shew  their  assiduity".  Paynter  at  the  same  time  shewed 
to  Morris  a  draft  of  the  report  which  he  and  Tidy 
intended  to  make.  No  report  was  then,  however,  pre- 
sented ;  and  Morris  subsequently  alleged  that  the  object  of 
the  Examiners  in  declining  to  r€»port  was  "to  delay  the 


Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire.  43 

time  and  to  continue  their  employment  by  the  Treasury, 
as  they  were  greatly  paid  by  them  " — their  remuneration 
being  at  the  rate  of  Two  Guineas  a  day  each — and  also  to 
secure  thereby  the  appointment  of  one  of  them  to  succeed 
Morris  in  the  management  of  the  Mine. 

A  fuller  account  of  the  interview  with  Paynter  on 
30  Oct.  1 755  is  contained  in  a  long  letter  written  on  the 
same  day  by  Morris  to  a  certain  noble  lord,  undoubtedly  the 
Earl  of  Powis.^  In  this,  the  writer  reproduces  Paynter's 
account  of  what  he  had  heard  at  the  Treasury.  Sharpe 
had  shown  the  Examiners  a  letter  addressed  to  the  Trea- 
sury by  a  "Mr.  Knightley",  which  Morris  believed  to  be 
a  fictitious  name  assumed  to  cover  an  anonymous  attack 
on  him.  "No  doubt  it  came  from  Commsr.  Welles  and 
Townsend  ",  writes  Morris,  and  to  the  latter  he  attributes 
its  "  venom  and  low  cunning". 

"  He  hints,  there  should  be  a  View  of  the  Mine^  that  [it]  is  going 
to  ruin,  that  these  Examiners  are  men  of  knowledge  and  would 
discover  my  frauds ;  That  he  had  heard  my  character  in  travelling 
from  Swansey  to  Aberystwyth,  and  was  desired  to  let  them  knoiv  by 
word  of  mouth  that  the  gentlemen  of  the  country  are  not  Inclined  to 
be  rebels  (tho'  they  go  to  law  about  ye  mines)  unless  they  are  pro- 
voked to  be  so  by  such  an  Incendiary  as  L.  M. ;  and  he  is  surprised 
people  of  their  sense  should  suffer  me  to  go  on  at  that  rate,  and 
abundance  of  the  like  stuff  throwing  dirt.  Such  a  letter  in  other 
hands  would  be  construed  to  my  advantage  for  all  the  King's  Enemies 
call  me  an  Incendiary^  which  gives  me  great  pleasure.  It  seems  Mr. 
Sharpe  is  uneasy  about  Townsend,  having  not  yet  received  the  £1,350 
of  him  which  he  was  to  have  pai<l  me,  and  I  hope  he'll  never  pay  it,  nor 
the  money  of  the  last  ore  where  he  had  promis'd.  I  know  Townsend 
is  in  London,  but  they  have  not  seen  him  yet.  I  think  your  Lord- 
ship's putting  off  coming  to  town  to  the  9th  Nov.  given  them  an 
opening  to  play  tricks.  I  am  sure  these  people's  report  may  be 
ready  in  a  few  days  if  you  were  here  to  egg  them  on,  for  they  have 
now  nothing  to  do  but  to  write  their  abstract  and  report.     The  scheme 


'  1  am  indebted  to  Mr.  J.  II.  Davies  for  a  copy  of  this  letter,  which 
is  preserved  at  the  British  Museum. 


44  Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire. 

of  this  Ficticious  letter  may  perhaps  be  taken  hold  of,  if  they  have  a 
mind  for  a  Colour  to  put  your  Lordship's  grant  oflf  again  by  sending 
these  Examiners  to  Cardiganshire,  and  I  presume  it  wd.  not  be  a 
disagreeable  jaunt  for  them." 

The  Examiners'  version  of  Morris's  conduct  may  per- 
haps be  gathered  from  certain  denials  subsequently  made 
by  him  in  his  Answer.  They  seem  to  have  alleged  that 
in  the  course  of  the  examination  Morris  declined  to  assist 
them  with  such  information  as  he  was  possessed  of,  and 
that  they  told  him  they  were  unable  "  to  reduce  his 
accounts  to  method  or  form"  unless  he  supplied  them 
with  some  further  papers,  which,  however,  he  did  not  do, 
alleging  that  the  documents  he  had  already  handed  them 
"contained  all  his  receipts  and  payments".  The  result  was 
that  the  Secretary  to  the  Treasury  issued  an  order,  on  21 
Nov.  1755,  directing  the  Examiners  to  proceed  to  Cardigan- 
shire so  that  they  might  there  further  investigate  Morris's 
accounts.  In  justice  to  Morris  himself,  it  should  be  stated 
that  several  passages  in  the  letters  which  he  wrote  to  his 
brother  during  the  progress  of  the  examination,  tend  to 
corroborate  his  statement  that  the  Examiners  made  no 
complaint,  and,  in  fact,  "  seemed  well  pleased "  with  his 
explanations.^ 

*  On  13  October — four  days  after  the  commencement  of  the 
audit — he  writes :  "  Just  now  Lord  Powys's  agent,  and  John  Paynter 
and  self  sitting  together  over  a  Bowl  of  Punch  in  my  room."  Six 
days  later  he  reports :  -"  The  examination  goes  on  glibly,  8\on 
baintiirr  yn  ddyn  rhxjfedda  fn  erioed  [Paynter  the  strangest  man  that 
ever  lived],  all  pride  and  vanity,  and  good  sense,  extraordinary  parts, 
a  heap  of  contradictions."  On  the  20th  he  refers  in  somewhat 
similar  terms  to  a  person  whom  he  calls  Payan  Sparduuoy,  un- 
doubtedly Paynter.  Morns  himself  is  speaking  fairly  (Jinneu^n 
dywedyd  yn  dey^  A'c,  iV:c.>  to  the  Examiners,  who  "seem  to  Iw  con- 
vinced of  the  reality  of  my  case  whi(;h  ye  other  rascals  have  a  mind  to 
conceal."  By  the  "  other  rascals "  he  meant  Sharpe,  the  Solicitt)r, 
and  West,  one  of  the  Secretaries  to  the  Tre»isury,  for  he  jestingly 
proceeds  to  derive  the  wor<l  "  scroundel "  from  the  Welsh  Hy%  c\m^ 


Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire.  45 

Once  more  Cardiganshire  became  the  scene  of  action. 
It  was  a  race  from  London  there  between  Morris  and  the 
Examiners,  each  party  being  eager  to  be  first  at  the 
mine.  But  Morris's  haste  involved  him  in  an  accident 
for  on  his  way  home,  accompanied  no  doubt  by  his  nephew, 
John  Owen,  who  had  remained  with  him  in  London  all  the 
time,  he  had  the  misfortune  to  fall  from  his  horse,  and 
this  seems  to  have  enabled  the  Examiners  to  reach  the 
mine  before  him,  which  they  did  on  lOtli  December.  At 
Rhayadr,  they  had  been  met  by  William  Jones,  the  agent 
left  in  charge  of  the  mine  during  Morris's  absence,  but  at 
the  mine  itself  they  were  unable  to  obtain  possession  of  the 
house  (called  the  King's  house),  which  Morris  had  built 
for  his  accommodation  as  manager.  In  it,  Evan  Williams, 
one  of  the  three  partners  in  the  original  taking  of  the  mine, 
was  living  with  his  wife  and  family  as  caretakers,  and  as 
he  had  previously  held  possession  of  it  by  Morris's  direc- 
tions "  tho'  attempted  often  to  be  thrown  out  by  the 
sheriflF  of  the  county,"  he  who  had  been  "  a  constant  and 
true  friend  of  the  cause  of  the  Crown,"  refused  admittance 
to  the  Examiners,  as  they  were  strangers  to  him  and  he 
had  no  knowledge  of  their  authority.  Without  waiting  to 
eject  him,  or  making  any  sort  of  inspection  of  the  mine,  the 
Examiners  proceeded  immediately  to  Aberystwyth,  which 
place  they  made  their  headquarters. 

Down  to  this  stage  Morris  seems  to  have  maintained — 

y  drel — "a  rhywogaeth  y  drel  hwnnw  yw'r  Llym  yma  a'r  Gorllewin.  O 
Fileiniaid !  ar  fedr  andwyo  dyn  ai  deulu  i  borthi  eu  pendro  gythreulig 
— worse  than  dogs  or  serpents".  In  a  letter  of  the  24th  he  again 
describes  Paynter  as  "a  grotesquely  curious  man,  but  as  the  steel  all 
the  same  [rii  welais  i  erioed  ei  ail  o  ddyn  gxcrthun,  ond  mae  ef  fal  y  dur 
er  hynyX  Self  interest  is  ye  great  tye.  The  last  part  of  my 
vouchers  I  delivered  to-day,  ag  ricyn  gobeitho  y  gtcnant  report  gonest 
Tneion  ychydig  ddyddiau  [and  I  hope  they  will  make  an  honest  report 
in  a  few  days]." 


46  Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire. 

outwardly  at  all  events — his  friendly  relations  with 
Paynter :  *^  I  often  attended  the  Examiners  at  Aberystwyth 
and  dined  and  supped  with  them,  and  they  appeared 
always  very  friendly  during  the  course  of  their  examin- 
ation, and  did  not  require  any  explanation  of  me,  except 
the  Partners'  or  Bargain  takers'  account  for  the  first  year 
(1751),"  which  was  not  however  forthcoming.  But  Morris 
subsequently  discovered,  according  to  his  statement, 
that  Paynter  was  all  this  time  plotting  his  ruin.  ^*At 
the  same  time  that  the  Examiners  behaved  to  me  so  civil, 
Mr.  Paynter  told  several  persons  that  now  he  had  an 
opportunity  to  be  reveng'd  on  me  for  speaking  against 
him  when  he  was  agent  of  mines  to  Mr.  Corbett,  and  that 
he  would  paint  me  as  black  as  the  devil,  and  that  he 
v/ould  represent  me  to  the  Treasury  as  one  ignorant  of 
everything  relating  to  mines." 

But  the  account  subsequently  given  by  Morris  of  the 
conduct  of  the  Examiners  at  this  time  must  necessarily  be 
accepted  with  caution,  for  allowance  should  doubtless  be 
made  for  the  fact  that  this  account  was  not  written  till 
after  the  lapse  of  some  eighteen  months;  when,  moreover, 
he  had  to  defend  himself  against  charges  which  were  based 
upon  the  Examiners'  reports  as  to  his  stewardship.  On 
the  other  hand,  as  Morris's  allegations  against  the 
Examiners  were  made  in  the  course  of  legal  proceedings, 
they  were  all  liable  to  be  rebutted,  especially  as  they 
related  for  the  most  part  to  specific  facts,  and  such  rebuttal 
would  have  had  the  inevitable  result  of  destroying  Morris's 
credit  and  reputation;  and  unless  there  was,  therefore,  some 
foundation  in  fact  for  his  allegations  he  would  scarcely 
have  been  so  reckless  as  to  place  them  formally  on  record 
in  his  pleadings. 

According  to  Morris,  whose  version  we  think  it  right  to 
give,  subject  to  the  foregoing  reservation,  the  Examiners, 


Lewis  Morns  in  Cardiganshire,  47 

before  proceeding  to  examine  the  mine,  spent  five  or  six 
weeks^  '^  chiefly  in  visits  at  the  houses  of  the  claimants 
of  the  mine,"  and  also  "in  keeping  an  open  house  of 
revelling,  balls  and  entertainments  at  Aberystwyth,  with 
harpers  and  fiddlers,"  by  which  means  they  "persuaded 
several  persons  to  make  complaints  against  [Morris]  in 
their  drunkenness,  which  they  afterwards  owned  they 
were  sorry  f or.^     And  the  people  that  they  chiefly  carress'd 

^  They  had  a  good  excuse  for  not  going  to  the  mine,  for  they 
could  not  do  so  "  for  frost  and  snow'\ 

'^  The  following  is  from  one  of  Morris's  numerous  memoranda  :  "  Mr. 
Paynter,  on  his  first  coming  to  Cardiganshire  on  ye  examination  of 
my  accounts  publicly  declared  in  my  presence  and  of  several  others 
that  the  Treasury  were  so  surfeited  with  affidavits  from  Cardiganshire 
they  would  have  no  more  of  them,  but  that  he  would  take  all  exami- 
nations about  my  accounts  without  the  ceremony  of  an  oath,  and  that 
if  anybody  had  any  demands  upon  me  he  would  pay  them  on  their 
making  their  complaints.  This  occasioned  a  vast  number  of  poor 
indigent  people  to  make  demands  where  there  was  no  colour,  and 
several  to  deny  their  hands  to  the  receipts  they  had  given,  so  that 
according  to  this  way  of  examination  all  my  payments  might  be 
struck  off,  if  all  the  persons  concerijed  had  as  little  conscience  as 
some  had." 

Elsewhere  he  states  that  "they  took  down  in  writing  whatever 
any  drunken  fellow,  whom  they  had  treated,  had  the  conscience  to 
say  against  me,  telling  him  beforehand  that  he  need  not  be  on  oath — 
and  this  in  a  country  where  I  had  made  me  so  many  enemies  on  the 
King's  account,  by  endeavouring  to  maintain  his  right." 

Among  the  specific  instances  which  Morris  gives  are  the  follow- 
ing : — "  Two  of  the  Partners  were  made  drunk  at  the  Examiners' 
lodgings,  being  persuaded  by  Mr.  Paynter  to  make  complaints  which 
they  were  told  need  not  be  on  oath,  and  that  he  would  make  me  pay 
them  more  money,  and  offered  to  help  them  to  file  a  bill  in  Chancery 
against  me.  When  thoy  grew  sober  they  came  to  me  and  own'd 
what  they  had  done,  and  sign'd  papers  (which  I  have)  testifying  to 
the  contrary." 

There  is  also  a  note  stating  that  the  wife  of  one  of  the  washers  in 
the  Vmrgain  of  1751,  was  given  a  guinea  by  Paynter  at  Lord 
Lisburne's  house,  with  the  view  of  her  proving  that  she  had  washed 
more  ore  than  was  accounted  for,  &c.,  but  when  told  by  Morris's 
nephew,  John  Owen,  that  later  on  she  would  be  required  to  sub- 
stantiate her  statement  upon  oath,  she  also  retracted. 


48  Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire. 

and  entertained  in  those  revells  were  the  very  people  that 
always  opposed  the  title  of  the  Crown  to  the  mine,  and 
were  [Morris's]  utter  enemies  on  that  account."*  More- 
over, Morris  complained  that  the  Examiners,  though  they 
had  paid  only  one  visit  to  his  house,  which  was  near  to 
their  lodgings,  "  were  frequently  at  the  Houses  of  Mr. 
Powell  and  Lord  Lisburn,  who  had  given  the  Crown  so 
much  trouble  by  claiming  the  mine,  and  there  examined 
the  persons  who  Mr.  Powell  and  Ld.  Lisbum  could  per- 
suade to  say  anything  against  me  because  I  had  so  stren- 
uously defended  the  King's  right  against  them". 

Either  the  Examiners  were  not  empowered  to  take 
evidence  on  oath,  or  they  elected  not  to  do  so,  for  it 
appears  that  they  obtained  all  their  information  by  means 
of  unsworn  testimony,  that  Morris  was  never  allowed  to  be 
present  when  witnesses  were  examined,  and  that  they  *^never 
would  let  him  know  what  complaints  there  were  against 
him  [so  as]  to  give  him  an  opportunity  of  clearing  himself, 
though  he  expressly  desired  of  them  to  let  him  bring 
persons  to  answer  some  complaints  that  he  had  heard  had 
been  made." 

^  Another  memorandum   contains  the  following  serious  allega- 
tion : — 

^^  To  aggravate  the  country  against  me  on  their  examination,  Mr. 

Paynter  read  publicly  the   letters  I  had  wrote  to  Mr.  Sharpe  and 

others  during  my  maintaining  and  disputing  the  rights  of  the  Crown 

with  Lord  Lisbum  and  Mr.  Powell,  which  I  presume  were  given  him 

for  the  purpose  by  Mr.  Sharpe,  and  as  I  am  inform'd  Mr.  Paynter 

gave  up  to  Mr.  Powell  and  Lord  Lisbum  my  original  letters  to  Mr. 

Sharpe,  to  see  if  they  couhl  get  any  handle  against  me.    This  is  a 

proceeding  never  used  by  any  person  or  oflice,  to  expose  their  Agent 

or  Attorney's  letters,  who  perhaps  might  Iw  sometimes  t<H)  warm  in 

his  expressions,  when  ill-used  by  his  antagonists,  but  it  is  however  a 

Caveat  to    others    never   to  be   too  faithful  to   their  trust  when 

employ'd  by  the  Government,  lest  some  of  those  they  opiK>se  should 

turn  to  be  useful   members  in  the   House  of  Commons,  as  Lord 

Lisbum's  son  and  Mr.  Townsend  now  are." 


Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire,  49 

Morris  claimed  that  he  had  given  to  the  Examiners,  so 
far  as  they  would  permit  him,  all  the  assistance  in  his 
power,  and  especially  that  he  had  delivered  to  them  all  his 
books  of  account  relating  to  the  period  of  his  superin- 
tendence. Paynter,  however,  wrote  to  him  that  *'  some 
folks  (such  were  his  words)  thought  it  would  be  proper 
they  should  see  the  Partners'  accounts  for  the  year  1721," 
to  which  Morris  replied  that  owing  to  the  bargain-takers 
being  illiterate  no  regular  accounts  had  been  kept,  and 
that  moreover  the  venture  of  1751  was  "a  private  concern'*, 
as  to  the  receipts  and  expenses  of  which  the  Crown  could 
not  justly  demand  an  account.  But  even  in  this  respect 
he  seems  to  have  made  some  concession  later,  for,  referring 
to  the  matter  m  his  Answer,  he  states  that  the  Examiners 
"might,  if  they  had  thought  proper,  have  settled  and 
adjusted  the  account  of  ore  got  out  of  the  mine  in  1751,  as 
he  had  delivered  to  them  the  accounts  of  the  sale  of  the 
said  ore,  and  all  the  names  of  the  Buyers,  who  were  all  to 
be  spoke  with,"  but  what  enquiries  they  had  made  of  the 
merchants  who  bought  the  ore,  Morris  was  unable  to  say. 

On  22  January  1756,  the  Examiners  "contrived  an 
artful  malicious  letter"  to  Morris,  complaining  that  a 
caretaker,  by  his  directions,  withheld  from  them  posses- 
sion of  the  King's  house  at  the  mine,  "against  the 
order  of  the  Lords  of  the  Treasury."  Two  days  later, 
without  waiting  for  Morris's  reply,  they  wrote  to  West  at 
the  Treasury,  enclosing  a  copy  of  their  letter  of  the  22nd, 
and  alleging  that  Morris  would  not  suflFer  any  of  the 
King's  servants  to  go  near  them,  a  statement  which,  he 
says,  after  Euclid's  manner,  was  absurd,  as  there  were  then 
no  King's  servants  to  be  so  prevented,  all  having  been 
discharged  above  a  twelvemonth  before,  except  William 
Jones,  the  agent,  and  some  twelve  pumpers  "who  were 
always   in  the  mine  and  at  the   Examiners'   command"; 


E  * 


50  Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire. 

all  which  the  solicitor  to  the  Treasury  (Sharpe)  "knew 
very  well,  though  to  aggravate  the  Treasury  and  to  pro- 
mote Mr.  Pajrnter,  he  wink'd  at  this  falsehood  that 
I  hinder'd  the  King's  servants  to  appear."  There  was 
nothing  left  to  the  Examiners,  so  they  seem  to  have 
represented,  but  "to  proceed  in  the  best  manner  they 
could,  without  the  inspection  of  such  books  and  papers  as 
Morris  had  withheld  from  them";  while  as  further  proof 
of  their  assiduity,  or  "to  prolong  time",  they  also 
examined  the  custom-house  books,  though  Morris  explained 
to  them  that  "no  officers  of  the  customs  enter  in  their 
books  out  of  what  mine  any  ore  comes,  no  more  than  out 
of  what  farm  any  corn  comes." 

On  26  January,  they  wrote  to  Morris  informing  him 
that,  by  the  authority  of  the  Treasury,  they  revoked  and 
determined  his  superintendency  of  the  mine,  and  that  he 
would  have  further  directions  concerning  the  Balance 
**  pretended  by  them"  to  remain  in  his  hands  as  soon  as 
their  report  had  been  considered  by  the  Treasury.  At  the 
same  time,  or  very  shortly  after,  Paynter  himself  was 
entrusted  by  the  Treasury  with  the  management  of  the 
mine,  an  object  which  had  been  secured,  so  Morris  con- 
tended, "  by  malicious  and  false  representations  "  of  his 
conduct. 

The  Examiners  presented  two  distinct  accounts,  one  of 
which,  described  as  drawn  up  from  such  books  as  Morris 
had  thought  fit  to  produce  to  them,  showed  a  balance  of 
£2,910  11«.  3d.  due  from  him  to  the  Crown.  The  other,  in 
the  preparation  of  which  the  Examiners  had  "considered 
themselves  as  two  indifferent  Referees,  abstracted  from  all 
prejudices,  collusions,  or  misbehaviour  in  him  (Morris) 
and  made  him  all  just  and  reasonable  allowances,"  showed 
as  due  from  him,  a  balance  of  £3,468  bs.  \d.  In  the  bill 
of  complaint  subsequently  filed  against  Morris,  the  former 


Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire,  51 

sum  was  claimed  on  an  account  stated,  while  the  latter 
sum  was  claimed  in  the  alternative.  These  results  were 
obtained  by  striking  out  many  payments  which  Morris 
claimed  to  have  made  {e,g,,  in  respect  of  "double  stems" 
worked),  and  also  disallowing  his  salary,  "alleging, 
perhaps  from  their  ignorance  of  these  things,  that  he 
deserved  no  salary." 

No  balance  was,  however,  demanded  of  Morris,  nor 
was  the  result  of  the  investigation  directly  communi- 
cated to  him,  though  shortly  after  the  Examiners'  return 
to  London  it  was  commonly  reported  that  "  some  officers 
of  the  Treasury  wanted  to  arrest  his  body  for  about 
£3,000."  But  he  lost  no  time  in  going  himself  to  London, 
where  he  arrived  on  22  March,  not  to  return  home  till 
about  Christmas  1757,  or  possibly  the  beginning  of  1758. 

As  he  believed  that  his  opponents  were  plotting  his 
ruin,  it  was  necessary,  if  possible,  to  check  their  machin- 
ations, and  in  sheer  self-defence  go  in  for  counter-plotting. 
A  break  in  the  correspondence  leaves  us,  however,  in  the 
dark  as  to  what  was  being  done  between  April  and  July. 
The  veil  is  lifted  by  the  following  letter  or  report  written 
to  the  Lords  of  the  Treasury  by  their  solicitor,  John 
Sharpe,  on  28  July  1756. 

"  In  obedience  to  your  Lordships'  commands  signify'd  to  me  by  Mr. 
Harding's  letter  of  the  16th  July  instant,  I  have  laid  the  several 
reports  of  Messrs.  Painter  and  Tidy  concerning  the  conduct  of  Mr. 
Lewis  Morris,  agent  to  the  King's  mines  in  Wales,  and  the  state  of 
his  accounts,  and  their  report  of  the  value  and  condition  of  the 
mine  at  Esgair-y-mwyn,  with  the  authority  given  to  those  gentlemen, 
with  a  proper  state  of  the  case  drawn  up  by  me,  before  Mr.  Attorney 
General,  and  have  taken  his  opinion  touching  the  method  by  which 
the  King  s  interest  in  the  said  mine  may  be  most  properly  secured, 
whether  by  a  lease  thereof  in  the  manner  proposed  in  one  of  the  said 
reports,  or  by  what  other  method,  and  also  what  will  be  the  best 
method  of  recovering  the  money  due  from  Mr.  Morris,  and  I  herewith 
lay  before  your  Lordships  the  said  case  with  Mr.  Attorney  General's 
opinion." 

£   2 


52  Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire. 

The  subsequent  course  of  events  enable  us  to  infer  the 
purport  of  that  Opinion.  Meanwhile,  however,  another 
blow  was  aimed  at  Morris  by  his  dismissal,  early  in 
August,  from  the  coUectorship  at  Aberdovey.  Writing 
to  his  brother  at  Holyhead  on  28  August,  he  said  that 
the  Duke  of  Newcastle  solemnly  assured  him  that  he  was 
not  privy  to  his  dismissal — ^that  it  was  the  work  of  other 
people.*     But,  observes  Morris, 

"He  dare  not  refuse  the  Jacobites  anything  they  ask,  an  odd 
mortal,  without  bottom  or  solidity.  I  know  they'll  carry  their  spight 
against  me  to  ye  utmost,  and  [he]  hath  neither  courage  nor  honesty 
to  stop  them,  but  there  will  come  a  time  soon  that  the  scenes  will 
be  chang'd." 

It  was  well  on  in  the  following  year  before  he  had  much 
to  communicate  to  his  brother  as  to  the  dispute  with  the 
Treasury.  Meanwhile  he  busily  occupied  himself  with 
preparing  a  cabinet  of  mineralogical  specimens,  which  he 
intended  for,  and  eventually  presented  to,  the  Earl  of  Powis. 
He  was  also  keenly  interested  in  Lord  Powis's  endeavour 
to  obtain  a  lease  of  Esgair-y-mwyn  mine  from  the  Crown, 
a  project  which  Pajmter  also  favoured  and  worked  for, 
but  for  ulterior  objects  of  his  own  which  Morris  had  as  yet 
no  suspicion  of.  "Who  knows  but  I  shall  go  again  to 
Wales  Deheubarthegy^^  he  optimistically  exclaims  on  receipt 
of  a  letter  from  Lord  Powis  that  everything  was  going  on 
all  right.  "1  find,"  Morris  writes  (25  Sept.  1756),  "that 
Smedley  came  to  town  a  few  days  ago  by  ye  direction"  of 
Harding  of  the  Treasury,  a  bitter  opponent  of  Morris's  party, 
but  after  oifering  40«.  per  ton  royalty,  he  hurried  home,  in- 
continently complaining  that  he  had  been  made  a  fool  of, 
as  the  lease  would  be  granted  to  Lord  Powis,  whatever 
royalty  his  Lordship  offered.    Townsend  also  offered  "twice 

*  "  Am  fy  materion  i,  yr  im  fath  er  pan  sgrifennais  ddiweddaf.  Fe 
dyng  y  Oast,  newydd  na  wyr  ef  ddim  oddiwrth  fy  hel  i  o  Ddyfi,  ond 
mae  gwaith  pobl  ereill  oedd." 


Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire.  53 

as  much  as  the  thing  would  pay  ",  but  "  he  was  too  light  in 
the  scales  against  Lord  Powis,  tho'  he  had  another  member 
to  be  a  partner  with  him  (Vaughan  of  Crosswood)  and  it 
seems  he  could  not  give  proper  security.  However 
Smedley  has  been  a  complaining  to  a  friend  of  his  that 
nobody  has  any  chance  with  Lord  Powis,  for  that  he 
insisted  upon  having  it,  and  he  could  lead  ye  Morthwyl 
mawr  as  he  pleas'd." 

Meanwhile  Paynter  was  down  at  Esgair-y-mwyn, 
"going  on  after  the  same  wild  manner,  building  and 
throwing  down  ....  even  in  the  depth  of  winter  " 
(30  Nov.  1756) — "driving  levels,  sinking  engine  shafts, 
rioting,  &c.,  &c."  (4  Feb.  1757),  but  slipping  away  for  a 
few  days  at  Christmas,  apparently  to  visit  Lord  Powis  at 
Oakley  Park.  But  "these  things  will  be  over  by  and  by," 
says  the  poet,  "and  that  honest  Ivddew  [Jew]  known 
there  as  well  as  in  other  places."  Even  Powell,  of 
Nanteos,  declared  that  Paynter  was  not  to  be  trusted,  and 
that  Morris  would  once  more  return  to  the  mine.  So 
firmly  did  Morris  believe  this  himself  that  he  instructed 
"  honest  Evan  William"  to  purchase  about  £200  worth  of 
timber  in  the  district,  so  that  Lord  Powis  could  have  it  to 
work  the  mine,  but  "for  certain  reasons"  it  was  "bought 
in  Evan  Williams's  name"  (Jan.  1,  1757).  During  the 
winter  months,  Morris  was  much  troubled  with  asthma  and 
a  persistent  cough,  which  prevented  his  resting  in  a  prone 
position.  An  illness  of  Lord  Powis's  also  delayed  matters, 
but  the  lease  of  Esgair-y-mwyn  from  the  Treasury  to  his 
lordship  was  eventually  signed  on  February  24th,  1757. 
"God  knows  how  it  will  affect  me!"  was  Morris's  com- 
ment to  his  brother. 

His  lordship  shortly  afterwards,  in  addition  to  this 
lease,  appears  to  have  obtained  a  lease  of  the  manors  of 
Myfenydd   and   Creuddyn,   and   all   mines   and  minerals 


54  Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire. 

within  those  manors  except  Esgair  y-mwyn,  the  rent 
reserved  bein^  £2  for  the  manors,  £2  for  the  mines,  and 
one-tenth  of  the  ore.  This  second  lease  expired  on  2  April 
1788,  its  term  probably  being  thirty-one  years,  which  was 
then  the  usual  term  for  mineral  leases  from  the  Crown. 

It  was  probably  with  a  view  to  these  leases  that  Morris 
had  presented  Lord  Powis,  in  December  1766,  with  his 
histories  of  the  manors  of  Creuddyn  and  Myfenydd. 

Not  long  after  this,  Morris  thought  that  Lord  Powis's 
manner  towards  him  was  less  cordial  than  it  used  to  be. 
At  first  he  fancied  that  this  arose  from  an  unreadiness  on 
his  lordship's  part  to  refund  the  money  which  he  had 
paid  for  the  timber,  and  he  now  feared  that  in  so  paying, 
he  had  done  "an  indiscreet  thing".  He  was  probably 
nearer  the  mark  as  to  the  cause  of  the  estrangement 
when  he  informed  his  brother  (6  May  1 769)  that  Paynter 
was  in  London,  "pushing  his  long  nose  no  doubt  into 
Ld.  P.'s  ears.'"  It  is,  at  all  events,  clear  that  Lord  Powis 
retained  Paynter  as  his  agent  and  manager  of  the  mine  at 
Esgair-y-mwyn. 

Moreover,  the  change  of  Ministry  which  happened  about 
this  time  did  not  prove  to  Morris's  advantage.     Early  in 

'  Paynter's  departure  from  Esgair-y-mwyn  had  been  somewhat 
mysterious,  and  Morris  believed  that  he  had  escaped  in  disgrace  or 
in  fear  of  the  law  (letter  of  8  April  1757): — "A  messenger  from 
London  arrived  in  that  neighbourhood  [Esgair-y-mwyn]  ye  26th 
March,  and  27th  early  before  the  man  came  Pajmter  took  horses  and 
slipt  away  to  Salop,  and  some  think  to  London.  I  supi)ose  his 
pride  and  folly  reached  ye  ears  of  ye  Treasury,  and  that  they  sent  a 
man  to  supersede  him.     I  believe  in  my  heart  he  has  drawn   Arg. 

Po[wi8]  into  a  scrape The  London  messenger,  after 

looking  about  him,  and  seeing  Paynter  had  given  him  ye  slip, 
went  back  to  London,  and  a  change  happens  in  the  Ministry  at  that 
veiy  crisis,  nolxMly  can  proten<l  to  determine  how  it  will  turn  out." 
And  then  he  introduces  a  morsel  of  folklore  which  is  worth  pre- 
serving :  "It  is  surprising  what  «M>ufusion8  money  will  make.    Is  it 

any  wonder  that  the  d 1  should  sit  cross-legged  in  ogo  maen 

cymrivd  to  guard  the  treasures  there.** 


Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire,  55 

May,  proceedings  were  launched  against  him  to  recover 
the  balance  which  Paynter  and  Tidy  had  reported  as  still 
due  from  him  to  the  Treasury.  John  Owen  was  joined  as 
co-defendant,  "  with  a  view  to  take  off  his  evidence  from 
being  on  his  (Morris's)  side".  Writing  to  William  Morris 
on  18  May,  he  says  : — 

"  My  Treasury  enemies  caused  him  [J.  Owen]  to  be  served  with 
an  Exchequer  writ  ye  beginning  of  this  month,  at  ye  suit  of  ye 
Attorney-genl.  by  Information.  ...  I  had  notice  of  it  before- 
hand and  ordered  him  out  of  ye  way,  but  he  was  so  Hypd.  [?  Hypo- 
chondriacal] that  he  could  not  move  an  inch,  or  did  not  think  my 
information  was  of  any  consequence.  You  see  what  low  shifts  my 
enemies  are  put  to,  to  seek  out  for  matter  of  Information  against  me, 
for  this  is  intended  for  that  purpose.  Ond  ebr  yr  hen  ddihareb  ni 
thwyllwyd  a  rybuddiwyd ;  felly  minneu  wnaf  y  goreu  oV  gwaethaf ." 

He  probably  owed  his  early  knowledge  of  these  pro- 
ceedings to  some  friendly  official  at  the  Treasury,  for  on 
21  May  he  writes  : — "I  have  opened  a  door  into  ^rdrysorfa^ 
a  kind  of  a  private  access,  by  which  I  shall  discover  the 
intentions  of  men.  I  wish  I  had  seen  it  sooner,  but  this 
was  only  a  work  of  providence,  and  could  not  be  sooner." 
By  the  end  of  May,  a  bill  of  "  three  skins  of  parchment  '* 
had  been  filed  against  himself  and  Owen.  It  is  signed  by 
Robert  Harley  (the  Attorney-General)  and  George  Perrott, 
and  is  still  preserved  at  the  Record  Office,  where  also  are 
to  be  seen  the  Answer  of  the  two  defendants,  and  the 
Crown's  Exceptions  thereto,  both  of  which  will  be  referred 
to  later.  Owen's  presence  in  London  now  became  neces- 
sary, and,  on  18  June,  Monis  wrote  to  his  wife  (who  had 
removed  to  Penbryn  in  the  spring)  bidding  her  despatch 
Owen  to  London  with  all  speed,  and  giving  directions  as  to 
the  journey.  "  The  neighbours  need  not  know  where  he 
goes  that  they  may  not  have  business  to  talk."  He  also 
gave  instructions  "to  push  Cwmervin  on",  but  owing  to 
heavy  floods  during  the  summer,  the  output  there  fell  short 
of  what  it  might  otherwise  have  been.     As  to  Esgair-y- 


56  Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire. 

mwyn,  Paynter  had  now  returned,   but  there   was   '^no 

work  (raising^  ore)  going  on  yet".     As  to  the  lawsuit,  "  I 

am  fighting  them  now  in  equity",  he  writes  to  his  brother 

(18  June),  "and  have  the  same  Counsel  as  was  against  the 

King  in  the  great  trial.^     Must  not  I  change  sides  as  well 

as  others?"     He  was  busily  preparing  his  answer,  which 

was  to  be  filed  during  the  Michaelmas  term.     But  he  also 

devoted  much  time  to  literary  work  and  scientific  research. 

It  was  at  this  period  that  he  wrote  the  greater  part  of  his 

Celtic   Remains ;  he  also  made  a  collection  of  coins,  and 

studied    their    inscriptions ;  he    presented     his     brother 

William  with  a  microscope,  which  he  had  made  with  his 

own  hands.     Writing   to   William   on  28   September  he 

sends  him  important  news  from  Cardiganshire : — 

"  This  post  brinj^s  me  news  that  Johnes,  of  Abermaid,  was  on  ye 
21  st  instant  carried  to  Cardigan  Jail  by  a  mob  of  100  men,  and  that 
about  a  iOO  men  of  his  mob,  hearing  of  his  being  decoyed  into  their 
snare,  have  marched  on  ye  23rd  at  night  to  Cardigan  to  carry  him  oflf. 
We  shall  hear  next  post,  I  suppose,  of  a  Battle  there.  Herbert  Lloyd 
decoyVl  him  into  their  trap,  who  pretended  to  be  his  bosom  friend. 
Lladdant  eii  gilydd  a  chroeso.     A  Duio  gattcoW  gwirion.^ 

Some  ten  days  later  he  gives   further   news   of  this 

flare-up  {rhyfel  bentan)  between  the  factions  of  Abermaid 

and  Llanvair  y  Clywedogau  {sic) : — 

*^  140  men  of  a  side  or  more.  Abermaid  hath  several  allies, 
Nanteos,  Trawsgood,  Aberllolwyn,  and  Llandudoch.  Llanvair  hath 
strong  allies,  colliers  from  Pembrokeshire,  miners  of  Es(gair)  y  mwyn, 
Grogwynion,  Llwjm  y  gwyddyl,  Lewis  Llanchairon,  A'c,  all  under 
arms.  You  never  heard  of  such  madness  since  the  attempt  or  attack 
formerly  on  Esgair  y  mwyn." 

The  attempted  rescue  seems  to  have  proved  unavailing, 
for  on  18  October  Morris  reported  that  Johnes  was  then 

^  The  Counsel  who  subsequently  settled  the  defendants'  answer, 
and  also  argued  on  their  behalf  against  the  exceptions  thereto,  was 
Edmund  Starkie.  Morris's  attorney  was  Thomas  Cross,  of  Wine 
Office  Court,  who  was  a  member  of  the  Cymmrodorion  Society,  bis 
qualification  being  that  his  mother  was  a  Welsh  woman. 


Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire,  57 

in  the  King's  Bench,  "  where  he  was  like  to  end  his  wicked 
life,"  but  the  writer  had  no  sympathy  to  waste  on  him. 
The  great  county  quarrel  was  in  his  eyes  a  case  of  "  dog 
eat  dog."  Paynter,  on  the  other  hand,  was  "cutting  a 
most  astonishing  figure"  in  Cardiganshire,  "building, 
taking  great  farms,  &c.,  in  short,  driving  "  ten  times 
hotter  than  Jehu."  Towards  the  end  of  October,  he 
(accompanied  by  his  brother)  went  up  to  London,  leaving 
the  work  on  stop,  except  one  small  level,  and,  as  Morris 
heard,  hatching  some  plots  against  himself,  which  was 
likely  enough.  "  If  the  Treasury  want  a  tool  of  destruc- 
tion, he  is  the  fittest  man  in  the  world  for  it."  On  Dec.  1, 
in  a  postscript  to  a  letter  of  the  previous  day,  Morris  men- 
tions a  rumour  that  Lord  Powis  had  surrendered  his  lease 
of  Esgair-y-mwyn  to  the  Treasury  owing  to  the  unprofit- 
ableness of  the  undertaking:  "If  it  is  so,"  adds  Morris, 
"  there  is  one  of  Paynter's  tricks  in  it,  for  there  has  been 
a  vast  deal  of  unnecessary  work  done  there  since  they 
began,  of  levels,  shafts,  building  of  houses,  and  great  wells 
and  ponds,  &c.,  and  I  am  told  all  brought  to  ye  account  of 
ye  mine  under  the  title  of  labour,  in  order  to  induce  the 
Treasury  to  grant  a  lease  on  better  terms."^ 

Meanwhile,  the  end  of  the  long  vacation  was  drawing 
near,  and  Morris's  Answer  was  not  yet  ready ;  he  had  to 
urge  on  his  lawyer,  and  even  drank  hard  with  him  so  as  to 
"drive  instructions  into  him."     "According  to   my  de- 

'  Some  further  references  to  this  matter  are  given  in  the  Appendix. 
It  would  appear  that  Lord  Powis  did,  in  fact,  surrender  his  lease,  and 
that  a  new  one  was  subsequently  granted  to  him,  on  easier  terms,  for 
a  lease  of  Esgair-y-mwyn  to  him  (at  a  rent  of  5«.  a  year  and  ^th  of  the 
ore)  expired  on  the  20  Dec.  1796,  when  no  new  lease  was  granted 
{see  Whittle  Harvey's  Returns  of  the  Land  Revenues  of  the  Crown 
1831,  p.  24).  In  a  subsequent  return  (Appendix  3  to  Report  of  Land 
Rev.  of  the  Crown  1833;,  there  is  this  note  as  to  Esgair-y-mwyn:  "These 
mines  were  some  years  since  surrendered  to  the  Crown  by  Lord  Clive." 


58  Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire, 

mands",  he  adds,  "  they  owe  me  above  two  thousand 
pounds,  and  as  yet  I  don't  know  what  will  be  the  conse- 
quence." The  result  of  this  dilatoriness  wa«  reported 
by  Morris  in  a  letter  of  14  November  1757/ 

"  For  want  of  bringing  in  our  Answer  the  first  day  of 
term,  owing  to  the  Tardiness  of  my  Lawyers,  there  is  an 
attachment  taken  out  against  Jo.  Owen  and  self  in  order 
to  make  us  give  bail  to  stand  a  trial.  But  they  shall  not 
attack  me  unless  they  break  doors,"  while  he  had  also 
warned  his  nephew. 

At  last  the  formal  Answer  was,  however,  sworn  to  by 

the  defendants  before  Chief  Baron  Parker  on  25  November 

1757.     In  it  Morris,  of  course,  denied  that  there  was  due 

from  him  to  the  Treasury  the  sum  of  £3,468  claimed,  or 

any  other  sum.     On  the  contrary,  Morris  insisted  that  if  a 

fair  account  were  taken  of  his  receipts  and  payments,  and 

of  the  proper  allowances,  which  ought  in  justice  to  be  made 

to  him,  and  which  he  humbly  hoped  would  be  allowed  him 

as  set  forth  in  the  two  schedules  annexed  to  his  Answer, 

there  would  appear  to  be  justly  due  to  him  (defendant) 

the  sum  of  £2,885   \s.     This  amount  was   made   up   as 

follows : — 

Expenses  while  in  Cardigan  jail,  41  days  at  2  guineas 

a  day,  £86  2«. ;  damages  for  assault  and  false  imprison- 
ment, £500 ;  expenses  in  London  after  being  bailed  out, 
155  days  from  4  April  to  6  Sept.  1753,  £325  10«. ;  expenses 
attending  the  trial,  55  days  from  26  April  to  19  June  1754, 
£115  108.;  expenses  and  journey  of  himself  and  John 
Owen  "  to  London  by  the  order  of  the  officers  of  the 
Treasury,  to  settle  his  accounts  with  the  Treasury,  being 
out  305  days,  from  21  January  1755,  to  the  21st  November 
following,  at  3  guineas  a  day  for  both,  £960  15^.;  salary 

^  By  a  slip  ho  Iihh  written  1755,  but  intonml  ovidenco  proves  that 
beyond  doubt  it  should  be  1757. 


Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire,  59 

as  superintendent  of  Esgair-y-mwyn  mine  from  1  Jan. 
to  26  Feb.  1756  (at  the  rate  of  £600  a  year),  £578  \s.  Id. ; 
cash  paid  on  2  April  1755  by  order  of  Sharpe  to  Stephen 
Edwards,  Attorney,  "  for  business  done  in  the  defence  of 
the  said  mine  ",  £118  17«.  3d. ;  payments  since  the  delivery 
of  his  accounts : — to  the  Examiners  under  5  separate 
orders  from  the  Treasury,  £404  7s.  9d.,  and  expenses  of 
the  mine  from  3  January  1755  (i.e.  the  date  to  which  his 
abstract  had  been  made  up)  to  28  Feb.  1756,  "  with  other 
bills  inserted  in  this  account  by  Paynter  and  Tidy  of  their 
own  private  expenses,"  (which  the  Under- Agent  at  the 
mine  was  ordered  by  them  to  pay),  £386  188.  YOd.  All 
these  items  made  up  a  total  of  £3,475  28.  5d.,  out  of  which 
there  was  to  be  deducted  the  sum  of  £1,090  l8.  5d.,  which 
Morris,  in  his  abstract,  admitted  to  be  the  cash  in  his 
hands  on  3  January  1755,  leaving  a  balance  in  his  favour 
of  £2,385  l8.  For  most  (if  not  all)  of  his  disbursements, 
Morris  had  vouchers,  and,  in  many  cases,  specific  orders 
also. 

It  was  characteristic  of  Morris  that  on  the  very  day 
on  which  he  attended  before  Chief  Baron  Parker  to  have 
his  Answer  sworn  to,  he  should  also  occupy  himself  with 
copying  Cyfoesi  Myrddin  a  Gwendydd  ("a  monstrous 
long  thing  of  128  stanzas  of  Engl[ynioii]  milwr^^)  and 
Marwnad  Trahaern  Brydyddy  besides  writing  one  of  his 
usual  long  letters  to  his  brother  William.  A  fortnight 
later  (15  Dec.  1757)  he  writes  again  to  William,  and 
mentions  that  with  a  view  to  returning  home  he  had 
packed  the  greater  part  of  his  impedimenta  in  some  ten 
boxes  which  he  intended  directed  to  Mathavam  (Mont.), 
whence  he  could  have  them  home  by  degrees.  He  was 
uncertain  whether  he  could  leave  London  before  Christmas. 
But  his  return  home  was  not  long  postponed,  and  his  pro- 
tracted absence  of  some  21  months  was  at  last  brought  to 


6o  Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire. 

an  end.  His  nephew,  John  Owen,  however,  remained 
behind  in  London,  though  no  regular  employment  had 
yet  been  secured  him,  and  in  a  few  months  time  "he 
shew'd  great  uneasiness  at  being  detained  in  such  an 
inactive,  precarious  state  of  suspense."  Morris  was 
perhaps  not  able  to  sympathise  with  his  nephew's 
restlessness  any  more  than  with  his  brother  Bichard's 
easy-going  temper.^ 

The  next  step  in  the  Exchequer  suit  was  that  the 
Attorney-General,^  as  the  informant,  took  Exceptions 
against  Morris's  Answer  as  "imperfect,  evasive  and  in- 
sufficient." The  Exceptions,  which  were  nine  in  number, 
were  filed  on  13  February  1 758,  and  were  set  down  for 
argument  on  the  25th.  The  interval  was  too  short  to  obtain 
instructions  from  Morris  in  Cardiganshire,  so  "  instead  of 
coming  to  a  hearing  upon  the  insufficiency  of  the  Answer," 
his  Attorney,  Thomas  Cross,  moved  for  an  adjournment 
till  the  ensuing  term,  "which  with  some  difficulty  was 
obtained."  At  the  same  time  "  a  peremptory  rule  was 
made  either  to  submit  to  amend  and  put  in  a  full  Answer 
by  the  next  term  or  argue  the  Exceptions."  At  tliis 
critical  period  Cross  was  deprived  of  the  assistance,  not 
only  of  Morris  himself,  owing  to  his  being  in  Wales,  but 
also  of  Richard  Morris,  who  was  away  at  Portsmouth 
attending  a  Court  Martial.  The  Attorney,  however,  laid 
the  whole  case  before  Counsel,  and  also  wrote  to  Morris 
(2  March  1758)  for  full  instructions. 

"  Whatever  intimation  or  hopes  you  might  have  given  you  before 


^  "  Dyma  fi  yn  ymadel  a  Sion  [Owen],  fal  y  gallo  fynd  iV  mor  neuV 
mynydd :  a  thoughtless  vain  lad,  God  help  him.  Ac  ydywV 
Gardiwr  wyf  yn  i  add  arno  [Richard  Morris]  fawr  well."  Owen  was 
still  in  London  in  May  1768,  but  ho  eventually  wont  to  sea. 

=•  Camden  Pratt  (afterwards  Ist  Lord  Camden),  by  this  time  held 
office. 


Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire.  6i 

you  left  London,"  he  tells  him,  "  they  seem  determined  to  shew  you 
no  favour. 

"  If  the  last  exception  to  yonr  answer  should  hold,  the  proceedings 
will  be  extended  to  an  endless  length.  The  books  delivered  in  by  you, 
as  apprehended,  are  no  more  than  quarterly  payments.  You  are 
wanted  to  account  from  the  first  entries  or  journals,  which  if 
destroyed  when  the  quarterly  books  were  made  up,  will  be  looked 
upon  and  construed  as  done  to  serve  certain  ends." 

Morris's  instructions  to  Cross  were  contained  in  a 
letter  dated  "Penbryn,  March  13th  1758".  He  could 
prepare  no  further  account,  as  all  his  books  and  vouchers 
were  in  the  hands  of  the  Examiners,  and  the  only  further 
answer  that  he  could  give  would  be  to  refer  to  Paynter  and 
Tidy's  acknowledgment  of  the  documents  which  he  had 
delivered  to  them,  and  to  state  that  they  had  also  received 
from  the  under-agents  the  day-books,  "to  be  examined 
with  the  quarter-books",  and  that  the  Examiners  had 
"detained  these  as  well  as  the  rest,"  but  "they  gave  no 
receipt  for  the  "day-books."  As  a  good  deal  depended  on 
these  day-books,  Morris  gives  the  following  account  of  the 
way  they  were  kept : — 

"  The  first  entries,  or  day-books,  of  the  transactions  of  the  mine 
were  not  made  by  me  but  by  ye  several  under  agents  who  were  on  ye 
spot,  and  who  I  superintended,  and  the  books  containing  the  quarterly 
payments  are  actual  entries  made  by  the  under  agents  of  each  par- 
ticular miner's  account,  of  work  done,  and  subsistence  received  within 
that  quarter,  and  posted  as  soon  as  possible  by  the  under  agents  out 
of  the  day-books  from  time  to  time,  and  prepared  for  me  by  them 
against  the  quarter's  end,  at  which  time  I  my  self  paid  the  people 
their  ballance  publicly  and  took  their  receipts  under  their  accounts 
in  the  said  original  journals  or  Quarter  Books,  attested  by  some 
person  that  could  write  his  name,  of  which  there  are  not  many  among 
miners.  No  day-books  were  destroyed  by  me,  nor  could  it  be  my 
interest,  but  in  a  great  measure  I  neglected  them  after  I  had  examined 
and  compared  the  accounts  in  the  Quarter  Books  with  the  day  books, 
and  accounted  with  ye  under  agents  for  the  money  I  had  left  in  their 
hands  to  subsist  the  mine." 

Morris  contended  that  no  account  ought  to  be  based  on 


62  Lezvis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire. 

the  day-books,  but  only  on  the  quarter-books,  which  were 
all  properly  attested,  "  each  miner  setting  his  hand  to  a 
receipt  under  his  account."  Furthermore,  "  the  times  of 
my  quarterly  payments  were  always  proclaimed,  and  I  paid 
publicly  at  ye  mine  in  the  presence  of  all  the  miners/*  As 
the  Exceptions  would  come  on  for  argument  in  the  ensuing 
term,  Morris  instructed  Cross  to  retain  "the  ablest  Counsel 
that  you  can  get,  and  as  many  as  are  sufficient/'  As  to 
the  possibility  of  mediation  by  some  friend  at  Court, 
Morris  writes: — "You  mistook  me  if  you  thought  I 
expected  any  favour  from  the  officers  till  application  was 
made  to  them,  which  is  not  yet  made,  but  depends  upon 
other  circumstances  which  may  or  may  not  come  to  pass." 

During  the  next  two  months  Eichard  Morris  acquainted 
his  brother  in  Cardiganshire  "  how  his  aifair  with  the 
Crown  and  ye  Exchequer  was  being  transacted."  It  had 
turned  out  rather  unfavourably  to  Morris,  as  may  be  seen 
by  the  following  extract  from  a  letter  written  to  him  by 
his  Attorney,  Cross,  on  20  May  1758. 

"  On  the  29th  April  (after  being  put  off  three  several  times,  twice 
on  your  part  and  once  by  the  Crown)  the  Exceptions  came  on  to  be 
argued.  The  two  first  were  got  over,  but  the  3rd  being  allowed,  all  the 
subsequent,  by  the  rules  and  practices  of  the  Exchequer,  wore  like- 
wise allow'd  %cith  costs,  which  I  shall  pay,  as  I  have  engaged,  as  soon  as 
I  can  get  the  bill  from  the  Clerk  in  Court. 

"  The  Monday  following,  the  Crown,  upon  motion,  obtained  an 
order  to  amend  their  bill  or  information,  and  that  you  and  Mr. 
[John]  Owen  shall  answer  the  same  at  the  time  of  answering  the 
Exceptions.  This  procedure  will  in  some  measure  be  instituting  the 
suit  de  novo.  As  yet  they  have  not  given  notice  of  their  amendment, 
tho'  I  expect  they  will  by  the  first  day  of  the  ensuing  term.  I 
presume  that  it  was  from  tho  arguments  and  observations  of  Mr. 
Starkie  (who  did  not  spare  them)  that  they  discovered  their  own 
defects. 

"  If  the  names  of  certain  personages  (who  you  flattered  yourself 
would  be  your  friends),  had  boon  set  forth  as  they  ought,  it  might 
have  been  eventually  of  more  service  than  all  their  promises.    It's 


Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire.  63 

strongly  insinuated  that  you  have  withheld  and  secreted  several 
material  books  relative  to  the  mine  account,  which,  if  produced,  will 
discover   great  frauds,   which   I   apprehend  will    be    the    principal 

additional  charge The  affair,  from  the  nature  of  it,  must 

terminate  in  an  account  to  bo  stated  and  settled  between  you  and 
the  Crown.  But  the  time  when,  or  the  manner  how,  that  might 
happen  seems  at  present  very  remote  and  doubtful.  That  it  is 
intended  to  be  made  as  tedious  and  expensive  to  you  as  possible,  is 
beyond  question." 

Owing  to  Morris's  absence  from  London,  Cross  ex- 
pressed his  intention  to  try  and  get  an  extension  of  time 
till  Michaelmas  term  for  answering  the  amended  bill  and 
Exceptions.  Whether  the  amended  bill  was  ever  delivered, 
and  if  so,  when,  and  what  manner  of  answer  (if  any) 
was  made  to  it,  I  am  unable  to  say,  as  the  documents 
before  me  throw  no  light  on  the  subject.  But  the  trial 
itself  never  came  on,  nor  was  any  account  decreed  to  be 
taken.  Some  friends  of  Morris  advised  him  to  make  an 
end  of  the  dispute  with  the  Treasury  "in  a  summary 
way",  and  they  promised  to  assist  him  with  that  object. 
How  the  compromise  was  to  be  effected  does  not  appear, 
but  at  all  events  Morris  wrote  (from  Penbryn)  to  his 
brother  Richard,  on  5  January  1760,  asking  him  to  obtain 
from  Cross  all  the  documents  in  the  case.  "  The  sooner 
you  have  them  the  better,  for  you'll  be  called  upon  very 
soon  at  the  Navy  Office  for  the  papers,  and  I  hope  the  affair 
will  have  the  desired  effect."  To  Cross  himself  he  wrote 
on  the  same  date  the  following  letter,  which  is  the  last 
in  this  bundle  relating  to  the  law  suit : 

"As  i  am  advised  and  promised  assistance  to  get  clear  of  the 
dispute  I  have  with  the  officers  of  the  Treasury,  in  a  summary  way, 
you  are  upon  receipt  of  this  to  deliver  to  my  brother,  Richard  Morris, 
of  the  Navy  Office,  all  papers  that  I  have  left  in  your  hands,  as  also 
of  the  proceedings  since,  that  there  may  be  no  loss  of  time.  And  I 
desire  and  direct  you  will  not  proceed  any  further  in  that  affair  in 
my  defence  or  otherwise." 


64  Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire. 

That  a  settiement  out  of  Court  was  eventually  arrived 
at,  there  can  be  no  doubt,  but  there  is  nothing  in  the 
papers  now  before  me  to  show  what  were  the  terms  agreed 
upon.  Morris's  numerous  enemies  seem  to  have  spread 
about  the  report  that  he  had  been  defeated  and  ruined — 
and  as  bad  news  travel  far,  this  story  was  told  even  to 
Goronwy  Owen  in  far  Virginia  by  a  Merionethshire  parson^ 
who  emigrated  to  America  in  1763  or  shortly  after/ 
There  is  reason  to  believe,  however,  that  the  settlement 
did  not  involve  any  dishonour  or  disgrace  on  Morris, 
though  the  litigation  undoubtedly  proved  very  costly  to 
him,  and  its  anxieties  told  heavily  on  his  constitution.  At 
home  in  Cardiganshire  he  does  not  seem  to  have  lost  any 
of  the  respect  in  which  he  was  previously  held,  though  he 
still  had  his  enemies.  In  1760  he  was  admitted  a  burgess 
of  the  Borough  of  Aberystwyth,  and  in  the  following  year 
he  was  placed  on  the  Commission  of  the  Peace  for  the 
county  of  Cardigan,  though  it  is  doubtful  whether  he  ever 
qualified. 

Other  law-suits,  however,  still  continued  to  claim 
his  attention.  Writing  to  William  from  Penbryn, 
Sept.  3,  1761,  he  says: — "My  wife  set  out  yesterday  to 
Cardigan  and  Haverfordwest,  on  account  of  some  troubles 
in  the  Bishop's  Court  given  by  the  most  reverend  Wm. 
Powel,  of  Nanteos,  in  relation  to  her  father  and  mother's 
personal  effects,  who  died  intestate.'"*  Then  referring  to 
another  action,  he  says : — "  We  are  on  the  brink  of  making 

*  Hee  Llythyrau  Goronicy  Oiverif  ed.  Professor  J.  Morris  Jones 
(1895),  p.  13o.  "  Sion  ap  II  uw,  Cymro  o  Feirionydd  ....  a 
ddywed,  i  mi  fod  fy  Nghyf aill  Lewis  Morys  wedi  cael  ei  daflu  yn  y 
Qyfraith,  ai  ddiswyddo  ai  ddifetha,  cyn  iddo  adaol  Cymni ;  ond  nis 
cl3rwai  mo'i  farw." 

^  The  same  letter  has  the  following: — "Nid  oes  yma  ddim  ond 
Cjrfreithii)  ac  aflwydd  a  dyryswch,  a  chlefydon — very  disagreeable 
companions." 


Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire,  65 

some  end  in  Chancery  about  the  mortgage  of  Dan  y  Castell.^ 
Ock  yn  nghalonnau  V  Gyfreithwyr  cas.^^  In  a  later  letter 
(20  Oct.  1761)  he  refers  probably  to  the  same  action.  He 
had  been  away  from  the  3rd  to  the  16th,  in  various  parts 
of  Cardiganshire  and  Carmarthenshire  and  at  Brecon, 
searching  for  certain  deeds  to  enable  him  to  answer  a  Bill 
of  Powel's  (doubtless  of  Nanteos)  :  "  I  have  met  with  some 
intelligence  that  I  hope  will  give  him  a  fall,  with  his 
iniquitous  scheme."  But  more  than  three  years  had  still 
to  pass  before  Powel's  suit  against  him  was  determined,  as 
may  be  seen  from  a  letter  sent  by  him  on  18  Jan.  1765  to 
his  brother-in-law,  Owen  Davies,  of  Holyhead  (quoted 
later  on) . 

During  this  time  his  health  was,  however,  rapidly 
failing.  Each  winter  he  was  prostrated  by  asthma.  ^*  A 
salt  herring  boil'd  and  eaten  with  boil'd  eggs  "  gave  him 
ease,  so  also  did  raw  oysters,  which  had  much  liquor  in 
them,  '' muscles  and  cockles  in  their  own  liquor  boil'd, 
in  short  all  sea  fish  which  had  plenty  of  the  sea  salt 
in  them."  At  other  times,  rheumatism  or  gout  crippled 
him.  He  complained,  in  a  letter  of  23  April  1760,  that 
he  could  only  get  about  on  a  pair  of  crutches. 

In  view  of  a  Parliamentary  contest  in  Cardiganshire 
in  the  spring  of  1761,  he  was  anxious  to  be  well  enough  to 
go  to  Cardigan  to  support  the  Whig  candidate,  John  Pugh 
Pryse,  of  Gogerddan,  but  it  would  cost  him  his  life  (he 
wrote  on  13  Feb.)  unless  he  could  have  a  chaise  to  travel 
in ;  but  when  a  Whig  was  picked  for  the  shrievalty,*  the 

'  A  paragraph  in  an  earlier  letter  (dated  11  Oct.  1767),  refers  to 
this  mortgage  : — *'  Powell  Nanteos  told  ray  wife  the  other  day,  Well  I 
believe  we  shall  be  friends  agairij  and  offered  to  take  the  interest  on  the 
mortgage,  and  the  principal  too,  being  in  great  want  of  money  he  pre- 
tended. 1  don't  know  as  yet  how  my  affairs  here  will  turn  out, 
therefore  it  is  no  proper  time  to  pay  money." 

'  Walter  Lloyd,  of  Coedmor. 

F 


66  Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire. 

opposition  of  Vaughan  of  Trawscoed  (who  had  sat  in  the 
previous  Parliament)  and  of  his  staunch  supporter,  the  squire 
of  Nanteos,  crumbled  away.^  Morris  was  thus  relieved  of  the 
journey  to  Cardigan.  Not  long  after,  he  seems  to  have  had 
a  slight  paralytic  seizure,  but  on  27  July  he  was  able  to 
write  to  his  brother  William,  though  with  a  less  steady 
hand,  io  report  that  he  was  then  gaining  a  little  strength — 
ond  yn  bur  fusgrell  ac  yn  henhoeden  dros  ben :  *^  I  have  the  ver- 
tigo as  described  by  Dr.  Shaw,  but  sometimes  in  both  eyes, 
and  only  one  of  them  is  partly  blind,  with  bright  oblique 
pillars  and  coloured  flowers  playing  in  the  optic  nei've. 
.  .  .  I  hate  vomiting  and  cupping,  and  I  can  get 
nobody  to  bleed  me  in  the  jugular  as  Shaw  directs.'* 
"  A  vial  of  that  extra-ordinary  spirit  the  aether  of  Liver- 
pool" gave  some  relief,  though  in  mid-September  he  was 
unable  to  walk  for  shortness  of  breath.  Early  in  October 
he  was,  however,  able  to  journey  to  Brecon  as  already 
mentioned,  but  he  was  somewhat  worse  after  his 
"  laborious  ride". 

Vertigo  and  gout  troubled  him  again,^  and  he  discusses 
with  his  brother  various  remedies  for  these  and  other 
complaints.  For  years  past,  he  had  paid  considerable 
attention  to  the  study  of  medicine,  one  of  his  chief  author- 

'  On  Ist  March  1761,  he  writes  :— "Maeiit  yn  dywodyd  fod  Traw§- 
goed  a  Phowol  yn  Ildio  gwodi  ini  gael  sirjrf  o'n  hochr  ni.  Wrth 
hyny  roeddynt  oV  blaen  yn  ymddiriod,  sef  cael  false  return."  On  29 
March  he  adds  : — "  We  are  not  certain  yet  whether  Trawsgoed  will 
make  any  show  of  opposition,  but  wo  suppose  they  will  not.  However, 
our  people  are  upon  their  guard."  Pryae  was  returned  unopposed  on 
20  April. 

^  "  Eich  brawd  troetrwm  Lin."  is  his  signature  to  a  letter  of  21 
Doc.  1761,  to  William.  This  letter  contains  a  reference  to  the 
printing  press  which  Morris  had  sot  up  in  1736  at  Bodedom, 
Anglesey,  and  which  ho  had  never  disposed  of.  lie  asks  William— 
"Pwy  ydywV  argraffydd  a  fynai  brynu  y  wasgP  Oni  phrynnir  hi, 
gwell  ini  ei  chael  yma  o  dippyn  i  dippyn." 


Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire,  67 

rities  being  Dr.  Shaw's  l^ew  Practice  of  Physic.  He  seems 
to  have  thus  acquired  no  little  skill  both  in  medicine  and 
surgery.  Eeferring  to  the  Bloody  Flux,  which  he  de- 
scribes as  being  "very  rife  about  the  waterside  of 
Llansantffred,  Llanrhystyd,  &c.,"  in  Cardiganshire,  he 
details  the  process  of  its  cure  which  he  "  formerly  used  at 
AberfPraw  and  cured  Hundreds."  Mining  enterprise  con- 
tinued to  attract  him  despite   his  enfeebled  health.     In 

1760  he  recommenced  operations  at  Cwmervin.^     In  May 

1761  he  procured  very  detailed  information  about  a 
small  copper  mine  on  Tan  y  garreg  in  the  parish  of  Bettws, 
Carnarvon,  with  the  view  of  buying  that  and  an  adjoining 
farm  called  Bryn  y  Glog.  A  few  days  before  Christmas 
1761  (when  he  had  with  him  at  Penbryn  a  merry  juvenile 
party  consisting  of  six  of  his  own  children  and  three  grand- 
children from  Mathafam)  he  asked  William  for  news  of 
Sion  Dwyran  and  the  mines  of  Anglesey.  Early  in  1762  he 
commenced  mining  operations  on  Llain  y  felin — "  part  of  a 
lease  on  Mr.  Pryse's  ground  in  my  holding."  "  The  mines 
have  a  very  promising  aspect,"  he  writes  on  8  March ; 
"attending  on  them  will  add  to  my  health  if  my  torn 
constitution  can  hold  out,"  but  "a  sudden  rain  after  a 
hard  frost  brought  a  sad  fit  of  the  asthma  last  night."  He 
procured  a  white  goat  to  supply  him  with  milk,  but  con- 
tinued very  feeble  till  well  on  in  the  summer. 

He  hoped  to  get  well    enough   to  go   and  see   some 
mineral  property  in  North  Wales,  particulars  of  which  he 


^  In  a  letter  written  in  1760  by  Lewis  to  his  brother  at  the  Navy 
Office,  he  says  : — "  I  begin  to  clear  Cwm  Ervin  again,  in  hopes  of  a 
peace — Rhiong  Ned  Huws  feddw  feddal,  a  Jack  Oioen  ddifeddwl — Cwm 
Ervin  has  been  hundreds  of  pounds  out  of  my  way.  Goginan  is  to  be 
sold  :  1  am  anxious  to  have  it.  Mi  ton  fod  mtoyn  iw  gael  yno,  ped  fax 
eiddofi:  it  is  as  rich  ore  as  any  in  the  county,  and  just  at  the  door 
of  my  house."    {See  Davies*  Agricultural  Survey  of  S.  WaleSy  ii,  613.) 

F    2 


68  Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire, 

wished  his  brother  to  obtain  from  good  Jack  Salisbury. 
He  might  take  a  lease  of  it,  or  could,  at  all  events, 
advise  its  owner — "yr  urkhennes^'*  (query  the  Dowager  Lady 
Watkin  Wynn) — as  to  how  to  let  it  to  advantage.  But 
most  probably  the  journey  was  never  taken.  On  21  Jan. 
1763  he  signed  an  agreement  for  a  lease  for  twenty-one 
years,  of  the  minerals  under  Troed  rhiw  las,  the  property 
of  William  Jones,  of  Dol  y  clettwr,  in  Llangynfelin. 
But,  even  to  his  last  day,  no  mine  could  have  interested 
him  so  much  as  distant  Es^ir-y-mwyn,  now  in  Lord 
Powis's  hands,  though  he  was  fully  conscious  that  his  con- 
nection with  it  had  for  ever  ceased,  and  that  others  were 
to  reap  the  benefit  of  his  labours  in  the  early  stages  of  its 
development.  When  news  reached  him  from  time  to  time 
of  the  way  it  was  now  being  managed  (or  as  he  thought 
mis-managed),  and  how  the  interests  of  Lord  Powis  were 
being  betrayed,  he  must  have  yearned  for  a  few  more  years 
of  health  and  strength,  though  he  also  knew  that  his  days 
were  already  numbered.  However,  he  could  at  least  write 
once  more  to  Lord  Powis,  give  him  the  benefit  of  his  own 
experience,  and  warn  him  against  some  who  would  only 
betray  his  confidence.  This  he  did  about  the  middle  of 
July  1763,  and  as  this  was  perhaps  the  last  letter  of  any 
importance  that  he  wrote  to  anyone  outside  his  family,  a 
lengthy  extract  from  it  may  be  given.* 

"  My  Lord.  I  reed,  your  favour  of  the  30  June,  and  am  very  glad 
my  poor  endeavours  seem  to  have  pleasd  you,  but  to  understand  me 
the  better  it  may  not  be  amiss  to  let  your  Lordship  know  that  my 
Scituation  is  very  particular  and  uncommon :  I  am  neither  in  want 
nor  in  great  plenty,  but  enjoy  contentment  of  mind.  I  have  no 
connection  with  any  people  in  power  and  am  not  soUicitous  of 


^  This  letter  was  not  included  in  the  bundle  originally  submitted 
to  me,  but  came  to  my  hands  after  most  of  this  article  had  been 
printed  off. 


Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire.  69 

obtaining  any  favours  except  it  was  a  sinecure,  my  hands  and  feet 
being  scarcely  fit  for  any  business  of  activity  at  present.  I  find 
myself  by  the  decay  of  my  materials  to  be  drawing  towards  a  dissolu- 
tion, and  my  passions,  which  are  few,  I  am  not  over  fond  of  gratifying. 
I  have  hit  on  ungrateful  masters  in  the  Treasury,  and  I  look  on  all 
the  pains  I  have  taken  to  come  at  knowledge  as  thrown  away  foolishly 
by  a  mistaken  application ;  so  that  my  whole  life  has  been  in  a 
manner  a  cypher.  When  I  am  gone  hence  all  that  I  have  at  present 
any  care  of  are  a  wife  and  7  small  children,  the  welfare  of  whom  it  is 
my  duty  to  study,  that  they  may  not  be  a  load  on  the  world.  My 
other  children  and  grand-children  are  provided  for  pretty  well.  And 
this  is  the  chief  reason  that  makes  me  trouble  myself  at  all  as  to 
what  comes  after  my  time.  The  few  friends  that  have  assisted  me 
in  my  troubles  I  look  upon  as  my  guardian  angels,  among  whom  your 
Lordship  was  my  chief  prop,  and  I  look  upon  the  remainder  of  my 
life  as  entirely  your  property,  to  dispose  of  it  as  you  please.  I  shall 
set  no  price  upon  it,  nor  desire  any,  but  wish  it  was  worth  your 
acceptance  in  some  shape  or  other.  If  you  can  hit  upon  the  way, 
perhaps  it  might  be  of  some  small  service  to  you.  Your  affairs  in  this 
country,  I  know,  if  carried  on  with  good  ceconomy  may  be  made  of 
vast  consequence,  and  without  proper  oeconomy  they  may  either, 
by  an  extravagant  scheming  head,  or  a  miserable  griping  hand,  be 

not  only  of  small  profit  to  your  Lordship,  but  ruind The 

height  of  the  art  is  in  rearing  a  mine-work  from  nothing  under  all 
difficulties  imaginable,  defending  it  from  encroachers,  and  making 
room  for  several  hundred  of  men  to  get  their  bread  and  profit  to 
their  employers.  This  I  did  at  Esgair  y  mwyn,  and  the  world  sees 
how  they  rewarded  me.  The  very  persons  that  oppos'd  me  and  who 
strived  to  thwart  the  Treasury,  as  Ball,  Townsend,  Jonas,  &c.,  have 
been  the  people  that  reapd  most  of  the  profit  from  it." 

He  then  refers   to   Sharpe's   endeavours   to  ruin   him 
for  no  reason,  but  that  he  had  been 

''So  imprudent  and  honest  as  to  oppose  that  infamous  sale  of  the 
ore  on  bank  to  Townsend,  who  choused  not  only  those  wise  heads  of 
the  Treasury,  but  also  Powell  and  Lord  Lisburn  who  expected  great 
things  from  that  well  contrived  purchase  of  Jno.  Williams's  right, 
after  they  had  been  fairly  non-suited.  And  Townsend's  attempt  to 
get  the  Lease  between  him  and  Vaughan  of  Crosswood  should  not  be 
forgot." 

But  these  things  were  irretrievable,  and  as  their  repeti- 
tion was  likely  to  carry  the   writer   beyond  his  ^*  just 


70  Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire. 

bounds '^  he  proceeded  to  refer  to  ^^some  things  that 
might  be  serviceable"  to  his  lordship.  He  gives  minute 
particulars  as  to  how  an  exhaustive  survey  of  the  manors 
leased  to  Lord  Powis  should  be  carried  out.  He  also  warns 
Lord  Powis,  in  the  plainest  terms,  against  certain  '* sharks" 
whom  he  had  admitted  into  his  confidence,  though  he  was 
"happy  in  the  acquaintance  and  friendship  of  Mr.  Her- 
bert, whose  long  experience  must  have  made  him  a  pro- 
ficient in  mining"  and  capable  of  judging  whether  Morris 
advised  his  lordship  rightly.^ 

There  is  something  of  the  old  feudal  relation  in  his 
loyalty  to  Lord  Powis,  and  few  things  could  be  more 
convincing  as  to  the  injustice  that  Morris  suffered  at  the 
hands  of  the  Treasury  officials  than  his  pathetic  reference 
to  the  manner  they  had  "rewarded  him". 

At  his  home  at  Penbryn,  he  still  had  his  consolations. 
One  source  of  great  pleasure  to  him  was  his  garden,  with 

^  Morris  also  refers  to  three  enclosures  (marked  A,  B,  and  C), 
which  were  to  be  forwarded  with  his  letter,  and  contained  some 
damaging  information  about  Ball  and  Townsend.  Owing  to  his 
difficulty  in  writing,  these  were  copied  out  by  his  eldest  son,  Lewis, 
"  a  child  of  12  year  old  only". 

Paper  A  contained  an  account  of  Ball's  dismissal  in  1753  from  the 
employment  of  the  company  of  mine-adventurers,  whose  secretary 
(O'Connor)  however  saved  him  from  being  prosecuted.  At  this  time 
the  coui-t  of  directors  requested  Morris  "  to  receive  their  stores 
from  Ball,  and  to  put  another  agent  in  the  house  in  his  room,  and 
dispose  of  their  ore  on  bank  and  warehouses."  Ball  was  subsequently 
reinstated  by  Townsend,  who  succeeded  in  getting  elected  "a  board 
of  directors  of  his  own  ccmtriving,  whereby  he  (Townsend)  got  all  the 
company's  works  in  Cardiganshire  either  assign'd  or  sold  to  him,  and 
Ball  had  their  management  under  him." 

Paper  B  contained  ^'the  miners'  complaints  in  1754,  against 
Martin  O'Connor,  who  was  drawn  by  Ball  to  side  with  him  against  the 
interest  of  his  employers." 

Paper  C  contained  Ball's  history  down  to  date,  including  a 
Hubsequont  dismissal  and  re-instatement  by  Townsend,  with  whom 
he  had  been  concerned  *^  in  some  dirty  work  about  Esgair  y  mwyn.^ 


Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire.  yt 

its  abundance  of  flowers,  cherries,  apples,  plums  of  every 
sort,  quince,  medlar,  and  several  varieties  of  pears — "  par- 
ticularly a  pear  called  in  Pembrokeshire  Peran  Mary  Harry 
(supposed  to  be  the  orange  pear  from  beyond  sea)  got  from 
a  ship  at  Milford/'  William,  who  was  no  mean  naturalist 
and  had  now  become  almost  his  only  correspondent,  sent 
him  from  Holyhead  rare  seeds  and  plants,  and  duplicates 
from  his  collection  of  shells  and  fruit. 

They  were  timely  gifts,  for  William's  end  was  not  far 
off.  The  last  letter  that  Lewis  wrote  to  his  favourite 
brother  was  that  of  the  25th  November  1763  (unfortunately 
torn),  in  reply  to  one  commenced  by  William  on  the  9th 
and  finished  on  the  16th.  "  Something  tells  me,"  says 
Lewis  (who  was  himself  very  weak  and  on  crutches),  "that 
the  next  letter  from  Holyhead  will  bear  a  black  seal." 
William  died  before  the  end  of  the  year,  leaving  several 
sons  and  daughters  behind  him.  On  2  Jan.  1764,  Owen 
Davies  (a  brother-in-law  who  lived  at  Holyhead),  wrote 
to  Cardiganshire  as  follows : — 

"  Dr.  Brother — This  \^ill  Lett  you  know  that  your  sister  and  I 
and  what  is  left  of  both  families  are  well.  Our  Lewis  wrote  a  line 
the  day  your  Bror.  died,  and  we  buryd  him  next  day,'  for  the  corps 

swelld   verry  fast.     He  made  no  will I  wrote  to  Bror. 

Richard  to  desire  of  him  to  solicit  with  Mr.  Myrick  for  to  have  his 
place  for  our  Lewis,  whom  is  twenty  years  old  now,  but  our  collector 
has  apply d  for  the  Salt.  And  I  am  thinking  if  I  should  happen  to 
live  so  long  as  Robin  Morris  comes  to  be  of  age  to  leave  this  and  go 

to  Pentrerianell,  and  Robin  to  have  one  of  the  two  places 

I  shall  endeavor  to  have  a  cy  wydd  made  by  Bardd  Coch  if  he  can  do 


'  The  late  Mr.  J.  Lloyd  Griffith,  M.A.,  at  my  request,  kindly 
searched  the  Holyhead  Parish  Register,  and  found  that  William 
Morris's  burial  is  there  entered  under  December  29,  1763.  He  there- 
fore must  have  died  on  December  28th.  Most  biographers  incorrectly 
state  that  he  died  in  1 764.  In  his  letter  to  me,  Mr.  Griffith  added — 
"  I  have  made  inquiries  for  W.  M.'s  grave,  but  nothing  is  known," 


72  Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire. 

it,  for  the  best  old  man  that  ever  Anglesey  bredd Robin 

has  no  mind  to  sell  his  father's  shells  and  books.'' 

Morris's  reply,  dated  "PeBbryn,  Jan.  12th,"  contains 
some  interesting  matter  : — 

"1  was  very  weak  and  decrepid  before  I  reed,  this  dismal  acct.  of 
my  poor  bror.'s  death,  but  now  much  more  so.  God  help  his  children. 
.  .  .  .  I  wish  you  success  with  Mr.  Meyrick,  but  I  am  afraid  he  is 
indolent,  and  no  great  good  can  be  expected  of  him.  As  for  my 
Bror.'s  Books  and  Curiosities,  they  should  be  sold  by  auction  by  all 
means,  for  if  keeping  of  them  is  attempted,  they'll  be  pilferd  by  piece- 
meal by  all  comers  and  goers,  so  that  by  the  time  the  boy  is  of  age 
and  discretion  if  ever  he  comes,  they'll  be  dwindled  away  to  nothing. 
.  .  .  .  I  desire  you  would  take  care  for  me  about  the  following 
articles.  If  my  tenants  were  not  very  forward  they  have  hardly  paid 
my  Bror.  All  Saints  rent  for  last  year.  If  they  have,  pray  secure  it 
for  me,  or  if  they  have  not,  pray  receive  it.  When  my  Bror.'s  effects 
are  apprais'd  pray  take  care  to  lay  by  the  following  things  belonging 
to  me,  which  I  left  in  my  Bror.'s  care.  A  small  spinnet  that  was 
once  with  W.  Lloyd,  a  guitar  or  two  and  a  Welsh  crwth,  and  a  French 
Hautboy,  my  Printing  Press  and  materials,  a  Madagascar  spear  with 
iron  heads,  given  me  by  Bror.  John.  These  are  only  curiosities,  and 
only  of  little  use,  but  if  I  live  I  should  be  glad  to  have  them.  I 
left  behind  me  also  several  books  when  I  left  the  place  ...  let 
them  and  others  be  sold  for  the  children's  benefit,  only  1  should  be 
glad  if  you'd  buy  for  me  at  the  sale  the  old  manuscript  of  Gwem 
Eigron,  beginning  thus,  with  part  of  a  poem  of  Meiljrr,  Ked  galioad 
unyc  nid  oet  ofyyiaxcc,  and  a  MS.  of  my  Bror.'s  own  handwriting, 
called  I  think  Y  Prif  Feirdd  Cymreig,  containing  the  works  of 
Taliesin,  Llywarch  hen,  &c.,  of  which  poems  I  sent  him  a  vast 
number.  I'll  give  for  them  more  than  is  bid  by  the  highest  bidder; 
they  are  fit  for  few  people  besides  myself." 

A  twelvemonth  later  he  wrote  again,^  probably  for  the 

^  On  2  Dec.  1764,  Morris  had  written  to  his  wife's  uncle,  Rees 
Lloyd,  at  No.  4,  Middle  Temple,  with  reference  to  Lloyd's  wish  to  get 
some  little  post  he  could  manage  in  the  Stamp  Office  : — "  Sir  Herbert 
Lloyd,  the  present  member  for  Cardigan  [Borough]  is  my  particular 
friend,  and  when  he  comes  to  town  in  January,  on  the  meeting  of 
Parliament,  V\\  give  you  a  letter  to  him,  as  he  will  be  on  the  spot, 
and  I'm  sure  he*ll  do  you  for  my  sake  any  service  in  his  power.  Youll 
know  better  by  that  time  what  to  apply  for." 


Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire.  J^ 

last  time,  to  his  sister  and  her  husband  at  Holyhead.     It 

is  the  last  letter  in  Morris's  handwriting  contained  in  this 

collection,  and  as  he  died  within  three  months  of  its  date, 

he  probably  wrote  but  little,  if  anything,  subsequent  to 

this.     It  runs  as  follows  : — 

"  Penbryn,  Jan.  18,  1765. 
"  Anwyl  vrawd  a  chwaer. 

*'  I  receivd.  Lewis's  letter  and  yours  of  ye  13th  Deer.,  and  am  glad 
you  are  all  well,  and  that  Mr.  Meyrick  is  in  the  way  of  helping  you. 

"  Sr.  Herbert  Lloyd  is  gone  to  London,  and  is  a  good  back  on 
occasion,  but  I  hope  you  will  want  none  of  his  assistance.  I  can't 
tell  whether  he  and  Sr.  Wm.  Owen  be  friendly,  but  shall  enquire. 
Should  be  glad  if  1  had  my  famous  cap  here,  perhaps  it  might  do  my 
head  good.  I  have  an  excellent  pair  of  scissors  for  sister  if  I  could 
send  it,  and  if  I  had  the  Tywridyn  rents  laid  out  in  butter  and 
cheese  and  got  here  they  would  be  of  great  service  here,  for  I  have  a 
great  undertaking  in  a  rich  mine  going  on  here  soon,  which  will 
require  such  things,  and  I  must  endeavor  to  pick  up  a  few  crumbs 
for  these  poor  children  before  I  depart,  1  believe  it  ivill  be  a  great 
thing.  My  commission  with  Powell  is  over,  and  common  report  says 
I  have  carried  it  by  a  pike's  length,  but  the  decree  of  the  Lord 
Chancellor  is  not  yet  come  out.  We  know,  however,  that  he  has  not 
been  able  to  prove  anything,  and  how  can  he  have  money,  without 
something  to  shew  ? 

"  I  have  been  extream  ill  after  my  Pembrokeshire  journey,  being 
caught  by  the  easterly  wind,  but  hope  I  have  conquerd.  it. 

"  Will  Parry  (Jo.  Parry's  son)  was  here  lately,  and  he  promisd.  to 
bring  my  press  and  letters,^  &c.,  with  him,  in  his  return  from  Liver- 
pool e  to  Aberdovey.  Cannot  you  send  by  him  as  much  butter  and 
cheese  as  you  can  get  moderately?  Cheese  was  sold  lately  at 
Aberystwyth  (from  Pwllheli)  at  2U.  a  hundred,  and  salt  butter  is  now 
there  'id.  a  pound  or  6d.  sometimes.  I  have  heard  nothing  from 
Bror.  Richard  this  2  months,  but  expect  daily. 

"  Your  affectionate  Bro.,  L.  M." 

The  journey  to  Pembrokeshire,  whatever  may  have 
been  its  object,  probably  proved  too  much  for  him,  though 

^  Morris's  printing  p-ess  and  type  were  eventually  acquired  by 
Dafydd  Jones,  of  Trefriw.  but  this  was  probably  after  the  lapse  of 
several  years,  as  the  first  book  issued  by  Jones  from  it  appeared  in 
1777.  (See  Cymmrodorion  Transactions  for  1898-99,  p.  107  ;  Rowlands' 
Llyfryddiaeth,  pp.  367-370.) 


74  Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire. 

when  writing  he  thought  he  had  got  over  its  eflPects.  He 
died  on  11  April  1765,  and  was  buried  in  the  chancel  of 
the  historic  church  of  Llanbadarn  Pawr,  but  there  is  no 
manner  of  memorial  to  him  there.  By  his  will  he  had 
appointed  his  widow  and  his  son  Lewis  co-executors  of  his 
estate,  and  on  10  May,  two  neighbours,  David  Morgan  and 
William  Jones,  made  a  valuation  of  his  personal  effects. 
The  appraisement  would  seem  to  be  unusually  low,  even  for 
probate  purposes:  20  homed  cattle  and  100  sheep  were 
valued  at  £45;  "  two  old  horses  and  four  old  mares"  at  £9 ; 
the  household  furniture  (of  which  an  interesting  inventory 
is  given)  at  £4  16«.  6d. ;  the  dairy  utensils,  farming 
implements,  and  the  contents  of  the  smithy  at  £2  7«.  6d. ; 
a  watch  and  wearing  apparel  at  £3  13«. ;  and  "  a  cabinet 
of  curiosities,  a  pair  of  old  globes,  a  parcel  of  books, 
mathematical  and  musical  instruments,  £2  2«.,"  making  a 
total  of  £66  19«.  The  cabinet,  with  some  of  its  drawers 
still  full  of  mineral  specimens,  is  now  in  the  possession 
of  Sii'  Lewis  Morris  at  Penbryn.  But  how  much  would 
we  not  have  given  for  the  parcel  of  books?  Of  course 
nothing  is  said  in  this  inventory  as  to  the  extent  and  value 
of  Morris's  real  estate.  But  however  much  it  may  have 
been,  it  is  obvious  that  Morris  did  not  die  a  rich  man — 
not  as  rich  as  might  have  been  expected,  considering  the 
very  large  and  profitable  transactions  he  had  at  one  time 
been  engaged  in.  Had  he  been  spared  for  a  few  more 
years  to  watch  and  direct  the  development  of  his  mines, 
they  would  probably  have  brought  him  a  rich  return. 
But  there  was  no  member  of  his  family  experienced 
enough  to  carry  on  his  work  in  this  respect.  Confident  of 
ultimate  success,  Morris  had  invested  not  only  his  own 
money,  but  that  of  his  wife  also,  in  his  mining  operations, 
and  the  surviving  brother  Richard  sent  the  widow  what 
advice  and  consolation  he  could^  living  away  in  London  as 


Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire.  75 

he  did.  The  following  passages  from  a  letter  of  his,  dated 
23  Dec.  1766,  throw  some  light  on  the  position  of  the 
family : — 

"  Dear  Sister — I  received  all  your  letters,  and  inclosed  you  have 
one  from  your  son,  Lewis,  who  has  left  school,  and  I  must  endeavour 
to  get  him  into  some  business  to  get  a  livelyhood  as  soon  as  I  can, 
and  hope  to  be  able  to  get  him  something  to  his  advantage,  but  this 
money  is  the  misfortune,  there  is  no  getting  any  good  birth,  excepting 
by  great  chance,  without  money,  which  sets  all  the  wheels  in  motion. 
I  am  very  sorry  that  you  should  give  yourself  the  least  uneasiness  at 
my  mentioning  anything  about  your  money,  which  I  find  my  poor 
brother  sunk  in  trials  for  ore,  &c.,  to  a  very  large  amount,  and  it  can 
in  no  other  way  be  accounted  for.  I  heartily  wish  things  were  better 
for  the  sake  of  yourself  and  numerous  family." 

The  dead  poet's  old  antagonist,  Dr.  Powell,  of  Nanteos, 
seems  not  to  have  ceased  his  attacks  on  the  family,  for 
Richard  reports  that  he  had  consulted  a  legal  friend  at 
the  Temple,  William  Myddelton,  about  a  note  sent  by 
Powell  to  the  widow  '^  which  I  thought  was  intended  to 
take  advantage  of  you  unknown  to  Mr.  [Stephen] 
Edwards,"  the  faoiily  solicitor,  at  Aberystwyth.  leuan 
Brydydd  hir  had  been  on  a  visit  to  Penbryn,  but  Richard 
Monis  was  glad  to  hear  that  Mrs.  Morris  had  not  let  him 
have  any  books,  ''for  he  would  have  lost  them  all." 

At  Morris's  death  none  of  his  children  by  his  second 
wife  had  attained  years  of  discretion,  the  eldest  being  only 
about  15,  the  youngest  less  than  four.  By  his  first  wife, 
Elizabeth  Griffiths,  the  heiress  of  Ty-wridyn,  near 
Holyhead  (not  Ty  Wrdyn  as  given  by  all  his  biographers), 
Morris  had  one  son  and  two  daughters.  The  eldest, 
Margaret  ("Peggy"),  who  was  wilful  and  headstrong 
"  like  her  mother",  married  (in  1756  or  perhaps  a  year  or 
two  later),  somewhat  against  her  father's  will,  one  Richard 
Lance.  In  1761  they  were  living  at  Llanbadam.  The 
second  daughter,  Eleanor  ("Elin")  married,  about  Nov. 


76  Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire, 

1753,  one  Richard  Moms,  of  Mathafam,  near  Mach- 
ynlleth,^ and  Lewis  Morris  had  a  high  opinion  of  his 
grandchildren,  "  the  Mathafam  boys",  so  much  so  that 
he  removed  his  own  boys  from  "  Ned  Richards's  school " 
at  Ystradmeurig,  to  a  Machynlleth  school,  which  his  grand- 
sons attended.  The  late  Rev.  Morris  Hughes,  of  Pen- 
traeth,  Anglesey  (who  died  a  nonagenarian  some  fifteen 
years  ago),  was  descended  from  the  Mathafarn  line.  I 
have  already  suggested'^  the  probability  that  after  her  first 
husband's  death,  Elin  married  John  Paynter,  son  of  her 
father's  old  enemy  of  the  same  name.  Strange  irony  of 
fate  if  that  was  so  !  ^^  his  second  wife,  Morris  had 
five  sons  and  four  daughters ;  of  these,  the  eldest,  Lewis, 
died  in  1779  at  the  age  of  29,  in  Jamaica  ;  John  ("fierce  as 
a  tiger,"  while  Lewis  was  "tractable"),  died  at  Penbryn, 
probably  in  the  same  year  as  his  father;  Jane,  died  23 
Oct.  1758,  aged  nine  months.  A  second  daughter  of  the 
same  name  (?  bom  July  1754),  married  a  Mr.  Cuthbert, 
whose  son,  Lewis  Morris  Cuthbert,  bequeathed  £30,000 
away  from  the  family  to  charities;  Richard,  died  about 
21  August  1755,  aged  two  months ;  Elizabeth  (?  bom 
11  December  1756),  who  married  a  Mr.  Crebar;'  William, 
who  on  Lewis's  death,  succeeded  as  eldest  surviving  son,  and 
through  whom  the  line  was  continued;  Mary,  born  April 
1760 ;  and  Pryse,  bom  August  1761,  died  September  1797. 


^  Goronwy  Owen  celebrated  the  event  by  writing  a  "  Wedding 
Song",  printed  in  Robert  Jones's  ed.  of  Q.  OwerCa  Works j  p.  98. 

=»  See  Note  2,  p.  40  above. 

*  A  "  John  Crebar,  gentleman  "  was  buried  at  Eglwys  Newydd 
on  14  June  1774.  He  was  probably  the  Mr.  Crebar  who,  with  another, 
worked  the  Bwlchgwyn  for  a  year,  about  1740.  A  "William  Crebar 
of  this  town,  gentleman,"  was  admitted  burgess  of  Aberystw3rth  at 
the  Michaelmas  Court  Leet,  1784  (G.  Eyre  Evans's  Aberystwyth^  &c., 
p.  147). 


Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire.  77 

William  Morris  married  Marian  Reynolds,  the  heiress 
of  the  Blaennant  estate  in  the  parish  of  Llanf  eigan,  Breck- 
nockshire, daughter  of  George  Reynolds,  of  Aberystwyth. 
Her  mother,  Lucy  Williams,  was  one  of  the  Williamses  of 
Ffrwdgrech,  near  Brecon,  afterwards  of  Blaennant  (see 
their  pedigree  in  Jones's  Brecknockshire y  ed.  1898,  p.  617), 
a  junior  branch  of  the  family  of  the  same  name  (but 
originally  Boleyn  or  Bullen),  of  Abercamlais  (IWd., 
pp.  508-9).  William  Morris  repaired  and  almost  rebuilt 
the  dwelling-house  of  Blaennant,  where  he  resided  and 
died,  being  survived  by  his  wife  {Ibid.^  p.  460) .  They 
were  both  buried  at  Llanfeigan,  and  the  parish  registers 
there  contain  numerous  entries  as  to  their  family,  which 
consisted  of  eleven  children.  The  eldest  child,  Lucy, 
married  David  Williams  (brother  of  Archdeacon  Williams), 
master  of  Ystradmeurig  School,  and  in  that  post,  he  was 
succeeded  by  his  brother-in-law  (one  of  William  Morris's 
sons)  John  Williams  Morris.  Another  son  was  Lewis 
Morris,  who  settled  as  a  lawyer  at  Carmarthen,  and 
became  the  father  of  the  present  Sir  Lewis  Morris, 
Knight,  whose  residence  just  outside  Carmarthen  bears 
the  same  name  of  Penbryn  as  his  ancestor's  home  near 
Aberystwyth.  The  perpetuation  of  this  name  would 
have  doubtless  gratified  the  subject  of  our  article,  still 
more  so  the  new  lustre  which  the  present  holder  of 
his  name  has  cast  on  it.  Referring  to  his  eldest  grandson 
of  Mathavarn,  he  once  wrote,  '^  Lewis  will  make  a  poet, 
a  musician,  and  is  full  of  wit."  After  probably  his  last 
visit  to  Mathavarn,  he  again  observed  (19  Dec.  1754), 
"  Dyma  fi  gwedi  bod  yn  Mathafarn  yn  gweld  fy  wyr  Lewis 
Morris ;  gwych  o'r  cynyddu  y  mae  'r  enw  hwnw.  Pwy 
wyr  na  fydd  gor-wyrion  etto  o'r  enw  ?"  Who  knows — he 
asks — but  that  there  will  be  great-grandchildren  bearing 
that  name — Lewis  Morris  ? 


78  Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire, 


APPENDIX. 


John  Patnter  at  Esgaib-t-Mwtn  and  Hapod 

(1757-1775.) 

It  may  not  be  inappropriate  to  append  a  few  further 
notes  with  reference  to  John  Paynter's  connection  with 
Cardiganshire  subsequent  to  the  transactions  dealt  with 
in  the  text  above.  It  has  already  been  stated  that  when 
Esgair-y-mwyn  was  transferred  to  the  Earl  of  Powis, 
under  the  Crown  lease  of  February  1757,  his  lordship  con- 
tinued Paynter's  employment  as  manager  of  the  mine. 
The  manager  immediately  launched  into  great  expenditure, 
and  in  some  memoranda,  prepared  by  Lewis  Morris,  most 
probably  in  December  1757,  '^for  Lord  Powis's  informa- 
tion," on  "Mismanagement  at  ye  mine  in  1757,"  it  is 
stated  that  it  was  the  common  report  that  Paynter  and 
John  Ball  "had  combined  to  bring  unnecessary  charges 
on  the  mine  so  as  to  put  Lord  Powis  out  of  conceit  with 
it,  and  to  induce  him  to  surrender  his  lease  to  the  Treasury, 
on  the  ground  that  the  terms  were  too  hard,  viz.,  "a  duty 
of  half  ye  ore,"  .  .  .  "and  that  while  Lord  Powis 
soUicits  for  a  better  bargain,  Mr.  Townsend  will  take  it  up 
on  the  terms  his  lordship  had  it,  for  the  sake  of  getting 
ore  for  his  smelting  house." 

It  is  alleged  that  "by  a  forced  push,"  284  tons  of  ore 
were  raised  for  the  Crown,  out  of  the  bottoms,  in  less  than 
two  months'  time,  in  the  early  part  of  1 757.  "  How 
happens  it  then,"  asks  Morris,  "that  there  was  an  ac- 
count of  but  50  tons  given  to  Lord  Powis,  and  said  to  be 
raised  out  of  the  bottoms  for  him  in  8  months'  time?" 
He  indeed  suspected  that  a  great  deal  of  his  lordship's  ore 
had  been  thrown  into  the  waste  hillocks  which  Ball  had 
bought  of  Paynter  before  Lord  Powis  had  his  lease,  "  but 
the  common  report  is  that  they  are  partners  in  the  waste, 
and  that  it  was  a  collusive  sale.  Paynter,  as  well  as  Ball, 
knew  what  vast  quantities  of  ore  Mr.  Townsend  had  thrown 
into  the  waste  hillocks  in  washing  the  ore  in  that  wise 
bargain  made  by  the  Treasury,  therefore  this  sale  was  not 


Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire.  79 

done  through  ignorance."  At  all  events,  it  was  said  that 
Ball  had  actually  got  about  500  tons  of  ore  from  the  waste 
hillocks. 

Among  other  expenditure  that  Paynter  had  incurred 
was  that  of  building  a  new  "Square  house"  for  himself, 
and  of  making  gardens  fenced  in  with  a  great  boundary 
wall,  on  the  mountain  near  the  mine,  though  "  the  house 
that  had  been  built  by  L.  M.,  and  in  which  Mr.  Herbert 
lodged,  was  sufficient  for  any  agent  to  reside  in  during  his 
necessary  attendance  at  the  mine,  as  at  other  times  he 
might  have  lived  in  the  warmer  vallies."  But  Paynter 
could  scarcely  have  used  the  new  house  at  all,  for  about 
the  same  time  he  secured  the  house  and  farm  of  Hafod,  on 
a  lease  for  life  from  the  owner,  Thomas  Johnes,  "  at  a 
great  advanced  rent."  He  at  once  set  about  repairing 
Hafod,  cutting  down  timber  for  the  purpose,  "of  which, 
when  Mr.  Johnes  came  to  know,  he  ordered  his  agent, 
Evan  Lloyd,  to  put  a  stop  to,  alledging  that  he  had 
committed  damages  above  a  £100  on  the  trees." 

The  quaintest  statement  contained  in  this  memoran- 
dum is  "  that  Mr.  Paynter  had  made  a  great  pond  of  water 
near  the  new  house,  which  he  calls  Fwll  dialeddy  i.e.,  the 
pool  of  punishment.  This  pool  is  not  for  the  use  of  the 
mine,  being  below  it,  but  is  contrived  to  frighten  Bailiffs 
or  any  persons  that  have  the  confidence  to  come  and 
demand  money  of  the  agent,  or  that  have  otherwise 
affronted  him.  Several  persons  have  been  threatened 
with  it,  and  even  carried  to  ye  brink  of  it  by  a  body 
of  mmers,  by  Mr.  P.'s  order,  particularly  Evan  Thomas, 
the  sheriff's  bailiff."  It  is  evident  that  Paynter  did  not 
show  the  same  promptitude  as  Morris  had  done  in  paying 
wages  and  other  claims,  and  this  was  the  cause  of  serious 
disputes  between  him  and  several  of  the  bargain-takers 
who  at  one  time  had  been  friendly  with  him. 

A  letter  written  by  one  of  them — John  Charlton — on 
9  December  1757,  to  Morris,  contains  a  comic  account  of 
the  reception  accorded  to  them  on  one  occasion: 

Paynter  had  "ordered  that  we  should  come  up  on  a  Sunday  and 
make  up  our  account ;  and,  instead  of  settling,  his  servant,  when  I 
went  to  the  door,  threw  the  stool  at  my  face,  and,  with  hearing  of  a 
noise,  Mr.  Paynter  asked  what  was  there,  his  servant  answered  *  that 
Rogue  Charlton ' ;  with  that  Mr.  P.  came  out  with  his  stick  and  hegan 
to  beat  me  as  hard  as  ever  he  could,  instead  of  settling  accounts. 
Then  his  lady  came  with  a  stick  and  begins  to  beat  me,  then  when 
they  seed  [saw]  yt  there  was  John  Ball  and  Kennion,  Bichd.  Owen, 


8o  Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire. 

John  Jones,  clerk,  Julian  Willcock,  Michael  Rogers,  and  Greorge 
Smeadley — his  servant  and  their  wifes  (?),  they  set  on  a  throwing 
stones  as  hard  as  ever  they  could,  and  told  me  as  they  should  murder 
me,  (to)  which  I  made  answer — it  was  a  fine  way  to  pay  debt ; 
they  sent  for  the  pumpers  out  of  the  work,  followed  me  down  below 
Cricklas  to  Marchnat,  Mr.  Paynter  and  all  of  them  bare-headed. 
P.S. — He  sent  14  men  after  night  again  to  look  after  me  a  horse-back." 

He  desired  Morris's  assistance  '^for  to  know  what 
he  should  do  with  these  gent^lmen,"  adding — "there 
is  several  other  people  unpaid  besides  us,  which  I 
hope  your  honour  will  look  unto."  It  is  not  likely 
that  Morris  was  able  to  render  much,  if  any,  help  in 
the  matter,  for  we  find  that  Paynter  was  rapidly  gaining 
further  power  in  the  district,  and  that,  in  the  use 
of  it,  he  brooked  no  opposition,  but  ruled  the  inhabitants 
with  a  rod  of  iron.  He  was  placed  on  the  Commission  of 
the  Peace,  and  was  most  active  in  the  discharge  of  his 
magisterial  duties.^  He  filled  the  office  of  High  Sheriff 
of  the  county  for  the  year  1763.  He  also  appears  to 
have  succeeded  Morris  as  Deputy  Steward  of  some  of 
the  Crown  manors,  or  at  least  of  the  Manor  of  Creuddyn, 
and  in  this  capacity  he  soon  asserted  his  authority.  In 
the  parish  register  of  Eglwys  newydd — which  was  practic- 
ally a  chapel -of-ease  for  Hafod — is  preserved  a  copy  of  the 
minutes  of  the  Leet  Court  held  for  this  manor  in  the 
autumn  of  1759.  The  Court  met  at  Tavarn  Newydd  on 
9  October ;  thirteen  jurors  were  sworn,  but  as  they  failed 
to  agree  as  to  their  presentments,  an  adjournment  was 
made  to  the  following  day,  when  there  occurred  what 
would  now  be  described  as  "  a  scene  in  Court",  According 
to  the  record,  Paynter  "attended  the  Court  as  steward 
thereof,  and  two  of  the  jurymen  not  appearing  when 
called,"  they  were  fined  one  and  two  guineas  respectively. 
"Cornelius  Griffiths,  one  of  the  jurymen,  was  likewise 
fined  in  the  sum  of  1 0  guineas  for  uttering  abusive  lan- 
guage towards  the  said  steward  in  the  execution  of  his 
office,  and  for  creating  a  disturbance  in  Court,  whereupon 
the  Court  was  again  adjourned  to  the  7th  of  November 
following.  By  the  time  of  the  adjourned  Court,  most  of 
"the  jury  aforesaid"  were  probably  docile  enough  to 
adopt  without  protest  whatever  presentments  the  steward 

^  Morris  refers  to  this  in  a  letter  of  2  December  1761  thus: — 
"  By w'r  luddew  brych  yn  eistedd  yn  ben  ustus  ";  and  another  of  16 
April  1762,  "Mae'r  Imldew  brych  yn  actioV  ustus  yn  bawdwr." 


Lewis  Morris  in  Cardioanshire.  8i 

required  them  to  make.  Several  ditches  and  fences  were 
presented  as  out  of  repair,  and  those  responsible  for  them, 
were,  on  further  default,  to  be  fined.  Sixteen  persons 
were  fined  5s.  each  for  keeping  goats  "to  the  annoyance 
of  the  publick."  The  jury  saddled  even  themselves  with 
responsibility  by  presenting  that  the  high  road  leading 
from  Pont  rhyd  y  groes  to  Pentre,  and  the  common  Pound 
near  Eglwys  Newydd  were  out  of  repair,  and  ought  to  be 
repaired,  and  that  a  pair  of  stocks  ought  to  be  set  up 
by  the  inhabitants  of  the  upper  parcel  of  Llanfihangel  y 
Creuddyn,  on  pain  of  several  penalties  for  default.  As 
copies  of  the  "findings"  of  the  jury  would,  of  course,  be 
communicated  to  the  Crown  officials  in  London,  they  were 
cleverly  utilised  to  discredit  some  former  official — could  it 
be  Lewis  Morris?     The  record  on  this  point  is  as  follows : 

"  It  was  proposed  that  Cornelius  Griffiths^  should  serve  the  office 
of  a  Praepositor  in  ye  room  of  John  Parry,  but  two  of  ye  Jurymen, 
Wm.  Ball  and  Oliver  Lewis,  objected  to  the  said  Cornelius  Griffiths 
as  having  no  visible  Freehold  and  being  often  not  to  be  found,  there- 
fore unfit  for  an  employment  of  Trust  in  receiving  the  Quit  Rents 
payable  yearly  at  his  Majesty's  audit,  for  which  reasons  the  Steward 
of  the  Court  directed  that  the  said  James  (pic)  Parry  should  continue 
in  the  receit  of  the  said  rents  for  the  ensuing  year,  the  freeholders  of 
the  said  Lordship  having  already  suffered  greatly  by  the  insolvency 
of  a  Person  who  at  this  very  time  is  charged  by  his  Majesty's  Audit 
with  being  considerably  in  arrear  to  the  Crown,  which  Arrear  must 
unavoidably  fall  upon  the  said  freeholders  or  some  of  them." 

Why  the  minutes  of  only  this  particular  Court  Leet 
were  copied  into  the  Church  Register  it  is  difficult  to 
say,  unless  it  was  Paynter's  desire  that  there  should  be  a 
record  in  the  locality  to  remind  the  inhabitants  how  he 
had  asserted  his  authority.  The  same  Register^  also  con- 
tains copies  of  the  correspondence  relating  to  Eglwys 
Newydd  Church,  printed  in  Meyrick's  Cardiganshire  (pp. 
360-363).  Paynter,  it  seems,  had  been  for  some  time 
endeavouring  to  obtain  for  the  church  a  grant  from  Queen 
Anne's  Bounty.     On  9th  January  1762,^  the  Bounty  Secre- 

^  He  was  one  of  the  Griffiths  of  Penpompren,  being  a  brother  of 
the  High  Sheriff  of  the  County  for  17/57. 

- 1  am  indebted  to  the  present  Vicar  of  Eglwys  Newydd  (the  Rev. 
T.  Noah  Jones),  for  kind  hospitality,  which  enabled  me  to  inspect  and 
make  extracts  from  the  Register  at  his  house,  Pwll  peiran,  near 
Hafod. 

^  Meyrick  gives  the  date  as  1760,  but  I  think  this  is  clearly  a 
mistake  for  1762. 

a 


82  Lewis  Morris  in   Cardiganshire. 

tary    (H.    Montague),  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  his 
"  very  pressing  letters",  writes  to  him  thus : — 

"  From  the  great  friendship  I  always  have  for  you,  I 
have  at  length  surmounted  the  great  obstacles  that  lay  in 
our  way  to  success,  (but)  in  order  thereto  I  have  been 
obliged  to  strain  a  point  in  this  office."  Then  followed  the 
assurance  that  tlie  Bishop  of  the  Diocese  (Dr.  Squire), 
as  well  as  the  writer,  was  "  a  friend  to  Paynter  and  his 
religious  design  " — and  that  he  would  soon  hear  from  the 
Bishop.  On  4  February  1762  the  Bishop  did  in  fact 
write,  putting  some  queries  with  reference  to  Eglwys 
Newydd,  and  graciously  accepting  Paynter's  recommenda- 
tion of  its  vicar  (Hughes)  for  the  vacant  living  of  Llanilar. 
Paynter's  reply,  dated  from  Hafod  3  March  1762,  brings 
out  strongly  the  urbane  and  diplomatic  side  of  his 
character.  He  assures  the  Bishop  that  he  "would  take 
uncommon  pains  to  get  the  church  first  into  proper  repair, 
and  to  recommend  a  worthy  clergyman  to  succeed  Mr. 
Hughes."  Then,  after  answering  his  lordship's  queries, 
and  giving  "a  few  anecdotes'^  concerning  "the  first 
establishment  of  Eglwys  Newydd,"  he  proceeds  : — 

"Bishop  Trevor,  1  am  told,  came  once  as  far  as  Tregaron  to 
confirm  ;  now  if  your  Lordship  shouhl  chance  to  do  the  like,  I  may 
flatter  mvself  with  hopes  of  entertaining  you  and  your  retinue  at 
Ilavod."  ' 

This  invitation  to  the  Bishop  would  doubtless  have 
immensely  tickled  Lewis  Morris,  had  he  known  of  it,  for 
on  more  than  one  occasion  he  suggests  pretty  clearly  that 
Paynter's  menage  at  Hafod  and  elsewhere  was  not  what 
would  commend  itself  to  the  average  moralist,  least  of  all 
to  a  bishop,  who  should  be  a  man  of  one  wife.  Judging 
from  the  fact  that  Thomas  Jolines  in  1773  described  the 
church  as  then  ruinous,  Paynt<*r  could  scarcely  have 
carried  out  his  promise  to  repair  it.  What  he  had  how- 
ever done  before  this,  namely  in  1760,  was  to  construct  a 
vault  in  the  chancel,  "designing  it  for  himself  and  his 
wife."  In  June  1773,  Johncs,  as  "the  sole  proprietor  of 
the  chancel,"  authorised  that  ''when  the  time  should 
come"  the  minister  should  "permit  the  interment  of  each 
of  them  respectively  in  the  said  vault."  It  did  not  long 
remain  untenanted  after  this,  for  the  Ri»gister  contains  the 
following  entry,  in  the  iiandwriting  of  the  then  vicar, 
David  Williams  : — 

**  1775,  Dec.  U).     Buried,  John  Paynter  of  Ilavod,  Esquire." 


Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire.  83 

The  Re^ster  contains  no  entry  relating  to  his  wife. 
As  to  their  descendants  I  have  nothing  to  add  to  what  is 
stated  in  note  2,  p.  40  above. 

One  word  with  reference  to  Hafod  itself.  In  his  letter 
to  Dr.  Squire,  Paynter  refers  to  "the  surprising  singu- 
larity of  this  enchanting  spot,"  which  threw  him  into 
raptures  when  he  "first  accidentally  saw  it".  In  1783, 
Thomas  Johnes  (the  son  of  Paynter's  lessor  of  the  same 
name)  decided  to  settle  at  Hafod.  The  old  house  was 
pulled  dov/n  and  a  magnificent  new  mansion  built  instead. 
The  greater  part  of  this  (including  the  library,  with  many 
of  its  priceless  treasures),  was  burnt  down  in  March  1807, 
but  the  mansion  was  soon  rebuilt  in  all  its  original  splendour. 
Col.  Johnes  died  in  1816.^  In  March  1833,  the  estate  and 
the  mansion  (together  with  all  its  contents,  including  the 
library)  were  sold  for  £62,000  to  the  3rd  Duke  of  New- 
castle, who  intended  it  as  a  country  residence  for  his  son, 
the  Earl  of  Lincoln,  and  his  wife.  A  grandson  of  Lewis 
Morris,  the  Rev.  J.  Williams  Morris,  head  master  of 
Ystrad  Meurig  School  (see  p.  77  above),  was  appointed 
domestic  chaplain  to  the  Earl  during  his  residence  at 
Hafod,  the  long  arm  of  coincidence  thus  bringing  the  two 
families  once  more  into  close  though  temporary  associa- 
tion. The  3rd  Duke  dying  on  18  October  1834,  the  Earl 
succeeded  to  the  Dukedom,  but  kept  on  Hafod,  and  many 

'  As  much  of  this  paper  deals  incidentally  with  the  history  of  land 
in  North  Cardiganshire,  the  statement  of  a  Government  official 
affecting  Col.  Johnes  deserves  to  be  recorded  here,  though  it  should 
be  borne  in  mind  that  it  was  not  made  till  many  years  after  his 
death.  lie  is  said  to  have  "  appropriated  to  his  own  use  nearly  7,000 
acres  of  waste,  belonging  to  the  Crown,  adjoining  his  farms".  Being 
steward  of  the  Crown  Manors  in  Cardiganshire,  as  well  as  Crown 
Auditor  for  Wales,  "  there  was  no  check  upon  him".  This  was  not 
discovered  till  the  estate  was  sold,  after  his  death,  to  a  Mr.  Claughton, 
who,  with  the  aid  of  Chancery,  **  got  rid  of  his  bargain",  presumably 
on  the  ground  that  there  was  no  title  to  the  encroachments.  Johnes* 
executors  and  trustees  paid  £800  for  the  King's  interests  in  the 
wastes,  the  minerals  being  reserved.  It  was  then  that  the  estate  was 
sold  to  the  Duke  of  Newcastle,  who,  after  purchasing  it,  tried  also  to 
buy  the  minerals,  but  the  Crown  refused  to  sell.  "The  Duke, 
regardless  of  his  application,  and  of  the  reservation,  ordered  his  agent 
to  discharge  the  workmen  employed  by  the  Crown  tenants.  The 
Commissioners  of  Woods  and  Forests  are  taking  the  proper  steps  to 
establish  the  right  of  the  Crown  and  to  prevent  the  Duke's  encroach- 
ment." See  Evidence  of  John  Wilkin,  Receiver  of  Crown  Rents  for 
Wales,  o  Juno  1834,  before  Lord  Duncannon's  Select  Committee  on 
Land  Revenues  of  the  Crown,  questions  2965-67,  and  3423. 

g2 


84  Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire. 

improvements  which  he  carried  out  there  are  still  known 
by  his  name,  especially  the  Duke's  Drive.  The  subsequent 
owners  have  been  Henry  Houghton,  who  was  High  Sheriff 
of  Cardiganshire  for  1849,  William  Chambers  (of  Llanelly 
and  of  Bicknor,  Kent),  who  purchased  it  in  1853,  and 
T,  J.  Waddingham,  Esquire,  who  is  the  present  owner. 


POSTSCRIPT. 


When  the  greater  part  of  the  preceding  article  had 
been  printed  off,  a  letter  book,  containing  copies,  in  Lewis 
Morris's  handwriting,  of  letters  and  one  or  two  other 
papers  written  by  him  in  1 744?-47,  was  forwarded  to  me 
by  Sir  Lewis  Morris.  They  contain  much  that  is  of  the 
utmost  vahie  as  to  the  history  of  the  common  lands  of  the 
district,  but  this  cannot  be  dealt  with  in  a  Postscript.  A 
brief  reference  must  however  be  made  to  their  contents, 
in  so  far  as  they  throw  light  on  the  commencement  of 
Morris's  official  connection  with  the  Cardiganshire  manors. 
The  following  tells  its  own  story  as  to  the  beginning  of 
that  connection : — 

"  Sr, — It  being  necessary  for  his  Majesty's  service  to  have  a  correct 
survey  and  plan  of  the  Mannor  of  Cwniwooil  y  Perveth  in  the  county 
of  Cardigan,  These  are  therefore  to  authorise  and  desire  you  to  repair 
to  the  said  Mannor  and  Survey  tlie  same  and  make  a  correct  Flan 
thereof,  particularly  describing  tlie  Wastes  and  C<.)mmon8  within  the 
said  Mannor  belonging  to  the  Crown  and  the  lands  beh)nging  to  the 
Freeholders ;  and  also  all  Mines  of  Copper,  Lead,  Tinn,  or  other 
minerals  within  the  said  Mannor,  but  more  particularly  to  describe 
a  Lead  Mine  within  the  Parish  of  Llanbadai-n  Vawr  within  the  said 
Mannor,  concerning  the  Right  to  which  Mine  a  dispute  is  n<iw  de- 
pending in  the  Court  of  Exchecjuer.  And  you  are  desired  to  transmit 
such  Survey  and  Plan  under  your  Hand  to  mo  with  all  convenient 
speed,  and  for  so  doing  this  shall  be  your  warrant. 

"  1.  Walker,  Surveyor-General. 

"  Burlington  Garden,  2  August  1744. 
"  To  Mr.  Lewis  Morris,  Surveyor.'' 

There  are  good  grounds  for  believing  that  William 
Corbett  (see  p.  4  above)  was  in  some  way  or  other  con- 
cerned in  securing  this  appointment  for  Morris.^     During 

^  Even  before  this  appointment,  Morris  appears  to  have  visited 
Bwlchgwyn  mine,  for  in  Referring  to  it  in  a  lettt»r  of  KJ  Nov.  1744,  ho 
says  :-  -*' Most  that  1  know  of  it  is  from  views  1  took  of  it  formerly, 
as  it  was  said  to  belong  to  a  gentleman  I  had  a  value  for.** 


Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire,  85 

the  next  two  or  three  years  he  acted  as  Morris's  corre- 
spondent in  London,  interviewing  Government  officials  in 
his  interest,  and  on  at  least  one  occasion  receiving  a 
remittance  from  the  Treasury  as  Morris's  agent.  Morris, 
on  the  other  hand,  kept  him  duly  informed  from  to  time 
as  to  the  state  of  aifairs  in  Cardiganshire.  He  thus  wrote 
to  Corbett  a  long  letter  on  14  September  ]  744,  "  to  desire 
him  to  speak  with  Mr.  Sharpe,"  of  the  Treasury,  as  to 
Morris's  remuneration  and  expenses,  and  with  Zachariah 
Chambers  (an  official  in  the  Surveyor-General's  Depart- 
ment), as  to  whether  Morris  could  not  be  empowered  to 
compel  the  deputy  steward  and  other  officers  of  the  manor 
to  produce  their  records  for  his  inspection.  Morris  had, 
in  fact,  written  to  Chambers  himself,  on  17  August,  en- 
closing a  number  of  queries  on  points  as  to  which  he 
desired  guidance,  but  the  answers  which  he  received  on  13 
September  were  "not  at  all  satisfactory".  His  difficulties 
in  Cardiganshire  were  very  great,  for  his  inquiries  were 
met  with  a  conspiracy  of  silence  on  almost  every  hand. 
The  steward  of  the  Crown  manors  in  the  county  was 
Owen  Brigstocke,  who  had  been  M.P.  for  the  county, 
1718-22,  but  he  had  never  been  in  the  manor  of  Pervedd 
since  receiving  the  office.^  He  had,  however,  appointed 
three  deputies,  viz.,  Lloyd  of  Mabws,^  Lewis  (or  query 
Thomas)  Parry,  and  another  (whose  name  is  not  given) 
for  the  south  of  the  county.  Parry  was  also  attorney  to 
Thomas  Powell  of  Nanteos  (who  claimed  Bwlchgwyn 
mine),  and  had  "  an  estate  of  his  own  of  above  £100  a  year 
in  the  very  centre  of  this  Lordship,  and  particularly  a 
cottage  or  summer  house  upon  the  mountains  which  he 
called  his  freehold."  So  he  was  not  likely  to  favour  the 
claims  of  the  Crown.  In  fact  he,  in  conjunction  with 
Powell,  who  was  then  M.P.  for  the  county,  gave  notice 

'  In  1719,  William  Gower,  of  Glandovan  (M.P.  for  Ludlow),  had  a 
fi^rant  of  the  profits,  fines,  and  estrays  of  these  Lordships,  and  was 
succeeded  by  Wilson  Abel  Gower,  who  held  them  in  1747,  but  neither 
of  them  had  raised  the  fines  imposed  at  the  various  Courts. 

^  Probably  Richard  Lloyd,  who  liad  stood  against  Powell  of  Nanteos 
in  17:^9,  and  Thomas  Pryse  of  Gogerddan  in  1741,  in  the  Parliamentary 
Election  for  Cardigan  Boroughs.  He  appears  to  have  been  friendly 
to  Morris,  and  inclined  to  assist  him,  but  as  he  had  left  all  the  work 
to  Parry,  he  was  unable  to  give  much,  if  any,  information.  More- 
ever,  he  seems  to  have  been  about  this  time  superseded  in  the  deputy 
stewardship — perhaps  owing  to  his  friendliness  to  Morris. 


86  Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire, 

to  Morris  that  if  he  "dared  to  go  on  Freeholders'  lands  in 
the  Lordship  of  Perfedd  to  survey  them  or  the  mines,  he 
would  be  forthwith  prosecuted  for  damages." 

**  Thoa.  Pryso,  Esqr.,  another  member  of  Parliament,  who  hath 
a  fjreat  estate  in  this  Lordship,  hath  also  given  me  the  like  notice, 
telling  me  that  he  had  given  his  attorney  orders  to  prosecute  me  as 
soon  as  ever  he  could  have  proof  I  made  advances  that  way.  .  .  . 
As  T  was  willing  to  have  my  residence  near  the  center  of  ye  Lordship, 
for  ye  readier  carrying  on  the  Survey,  and  to  get  what  information  I 
could,  I  took  a  House  in  ye  mountains,  but  several  attempts  have  been 
made  to  turn  me  out  of  it,  and  I  have  been  publicly  threatened  to  be 
drove  out  of  the  country."  (Letter  to  the  Surveyor-General,  1 1  April 
1745.) 

Morris  had  to  confess  that  he  had  "  not  one  man  in  the 
whole  county  to  consult  with";  and  when  Sharpe  required 
him  to  recommend  some  one  to  act  as  solicitor  for  the 
Crown,  he  found  that  all  the  local  men  were  "either  in- 
terested or  related  to  the  persons  that  disputed  with  the 
Crown,  or  else  guilty  themselves  of  the  like  encroachments." 
Early  in  July  he  journeyed  all  the  way  to  Llandovery  with 
a  view  of  retaining  one  James  Pryse,  an  attorney  of  that 
town,  but  "he  entirely  refused  to  undertake  the  manage- 
ment of  the  affair  for  the  Crown."  Nothing  daunted,  he 
went  the  next  day  to  Presteign  to  see  an  attorney  named 
Jenkin  Edwards,  "a  native  of  Cardiganshire,  and  a 
gentleman  of  years  and  experience  (who  knew)  the 
country,  and  no  way  byass'd  by  ye  great  men  thereof." 
Edwards  promised  to  act  on  receiving  instructions  to  that 
effect  direct  from  the  Treasury.  Pending  this,  Morris 
drew  up  "a  state  of  the  case",  and  proofs  of  the  evidence 
of  his  witnesses,  to  enable  Sharpe  to  settle  interrogatories, 
and  (on  12  August)  he  begged  Sharpe  to  hasten  the 
"deputation"  for  him,  by  which  it  would  appear  that  it 
was  intended  to  confer  on  him  powers  to  act  as  deputy 
steward  for  Perfedd,  and  i)robably  tor  Mefenydd  and 
Creuddyn  also. 

Powell  seems  to  have  based  his  claim  to  Bwlchgwyn  on 
the  following  grounds  : — (1)  that  it  was  in  a  small  mesne 
manor  belonging  to  him,  and  lying  within  the  lordship  of 
Pervedd  ;  and  that  the  beadle  of  the  latter  never  raised 
the  king's  rent  within  his  m(»sne  manor.  (2)  That  some 
lO  years  previously  the  company  of  mine-adventurers, 
under  a  lease  from  one  of  PowelTs  predecessors,  had  cut 
trenches  and  dug  for  mine  on  the  mountain  at  or  near 


Lewis  Morris  in  Cardiganshire,  87 

Bwlchgwyn.  It  has  already  been  stated  (p.  10)  above  that 
Powell  won  this  suit  in  the  Exchequer,  though  I  am 
unable  to  say  when  it  was  tried  out. 

Morris's  letters  contain  a  mass  of  interesting  informa- 
tion relating  to  the  lordship ;  he  appears  to  have  drawn 
up  a  formal  report  of  his  survey  of  it — three  folios  of 
the  opening  part  of  this  report  are  wrapped  up  with  the 
letter-book. 

Brigstock,  the  Crown  Steward,  seems  to  have  died  in 
1746,  and  William  Corbett  was  appointed  steward  to 
succeed  him,  whereupon  Morris  was  appointed  his  deputy 
steward  for  the  manor  of  Perfedd.  But  the  landowners 
in  the  district  gave  orders  to  their  tenants  not  to  attend 
his  Courts,  so  that  in  his  first  two  Courts  only  one  free- 
holder appeared.  It  is  indeed  probable  enough  that  the 
customs  of  the  manor,  as  given  by  Meyrick  (Hist,  of  Car- 
diganshire,  p.  568),  from  some  MSS.  of  Morris,  were  never 
sworn  to  at  any  court  of  survey  in  the  year  mentioned 
(1747),  but  simply  drawn  up  by  Morris  in  readiness  for 
one  of  his  abortive  courts. 

The  conclusion  that  is  forced  on  one  in  reading  Morris's 
letters  during  the  years  1744-47,  is  that  in  addition  to 
being  bitterly  opposed  by  practically  all  the  men  of  in- 
fluence in  Cardiganshire,  while  attempting  to  carry  out  a 
work  bristling  with  difficulties,  he  was  also  accorded  but 
very  inadequate  support  by  the  Treasury  officials,  who 
seemed  afraid  lest  he  should  create  too  many  enemies  to 
the  Government  among  Cardiganshire  landowners.  Our 
knowledge  of  his  loyalty  to  duty  in  face  of  these  difficulties 
increases  our  wonder  at  the  persecution  he  subsequently 
suffered.  But  was  it  not  the  same  cowardly  and  inhuman 
Government  that  authorised  the  judicial  murder  of  Byng? 
In  a  somewhat  similar  way,  Lewis  Morris  also  seems  to 
have  been  sacrificed  on  the  altar  of  political  expediency. 
But  his  memory  will  ever  be  cherished  by  Welshmen  as 
one  of  the  most  versatile  sons  of  Wales,  one  of  the 
sweetest  of  its  ballad  singers,  and  as  the  disinterested 
friend  and  patron  of  many  a  struggling  bard  and  student 
of  Welsh  literature — notably  of  his  poor  neglected  con- 
temporary Goronwy  Owen. 


§aint  Caxannoc^. 


By  the  liEV.  S.  BARING  GOULD,  M.A. 


Carannog  is  said  to  have  been  son  of  Corun  ab  Ceredig,  by 
Rees  in  his  "Essay  on  the  Welsh  Saints",  and  a  Life  is 
in  the  MS.  Cotton.,  Vespasian  A.  xiv,  which  has  been 
printed  in  the  Lives  of  the  Camhro-Briiish  Saints,  Llan- 
dovery, 1853.  Having  recently  come  upon  another  Life, 
which  is  in  the  Breviary  of  the  Church  of  Leon,  printed  in 
1516,  and  of  which  only  two  copies  exist,  and  which  seems 
to  be  generally  unknown,  I  venture  to  note  a  few  parti- 
culars relative  to  this  very  remarkable  man,  as  a  prelude 
to  this  Leon  Life,  which  I  propose  to  give. 

Apparently  there  were  two  saints  of  a  very  similar 
name,  and  their  stories  have  been  fused  together.  Tne 
second  Carannog,  or  as  the  Irish  call  him,  Caimech,  was 
the  son  of  Saran,  King  in  Oriel,  and  of  Babona,  daughter 
of  Loarn,  King  of  Alba  (508-508).  Earca,  sister  of 
Babona,  married  first  Murtogh,  son  of  Eoghain,  son  of 
Niall  of  the  Nine  Hostages  (878-405),  and  was  the  mother 
of  Murtogh  mac  Earca,  King  of  Ireland  (518-588)  ;  and 
Murtogh  mac  Earca  mariied  the  widow  of  Lurig,  brother 
of  S.  Cairnech.  Earca  married,  secondly,  Fergus,  son  of 
Conall  Gulban  (d.  404),  and  by  him  was  mother  of 
Fedlilim,  and  grandmother  of  S.  Columba  of  Hy.  The 
period  at  which  Cairnech  lived  is  accoidingly  pretty  well 
fixed.  He  died  in  545  (Irish  Naivivs,  ed.  Todd  &  Herbert, 
p.  ex). 


Saint  Carannog,  89 

From  this  it  will  be  seen  that  Carannog  ab  Corun 
belonged  to  an  earlier  period. 

In  the  Jjife  of  8,  Carannog  (Vespasian  A.  xiv)  we  are 
informed  that  at  the  time  when  he  was  bom,  "  The  Scots 
(Irish)  overcame  Britain  for  thiity  years,  the  names  of 
whose  generals  were  Briscus,  Thuthaius,  Machleius,  and 
Anpachus."  And  again:  "Ceredig  held  Ceredigion,  and 
from  him  it  received  its  name.  And  after  he  held  it,  the 
Scots  came  and  fought  with  them,  and  seized  aU  the 
country."  So  in  the  Leon  Life:  "In  those  days  came 
the  Scots  and  occupied  the  British  region",  and  this  was 
when  Ceredig  was  "an  old  man".  Here  we  have  an  in- 
timation of  two  invasions,  one  before  Ceredig  arrived  and 
expelled  them,  another,  later,  when  they  attempted  to 
recover  what  they  had  lost. 

The  names  of  the  Irish  chiefs  of  the  first  invasion  are 
not  easy  to  identify  in  their  Latin  form;  Tuathius  may  be 
Dathi,  King  of  Ireland  405-408,  and  Anpachus  may  be 
Amalghaid,  King  of  Connaught  438-449,  and  the  name 
of  a  Mac  Lear  (Laoghuire)  may  be  disguised  under 
Machleius. 

According  to  the  Latin  Lives,  Carannog,  in  Latin  Caran- 
tocus,  was  son  of  Ceredig  and  not  grandson.  He  went  to 
Ireland  "  in  the  vear  of  the  birth  of  Saint  David,  son  of 
Sandde."  Unfortunately,  it  is  exceedingly  doubtful  what 
year  that  was. 

"  He  went  to  Ireland,  Patrick  having  preceded  him ;  and 
they  met  each  other  and  resided  together.  And  they 
consulted  together  what  they  should  do,  and  they  agreed 
that  they  should  separate,  one  go  to  the  left,  and  the 
other  to  the  right,  because  many  clerics  walked  with  them, 
and  others  because  they  wanted  health.  And  Carantoc 
went  to  the  right  part,  and  Patrick  to  the  left,  and  they 
agreed  that  they  should  meet  once  a  year." 


90  Saint  Carannog, 

The  Leon  Life  is  fuller.  On  account  of  the  invasion 
by  the  Irish,  and  the  advanced  age  of  Ceredig,  the  chiefs 
met  and  desired  to  set  his  eldest  son,  Carannog,  at  their 
head.  He,  however,  declined  the  honour,  loving  the 
Kingdom  of  Heaven  better  than  earthly  kingdoms,  and  he 
fled  with  staff  and  wallet  till  he  came  to  a  place  called 
Guerith  Karanktoc,  where  he  set  up  his  rest.  But  after 
some  time  an  angel  bade  him  go  to  Ireland  and  assist 
Patrick  in  his  labours  there.  Accordingly  he  departed, 
and  built  a  monastery  in  Ireland.  This,  apparently,  is 
his  foundation  at  Dulane,  in  Meath. 

In  the  histories  of  S.  Patrick,  which  we  have,  Carannog 
does  not  seem  to  have  been  intimately  associated  with 
him,  except  on  one  notable  occasion  ;  and  the  Life  (Vesp. 
A.  xiv)  implies  as  much ;  the  sphere  of  Patrick  was  in  the 
north,  that  of  Carannog  in  the  south.  The  notable  occa- 
sion referred  to  is  the  drawing  up  of  the  Seanchus  Mor. 
When  the  bulk  of  the  population  of  Ireland  had  accepted 
Christianity,  it  became  advisable  that  the  laws  should  be 
readjusted  to  meet  the  new  condition  of  affairs.  King 
Laoghaire  saw  this,  and  although  not  himself  a  C  hristian 
he  is  traditionally  said  to  have  appointed  a  joint  Commis- 
sion for  the  revision  and  codification  of  the  laws.  The 
Commission  consisted  of  three  Kings,  three  Brehons  or 
Druids,  and  three  Christian  Bishops.  Patrick,  Benignus, 
and  Carantoc  sat  as  representatives  of  the  Church.  The 
code  remained  in  force  among  the  Irish  throughout  the 
Middle  Ages,  and  in  Clare  even  down  to  1600. 

The  Latin  Livcsi  say  not  a  word  about  this,  which 
occupied  Carannog  and  the  other  Commissioners  three 
years,  and  was  completed  in  or  about  438,  and  which 
was  the  most  imijortant  and  far-reaching  act  of  his  life. 

Whilst  in  Ireland,  Carannog  received  as  his  pupil  one 
who  is  called  in  Brittany  Tennenan,  and  who  is  represented 


Saint  Carannog,  91 


as  son  of  an  Irish  King,  Tinidor.  The  names  have  not  an 
Irish  sound,  but  they  are  evidently  corrupt.  Tennenan 
being  a  leper,  was  excluded  from  the  succession,  and 
embraced  the  ecclesiastical  life  under  Carannog,  who, 
according  to  the  legend,  healed  him  of  his  leprosy.  This 
may  have  an  allegorical  meaning,  and  imply  no  more  than 
that  by  baptism  he  purged  him  of  the  leprosy  of  sin,  or 
that  whilst  undergoing  his  training  in  the  Monastery  of 
Carannog,  he  got  rid  of  a  distressing  skin  disease  which  had 
troubled  him  in  his  youth.     Can  Tennenan  be  Finnian  ? 

The  Leon  hije  speaks  of  an  Irish  King  Dulcemius 
contributing  timber  to  the  erection  of  the  church  for 
Carannog,  but  under  this  name  it  is  not  possible  to 
determine  what  chieftain  of  South  Ireland  is  meant. 

After  a  while  Carannog  retired  from  active  work  in 
Ireland,  and  the  Latin  published  Life  goes  on  to  relate 
that  he  retreated  to  a  cave  in  Ceredigion,  and  founded  the 
Church  of  Llangranog.  After  a  while,  taking  his  portable 
altar  with  him,  he  went  to  the  Severn,  and  threw  his 
altar  in,  resolving  to  settle  wherever  it  was  washed  up. 
Then  we  are  told  that  in  those  days  Cado  and  -.Irthur 
ruled  the  land,  and  the  latter  had  his  dwelling  at  Din- 
drarthron.  In  the  adjoining  district  of  Carron  was  a 
dragon,  which  Arthur  induced  Carannog  to  overcome. 
Arthur  meanwhile  got  hold  of  Garannog's  altar-table  and 
purposed  appropriating  it  to  his  own  use.  However,  when 
Carannog  had  tamed  the  dragon,  he  reluctantly  sur- 
rendered the  altar,  which  Carannog  again  threw  into 
the  sea. 

Dindrarthron  is  Dinedor,  in  Herefordshire,  and  Carron 
is  the  marshy  region  of  the  Garran.  Here  there  is  a 
church  called  Llangaran.  All  this  portion  of  the  legend 
must  be  dismissed  as  an  anachronism.  It  is  not  possible 
to  make  Carannog,  who  assisted  at  the  compilation  of  the 


92  Saint  Ca7'annog, 

Seanchus  Mor  in  438,  a  contemporary  of  Arthur,  who  fell 
in  537.  It  applies  to  the  second  Carantoc,  or  Caimech, 
son  of  Saran. 

Carannog  crossed  to  Cornwall,  and  landed  at  a  place 
called  in  the  hife  Grwellit  (the  Grassy).  It  was  probably 
the  long  curious  creek  called  the  Gannel.  Here  he 
resolved  to  settle,  and  he  borrowed  a  spade  from  a  poor 
man,  wherewith  to  dig  the  ground.  He  also  cut  for  him- 
self a  staff,  and  at  intervals,  when  tired  of  digging,  he 
wittled  the  handle  of  the  staff. 

Presently  he  observed  a  wood-pigeon  fly  out  of  the 
adjoining  grove,  and  carry  off  in  its  beak  some  of  the 
shavings  from  his  staff.  He  resolved  on  following  the 
bird,  and  he  found  that  she  had  dropped  the  chips  in  one 
paHicular  spot.  He  determined  to  build  a  church  there, 
and  place  in  it  his  altar,  which  had  been  washed  up  on  the 
shore. 

We  are  then  told  that  "a  voice  came  to  him  from 
heaven  and  said  he  should  go  into  exile,  and  leave  his 
family.  Innumerable  persons  were  buried  in  that  city, 
but  he  alone  went  to  Ireland."  Here  we  have  the  first 
summons,  as  given  in  the  Leon  lAfe^  and  this  is  an 
instuncc  of  the  sad  jumble  of  which  the  Life  (Vesp.  A. 
xiv)  is  made  up.  It  is  not  possible  to  decide,  with  any- 
thing approaching  to  certainty,  what  the  real  order  of 
events  was  in  the  life  of  Carannog ;  but  this,  at  least, 
seems  clear,  that  after  having  been  for  a  while  living  a 
solitary  life  in  Wales,  he  went  to  Ireland  and  did 
missionary  work  there,  then,  for  some  reason  that  we  shall 
shoHJy  consider,  he  left  Ireland,  and  came  to  Cornwall, 
where  he  founded  the  church  now  called  C^rantock,  and 
perlijips  at  the  same  time  Carhamplon  in  Somersetshire, 
a  mile  and  a-half  from  I)uust4»r,  of  which  church  he 
was  considered  the  patron.     The  church  passed  into  the 


Saint  Carannog,  93 

possession  of  Bath  Abbey,  where  the  festival  of  the 
Saint  was  observed  on  May  16  (Bath  Calendar,  circ,  1383, 
in  Brit.  Mus.     Add.  MSS.  10,628). 

Now  it  is  very  noteworthy  that  Carannog  or  Carantoc 
has  an  extended  cult  in  Brittany.  There  is  a  parish, 
Carantec,  and  another  Tregarant^c,  that  bear  his  name  in 
Finist^re,  but  he  is  also  widely  known  as  S.  Caradec,  as 
patron  of  St.  Caradec,  near  Loudeac,  of  Saint  Caradec, 
Priziac,  and  of  S.  Carreuc.  He  has,  as  well,  chapels  at 
Mellac,  at  Pontaven,  and  is  honoured  at  Quimperle.  He 
has  been  dealt  with  by  two  writers,  B.  Oneix,  S.  Caradoc 
en  Bretagne,  S.  Brieuc,  Prud'homme,  1880,  and  by  De  la 
Borderie,  Les  deux  Saints  Caradec,  Paris,  Champion, 
1883,  but  neither  being  in  possession  of  all  known  about 
him  in  Wales  and  Ireland,  have  been  able  to  altogether 
unriddle  the  puzzle  of  his  presence  in  Armorica.  That 
Caradec  or  Careuc  is  the  same  as  Carantoc  is  shown  by 
the  commemoration  of  this  saint  being  always  on  May  16, 
which  is  that  of  Carantoc  in  the  Irish  Martyrologies, 
and  also  by  his  identification  in  the  Breviary  lessons 
with  the  son  (or  grandson)  of  Ceredig.  His  main  settle- 
ment was  Saint  Caradoc  near  Loudeac,  in  Cotes  du  Nord, 
which  is  spoken  of  in  the  13th  cent,  as  "Monasterium 
Caradoci".  He  is  mentioned  in  the  Life  of  8,  Guenael. 
That  Saint  had  been  to  Britain,  and  he  returned  laden 
with  books  and  followed  by  forty  disciples.  He  landed  first 
in  the  He  de  Groix,  and  then  went  overland  to  visit  Cara- 
doc, whom  he  held  in  high  esteem.  According  to  local 
tradition  S.  Gonnec  or  Connoc,  and  S.  Gonery,  were  among 
the  pupils  of  Caradoc.  That  Tennenan  was  so — but  in 
Ireland — we  have  already  seen.  In  Morbiban,  as  well, 
Carannog  has  two  churches,  S.  Caradoc  Hennebont,  and 
S.  Caradec  Thegomel;  and  he  is  commemorated  in  the 
Vannes  Breviaries  on  May  16,  the  same  day  of  S.  Carantoc. 


94  Saint  Carannog, 

Now  it  seems  to  me  that  the  settlements  in  Cornwall 
and  Brittany  of  such  assistants  of  S.  Patrick  as  Carannog 
and  Mancen,  or  Ninio,  mean  a  great  deal,  for  which  we 
look  in  vain  into  such  scanty  documents  as  have  reached 
us,  to  find  an  explanation. 

Patrick  was  supplied  with  a  stream  of  missioners  serving 
under  him  from  Britain  and  Armorica.  There  was  a 
great  nursery  at  Witherne,  in  Galway,  that  furnished  him 
with  men  for  work  in  the  North  of  Ireland;  and  at  Ty 
Gwyn,  in  Pembrokeshire,  he  had  a  great  college  under 
Mancen,  otherwise  called  Ninio  the  Old,  which  sent  over  a 
supply  for  the  mission  field  in  South  Ireland.  But  we  find 
Mancen  also  in  Cornwall  and  in  Brittany,  under  the  form 
of  Mawgan  or  Meaugon,  in  Wales  as  Meugan.  There  are 
two  Mawgans  in  Cornwall.  The  identity  would  seem  to 
be  established  by  Mawgan-in-Pyder  Feast  being  observed 
on  July  25,  which  is  the  day  of  Meugant  or  Ninio  in  the 
Irish  Martyrologies.  In  Brittany,  near  S.  Brieuc,  is  la 
M^augon  (Llan-Meugant),  where  the  Pardon  is  observed 
on  the  same  day.  Is  it  not  conceivable  that  Meugant  or 
Mancen  had  branch  estiiblishments  in  Armorica  and  Corn- 
wall to  serve  as  feeders  in  Ty  Gwyn?  We  know  that  there 
was  close  intercourse  between  Brittany  and  Wales  and 
Ireland  in  the  fifth  and  sixth  centuries.  And  in  like 
manner  I  would  conjecture  that  the  object  of  Carannog's 
leaving  Ireland  was  to  undertake  the  very  important  task 
of  establishing  monastic  settlements  in  Cornwall  and  in 
Armorica  to  serve  the  same  purpose  as  those  of  Meugant 
or  Mancen. 

Tennenan,  the  disciple  of  Carannog  in  Ireland,  followed 
his  master.  We  have  unfortunately  no  early  life  of  this 
saint,  all  we  know  of  him  is  from  the  lessons  in  the 
ancient  Breviaries  of  Leon  and  Folgoiit,  which  are  full  of 
fable.     He  is  there  said  to  have  been  the  pupil  of  Karadoc 


Saint  Carannog,  95 

or  Karentec,  and  to  have  been  cured  by  him  of  leprosy  in 
Ireland.  Afterwards  he  embarked  with  S.  Senan  and  S. 
Ron  an,  and  crossed  the  sea  to  Armorica,  and  landed  in 
the  harbour  of  Brest,  near  where  is  now  the  little  town  of 
Landerneau,  and  founded  the  church  of  Ploubennec,  near 
Plabennec.  Together  with  S.  Senan  (of  Iniscathy)  and  S. 
Ronan,  he  had  with  him  two  others,  who  are  named  Armen 
and  Glanmeus,  the  latter  a  priest.  M.  de  la  Borderi^ 
considers  that  there  were  more  saints  than  one  that  bore 
the  name  of  Tennenan  or  Tinidor — for  he  is  known  by  both 
names  in  Brittany.  The  diocese  of  L^on  is  supposed  to 
have  had  a  Tennenan  as  its  bishop,  after  S.  Goulven,  but 
if  so,  he  belongs  to  the  beginning  of  the  seventh  century, 
and  as  he  is  ignored  by  the  early  writers  who  composed 
the  list  of  the  Bishops  of  Leon,  the  existence  of  such  a 
bishop  is  doubtful.  One  interesting  fact  is  that  in  the 
parish  of  Tregarantec,  which  by  its  name  shows  that  it 
was  a  tref  of  Carantoc,  S.  Tennenan  is  held  to  be  the 
patron  of  the  church. 

Senan  of  Iniscathy,  who  is  said  to  have  come  over  with 
Tennenan,  is  widely  venerated  in  Brittany,  and  finds  his 
place  in  the  ancient  Breviaries  on  March  6.  Another 
Irish  Colonist,  Kenan,  is  confounded  with  Kianan,  Bishop 
of  Duleek;  his  name  is  contracted  to  Kay  or  Quay,  and 
he  is  the  same  as  the  Cornish  S.  Kea.  He  is  commemo- 
rated in  Brittany  on  Sept.  13  and  Nov.  5. 

Goulven,  who  is  also  brought  in  contact  with  Carannog, 
was  born  in  Armorica;  his  parents,  Glaudan  and  Gologuenn, 
were  refugees  from  Britain,  who  landed  in  the  broad 
shallow  bay  that  now  goes  by  the  name  of  the  Anse  de 
Goulven.  He  was  bishop  of  L^on  after  Cetemerin,  who 
succeeded  Paul  of  Leon. 

Unfortunately  we  know  neither  the  date  of  the 
death   of   Carannog   nor  the    place   where  he  died,   but 


96  Saint  Carannog. 

there  is  remarkable  consensus  as  to  the  day  on 
which  he  is  to  be  honoured.  The  Welsh,  as  well  as  the 
Irish,  Calendars  ^ive  that  day  as  May  16.  In  a  MS. 
Breviary  of  the  diocese  of  Treguier,  of  the  fifteenth 
century,  is  the  entry:  "xvii  Kal.  Junii,  Caranauci  abb."  On 
the  same  day,  in  the  L^on  Breviary  of  1516  in  the  library 
of  the  Fr^res  Lamennais,  at  Ploermel :  "xvii  Kal.  Junii, 
Caradoci  abb."  In  the  Vannes  Missals  of  1530  and  1535 
it  is  the  same.  Whytford's  Martyrologe,  1526,  an  English 
rendering  of  the  Bridgetine  Marty rology  of  Sion  House, 
also  gives  the  same  day.  This  is  the  day  of  the  Village 
Feast  at  Crantock  in  Cornwall,  and  of  the  Pardon  at 
Carantec  in  Brittany.  The  Felire  of  Aengus,  on  May  16, 
has  this  entry:  "The  illustrious  death  of  Cainnech  the 
powerful,"  and  the  gloss  adds,  "t.e.  Camech  of  Tuilec, 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  Cenannas  (Kells),  and  he  is  of 
the  Britons  of  Cem  (Cornwall)."  The  Exeter  Calendars 
give  his  day  as  May  16. 

In  the  Celtic  Litany  of  the  tenth  century,  published 
by  Mabillon,  from  a  Rheims  MS.,  he  is  invoked  between 
S.  Brendan  and  S.  Gildas. 

As  to  the  date  of  his  death,  that  can  only  be  fixed 
tentatively.  It  most  probably  occurred  later  than  that  of 
Patrick,  but  scarcely  later  than  470,  for  he  can  hardly 
have  been  a  young  man  when  engaged  on  the  revision  of 
the  laws  of  Ireland  in  488.  A  brother  of  S.  Carannog 
was  S.  Pedr,  according  to  the  Welsh  genealogists,  and  it 
is  rather  remarkable  that  a  holy  well  bearing  that  name 
should  be  found  in  the  parish  of  S.  Columb  Minor,  that 
adjoins  Crantock.  The  Holy  Well  of  S.  Carantock  him- 
self is  in  the  midst  of  the  village  of  Crantock,  and  a 
stream  steadily  flows  from  it. 

The  Life  in  the  Leon  Breviary  follows.  I  will  first 
premise  that  of  this  Breviary  only  two  copies  are  known 


S^,   Carannog,  97 

to  exist,  one  is  in  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale,  Paris,  and  is 
imperfect :  it  is  without  the  calendar,  and  the  sanctoriale  is 
wanting  from  the  end  of  November  to  the  end  of  June. 
The  other  copy  is  in  the  possession  of  the  Brothers  of 
Christian  Instruction,  or  Freres  Lamenais  at  Ploermel. 
It  has  the  calendar,  but  is  deficient  in  the  names  of  the 
saints  from  November  29  to  June  12.  It  was  printed  bj 
Didier  Maheu,  Paris,  1516.  I  have  not  printed  all  the 
abbreviations. 


Lect.  I. 

Quodam  tempore  fuit  vir  nomine  Cereticus  et  hie  vir 
habuit  multosfilios  :  quorum  unus  erat  Karadocus  nomine. 
In  illis  diebus  venerunt  Scoti  et  occupaverunt  regionem 
britannicam.  Cereticus  autem  erat  senex :  et  dixerunt 
seniores,  Senex  es  tu  non  potes  dimicare  :  debes  unum 
ordinare  de  filiis  tuis  qui  est  senior.  Dixerunt  illi 
Karadoco :  Oportet  te  esse  regem :  Karadocus  autem  plus 
dilio^ebat  esse  regem  celestem  quam  terrenum :  et  postquam 
audivit  fugam  iniit  ne  invenirent  eum.  Accepit  ergo 
Karadocus  peram  cum  baculo  et  sacculo  a  quodam  paupere, 
et  venit  in  locum  qui  dicitur  Guerith  Karantoc  et  mansit 
ibi  per  aliquod  lemporis.  Post  multos  autem  dies  venit 
ad  Sanctum  Karadocum  vox  de  celo  precepitque  ut  quia 
hie  latere  non  poterat  et  quanto  ignotior  et  remotior  a 
suis  tanto  fieret  servus  dei  utilior :  Patricium  sequeretur 
in  hyberniam.  Karadocus  igitur  discedit  in  hyberniam,  et 
ibi  incepit  construere  monasterium.  Relatum  erat  Kara- 
doco in  partibus  illis  apud  quemdam  tyrannum  Dulcemium 
nomine  esse  quemdam  arborem  ornatam  atque  caram  que 
principis  sui  fuerat.  Venit  Karadocus  et  petiit  arborem. 
TJtrum  melior  es  tu  dixit  tyrannus  omnibus  Sanctis  qui 
postulaverunt  earn,  non  sum  dixit  Karadocus. 


98  .SV.   Carannog, 

Lect.  II. 

Tyraniius  dixit  Voca  tamen  deum  tuuni  et  si  ce- 
ciderit  tua  est.  Respondit  Karadocus :  Non  est  impos- 
sibile  deo  quicquam  :  et  hec  dicens  orarit  Dominuin :  com- 
pleta  oratione  cecidit  arbor  radicibus  extirpatis  et  stabant 
attoniti  infideles.  Credidit  ergo  tiraunus  et  baptizatus 
est  et  omnes  sui  cum  illo  conversi  sunt  ad  fidem :  et 
receperunt  sacrament um.  Hoc  lignum  artifices  por- 
taverunt  in  crastino  ad  opus  incohatura  et  scinderunt  in 
quatuor  bases.  Quadam  nocte  venerunt  religiosi  qui- 
dam  aliunde  ad  locum  et  deerant  ligua  foco  ad  usum 
pernoctantiuin  :  tunc  surrexit  Karadocus  ad  unam  basem 
de  quattuor  absciditque  particulam  ex  ilia.  Artifex 
autem  hoc  intuens  vehementer  indignatus  est :  et  decrevit 
abire :  et  ait  Karodocus  :  Fili  mi  mane  in  hac  nocte.  Hie 
vero  mansit  invitus.  Sole  autem  orto  surrexit  ut  abiret : 
et  exiens  circa  ecclesiam  vidit  basam  illam  similem  aliis 
basibus  non  habeutentem  in  se  cissuram. 

Lect.  III. 

Erat  illis  diebus  quidam  sanctus  in  hybernia  nomine 
Tenenanus  et  hie  erat  leprosus.  Vinit  igitur  ad  sanctum 
Karadocum :  sed  antequam  venisset*  nunciavit  ei  angelus 
venturum  ad  se  Tenenanum :  ICaradocus  cum  gaudio  et 
exultatione  preparavit  balneum  suo  hospiti.  Veniens  ille 
cum  exisset  jam  ecclesiam  et  orasset  occurrit  iste  obviam 
illi  et  osculati  sunt  invicem  benedicentes.  £t  ducto  eo  a 
monasterio  ad  refecterium  cogebat  eum  oppido  ut  introiret 
lavacrum.  Ille  ncgabat  et  inveniebat  causas  satis 
ydoneas :  denique  Karadocus  ait :  si  non  intraveris  non 
vives  in  vita  etorna.  Cum  lioc  audisset  Tenenanus  coactus 
intra vit  balneum:  accedebat  iterum  Karadocus  ut  lavaret 
eum.  Animadvertens  igitur  Tenenanus  quoniam  ad 
se  abluenduui  accederet  dixit.    Non  lavabis  me  in  eter- 


Si,   Cai'annoj^,  99 

num.     Respondit  Karadocus  :  Nee  tu  vives  in  eternuin  si 
non  lavero  te.     Lotus  est  itaque  et  statiin  ut  tetigit  eura 
Karadocus  sanatus  est  a  lepra :  et  conquerebatur  dicens  : 
Non  bene  fecisti  in  me  f rater  :  quia  forte  superbus  fiam  a 
modo  et  multum  deceptus  ero.     Nequaquam  ille  ait :  sed 
pulchrior  eris :    et  tua  caro  non  erit  f etida :  tunc  sanctus 
Tenenanus  ait:  Ingredere  et  tu  utlaveris.     Adjuratus  ipse 
ingressus   est  babieum :  Surrexit   Tenenanus    ut    faceret 
obsequia.     Habebat  enim  Karadocus  septem  cingulaferrea 
circa   se :    et   mox  ubi  tetigit  ea  Tenenanus  f  racta  sunt 
omnia.     Tunc  ait  Karadocus  :  non  bene  egisti :  tibi  verum 
tamen  dampnum  hoc  videtur  reparabile.     Ait  Tenenanus : 
Nequaquam  quia  si  venerint  omnes  f abri :  non  poterunt 
tibi  fabricare  cingulum :  Et  post  hec  verba  laudaverunt 
deum  et  facta  est  pax  et  unitas  inter  ipsos. 

I  may  add,  in  conclusion,  that  after  many  and  vain 
efforts  to  obtain  a  copy  of  M.  de  la  Borderie's  article  on 
The  Two  Saints  Caradec,  on  my  application,  the  Bollandist 
Fathers  at  Antwerp  have  most  courteously  lent  me  their 
copy.  I  find  in  it  that  M.  de  la  Borderi^  has  printed  the 
Latin  life  from  the  copy  of  the  Breviary  he  found  in 
Paris.  There  are  only  two  or  three  trifling  differences 
between  my  transcript  and  his. 


h2 


Ofb  Coun^g  ^amtfua  of  ©^feb^ 


THE    WOGANS    OF    BOULSTON. 

By  FRANCIS  GREEN. 


It  might  naturally  be  imagined  that  the  spread  of  educa- 
tion would  tend  to  stimulate  a  love  of  county  history 
amongst  the  rising  generation,  but  so  far  from  doing  this 
its  tendency,  it  is  to  be  feared,  is  quite  in  the  opposite 
direction.  In  days  gone  by,  when  books  and  newspapers 
were  rarely  accessible,  folk-lore  and  the  genealogies  of  the 
different  residents  in  the  neighbourhood  were  constantly 
discussed  at  the  fireside,  but  these  have  now  given  place 
to  the  topics  of  the  day,  and  as  a  result  the  ancient  tradi- 
tions and  other  facts  in  regard  to  county  history  are  fast 
being  lost  to  memory.  In  Pembrokeshire,  for  instance, 
a  county  that  is  overflowing  with  interesting  features, 
historical  and  antiquarian,  the  old  legends,  and  even  the 
names  of  families,  which  not  so  very  long  ago  must  have 
been  household  words,  are  now  almost  forgotten.  Pew 
probably  of  the  rising  generation  could  tell  an  enquirer 
who  the  Wogans  were,  and  even  those  of  maturer  age 
know  little  beyond  the  fact  that  there  were  families  of 
that  name  who  in  days  gone  by  lived  at  Wiston  and 
Boulston.  Yet  it  is  barely  a  hundred  years  since  the 
name  of  Wogan  became  extinct  in  the  county. 

It  would  be  unfair  to  attribute  the  decadence  of  one 
of  the  most  characteristic  traits  of  the  Welsh  race  from 
the  earliest  days  to  a  change  in  the  national  disposition; 


Z^t  li)oc^anB  of  (g< 


—  <^»  ^«^ 


Henry  Wogan,  of  Milton,  son  of  Sir  John  Wogan,  ^^ 


Thomas  Wogan, 
ob.  s.p. 


Heniy    V 
Boulstoi 


Agnes    Tasker, 
uf  Harbeston 


I  I 

Richard  Wogan,  of=fMaud,  d.  of  Sir       Henry>-£lizabethj_d.  of 
Buul^ton,  ob.  1541.  I    Thomas    Phil-    Wogan. 

lipps,    of  Kil- 
sant. 


Thomas  Canon 
of  Llawhadeo. 


Will 
Wof 
ob. 


William  Wogan. 


I 
David  Wugan=i-  Kathcrine,  d. 
Thos.  Herbert, 
of  Colbrook. 


Margaret  -  John   Wogan*- (1)  Jane, 
Grilliths.      ob.  1601.  of 

(a)  Eliza 
Bin, 
mart 


^  ^  ^  ^  ^ 


Richard    Dcvereux^Mag-  Maud^Morgan     Powell, 

Wogan.        Wogan,    dalen.    Wogan.      Mayor    of   Pem- 

ob.  s.p.  broke,  circ.  1591. 


I  i 

J  ane        Elinor 

Wogan.    Wogan. 


I  I  I 

Margarct(2)— Sir  John  Wogan, ^(i)   Frances,  d.  Rees   r^Janet,  d.  Llew.    Richard*-Ju» 

of  Koulston,  ob.  I    Lewis  Pollard,  ol    Wogan.  |     Lloyd,  of  Llan-    Wogan.      Dol 


i6s6. 


Kings  Nympton, 
Devon. 


A 


stinan. 


I 
P  ranees 
Wogan. 


John  Wogan, 
dead  in  1613. 


Maurice  Wogan.  of— Frances,     d.    Sir 
Houlston,  ob.  1640.  ;    Hugh   Owen,  of 

Wilton,  ob.  1658. 


Abraham  Wogan, ^,  Jane,  d.  of  Sir  Lewis 
of  Houlston,  ob.  Mansel,  Margam, 
1651.  Glaiii.,  ob.  1655. 


I 


John  Peter  Wogan, 

Wogan  of  Carew.  W 


I 
Sybil   Wogan -»Rees  Bowen, 

of  Upton. 


Lewis  Wogan,— Katherine,  d.  James 
of  Koulston,  I  Phillips,  The  Priory, 
ob.  1702.  I    Cardigan. 


Kdward  Wogan, 
ob.aiile  1702,  s.p. 


I  I 

Anno   Wogan,    John  Laugharne,        \\  other  Children   who 
ob.  1715,  s.p.  St.  ilriile.s.  pix'deceased  their  father. 


Juhn\ 
Gaw 
t>b.  I 


John  \ 

ub.  I] 


William 
of  Gaw 


fe^on,  (J)ew6roRe6?ire* 


i=Margaret,  d.  of  Wilcocks  Dyer,  ofBoulston. 


1,    of=j=Elizabeth,  sister  of  Sir  James 
1499.  j      ap  Owen,  of  Pentre  Evan. 


.  .   d.  of  Llizabeth=Wi  1 1  i  a  m 

.  .  Cres-  ap  Owen 

ford,      of  David 

Clydon.  Gwyn. 


Daugh-=Thos.  Bateman, 
ter.  of  Honeboro'. 


ichard  Wogan, 
on. 

d.     Robert 
irman  of  Car- 


Anne  Wogan=Henry   Adams, 
'.P.   for  Pem- 
>  r  o  k  e  s  h  i  re, 


I 


I 
William  Wogan"= 


Margaret=William  Mor- 
gan, of    Mud- 
dlescombe. 


Maurice  Wogan,  of=  Elizabeth. 
Bloxham,     Oxon., 
ob.  1557. 


Margaret: 
Wogan. 


Henry  Maud=Morris    Bowen, 

Wogan.     Wogan.      of  Llochtrwye. 


I  I 

^William  Ann=WiUiam      Cecilia=Rev.   Ro- 

Davids,     Wogan.     Adams.    Wogan.     land  Lloyd 
Regist'r  of 

Fletheratown. 


i=John   Voyle,  of 
Haverfordwest. 


Maud  Elizabeth  Jane=Wm.  Jones. 

Wogan.  Wogan.        Wogan. 


John  Wogan,  of  Gawdy  Hall  (probably  a~Sarah,  d.  Robert  Longe,  of  Fowlden,  Norfolk,  and 


son    of  John,    the    brother   of   Maurice 
Wogan),  ob.  1707 


widow  of  Tobias  Frere,  the  son  of  Tobias  Frere, 
M.P.  for  Norfolk  in  1654  ;  ob.  1684. 


John  Wogan,  of==Elizabeth  Bancroft, 


Gawdy    Hall, 
ob.  1723. 


niece  of  Archbishop 
Sancroft. 


Walter  Wogan. 


n,  of--Elizabeth,  d.  of  William  Sarah  Wogan, ^Rev.  Gervas  Holmes, 


lall,      Sancroft,    of    Suffolk, 
ob.  1786. 


m,  Elizabeth  Wogan, 

,p.  ob.  1773,  spinster. 


ob.  1764. 


of  Fressingfteld, 
ob.  1776. 


Elizabeth  Wogan, 
ob.  1738,  aet.  18. 


Rev.  Gervas  Holmes,  of===  Rebecca  Grim  wood, 
Gawdy  Hall,  ob.  1796.        ob.  1718,  aet.  73. 


I 


I 


John  Holmes. -pAnne,  d.  Kev.  Wm.        Rev.  Gervas  Holmes. 


awdy  Hall,  ob. 


VVhitear,    of  Ore, 
Sussex,  ob.  1877. 


Rebecca  Holmes. >=  Rev.  Wm. 

Whitear. 


croft   Hohnes,  ,  Hester  Elizabeth, d.  Davies  Gilbert,         Anna  holmes, 
all.  ob.  i8.|9  of  Eastbourne,  ob.  1885.  ob.  1881. 


)lin  Sancroft  Holmes,  the^Edith  Kinp-rote,  d.  Henry 
present  owner  oi  Gawdy  Kinj^scole,  ot  Kingscote, 
Hall.  Gloucestershire. 


I 
Charlotte  Holmes. 


94  Saint  Carannog, 

Now  it  seems  to  me  that  the  settlements  in  Cornwall 
and  Brittany  of  such  assistants  of  S.  Patrick  as  Carannog 
and  Mancen,  or  Ninio,  mean  a  great  deal,  for  which  we 
look  in  vain  into  such  scanty  documents  as  have  reached 
us,  to  find  an  explanation. 

Patrick  was  supplied  with  a  stream  of  missioners  serving 
under  him  from  Britain  and  Armorica.  There  was  a 
great  nursery  at  Withenie,  in  Galway,  that  furnished  him 
with  men  for  work  in  the  North  of  Ireland;  and  at  Ty 
Gwyn,  in  Pembrokeshire,  lie  had  a  great  college  under 
Mancen,  otherwise  called  Ninio  the  Old,  which  sent  over  a 
supply  for  the  mission  field  in  South  Ireland.  But  we  find 
Mancen  also  in  Cornwall  and  in  Brittany,  under  the  form 
of  Mawgan  or  Meaugon,  in  Wales  as  Meugan.  There  are 
two  Mawgans  in  Cornwall.  The  identity  would  seem  to 
be  established  by  Mawgan-in-Pyder  Feast  being  observed 
on  July  25,  which  is  the  day  of  Meugant  or  Ninio  in  the 
Irish  Martyrologies.  In  Brittany,  near  S.  Brieuc,  is  la 
Meaugon  (Llan-Meugant),  where  the  Pardon  is  observed 
on  the  same  day.  Is  it  not  conceivable  that  Meugant  or 
Mancen  had  branch  establishments  in  Armorica  and  Corn- 
wall to  serve  as  feeders  in  Ty  Gwyn?  We  know  that  there 
was  close  intercourse  between  Brittany  and  Wales  and 
Ireland  in  the  fifth  and  sixth  centuries.  And  in  like 
manner  I  would  conjecture  that  the  object  of  Canmnog's 
leaving  Ireland  was  to  undertake  the  very  important  task 
of  establishing  monastic  settlements  in  Cornwall  and  in 
Armorica  to  serve  the  same  purpose  as  those  of  Meugant 
or  Mancen. 

Tennenan,  the  disciple  of  Carannog  in  Ireland,  followed 
his  master.  We  have  unfortunately  no  early  life  of  this 
saint,  all  we  know  of  him  is  from  the  lessons  in  the 
anci(»nt  Breviari(*s  of  Leon  and  Folgoiit,  which  are  full  of 
fable.     He  is  there  said  to  have  been  the  pupil  of  Karadoc 


Saint  Carannog,  95 

or  Karentec,  and  to  have  been  cured  by  him  of  leprosy  in 
Ireland.  Afterwards  he  embarked  with  S.  Senan  and  S. 
Ron  an,  and  crossed  the  sea  to  Armorica,  and  landed  in 
the  harbour  of  Brest,  near  where  is  now  the  little  town  of 
Landerneau,  and  founded  the  church  of  Ploubennec,  near 
Plabennec.  Together  with  S.  Senan  (of  Iniscathy)  and  S. 
Ronan,  he  had  with  him  two  others,  who  are  named  Armen 
and  Glanmeus,  the  latter  a  priest.  M.  de  la  Borderi^ 
considers  that  there  were  more  saints  than  one  that  bore 
the  name  of  Tennenan  or  Tinidor — for  he  is  known  by  both 
names  in  Brittany.  The  diocese  of  L^on  is  supposed  to 
have  had  a  Tennenan  as  its  bishop,  after  S.  Goulven,  but 
if  so,  he  belongs  to  the  beginning  of  the  seventh  century, 
and  as  he  is  ignored  by  the  early  writers  who  composed 
the  list  of  the  Bishops  of  L6on,  the  existence  of  such  a 
bishop  is  doubtful.  One  interesting  fact  is  that  in  the 
parish  of  Tregarantec,  which  by  its  name  shows  that  it 
was  a  tref  of  Carantoc,  S.  Tennenan  is  held  to  be  the 
patron  of  the  church. 

Senan  of  Iniscathy,  who  is  said  to  have  come  over  with 
Tennenan,  is  widely  venerated  in  Brittany,  and  finds  his 
place  in  the  ancient  Breviaries  on  March  6.  Another 
Irish  Colonist,  Kenan,  is  confounded  with  Kianan,  Bishop 
of  Duleek;  his  name  is  contracted  to  Kay  or  Quay,  and 
he  is  the  same  as  the  Cornish  S.  Kea.  He  is  commemo- 
rated in  Brittany  on  Sept.  13  and  Nov.  5. 

Goulven,  who  is  also  brought  in  contact  with  Carannog, 
was  bom  in  Armorica;  his  parents,  Glaudan  and  Gologuenn, 
were  refugees  from  Britain,  who  landed  in  the  broad 
shallow  bay  that  now  goes  by  the  name  of  the  Anse  de 
Goulven.  He  was  bishop  of  Leon  after  Cetemerin,  who 
succeeded  Paul  of  L^on. 

Unfortunately  we  know  neither  the  date  of  the 
death   of   Carannog   nor  the    place   where   he  died,   but 


96  Sahit  Carannog, 

there  is  remarkable  consensus  as  to  the  day  on 
which  he  is  to  be  honoured.  The  Welsh,  as  well  as  the 
Irish,  Calendars  give  that  day  as  May  16.  In  a  MS. 
Breviary  of  the  diocese  of  Treguier,  of  the  fifteenth 
century,  is  the  entry :  "xvii  Kal.  Junii,  Caranauci  abb."  On 
the  same  day,  in  the  L^on  Breviary  of  1516  in  the  library 
of  the  Fr^res  Lamennais,  at  Ploermel:  "xvii  Kal.  Junii, 
Caradoci  abb."  In  the  Vannes  Missals  of  1530  and  1635 
it  is  the  same.  Whytford's  Martyrologe,  1526,  an  English 
rendering  of  the  Bridgetine  Martyrology  of  Sion  House, 
also  gives  the  same  day.  This  is  the  day  of  the  Village 
Feast  at  Crantock  in  Cornwall,  and  of  the  Pardon  at 
Carantec  in  Brittany.  The  Felire  of  Aengus,  on  May  16, 
has  this  entry:  "The  illustrious  death  of  Cainnech  the 
powerful,"  and  the  gloss  adds,  "i.e.  Carnech  of  Tuilec, 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  Cenannas  (Kells),  and  he  is  of 
the  Britons  of  Cern  (Cornwall)."  The  Exeter  Calendars 
give  his  day  as  May  16. 

In  the  Celtic  Litany  of  the  tenth  century,  published 
by  Mabillon,  from  a  Rheims  MS.,  he  is  invoked  between 
S.  Brendan  and  S.  Gildas. 

As  to  the  date  of  his  death,  that  can  only  be  fixed 
tentatively.  It  most  probably  occurred  later  than  that  of 
Patrick,  but  scarcely  later  than  470,  for  he  can  hardly 
have  been  a  young  man  when  engaged  on  the  revision  of 
the  laws  of  Ireland  in  438.  A  brother  of  S.  Carannog 
was  S.  Pedr,  according  to  the  Welsh  genealogists,  and  it 
is  rather  remarkable  that  a  holy  well  bearing  that  name 
should  be  found  in  the  parish  of  S.  Columb  Minor,  that 
adjoins  Crantock.  The  Holy  Well  of  S.  Carantock  him- 
self is  in  the  midst  of  the  village  of  Crantock,  and  a 
stream  steadily  flows  from  it. 

The  Life  in  the  Leon  Breviary  follows.  I  will  first 
premise  that  of  this  Breviary  only  two  copies  are  known 


kS/.   Carannog,  97 

to  exist,  one  is  in  the  Bibliotheque  Nationale,  Paris,  and  is 
imperfect :  it  is  without  the  calendar,  and  the  sanctoriale  is 
wanting  from  the  end  of  November  to  the  end  of  June. 
The  other  copy  is  in  the  possession  of  the  Brothers  of 
Christian  Instruction,  or  Fr^res  Lamenais  at  Ploermel. 
It  has  the  calendar,  but  is  deficient  in  the  names  of  the 
saints  from  November  29  to  June  12.  It  was  printed  by 
Didier  Maheu,  Paris,  1516.  I  have  not  printed  all  the 
abbreviations. 

Lect.  I. 

Quodam  tempore  fuit  vir  nomine  Cereticus  et  hie  vir 
habuit  multos  filios  :  quorum  unus  erat  Karadocus  nomine. 
In  illis  diebus  venerunt  Scoti  et  oceupaverunt  regionem 
britannicam.  Cereticus  autem  erat  senex :  et  dixerunt 
seniores,  Senex  es  tu  non  potes  dimicare  :  debes  unum 
ordinare  de  filiis  tuis  qui  est  senior.  Dixerunt  illi 
Karadoco :  Oportet  te  esse  regem :  Karadocus  autem  plus 
diligebat  esse  regem  celestem  quamterrenum:  etpostquam 
audivit  fugam  iniit  ne  invenirent  eum.  Accepit  ergo 
Karadocus  peram  cum  baculo  et  sacculo  a  quodam  paupere, 
et  venit  in  locum  qui  dicitur  Guerith  Karantoc  et  mansit 
ibi  per  aliquod  temporis.  Post  multos  autem  dies  venit 
ad  Sanctum  Karadocum  vox  de  celo  precepitque  ut  quia 
hie  latere  non  poterat  et  quanto  ignotior  et  remotior  a 
suis  tanto  fieret  servus  dei  utilior :  Patriciura  sequeretur 
in  hyberniam.  Karadocus  igitur  discedit  in  hyberniam,  et 
ibi  incepit  construere  monasterium.  Eelatum  erat  Kara- 
doco in  partibus  illis  apud  quemdam  tyrannum  Dulcemium 
nomine  esse  quemdam  arborem  ornatam  atque  caram  que 
principis  sui  f  uerat.  Venit  Karadocus  et  petiit  arborem. 
Utrum  melior  es  tu  dixit  tyrannus  omnibus  Sanctis  qui 
postulaverunt  eam,  non  sum  dixit  Karadocus. 


The   Wogans  of  Boulston,  toi 

it  is  not  that  ^'Youn^  Pembrokeshire"  has  adopted  the 
tenets  of  Gallio,  but  that  he  has  not  the  opportunity  of 
gaining  the  knowledge.  There  is  no  history  of  the  county 
that  can  be  properly  so  called,  and  the  only  means  open  to 
the  student  is  long  and  tedious  research  among  the  musty 
and  in  many  cases  almost  illegible  records  belonging  to 
the  nation  and  private  individuals  in  different  parts  of  the 
country.  Only  those  who  have  hunted  these  preserves  are 
aware  of  the  mass  of  chaff,  so  to  speak,  which  has  to  be 
winnowed  by  the  searcher  in  order  to  obtain  a  grain  of 
wheat  for  his  use.  In  the  Record  Office,  for  instance, 
there  are  bundles  of  documents  for  which  there  are  no 
indexes,  and  one  cannot  help  feeling  that  a  good  deal  of 
money  expended  on  procuring  Returns  for  Parliament — 
many  of  them  of  no  earthly  interest  to  any  one  except  the 
member  desiring  the  same — might  be  much  better  laid  out 
in  making  the  records  of  the  country  accessible  to  the 
nation . 

These  are  the  reflections  that  occurred  to  me  after 
delving  into  England's  "Muniment  Chest",  in  which  I 
came  across  several  incidents  in  connection  with  the 
Wogans,  of  so  interesting  a  nature  that  I  was  induced  to 
attempt  a  sketch  of  the  family.  I  propose  in  this  article 
to  touch  on  the  Wogans  of  Boulston,  which  although  but 
an  offshoot  from  the  main  stem  at  Wiston,  at  one  time 
almost  rivalled  the  parent  line  in  importance  and  wealth 
of  possessions.  It  is  unanimously  agreed  by  Welsh 
genealogists  that  the  Wogans  are  of  Welsh  descent.  The 
name  is  said  to  be  a  corruption  of  Gwgan,  the  son  of 
Bleddyn  ap  Maenarch,  Chieftain  of  Brycheiniog,  who  was 
slain  about  the  year  1090  in  a  battle  with  Bernard  New- 
march,  the  Norman  Baron.  Gwgan,  according  to  the 
Welsh  pedigrees,  married  Gwenllian,  the  daughter  and 
heiress  of  Philip  Gwys  or  Wizo,  a  Fleming,  who  then  held 


102  Old  County  Families   of  Dyfed. 

Wiston,  and  through  this  marriage  that  property  came 
into  the  possession  of  the  Wogan  family,  and  remained  in 
it  over  six  hundred  years.  While  there  is  no  doubt  that 
Wiston  was  owned  for  that  period  by  the  Wogans,  it  is 
plainly  evident  that  the  compilers  of  the  pedigrees  are  in 
error  as  to  Gwgan  having  married  Gwenllian  Gwys. 
Philip  Gwys  was  alive  in  1193,  and  Gwgan  must  have 
been  born  before  1090;  it  is  therefore  practically  im- 
possible that  this  union  could  have  taken  place.  In  all 
probability  the  genealogists  have  left  out  a  generation  or 
two,  and  it  was  a  descendant  of  Gwgan  who  was  the  bride- 
groom on  the  occasion. 

Another  hypothesis,  mentioned  in  Count  O'Kelly's  me- 
moir of  the  family,  is  that  the  Wogans  are  descended  from 
Ugus,  a  Roman  Patrician  from  Florence.  This  derivation 
is  so  unsupported  by  even  traditionary  evidence  in  Wales 
that,  but  for  the  fact  that  it  was  again  brought  forward 
this  year  in  an  article  in  the  Cornhill  Magazine^  I  should 
not  have  referred  to  it.  If  the  founder  of  the  family  was 
a  foreigner  it  would  be  much  more  reasonable  to  suppose 
that  he  was  a  Norman.  Yet  there  is  no  trace  of  the  name 
in  the  Roll  of  Battle  Abbey,  althougli  those  of  most  of  the 
advenae  who  settled  in  the  county  are  to  be  found  in  it, 
including  that  of  Perrott,  a  family  that  did  not  for  cen- 
turies afterwards  attain  anything  like  the  standing  of 
the  Wogans.  On  the  whole,  tlie  preponderance  of  the 
evidence,  if  such  it  may  be  called,  is  in  favour  of  a  Welsh 
origin.  First  we  have  the  testimony  of  the  Welsh  genealo- 
gists, and  although  they  are  frequently  wrong  as  to  details, 
1  have  generally  found,  where  documents  are  available  to 
test  their  statements,  that  in  the  main  they  are  correct. 
It  might  be  contended  that  the  present  pronunciation  of 
the  name  does  not  very  closely  approximate  that  of  Gwgan. 
I  would  suggest,  however,  that  formerly  tlie  pronunciation 


The   IVooans  of  BoiUston.  103 

was  much  closer,  and  that  at  a  very  early  date  the  first 
syllable  was  enunciated  soft.  In  the  earliest  documents 
the  name  is  spelled  as  at  present,  but  as  far  back  as  1331 
it  is  written  "Wougan",  which  was  probably  pronounced 
as  in  French,  and  some  years  later  it  is  written  "  Woogan". 
The  more  convincing  fact  is  the  rarity  of  the  name  in 
England  in  early  times.  Prior  to  1600  the  name 
"Wogan",  so  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  ascertain,  was 
confined  entirely  to  members  of  the  Welsh  and  Irish 
branches.  There  was  a  family  named  Owghan  at  Wood- 
ham  Walter,  in  Essex,  in  1658,  but  probably  this  is  merely 
a  rendering  of  Orgen  or  Worgan,  which  is  not  an  un- 
common name  in  England.  There  was  also  a  Wogan  who 
owned  lands  in  England  in  1311-12.  In  a  Fine  made  in 
5th  Edward  II,  a  Richard  Wogan  and  his  wife  Alice 
granted  two  messuages,  1^  virgates  of  arable  land,  and  10 
acres  of  meadow  in  La  Cloude  and  Cameleye  in  Somerset- 
shire, to  Walter  de  la  Haye  and  his  wife  Cecilia.  This 
might  suggest  a  Norman  origin  for  the  Wogan  family, 
but  on  the  other  hand  the  Welsh  pedigrees  state  that  one 
of  the  earliest  Wogans  of  Wiston  married  Margaret,  the 
daughter  and  heiress  of  Adam  de  Staunton  or  Stanton,  and 
this  is  to  some  extent  borne  out  bj'  a  Patent  in  1301,  by 
which  a  John  Wogan  (probably  the  Justiciary  of  Ireland, 
and  in  that  case  owner  of  lands  in  Pembrokeshire)  was 
granted  the  marriage  of  Margaret,  the  daughter  and  one 
of  the  heirs  of  Adam  de  Stanton,  tenant-in-chief  in  Ire- 
land. Now  in  1311-12  there  were  Stauntons  who  owned 
property  in  Somersetshire,  and  as  nothing  is  more  likely 
than  that  John  Wogan  married  Margaret  Staunton  to  his 
son,  or  at  all  events  a  near  relative,  it  is  quite  possible 
that  Alice  was  the  same  person  as  Margaret,  and  that  the 
lands  mentioned  in  the  Fine  formed  part  of  her  jointure. 
After  this  brief  review  of  the  origin  of  the  Wogans  we 


104  ^^^  County  Families   of  Dy/ed. 

will  now  turn  to  the  branch  which  settled  at  Boulston. 
Tlie  founder  was  Henry,  the  son  of  Sir  John  Wogan  of 
Wistx>n.  Owing  to  the  absence  of  dates  in  the  Welsh 
pedigrees  and  the  partiality  of  the  family  to  the  name  of 
John,  it  has  been  impossible  to  decide  with  any  degree  of 
certainty  which  particular  Sir  John  this  is.  The  first 
Henry  Wogan  of  Boulston,  is  described  by  Lewis  Dunn 
as  of  Milton,'  a  property  wliich  was  presumably  given  to 
him  by  his  father.  The  Cheetham  MSS.  state  that  he 
married  Margaret,  or,  according  to  Lewis  Dunn,  Joan,  the 
daughter  of  Wilcocks  Dyer,  of  Boulston,  and  it  must  have 
been  through  this  union  that  that  estate  came  into  the 
possession  of  this  branch.  The  Wogan  tombstone  at 
Boulston  church  describes  him  as  Sir  Henry  Wogan,  and 
there  is  little  doubt  that  he  is  the  Sir  Henry  Wogan 
who  was  a  witness  to  a  Release  made  by  John  Hogekyn, 
rector  of  tlie  church  of  St.  Bridget,  to  John  Don  and  John 
Elliott,  of  the  manor  of  Robertiston  and  Nolton,  in 
October  1453-4,  and  in  which  he  is  described  as  a  knight 
and  steward  of  Haverfordwest.  {Ancient  Deeds  Gal.y  p. 
865.)  Lewis  Dunn,  who  is  corroborated  by  Geo.  Owen^s 
MSS.,  states  that  the  children  of  the  marriage  were : — 

(1)  Thomas  Wogan,  who  apparently  died  without 

issue.      According    to   the   Harleian   MSS., 
No.  14,814,  fol.  866,  he  was  the  heir. 

(2)  Henry    Wogan,   who    inherited    the    property, 

presumably  on  the  death  of  his  brother. 

The  Cheetham  MSS.  make  no  mention  of  Thomas,  but 
trace  the  descent  through  his  brother  Henry,  while 
Vincent  brings  the  line  through  Thomas.  It  is,  however, 
the  opinion  of  E.  L.,  who  edited  an  edition  of  the 
Choetliani  MSS.,  that  these  records  were  the  work  of  Sir 

'  in  Burton  parish. 


^  .&II 


The   Wogans  of  Boulston,  105 

John  Wogan,  who  married  Frances  Pollard,  and  in  that 
case  they  should  be  the  better  authority.  The  memorial 
stone  in  Boulston  Church,  and  also  Geo.  Owen's  MSS., 
trace  the  descent  through  Henry,  so  there  seems  little 
doubt  that  Vincent's  Collection  is  wrong  on  this  point. 
Possibly  the  explanation  is  that  Thomas  Wogan  was  a 
priest.  Mention  is  made  in  the  VaUyr  Ecclesiasticus,  taken 
in  27th  Henry  VHI  (1535-6),  of  a  Thomas  Wogan,  who 
was  rector  of  Lawrenny,  Nolton,  and  Henry's  Mote  in 
Pembrokeshire,  all  of  which  benefices  were  in  the  gift  of 
John  Wogan  of  Wiston.  Unfortunately,  the  lack  of 
details  and  dates  renders  it  impossible  to  form  any  reliable 
opinion  on  the  question.  The  problem  is  not  assisted  by 
the  will  of  Henry  Wogan — the  earliest  will  of  any  of  the 
family  that  I  have  come  across — which  so  far  as  the  date 
is  concerned  might  have  been  made  either  by  the  brother 
of  Thomas  or  by  his  father.  The  document  was  executed 
on  the  31st  Aug.  1499,  and  the  testator  describes  himself 
as  •'  Henricus  Ogan."  No  address  is  given,  but  he 
desired  to  be  buried  in  the  church  of  St.  Mary  the  Virgin, 
at  Woran.^  Now  as  Milton  is  very  much  nearer  to 
Warren  than  is  Boulston,  the  presumption  is  that  the 
testator  lived  at  the  former  place  ;  this  would  suggest  that 
the  will  was  made  by  the  first  Henry ^  as  one  would 
naturally  expect  that  his  son  would  have  come  into 
possession  of  Boulston,  and  have  resided  there  before  his 
death.  The  assumption  that  the  first  Henry  was  the 
maker  of  the  will  is  further  strengthened  by  the  fact 
that  while  the  testator  bequeaths  a  legacy  of  100  Marks 
to  Alicia  "  my  daughter",  he  does  not  refer  to  Richard 
Ogan,  whom  he  makes  residuary  legatee,  as  his  son. 

There  are  several   other  interesting  questions  opened 

'  Warren. 


io6  Old  Cottnty  Faviilies   of  Dyfcd, 

up  by  this  will.  A  legacy  of  6s.  8d.  is  given  to  the  church 
of  St.  Mary  at  Woran,^  20s.  to  the  church  of  St.  David's, 
and  6s.  8cZ.  to  the  church  of  Whitlakyngton,  in  Somerset- 
shire. This  again  indicates  that  there  was  some  connection 
between  the  Welsh  Wogans  and  Somersetshire,  and,  thanks 
to  this  clue,  just  as  this  page  was  going  to  press,  further 
evidence  turned  up  which  proves,  beyond  a  doubt,  that 
the  testator  was  the  second  Henry.  An  Inquisition  held 
at  Bridgwater  in  the  15th  Henry  VII,  on  the  estate  of  a 
Henry  Wogan,  states  that  he  died  on  the  31st  Aug.  1499, 
and  that  Richard,  his  son  and  heir,  was  then  22  years  of 
age  and  more.  The  date  of  the  death  thus  corresponds 
exactly  with  that  of  the  will,  satisfactorily  proving  the 
identity  of  Henry  Wogan.  The  Inquisition  states  that  he 
held  a  messuage  and  101  acres  of  land,  called  Orchardiston, 
in  Knightisby,  in  Somersetshire. 

Further  research  in  Somerset  House  revealed  the  exis- 
tence of  an  offshoot  of  the  family  there  in  later  times. 
Among  the  records  is  a  will  of  John  Wogan  of  Sylving," 
in  the  parish  of  Whitelakington,  dated  27tli  Oct.  1558, 
and  proved  on  7tli  May  1559.  By  this  instrument  the 
testator  bequeathed  'is.  4^^.  to  each  of  the  churches  of 
Pocklynchrokepe,  Stocklynch  Maude'hyn,^  and  Puckington, 
and  desired  his  body  to  be  buried  at  Whitelakington 
church  "amongst  my  ancestors".  In  his  will  only  one 
child  is  mentioned,  a  daughter,  Phillippa,  to  whom  he 
gives  £100  "  towards  her  marriage",  conditionally  that 
she  be  "  ruled  by  her  mother",  but  it  would  seem  that  he 
also  had  another  daughter.  His  wife,  whom  he  makes 
residuary  legat<»e,  appears  to  have  been  Anne  Rose,  as  the 
t4?st4itor  bequeaths  to  Nicholas  Rose,  whom  he  styles  "  my 
brother-in-law'',  his   best   gown.     He   also  refers   to   his 

^  Warren.  '^  Syvinch.  ^  Stocklinch  Magdalono. 


The   PFoi^ans  of  Boulston,  107 

"  brother",  Enthebert  Rose.  His  wife  Anne  survived  him, 
as  she  took  out  probate  to  the  will,  and  I  think  there 
is  little  doubt  that  she  was  the  Agnes  Wogan  whose  will, 
dated  the  8th  Feb.  1574,  was  proved  on  30th  April  1575. 
This  Agnes  Wogan  is  described  as  of  Sylvinche,  Somerset- 
shire, and  she  also  desired  to  be  buried  in  Whitelakington 
church.  She  made  her  daughter  Mary,  the  wife  of 
William  Stourton,  of  Woemyster,'  her  residuary  legatee, 
but  omitted  any  reference  to  Phillippa.  The  Visiiaiioix  of 
Somersetshire  in  1623  (Harleian  MSS.,  No.  1141)  states 
that  Mary,  daughter  and  co-heiress  of  John  Wogan,  of 
Sylvinch,  married  Robert  Morgan  of  South  Mapleton, 
Dorset.  This  is  probably  a  mistake  for  Phillippa.  Agnes 
Wogan  was  a  lady  of  property.  She  devised  her  estates, 
which  comprised  lands  and  manors  in  Brent  Marshe,  in 
Crokern,  in  Meriatt,  in  Shepton,  in  Heachin,  in  Stock- 
linche-in-Sea,  in  Hilcom,  in  Chilworthye,  in  Buckland,  in 
Croome  St.  Nicholas,  Donyett  Pisend'she,  Langeporte, 
Estover,  Westover,  and  Cwry  Rivell,  in  the  county  of 
Somerset,  to  George  Speake  of  Whitelakington,  knt., 
William  Stourton  of  Worminster,  Esq.,  and  John  Morgan 
of  Maperton,  Dorset,  gent.,  for  the  use  of  John  Rose,  son 
of  Nicholas  Rose  of  Shepton  Beachin,  in  the  county  of 
Somerset.  This  Nicholas  Rose  I  believe  to  be  the 
testatrix's  brother. 

We  must  now  return  to  the  direct  line  of  the  Wogans 
of  Boulston.  Henry  Wogan,  the  son  of  Sir  Henry  Wogan, 
married  Elizabeth,  the  sister  of  Sir  James  ap  Owen  of  Pen- 
tre  Evan  in  the  Lordship  of  Kernes  in  Pembrokeshire,  and 
the  daughter,  according  to  the  Cheetham  MSS.,  of  Owen 
Bo  wen  of  Pentre  Evan.     The  issue  of  this  marriage  was  : — 

(1)  Richard  Wogan. 

^  Warminster. 


ro8  Old  Comity  Families   of  Dy/ed. 

(2)  Henry  Wogan,  who  married  Elizabeth,  daugh- 

ter of  Thomas  Canon  of  Llawhaden,  and 
founded  a  branch  which  existed  in  Oxford- 
shire for  a  couple  of  generations.  (Harl. 
MSS.,  No.  14,314,  fol.  866.) 

(3)  Margaret  Wogan,  who  married  Henry  Morgan 

of  Muddlescombe,  Glam.     (Geo.  Owen.) 

(4)  William  Wogan,  who  married  the  daughter  of 

—  Cresford  of  Clydon,  and  died  without 
issue.     (Hari.  MSS.,  14,314,  fol.  866.) 

(5)  Elizabeth  Wogan,  the  wife  of  William  ap  Owen 

David  Gwyn.     (G.  Owen.) 

(6)  A  daughter,  who  married  Thomas  Bateman  of 

Honeborough.  (G.  Owen.)  Possibly  the 
Alicia  mentioned  in  Henry  Wogan's  will. 

Richard  Wogan,  the  eldest  son,  who  succeeded  to  the 
estate,  was  the  first  of  the  family,  so  far  as  the  records 
show,  to  reside  at  Boulston.  He  lived  in  the  time  of 
Henry  VIII,  and  appears  to  have  had  little  regard  for  the 
power  of  the  Church,  as  it  is  stated  in  the  Valor  Ecclesias- 
ticusy  taken  the  27th  of  that  reign  (1635-6),  that  nothing 
had  been  received  that  year  or  for  many  years  previously 
from  the  manor  of  Villa  Clement,  the  property  of  the 
Archdeacon  of  Menevia,  which  formerly  yielded  £10  4».  8d. 
per  annum,  because  Richard  Wogan,  of  Boulston,  had 
seized  and  held  it  by  main  force,  but  by  what  title  he  did 
so  the  Commissioners  could  not  ascertain.  I  have  been 
unable  to  find  many  references  to  Richard  Wogan,  but 
fortunately  his  will  is  registered  at  Somerset  House,  and 
this  document  throws  a  good  deal  of  light,  not  only  on  his 
family  but  on  his  surroundings.  It  is  dati»d  23rd  Nov.  1540, 
and  was  proved  on  29th  April  1511,  by  Matilda  Wogan, 
his  widow,  who,  it  is  thus  clear,  survived  him.  Matilda 
Wogan,  or  Maud  as  she  is  called  by  Welsh  genealogists. 


The   Wogans  of  Boulston.  109 

was  the  daughter  of  Sir  Thomas  Phillipps  of  Kilsant, 
Pembrokeshire,  and  the  ^Tand-daughter  of  Owen  Donne 
of  Picton.  She  was  a  much-married  lady,  for  after  the 
death  of  her  husband,  Richard  Wogan,  she  married 
Morgan  Jones  of  Harmeston,  and,  surviving  him,  married 
Nicholas  Vaughan.  According  to  Lewis  Dunn  (vol.  i, 
p.  171),  she  was  also  the  wife  of  Owen  Barrett  of  Gellywick. 
Richard  Wogan  in  his  will  mentions  only  two  children 
— a  son  and  a  daughter  Anne — as  being  the  issue  of  this 
marriage,  but  George  Owen's  MS.  states  that  there  was  a 
daughter  Jane.  There  is  scarcely  a  doubt,  however,  that 
in  this  case  the  Pembrokeshire  historian  has  made  a 
mistake  in  the  name.     The  children  are  as  follows : — 

(1)  John  Wogan. 

(2)  Anne   Wogan,   the   wife   of  Henry  Adams  of 

Patricksehurch.     (Cheetham  MSS.) 

The  two  children,  John  and  Anne,  were  both  under  age 
in  1540,  the  date  of  the  will,  as  the  testator  bequeathed 
to  his  wife  his  '*  Manor  Place  of  BuUiston  and  Hampton 
duringe  her  widohed  for  ye  tender  age  of  the  childerne",  and 
both  these  properties  are  stated  to  be  "socage  tenor".  To 
the  church  of  Burton  he  gave  6s.  Sci.,  the  one  half  of  the 
sum  to  the  chancell  and  the  other  to  the  body  of  the 
church,  and  he  also  desired  to  be  buried  before  the  high 
altar  of  that  church.  It  would  appear  that  his  wishes  in 
this  respect  were  carried  out,  as  there  is  in  Burton  church 
a  sixteenth  century  tomb  in  the  position  mentioned,  on 
which  are  inscribed  the  initials,  "R.  W."  The  tomb  is 
thus  described  [Arch.  Ca/mh.,  Series  V,  vol.  xv,  p.  183)  in  an 
account  of  a  visit  by  the  Association  in  1897  : — 

*'  There  is  a  remarkable  altar-tomb  to  a  Wogan  of  Boulston,  with 
a  slab  bearing  a  cross  ragul^  and  two  shields  on  the  top,  and  the 
sides  decorated  with  heraldic  shields,  one  bearing  the  punning  device 
of  the  sails  of  a  windmill  above  a  cask,  meaning  mill  tun  or  Milton, 


I  lo  Old  County  Families   of  Dyfed. 

the  Wogans  being  lords  of  Boulston  and  Milton.  The  slab  on  the 
top  of  the  tomb  seems  to  be  of  the  fourteenth  century  and  the  rest 
of  the  tomb  of  the  fifteenth  or  sixteenth  century." 

Besides  the  son  and  daughter  mentioned  in  his  will, 
Eichard  Wogan  had  two  illegitimate  children:  William 
Wogan  and  David  Wogan.  Although  not  explicitly  stated^ 
the  presumption  is  that  their  mother  was  Agnes  Tasker — 
a  pedigree  in  Lewis  Dunnes  Visitation  states  that  she  was 
— as  the  testator  acknowledges  that  she  holds  a  tenement 
in  Harbeston  of  the  annual  value  of  seven  Nobles  for  her 
life,  and  that  after  her  decease  the  property  was  to  revert 
to  his  heir.  The  presumption  is  strengthened  by  the  fact 
that  this  clause  comes  immediately  between  the  bequests 
to  his  son  John  and  William  Wogan.  It  is  interesting  to 
note  that  the  "bar  sinister"  in  1540  was  by  no  means 
such  a  disability  as  at  the  present  day.  It  would  appear, 
from  the  tenor  of  the  will,  that  if  the  sons  William  and 
David  were  not  brought  up  with  their  half-brother  they 
were  evidently  held  in  high  esteem  by  their  father.  Thus 
all  the  real  estate,  subject  to  certain  bequests,  is  left  by  the 
testator  to  his  son  John  Wogan,  together  with  specified 
valuables  which  in  the  event  of  his  dying  without  issue 
were  to  go  to  William  and  David  Wogan.  William  is 
also  made  trustee  of  his  half-sister  Anne  Wogan,  as  well 
as  receiver  of  all  the  testator's  socage  lands,  while  he  is 
left  an  annuity  of  20  Nobles  per  annum  for  his  life.  Pro- 
vision is  also  made  for  David  Wogan.  He  is  given  a 
quarter-share  in  a  barge  and  a  quarter-share  in  the  ship 
called  the  "Elbewe."  As  the  other  shares  in  these 
vessels  were  bequeathed  to  John  Wogan,  David  was  thus 
a  partner  with  his  half-brother.  David  was  also  given 
for  his  life  a  tenement  with  the  lands  appertaining 
thereto  in  Herston'  and  Therston.     He  married  Katherine^ 

^  Ilearston  and  Thurston,  in  Burton  parish. 


The    Wogans   of  Boulston,  1 1 1 

the  daughter  of  Thomas  Herbert,  and  the  grand-daughter 
of  Sir  Richard  Herbert  of  Colbrook.  From  the  marriage 
there  was  a  daughter  Maud,  who  married  Morgan  Powell, 
mayor  of  Pembroke  about  1591 ;  also  two  sons,  Richard 
and  Devereux.  The  latter  died  prior  to  1616,  and  was  a 
Citizen  and  Clothworker  of  London.  He  married  Magda- 
len— who  on  his  death  took,  in  1617,  as  her  second  hus- 
band, William  TaiUer,  a  Citizen  and  Merchant  Taylor,  of 
London.  Devereux  Wogan  left  no  children.  Of  Richard, 
the  son  of  David  Wogan,  I  have  found  no  further  mention. 
Richard  Wogan  of  Boulston  bequeathed  all  his  "goods 
and  cattails",  with  certain  exceptions,  to  his  wife  Maud, 
and  it  is  the  specified  items  which  make  the  instru- 
ment so  interesting  at  the  present  day.  He  evidently 
kept  a  certain  amount  of  land  in  hand,  as  he  gave  to  his 
wife  200  sheep  and  ....  "hed  of  beasts";  the 
number  of  the  latter  however  is  unfortunately  left  blank 
in  the  will.  We  also  get  an  insight  into  the  contents  of 
his  plate  chest.  Among  the  articles  left  to  his  wife  were 
two  bowl  pieces  of  silver  with  one  ewer  and  two  flat 
pieces  ;  a  standing  cup  with  a  ewer,  the  top  of  the  cover 
being  ornamented  with  a  squirrel;  another  standing  cup 
of  silver  with  a  cover,  on  which  was  a  little  boy  bearing  a 
child ;  two  salt  (cellars)  with  two  covers,  one  gilt  and  the 
other  partly  gilt ;  a  silver  taster ;  a  .  .  .  .  with  a 
silver  band  and  a  foot  of  silver ;  a  chalice ;  two  dozen 
silver  spoons  ;  a  small  silver  cover  and  a  "napple  cuppe  of 
silver."  In  these  days  of  women's  rights  it  is  curious  to 
read  that  the  testator  directed  his  wife's  "wering 
garments  to  be  at  her  own  pleasure  and  dysposytion". 
These  included  a  "  Dymysent^  girdell  of  clene  golde  with  a 
dyamonde  and  a  ruby  therein,  a  chayne  and  a  bullyon  of 

*  Probably  Damascene. 


1 1 2  Old  County  Families   of  Dyfed. 

golde  with  a  crosse  of  sylver  and  a  crosse  of  golde  withe  a 
dyamonde  in  the  mydde  and  a  ruby  one  every  quarter,  an 
ooche  of  golde  with  a  dyamonde  in  the  myddest  and  also  a 
great  parle  (pearl),  also  a  chayne  of  golde  of  the  weight 
of  eight  double  Ducketts.'"  To  John,  his  son,  he  left 
"  myne  owen  broche,  and  it  hath  a  garnet  in  the  mydell 
as  it  is  set  aboute  with  pearles". 

Mention  is  also  made  of  *'two  great  gunnes  withe 
their  foure  chambers",  which,  with  a  great  crock  in  the 
kitchen,  the  testator  desired  should  be  kept  in  the  house  of 
Boulston.  What  kind  of  guns  these  were  can  only  be 
surmised,  but  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  they  were 
intended  for  the  defence  of  the  Manor  House,  and 
possibly  to  command  any  ships  passing  up  and  down  the 
river.  Various  legacies  and  bequests  for  life  and  in  fee 
were  made  to  servants  and  others,  in  most  cases  with  the 
proviso  that  the  recipients  would  faithfully  serve  his  wife 
and  his  son  John.  The  real  estate  so  devised  was  briefly 
as  follows : — 

Hoiiso  at  Sloboch  to  Richard  Millor  for  life. 

House  of  Wostfelde,  on  the  east  side  of  the  said  township,  to  John 
Taylor  for  life. 

House  in  the  same  township  to  Richard  Howell  for  life. 

"  Calbrocke,"  in  the  fields  of  Prendergaat,  to  Hugh  Lloid  for 
life. 

The  southest  house  in  Dale  to  Anne  Tasker  for  her  life. 

Tenement  and  lands  at  Wiston  to  John  Myller. 

The  other  properties  mentioned  in  the  will  were : — 

(1)  Lands  of  Repston  ;  the  manor  place  of  Crapull,  Williamyston, 
Frogholl,  Spittell,  Williamyston  at  the  same  place,  and  Crasselley. 

(2)  The  lordship  of  Sutton ;  lands  within  the  Rurrowes  of  Haver- 
fordwest, Cronett  and  Poyston;  a  Noble  of  Rent  in  Houston, 
Mylton,  Flethershill,  with  a  *'tockynge''  (tucking)  mill,  and  Wulhlale 
and  Camros  ;  a  meadow  by  the  Friars'  garden  ;  the  Bechem  with  my 


^  Ducats.     The  Dutch  ducat  weighed  d'494  grammes. 


The   Wogans   of  Bo7ilston.  1 1 3 

lands  in  Dale  except  the  tenement  given  to  Anne  Tasker ;  lands 
within  the  Burrowes  of  Saint  Davys  within  Chayltie.  All  which 
towns  and  villages  were  held  by  socage  tenure. 

The  properties  in  the  first  paragraph  were  charged 
with  a  legacy  of  200  Marks  for  a  marriage  portion  for 
Anne  Wogan.  The  sum  was  to  be  raised  by  William 
Wogan  and  kept,  until  that  event  took  place,  in  the 
common  coffer  of  the  town  of  Haverfordwest  or  elsewhere, 
at  the  discretion  of  the  overseers  of  the  will.  The  over- 
seers appointed  were :  "  my  brother,  John  Phillips  of 
Picton,  Thomas  Johns  of  Haroldiston,  Esquires ;  Master 
Thomas  Lloid,  Chaunter  of  Sainte  Davyde's ;  and  Master 
John  Lewis,  Treasurer"  there. 

On  the  death  of  Richard  Wogan,  which  as  I  have 
pointed  out  must  have  occurred  about  the  year  15-41,  his 
son  John,  on  attaining  his  majority,  succeeded  to  the 
property.  According  to  the  tombstone  at  Boulston  church 
he  was  raised  to  the  honour  of  knighthood,  but  curiously 
enough  he  is  not  so  described  in  his  will.  He  was  Sheriff 
for  Pembrokeshire  several  times,  but  owing  to  his  son 
bearing  the  same  name  it  is  impossible  in  all  cases  to 
distinguish  the  respective  offices  held  by  each.  Mr. 
Egerton  Allen,  in  his  interesting  and  useful  work.  Sheriffs 
of  Pembrokeshire,  states  that  Sir  John  Wogan,  senior, 
held  that  office  in  1566,  1574,  1584,  1598  and  1606,  and 
that  he  was  created  a  knight  in  the  interval  between 
1584  and  1598.  It  is,  however,  certain  that  he  was  not 
sheriff  in  1606,  as  I  recently  came  across  his  will  in  the 
Carmarthen  Tlegistry,  which  appears  in  the  index  as 
having  been  proved  in  1601. 

All  authorities,  including  the  Cheetham  MSS.,  agree 
that  Sir  John  Wogan  married  Jane,  the  daughter  of 
Richard  Wogan,  of  Wiston,  thus  once  more  uniting  the 
two  branches  of  the  family.     After  her  death  he  took  for 


1 1 4  Old  County  Families   of  Dyfed, 

his  second  wife  Elizabeth,  daughter  of  Robert  Byrte,  of 
Llwyndiris,  Cardiganshire,  Alderman  of  Carmarthen,  and 
Elizabeth,  co-heiress  of  Edward  Ryd,  of  Castle  Moel,* 
Carmarthenshire.  She  was  the  widow  of  Einion  Phillipps, 
the  grandson  of  Sir  Thomas  Phillipps  of  Kilsant,  Pem- 
brokeshire, and  in  the  will  is  described  as  ^*  Dame 
Elizabeth  Wogan,  aliaa  Byrte."  A  portion  of  this 
instrument,  which  is  as  interesting  as  that  of  Sir  John's 
father,  has  been  torn  off  and  some  of  the  writing  is 
illegible,  but  sufficient  remains  to  enable  the  reader  to 
ascertain  not  only  the  particulars  of  the  estate,  but  also  to 
obtain  an  insight  into  the  life  of  that  period.  The  first 
bequest  is  the  munificent  gift  of  4d.  to  the  Cathedral 
church  of  St.  David's;  then  comes  a  number  of  bequests  to 
Dame  Elizabeth,  including  "  all  her  apparel  of  all  sortes^ 
all  her  ringes  and  juelles  with  alsoe  six  of  my  best 
geldinge,"  all  the  movable  and  immovable  household 
goods  at  the  house  of  Porth  Rynen  in  Cardiganshire,  and 
similar  articles,  together  with  all  the  com  cut  or  growing 
on  the  dower  house  and  lands  "at  Llanvemach  .... 
cauled  Erwyon,"  and  at  the  dower  house  and  lands  of 
Sutteine."*  Dame  Elizabeth  was  evidently  an  heiress,  as 
not  only  are  the  lands  at  Sutteiue,  together  with  the  stocky 
bequeathed  "  to  remayne  as  yt  is  laye  downe  in  the  deade 
of  gifte",  but  all  the  lands  and  leases  of  lands  or  mills, 
stock  and  household  effects,  "  such  as  plate,  or  whatever 
the  said  Elizabeth  was  owner  of  at  the  day  of  my  marriadge 
unto  her  the  said  Elizabeth,  which  to  me  hath  desended 
and  by  reight  ought  to  desend  frome  her  unto  me  by  the 
said  marriadge,  wherever  the  same  may  be  in  the  counties 
of  Pembroche,  Carmarthen,  or  Cardigan,"  are  also  left  to 
her.     Ill  addition,  her  husband  gave  her  the  cattle,  goods, 

'  Ureun  Castle.  ^  Sutton,  in  Lanibston  parish. 


The   Wogans   of  Boulston.  115 

and  lease  of  a  house  in  Henllan  Amgoed  in  Cardiganshire, 
the  lease  of  a  mill  called  Molfre  Dyffryne,  otherwise 
"Wyrgloedd",  in  the  parish  of  Clydey,  Pembrokeshire, 
and  the  cattle  and  chattels  mentioned  in  a  schedule 
annexed  to  a  deed  of  gift  by  him  to  John  Stradley  and 
John  Hogwent,  gent.,  to  the  use  of  his  wife  Dame 
Elizabeth.  Sir  John  Wogan  also  left  his  wife  the 
messuage  and  lands  of  Milton,  with  the  tenement  there- 
unto belonging  called  *^  Milton  Mylle",  in  the  parish  of 
Burton.  This  bequest,  simple  in  itself,  is  important,  as  it 
sets  at  rest  the  uncertainty  which  existed  as  to  the 
identity  of  the  original  home  of  the  Boulston  branch. 
The  will  also  reveals  that  the  testator  kept  Milton  in 
hand,  for  he  not  only  bequeathed  "  the  store  of  cattle  and 
stuffe"  there  to  his  wife,  but  gave,  at  the  end  of  his  will, 
the  following  list  of  the  animals  : — 

A  note  of  which  cattle  and  sheepe  I  shall  leave  my  executor  : — 
Imprimis,  of  cattle  upon  Boulston  ground  ....  fourscore  lacking 

one.     Item,  of  sheepe  there twoe  hundred  and  fower. 

Besides  horses,  mares  and  coultes,  and  besides  the  household  stuffe. 

The  stock  of  Milton  : — 
Imprimis,  of  keyne  . .  . .  . .     foreteene. 

Item,  of  sheepe 
Imprimis,  of  keyne 
Item,  of  oxen 
Item,  of  sheepe 


one  hundred. 

twelve. 

twoe. 

a  hundred. 


Milton  would  appear  to  have  been  kept  as  a  dower 

house,   as   his   son   and   heir   John,   whom    he    appoints 

executor,  is  described  as  of  that  place.     Sir  John  had  two 

illegitimate  daughters,  Jayne  and  Elinor,  the  latter  being 

the  daughter  of  Margaret  Griffith,  the  daughter  of  Jennet 

Webbe.     To  each  of  these  two  daughters  the  sum  of  forty 

pounds  was  bequeathed  for  a  marriage  portion,  and  their 

bringing  up   was   entrusted   by    Sir    John    to    his    wife 

Elizabeth.     Tn  the  event  of  John,    the   son   and    heir, 

i2 


1 1 6  Old  County  Fainilies   of  Dyfed, 

declining  to  act  as  executor,  Sir  John  appointed  his  cousin 
Thomas  Lloyd,  treaisurer  of  St.  David's  Cathedral,  as  a 
substitute.  This  Thomas  Lloyd,  according  to  Jones  and 
Freeman's  History  of  St.  David^s,  was  the  second  son  of 
Hugh  Lloyd  of  Llanllyr,  Cardiganshire,  descended  from 
the  Lloyds  of  Castle  Howell  in  that  county.  He  died  in 
1613,  and  his  memorial  stone,  erected  by  his  son  Marma- 
duke  Lloyd,  of  the  Middle  Temple,  is  in  the  Cathedral 
at  St.  David's. 

There  is  a  curious  memorandum  appended  to  Sir 
John's  will  which  indicates  that  if  relations  were  not 
exactly  strained  between  him  and  his  sons-in-law,  he 
placed  very  little  confidence  in  them.  The  memonindum, 
which  of  course  refers  to  the  husbands  of  his  legitimate 
daughters,  runs  as  follows  : — 

It  may  bo  tluit  my  twoo  sonnes  in  lawes  will  say  that  I  owe 
thorn  somo  mariad^^o  mony,  but  I  p'test  boforo  God  I  have  payd 
thorn  all  the  monoys  I  p'missod  thom,  and  to  ony  of  them  more  than 
1  p'missed  them. 

There  can  be  little  doubt  that  it  was  Sir  John  Wogan, 
senior,  who  sat  on  the  post  mortem  inquisition  held  on 
the  24th  Oct.  1578  (20th  Elizabeth),  at  Haverfordwest,  to 
enquire  into  the  goods  of  his  rehitive,  John  Wogan,  of 
Wiston.  In  tlui  Roll  of  a  subsidy  grant^jd  in  1562-3  (5th 
Eliz.)  he  is  described  as  "  John  Wogan,  armiger,"  and  his 
assessment  for  lands  in  "Bulsti^n"  parish,  valued  at  £10, 
is  2?5^^  iyil.  Li  tlic  Inquisition  referred  to  he  is  not 
described  as  "  miles". 

It  is  evident  that  Sir  John  Wogan,  senior,  on  more 
than  one  occasion  had  difficulties  with  the  Government, 
Mention  is  made  in  the  Privy  Council  Acts  that  on  15th 
Sept.  1564,  *'  Edward  Vaughan,  John  Wogan,  and  Francis 
Laugharne,  prisoners  in  tlie  Flete,  shulde  be  brought  at 
oone  of  the  clock  at  afteruoone  to  nxorrow  before   mjr 


7^he   Wogans   of  Boulston,  1 1 7 

Lords  of  the  Counsell."  It  is  possible  that  the  John 
Wogan  referred  to  may  have  been  his  relative  of  Wiston, 
but  the  fact  of  his  being  coupled  with  Francis  Laughame 
suggests  that  he  was  of  Boulston.  The  imprisonment  was 
apparently  due  to  noncompliance  with  an  order  to  deliver 
up  nine  of  Cobham's  men,  as,  on  bonds  being  given  on 
30th  Sept.  for  their  constant  attendance  in  London,  they 
were  released  from  their  confinement.  In  1579  we  find 
John  Wogan  of  Boulston  in  a  more  dignified  position.  It 
was  at  this  date  that  George  Owen  was  engaged  in  assert- 
ing his  rights  as  lord  of  Kemes,  iu  the  course  of  which  he 
instituted  no  fewer  than  four  different  suits  in  the  Star 
Chamber.  Party  feeling  ran  high,  and  recourse  was  had 
to  some  extraordinary  proceedings.  George  Owen  was 
accused  of  having  counterfeited  the  great  seale  of  Arms  of 
William,  Earl  of  Pembroke,  the  first  of  that  name,  and  of 
having  forged  a  certain  charter  and  deeds.  As  a  result,  a 
letter  was  sent  from  the  Privy  Council  instructing  Thomas 
Powell,  the  sheriff  of  the  county  of  Pembroke,  John 
Barlow,  Morgan  Phillippes,  John  Wogan  of  Boulston,  and 
Eynok  Phillippes,  to  search  George  Owen's  house  and  to 
examine  certain  persons  to  be  nominated  by  William 
Gwynne  of  Rickerston.  An  interesting  description  of  the 
search  is  given  in  Owen's  Pembrokeshire,  but  it  will  suffice 
here  to  say  that  the  charge  fell  through. 

There  is  a  passing  reference  to  Sir  John  Wogan  in 
1588,  when  on  Jan.  26,  we  learn  from  the  Pri^y  Council 
Acts,  a  certain  William  Cattell,  James  Dun  and  David 
Eastmont,  were  bound  before  him  to  appear  personally 
before  the  Privy  Council.  In  the  same  year  Sir  John  was 
involved  in  considerable  difficulties  through  the  dealings  of 
certain  pirates  with  some  of  the  responsible  officials  and 
inhabitants  of  Pembrokeshire  and  Carmarthen,  and  indeed 
there  seems  some  doubt  as  to  whether  Sir  John  was  not 


1 1 8  Old  County  Families   of  Dyfed, 

himself  mixed  up  in  the  transactions.  There  are  several 
letters  on  the  subject  in  the  Privy  Council  Acts,  and  it 
would  appear  that  there  were  at  least  two  cases  in  which 
illegalities  were  committed.  The  first  occurred  in  1588, 
when  a  complaint  was  lodged  by  George  Pery,  John 
Osborne,  William  Erwyn^  and  James  Brown,  subjects  of 
the  "King  of  Scottes" — a  description  which  reminds  us 
that  at  that  time  Scotland  had  not  been  united  to 
England.  It  seems  that  a  vessel  called  the  Elizabeth  of 
Orkney,  belonging  to  the  complainants,  which  was  laden 
with  salt,  had  been  captured  by  a  pirate  named  Thomas 
Cooke  and  brought  by  him  into  Milford  Haven,  where  the 
cargo  had  been  sold  to  certain  inhabitants  of  the  towns  of 
Haverfordwest  and  Carmarthen  and  the  surrounding 
districts.  These  were : — Sir  John  Wogan ;  John  Morryce, 
ma^yor  of  Carmarthen  ;  Thomas  Canon  of  Haverfordwest ; 
John  Lloyd  of  Haverfordwest ;  John  Vaughan,'^  Customer, 
of  Haverfordwest,  and  Jenkin  David  of  Haverfordwest. 
The  result  of  this  complaint  was  that  in  Dec.  1588  Sir 
John  Wogan  was  commanded  by  the  Council  to  make 
restitution  to  Mr.  Robert  Brown.  This  order  seems  to 
have  been  prompted  by  the  interposition  of  Archibald 
Douglas,  the  Scottish  Ambassador,  as  on  24th  Feb.  1589, 
Sir  John  wrote  the  following  letter,  which  is  amongst  the 
Salisbury  MSS. : — 

I  can  by  no  nioanH  as  yet  come  by  the  CuRtomor,  neither  by  Jothro 
Bipgs,  Jolm  Moris,  Maud  Nothed,  John  Lloyd,  or  Mathow  Synott. 
Neither  shall  I  ever  be  able  to  apprehend  those  «>f  Carmarthon.  It 
may  Ihj  well  U^  send  a  warrant  to  apprehend  and  bind  the  mayor  and 
bailiffs  of  Carmarthen  to  ap^war  or  else  that  they  deliver  tho  said 


^  The  complaint  at  this  datt*  was  made  by  Rol)ort  Brown,  who 
is  described  as  a  Scotchman.     Ht»  was  probably  the  same  person 
James  Brown.     The  particulars  given  are  taken  from  later  lottors. 

^  Chief  of  the  Customs. 


The   Wogans   of  Boulston,  1 1 9 

persons  to  me,  that  I  may  bind  them  for  appearance  or  commit  them 
to  gaol  for  the  county  of  Pembroke.  If  they  should  be  committed  to 
the  gaol  of  Carmarthen,  they  should  have  that  favour  that  they  would 
not  care  for  the  matter.  The  rest  I  doubt  not  to  have  before  Easter, 
or  else  make  them  fly  the  country,  which  Synnett  hath  done.  John 
Lloyd  keepeth  his  house  in  Haverfordwest.  If  I  knew  that  I  might 
do  it  with  their  Honours*  liking,  I  would  break  his  house  and  fetch 
him  out.  If  I  cannot  get  them  before  Easter,  then  must  new  letters 
be  sent. 

This  letter  indicates  the  condition  of  the  country  in 
1589.  Pembrokeshire  and  Carmarthenshire,  like  Gal  way, 
seem  to  have  been  a  little  west  of  the  law.  Some  of  the 
leading  inhabitants  of  the  former  county,  as  well  as  of 
Carmarthen,  were  practically  setting  it  at  defiance,  and 
there  was  more  than  a  suspicion  that  Sir  John  Wogan  was 
also  mixed  up  in  the  transaction.  The  case  was  referred 
for  hearing  to  the  Ambassador  for  Scotland,  the  Judge  of 
the  Admiralty,  and  Mr.  Beale,  and  Sir  John  was  allowed 
to  go  to  Wales  to  deal  with  the  offenders.  This  was  in 
the  previous  November,  and  the  result  of  his  efforts  is 
recorded  in  the  letter  above  quoted.  The  Council  next 
ordered  Sir  John  to  appear  in  London — an  order  which  he 
manifestly  disliked  and  begged  to  be  excused,  as  it  would 
cost  him  at  least  £200.  In  a  letter  dated  11th  April  1589, 
to  Sir  Francis  Walsingham,  and  another  two  days  later  to 
the  Scottish  Ambassador,  we  get  some  further  light  on  the 
case.  According  to  Sir  John's  account  the  salt  was 
brought  into  Milford  Haven  by  John  Kyfte  and  Cooke.  A 
declaration  made  by  Sir  John  on  22nd  Sept.  1590  states 
that  it  was  sold  to  Vaughan  and  Kyfte.  The  probable 
explanation  of  this  discrepancy  is  that  Cooke,  the  pirate, 
sold  the  cargo  when  lower  down  the  Haven  to  Vaughan 
and  Kyfte,  and  that  they  brought  it  up  and  resold  it  to 
the  parties  mentioned.  Now  John  Vaughan  was  the 
"  Customer"  of  Haverfordwest,  in  other  words  a  custom- 
house officer,  while  John  Kyfte  was  the  local  sergeant  of 


1 20  Old  County  Families   of  Dyfed. 

the  Admiralty.  Both  John  Vaughan  and  Kyfte  had  been 
mixed  up  in  a  somewhat  similar  transaction  in  connection 
with  the  pirate  Herberde,  in  which  Sir  John  Perrott  of 
Haroldston  was  concerned  in  1577;  indeed  it  would  appear 
that  there  was  little  compunction  about  such  traffic  shown 
by  any  of  the  residents.  Sir  John  Wogan  protested  that 
he  had  had  no  dealings  either  with  the  ship  or  the  goods, 
beyond  that  he  had  received  sixty-six  barrels  of  salt 
delivered  to  him  at  Haverfordwest  by  John  Vaughan  and 
John  Kyft«,  as  a  tenth  due  to  the  Lord  Admiral,  and  that 
he  had  put  his  hand  to  no  indenture  of  Prisement  nor  had 
he  caused  the  same  to  be  prised.  When  the  salt  was 
received  he  believed  tliat  it  was,  as  then  reported, 
"  Portingalle's  goods,"  and  had  no  idea  that  it  belonged 
to  ^' Irish  or  Scottishmen,"  until  they  appeared  in  person 
to  claim  it.  He  concludes  with  the  following  appeal  to  the 
Scottish  Ambassador : — "  I  have  got  with  dealing  in  the 
commission  many  enemies  in  the  country,  gentlemen  of 
good  account  and  others,  therefore  it  is  good  for  me  to 

deal  until   the   cause   be   ended   as   to   leave 

Truly  that  salt  hath  cost  me  already  one  way  and  another 
as  good  as  £200.  I  cannot  come  to  London  under  seven 
or  eight  score  pounds,  which  1  hope  you  will  consider, 
and  favour  me  so  much  as  I  may  save  the  same." 
(Salisbury  MSS.) 

The  matter  dragged  on  until  28th  Oct.  1590,  when  it 
assumed  international  importance.  On  that  date  orders 
were  sent  to  Dr.  Awbrev,  Dr.  Caesar  and  Mr.  Robert 
Beale,  to  do  justice  in  the  matt<?r,  and,  before  dismissing 
the  parties,  to  report  to  the  Council,  so  that  it  might 
acquaint  the  "  King  of  Scottes "  with  what  had  been 
done  for  the  contentment  of  his  subjects,  and  consider 
'*  what  shal  bo  furd<»r  nioott*  to  bo  done*  with  the  parties 
for   their  contempte  in  not  appearing  uppon  their  Lord- 


The   Wogans   of  Boulston,  1 2 1 

ships'  sundrie  warrauntes  and  messengers  sent  for  them." 
The  end  of  the  matter  was  a  kind  of  compromise.  The 
Privy  Council,  on  26  Nov.  1590,  issued  an  order  that  Sir 
John  Wogan,  then  Vice- Admiral  of  South  Wales,  who  had 
received  seventy  barrels  of  salt — it  will  be  remembered 
that  in  his  defence  he  owned  up  to  only  sixty-six  barrels 
— should  pay  the  sum  of  £32,  or  at  the  rate  of  13«.  4d.'  per 
barrel,  as  compensation  to  the  Scotchmen ;  Thomas  Canon, 
£13  6s.  8ci.,  and  John  Kyfte,  who  was  then  a  prisoner  in 
the  Marshalsea,  presumably  for  his  laches  in  duty,  was 
mulcted  to  the  tune  of  £'>0.  John  Vaughan  was  called 
upon  for  £40,  and  was  to  deliver  up  the  ship  "  with  her 
tacklings  and  furniture  as  she  now  remaineth."  Any  that 
refused  to  pay  the  respective  sums  were  to  be  committed 
to  prison  until  they  did,  and  the  other  persons  who  had 
already  compounded  and  had  obtained  acquittances  were 
to  be  let  alone.  From  this  it  would  seem  that  the  Mayor 
of  Carmarthen,  Jenkin  David,  and  John  Lloyd  of  Haver- 
fordwest, had  previously  come  to  terms.  Whether  Synnett 
returned  to  face  the  music  is  not  disclosed. 

The  second  little  complication  in  which  Sir  John 
Wogan  was  concerned  was  also  in  connection  with  a 
Scotchman.  On  the  4th  May  1590,  there  was  a  letter  sent 
by  the  Privy  Council  to  the  Judge  of  the  Admiralty  to 
examine  into  the  charge  of  George  Paddy,  a  "  pore  Skotch- 
man",  who  complained  that  he  had  been  "spoiled  at  sea  by 
Sir  John  Wogan,  whereby  he  alleageth  to  have  been 
indamaged  to  the  value  of  fower  hundred  poundes." 
From  this  it  might  be  assumed  that  Sir  John  had  started 
business  as  a  pirate  on  the  high  seas,  but  it  appears  from 
a    later   order   that   he   was   merely  "  the   occasion    that 


*  The  arithmetic  appears  somewhat  weak,  but  this  is  as  it  reads 
in  the  volume  published  by  the  Record  Office. 


1 2 1  Old  Cotinty  Families   of  Dyfed. 

certaine  persons  bought  the  goods  of  a  poor  Scottishman," 
and  he  was  instructed  either  to  compel  such  persons  to 
make  satisfaction,  assist  in  apprehending  them,  or  to 
repair  to  the  Court  without  delay.  Whether  the  Council 
experienced  as  much  difficulty  in  bringing  this  matter  to  a 
conclusion  as  in  the  other  affair,  is  unfortunately  left  in 
doubt.  All  that  is  known  is  that  in  December  of  that 
year  a  warrant  was  issued  for  his  arrest,  and  of  the  others 
concerned,  unless  he  appeared  at  the  Court  to  answer  for 
his  refusal  to  give  satisfaction,  and  on  5th  May  1691 
another  letter  was  sent  to  him  requiring  his  immediate 
appearance  to  answer  "  certain  matters  objected  against 
him." 

It  would  appear  that  in  April  1590  Pembrokeshire  was 
alarmed  by  fear  of  a  Spanish  invasion.  The  Council,  it 
seems,  had  been  informed  by  certain  arrivals  at  Milford 
Haven  from  sea,  that  they  had  seen  a  fleet  apparently 
coming  from  Capo  Finistere  on  a  course  towards  Ireland, 
and  its  a  result  Sir  John  was  instructed  to  order  his 
Deputy-Lieutenant  to  put  all  the  forces  of  the  county  into 
readiness  to  defend  the  same.  From  this  it  would  seem 
that  Sir  John  was  Lord-Lieutenant  of  the  countv. 

In  a  subsidy  roll  of  the  assessment  of  three  payments 
of  three  subsidies  granted  on  the  inhabitants  of  the  county 
of  Pembroke  in  159G-8  (89  and  40  Eliz.),  John  Wogan, 
miles,  is  down  for  40«.  for  lands  at  Boulston  of  the  value 
of  £10. 

Sir  John  Wogan  apparently  had  no  children  from  his 
second  marriage.  The  issue  from  his  union  with  Jane 
Wogan,  according  to  George  Owen,  who  died  in  1630,  and 
must  therefore  have  been  well  qualified  to  s{)eak  on  the 
matter,  was  : — 

(I)  John  Wogan. 

f2)  Ilees  Wogan,  who  married  Janet,  daughter  and 


The   Wogans   of  Boulston.  123 

(according  to  an  old  MS.  said  to  have  been 
copied,  by  Thomas  Tucker  of  Sealyham, 
from  an  original  book)  co-heiress  of  Llewellin 
Lloyd,  of  Llanstinan,  near  Letterston,  Pem- 
brokeshire. From  this  marriage  came  the 
Wogans  of  Llanstinan. 

(3)  Richard  Wogan,  who  married  Jane  Dolbyn. 

(4)  Henry  Wogan. 

(5)  Maud  Wogan,  who  married  Morris  Bowen,  of 

Loehtruye.*    (Middle  Hill  MSS.) 

(6)  Wogan,   the    wife   of    William    Davids, 

Registrar.     (George  Owen  MSS.) 

(7)  Ann  Wogan,  the  wife  of  William  Adams. 

(8)  Cecilia  Wogan,  who,  according  to  Lewis  Dunn, 

married  the  Rev.  Rowland  Lloyd,  of  Flether- 

ston. 
John  Wogan,  the  eldest  son,  who  was  afterwards  raised 
to  the  dignity  of  Knighthood,  succeeded  to  the  estates. 
He  was,  as  I  have  pointed  out,  sheriff  for  the  county  of 
Pembroke  in  1606,  and  he  also  filled  that  office  in  1630. 
He  was  twice  married — a  fact  which  seems  to  have  escaped 
the  notice  of  most  genealogists.  His  first  wife  was 
Frances  Pollard,  the  daughter  of  Lewis  Pollard  of  Kings- 
nympton,  in  the  county  of  Devon.  From  this  union  there 
were  the  following  children  : — 

(1)  Maurice  Wogan. 

(2)  John  Wogan. 

(3)  Peter  Wogan,  who,  according  to  a  deed  recited 

in  the  j>0Bi  mortem  inquisition  on  the  pro- 
perty of  his  father,  lived  at  Carew  in  Pem- 
brokeshire. He  was  educated  for  the  Bar, 
and  the  Registers  at  Gray's  Inn  show  that  he 

^  ?  Lochturfin,  Pembrokeshire. 


1 24  Old  County  Families   of  Dy/ed. 

was  admitted  to  that  institution  on  21st  May 
1617. 

(4)  Ellen   Wogan,   who    married    John   Voyle,   of 

Hav^erfordwest. 

(5)  Maud  Wogan  (Lewis  Dunn). 

(6)  Elizabeth  Wogan  (Lewis  Dunn). 

(7)  Jane    Wogan,    the    wife    of    William    Jones. 

(Tucker  MS.) 

After  the  death  of  liis  wife,  Lady  Frances,  on  7th  Nov. 
1623,  Sir  John  once  more  essayed  matrimony.  I  have  not 
been  able  to  find  anything  to  throw  any  light  on  the  lady's 
identity  except  that  her  name  was  Margaret.  The  fact, 
however,  that  the  trustees  of  the  property  set  aside  for  her 
maintenance  were  John  Gunning,  an  alderman  of  Bristol, 
and  John  Bush,  a  gentleman  of  the  same  place,  suggests 
that  she  was  probably  a  daughter  or  relative  of  one  of 
them,  or,  at  all  events,  that  she  was  from  that  city.  The 
only  child  of  this  marriage  appears  to  have  been  a 
daughter,  Frances,  of  whose  after  life  nothing  more  is 
heard.  These  facts  are  gathered  from  the  recital  of  an 
indenture,  dated  26th  Nov.  1632,  in  the  post  mortem 
inquisition  held  on  the  property  of  Sir  John.  In  this 
deed  Sir  John  assigns  to  the  Jolm  Gunning  and  John 
Bush  referred  to,  and  to  Peter  Wogan  of  Carew,  Sir 
John's  son,  one  messuage  called  Neshooke  in  the  parish  of 
Lambton,  upon  trust  after  Sir  John's  death,  for  his  wife 
Lady  Margaret,  so  as  to  provide  her  with  a  maintenance 
suitable  for  her  condition,  with  remainder  to  their  daughter 
Frances  Wogan  and  her  children,  and  in  default  of  such 
issue,  in  trust  for  Peter  Wogan  and  his  heirs  in  tail. 
This  was  not  the  only  provision  made  for  Lady  Margaret 
by  her  husband,  ft  appears  that  in  the  following  year, 
on  the  16th  Oct.  1633,  Sir  John  purchased  from  John 
Voyle,  gent.,  William  Voyle,  his  son  and  heir  apparenti 


The   Wogans   of  Boulston. 


and  Maurice  Canon,  all  of 
suage  in  rranklaaton,  alm.s 
Penally,  for  £40.  This  I  " 
property  was  conveyed  i 
subject  to  a  life  inter-  { 
est  for  Sir  John,  to  ; 
Lady  Margaret  for 
life,  and  after  her  de- 
cease to  their  daugh- 
ter Frances  and  lier 
heirs  in  tail  male,  and 
in  default  of  such  issue 
to  Maurice  Wogan  and 
his  heirs  in  tail,  with 
remainder  to  the  right 
heirs  of  Sir  John  Wo- 
gan. 

In  the  inquisition 
referred  to  Sir  John  is 
stated  to  have  died  on 
14th  Sept.  1636,  but 
this  does  not  agree 
with  the  date  given 
on  the  memorial  stone 
in  Boulston  church. 
This  stone,  of  which 
a  drawing  is  given, 
covers  a  tomb  which 
has  the  Wogan  coat 
of  arms  at  the  head, 
and  lies  on  the  north 
side  of  the  chancel. 
The  inscription  is  dis- 
tinctly interesting,  as 


Haverfordwest,  a  capital  mes- 
Frankeleston,  in  the  parish  of 


^t=fi^^°!z!!i 


^izSa^^z^H^'^x 


P 


128  Old  County  Fmnilies   of  Dyfed. 


£    8,  d. 


Four  acres  of  land  in  Yelbloke,  held  by  knight^s 
services   of  the  Lord  of  Picton,  and  a  free 
rent  ot  Is.  Id.      . .  . .  10 

One  messuage  and  one    carucate    of    land    in 
Drenehill,   held   by   knight's  service,   of  the 
manor  of  Great  Pulla  1  13    4 

Twelve  burgages  in  the  town  of  St.  David's  held 

in  socage  of  the  Bishop  of  St.  David's  . .       14    0 

The  manor  of  Treglemes  and  one  carucate  of 
land  and  one  corn-mill  in    Treglemes    and 
Carnevaure,    held    by    knight's   service  and 
suit  at  the  Court  of  the  Bishop  of  St.  David's       10    0 
One   bovate  of  land  in  Trefllyne  and  Solvach, 
held  by  socage  service  of  the  Bishop  of  St. 
David's  . .  . .  1   10 

Four  acres  of  land  in  Lloythred,  held  in  socage 

of  the  Court  of  Erwgelly  . .  18 

One  and  a  half  acres  of  land  ii\  the  town  of  St. 
David's,  held  in  free  socage  and  a  rent  of  4d. 
per  annum  of  the  Chancellor  of  St.  David's  . .  2    0 

One  acre  of  land  in  Caredway,  held  by  knight's 
service  and  a  rent  of  1</.  per  annum  of  the 
Church  of  St.  David's  . .  10 

Five  acres  of  land  in  Cared,  held  by  knight's 
service    and   an  annual   rent  of   1^.  of  the 
manor  and  lordship  of  Cared  . .  . .  4    2 

Five   acres  of    land    at    Trefmanhier,  held  by 
knight's  service  and  an  annual  rent  of  Id.  of 
Thomas  ap  Kees,  armiger,  as  of  his  manor 
of  Richardston  . .  . .  3    4 

Half  a  carucate  of  land  in  Bronghollys,  held  of 
John  Barlow  by  knight's  service  as   of  his 
Coiuii  of  Bronghellys         . .  . .  6    8 

Seven  acres  of  land   in   Crankerbin,    held    by 
knight's  service  of  the  lordship  and  manor  of 
Llandonoke  . .  . .  . .  6    0 

Two  bovates  of  land  in  Trefiny,  alias  Tregwy, 
held  of  Thomas  Canon,  knight,  by  knight's 
service,  as  of  his  manor  of  Trevoughlydd     ...  7    8 

Six  messuages  and  three  carucates  of  land  in 
Williamston  in  Rous,  held  by  knight's  service 
of  the  King's  lordship  and  manor  of  Castle 
Wallwyn  . .       6  18    0 


The   IVogans  of  Bonis  ton,  129 

£    8.   d. 
Three   carucates   and   five   bovates   of    land   in 

Sutton,  in  parish  of  Lambston,  as  to  the  tenure 

of  which  the  jurors  were  ignorant  . .       4    3    4 

One  messuage  and  one  bovate  of  land  in  Camros, 
held  of  the  King's  manor  of  Camros  by 
knight's  service  and  an  annual  rent  of  8rf.    ...  5    0 

Three  burgages  in  Dale,  held  in  soca^ge  of  the 

Lord  de  Vale  . .  . .  . .  3 

One  messuage  and  one  carucate  of  land  in 
Wolfes  Dale,  held  of  Morgan  Bowen  as  of 
his  manor  of  Wolfes  Dale,  by  knight's  service 
and  a  free  rent  of  4d.  per  annum  ...  19    8 

One  third  of  a  carucate  of  land  in  Le  Hill,  held 
of  Richard  Newport,  knight,  by  socage  service 
and  an  annual  rent  of  \d.  . .  8 

Two  messuages  and  two  carucates  of  land  in 
Boulston,  held  of  Richard  Phillipps  of  Picton, 
as  of  his  manor  of  Picton,  by  knight's  service 
and  a  free  rent  of  \d.  per  annum  . .       1  10    0 

Three  parts  of  one  bovate  of  land  in  Llanelwy, 

held  in  socage  of  the  Bishop  of  St.  David's  . .  11 

One   acre  of  land  near  Measur   Long,  held  in 

socage  of  the  Bishop  of  St.  David's  . .  2    0 

Two  parts  of  one  bovate  of  land  in  Trefraneth, 

held  in  socage  of  the  Bishop  of  St.  David's  . .  3    0 

((/)  One  messuage  called  Neshooke,  in  the  parish  of 

Lambton  . .  6    8 

One  capital  messuage  in  Frankleston,  alias 
Frankeleston,  in  the  parish  of  Penally,  held 
of  the  King's  manor  of  Manorbeer  and  Long- 
ston  by  knight's  service  and  suit  at  the  Court 
of  the  Barony  there  . .  . .  6    7 

(h)  One  messuage  and  4^  bovates  of  land  at  the 
Hill,  in  the  parish  of  Dale,  held  by  knight's 
service  of  the  King's  manor  of  St.  Thomas  . .  6    0 

One  messuage  and  divers  parcels  of  land  called 
Carfield,  Crowread,  Calvynes  Parcke,  Milhill, 
4  acres  called  Calhynesparke,  and  one  fulling 
mill,  in  the  several  tenures  of  Richard 
Howell,  Jane  Walter,  widow,  John  Barlowe 
and  Henry  Bowen,  in  the  parish  of  St  Martin ; 
also  a  rent  of  12«.  4d.  from  two  parcels  of  land 
of  Sir  Thomas   Canon,  knight,  in  Carfield, 

K 


1 30  Old  Cotinty  Families   of  Dyfed. 

£    8.  d. 

held  by   free  and    common    service   of    the 

King's  lordship  of  Haverfordwest  ..  ..       15     0 

Four  messuages  in  the  town  and  county  of 
Haverfordwest,  in  the  parish  of  St.  Mary,  in 
the  several  occupations  of  Thomas  Hayward, 
John  Barlow,  Griffitli  Rees  and  Alban 
Leonard,  and  certain  gardens  there  in  the 
occupation  of  Arnold  Jones ;  also  a  rent  of 
\'2d.  per  annum  from  a  messuage  of  the  said 
Sir  Thomas  Canon,  knt.,  in  Ship  Street, 
Havei-fordwost,  and  a  rent  of  3/-  per  annum 
from  a  messuage  of  Jenkin  Howell  in  St. 
Mary's  Ward;  three  messuages  in  the  town 
of  Haverfordwest,  occupied  by  Walter  Webbe, 
William  Williams  and  Arnold  Thomas ;  a 
rent  of  0/-  from  a  messuage  of  Thomas  Rymey 
in  High  Street,  Haverfordwest ;  all  held  in 
free  an<l  common  socage  of  the  King's  lord- 
ship of  Haverfordwest  . .       2     0    0 

The  properties  under  the  sub-head  of  "a"  were,  by  an 
indenture  dated  10th  Nov.  J  608,  being  the  marriage 
settlement  of  Maurice  Wogan  (son  of  Sir  John)  with 
Frances,  daughter  of  Sir  Hugh  Owen  of  Bodeon,  Anglesey, 
and  Orielton,  Pembrokesliire,  conveyed  by  Sir  John  and 
Frances  his  wife  to  the  said  Sir  Hugli  Owen,  upon  the 
following  trusts:  for  Maurice  and  his  wife  for  life  and 
their  first  and  other  sons  successively  in  tail;  in  default  of 
such  issue,  for  John,  the  second  son  of  Sir  John  Wogan 
and  his  sons  in  tail,  and  should  he  have  no  sons  then  for 
his  youngest  brother  Peter  in  like  manner.  Subject  to  a 
life  estate  for  Sir  John,  the  properties  under  the  head  "6** 
were  to  be  held  on  practically  the  same  trusts  as  those 
under  "a".  As  to  those  under  'SZ"  Maurice  took  a  life 
interest  subject  to  Sir  John's  life  interest,  otherwise  the 
trusts  were  the  same,  except  that  Maurice's  wife  took  no 
benefit.  It  was  specially  stipulated,  however,  that  the  capi- 
tal messuage  of  Boulston  and  the  lands  in  Hampton  and 
Norchard,  the  house  and  closes  of  Milston,  and  the  manor 


The   Wogans  of  Boulston,  1 3 1 

of  Williamston  in  the  parish  of  Harriston  West,  should  be 

held  by  Lady  Frances   Wogan  during  the  life  of  her  son 

Maurice. 

The   properties   under  "^"  were,    as   I   have   already 

mentioned,  settled  on  Sir  John's  second  wife.     As  regards 

the  remainder  of  the  lands  of  Sir  John,  previously  settled 

as  a  jointure  for  his  wife,  they  were  to  be  held  in  trust  for 

Sir  John  for  life,  and  subject  to  his  wife's  life  estate  upon 

the  trusts  in  regard  to  "a."     Other  property  not  so  settled 

was  to  be  upon  the  trust  in  regard  to  ''d".     On  11th  Sept. 

1609,  a  fine  was  levied,  when  William  Wogan,  knt.,  and 

John  Owen,  esq.,  were  plaintiffs,  and  Sir  John  Wogan,  knt., 

Frances  his  wife,  and  Maurice  Wogan  their  son,  described 

as  of  Williamston,  defendants.     Under  it  the  following 

lands  were  re-conveyed  to  the  custom  of  frank-pledge : — 

Manors,  lands  and  tenements  in  Roos,  Sutton  and  Treclemes, 
120  messuages,  24  tofts,  3  water  mills,  1  fulling  mill,  3  dovecotes,  43 
orchards,  80  gardens,  2700  acres  of  land,  280  acres  of  meadow,  1 ,200 
acres  of  pasturage,  240  acres  of  wood,  2,340  acres  of  gorse  and  heath, 
1(X)  acres  of  marsh,  the  Rectory  of  Boulston  and  6/8  rent,  with 
property  in  Sutton,  Williamston  Elmer,  Ilardstonwest,  Carewe,  Rob- 
l)eston,  St.  Brides,  Drynehill,  Camros,  Woodhall,  Redberston,  Yeld- 
bleete,  Boulston,  Norchard,  Rowston,  Lampeter,  Rotham,  Marios, 
Hill,  Dale,  Frogholl,  Spitte,  Milton,  Croyshelly,  Jeffreston,  Cosheston, 
St.  David's,  Menevy,  Llathdy,  Trevinyard,  Ewer-y-Koed,  Whitechurch 
Salvaugh,  Tremainhir,  Kinheried,  Tregwy,  Llanhowell,  Cradway, 
Trevyne,  Llanrian,  Carnevawr,  Trevrayneth,  Llandeloy,  Kerbytt, 
Prestarawe,  Treffwycke,  Asklethe  Manor,  or  Trenewydd,  Treiva, 
Lloythredy,  and  also  the  property  held  by  frank-pledge  in  William- 
ston, Sutton  and  Treclemish. 

To  meet  the  requirements  of  the  law  £40  in  silver  was 
paid  by  the  plaintiffs  to  the  defendants. 

At  the  time  that  the  inquisition  was  held,  Sir  John's 

wife,  Lady  Margaret,  and  her  daughter  Frances,  as  well  as 

Maurice  Wogan  and  his  wife,  were  residing  at  Boulston. 

Maurice  is  stated  to  have  been  fifty-three  years  of  age 

when  his  father  died,  so  he  must  have  been  born  in  1583. 

K  2 


1 30  Old  County  Families   of  Dyfed, 

£    s,  d. 

held   by  free  and    common    service   of    the 

King's  lordship  of  Haverfordwest  . .  . .        15     0 

Four  messuages  in  the  town  and  county  of 
Haverfordwest,  in  the  parish  of  St.  Mary,  in 
tlio  several  occupations  of  Thomas  Uayward, 
John  liarlow,  Griffith  Roes  and  Alban 
Le<mard,  and  certain  gardens  there  in  the 
occupation  of  Arnold  Jones;  also  a  rent  of 
1:2^/.  per  annum  from  a  messuage  of  the  said 
Sir  Thomas  Canon,  knt.,  in  Ship  Street, 
Uavei-fordwest,  and  a  rent  of  3/-  per  annum 
from  a  messuage  of  Jonkin  Howell  in  St. 
Mary's  Ward;  three  messuages  in  the  town 
of  Haverfordwest,  occupied  by  Walter  Webbe, 
William  Williams  and  Arnold  Thomas ;  a 
rent  of  1)/-  from  a  messuage  of  Thomas  Rymey 
in  High  Street,  Haverfordwest;  all  held  in 
free  and  commcm  socage  of  the  King's  lord- 
ship of  Haverfordwest  . .       2    0    0 

The  properties  under  the  sub-head  of  "a"  were,  by  an 
indenture  dated  10th  Nov.  1608,  being  the  marriage 
settlement  of  Maurice  Wogan  (son  of  Sir  John)  with 
Frances,  daughter  of  Sir  Hugh  Owen  of  Bodeon,  Angleaey, 
and  Orielton,  Pembrokesliire,  conveyed  by  Sir  John  and 
Frances  his  wife  to  the  said  Sir  Hugli  Owen,  upon  the 
following  trusts:  for  Maurice  and  his  wife  for  life  and 
their  first  and  other  sons  successively  in  tail;  in  default  of 
such  issue,  for  John,  the  second  son  of  Sir  John  Wogan 
and  his  sons  in  tail,  and  should  he  have  no  sons  then  for 
his  youngest  brother  Pet^^r  in  like  manner.  Subject  to  a 
life  estate  for  Sir  John,  the  properties  under  the  head  "6" 
were  to  be  held  on  practically  the  same  trusts  as  those 
under  "a".  As  to  those  under  "tZ"  Maurice  took  a  life 
interest  subject  to  Sir  John's  life  interest,  otherwise  the 
trusts  were  the  same,  exco2>t  that  Maurice's  wife  took  no 
bencifit.  It  was  specially  stipulated,  however,  that  the  capi- 
tal messuage  of  Boulston  and  the  lands  in  Hampton  and 
Norcliard,  the  house  and  closes  of  Milston,  and  the  manor 


The   Wogans  of  Boulston.  1 3 1 

of  Williamston  in  the  parish  of  Harriston  West,  should  be 
held  by  Lady  Frances  Wogan  during  the  life  of  her  son 
Maurice. 

The  properties  under  "^"  were,  as  I  have  already 
mentioned,  settled  on  Sir  John's  second  wife.  As  regards 
the  remainder  of  the  lands  of  Sir  John,  previously  settled 
as  a  jointure  for  his  wife,  they  were  to  be  held  in  trust  for 
Sir  John  for  life,  and  subject  to  his  wife's  life  estate  upon 
the  trusts  in  regard  to  "a."  Other  property  not  so  settled 
was  to  be  upon  the  trust  in  regard  to  ''ci".  On  11th  Sept. 
1609,  a  fine  was  levied,  when  William  Wogan,  knt.,  and 
John  Owen,  esq.,  were  plaintiffs,  and  Sir  John  Wogan,  knt., 
Frances  his  wife,  and  Maurice  Wogan  their  son,  described 
as  of  Williamston,  defendants.  Under  it  the  following 
lands  were  re-conveyed  to  the  custom  of  frank-pledge : — 

Manors,  lands  and  tenements  in  Roos,  Sutton  and  Treclemes, 
1 20  messuages,  24  tofts,  3  water  mills,  1  fulling  mill,  3  dovecotes,  43 
orchards,  80  gardens,  2700  acres  of  land,  280  acres  of  meadow,  1,200 
acres  of  pasturage,  240  acres  of  wood,  2,340  acres  of  gorse  and  heath, 
\<)^  acres  of  marsh,  the  Rectory  of  Boulston  and  6/8  rent,  with 
property  in  Sutton,  Williamston  Elmer,  Hardstonwest,  Carewe,  Rob- 
beston,  St.  Brides,  Drynehill,  Camros,  Woodhall,  Redberston,  Yeld- 
V)leete,  Boulston,  Norchard,  Rowston,  Lampeter,  Rotham,  Marios, 
Hill,  Dale,  Frogholl,  Spitte,  Milton,  Croyshelly,  Jeflfreston,  Cosheston, 
St.  David's,  Menevy,  Llathdy,  Trevinyard,  Ewer-y-Koed,  Whitechurch 
Salvaugh,  Tremainhir,  Kinheried,  Tregwy,  Llanhowell,  Cradway, 
Trevyne,  Llanrian,  Carnevawr,  Trevrayneth,  Llandeloy,  Kerbytt, 
Prestarawe,  Treffwycke,  Asklethe  Manor,  or  Trenewydd,  Treiva, 
Lloythredy,  and  also  the  property  held  by  frank-pledge  in  William- 
ston, Sutton  and  Treclemish. 

To  meet  the  requirements  of  the  law  £40  in  silver  was 
paid  by  the  plaintiffs  to  the  defendants. 

At  the  time  that  the  inquisition  was  held,  Sir  John's 

wife,  Lady  Margaret,  and  her  daughter  Frances,  as  well  as 

Maurice  Wogan  and  his  wife,  were  residing  at  Boulston. 

Maurice  is  stated  to  have  been  fifty-three  years  of  age 

when  his  father  died,  so  he  must  have  been  born  in  1583. 

K  2 


132  Old  County  Families   of  Dyfed. 

His  marriage  with  Frances  Owen  doubtless  took  place 
about  the  year  1603,  just  when  he  was  attaining  his 
majority.  He  does  not  appear  to  have  held  any  public 
office — a  fact  which  is  no  doubt  due  to  his  having  only 
survived  his  father  by  tliree  years.  His  death  occurred  on 
2nd  April  1640. 

According   to  the  inquisition  taken  on  his  death  he 

appears  to  have  owned  all  the  property  held  by  his  father, 

except  the  portions  under  the  head  of  "gf",  and  in  addition 

the  following: — 

«.    d. 

One  tenement  and  a  half  canicate  of  land  in  Thurston 
held  of  the  Lordship  of  Burton  by  knighVs  ser- 
vice, the  annual  value  being    . .  . .  ..68 

One  bovate   of  land    in    Trefdyn,    held    in    socage 

service  of  the  Bishop  of  St.  David's  ..26 

One  tenement  and  one  canicate  of  land  in  Burton, 
held  of  that  lordship  by  knight's  service,  the 
annual  value  being  . .  . .  . .   10    0 

One  tenement  and  four  acres  in  Milford,  held  of  the 
lordship  of  Burton  by  knight's  service,  the  clear 
aimual  value  being     . .  . .  ..10 

One  tenement  and  one  carucate  of  land  called 
Prontshill,  held  of  the  lordship  of  Burton  by 
knight's  service,  the  clear  annual  value  being     . .   10    0 

One  messuage  in  WUIiamston  Erven,  held  of  the 
King's  Barony  of  Carew  by  knight's  service,  the 
clear  annual  value  being  . .  . .   10    0 

One  messuage  and  two  bovates  of  land  and  one 
ruined  house  and  one  parcel  of  waste  land,  held 
of  the  Lord  of  Dale  in  free  socage,  the  clear 
annual  value  being     .  .  . .  ..26 

One  messuage  and  one  garden  at  Cosheston  held  of 
the  King's  manor  of  Cosheston  by  knight's  ser^ 
vice,  the  clear  annual  value  being  ..26 

One  parcel  of  land  called  Dumlinhayes,  live  acres 
formerly  common  situated  in  a  certain  close  of 
Richard  Philipps,  Bart.,  called  "Fursey-close**  in 
the  parish  of  Usmeston,  held  of  Richard  Philipps, 
Bai*t.,  by  knight's  service,  the  clear  annual  value 
l)eing  . .  ..10 


The   Wogans  of  Boulston.  133 

d. 

One  parcel  of  meailow  lami  called  '"Vogen's 
Meadow,"  adjoining  the  tenement  called  "Ilooke" 
in  the  parish  of  Rudhaxton,  containing  one 
jongam  of  land,  held  of  the  King's  manor  of 
Flatherhill  by  knight's  service,  the  clear  annual 
value  being  , .  . .  2 

The  j)o»i  mortem  inquisition  hpld  after  his  death  states 
that  Maurice  Wogan  left  by  his  will,  dated  18th  March 
1638,  an  annuity  of  £10  to  his  brother  Peter,  who  was  in 
j^ood  health  at  the  time  that  the  inquisition  was  held. 
How  long  Frances, 
the  widow  of  Maurice, 
resided  at  Boulstoti 
after  her  husband's 
death  it  is  impossible 
to  say.  At  the  time 
of  her  death  she  lived 
at  Philbeach,'  now  an 
ordinary  farm  house, 
tlie  only  old  portion 
being  a  curious  round 
chimney,  shown  in 
the  illustration.  The 
exact  date  of  her  de- 
cease is  unknown,  but 

her  nuncupative  will,  From  a  Pholo.  by  F.  GruH. 

under  which  her  grandson,  Lewis  Wogan,  was  appointed 
residuary  legatee,  was  proved  in  May  1659.  The  children 
of  Maurice  and  Frances  Wogan  were  : — 

(1}  John  Wogan,  who  died  in  1613.     (Lewis  Ihinn.) 

(2)  Abraham  Wogan,  who  succeeded  to  the  property. 

(3)  Sybil   Wogan,    who   married   Beee   Bowen,   of 

Upton.    (Dale  MSS.) 


'  In  Marloes  parish. 


1 34  Old  County  Families   of  Dyfed, 

There  are  very  few  particulars  available  as  to  Abraham, 
and  although  lie  lived  in  the  troublous  times  of  the  Civil 
War  between  King  and  Parliament,  he  appears  to  have  taken 
no  prominent  part  on  either  side.  Practically,  all  that  is 
known  of  him  is  that  he  was  Sheriff  for  Pembrokeshire 
in  1618,  and  in  1651  there  was  an  order  from  the  Com- 
pounding Committee  instructing  him  to  pay  over  £36  he 
had  received  as  High  Sheriff  from  John  Bowen,  for  a  debt 
of  William  Phillips.  Abraham  married  Jane,  the  daughter 
of  Sir  Lewis  Mansel  of  Margam.  The  date  of  his  death 
is  also  uncertain,  owing  to  the  Registers  at  Boulston  Church 
not  going  back  to  this  period,  and  the  memorial  stone 
which  records  that  he  was  buried  at  that  church  omits 
this  detail.  He  must,  however,  have  died  prior  to  Jan. 
1652,  as  his  nuncupative  will  is  proved  on  that  date.  His 
widow  Jane  survived  some  four  years,  as  her  will  is 
proved  in  1655.  The  issue  of  Abraham  and  Jane  was: — 
Lewis  Wogan,  who  must  have  been  a  minor  at  tlie 
time  of  his  mother's  death,  as  she  appointed 
Mrs.  Katherino  Nott  to  be  his  guardian. 

Lewis  is  the  only  offspring  of  Abraham  of  whom  I  have 
been  able  to  find  indisputable  proof,  but  I  am  inclined  to 
believe  that  then*  was  another  son,  James,  as  in  a  fine 
levied  in  165-3,  a  James  Wogan  and  his  wife  Jane  acknow- 
ledge the  right  of  Jane  Wogan,  widow — evidently  Jane 
the  widow  of  Abraham — to  the  moi(jty  of  two  messuages 
and  130  acres  of  land  in  Good  Hooke.  Now,  a  James 
Wogan  of  Good  Hooko' — presumably  the  same  peraon — 
died  prior  to  1681,  as  in  that  year  administration  of  his 
effects  was  grantiul  to  his  wife  Ann.  There  must,  there- 
fore, be  a  mistake  in  the  namt*  of  his  witV  or  else  he  must 
have   been   twice   married.     The  inv(»ntory   of   his   goods 

'   In  thu  parish  of  Uzniti8ti)ii. 


The    Wogans  of  Boulston,  135 

shows  that  the  value  of  live  stock  at  this  period  must  have 
been  very  low,  even  allowing  for  the  fact  that  it  was  made 
for  probate  purposes.  Fourteen  cows  and  a  calf  are  set 
down  at  only  £1 6  8s. ;  four  oxen  at  £6  10s. ;  four  horses,  three 
mares  and  three  colts  at  £10  2s.,  and  nine  pigs  at  36s. 

Lewis  Wogan,  who  succeeded  to  the  Boulston  estate, 
was  Sheriff  for  Pembrokeshire  in  1672,  and  was  probably 
Mayor  of  Haverfordwest  in  1680 ;  1  say  probably,  as  no 
address  is  given  in  the  list,  and  his  kinsman  of  the  same 
name  at  Wiston  was  his  contemporary.  Lewis  married 
Katherine  Phillips  of  the  Priory,  Cardigan.  She  was  the 
daughter  and  heiress  of  James  Phillips  and  his  second 
wife,  Catherine,  daughter  of  John  Fowler,  a  London  mer- 
chant. The  mother  of  Catherine  Wogan  was  a  celebrated 
authoress  in  her  day,  who  wrote  under  the  name  of 
^'Orinda".  One  of  her  works  was  entitled,  Letters  from, 
Orinda  to  Poliarchus,  the  latter  being  a  pseudonym  for  her 
friend  Sir  Charles  Cotterell.  She  was,  it  is  stated,  parti- 
cularly courted  in  the  higher  circles  of  society,  and  when 
visiting  Ireland,  to  look  after  her  husband's  affairs,  she 
received  much  attention  from  the  Duke  of  Ormond. 

Lewis  Wogan  died  on  the  25th  March  1702,  but 
although  his  wife  presented  him  with  no  fewer  than  fif- 
teen children,  only  one  daughter  apparently  survived  him. 
I  fortunately  came  across  Katherine  Phillips'  Bible — a  fine 
old  book  bound  in  velvet  with  silver  mountings.  It  is 
dated  mdcxxx,  and  on  the  title  page  is  the  following: — 
''Imprinted  at  London  by  Robert  Barker,  Printer  to  the 
King's  most  excellent  Maiestie;  and  by  the  assignees  of 
John  Bill."  The  owner  had  made  entries  of  the  births  in 
the  family,  of  which  this  is  a  copy : — 

At  Boulston. 
Katherine  Wogan  was  borne  ye  6th  of  September  1672,  being  Fry- 
day  betwixt  4  &  6  of  clock  in  the  afternoon. 


I  ^6  Old  County  Families   of  Dyfed. 

Edward  Wogan  was  borne  the  26th  of  March  1674,  about  8  of 
clock  in  the  morning?,  on  a  Thursday. 

Jane  Wogan  was  borne  the  22nd  of  March  1 674-5,  on  Sunday,  be- 
tween ten  and  eleaven  of  clock  at  night. 

Elizabeth  Wogan  was  borne  the  24th  of  Aprill  1676,  being  Mun- 
day,  betwixt  three  and  4  of  clock  in  the  morning. 

Anne  Wogan  was  bonio  the  23rd  of  May  1 677,  being  Wednesday, 
about  five  of  the  clock  in  the  afternoon. 

Francis  Wogan  was  borne  the  23rd  of  July  1678,  being  Tuesday, 
iHitwixt  eight  and  nine  of  the  clock  at  night. 

Lewis  Wogan  ye  younger  was  borne   November  the   6th   1679, 
about  two  a  clocke  in  the  afternoon. 
Still  borne. 

Arabella  Wogan  was  borne  of  a  Wednesday,  the  22nd  of  February 
H)81-82,  about  eight  of  the  clocke  at  night. 

Hector  Wogan  was  borne  the  1.5th  of  May  1683,  of  a  Tuesday, 
between  eight  and  nine  in  the  morning. 

Abraham  Wogan  was  borne  the  27th  of  March,  about  three  a 
clocke  in  the  morning,  on  a  Friday,  l(>8o. 

James   Wogan    was  borne  March  the  8th   l(>86-7,  about  two  of 
clocke  in  the  afternoone,  on  a  Tuosdav. 

Lewis   Wt)gan   the  youngeer  was   borne   Aprill  the    19th,  on  a 
Thursday,  between  seaven  and  eight  a  clocke  at  night,  1688. 

Katherine  Wogan    was   borne   the   2J)th   of   August   1689,  on  a 
Thursday,  a  little  after  one  of  clocke  in  the  morning. 

Lewis  Wogan  was  borne  the  (ith  of  March  1()1X)-91,  on  a  Fryday, 
neere  eleaven  a  clocke  at  night. 

Philippa  Wogan  was  borne  the  17th  day  of  May  1699,  l)eing  on 
Ascension  Thursday,  in  the  morning  between  six  and  7  a  clocke. 

Each  of  the  above  entries  are  separated  from  the  other 
by  a  line,  and  underneath  are  the  following : — 

One  son  dead  born,  February  the  13th  17(X),  at  St.  Brides. 
Rowland  Laugharne  was  horn  at  St.  Brides  the  loth  of  April,  of 
a  Tuseday,  between  five  and  six  in  the  morning,  1701. 

I  believe  that  the  two  last  entries  record  the  births  of 
the  children  of  Anne  Wo^an,  the  daughter  of  Lewis^  who 
married  John  Laughann*  of  St.  Brides. 

On  the  first  fly-leaf  of  th(»  Bible,  written  in  ink^arethe 
initials  '*K.P."  and  underneath,  *' Katherine  Wogan,  her 
Bible."  On  tlie  next  page,  just  above  the  birth  entries  is, 
**  Katherine  Philips  was  borne  ye  13th  Aprill  1656,  being 


The   Wogans  of  Botdston, 


^^1 


Sunday  morning,  betwixt  4  &  5  of  clock  at  ye  Priory  of  Car- 
digan"— evidently  the  record  of  Mrs.  Katherine  Wogan's 
birth.  With  the  exception  of  Anne,  Edward  Wogan 
appears  to  have  been  the  only  child  who  reached  his 
majority.  He  was  educated  for  the  Bar,  and  was  admitted 
to  Gray's  Inn  on  the  27th  June  1694.  According  to  the 
Tucker  MSS.  he  married  Mary,  the  daughter  of  Sir  Hugh 
Owen  of  Orielton,  but  in  that  event  he  can  have  left  no 
issue,  as  Lewis  Wogan  by  his  will  bequeathed  practically 


The  fovrgrekt  grandfathers 

AND 
THE  FOVR  GREAT  GRANDMOTHERS 
OF  LEWS  WOGAN  Of  BOVLSTONES^ 
WERE  AS  FOLLOWETH 
SIR  lOHN  WOGAN  OF  BOVLSTON   PEN 
FRANCES  POLLARD  OF  KINGSNIMPTON  DEl/DN 
SIRHVCH  OWEN  OT  BODEON  ANC 

ELIZABETH  W>TOJOT  OF  ORlELTON,^PEM 
SIR  THOMAS  MANSELLOF  MARGAM  CLA^"* 
MARy  MORDAVNT  OF  TVPVEV      BED 
SIR.  EDWARD  LEWIS  OF  THE  VAN  CLA 
BLANCH  MORGAN  OF  TREDEGAR       MON 

THIS  STONE  WAS  DVG  OVT  OF 
HAMPTON  aVARRy  ^^i^  JO  J70J 
THEABOVESAID  LEWIS  >iyOCAN   OB"" 


Inscription  at  Boulston  Church. 
From  a  Drawing  by  F.  Green. 

all  his  property  to  his  daughter  Anne  and  her  husband  John 
Laugharne,  for  their  lives,  with  remainder  to  their  heirs 
in  tail.  In  default  of  such  issue,  the  property  was  to  go  to 
John  Wogan  of  Gawdy  Hall  in  Norfolk,  for  life,  with  re- 
mainder to  his  sons  in  tail,  and  on  failure  of  such  issue,  to 
Sir  William  Wogan  of  Gray's  Inn — one  of  the  Llanstinan 
Wogans ;  next,  to  Thomas  Wogan  of  Treslannog,  in  the 
parish  of  Mathry,  in  the  same  way  ;  then  to  Lewis  Wogan 
of  Wiston,  and  finally  to  James  Wogan  of  Wiston. 


1 38           Old  County  Families   of  Dyfed. 

Lewis   Wogan,    like  his    great-grandfather,    did   his 

share  towards  setting  on  ' 

record  the  genealogy  of  tt  u  ^^  E  1-      P 

the  family.    In  the  little  ;      ^X^J^^-uQ 

church  of  Etoulston,  ^    ^'^^^QO^^u 

which  stands  on  the  bank  ^  C  §  ^  i5  5  r^zSu    1 

of  tlie  river  a  few  hun-  ^t^oZSmTt?'"^    ' 

dred  paces  west  of  the  pi<^n^'^(-yrf 

old   manor   lionse,   is   a  ^Z5<^§'^2'^''^ 

nienioriai   stone  erected  5—       q-^CoO 

by  him  in   his  lifetime,  ^E^O^u^ijy^L- 

on  which  are  given  the  /^HX'"8<lZ    ' 

names  of  his  eiglit  great  ,       '^Z'^0>q9oS    ' 

grand-parents  (see  illus-  S^S^Q?^^^ 

tration  p.  1S7).    This  ^<3^ZQ-'2 


atone   is    on   the   south 

wall  of  the  chancel,  and  ?  ^  o  5  7  S  ^^  2 

underneath  is  the  tomb 

uf  Maurice,  or  as  lie 


there  described  "Morris"  f^I'*J<CIO"^OtiS 

Wogan   and   several   of  ux?           vXvar* 

his  descendants,  covered  ^X^D*^*^      ^ 

by  a  slab  with  an  inscrip-  c^y^^^-^Zu 

tiim  erected  by  Anne,  the  ■'^^  S  [^  Jt -^      ^ 

sole    heiress    of    Lewis  ^^Z^Q^LJlJ 

Wugan.     It  will  be  ob-  E^^ouS-^o>- 

sorved  th^t  in  the  illus-  ^^§^H4j2xfe 

tnition   of    the   inscrii)-  "Sn  O  ^  S       T      »J 

tion  to  Morris  the  first  gg  ^  ^  p  13  iJ  I  g 

few    words     have    been  x^  2  -"  rt  5  VJ      2 

duplicated.    Presumably     ■  ^O^Q^eoZ'^I 

the  sculptor  commenced  ^S^<*^^^*^'~ 

with  tlie  smaller  letter-  iS^PS^^il!- 

mg  but  afterwards  do-  j~^  ^ 


The   Wogans  of  Boulston,  1 39 

cidod  to  use  a  larger  size.  The  word  **Esq."  over  the 
first  line  is  evidently  an  afterthought,  either  of  the  original 
artist  or  of  some  irresponsible  person,  who  apparently  had 
some  idea  of  making  the  inscription  read  ''Morris  Wogan, 
Esq.,  and  Frances  Wogan  n\ia»  Owen". 

Boulston  church,  as  will  be  seen  from  the  illustration, 
which  shews  the  north  side  of  the  edifice,  is  a  very  plain 
structure  and  is  badly  in  need  of  repair.  It  was  last  re- 
stored in  1818  by  Col.  Ackland,  but  it  is  now  many  years 
since  services  have  been  held  there.  It  contains  twelve 
pews,  four  of  which  are  marked  ''free".  The  others  bear  the 
names  of  the  different  residences  in  the  parish.  Four  are 
appropriated  to  Boulston  mansion  and  farm,  and  one  each 
to  "Hanton",  "Norchard"  and  "Eose  in  Green".  In  the 
north  pillar  of  the  arch  dividing  the  nave  from  the  chancel 
is  a  fireplace.^ 

Anne  Wogan  married  John  Laugharne  of  St.  Brides, 
th(»  grandson  of  Rowland  Laugharne,  the  Parliamentary 
Major-General,  on  the  26th  December  1698,  and  she 
erected  the  tombstone  to  her  father  in  Boulston  church 
represented  in  the  illustration.  It  is  interesting  to  note 
that  Lewis  Wogan  by  his  will  bequeathed  to  the  minister 
of  Boulston  church  the  tithes  of  Boulston.  Unless  the 
two  entries  in  the  Wogan  Bible,  to  which  I  have  referred, 
relate  to  the  children  of  Anne  and  John  Laugharne,  there 
could  have  been  no  issue  from  the  marriage ;  in  any 
event  none  survived  the  mother,  as  by  her  will  she 
somewhat  unnecessarily  bequeathed  all  her  property  (ex- 
cept those  lands  purchased  by  her  father  in  Haskard 
and  her  husband's  property),  to  John  Wogan  of  Gawdy 
Hall   for   his    life,  with    remainder   to   his   sons    in    tail. 

'  Since  thii  abovo  was  in  typo  Boulston  cluirch  has  onco  more 
l)oeu  repaired,  and  re-opened  for  public  services,  after  an  interval  of 
nineteen  years. 


1 40  Old  County  Families   of  Dyfed, 

Her  will  was  proved  in  1715.  The  exact  relationship  of 
Anne  Laugharne  to  John  Wogan  of  Gawdy  Hall,  who  came 
into  the  estate,  I  have  been  unable  to  ascertain.  In  the 
draft  of  a  case  for  counsel  in  regard  to  the  title  of  the  farm 
of  Glandovem  in  Kilgerran,  he  is  described  as  the  cousin 
of  Anne  Laugharne,  but  the  term  "cousin"  is  somewhat 
elastic  in  Wales.  If  he  had  been  a  first  cousin  he  would 
have  been  a  brother  of  Lewis  Wogan,  yet  Lewis  in  his  will 
describes  him  as  "my  kinsman".  It  may  have  been  that 
he  was  the  son  of  Maurice  Wogan,  but  on  the  other  hand 
I  have  found  no  evidence  of  Maurice  having  any  other 
children  than  the  three  mentioned  above.  The  most  pro- 
bable theory  is  that  he  was  either  the  son  of  John,  the 
second  brother  of  Maurice,  or  else  he  was  John,  the  son  of 
Rees  Wogan  of  Llanstinan,  and  therefore  the  grandson  of 
Sir  John  Wogan  of  Boulston  and  Jane  the  daughter  of 
Richard  Wogan  of  Wiston.  However  this  may  have  been, 
it  is  evident  that  the  owner  of  (lawdy  Hall  was  most  closely 
allied  to  the  possessor  of  Boulston,  as  in  the  order  of  suc- 
cession in  Lewis's  will  the  Llanstinan  branch,  which  was 
more  nearly  related,  was  preferred  to  those  of  Wiston. 

At  first  sight  it  appears  strange  that  a  Pembrokeshire 
scion  should  suddenly  appear  as  tlie  owner  of  a  considerable 
estate  in  Norfolk,  but  the  explanation  is  simple.  It  was 
merely  that  a  Welshman  adopt<?d  the  old  Norman  principle 
in  Wales  and  married  a  Norfolk  heiress.  Gawdy  Hall  had 
long  been  in  the  possession  of  the  Gawdys.  According  to 
Blometield's  Topographical  irUtory  of  Norfolk,  published  in 
180G,  the  estate  was  held  in  liy'^yS  by  Sir  Thomas  Gawdie, 
knight,  and  it  was  mortgaged  by  Charles  Gawdie  to  Tobias 
Frere,  who  afterwards  purcluised  it.  There  is  little  doubt 
that  in  the  main  this  account  is  correct. 

Through  the  courtesy  of  Mr.  John  Sancroft  Holmes, 
the  present  owner  of  Gawdy  Hall  and  a  lineal  descendant 


The   Wogans  of  Boulston,  1 4 1 

of  the  Wogans  of  Boulston,  I  was  allowed  access  to  his  old 
records  and  rolls  of  the  manors  which  belonged  to  Sir 
Thomas  Gawdy  and  afterwards  to  Tobias  Frere.  From 
them  I  ascertained  that  the  last  mention  of  a  Gawdy  as 
Lord  of  Redenhall  Manor  was  in  1649,  at  which  date 
Tobias  Frere  was  Steward.  It  is  stated  in  Redenhall 
Parish  Accounts  by  Mr.  Candler  of  Harleston,  that  this 
Tobias  Frere  was  an  attorney  of  good  means.  In  1654  he 
was  a  J.P.,  Sequestrator  and  M.P.  for  Norfolk.  He  died 
in  1655,  leaving  a  widow  Susanna,  and  a  son  Tobias. 
In  1649  Frere  is  mentioned  as  Steward  of  Hawker's  Manor, 
and  from  1666  to  1672  Sarah  Frere  was  Lady  of  that 
manor,  and  John  Wogan's  first  Court  was  held  in  1672. 

In  1656  there  is  an  entry  in  the  rolls  of  Witchington  of 
the  admission  of  Tobias  Frere,  junior,  to  the  copyhold 
lands  held  by  his  father  of  that  manor,  which  the  latter 
had  inherited  from  his  brother  Richard  Frere.  Tobias 
Frere,  junior,  married  Sarah  Longe,  the  daughter,  according 
to  Burke's  History  of  Commoners^  of  Robert  Longe  of 
Foulden,  who  was  Sheriff  of  Norfolk  in  1844.  From  this 
marriage  there  were  two  children,  a  son  Tobias,  and  a 
daughter  Elizabeth,  both  of  whom  died  in  childhood. 
Their  father  died  in  Oct.  1666,  and  their  mother,  who 
appears  to  have  come  in  for  the  property,  subsequently 
married  John  Wogan,  the  "kinsman"  of  Lewis  Wogan  of 
Boulston.  The  marriage  was  by  license,  which  is  dated 
31  Dec.  1667,  and  this  document  shows  that  the  bride  and 
bridegroom  were  then  resident  in  Covent  Garden,  London. 
The  license  authorised  the  ceremony  to  take  place  either  in 
St.  Dunstan's  in  the  West  or  St.  Clement's  le  Danes  in  the 
Strand,  and  it  states  that  Mrs.  Sarah  Frere  was  a  widow  of 
about  28  years  of  age.  John  Wogan  is  described  as  a 
bachelor  of  about  35,  and  it  is  therefore  evident  that  he 
could  not  have  been  the  brother  of  Maurice  Wogan  of 


142  Old  Cotiftty  Families   of  Dyfed. 

Boulston,  though  he  iniglit  have  been  his  nephew.  The 
Rolls  of  Hawker's  Manor  confirm  this  descent,  for  they 
show  that  in  1656  Susanna  Frere  was  Lady  of  the  Manor  ; 
in  1657  her  son,  Tobias,  was  Lord,  and  in  1666  his  wife 
Sarah  was  Lady.  From  the  union  with  Sarah  Frere  John 
Wogan  had  two  children : — 

(1)  John  Wogan,  who  was  baptised  at  Bedenhall 

church  in  1668. 

(2)  Walter  Wogan. 

Whether  the  Freres  ever  owned  the  Manor  of  Reden- 
hall  seems  questionable.  A  Court  was  held  in  1659  by 
Robert  Bransby  the  Steward,  under  Letters  Patent  from 
William  Gawdy,  "late  lord  of  the  manor",  but  from  1660 
until  1664  James  Hobart  is  mentioned  as  the  Lord, 
and  it  was  not  till  1678  that  John  Wogan  figured  in  that 
position.  Presumably  William  Gawdy  sold  the  Manor  to 
Hobart,  who  in  turn  resold,  in  1  ^^\^  either  to  the  Freres  or 
to  John  Wogan  himself.  Mrs.  Sarah  Wogan  died  in  1684, 
and  was  buried  at  Redenhall.  Her  husband  survived  until 
about  1707,  in  which  year  his  will  was  proved.  John,  tlie 
eldest  son,  was  brought  up  to  the  Bar  and  was  admitted  to 
Gray's  Inn  on  1 1th  Feb.  1686.  He  "married  in  1706  Eliz- 
abeth Sancrof t,  the  niece  of  the  celebrated  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury  of  that  name,  and  it  appears  from  the  will  of 
his  father  that  provision  was  made  for  him  and  his  brother 
Walter  in  the  settlement  made  on  that  occasion.  It  is  in- 
teresting to  note  that  under  the  will  it  was  provided  that 
in  the  event  of  neither  of  the  brothers  having  children,  the 
manors  of  Hawker,  R<Hlenhall,  Holbrooke,  Coldham,  as 
well  as  Gawdy  Hall,  and  other  lands  in  Norfolk,  would 
have  gone  to  the  heirs  male  of  Walti^r  Cuny  of  Pembroke. 
This  Walter  Cuny  was  a  relative  of  the  Wogans  of  Gawdy 
Hall — althoujTfh  in  what  degrees  I  have  been  unable  to  dis- 
cover — as  John  Wogan,  the  second  of  that  name  at  Gawdy 


The   Wogans  of  Boulston.  143 

Hall,  describes  Richard  Cuny  of  Perdbroke,  no  doubt  the 
son  of  Walter,  as  his  "trusty  friend  and  kinsman",  and 
appointed  him  trustee  of  the  estates  in  Pembrokeshire 
until  liis  son  John  Wogan  came  of  age.  Elizabeth  Bancroft 
died  in  1 755,  having  survived  her  husband  John  Wogan  by 
several  years.     Their  children  were : — 

(1)  John  Wogan,  who  was  baptized  in  1713,  and 

succeeded  to  the  property. 

(2)  Sarah  Wogan,  who  was  baptized  in   1729,  and 

married  the  Rev.  Gervas  Holmes,  vicar  of 
Fressingfield  in  Suffolk. 

(3)  Elizabeth  Wogan,  who  died  unmarried  in  1728, 

at  the  age  of  18. 

Under  the  will  of  their  father,  Sarah  and  Elizabeth 
were  each  left  £1000  and  lands  in  Fressingfield  and  Crat- 
field,  while  Walter,  the  testator's  brother,  was  given  £40. 
Walter  Wogan  must,  therefore,  have  been  alive  at  this 
date,  but  this  is  the  last  mention  I  have  found  of  him. 

John  Wogan,  the  third  of  Gawdy  Hall,  married  his  cou- 
sin Elizabeth,  the  daughter  of  William  Sancroft  of  Suffolk, 
and  Catherine,  the  daughter  of  Sir  John  Hynde  Cotton,  of 
Madingley,  Cambridge,  Receiver  for  that  town.  She  was 
ultimately  the  sole  heiress  of  Francis  Sancroft,  the  grand- 
nephew  of  the  Archbishop.  The  marriage  took  place  at 
Gray's  Inn  Chapel  in  1 735,  to  which  Inn  the  bridegroom  had 
been  admitted  a  member  in  February  1687.  The  issue 
of  this  marriage  was  two  children — John  and  Elizabeth. 
The  latter  died  unmarried  in  1773.  Her  brother  John 
was  admitted  to  the  Inner  Temple  as  a  student  in  April 
1757,  but  there  is  no  record  of  his  ever  having  been  called. 
He  died  a  bachelor  in  1763,  in  his  father's  lifetime,  who  was 
thus  the  last  male  Wogan  of  Bonis  ton  and  Gawdy  Hall. 
It  was  probably  on  this  account  that  he  resolved  to  sell  the 
Pembrokeshire  property.     An  attempt  was  made  with  this 


1 44  Old  County  Families   of  Dyfcd. 

view  in  1773  by  private  contract,  but,  for  reasons  to  which 
I  will  refer,  it  was  several  years  before  a  sale  could  be 
effected,  the  eventual  purchaser  being  Col.  Robert  Innes 
Ackland,  who  built  the  present  mansion  on  the  hill. 

The  particulars  of  sale  which  were  prepared  in  the 
earlier  year  are  distinctly  interesting,  as  they  show  not 
only  the  acreage  and  value  of  the  different  lots,  but  also 
details  of  the  outgoings  on  the  property.  The  estate  con- 
tained 4,750a.  2r.  27p.,  and  the  aggregate  rents,  exclusive 
of  the  collieries  which  were  then  being  worked  by  the 
owner,  and  quit  rents  amounting  to  34«.  per  annum,  were 
£701  188.  Od.  This  rental  it  was  estimated  could  be 
raised,  presumably  on  the  expiration  of  the  leases,  to 
£1,445  10s.  Od.  The  difficulty  in  the  way  of  sale  was  the 
appearance  of  a  claimant  for  the  property  in  the  person  of 
Elizabeth  Warlow,  a  widow  of  about  65  years  of  age,  who 
lived  at  Trefgame  in  Pembrokeshire.  Her  maiden  name 
was  Pritchard,  and  a  certain  David  Hughes,  who  had  been 
inquiring  into  the  matter,  was  of  opinion  that  she  was  a 
niece  of  a  Roger  Pritchard  to  whom  Mr.  Wogan  had  given 
an  annuity  of  £4.  This  lady  claimed  to  be  the  heir  at  law 
of  Mr.  Wogan,  presumably  the  father  of  the  then  owner, 
and  by  way  of  protecting  her  alleged  rights  published 
advertisements  warning  purchasers  against  paying  over  any 
money  to  the  vendor.  It  is  difficult  to  understand  what 
claim  she  could  have  had,  but  she  certainly  frightened  off 
buyers  for  the  time.  Mr.  Hughes,  for  instance,  says  that 
her  advertisements  ^'damped  the  sale,  and  particularly  to 
the  Scotchman  lately  sent  into  this  county  to  view  the 
estate".  In  regard  to  John  Wogan's  estates  in  Redenhall 
and  Wortwell  in  Norfolk,  an  old  valuation  taken  in  1779, 
the  year  after  his  death,  shows  that  the  acreage  was 
764a.  2r.  35p.,  the  annual  rent  being  £562  28.  Od.  The 
timber  on  the  property  was  valued  about  three   years 


The   Wogans  of  Boulston.  145 

previously  at  over  £10,000,  exclusive  of  a  large  number  of 
young  ash  and  oak.  Since  that  date,  however,  a  portion 
of  it  had  been  cut  down. 

I  have  found  no  record  showing  when  the  old  Manor 
House  at  Boulston  was  built.  All  that  is  left  of  it  now  are 
the  few  ruins  shown  in  the  illustrations.  Standing  close 
to  the  bank  of  the  western  arm  of  the  river  Cleddau — the 
high  tides  admit  of  small  boats  being  brought  right  up  to 
the  walls — it  is  easy  to  realise  that  the  owners  in  days 
gone  by  might  be  tempted  to  try  and  evade  the  ganger. 
Overgrown  as  the  site  is  by  trees  and  briars  it  is  almost 
impossible  to  form  any  idea  as  to  the  different  apartments. 
One  or  two  vaults  remain,  and  appearances  indicate  that 
the  ground  floor,  if  one  may  so  describe  it,  stood  over 
vaulted  cellars.  A  good  deal  of  the  stone  has  been  carried 
away  and  used  probably  for  the  erection  of  the  present 
mansion  by  Colonel  Ackland.  The  walls  of  the  tower 
shown  in  the  small  illustration  are  three  feet  thick.  The 
house  would  appear  to  have  been  one  of  the  old  castellated 
residences  in  Pembrokeshire  which  were  capable  of  defence, 
and  this  seems  the  more  likely  as  there  are  traces  of  a 
small  moat  to  the  north  and  east  of  the  ruins.  Fenton, 
in  his  History  of  PembroJceshire,  written  in  1810,  says  that 
the  Manor  House  had  been  uninhabited  for  one  hundred 
and  fifty  years,  but  this  is  clearly  an  exaggeration,  as  the 
entries  in  the  Wogan  Bible  show  that  the  youngest  of 
Lewis  Wogan 's  children  was  born  there  in  1699.  It  is  prob- 
able that  it  was  after  the  death  of  Lewis  Wogan  that  the 
house  was  deserted.  Anne  Laugharne,  his  daughter, 
seems  never  to  have  lived  there  after  her  marriage,  and  at 
the  date  of  her  death  resided  at  St.  Bride's. 

John  Wogan,  the  last  of  that  name  at  Gawdy  Hall, 
died  on  31st  May  1778,  aged  65,  and  by  his  will  directed 
all  his  estates  to  be  sold  and  the  proceeds  invested.     The 


1 46  Old  County  Families   of  Dyfed, 

interest  from  the  investments  from  the  Norfolk  property 
was,  subject  to  Mrs.  Wogan's  life  interest,  allotted  to  his 
nephew  Gervas  Holmes  and  his  children;  and  that  from 
the  personalty  and  from  the  other  properties  was  be- 
queathed to  the  testator's  widow  during  her  widowhood, 
and  after  her  death  the  principal,  subject  to  £10,000  left 
to  Gervas  Holmes  and  his  children  and  a  legacy  to  the 
testator's  sister-in-law  Catherine  Bancroft,  was  bequeathed 
to  the  children  of  Sir  John  Hynde  Cotton.  After  the 
death  of  her  husband,  Mrs.  Elizabeth  Wogan  lived  at 
Wimpole  Street  in  London.  She  died  on  25th  Jan.  1788, 
and  by  her  will  left  all  her  real  estate  to  the  children  of 
Sir  John  Hynde  Cotton.  By  a  codicil  she  directed  £800 
to  be  expended  on  a  marble  monument  in  Bedenhali 
church  to  the  memory  of  her  husband  and  herself;  and 
also  left  £100  to  be  invested,  and  the  interest  to  be 
applied  to  keep  the  monument,  and  that  of  Arch- 
bishop Sancroft  in  the  churchyard  in  Fressingfield,  in 
repair.  The  monument  in  Redenhall  church  was  duly 
erected  and  still  stands  in  the  Gawdy  Chapel  at 
Redenhall. 

The  Rev.  Gervas  Holmes,  who  married  Sarah  Wogan, 
died  on  28th  June  1776,  aged  80,  and  his  wife  on  the  17th 
May  1764,  aged  55.  Their  son,  the  Rev.  Gervas  HolmeB, 
who  on  the  death  of  his  uncle  John  Wogan  came  into 
Gawdy  Hall,  died  in  1796.  He  married  Rebecca  Grim- 
wood  of  Dedham,  Essex,  who  died  in  1817,  aged  78. 
They  had  the  following  children : — 

(1)  John  Holmes,  who  married  Anne,  the  daughter 

of  Rev.  William  Whitear  of  Ore,  Sussex, 
and  succeeded  to  Gawdy  Hall  on  the  death 
of  his  father. 

(2)  Rev.  Gervas  Holmes,  the  Rector  of   Copford, 

Essex, 


B 


C.AWDV  Hall,  Norkolk -From  V\t:\ 


G,uvi>Y  Ham.  -Swrn 


The   Wogans  of  Boulston.  147 

(3)  Rebecca  Holmes,  who  married  Rev.  William 
Whitear,  Rector  of  Starston. 

John  Holmes,  the  eldest  son,  was  vicar  of  Flixton,  and 
died  in  1831.  His  eldest  son,  William  Bancroft  Holmes, 
married  in  1840  Hester  Elizabeth  Gilbert,  youngest 
daughter  of  Mr.  Davies  Gilbert,  President  of  the  Royal 
Society  and  M.P.,  of  Eastbourne  and  Tredrea  in  Cornwall. 
Mr.  William  Bancroft  Holmes  died  in  1849,  and  was  suc- 
ceeded by  his  son  Mr.  John  Bancroft  Holmes,  the  present 
owner  of  Gawdy  Hall.  This  gentleman  was  bom  in  1847, 
and  in  1877  married  Edith  Kingscote,  the  youngest 
daughter  of  Mr.  Henry  Kingscote  of  Kingscote  in  Glou- 
cestershire. 

Some  idea  of  the  appearance  of  Gawdy  Hall  will  be 
obtained  from  the  illustrations.  The  house,  which  is 
Elizabethan  in  character,  is  in  the  shape  of  an  "L".  The 
structure  was  built  of  brick  and  subsequently  covered  with 
stucco,  but  it  had  suffered  so  much  from  the  ravages  of 
time  that  the  present  owner  had  it  faced  with  new  bricks. 
The  wing  to  the  right  of  the  front  door  is,  with  slight 
exception,  exactly  as  it  originally  stood,  the  muUion  win- 
dows being  about  ten  feet  from  the  ground.  The  main 
portion  of  the  house  had  at  one  time  a  much  steeper  roof, 
under  which  was  another  storey  of  apartments,  but  Mr. 
Gervas  Holmes,  the  first  owner  of  that  name,  finding  the 
accommodation  too  large  for  his  requirements,  lowered  the 
pitch  when  he  reduced  the  size  of  the  house.  The  porch 
is  of  recent  date,  but  the  coat  of  arms  of  the  Wogans  over 
the  porch  door  is  of  the  Wogan  period.  The  date  of  the 
erection  of  Gawdy  Hall  is  uncertain,  but  it  is  evident  that 
the  original  Hall  was  built  nearly  350  years  ago.  This  is 
proved  by  an  interesting  old  Black  Letter  work  in  Mr. 
Holmes's  possession  entitled.  Histories  of  the  Worthy  Ghrono- 

graphevy  Polybivs^  by  Christopher  Watson,  published  in 

L  2 


148  Old  County  Families  of  Dyfed. 

1568,  and  dedicated  to  Thomas  Gawdy,  Esq.,  in  which  the 
following  statements  on  different  pages  appear: — "From 
my  chamber  in  your  house  at  Gawdy  Hall";  "From  Grawdy 
HaU  in  Norfolk." 

The  front  door  opens  into  a  fine  large  hall  originally 
floored  with  flag  stones,  but  since  replaced  with  oak.  The 
west  or  garden  front  of  the  Hall  is  ascribed,  as  well  as  the 
panelling  of  the  hall  and  other  rooms,  to  the  first  John 
Wogan.  To  him  also  is  assigned  the  alteration  of  the 
direction  of  the  moat  which  bounds  the  flower  garden  at 
the  west  side  of  the  house.  It  appears  from  an  old  map 
that  at  one  period  the  moat  existed  on  three  sides  of  the 
Hall.  When  John  Wogan  came  into  possession  he  ex- 
tended and  altered  it  so  as  to  give  it  the  appearance  of  a 
river.  On  the  wall  of  the  house  overlooking  the  garden 
is  the  coat  of  arms  of  Archbishop  Bancroft,  removed  to  the 
Hall  when  the  old  Harleston  Chapel,  which  he  restored^ 
was  taken  down.  Many  years  since,  when  the  tapestry  in 
the  present  billiard  room  was  removed,  a  beautiful  "  Star" 
watch  of  the  17th  century  was  found,  the  covers,  inside 
and  out,  being  engraved  with  biblical  scenes,  while  the 
edges  of  tlie  points  of  the  star  are  decorated  with  engrav- 
ings of  wild  animals. 

One  of  the  illustrations  before  referred  to  shows  the 
front  of  Gawdy  Hall,  and  the  other  the  view  from  the 
stables.  In  the  latter  can  be  seen  the  two  old  chimneys 
which  now  have  no  connection  with  the  heating  arrange- 
ments of  the  house,  but  have  been  left  standing  as  a  relic 
of  former  days.  They  are  quite  plain  in  appearance,  but 
Mr.  Holmes  believes  that  originally  they  had  tall  orna- 
mented tops. 

I  have  now  traced  the  descent  of  the  direct  line  of  the 
Wogans  of  Boulston  down  to  the  present  day,  and  I  trust 
at  not  so  great  a  length  as  to  weary  the  readers  of 


The   Wogans  of  Boulston.  1 49 

Y  Gymmrodor.  Before  concluding,  however,  I  must  tender 
my  thanks  to  the  Clergy  both  in  England  and  Wales, 
and  others,  who  have  not  only  kindly  assisted  me  with 
information,  but  have  freely  afforded  me  access  to  their 
records. 


(Sity>imB. 


WALES.  By  Owen  M.  Edwards,  Fellow  of  Linooln  OoUoge 
Oxford.  (The  Story  of  the  Nations.)  London :  T.  Fiflihar 
Unwin,  1901. 


The  rapidity  with  which  the  first  edition  of  Mr.  Owen 
Edwards's  "Story  of  Wales"  has  been  exhausted  is 
evidence  not  only  of  the  need  of  such  a  work  but  also  of 
the  singular  charm  and  fascination  of  the  narrative.  Mr. 
Edwards  brings  to  the  task  many  qualities  which  are 
essential  to  success  in  such  an  undertaking.  His  know- 
ledge of  Welsh  life,  literature,  and  story  is  wide,  if  not 
profound;  he  has  a  keen  eye  for  the  picturesque  and  the 
dramatic;  his  style  is  at  once  lucid  and  graceful.  He  has 
woven  into  a  connected  and  consistent  drama  the  varying 
fortunes  of  the  Cymry:  for  the  first  time  he  has  shown 
how  "the  story  of  AVales"  acted  and  re-acted  upon  the 
story  of  England.  It  is  his  special  merit  that  he  has  made 
intelligible  the  obscure  policy  of  the  mediaeval  princes  by 
reference  to  what  was  taking  place  in  England.  So  sure 
is  the  touch,  so  attractive  is  the  manner,  so  clear  and  con- 
densed is  the  narrative,  that  the  reader  is  carried  on,  in 
spite  of  himself,  till  the  close  of  the  stirring  drama,  before 
he  begins  to  criticise  the  piece.  It  is  only  on  a  second 
perusal,  when  the  novelty  and  charm  of  the  literary  worjc- 
manship  have  worn  oft*,  that  its  defects  come  to  be  noted^ 
and  if  we  dwell  somewhat  minutely  upon  them,  it  is,  we 
hasten  to  add,  in  no  captious  spirit  and  with  no  grudging 
acknowledgment  of  the  sterling  merits  of  Mr.  Edwards's 
work. 


Reviews,  153 

was  looked  back  to  as  a  reign  of  peace  and  of  wonderful 
prosperity"  (p.  40).  Howel  reigned  for  forty  years  and 
died  in  peace.  He  left  behind  him  the  noblest  monument 
of  ancient  Welsh  civilisation.  Llewelyn  won  his  throne 
by  the  sword  :  he  died  by  the  sword  (a  fact  glossed  over 
on  p.  41)  after  a  troubled  reign.  Or  take  again  Mr. 
Edwards's  estimate  of  the  two  great  allies  and  contempo- 
raries— Griffith  ap  Cynan  and  Griffith  ap  Rhys.  The 
latter,  we  are  told,  "was  strong  on  account  of  his  alliance 
with  Griffith  ap  Cynan,  whose  daughter  Gwenllian  he  had 
married"  (p.  78).  The  Prince  of  South  Wales  was  strong 
because  he  was  one  of  the  most  consummate  statesmen  of 
his  time,  cautious  in  peace,  and  resolute  in  war.  His 
alliance  with  Gwynedd  added  to  his  strength,  as  it  did  to 
the  power  of  his  father-in-law.     It  was  twice  blessed. 

Similarly,  this  cardinal  error  has  forced  Mr.  Edwards 
to  take  two  entirely  inconsistent  views  of  the  other  Princes 
of  Wales.  Those  who  resisted  the  claims  of  Gwynedd 
were  either  right  or  wrong.  Those  who  did  so  success- 
fully, such  as  the  Lord  Rhys,  are  praised ;  those  who 
failed,  like  Rhys  ap  Meredith,  are  called  traitors.  Thus 
Gwenwynwyn  of  Powys  is  at  one  time  "tortuous"  (p.  128), 
at  another  time  "far-sighted"  (p.  133).  Again,  Owen 
Goch,  the  eldest  son  of  Griffith,  and  his  brother  Davydd — 
who  had  as  good  a  claim  to  the  crown  of  Gwynedd  as 
Llewelyn — are  said  to  have  "revolted"  against  their 
brother  (p.  160).  In  fact,  they  were  only  maintaining 
what  appeared  to  themselves  and  their  contemporaries, 
as  well  as  to  posterity,  to  be  their  hereditary  rights. 

Indeed,  one  of  the  greatest  blots  on  Mr.  Edwards's 
work  is  his  comparative  ignorance  of  the  history,  person- 
alities, and  topography  of  South  Wales.  To  him  the 
history  of  Gwynedd  is  the  history  of  Wales.  Dyved  and 
Powys,  Gwent  and  Morganwg,  only  become  important  as 


T  5  2  Reviews, 

In   describing,  for   instance,    the    Laws   of  Howel,    Mr. 
Edwards  says  (p.  37): — 

**Most  important  was  the  king  of  Gwynedd,  in  his  court 
at  AberfFraw,  to  him  alone  was  gold  paid  as  a  fine  for  treason: 
then  came  the  king  of  South  Wales  in  his  court  at  Dynevor ; 
then  the  king  of  Powys,  in  his  court  at  Mathraval." 

Mr.  Edwards  is  reading  into  the  Laws  of  Howel  some- 
thing which  is  not  there,  or  which  was  added  at  a  much 
later  period  than  the  10th  century.  The  Dimetian  Code 
places  the  King  of  Dynevor  exactly  on  an  equality  with 
the  King  of  A.berflfraw,  and  as  for  the  fine  for  treason,  it  is 
expressly  said 

"  Ny  thelir  eur  nam3rn  yvrenhin    Dineuur  neu  yvrehin 
Aberffraw." — (Owens  Atwient  Laics  of  IVales^  vol.  i,  p.  348.) 

Dyved,  in  the  days  of  Howel,  and  again  in  the  days  of 
the  Lord  Rhys,  Powys  in  the  days  of  Bleddyn,  came 
to  be  regarded  as  the  sovereign  Welsh  state.  Exactly  as 
in  the  days  of  the  Heptarchy  the  supremacy  changed 
from  Northumbria  to  Mereia,  or  from  Mercia  to  Wessex, 
so  the  Welsh  states  varied  in  relative  importance  and 
dignity  from  time  to  time.  When  Dyved  was  powerful 
we  find  its  Prince  building  a  castle  on  the  Dovey,  and  even 
seizing  Merioneth ;  when  Gwynedd  was  triumphant  it  ex- 
tended its  sovereignty  almost  to  the  Teivy.  If  Griffith  ap 
Cynan  was  "the  sovereign  and  protector  and  peacemaker 
of  all  Wales",  the  Lord  Rhys  was  "  the  head  and  the  shield 
and  the  strength  of  the  South  and  of  all  Wales"  (p.  102). 

This  unfortunate  provincial  prejudice  has,  all  uncon- 
sciously, vitiated  Mr.  Edwards's  judgment  in  his  estimate 
of  the  personal  forces  in  Welsh  history.  "The  Welsh 
lawgiver  was  not  a  groat  king;  he  was  Howell,  son  of 
Cadell,  and  he  ruled  with  his  brother  in  Dyved"  (p.  86). 
"  Llewelyn  (ab  Seisyll)  became  king  of  Wales.  He  lived 
in  Gwynedd,  and  had  a  well-organised  army.     His  reign 


'h 


Reviews,  153 

was  looked  back  to  as  a  reign  of  peace  and  of  wonderful 
prosperity"  (p.  40).  Howel  reigned  for  forty  years  and 
died  in  peace.  He  left  behind  him  the  noblest  monument 
of  ancient  Welsh  civilisation.  Llewelyn  won  his  throne 
by  the  sword  :  he  died  by  the  sword  (a  fact  glossed  over 
on  p.  41)  after  a  troubled  reign.  Or  take  again  Mr. 
Edwards's  estimate  of  the  two  great  allies  and  contempo- 
raries— Griffith  ap  Cynan  and  Griffith  ap  Rhys.  The 
latter,  we  are  told,  "was  strong  on  account  of  his  alliance 
with  Griffith  ap  Cynan,  whose  daughter  Gwenllian  he  had 
married"  (p.  78).  The  Prince  of  South  Wales  was  strong 
because  he  was  one  of  the  most  consummate  statesmen  of 
his  time,  cautious  in  peace,  and  resolute  in  war.  His 
alliance  with  Gwynedd  added  to  his  strength,  as  it  did  to 
the  power  of  his  father-in-law.     It  was  twice  blessed. 

Similarly,  this  cardinal  error  has  forced  Mr.  Edwards 
to  take  two  entirely  inconsistent  views  of  the  other  Princes 
of  Wales.  Those  who  resisted  the  claims  of  Gwynedd 
were  either  right  or  wrong.  Those  who  did  so  success- 
fully, such  as  the  Lord  Rhys,  are  praised ;  those  who 
failed,  like  Rhys  ap  Meredith,  are  called  traitors.  Thus 
Gwenwynwyn  of  Powys  is  at  one  time  "tortuous"  (p.  128), 
at  another  time  "far-sighted"  (p.  133).  Again,  Owen 
Goch,  the  eldest  son  of  Griffith,  and  his  brother  Davydd — 
who  had  as  good  a  claim  to  the  crown  of  Gwynedd  as 
Llewelyn — are  said  to  have  "revolted"  against  their 
brother  (p.  160).  In  fact,  they  were  only  maintaining 
what  appeared  to  themselves  and  their  contemporaries, 
as  well  as  to  posterity,  to  be  their  hereditary  rights. 

Indeed,  one  of  the  greatest  blots  on  Mr.  Edwards's 
work  is  his  comparative  ignorance  of  the  history,  person- 
alities, and  topography  of  South  Wales.  To  him  the 
history  of  Gwynedd  is  the  history  of  Wales.  Dyved  and 
Powys,  Gwent  and  Morganwg,  only  become  important  as 


1 54  Reviews. 

and  when  they  affect  directly  the  fortunes  of  Gwynedd ; 
the  latter  two  are  hardly  ever  mentioned,  and  their  history 
is  left  in  complete  obscurity.  The  personalities  of  the 
various  Rhyses,  Maelgwns,  and  Merediths  of  the  princely 
Kne  of  Dyved  are  so  confused  that  it  is  impossible  to  read 
into  the  chaotic  mass  of  details  any  meaning  or  order. 
Mr.  Edwards  himself  does  not  seem  to  be  clear  as  to  the 
identity  of  the  different  princes.  Maelgwn  ap  Rhys,  for 
example,  is  represented  (on  p.  129)  as  having  "fled  from 
Aberystwyth "  before  Llewelyn  ap  lorwerth,  and  as 
^'anxious"  to  get  Ceredigion  and  Tstrad  Towy  by  the 
help  of  the  English  king,  and  in  despite  of  the  Welsh 
prince;  on  p.  140  he  is  described  as  the  man  whom 
Llewelyn  ^^had  always  trusted  and  to  whom  he  gave  the 
most  important  castles  of  the  south".  No  attempt  has 
been  made  to  show  the  relationship  of  the  various  mem- 
bers of  the  Houses  of  Powys,  Dyved,  and  Glamorgan, 
though  that  relationship  exercised  great  influence  on  con- 
temporary Welsh  politics  and  would  explain  much  of  the 
"tortuous"  policy  of  Gwenwynwyn  and  the  "treachery" 
of  Rhys  ap  Meredith. 

In  his  opening  chapter  Mr.  Edwards  emphasises  per- 
haps with  too  pontifical  a  dogmatism  the  influence  of 
geography  on  the  history  and  development  of  a  people.  It 
was  natural  to  expect  therefore  that  Mr.  Edwards  would 
pay  minute  attention  to  the  geography  even  of  South 
Wales.  This  he  has  not  done.  Nothing  could  be  more 
inaccurate  than  the  description  (on  p.  7)  of  the  "Vale  of 
Towy,  which  lay  beneath  the  southern  Plinlimmon  range, 
or  the  wavy  lowlands  of  the  Vale  of  Glamorgan,  upon 
which  the  princes  of  the  Black  Mountains  looked  down." 
The  princes  of  the  Black  Mountains  looked  down  on  the 
upper  i>art  of  tin*  Vale  of  Towy,  but  by  no  stretch  of 
imagination  can  they  be  said  to  have  looked  down  on  the 


Reviews.  155 

Garden  of  Wales.  Mr.  Edwards,  however,  seems  to  think 
— which  is  only  natural  if  one  looks  at  Wales  from  the 
standpoint  of  a  Northern  Welshman — that  Carmarthen  is 
"the  lower  Plinlimmon  range"  (p.  14),  while  Gwent  and 
Morganwg  are  "the  Black  Mountain  district"  (p.  15  and 
p.  17).  It  is  quite  erroneous  to  describe  Llandovery  as 
being  "  in  the  centre  of  the  Vale"  of  Towy  (p.  77),  or  to 
say  that  the  castle  of  Llandovery  is  "  lower  down  in  the 
valley  of  the  Towy"  than  Dynevor  (p.  210).  Dynevor  is  the 
centre,  and  Llandovery  is  twelve  miles  higher  up  the  valley. 
On  p.  283  Mr.  Edwards  couples  "Caerphilly  and  Neath" 
together,  as  if  they  were  not  divided  by  nearly  the  whole 
breadth  of  Glamorgan.  Henry  Tudor  did  not  "follow  the 
Teivy"  on  his  way  to  Bosworth  from  Milford,  but  passed 
along  the  sea-coast  through  Llanarth  (p.  300).  A  graver 
inaccuracy  is  contained  in  the  assertion  that  "  Cardigan- 
shire, with  its  definite  geographical  unity  mirrored  in  the 
strongly-marked  characteristics  of  its  people,  is  the  old 
Ceredigion"  (p.  318).  The  old  Ceredigion  was  something 
quite  different  from  the  modern  county.  To  this  day  the 
people  of  South  Cardigan — from  the  river  Wyre  near 
Llanon  to  the  river  Teivy — speak  substantially  the  same 
dialect  as  is  in  use  in  Carmarthenshire  north  of  the  Towy. 
The  people  of  North  Cardiganshire  not  only  speak  a 
different  dialect,  but  their  origin  has  recently  been  traced 
from  the  Brythonic  tribe  which  followed  Cunedda  from 
the  North  in  the  5th  century. 

The  hegemony  of  Gwynedd  among  the  Welsh  states 
was  not  finally  recognised  before  the  days  of  Llewelyn  the 
Great.  It  is  possible  to  feel  all  the  admiration  which  Mr. 
Edwards  expresses  for  the  greatest  of  Welsh  princes 
without  being  unfair  to  his  ill-fated  grandson,  Llewelyn  the 
Last.  At  one  time  Mr.  Edwards  is  inclined  to  blame  the 
last  Prince  for  deliberately  invoking  the  just  wrath  of  the 


156  Reviews. 

English  king  by  departing  from  his  grandfather's  safe  and 
strong  policy.  Llewelyn  ap  lorwerth  is  said,  quite  truly, 
to  have  striven  for  a  united  and  semi-independent  Wales, 
acknowledging  the  feudal  suzerainty  of  England,  but 
retaining  a  full  measure  of  local  and  national  indepen- 
dence, under  the  supremacy  of  Gwynedd.  But  "the 
policy  of  allegiance  died  with  the  childless  Davydd :  the 
idea  of  independence  was  transmitted  by  the  unfortunate 
Griffith  as  an  impossible  task  to  his  son  Llewelyn" 
(p.  150).  Yet  we  are  told,  a  few  pages  later,  that 
"  Llewelyn  (ap  Griffith)  and  Edward  (of  England)  may  be 
said  to  have  the  same  final  aim — the  subjection  of  chief 
and  baron  to  the  prince,  who  was  to  owe  allegiance  to  the 
king  of  England.  It  was  the  ideal  of  Llewelyn  the 
Great — the  reconciliation  of  Welsh  independence  with 
British  unity"  (p.  160).  Still  later  it  is  said  that 
^*  Llewelyn's  policy  presupposed  the  independence  of 
Wales"  (p.  172) :  yet,  after  the  disastrous  peace  of  1277, 
Mr.  Edwards  concludes  that  "  Llewelyn  was  resigned  to 
his  lot.  But  peace,  even  in  the  fastnesses  of  Snowdon,  or 
the  sea-girt  security  of  Mon  was  impossible"  (p.  181). 
Truth  to  tell,  Mr.  Edwards's  trick  of  generalising  about 
the  character  and  policy  of  a  prince  lands  him  in  hopeless 
inconsistencies  and  contradictions.  It  may  be  doubted 
whether  either  of  the  two  Llewelyns  started  with  a  clear 
and  defined  policy.  That  was  not  the  custom  of  the  age; 
certainly  it  was  impossible  for  a  Welsh  prince  who  had  to 
trim  his  sails  to  every  shifting  wind  of  policy.  Llewelyn 
the  Great  moved  cautiously.  He  was  a  wary  diplomatist 
and  a  born  soldier.  He  was  fortunate  in  his  age  and  his 
opponents.  The  Lord  Rhys,  his  only  rival  in  Wales,  died 
when  he  was  still  young.  King  John,  with  a  hostile 
baronage,  an  alienated  Church,  an  oppressed  people,  and 
foreign  enemies  on  English  soil,  was  no  match  for  the 


H  ' 


Reviews.  157 

resolute  Welshman.  The  long  minority  and  the  weak 
character  of  Henry  III  made  Llewelyn  the  most  powerful 
vassal  in  the  kingdom.  Far  different  was  the  fate  of  his 
grandson.  Llewelyn  the  Last  displayed  as  much  genius 
in  war,  and  as  much  adroitness  in  diplomacy,  as  his  grand- 
father had  done.  He  won  the  throne  of  Gwynedd  from 
powerful  rivals  while  still  in  extreme  youth.  He  used  the 
civil  dissensions  which  distracted  England  between  1257 
and  1267  with  consummate  skill,  and  in  spite  of  the 
disastrous  defeat  of  his  baronial  allies  at  Evesham,  peace 
left  him  almost  as  supreme  in  Wales  as  ever  his  grand- 
father had  been.  The  settlement  of  1267,  which  he  con- 
cluded when  he  was  in  the  heyday  of  his  vigorous  man- 
hood and  at  the  zenith  of  his  power,  showed  that  he  had 
as  true  a  conception  of  the  place  of  Wales  in  the  British 
economy,  and  as  nice  a  judgment  of  what  was  possible  for 
Wales  to  achieve,  as  ever  his  grand-father  had.  The  last 
Prince  should  be  judged  by  the  1267  settlement,  when  he 
was  in  a  position  to  have  a  real  voice  in  directing  the 
destinies  of  the  Principality.  For  ten  more  years  he 
reigned  in  peace.  But  a  stern  and  ambitious  King  had  in 
1272  succeeded  to  the  English  throne.  Edward  the  First 
has  been  called  "  the  greatest  of  the  Plantaganets";  he 
was  a  master  of  the  art  of  war,  and  he  was  besides  a  great 
constructive  statesman.  He  was  burning  to  avenge  the 
humiliations  which  his  father  and  he  had  undergone  at  the 
hands  of  the  Welsh  prince.  His  ambition  was  to  bring 
the  whole  of  Britain  directly  under  the  English  Crown. 
He  would  leave  no  shred  of  independence  either  to  Wales 
or  to  Scotland.  He  was  in  the  prime  of  early  manhood ; 
Llewelyn  was  close  upon  fifty,  already  worn  by  twenty-five 
years  of  restless  toil  and  the  unsleeping  anxieties  of  an 
insecure  throne.  The  Welsh  prince  was  under  no  delu- 
sion as  to  the  result  of  a  conflict  with  Edward.    He  tried 


158  Reviews, 

to  stave  off  the  evil  day  by  making  a  humiliating  peace  in 
1277.  But,  as  Mr.  Edwards  points  out,  peace  was  impos- 
sible while  the  Welsh  prince  possessed  a  semblance  of 
independence.  Step  by  step  Edward  rutlilessly  drove  him 
to  a  hopeless  war.  The  death  of  his  wife  Eleanor  destroyed 
Llewelyn's  last  vestige  of  indecision.  He  determined  to 
make  one  last  desperate  fight  for  freedom.  He  rose 
suddenly  in  1282;  he  delivered  a  rapid  succession  of 
staggering  blows  to  Edward's  power.  Mr.  Edwards  does 
scant  justice  to  Llewelyn's  heroic  prowess  in  his  last  great 
struggle.  The  defeat  and  death  of  Luke  de  Tany — a 
reverse  which  disarranged  all  Edward's  plans  and  caused 
him  to  remain  for  months  inactive  at  Bhuddlan — ^is  dis- 
missed in  a  sentence,  and  the  name  of  the  fiery  Lord 
Marcher  is  not  even  mentioned  (p.  187).  Gloucester  and 
Mortimer  are  said  to  have  defeated  Griffith  ap  Meredith 
and  Rhys  ap  Maelgwn  at  Llandilo,  whereas  in  fact  the 
southern  Welsh  gained  a  decisive  victory  over  the  enemy 
(p.  188).  Nor  is  anything  said  of  the  marvellous  way  in 
which  Llewelyn  raised  South  Wales  by  the  sheer  mag- 
netism of  his  personality,  though  the  castles  were  in  the 
hands  of  the  English,  and  the  chiefs  were  almost  invari- 
ably hostile.  When  one  reads  the  account  given  by  Mr. 
J.  E.  Morris,  in  his  Welsh  Wars  of  Edward  J,  of  Llewelyn's 
stupendous  activity  during  the  last  few  months  of  his  life, 
of  Edward's  difficulties,  and  of  Llewelyn's  unbroken  series 
of  successes,  it  is  hard  to  avoid  the  conclusion  that  but 
for  his  untoward  death — which  was  the  result  of  the  merest 
accident — he  might  have  still,  in  some  measure,  retrieved 
his  fortunes,  and  preserved,  at  least  in  part,  the  indepen- 
dence of  Gwynedd. 

We  cannot  help  feeling  that  Mr.  Edwards  would  have 
written  very  differently  of  the  Conquest  of  Wales  if  he 
had  had  the  opportunity  of  reading  Mr,  Morris's  careful 


Reviews.  1 59 

work.  He  would  have  known,  for  instance,  that  Criccieth 
and  Harlech  Castles  were  not  built  bj  Edward  (p.  201), 
but  were  old  Welsh  castles  which  he  enlarged  and 
strengthened ;  and  he  would  have  known  that  the 
manoeuvre  at  Conwaj,  repeated  shortly  after  at  Orewin- 
bridge,  and  subsequently  imitated  by  Edward  at  Falkirk, 
was  due  not  to  the  Earl  of  Warwick  but  to  John  Giffard. 
He  would  have  understood  the  true  significance  of 
Edward's  visit  to  Glamorgan,  and  his  arbitration  between 
the  Earls  of  Hereford  and  Gloucester  (p.  209).  He  would 
also,  we  believe,  have  seen  reason  to  temper  some  of  his 
criticisms  of  the  policy  of  the  South  Wales  princes.  It  is 
absurd,  for  instance,  to  speak  of  Rhys  ap  Meredith  as  one 
"  who  had  betrayed  Llewelyn ''  (p.  207).  Tn  1267  Meredith 
had  been  exempted  from  any  obligation  to  do  homage  to 
Llewelyn  (p.  171) ;  in  1277  his  son  Rhys  had  risen  with 
Llewelyn.  The  Prince  of  Gwynedd  gave  him  no  help; 
probably,  as  Mr.  Edwards  says,  '^no  help  was  possible 
from  Llewelyn"  (p.  178).  Rhys  had  to  surrender,  and  his 
castles  were  garrisoned  either  by  English  troops  or  Welsh 
friendlies.  It  would  be  as  correct  to  speak  of  Llewelyn 
'^betraying"  Rhys  in  1277,  as  of  Rhys  "betraying'* 
Llewelyn  five  years  after.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  though 
Llewelyn  in  1282  incorporated  in  his  schedule  of  complaints 
against  Edward  charges  of  oppression  in  South  Wales, 
Mr.  Morris  has  shown  that  Llewelyn  probably  did  so  on 
his  own  initiative.  Llewelyn  rose  in  1 282  because  of  the 
oppression  of  the  Perveddwlad,  and  without  consultation 
with  the  princes  of  South  Wales.  The  marvel  is,  not  that 
he  received  so  little  but  that  he  obtained  so  much  support 
from  South  Wales.  The  most  extraordinary  phenomenon 
in  Welsh  history  is  the  way  in  which  the  men  of  South 
Wales  have  always,  irrespective  of  the  wishes  of  their 
immediate  chiefs,  responded  to  the  call  of  a  national 


1 60  Reviews. 

leader,  whether  he  was  an  upstart  like  Griffith  ap  Llewelyn, 
or  princes  of  Gwynedd  like  Griffith  ap  Cynan  and  the  two 
Llewelyns,  or  a  simple  squire  like  Owen  Glendower. 

It  is  also  incredible,  in  view  of  the  figures  laboriously 
worked  out  by  Mr.  Morris,  that  Mr.  Edwards's  estimate 
of  the  strength  of  Llewelyn's  army — 30,000  footmen  and 
500  mail-clad  horsemen — should  be  correct  (p.  165).  We 
greatly  question  if  Llewelyn  ever  had  to  "  keep  in  the  field 
for  weeks  together"  a  fifth  part  of  the  number.  "  Skill 
in  archery",  says  Mr.  Edwards,  "was  universal  in  Wales" 
(p.  237).  Mr.  Morris  has  shown  that  the  long-bow  was 
the  weapon  of  South  Wales,  and  more  especially  of  Gwent, 
and  that  the  national  weapon  of  North  Wales  was  the 
spear.  The  long-bow  "failed  to  preserve  the  independence 
of  Wales"  (p.  217),  because  the  men  of  Gwent,  who  were 
its  most  skilful  professors,  fought  with  Edward  against 
Llewelyii  to  the  bitter  end. 

It  would  be  unfair,  perhaps,  to  blame  Mr.  Edwards  for 
his  inaccurate  references  to  Owen  of  Wales,  though  his 
true  story  was  unfolded  several  months  before  the  publi- 
cation of  the  book  by  Mr.  Edward  Owen  in  the  Transdc-- 
tions  of  the  Gymmr  odor  ion  Society.  But  there  is  no  excuse 
for  speaking  of  Davydd  as  "  the  last  prince  of  Wales " 
(p.  192),  or  of  Edmund  Mortimer  as  "  the  next  heir  to  the 
Welsh  Crown"  (p.  205),  at  a  time  when  Owen  Goch  and 
Rhodri,  Llewelyn's  brothers,  and  his  daughter  Gwenllian 
(as  Mr.  Edwards  mentions  on  p.  214),  were  alive. 

Perhaps  the  most  delightful  part  of  Mr.  Edwards's 
book  is  that  which  deals  with  the  "Story  of  Wales"  from 
the  Conquest  to  Tudor  times.  He  is  at  home  in  the  period, 
and  he  does  not  therefore  overload  his  narrative  with  dry 
and  pointless  detail.  Few  have  written  with  such  grace 
and  knowledge,  with  such  insight  and  charm  of  the  twi- 
light of  the  days  of  chivalry.     His  treatment  of  the  reign 


Reviews,  1 6 1 

of  Edward  II  will  not  commend  itself  to  English  his- 
torians, but  it  is  none  the  less  a  striking  and  suggestive 
contribution  to  the  history  of  that  unhappy  reign.  Mr. 
Edwards  shows  that  the  key  to  all  the  king's  troubles  and 
difficulties  is  to  be  found  in  Wales  and  the  Marches.  He 
describes  with  convincing  power  the  tragedy  which  ended 
in  the  final  loss  of  Welsh  independence.  We  are  apt  to 
forget  that  Edward  I  conquered  Scotland  almost  as  com- 
pletely as  he  had  conquered  Wales.  Wallace  was  hanged; 
the  Bruce  was  an  outcast  when  Edward  died.  Of  the 
reign  of  his  weak  and  amiable  son  the  Scots  cannily  took 
advantage.  They  won  back  at  Bannockburn  more  than 
they  had  lost  at  Falkirk.  Why  did  not  Wales  rise  after 
Bannockburn  and  win  back  its  independence?  Mr.  Ed- 
wards supplies  the  answer.  Welshmen  liked  Edward  of 
Carnarvon ;  they  ignored  his  weakness  and  only  remem- 
bered his  amiability.  He  had  always  flattered  their 
national  vanity ;  he  had  distributed  largesse  among  the 
bards  ;  he  had  invariably  taken  the  part  of  the  conquered 
against  the  conquerors.  Out  of  personal  loyalty  and 
affection,  Welshmen  let  slip  an  opportunity  which  was 
never  to  recur.  For  when  the  genius  of  Glendower  blazed 
forth  in  the  next  century,  it  was  pitted  against  the  military 
skill  of  the  greatest  Captain  that  ever  sat  on  the  English 
throne. 

We  have  been  surprised  to  find  Mr.  Edwards  guilty  of 
small  inaccuracies  which  the  author  would  characterise 
as  "howlers"  in  the  Oxford  Examination  Schools.  Nest, 
the  daughter  of  Rhys  ap  Tewdwr,  is  stated  to  have  been 
"wronged  by  Henry  I  and  then  given  in  marriage  to  the 
Castellan  of  Pembroke"  (pp.  71-116).  Such  a  statement 
might  pass  without  criticism  when  made  by  Mr.  Baring 
Gould  in  Fabo  the  Priest,  or  even  by  English  historians 
such  as  Palgrave  and  Freeman,  but  a  historian  of  Wales 

M 


1 62  Reviews, 

should  know  that  the  Fitzgeralds  were  probably  the  eldest 
of  Nest's  brood,  while  the  FitzHenrys  were  perhaps  the 
youngest  (Gir.  Cambr.,  De  reirn*  a  se  gestis,  i,  pp.  58  seq.^ 
and  Appx.  to  Pref.  to  Topographia  Hibernicay  pp.  v,  c,  ci. 
Mr.  Edwards  is  equally  unfortunate  in  his  references  to 
Nest's  progeny.  Gerald  the  Welshman,  Nest's  grandson, 
is  said  to  have  inherited  ^*  his  strong  likes  and  dislikes  and 
lovable  vanity  from  a  Welsh  mother"  (p.  106).  Gerald's 
mother  was  a  daughter  of  Nest  by  Gerald  of  Windsor,  and 
was  therefore  as  much  Norman  as  Welsh.  The  date  of 
Ehys  Goch  has  not  been  fixed  (p.  26i]),  but  if  one  thing  is 
certain  about  him  it  is  that  he  flourished  much  later  than 
Davydd  ap  Gwilym.  We  are  at  a  loss  to  know  what 
warrant  Mr.  Edwards  has  for  calling  lolo  Goch  *'  Old  lolo 
of  the  Eed  Mantle,  a  chief  of  Dyffryn  Clwyd"  (p.  271), 
There  is  no  evidence  to  show  that  lolo  was  a  *' chief "  in 
Dyffryn  Clwyd  or  elsewhere,  and  the  epithet  "Goch"  was 
probably  a  family  cognomen,  and  had  no  reference  to  the 
colour  of  the  poet's  mantle.  Griffith  Vaughan  of  Caio 
was  not  "htanged,  drawn,  and  quartered",  but  beheaded 
for  avowing  his  belief  in  Owen  Glendower  (p.  274).  It  is 
not  known  where  Owen  Glendower  lies  buried ;  certainly 
it  is  incorrect  to  say  that  "Owen  himself  lies  probably 
at  Corwen  hard  by ;  though  there  is  a  tradition  that  he 
found  a  gnive  at  Mounington"  (p.  285).  There  is  as 
much — and  as  little — authority  for  the  one  stiitcment  as 
the  other.  It  is  not  true  to  say  that  **it  was  rarely  that  a 
Welsh-speaking  Herbert,  &c.,  ....  became  judge"  in 
the  two  and  a  half  centuries  following  the  incorporation 
of  Wales  (p.  336).  As  a  fact,  the  proportion  of  Welsh- 
speaking  judges  in  the  17th  and  18tli  centuries  was 
abnormally  high.  One  of  them,  Vaughan  of  Trawscoed, 
became  Chief  Justice  (not  Lord  Chief  Justice,  p.  359)  of 
the  Common  Pleas  in  the  reign  of  Charles  II. 


Reviews.  163 

The  account  given  of  the  trial  of  Rhys  ap  Griffith,  the 
grandson  of  Rhys  ap  Thomas  (on  p.  822)  teems  with  minor 
inaccuracies.  After  the  "afiPray"  at  Carmarthen  between 
Rhys  and  the  King's  Deputy,  Lord  Ferrers,  the  two  lords 
did  not  '^retire  to  their  estates  and  begin  to  prepare  for  a 
renewal  of  the  struggle."  Rhys  was  kept  in.  prison  by 
Lord  Ferrers,  and  was  only  released  on  being  summoned 
to  answer  for  his  conduct  before  the  Court  of  King's  Bench 
at  Westminster  {not  the  Star  Chamber).  Rhys's  father 
had  not  '^been  too  independent",  or  '^paid  for  his  temerity 
with  his  head".  His  father,  Sir  Griffith  ap  Rhys,  was 
thoroughly  Anglicised.  He  had  been  brought  up,  from 
his  youth  upwards,  in  the  Eaglish  Court,  and  though  he 
died  in  his  prime,  and  in  the  lifetime  of  his  father,  he  did 
not  fall  a  victim  to  the  royal  Tudor's  jealousy.  Nor  is  it 
quite  fair  to  say  of  Rhys  ap  Thomas  that  he  "  was 
thoroughly  hated  by  his  weaker  neighbours",  merely 
because  a  Flintshire  soldier  records  some  idle  gossip 
against  the  old  Welsh  chieftain. 

Mr.  Edwards  seems  to  suggest  (p.  350  segr.)  that  the 
early  Catholic  missionaries  in  Wales  were  Jesuits.  "The 
Jesuits  would  appeal  to  the  longing  for  the  old  worship 
that  was  dying  so  hard  among  the  mountains."  The 
suggestion  is  not  well-founded.  The  early  Catholic  mis- 
sionaries to  England  and  Wales  were  secular  priests.  "In 
1583,  the  Jesuit  John  Bennett",  says  Mr.  Edwards,  "was 
tortured  at  Hawarden".  Li  1583  John  Bennett  was  a 
secular  priest,  and  it  was  several  years  later  that,  in  his 
exile  on  the  Continent,  he  joined  the  Society  of  Jesus, 
and  he  was  tortured  not  at  Hawarden  but  at  Bewdley  or 
Ludlow.  In  fact,  the  number  of  Jesuits  engaged  in  the 
English  mission-held  in  the  16th  century  is  exceedingly 
small.     In  the  next  century  they  became  prominent  in 

Wales,  but  that  was  only  after  they  had  captured  the 

M  2 


1 64  Reviews. 

English  seminaries  on  the  Continent.  If  Mr.  Edwards  had 
gone  outside  the  pages  of  Foley,  he  would  have  found  that 
the  martyr,  William  Davies  of  Carnarvon,  was  a  secular 
priest,  and  that  his  story  was  far  more  worth  telling  than 
that  of  John  Bennett  or  Robert  Jones.  The  Jesuits  con- 
fined their  activity  almost  altogether,  in  the  reign  of 
Elizabeth,  to  the  field  of  politics,  and  paid  but  little 
attention  to  the  purely  religious  side  of  mission  work. 
The  Jesuits  were  "anti-nationalist",  and  nearly  all  the 
great  names  among  the  Welsh  Catholics  are  to  be  found 
opposed  to  them.  It  is  with  the  fortunes  of  the  revived 
order  of  St.  Benedict  that  the  names  of  Welshmen — 
Augustin  Baker,  John  Roberts  and  Leander  Jones — are 
indelibly  associated. 

The  account  given  of  the  Puritan  movement  in  Wales 
— a  movement  whicli  arrested  the  decay  of  the  Welsh 
language  and,  for  the  first  time  for  centuries,  awakened 
the  conscience  of  Welshmen — is  very  jejune  and  inade- 
quate. A  good  deal  is  said  about  Morgan  Llwyd's  "dreamy 
mysticism",  but  not  a  word  is  taid  of  Walter  Wroth  or 
William  Erbury,  of  Walter  Cradock,  the  founder  of  the 
"  Ciudocians"  and  the  teacher  and  inspirer  of  Morgan 
Llwyd,  or  of  Christopher  Love;  and  even  Stephen  Hughes, 
to  whom  Wales  owes  a  debt  which  it  has  lately  begun  to 
realise,  is  only  mentioned  as  an  afterthought  in  connection 
with  the  Methodist  revival  (p.  387). 

Equally  stninge  is  Mr.  Edwards's  dispropoi*tionate 
praise  of  Howell  Harries  as  tlie  leader  of  the  Methodist 
revival,  and  his  failure  even  to  mention  Daniel  Rowlands, 
Llangeitho — a  man  who  laboured  in  the  vineyard  when 
Harries  sulked  in  "Mynachloy  fawr  Tn^vecca",  and  who 
was  probably  the  most  inspired  preacher  Wales  has  ever 
produced  (p.  389).  It  is  somewhat  startling  also  to  read 
that  the  hymns  of  Ann  Griffiths  weix»  '*cauglit  from  her 


Reviews,  165 

lips  as  she  sang  them  at  her  spinning-wheel"  (p.  390). 
The  same  gift  of  exaggeration  is  seen  in  the  statement 
that  Davydd  ap  Gwiljm  was  "welcomed  in  every  town 
throughout  Wales"  (p.  261) ;  that  Glendower  once  exer- 
cised "wider  sway"  and  wielded  "greater  power  even 
than  Llewelyn  the  Great"  (p.  269);  and  that  Islwyn 
was  "the  greatest  Welsh  poet  of  the  present  century" 
(p.  12). 

Mr.  Edwards  has  an  inconvenient  trick  of  alluding  in 
vague  language  to  people  and  incidents  the  ordinary 
reader  has  never  heard  of.  The  reader  of  a  popular  hand- 
book must  have  been  mystified  by  the  unexplained  refer- 
ences to  Arise  Evans  (p.  13),  Hugh  of  Chester's  "  here- 
ditary greed  for  Welsh  land"  (p.  48),  "Madoc"  (p.  71), 
"  Dinas  Dinlle"  (p.  ]  5),  "Eees  of  perennial  youth"  (p.  141), 
"the  inhuman  punishment  of  Maelgwn  Vychan"  (p.  214), 
"Patrick  Sarsfield"  (p.  241),  "the  Welshman  Pecock," 
the  nameless  "  last  great  Welsh  mediaeval  poet "  (p.  267), 
"Eees  Vychan"  (p.  191),  "Cefnybedd"  (p.  192),  and 
"the  daring  piracy  of  Henry  Morgan"  (p.  381).  Mr. 
Edwards  has  other  mannerisms  which  are  the  only  defects 
in  a  fascinating  style.  He  is  fond  of  the  romantic  manner; 
"mighty  he  was"  (p.  50-56) ;  "  tall  and  stately  was  she" 
(p.  64);  "he  built  him  a  castle  at  Talgarth"  (p.  55). 
Occasionally  his  antitheses  become  strained.  "He  be- 
queathed to  his  son  Cadwaladr  a  vanishing  crown,  power- 
ful enemies,  and  a  plague-stricken  country"  (p.  29) ;  "  he 
left  behind  a  daughter  as  heiress  to  a  burnt  home,  a 
harried  land,  and  an  impossible  task"  (p.  33) ;  "  negotia- 
tions and  the  Scotch  moved  slowly"  (p.  369) ;  "casting 
the  future  of  England  to  the  fortune  of  battle"  (p.  360). 
Once  or  twice  Mr.  Edwards  uses  curiously  infelicitous 
epithets,  as  where  he  applies  the  adjective  "saintly"  to 
Baxter  (p.    332).     Mr.   Baxter  wrote  a   devotional  work 


1 66  Reviews, 

called  The  Saint* s  Resty  but  there  was  nothing  other- 
wise "saintly"  in  his  laborious,  fi«fhting,  embittered 
life ;  and  nothing  could  more  erroneously  describe 
Willii^.m  the  Conqueror's  ruthless  march  from  the 
Humber  to  the  Tees  than  to  say  he  "wandered  to  the 
North"  (p.  45). 

Perhaps  a  somewhat  graver  fault  in  a  historian  of  Mr. 
Edwards's  standing  is  his  habit  of  shallow,  but  none  the 
less  dogmatic,  generalisation.  Take  for  instance  his  de- 
scription of  the  influence  of  a  country  on  the  character  of 
it«  inhabitants  (p.  7) : — 

^'The  wild  and  niggod  outlines  of  tho  mountains  are 
mirrored  as  intense  but  broken  purposes  in  the  Welshman's 
character,  always  forming  great  ideals,  but  lacking  in  the 
steady  perseverance  of  the  people  of  the  plain.  His  imagin- 
ation makes  him  exceedingly  impressionable, — he  has  always 
loved  poetry  and  theology  :  but  this  very  imagination,  while 
enabling  him  to  see  great  ideals,  makes  him  incapable  of 
realising  them,  — he  is  too  impatient  to  l>e  capable  of  organ- 
isation. .  .  .  There  is  a  ditlerence  between  the  slow  and 
strong  man  of  Snowdon  and  the  versatile  laughter-loving  son 
of  Plinlimmon." 

This  passage  displays  at  once  the  strength  and  weak- 
ness, the  beauty  and  defect,  of  Mr.  Edwards's  style  and 
manner.  It  is  charmingly  written,  but  it  is  full  of  unsafe 
generalisations  and  inaccurate  observation.  It  is  an  old 
reproach  that  Welshmen  are  "incapable  of  organisation". 
But  who  can  read  the  history  of  Welsh  Nonconformity,  of 
the  Eisteddfod,  or  of  Welsh  education,  without  realising 
tliJit  Welshmen  can  not  only  "  form  great  ideals",  but  can 
by  steady  perseverance  realise  tliem  'P  Or  who  can  observe 
tlie  marvellous  industrial  d«?velopmont  that  has  taken 
])lace  in  the  Principality  during  the  last  half  century  with- 
out fe(4ing  that  all  this  line  talk  about  "the  broken  pur- 
poses'' ot"  tlie  Welshman,  and  his  impatienc*(H)f  organisation^ 
is  so  much  picturesiiue  nonsense  ?    The  truer  conception 


Reviews.  167 

of  the  basis  of  national  character  has  been  given  by  Mr. 
Lecky  (History  of  England^  vol,  ii,  p.  320)  : — 

"The  character  of  large  bodies  of  men  depends  in  the 
main  upon  the  circumstances  in  which  they  have  been  placed, 
the  laws  by  which  they  have  been  governed,  the  principles 
they  have  been  taught.  When  these  are  changed  the  cha- 
racter will  alter  too." 

The  mountains  of  Wales  remain  the  same  to-day  as  in 
the  days  of  Glendower  and  Llewelyn  ;  but  the  character  of 
Welshmen  has  been  profoundly  modified  by  the  discipline 
of  war  and  conquest,  of  alien  laws  and  Anglican  civilisation, 
of  Calvinistic  theology  and  educational  zeal,  of  free  insti- 
tutions and  industrial  prosperity. 

We  have  thought  it  our  duty — however  hazardous  and 
ungrateful  the  task — to  dwell  at  some  length  on  the  flaws 
which  mar  the  perfection  of  Mr.  Edwards's  work.  But 
when  all  is  said  and  done,  we  yield  to  none  in  our  admir- 
ation for  the  real  triumph  he  has  achieved.  He  has  told 
the  story  of  Wales  for  the  first  time  in  an  interesting  and 
intelligible  manner  to  the  stranger.  He  has  breathed  new 
life  and  meaning  into  the  old  story  of  purposeless  strife 
and  warfare.  He  has  made  many  an  old-world  hero  live 
again  in  his  vivid  pages.  He  has  not  been  content  with 
giving  us  a  Chronicle  of  the  Princes,  but  he  has  attempted, 
for  the  first  time  and  not  without  success,  to  tell  the  story 
of  the  Welsh  people.  He  has  presented  us  with  a  portrait 
gallery  full  of  exquisite  pictures, — of  prince  and  bard,  of 
priest  and  preacher,  of  Catholic  Saints  and  Protestant 
heroes.  His  sympathy  has  ever  been  fresh  and  spontan- 
eous ;  he  has  been  quick  to  appreciate  all  good  men,  how- 
ever distorted  their  views  or  erring  their  aims,  who  strove 
according  to  their  lights  to  serve  Wales.  It  is  this  wide 
outlook  and  catholic  sympathy  with  all  that  is  best  and 
noblest  in  Welsh  life  and  story  that  gives  to  Mr.  Edwards's 


1 68  Reviews. 

book  its  chief  est  charm  and  power.  We  shall  have,  we 
doubt  not,  a  fuller  and  more  accurate  history  of  Wales  and 
its  people  in  the  coming  years :  we  are  certain  we  shall 
never  have  one  informed  with  more  delicate  sympathy  or 
told  with  subtler  grace. 

W.  Llewelyn  Williams. 


OWEN  GLYNDWR:  and  the  Last  Struggle  for  Welsh 
Independenoe.  By  Arthur  Granville  Bradley.  London: 
G.  F.  Putnam's  Sons,  1901. 


All  lovers  of  Wales  and  its  history  are  deeply  indebted  to 
Mr.  Bradley  for  the  very  readable  and  entertaining  life  of 
Owen  Glyndwr  which  he  has  brought  within  tlieir  reach. 
Mr.  Wylie's  great  work  on  Henry  IV  is  so  expensive,  that 
very  few,  except  those  who  happen  to  live  near  Public 
Libraries,  have  been  able  to  read  it.  The  moderate  cost 
of  "  Owen  Glyndwr"  will  bring  it  within  the  reach  of  all. 
Mr.  Bradley,  unlike  Mr.  Wylie,  has  made  of  Sir  Owen  a 
hero  for  himself,  and  gives  the  story  of  his  wonderful 
career  without  any  prejudice  in  favour  of  King  Henry  IV, 
who,  whatever  may  liave  been  his  talents,  showed  only  the 
most  contemptible  incompetence  in  all  his  dealings  witli 
Wales  and  his  Welsh  subjects.  Mr.  Bradley's  style  is 
ch^ar  and  forcible,  and  sometimes  he  rises  to  eloquence. 
He  knows  Wales  from  end  to  end,  and  must  have  been  a 
lover  of  its  b(»autiful  scenerv  before  he  became  a  student 
of  its  history.  Headers  ot  the  book  will  do  well  to  make 
notes  of   "special  bits"   which  the   author   describes   so 


Reviews.  1 69 

charmingly.  But  Mr.  Bradley  does  not  make  his  theme 
subservient  to  geography ;  his  descriptions  of  places 
always  serve  to  give  life  and  interest  to  his  narrative, 
and  help,  just  as  dates  do,  to  fix  the  story  in  the  reader^s 
mind. 

The  book  reviews  the  whole  of  Welsh  history ;  it  begins 
with  the  coming  of  the  Romans,  and  ends  with  the  rise  of 
Methodism.  We  think  it  would  have  been  better  to  begin 
with  the  Norman  Conquest,  and  to  point  out  clearly  the 
radical  difiPerence  between  its  effects  in  England  and 
Wales.  In  England,  the  Norman  kings  checked  the 
growth  of  feudalism.  In  Wales,  the  Normans  super- 
imposed a  feudal  regime  upon  a  system  of  tribal 
government.  In  the  13th  century  the  Princes  of  Gwynedd 
attempted  to  do  in  Wales  what  the  sons  of  Alfred  did  in 
England  in  the  10th  century.  They  might  have  succeeded 
had  not  the  privileged  Anglo-Normans  the  whole  power 
of  the  Crown  of  England  behind  them.  Edward  I  saw 
that  it  was  vital  to  the  security  of  England  to  overthrow 
the  representatives  of  Welsh  national  unity.  His  conquest 
of  Wales  completed  the  work  of  the  Normans,  and  intro- 
duced little  that  was  new  to  Wales  into  the  government 
of  the  Principality.  Welshmen  could  see  before  their 
eyes  a  people  free  from  the  tyranny  of  alien  lords,  by 
their  alliance  with  the  Crown,  but  were  doomed  to  feudal 
misgovernment,  till  a  king  arose  who  should  do  for  Wales 
what  William  the  Norman  had  done  for  England.  In 
spite  of  the  long  introductory  chapter,  a  fourth  of  the 
whole  book,  we  do  not  think  Mr.  Bradley  has  made  these 
things  quite  clear. 

Again,  we  do  not  think  that  Mr.  Bradley  has  given  Sir 
Owen,  in  spite  of  his  admiration  for  his  hero,  an  adequate 
place  in  history.  From  the  narrative,  his  chief  title  to 
fame   seems  to  be  the  number  of  his  slain  enemies,  and 


1 70  Reviews. 

the  desolation  of  their  lands.  He  is  said  to  have  planned 
schemes  which  came  to  naught,  and  that  his  rebellion 
made  Wales  more  miserable  during  the  15th  century  than 
she  had  been  in  the  preceding  one.  In  one  place  Mr. 
Bradley  does  tell  us  something,  but  he  does  not,  we  think, 
follow  out  his  discovery  to  its  logical  conclusion.  Sir 
Owen  linked  the  fortunes  of  the  Welsh  Nationalist  Party 
with  those  of  the  House  of  York.  Therefore  the  Wars  of 
the  Roses,  as  far  as  the  West  is  concerned,  were  in  a  large 
degree  a  continuation  of  the  struggle  commenced  by  Sir 
Owen.  That  Welshmen  who  enjoyed  Marcher  privileges 
fought  on  the  Lancastrian  side  only  serves  to  emphasise 
the  fact  that  the  unprivileged  joined  the  House  of  York, 
Important  as  this  is.  Sir  Owen  did  more,  he  so  shattered 
the  strength  of  the  Lords  Marchers  that  they  never 
recovered  the  position  they  held  before  1399.  His  hand 
was  heavy  on  the  towns  and  the  castles  of  the  Anglo- 
Normans.  The  15th  c(»ntury  was  an  age  of  decay,  and  we 
know  that  the  towns  of  Wales  were  in  a  bad  way  in 
Henry  VIII's  time.  The  Flemings,  of  Pembrokeshire, 
also  failed  to  become  an  aggressive  force  after  Sir  Owen's 
devastation  of  that  county.  In  the  next  century  many 
thousands  of  Irishmen  settled  in  South  Pembrokeshire,  a 
thing  which  could  not  have  been  done  if  it  had  recovered 
from  the  ravages  of  Sir  Owen's  days. 

In  the  reign  of  Edward  iV  Welshmen  were  the  most 
prominent  figures  in  Wales ;  such  were  the  Herberts,  and 
the  family  of  Sir  Rhys  ap  Thomas.  When  a  Herbert  be- 
came Earl  of  Pembroke  the  old  Anglo-Normans  are  said  to 
have  turned  in  their  graves.  Their  rest  would  not  have  been 
disturbed  had  not  Sir  Owen  sw(»pt  away  their  descendants. 
We  may  conclude,  theroforo,  that  Owen  Glyndwr  broke 
the  p(>w(»r  of  tli(»  Englisliry  in  Wales,  and  made  tlie 
support  of  the  national  party  essential  to  one  or  other  of 


Reviews.  171 

the  English  factions.  These  were  the  causes  that  put 
Henry  ^W  upon  the  throne  of  England.  That  Henry  was 
a  Tudor  was  an  accident,  in  the  same  sense  as  it  is  an 
accident  that  any  man  bears  the  name  of  his  father; 
that  he  came  to  be  King  of  England,  was  the  result  of 
deliberate  policy.  Edward  IV  was  secure  on  the  throne, 
because  he  had  the  support  of  the  Welsh,  but  when 
Henry  of  Richmond  came,  not  only  as  a  Lancastrian,  but 
also  as  the  descendant  of  the  Tudors  of  Penmynydd,  he 
united  Wales  and  overthrew  Richard,  whose  throne  was 
undermined  when  the  county  of  Pembroke  was  given  to  a 
Herbert. 

Mr.  Bradley  thinks  the  15th  century  one  of  misery 
for  Wales,  because  of  the  pressure  of  the  Lancastrian 
Coercion  Acts.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  they  look 
formidable  enough.  It  is,  however,  quite  clear  that 
Parliament  when  it  passed  them  was  acting  ultra  vires y 
Wales  being  outside  its  sphere  of  influence,  and  it  is  more 
than  probable  that  they  sufiPered  the  usual  fate  of  such 
measures.  They  bear  witness  to  the  panic  of  the  English 
Parliament  rather  than  to  the  hardships  of  the  Welsh  in 
the  15th  century.  The  attempts  of  Parliament  to  re- 
organise the  government  of  Wales  are  at  once  a  proof  that 
the  day  of  feudal  government  was  over,  and  that  some 
readjustment  of  the  relations  between  England  and  Wales 
must  be  found. 

Mr.  Bradley  draws  attention  to  the  disorder  and 
anarchy  in  Wales  during  the  15th  century.  These  things 
were  not  peculiar  to  Wales.  It  is  a  commonplace  that  the 
anarchy  which  afflicted  England  during  the  same  period 
was  the  cause  of  the  fall  of  the  Houses  of  Lancaster  and 
York.  There  is  no  need  to  repeat  here  what  the  late 
Bishop  of  Oxford  says  about  the  "  lack  of  governance"  in 
England.    I  have  mentioned   this  because  Froude  does 


172  Reviews, 

the  same  thing  as  Mr.  Bradley,  citing  the  reports  of 
Bishop  Lee,  President  of  the  Council  of  Wales.  Froude, 
however,  omit«  to  tell  his  readers  that  Lee  reports  more 
murders  in  Cheshire  alone  than  in  the  whole  of  Wales  for 
a  given  period. 

Mr.  Bradley  is  not  quite  free  from  "  Teutonic  "  preju- 
dices in  discussing  the  history  of  the  Welsh  Princes,  and 
their  mutual  wars  and  murders.  Gavelkind  doubtless 
accounts  for  many  of  these  murders,  but  they  are  not 
peculiar  to  Wales  and  her  factions  any  more  than  disorder 
is  peculiar  to  Wales  in  the  15th  and  16th  centuries.  The 
history  of  the  Kings  of  England  in  the  14th  and  16th 
centuries  is  quite  as  revolting,  and  if  we  could  foreshorten 
the  events  of  those  centuries,  as  time  foreshortens  the 
earlier  ages  for  us,  their  history  would  be  little  else  than 
murders  and  rebellions.  Edward  II  was  murdered  by  his 
wife's  paramour ;  Richard  II  was  murdered  by  his  cousin, 
who  in  his  turn  only  managed  to  keep  himself  from 
death  by  the  utmost  vigilance.  Plots  were  formed 
against  Henry  V  ;  Henry  VI  and  his  son  were  murdered. 
Richard  II  murdered  both  his  nephews,  and  in  turn  fell 
before  the  sword  of  his  enemies. 

Both  English  and  Welsh  writers  have  striven  after 
the  odd  in  Welsh  history,  and  seem  quite  disinclined 
to  find  the  same  ciiuses  producing  the  same  results  in 
Wales  as  in  Enghmd.  English  history  has  suffered  very 
much  because  of  this,  for  it  is  impossible  to  isolate  two- 
thirds  of  Southern  Britain,  and  write  their  history  as  if 
the  other  third  did  not  exist.  Welsh  history  has  suffered 
still  more,  and  has  no  unity  as  it  is  now  presented.  Owen 
Glyndwr's  movement  has  been  hitherto  without  cause  and 
without  roHult ;  wo  are  indebted  to  Mr.  Bradley  for  showing 
that  he  has  a  roal  mt^aniug,  not  only  in  Welsh,  but  in 
British  history.     If  what  has  been  said  above  is  right,  the 


Reviews,  173 

tradition   which   regards   Owen  Glyndwr  as  the  national 
hero  is  right  also. 

T.  Stanley  Roberts. 

Feterhousey  Cambridge, 


IjA  METRIQUE  GALLOISE.    Far  J.  Loth.    Tome  I.    Paris : 
Anoienne  Librairie  Thorin  et  Fils,  4,  Rue  le  Goff. 


This  first  of  two  volumes  on  Welsh  Metres  reaches  to  a 
little  over  400  pages  (xiii  +  388) .  Even  as  it  is,  it  is  of 
considerable  interest,  but  the  interest  of  it  would  have 
been  much  increased  were  it  more  minutely  accurate. 
Every  one  that  has  tried  to  master  the  rules  of  Welsh 
cynglianedd,  and  then  attempted  to  practise  them,  knows 
how  many  pitfalls  there  are,  hidden  at  first  view  but 
evident  enough  after  having  been  extricated  from  them. 
Unfortunately  these  very  pitfalls  M.  Loth  has  not  been 
skilful  enough  to  avoid.  In  this  matter,  an  hour  with  a 
real  master  of  cynghanedd  would  have  been  worth  weeks  of 
mere  book-work :  solvitur  ambulando.  We  much  regret  an 
opportunity  missed ;  the  chance  of  initiating  the  outsider 
in  the  mysteries  of  our  ars  poetica  is  for  the  moment  gone. 
The  expert  alone  will  be  able  to  make  use  of  the  material 
brought  together  in  this  volume — and,  as  a  consequence, 
in  the  second  volume  also,  we  fear.  For  how  can  there  be 
an  accurate  historical  treatment  of  inaccurate  matter  ?  It 
would  be  well  if  the  author  made  sure  of  the  rules  first, 
and  then  provided  us  with  a  historical  grammar  of  them. 

[Those   who   wish   to   see   a    capable  discussion  (and 
trenchant  withal)  of  the  whole  subject  of  the  volume  will 


174  Reviews, 

find  it  in  the  Zeitschrift  filr  Celtische  Philologie,  vol.  iv,  port  i. 
The  article  (of  nearly  40  pages)  is  in  English,  and  is  written 
by  Prof.  J.  Morris  Jones,  M.A.] 

H.  Elyet  Lewis. 


LES   INFLUENCES  CELTIQUES.     Par  Charles  Boessler. 
Paris:  1901. 


A  VOLUME  of  102  pp.  It  forms  another  link  in  the  chain 
of  evidence  for  the  character  and  influence  of  Celtic  Art  in 
the  immediate  pre-Christian  centuries.  The  author  has 
brought  together  a  good  deal  of  scattered  material,  and 
treated  it  with  some  skill.  He  holds  that  the  period  fixed 
as  the  probable  date  of  '^the  ancient  pacific  civilisation 
of  the  Celts  " — viz.,  the  6th  century  b.c. — is  rather  the 
close  of  a  period  still  more  ancient,  and  wide-reaching  in 
its  influence.  There  are  eight  plates,  with  illustrations 
from  medals,  pottery,  engraved  stones,  MSS.,  &c. 

H.  Elvet  Lewis. 


G.  Simpson,  Printer.  Devizes. 


^^i  C^mmirobonon  (Record  §k^\t0. 


NOTICE. 


^Xfte  Black  Book  of  St  mm'%r 


Royal  octavo f  pp.  exit]  ;^66.  (No.  5,  Cymmrodorton  Record 
Series.)  The  Black  Book  of  St.  Davids.  An  Extent  of 
all  the  Lands  and  Rents  of  the  Lord  Bishop  of  St.  David^s^ 
made  by  Master  David  Fraunceys^  Chancellor  of  St. 
David^s  in  the  time  of  the  Venerable  Father  the  Lord 
David  Martyn^  by  the  Grace  of  God  Bishop  of  the  Place^ 
in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1326.  [From  the  British  Museum 
Additional  MSS.,  No.  34,125].  Edited  by  J.  W.  M^illis 
Bundy  F.S.A.  London^  1902.  Price  21s.;  offered  to 
Members  of  the  Society  at  los.  6d. 


The  Black  Book  of  St.  David's,  which  forms  No.  5  of  the 
Cymmrodorion  Record  Series,  and  which  is  now  ready  for  issue,  is  a 
most  vahiable  mine  of  material  for  the  history  of  South  Wales  during 
the  first  half  of  the  14th  century.  It  gives  the  names  of  all  the  Tenants 
of  the  Episcopal  lands  belonging  to  St.  David's,  the  amount  of  rent 
each  paid,  the  services  and  customs  in  each  place,  and  their  value. 

As  the  Estates  of  the  See  of  St.  David's  extended  into  each  of  the 
modern  counties  of  South  Wales  the  book  gives  a  picture  of  the  state 
of  things  that  existed  in  the  different  districts,  and  shews  the  extent  to 
which  Welsh  Law  and  Custom  remained  unaffected  by  the  English 
invasion.  It  also  shews  the  means  that  were  taken  to  establish  and 
incorporate  the  Enghsh  land  laws  in  Wales. 

As  one  of  the  early  medieval  documents  shewing  the  extent  of  the 
Episcopal  Estates  of  St.  David's  it  has  a  great  value  for  the  modern 
student  of  the  history  of  Manorial  Law  and  Custom  in  the  Principality, 
and  by  its  aid  a  good  deal  of  the  history  of  the  manors  now  held  by  the 
Ecclesiastical  Commissioners  can  be  traced. 

As  a  record  of  the  Place-names  of  the  different  localities  it  is  of  very 
great  importance,  and  it  also  throws  some  light  on  the  Welsh  personal 
names  01  the  time.  It  has  also  a  very  important  bearing  on  the  status 
and  condition  of  the  people,  particularly  of  the  Clergy,  in  the  14th 
century. — [v.e.] 


The  Black  Book  of  St.  David's,  and  the  other  publications  in  the 
Cymmrodorion  Record  Series  {mentioned  overleaf)  can  be  obtained^  at 
the  prices  quoted,  from  the  Secretary y  at  the  Cymmrodorion  Library^ 
64  Chancery  Lane^  IV.C 


C^mmvobonon  (R^eotrb  §kt%tg. 


PUBLICATIONS, 

No.  I. 
THE  DESCRIPTION  OF  FENBBOEBHIBE  (1603), 

By  George  Owen,  ol  Henllys,  Lord  of  Kemes.  Edited,  with  Notes 
and  an  Appendix,  by  Henry  Owen,  D.C.L.  (Oxon.),  F.S.A. 
1892.  Vol.  I,  being  Parts  I  and  II  ol  Owen's  Pembrokeshire. 
Price  21^. 

No.  II. 

THE     COITET     BOLLS     OP     THE    LOBDSHIP     OP 

BUTHrN",  OP  Dyffpyn-Clwyd,  of  the  Beign  of 

King  Edward  I  (1294-5). 

Edited,  with  Notes  and  Translation,  by  Richard  Arthur  Roberts, 
of  Her  Majesty's  Public  Record  Office.    Price  21J. 

No.  III. 

GILDAE  DE  EXCIDIO  BBITANNIAE, 

Fragmenta,  Liber  de  Faenitentia,  aocedit  et 

Lorica  G-ildae. 

(Gildas :  the  Ruin  of  Britain,  Fragments  Irom  Lost   Letters,  the 

Penitential,    together    with    the    Lorica    of    Gildas.)     Edited 

'  by  Hugh    Williams,    M.A.,    Professor   of  Church    History 

at  the  Theological  College,  Bala.    In  3  parts.     Part  I  and  fl 
issued.    Price  215.;  to  members  of  the  Society,  lar.  (xi. 

\  No.  IV. 

j  A  CATALOGUE  OP  MSS.  BELATING  TO  WALES  IN 

THE  BBITISH  MUSEUM, 

Compiled  and  Edited  by  Edward  Owen,  of  Gray's  Inn,  Barrister- 
at-Law.    In  3  Parts.    Part  I  issued,  containing  list  of  MSS.  from 
the  following  collections — the  Cottonian,  L^nsdowne,   Royal, 
;  Hargrave,  Burney,  Arundel,  and  Church  Briefs.    Price  2\s, 

j  No.  V. 

!  THE    BLACK    BOOK    OP    ST.    DAVIiyS. 

An  Extent  of  the  Lands  and  Rents  of  the  Lord  Bishop  of  St.  David's, 
\  made  by  Master  David  Fraunceys,  Chancellor  of  St.  David's 

in  the  time  of  the  Venerable  Father  the  Lord  David  Martyn, 
by  the  Grace  of  God  Bishop  of  the  place,  in  the  year  of  our 
Lord  1326.     Edited  by  J.  W.  Willis  Bund.     Price  2\s.\  to 
J  members  of  the  Society,  icw.  6d. 

In  Preparation. 

THE  WBITINGS  OP  GEOPPBEY  OP  MONMOUTH. 

Edited  by  Professor  W.  Lewis  Jones,  M.A. 


To  b€  had  on  application  to  the  Secretary^  at  the  CymmrodorioM  Library, 
Niw  Stone  Building^^  Chancery  Lane,  Lnndon,  IV.C. 


K^    CinnmroUonon  l^rcoro  penes. 


■  J    l,i.!.|   111    H'<'.L„n   in   lS(ft». 


.  (.rot*ira<Kilisy.U»e 


',-  ChoquoB  mny  be  «ont  to  E.  Vf  NCBNT  SVAKE,  fejornUcy  co  Put 
HoaouTBblo  Soolerr  of  Oymmrodurion ,  Ul,  aimuuory  Lono,  W-C, 
croGUd  "London  Joint  Siook  Bauk,  Ltnuwfl,  tn  tho  m\>Sit  of  tbe 
QjreDmrodorloD  lUoord  SurUio  Fuud." 


H 


C^mmvobovion  (R^eotrb  §k«%t0. 


PUBLICATIONS. 

No.  I. 
THE  DESCBIFTION  OF  FENBBOEBHIBE  (1603), 

By  George  Owen,  oi  Henllys,  Lord  of  Kemes.  Edited,  with  Notes 
and  an  Appendix,  by  Henry  Owen,  D.C.L.  (Oxon.),  F.S.A. 
1892.  Vol.  I,  being  Parts  I  and  II  ol  Owen's  Pembrokeshire. 
Price  2is. 

No.  II. 

THE  COUBT  BOLLS  OF  THE  LOBDSHIF  OF 

BUTHrN",  OP  Dyflfryn-Clwyd,  of  the  Beign  of 

King  Edward  I  (1294-5). 

Edited,  with  Notes  and  Translation,  l)y  Richard  Arthur  Roberts, 
of  Her  Majesty's  Public  Record  Office.    Price  21s. 

No.  III. 

GILDAE  DE  EXCIDIO  BBITANI91AE, 

Fragmenta,  Liber  de  Faenitentia,  acoedit  et 

Lorioa  Gildae. 

(Gildas  :  the  Ruin  of  Britain,  Fragments  Irom  Lost  Letters,  the 
Penitential,  together  with  the  Lorica  of  Gildas.)  Edited 
by  Hugh  Williams,  M.A.,  Professor  of  Church  History 
at  the  Theological  College,  Bala.  In  3  parts.  Part  I  and  U 
issued.    Price  21s. ;  to  members  of  the  Society,  lor.  64. 

No.  IV. 
i  A  CATALOGUE  OF  MSS.  BELATING  TO  WALES  IN 

THE  BBITISH  MUSEUM, 

Compiled  and  Edited  by  Edward  Owen,  of  Gray's  Inn,  Barrister- 
at-Law.    In  3  Parts.    Part  I  issued,  containing  list  of  MSS.  from 
the  following  collections — the  Cottonian,  Lansdowne,   Royal, 
;  Hargrave,  Burney,  Arundel,  and  Church  Briefs.    Price  21s. 

I  No.  V. 

i  THE    BLACK    BOOK    OF    ST.    DAVIiyS. 

I 

An  Extent  of  the  Lands  and  Rents  of  the  Lord  Bishop  of  St.  David's, 

j  made  by  Master  David  Fraunceys,  Chancellor  of  St.  David's 

in  the  time  of  the  Venerable  Father  the  Lord  David  Martyn, 
by  the  Grace  of  God  Bishop  of  the  place,  in  the  year  of  our 
Lord  1326.  Edited  by  J.  W.  Willis  Bund.  Price  21s.;  to 
members  of  the  Society,  ins.  6d. 

In  Preparation. 

THE  WBITINGS  OF  GEOFFBEY  OF  MONMOUTH. 

Edited  by  Professor  W.  Lewis  Jones,  M.A. 


To  h€  had  on  application  to  the  Sierctary^  at  the  Cymmrodorion  Library, 
Nfw  Stone  liuildini^Xt  Chancery  Lane^  London^  IV. C, 


TaniduafUnpiil)t)iisthiei>rWtfIi*  nManla.wUeli  hail  (oraoae  (Imii  oocni'iuil  lbs 

thniii^hM  titlnimnj- Wr1"li  tinlji  .liirt,  t.nt  i  .IrjfinltPftnfliinirOrnHhiipC  :i)  Tbi-miMtirie 


^ 


[iimt  dooUnrol  to  Dndiirt«kd  UiT  bmtusi  patiihn* 
WW  Knfn^tid  bf  air  JnliR  WUHiOM  lW  tbc 


WuUIUIKQ 

Ml   J    Qv, 


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ihrl  lihip  in  Ubl* 


*.*  OtaoquM  may  bo  sam  to  &.  VX-VCUNT  BVAl'tB,  Soorauiry  lo  Uio 
Ilonournblji  BouiQty  of  Oinnnirodoririi,  fli,  Chnucory  Lano,  W.O. 
UrtwMSd  "LoQdnii  Joint  Stouk  Sauk,  l.itiiiittc)  l«  iti^j  nriiilll  or  tbi 
QpnimrodorloD  Baixird  SflrJtMVuuil.'' 


I 


i^^.Winumrabli:    Sadtis   of   dtsmmrofiarum, . 


Jj/an/mT,  S/ifH^  iimi  Art  at  rimtitatif  WM  If^/rt 


9tt9iBttiI. 

Tin-  Kiglll   HoiKiamble  Lnnti  TRCnEQAH. 


jflliMkun,  D.C  L 
_„ ,-»  Moiutw. 

SjrJqtM  H.  Putfarojf. 


b'^rXpllCn  RviAW,  T  P-  fCfrafri»<tn'>, 


V'^: 


,  W.P. 


Rev.  H.  Ei.VTT  L«W!V  M.A. 
T-E  MnKjuis.M.A«  l.t.M. 


l/»nniii  fltif-ini-. 


•»(»«<• 


y  cpmmroaon 


CDC    nagazint 


Soclclp  or  Cpminrodonon. 


PRODtlceii  vmsti  tub  muzcrtoN  oe 

THE   BDITOtUAL    COMMITTSE. 


lOHDOK 

issust>  uv  Tac  sociery, 
KEW  STONE  BUILDINGS,  6*.  CHANCCRY  1.ANE. 

IllOJ. 


Dkvizks: 
Pbintbd  by  Gbobob  Simpson. 


y  Cpmitirodor, 


THE   MAGAZINE 


OF    THE    HONOURABLE 


SOCIETY  OF  CYMMRODORIOR 


VOL.  XVI. 


t'RODUCED    UNDER    THE    DIRECTION    OF 
THE    EDITORIAL    COMMITTEE. 


LONDON : 

ISSUED    BY   THE    SOCIETY, 

NEW  STONE  BUILDINGS,  64,  CHANCERY  LANE 

1908. 


*  :• 


Dkvizks: 
Pbintkd  bt  Geo  bob  Simpson. 


-«i 


CONTENTS. 


A   Welsh   Insurrection.      By    W.   Llewelyn    Williams, 

B.G.L.  OxoN.  ...  ...  ...  ...  1 

Old  County  Families  of  Dyfed — II.  The  Wogans  of 
Merrion  and  Somersetshire  (with  Pedigree),  By 
Francis  Green  ...  ...  ...  ...         96 

The  Holy  Grail.  A  Discrimination  of  the  Native  and 
Foreign  Elements  of  the  Legend. 

Part  I— Early  History      ...  ...  ...       106 

Part  II— The  Round  Table  ...  ...       127 

Reviews  ...  ...  ...  ...  ...       140 

Eisteddfod  Genedlaethol  Banoob.  Y  Fardd- 
oniaeth  a*i  Beirniadaeth.  Awdl  :  "  Ymadamad 
Arthur"  (T.  Gtoynn  Jones);  Pryddest:  ^^Trys- 
tan  ac  Esyllt "  (R.  Silyn  Roberts,  M.A,).  Gan 
R.  A.  Griffith  (Elphin)  . .  140 

Old  Pembroke  Families  in  the  Ancient  County 
Palatine  of  Pembroke  (Henry  Owen,  D.C.L. 
Oxon.).    By  J.  H.  Davies,  M.A.  . .  168 

The  Welsh  Wars  of  Edward  I  (John  E.  Morris, 
M.A.).    By  Hubert  Hall,  F.S.A.    . .  . .  178 

Coebespondenoe       ...         ...  ...  ...  ...      176 

"The  Two  Hugh  Owens."  Contributions  by 
H.  R.  Hughes  of  Kinmel  (Lord  Lieutenant 
of  Flintshire),  and  W.  Prichard  Williams    . .  176 


Cjmmrnirnr, 


Vol.  XVI.      "Cared  doeth  yr  encilion.'^  1902. 


@  13)dB^  ^nButucdon. 


By  W.  LLEWELYN  WILLIAMS,  B.C.L.  Oxon, 


No  passage  in  the  dark  and  bloody  annals  of  Henry  VIII 
is  more  obscure  than  the  "conspiracy"  which  led  to  the 
execution  of  Rhys  ap  Griffith  in  December  1531.  Froude, 
who  barely  mentions  the  incident,  states  in  a  note  that — 
"It  was  a  Welsh  plot  conducted  at  Islington.  The  par- 
ticulars of  it  I  am  unable  to  discover,  further  than  it  was  a 
desperate  undertaking,  encouraged  by  the  uncertainty  of 
succession  and  by  a  faith  in  prophecies,  to  murder  the 
King.  Rice  was  tried  in  the  Michaelmas  term  1531,  and 
executed.  His  uncle,  who  passed  under  the  name  of 
Brancetor,  was  an  active  revolutionary  agent  on  the  Con- 
tinent in  the  later  years  of  Henry's  reign,"^ — a  statement 
which  teems  with  a  greater  number  of  inaccuracies  than  is 
excusable  even  in  the  pages  of  a  master  of  a  poignant  and 
dramatic  style. 

In  the  second  volume  of  the  Cambrian  Register  is  pub- 
lished a  defence  of  Rhys  ap  Griffith,  which  seems  to  have 
been  written  in  1625  by  his  great-grandson,  Henry  Rice  of 

'  History  of  England,  vol.  ii,  p.  214. 

B 


2  A    Welsh  Insurrection, 

Dynevor.  Mr.  Edward  Owen,  who  was  the  first  to  discover 
its  existence,  is  of  opinion  that  MS.  14,416  of  the  Phillips 
Collection,  now  in  the  Cardiff  library,  is  the  original  from 
which  Fenton  published  the  article  in  the  Register,  and 
there  can  be  no  doubt  that  Mr.  Owen  is  right,  for  the 
MS.  was  originally  in  the  Fenton  Collection.  But  the 
"defence",  though  interesting  and  in  many  respects  im- 
portant, was  only  compiled  nearly  a  century  after  the 
tragic  episode ;  it  was  written  in  an  uncritical  age,  and  con- 
fessedly in  an  uncritical  spirit — for  its  admitted  and  mani- 
fest object  was  to  clear  the  memory  of  Rhys  of  a  charge 
of  treason,  and  io  appeal  to  King  Charles  I  for  a  restoi*ation 
to  royal  favour  of  Rhys's  descendants.  The  writer  was 
without  some  of  the  contemporary  material  which  is  at 
our  disposal  to-day,  and  in  one  or  two  matters,  which  can 
be  tested  by  independent  evidence,  he  did  less  that  justice 
to  some  of  Rhys's  friends  and  contemporaries  in  order  to 
elicit,  by  a  more  startling  contrast,  the  Royal  sympathy  for 
Rhys's  own  sorrows   and   misfortunes.^      The  only  other 

'  As  Iloiiry  Rico's  petition  has  never  been  published,  though  his 
defence,  which  is  a  portion  of  the  same  MS.,  has  appeared  in  the 
Cambrian  Register ^  we  append  it  here  : — 

"  Henry  Rice,  his  petition  to  Kinjij  Charles  the  First. 
'•  To  the  Kind's  most  excellent  Majesty  the  humble  (sic)  of  H.  Rice 
servant  to  the  late  King's  Majesty. 

"Humbly  showing  that  I  have  served  your  Majesty's  brother, 
nowe  with  God  eight  years,  as  howsoever  I  cannot  raise  unto  myself 
anie  groat  hope  of  reoomponso,  tliough  my  service  had  been  of  longer 
time  and  of  more  valuable  employnu^nt.  yet  the  cons'n  thereof,  accom- 
j)aniod  with  what  I  shall  farther  j)resume  herein  to  represent  unto 
your  Majesty,  will,  I  liopc^,  induce  your  Majesty  graciously  to  com- 
miserate my  unhapj)io  (•♦.nulition.  My  great  grandfather,  R.  G.,at  the 
age  of  2.*5,  was  ai.'cuMod  and  condoiiuiod  for  designing  to  make  your 
Majesty's  auncestor,  James  the  oth  of  Scotland,  to  be  King  of 
Englan<l,  by  whose  attain<ler  there  came  to  the  crown©  landes  worth 
.ClOjCXK)  poundes  a  year,  and  a  personall  estate  to  the  value  of  £30,000 
poundes.     Queene  Elizabeth,  upon  the  humble  suit  of  my  grandfather 


A    Welsh  Insurrection,  3 

attempt  which  has  been  made  to  clear  up  the  mystery  was 
by  the  late  Mr.  David  Jones,  who  published  a  paper  on  the 
subject  in  the  Archceologia  Camhrensis  (5th  ser.,  vol.  ix,  pp. 
81-101,  192-214).  But  the  paper  is  incomplete,  the  writer 
did  not  live  to  finish  his  researches,  and  though  it  repre- 
sents a   sane  and  patient  effort  to    unravel  the  tangled 

and  father,  did  graciously  promise,  as  before  her  sister  Queen  Marie 
hadden,  a  graunt  unto  them  of  soe  much  of  their  auncestor's  landes  as 
remained  in  the  crowne.  That  promise,  not  taking  effect,  my  Father 
did  renew  his  petition  to  the  late  King's  Majesty,  wherein  he  did 
insist  upon  certaine  particulars,  which  onlie  showed  that  his  auncestor 
which  was  attainted  had  great  enemies  and  a  prosecution  that 
admitted  him  onlio  little  favour,  which  Petition  was  referred  to  cer- 
taine Lords  of  the  Counsell  with  a  singular  commendation  in  his 
behalf :  That  such  was  his  ill  fortune  that  having  far  spent  in  his 
estate,  he  was  forced  to  retire  himself,  leaving  that  unperfected  which 
had  so  hopefuU  a  beginning  ;  -my  grandfather  and  father  (to  ad  more 
strength  to  their  suit)  represented  to  Queene  Elizabeth  and  your 
royall  Father  the  services  of  their  auncestor  Sir  Rice  ap  Thomas,  who 
received  in  Henry  the  7th  at  Milford  Haven  with  4000  men,  and  a1>- 
tended  him  with  18  horse  for  his  owne  change  at  Bosworth  field,  and 
that  Thos.  Rice,  another  of  my  auncestors,  in  later  time  was  slaine  in 
the  service  of  that  Queene  of  famous  memorie,  your  Majesty's  grand- 
mother, at  what  time  the  new  usurping  Lord  of  the  Isles  invaded 
Scotland. 

"My  most  humble  suit,  therefore,  to  your  Majestie  is  that  in 
cons'n  of  the  premisses  and  in  accomplishment  of  the  gracious 
intentions  of  your  royall  father,  and  the  Queene's  your  predecessors, 
you  will  be  pleased  to  bestowe  upon  me  (the  lineall  heire  of  the 
aforesaid  Rice)  that  poore  portion  of  his  great  estate  as  yet  undis- 
posed of  from  the  Crowne,  being  £200  per  annum  or  thereabouts,  or 
else  in  some  other  kind  as  shall  best  suit  with  your  Majesty's  grace 
and  bountie,  to  support  the  weaknesse  of  my  present  condition  :  soe 
shall  I  ever  pray  for  your  Majesty's  long  life  and  happie  rayne  over 


us." 


**  Whitehall,  27  May,  1625. 
*'His  Majesty's  pleasure  that  the  Lord  High  Treasurer  of  Eng- 
land, Lord  Evansholl,  Lord  Chamberlaine,  and  Mr.  Chancellor  of  the 
Exchequer  consider  of  the  notices  laid  doune  in  this  petition  and  the 
reason  and  equitie  of  this  wish,  and  certifie  unto  his  Majestie  their 
opinions  thereof.  "  E.  Conwy." 

B   2 


4  A    Welsh  Insurrection. 

skein  of  Tudor  statecraft,  it  hy  no  means  exhausts  the 
material  which  was  even  then  accessible  to  the  writer  (he 
does  not  seem  to  have  seen  Henry  Rice's  defence  in  the 
Camhrian  Regwter),  and  some  of  his  suggestions  have  been 
falsified,  and  some  gaps  in  his  account  have  been  supplied 
by  contemporary  records  which  have  been  discovered  or 
published  in  recent  years.  Without  pretending  to  be  in 
a  position  to  say  the  final  word  on  this  chapter  in  oiu: 
national  story,  we  may  safely  claim  to  be  in  possession 
of  so  many  "new  facts"  as  to  be  entitled  to  re-open  the 
whole  question. 

It  would  be  travelling  beyond  the  scope  of  this  paper 
to  give  in  any  detail  the  story  of  Sir  Rhys  ap  Thomas, 
the  friend  of  Henry  Tudor,  Earl  of  Richmond,  and  the 
pillar  of  the  dynasty  which  he  founded.  It  will  be  suffi- 
cient for  our  present  pui-pose  to  recapitulate,  as  briefly  as 
possible,  the  broad  facts  of  his  career.  Sir  Rhys  had  been 
brought  up  in  a  Yorkist  home.  His  grandfather,  Griffith 
ap  Nicholas  of  Dynevor,  had  fallen  fighting  for  the  White 
Rose,  at  Mortimer's  Cross  in  1461.  His  father,  Thomas  ap 
Griffith,  was  one  of  the  bright  particular  stars  of  the  court 
of  Burgundy,  where  the  Duchess  Mary,  the  sister  of 
Edward  IV,  afterwards  did  her  best,  by  plot  and  intrigue, 
to  maintain  the  languishing  Yorkist  cause.  Rhys  himself 
had  spent  the  formative  years  of  his  youth  in  the  Court  of 
Charles  the  Bold.  The  battle  of  Tewkesbury,  however, 
changed  the  course  of  English  history.  The  murder  of 
young  Edward  of  Wales,  the  hope  of  the  Lancastrian  line, 
undoubtedly  secured  the  power  and  throne  of  Edward  IV 
for  a  time.  But  it  had  a  portentous  and  unlooked-for 
result.  A  Welshman,  the  grandson  of  Owen  Tudor  of 
Penmynydd  and  of  Catherine  of  France,  became  the  repre- 
s(mtative  of  the  House  of  Lancaster.     The  Welsh  bards 


A    Welsh  Instcrrection,  5 

were  not  slow  to  grasp  the  significance  of  this  fact.     They 

saw  in  it  the  fulfilment  of  the  prophecies  of  Taliesin  and 

Myrddin  that  a  Welsliman  would  be  crowned  in  London, 

and  would  triumph  over  their  secular  foes.     They  recalled 

the   mysterious   prognostications,    the   "brudiau^\   which 

foretold  that  the  name  of  the  deliverer  of  Wales  would  be 

Owen;    and  was  not  Henry  Tudor  a  grandson  of   Owen 

Tudor,  the  cousin  of  Owen  Glendower,  and  the  cousin,  too, 

of  that  "Owen  of  Wales",  the  last  descendant  in  the  male 

line  of  the  princely  house  of  Gwynedd  ?     The  people  were 

quick  to  respond  to  the  bardic  songs.     They  cared  nothing 

for  White  or  Red  Rose ;  but  they  cared  everything  for  a 

Welsh  king  to  rule  in  London.     Rhys  ap  Thomas,  also, 

felt  the  stirring  of  the  national  pulse.     His   grandfather 

aimed  at  making  himself  semi-independent  of  the  English 

king,   by   playing  one  faction   against  the  other;    Rhys 

abandoned  the  traditions  of  his  family  and  sacrificed  his 

own  personal  ambition  for  the  sake  of  realising  the  dearest 

and  most  persistent  hope  of  Welsh  bards  and  people. 

It  were  not  to  the  purpose  to  relate  here  how  strangely 

and  romantically  this  object   was  achieved ;   how  Henry 

Tudor  landed  at  Milford  Haven  after  his   long,  perilous 

exile  in  Brittany,  with  hardly  a  friend  or  follower;  how 

the  balance   was   turned  in  his   favour  by  the   adhesion 

of  Rhys  ap  Thomas,  who  could  put  a  thousand  horsemen 

in  the  field  and  thrice  as  many  footmen,  well  armed  and 

appointed,  of  whom  Rhys  Nanmor  sang, 

"  Y  Brenhin  bia'r  ynys 
Ond  sy'  o  lan  i  Sir  Rhys ;" 

how  the  Pretender  marched  through  Ceredigion  and 
Powys,  gathering  strength  as  he  journeyed,  appealing  to 
Welshmen  as  their  countryman  and  kinsman ;  how  Rhys 
ap  Thomas  travelled   through  Ystrad   Towy  and   Brych- 


6  A    Welsh  htsurrection. 

eiuiojjf,  iiiid  joined  Henry,  with  a  great  following,  at 
Shrewsbury ;  how  at  last  Henry  Tudor,  with  an  army 
mainly  composed  of  Welshmen  who  fought  under  the  Red 
Dragon,  defeated  Richard  III  at  Bosworth  and  won  the 
English  Crown ;  how  Rhys  ap  Thomas  remained  the 
steadfast  friend  of  the  new  dynasty  throughout  all  the 
insurrections  and  impostures  of  the  reign  of  the  first  Tudor 
sovereign ;  how  the  subtle  king,  knowing  the  loyalty 
of  the  Welsh  chieftain,  and  yet  jealous  of  his  power, 
never  rewarded  him  with  any  more  substantial  dignity 
than  the  Garter;  and  how,  unconscious  of,  or  ignoring, 
this  mean  and  petty  treatment,  the  old  knight  upheld 
the  son's  throne  after  the  crafty  father's  death.  No  one 
can  read  the  story  of  the  first  Tudor  sovereign  without 
being  convinced  that,  under  God,  he  owed  at  first  his 
throne,  and  then  the  stability  of  his  dynasty,  to  tlie 
unflinching  support  of  Sir  Rhys  ap  Thomas/ 

I.  TiiK  Rising  in  Carmarthen. 

In  the  year  1525,  sixteen  yeara  after  Henry  VII  had 
been  laid  to  rest,  Sir  Rliys  ap  Thomas,  full  of  honours  and 
dignities,  died  in  the  seventy-sixth  year  of  his  age,  and 
was  buried,  with  his  forefathers,  in  the  Priory  Church  of 
Carmarthen.      He   was   succeeded  in   his  estates  by  hia 

*  Tliat  Welshmen  looked  upon  the  accession  of  Henry  Tudor  as  a 
national  trimnph  is  clear  from  the  writin«2;s  of  contomjwrary  bards. 
That  Henry  himself  judiciously  fostered  this  feelin/j;  may  bo  gathorod 
from  the  fact  that  he  named  his  elih^st  son  Ai*thur.  In  an  Italian 
lielation  of  the  Island  of  Enyhimlj  written  in  1. ")()()  and  publishetl  by 
tht;  Camden  Society,  there  is  some  evidence  that  this  was  also  the 
contemporary  view  among  intelligent  foreij^ners.  "Wales  was  form- 
erly" it  is  said  "a  separate  kingdom  ....  hut  in  the  reign  of  Edw.  I 
—  (hy  a  slip  the  writer  says  Edw.  HI)  -they  were  reduced  to  the 
dominion  of  tlu^  English.  .  .  .  They  may  now,  however,  ho  said  to 
have  recovered  their  former  independence,  for  tlie  most  wis©  and 
fortunate  Henry  VII  is  a  Welshman."  .... 


A    Welsh  Insurrection,  7 

grandson,  a  bright  and  studious  young  man,  who  is  known 
to  English  writers  as  Rhys,  Rice,  or  Richard  ap  Griffith/ 
The  last  years  of  the  old  chieftain,  one  can  well  imagine, 
were  full  of  anxiety.  He  knew,  none  better,  the  jealous, 
savage,  masterful  nature  of  Henry  VIII.  He  had  seen  the 
blood  of  a  Pole  and  a  Buckingham  flow  from  the  scaffold, 
and  he  knew  that  it  was  not  safe  for  a  subject  to  be  too 
powerful  or  too  ambitious  under  such  a  king.  The  two 
most  prominent  personages  in  England  in  his  later  years 
were  Cardinal  Wolsey,  whose  position,  as  the  King's  chief 
Minister,  seemed  then  impregnable,  and  the  third  Duke  of 
Norfolk,  who,  as  Earl  of  Surrey,  had  crushed  the  power 
and  pretensions  of  the  Scots  at  Flodden  Field.  There 
was  no  love  lost  between  the  two  great  men.  Norfolk 
hated  the  Cardinal  for  his  influence  with  the  king,  despised 
him  for  his  lowly  origin,  and  envied  him  for  his  vast 
wealth  and  power.  Sir  Rhys  ap  Thomas,  like  an  ex- 
perienced courtier,  thought  to  steer  a  middle  course.  In 
1524  he  married  his  young  grandson,  the  heir  and  hope  of 
the  old  princely  line  of  Rhys  ap  Tewdwr,  to  the  Lady 
Katherine  Howard,  daughter  of  the  second  and  sister  of 
the  third  Duke  of  Norfolk.  At  the  same  time,  he  culti- 
vated the  friendship  of  the  great  Cardinal  with  such 
success  that,  as  we  shall  see,  his  memory  was  probably  one 
of  the  factors  which  impelled  Wolsey  to  save  young  Rhys 
ap  Griffith  from  his  enemies,  four  years  after  Rhys  ap 
Thomases  death. 

It  is  not  certain  what  was  Rhys  ap  Griffith's  age  at  the 
time  of  his  grandfather's  death  in  1525.  His  descendant, 
writing  in  1625,  states  that  Rhys  was  twenty-three  in  1531, 
and  that  he  would  therefore  be  only  seventeen  in  1525. 

^  Sir  Griffith  ap  Rice  ap  Thomas  died  1521.  The  date  of  his 
marriage  to  the  daughter  of  Sir  John  St.  John  does  not  seem  to  have 
been  ascertained. 


8  A    Welsh  Insurrection. 

Ho  was  married,  as  we  have  seen,  in  1524,  but  it  was  no 
uncommon  thing  in  those  days  for  young  noblemen  to 
marry  in  tlieir  teens/  Still,  it  is  almost  incredible  that 
probate  of  his  grandfather's  will  should  have  been  granted 
to  him  if  he  was  under  age  in  1525.  Whether  it  was  his 
youth,  or  whether  it  was  the  beginning  of  the  King's 
sinister  policy,  we  know  that  he  was  not  continued  in  his 
grandfather's  offices  in  South  Wales.  Walter  Devereux, 
Lord  Ferrers,  afterwards  the  first  Viscount  Hereford,  was 
appointed  Justice  and  Chamberlain  of  South  Wales.  For 
some  time  friction  seems  to  have  been  avoided.  But  Lord 
Ferrers  was  not  the  easiest  man  to  get  on  with,  and  young 
Rhys,  for  all  his  devotion  to  his  books,  was  not  devoid  of 
the  high  spirit  of  his  race,  and  was,  moreover,  married  to 
a  woman  of  an  ambitious,  if  not  turbulent,  nature.  Early 
in  the  year  1529  we  find  events  maturing  for  a  crisis.  On 
March  8^  Rhys  wrote  to  Cardinal  Wolsey  to  complain  of 
the  conduct  of  Lord  Ferrers. 

**  My  poller  tenants  and  servants",  ho  says,  **  by  tho 
lyght  and  malicious  inyndes  of  sucho  lyglito  persons  that  be 
deputies  under  my  Lord  Ferrers  in  these  pai-tes,  Ikj  dayly, 
without  cause  reasonable  or  f^^ood  groundo  put  to  voxaciou ; 
and  some  of  my  household  servants  kept  under  appearance 
from  county  to  county,  for  tlieir  ])leasures  only." 

He  finishes  up  by  requesting  letters  from  Wolsey  to 
Lord  Ferrers  to  enable  Rhys  to  be  his  lordship's  deputy 
justice  and  chamberlain  in  South  Wales,  and  consenting 
to  give  Lord  Ferrers  any  sum  that  Wolsey  thought  con- 
venient for  the  office. 

There  is  little  doubt  that  the  complaint  made  in  Rhys's 

'  Prince  Arthur,  for  example,  was  only  fifteen  when  ho  married 
(.'atlieiiiie  of  Arra^'on.  The  Earl  of  Shrewslniry,  «;iving  evidence  in 
llenvy  VII  Ts  divorce  procci-din^s.  stated  that  he  himself  had  married 
when  he  was  tiftecn-and-a-half. 

-  iState  PapcrSy  vol.  iv,  part  iii,  0,345. 


A    Welsh  Insurrection.  9 

letter  was  well-founded.  The  abuse  of  legal  procedure 
was  an  old  grievance,  and  one  that  Lord  Ferrers  himself 
had  drawn  attention  to  three  years  previously.  In  a  letter, 
dated  January  9,  152(),  he  wrote  to  the  Lord  President 
of  the  Princess's  Council  in  the  Marches  of  Wales  that 

"When  his  Lordship  was  first  admitted  President  of  the 
Princess's  Council  my  Lord  Legate  (Wolsey)  instructed  the 
writer  and  others  of  tliat  Council  that  no  subpoenas  should  be 
directed  into  Wales  or  the  Marches,  but  every  cause  be  first 
tried  before  the  stewards  and  oflScers  there,  the  appeal  to  lie 
afterwards  to  his  Lordship  and  other  commissioners.  Sub- 
poenas are  now  served  in  Carmarthen  and  Cardigan  in  spite 
of  the  proclamations,  the  like  of  which  was  never  seen 
before." 

The  conclusion  of  the  letter  is  :  "And  now  both  shires 
saitli  plainly  that  they  will  not  pay  one  groat  at  this  pre- 
sent Candlemas  next  coming,  nor  never  after,  if  any  man 
do  appear  otherwise  than  they  have  been  accumed,  but 
they  had  liever  ryn  into  the  woods.'" 

In  two  other  letters,'^  written  a  few  days  later  to  a 
friend,  Lord  Ferrers  dwells  on  the  gravity  of  the  situation. 
After  statinff  the  facts  he  adds,  "  this  is  the  most  serious 
thing  that  has  occurred  since  I  first  knew  Wales". 

Nothing,  however,  seems  to  have  been  done  to  assuage 
the  public  excitement  or  to  remedy  the  grievance.  We 
hear  no  more,  it  is  true,  during  Lord  Ferrers's  tenure  of 
office  of  encroachments  on  the  part  of  the  Council  at  Lud- 
I0W5  but  Rhys  complains  that  his  tenants  were  harried  in 
a  similar  way  by  Lord  Ferrers's  own  deputies.  It  was 
quite  as  irritating  for  a  Carmarthenshire  man  to  be  sum- 
moned to  Pembrokeshire  as  to  Ludlow,  especially  as  he 
knew  that  he  was  put  to  expense  and  inconvenience  merely 
to  satisfy  the  hungry  maw  of  the  Chief  Justice's  servants. 
The  old   Welsh   ideas  concerning  the  tenure  of  land  were 

'  is.  P.,  vol.  iv,  pt.  i,  1872.  *  i&.,  1887.  2201. 


lO  A    Welsh  Insurrection, 

also  gradually  giving  way  to  English  ideas,  and  though  the 
English  system  did  not  become  the  law  of  the  land  till 
1536,  Welsh  customs  were  fading  away  as  they  were  being 
iiitoi-preted  in  the  terms  of  English  lawyers.  No  doubt 
there  was  much  grumbling  and  discontent,  much  restless- 
ness and  uncertainty  and  hatred  of  all  change.  No  doubt 
the  young  chieftain  fumed  and  chafed  under  his  impotence. 
He  was  reminded  by  followers  and  retainers  of  the  ancient 
splendour  of  his  house ;  he  was  driven  to  assert  himself  by 
the  importunities  of  a  wife  prone,  as  she  showed  herself  in 
later  days,  to  ambitious  intrigues.*  The  letter  of  March 
1529  was,  without  doubt,  the  result  of  continued  pressure. 
Lady  Katherine,  writing  to  VVolsey  after  matters  had 
reached  their  crisis  in  June,  says  that  **great  dissatisfaction 
has  prevailed  ever  since  Ferrers  was  officer  in  these  parts, 
for  he  and  his  servants  quarrel  with  Ryx's  tenants." 
There  is  nothing  in  all  young  Rhys's  career  to  show  that 
he  was  ambitious  of  office  and  power.  His  descendant, 
Henry  Rice,  describes  him  as  a  retiring  and  bookish  man, 
who  was  so  modest  that  he  refused  the  Earldom  of  Essex 
at  the  hands  of  the  King.  However  that  may  be,  it  is 
almost  certain  that  if  tlie  compromise  suggested  in  his  let- 
ter of  March  had  been  accepted,  much  misery  and  injustice 
would  have  been  averted,  and  the  name  of  Henry  VlIE 
would  have  been  cleared  of  at  least  one  reproach. 

It  may  be  that  Cardinal  Wolsey  would  have  been  glad 
to  have  avoided  friction  in  South  Wales  by  accepting  young 
Rliys's  suggestion.  But  the  Cardinal  was  no  longer  mas- 
ter. Before  the  year  was  out  he  had  fallen  a  victim  to 
King  Henry's  anger  and  to  the  Duke  of  Norfolk's  intrigues. 
Even  in  March  he  was  insecure,  and  he  may  have  found 

'  Ljidy  Catheriiio  manied  iov  her  set'oiid  huHbaiul  tho  Earl  of 
Bri(lj;owator,  and  shu  was  iiivolvod  in  tho  triigody  of  Cuthoriiie 
Howard's  divorce  and  oxocution. 


A    Welsh   Insurrection.  1 1 

himself  unable  to  meet  the  wishes  of  his  old  friend's 
trrandson.  It  is  possible  that  he  communicated  the  con- 
tents of  the  letter  to  Lord  Ferrers.  It  is  certain  that 
henceforward  Lord  Ferrers  acted  with  a  degree  of  violence 
and  malice  towards  the  lord  of  Dynevur  which  argues  per- 
sonal animosity.  A.  contemporary  writer,  Ellis  Griffith, 
who  shows  himself  to  be  intimately  acquainted  with  the 
details  of  Rhys's  history,  and  who  was  actually  present  at 
Rhys's  first  trial,  tells  us  that 

"Wlien  Rhys  went  to  Wales  the  whole  country  turned 
out  to  welcome  him,  and  this  made  Lord  Ferrers  envious  and 
jealous."' 

In  1529,  therefore,  we  have  all  the  elements  of  strife 
present  in  South  Wales ;  a  popular  young  chief,  the  de- 
scendant of  the  old  Princes  of  South  Wales,  married  to  an 
ambitious  wife ;  a  restless  and  discontented  people,  angry 
at  the  encroachments  of  a  strange  jurisdiction  and  the 
changes  in  legal  procedure  and  the  tenure  of  land ;  a 
jealous  and  envious  King's  officer,  ready  to  take  advantage 
of  the  most  trivial  error  or  indiscretion  of  his  rival;  a 
great  ^^inister  on  the  eve  of  his  dramatic  fall,  his  enemies 
active  and  hopeful ;  and  disquieting  rumours  that  the 
King  was  about  to  cast  aside  his  wife  and  to  marry  another, 
who  was  known  to  favour  the  Protestant  doctrines,  which 
she  had  imbibed  during  her  sojourn  in  the  court  of 
France. 

In  June  1529,  the  crisis  came  to  a  head.  In  that 
month  Lord  Ferrers  came  to  Carmarthen  to  hold  the 
Sessions.  Carmarthen  at  the  time  was  the  first  town  in 
South  Wales.  Thither  the  gentry  of  West  Wales  flocked 
for  a  "season"  in  their  town  houses,  and  among  others 
Rhys  ap  Griffith,  who  was  one  of  the  bailifts  of  Carmarthen 
for  the  year,  and  the  Lady  Katherine,  his  wife. 

'  Introduction  to  the  Mostyn  MSS.  Catalogue,  p.  ix. 


12  A    Welsh  histirrcction. 

It.  is  not  difficult  to  trace  the  sequence  of  events.  Lord 
Ferrers's  account  is  still  extant  in  his  hurried  letters  to 
Wolsey/  and  in  more  detail,  in  the  Bill  of  Indictment 
which  he  preferred  at^ainst  Rhys  ap  Griffith  in  the  follow- 
ing autumn."  Rhys  ap  Griffith's  own  version  is  briefly 
given  by  his  wife,  the  Lady  Katherine,  in  a  letter  to  Wol- 
sey,^  and  is  supplemented  by  scattered  references  to  the 
episode  which  may  be  found  in  the  Stat«  Papers  of  the 
time.  Piecing  together  these  various  materials,  it  is 
possible  to  construct  a  fairly  complete  and  connected 
account. 

On  Saturday,  the  5th  of  June  1529,  (wo^  the  6th,  as 
given  in  the  Bill  of  Indictment),  Lord  Ferrers  came  to 
Carmarthen  to  hold  the  Great  Sessions  in  eyre  as  Chief 
Justice  of  South  Wales.  His  deputy,  James  Leche,  who 
had  been  one  of  the  bailiffs  of  Carmarthen  two  years  be- 
fore, went  to  the  Mayor,  David  Llewelyn,*  to  take  lodgings 
for  Lord  Ferrers's  servants.  The  Mayor  delivered  billets 
to  Lecho,  who  in  turn  sent  one  Thomas  Here  to  the 
houses,  which  had  been  assigned  by  the  Mayor,  to  make 
arrangements  for  the  reception  of  the  Chief  Justice's  men. 
When  Here  came  to  the  houses,  he  found  that  one  Thomas 
ap  Morgan,  a  retainer  of  Rhys  ap  Griffith's,  had  already 
set  his  master's  ** badges  upon  papers  painted"  upon 
the  doors  of  the  houses,  with  the  intention  of  keeping 
them  for  the  use  of  Rhys  and  his  servants.'     Upon  what 

'  .S*.  /*.,  v<»l.  iv,  pt.  iii,  loi^t),  otiO.'^. 

-  Star  Chitmhrr  PrtK-t't'tUnt/s :  Henry  VIII,  bund.  IH,  No.  234;  pub- 
lisliod  in  tliu  Arch.  Camhr.,  otli  sor.,  vol.  ix. 

^  S.  P.,  vol.  iv,  pt.  iii,  l.">s(). 

'  Camhr,  l\f*ff.^  vol.  iii. 

'  It  is  not  (juitt'  cloar  from  Lord  KoncrK'M  aroount  whether 
Tlioinas  ap  Mor^^an  or  Thomas  Ilert^  arriv*Ml  first  on  the  Hcene,  hut  it 
seums  probable  that  Ap  Mor«,nin  liad  secured  the  houses  Iwforo 
Thomas  lli-re,  since  Jlhys  ha<l  evidi^ntly  been  preparing;  for  a  disputo 


A    Welsh  Insurrection,  13 

ground  Ehys  ap  Griffith  rested  his  right  to  the  lodgings 
cannot  now  be  determined.  Whether  it  was  prior  occu- 
pation— which  would  not  avail  against  the  rights  of  the 
King's  officer  supported  by  the  Mayor's  assignment,  or 
whether  the  houses  were  his  own  and  in  the  occupation  of 
his  tenants,  which  is  probable  and  is  Lady  Katherine's 
reason,  or  whether,  lastly,  he  had  assigned  them  to  his 
own  use  in  virtue  of  his  office  as  Bailiff  of  Carmarthen, 
there  is  no  means  of  deciding.  What  is  certain  is  that 
this  comparatively  trifling  matter  led  to  most  serious  con- 
sequences. That  very  night.  Lord  Ferrers  says,  Rhys's 
men  came  flocking  towards  the  town.  The  following  day, 
being  Sunday  the  6th  of  June, — if  we  may  believe  the 
charges  preferred  against  him  in  the  Bill  of  Indictment 
before  the  Star  Chamber — Rhys  sent  proclamations,  to  be 
openly  read  in  divers  churches  in  the  counties  of  Carmar- 
then, Cardigan,  and  Kidwelly,  "that  such  that  were  his 
kynesraen,  lovers  and  ffrynds,  and  wold  do  anything  for 
hym  shuld  come  well  appoynted  and  wepened  to  the  king's 
towne  of  Kermerdyn  on  Monday  next  after,  being  the  viii 
(vii)  June".  Probably  Lord  Ferrers  has  greatly  exagger- 
ated the  activity  of  Rhys.  Nothing  of  any  moment  seems 
to  have  happened  on  the  Monday  or  during  the  week,  and 
it  is  scarcely  credible  that  any  of  Rhys's  men  could  have 
turned  up  in  the  town  without  occasioning  a  disturbance. 


with  the  Chief  Justice,  and  had,  according  to  Lord  Ferrers,  "prevelye 
causyd  his  frynds  and  adherents  to  be  warnyd,  as  well  in  the  countie 
of  Kermerdyn  as  in  the  Lordship  of  Kidwelly,  who  in  ryettous  manner, 
well  wepunyd,  assemblyd  them  the  same  night  to  a  great  nombre ". 
This,  at  all  events,  is  Lady  Katherine's  account  of  the  matter  in  her 
letter  to  Wolsey,  which  on  the  whole  is  more  accurate  than  the 
account  given  by  Rhys's  accusers.  "The  same  Ryx,"  she  says, "  before 
he  came  to  Carmarthen  sent  his  servants  to  take  lodgings  for  him 
among  his  tenantry,  and  to  set  up  his  arms  on  certain  doors,  which 
were  taken  down  by  Ferrers." 


14  A    Welsh  Insurrection. 

Still,  there  must  have  been  some  truth  in  the  charge,  for 

we  have  it  on  record  that 

^^  David  ap  Rice  bacs  [/>^««,  not  haxih^  as  Mr.  D.  Jones 
conjoctiirod]  unckyll  to  the  said  Rico  Griffith,  by  his  nephew 
is  coinmaundementc  caused  proclamacyon  to  be  maile  in  the 
churches  of  Llansadorne  and  Llanwoorda^  and  confessyd  the 
same  in  the  chancery  of  Kermerdyn,  as  appered  as  well  by 
the  same  confession  as  by  confession  of  Sir  Walter  ap  Davyd, 
prist  and  curate  there,  who  publyshed  proclamacyons  in 
cliurch  of  Llanwoorda  aforesaid." 

More  than  a  week  elapsed  before  the  great  men  them- 
selves came  into  personal  conflict.  We  cannot  do  better 
than  let  Lord  Ferrers  tell  his  own  tale,  in  order  to  under- 
stand the  gravity  and  importance  of  the  affray.  On  Tues- 
day, June  15  (the  date  is  correctly  given  in  Perrers's  letters 
to  Wolsey,  which  were  written  at  the  time,  but  not  in  the 
Bill  of  Indictment,  which  was  drawn  up  three  months 
later),  Rhys  ap  Griffith  came  into  the  King's   Castle  of 

Carmarthen 

"  accompany 'd  witli  ffortye  and  more  of  his  servants  well 
armyd  and  wepyned,  and  knockyd  at  the  Chamber  door  of 
the  ssiid  Justice,  where  ho  was  accompanyVl  with  dyvers 
gontylmcn  of  the  said  county  in  the  said  Chamber,  and  mad 
quaiTol  with  the  said  Justice  why  he  shuld  keep  in  ward  one 
Thomas  ap  Ilowen,  his  kynesman,  which  is  a  mysruled  person 
and  oon  of  the  chofo  borers  and  mayntenors  of  all  evil-dis- 
posed men  and  naughty  matters  in  this  partes,  and  hath 
forfeited  fyvo   hundred   markos  to  the  kings  use  for  the 


same." 


This  account,  which  is  given  in  the  Bill  of  Indictment 
preferred  against  Rhys  ap  Griffith  in  the  autimm  of  1529, 
does  not  accord  in  all  respects  with  that  given  at  tliattime 
in  Ferrers's  letter  to  Wolsey.     The  letter  states  that  on 

*  Rliys  was  Lord  of  the  Manor  of  Abermarlais  in  the  parish  of 
Lhinsadwrn,  it  Imving  bocome  pai-t  of  the  Dyncvor  possessions 
through  tlio  mother  of  Rhys  ap  Thomas,  wlio  was  the  daughter  and 
heiress  of  Sir  John  Griffith,  Abormarhiis,  a  descendant  of  Ednyfed 
Fychan. 


A    Welsh  Insurrection.  15 

Tuesday,  the  1 5th  June,  Rhys 

"  came  into  the  castle  with  his  armed  servants,  where  I  was 
with  other  gentlemen,  and  picked  a  quarrel  with  me  about 
Thomas  ab  Howen,  his  kinsman,  whom  I  had  committed  to 
ward  for  various  misdemeanors,  and  for  hurting  the  people 
when  they  came  to  the  castle  to  demand  remedy,  by  which 
he  has  forfeited  to  the  King  650  markes,  as  appears  by  his 
recognizance  and  other  bonds  taken  before  the  King's 
Council." 

Unfortunately  the  recognizance  seems  to  have  been 
lost,  and  so  it  is  impossible  to  find  out  exactly  who  Thomas 
ab  Owen  was,  and  what  crime  he  had  been  guilty  of. 
How  little  reliance  can  be  placed  on  the  hasty  account 
given  in  the  letter  may  be  gathered  from  the  fact  that  the 
amount  of  Ab  Owen's  recognizance  is  wrongly  stated.  On 
the  next  day,  Lady  Katherine  sent  a  letter  to  Wolsey, 
which  contained  another  version  of  the  cause  of  the  dis- 
pute. She  describes  Lord  Ferrers's  surmise  as  "false" 
that  Rhys  desired 

"  one  Thomas  ab  Owen,  servant  to  the  King,  then  in  ward  in 
the  same  castle,  to  take  out  of  the  constable's  hands  one 
Jankyn,  servant  to  the  said  Ryx."* 

The  most  probable  conjecture,  therefore,  is  that  Lord 
Ferrers  had  caused  one  "Jankyn",*  a  servant  to  Ehys  ap 

»  S,  p.,  vol.  iv,  pt.  iii,  1686. 

^  A  list  is  given  at  the  end  of  the  Bill  of  Indictment  of  the  persons 
who  "assembled,  reased,  and  gatheryd  the  King's  subjects  with  open 
owtcrye  in  South  Wales,  and  brought  them  towards  the  King's  town 
of  Kcrmerdyn  to  thentente  to  have  destroyed  the  lord  Fferrers,  the 
King's  Chief  Justice  there",  and  among  them  is  the  name  of  "Hugh 
ap  Jencken,  leder  of  the  Abbot  of  Talley's  tenants".  This  may  be  the 
"Jankyn"  on  behalf  of  whom  Thomas  ab  Owen  is  alleged  to  have  in- 
terfered. Some,  if  not  most,  of  the  persons  mentioned  in  the  schedule 
to  the  Tndictment  were  concerned  in  the  later  disturbances,  but  it 
may  be  that  the  Abbot  of  Talley's  tenants,  -  some  of  whom  lived  in 
Llansadwrn  and  Llanwrda,  where  the  proclamation  was  read  out  in 
church  on  June  6th, — may  have  started  for  Carmarthen  on  Monday, 
June  7th. 


1 6  A    Welsh  Insurrection. 

Griffith,  to  be  arrested,  no  doubt  for  complicity  in  the  dis- 
turbance which  took  place  after  the  affair  of  June  6.  In 
his  letter  Lord  Ferrers  states  that  Thomas  ab  Of^en, — ^who 
is  only  described  as  Rhys's  kinsman,  and  not,  as  in  Lady 
Katherine's  letter,  "  the  king's  servant," — had  been  put  in 
ward  ''for  hurting  the  people  when  they  came  to  the 
castle  to  demand  remedy".  The  natural  inference  is  that 
Ab  Owen  endeavoured  in  some  way  to  effect  the  release 
of  Jankyn,  and  that  he  was  forthwith  sent  to  bear 
Jankyn  company  in  prison/ 

After  Rhys  had  burst  in  upon  the  Chief  Justice  in 
Carmarthen  Castle,  a  violent  scene  ensued.  Lord  Ferrers 
states,  both  in  his  letter  to  Wolsey  and  in  the  Bill  of 
Indictment,  that  Rhys  drew  his  dagger  *'and  therewith 
would  have  foyned  and  strycken  him  in  presenss  of  dyvers 
gentylmen".  In  the  letter  he  takes  the  credit  to  himself 
for  liaviug  disarmed  Rhys,  but  in  the  Indictment  the  deed 


^  The  two  references  help  us  to  identify  Thomas  ab  Owen  with 
some  approach  to  certainty.  Lord  Ferrers  calls  him  a  kinsman  to 
Rhys  ap  Griffith  ;  Lady  Katherine  describes  him  as  '' servant  to  the 
King".  A  Thomas  ab  Owen  was  in  lo24  appointed  Collector  of 
Haverfordwest  by  Sir  Rhys  ap  Thomas  {S.  P.,  vol.  iv,  pt.  i,  p,  428): 
in  the  same  year  we  find  tliat  Thomas  ap  Owen  (probably  the 
same  as  Thomas  Bowen,  bailiff  of  Carmarthen  in  1519),  was  Mayor 
t)f  Carmarthen.  The  Mayor  seems  to  have  been  a  dependent  of  the 
Justice  and  Chamberlain  of  South  Wales  (at  that  time  Sir  Rhys 
ap  Thomas),  and  it  seems  certain  that  the  man  who  filled  the 
important  ofhces  of  Collector  of  Haverfordwest  and  Mayor  of 
Carmarthen  in  the  same  year  was  a  kinsman  or  connection  of 
his  patron,  Sir  Rhys  ap  Thomas.  On  Septeml)er  10,  1525,  we 
find  that  Thomas  ab  Owen,  "sewer  of  the  chamlwr",  was  appointed 
by  the  Kin^  constable  of  the  castle  of  Builth  in  succession  to  Sir 
Rhys  ap  Thomas.  It  is  no  unreasonable  assumption  that  this  is 
the  Thomas  ap  Owen  who  was  thrown  into  prison  by  Lonl  Ferrers. 
The  animus  of  the  Chamberlain  is  evident,  for  it  is  hardly  possible 
that  such  a  man  was  the  notorious  evil-doer  Lord  Ferrers  would 
have  the   Couucal   believe. 


A    Welsh  Insurrection,  17 

is  ascribed  to  Lewis  Thomas  ap  John,  "  gentylinan,  the 
king's  sworn  servant",  who  is  said  to  have  been  sore  hurt 
and  wounded  in  the  right  hand  by  Rhys.  Lady  Katherine, 
on  the  other  hand,  in  her  letter  to  Wolsey,  says  that  it 
was  Lord  Ferrers  that  first  drew  his  dagger,  that  Rhys  in 
self-defence  did  likewise,  and  that  there  was  no  harm  done 
except  that  Rhys  was  hurt  in  his  arm.  This,  one  must 
confess,  is  the  more  likely  story,  for  Lord  Ferrers  was 
by  no  means  a  long-suffering  man,  nor  was  Rhys  a 
violent  and  quarrelsome  hot-head.  The  conclusion  of  the 
matter  was  that  Rhys  was  taken  into  custody  by  Lord 
Ferrers,  and  commanded,  on  a  penalty  of  £1,000,  to  remain 
in  the  castle.  Lord  Ferrers  sent  his  Chaplain  post-haste 
to  London  to  know  the  Cardinal's  will  in  the  matter,  and 
the  Cardinal,  urged  by  the  Lady  Katherine,  '^for  the  great 
love  between  Wolsey  and  her  father,  that  he  will  not  allow 
her  husband  and  herself  to  have  shame  and  rebuke",  lost 
no  time  in  directing  the  discharge  of  Rhys,  on  bail,  and 
his  appearance  before  the  Court  at  Westminster  to  answer 
Lord  Ferrers 's  allegations. 

Tn  the  meantime,  things  had  progressed  rapidly  in 
Carmarthen.  On  the  day  after  Rhys's  arrest,  Lord  Ferrers 
bears  witness  to  the  fact  that  "  his  friends  stir  up  the 
people  to  rebellion",  and  the  Lady  Katherine  states  that 
"  the  county  is  discontented  "  at  the  action  of  the  Chief 
Justice.    On  June  18  the  Chamberlain  writes  to  tell  Wolsey 

"of  the  ^reate  rebellion  and  insurrection  of  the  people  in 
thys  partyes  at  the  commandyment  of  Rice  GriflSith  and  my 
lady  Ilaward,  as  for  a  troth  ther  was  not  such  insurrecc*on 
in  Walys  at  any  time  a  man  can  remembre."     .     .     . 

Rhys  himself  could  not,  of  course,  have  directed  this 
third  disturbance,  for  he  was  in  the  Chief  Justice's  custody 
in  Carmarthen  Castle.  It  must,  therefore,  have  been  his 
wife,  if  anyone,  who  sent  the    "fiery  cross"  among  his 

c 


1 8  A    Welsh  Insurrection. 

tenants  and  friends,  and  it  is  to  this  episode,  no  doubt, 
that  Chapuys,  the  Finperial  ambassador,  alludes  in  his 
letter-  of  Oct.  15,  15:^0,  to  Chas.  V,'  when  he  says  that  the 
Lady  Katherine  had  "some  months  ago  besieged  the 
governor  of  Wales  (in  his  castle)  for  several  days,  and  had 
some  of  his  attendants  killed".  The  details  are  given  with 
some  minuteness  in  the  Bill  of  Indictment.  On  Wednes- 
day, June  1(),  the  Lady  Katherine,  we  are  told,  sent 
messengers  "by  night  and  day"  to  all  parts  of  the 
counties  of  Carmnrthen,  Cardigan,  and  Pembroke,  to  all 
other  lordships  from  Builth  to  St.  David's  "which  is  nere 
an  hundred  myles",  to  raise  the  country  to  the  rescue  of 
Ehys.  In  a  schedule  which  is  annexed  to  the  Bill  of 
Indictment  a  list  is  given  of  "the  Captaynes  and 
ry'gleders  of  all  the  people  so  reased  ",  and  who  are  said 
to  have  approached  the  town  and  castle  of  Carmarthen 
upon  every  quarter  by  night.  Three  of  them — Rice  Bede 
(one  of  the  Redes  of  Roche  Castle  ?),  Lewis  Powell  ap 
Phyllyp,  and  Owen  Morgan,  all  of  Isthethe  (Iscothi  ?)  in 
the  county  of  Carmarthen — are  mentioned  as  having 
entered  "  on  the  west  syde  of  the  towne  and  came  in  the 
raye  of  battell,"  with  seven-score  men,  as  far  as  the  dark 
gate,  and  sent  messages  to  the  Chief  Justice  demanding 
the  release  of  their  lord  and  master.  Six  score  of  the 
"captiiyns  and  ryngleders"  were  indicted,  with  Rhys  ap 
Griffith,  at  the  Carmarthen  Sessions  for  rebellion,  but  the 
record  of  the  trial  is  lost,  and  the  issue  is  unknown. 

It  is  clear,  however,  that  there  was  nothing  like  an 
organised  insurrection  on  the  part  of  Rhys  ap  Griffith  or 
his  tenants.  The  whole  story  reads  like  an  unpremedi- 
tat<?d  riot.  If  Rliys  had  meant  seriously  to  raise  an  insur- 
rection, he  could  probably  have  put,  not  seven-score,  but 

'  Cal.  ^Stftfe  I\ij)eriij  Spanish. 


A    Welsh  Insurrection,  19 

three  or  four  thousand  men  in  the  field.    But  the  men  who, 

in  unknown  numbers,  marched  upon  Carmarthen  by  night, 

and  the  seven-score  men  who  actually  entered  the  town  to 

effect  his  rescue,  were  in  all  probability  his  own  personal 

retinue,  who,  on  finding  ''shame  and  rebuke"  being  put 

upon  their  liege   lord,  burst   into   open   violence.     Their 

names  were  known  to  Lord  Ferrers,  which  would  hardly  be 

the  case  if  they  were  drawn  indiscriminately  from  all  parts 

of  the  three  counties.     We  know,  too,  that  they  entered 

Carmarthen  on  Thursday,  June  17,  two   days   after  the 

arrest  of  Rhys,  wlien  it  was  almost  impossible  for  them  to 

have  come,  except  in  a   straggling  and  haphazard   way, 

from  Emlyn  and  Uwchcothi  in  Carmarthen,  and  Narberth 

in  Pembrokeshire.      The  nucleus  of   the    "captayns  and 

ryngleders"    would  certainly  seem  to  be  Rhys's  personal 

retainers,  supplemented    perhaps  by  stray    "friends   and 

lovers"  who  happened  to  be  in  town  attending  the  Sessions, 

while  a  few  dependents  may  have   hurried  from  Rhys's 

possessions  upon  receiving  tidings  of  his  arrest  from  the 

Lady  Katherine.     The  attempt  at  rescue,  at  all  events,  was 

a  disastrous  failure.     No  lives  seem  to  have  been  lost,  and 

no  damage  is  alleged  to  have  been  done.     Lord  Ferrers, 

writing  on  the  next   day — Friday,  June  18 — to  Wolsey^ 

says  that  he  made  proclamations  in  the  King's  name,  and 

that  divers  of  the  King's  servants  and  true  subjects  came 

to  his  assistance. 

**  Then  the  Captayns  and  Ryngleders  with  all  other  their 
retynues  in  every  quarter  retornyd  home  into  their  coun- 
treys,  and  as  now  everythyng  is  quyette." 

The  names  of  the  Captains  and  Ringleaders  as  given 
in  the  schedule  to  the  Bill  of  Indictment,  are  as  follows : — 

"  Of  the  Countie  of  Kermerdyn :   Isthethe  (Iscothi  ?)  Rhys 


»  8,  P.,  vol.  iv,  pt.  iii,  6693. 

0  2 


20  A    Welsh  Insurrection, 

Rode — Lewis  ap  Ilowell  Phillip — Owen  Morgan,  gentyl- 
man. 

*'  Of  the  Couiitie  of  Pembroke : 

John  Og^an  [Wogan  ?]— Henry  Wyriott,  Esquires — ^Wm. 
ap  Owen,  lernyd  in  the  lawe — Willyam  David  William, 
geiityhnen— John  ap  Evan  ap  Gwilym,  in  the  lordship  of 
Narberth. 

"  Of  Emlyn  lordship : 

Sir  Hugh  Gwyn,  clerk — Gitto  ap  Evan  ap  U'en — Davyd 
ap  Rees,  yeoman. 

"  Kidwelly  ivS  lordship  : 

Davyd  Vachg'n — Roger  Vachg'n — Thomas  Vachg'n— 
Morgan  Vachg'n,  gentylmen. 

^*  Of  the  countie  of  Kermerdyn — Vuchcotho  : 

Evan  ap  TIenrye— John  Gr.  ap  Morgan — Wm.  John 
Dee  -  John  Lloyd — Wm.  ap  Evan  ap  Rothereche — 
Philip  William — John  ap  Gl'im  Thomas — John  Lle*n 
Dee  the  younger— Owen  Ryse— Wm.  ap  Rs  ap  Eynon, 

gentylmen. 

"  Hugh  ap  Jencken,  leder  of  the  Abbot  of  Talley's  tenants. 

*^  Wm.  Thomas  Goze,  leder  of  the  tenants  of  the  bysshop's 
lands  in  the  counties  of  Kermerdyn  and  Cardigan,  with 
many  others." 

After  this  armed  demonstration  of  Thursday,  June  17, 
no  fui-ther  attempt  was  made  to  rescue  Rhys  ap  Griffith. 
Some  time  later  he  was  released  on  bail  of  £1,000  by 
order  of  the  Kint^'s  Council,  and  he  probably  departed 
for  one  of  his  seats — Carewe  or  Emlyn,  Dynevor  or  Aber- 
marlais — to  prepare  for  the  coming  trial  in  the  autumn  in 
London .  But  the  temper  of  Rhys's  retainers  was  still  ugly, 
if  we  may  believe  the  story  told  in  the  Bill  of  Indictment. 
Sometime  after  the  release  of  Rhys,  two  of  his  household 
servants,  one  called  GrifHth  ap  Morgan,  "usser  of  his 
haule",  and  the  other  Griffith  ap  John,  "his  faulk'nor", 
about  nine  o'clock  in  the  evening  of  August  Cth 


A   Welsh  Insurrection.  21 

"  laye  in  wayte  in  the  toune  of  Kermerdyn  for  oon  Reynold 
ap  Morgan,  gentylman,  learned  in  the  lawe,  lieftenante  to 
the  said  lord  fferrers,  the  king^s  justice  there,  and  also  the 
kyng's  bailiff,^  and  officer  of  the  same  toune  for  the  yere 
where  the  same  Ile3mold  was,  in  Gk>d's  peace  and  the  Kyng's**, 
and  assaulted  him  "the  oon  with  a  greyve  and  the  other 
with  a  swerd  and  buckler,  geving  him  many  cruell  wounds  in 
dyyers  places  of  his  body,  and  so  hayneously  murderyd  hym 
ther." 

Lord  Ferrers  goes  on  to  say  that  after  the  murder,  the 
two  Griffiths  were  several  times,  "as  well  in  the  towne  of 
Tenbye  as  dy  vers  other  places  within  the  said  Rice  auctor- 
ities,  and  so  dayley  maynteyned  and  favoryd  by  hym  and 
his." 

In  the  Michaelmas  term — ^probably  in  the  month  of 
November  1629, — Bhys  ap  Griffith  was  placed  upon  his 
trial  before  the  Court  of  Star  Chamber.  Mr.  David  Jones, 
writing  in  1892,  had  to  confess  that  "what  actually  took 
place  is  to  me  unknown,  for  beyond  the  Bill  no  record  of 
these  proceedings  has  been  discovered.  It  is  probable 
that  he  was  heavily  fined  ".  Since  1892,  a  most  valuable 
and  interesting  MS.  has  been  discovered  by  Mr.  Gwenog- 
vryn  Evans  in  the  Mostyn  CoUection.  It  contains,  among 
other  material,  a  history  of  his  own  times  by  one  Ellis 
Griffith,  a  soldier  of  Calais.  He  describes  many  scenes  of 
which  he  had  been  an  eye-witness.  In  his  Introduction  to 
the  Mostyn  Cataloguej  Mr.  Evans  gives  us  a  tantalising 
taste  of  the  impressionist  sketch  of  Bhys  ap  Griffith's  trial, 


^  In  the  Cambrian  Begister,  vol.  iii,  the  name  of  Reynold  Morgan  is 
given  as  one  of  the  bailiffs  for  Carmarthen  in  1527,  but  lUijrs  ap 
Griffith  and  David  Rees  David  Thomas,  are  given  as  the  batliffs  for 
the  year  1529.  It  may  be,  however,  that  after  his  arrest  lUijrs  waa 
suspended  from  the  duties  of  his  office,  and  Reynold  Morgan  appoint- 
ed in  his  stead. 


2  2  A    We/sh  Insurrection. 

at  the  Court  of  King's  Bench  at  Westminster,  which  the 
soldier  wrote/ 

^SViid  it  chanced  that  I  was  present  on  that  day,  with 
many  others  from  all  parts  of  the  kingdom,  when  and  where 
1  heard  the  ugliest  accusations  and  charges  that  two  gentle- 
men could  bring  each  against  the  other, — charges  and  accu- 
sations which  thousands  of  poor  men  would  not  for  any 
amount  of  wealth  have  had  brought  against  them  by  word  of 

mouth,  much  less  in  writing And  notwithstanding 

the  numerous  threats  of  the  Cardinal  against  them,  I  never 
once  heard  a  word  from  him  in  defence  of  the  poor,  whom 
both  had  grievously  wronged,  according  to  the  written  state- 
ment of  each  about  the  other. '*^ 

The  procedure  is  not  very  clear  from  the  condensed 
account  given  of  Ellis  Griffith's  narrative  in  the  Intro- 
duction to  the  Mostyn  Catalogue.  "Both  parties  were  sum- 
moned before  the  Court," — what  Court  we  are  not  told, 
but  it  must  have  been  the  Court  of  King's  Bench  in 
Westminster — 

"  wlujre  each  of  thom  made  the  most  serious  complaints  and 
allegations  against  the  other  that  was  possible,  not  only 
aV)out  the  aflfray  (ffrae)  that  had  been  between  them,  but  in 
respect  of  the  oppression  of  the  people  and  the  bribery  of 
which  each  said  the  other  was  guilty.  And  when  the  Court 
had  listened  to  their  mutual  accusations  for  some  time,  the 
Cardinal  summoned  the  case  before  him  into  the  Star  Cham- 
ber," 

where  it  was  not  till  "after  a  long  process  of  time"  that 
the  Cardinal  "bade  them  tuke  up  their  written  evidence" 
{i  hysgriven  o  gyhuddiaiit),     "Both  parties  were  next  cen- 

'  Intro.,  pp.  ix,  x. 

-  Ellis  Grittith  felt  no  love  for  Rhys.  [le  records  that  his  death  was 
generally  looked  upon  as  the  visitation  of  God,  for  the  many  deeda  of 
injustice  and  spoliation  done  by  his  father,  grandfather,  and  great 
gi*andfathor,  a  statement  which  is  hard  to  reconcile  with  the  known 
facts  of  young  Khys's  career  and  his  great  popularity  in  Soutli  Wales. 


A    Welsh  Insurrection,  23 

sured  severely  for  their  misdoings,"  says  Mr.  Evans  in  his 
summary  of  Ellis  Griffith's  account,  "and  Lord  Ferrers 
in  particular  for  his  bad  temper  and  want  of  sense  in 
quarreling  with  one  young  enough  to  be  his  son,  and 
whose  youth  was  his  excuse.  They  were  finally  dis- 
missed, with  the  command  that  they  were  to  make  peace 
between  their  respective  followers,  ^  and  to  depart  thence 
by  land  and  water,  arm  in  arm,  to  the  palace  and  the 
Fleet'." 

So  ends  the  first  act  in  Ehys  ap  Griffith's  tragic  story. 
He  must  have  been  released  not  later  than  the  month  of 
November  1529,  for  in  that  month  the  great  Cardinal  fell, 
never  to  rise  again.  It  is  not  improbable  that  this  was  his 
last  big  affair  of  State.  It  may  be  that  he  was  moved  to 
do  an  act  of  kindness  to  young  Rhys  out  of  tenderness  to 
the  memory  of  his  old  acquaintance.  Sir  Rhys  ap  Thomas  ; 
or  it  may  be  that  he  took  that  opportunity  of  showing  his 
"great  love"  to  the  Duke  of  Norfolk,  Rhys's  brother-in- 
law,  who  was  even  then  desperately  intent  on  his  rival's 
downfall,  and  who  was  intriguing  to  supplant  the  "old 
Queen,"  Catherine  of  Arragon,  by  his  young  and  beautiful 
niece,  A.nne  Boleyn.  Whatever  might  have  been  the 
Cardinal's  motive, — whether  pity  for  an  attractive  youth, 
or  tenderness  for  his  grandsire's  memory,  or  whether  it 
was  a  gambler's  last  throw  in  the  game  for  power, — it  is 
certain  that  the  Cardinal's  intervention  saved  Rhys  ap 
Griffith  for  a  time  from  the  fate  which  was  impending  over 
him.  As  long  as  Wolsey  lived,  Rhys  was  suffered  to  re- 
main— ^probably  in  London — unmolested.  The  last  eccle- 
siastical statesman  of  England  did  not  long  survive 
his  fall  from  power.  He  was  disgraced  before  the 
end  of  1529 ;  the  summer  of  the  following  year  had 
not  closed  before  the  great  Cardinal  was  sleeping  his 
last  long  sleep. 


24  A    Welsh  Insurrection. 


II.     The  Death  of  Ehys  ap  Griffith . 

What  happened  from  the  release  of  Rhys  ap  Griffith  at 
tlie  end  of  1529  to  the  beginning  of  October  1530,  where 
Rhys  spent  the  interval,  and  what  were  his  pursuits,  are 
questions  which  cannot  now  be  answered.  He  seems  to 
have  possessed  a  house  in  Islington,  then  a  fashionable 
suburb  of  London,  and,  judging  from  the  absence  of  any 
warrant  for  his  arrest,  such  as  was  sent  to  Lord  Ferrers 
for  the  arrest  of  his  kinsman,  James  ap  Griffith,  we  may 
conclude  that  in  October  he  was  in  residence  there. 

On  October  7,  1580,  the  King  sent  the  following  war- 
rant to  Lord  Ferrers  for  the  arrest  of  one  James  ap  Griffith 
ap  Howell/ 

"Henry  tho  Eight  by  tho  grace  of  Grod  king  to  our 
right  trystyo  and  right  well  beloved  counsellor,  Walter  Lord 
Fferrers  our  justice  in  South  Wales  grotyiig.  Fforasmuche 
as  it  ys  come  to  our  privyto  knowledge  and  undcrstandyng, 
that  Jauies  ap  GrifFyth  ap  Tlowell  hath  not  only  dysobeyed 
sundry  our  lettrea  and  comniandymonts,  but  also  fortefyod 
himself  in  South  Wales  within  the  Castell  of  Emlyn  as  our 
rebel  1  and  dysobeysaunte  subjecte,  Wo  therefore  havyng 
specyall  truste  and  confidence  in  your  approved  fidelite 
wyadome  and  circumspection  woU  and  comaunde  you  and 
by  thes  presentys  yeve  unto  you  full  power  and  auctorite  to 
levye  assemble  and  gadre  suche  and  as  many  our  subjectys 
inhabitaunts  as  wtdl  within  South  Wales  as  in  North  Wales 
as  yi>  shall  thynke  mete  and  convenyent  for  the  apprehensyon 
and  takyng  of  the  said  James  ap  Griftyth  ap  Howell  his  ^mr- 
takers  and  adherents  being  wnthin  the  said  castell  as  our 
re]>ells  and  ilysobeysainit  subiectya,  And  in  case  any  of  the 
said  re])ellea  within  the  said  castell  do  defende  theym  selfys 
ayenste  you  with  force  and  strength  then  those  that  ye  shaU 
fynde  so  defendyng  th(^ym  selfys  in  that  behalf  to  put  to  duo 


6'.  i\,  vol.  iv,  <)7Ui),  Privy  Seal,  Oct.  22,  H.  VIU. 


A   Welsh  Insurrection.  25 

executyon  accordyng  to  the  ordre  of  our  lawes.  Wherefore 
we  woll  and  commaunde  you  with  diligence  to  execute  this 
our  pleasure  and  commaundement,  And  moreover  we  woll 
and  commando  all  and  singler  mayors  shirreffs  bayliffes 
constables  and  all  other  our  officers  and  faithfull  subiectys 
by  these  presents  to  be  aidyng  helpyng  counselling  and 
assisting  you  in  the  executyon  herof,  As  they  will  answer 
unto  us  at  theyr  uttmoste  perils,    In  witness  whereof,**  &c. 

This  is  the  first  mention  we  have  of  James  ap  Griffith 
ap  Howell^  a  man  who  was  to  exercise  a  baleful  influence 
over  Rhys's  future  career,  and  who  was  destined  to  endure  a 
long  exile  on  the  Continent,  and  to  lead  a  life  alternating 
from  the  depths  of  penury  to  the  heights  of  splendid  ro- 
mance. He  is  described  in  the  pardon,  which  was  made 
out  to  him  two  years  later,  as  of  "Castell  Maelgwn  in  the 
county  of  Pembroke,  alias  of  Spyttye  (Tsbytty)  in  the  lord- 
ship of  St.  John  in  the  county  of  Cardigan,  alias  of  Emlyn 
in  the  county  of  Carmarthen,  alias  of  Llanddewibrefi  in  the 
lordship  of  the  Bishop  of  St.  David's,  and  alias  of  Bustely 
and  Cavillog  (Arwystli  and  Cyveiliog)  in  Powys".  Lord 
Dacre,  writing  to  Henry  VIII  on  July  2,  1533,  says  that 
James  "calls  himself  uncle  to  Ryse  of  Wales",  and  Sir 
Thomas  Wharton,  writing  to  Cromwell  on  July  Unsays 
that  James  "is  said  to  be  the  uncle  of  Rys  ap  Griffith,  some 
say  his  sister's  son".  On  July  20,  Lord  Dacre  calls  him 
"son  to  Sir  Rice  ap  Thomas";  and  a  good  deal  of  uncertainty 
existed  at  that  time  and  since  as  to  the  identity  of  James 
ap  Griffith  and  his  relationship  to  Rhys  ap  Griffith.  Mr. 
David  Jones  was  unable  to  "  fix  his  place  in  Welsh  genea- 
logy", and  in  the  Index  to  the  State  Papers,  and  in 
Fronde's  History ,  he  is  confounded  with  a  certain  Robert 
Branseteur,  an  Englishman  in  the  Emperor's  service.  His 
pedigree  is,  however,  given  in  The  Booh  of  Oolden  Qrove, 
and  is  referred  to  also  in  Lewis  Dwnn's  HeraMie  VisikMon. 
On  the  father's  side  he  was    lineally    desc^ided   from 


26  A    Welsh  Insurrection. 

Elystan  Glodrydd,  and  on  the  mother's  side  he  was  a 
"Welsh  uncle"  of  Ehys  ap  Griffith.^  His  mother  was 
Sage,  the  daughter  of  Thomas  ap  Griffith  ap  Nicolas,  and 
the  sister  of  Sir  Rhys  ap  Thomas.  His  father  predeceased 
Sage,  who  married,  for  her  second  husband,  Gwilym  Gt)ch 
Thomas  Vychau.'*  James's  family,  therefore,  was  one  of 
some  position  and  importance  in  South  Wales,  and  he 
himself  seems  to  have  been  a  man  of  substance,  for  we 
find  Cromwell  fixing  his  ransom  in  1531  at  £626  13«.  4d., 
a  very  large  sum  in  those  days.'  Rhys's  great-grandson, 
Henry  Rice,  calls  James  ap  Griffith  "a  man  of  mean  estate, 
having  his  chiefest  stay  of  living  from  the  said  Rice,  and 

•  Tho  following  j^encalo^y  may  bo  of  use,  takon  from  The  Book  qf 
Golden  Grore,  B.  iH)l  ;  and  Lewis  Dwnn: 

Grono  (ioch  of  Llangathen  (living  at  Lanlas,  Llangathcn). 

I 
Gritfith,  lord  of  Llangathcn,  Carmarthen. 

David  ,=Joan,  f.  Morgan  Winter,  Carmarthen. 

Thomas. 


!  I  I 

Ihomas  Vachaii  Rhys,  Abcrgwili  David.    Gwernant,    Troed- 

{v.  Dwnn,  p.  140).  U'.Dwnn,  p.  26).  yraur,  Cardigan. 

GrinUh,  ot  Cryng.nc        (2)  f.  .Sir  Thos.  Per--Ho\vi-ll,    of    Ccfn-=-(i)  Anne,  f.  Dd.  Poll 
in  Kinlyn^OwtMi-  rutt,  Kt.  cued,  IJanegwad,        GrifBth     Va'n   of 


llian.  f.  (irfiith  ap 
Nicolas. 


Cana.  Trcwem. 


(2) 
(;ri 


Sajjc,  fcich  Thomas  ap^GrilTith-  (1)  Sibil,   f.  Rowland  Wig- 
iritlith  ap  Nicolas.  more,    f.    Dd.    Ll'en    ap 

/  *  •  1 1    — 


G'llm. 


(i  I  Mawd,  f.  Morgan  lievan—Jamcs^(2'  Klizabcth    or    Klcn,    f. 
LPcn  Ci'llm   Lloyd.  [  I         Owen  ap  Kvan  Va'n. 


I  I  I 

Jcnkin,    als.    JdIih-,  Marv,   t.  Jiio    Tho-        5agc-=«^I*hilip  ap         Klizabeth,  f.  Castell 
Puwcl),    of    Ten-        ina-<  ap  Harry  of  Henry,  als.         Maclgwn^John 

rallt,  Ksq.  |     Crvngac  :    he"  m.  Vaughan.  Rees  Va'n. 

I  Klcn,  f.  Les  Dd. 
Mcrd.  It'.  Dwnn, 
p.  62). 


I  I  I 

lary -Matthias  llDwcn        Klizal;cth=^John     Lc's,     par-    John  Powell ~f.  Parry, 
of  Ncvcrn.  .son,    Llanpump-  C'then. 


-  GoMen  Grove  liiHtk^  A.  130. 
^S'.  i'.,  Hon.  Vlll,  vol.  V,  ()37. 


A    Welsh  Insurrection.  27 

being  on  a  tynie  verie  familiar  together"/  It  is  probable 
that  some  of  James's  possessions,  mentioned  in  his  pardon, 
were  not  his  own  in  absolute  ownership.  Emlyn  was 
almost  certainly  the  property  of  Rhys  ap  Griffith,  and  is 
mentioned  as  such  in  the  computus  of  Wm.  Brabazon  after 
Rhys's  death. ^  Nor  is  it  likely  that  his  interest  in  Ysbytty 
and  Llanddewibrefi  was  very  valuable.  His  connection 
with  Arwystli  and  Cyveiliog — the  westernmost  portions  of 
modern  Montgomeryshire — is  still  more  obscure.  But 
whatever  it  was,  it  must  have  brought  him  into  personal 
contact  with  the  inhabitants  of  those  districts :  for  as  late 
as  September  1535,  when  James  had  long  been  a  fugitive 
on  the  Continent,  we  find  that  a  certain  David  Lloyd  ap 
Owen,   dwelling   in   Maigham   Cloyth    (Machynlleth)    in 

m 

Cyveiliog,  sent  a  letter  to  one  Robert  ap  Reynolds,  a  spear 
at  Calais,  asking  news  of  James  Griffith  ap  Howell,  and 
"to  send  word  to  Bosums  Inn".^  The  lordship  of  Castell 
Maelgwn,  in  Pembrokeshire,  would  however  seem  almost 
certainly  to  have  been  his.  In  the  Indictment  against 
Rhys  [vide  infra)  ^  James  is  described  simply  as  of  "  Castell 
Maelgom,"  and  his  daughter  Elizabeth  is  said,  in  the 
pedigrees,  to  have  been  '^ferch  Castell  Maelgwn".  His 
son,  John  or  Jenkin,  is  described  in  the  Booh  of  Oolden 
Grove    as    being    "of    Penrallt",   a    small    country   seat 

'    Cambr.  Reg.^  vol.  ii. 

^  *S'.  P.,  vol.  V,  448.  It  is  treated  by  James  himself,  while  in  the 
Tower,  as  the  property  of  Rhys.     See  the  Indictment  infra. 

3  *S'.  P.,  vol.  ix,  319.  Dd.  Lloyd  is  described  by  Robert  ap  Reynolds, 
who  was  probably  a  native  of  Cyveiliog,  as  "one  of  the  richest  men  in 
Wales".  On  September  21,  1635,  Cromwell  ordered  Bishop  Lee,  of 
Lichfield,  the  President  of  the  Council  of  the  Marches,  to  apprehend 
David  Lloyd  ap  Owen.  A  month  later  Lee  sends  him  to  Cromwell 
{S.  P.,  vol.  ix,  706).  His  further  fate  is  unknown,  unless  he  be  the 
man  mentioned  by  Lee  in  his  letter  to  Cromwell  on  January  19,  1536 
(6'.  P.,  vol.  X,  130).  "We  have  received  the  two  outlaws,  David  Lloide, 
or  Place,  and  John  ab  Richard  Ilockulton We  have  sent  the 


28  A    We/sh  Insurrection, 

between  Cardigan  and  New  Quay  :  but  this  probably  came 
to  him  through  liis  wife,  the  daughter  of  John  Thomas  ap 
Harry,  of  Cryngae,  for  James  was  attainted  in  1639,  and 
his  son  Jenkin  was  witliout  lands  in  154fO.  But  though 
James  must  have  been  a  man  of  some  consequence,  and  of 
more  ambition,  he  is  never  mentioned  as  having  filled  any 
office  under  Sir  Ehys  ap  Thomas  or  the  King.  This  could 
hardly  have  been  due  to  youthfulness.  His  mother,  Sage, 
was  the  daughter  of  Thomas  ap  Griffith  ap  Nicolas,  and 
must  have  been  born  before  1470.  Griffith  ap  Howell  was 
her  iirst  husband,  and  a  conjecture  that  his  son  James  was 
born  about  1490  would  probably  not  be  wide  of  the  mark. 
James,  therefore,  would  be  nearly  forty  years  of  age  at  the 
time  of  the  '^affray"  in  Carmarthen  between  Lord  Ferrers 
and  Rhys  ap  Griffith.  He  took  no  pai-t  in  the  disturbance, 
and  he  does  not  seem  to  have  been  with  his  nephew  in  the 
town.  He  was  implicated  in  none  of  the  subsequent  riots. 
The  little  we  know  of  the  earlier  portion  of  his  life  is  de- 
rived from  the  confession  of  his  servant,  David  Williams.* 
His  friends  wore  "Thomas  ap  Rother,  of  the  Krengarth" 
(Thomas  ap  Rhydderch  of  Cryngae  in  Emlyn,  whose  grand- 
daughter James's  son  Jiiukin  afterwards  married),  David 
Vauglian,  and  David  Meredith  of  Kidwelly,  Rhydderch  ap 
David  ap  Jenkyn  in  South  Carmarthenshire,  and  Walter 

two  ....  to  trial.     To-nnnTow  thuy  shall  have  justice  done  to  them. 

God  pardon  tlioir  s<.)ul.s '*.     Thoro  aro  frequent  refer- 

muH'S  to  KoluMt  ap  Ki*ynoMs,  the  "spoar,"  in  the  State  Papers.  In 
J)econiber  Jo.*^0,  8ir  Ih'ury  Knowet  writes  frc>ni  Windsor  to  Lord 
Lisle,  tluj  Governor  of  Calais,  to  say  that  *'  Rob.  Reynoldos,  spear  of 
Cahiis,  desires  to  set  up  a  brewhouse  within  the  Marches,  which  he 
oainiot  do  without  the  Kinjj:*s  licenee.  lie  ia  a  very  honest  man,  and 
I  hvit  yim  will  write  me  h'tiiM's  (h'sirinjjj  me  ti>  labour  to  the  King  in 
his  behalf.  This  looks  as  if  this  was  his  reward  for  his  treachery  to 
J)avid  Lloyd  ap  Owen  in  yieldin*,'  up  his  hotter  in  the  previous 
ISei)tend)er. 

'  .S.  P.,  Hen.  VIII,  vol.  vi,  loJM. 


A    Welsh  Insurrection,  29 

ap  John,  who  cannot  be  further  identified.  He  would, 
therefore,  seem  to  have  spent  most  of  his  life  in  Carmar- 
thensliire  and  the  Emlyn  district,  and  there  is  no  hint  that 
his  life  was  in  any  way  different  from  that  led  by  other 
country  gentlemen  of  the  same  class  and  position.  No 
reason  is  assigned  in  the  warrant  for  his  action  in  fortifying 
himself  in  the  Castle  of  Emlyn,  in  October  1530.  In 
what  respect  he  had  "disobeyed  sundry  letters  and  com- 
mandyments"  of  the  King,  or  what  the  letters  referred  to, 
we  are  not  told.  Henry  Rice,  indeed,  suggests  a  ground 
for  his  arrest  which  seems  incredible.  "James  ap  Griffith", 
he  says,  "was  apprehended  by  the  said  Rice  (ap  Griffith) 
for  counterfeating  the  Great  Seal,  and  by  him  sent  up  to 
the  lords  of  the  Council,  and  so  committed  to  the  Tower." 
Whatever  element  of  truth  this  statement  may  contain,  it 
conveys  no  real  explanation  of  James's  arrest  in  October 
1530.  The  warrant  was  issued  by  the  King  and  directed 
to  Lord  Ferrers.  Rhys  ap  Griffith  is  not  mentioned  any- 
where as  having  taken  any  part  in  his  apprehension.  He 
appears  to  have  been  in  London  at  the  time,  and  within  a 
few  days  of  the  issue  of  the  warrant,  and  before  James 
had  been  brought  a  prisoner  to  London,  Rhys  was  himself 
lodged  in  the  Tower  on  some  unknown  charge.  All  the 
circumstances  attending  this  incident  are  obscure.  The 
whole  of  our  knowledge  is  obtained  from  a  letter  which  the 
watchful  Chapuys  sent  to  Charles  V,  on  October  15,  1530.* 

"  The  King  has  sent  to  the  Tower  a  Welsh  gentleman 
named  Ris,  who  married  one  of  the  Duke  of  Norfolk's  sisters, 
])ecause  (as  report  goes)  not  satisfied  with  his  wife  having 
some  months  ago  besieged  the  governor  of  Wales  (in  his 
Castle)  for  several  days,  and  had  some  of  his  attendants 
killed,  he  himself  has  threatened  to  finish  what  his  wife  had 
begun." 

'  Cal.  State  Papers^  Spanish. 


30  A    Welsh  Insurrection. 

It  almost  looks  as  if  Bhys  had  not  taken  to  heart  the 
warning  he  had  received  the  preceding  year,  but  that  he 
nursed  his  wrath  and  cherished  schemes  of  revenge  against 
Lord  Ferrers.  In  James  ap  Griffith  he  would  find  a  willing 
tool  for  daring  and  desperate  plans,  and  nothing  is  more 
likely  than  that  the  arrest  of  uncle  and  nephew,  which 
took  place  almost  simultaneously,  was  due  to  the  same 
cause. 

It  is  not  known  when  and  how  James  ap  Griffith  was 
apprehended.  That  his  arrest  was  effected  without  diffi- 
culty, if  not  without  opposition,  may  be  gathered  from  the 
silence  of  the  State  Papers  on  tlie  point.  Many  years  later, 
in  1548,  James  Leche  of  South  Wales — no  doubt,  the  James 
Leche  already  mentioned  as  Mayor  of  Carmarthen  in  1527, 
and  Lord  Ferrers's  messenger  in  1529 — ^petitioned  the  Privy 
Council  of  Edward  VI  for  the  continuance  of  an  annuity 
of  20  marks,  which  had  been  granted  him  in  September, 
1535,^  '^n  respect  of  his  old  service  in  the  apprehension  of 
James  Griffith  Apowell,  traitour  and  outlawe".'  It  would 
seem,  tlierefore,  that  Lord  Ferrers  sent  Leche  to  Emlyn  to 
apprehend  James  ap  Griffith.  In  one  place — in  the  con- 
fession of  Ellington,  which  will  be  dealt  with  more  fully 
later  on — there  may  be  a  hint  that  James  defended  him- 
self. In  1533  James,  we  know,  was  sending  Ellington  to 
London  to  make  certain  payments  on  his  behalf  "con- 
sarnynge  the  hurtynge  of  Wylliam  Vaghan  of  Kylgarron".' 
William  Vaughan  of  Cilgerran  Castle  was  a  considerable 
personage  in  his  own  district,  which  bordered  on  the  lord- 


•  S.  n.  Pat.,  p.  2,  m.  o. 

-  Acts  of  tho  Privy  Couticil,  od.  J.  R.  Dacent,  vol.  ii,  p.  224.  The 
reason  for  tho  request,  ''forasiuych  as  tho  pooro  ^ontleman,  being  now 
a^ed  and  lackin-i:  living",  presumably  woij,'hod  with  the  Council,  and 
the  annuity  was  confirmed. 

•''  IS.  P.,  lien.  VIII,  vol.  vi,  1548. 


A    Welsh  Insurrection,  31 

ship  of  Emlyn.     In  1535,  for  instance,  he  and  Thomas  ap 

Ehjdderch  of  Cryn^^ae  and  four  others   were   appointed 

"Commissioners  to  inquire  into  tlie  tenths  of  spiritualities 

in  St.  David's".^     It  is  not  improbable  that,  as  he  was 

close  to  Emlyn,  James  Leche  should  have  called  upon  him 

to  assist  in  the  apprehension  of  James  ap  Griffith,  and  that 

he  was  wounded  in  the  attempt.     There  is,  at  least,  no 

record  of  any  other  proceeding  in  which  James  ap  Griffith 

could  have  done  any  "hurt"  to  William  Vaughan.     Be 

that  as  it  may,  James  was  taken  to  the  Tower  of  London, 

where  he  found  his  nephew,   Rhys   ap   Griffith,   already 

lodged.     There  they  lay  for  many  months  without,  so  far 

as  is  known,  being  put  upon  their  trial  or  being  acquainted 

with  the  charges  made  against  them.      By  June    1531, 

however,   long    confinement  and    anxiety   began    to   tell 

upon   Rhys,  and   he  was   let   out  on   bail,   according  to 

Chapuys,  on  account  of  ill-health.'*      Until  the  following 

September  21,  Rhys  remained  at  liberty.     On  that  day, 

however,  we  are  told  by  Chapuys  that  he  was  sent  back  to 

bear  his  uncle  company.     On  September  26,  1531,  Chapuys 

writes  :^ 

*^  Five  days  ago  the  seigneur  de  Ris,  brother-in-law  of  the 
Duke  of  Norfolk,  was  re-arreated  and  lodged  at  the  Tower. 
He  was  let  out  on  bail,  ou  the  plea  of  bad  health,  but  has 
again  been  constituted  a  prisoner.     He  is  accused  of  having 


'  .S'.  P.,  Hen.  VIII,  vol.  viii,  149  (71). 

2  Cal.  S.  Pap.j  Spanish,  796.  The  date  of  Rhys's  release  on  bail  is 
fixed  by  an  entry  in  the  State  Papers  (vol.  xii,  pt.  ii,  181 :  v.  also  Cott, 
Titus  B.  i,  fo.  155,  in  the  Brit.  Mus.),  "Rhys  ap  Griffith,  for  his  bed 
and  board  (at  the  Tower)  for  eleven  months  at  10«.,  and  his  servant 
at  40^."  Rhys  was,  therefore,  eleven  months  altogether  in  the  Tower. 
We  know  he  was  first  lodged  there  in  October  1530,  that  he  was  sent 
back  on  September  21,  1531,  and  beheaded,  December  4,  1631.  He 
was  therefore  let  out  on  bail  early  in  June  1631. 

'  Cal.  S.  P.,  Span.,  796. 


32  A    Welsh  Insurrection. 

tried  to  procure  means  of  escaping  [from  England],  and 
goinfi;  either  to  your  Majesty's  Court  or  into  Scotland, 
whore,  owinpj  to  the  credit  and  favour  he  enjoys  in  Wales,  he 
hoped  to  be  able  to  undertake  something  against  the  King.** 

Chapuys'  information  was  accurate,  so  far  as  it  went. 
The  full  story  of  Ehys's  crimes  and  misdemeanours 
was  told  before  the  Court  of  King's  Bench  at  Westminster 
in  the  following  November, — "  in  the  Monday  next  after 
the  xvth  of  seynt  Martin  last  past"  is  the  date  given  in 
the  Indictment  and  the  Act  of  Attainder  passed  in  1532. 
Two  others,  servants  or  df^pendents  of  his  own,  were  placed 
in  the  dock  beside  him.  The  one  was  his  clerk,  Edward 
Lloyd  or  Floyd,  of  Carew,  who  turned  King's  evidence ; 
the  other  was  William  Hughes,  gentleman,  also  of  Carew, 
who  sturdily  protested  his  and  his  master's  innocence  to 
the  last.  Young  Khys  and  his  faithful  servant,  William 
Hughes,  \ver(»  found  guilty  by  the  jury,  and  condemned  to 
death  by  the  Court.  On  Monday,  Dec.  4,  1631,  the  last 
penalty  of  the  law  was  inflicted.  '^The  execution  took 
place  this  morning",  writes  Chapuys  on  December  4,* 
"  and  the  said  JRis  was  beheaded  in  the  same  spot  where 
the  Duke  of  Buckingham  suffered  a  similar  fate",  i.c,  on 
Tower  Hill.  A  less  honourable  and  more  barbarous 
punishment  befel  poor  William  Hughes.  He  was  "drawne 
from  the  Tower  of  London  to  Tiburne,  where  he  was 
hanged,  his  bowells  burnt,  and  his  bodie  quartered".* 
In  the  following  Sessions  of  Pjirliament  both  master  and 
man  were  dulv  attainted.^ 

Henry  Rice  has  ^iven  a  summary  of  the  counts  in  tlie 
Indictment  which   was   preferred   against  Rhys   and  his 

^  Cnl.  State  Papers,  Spanish,  8i>3. 

2  Wriothesleya  C/ironictes,  Camden  Serios,  p.  17;  ?».  also  Holling* 
shed,  who  gives  liis  names  as  **John  llewes". 

^  Ro/h  of  Parliamcut,  •2:\  Hon.  VI 1 1.  State  Papers,  153-720.  No.  14, 
given  in  full  in  the  Arch.  Cambr.,  5th  ser.,  vol.  ix. 


A    Welsh  insurrection.  33 

two  servants.^    Henry  Rice,  however,  in  his  anxiety  to  clear 

his  ancestor  of  the  charge  of  treason,  does  scant  justice  to 

the  evidence  with  which  the  charge  was  supported.     The 

Indictment  itself,  which  has  never  before  been  published 

in  its  entirety,  is  worth  careful  and  close  scrutiny. 

"Adhuc  de  termino  Sancti  Michaelis  Rex. 
M'sex  Alias  scilicet  die  mercurie  proximo  post  Octavum  sancti 
Martini  isto  eodem  termino  coram  domino  rege  apud  West- 
monasterium  per  sacramentum  xii  juratorum  extitit  praesen- 
tatus  Quod  Ricardus  ap  Grifiith  nuper  de  London  armiger 
alias  dominus  Rice  ap  Gruffith  nuper  de  Karewe  in  Wallia 
armiger  Edwardus  Ffloid  nuper  de  London  yoman  alias 
dominus  Edwardus  Lloid  nuper  de  Karewe  in  Wallia  yoman 
et  Willielmus  Hughes  nuper  de  London  gentilman  alias 
dominus  Willielmus  Hughes  nuper  de  Karewe  in  Wallia 
gentilman  deum  pro  oculis  non  herentes  set  instigatione 
diabolica  seducti  ex  eorum  malicia  proditorita  praecogitata 
vicesimo  octavo  die  Augusti  anno  regni  supremi  domini 
nostri  regis  nunc  Henrici  octavi  vicesimo  tertio  apud 
Iseldonem  in  praedicto  comitatu  Middlesex  false  proditorie 
et  contra  eorum  legeancie  debitum  se  invicem  vinculo 
juramenti  admunierunt  et  confederaverunt  depositionem 
quoque  ac  mortem  serenissimi  et  excellentissimi  principis 
domini  nostri  regis  supradicti  adtunc  et  ibidem  false  et 
proditorie  machinaverunt  imaginaverunt  et  compassaverunt 
et  ad  illud  eorum  abolendissimum  et  nephandissimum  pro- 
positum  practicandum  perimplendum  et  perficiendum  post 
longa  eorum  inde  tractatus  et  colloquia  inter  se  adtunc  et 
ibidem  habita  inter  que  adtunc  et  ibidem  recolebant  et  inter 
se  colloquentes  sepius  repetendo  et  dicebant  quod  hec 
antiqua  subsequens  prophecia  existit  in  Wallia  videlicet 
that  king  Jamys  with  the  red  hand^  and  the  ravens  should 

^  Cambrian  Register y  vol.  ii,  p.  270. 

'^  The  prevalence  of  the  prophecy  at  this  time  that  the  King  of 
Scotland,  together  with  the  Red  Hand  (Llawgoch)  and  the  Ravens 
would  conquer  all  England  is  interesting.  It  shows  that  in  Rhys's 
country — which  was,  roughly  speaking,  Carmarthenshire — the  tra- 
dition about  Owen  Lawgoch  was  even  then  current,  and  it  is  not 
unimportant  that  the  tradition  should  still  be  found  in  South,  not  in 
North  Wales.  The  Ravens,  of  course,  were  the  ravens  of  Owen  ap 
Urien  Rheged,  which  formed  the  coat  of  arms  of  the  Dynevor  family. 

D 


34  A    Welsh  Insurrection. 

conquere  a]l  England  super  quo  adtunc  et  ibidem  finaliter 
false  ct  proditorie  concluserunt  aggreaverunt  et  determin- 
averunt  quod  ipsi  iidom  Ricardus  Edwardus  et  Willielmos 
infra  hrevo  tompus  extunc  ffuturum  videlicet  quamcito  idem 
Ricai'dus  per  modum  venditionis  alicujus  maneriorum  terra- 
rum  aut  tonemontorum  suorum  seu  impignorationis  alicujua 
eorundein  aut  per  mutuum  chevecenciam  vel  aliter  com- 
petentem  pecunie  summam  obtinere  seu  acquirere  poterat  in 
Scotiiini  ad  Jacobum  regom  Scotorum  occulte  videlicet  per 
et  idtra  insulani  Mannie  et  deinde  per  et  ultra  terram 
Ilibernio  vocatam  Wilde  Irish  et  abinde  in  Scotiam  pre- 
dictam  false  ot  proditorie  iter  arriperent  dicti  quare  regis 
Scotorum  vim  et  potentiam  armatam  et  auxilium  in  prtemisais 
implorarent  peterent  et  obtinerent  hac  proditoria  intentione 
videlicet  quod  ipsi  in  hoc  regnum  Anglie  unacum  praefato 
Jacobo  Scotorum  rego  et  maguo  virorum  bellicorum  exercitu 
videlicet  tam  Scotorum  quam  ceterorum  si  qui  fuerint 
Anglorum  proditorum  false  et  proditorie  reverterent  necnon 
bellum  publicum  versus  ct  superdictum  supremum  dominum 
nostrum  regem  proditorie  erigerent  et  levarent.  Eorum 
bello  eundem  domiiuim  nostrum  regem  et  regia  sua  dignitate 
false  et  proditorie  deponerent  et  interficerent  atque  etiam 
secundum  propheciam  suprascriptam  praefatum  Scotorum 
regom  in  regem  hujus  regni  Anglie  et  praefatum  Ricardum 
ap  Gruflith  in  principom  Wallioe  proditorie  perficereut 
facerent  et  crearent  eo  hiis  omnibus  suprascriptis  per  et 
inter  pracfatos  Ricardum  Edwardum  et  Willielmum  false  et 
proditorie  conclusis  et  determinatis  idem  Ricardus  postea 
videlicet  primo  die  Septembris  anno  vicesimo  tertio  supn^ 
dicto  proditorie  misit  praefatum  Edwardum  ffloyd  ab 
Iseldone  pracdicta  usque  ad  et  in  turrom  Londinii  proditorie 
percipiendo  eidem  Edwardo  -quatenus  ipso  fidem  et  pro- 
missum  securum  ex  (juodaTu  Jacobo  ap  GrufHth  ap  Howell 
nuper  domino  de  Castell  Maelgom  in  Wallia  Gentilman 
adtunc  in  turre  pracdicta  prisonario  existente  acciperet  quod 
ipse  idem  Jacobus  omnia  et  singula  i>er  ipsum  Edwardum  ex 
I)raedicto  domino  Ricardo  aj)  GrulHth  intimanda  et  revolanda 
secrete  celaret  ((piibus  tide  et  promisso  acceptis)  idem 
Edwiirdus  omnia  (>t  singula  ut  praefortur  proditorie  conclusa 
et  determinata  atcjuo  i>rophociam  praedictam  eidem  Ja(K>bo 
plene  t^t  intcgrt;  indicarct  tit  revelaret  instanter  i*equireDa 
eundem  Jacobum  (juod  ipso  so  eisdem  Ricanlo  Edwardo  et 
Willielmo  ad  praemissa  agt'uda  et  jxiriicienda  adjuY[a]ret  (P) 
et  confedcratum  exhiheret  et  quod  si  idem  Edwanlus  fidem 


A    Welsh  Insurrection.  35 

et   promissum   secunim    praefati    Jacobi    habere   potuisset 
tunc  idem  Edwardus  praefatnm  Jacobum  persuaderet  quod 
ipse  sacramentum  eucharistie  cum  prefato  Ricardo  in  fedus 
et  securitatem  praemissa  perficiendi  reciporet.    Cujus  quidem 
praecepti  praetextu  praedictus  Edwardus  Ffloyd  ab  Iseldone 
praedicta  usque  ad  et  in  dictam  turrem  Londinii  dicto  primo 
die    Septembris    proditorie    transivit    et    in    eadem    turre 
negotium    praedictum    in    omnibus    prout    oi    per    dictum 
Ricardum  ut  praescribitur  fuit  praeceptum  eodem  primo  die 
Septembris   in  turre   praedicta   praefato  Jacobo  proditorie 
dixit  fecit  et  performavit  praedictusque  Jacobus   fidem   et 
promissum  sua  praedicta  ad  praedicta  omnia  sibi  intimata 
secrete  colanda  adtunc  et   ibidem  praefato   Edwardo   pro- 
ditorie dedit   atque   ad   praemissa  proditoria  proposita  et 
intentiones  praefati  Ricardi  peragendi  ad  posse  suum  adju- 
vare   et   in   feodus   praemissorum   ex   parte  sua  peragenda 
perimplenda  sacramentum  eucharistie  cum  praefato  Ricardo 
recipere  adtunc  et  ibidem  praefato  Edwardo  concensiit  et 
aggreavit  et  quod  in  praedictis  tractatu  et  confederatione 
inter  praefatos  Jacobum  et  Edwardum  de  praemissis  habitis 
idem  Edwardus  praefato  Jacobo  adtunc  et  ibidem  dixit  et 
intimavit  quod    idem   Jacobus  adeo  bene   salvo   et   securo 
potuit   dare   fidem   et   credere  praefato  Willielmo   Hughes 
et    animum   ipsius  Jacobi   eidem  Willielmo    in    praemissis 
revelare  quandocumque  idem  Willielmus  cum  prefato  Jacobo 
de  praemissis  loqueretur  siculi  eidem  Edwardo  crederet  et 
quod  praedictus  Ricardus  ap  Gruffith  proponebat  et  inten- 
debat  impignorare  et  in  mortuum  vadium  ponere  cuidam 
Roberto   White   civi   et   pannario   Londinii  maneria  ipsius 
Ricardi  de  Narberth  et  Carewe  pro  quibus  idem  Ricardus 
habere   debuit  de   praedicto   Roberto   Whyte   in    promptis 
pecuniis  duo  millia  librarum.     Et  quod  idem  Ricardus  voluit 
mutuare  tantum  pecunie  quantum  possibiliter  potuit  et  quod 
idem  Richardus  non  curabat  in  quas  obligationes  obligaretur 
pro  optentione  inde  quia  dixit  quod  idem  Ricardus  nunquam 
praevaleret  in  hoc   mundo   excepto   eo  quod  manibus  suis 
lucraretur  et  quod   idem   Ricardus  nunquam  voluit  ire  in 
Walliam  nisi  poterat  cam  ingredi  ad  habendam  earn  totam 
ad  ejus  bene  placitum  et  mandatum  et  insuper  praesentatus 
extitit  quod   postea  videlicet   quarto   die  Septembris  anno 
vicesimo  tertio  supradicto  praefati  Ricardus  ap  Gruffith  et 
Edwardus  Ffloyd  dictum  Willielmum   Hughes  ab  Iseldone 
praedicta  usque  ad  et  in  praedictam  turrem  Londinii  prae- 
fato Jacobo  proditorie  miserunt  eidem  Willielmo  praecip- 

D  2 


36  A    Welsh  Insurrection. 

ieiitcs  quod  ipse  cum  praefato  Jacobo  proditorie  loqueretur 
eidem  que  Jacobo  diceret  quod  ipse  missus  fuit  eidem 
Jacobo  per  praefatum  Ricardum  ap  Gruffith  per  hoc  signum 
videlicet  quod  dictus  Edwardus  Ffloyd  eidem  Jacobo  dizerat 
quod  ipse  tantum  crederet  dicto  Willielmo  cum  accederet 
ad  cum  (]uantum  eidem  Edwardo.  Et  quod  adtunc  idem 
Willielmus  cum  praefato  Jacobo  coincaret  et  colloqueretur 
ad  inteutionem  quod  ipse  animum  praefati  Jacob!  scrutaret 
et  centiret  (juomodo  idem  Jacobus  dispositus  erat  et  inten- 
debat  in  praemissis  et  quod  si  eum  securum  dispositum  ad 
dicto  prod  i  tori  a  proposita  praefatorum  Ricardi  Edwardi  et 
Willielmi  porficionda  adjuvare  inviniret  ipsum  Jacobum 
ad  sacramentuni  cucharistie  in  Ifedus  praemissarum  pro- 
dicionuui  poriinplendi  et  performandi  cum  praefato  Ricardo 
recii)ere  j)ro(litorie  persuaderet  et  provocaret  atque  pres- 
biteruiii  ad  Hacramentum  illud  in  fedus  praedictum  eidem 
Jacobo  et  postoa  praefato  Ricardo  ministrandum  pro- 
ditorie olFerret  cujua  quidem  praecepti  praetoxti  dictus 
Williebnua  Iluj^dies  ab  lacldone  praedicta  usque  ad  et  in 
praedictam  turrem  Londiiiii  in  dicto  comitatu  Middlesex 
praedicto  die  Septembris  proditorie  transivit  et  in  eadem 
turro  ne^otiuni  praedictum  in  omnibus  prout  eidem  Willielmo 
per  dictoa  Ricarchnn  et  Edwardum  ut  praescribitur  praecep- 
tum  fuit  eodem  quarto  die  Septtmibris  apud  turrem  prae- 
dictam et  in  eadem  turre  in  dicto  comitatu  Middlesex 
praefato  Jacobo  proditorie  dixit  fecit  et  performavit  et 
ultimo — quod  praedictus  Jacobus  proditorios  animos  et 
mentes  praefatorum  Ricardi  ap  Gruffith  Edwardi  ot  Willielmi 
ex  dictis  inainuatione  et  iutimatione  inde  praefati  Edwardi 
flloyd  eidem  Jacobo  factis  sciens  et  a^noscens  et  duorum 
eorundem  Ricardi  Edwardi  et  Willielmi  feloniis  et  proditoriis 
propositis  et  intontionibus  ut  praescribitur  proditorie  concen- 
siena  vol  ens  <iue  eosdem  Ricardum  Edwanlum  et  Willielmum 
ad  diotas  eorum  proditi(mes  perliciendas  quantum  in  eodem 
Jacobo  adtunc  extiterat  proditorie  adjuvare  et  succurrere 
tertio  die  Septembris  amio  vicesimo  tertio  supradicto  apud 
dictani  turrem  Londinii  in  dicto  comitatu  Middlesex  litteras 
(luasdam  proditorie  acripsit  et  eas  cuidam  Johanni  Hughes^ 
proditorie  direxit  ])er  quas  litteraa  idem  Jacobus  intendena 


'  This  John  Tluj^hea  ia  ^n-obably  the  same  as  the  one  mentioned  in 
CromwelVa  **  de8])orat  obliirationa"  next  year.  On  Sept.  2,  16d2| 
(<S.  P.,  vol.  V,  l^foj  Cromwell  entered  among  his  "obligationa**  that 


A    Welsh  Insurrection,  37 

pecunias  pro  praefato  Ricardo  providere  et  optinere  ad 
dicta  ejus  et  ipsius  Jacobi  falsta  et  proditoria  proposita 
et  intentiones  perficienda  et  exequenda  praefato  Johanni 
Hughes  inter  cetera  proditiorie  intimabat  quod  praefatus 
Ricardus  ex  necessitate  unum  vel  duo  de  domiiiiis  suis 
in  Wallia  existentibus  vendere  aut  impignorare  oportebat 
ad  contendandum  et  solvendum  dicto  domino  regi  et  ceteris 
creditoribus  suis  eorum  debita.  Et  quod  dominium  praefati 
Ricardi  de  Emlyn  pro  diversis  considerationibus  aptum  fuit 
pro  praefato  Johanne  Hughes  quod  quo  si  idem  Johannes 
cum  praefato  Ricardo  pro  eodem  dominio  bargainare  vellet 
idem  Ricardus  allocare  volebat  praefato  Johanni  antiquum 
debitum  quod  praodictus  Jacobus  eidem  Johanni  .... 
prius  debebat,  praedictusque  Jacobus  easdem  litteras  suas  a 
dicta  turre  Londinii  praefato  Johanni  Hughes  per  quemdam 
Willielmum  ap  John  servientem  ipsius  Jacobi  proditorio 
mi  sit  et  deliberari  fecit,  et  ulterius  quod  praedictus  Jacobus 
dictos  proditorios  animos  et  mentes  praefatorum  Ricardi 
Edwardi  et  Willielmi  ex  dictis  informatione  et  intimatione 
inde  praefati  Edwardi  Ffloyd  eidem  Jacobo  ut  praedicitur 
factis  sciens  et  agnoscens  atque  suprascriptis  eorundem 
Ricardi  Edwardi  et  Willielmi  feloniis  et  proditoriis  propositis 
et  intentionibus  ut  praefertur  concensiens  proditorieque 
volens  et  appetens  eosdem  Ricardum  Edwardum  et  Williel- 
mum in  practitionilDus  perpetrationibus  et  operationibus 
eorundem  proditionum  praevalere  secundo  tertio  et  quarto 
diebus  dicti  mensis  Septembris  consilium  opinionem  et 
avisamentum  ipsius  Jacobi  per  dictos  Edwardum  et  Williel- 
mum diversis  vicibus  videlicet  quolibet  die  eorundem  dierum 
inter  prefatos  Ricardum  et  Jacobum  tanquam  nuntios 
eorundem  Jacobi  et  Ricardi  hinc  et  inde  videlicet  a  turre 
praedicta  a  praefato  Jacobo  usque  ad  Iseldonem  praedictam 
ad  praedictum  Ricardum  et  deinde  ab  ipso  Ricardo  usque  ad 
et  in  turrem  praedictam  ad  praefatum  Jacobum  euntes  et 
redeuntes  praefato  Ricardo  viis  mediis  et  modis  quibus  iidem 
Ricardus  et  Jacobus  nequissime  potentissime  et  callidissirae 
proditiones  supradictas  per  praefatos  Ricardum  Edwardum 
et  Willielmum  ut  praedicitur  compassatas  et  imaginatas 
porimplere  exequi  et  perficere  potuissent  proditorio  exhibuit 


^'by  John  Heughes  of  London  to  Sir  Wm.  Kyngeston  (the  constable 
of  the  Tower)  and  Sir  Edw.  Walsingham,  that  James  GriflSth 
Appowell  shall  be  true  prisoner  in  the  Tower". 


38  A    We/sk  Insurrection, 

misit  et  dcstinavit,  et  praeterea  per  sacramentum  juratorum 
proflitorio  extitit  praosentatus  <iu()d  praefatus  Ricardus  ap 
Griffith  post  dicta  falsa  et  proditoria  proposita  sua  ut  praedici- 
tur  devisata  et  imagiuata  videlicet  dicto  primo  die  Septem- 
bris  a  pud  Iseldonem  praedictam  uovum  nomen    videlicet 
Ryce  ap  Gruifith  fiitzuryen  in  se  proditorie  assumpsit  hac 
intontiono  videlicet  quod   ipse  statum  et  honorem  dictae 
principalitatis  Wallie  proditoriis  suis  viis  et  mediis  supra- 
scriptis   diguius   et  sub  praotenso  tituli   colore   proditorie 
optinere  poterat  et   habere.     Sicque  praedicti  Ricardus  ap 
Gruffith  Edwardus  Ffloyd  Willielnius  Hughes  et  Jacobus  ap 
Gruffith  ap  Howell  depositionem  et  mortem  supremi  dicti 
domini  regis   Henrici   octavi  supradicti  false  et  proditorie 
contra  eoruni  legeancie    debitum    machinavenmt    imagin- 
avcrunt  et  coinpassaverunt  contra  pacem  coronam  regaliam 
ot  dignitatem  suas  et  universum  regnum  dicti  domini  nostri 
regis  nunc,  «S:c.,  per  quod  praeceptum  fuit  vicecomiti  quod 
noil  omitteret,  &.Q.,  quin  caperct  eos  si,  (S:c.,  et  modo  scilicet 
die  veneris  proximo  post  octavum  sancti  Martini  isto  eodem 
termino  coram  domino  rege  apud  WestnKmasterium  vene- 
runt  praedicti   Ricardus  ap  Gruffith  et  Willielmus  Hughes 
per  Willielmum    Kyngston    militem   constabularium  turris 
Londiiiii  in  cujus  custodia  perantea  ex  causa  praedicta  et 
aliis  certis  de  cnusis  commissi  sunt  ad  baiTam  hie  ducti  in 
propriis  porsonis  suis  qui  committuntur  eidem  constabulario, 
(&c.,  et  statim   de    proditionibus    praedictis    cis    separatim 
suporius  imponoriti  separatim  allocuti  qualiter  se  velint  inde 
ac(piiotaro  dicunt  .separatim  quod  ipsi  in  nullo  sunt  inde 
culpabilos   et  inde   de  bono   (>t  malo   separatim  ponunt  se 
super  terrain,  iVc,  Ideo  veiiit  inde  jurati  coram  domino  rege 
apud  Westmonasterium  die  lune  proximo  jiost  quindenum 
saiioti  Martini  et  (jui,  Arc,  ad  recognitionem,  &c.,  Quia,  &c., 
idem  dies  daius  est  praefati  Ricardus  ap  Gruffith  et  Williel- 
mus  Hughes  in  custodia  praefati  constabularii  dicto  turris 
Loiidinii,  tVc,  ad  quos  diem  et  locum  coram  <loniino  rege 
voneruut    praedicti     Rieardus    ap    Gruffith    et    Willielmus 
llujrlu's  sub  custodia  praefati  constabularii  turris  Londinii  ill 
propriis  personis  suis  et  jurati  exacti  scilicet  venerunt.     Qui 
ad  veritatem  de  praemissis  diceiidam  electi  triati  et  jurati 
dicunt  sui)er  sacranu'iituiu  suuni  quod  praedicti  Ricardus  ap 
Gruifith  et  Wilhelnuis   Hughes  de  altis  jiroditionibus  prae- 
dictis  eis  sui>erius  iiuponeritis  sunt  culpabiles  et   uterque 
eoruni  est  culpabilis  eo  (piod  praedictus  Ricardus  ap  Gruffith 
habet  diversa  bona  et  catalla  terras  et  teneiiieuta  iu  Wallia 


A    Welsh  Insurrection.  39 

sed  quali  aiit  de  quo  valore  penitus  ignorant.  Eo  quod 
praedictus  Willielmus  Hughes  nulla  habet  bona  catalla  terras 
neque  tenenienta,  &c.,  super  quo  instanter  servientes 
domini  regis  ad  legis  ac  ipsius  regis  attornati  petunt 
judicium  et  oxecutionom  versus  eosdem  Ricardum  ap 
Gruffith  et  Willielmum  Hughes  superinde  juxta  debitam 
legis  formam  pro  domino  rege  habendam  et  super  hoc  visis 
et  per  curiam  hie  diligenter  examinatis  et  intellectis  omni- 
bus et  singulis  pracmissis  constitutum  est  quod  praedicti 
Ricar(his  ap  Gruffith  et  Willielmus  Hughes  ducantur  per 
praefatum  constabularium  turris  Londinii  seu  ejus  locum- 
tenentem  usque  eandem  turrim  et  ab  inde  per  medium 
civitatis  Londinii  usque  ad  furcas  de  Tyburn  trahantur  et 
ibidem  suspendantur  et  uterque  eorum  suspondatur  et 
viventes  at  terram  prosternantur  et  uterque  eorum  vivens 
prosternatur  et  interiora  sua  extra  ventres  suos  et  utriusque 
eorum  capiantur  et  ipsis  viventibus  comburentur  et  quod 
capita  sua  amputentur  quodque  corpora  utriusque  eorum  in 
quatuor  partes  dividantur  eo  quod  capita  et  quarteria  ilia 
ponantur  ubi  dominus  rex  ea  assignare  voluerit,  &c." 

No  modern  lawyer  can  read  the  Indictment  through 
without  being  struck  with  the  meagreness  of  the  evidence 
and  the  inadequacy  of  the  crime  alleged  against  Rhys  ap 
Griffith.  Shorn  of  its  technical  phraseology  the  acts  on 
account  of  which  Rhys  was  found  guilty  of  high  treason — 
even  if  proved  by  satisfactory  evidence — were  not  very 
serious,  and  not  worthy  of  the  extreme  penalty  of  the  law. 
But  treason  in  Henry  VIII's  days,  and  for  a  century  after, 
was  a  very  different  thing  from  what  it  has  come  to  be 
considered  in  our  own  days.  The  law  of  evidence,  as  we 
know  ifc,  was  unborn,  and  our  modern  maxim  that  every 
man  is  innocent  till  he  is  proved  to  be  guilty  would  have 
excited  the  ridicule  of  every  lawyer.  Prisoners  were  first 
subjected  to  a  private  examination  before  the  Council. 
They  had  no  chance  of  seeing  or  cross-examining  their 
accusers  ;  they  were  not  even  told  what  the  nature  of  the 
charges  against  them  was.  When,  as  was  the  case  here, 
three  men  were  jointly  indicted,  it  was  easy  to  work  upon 


40  A    Welsh  Insurrection. 

the  fears,  the  hopes,  or  the  cupidity  of  one  or  more  of 
them  in  their  isolated  anxiety.  Before  condemning  a  man 
for  turning  "  King's  evidence"  we  should  know  what  in- 
duced him  to  tell  what  he  knew ;  for  it  frequently  hap- 

m 

pened  that  prisoners  were  told  that  their  accomplices  had 
already  confessed  in  order  to  induce  a  further  confession. 
The  Council  would,  after  an  examination  of  this  kind,  send 
the  prisoners  for  trial  by  a  jury  at  Westminster.  The 
Council  felt  no  responsibility,  knowing  that  the  ultimate 
decision  rested  with  another  tribunal.  The  jury  would 
be  influenced  by  the  knowledge  that  the  Council  had 
already  inquired  into  the  matter,  and  had  considered  the 
evidence  sufficient.  If  the  evidence  which  was  made 
public — and  it  must  be  remembered  that  the  jury  would 
only  hear  the  depositions  read  of  the  evidence  already 
given  before  the  Council  and  the  comments  of  the  prosecu- 
tion and  prisoners  upon  it — seemed  to  be  inadequate,  the 
jury  would  conclude  that  the  Council  was  keeping  back  the 
most  important  part  of  it  in  the  public  interest. 

On  August  28,  1531,  Rhys  ap  Griffith  was  alleged  to 
have  "plotted,  imagined,  and  comi)assed  the  king's  depo- 
sition and  death"  with  his  two  servants — Edward  Floyd 
and  William  Hughes — in  his  house  at  Islington.  All  the 
proof  that  w^as  adduced  was  that  the  three  had  recalled 
to  one  anotlier  a  prophecy  which  was  said  to  be  then 
current  in  Wales  that  *'King  Jamys  with  the  Red  Hand 
and  the  Ravens  should  conquer  all  England",  that  Rhys 
had  intended  to  mortgage  his  lordships  of  Carew  and 
Narberth  to  one  Robert  White,  a  citizen  and  draper  of 
London,  for  £2,000,  in  order  to  enable  him  to  fly  secretly 
to  the  Isle  of  Man,  thence  to  the  "Wild  Irish",  and  thence 
to  King  James  of  Scotland,  and  that  King  James  was  to 
lead  a  great  army,  with  which  he  was  to  conquer  England 
for  himself,  and  Wales  for  Rhys  ap  (Jriffith. 


A    Welsh  Insurrection,  41 

To  our  modern  notions  the  evidence  was  most  unsatis- 
factory. The  conversation,  if  it  ever  took  place,  could  only 
have  been  known  to  the  three  persons  concerned.  Edward 
Floyd  turned  King's  evidence,  but  in  our  days  his 
evidence  would  have  been  insufficient  to  convict  Rhys 
of  high  treason.  Floyd's  story  could  not  have  been  cor- 
roborated by  the  admissions  of  Rhys  and  Hughes,  who 
both  died  protesting  their  innocence.  It  is  also  the 
wholesome  custom  of  cur  Courts  to  look  with  suspicion  on 
the  evidence  of  an  accomplice.  It  is  not  altogether  re- 
jected, but  it  is  only  accepted  after  jealous  scrutiny  and 
after  submitting  it  to  severe  tests.  But  these  refinements 
were  unknown  to  the  lawyers  of  Tudor  times.  Sir  Walter 
Raleigh,  in  the  next  century,  was  convicted  on  evidence 
quite  as  unsatisfactory.'  Henry  Rice  was  only  justified  by 
our  later  standard  in  submitting  that  there  was  no  satis- 
factory evidence  upon  which  to  convict  Rhys  on  the  first 
count  of  the  Indictment.  Rice's  other  points  are  hardly 
conclusive.  He  lays  great  stress  upon  the  fact  that  King 
James  was  not  known  as  *' James  of  the  Red  Hand".  But 
the  phrase  "with  the  Red  Hand"  does  not  refer  to  a  per- 
sonal peculiarity  of  the  King  of  Scots,  but  to  the  old 
Welsh  tradition  of  Owen  Lawgoch.  Nor  is  there  much 
substance  in  the  plea  that  Henry  VIIT  and  his  nephew  of 
Scotland  were  at  peace.  The  two  countries  were  nominally 
at  amity,  but  the  period  in  question  was  halfway  between 
Flodden  and  Pinkie.  In  October  1528  Henry  had  to  write 
to  James  V  to  warn  him  to  desist  from  advancing  to  the 
borders,  for  if  he  did  not  Henry  would  be  compelled  to 
adopt  precautionary  measures/     Two  years  later,  James 

'  Edwards's  Life  of  Raleigh,  i,  388.  For  an  excellent  description  of 
the  law  of  treason  as  it  stood  in  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth 
centuries,  see  Gardiner's  Hist,  of  Enylandy  vol.  i,  p.  123  %eq. 

^  6'.  P.,  vol.  iv,  pt.  iii,  204  App. 


42  A    Welsh  Insurrection, 

ap  Griffith  found  refuge  and  help  in  the  Court  of  Scotland^ 
and  in  the  lifetime  of  Henry  himself,  the  Scots  were  to  be 
crushed  a<^ain  in  the  stricken  field  of  Solway  Moss.  The 
relations  of  the  two  countries  were  undoubtedly  disturbed, 
but  after  making  every  allowance  for  Henry's  anxieties  on 
this  head,  it  must  be  confessed  that  a  vague  and  casual 
conversation  between  master  and  men,  even  if  proved, 
was  not  a  sufficient  ground  to  sustain  a  charge  of  high 
treason. 

The  second  allegation  is  more  definite.  Bhys  is 
accused  of  having  on  several  occasions  sent  Edward  Floyd 
to  James  ap  Griffith,  who  was  still  a  prisoner  in  the  Tower, 
to  persuade  him  to  enter  into  the  conspiracy,  and,  as  a  sign 
of  his  fidelity,  to  partake  of  the  holy  sacrament  with  Rhys. 
Floyd  is  said  to  have  broached  the  matter  to  James  ap 
Griffith  on  Friday,  September  1 — four  days  after  the 
treasonable  conversation  at  the  house  at  Islington — and 
to  have  told  him,  after  receiving  his  adherence  to  the 
scheme,  to  put  as  much  trust  in  William  Hughes,  another 
of  Rhys's  servants,  as  in  himself,  Edward  Floyd.  A 
mysterious  and  traitorous  significance  is  attached  to 
Edward  Floyd's  statement  to  James  that  Rhys  wanted 
as  much  money  as  possible,  that  he  did  not  care — ^Uke 
many  another  borrower  before  and  since — what  liabilities 
he  incurred  to  obtain  it,  that  Rhys  would  never  prosper 
in  anything  except  that  which  he  achieved  with  his  own 
hands,  and  that  he  would  never  return  to  Wales  except 
to  hfive  the  whole  limd  at  his  good  pleasure  and  command* 
A  vague  charge  is  made,  for  which  no  evidence  was  ad- 
duced, that  on  the  following  day,  Saturday,  September  2, 
several  messages  were  exchanged  between  Rhys  and  James. 
On  Sunday,  September  -5,  James  ap  Griffith  writes  to  one 
John  Hughes,  presumably  a  wealthy  Welsh  friend  resident 
in  London,  offering  to  sell  or  mortgage  to  him  the  lord- 


A    Welsh  Insurrection,  43 

ship  of  Emlyn  on  behalf  of  Rhys,  who  wanted  the  money 
"to  pay  his  debts  to  the  King  and  his  other  creditors". 
James's  messenger  was  William  ap  John,  his  own  servant. 
On  Monday,  September  4,  William  Hughes,  another  of 
Rhys's  servants,  went  to  the  Tower  and  conversed  with 
James.  He  repeated  to  the  prisoner  the  words  which 
Edward  Floyd  had  used  of  him  on  the  previous  Friday, 
that  James  could  put  as  much  trust  in  him  as  in  Floyd, 
and  having  in  this  way  gained  James's  confidence,  the 
two  are  alleged  to  have  indulged  in  a  treasonable  talk  in 
the  same  strain  as  the  one  already  detailed.  One  other 
"treasonable"  allegation  is  made,  that  Rhys,  on  Septem- 
ber 1 — the  day  of  Floyd's  interview  with  James  in  the 
Tower — assumed  the  name  and  title  of  Fitz-Urien  ! 

This  was  all  the  evidence  which  the  Crown  was  able  to 
scrape  together,  after  weeks  of  preparation,  and  after 
every  kind  of  sinister  inducement  had  been  held  out  to  the 
witnesses.  James  ap  GriflSth  had  not  once  seen  Rhys 
himself ;  he  had  only  the  word  of  Floyd  for  it  that  he  was 
an  emissary  from  Rhys.  Ths  whole  story  is  fatuous,  if 
not  incredible.  On  a  Monday,  a  conspiracy  is  hatched  at 
Islington  against  the  King.  The  chief  plotter,  instead  of 
hastening  into  Wales,  or  sending  messengers  to  prepare 
his  retainers  and  tenants,  remains  supinely  within  easy 
distance  of  the  King,  and  he  is  only  anxious  a  week  later 
to  enlist  the  sympathy  of  a  man  who  was  a  prisoner  in  the 
Tower.  Nothing  is  done,  or  attempted  to  be  done.  Not 
a  man  is  raised,  not  a  letter  or  messenger  sent  to  James  of 
Scotland,  the  pivot  upon  which  the  success  of  the  plan 
would  turn.  Even  assuming  that  the  story  told  by  the 
prosecution  was  true  in  all  particulars,  there  was  no  overt 
act  done,  unless,  indeed,  the  alleged  assumption  of  the 
name  and  title  of  Fitz-Urien  by  Rhys  can  be  so  described. 
There  was  no  proof  of  Rliys's  connection  with  the  alleged 


44  A    Welsh  Iftsurrection. 

plot.  The  whole  of  the  events  took  place  within  eight 
days,  between  Monday,  Augfust  28,  and  Monday,  Septem- 
ber 4.  For  another  seventeen  days,  until  September  21, 
the  Crown  waited  and  watched.  Rhys  made  no  move; 
none  of  the  conspirators  did  anything ;  the  plot  did  not 
"march".  At  last,  Rhys  is  cast  into  the  Tower,  the 
authorities  despairing  of  his  further  implicating  himself. 
If  the  Government  really  believed  in  the  existence  of  a 
genuine  plot,  no  one  who  has  any  knowledge  of  the 
Machiavelian  st^itocraft  of  Thomas  Cromwell  would  doubt 
that  he  would  have  played  a  little  longer  with  his  victim, 
and  would  have  allowed  him  a  little  more  rope  to  hang 
himself  withal.  The  arrest  of  Rhys,  after  his  admitted  in- 
activity for  seventeen  days,  shows  that  the  Government 
had  given  up  all  hope  of  his  further  incriminating  himself. 
The  witnesses  against  Rhys,  it  is  almost  cei-tain,  were 
Edward  Floyd,  his  servant,  and  James  ap  Griffith,  his 
father's  cousin.  Though  Floyd  was  indicted  with  his 
master  and  fellow-servant,  his  name  is  absent  from  the 
barbarous  sentence  which  was  passed  upon  them,  and 
from  the  Act  of  Attainder  which  received  the  sanction  of 
Parliament  in  1532.*  Floyd  was  the  most  active  agent  of 
the  conspiracy,  and  if  his  story  was  true  he  was  the  most 
guilty  of  the  four.  The  fact  that  he  escaped  punishment 
is  strong  evidence  that  he  purchased  immunity  by  betray- 
ing his  master.  Henry  Rice  states  that  "the  Ladle 
Kathorine  Howard  did  take  much  pains  to  be  trulie  in- 
formed of  this  Edward  Floyd :  who  knowing  in  her  own 
heart  her  husband's  innoconcie,  and  fearing  the  I'uyne  of 
herself  and  children,  left  no  stone  unmoved  wherby  this 

'  Iloiiry  Rico  says  that  Floyd  and  Jamos  woro  tho  only  two  that 
"pivo  ill  ovidonco  against  llico,  being  both  of  them  condemned  with 
him,  but  afterwards  ])ardoiiod."  But  this  ai)poar8  to  be  an  error. 
James  was  never  tried,  and  Lloyd  was  not  convicted. 


A    Welsh  Insurrection,  45 

practice  might  be  discovered.  At  length  (by  the  help  of 
her  friends  and  God's  direction)  shee  found  out  that  this 
man  was  corrupted  with  a  reward  of  five  hundred  marks 
to  betray  his  master,  and  this  also  was  proved  by  divers 
others." 

That  James  ap  Griffith  was  also  a  hostile  witness 
against  his  nephew  is  as  certain  as  anything  can  well  be. 
He  was  more  deeply  implicated  than  William  Hughes ; 
he  was  a  man  of  higher  position  than  Edward  Floyd.  Yet 
he  is  not  indicted  with  the  others ;  it  would  almost  appear 
as  if  he  was  the  informer  who  put  the  Government  on 
its  guard.  The  subject  of  his  conversation  with  Floyd  on 
Friday,  September  1,  could  have  been  disclosed  by  Floyd ; 
the  letters  which  he  wrote  on  Sunday,  September  3,  and 
sent  by  his  servant,  might  have  been  intercepted ;  but  no 
one  but  James  himself  could  have  related  the  conversation 
which  he  had  in  the  Tower  with  William  Hughes  on 
Monday,  September  4,  for  not  a  word  did  Hughes  utter 
against  his  master;  else  he  would  probably  have  been 
spared  his  barbarous  and  ignominious  death  at  Tyburn. 
It  is,  indeed,  not  necessary  to  believe  the  account  of 
James's  share  in  the  ignoble  transaction  which  is  given 
by  Henry  Rice.  The  age  was  not  squeamish ;  sixteen 
years  later  we  find  the  Duchess  of  Richmond  giving 
evidence  which  led  her  brother,  the  gallant  Earl  of  Surrey, 
to  the  block,  while  her  father,  the  Duke  of  Norfolk — Rhys 
ap  Griffith's  brother-in-law — was  more  concerned  with 
saving  himself  than  with  clearing  his  son.  But  it  is  hardly 
credible  that  even  in  that  age,  when  the  misunderstood  and 
misapplied  doctrines  of  Machiavelli  exercised  so  sinister 
an  influence  on  conduct,  and  when  the  new  ideas  repre- 
sented by  the  Renaissance  and  the  Reformation  snapped 
the  old  ties  of  conventional  morality  and  honour,  one  kins- 
man would  have  deliberately  set  himself  to  ruin  another. 


46  A    Welsh  Insurrection. 

The  motive  of  revenge  which  Henry  Rice  ascribes  to  James 
has  already  been  shown  to  be  impossible.  The  details  of 
the  story  itself,  as  given  by  Rice,  are  no  less  incredible. 

"James  ap  Griffith  and  Edward  Floyd  (the  one's  heart 
full  of  revenge,  tlie  other  of  corruption  and  treachery)  did 
oftentymes  meet  and  consult  by  what  means  they  might  lay 
matters  of  treason  to  Rice  his  charge,  and  (as  fitting  for  their 
purpose  at  that  time)  they  called  to  mind  an  unfortunate 
blank  of  Rice  s,  which  had  long  layne  in  the  hands  of  James 
ap  Griflith,  and  was  gotten  upon  this  occasion.  James  ap 
Griffith,  a  man  of  mean  estate,  having  his  chiefest  stay 
of  living  from  the  said  Rico,  and  being  on  a  time  verie 
familiar  together,  <lc8ired  the  said  Rice  his  letter  to  a  gentle* 
man  in  North  Wales  for  a  farm,  which  was  then  to  be  lett, 
which  the  said  Rice  gi*anted  to  him  ;  but  never  a  clerk  being 
present  to  write  the  letter,  the  said  James  persuaded  Rice  to 
subscribe  to  a  blank,  and  that  Edward  Floyd,  his  clerk, 
should  indite  the  letter  according  to  his  meaning.  In  this 
blanck  was  set  doune  matter  enough  for  the  Indictment." 

The  charge  of  such  horrible  and  cold-blooded  treachery 
by  one  kinsman  against  another  could  only  be  justified  by 
the  clearest  proof ;  and  such  proof  is  entirely  absent. 
Had  Floyd  and  James  ap  Griffith  deliberately  plotted 
"oftentymes"  how  to  inveigle  Rhys  into  a  conspiracy,  they 
could  easily  have  done  their  work  more  thoroughly  and 
satisfactorily.  It  is  true  that  James  is  said  to  have  written 
a  treasonable  letter  to  John  Hughes,  which  Was  twisted 
also  into  some  sort  of  evidence  against  Rhys.  But  the 
letter  to  Hughes,  as  summarised  by  the  unfriendly  hand 
which  drew  up  the  Indictment,  does  not  sustain  the  charge 
made  by  Henry  Rice  against  James  ap  Griffith.  It  cer- 
tainly does  not  read  like  the  letter  of  a  man  who  was 
trying  to  implicate  another  in  a  charge  of  treason.  That 
James,  however,  did  give  evidence  against  his  nephew  is 
beyond  contradiction.  Not  only  was  he  not  placed  in  the 
dock  to  stand  his  trial  \vith  the  others,  not  only  was 
evidence  of  conversations  given  which  could  only  be  sworn 


A    Welsh  Insurrection,  47 

to  by  James  himself,  but  family  tradition  is  so  strong  on 
the  point  as  to  be  all  but  conclusive,  without  further  cor- 
roboration. Henry  Rice  states  plainly  that  James  was 
one  of  the  two  hostile  witnesses.  In  the  Phillips  MS. 
No.  14,416,  now  in  the  Cardiff  Library,  there  occurs  the 
following  marginal  note,  which  is  not  found  in  the  Gam- 
hrian  Register: — 

"  James  ap  Griffith  (a  man  banished  for  divers  reasons  and 
excepted  in  all  pardons)  did  confess  beyond  seas  to  divers  of 
his  acquaintance  this  damnable  practice  of  his  against  Rico, 
and  being  sore  troubled  in  conscience  he  returned  home  with 
intent  to  acknowledge  his  offence  and  to  submit  himself  to 
my  grandfather  [i.  e.,  Griffith  Rice,  the  son  of  Rhys  and  the 
Lady  Katherine].  And  he  (my  grandfather  not  enduring  to 
hear  of  him)  retired  himself  into  Cardiganshire,  where  he 
died  most  miserably  ;  there  are  some  yet  alive  will  affirm 
this  from  my  grandfather's  mouth." 

A  still  stronger,   because  a  direct  contemporary  and 

unconscious  proof,  is  supplied  by  an  entry  in  the  Acts  of 

the    Privy   Council,   which    has   already   been   cited    for 

another  purpose.    In  1548  James  Leche  petitioned  to  have 

his  annuity  continued,  which  had  been  granted  him 

"  in  respect  of  his  old  service  in  thapprehencion  of  James 
Griffith  Apowell,  traitour  and  outlawe,  icho  appeched  Sir  Rice 
Griffith^  attainted  for  treason." 

But  though  it  is  impossible  to  avoid  the  conclusion 
that  James  ap  Griffith  turned  King's  evidence  against  his 
nephew,  there  is  no  evidence  to  convict  him  of  malicious 
and  deliberate  treachery.  Indeed,  the  presumption  is  all 
the  other  way.  As  far  as  one  can  discover,  there  was  an 
entire  absence  of  motive.  Rhys  had  done  him  no  wrong ; 
they  were  "verie  familiar"  together ;  James  was  in  prison 
for  having,  presumably,  acted  in  conjunction  with  Rhys. 
Had  he  been  bent  on  ruining  his  nephew,  he  could  easily, 
on  account  of  his  intimacy  and  relationship  with  Rhys, 
have  manufactured  evidence  against  him.    Moreover,  Rhys 


48  A    Welsh  Insurrection, 

was  undoubtedly  popular  in  South  Wales,  and  his  betrayer 
would  have  received  short  shrift  at  the  hands  of  Rhys's 
supporters  and  friends.  Yet,  James  went  back  and  lived 
in  peace  for  some  time  in  South  Wales  after  his  release 
from  the  Tower.  His  ancient  friendship  with  Thomas  ap 
Rhydderch  of  Cryngae,  and  David  Vaughan  of  Kidwelly, 
does  not  appear  to  have  been  impaired,  which  we  may 
assume  would  not  have  been  the  case  had  James  been 
guilty  of  the  unutterable  baseness  which  is  laid  to  his 
charge  by  Henry  Rice.^  What  probably  happened  was 
that  the  Government  was  anxious  to  make  a  case  against 
Rhys,  that  it  worked  upon  the  cupidity  of  Moyd,  and  upon 
the  fears  or  hopes  of  James — Cromwell,  indeed,  would 
have  thought  little  of  extracting  confessions  from  them  by 
use  of  the  rack — that  they  told  what  they  knew,  and  that 
the  prosecution  placed  their  own  interpretation  on  perfectly 
innocent  transactions.  It  was  not  by  the  evidence  of 
Floyd  and  James  that  Rhys  ap  Griffith  was  condemned. 
An  unscrupulous  prosecution,  working  on  a  timorous  jury, 
obtained  a  verdict  of  guilty ;  but  it  is  manifestly  clear  that 
the  real  cause  of  Rliys's  downfall  was  the  jealousy  of  a 
savage  and  suspicious  king.* 

^  James's  son,  Joiikyn,  marriod  a  daughter  of  Thomas  ap 
Rhyddorch's  only  daughter  and  heiress.  David  Vaughan,  Kidwelly, 
helped  James  to  eseape  by  boat  from  Kidwelly  in  the  summer  of  1533, 
and  as  late  as  April  ,*50,  bVJd,  we  have  Bishop  Lee  writing  to  Cromwell 
from  Brecknock,  *'  You  are  advertised  from  this  Council  that  David 
Vaughan,  officer  of  Kidwelly  in  Wales,  is  accused  by  your  servant 
Jankyn  Lloyd  for  assisting  the  rebellion  of  James  ap  Howell  Griffith." 
('S'.P.,  vol.  X,  7(W.) 

'^  Mr.  David  Jones  mentions,  in  his  article  in  the  Arch,  Camhr,y 
another  family  tradition  found  in  the  Dale  MSS.,  that  Rhys  fell 
'*  through  the  trea(?herous  malice  of  his  brother-in-law,  the  Duke  of 
Norfolk".  That  the  Duke  did  not  interfere  very  zealously  in  behalf 
of  his  kinsman  may  be  taken  for  granted ;  but  there  is  no  more 
evidence  to  convict  him  than  James  ap  Griffith  of  '^  treacherous 
mahce". 


A    Welsh  Insurrection,  49 

The  verdict  of  contemporaries  was  certainly  against 
the  king,  and  it  must  be  remembered  that  the  facts  were 
known  to  all  men  after  the  public  trial  in  Westminster. 
Chapuys,  writing  to  Charles  V  on  the  morning  of  Rhys 
ap  Griffith's  execution,  sums  up  the  case  as  follows : — 

"  The  cause  of  his  condemnation  is,  as  far  as  I  have  been 
informed,  that  he  would  not  confess  that  one  of  his  own 
servants  had  solicited  hini  to  revenge  the  wrongs  he  com- 
plained of  by  entering  into  a  conspiracy  and  subsequently 
taking  flight  to  Scotland,  where  he  could  easily,  owing  to  his 
influence  over  the  Welsh,  and  to  the  general  discontent  caused 
by  this  divorce,  have  persuaded  the  king  to  make  the  con- 
quest of  this  kingdom.  And  although  the  said  Rice  had  not 
accepted  the  ofl^ers  made  to  him,  nor  entered  into  the  con- 
spiracy, yet  as  he  would  not  confess  who  it  was  who  solicited 
him,  he  was  condemned  to  death,  notwithstanding  the  many 
apologies  he  made  ;  and  there  is  a  rumour  about  town  that 
had  it  not  been  for  the  king's  lady,  who  hated  him  because 
he  and  his  wife  had  spoken  disparagingly  of  her,  he  would 
have  been  pardoned  and  escaped  his  miserable  fate.^ 

Here  we  have  probably  the  true  explanation  of  the 
tragic  death  of  Rhys  ap  Griffith.  He  was,  like  most  of 
his  countrymen  at  the  time,  a  sincere  Catholic ;  he  had 
been  befriended  by  Cardinal  Wolsey ;  he  was  on  the  side 
of  the  old  Queen  in  the  matter  of  the  King's  divorce. 
Anne  Boleyn  was  not  yet  acknowledged  as  wife  or  mistress 
by  the  King;  but  she  was  maturing  her  plans,  which  were 
being  furthered  by  her  uncle^  the  Duke  of  Norfolk.  It  is 
easy  to  understand  with  what  hatred  Anne  and  her  uncle 
would  regard  anyone,  especially  one  who  might  have  been 
expected,  on  account  of  his  close  relationship,  to  support 
her  claims,  who  "spoke  disparagingly"  of  her  in  those 
anxious  days  when  her  position  had  not  been  secured. 

All  the  evidence  we  have  goes  to  show  that  contempo- 

'  It  would  have  been  quite  sufficient  to  secure  a  conviction  if  the 
facts  alleged  by  Chapuys  were  proved  against  Rhys.  See  Gardiner, 
i,  123  %eq. 

£ 


50  u4    Welsh  Insurrection, 

raries  reg^arded  Rhys  as  being  innocent  of  the  accusations 
hiid  to  his  charge.  Even  Ellis  Griffith,  prejudiced  as  he 
was  against  Rhys's  family,  could  only  say  that  Rhys  had 
paid  the  penalty  for  the  sins  of  his  forefathers.  The  one 
suggestion  we  find,  that  there  was  something  in  the  allega- 
tion that  Rhys  put  some  credence  in  the  Lawgoch  prophecy, 
is  to  be  met  with  in  the  confession  of  William  Nevill,  who, 
in  describing  his  visit  to  the  wizard  Jones  at  Oxford,  says 
that  he  replied  to  a  remark  of  the  wizard's  "that  the  late 
Duke  of  Buckingham,  young  Ryse,  and  others,  had  cast 
themselves  away  by  too  mucli  trust  in  prophecies"/  But 
all  the  other  evidence  goes  to  show  that  Chapuys  was  inter- 
preting the  popular  feeling  when  he  declared  Rhys  to  be 
innocent.  In  August  15«S4,  Martin  de  Cornoca  writes  to 
Charles  V  from  Venice  with  reference  to  Reginald  Pole,  who 
was  then  residing  in  that  city.  He  says  that  Pole's  father 
>vas  "  a  worthy  knight  of  Wales",  and  that  his  family  had 
great  influence  in  the  Principality.  "On  account  of  their 
love  for  the  Princess  and  the  death  of  don  Ris,  who  was 
beheaded  three*  years  ago,  the  whole  province  is  alienated 
from  the  king."^  In  November  of  the  same  year  Chapuys 
writes  to  the  Emperor  to  say  that  he  understands  the 
people  of  Wales  are  very  angry  at  the  ill-treatment  of  the 
Queen  and  Princess,  and  also  at  what  is  done  against  the 
faith,  "for  they  have  always  been  good  Christians.  Not 
long  ago  there  w^as  in  that  district  a  mutiny  against  the 
governor  of  the  county  on  account  of  a  certain  execution, 
when  the  governor  was  very  nearly  undone,  and  it  is  said 
the  people  only  wait  for  a  chief  to  take  the  field."  We 
have  no  record  of  this  "mutiny",  unless  it  be  that  of  Rhys 
in  1529,  or  James  in  1580.  But  probably  it  refers  to  a 
"mutiny"  which  took  place  after  the  execution  of  Rhys. 

'  .V.  1\  Dec.  30,  1.j3i>,  voJ.  v,  UOii.  ''  K  P.,  vol.  vii,  1040. 


A    Welsh  Insurrection,  51 

Even   in  England   men   thought  Rhys  an  ill-used   man. 

One   of   the  allegations  against  John  Hale,  the  Vicar  of 

Islevvorth,  in  1535,  was  that  he  told  one  Feron  that  Ireland 

was  set  against  the  King,  and  added,  "  And  what  think  ye 

of  Wales  ?     Their  noble   and  gentle  Ap  Ryce  so  cruelly 

put  to  death,  and  he  innocent,  as  they  say,  in  the  cause.'" 

What   was  the   popular  view  of  the  transaction  may  be 

gathered  from  a  story  which  Henry  Rice  heard  related  in 

the  next  century  by  the  Earl  of  Nottingham,  "the  only 

man  of  note  now  living  who  came  nearest  those  times". 

The  story  may  be  mythical,  but  it  is  an  index  of  what 

people  thought  and  said  of  the  matter,  even  after  the 

public  trial  at  Westminster. 

"  The  king  one  daie  at  Wandsworth  hawking  at  the 
brooke,  his  falcon  being  seized  of  a  fowle,  there  came  by 
accident  a  raven,  that  put  his  falcon  from  the  quarry, 
whereat  the  king  chafed  exceedingly.  One  standing  by  (as 
malice  is  ever  watchful  to  do  mischief)  stepps  to  the  king 
and  whispered  him  in  the  eare,  saying,  *  Sir,  you  see  how 
peremptorie  this  raven  is  growne,  and  therefore  it  is  high 
time  to  pull  him  down,  therefore  to  secure  your  majestie, 
and  to  prevent  his  insolencies'.'* 

The  King  made  no  reply,  but  brooded  over  the  matter. 
To  such  a  mind  and  temper  as  Henry's,  the  remembrance 
of  his  family's  obligations  to  the  house  of  Dynevor  could 
not  fail  to  be  irksome  and  irritating  to  a  degree.  He 
had  not  broken  with  old  Sir  Rhys  ap  Thomas,  but  he  had 
never  shown  any  favour  to  his  grandson,  and  it  is  no 
wonder  if  Rhys  used  to  complain  to  his  associates  that 
"Welshmen  and  priests  were  sore  disdained  nowadays".* 
If  we  may  believe  Henry  Rice,  Queen  Elizabeth — who  was 
a  second  cousin  through  her  mother  to  Griffith  Rice — was 
''so  well  satisfied  of  the  extreme  and  bad  measure  oflPered 
to  Rice  Griffith,  that  she  never  looked  upon  any  of  his 

'  6'.  P.,  vol.  viii,  609.  =  8,  P.,  vol.  viii,  567. 

£  2 


52  A    Welsh  Insurrection, 

children,  but  as  upon  spectacles  of  infinite  sufferance ;  in- 
somuch that  she  would  often  say  she  was  indebted. both  to 
justice  and  her  father's  honour  till  she  had  repaired  them. 
But  my  grandfather,  and  father  after  him,  met  with  here- 
ditarie  enemies^  at  court,  and  thus  stands  our  case." 


III. 
James  ap  Griffith  in  Exile. 

After  the  death  of  Rhys  ap  Griffith,  the  interest  of  the 
narrative  shifts  to  James  ap  Griffith  ap  Howell.  It  is 
extremely  difficult  to  discover  exactly  what  happened  after 
Ehys's  execution  on  December  4,  1531,  when  and  how 
James  was  released  from  custody,  and  what  events  led  to 
his  exile  and  long  odyssey.  We  must  be  content  with 
surmises,  and  trust  to  the  discovery  of  new  facts  from 
time  to  time  to  throw  further  light  on  the  dark  passages 
in  the  story. 

In  a  letter  to  a  friend,  one  Vitus  Theodorus,  ** teacher 

'  Probably  the  Deverouxes,  one  of  whom,  Lord  Essex,  was  the 
Queen's  favourite  in  her  hitor  years.  A  genealogy  of  the  Rices  may 
be  useful,  taken  from  Lewis  Dwnn  : — 

Sir  Rhys  ap  Thomas=Mabli,  f.  ag  aeres  Harri  ap  Gwilym. 


Sir  GrulFydd  Rhys=Catrin,  f.  Sir  John  ap  John. 


Rhys  ap  Griftith—Catrin,  f.  Thos.,  Duke  of  Norfolk. 


Gruffydd  Riee=Elinor,  f.  Sir  T.  Johnos,  kt. 


Sir  Walter  Rice==Elsbeth,  f.  Sir  Edward  Mansel,  kt. 
Henry  Rico. 


A    Welsh  Insurrection,  53 

of  the  Gospel  in  the  church  of  Nuremberg,"  written  prob- 
ably from  Wittenberg  in  April  1537,^  Philip  Melancthon 
gives  us  a  captivating  glimpse  at  James's  life  on  the  Con- 
tinent, and  a  suggestion  of  the  account  which  James  gave 
of  himself  : — 

"I  have  given  these  letters  to  an  Englishman  who  asked 
me  to  commend  him  to  you.  lie  helfl  land  of  his  own  in 
which  he  could  raise  1:2,000  soldiers,  and  was  moreover 
Governor  of  Wales,  hut  spoke  rather  freely  against  the 
Divorce.  To  him  was  particularly  commended  the  daughter 
of  the  first  Queen,  because  she  had  the  title  of  Princess  of 
Wales,  and  therefore  he  grieved  at  the  contumelies  put  upon 
her.  lie  was  afterwards  put  in  prison,  from  which,  after  a 
year  and  three  months,  he  escaped  by  making  a  rope  out  of 
cloth.  I  beg  you  to  receive  and  console  him.  Ilis  exile  is 
long,  his  misfortune  long,  and  he  seems  a  modest  man. 
[lere  he  has  asked  for  nothing.  I  think  he  takes  little 
pleasure  in  the  court."^ 

In  the  midst  of  much  loud  talk  and  gasconading,  which 
seems  to  have  been  taken  as  gospel  truth  by  the  simple 
and  trustful  Melancthon,  we  have  one  statement  of  fact 
which  can  be  relied  on.  James  said  that  he  had  been 
imprisoned  for  fifteen  months,  and  he  was  not  likely  to 
understate  the  amount  of  his  sufferings.  We  may  dis- 
miss, as  mere  braggadocio,  his  tale  about  his  escape  from 
prison  "by  making  a  rope  out  of  cloth".  He  was  prob- 
ably, as  Henry  Eice  said,  remorseful  as  to  the  part  he  had 
played  in  Rhys's  trial,  and  was  unwilling  to  admit,  even 
to  his  own  conscience,  much  less  to  a  Protestant,  that  he 
had  earned  his  pardon  by  betraying  his  kinsman.     But  he 

'  S.  P.,  vol.  xii,  pt.  i,  845. 

-  However  much  wo  may  reprehend  James's  habit  of  boasting  of 
mythical  ancient  splendours,  let  us  charitably  remember  that  it  is 
the  besetting  sni  of  those  who  "  have  seen  better  days",  and  that 
James  did  not  dwell  on  his  misfortunes  with  the  view  to  "obtaining 
money  by  false  pretences",  but  that  ho  refrained  from  asking  Melanc- 
thon for  anything. 


A    Welsh  Insurrection,  53 

of  the  Gospel  in  the  church  of  Nuremberg,"  written  prob- 
ably from  Wittenberg  in  April  1537,^  Philip  Melancthon 
gives  us  a  captivating  glimpse  at  James's  life  on  the  Con- 
tinent, and  a  suggestion  of  the  account  which  James  gave 
of  himself  : — 

"  I  have  given  these  letters  to  an  Englishman  who  asked 
me  to  commend  him  to  you.  lie  held  land  of  his  own  in 
which  he  could  rjiise  1:2,000  soldiers,  and  was  moreover 
Governor  of  Wales,  hut  spoke  rather  freely  against  the 
Divorce.  To  him  was  particularly  commended  the  daughter 
of  the  first  Queen,  because  she  had  the  title  of  Princess  of 
Wales,  and  therefore  he  grieved  at  the  contumelies  put  upon 
her.  lEe  was  afterwards  put  in  prison,  from  which,  after  a 
year  and  three  months,  he  escaped  by  making  a  rope  out  of 
cloth.  I  beg  you  to  receive  and  console  him.  His  exile  is 
long,  his  misfortune  long,  and  he  seems  a  modest  man. 
[lere  he  has  asked  for  nothing.  I  think  he  takes  httle 
pleasure  in  the  court."^ 

In  the  midst  of  much  loud  talk  and  gasconading,  which 
seems  to  have  been  taken  as  gospel  truth  by  the  simple 
and  trustful  Melancthon,  we  have  one  statement  of  fact 
which  can  be  relied  on.  James  said  that  he  had  been 
imprisoned  for  fifteen  months^  and  he  was  not  likely  to 
understate  the  amount  of  his  sufferings.  We  may  dis- 
miss, as  mere  braggadocio,  his  tale  about  his  escape  from 
prison  "by  making  a  rope  out  of  cloth".  He  was  prob- 
ably, as  Henry  Eice  said,  remorseful  as  to  the  part  he  had 
played  in  Rhys's  trial,  and  was  unwilling  to  admit,  even 
to  his  own  conscience,  much  less  to  a  Protestant,  that  he 
had  earned  his  pardon  by  betraying  his  kinsman.     But  he 

'  S.  P.J  vol.  xii,  pt.  i,  845. 

^  However  much  we  may  reprehend  James's  habit  of  boasting  of 
mythical  ancient  splendours,  let  us  charitably  remember  that  it  is 
the  besetting  sm  of  those  wht)  **  have  seen  better  days",  and  that 
James  did  not  dwell  on  his  misfortunes  with  the  view  to  "obtaining 
money  by  false  pretences",  but  that  ho  refrained  from  asking  Melanc- 
thon for  anything. 


54  A    Welsh  Insurrection, 

had  no  motive  to  understate  the  period  of  his  imprison* 
ment,  and  we  may  therefore  take  it  that  he  was  lodged  in 
the  Tower  altogether  for  fifteen  months.  If,  as  is  likely, 
he  was  first  arrested  in  October  1530,  the  fifteen  months 
would  be  up  in  January  l£82,  just  a  month  or  so  after  the 
execution  of  Rhys.  This  is  as  we  should  have  expected, 
but  there  are  several  difficulties  still  in  the  way.  On 
June  20,  1532,  James  petitioned  the  King  for  his  pardon 
in  the  following  terms  : — 

*'  To  the  king  our  Soverai^e  Lorde. 

*' Please  it  your  highiics  of  your  mosto  abundante  grace 
to  graunte  untt)  your  desolate  subject  James  Gruft'yth  ap 
Howell  being  prisoner  in  Westminster  your  most  gracious 
letters  of  pardon  in  due  forme  undre  your  greate  seall  to 
be  made  after  the  forme  and  effect  hereafter  ensuying  and 
that  this  bill  signed  with  your  most  gracious  hande  maye  be 
a  sufHcient  warrant  and  discharge  unto  the  Lord  Keper  of 
your  grete  seale  without  suying  of  any  other  writing  or 
warrant  under  your  signet  privey  seale  or  otherwise.  And 
your  said  orator  shall  continually  during  his  lif  pray  for  the 
good  preservacion  of  your  moste  noble  estiite  being  long  to 
endure,"  et(\ 

Then  follows  the  *'  form  and  effect''  of  the  pardon,  signed 
by  the  King,  in  the  same  terms  as  those  in  which  it  was 
afterwards  enrolled.' 

Two  things  are  worthy  of  note  in  this  Sign  Bill.  Its 
date  is  June  20,  1532,  and  in  it  James  ap  Griffith  is 
described  as  b(»ing  a  ''prisoner  in  Westminster".  In  the 
engrossed  pardon"  (and  in  the  printed  State  Papers)  the 

'  *y.  p.,voi.  V,  ii;{9(is). 

-  The  pardon,  which  is  in  t'onnnon  form,  and  not  worth  repro<hic- 
tion  luM'o,  is  made  out  to  James  GrilHth  ai>  Ilowel  of  the  various 
lnr<lshij)s  already  meiitioni'<l,  and  absolv^.«^!  James  of  all  *'prodiciono8 
tam  majores  (juam  minores  ac  .  .  .  alias  prodicionestpuvsoumtiuo 
murdra  homicidia  folonias  roborias  burgulara  abjuraoiones  rapta 
cai)ciones  et  alxluctiones  mulierum  (lUecuuKpie  per  ipsum  Jacobum 
ante  hec  tompora,"  iftc.     Thu  mistako  as  to  the  date  was  probably  a 


A    We/sk  Instii'vection,  55 

date  is  wrongly  given  as  June  20,  1531.  As  we  have  seen, 
that  date  is  impossible,  for  in  August  and  September  of 
that  year  we  know,  from  the  indictment  against  Rhys  ap 
Griffith,  that  James  was  still  a  prisoner  in  the  Tower.  In 
the  fifth  volume  of  the  State  Papers  (No.  657)  certain 
"fines  made  with  divers  persons  by  the  King's  Council" 
are  assigned  to  the  end  of  the  year  1581.  Among  them 
we  find  one  John  ab  Owen,  late  prisoner  in  the  Tower, 
who  "  sometimes  was  towards  Rice  Griffith",  fined 
£26  13s.  46?.  ;^  while  in  Cromwell's  own  hand  there  is 
added,  "James  Griffith  ap  Howell,  for  his  pardon 
c€526  13s.  Idf.,"  400  marks  of  which  being  "in  obliga- 
tions". A  few  pages  later  (No.  683)  we  find  "instructions 
by  the  King  as  to  Rice  ap  Griffith's  property",  so  that  in 
all  probability  John  ab  Owen  and  James  ap  Griffith  were 
fined  for  their  pardons  ahnost  immediately  after  the 
conclusion  of  Rhys's  trial.  But  the  pardon  would  perhaps 
not  become  operative  until  the  fine  was  paid.  Is  not  this 
the  explanation  of  the  fact  that  James  was  still  described 
in  June  1532  as  a  "prisoner  in  Westminster"?  After 
receivin^f  his  promise  of  pardon  on  payment  of  a  fine,  he 
may  have  been  removed  from  the  Tower  to  Westminster  as 
the  King's  debtor.  On  June  13,  1532 — after  the  Bill  of 
Attainder  against  Rhys  ap  Griffith,  which  had  been  passed 
in  the  previous  January — instructions  were  given  to  four 
Commissioners,  Thomas  Jones,  Morris  ap  Harry,  John 
Smythe,  and  William  Brabazon,  to  take  possession  of  all 
Rhys's   lands,   etc.,   and   deliver  them  to  the  King,  and 

clerical  error,  but  it  is  barely  possible  that  he  was  pardoned  only  for 
oll'ences  coininitted  before  June  1531,  and  that  his  complicity  in  Rhys 
ap  Grittitirs  so-called  ''conspiracy"  was  still  to  bo  held  m  terrorem 
over  his  head.     {Pat.  Rolls,  L>3  11.  VlII,  p.  i,  m.  34.) 

'  Can  this  be  the  Thomas  ab  Owen,  Rhys's  kinsman,  who  was 
imprisoned  by  Lord  Ferrers  ?  No  further  reference  is  to  be  found  to 
this  John  ab  Owen. 


56  A    Welsh  Ifisujv^eciion. 

ascertain,  at  the  same  time,  what  lands  and  goods  were 
possessed  by  James  Griffith  ap  Howell. 

^'  ItoTii,  yo  shall  also  inquire  ...  by  all  the  manners  and 
weyes  yo  can  possiblie  what  landes,  houses  or  hereditamenta 
James  ap  Griffith  ap  Howell  hath,  whether  in  Wales,  Eng- 
lundo,  and  the  marches  of  the  same  and  what  yerelie  saum 
tlioy  do  amounte  to,  and  to  certifie  us  and  our  oounsaill 
therefore.  Item,  yo  shall  also  inquyre  to  make  sure  by  all 
the  spocdinoss  ye  can  devise  what  ifermes,  etc.,  the  said 
Jaymes  ap  Griffith  ap  HowoU  hath  or  hadd  ....  and 
what  yearlie  proffits  thoy  amounted  to.  .  .  .  Item,  as  to 
cattle,  in  whoso  hands,"  etc.     {S.  P.,  vol.  v,  724,  9.*) 

On  the  very  same  day,  June  13,  1532,  Cromwell  wrote 
to  the  King,  evidently  in  answer  to  Henry's  inquiry,  that 
he  could  not  "  inform  the  King  of  the  conclusion  of  James 
Griffiths  ap  Howell's  matter,  as  he  had  not  spoken  with 
Mr.  Treasurer  of  the  Household,  who  will  to-day  be  at 
Westminster.""  This,  it  will  be  observed,  was  seven  days 
before  the  linal  pardon  was  drawn  up  and  executed.  On 
the  following  September  2,  we  find  an  entry  among  Crom- 
well's "desperat  obligations'"  one  *' by  John  Heughes,  of 
London,  to  Sir  AVilliam  Kyngstone  and  Sir  Edward 
Walsingham,  that  James  Griffith  Appowell  shall  be  true 
prisoner  in  the  Tower."  James's  fine  seems  never  to  have 
been  paid  in  full.  Late  in  1533,  among  "the  debts 
remaining  upon  sundry  obligations  to  the  King's  use",  we 
twice  find  James  ap  Griffith's  name.*     In  February  1585^ 


A  vtM'v  intt'i(.'stii)*r  account  of  Rhys  up  Griffith's  property  is 
given,  not  only  in  tlio  coniimtus  <»f  William  iinibazon  (A*.  P,,  vol.  v, 
No.  -14S),  but  also  in  tlio  'rrcasuiy  llc^coipts  (Uocjord  Office),  Mis- 
celliineous  Hooks,  lol,  whiMo  u  minute^  (Icscviptiou  of  each  of  his 
"ciistclls"  of  Knilyn,  Carow,  Naibortli,  Newton  ^Dinofwr),  und  Aber- 
ni,ii  les  is  given. 

''  !S.  1\,  vol.  V,  m)± 

^  *V.  i\,  vol.  V,  ll^So. 

*  is.  i^,  vol.  vi,  una. 


A    Welsh  Insurrection.  57 

among  the  "obligations  due  at  and  before  the  Purification 
of  our  Lady  next"  is  entered  ^^^  138.  4df.  from  James; 
and  among  the  bonds  to  the  King  "not  yet  due"  on  that 
date,  are  tAro  sums,  one  of  £266  13s.  4d!.  from  James  ap 
Griffith  and  Walter  Boules,  and  another  of  t^^  13^.  4i. 
from  James  ap  Griffith.  Of  the  fine  of  £526  138.  4df.  it 
would  seem  that  James  only  paid  £126  13s.  4{Z.,  and  that 
the  other  £400  was  still  owing.  May  not  this  account  for 
the  entry,  already  cited,  concerning  John  Hughes's  "obli- 
gation" to  the  Constable  of  the  Tower  that  James  ap 
Griffith  shall  be  "true  prisoner  in  the  Tower"?  May  it 
not  also  explain  the  somewhat  mysterious  origin  of  James's 
connection  with  Harry  Ellington,  a  merchant  of  Bristol  ? 

Henry,  or  Harry,  Ellington  was  a  man  of  unsavoury 
reputation  and  worse  character.  The  first  mention  we 
have  of  him  in  the  State  Papers  is  when  he  was  an  ap- 
prentice to  a  merchant  named  Abraham,  of  London,  and 
resident  in  the  Low  Countries.  He  was  then  concerned  in 
a  bit  of  sharp  practice,  which  was  the  subject  of  complaint 
on  the  part  of  the  English  agent  at  Antwerp.^  Some  years 
after  we  find  him.  a  prisoner  in  the  Tower,  writing  on  May 
28,  1532,  toCromwelP:— 

'  \Wlh.  iS.  p.,  vol.  iv,  No.  1794.  Ellington,  apprentice  to  Thos. 
Abraham,  merchant  adventurer,  is  alleged  in  a  Bill  in  Chancery  to 
have  bought  *'  \S'2  pieces  of  camlet  worth  £207,  at  the  Sykson  mart 
in  Antwerp  in  1523,  and  for  which  he  refuses  to  pay".  The  bill  given 
by  Ellington  to  the  merchant,  Rodericus  Royfernandus,  was  not 
signed  by  Abraham  ;  and  the  Dutch  merchant  had  therefore  never 
been  paid. 

■  The  date  assigned  to  this  letter  in  the  printed  State  Papers,  is 
May  i?8,  1533,  but  that  must  be  an  error,  for  we  find  him  "about 
Whitsuntide"  (which  fell  on  June  1  in  that  year)  starting  from  Kid- 
welly with  James  ap  Griffith.  According  to  his  own  account,  he  had 
been  with  James  for  some  days  before  the  start,  and  he  had  been 
twice  to  London  on  business  for  him.  He  could  not,  therefore,  have 
been  in  the  Tower  in  May  1533.     On  May  19,  1534,  we  know  he  was 


58  A    Welsh  Insurrection, 

"  Since  I  left  Bristol,  during  mine  imprisonment  in  the 
Tower,  I  have  sustained  gi'eat  wTongs  and  losses  in  the  town 
of  Bristol,  of  which  I  should  be  glad  to  inform  you.  I  beseech 
you,  therefore,  to  send  some  token  to  the  lieutenant  of  the 
Tower,  that  he  will  license  me  to  come  to  you."  {S.  P.,  vol. 
vi,  551.) 

Ill  a  "confession",  which  he  made  to  Stephen  Yaughan^ 
Crom weirs  agent  in  the  Low  Countries,  Ellington  relates 
how  he  came  to  be  connected  with  James  ap  Griffith. 

*•  Master  Vaghan,  the  cawsse  of  my  departynge  out  of  the 
realm  of  ynglande  was  this,  Fyrst  where  1  was  presonad  in 
the  to  ware  of  London  for  Jamys  Greffythe  apowell  at  my 
comyng  to  lyborty  I  came  to  Walls  to  the  said  Jamys  for 
to  have  restietycion  for  my  chargys  that  I  was  at  in  tyme  of 
my  trobill,  and  then  he  promysyd  me  xl  pecys  of  Welohe 
ffrysso  and  mor  desiryd  me  to  remayne  with  hyme  for  a 
monyth  and  that  tlion  he  wolde  make  me  Delyverance  of  the 
said  xl  pecys  of  iiryssis  and  so  in  the  meantyme  he  sent  me 
to  tynis  to  London  consarnynge  the  hurtjmge  [not  hunttfnffe^ 
as  it  is  given  in  the  printed  State  Papers]  of  Wylliam 
Vaghan  of  Kylgarron  [not  Kyh/arsoiiy  as  printed],  and  so  at 
my  last  comynge  home  frome  Ltmdon  I  bad  hyme  send  no 
iiior  ])ut  goo  hyme  sellfe  wythe  his  payments  and  in  so 
doynge  lie  shuld  have  hys  porpos  and  apon  this  he  toke  his 
advys  and  within  to  or  iii  dais  after  he  came  to  me  and  said 
Harry  wher  as  you  geve  nio  this  counsell  to  goo  up  my  seUffe 
1  wyll  not  so  dowe  for  and  yf  1  shulde  goo  up  wythe  part  of 
my  money  and  not  with  the  hole  I  fere  me  to  be  put  in 
prisson.'"     («V.  /'.,  vol.  vi,  1548.) 

Amid  so  miKdi  uncertainty,  it  is  impossible  to  walk 
with  a  sure  tread,  and  we  can  only  conjecture,  with  what 
plausibility  we  may,  what  was  the  real  course  of  events. 

in  Bristol,  and  lU'osuniably  in  CromwcH's  favour.  The  conjecture  is 
thurcjfore  justiliod  that  tlio  letter  was  written  from  the  Tower  in 
May  I5:iL>. 

^  Klliiigtons  last  ai)iH?arance  in  the  Staff*  Papers  is  characteristic. 
On  April  '2'2,  lo.'U,  he  writes  to  Cromwell  to  inform  him  otticiously 
'*of  c(»rtain  oaiistis",  and  in  the  following  May  he  receives  the  con- 
fession of  ()n(j  of  the  cul}>rits,  a  goldsmith  of  Jiristol.  {S,  P,,  vol,  vii, 
Nos.  532,  ()IH\) 


A    Welsh  Insurrection.  59 

It  would  seem,  then,  that  the  offence  for  which  James  ap 
Griffith  had  been  fined  was  ''the  hurtynge"  of  William 
Vaughan,  of  Cilgerran.  This  incident  has  already  been 
dealt  with,  and  we  have  accepted,  as  a  working  hypothesis, 
that  Vaughan  was  so  "'hurt"  while  attempting  to  appre- 
hend James  in  October  1530.  Immediately  after  the 
execution  of  Rhys,  i.e.,  before  the  end  of  1531,  James  is 
fined  the  large  sum  of  £526  138.  Ad.  (probably  equivalent 
to  about  £7,000  of  our  money)  for  his  pardon.  At  this 
time,  no  enquiry  had  been  held  as  to  the  amount  and  value 
of  James's  possessions,  and  James,  no  doubt,  was  glad  to 
purchase  his  life  at  whatever  cost.  In  January  1532,  if 
James's  story  to  Melancthon  can  be  relied  on,  he  was  re- 
leased from  the  Tower  on  finding  sureties  for  the  payment 
of  the  fine,  though  in  the  following  June  James  is  still  a 
''prisoner  in  Westminster".  One  John  Hughes,  of  London 
— probably  the  same  as  James's  correspondent  in  Septem- 
ber 1531,  who  is  mentioned  in  the  Indictment  of  Rhys — 
was  certainly  one  of  those  who  entered  into  an  "obligation" 
on  behalf  of  James.  Henry  Ellington  seems  to  have  been 
another,  according  to  his  own  story,  for  he  was  at  some 
time  a  prisoner  in  the  Tower,  and  put  to  certain  "chargys" 
for  James  ap  Griffith.  The  Walter  Boules,  mentioned  as 
jointly  with  James  indebted  to  the  King  in  the  sum  of 
£266  138.  4J.,  may  have  been  a  third  surety.  On  June  13, 
1532,  Cromwell,  finding  the  King  becoming  impatient, 
instructs  Commissioners  to  inquire  into  the  extent  and 
value  of  James's  estate  and  goods,  and  seven  days  later  a 
formal  pardon  is  made  out  to  him.  The  "prisoner  in 
Westminster"  probably  then  hurried  home — not  to  Emlyn, 
which  was  in  the  hands  of  the  King's  Commissioners  since 
the  attainder  of  Rhys,  but  yet  somewhere  not  far  from 
the  town  of  Carmarthen.  It  may  be  he  went  to  Castell 
Maelgwn  on  the  banks  of  the  Teivi  in  Pembrokeshire,  but 


I' 


A    U\/sh  Insurrection. 


59 


It  would  seem,  then,  that  the  otFence  for  which  Ja,iiies  up 
(.Jriftith  liiid  been  fined  was  "the  hurtyiif»e"  of  William 
Vausli'i"-  ti^  Cilgen-an.  This  incident  has  already  been 
dealt  with,  and  we  have  acceptetl,  as  a  working  hypothesis, 
that  Vaughan  was  so  "hurl"  while  attempting  to  appre- 
lienil  James  in  October  lo'W.  Iminediatelv  after  the 
execution  of  Rhys,  i.e.,  before  the  end  of  lo^il,  James  is 
fined  the  large  sum  of  i52(J  \'^».  M.  fjtrobably  equivalent 
to  about  £7,000  of  our  money)  for  liis  pardon.  At  this 
time,  no  enquirj-  had  been  held  as  to  the  amount  and  value 
of  James's  i)os3GSsions,  and  James,  no  doubt,  was  glad  to 
purchase  his  life  at  whatever  cost.  In  January  l-jSi,  if 
James's  story  to  Melancthon  can  be  relied  on,  he  was  re- 
leased from  the  Tower  on  finding  sureties  for  tlie  payment 
of  the  fine,  though  in  the  following  June  James  is  still  a 
"prisoner  in  Westminster".  One  John  Hughes,  of  London 
— ^probably  the  same  as  James's  correspondent  in  Septem- 
ber 1531,  who  is  mentioned  in  the  Indictment  of  Rhys — 
was  certainly  one  of  those  who  entered  into  an  "obligation" 
on  behalf  of  James.  Eeniy  Ellington  seems  to  have  been 
another,  according  to  his  own  atory,  for  he  was  at  some 


^H      time  a  prisoner  in  the  Tower,  and  put  to  certain  "cliar^iys" 

^H     for  James  ap  Urithth.     The  WaUoi-  Boi^ 

Mtaationed  as 

^H     jointly  with  James  iiideltted  to   thiv  Ki^ 

■Tir.  mm  of 

^^^    £2(it!  19«.  id.,  may  have  h>v'u       <      ' 

■'U.June  13, 

^B   loSS,  Cnitnwell,  tiudiott   tl^^^ 

impatient, 

^H    hlsiTM.J-                            ''""^^^^B 

extent  and 

^^H    ralu'^                           ''^^^^^r 

J  lys  later  a 

"priHoner  in 

iiuf  to  Kmlyn, 

^^Huitell 

^^^^^^BTli  d^^^^^^^^^^B^^H 

^^H^but 

6o  A    Welsh  Insurrection. 

this  a^ain  we  are  slow  to  believe.  Had  James  been  there, 
it  would  have  been  easy  for  him  to  set  sail  from  the  Pem- 
brokeshire or  Cardiganshire  coast  for  Ireland  in  ISSS, 
instead  of  embarking  at  Kidwelly,  as  we  know  he  did. 
Mention  is  made  in  David  Williams's  confession  of  one 
"Retlier  ap  Davyd  ap  Jankyn,  in  whose  house  the  said 
Gryfiitli  was  lodged  in  South  Gare",  and  it  is  not  unlikely 
that,  while  the  King's  Commissioners  were  making  an 
inquisition  into  his  property,  James  and  his  family  found 
refuge  in  a  friend's  house  in  ''South  Gare"  (South  Car- 
marthenshire?). We  know  that  "about  Whitsuntide" 
1588,  James  was  somewhere  in  Carmarthenshire.  David 
Williams,  in  his  confession,  says  that 

**  Thorn's  ap  K-  )ther  of  the  Kron^arth  was  a  gret  frond  of  the 
saide  GryfKth  and  otfured  him  iiic  men  to  ayde  him  as 
GryfKth  sayed,  and  that  one  David  Vaughan  of  Kidwellys 
hind  brought  the  saide  GryfKth  to  the  waterside  at  his 
departing  out  of  Wales,  and  that  David  Meredith  of  Kid- 
welly s  land  aforesaid  was  also  a  greto  ffronde  and  ffautor  of 
the  saide  GrytHthes  with  also  one  Rether  ap  Davyd  ap 
Jenkyn  in  whose  house  the  saide  Gryffith  was  lodged  in 
South  Gare,  and  the  said  David  sayeth  that  James  GryflSth 
would  often  make  moche  mone  that  lie  had  no  wey  to  convey 
lettres  into  Knglond  to  one  Fraunces  Novile.  He  also 
seyeth  that  Walter  ap  John  was  a  fi'autor  and  frend  of  the 
8ai<l  GryfHth,  and  kept  him  mo(?he  company  in  Wales  long 
tyme  before  he  <leparted  to  Scotland."     (*y.  P.,  vol.  vi,  Io91.) 

The  reference  to  Francis  Nevile,  with  whom  James 
wanted  to  ^et  into  touch,  is  significant.  On  December  30, 
1532,  a  William  Nevill  confessed  to  certain  treasonable 
practices.  A  sentence  in  his  confession,  which  has 
already  boon  quoted,  shows  that  he  was  acquainted  with 
the  story,  if  not  with  the  person,  of  Rhys  ap  Griffith. 
James,  in  his  inacc«»ssible  homo,  ''makes  much  moan" 
that  ho  was  not  in  communication  with  another  Nevill. 
He   tries    to    ward    off   the   Government's   suspicion   by 


A    Welsh  Insurrection,  6i 

sending  Ellino^n  twice  up  to  London  to  pay  off  instal- 
ments of  his  fine  ;  in  all  he  paid  £126  13s.  \d.  There  is 
no  doubt,  however,  that  his  mind  was  full  of  plots  and 
schemes  to  overthrow  the  King.  He  had  probably  been 
ruined  by  the  infliction  of  the  heavy  fine,  following  close 
upon  his  patron's  death.  His  predilections  were  Catholic, 
and  he  supported  the  old  Queen  against  her  supplanter. 
He  professed  to  David  Williams  that  he  was  in  communi- 
cation with  Queen  Catherine,  and  there  is  nothing 
inherently  improbable  in  his  statement,  though,  of  course, 
it  may  have  been  nothing  more  than  a  silly  boast.  David 
Williams,  in  his  confession,  which  was  made  at  the  end  of 

1533,  stated  that 

**  about  Whitsuntide  last  James  Griffith  ap  Howell  receyved 
a  letter  from  the  queen's  grace  as  the  saide  Gryffith  sayd 
commanding  you  to  provide  hobbeyes  for  her  grace  in 
Irelond.  And  thereuppon  for  that  purpose  as  he  sayeth 
take  a  ship  and  sayled  towards  Irelond." 

Ellington,  indeed,  makes  no  mention  oE  the  Queen's 
letter,  but  he  was  anxious  to  show  his  innocence  of  James's 
treasonable  designs,  and  that  he  was  only  constrained 
"for  fear",  after  reaching  the  coast  of  Ireland,  to  accom- 
pany James  into  Scotland.  Three  things  incline  us  to 
believe  that  James  was  possibly  in  direct  communication 
with  Queen  Catherine.  In  the  first  place,  there  is  James's 
own  statement  to  David  Williams,  his  servant,  which 
accords  with  the  general  view  taken  by  contemporaries  as 
to  the  cause  of  his  exile.  Ellington  states  that  a  man  from 
Flanders  came  to  James  at  Leith,  and  said  that 

"  he  had  been  in  the  court  of  my  lady  Mary,  Quene  of 
Ilungre  [who  was  Regent  of  the  Netherlands  under  her 
brother  the  Emperor]  when  he  dyd  here  myche  goodnes  of 
the  said  Jaymys,  and  that  yt  was  showyd  my  lady  Mary 
that  he  was  a  gret  lord  banyshed  out  oflf  Ynglande  for 
takynge  part  with  the  olde  queene,  and  that  she  wychyd  for 
hyme  with  here  by  caus  she  hard  tell  that  he  myght  also 
myche  i  Walls."    {S.  P.,  vol.  vi,  1648.) 


62  A    Welsh  Insurrection. 

This  was  the  tale  t^old  to  the  Eegent,  be  it  noted,  not 
by  James  himself,  or  any  of  his  emissaries,  but  either 
by  common  report  or  by  somebody  acting  in  Queen 
Catherine's  interest  at  her  niece's  Court.  Melancthon's 
letter  to  Vitus  Theodorus  and  Legh's  description  of 
James's  behaviour  at  the  Court  of  the  Duke  of  Holst^ 
show,  also,  that  James  himself  did  his  best  to  live  up  to 
his  reputation  as  the  old  Queen's  friend.  Then,  there  can 
be  no  doubt  that  the  unfortunate  Catherine  was  at  this 
time  at  the  very  lowest  ebb  of  her  fortunes.  In  the 
previous  March,  the  King  had  privately  married  Anne 
Boleyn.  On  May  23,  1533,  Archbishop  Cranmer  formally 
announced  the  decree  of  divorce  from  Catherine.  On 
May  28,  the  King's  marriage  with  Anne  was  declared 
valid,  and  on  Whit-Sunday,  June  1,  at  the  time  when 
James  received  his  letter  from  Queen  Catherine,  conveying 
a  hint  that  he  should  fly  to  Ireland,  Anne  Boleyn  was 
crowned  Queen.  If  there  had  been  any  plots  to  prevent 
the  marriage  and  coronation  of  Esther,  what  more  natural 
than  that  Vashti  should  warn  her  friends  at  the  first 
possible  moment  of  the  failure  of  their  hopes  and  the 
triumph  of  her  rival  ?  There  is  still  another  supposition, 
which  does  not  altogether  lack  probability.  Ellis  Griffith 
tells  us  Queen  Catherine  was  in  the  habit  of  repairing,  in 
the  days  of  her  bitter  trouble,  to  the  house  of  a  Spanish 
servant  named  Philip.  She  used  to  confide  all  her 
troubles  to  her  sympathetic  countrymen,  and  no  doubt 
found  much  relief  in  relating  her  woes  to  her  humble 
friends.  All  the  servants  in  Philip's  house  were  Welsh- 
men, and  some  of  them,  especially  David  ap  Robert  of  Llan- 
gollen, were  well  acquainted  with  Spanish,  the  language 
in  which  the  Queen  conversed.     It  is  no  wild  assumption 

'  S.  1\  vol.  vii,  No.  710. 


A    Welsh  Insurrection,  63 

to  conclude  that  James  ap  Griffith  was  known  to  David 
ap  Robert,  especially  as  Llangollen  was  on  the  borders 
of  James's  lordships  of  Arwystli  and  Cyveiliog.  There 
were  few  Welshmen  resident  in  London  in  those  days,  and 
we  may  be  sure  that  they  clung  together.  Even  if  we 
discard  the  idea  that  the  Queen  herself  should  have  been 
James  ap  Griffith's  correspondent,  it  iis  not  unnatural  to 
suppose  that  one  of  Master  Philip's  Welsh  servants  should 
have  learnt  the  failure  of  the  Queen's  hopes,  and  hastened 
to  warn  his  countryman  of  the  triumph  of  his  foes. 
Certain  it  is  that  the  inability  to  pay  the  full  fine  was  not 
the  only,  perhaps  not  the  predisposing  cause  of  James's 
resolve  to  quit  his  native  land.  The  relentlessness  with 
which  he  was  pursued  all  over  the  Continent  by  Henry 
and  his  agents,  showed  that  there  was  some  other  and 
graver  offence  laid  to  his  charge  than  mere  failure  to  pay 
a  fine. 

A  graphic  account  of  James  ap  Griffith's  departure 
from  Wales  and  his  adventures  in  Ireland,  Scotland,  and 
Flanders  is  supplied  by  the  confessions  of  David  Williams, 
one  of  James's  servants,  and  Henry  Ellington,  and  we 
cannot  do  better  than  reproduce  them  in  full,  omitting 
only  those  passages  in  them  which  have  already  been 
cited.  James  was  accompanied  to  the  seaside,  somewhere 
near  Kidwelly,  by  his  old  friend  David  Vaughan. 

*^  And  thereuppon",  said  David  Williams  .  .  .  .  "  he 
sayled  towards  Irelond,  being  in  his  company  at  that  tyme 
Alice  his  iix.  (wife),  Sache  (Sage)  his  daughter,  John  a  Mor- 
gan a  kynnesman  of  his,  Henry  Ellington^  Lewes  a  maryner, 
John  a  pen  berere  [o  Ben-y-Buarth  ?  a  place  in  Emlyn, 
mentioned  in  Dwnn,  p.  20],  John  Bean  Teaw  (ben  tewP), 
John  Owon  a  gooner,  and  the  saide  David  Willyams,  which 
ship  was  of  the  portage  of  xv  or  xvi  tooune  laden  with  benes, 
and  in  the  same  ship  he  sayeth  were  vi  maryners,  that  is  to 
say,  a  master  and  five  maryners,  And  ferther  ho  seyeth  that 
before  they  take  shipping  in  the  forsaid  ship,  the  said  Gryffith 


64  A    Welsh  Insurrection. 

and  other  his  complices  abovesaide  were  conveyed  over  in  a 
cole  bote  to  Uphill  in  Somersetshire,  where  they  toke  the 
saido  ship  bein^  laden  with  beanes  as  is  aforsaide,  and  so 
sayled  into  Irclonde  to  the  port  of  Yowghale,  where  they 
landed  and  remaynud  there  a  sevennight,  in  which  tyme  he 
soldo  his  beanes  to  him  that  was  owner  of  the  saide  ship. 
And  after  that  the  saide  Gryffith  with  his  saide  complices 
take  ship  agayn  and  sailed  towarde  Scotlande  and  arryved 
at  Saynt  Tronyans  the  Son  day  before  the  natyvyte  of  Saynt 
John  Baptist  last  past,  where  he  was  lodged  in  a  widowe*8 
house,  And  within  iii  dayes  aft^r  the  sayde  Griffith  arrived 
there  the  Kyng  of  Scots  repay  red  thither  to  Saynt  Tronyans 
at  which  tyme  the  saido  James  Gryffith  sent  to  the  lorde 
Fflemynjx,  a  Scottish  man,  and  met  with  him  in  the  Abbey 
of  St.  Tronyan's  aforsaide,  where  they  talked  together  an 
hower  or  more,  Which  lorde  Fflemyng  was  brother  of  the 
Abbot  of  St.  Tronyan,  and  the  saide  lorde  Fflemyng  at  the 
instance  of  the  saido  Gryffith  repayred  to  the  Scottish  King. 
And  within  iii  dayes  after  the  Scottish  King  repayred  to  the 
town  of  Saynt  Tronyan's  aforsaide,  where  he  tarried  iii  or  iiii 
dayes,  and  then  depai-ted,  after  whose  departing  the  saide 
James  Gryffith  with  his  famylic  aforsaide  repayred  to  Edin- 
burgh, whore  ho  tarried  on  moneth  and  was  lodged  in  one 
Richard  Lundell's  house,  being  servante  to  the  secretary 
unto  the  Scottish  King,  at  which  tyme  the  saide  James 
Gryffith  spake  with  the  Chauncelor  and  Treasourer,  and  also 
with  the  secretarye  in  the  Chauncelor  s  house  at  severaU 
tymcs,  and  that  they  gave  unto  the  said  Gryffith  as  the 
saying  was  about  an  eight  score  crownes  [and  within  that 
tyme  of  his  beyng  at  Edinburgh  before  the  receyte  of  that 
money  he  had  moclie  communication  with  one  .... 
loyd  ....  vyd  ....  or  long  ....  (c)om- 
paney  departed  to  Denmark.]'  Also  the  said  David  Wil- 
lyams  sayeth  that  the  saide  James  Gr^'ffith  having  com- 
munycacions  with  the  saide  Chauncelor  and  others  desired  to 
have  3,000  men  to  go  with  him  into  Wales,  alledging  himself 
to  be  the  gretest  man  in  Wales,  And  that  he  with  the  lyon 
of  Scotlande  should  subdue  all  Englond,  howbeit  the  said 


'  The  sentence  in  brackets  is  written  in  between  the  lines  and  in 
the  margin,  and  a  portion  of  it  is  illegible.  James  seems  to  have  mot 
at  Edinburgh  a  man  named  Loyd,  who  had  since  gone  to  Denmark. 


A    Welsh   Insurrection.  65 

David  knoweth  not  that  the  Scotts  oflfered  or  proffered  him 
any  suche  ayde  of  men,  But  he  sayeth  that  the  saide  Gryffith 
opteyned  of  the  said  counscile  of  Scotland  a  passeporte  to 
go  into  Fflannders,  and  we  so  departed  from  Edinburgh  to 
Newbotell,  where  he  tarryed  a  sevennight  flfayning  himself  to 
be  sycke,  in  the  which  tyme  cam  unto  him  two  merchantmen 
of  Edinburgh  aforsaide.  And  from  Newbotell  the  said 
Gryffith  departed  to  Davykythe  (Dalkeith)  and  there  taryed 
a  flfourtenight,  and  from  Davykyth  departed  to  Lygth,  and 
being  there,  sent  Henry  Ellington  into  Fflaunders,  but  for 
what  purpose  this  deponent  knoweth  not." — {S,  P.,  vol.  vi, 
1591.) 

Henry   Ellington's   narrative    is   not    less   vivid    and 

dramatic  in  style,  nor  less  copious  in  matter.     After  giving 

the  account  of  his  dealings  with  James,  which  has  already 

been  quoted,  he  goes  on  to  say  that  "about  Whitsuntide", 

James  ap  Griffith 

"  asked  me  and  I  knew  Irelond  and  I  said  I  knew  ytt,  then 
he  askyd  me  in  what  parts  that  the  best  horsis  wher  in  in 
Irelonde,  and  I  sayd  in  Dredathe,  then  he  sayd  he  wold  goo 
thether  to  by  som  horssis,  won  for  to  geve  the  kyng's  grace 
and  another  for  to  geve  the  queen's  grace,  and  won  for  Mr. 
Cromwell  and  a  nothar  for  on  Edwarde  Aynton,^  and  so 
desiryd  me  for  to  goo  with  hymme  becaws  I  knewe  the 
partis  of  lerlande,  and  in  this  behalffe  I  was  contentyd  to  go 
with  hyme,  and  so  departyd  to  a  place  within  xv  myle  of 
Bristow  cawllid  Uphill,  and  ther  the  sayd  Jamys  fraytyd  a 
smalle  penes  (pinnace)  and  so  we  departyd  the  Monday 
benytte  after  Wytsonday  and  landed  in  Yoholte  (Youghal) 
upon  Corpus  Crysty  day  and  taryd  there  a  senyt,  and  so 
then  departed  toward  Dredathe,  and  when  we  came  affor  the 
havyn  of  the  sayd  place  the  said  Jamys  came  to  me  and  said 
Henry  wyll  yowe  agre  to  goo  with  me  to  Skotlande,  and  I 
sayd  no  I  will  not  adyd  mor  trobuU  for  you  for  I  have  hade 
1  now  .  .  .  .  and  I  wyll  not  for  sake  my  wiflf  noer  my 
chylderyn  for  yow  nor  my  friends,  so  with  this  he  went  to 
the  master  of  the  botte  and  to  all  the  company  and  askyde 
theme  whether  they  wolde  agre  to  goo  wyth  hym  and  they  said 
no,  for  thay  warnot  bownde  to  goo  no  fardare  then  Dredathe, 


^  Queen  Anne  Boleyn's  Chamberlain. 

P 


66  A    Welsh  Insurrection. 

then  he  cawllyd  me  and  bad  me  gett  me  and  the  master  and 
his  company  under  hatches  and  so  towke  from  me  viii  /t. 
storlinge  wyclie  T  thowght  to  bestow  in  Irlyand  for  my  own 
pers,  and  then  the  company  for  fere  agreyd  to  go  with  hyme 
and  I  in  caslyke  agi-ede  to  the  sayme  for  fere  also,  then  was 
ther  a  wrcchyd  fellowo  that  is  his  servant,  whose  name  is 
Davy,  bad  the  sayd  Jamys  lat  lis  kell  them  and  throwe  them 
over  bowrde,  but  the  sayd  Jamys  wold  not  agre  to  the  sayme, 
the  sayd  Davy  showyd  me  the  sayme  syns,  then  upon  myd- 
ssomar  evyn  wo  came  aboude  in  Skotlande  at  a  place  cawllyd 
Wliythorne,  and  ther  the  Kinge  was,  and  so  he  felle 
aquantyd  with  the  lorde  Flemyn,  whiche  showyd  the  Kynge 
of  hyme,  and  apon  this  1  wrought  his  letters  to  the  Kynge 
for  hyrao,  for  he  ha<ld  no  other  body  to  doo  hit  but  I,  and  at 
my  comynge  to  the  kyiig's  grace  of  Englande  and  to  the 
honorabill  lords  of  the  cownsell  I  wyll  show  the  fekle  of  thos 
letters  and  off  all  othar  letters  consarnynge  his  desynes  and 
oifercs,  and  nowe  of  at  here  came  a  man  from  Flanders  to 
Skotlande,  and  (  .  .  .  see  above).  .  .  .  And  so  he 
gave  some  credance  to  the  sayd  man,  and  so  apon  this  he 
causyd  nio  to  -wTytto  to  my  Lady  Mary  and  so  put  me  in 
trost  to  bring  tliys  letter  to  her,  wiche  I  was  goynge  in  to 
Yngland  withall,  so  yt  me  chancyd  that  I  hard  of  youre 
beynge  there  Mr.  Vaughan,  and  bycaus  I  knew  that  yowe 
are  the  Kyngs  grace  sarvant  I  move  this  my  mynd  to  you 
in  as  myche  that  yff  yt  be  the  Kyng's  grace  pleasure  to 
furuysh  me  with  a  ship  as  his  grace  shall  know  by  the 
letters  dorectyd  to  my  Lady  Mary,  and  by  that  at  I  wyll  show 
his  grace  and  his  honorabill  counsell  by  mowth  that  if  I  do 
not  deliver  the  sayd  Jamys  in  to  his  grace  hands  within 
short  apace  that  then  I  wyll  los  my  lyffe  and  thus  God  save 
the  Kyngs  grace." 

By  reading  tlieso  two  documents  together,  we  are  able 
to  piece  together  a  connected  and  intelligible  account  of 
James  ap  Griffith's  departure  from  Wales.  The  tone  of 
the  two  documents  is  markedly  different :  Davy's  "con- 
fession" is  plain,  blunt,  straightforward,  hiding  and 
extenuating  nothing,  except  that  the  "wret<;hyd  fellowe" 
omits  all  mention  of  that  dramatic  scene  outside  the  haven 
at  Droglieda.  Ellington's  narrative  is  written  evidently 
with  an  eye  to  effect.     He  says  nothing  of  tlie  letter  from 


A    Welsh  Insurrection.  67 

the  Queen  which  reached  James  before  the  start,  but  he 
insinuates  that  the  original  object  of  the  journey  was  to 
buy  horses  for  the  King,  Queen  Anne,  Cromwell,  and  the 
Queen's  Chamberlain,  and  that  it  was  only  at  Drogheda 
that  this  plan  was  altered.  These  little  differences  in  the 
narratives,  however,  only  lend  fresh  interest  to  the  story; 
they  do  not  in  any  way  impair  the  credibility  of  the  two 
narrators. 

"About  Whitsuntide",  1533,  then,  James  received  the 
Queen's  letter,  and  left  his  friend's  house  in  "South  Gare" 
and  made  for  Kidwelly.  Accompanied  by  his  friend, 
David  Vaughan,  he  reached  the  shore,  and  then,  with  his 
wife,  daughter,  and  a  few  retainers,  embarked  on  board  a 
coal-boat  for  Uphill,  a  little  village  near  Weston-super- 
Mare.  On  Monday  night,  June  2,  James  and  his  company 
left  Uphill  for  Toughal,  in  Ireland,  and  on  the  following 
Friday,  June  6,  being  Corpus  Christi  Day,  they  arrived 
safely  at  their  destination.  After  selling,  like  a  prudent 
man,  his  cargo  of  beans,  on  June  13  James  started  for 
Drogheda.  When  they  came  outside  the  harbour,  how- 
ever, James  insisted  on  proceeding  to  Scotland.  Ellington 
and  the  crew  refused,  but  James  drove  them  under  the 
hatches,  and  "for  fear"  they  consented  to  go  on  to  Scot- 
land. On  the  Sunday  before  the  Nativity  of  St.  John  the 
Baptist,  I.e.,  on  June  22 — according  to  David  Williams — 
or  on  June  23,  Midsummer  eve — according  to  Ellington — 
James  and  his  party  landed  at  St.  Tronyan's,  St.  Ninians, 
or  Whythorn,  on  the  south-west  coast  of  Scotland.  James, 
hearing  that  the  King  of  Scots  was  on  his  way  thither, 
determined  to  await  his  arrival,^  and  lodged  in  a  widow's 
house.     Three  days  later,  June  25,  the  King  arrived,  and 

^  That  David  Williams's  account  is  correct  on  this  point,  and  not 
Ellington's,  is  proved  by  the  testimony  of  Lord  Dacre's  letter  of 
July  2  to  Henry  VIII.     (6'.  1\  vol.  vi,  750.) 

F   2 


68  A   Welsh  Insurrection, 

with  him  Lord  Fleming,  with  whom  James  picked  up  an 
acquaintance.  An  interview  was  arranged  between  the 
two  at  St.  Tronyan's  Abbey,  whose  Abbot  wa«  Lord 
Fleming's  brother.  The  result  of  that  interview  was  that 
James  was  presumably  presented  three  days  later,  on 
June  28,  to  the  King,  by  whom  he  was  well  received. 
The  warmth  of  James's  reception  caused  quite  a  flutter  in 
diplomatic  dovecotes.  Lord  Dacre,  Sir  T.  ClifiPord,  Sir  G. 
Lawson,  the  Earl  of  Northumberland,  and  Sir  Thomas 
Wharton,  during  the  month  of  July,  can  write  no  letter  to 
the  King  or  Cromwell  without  mentioning  the  "gentleman 
of  Wales. "^  Lord  Dacre  informs  the  King  that  immedi- 
ately on  his  arrival  at  St.  Ninians,  James  ap  Griffith  "sent 
two  sei'vants  into  Wales."*  On  July  11,  the  Commissioners 
on  the  Borders  write  to  Henry  VIII  from  Newcastle  to  say 
that  they  had  remonstrated  with  the  Scotch  Council  that 
King  James  should  have  received  Henry's  rebels,  when 
proposing  to  enter  into  amity.  "They  answered  they  had 
heard  such  a  person  had  arrived,  but  knew  nothing  more." 
Matters  might  have  become  critical  between  the  two 
countries,  but  for  a  timely  discovery  which  was  made  by 
a  spy  in  the  employ  of  Sir  Thomas  Wharton,  one  of  the 
four  Commissioners,  which  was  made  known  to  Cromwell 
on  the  same  day,  July  11. 

**  The  Soots  Kinf^,  hearing  tho  woman  named  his  daughter 
tobo  fair  and  about  tho  age  of  15  years,  repaired  to  the  said 
castle  [James  was  said  to  have  been  "appointed  to  a  castle 
S.W.  of  E(b'nbiirgh"]  and  did  speak  with  the  said  gontloman, 
and  for  the  beauty  of  his  daughter,  as  mine  espeiall  saith, 
the  King  repaired  hitely  thither  again." — (S,  P.,  vol.  vi,  803.) 


'  Viih  iV.  P.,  vol.  vi,  Nos.  7rA  80i>,  803,  8i>8,  870,  892,  895,  907. 

-  They  were  probably  sent  to  acquaint  James's  friends  of  his  safe 
arrival,  and  to  raise  fluids,  of  which  James  evidently  was  in  need. 
Next  month  we  find  him  in  receipt  of  1()0  crowns  from  tho  Scottish 
treasury. 


A    Welsh  Insurrection.  69 

No  doubt  this  information  helped  to  allay  the 
threatened  storm,  for  Henry  VIII  was  not  the  man 
to  undervalue  the  attractions  of  a  pretty  face. 

On   July   1  the   King   of  Scots   left  St.   Ninians   for 

Edinburgh,  and  James  followed  in  his  train.     He  remained 

for  a  month  at  Edinburgh,  being  lodged  in  the  house  of 

Richard  Lundell,  servant  to  the  Scotch  King's  secretary. 

It  was  here,  without  doubt,  that  King  James  V  saw  and 

admired  the  beauty  of  the  Welsh  maiden.     But  James  ap 

Griffith  was  not  long  in  perceiving  that  the  King  came  to 

flirt  with  his  pretty  daughter,  and  not  to  hatch  plots  with 

the   father.     He   received   some   help   from  the  Scottish 

Treasury,  and  hearing  that  he  was  well  spoken  of  in  the 

Court  of  Queen  Mary,  Regent   of  the   Netherlands,   he 

decided  to  go  thither.     A.n  unpleasant  encounter  which  he 

had  with  a  countryman  no  doubt  quickened  his  resolution 

to  be  gone.     Sir  Thomas  Wharton,  writing  on  July  24, 

gives  a  somewhat  cryptic  account  of  the  matter. 

"  On  Monclay  last  {i.e.,  July  23),  James  Apowell  had  licence 
from  the  Provost  to  leave  the  realm,  but  his  ship  has  since 
been  arrested  in  consequence  of  a  dispute  with  one  Upp 
Risse,  the  one  appealing  the  other  connecting  the  accusa- 
tion of  Risse  put  to  execution  according  to  his  demerits,  was 
both  called  afore  the  Council."— (^S*.  P.,  vol.  vi,  892.) 

The  story,  as  related  by  Wharton,  is  a  confused  tangle, 
but  with  the  knowledge  we  have  of  James's  previous 
career,  it  is  not  difficult  to  imagine  what  occurred.  James 
came  across  a  fellow-countryman  in  Edinburgh,  and  the 
two  fell  into  an  altercation  concerning  Rhys  ap  Griffith's 
death.  James  was  probably  denounced  as  a  traitor,  who 
had  betrayed  his  kinsman  and  patron,  and  James  was  not 
the  man  to  take  such  reproaches  meekly,  and  so  "both 
were  called  afore  the  Council."  Who  the  other  man  was, 
is  not  clear.  David  Williams  states  that  at  this  time 
James  was  much  in  the  company  of  one  "Lloyd",  who 


yo  A    Welsh  Insurrection. 

afterwards  went  to  Denmark.  It  may  be  that  this  was 
no  other  than  the  Edward  Floyd,  who  also  betrayed 
his  master,  and  that  the  two  traitors  fell  out  in  apportion- 
ing the  blame  for  that  gross  act  of  treachery.  Lloyd 
went  to  Denmark,  the  "Llychlyn"  of  the  h'vdiaUy  per- 
haps in  search  of  that  Owen  Lawgoch,  who  was  to  sail  in 
seven  ships  over  the  sea  to  deliver  Wales  from  the  alien.^ 
James  ap  Griffith,  at  least,  was  still  a  believer  in  the 
prophecy ;  for  we  find  him  assuring  the  King  of  Scots 
that  *'he  with  the  Lyon  of  Scotland  would  subdue  all 
England",  almost  in  the  same  terms  as  the  prophecy  cited 
in  the  Indictment  against  Rhys  ap  Griffith. 

The  first  seven  days  of  August,  James  spent  at  New- 
botell ;  and  the  next  fortnight  in  Dalkeith.  Then,  at  the 
end  of  August,  he  went  to  Leith.  There  Ellington  wrote 
him  a  letter  to  Queen  Mary,  which  Ellington  was  dis- 
patched to  convey  to  Flanders.  No  sooner  had  Ellington 
landed  in  Antwerp  than  he  put  himself  in  communication 
with  ■  Stephen  Vaughan,  one  of  Cromwell's  most  active 
agents  on  the  Continent,  and,  as  we  have  seen,  he  not  only 
betrayed  James's  plans,  but  offered  to  capture  James 
himself  and  deliver  him  over  to  the  English  Government. 
Vaughan,  on  November  17,  sent  Ellington  to  England. 
On  November  21  he  writes  to  Cromwell  from  Antwerp : — 

*'  Four  (lays  past  I  aont,  in  company  of  Martin  Caley,  Henry 
Ellington,  sometime  servant  to  Abraam.  lie  came  here  out 
of  Scotland  with  letters  from  James  Grittith  Appowoll  to  the 
Queen  of  Hungary.  These  letters,  with  others  of  his 
writings,  I  sent  in  my  letters  enclosed  to  you/' — {S,  P., 
vol.  vi,  1,44S.) 

Cromwell  tried,  in  characteristic  fashion,  to  use  the 

'  Jlenry  Rice,  in  MS.  14,41<)  of  the  Phillipps  Collection,  in  a 
marginal  note,  which  was  not  published  in  tlie  Camhr,  jR^y.,  states 
that  "Edward  Floyd,  being  ashamed  of  his  villanie,  fled  his  country 
and  Wiuj  never  heard  of  afterwards/' 


A    Welsh  Insurrection.  yi 

opportunity  to  the  utmost.  It  was  an  anxious  and  critical 
time  for  Henry  VIII  and  his  Minister.  The  new  Queen 
was  not  popular;  Henry  himself  had  been  disappointed 
that  the  child  of  the  union  was  not  a  boy,  so  as  to  make 
sure  the  succession  to  the  throne.  The  Emperor  was 
more  than  suspected  of  being  a  warm  partisan  of  his  aunt, 
Queen  Catherine,  and  it  was  important  to  discover  how  far 
he  was  willing  to  go  in  defending  her  interests  and  righting 
her  wrongs.  Cromwell,  thinking  to  find  through  James 
ap  Griffith  the  secret  mind  of  the  Emperor  and  his  sister, 
the  Regent,  despatched  Ellington  back  to  the  Netherlands 
with  all  speed,  with  instructions  to  deliver  James's  letter 
to  Queen  Mary,  and  hand  over  the  reply  to  him.  No  one 
was  let  into  the  secret,  so  that  when  Ellington  arrived  in 
Brussels,  not  even  Hacket,  who  was  acting  as  agent  in 
Stephen  Vaughan's  absence,  suspected  that  Ellington  was 
anything  but  a  bona  fide  messenger  from  James  ap 
Griffith.^  How  Cromwell's  subtlety  was  baulked  is  told  by 
Ellington  in  a  letter  which  he  wrote  from  Antwerp  on 
December  20. 

"  On  the  first  Doccmhor  I  came  to  Brussels,  where  my  Lady 
Mary  is,  and  delivered  my  letter  to  the  Bishop  of  Palermo, 
her  chancellor,  who  delivered  it  to  the  Queen,  and  brought 
me  an  answer  from  her  that  she  thanked  James  Greflfythe, 
whom  she  called  my  master,  for  his  pfoodwill  to  the  Emperor 
and  his  oflfers,  which  you  shall  further  know  when  I  come 
home.  For  the  ship  ho  has  written  for,  she  can  send  him 
none  without  the  Emperor's  commandment,  for  they  have 
nothing  adoing  against  England  or  Ireland,  but  if  he  came 
there  lie  shall  be  welcome.  I  left  Brussels  5  December  for 
Antwerp,  and  on  the  morrow,  which  was  Sunday  (I'.c, 
December  8),  went  to  Mass,  and  mot  a  Scotchman  that 
came  over  from  Scotland  in  the  same  ship  with  me.  lie 
loves  James  well,  and  his  business  is  in  Louvain  and 
Brussels.     He  had  made  groat  inquiries  for  me  amongst  the 


'  S.  P.,  vol.  vi,  1523. 


72  A    Welsh  Insurrection. 

English,  when  I  was  gone  to  England,  but  seeing  me  there, 
ho  laid  wait  for  me,  and  brought  me  before  the  skowtte, 
saying  I  had  brought  letters  out  of  Scotland  to  my  Lady 
Mary,  had  been  in  England  and  showed  the  letters  to  the 
King.  I  was  brought  to  the  Pynbanke  "whereon  they 
woldo  apullyd  me,"  on  which  I  confessed  that  I  had  shown 
the  letter  to  the  Council,  and  I  was  compelled  by  reason  of 
my  oath,  and  in  order  to  come  quietly  into  the  realm  to  live 
\^ith  my  wife  and  children  as  1  did,  and  that  this  traitor 
carried  me  out  of  Ireland  into  Scotland  against  my  will, 
For  this  they  have  kept  me  in  prison  16  days  [«ic],  and  have 
sent  to  my  Lady  Mary  to  know  her  pleasure,  and  I  have 
written  to  Mr.  Hakett.  I  beg  you  not  to  change  your 
favor  because  I  have  failed  in  this  business.  The  matter 
could  not  be  kept  close,  for  GriflSth  communicated  the  letter 
to  all  the  crew.  If  the  King  will  let  me  have  a  ship,  I  will 
deliver  Griffith  to  him." 

From  the  time  when  Ellington  was  despatched  into 
Flanders  from  Leith,  we  hear  nothing  of  James  ap 
Griffith's  movements.  He  must  have  stopped  in  Scotland 
awaiting  the  coming  of  the  ship  which  he  had  asked  from 
Queen  Mary.  That  he  suspected  Ellington  from  the  first 
is  evident  from  his  action  in  telling  the  crew  the  object  of 
Ellington's  journey.  No  doubt  he  thought  to  frighten 
Ellington  into  fidelity,  as  he  had  no  one  else  to  send. 

Shortly  after  the  departure  of  Ellington,  David  Wil- 
liams, James's  servant,  was  sent  on  a  message  to  England 
or  Wales.  We  know  that  he  was  apprehended,  and  that 
he  was  examined,  perhaps  after  torture  or  threat  of 
torture,  as  happened  to  Ellington  in  Antwerp.  But 
nothing  is  known  as  to  where  he  was  arrested,  except 
that  it  was  in  the  house  of  one  Thomas  Lewis.'  In 
Cromweirs  "remembrance  to  Master  Richard  Cromwell  to 


*  A  Thomas  Lowoa  is  moutionod  tia  ono  of  tho  '^servitors  for  the 
drosser"  at  Anno  Boloyn's  Coronation  ('V.  P.,  vol.  vi,  p.  i?48),  and  it 
may  Im^  that  David  Williams  was  apprehended  in  Loudon.  The 
Kiclmrd  Cromwell  who  examined  David  was,  of  course,  the  nephew  of 


A    Welsh  Insiirrectton,  73 

examine  the  servant  of  James  Griffith  Powell,"  we  find 
that  among  the  ten  questions  which  were  to  be  put  to 
David  Williams  were : — 

8.  "  Why  he  came  from  his  master  now,  and  what 
letters  and  tokens  he  had  to  his  master's  friends  in  England 
or  Wales  ? 

9.  "IIow  long  he  had  been  in  Thomas  Lewes's  house 
before  he  was  taken,  and  what  communication  he  had  with 
Lewis  about  his  master  ? 

10.  **  Whether  Lewes  did  not  speak  with  him  secretly 
since  he  was  taken,  and  what  communication  he  had  with 
him  ?" 

As  the  answers  to  these  questions  have  been  lost,  it 
would  be  useless  at  this  distance  of  time  to  conjecture 
what  they  were.  What  is  certain  is  that  by  some  means 
or  other  Ellington  was  released  from  his  captivity  in  Ant- 
werp, and  was  at  home  at  Bristol  in  April  1534,  while,  in 
the  next  month,  we  find  James  ap  Griffith  at  Lubeck,  in 
the  territory  of  the  Duke  of  Holste.  On  May  12,  John 
Coke  writes  to  Cromwell  from  Barowe  : — 

"  Received  to-day  a  letter  from  Lubeck that 

Griffith  ap  Ilowel  and  his  wife  have  come  from  Scotland  to  a 
town  10  miles  from  Lubetik  [Ulm  r'],  in  the  dominion  of  the 
Duke  of  Ilolste."— (6'.  P.,  vol.  vii.  No.  650.) 

He  did  not  long  remain  in  the  dominion  of  a  prince- 
ling who  was  known  to  be  inclined  to  the  Protestant  cause. 
On  May  25,  Dr.  Legh  writes  to  Cromwell  from  Hamburg : — 

'*  The  Welshman  who  was  in  the  Tower,  and  after  in  Scot- 
land, was  lately  with  the  Duke  of  Hoist.  lie  said  he  was  a 
f^reat  man  in  England,  and  banished  for  the  Princess 
Dowager's  sake,  biit  he  heard  of  me  and  privily  went  his 
way,  some  say  to  Ferdinand,  others  to  the  Emperor." — {8.  P., 
vol.  vii.  No.  710.) 

If  a   conjecture   as  to   James's    destination   may   be 

Mr.  Secretary  Cromwell,  the  son  of  Morgan  Williams,  of  Putney  and 
Glamorganshire,  and  the  great  grandfather  of  Oliver  Cromwell. 
{S.  P.,  vol.  vi,  1591,  ii.) 


74  A    Welsh  Insurrection. 

hazarded^  we  are  inclined  to  believe  that  James  attempted 
to  attach  himself  to  Reginald  Pole  at  Venice.  Pole  was 
at  this  time  not  even  in  holy  orders,  though  he  held 
several  ecclesiastical  offices  in  England,  including  the 
Deanery  of  Exeter.  He  was  uncertain  what  line  to  take 
with  regard  to  King  Henry's  divorce.  A  sincere  liking 
for  the  King,  and  perhaps  the  whispers  of  worldly  am- 
bition, inclined  him  to  extenuate  the  King's  conduct.  He 
had,  in  some  measure,  been  Henry's  instrument  in  obtain- 
ing the  opinion  of  the  University  of  Paris  some  years 
before  on  the  validity  of  the  marriage  with  Catherine 
of  Arragon.  He  was  a  man  of  singularly  mild  and 
moderate  temper,  a  convinced  and  genuine  reformer,  a 
patriotic  Englishman,  proud  of  his  native  land,  though 
ever  mindful  of  his  Welsh  descent,^  averse  to  extreme 
measures,  and  hoping  against  hope  to  his  last  day  to  brings 
about  a  reconciliation  between  England  and  the  Papacy. 
It  was  natural  that  James,  both  as  a  Welshman  and  a 
Catholic,  should  have  repaired  to  Pole.  There  is  no  direct 
evidence  of  the  fact,  but  that  the  theory  is  permissible 
may  be  gathered  from  the  subsequent  connection  of 
James  with  Pole,  and  from  a  letter  written  from  Venice 
on  August  4,  1584,  by  Martin  de  Cornoca  to  Charles  V : — 

"There  is  now  living  in  these  parts  a  groat  English  per- 
sonage, named  Reynaklo  Polo,  of  the  blooil  royal,  of  the  illus- 
trious house  of  Clarence,  and  the  Earl  of  Warwick.  He  is  the 
son  of  the  Countess  of  Salisbury.  .  .  .  Polo  is  by  his 
niotlier's  side  of  the  noblest  l)lood  in  the  kingdom.  His 
father,  Sir  Richard  Pole,  was  a  worthy  knight  of  Wales,  a 
near  relative  of  the  late  King,  and  greatly  estoomed  in  his 
country.     .     .     .    He    is  related    to    most    of    the    great 


^  7'.,  e.g.,  vol.  xii,  pt.  i,  No.  107.  Poles  father,  Sir  Richard  Pole, 
**a  knight  of  Wales",  was  lineally  descended  from  the  ancient  Princea 
of  Powys,  who  in  Edw.  Is  time  adopted  the  Norman  name  of  ''de  la 
Pole". 


A    Welsh  Iiistirreciion,  75 

families,  and  is  connected  by  an  indissoluble  friendship  with 
all  the  Queen's  friends,  and  especially  with  a  great  lord 
named  de  Doulier.  The  whole  of  Wales  is  devoted  to  his 
house,  for  his  sake  and  the  sake  of  his  relations  Vuquingan 
and  Vorgona  [Buckingham  and  Abergavenny].  On  account 
of  their  love  for  the  Princess  and  the  death  of  Don  Ris,  who 
was  beheaded  three  years  ago,  the  whole  province  is  alienated 
from  the  King.  ...  It  would  be  a  pious  and  famous 
deed  to  help  such  a  man  in  preserving  a  kingdom  oppressed 
by  a  harlot  and  her  friends,  and  in  reinstating  the  Queen  and 
Princess.  .  .  .  Does  not  know  Pole's  mind  about  all  this, 
but  thinks  he  would  not  be  wanting  in  the  delivery  of  his 
country  from  tyranny." — {S.  P.,  vol.  vii,  No.  1040.) 

But  if  the  Emperor's  correspondent,  who  waxed  almost 
lyrical  in  his  enthusiasm  for  Pole  and  his  hatred  of 
Anne  Boleyn,  did  not  receive  his  information  from  the  great 
man  himself,  from  whom  could  it  have  been  derived  ?  His 
informant,  whoever  he  was,  was  well  versed  in  the  state 
and  condition  of  Wales.  He  knew,  and  laid  great  stress 
upon,  Pole's  ancient  connection  with  the  Principality,  his 
relationship  to  great  Welsh  noblemen,  and  the  date, 
manner,  and  effect  of  Rhys  ap  Griffith's  death.  We  have 
no  record  of  any  Welshman's  adherence  to  Pole  except 
James  ap  Griffith.  It  requires  no  great  stretch  of  fancy, 
therefore,  to  hear  the  voice  of  James  behind  the  hand  of 
Martin  de  Cornoca. 

Reginald  Pole,  however,  was  in  dire  poverty  at  this 
time.  His  supplies  from  England  had  been  stopped,  as 
his  royal  kinsman  was  becoming  more  and  more  suspicious 
of  his  attitude  and  intentions.  On  July  4, 1535 — not  quite 
a  year  after — the  Bishop  of  Farnza  wrote  to  the  Cardinal 
Palmieri  urging  that  Pole,  who  was  then  in  Padua  "in  a 
low  state  and  ruined",  should  be  given  Cardinal  Fisher's 
hat.^  Pole  had  no  use  for  adventurers  such  as  James,  and 
no  means  of  maintaining  them.     It  is  no  wonder  that  by 

'  S.  P.,  vol.  viii,  986. 


76  A    Welsh  Insurrection, 

the  end  of  the  year  James  should  be  back  once  more  in 
Flanders,  where  there  was  always  a  ready  market  for  a 
good  sword.  In  December  1534,  Stephen  Vaughan,  writing 
to  Cromwell  from  Antwerp,  states  that 

"  My  lord  of  Bure  entertains  Jamys  Griffith  ap  Powell  and 
his  wife,  and  has  given  them  a  house  in  Bure.  The  knave 
sent  his  wife  to  the  Queen  of  Hungary  with  an  interpreter 
to  show  her  griefs.  The  Queen  gave  her  100  guylden.** — {S.  P., 
vol.  vii,  No.  lo()7.) 

Throughout  the  next  year,  1535,  we  can  find  hardly  a 
trace  of  James's  movements  on  the  Continent.  We  gather 
from  some  of  Cromwell's  "remembrances"  that  he  was 
trying  to  keep  in  touch  with  his  Welsh  friends  and 
adherents.  In  1534,  for  instance,  we  find  a  memorandum 
"to  send  into  Wales  for  him  that  would  have  conveyed 
James  Griffith  Aphowell's  man",  but  we  know  nothing  of 
the  incident  to  which  the  entry  refers.*  Again,  in  the 
autumn  of  1535,  another  "remembrance"  is  to  "examine 
the  person  that  came  from  the  traitor  James  Griffith  ap 
Howell  ".^  On  September  9,  1535,  also,  occurred  the 
incident  at  Calais,  to  which  reference  has  already  been 
made,  when  David  Lloyd  ap  Owen,  of  Machynlleth,  tried 
to  get  into  communication  with  James,  who  was  supposed 
to  be  then  somewhere  in  Flanders. 

Early  in  153G  we  come  across  another  of  James  ap 
Griffith's  emissaries.  A  "remembrance"  of  Cromwell*8 
mentions  "a  bill  for  the  execution  of  him  that  came  from 
James  Griffith  ap  Howel,  which  killed  the  two  men  at 
Hounslow."^  Of  this  incident,  again,  we  know  nothing 
more  than  is  contained  in  this  bald  entry.  But  it  is  clear 
that  James  was  still  active,  and  that  he  was  still  able  to 
send  messengers  to  his  friends.  The  Government  were 
becoming  alarmed,  and   in  March  Henry  VIII  sent  two 

^  S.  1\  vol.  vii,  No.  108.        ^^  iS.  P.,  vol.  ix,  498.        3  *S'.  P.,  vol.  x,  264. 


A    Welsh  Insurrection,  *jy 

autograph  letters,  one  to  Stayber  and  the  Consuls  and 
Senate  at  Nuremberg,  and  the  other  to  Charles  V,  con- 
cerning James  ap  Griffith  and  his  companion,  Harry 
Phillips.     He  requests  the  Senate  of  Nuremberg 

"to  arrest  two  criminals,  James  Griffith  Apowell  fan 
English  subject  of  low  birth,  guilty  of  treason,  robbery,  man- 
slaughter, and  sacrilege,  who  is  travelling  with  a  rebel 
named]  Henry  Philip  through  Grermany  on  his  way  from 
Flanders  to  Italy."— /S.  P.,  vol.  x,  529-530.) 

In  his  letter  to  the  Emperor,  Henry  desires  that  the 
two  "rebels"  may  be  given  up  to  Pate,  the  Archdeacon 
of  Lincoln,  who  was  his  ambassador  at  the  Emperor's 
Court. 

In  the  following  month,  April  30,  1536,  Bishop  Lee 
wrote  from  Brecknock  to  inform  Cromwell  that  "David 
Vaughan,  oflBcer  of  Kidwelly,  in  Wales,  is  accused  by 
your  servant  Jankin  Lloyd,  for  assisting  the  rebellion  of 
James  ap  Howell  Griffith.  I  send  you  the  process." 
Whether  this  refers  to  the  old  affair  of  1530,  when  James 
fortified  himself  in  the  castle  at  Emlyn,  or  to  Vaughan's 
part  in  the  departure  of  James  from  Kidwelly  in  1533,  or 
whether  it  relates  to  some  attempt  on  the  part  of  James 
to  raise  another  insuiTection  in  Wales,  cannot  be  deter- 
mined. There  was  a  general  impression  abroad  that 
Wales  was  ready  for  rebellion — "the  people  only  wait 
for  a  chief  to  take  the  field,"  Chapuys  said  in  1534?.  The 
scandal  about  the  King's  divorce,  the  violent  break  with 
Rome,  the  death  of  young  Rhys,  the  abrogation  of  ancient 
religious  customs,  the  extinction  of  old  Welsh  customs  in 
1534,  the  changes  in  the  law  relating  to  land  tenure,  the 
rough  rule  of  Bishop  Lee,  the  spoliations  and  hypocrisy  of 
Bishop  Barlow,  of  St.  David's,  the  dissolution  of  the 
monasteries,  and  the  incorporation  of  Wales  with  England, 
entailing    unknown    consequences,  all  helped  to  render 


78  A    Welsh  Insurrection. 

men's  minds  restless  and  unquiet.  A  spark  might  have 
been  sufficient  to  light  up  afresh  the  old  racial  antipathy 
between  Welsh  and  English,  and  James  ap  Griffith  seems 
to  have  done  his  best  to  ignite  the  flame.  In  1687 
we  know  that  the  greatest  confusion  prevailed  in  Arwystli 
and  Cyveiliog,  two  districts  of  Powys  with  which  James 
had  been  connected.  The  disturbance  arose  through  the 
clashing  claims  of  the  Earl  of  Worcester  and  Lord  Ferrars 
to  exercise  jurisdiction  in  these  provinces  of  Powys. 
There  is  no  proof  of  James's  complicity  in  the  turmoil, 
but  when  we  remember  the  attempt  of  David  Lloyd  ap 
Owen,  of  Machynlleth,  the  chief  town  of  Cyveiliog,  to  get 
into  touch  with  James  in  1535,  the  supposition  cannot  be 
lightly  scouted/ 

In  April  1587,  we  know  from  Melancthon's  letter  to 
Vitus  Theodorus  that  James  was  starting  from  Witten- 
berg for  Nuremberg,  whose  Senate  had  been  warned  the 
previous  year  against  harbouring  the  "rebel".  We  hear  no 
more  of  him  during  the  rest  of  the  year.  Pole  had  been 
made  a  Cardinal  in  1536,  and  in  1537  he  was  appointed 
Legate  to  England,  though  he  was  only  thirty-seven 
years  old.  The  young  Cardinal  did  not  care  for  his  task. 
He  travelled  slowly,  and  took  Paris,  Cambray,  and  Liege 
on  his  way.  He  was  beset  by  English  spies,  perhaps  even 
by  would-be  assassins.  When  he  arrived  at  Liege,  he  was 
entertained  in  princely  style  by  the  Bishop  at  the  old 
episcopal  palace.     No  stranger  was  allowed  to  come  or  go 

'  r.,  6'.  p.,  vol.  xii,  pt.  i,  Nos.  1183,  li>71,  pt.  ii,  Nos.  158,  490,  776, 
835,  852,  857,  89(^-7,  98.5-0,  993,  1024,  1057,  1199. 

Hy  December  20,  1537,  however,  Bishop  Loo  was  able  to  iiifomi 
Oroiuwell  that  all  was  quiet  in  Wales,  "  savynjj;  now  and  then  a  little 
conveyinjT  amonj^st  themselves  for  a  fat  sheep  or  bullock  in  Kery, 
Kedewen,  Arustley,  and  Kevylyoke :  which  is  impossible  to  be 
amended,  for  thieves  T  found  them  and  thieves  1  shall  loave  them.** — 
(6'.  P.,  vol.  xii,  pt.  ii,  1237.) 


A    Welsh   Insurrection,  79 

unexamined.  Among  those  who  came  was  a  Welshman 
named  Vaughan,  who  had  fled  out  of  England  for  man- 
slaughter. At  Barowe,  he  made  the  acquaintance  of  John 
Hutton,  another  of  Cromwell's  agents.  On  May  26,  1537, 
Button  wrote  to  his  employer  from  Brussels  that 

"  To-day  one  Vaiighan  came  to  me.  .  .  .  lie  had  come 
to  mo  at  Baroiighe  for  relief  in  great  necessity,  which  I  pro- 
cured him  from  the  merchants  ;  and  he  says  he  applied  to 
Henry  Phillippes,  an  Englishman  in  Lovayn,  who  offered  to 
get  him  into  the  service  with  Cardinal  Pole,  knowing  one  of 
his  gentlemen  named  Throgmorton.  In  further  conversation 
he  discovered  that  Michael  Throgmorton  was  to  be  sent  to 
England  as  soon  as  Pole  was  settled  in  Liege,  with  letters  to 
several  of  Pole's  friends,  which  Philippis  undertook  to 
convey,  as  ho  had  done  some  letters  to  his  father,  baked 
within  a  loaf  of  bread.  They  were  to  be  set  on  land  in 
Cornwall,  and  he  offered  to  take  Vaughan  with  him.  I 
advised  him  to  encourage  the  enterprise,  and  gave  him  40«. 
He  is  to  inform  me  secretly  of  everything  while  he  is  here, 
and  on  landing  cause  them  to  be  attached.  As  to  his  crimes, 
I  have  promised  to  sue  not  only  for  his  pardon  but  for  a 
reward."— (^.  P.,  vol.  xii,  pt.  i,  1293.) 

In  1536,  Harry  Phillips,  "the  betrayer  of  good  Tyn- 
dale,"  was  travelling  through  Germany  with  James.  His 
career  had  been  a  chequered  one.  He  had  lived  a  wild 
life  in  his  youth  in  England,  and  fled  across  the  seas  after 
robbing  his  father.  For  years  he  had  lived  in  Louvain 
the  happy-go-lucky  life  of  a  student,  always  up  to  mischief 
and  sometimes  to  graver  offences.  He  had  betrayed  Tyn- 
dale  to  the  Government,  not  that  he  wanted  money  so 
much  as  because  he  detested  the  Protestant  heresy.  "The 
fellow  hath  a  great  wit,  he  is  excellent  in  language,"  said 
no  friendly  critic  of  him  in  1539.^  His  association  with 
James  may  serve  to  explain  the  latter's  activity  in  1536. 
He  was  full  of  schemes  such  as  Hutton  describes  in  his 
letter^  and  nothing  would  have  given  him  more  genuine 

^  Wriothesley  to  Cromwell,  8.  P.,  vol.  xiv,  pt.  i,  247. 


8o  A    Welsh  Insurrection. 

pleasure    than  to  use   his  ingenuity  to  circumvent  the 

King's  agents,  and  put  James  in  communication  with  his 

friends  in  Wales/     It  is  not  worth  while  giving  in  full 

the  story  of  Vaughan's  acquaintance  with  Pole,  and  the 

dubious  part  which  Harry  Phillips  played  in  it.     It  is 

sufficient  to  record  that  when  Pole  saw  Yaughan  he  said 

to  him — 

"  As  I  am  informed,  you  be  banished  out  of  your  native 
country  as  well  as  I.  I  rejoice  to  see  a  Welshman,  as  my 
grandfather  came  out  of  Wales.  I  have  my  full  number  of 
Bervants,  but  if  you  will  come  to  Italy  when  I  am  there  I 
will  be  glad  to  take  you." — (8,  P.,  vol.  xii,  pt.  ii,  107.) 

Vaughan  returned  to  Hutton  and  told  him  all. 
"Vaughan  shall  return  and  enter  further  into  the  matter", 
added  Hutton,  in  his  letter  to  the  King.  But  Yaughan 
seems  to  have  had  qualms  of  conscience,  and  nothing  more 
was  done.^ 

James  could  hardly  have  been  with  Pole  in  May  and 
June  1537  at  Liege,  or  we  should  have  found  Phillips  re- 
commending Vaughan  not  to  Throgmorton,  but  to  his 
fellow-countryman.  In  the  spring  of  the  following  year 
James  was  once  more  in  Germany.  On  March  24,  1538, 
Thomas  Theobald  wrote  to  the  King  from  Augsburg  in 
these  terms : — 

"  Pleaseth  it  your  Grace  to  understand  that  [whereas]  .  .  . 
[I]  did  inform  your  Grace  and  my  lord  Preavy  Seal  .  .  . 
which  nameth  himself  here  Sir  James  Groflfeth     .     .     .     . 


^  The  writer  of  the  article  on  Cardinal  Pole  in  the  Diet.  ofNatiimal 
Biography,  said  that  while  Pole  was  at  Venice  in  1538,  he  was  ''beset 
by  spies  and  would-be  assassins — one  of  them,  the  plausible  scoundrel 
Phillips,  who  had  betrayed  the  martyr  Tindal."  Phillips,  no  doubt, 
deserves  some  hard  words,  but  there  is  no  proof  that  he  was  either  a 
spy  or  an  assassin.  On  the  contrary,  all  his  actions  show  him  to  have 
been  a  sincere  and  loyal  Catholic.  Nor  is  it  probable  that  he  tried  or 
intended  to  assassinate  Pole. 

^  S.  P.,  vol.  xii,  pt.  ii,  128. 


A    Welsh  Insurrection.  8i 

when  if  my  lord  Privy  Seal  had  geve[n  commandment  unto 

me  to]  take  him,  I  could  have  found  the  means     .... 

[that  he  should]  have  been  other  in  hold  or  punished  as  a 

t[raitor  :  for  at  my  depar]  tyng  from  Tubyng,  one  of  his  chief 

compa[nions]     ....     hath   married   his  daughter  came 

from  Augsburg     ....     he  and  his  father-in-law,  James 

Poell,  to  be  fallen  a     .     .     .     .     declaring  unto  me  many  of 

his  practices  of  what     .     *     .     .     of  the  which  I  know  some 

of  them  to  be  true  and  most     ....     and  in  specially  in 

that  he  showed  me  that  he  should  [be  at]  this  present  with 

the  Duke  of  Saxony,  which  I  know  we[ll  to  be  a]  lie,  as  I 

proved  also  since  he  went  about  with   many  p     ...     to 

invade   me,  for   my   reports   unto   certain   of  the  c[ity]  of 

Augsburg,  was  an  occasion  that  they  were  comman[ded  to] 

depart  thence :  how  be  it  James  Poell   hath   not   shew[ed 

him]self   there   openly   this   half  year  and  more.     But  my 

ansLwer]  unto  this  Welchman  was  this,  that  I  thought  that 

the  King's  [grace]  did  know  better  where  he  was  than  he 

could  inform  [me],  and  if  his  Grace  had  been  desirous  to 

have  had  him  take[n]  he  had  not  now  been  at  liberty  ;  and 

if  his  grace  had  hy[m],  I  doubt  not  but  he  would  punish  him 

worthily,  according  to  his  deserving :  and  whereas  he  is  now 

out  of  his  Grace's  hands,  his  Grace  does  not  pass  of  him. 

After  this  he  would  have  had  me  to  help  him  to  be  in  service 

with  the  Prince  as  a  gentle[man],  not  as  a  man  of  war,  in 

the  which  when  I  would  give  him  no  comfort,  then  he  went 

about  to   borrow   money  of   me,   w[hen]  because^  his  wife 

was  great  with  child,  and  upon  the  c[onditi]on  he  should 

depart  incontinent,  I  gave  him  a  gu and  his  costs 

there,  dispatching  him  after  a  good  sort :  ho[wbeit],  I  dining 

the  next  day  with  the  governor  of  the  city,  [and]  one  or  two 

of  the  Prince's  Council,  showed  him  what  he  wa[8  and]  about 

what  practices  he  came,  and  declared  to  them  the  tray[son] 

of  James  Poel  and  his  abuses  here  :  whereupon  they  ma[de] 

this  answer,  that  if  he  that  were  at  Tubyng  with  [me]  were 

of  that  conspiracy  and  trayson,  they  would  take  him  [and] 

hang  him,  and  likewise  if  James  of  Poel  came  [hither]  they 

would,  if  they  might  show  him  surely,  punish  hy[m]  as  a 

traytor,  for  albeit  in  all  Docheland  they  do  great[ly]  abhor 

traitors,  yet  the  gentlemen  of  Sueveland  be  [above]  all  other 

in   punishing  that  fault.     Whereunto   I  answered  that  [I 

did]  perceive  no  other  of  him  that  was  at  Tubing,  but  that 

he  [was]  a  banished  man,  as  I  did  mark  by  the  burning  of 

his  ha[nd],  which  and  the  misery  he  is  in,  or  like  to  come  to, 

o 


82  A    Welsh  Insurrection, 

wo[re]  punishment  enough  for  him,  seeing  I  had  no  [know- 
leclp;o]  of  [any]  other  [things]  committed  of  him  :  but  in  case 
this  ....  thither  if  they  did  take  him  and  punish  him 
upon  ....  en  they  sliould  not  only  in  that  behalf  do 
high  just[ice  and  to  the  king*s]  grace  of  England  high 
pleasure,  but  also  the  ci[ties  and  princes]  imperial,  whom  he 
hatli  and  intendeth  ....  [d]eceave,  &c.,  and  if  he 
como  there  now  in  my  absence  ....  he  shall  have 
there  but  small  courtesy.  I  am  [sure  he]  had  been  there 
long  or  this  time,  but  for  fear  of  [me] :  for  while  riding  to- 
wards Italy  1  passed  through  Ulmes,  7  Dutch  miles  from 
Tubing,  whore  James  Poel  was  3  weeks  before  my  ooming, 
but  ho  tarried  not.  Perhaps  when  he  hears  that  I  have 
depai-tcd  he  will  make  suit  to  the  Duke  of  Wirtemberg,  as 
he  has  done  to  other  princes,  but  his  errand  is  done  or  he 
come.  The  chief  persons  of  Augsburg  say  that  if  this  in- 
formation liad  come  to  them  from  the  king  of  England  when 
ho  was  hero,  tlicy  would  have  taken  and  worthily  punished 
him.  Laurence  Staber  might  have  taken  him  if  he  would. 
If  the  King  wants  him  taken,  I  think  1  could  nearly  do  it 
as  well  as  Staber,  for  the  chief  of  the  learned  men,  both 
spiritual  and  temporal,  and  others,  officers  and  gentlemen  of 
Tubing  and  thereabouts,  do  highly  favour  me  ....  So 
that  I  trust  to  be  able  to  know  everything  and  write  often, 
and  to  get  to'Roine  without  being  known  for  an  Englishman." 
— {S.  P.,  vol.  xiii,  pt.  i,  092.) 
• 

This  letter  casts  a  cruel  light  on  the  life  which  was 
being  led  by  our  exile  in  the  courts  of  various  German 
princelings.  He  had  continually  to  change  his  ground^ 
from  Ulnics  to  Tubing,  from  Tubing  to  Bure,  from  Bure 
to  Wittenberg,  from  Wittenberg  to  Nuremberg,  from 
Nuremberg  to  Augsburg.  No  sooner  had  he  found  a  new 
patron,  than  an  agent  of  the  English  King  appeared  on  the 
scene  and  laid  terrible  charges  against  him,  as  Henry  him- 
self had  done,  of  being  guilty  of  rebellion,  treason,  homicide, 
robbery,  and  sacrilege.  Living  this  hunted  life,  it  is  no 
wonder  if  the  poor  exile  lost  his  nerve  somewhat,  and  that 
Melancthon  should  have  thought  he  "  took  little  pleasure 
in  the  Court  at  Wittonberg".     The  scene  which  Theobald 


A    Welsh  Insurrection.  83 

describes   with    such  malicious  pleasure,   and  with  such 
graphic  minuteness,  of  his  interview  with  our  exile's  son- 
in-law,  shows  to  what  mean  and  petty  shifts  the  company 
had  been  reduced.     Sage,  whose  beauty  had  attracted  a 
King  when  she  was  barely  sixteen,  is  now,  at  twenty,  the 
wife  of  a  penurious  vagabond,  who  professes  his  ability 
and  readiness  to  betray  his  father-in-law,  and  who  is  glad 
to  accept  a  contemptuous  guinea  from  the  agent  of  the 
King  who  has  banished  him,  on  condition  that  he  shall 
"depart   incontinent",  "because  his  wife  was  great  with 
child".     Even  if,  as  one  sometimes  suspects,  the  son-in- 
law  only  wished  to  "spoil  the  Egyptian"  without  doing 
an  injury  to  his  wife's  father, — for  he  did  not  tell  Theobald 
what  was  James's  real  address  at  the  time — it  was  still  a 
paltry  and  ignominious  device.     The  name  of  this  precious 
rogue  is  not  given,  but  Theobald  says  that  he   was  "a 
banished  man,  as  I  did  mark  by  the  burning  of  his  hand". 
The  description  is  reminiscent  of  the  Welshman  to  whom 
Cardinal  Pole  said  at  Liege,  in  June  of  the  previous  year, 
"You  be  banished  out  of  your  country  as  well  as  I".     That 
Welshman's  name  was  Vaughan,  who  fled  or  was  banished 
from    England    for    manslaughter.     He,   like   James   ap 
Griffith,   was   acquainted   with    Harry   Phillips ;  he,  also 
like  James,  wished  to  attach  himself  to  Pole.     He  pre- 
tended to  Hutton  that  he  was  anxious  to  betray  Pole,  as 
the  husband  of  Sage  pretended  to  Theobald  his  willingness 
to   betray   her   father.     Hutton   gave    Vaughan    408.    to 
encourage  him  in  his  traitorous  designs ;  Theobald  gave 
the  other  a  guinea,  "dispatching  him  after  a  good  sort". 
Vaughan,  at  a  pinch,  let  his  conscience  master  him,  and 
the  enterprise  against  Pole  failed;  Theobald's  vagabond 
displays  flashes  of  prudence,  which  would  enable  him  to 
retrace   his   steps,    if  necessary.     The  part  which    both 

characters  play  is   contemptible.    Pole  had  no  use  for 

a  2 


84  A    Welsh  Insurrection. 

such  poor  stuffy  and  Theobald  thought  he  was  not  worth 
hanging.  There  is  no  direct  and  conclusive  proof  that 
Button's  Vaughan  and  Theobald's  rogue  are  one  and  the. 
same  person ;  but  the  conjecture  is  somewhat  borne  out 
by  certain  later  references  to  James  ap  Griffith's  son-in- 
law.  On  September  9,  1540,  a  meeting  of  the  Privy 
Council  was  held  at  Ampthill.  The  business  transacted 
was  entered  as  follows  in  the  minute  book  of  the 
Council : — 

**  Letters  brought  from  Norfolk,  declaring  receipt  of  letters 
from  Mr.  Pate,  of  the  coming  over  of  Philip  ap  Henry,  aUoM 

Philip  ap  Ilary,  a}ia» Vaughan,  who  also  came  to  Court 

from  ])eyon<l  sea,  where  he  was  long  in  company  of  Poole 
and  James  ap  IIowoll,  whose  daughter  he  married  at  Regnis* 
borough :  after  being  examined  he  was  set  at  liberty  and 
commanded  to  attend  daily." — {Proceedings  of  the  Privy 
Council^  vol.  vii,  pp.  3:?,  33  ;  iS'.  P.,  vol.  xvi,  p.  32,  10.) 

On  the  next  day  it  is  recorded  that  Ap  Henry  was  to 
attend  daily  that  they  might  take  occasion  "to  suck  some 
material  thing  out  out  of  him".  On  September  16,  a 
letter  is  sent  to  Pate  from  the  Council  telling  him  that  a 
pardon  would  be  granted  to  his  protegS,  On  October  14 
Pate  writes  to  thank  the  King  "for  the  pardon  granted, 
at  his  request,  to  Philip  ap  Henrie.  He  trusted  therein 
to  do  the  King  service,  as  the  Duke  of  Norfolk  can 
testify."'  On  June  28  of  the  following  year,  a  formal 
and  engrossed  pardon,  countersigned  by  Thomas  Audeley, 
Chancellor,  is  made  out  to  Philipp  ap  Harry." 

It  is  unnecessary  to  dwell,  in  any  detail,  upon  the 
statements  in  the  minute  book,  which  seem  to  identify 
the  Vaughan  of  Hutton  with  the  son-in-law  of  James  ap 
Griffith.  Both  are  called  Vaughan ;  both  had  long  been 
"in  company  of  Poole  and  James  ap  Howell"  beyond  sea  ; 

'  S.  p.,  vol.  xvi,  100.  ''  JS.  P.,  vol.  xvi,  947  (74). 


A    Welsh  Insurrection,  85 

both  were  looked  upon  as  likely  objects  "  to  suck  some 
material  thing  out  of".  No  more  is  heard  of  Philip  ap 
Harry  and  his  dangerously  beautiful  wife.  The  homicide 
was  pardoned ;  the  exile  returned.  The  next  eighteen 
years  were  among  the  most  bloody  and  horrible  in 
English  history.  Let  us  be  thankful  that  the  veil  has  not 
been  lifted  over  Philip  ap  Harry's  subsequent  career,  else 
we  might  discover  him  "smelling  out  Papists"  under 
Edward  VI  or  lighting  the  faggots  in  the  days  of  Mary. 

In  the  midst  of  such  nauseating  treachery  and  petty 
persecution,  it  is  gratifying  to  find  that  never  once  does 
James  himself  seem  to  have  tried  to  curry  favour  with  the 
relentless  King  and  his  agents,  by  betraying  his  patrons  or 
his  comrades.  Theobald,  while  scorning  to  take  the  life  of 
so  poor  a  creature  as  the  son-in-law,  never  lost  an  oppor- 
tunity of  making  things  uncomfortable  for  James.  He 
relates  to  the  Council  at  Tubing  the  heinousness  of 
James's  offences,  and  hints  to  them  that  if  they  punish 
him,  they  would  "in  that  behalf  do  high  justice  and  to 
the  King's  grace  of  England  high  pleasure".  Wherever 
he  goes,  he  endeavours  to  prevent  James  from  winning 
the  ear  of  Prince  or  Councillor,  and  he  even  suggests, 
though  in  somewhat  faltering  accents,  that  he  might  be 
able  to  capture  the  redoubtable  exile,  who  had  so  long 
eluded  Henry's  wrath.  The  last  thing  Theobald  did  in 
August  1538,  before  "departing  from  Almayne  towards 
Italy",  was  to  write  to  Archbishop  Cranmer  about 
"James  Poell".' 

When  Theobald  arrived  in  Italy  he  found  James 
already  there.  Germany  had  become  too  hot  for  him. 
He  was  known  in  every  town  and  country  as  the  enemy  of 
the  terrible   Island   King,  and  trouble  seemed  always  to 

^  F.,  end  of  Letter  to  Cranmer,  8.  P.,  vol.  xiii,  pt.  ii,  No.  609. 


86  A    Welsh  Insurrection. 

follow  in  his  train.  Writing  from  Padua  on  October  Ist  to 
Cromwell  and  Cranmer,  Theobald  relates  how  he  had  just 
met  Throgmorton,  the  fussy  and  talkative  servant  of  Cardi- 
nal Pole.  Throgmorton  was  a  timorous  man — "-Every  wag- 
ging of  a  straw  maketh  him  now  afraid,"  said  Theobald. 
He  told  Theobald  that  Harry  Phillips  had  asked  his  master 
for  employment,  but  Phillips  was  "arrayed  as  a  switzer 
or  a  man  of  war",  and  Pole  became  afraid  that  he  was 
"suborned  by  the  Council  either  to  destroy  him  or"  at 
least  search  what  he  did";  and  so  he  forbade  him  his 
house  and  the  whole  dominion  of  Venice.^  Throgmorton 
added  "that  James  oft*  Poel  had  gone  to  Rome  to  seek  his 
master,  but  they  suspected  him,  as  they  did  Phillips,  and 
would  cause  him  to  forsake  these  parts."^  It  must  have 
been  about  this  time  that  James  came  across  Anthony 
Budgewood  at  Bologna.  Anthony  had  been  servant  to 
the  Marquis  of  Dorset,  and  then  to  Thomas  Cromwell.  In 
the  summer  of  1588  he  suddenly  fled  to  Rome,  and  on 
December  29  he  sent  a  petition  to  the  Pope  for  help.  His 
meeting  with  James  he  thus  describes  : — 

"  And  there  [at  Bologna]  I  met  James  Griffet,  a  Welshman, 
who  sent  me  by  his  letters  to  Dominus  Bernanlus  Boeriusto 
aid  me  in  all  my  business  at  Rome :  and  tlien  that  James 
told  me  that  Cardinal  Pole  was  in  Venice,  and  so  I  went 
to  Venice,  and  when  I  came  there  ho  was  gone  to 
Rome     .     .     .     /' 

This  would  seem  to  indicate  that  James  was  familiar 
with  the  ground,  and  had  made  useful  acquaintances  in 
Italy.  Another  statement  of  Budgewood's  shows  the 
extent  and  minuteness  of  James's  familiarity  with  the 
habits  of  English  agents  in  Ttaly,  and  serves  to  explain 
his  long  immunity  from  their  attempts  at  capture. 

'  6'.  i*.,  vol.  XI ii,  pt.  ii,  501).  -^  *S'.  P.,  vol.  xiii,  pt.  ii,  507. 


'^T 


A    Welsh  Insurrection.  87 

•'Oil  Saturday  last  Lee  met  me  in  the  street  [at  Rome]  and 
asked  me  if  1  had  any  message  into  England,  because  within 
two  days  he  was  going  thither  :  so  I  think  it  is  necessary  to 
follow  him  and  his  baggage,  because  James  Griffith  told  me 
in  Bologna  that  every  month  he  sent  letters  by  post." — (^S.  P., 
vol.  xiv,  pt.  i,  No.  1.) 

If  Pole  was  suspicious  of  James  ap  Griffith's  fidelity  in 
the  autumn  of  1538,  he  was  soon  to  receive  the  best  proof 
that  his  suspicions  were  unfounded.  Early  in  1539  a  com- 
prehensive Act  of  Attainder  was  passed  by  the  English 
Parliament.  A  score  or  more  of  the  King's  enemies  were 
attainted,  and  among  them  several  persons  whose  names 
have  been  mentioned  in  the  course  of  this  narrative :  Lady 
Salisbury  and  her  son,  Cardinal  Pole ;  Michael  Throgmor- 
ton  ;  Robert  Branceteur;  Henry  Philippes  ;  and  "James 
Griffith  Appowel,  late  of  London".^  On  June  3  following, 
one  Thomas  Rolffe  was  appointed  "  auditor  of  the  lands  of 
James  Griffith".^  Aft^r  this,  we  need  not  be  surprised  to 
find  in  the  following  year  a  petition  to  Cromwell  from 
Jenkin,  the  son  of  James  ap  Griffith,  who  does  not  appear 
to  have  shared  his  father's  exile,  but  who  was  probably 
living  in  South  Wales  (it  may  be  in  Cryngae  with  his 
father's  old  friend,  Thomas  ap  Ehydderch,  whose  grand- 
daughter he  married) ,  asking  for  some  honourable  employ- 
ment with  which  he  might  maintain  himself. 

*'  To  the  right  honorable  my  lorde  Cromwell,  lord  pryvy  seell. 
^*  Most  humbly  shewith  unto  your  honorable  good  lordshipe 
your  humble  peticyoner  and  daily  orator,  Jenkyn  ap  Jamys 
ap  Gryflith  ap  Howell,  that  where  as  youre  poore  orator  hath 
noo  lands  nor  other  lyvyug  of  certyntie  whereby  he  shuld 
lyve  apon,  and  also  hath  noo  service  with  noo  honorable 
man,  whereby  he  myght  lyve,  as  an  honest  yong  gentilmau 
should  do  nowe  in  this  hard  world,  whiche  is  grette  hevynesse 
to    your    poore    orator,    In    tendre    consideracion    of    the 


^  S.  P.,  vol.  xiv,  pt.  i.  No.  867,  cap.  15. 
*  S.  P.,  vol.  xiv,  pt.  i,  No.  1192  (3). 


88  A    Welsh  Insurrection. 

promisses  ffor  so  moche  as  your  poore  orator*8  hole  hart 
and  mynde  ys  oonly  to  your  honorable  good  lordship  (under 
the  Kyng  highnes)  by  fore  any  honorable  man  lyvying,  May 
it  thoi-fore  please  your  honorable  good  lordshipe  of  your 
most  habundant  charytie  to  accepte  and  admiytte  your 
humble  poore  orator  into  your  lordship's  service,  And  he 
shall  than  be  glad  to  do  his  dutie  and  diligence  in  the  same 
accordingly,  And  thus  at  the  reverence  of  Almyghty  God,  to 
whom  your  humble  peticyoner  shall  duly  pray  for  the  most 
prosperouse  preservacyon  of  your  good  lordshipe  long  in 
honour  to  endure."— (6^.  P.,  vol.  xv,  1029  (36).) 

Jenkin's  petition  to  Cromwell  seems  to  have  been  more 
successful  than  his  prayer  "for  the  most  prosperous  pre- 
servation" of  his  patron  "long  in  honour  to  endure".  As 
Wolsey's  last  act  as  minister  was  to  discharge  Rhys  ap 
Griffith  with  a  reprimand,  so  one  of  Oromwell*B  last 
exercises  of  patronage  was  probably  to  bestow  a  small 
office  on  Jenkin  ap  James,  young  Rhys's  second  cousin. 
Lewis  Dwnn,  in  his  Heraldic  Visitation  to  Wales,  in 
1597  (p.  02),  says  that  Mary,  the  daughter  of  Sion  ap 
Thomas  ap  Harri  ap  Thomas  ap  Grulfydd  ap  Niclas  of 
Cryngae  (who  had  married  Maud,  the  daughter  and  heiress 
of  our  old  acquaintance,  Thomas  ap  Rhydderch), 

"  ahriododd    John    {a/ias    Jenkin)    Powel    mab  i   Siams  ap 
GrufTydd  ap  Tlowol,  niarsial  o'r  Ilawl." 

What  the  words  "marsial  o'r  Hawl"  mean,  and  whether 
they  refer  to  John  or  to  his  father  James,  may  be  the  sub- 
ject of  differing  opinions.  We  prefer  to  believe  that  they 
apply  to  John,  and  that  he  was  given  some  official  post — 
perhaps  a  sinecure — by  Thomas  Cromwell,  who  may  have 
felt  disposed,  having  a  prescient  warning  of  his  own 
fate,  to  show  mercy  to  the  son  of  an  attainted  traitor. 
Whatever  the  office  was,  it  was  at  all  events  sufficient  to 
enable  Jenkyn  to  marry,  and  to  "lyve  as  an  honest  young 
gentleman  should  do  now  in  this  hard  world".  He  is 
described  in  the  Book  of  Golden  Grove  (cited  above)  as  of 


A    Welsh  Insurrection,  89 

Penrallt,  esquire,  and  he  left  behind  the  assurance  that  his 
family  would  reach  at  least  to  the  third  generation,  for 
one  of  his  daughters  was  maiTied  to  a  clergyman — John 
Lewis,  vicar  of  Llanpumpsaint.  Jenkyn  himself  is  men- 
tioned by  Dwnn  as  if  he  were  still  living  in  1597, — not  an 
improbable  thing  even  for  one  who  was  a  "  yong  gentil- 
man"  in  1540. 

The  last  years  of  James  ap  Griffith  himself  are  wrapt 
in  almost  rayless  obscurity.  We  have  seen  that  he  was  in 
Italy  in  1538,  vainly  asking  to  be  taken  into  the  service  of 
Cardinal  Pole.  In  the  following  year,  Pole  was  sent  by 
the  Pope  to  the  Emperor  in  Spain,  and  it  may  be  that 
James  accompanied  him,  but  of  this  there  is  no  kind  of 
evidence.  In  1540  Pole  was  appointed  to  the  secular 
government  of  the  patrimony  of  St.  Peter,  and  the  Pope 
assigned  him  a  bodyguard.  Pole  was,  as  we  have  seen, 
anxious  to  do  a  Welshman  a  good  turn  in  Liege,  and 
promised  to  give  him  employment  in  Italy.  It  is  not  un- 
likely that  now,  after  James's  integrity  had  been  demon- 
strated by  his  inclusion  in  the  same  Act  of  Attainder  as 
Pole  himself,  the  kindly  young  Cardinal  should  have  taken 
pity  on  a  Catholic  fellow-countryman,  of  whom  even  the 
Protestant  Melancthon  could  compassionately  write :  "  His 
exile  is  long,  his  misfortune  long,"  and  should  have  pro- 
moted him  to  be  an  officer  in  his  own  bodyguard.^ 

An  absurd  mistake,  which  has  led  to  endless  confusion, 

'  Wyatt,  the  English  ambassador  at  the  Imperial  Court,  writing 
his  apologia  to  the  Council  from  prison  in  March  1541,  recalls  that 
once  in  Paris  '*a  light  fellow,  a  gunner,  that  was  an  Englishman  and 
came  out  of  Ireland  with  an  Irish  traitor  named  James,  I  have  forgot 
his  otiier  name,"  called  on  him.  The  gunner  was  "a  drunken  fellow  " 
whom  he  rebuked  out  of  his  house,  and  who  came  to  advertise  him  of 
James's  coming  again.  James  ap  Griffith  went  and  came  out  of 
Ireland  with  a  gunner — John  Owen — and  it  is  just  possible  that  he 
may  be  the  person  mentioned.     (^S'.  P.,  vol.  xvi,  640.) 


90  A    We/sk  histirrection. 

was  made  by  Sir  Thomas  Seymour,  the  English  agent  at 
Vienna.  Writing  to  Henry  Vlll  on  August  8,  1542,  from 
the  Emperor's  camp  outside  Buda,  he  says  that 

'*  Two  (lays  aj^o  Lawrence  Grey  ....  came  to  declare 
that  lately  two  Englishmen,  Harry  Pfelepes  and  James 
Grift'eth  l'pi>owell  came  to  Vienna.  Perceiving  Pfelepes  to 
be  a  traitor,  Grey  fell  out  with  him  and  laid  'trayterey'  to 
hJH  charge,  and  he  is  detiiined  by  the  heads  of  the  town. 
.  .  .  The  other,  being  the  ranker  traitor,  as  I  think,  has  a 
letter  from  the  Bishop  of  Rome  to  be  captain  of  2|000 
*  howsherenes',  the  best  light  horse  of  Hungary :  and  seems 
to  have  »ome  hope  thereof,  or  else  he  would  not  'leave  his 
return  t(^  Rome  from  Noremberge  to  tarry  the  King's 
coming  to  Vienna.'  He  names  himself  Robert  Bramto(n), 
but  is  well  known  in  Vienna  to  have  before  this  confessed 
himself  a  gentleman  of  Wales,  and  his  names  to  be  James 
Greffeth  Upowehell.  Mistrusts  him  the  more  because  be 
says  'who  so  ever  saith  that  Harry  Pffelepes  is  not  an  honest 
true  man  he  is  unhonest  himself.'  Has  written  to  Hance 
Ilonganowde,  the  King's  lieutenant  (who  is  in  Vienna) 
according  to  the  copy  enclosed.  If  his  answer  shows  him 
disposed  to  do  the  King  'this  pleasure',  will  ride  to  Vienna 
and  examine  the  parties."— (*V.  P.,  vol.  xvii,  683.) 

It  will  be  noted  that  Harry  Phillips's  companion  de- 
scribed himself  as  Robert  Bramton,  or  Robert  Branceteur, 
and  that  it  was  only  by  Grey  that  he  was  said  to  be  James 
ap  (jrritHth.  Seymour  himself  had  not  seen  the  two 
"rebels''  at  the  time.  Three  weeks  later,  on  September  6, 
he  rode  into  Vienna,  saw  "the  lord  of  Felee,  lieutenant  of 
that  town  and  all  Ostre^e",  who  told  him 

'•  R(>bui*t  Bramstone  had  been  put  in  trouble  by  Mr.  Wyett  in 
France,  and  delivered  upon  the  Emperor's  letters  to  the 
French  Kinge:  and  he  would  be  loth  to  put  them  (i.^., 
Phillips  and  liraniston)  in  trouble,  and  then  have  them 
delivered  by  such  means,  and  had  written  to  the  King." 
— (.S.  P.,  vol.  xvii,  748.) 

In  the  second  letter,  it  will  be  observed,  there  is  no 
mention  of  James  ap  Griffith,  but  "the  lord  of  Felee 


.» 


A    Welsh  Insurrection,  91 

assured  that  the  man  in  Vienna  is  the  same  Robert  Bran- 
ceteur  who  was  imprisoned  in  Paris  at  the  instance  of  the 
Eiii^lish  ambassador,  and  who  was  released  upon  the  indig- 
nant remonstrance  of  the  Emperor,  as  a  member  of  whose 
suite  he  was  jjassin^^  through  the  French  capital.  In  the 
\\^y±  year,  Seymour  writes  to  the  King  that  "Branceteur 
and  other  semblable  rebels"  had  gone  to  Scotland.'  By 
that  time  Seymour  had  no  doubt  satisfied  himself  as  to  the 
identity  of  Harry  Phillips's  comrade. 

Unfortunately,  the  casual  mistake  of  Seymour — or 
rather  of  Laurence  Grey — has  misled  the  compilers  of  the 
Index  to  the  State  Papers,  who  in  turn  have  misled  Froude 
and  others.  That  Branceteur  was  a  totally  distinct  person 
from  James  ap  Griffith  hardly  needs  to  be  proved.  Bran- 
ceteur had  been  for  years  in  the  Emperor's  service  in  1533, 
before  James  had  started  on  his  long  Odyssey  (vol.  vi,  Nos. 
79,  315,  838).  When  Branceteur  was  arrested  in  Paris 
in  1540,  the  Emperor  angrily  interfered  on  his  behalf, 
because,  said  Wyatt  in  a  letter  to  Henry  VIII, 

"  this  man  had  done  him  service,  gone  on  an  embassy  to  the 
Kiii^  of  Persia  when  his  regular  ambassador  sickened  by  the 
way.  I  have  had  him  follow  me  this  ten  or  twelve  years  in 
all  my  voyages,  in  Africa,  in  Province,  in  Italy,  and  now 
here  ....  and  since  that  time  I  know  not  that  he 
hath  been  in  England,  whereby  he  hath  done  offence  to  the 
king,  unless  it  be  for  going  with  Cardinal  Pole,  that  asked 
me  leave  for  him  by  cause  of  the  language." — (*S^.  P.,  vol.  xv, 
38.) 

Finally,  in  the  same  Act  of  Attainder  as  James  ap 
Griffith's,  we  find  the  name  of  "Robert  Branceteur,  late  of 
London,  merchant,  and  now  in  Italy  devising  the  king's 
destruction,  who,  having  knowledge  of  the  late  rebellion 
made  by  Darcy  and  others,  moved  divers  outward  princes 
to  levy  war  against  the  king".^ 

'  6\  P.,  vol.  xviii,  (2),  No.  290.     =^  8,  P.,  vol.  xiv,  pt.  i,  No.  867,  cap.  16. 


92  A    Welsh  Insurrection, 

Nor  is  it  diflScult  to  perceive  how  the  mistake  originally 
arose.  We  have  seen  how  closely  Harry  Phillips  and 
James  ap  Griffith  have  been  connected.  They  are  men- 
tioned in  the  same  letters  by  Henry  VIII  as  *^two  rebels 
travellino;  through  Germany",  and  both  had  been  in  com- 
munication, about  the  same  time,  with  Cardinal  Pole. 
When  Phillips  appeared  in  Vienna,  mated  to  an  accom- 
plished swash-buckler,  who  no  doubt  talked  familiarly  of 
Pole,  it  was,  perhaps,  pardonable  in  an  English  stranger  to 
mistake  him  for  James  ap  Griffith.  Branceteur  had  long 
been  friendly  with  Pole,  and  he  had  struck  a  friendship 
with  Harry  Phillips  in  the  Low  Countries,  soon  after  his 
release  from  the  Paris  prison.  Harry's  daring  humour, 
and  fondness  for  tricking  English  spies  and  agents, 
appealed  to  Branceteur's  blunt  and  reckless  temper. 
Together  they  succeeded,  in  Flanders,  in  cleverly  out- 
witting an  English  spy,  a  servant  of  Wallop's,  one  of 
Henry's  ambassadors,  and  laying  him  by  the  heels.* 

The  allusion  to  James  ap  Griffith  in  the  Aci%  of  the 
Privy  Councily  vol.  ii,  p.  224  (cited  above),  shows  that  as 
late  as  October  1548,  James  was  still  looked  upon  as  being 
alive  and  in  exile.  In  the  following  year.  Cardinal  Pole, 
writing  from  Rome  to  the  Bishop  of  Oeneda,  the  Papal 
Nuncio  in  France,  recommended  to  him 

"  especivlly  Captain  Grifotti)  in  case  ho  should  either  have 
to  remain  [in  Kngland,  whitlier  he  was  being  sent  as  one  of 
two  envoys  whom  Polo  was  sondinjij  to  the  Protector  Somer- 
set] or  to  return  in  France.'' — {Calendar  State  Papers:  Venice, 
p.  234.) 

The  compilers  of  the  State  Papers'  Index  have  assumed 
that  the  "Captain  Grifetto"  mentioned  in  Pole's  letter  is 
James  ap  (jriffith.  Nor,  perhaps,  is  the  assumption  un- 
justified, when  the  facts  of  James's  career  and  his  long 

'  /S'.  P.,  vol.  XV,  188,  203,  449 ;  vol.  xvi,  30,  176,  349. 


A    Welsh  Insurrection,  93 

acquaintance  with  Pole  are  considered.  If,  as  Henry 
Rice  states,  on  the  strength  of  family  tradition,  James  ap 
Griffith  did  at  last  return  to  his  native  land,  he  probably 
did  so  on  the  accession  of  Mary,  when  all  his  faults  and 
treasons  would  be  turned,  by  the  whirligig  of  time,  into 
loyal  virtues.  No  formal  pardon  or  annulment  of  the  Act 
of  Attainder  was  procured ;  or  else  the  record  of  them  is 
lost.  His  best  years,  and  the  whole  of  his  substance,  had 
been  spent  in  the  cause  of  Rome  and  Mary.  He  probably 
did  not  find  the  "Restoration^'  any  more  complete  or 
satisfactory  than  other  loyalists  did  then  or  since.  If 
Rice's  story  is  to  be  relied  upon,  he  repaired  to  Cardigan- 
shire, "where  he  died  most  miserably".  It  is  permissible 
to  hope  that  he  repaired  to  his  son's  seat  at  Penrallt,  and 
that  when  the  close  of  his  stormy  and  adventurous  career 
came,  it  found  him  surrounded  by  his  own  kith,  at  peace 
with  the  world,  having  expiated,  by  repentant  confession 
and  long  suffering,  the  one  great  offence  of  his  life,  the 
"appechement"  of  his  young  kinsman,  Rhys  ap  Griffith. 


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0(b  County  SamtitB  of  ®pfet>. 

II. 

THE    WOGANS    OF   MERRION    AND 

SOMERSETSHIRE. 

By     FRANCIS      GREEN. 


In  my  account  of  the  Wo^ans  of  Boulston  I  referred  to 
the  connection  between  that  family  and  another  branch  of 
the  race  in  Somersetshire,  and  identified  Henry  Wogan* 
of  Warren  in  Pembrokeshire,  who  made  his  will  in  1499, 
as  the  Henry  Wogan  of  Boulston  who  married  Elizabeth, 
sister  of  Sir  James  ap  Owen  of  Pentre  Evan,  and  was  the 
father  of  Richard  Wogan  of  Boulston.  Since  that  article 
has  appeared  in  print  evidence  has  turned  up  which  indi- 
cates that  this  could  not  have  been  the  case  unless  he  had 
led  a  Jekyll  and  Hyde  existence — in  other  words,  had  a 
son  and  heir  in  Somersetshire  as  well  as  in  Pembrokeshire 
— which,  in  view  of  the  fact  that  two  different  post  mortem 
inquisitions  were  held  on  his  property,  is  not  very  probable. 
The  confusion  has  arisen  from  the  coincidence  that  both 
Henry  Wogan  of  Warren  and  his  namesake  at  Boulston 
each  had  a  son  called  Richard.  It  is  on  occasions  such  as 
this  that  one  regrets  that  Mr.  T.  E.  Morris  has  lived  some 
nine  hundred  years  or  so  too  late.  Had  his  interesting 
paper,^  "  The  Re-naming  of  Welshmen,"  been  read  and 
duly  acted  on  before  the  Conquest  what  a  blessing  it  would 

^   Y  Cymmrodorj  vol.  xv,  p.  106. 

^  Transactions  of  the  Hon.  Society  of  Cymmrodorionf  1901-2,  p.  1. 


96  Old  County  Families  of  Dyfed. 

have  been  to  genealogists  and  historians,  and  ^hat  endless 
mistakes  and  incidents  would  be  avoided  at  the  present  day. 

Proof  is  afforded,  by  a  post  mortem  inquisition,  of  the 
existence  of  a  Richard  Wogan  in  Somersetshire,  who  died 
in  1506,  and  was  undoubtedly  a  different  person  to  his 
contemporary  at  Boulston,  as  his  property  was  inherited 
by  the  Somersetshire  branch ;  and  this,  taken  in  conjunc- 
tion with  the  evidence  of  Gerrard,  referred  to  later  on, 
renders  it  almost  certain  that  Henry  Wogan  of  Warren 
was  the  founder  of  the  Wogans  of  Wiltshire  and  Somer- 
setshire. 

The  exact  relationship  of  Henry  Wogan  to  the  other 
branches  in  Pembrokeshire  is  unfortunately  not  ascertain- 
able from  the  records  so  far  come  to  light,  but  there  is 
very  little  doubt  that  he  was  a  member  either  of  the 
Boulston  or  of  the  Wiston  family.  He  died  on  the  Slst 
August  1499,  and  the  inquisition,^  taken  at  Bridgwater  on 
his  death,  shows  that  he  owned  a  messuage  and  some  one 
hundred  acres  of  land,  called  Orchardlond,  in  Knightisby, 
Somersetshire,  of  the  annual  value  of  26«.  8d.,  held  of 
Richard  Newton,  Esq.,  and  that  Richard  Wogan,  his  son 
and  heir,  was  twenty-two  years  of  age  at  the  date  of  his 
father's  death.  He  also  appears  to  have  held,  either  as 
trustee  or  otherwise,  a  share  of  the  manor  of  Brockeley,  in 
the  same  county ;  as  by  an  inquisition,^  held  at  Wells  in 
1499,  it  was  found  that  FitzJamys  senior,  Henry  Wogan, 
and  Thomas  Montague,  Esqrs.,  convoyed  one  moiety  of  that 
manor  to  Alice  Montague,  formerly  wife  of  Thomas  Pyke, 
for  her  life,  with  remainder  to  her  son,  John  Pyke,  junior. 
It  also  records  that  Alice  died  seised  of  the  property,  and 
that  her  son,  John  Pyke,  was  then  alive.  Unfortunately 
the  document  is  so  faded  that  I  was  unable  to  decipher 

^  Chan.,  vol.  xiv,  No.  43  ;  also  E:vchq,y  File  986,  Sor.  2,  No.  10. 
2  Rvchq.y  File  89(5,  Ser.  H,  No.  (5. 


The  Wogans  of  Merrion  and  Somersetshire.     97 

the  date  of  Alice  Montage's  death.  The  inquisition  was 
held  on  26th  October  1499,  while  that  of  Henry  Wogan 
took  place  a  few  days  earlier,  thus  suggesting  that  he  pre- 
deceased her.  If  this  were  so,  it  would  strengthen  the 
suspicion  that  Alice  Montague  was  none  other  than  Henry 
Wogan's  daughter,^  to  whom  he  bequeathed  by  his  will 
100  marks. 

It  might  be  imagined  from  the  inquisition  on  the  death 
of  Henry  Wogan  that  he  was  not  a  very  large  landed  pro- 
prietor ;  it  was,  however,  the  custom  to  hold  an  inquisition 
in  each  county  in  which  the  deceased  owned  property,  and 
the  explanation  probably  is  that  the  documents  relating  to 
inquiries  made  in  other  counties  have  disappeared.  The 
curious  feature  is  that  although  there  seems  very  little 
doubt  that  he  held  other  lands  in  Somersetshire,  no  men- 
tion of  them  is  found  in  the  Somersetshire  inquisition. 
As  to  his  other  possessions,  the  Description  of  Somerset,  by 
T.  Gerrard,  in  1653,  affords  a  little  light.  Referring  to 
Sylving  or  Sylvinche,  which  it  will  be  remembered  was 
mentioned  as  the  residence  of  John  Wogan*  who  died  in 
1559,  the  author  says  : — 

"  Silvayne  wliich  gave  that  name  unto  ye  ancient  owners 
of  it;  of  whom  Richard  Silvayne  increased  his  estate  by 
matching  with  Margarett,  co-heire  to  John  Merland  of 
Orchardley  in  this  county,  by  whom  he  had  one  sonne  Roger 
and  a  daughter  named  Isabell.  This  Roger  had  one  only 
daughter,  Elianora,  second  wife  of  Sir  Thomas  Beauchampe 
of  Whitlackington  (36  Hen.  VI),  whom  she  outlived,  but 
died  herself  without  childe ;  whereupon  Silvayne  fell  unto 
Henry  Ogan  in  right  of  his  wife  ....  daughter  and 
heire  general  of  Isabell,  sister  of  Roger  Silvajme,  and  the 
heires  of  Ougan  in  our  grandfathers'  daies  parted  this  place 


^  Y  Cymmrodorj  vol.  xv,  p.  105. 
"  Y  Cymmrodor,  vol.  xv,  p.  106. 


98  Old  County  Families  of  Dyfed. 

between  Stourton,  Larrler,  Crewkeme,  etc.,  but  now  by  pur- 
chase it  belongs,  if  not  the  whole  the  most,  unto  Sir  G^rge 
Speake  of  Whitlackington." 

Now  as  we  have  seen,  Henry  Wogan  was  the  owner 
of  Orchardlond,  no  doubt  the  same  place  as  Orchardley, 
and  although  we  find  no  direct  mention  of  this  property 
amongst  the  assets  of  the  family  in  later  years,  Silvinche, 
as  will  be  shown  further  on,  was  owned  by  his  descendants, 
jind  if  the  Somersetshire  historian  be  correct,  came  to 
him  through  his  marriage  with  the  daughter  of  Isabel 
Silva3me. 

Eichard,  the  son  of  Henry  Wogan,  is  probably  the 
person  mentioned  in  the  wiir  of  William  Dawstone,  proved 
in  1500.  By  it  the  testator  bequeathed  to  "Richard  Ogan 
one  jackett  of  Chamlet  of  black  colour".  He  also  gave  to 
Philip  Ogan,  whom  he  appointed  overseer  of  his  will,  "my 
other  horse",  the  best  horse  having  been  previously  be- 
queathed to  the  Prior  of  Taunton  "for  my  tithes  for- 
gotten" ;  from  which  we  gather  that  Mr.  Dawstone  was 
somewhat  neglectful  of  the  dues  of  the  Church.  Probably 
this  Philip  was  a  brother  of  Richard,  and  the  sou  of  Henry 
Wogan  of  Warren. 

There  are  several  inquisitions'^  on  the  death  of  Richard 
Wogan.  They  are  unanimous  in  stating  that  he  died  in 
March  1506,  and  the  majority  agree  that  his  death  occurred 
on  the  10th  of  that  month.  His  property,  briefly  sum- 
marised, was  as  follows  : — 

WILTSHIRE. 

Annual  Value. 

The  nitmors  of  Hampton  Turbile  and  West 
Thorpe,  held  of  the  Kin^  in  capite  by  knight*8 
service  . .  £22  10    0 


1 


10  Moone. 

Evchq.f  File  970,  Ser.  2,  No.  7 ;   Chan,,  vol.  xxxiii,  Nos.  90  and 
1(H);   C/t(in.,  vol.  xxiii,  Xo.  J(>0. 


2 


The  Wogans  of  Merrion  and  Somersetshire,     99 

Annual  Value. 

A  capital  messuage  and  319  acres  of  land 
in  Est  Bedwyn  held  of  the  King,  the  service 
being  unknown  . .  . .  ..£400 

Three  messuages,  4  cottages,  and  100  acres  of 
land  in  Wilton,  Stowford,  Chylehampton,  Byche- 
hampton  and  South  Newcoken,  held  of  the  Abbey 
of  Wilton  by  a  rent  of  20.s.  . .  .  . 

SOMERSETSHIRE. 

One  messuage  and  toft,  one  mill,  two  dovecotes, 
one  garden,  154  acres  of  land,  and  a  rent  of 
408.  2d,  in  Sylvene,  Atherston,  Amgerslygh, 
Abbott's  Isle  and  South  Bradon  : — 

The  property  in  Sylvene  and  Atherston  was 
held  of  the  heirs  of  John  Speke  as  of  the  manor 
of  Whitelackyngton  by  fealty  and  suit  at  the 
court  there   . .  . .  . .  . .  . .     46  13     0 

The  property  in  Amyerslygh  was  held  of 
C.  Capell,  knight,  by  a  rent  of  a  red  rose  . .       1  10    8 

The  property  in  Abbott's  Isle  was  held  of  the 
heirs  of  Roger  Newburgh,  knight,  by  socage  and 
a  rent  of  2«.  . .  . .  . .  . .  16  10 

The  property  in  South  Bradon  was  held  of 
Nicholas  Bradhin,  knight,  by  socage  arid  a  rent 
of  \d.  . .  . .  . .  . .  . .  12    8 

Richard  Wogan's  wife  was  Alice  Columba,  but  the 
inquisition'  which  mentions  her  name  does  not  reveal  her 
identity,  but  states  that  in  1503-4  a  suit  was  brought  by 
Sir  Richard  Speke  and  John  Soper,  at  Richard  Wogan's 
request,  by  which  the  Somersetshire  property  was  re- 
covered by  them,  and  in  April  1519,  was  granted  by  them 
to  Alice  Columba  for  her  life.  This  presumably  was  a 
post  nuptial  settlement.  It  is  thus  evident  that  she  sur- 
vived her  husband.  The  only  issue  of  Richard  that  I  have 
discovered  is  his  son  and  heir  John,  who  was  bom  at 
Westroppe,  in  the  parish  of  Highworth  in  Wiltshire,  on 

*  Inq.  P.  M.f  Chan,,  vol.  xxziii,  No.  90. 

H  2 


lOO  Old  County  Families  of  Dyfed. 

10th  March  1498/  and  was  baptised  at  Highworth.  He 
was,  therefore,  only  about  eight  years  of  age  at  the  date 
of  his  father's  death.  There  are  several  inquisitions'  ex- 
tant in  regard  to  John  Wogan's  property,  which,  in  addition 
to  that  held  by  his  father,  comprised  the  following : — 

WILTSHIRE. 

Annual  Valoe. 

The  manor  of  Est  Bedwyn,  8  messuages, 
and  2,100  acres  of  land  in  Est  Bedwyn  held  of  the 
Queen,  the  service  being  unknown         . .  . .    £7  11     0 

One  messuage  and  92  acres  of  land  in  Wotten 
Dasseu  ..  .»  ••  ••     ^~~  "^~  "'^ 

PEMBROKESHIRE. 

The  manor  of  Myryan,'  16  messuages,  3,020 
acres  of  land,  and  the  moiety  of  a  mill,  in  Myryan,^ 
Kanamston,*  Knegh,^  TrefF  Braun,"  and  Newton''^ 
near  Knegh  and  Warran,'  held  of  the  heirs  of 
Isabel,  wife  of  John  Wogan,  knight,  of  Wooston,® 
Pembrokeshire,  by  a  rent  of  a  rose         . .  . .     14    9    2 

Here,  for  the  first  time  since  the  will  of  H  enry  "Wogan 
in  1499,  do  we  find  direct  evidence  of  a  connection  between 
the  Somersetshire  family  and  Pembrokeshire ;  yet  from  the 
fact  that  Henry  Wogan,  by  his  last  testament,  not  only 
desired  to  be  buried  at  "  Woran","  but  also  bequeathed  a 
legacy  of  6s.  8cZ.  to  the  church  there,  the  inference  is  that 

^  Inq.  P.  M.J  C/ian.j  vol.  xxxv.  No.  120. 

^  Ifiq.  P.  M.f  Chan.,  vol.  cxxiv,  No.  197 ;    Chan.f  vol.  cxix,  No.  161  ; 
/??/y.  P.  M.,  Exchq.,  File  9^),  Ser.  2,  No.  2  ;  Inq.  P.  M.,  Kvchq.,  File  946, 

Sor.  2,  No.  25. 

^  Morrion  in  Warren  Parish. 

*  Cannaston  in  Roboston  Wathen  parish. 

''  Neath  in  Rhoscrowthor  parish. 

"  Trobrowen  in  Rhoscrowthor  parish. 

^  In  Rhoscrowthor  parish. 

**  Warren.  "  Wiston. 


The  Wogans  of  Merrion  and  Somersetshire.    loi 

he  owned  the  estate  in  question,  and  that  it  descended 
through  Richard  to  Henry's  grandson,  John.  There  are 
no  records  of  inquisitions  held  in  Pembrokeshire  on  the 
deaths  of  either  Henry  or  Richard  Wogan,  and  the  same 
remark  holds  good  in  regard  to  John  Wogan ;  but,  on  the 
other  hand,  the  extent  of  the  Pembrokeshire  property  is 
contained  in  two  Somersetshire  inquiries  on  the  death  of 
John  Wogan.  Possibly  the  reason  why  no  reference  is 
made  to  the  Pembrokeshire  estate  in  the  English  inquisi- 
tions of  Richard  Wogan  is  that  Escheators  may  have  been 
more  particular  in  the  time  of  Elizabeth  than  their  con- 
freres in  the  reigns  of  her  predecessors. 

Up  till  1498,  the  family's  headquarters  appear  to  have 
been  in  Wiltshire,^  but  subsequently  John  Wogan  must 
have  moved  to  Sylvinche,  as  in  his  will  he  is  described  as 
of  that  place.  There  are  few,  if  any,  remains  left  of  the 
old  home  of  John  Wogan  at  Sylvinche,  as  will  be  seen  from 
the  following  description,  for  which  I  am  indebted  to  the 
courtesy  of  the  present  vicar  of  Whitelackington ;  it  was 
written  in  November  1901  : — "  Sylvinge,  or  Sylvinche,  as 
they  call  it  now,  is  a  dairy  farm  on  the  boundary  of  this 
parish  and  Stocklinch.  There  is  no  trace  of  a  mansion. 
At  present  it  consists  of  a  modem  cottage  built  two  years 
ago  by  the  Squire,  Major  Vaughan-Lee,  who  now  owns  the 
property.  This  is  attached  to  an  older  thatched-covered 
stone  house  of  the  type  of  the  labourers' cottages  about 
here,  only  a  little  larger.  I  believe  the  modern  cottage 
replaced  a  similar  building  to  the  older  one  still  in 
existence,  and  when  the  two  made  one  building,  as  they 
may  once  have  done,  it  \rould  have  been  a  fair-sized 
residence.'^ 

The  name  of  John  Wogan's  wife  was  Anne  or  Agnes, 

*  Inq.  p.  M.y  Chan.y  vol.  xxxv,  No.  120. 


I02  Old  County  Families  of  Dyfed. 

and,  as  mentioned  in  my  account^  of  the  Wogans  of 
Boulston,  her  maiden  surname  was  probably  Bosse.  In 
the  light  of  records  which  have  recently  turned  up  there 
can  be  little  doubt  that  she  was  his  second  wife.  She  was 
apparently  an  heiress  in  her  own  right,  as  she  devised  the 
bulk  of  her  property  to  John  Rosse,  who  was  presumably 
her  nephew.  Whether  her  daughter  Mary,  mentioned  in 
her  will,  made  in  1574,  as  the  wife  of  William  Stourton, 
of  Warminster,  was  the  issue  of  her  marriage  with  John 
Wogan,  or  from  a  previous  union,  is  not  clear.  The  date  of 
her  marriage  with  John  Wogan  was  probably  in  the  reign 
of  Philip  and  Mary,  as  the  inquisition'*  states  that  he  con- 
veyed the  manor  of  Sylvinche,  with  other  property,  to 
Hugh  Paulet,  knight,  and  George  Speake,  Esq.,  upon  trust 
for  himself  and  his  wife  Agnes  for  their  lives,  but  the  date 
of  the  year  in  which  the  grant  was  made  is  illegible  in  the 
document.  Assuming,  however,  that  the  union  took  place 
in  1555  (1  and  2  Philip  and  Mary)  the  date  would  certainly 
admit  of  a  daughter  being  of  a  marriageable  age  by  1674; 
but,  on  the  other  hand,  if  Mary  had  been  the  daughter  of 
John  Wogan,  one  would  expect  to  find  her  taking  a  share 
of  the  property  with  his  other  daughters.  The  children 
from  the  first  marriage  were  : — 

Miirp;ory,  tlio  wife  of  John  Larder,  j^ont. 

Alice,  tlie  wife  of  Robert  IlarryHon. 

Hrijxotte,  the  wife  of  Giles  Saunders. 

Mary,  the  wife  of  Robert  Morj^an,  esq. 

Philippa  Wo«;an,  who  was  about  eighteen  years  of  ftge  in  1558. 

Hugh  Wogan,  the  only  son,  married  about  1654*  Jane, 
one  of   the  daughters  of  Christopher  Cheverell;  and  in 

'  Y  Cijmmrodory  vol.  xv,  p.  1(M5. 

''  Inq,  P.  .1/.,  Chnn.y  vol.  cxix,  No.  151. 

^  Inq.  1\  M.y  C/ian.f  vol.  cxix,  No.  161. 


The  Wogans  of  Merrion  and  Somersetshire.    103 

that  year  his  father  conveyed  the  Pembrokeshire  estate,  a 
messuage,  garden,  and  10  acres  of  land  in  Whitlackington 
and  Atherston,  52  acres  in  Petmyster  and  Amerslyge, 
22  acres  in  Abbotsfylde  and  8  acres  in  South  Bradon  in 
Somersetshire,  to  Robert  Morgan,  Nicholas  Marten,  Walter 
Grey,  Robert  Fowk,  John  Larder,  Nicholas  Rosse  and 
Richard  Younge,  upon  trust,  as  to  the  Pembrokeshire 
property,  for  Hugh  Wogan  and  his  wife  Jane  for  their 
lives,  with  remainder  to  their  sons,  and,  in  default  of  issue, 
upon  trust  for  the  heirs  of  John  Wogan  the  grantor;  and 
as  to  the  other  property,  upon  the  same  trusts  subject  to  a 
life  estate  for  the  said  John  Wogan. 

Hugh  Wogan,  however,  died^  in  Dorsetshire  on  29th 
May  1555,  without  issue,  and  his  wife  Jane,  who  survived, 
took  a  life  interest  in  the  Pembrokeshire  property.  His 
father  died  on  31st  March  1559,  and  was  survived  by  his 
wife  Agnes,  whose  will^  was  proved  in  1575.  On  the  death 
of  Jane,  the  widow  of  Hugh  Wogan,  the  Pembrokeshire 
property,  under  the  deed  of  settlement,  descended  to  the 
five  co-heiresses  of  John  Wogan,  who  no  doubt,  as  stated 
by  Gerrard,  sold  it.  At  all  events,  in  1571,  the  legal 
estate  of  the  manor  of  Merrion  was  vested  in  Mark 
Abowen  and  John  Abowen,  clerk,  as  in  that  year  a  fine 
was  levied  on  the  manor  of  "Merrion"  and  "Llanunwesse" 
and  other  lands,  in  which  they  were  defendants,  and 
Thomas  Abowen  and  Francis  Laughame  were  plaintiffs, 
when  the  manors  in  question  were  adjudged  to  be  the 
property  of  the  claimants.  No  doubt  this  was  merely  a 
settlement  of  the  lands  mentioned.  The  names  only  of  the 
parties  to  the  fine  are  given,  so  it  is  impossible  to  ascer- 
tain from  it  their  identity,  but  unquestionably  they  were 


^  Inq.  P.  M.^  vol.  cxix,  No.  151. 
^  Y  Cymmrodory  vol.  xv,  p.  107. 


1 04  Old  County  Families  of  Dyfed. 

members  of  the  Eoblinston  family,  as  George  Owen,  the 
rembrokeshire  historian,  in  his  list  of  manors'  in  Pem- 
brokeshire  in  1587-8  (30  Eliz.),  states  that  the  manor  of 
"Meirian"  was  then  owned  by  Bowen  of  Boblinston.  Now 
Thomas  Bowen,  the  son  of  Mark  Bowen,  of  Boblinston^ 
married  Margarefc,  the  daughter  of  Owen  Laugharne,  of  St. 
Brides,  who  died  in  1550,  and  her  brother  was  Francis 
Laugharne.  It  is,  therefore,  likely  that  the  fine  in  ques- 
tion was  in  connection  with  a  settlement  on  the  marriage 
of  Thomas  Bowen  with  Margaret  Laugharne. 

How  long  the  manor  of  Merrion  remained  in  the 
possession  of  the  Bowens  of  Roblinston  is  uncertain. 
The  next  mention  of  it  is  in  a  fine  levied  in  1600,  when 
Hugh  Owen  and  his  wife  Lucy  were  plaintiffs,  and  John 
Pledall  or  Pleydell  was  defendant.  Later  on  a  fine  was 
levied  in  1623  on  the  manor.  On  this  occasion  Morris 
Bowen  and  his  wife  Matilda  were  defendants,  so  that  the 
legal  estate,  at  all  events,  was  then  vested  in  the  Bowen 
family.  In  1692  a  fine  was  levied  in  which  Stephen  Morris 
and  William  Morgan  were  defendants,  and  Thomas  Owen 
was  plaintiff.  In  this  suit  not  only  the  manor  of  Merrion, 
but  the  manors  of  Stackpole  and  Nangle  were  involved. 
It  is  impossible  to  draw  any  satisfactory  conclusion  from 
this  record.  The  defendants,  however,  called  upon  Gilbert 
Lort,  presumably  Sir  Gilbert  Lort,  the  last  baronet,  who 
died  without  issue  in  1698,''  to  warrant  the  title ;  and  in 
view  of  this,  and  of  the  fact  that  the  manor  of  Stackpole 
had  belonged  to  the  Lort  family  since  1613,  it  is  a  fair 
assumption  thut  the  Lorts  had  acquired  the  manor  of 
Merrion  by  purchase  or  otherwise.  This  is  further  borne 
out  by  a  writ  in  1718,  when  Edward  Archer,  the  defen- 

'  OwerCs  Pembrokeshire y  vol.  ii,  p.  522. 
^  Old  Pembroke  Families,  p.  31. 


The  Wogans  of  Merrion  and  Somersetshire,   105 

dant,  called  upon  John  Campbeir  to  warrant  the  titles  of 
the  manors  of  Staokpole,  Merrion,  and  Nangle,  Stackpole 
having  been  inherited  by  the  ancestors  of  the  present 
Lord  Cawdor  through  a  marriage  with  Elizabeth  Lort, 
the  heiress  of  Sir  Gilbert  Lort. 


'  Son  of  Elizabeth  Lort  and  Sir  Alexander  Campbell,  of  Cawdor, 
in  Nairnshire. 


t^t  gofp  &tait 


A  DISCRIMINATION  OF  THE   NATIVE   AND  FOREIGN 

ELEMENTS  OF  THE  LEGEND. 


Part  I. — Early  History. 


The  story  of  the  Grail  has  two  parts,  one  called  Jotteph  of 
Arimathea,  or  Li  romanz  de  Vestoire  dau  Gi'oal,  or  generally, 
"The  Early  History";  the  other,  which  is  by  some  considered 
the  earlier  of  the  two  in  respect  of  origin,  The  Quest  of  the 
Grail.  The  earliest  extant  version  of  the  Quests  called  Li 
Contes  del  Graal,  is  dated  variously  between  1175  and  1182, 
and  of  the  Early  History,  Li  romanz  de  Vestoire  dou  Oraal 
by  De  Borron,  the  earliest  known  text  is  assigned  to  the 
end  of  the  century.  Without  debating  the  question  of 
priority,  we  will  begin  our  enquiry  in  the  natural  order, 
that  is  with  the  Early  History ;  first  making  a  few  neces- 
sary observations  on  the  name  by  which  the  whole  story  is 
generally  known. 

What  ought  to  be  understood  by  "  Grail "  is  as  difficult 
to  determine  as  is  the  origin  of  the  story  which  tells  of  it. 
According  to  most,  grail  is  a  dish  or  vessel  of  the  type  of 
basin,  but  one  learned  commentator  maintained  that  it  was 
a  book,  ^ra (Zait'=gradual,  a  service  book.  Robert  De  Borron^ 
who  wrote  his  Romanz  about  the  year  1200,  says  the  Grail 
was  the  vessel  in  which  Joseph  of  Arimathea  gathered  up 
the  blood  Christ  shed  upon  the  Cross,  and  that  Christ  had 


The  Holy  Grail.  107 

used  the  same  vessel  at  the  house  of  Simon  for  the  institu- 
tion of  the  Sacrament.  When  Jesus  was  taken  the  house 
was  looted — 

''Leenz  eut  un  veissel  mout  gent, 

Oa  Criz  feisoit  son  sacrement ; 

Un  Juis  le  veissel  trouva 

Ghi4s  Symon,"  etc., 

w.  894-7. 

and  the  Genoese,  who  supposed  thej  had  acquired  this 
precious  memorial  of  the  Supper^  called  it  9(wro  eaUno^  to 
which  name  the  word  "grail'*  fairly  corresponds  in  some 
MSS.  and  in  Du  Cange.  The  latter  has  ^^OradaUj  Oatino 
species,  pro  gramh.  Inter  vasa  mensaria  seu  utensilia 
coquiiiae  annumeratur  in  charta  ann.  1263/'  and  ^^ChrasaJUiy 
grasale,  vasis  genus,  ex  ligno,  terrft,  metalove,  non  unius 
notionis ;  occurrit  enim  pro  vase  rotundo  largiore  ac  minus 
profundo."  The  diminutive  gradcUetto  remained  in  use  in 
Italy  as  a  general  name  for  table-ware  till  the  fourteenth 
century,  for  it  is  so  used  in  the  Italian  version  of  the  story:* 
"Tutte  le  scodelle  e  gli  gradaletti  de  Dinadan  erano  nuove 
e  belle."  Another  form  of  the  name  is  Sang  Real,  which^ 
if  a  corruption,  shows  at  least  what  was  at  one  time  the 
belief  concerning  this  relic.  The  MS.  edited  by  Fumivall 
for  the  Boxburghe  Club  is  entitled  Seynt  Orcuxl  or  tiie  Sank 
Ryal ;  it  is  a  version  of  the  Early  History.  Helinandus, 
writing  in  1220  ci/rca^  while  recognising  the  domestic  uses 
of  the  vessel  called  grail,  endeavours  to  give  a  spiritual 
sense  to  the  word.  He  says  ^^OradaMs  aut  gradale  gallice 
dictur  scutella  lata,  et  aliquantulum  profonda  in  quae 
preciosae  dapes  divitibus  solent  apponi  gradaHm  unus  mor- 
sellus  post  alium  in  diversis  ordinibus ;    .  .  .  .   Dicitur  et 


^  La  Tavola  Bitonda,  vol.  i,  p.  278,  MS.  of  the  fourteenth  oen- 
tury,  printed  at  Bologna,  1865. 


io8  The  Holy  Grail, 

vulgari  nomine  greal^  quia  grata  et  acceptabilis  est  in  ea 
comedenti ";  and  this  was  a  favourite  explanation.  The 
Grand  St,  Grraal,  written  about  the  time  when  Helinandus 
made  that  note,  says  of  Nasciens  that,  "being  shown  the 
vessel  wherein  was  Christ's  blood,  he  thought  that  never 
was  anything  to  be  compared  with  it  for  excellence ;  for 
whereas  nothing  he  had  seen  before  but  somewhat  dis- 
pleased him  (li  degraa;St)  this  pleased  him  entirely  (11 
gr6e)/" 

This  will  be  enough  to  show  how  uncertain  was  the 
opinion  about  this  "vesseP'  at  the  time  when  the  stories 
are  said  to  have  been  made.  No  one  at  the  time  seemed 
to  know  whether  the  Grail,  about  which  he  wrote,  was 
dish  or  cup,  whether  it  was  a  vessel  only,  or  a  vessel  con- 
taining the  Precious  Blood  shed  on  Calvary.  There  is 
agreement,  however,  in  ranking  it  above  all  memorials  of 
the  Passion,  which  the  Church  was  reputed  to  possess ; 
and  surely,  the  Cup  which  Christ's  own  hands  had  held  at 
the  Institution,  or  the  Dish  in  which  He  had  dipped  at  the 
Supper,  could  not  have  been  exceeded  in  sanctity  by  any 
other  relics  of  His  life  on  earth,  and,  if  any  portion 
of  the  Divine  blood  had  been  preserved  with  either,  the 
tremendous  importance  of  the  possession  would  have  been 
unspeakable. 

When  we  think  of  this  it  will  appear  more  strange 
that  any  uncertainty  should  have  existed  as  to  the  precise 
nature  of  tlie  relic ;  we  sliall  have  to  reconsider  the  cir- 
cumstances, to  see  that  the  obscurity  surrounding  it  is 
natural.  Tt  lies  in  the  detachment  of  the  first  Christiana 
from  all  material  things.  Iiiving  in  constant  expectation 
of  the  second  coming  of  their  Lord,  all  phenomena  of  His 
earthly  life  and  of  their  own  were  disregarded,  so  that  it 

'  A  If  rod  Nutt,  ^Studies  in  the  Holy  Graily  analysis  of  tlie  Grafid  St,  GraaL 


The  Holy  GraiL  109 

was  not  until  this  first  state  of  expectancy  had  given  way 
that  the  Church  began  to  regard  its  own  history  more 
closely,  and  to  preserve  its  monuments. 

Whether,  then,  the  Dish  and  the  Cup  of  the  Last 
Supper  were  ever  used  again  by  the  first  disciples  in  their 
solemn  commemorations,  or  whether  they  were  thought  too 
sacred  for  use,  we  shall  never  know ;  but  we  may  presume 
the  Church  had  not  yet  begun  to  venerate  any  such 
memorials.  We  hear  nothing  of  the  relics  of  Stephen,  nor 
of  the  place  where  the  body  was  laid.  A  century  later 
Justin  Martyr  also  suffered  and  was  buried,  and  the  place 
of  his  sepulture  is  equally  unknown.  What  we  call  relics 
are  evidences  of  later  date,  and  of  a  more  systematic  perse- 
cution. When  suffering  became  the  badge  of  a  christian, 
the  Church  consoled  herself  by  making  trophies  of  the 
bodies  of  her  martyrs.  The  cuUub  thus  began.  Garments 
torn  by  wild  beasts,  sponges  dipped  in  blood,  were  exhibited 
at  the  tombs  when  the  anniversaries  came  round,  and  were 
affectionately  and  reverently  kissed  by  the  crowds  passing 
through  the  cemeteries.  At  first,  probably,  such  relics 
were  the  property  of  relatives  only,  and  not  until  private 
interests  diminished  did  the  Church  acquire  her  full  right ; 
but  with  the  success  of  Constantine  came  also  the  triumphs 
of  the  martyrs.  The  magnificent  basilicas  erected  over 
their  tombs  brought  crowds  of  pilgrims,  and  the  memorial 
churches  grew  in  wealth  and  beauty  by  their  offerings. 
The  possession  of  relics  became  a  source  of  prosperity  to 
City  as  well  as  Church  ;  all  relics  were  eagerly  demanded, 
but  especially  those  of  the  first  days,  and,  of  these  what- 
ever might  recall  the  Life  or  the  Passion  of  our  Lord. 
The  Holy  Places  of  Palestine  began  to  be  visited ;  the 
mother  of  the  Emperor  was  one  of  the  first  pilgrims,  and  to 
her  was  vouchsafed  the  discovery  of  the  Cross,  and  of  other 
relics  of  the  Passion.     Further  discoveries  were  constantly 


1 1  o  The  Holy  GraiL 

expected.*  Portraits  of  Christ  were  demanded,  and  though 
the  more  prudent  doctors  declared  that  none  existed,  or 
ought  to  exist,  it  was  not  long  before  the  curiosity  of  the 
ladies  of  the  Court  was  satisfied.  At  first  was  produced 
the  portrait  made  by  Christ  himself  on  the  napkin  of 
Veronica,  then  under  its  supreme  sanction  others,  reported 
to  have  been  painted  by  St.  Luke.  Nothing,  finally, 
belonging  to  Christ's  ministry  on  earth,  but  found  its 
illustration — from  the  cradle  of  Bethlehem  to  the  prints  of 
the  feet  on  the  Mount  of  Olives.  This  being  so,  it  is 
not  to  be  supposed  that  the  greatest,  the  most  precious 
relic  of  all,  would  be  wanting.  If  the  blood  of  the  meanest 
of  God's  servants  had  been  treasured,  was  it  credible  that 
the  piety  of  the  "beloved  disciple"  or  of  Joseph^  who 
took  upon  himself  the  last  duties  of  the  dead,  had  failed 
to  preserve  for  the  Church  that  most  precious  blood  of  the 
Divine  Master?  The  imagination  of  those  days  would 
not  have  tolerated  so  great  a  neglect.  In  the  fifth  century 
Germanus  visited  the  tomb  of  St.  Alban  and  took  away 
some  of  the  earth  supposed  to  be  stained  with  the  blood  of 
the  Martyr."*  In  the  sixth  century,  Gregory  of  Tours 
tells  how  a  certain  Gallic  matron  returned  from  Judea  tn 
thefird  century  with  a  shell  full  of  the  blood  of  John  the 
Baptist,  then  recently  murdered  by  Horod.*  In  the 
seventh  century  the  earth  soaked  with  the  blood  of  Oswald, 
who  fell  at  Maserfield,  a.d.  642,*  was  religiously  preserved. 

^  The  Bordeaux  Pilgrim,  who  arrived  at  Jonisalem  about  seven 
years  later  than  the  Empress,  found  already  certain  sites  established, 
whicli  had  not  been  recognised  in  her  time,  viz.,  the  House  of 
Caiaphas,  "where  is  the  pillar  of  Christ's  scourging";  the  House  of 
Peter,  the  Little  II ill  of  Golgotha,  "the  Ci*ypt  where  our  Lord*a 
body  was  laid." — Beazley,  Modern  Geography,  vol.  i. 

'^  Constantius,  l)e  Vita  Germani,  cap.  vi. 

3  De  Gloria  Martyrum,  cap.  12. 

'  Bede,  Uist.  Eccles. 


■_J, 


The  Holy  Grail.  1 1 1 

Such  like  instances  are  unmistakable.  They  show  what 
would  have  been  the  feeling  against  Joseph  if  it  could 
have  been  believed  that  this  Holy  relic  had  been  lost  to 
the  Church  by  his  fault.  True,  the  blood  was  not  openly 
shown,  but  that  would  not  have  hindered  the  belief  in  its 
existence  somewhere  ;  it  might  have  been  supposed  hidden 
during  time  of  persecution,  to  be  one  day  revealed.  Such 
like  beliefs  were  common.  The  Booh  of  the  Penitence  of 
Adam  tells  of  *'the  Cave  of  Treasures",  where  were  pre- 
served the  gold  of  Paradise,  the  myrrh  and  the  incense, 
which  Adam  had  taken  away  wUh  him,  to  be  offered  one 
day  to  the  infant  Saviour  by  the  Magi.^ 

Benan,  commenting  on  this,  remarks  that  the  belief  in 
the  existence  of  this  cavern  was  widespread  in  the  East.' 
It  is  more  difficult,  in  the  presence  of  these  beliefiEi,  to 
suppose  that  a  tradition  of  the  existence  of  the  Precious 
Blood  did  not  exist  than  that  it  did,  but  it  is  true  that  an 
opinion  contrary  to  this  was  also  held,  and  that  there  were 
pious  and  learned  persons  to  whom  the  idea  was  distaste- 
ful. Theodosius,  writing  also  in  the  sixth  centuiy,  says : — 
^' There  are  indeed  some  persons  who  affibrm  that  every 
part  of  the  true  cross  which  touched  the  naked  body  of 
the  Lord  and  was  stained  with  His  bloody  was  caught, 
up  to  heaven  straightway  from  all  human  touch  and  sighti, 
and  that  it  will  at  last  appear  in  the  Day  of  Judgment."* 
It  was  argued  also  that,  since  Christ  had  ascended  into 
Heaven,  every  part  of  His  human  body  must  have  been 
taken  thither,  and  that  nothing  pertaining  to  it  remained. 
To  many  people  the  popular  belief  would  appear  the  more 
reasonable ;  but  that  was  peculiarly  an  age  of  marvels^  and 

^  Migne,  vol.  xziii,  col.  290. 
^  Journal  Anatiqttef  6th  series,  vol.  ii,  p.  427. 
3  De  Terra   Sancta,   Trans,   by  Dr.  Bernard  for  the  PtJestme 
Pilgrims*  Text  Society,  1891. 


1 1 2  The  Holy  GraiL 

no  natural  difficulty  would  have  been  considered  on  one 
side  or  the  other ;  we  may  conclude  that  the  prevailing 
belief  would  have  been  that  which  corresponded  best  with 
popular  sentiment,  and  what  evidence  there  is  goes  to 
support  that.  In  1204  Dandolo  sent  to  Venice,  after  the 
taking  of  Constantinople,  a  portion  of  earth  stained  with 
blood,  said  to  have  been  taken  from  the  place  where  the 
Cross  had  stood,  but  whether  preserved  by  the  care  of 
Joseph  of  Arimathea,  or  discovered  later,  is  not  said,  nor 
is  it  known  how  long  the  relic  had  been  in  possession  of 
the  Emperors.  In  1150,  a  few  drops  of  the  Precious 
Blood  were  presented  by  Count  Theodore  of  Manders  to 
the  town  of  Bruges,  and  the  ^^Chapel  of  the  Holy  Blood" 
was  built  for  the  care  and  exposition  of  the  relic.  Other 
portions  also  were  brought  from  the  East  by  Crusaders, 
and  are  still  in  certain  Treasuries  on  the  Continent. 
Richard,  Earl  of  Cornwall,  presented  part  of  the  same 
holy  relic  to  the  church  of  Hailes,  in  Gloucestershire,  and 
to  the  Abbey  of  Ashridge,  in  Hertfordshire.  Of  the 
existence  of  these  before  the  twelfth  century  nothing 
perhaps  is  known ;  pilgrims  do  not  mention  the  Holy 
Blood,  but  they  did  not  visit  Constantinople,  and  what 
remained  of  this  was,  possibly,  in  the  custody  of  the 
Emperors  only,  with  whom  also  the  other  great  memorials 
of  the  Passion  were  deposited :  the  Crown  of  Thorns,  the 
sponge,  one  of  the  nails  (the  others  formed  part  of  the 
Crown  of  Lombardy,  and  the  sword  of  Charlemagne). 
The  spear  remained  at  Jerusalem,  and  is  mentioned  by 
Pilgrims.  Theodosius  describes  it  as  still  to  be  seen  in 
the  Church  of  Golgotha,  where  it  "shone  by  night  as  the 
sun  by  day".  Antonius,  a  pilgrim,  saw  there  also  the  cup 
(of  onyx)  which  the  Lord  blessed  at  the  Supper ;  this  was 
about  570  a.d.  The  invasion  of  Chosroes  in  614  would 
have  led  to  tho  hiding  of  all  relics,  and  some  may  have 


The  Holy  Grail.  113 

been  hidden  and  forgotten.  In  680  ▲.!>.  came  Arcolf,  and 
he  describes  "the  Cup  of  the  Lord*';  "of  silver,  about 
the  size  of  a  Vrench  quarts  and  has  two  little  handles 
to  it  on  either  side/'  "  From  this  cup,  as  is  reported,  the 
Lord  drank  after  His  resurrection,  as  He  sat  at  meat  with 
the  Apostles,  and  this  holy  Arculf  saw  and  touched  with 
his  own  hand  and  kissed  through  the  opening  of  the  per- 
forated cover  of  a. little  shrine  in  which  it  was  preserved ; 
indeed  the  whole  people  of  the  City  resort  constantly  to 
this  Cup  with  great  reverence/'*  He  was  then  shown  the 
spear  "in  the  portico  (aisle)  of  Constantino's  basilica." 
The  pilgrimage  of  Arculf  was  known  in  Strathdyde,  in 
Northumbria  probably,  and  in  Wales,  in  the  eighth  century, 
his  relation  having  been  put  into  writing  t^  Adamnan  in 
686.  We  may  assume  then  that  in  the  eighth  century 
certain  chief  relics  of  the  PaBsion  were  currently  reported 
as  existing:  the  Blood  at  Constantinople,  with  the  true 
Cross  and  the  others  already  mentioned;  the  Cup  of  the 
Last  Supper  and  the  Spear  at  Jerusalem.  The  last  two 
being  commended  to  the  veneration  of  British  Christians 
by  the  Abbot  of  the  famous  monastery  of  Hi. 

Some  part  of  the  story  of  Joseph  of  Arimathea  was  also 
known  here.^  Everywhere,  indeed,  his  personality  had 
taken  great  hold  on  the  imagination  of  Christians  from 
the  first,  no  hero  of  the  Faith  appealed  so  strongly  to  their 
admiration,  no  one  had  a  greater  claim  on  their  gratitude ; 
"Benefactor  Dei"  he  is  called  by  Gregory  of  Tours.  The 
popular  affection  for    Joseph  was  strengthened  by  the 

^  The  Churches  of  Canstantine  at  Jerusalem.  Paleatine  PUgrhns' 
Text  Society,  1891,  quoting  from  Adamnan. 

^  Nutt,  Studies,  p.  221.  Nicolas,  Les  Evangiles  ApoeryfkeSf  p.  866, 
says  that  the  Anglo-Saxon  version  of  the  Oospel  of  Nicodemus  has 
many  Welsh  idioms,  and  he  refers  to  the  Arehmologia  BritmmkMf 
p.  266. 

I 


114  The  Holy  Grail. 

popular  love  of  justice ;  amends  must  be  made  for  fhe 
neglect  of  Joseph  by  the  canonical  writers.  The  sacred 
texts  say  nothing  about  him  after  the  entombment.  What 
became  of  him  9  Did  he  flee  with  the  Maries  and  other 
witnesses  of  the  Eesurrection  ?  If  so,  there  was  nothing 
to  prevent  his  coming  to  Provence  in  some  Syrian  ship,  and 
the  legend  of  the  landing  at  Marseilles  may  have  been  the 
popular  answer  to  the  question. 

Legends  of  Joseph  began  to  be  made  at  a  very  early 
date.  .  The  compiler  of  the  Gospel  of  Nicodemus  only  put 
together  what  was  and  had  long  been  common  belief  con- 
cerning him,  and  he  did  not  necessarily  collect  all  the 
stories  current ;  that  which  concerns  us,  for  example,  did 
not  come  into  the  purpose  for  which  the  "Gospel"  was 
writteu,  mz,,  the  cultivation  of  the  belief  in  a  netherworld, 
a  place  of  waiting  for  judgment.  This  belief,  of  so  great 
importance  to  the  Church,  depended  on  the  popular  or  so- 
called  apocryphal  writings  more  than  on  the  canonical,  and 
for  this  reason  the  book  which  professed  to  have  been  re- 
vealed to  the  two  sons  of  Simeon  was  quoted  and  approved 
by  churchmen  when  other  apocryphal  stories  of  Joseph 
were  left  to  maintain  themselves  by  their  picturesqueness 
alone.  So  eminent  a  person  as  the  Archbishop  of  Tears 
introduces  parts  of  the  Gesta  Pilati  and  the  Evangelium 
into  his  version  of  the  Life  of  Christ,*  no  doubt  because 
they  filled  a  gap  left  by  the  canonical  writers.  When 
Gregory  wrote,  the  article  of  the  Creed,  DescendU  ad 
inferos  J  had  not  yet  been  generally  received,*  and  it  was  the 
more  necessary  to  keep  all  "evidences"  in  sight,  hence  the 

^  Part  of  tho  general  introduction  to  the  Church  History  of  the 
Franks, 

^  It  was  accepted  by  the  foui-th  Council  of  Toledo  in  A.D.  638,  and 
reaflirmed  in  a.d.  (393.     The  Apostles*  Creed,  so  called,  was  not  fioaUy 

settled  as  to  its  terms  until  tho  ninth  century. 


The  Holy  Grail.  115 

importance  of  that  part  of  the  story  of  Joseph.  Our 
legend  of  the  landing  in  Provence  and  of  the  preservation 
of  the  Precious  Blood  served  no  doctrinal  purpose,  and  it 
existed,  if  at  all,  in  popular  story  only.  De  Borron^s 
Estoire  contains  the  earliest  written  statement  ve  have  of 
the  preservation  of  it  by  Joseph.  Now,  was  De  Borron 
the  inventor  of  that  part  of  the  Joseph  legend  ? 

An  examination  of  the  Estoire  makes  the  supposition  of 
his  absolute  authorship  impossible.  It  is  full  of  details 
which  we  cannot  believe  he  invented,  descriptions  of  cere- 
monies, for  example,  which  in  his  time  were  obsolete,  un- 
known, and  could  only  have  been  inserted  by  him  because 
he  found  them  in  the  story,  or  the  scraps  of  stories,  from 
which  he  was  working.  It  is  worth  while  to  examine 
some  of  these. 

The  ceremony  of  central  importance  in  any  supposed 
cultvs  of  the  Grail  must  be  the  Celebration  or  Commemora- 
tion of  the  Last  Supper.  As  described  by  De  Borron  this 
is  of  extreme  si^iiplicity,  such  as  the  poorest  disciples  in 
Palestine  might  have  had  among  themselves.  A  table  is 
dressed  in  the  desert,  the  vessel  was  placed  in  the  middle, 
and  in  front  of  it  a  fish,  then  the  people  were  called  to  sit 
round,  except  such  as  were  sinners.  Why  this  fish  P  De 
Borron,  who  is  supposed  to  have  invented  the  ''Early  Hig- 
tory'^,  does  not  know.  He  attempts  an  explanation  which 
does  very  little  credit  to  his  intelligenoe,  and  completely 
destroys  any  presumption  of  his  authorship.  The  truth  is, 
that  when  he  wrote,  the  fish  had  long  disappeared  from 
the  Euchaiistic  feast,  of  which  it  was  an  ordinary  feature 
in  primitive  times;  the  story  he  was  telling,  therefore, 
must  have  been  a  very  early  one,  or  the  ritual  of  the  Qrail 
had  somewhere  preserved  to  itself  the  andent  ''use".  The 
simplicity  of  the  rite  is  further  shown  by  the  aasertianj 

pointedly  made,  that  ''only  the  words  of  Christ  Himself  " 

z2 


ii6  The  Holy  Grail. 

were  used  at  the  consecration.  The  discipline  also  is 
primitive :  the  catechumens  and  penitents  aton(2,  and  are 
required  to  leave  before  the  mysteries  were  reached. 
"  Then  all  the  people  were  invited,  but  only  those  who 
were  conscious  of  having  obeyed  all  the  precepts  Joseph 
had  taught  them  were  to  sit  at  the  table."  "Those  sitting 
at  the  table  were  penetrated  with  a  delicious  satisfaction 
which  those  standing  did  not  feel  ....  these  left  the 
chamber  covered  with  shame/"  One  very  ancient  feature 
in  the  tradition  is  found  in  the  Grand  St.  Oraal.  Joseph 
enters  the  "Ark"  in  order  to  consecrate.  The  practice  of 
consecrating  secretly  is  now  peculiar  to  the  Eastern  rite, 
but  once  it  was  general.  No  traces  of  it  remained  in  the 
West  so  late  as  a.d.  1200,  unless  in  certain  Basilicas  of 
Italy,  where  curtains  appear  to  have  been  fixed  to  the 
baldachins  which  enclosed  the  altars ;  but  possibly  the 
very  narrow  openings  into  the  chancels  of  some  of  our 
most  ancient  Welsh  and  Irish  churches  may  have  relation 
to  this  practice."^ 

A  very  curious  ceremony  is  described  in  the  High 
History^  and  also  by  Gerbert.  It  is  a  manner  of  "creep- 
ing to  the  Cross",  and,  as  both  writers  take  pains  to 
explain  what  it  means,  it  may  have  belonged  to  an  older 
story.  The  rite  is  performed  by  two  priests  (or  hermits) 
named  Alexis  and  Jonas ;  nothing  calls  for  the  names  of 
the  two  actors  in  this  scene,  and  we  are  led  to  suppose  it 

>  De  Borron.  Furnivall,  app.  to  vol.  i,  Th^  Seynt  Graalf  w.  2537 
et  seq.  The  withdrawal  of  catechumens,  or  those  "unfit  to  sit  at 
Christ's  table",  is  also  part  of  the  preparation  for  the  great  solemnity 
with  which  the  Quests  closes. 

-  The  church  of  St.  Bridget  at  Kildare  had  a  solid  screen  of  timber 
right  across,  separating  the  nave  from  the  choir  or  sanctuary. — 
Warren,  Celtic  liitual,  p.  81). 

^Branches,  xvi,  3,  and  xviii,  17;  also  in  Potvin's  abstract  of 
Gerbert,  p.  lM;3,  or  Nutt,  ^StudieSj  p.  24. 


.^■-li 


The  Holy  GraiL  1 1 7 

has  been  taken,  names  and  all,  from  some  mystery  play; 
unless  there  is,  or  was,  a  story  of  Alexis  and  Jonas,  which 
both  writers  by  some  coincidence  resorted  to  for  their  inci- 
dents. All  the  stories  of  the  Grail  furnish  illustrations 
of  archaisms,  but  we  are  more  particularly  concerned  at 
present  with  the  Estoire,  as  this  has  the  reputation  of 
being  the  earliest  to  tell  of  the  "Invention"  of  the  Grail 
and  of  its  coming  to  Britain. 

The  story  of  Joseph  leading  his  small  army  of  Chris- 
tians into  Britain  (the  promised  land)  is  modelled  on  that 
of  the  wanderings  of  Israel  in  the  desert.  The  analogy  is 
so  obvious  it  might  have  been  made  at  any  time,  but  there 
are  peculiarities  in  De  Borron's  treatment  of  it  which  show 
it  could  not  have  been  derived  from  the  canonical  scrip- 
tures, and  that  it  was  taken  either  from  some  apocryphal 
book  or  was  the  confused  ending  of  a  long  tradition.  The 
Moses  of  the  Estoire  is  not  the  leadler.  Joseph  was  that, 
and  Moses  appears  in  the  ungracious  part  of  rebel  and 
Anti-Christ,  endeavouring  to  recover  the  place  which  under 
the  Christian  dispensation  he  had  lost.  In  this  allegory 
we  must  suppose  Joseph  to  be  sometimes  Christ,  as  when 
he  sits  at  the  head  of  the  Grail  table ;  sometimes  Moses,  as 
leader  of  the  chosen  people.  As  Christ,  his  proper  vice- 
gerent would  have  been  Peter,  who  sometimes  appears  in 
that  role;  but  in  other  places  Peter  is  also  Moses — the  true 
Moses  who  has  been  supplanted.  He  has  no  clearly- 
marked  function  in  the  story,  he  is  introduced  by  De 
Borron  suddenly,  and  as  suddenly  disappears.  We  might 
suppose  that  the  author  was  diversely  inspired,  and  that  if 
one  story  told  about  Peter  another  did  not.  He  promises, 
for  instance,  that  when  he  comes  to  the  Vaus  d'Avaron 
(Avalon)  he  will  say 

"quen  vie  Petrus  mcna 
Qu'  il  devint",  etc. — 

vv.  3469-70. 


1 1 8  The  Holy  Grail. 

but  he  either  forgets  to  do  so,  or  he  has  nothing  to  tell. 
Perhaps  the  Gravd  St.  Chraal  partly  supplies  the  defect  'j 
there  is  in  it  a  long  story  of  Peter ;  how  he  was  cast  ashore 
an  infant  and  found  by  the  daughter  of  King  OrcawB,  how 
he  was  brought  up  secretly  by  the  Princess,  and  how  he 
became  a  most  valiant  knight.  The  chivalric  part  we  need 
not  follow,  but  the  opening  of  the  story,  which  identifies 
Peter  with  Moses,  may  perhaps  belong  to  that  which  De 
Borron  had  before  him.  The  identification  or  paraUelism 
of  Peter  and  Moses  is  very  ancient.  In  the  early  mosaics 
Peter  is  the  recipient  of  the  New  Law ;  in  representations 
of  Moses  striking  the  rock  Peter  is  clearly  the  person 
represented — "Moyses  figura  fuit  Petri",  says  St.  Augus- 
tine. This  displacement  of  Moses  by  Peter  is  mainiained 
in  the  Grail  as  part  of  the  system  of  disparagement  of  the 
Old  Law  which  runs  through  it.  It  is  more  noteworthy, 
perhaps,  that  in  these  places  the  writers  always  speak  as  if 
the  New  Law  had  beeu  recently  established,  a  thing  quite 
inconsistent  with  the  belief  that  the  Estoire  Avas  entirely  a 
work  of  the  twelfth  century ;  whether  the  establishment 
of  the  New  Law  may  refer  to  the  introduction  of  Chris- 
tianity into  Britain  or  to  the  success  of  Christianity 
generally.  The  grotesque  side  of  De  Borron's  picture, 
where  he  distorts  the  character  of  Moses,  is  possibly  a  pure 
blunder.  Peter  has  another  opponent  named  Symen  or 
Symeu,  who  is  called  Moys'  father.  He  tries  to  kill  Peter. 
Moses  had  beeu  punished  for  his  presumption  in  taking 
the  high  seat  by  seven  flaming  hands  which  carried  him . 
to  a  place  "  burning  like  a  dry  bush" ;  Symen  is  punished 
similarly,  he  is  carried  off  by  devils  and  thrust  into  a  fiery 
grave.  This  looks  as  if  Simon  Magus  may  have  been  con- 
founded with  the  Moses  who,  at  first  set  in  apposition  with 
Peter,  became  later  his  opponent  and  enemy;  a  curious 
travesty  of  ancient  symbolism  if  true,  and  unmistakably  a 


The  Holy  Grail.  119 

blunder  in  respect  of  the  persons.  Shall  we  take  this  as  a 
measure  of  De  Borron's  knowledge  of  Sacred  History,  or 
ought  we  to  consider  that  he  is  repeating  an  ancient  storj 
which  he  did  not  think  himself  at  liberty  to  alter  ? 

The  manner  of  consecrating  Joseph  as  ^^  Sovran  Shep- 
herd", could  scarcely  have  been  invented  by  De  Borron ; 
in  the  twelfth  century  no  one  would  have  thought  of 
making  any  man  a  bishop  who  was  not  abeady  priest, 
though  that  would  not  have  been  considered  irregular  in 
the  fif  th.^  Not  more  would  it  have  occurred  to  him  to  make 
Joseph  Bishop  for  the  sole  purpose  of  consecrating  the 
Eucharist;  that  point  of  order  belongs  also  to  a  very  early 
period  of  Church  history.  These  and  such-like  anachronisms 
in  De  Borron's  text  lead  us  to  suspect  he  is  not  the  author 
of  all  he  writes,  and  that  the  ^^book"  to  which  he  refers 
may  have  been  a  real  one.  Granting  a  previons  belief  in 
the  existence  of  the  ^^vessel"  and  of  the  Precious  Blood, 
some  story  of  Joseph  which  connected  him  directly  with 
the  preservation  of  the  relic  seems  necessary,  to  no  one 
else  could  the  pious  act  have  been  attributed.  This  story 
would  have  been  the  Gospel  of  Joseph,  and  its  object 
would  have  been  to  redress  the  injustice  which.  Joseph 
may  be  said  to  have  received.  The  omission  of  his  name 
from  the  Canon  of  the  Mass  may  have  been  a  grievance. 

^  Consecration  of  laymen  to  the  episcopate,  per  saltum,  was  still 
valid  in  the  sixth  century  in  Gaul,  but  the  Church  disliked  it.  In 
Ireland  at  that  time  there  does  not  appear  to  have  been  any  question 
(of  the  story  of  St.  Columba) ;  and  in  the  Celtic  Church  generally  the 
ancient  liberty  may  have  existed  so  long  as  that  Church  remained 
independent,  but  in  the  twelfth  century  such  laxity  was  no  longer 
possible.  Henry  I,  being  anxious  to  appoint  an  Englishman  to  the 
See  of  St.  David,  caused  the  Queen's  chancellor,  a  layman,  to  be 
ordained  priest  one  day  and  consecrated  the  next.  He  feared  the 
Welshmen  might  be  before  him,  but  this  was  the  most  he  could  do ; 
no  doubt  he  would  gladly  have  saved  one  of  these  days  had  he 
dared. 


I20  The  Holy  GraiL 

In  the  "great  book"  of  the  Grail,  from  which  De  Borron 
says  he  is  quoting,  Christ  promises  that  "never  should  the 
sacrifice  be  offered  without  mention  being  made  of  what 
Joseph  had  done."  The  Sacrament  of  the  Altar  became, 
for  the  cultores  of  the  "Benefactor  Dei",  a  joint  com- 
memoration of  Jesus  and  Joseph :  "  The  Altar  shall 
represent  the  sepulchre  where  you  laid  me,  the  corporal, 
the  cloth  in  wliich  you  wound  my  body,  the  chalice  will 
recall  the  vessel  in  which  you  caught  my  blood,  and  the 
paten  resting  on  the  chalice  shall  signify  the  stone  placed 
over  the  sepulchre.'"  If  De  Borron  invented  this  he  was 
hardy.  If  it  is  derived  from  that  ancient  book  we  need 
not  wonder  if  it  is  now  lost.  The  destruction  of  heretical 
books  was  a  duty,  and  the  reference  to  the  diptychs  is  a 
direct  challenge  to  the  Church.^ 

We  may  now  turn  to  the  legends  connected  with  the 
arrival  in  Britain :  there  is  the  Glastonbury  legend,  which 
in  some  of  its  particulars  is  very  old,  and  there  is  the 
legend  of  the  landin^:  in  Provence.  The  latter  was 
popular.^  Joseph  of  Arimathea  is  represented  as  landing 
on  the  coast  of  Provence  vnth.  Mary  Magdalen  and  the 
other  Maries,  Lazarus,  and  about  forty  in  all.  This  com- 
pany of  disciples  is  described  as  being  wafted  over  the  sea, 
very  much  as  were  Joseph  and  his  companions  in  the 
story  of  the  Grail.  Marseilles  would  have  been  in  the 
first  century  the  proper  port  for  any  one  voyaging  from 
the  East  to  Britain.  The  route  from  Marseilles  was  by 
the  Rlioue  to  Lyons,  and  then  it  either  turned  aside  to 

^  Do  Borron's  poom,  vv.  1K)1-13. 

-  As  a  matter  of  fact  tlio  romancea  of  tho  Grail  wore  expressly 
inturditited  by  tho  Court  of  Ronio  at  tho  samo  time  that  the  Order  of 
Tomi)hirs  was  aiipprosaod.  Soo  Mohiud,  Les  Oriyines  Litteraires  de  la 
France,  p.  7 1 . 

^  Acta  ISanctorumy  17th  March,  and  the  Legend  of  Les  Saintee 
Maries  auw  B ouches  du  lihune,  still  current  in  Provence. 


The  Holy  GraiL  121 

descend  the  Loire  or  it  continued  upwards  by  the  Sadne^ 
to  descend  the  valley  of  the  Seine  or  to  pass  into  the  lower 
Ehine,  and  so  by  one  course  or  the  other  to  reach  the 
estuary  of  the  Thames^  the  creeks  of  the  South  Coast,  or 
the  Severn  Sea.  It  was  by  Marseilles  that  Christianity 
came  to  Gaul  and  Britain.  The  Christianity  of  Southern 
Gaul,  moreover,  was  essentially  Asiatic  or  Syriac,  and  if 
this  legend  of  the  Grail  had  its  orig^  in  Syria,  it  may 
have  been  first  heard  of  in  Europe  at  Marseilles ;'  and  this 
may  be  what  is  meant  by  the  memory  of  so  many  of  the 
holy  women  who  were  present  at  the  Cross  and  the 
Sepulchre,  being  preserved  there.  Provence  was  the  final 
home  of  many  personages  in  the  drama  of  the  Passion. 
Pilate  came  here  after  his  disgrace,  and  lived  at  Yienne. 
Martha  lived  at  Tarascon,  and  the  Magdalen  in  the  solitude 
of  the  Saint<e  Baume.^  Among  those  who  landed  from 
the  rudderless  ship  wq^s  the  Hemorroissa,  who  is  sometimes 
identified  with  Martha.  She  is  called  Marie  la  Yenis- 
sienne  in  the  Qrarid  St.  OracUy  and  Yerrine  by  De  Borron. 
The  latter  name  (or  Ste.  Yenise)  is  that  by  which  she  is 
known  in  Northern  Prance,  where  she  probably  represents 
a  former  goddess  of  the  Somanized  Gauls.' 

^  ^'Depuis  longtempB,"  says  Renan,  ''an  courant  de  commonioationB 
reciproques  ^tait  ^tabli  entre  les  ports  d^Asie  Mineure  et  les  rivages 
m^diterran^ens  de  la  Oaule.  Ces  populations  d'Asie  et  de  Syrie, 
tr^s  port^s  k  remigration  vers  I'occident,  aimaient  k  remonter  le 
Rhone  et  la  Sa6ne,  ayant  avec  elles  un  bazar  portatif  de  marchandises 
diversesy  ou  bien  s'arretant  sur  les  rives  de  oes  grands  fleuves,  aux 
endroits  on  s'offrait  k  elles  I'esp^rance  de  vivre.  Yienne  et  Lyons 
6taient  en  quelque  sorte  le  point  de  mire  de  oes  migrants  qui 
apportaient  en  Oaule  les  qualitds  de  marchands,  de  domestiques, 
d'ouvriers  et  memes  de  m^decins." — Renan,  L'JE^liae  Ckritiefme, 
p.  468.  These  emigrants  formed  a  large  part  of  the  population  of  the 
cities  on  the  river,  and  the  stories  of  Martha,  Mary  Magdalen,  and 
Pilate  may  be  part  of  the  deposit  of  legend  they  have  left  there. 

^  Maury,  Croyances  et  Ligendes  de  VAnUquiU  (La  Veronique). 


122  The  Holy  GraiL 

In  this  case,  then,  De  Borron  would  be  repeating  a  local 
tradition,  but  there  is  confusion  nevertheless,  Yeronica, 
not  Verriue,  is  really  meant ;  the  uncertainty,  however,  is 
of  very  early  date.  De  Borron  perhaps  justifies  his  use  of 
the  local  name  by  calling  the  imprinted  9uda,rium  **la 
Veronique".  All  the  legend  of  the  landing  in  Provence, 
and  of  the  events  which  determined  the  exile  of  Joseph, 
would  not  have  been  known  at  every  place  on  the  route 
we  have  indicated ;  there  would  have  been  many  stories, 
some  attaching  themselves  to  one  place,  some  to  another, 
and  they  might  have  arrived  in  Britain  from  the  East  or 
from  the  West,  or  Winchester  and  Salisbury  might  have 
been  the  places  where  they  were  first  known.  There 
seems  to  be  no  further  memory  of  Joseph  in  Provence 
than  that  he  landed  ;  it  may  be  presumed  that  he  did  not 
remain,  and  may  have  followed  the  ordinary  course  of 
immigrants,  northward.  A  tradition  that  his  body  was  at 
Moyen  Moustier  in  Alsace  at  the  end  of  the  eighth  century, 
and  that  it  was  subsequently  stolen,  is  recorded  by 
Mabillon,  and  in  the  Ada  Sanctorum.^  It  is  not  said 
whither  the  body  was  taken,  but  the  Vatican  church 
claims  to  possess  one  of  the  arms.  A  legend  of  Joseph  in 
Alsace  is  an  argument  for  the  existence  of  our  legend 
there  also,  and  we  may  couple  this  with  the  recent  trans- 
lation of  the  Hvangelium  in  England — clearly  an  interest  in 
him  and  his  work  was  increasing.  In  England  the  centre 
of  the  Joseph  legend  is  Glastonbury,  and,  curiously  enough 
it  has  little  to  do  with  the  Grail ;  Glastonbury  may  be 
the  Abbey  of  Glays  and  the  He  de  Verre,  but  it  is  not 
certain  that  it  was  Avalon,  and  nothing  is  said  in  the  storj 
of  Joseph,  as  it  is  given  by  the  French  authors,  about 
the  wattled  church,  or  the  Thorn.     The  fragments  of  the 

^  Mab.  AnnaleSy  sub  aiiuo  799.     Acta  Hanctorumf  Martii  17. 


The  Holy  Grail.  123 


u 


Early  History"  which  seem  to  relate  to  the  conversion  of 
Britain  belong  to  the  Augustinian  mission  rather  than  to 
the  earlier  Celtic  Christianity,  The  story  which  attributes 
the  conversion  to  Peter  has  been  mentioned.  This  is  part 
of  the  enlarged  story  (the  Orand  St.  Qraal) ;  De  Borron 
does  not  bring  the  Grail  to  Britain,  though  he  may  have 
intended  it.  He  relates  how  Peter  received  a  divine 
commission,  direct,  and  that  he  chose  the  West  for  the 

scene  of  his  labours, 

"En  ]^  terre  vers  Occident, 
Ki  est  sauvage  durement 
Es  vaus  d'  Avaron  m'en  irei." 

w.  8219^21. 

When  the  Orand  St.  Qraal  was  written  the  Welsh  in- 
fluence appears  to  have  dominated,  and  we  have  Celidoine, 
Nasciens  and  Mordrains  as  the  active  lieutenants  of  Joseph 
for  the  conversion  of  Britain,  the  story  of  Petrus  and  King 
Lucius  coming  rather  awkwardly  in  another  place.  Still, 
though  the  names  are  mainly  Celtic,  the  story  told  reminds 
us  of  the  perils  of  Augustine's  mission  and  its  re-establish- 
ment by  Theodore.  Celidoine,  after  converting  a  few,  one 
hundred  and  fifty,  persons,  is  put  in  prison  with  his  con- 
verts, and  that  might  have  been  the  end,  but  Mordrains 
has  a  vision  of  the  extremity  of  the  Christians,  and  arrives 
in  time.  Glastonbury  would  thus  have  been  the  second 
home  of  the  legend.  The  chosen  knight  assumed  the 
shield  of  Joseph  of  Arimathea  at  a  "certain  abbey'*.  Now 
the  body  of  Joseph  was  translated  to  the  Abbey  of  Glays 
from  an  Abbey  of  the  Cross.^    The  almost  inaccessible 

^  Lonelich,  Seynt  Qraal,  The  French  version  says  only  that 
Joseph  dieSy  apparently  at  the  Castle  of  Galafort  in  Northumberland, 
whence  the  body  was  carried  to  Scotland  becanse  of  a  great  famine 
there,  which  it  changed  instantly  to  a  great  plenty;  and  that  the 
body  was  there  enteres  en  une  abeie  de  glay,  ''which  Abbey  of  GUkystyng^ 
bery  now  men  hald,"  says  Lonelich,  chap,  liv,  Bozbnrglie  Olnb 
edition,  1863. 


124  The  Holy  Grail, 

position  of  Glastonbury  may  have  led  to  its  becoming  a 
refuge  for  persecuted  or  timorous  Christians,  either  at  the 
time  of  the  invasion  of  Wessex  or  later,  when  Alfred 
betook  himself  to  Athelney.  The  translation  of  the 
body  of  Joseph  from  the  North  suggests  rather  a  flight 
thence.  The  names  Celidoine,  Nasciens  and  many  others, 
in  the  Story  of  the  Grail  belong  to  the  North.  The  only 
British  names  in  De  Borron  are  Brons,  Alain  and  Enygeus. 
Brons=Bran  (the  Blessed)  *^who  first  brought  Christianity 
to  Britain",  and  was  very  appropriately  first  keeper  of  the 
Grail ;  Alain,  who  in  one  part  of  the  story  seems  to  have 
been  intended  for  the  same  office,  may  represent  the  Breton 
side  of  the  legend,  which  De  Borron  decided  to  neglect  in 
favour  of  the  British  form ;  Enygeus,  may  be  the  same 
with  the  mother  of  Arthur.  The  Orand  St.  Oraal,  which 
extends  and  fills  up  the  story,  gives  us  more  names. 
Nasciens,  who  was  the  "  first  to  behold  the  wonders  of  the 
Grail",  is  supposed  by  the  learned  author  of  the  Arthurian 
Legend  to  be  the  same  with  Nectan  or  Naitan  who  played  so 
decided  a  part  in  the  establishment  of  Catholic  Christianity 
in  the  North.  Of  Nasciens'  line,  the  last  was  Galahad. 
Nasciens'  son  was  Celidoine,  the  eponymous  hero  of  Sco1>- 
land.  Evelach  was  the  first  convert ;  the  name  is  that  of 
one  of  the  sons  of  Cuneda,  but  it  has  also  much  higher 
dignity  in  Welsh  genealogies.  "Avallach,  son  of  Canalech, 
son  of  Beli,  and  his  mother  was  Anna,  who  they  say  was 
cousin  of  the  Virgin  Mary."'  Evelach  is  also  called 
Mordrains  or  Mordains,  Noodrans,  which  is  explained  as 
"hard  of  belief";  it  may  perhaps  have  relation  to  Meaux 
(Melda)  where  he  was  born,  though  it  is  said  to  have  been 
given  after  his  baptism.  He  was  the  sou  of  a  cobbler,  and 
was   sent  to   Rome,  with   other  youths   and  maidens. 


^  Rees,  Cnmbro-BritiAh  Saints,  "Lifo  of  St.  Carannog".  The  name 
occiirK  iiiruin  in  the  geiioalogioH  of  St.  Cadoo  and  St.  David;  in  this 
last  is  a  Euguuii,  son  of  the  .sistor  of  Mary. 


m_^ 


The  Holy  GraiL  125 

tribute  in  the  time  of  Augustus  Caesar  ;  the  two  daughters 
of  the  Count  of  the  Town  were  also  sent,  and  Evelaeh  was 
their  servant — the  beginnings  of  a  very  pretty  story  of 
which  we  should  have  been  glad  to  hear  the  rest.  Another 
Fi-enchman  gets  into  the  story  as  Blaise,  the  "Master"  of 
Merlin  ;  he  is  Lupus  the  celebrated  Bishop  of  Troyes,  who 
accompanied  Germanus  on  his  first  expedition  to  Britain ; 
and  again  we  have  one  of  the  founders  of  Christianity  in 
Britain  figuring  as  a  fundamental  personage  in  our  story. 
Perhaps  Germanus  is  also  commemorated  under  the  form 
Gonemans,  the  first  instructor  of  Perceval.  It  cannot  be 
pretended  that  these  names  occur  in  an  orderly,  connected 
narrative,  but  they  do  belong  to  the  very  beginnings  of 
Christianity  in  this  Island,  and  the  use  of  them  may  imply 
a  belief  that  the  coming  of  the  Grail  was  contemporary,  or 
nearly  so,  with  the  coming  of  the  Gospel.  The  tradition 
which  mixes  one  with  the  other  may  have  been  a  scarcely 
intelligible  story  in  the  twelfth  century.  It  had  passed 
through  many  hands,  from  Celt  to  Saxon,  from  Saxon  to 
Frank,  and  also,  by  another  route,  from  Breton  to  Frank 
and  Norman,  no  wonder  if  it  had  changed  form  and 
personifications ;  it  is  wonderful  that  so  many  of  the 
oldest  names  have  been  preserved. 

The  Early  History,  "commencemens  de  I'estoire  del 
saint  graal,"  ends  with  the  coming  of  the  Saxons  (K  game) 
and  the  deposition  of  the  Grail  in  a  castle  built  for  it 
"en-i-estrainge  roiaume  ou  il  auoit  plente  de  niche  (simple) 
gent :  qui  ne  sauoient  rien  f  ors  seulement  de  terre 
cultilier,"  the  charge  of  the  Grail  being  given  to  Alain^ 

'  According  to  the  Grand  St.  Graal ;  but  De  Borron,  after  appoint- 
ing Alain  in  tho  earlier  part  of  the  story,  appears  to  forget  him  and 
he  makes  Brons  the  Grail  keeper.  The  change  of  name  (and  family) 
may  have  been  a  result  of  the  wandering  of  the  story ;  the  line  of 
keepers  tracing  from  Brons  being  part  of  the  Welsh  tradition,  that 
deriving  from  Alain  being  Breton. 


126  The  Holy  Grail. 

and  his  descendants^  the  last  of  whom  was  Gralahad.  And 
so  ends  this  first  part  of  the  Story  of  the  Grail.  It  is  the 
history,  apparently,  of  the  belief  that  some  portion  of  the 
Precious  Blood  still  existed  on  earth,  notwithstanding  the 
discouragement  given  to  that  belief  by  sober-minded  men ; 
it  is  therefore  the  story  of  an  unauthorized  or  "pious'*  belief 
and  of  a  cult,  if  cult  there  was,  which  was  practised 
secretly,  unless,  under  peculiar  circumstances,  overt  acts 
might  have  been  permitted  in  honour  of  the  relic.  The 
signs  of  a  ritual  of  the  Grail,  and  more  especially  the  per- 
sistence of  the  primitive  mode  of  celebration,  out  of  which 
grew  the  story  of  the  Round  Table,  seems  to  prove  an  unin- 
terrupted tradition  of  fellowship  among  believers  in  the 
Grail ;  the  tradition  of  names  also  supports  the  pre- 
sumption of  antiquity  for  the  legend.  It  must  be  under- 
stood, however,  that  the  object  of  these  papers  is  not  to 
establish  a  formal  tradition  or  Legend  of  the  OraUy  but  to 
show  that  there  might  have  been,  and  probably  was,  a  belief 
in  the  existence  of  some  relic  of  the  Passion  of  pre-eminent 
sanctity  from  very  early  times,  and  that  the  belief  attracted 
to  itself  a  great  mass  of  legend  and  folk-story  wherever  it 
took  root.  This  relic,  if  not  the  Precious  Blood  itself,  was 
some  other  most  intimate  memorial  of  the  Last  Supper; 
the  identification  of  the  Grail  with  the  supposed  relic  is 
the  object  of  our  enquiry.  But  in  arriving  at  this,  many 
matters  of  no  less  importance  in  the  story  will  have  to  be 
considered ;  and  first  of  these  is  the  question ;  What  was 
meant  by  the  Round  Table  ? 


The  Holy  Grail.  127 


Pabt  n. — ^Thb  Sottnd  Table. 


The  story  of  the  Grail  tended  naturally  to  become  one 
of  adventure;  Christians  would  inevitably  ask,  "Where 
then  is  the  Castle  of  Gorbenic,  and  why  should  not'  the 
Grail  be  exposed  to  the  adoration  of  the  faithful  ?''  When 
this  time  came,  and  a  hero  had  to  be  found,  equal  by  his 
reputation  to  achieve  the  discovery  of  the  Vessel,  it  would 
be  to  Arthur's  Court  romancers  would  turn:  to  Arthur 
himself  or  to  the  foremost  of  his  knights,  to  Gwalchmai  or 
Owen.  The  story  of  Arthur,  more  especially  the  later  and 
more  familiar  part  of  it,  represents  him  as  little  likely  to 
undertake  an  enterprise  wholly  religious ;  but  Arthur  was 
Emperor  and  victorious,  and  the  destined  Leader  therefore, 
if  not  the  Eero  of  every  great  achievement.  He  thus 
inevitably  became  Christian  Hero  of  Britain,  and  the 
Eound  Table  of  the  Grail  will  always  be  known  as  his. 

The  table  at  which  Arthur  feasted  with  his  champions 
did  not  differ  in  respect  of  its  "roimdness'%  or  otherwise, 
from  the  table  of  Conchobar  at  Emain,  or  that  at  which 
Charlemagne  may  have  sat  with  his  peers.  The  number 
of  the  peers,  or  companions,  wasthe  same  in  all ;  it  was 
the  number  consecrated  alike  by  Pagan  and  Christian 
precedent,  and  symbolised  a  certain  diviniiy  attachixig  to 
the  central  figure.  Arthur's  table  has  become  famous 
beyond  others  because  of  the  Grail,  but  in  itself  it 
had  no  pre-eminent  lustre,  nor  was  it  exceptional  in 
any  way.  Soundness  was  not  peculiar  to  Arthur's  table, 
— all  "tables"  were  round  at  the  time ;  nor  was  there  any- 
thing unusual  in  a  great  chief  holding  a  table  for  his 
immediate  household,  the  great  officers  of  state,  who  were 
called,  in  the  general  language  of  Europe,  the  comes  of  the 


128  The  Holy  Grail. 

Kin^.  The  dimity  of  Arthur's  table  and  its  distinction 
above  all  others,  was  due  only  to  the  Grail,  to  its  identifi- 
cation with  tlie  table  of  the  Grail,  and  for  this  reason  only 
does  it  belong  to  our  subject. 

The  "table"  of  Joseph  of  Arimathea  was  not  of  his 
invention,  but  imitated  from  that  at  which  Christ  himself 
presided.  The  Queste  says,  "Since  Christ's  coming  were 
three  chief  tables:  first,  that  at  which  Christ  often  ate 
with  his  Apostles ;  the  second  table  was  that  of  the  Holy 
Grail,  established  in  semblance  and  remembrance  of  the 
first,  by  which  many  miracles  were  wrought  in  this  land 
in  the  time  of  Joseph  of  Arimathea,  in  the  beginning  when 
Christianity  was  brought  to  this  country ;  and  last  come 
tiie  round  table  made  by  Merlin's  counsel  to  show  the 
roundness  of  the  world  and  the  firmament."^ 

The  Petit  Saint  Graal  says  shortly,  "Our  Lord  made  the 
first  table,  Joseph  the  second.  Merlin  the  third";  and 
other  statements  agree.  Now  we  know  exactly  what  that 
"table"  was  like  at  which  Christ  ate  with  his  disciples. 
In  the  first  century,  whether  in  the  public  cenactda  or  in 
private  houses,  guests  meeting  to  eat  the  evening  meal 
together  had  but  one  custom  at  table :  they  reclined  on 
couches  arranged  on  three  sides  of  a  space,  in  which  stood 
a  little  stool  {m^nsaf  on  which  the  dish  was  placed.  This 
arrangement  was  the  triclinium^  the  couches  of  which 
never  held  more  than  three  persons  each,  nine  comedentes 
in  all.  When  a  great  diimer  was  given  the  number  of 
triclinia  was  increased.^     In  public  dining-rooms,  such  as 

'  La  Queste  del  Saint  Graal,  printed  for  the  Koxburghe  Club,  1864^ 
chap.  V. 

^Mensn,  of  course,  (loos  not  mean  "stool,"  nor  does  it  mean 
"tabic"  properly,  it  must  be  referred  to  inetior. 

^  The  Chnfmtrioli7iium  at  Conatiintinople  had  apses  for  eight 
"  beds",  it  was  an  octagonal  building. 


The  Holy  Grail.  129 

may  have  been  the  ^^upper-room"  at  Jerusalem^  where 
companies  of  more  than  nine  sometimes  supped  together^ 
and  where  also  less  state  was  nsed^  a  thick  bolster  {f,(miMy 
pulvinvs)  took  the  place  of  the  three  couches.  This  was 
laid  on  the  ground,  or  on  a  low  platform,  and  almost 
encircled  the  mensa.  Because  of  its  shape  when  so  laid, 
C  (that  of  the  Greek  S),  it  was  called  sigma.  The  feasters 
lay  outside  the  sigma  on  the  ground,  or  on  a  carpet,  and 
supported  the  body  on  the  cushion  and  the  left  elbow; 
each  guest  was  thus  able  to  reach  the  dish  with  his  right 
hand.  This  circular  grouping  must  have  been  the  arrange- 
ment of  the  twelve  who  ate  the  Last  Supper  with  their 
Lord.  There  can  be  no  doubt  of  this  whatever.  It  is 
equally  certain  that  in  this  way,  and  no  other^  Arthur 
must  have  messed  in  camp  with  the  British  chiefs;  but 
some  proofs  of  this  may  be  asked,  seeing  that,  in  the 
romances^  the  round-table  is  sometimes  spoken  of  as  a 
very  substantial  piece  of  furniture  at  which  the  knights 
sat.  In  the  twelfth  century  the  change  from  the  recum- 
bent position  to  the  upright  had  been  made^  and  a 
misunderstanding  of  what  had  been  formerly  the  custom^ 
was  very  natural.  Tables,  in  the  modem  sense,  were  by 
that  time  in  use  in  all  civilized  countries,  and  the  difficulty 
of  attaching  any  but  the  common  meaning  to  the  word 
would  have  been  very  great ;  it  was  increased^  moreover^ 
by  the  acceptation  of  mensa  as  the  equivalent  Latin. 

The  Eoman  fashion  of  reclining  at  meat  had  certainly 
not  been  abolished  in  the  fifth  century,  when  ttie  last 
legion  left  Britain.  Illustrations  of  the  sixth  century  show 
us  that  both  in  court  and  camp  the  old  custom  was  main- 
tained. In  the  Ambrosian  Library  is  a  pictured  MS.  of 
the  Iliady  of  the  sixth  century ;  the  Greek  chieftains  are 
represented  feeding  on  the  plain^  or  eating  their  evening 
meal ;  they  recline  on  the  Bigma  in  groups  of  three  or  four. 


130  The  Holy  GraU. 

The  Abimelech  and  Pharaoh  scenes  of  the  Yienna 
^^  Genesis"  of  about  the  same  date,  show  that  the  fashion 
of  reclining  at  meals  was  still  observed  at  Court ;  but  here 
tlie  mensa  has  become  a  semi-circular  table  and  the  |m2vtniu 
a  couch  fitted  closely  to  the  rounded  part.  In  the  church 
of  S.  ApoUinare  in  .Classe  at  Bavenna,  is  a  mosaic  of  the 
Last  Supper,  where  the  disciples  recline  at  a  table  very 
like  those  in  the  Vienna  MS. ;  the  mosaic  is  of  the  sixth 
century.  In  the  same  century,  Antoninus  of  Placentia 
was  shown  at  Cana  "the  very  couch"  on  which  JesoB 
reclined  at  the  w^edding  feast*;  not  a  picture  this,  but  the 
substantial  "bed",  and  proof,  therefore,  that  the  custom 
of  reclining  still  held  not  only  in  Syria  but  in  Italy,  for 
Antoninus  does  not  speak  of  it  as  strange  or  antiquated. 

Now,  these  illustrations  cover  the  time  when  the  living 
Arthur  had  his  "table"  in  Britain.  He  succeeded  to  a 
Roman  post,  he  was  possibly  of  Roman  origin,  and  his 
customs  were  doubtless  those  of  a  Roman  general*  We 
may  take  those  pictures  in  the  Ambrosian  Iliad,  of  the 
Greeks  under  the  walls  of  Troy,  as  very  fair  evidence  of 
what  might  have  been  seen  in  a  British  camp  in  the  fifth 
century.  The  Vienna  MS.  shows  us  the  utmost  state  the 
Dux  Britannise  might  have  exhibited  in  his  feasts  at  York. 
If,  however,  examples  of  the  Celtic  custom  of  the  time  be 
preferred,  we  must  turn  to  Ireland,  where  Roman  influence 
was  least  felt.  There  we  find  remains  of  what  are  called 
FuUocht  FiomiSy  or  Fenian  hearths ;  they  were  sometimes 
paved  for  supporting  a  fire,  sometimes  dug  out  and  lined 
with  stout  planks,  which  are  embedded  in  close  marl  or 
clay,  presumably  for  boiling  water  by  means  of  hot  stones. 
Where  a  fire  was  made,  the  flesh  might  be  broiled,  or 
fried,  or  a  caldi'on  would  be  used  for  seetliing. 

Very  fine  caldrons  have  been  found  in  Ireland,  and  the 
tales  of  the  country  record  some  famous  ones.    Arthur 


The  Holy  Grail.  131 

made  an  expedition  to  Anwfn  to  obtain  for  himself  a  cele- 
brated caldron.  The  caldron  of  the  Dagda  we  shall  speak 
of  later.  These  "hearths",  where  the  meat  was  cooked, 
were  apparently  feasting  places  also ;  we  presume  this 
because  of  the  mound  of  earth  surrounding  each  one, 
horseshoe  like — ^the  universal  torm  or  iiyma^ 

Turning  from  camp  to  palace,  we  have  the  description 
of  the  "mead  hall"  of  Conchobar  at  Emain,  which  was 
ordered,  as  we  are  told,  upon  the  pattern  of  the  great 
palace  of  Tara.  It  had  nine  "beds",  t.c.,  tncKnia,  The 
"bed"  of  the  king  was  in  the  "forefront"  of  the  haU, 
it  had  a  ceiling  of  silver  with  pillars  of  bronze/  Under 
this  canopy  (dais)  he  feasted  with  his  twelve  "chariot 
chiefs".  There  is  obviously  no  essential  difference  be- 
tween the  Eoman  fashions  and  these;  either  the  ring 
round  the  mensa  or  the  more  stylish  ^^bed"  was  the  rule. 

It  is  believed  that  the  custom  of  sitting  at  meat,  whether 
on  bench  or  chair,  though  not  without  its  examples  in  the 
ancient  world,  was  in  its  domestic  and  everyday  obser- 

1  See  W.  G.  Wood-Martm,  Traces  qfthe  JBlder  Faitka  qf  Ireland^ 
1902,  vol.  i,  pp.  121  et  seg.  As  part  of  this  subject,  the  Brudm8  or 
wayside  hostels  of  ancient  Erin  ought  to  be  mentioned ;  they  were 
free  to  all,  and  food  and  shelter  were  given.  The  Brudm  Da  Derga 
was  the  most  famous,  its  caldron  was  always  simmering.  From  the 
fact  that  these  Brudins  never  failed  to  entertain  the  wayfarer  may 
have  arisen  the  fable  of  the  inexhaustible  or  magic  caldrons.  It  is 
perhaps  to  the  closing  of  these  hostels  that  the  prologue  of  the  CawU 
refers,  where  it  laments  for  the  good  old  time,  when  ''the  rich  land 
of  Logres  was  full  of  springs  which  harboured  damsels  who  led  the 
wayfarer  with  meat  and  pasties  and  bread."  It  should  have  been 
said  that  the  Fullocht  Fionns  and  the  Brudins  are  always  found  near 
water  courses — ''wherever  a  well  or  spring  develops  into  a  good  sised 
rivulet." 

^  This  suggests  a  four-poster,  but  it  was  not  eiEaotly  that ;  the 
translator  calls  it  a  "compartment",  but  admits  that  bed  is  the 
literal  word,  perhaps  exedra  would  be  a  fair  rendering.  See  the 
Cuchtdlin  Saga^  Grimm  Library,  Nntt^  1898,  p.  67. 

k2 


132  The  Holy  Grail. 

yance^  Teutonic.  K  so,  it  would  not  have  got  into  vogoe 
in  countries  where  Eoman  fashions  were  practised  until 
respect  for  the  Eoman  name  had  been  lost.  The  Franks 
may  have  begun  the  revolution  in  Gaul  and  the  Normans 
completed  it.  They  at  least  brought  it  to  Wales.  In  the 
twelfth  century,  still,  the  Welsh  ate  sitting  on  the  ground  on 
bundles  of  hay  or  sedges,  over  which  a  cover  of  some  sort 
was  spread.  The  story  of  Owen  shows  Arthur  seated  on 
such  a  cushion  in  his  own  hall,  and  in  the  lives  of  the 
Welsh  Saints  are  frequent  evidences  that  the  ancient  custom 
still  prevailed  in  Wales  in  their  time : — ''Qui  nichil  aut  mod- 
icum habet  in  penum  quod  opponat  diacu/mh&rdibus^^y  and 
"circa  modium  cervisia3  ordinatim  in  modum  drcuU  illud 
circumdando  discubuerunt.^^^  These  will  suffice  to  prove 
that  the  modern  "table"  was  unknown  in  Wales  at  the  time 
of  our  Story.  Giraldus  says,  moreover, the  Welsh  "had  no 
tables"  even  in  his  time,  1188,  the  date  of  the  peregriniUio. 
It  is  certain,  then,  that  by  "round  table"  must  be  under- 
stood the  circle  of  the  guests^  not  any  piece  of  furniture 
whatever.  San  Marte  suggests  this  in  his  preface  to  the 
Seynt  Oraal,  without,  however,  offering  proofs ;  he  was 
acute  enough  to  perceive  some  equivoque  in  the  name. 

Now,  there  was  only  one  moment  when  the  name 
"round  table"  could  have  come  into  use,  and  this  was  just 
as  the  new  fashion  of  sitting  to  meat  at  a  "board"  (Scan- 
dinavian ftord^plank,  tabula)  was  getting  itself  estab- 
lished. The  "board"  was  usually  long,  extending  down 
the  hall  on  either  side,  with  seats  against  the  walls ;  or  it 
was  set  athwart  at  the  upper  end  for  the  master  of  the 
feast,  the  king  or  lord.  The  "high-seat",  with  canopy  or 
da'is^  was  first  placed  at  the  end  of  the  hall,  in  Norway,  in 

^  Giraldua  Cambronsis,  Descriptio  Katnb.,  Bk.  i,  ch.  10.  Mabinogion^ 
Story  of  *'Owain,  or  the  Lady  of  the  Fountjiin."  Roes,  CmnJbro-Britiih 
Saints f  Life  of  St.  Brynach,  p.  12  ;  Life  of  St.  Cadoc,  p.  45. 


The  Holy  Grail.  133 

the  time  of  Olaf  the  Quiet,  1066-98/  in  France  perhaps 
earlier. 

In  the  Bemward  Oospehj  of  the  eleventh  century,  the 
Last  Supper  is  represented  as  being  eaten  at  a  long  table ; 
sometime  in  that  century  then,  and  perhaps  as  early  as  the 
tenth,  the  antique  mensa  had  become  a  table;  and  the 
name  ''round  table"  would  have  been  given  as  well  to 
the  half  round  table  (at  first  with  a  semi-circular  bed 
for  reclining,  afterwards  with  seats),  as  to  the  more  ancient 
t(yni8y  wherever  the  more  ancient  use  of  sitting  or  lying  on 
the  ground  was  maintained.  During  the  time  of  transition 
only  could  the  "table"  of  Arthur  have  been  .called  "round 
table",  for  before  the  change  began  tabula  had  no  meaning 
as  applied  to  the  apparatus  for  feasting,  and  later,  in  the 
twelfth  century  say,  when  the  vestiges  of  ancient  custom 
had  been  lost,  Arthur's  "table"  could  only  have  been 
imagined  as  like  the  usual  high-table  of  the  day ;  just  as 
the  Last  Supper  was  supposed  by  medisBval  painters  to 
have  been  eaten  at  the  same  high-table.  The  name  Baumd 
Table  then  is  a  sign  of  a  certain  antiquity,  of  a  time  of 
transition,  when  the  ancient  use  of  Some  and  the  civilised 
world  was  giving  way  to  the  fashions  introduced  by  Franks 
and  fTorthmen. 

Arthur's  mensay  or  mwy8,  or  caMawr  or  whatever  may 
have  been  the  word  which  had  to  be  exchanged  for  table 
when  tables  became  fashionable,  had  probably  never  ceased 
to  be  a  subject  of  boasting  and  regret  to  his  compatriots. 
Their  last  great  leader  was  best  remembered  by  his  cam- 
paigns, and  not  least,  we  may  imagine,  by  the  songs  and 
shouts  of  his  champions  as  they  feasted  with  him  after  a 
battle.    In  after  days  of  disunion  and  disaster,  Arthur's 


^  Heinukrinffla,  X,  ii,    and  cf .  the  Eyrbyggya  Saga^  Morris  and 
Magnusson,  1892,  p.  269. 


134  'The  Holy  Grail. 

camp  fire  would  become  a  memory  and  also  a  symbol  of 
victory,  and  when,  under  pressure  of  the  Saxons ;  the 
wretched  Cymry  found  themselves  crowded  into  a  poor 
mountainous  country,  Arthur's  caldron  would  become,  in 
their  stories,  an  inexhaustible  vessel,  magical,  like  the 
mythic  caldron  of  Gwyddno.  What  memory  of  Arthur 
popular  rhymes  have  preserved  is  precisely  of  his  table : 

"  When  good  King  Arthur  ruled  this  land,"  &c. 

But  Arthur  was  also  Grail  King ;  he  would  therefore 
have  another  table,  also  round,  but  of  more  ceremonious 
decking.  We  may  see  this  table  to-day  as  it  may  have 
been  imagined,  before  the  eleventh  century,  in  MSS. 
where  the  Last  Supper  is  depicted.  Christ  sits  at  a 
half  round  table,  not  as  at  first  in  comu  sinistro  (to  the 
left  of  one  looking  at  the  straight  side  of  it),  but  in  the 
middle  of  the  round,  the  Apostles  on  either  hand,  "en  virunt 
et  en  coste",  as  says  the  poem  of  "The  Pilgrimage  of 
Charlemagne";  just  as  the  Bishop  sat  in  church  with  his 
clergy.' 

Such,  shortly,  is  the  history  of  the  transformations 
which  changed  the  almost  universal  mensa  and  tridinia,  or 
the  stibadium  with  its  torus,  into  the  long  table  with  seats. 
Some  steps  have  been  omitted  so  as  not  to  burden  this 
paper  with  details,  but,  broadly,  the  course  was  as  indi- 
cated :  first,  the  adoption  of  the  sitting  posture,  either  on 
cushions  on  the  ground  or  on  suhsellia ;  then,  when  the 
tables  became  long,  chairs,  faldstools,  or  benches.  During 
the  same  time  the  "table"  was  being  modified  as  follows  : 

^  The  position  of  the  bishop's  seat  in  the  middle  of  the  curve  of  the 
apse,  of  very  ancient  adoption,  no  doubt  led  to  the  variation  in  the 
placing  of  Christ  and  his  Apostles  in  pictures  of  the  Last  Supper, 
which  bopfan  in  the  sixth  century.  Cf.  Fleury,  La  Meue,  The 
Rossano  MS.  of  the  same  century  places  them  as  does  the  moaaio  of 
Ravenna. 


The  Holy  Grail.  135 

the  mensa  was  increased  in  size  and  height  and  was 
made  half  round  to  correspond  with  the  closely-fitting 
"bed",  then  seats  were  adapted  to  the  mensa;  this  be- 
came the  table  of  the  master  of  the  feast  and  his  prin- 
cipal guests,  and  in  church,  the  altar,  round  which  sat  the 
clergy  with  their  bishop;  in  the  lower  part  of  the  hall 
other  guests  and  the  "family"  of  the  Lord  had  small  tables 
at  which  they  sat  in  groups,  often  in  twos ;  or  they 
sat  on  the  ground  round  a  great  platter,  lifted,  perhaps, 
above  the  floor  by  short  legs,  a«  the  Japanese  zen.  The 
small  tables  were  readily  placed  and  carried  away ;  they 
were  probably  set  on  trestles.  Then  came  the  long  tables, 
at  first  removable  also,  and  finally  "dormant".  There 
was  little  difference  at  first  between  the  ordering  of  a  feast 
in  hall  and  the  disposition  of  the  messes  in  camp.  King 
Mangons  and  a  hundred  companions  camp  near  a  spring — 

"  Et  quant  bien  Porent  conr66  (corn6  ?) 

Les  tables  misent,  si  s'assist 

Li  rois  si  com  lui  plot,  ot  sist 

A  son  dois,  et  tout  environ 

S'assisent  li.  C.  compagnon." 

Conte,  vv.  38588-92. 

At  a  meeting  of  the   Round  Table  the  knights  are 
described  in  the  same  Conte — 

"  Assis  partout,  si  com  il  durent 

Au  dois  et  as  tables  par  ti^re"; 

V.  1688. 

and  in  another  place 

"  S'assist  li  rois 

Lassus  amont  al  mestre  dois." 

V.  21912. 

where  it  is  plain  that  "tables"  is  used  for  the  more  ancient 
mensae,  mwysaUy  missoria,  set  on  the  ground,  unless  we 
assume  that  tables  and  trestles  were  carried  for  a  hundred 
people,  and  faldstools  also;  but  the  expression  par  tiers 
scarcely  allows  of  any  other  interpretation  than  that  of 


136  The  Holy  Grail. 

sitting  on  the  ground.  The  half-round  table,  dow,  for  the 
King,  is  abundantly  represented  in  MSS/ 

We  now  understand  how  it  happened,  that  while  the 
Trouv^res  were  repeating  stories  of  the  Grail,  in  which 
the  feasters  are  described  as  sitting  par  ^tere,  they  also 
imagined  a  round  table  big  enough  to  seat  five  hundred 
knights.  The  beginnings  of  the  story  were  inherited,  and 
they  were  repeated  with  reasonable  accuracy  by  the 
French  writers,  but  as  the  tale  grew  in  their  hands  they 
had  to  work  it  out  as  they  might.  The  number  of  the 
"companions"  of  the  table  increased  from  twelve  to 
twelve  score,  and  then  they  were  reckoned  by  hundreds, 
and  for  all  these  the  supposed  table  had  to  be  enlarged. 
The  Trouveres  were  thus  brought  to  imagine  a  monstrosity, 
but  they  had  for  it  a  certain  authority  in  the  Estoire ;  the 
table  which  Joseph  dressed  for  believers  in  the  Grail  was 
a  circle  on  the  grass,  which,  according  to  the  number  of 
communicants,  would  be  greater  or  less ;  it  would  be  easily 
adjusted,  but  always  the  table  was  full — 

^^  Dou  pouplo  assist  une  partie 

Li  autre  no  s'assistront  mie 

La  taiilo  (table)  toute  pleinne  estoit 

Fors  le  liu  qui  pleins  ne  pooit 

Estre  ;" 

De  Borron,  vv.  2669-68. 

If  all  had  sat  it  would  have  been  only  full,  just  the  same, 
the  one  place  excepted. 

And  now  we  come  to  speak  of  this  one  place,  le  liu 
vuity  which  is  so  important  a  feature  in  the  Table  of  the 
Grail  and  the  Eound  Table  equally ;  which  is  indeed  the 
same  place,  the  two  tables  being  one. 

The  "higli-seat"  in  the  hall  was  that  of  the  King  or 

'  Miniature  sacre  e  profane  delt anno  10:^3.     Monte  Cassino.     Weat- 
wood,  ralaeoyraphia  ISacra  IHctoria, 


The  Holy  Grail.  137 

Master,  it  was  left  empty  in  his  absence  and  at  his  death, 

and  could  only  be  filled  again  after  death  by  his  son,  or  by 

his  elected  successor.     The  seat  would  remain  vacant  in 

case  a  young  son  inherited,  until  his  coming  of  age,  and 

anyone  daring  in  the  meantime  to  occupy  it,  would  have 

looked  to  be  rudely  expelled.     Leading  up  to,  and  placing 

in  the  high-seat  was  formal  investiture.     The  practice  in 

the  case  of  bishops  and  their  seat  in  church  was  the  same : 

between  the  death  of  one  bishop  and  the  institution  of 

another -the  "see"  was  vacant.     The  Table  of  the  Grail 

was  established  "in  semblance  and  remembrance  of  the 

first",  viz.,  of  that  at  which  Christ  had  eaten  with  His 

Apostles.     At  this  table  the  place  of  Christ  could  only  be 

filled  by  His  legitimate  representative.     De  Borron  did  not 

understand  that,  he  thought  the  vacant  place  was  that  of 

Judas. 

"  Qui  par  f  olie 

De  nostre  compeignie  eissi." 

V.  2529. 

He  was  confused,  perhaps,  by  the  presence  of  Joseph, 

who  may  have  seemed  to  him  the  proper  president,  and  he 

rightly  was,  so  soon  as  this  part  of  Joseph's  history  had 

been  invented ;  but  the  Grail  is  older  than  the  story  of 

Joseph  of  Arimathea,  and  when  that  was  taken  in  hand  to 

give  a  logical  foundation  to  the  belief  in  the  existence  of 

the  Precious  Blood,  the  Table  of  the  Grail  with  its  one 

vacant  seat  was   already  in   existence.     De  Borron  was 

right  in  making  Joseph  the  visible  president  during  his 

life,  and  in  assuming  therefore  that  an  empty  seat  would 

be  that  of  an  Apostle,  but  he  might  have  suspected  some 

confusion  if  he  had  regarded  more  closely  the  story  he 

tells,  for  it  makes  Moses  ambitious  of  the  office  of  Leader. 

This  is  part  of  another  story,  where  Peter,  the  vicegerent 

of  Christ,  is  assailed  by  Moses,  who  thinks  himself  entitled 

to  the  place.     De  Borron  did  not  like  to  exclude  this  inci- 


138  The  Holy  Grail. 

dent,  but  Joseph  was  the  necessary  Leader,  the  first  of  the 
series  of  Grail-keepers  and  heroes  to  which  Perceval  and 
Galahad  belon*^,  and  he  could  only  make  a  vacant  place  by 
supposinf^  tliat  of  Judas  had  not  l)een  filled. 

The  punishment  of  Moses  was  a  frightful  example; 
henceforth  the  liu  vuit  becomes  the  siege  perilleux  of  the 
romances.  It  had  been  the  seat  of  Christ  reserved  for  His 
second  cominj?,  it  was  now  the  seat  of  the  "Good  Blnight", 
who  should  preside  in  His  name,  and  let  all  usurpers 
beware. 

A  contemporary  illustration  will   show  exactly  what 

was  understood  of  this  liu  tmit;  it  is  from  the  poem  of 

"The  Pilgrimage  of  Charlemagne,"  written  early  in  the 

second  half  of  the  eleventh  century.^     At  that  time,  when 

pilgrimages  were  general,  and  a  visit  to  the  Holy  Sepulchre 

the  ambition   of  every  brave  and  pious  soul,  it  was  not 

permissible  that  the  great  Emperor  should  have  done  less 

than  the  best,  so  a  pilgrimage  to  Jerusalem  was  imagined 

for  him  also,  and  he  is  supposed  to  go  thither  with  his 

peers.     When  he  arrived  he  went  straight  to  the  "  Temple", 

where,  in  the  sanctuary,  were  the  seats  of  Christ  and  his 

Apostles ;  that  of  Christ  carefully  "sealed",  to  guard  it 

from  profane  intrusion.     It  was  believed  that  here  He  had 

instituted  His  sacrament — 

'^Dieii  i  chantait  messe,  si  iirunt  11  apostle 
Et  le  xii  chaires  i  sunt  tutcs  encore 
La  treziemu  ost  en  mi  ben  sell(Se  e  close." 

Charles  took  it  without  hesitation,  and  his  twelve  peers 
the  seats  of  the  Apostles — 

"Karles  i  entrat,  ben  ont  al  queer  grant  joie 
Lo  xii  peers  as  altres  en  virunt  et  en  coste 
Ainz  n'i  sist  liunie  ne  imkes  prus  encore.'* 


^  Gaston    Paris,    La  vie  poetique  de    Charlemayne^  and  Biomania^ 
No.  XXV,  p.  481. 


The  Holy  Grail.  139 

Nevertheless  Charles  had  no  fear,  nor  would  a  Briton 
have  feared  any  more  for  Arthur  placed  in  the  same 
seat.  Were  they  not  both  Champions  of  Christendom, 
carrying  on  in  their  day  the  work  Christ  had  begun, 
killing  His  enemies,  maintaining  His  Law  ?  It  was  part 
of  the  proper  mythical  character  of  each  that  he  should 
preside  at  the  table  Christ  had  established  as  a  perpetual 
sign  of  His  kingship. 


(  To  be  co7itinued.) 


(getoime- 


EISTEDDFOD  GENEDLAETHOL  BANGK>B  (1002):  Y 
Farddoniaeth  a'i  Beimiadaeth.  Dan  Olygiaeth  E.  Vlnoent 
Evans.  Cyhoeddedig  gan  GYMDEITHAS  yr  EISTEDI>- 
FOD  GENEDLAETHOL,  64,  Chancery  Lane,  Llundaln, 
1903. 

AwDL   Y  Gadair  :  ^^Ymadawiad  Arthur^\  gan  T.  Gwynn 

Jones,  Caernarfon. 

Pryddest  y  Goron  :  ^^Trystan  ac   EsylW\  gan   E.    Silyn 

Eoberts,  M.A..,  Llundain. 


Crwx^drodd  yr  Awen  Gyrnreig  ym  mhell  oddiar  ban 
bynciai  Hywel  ab  Owain  Gwynedd  ei  "Orhoffedd",  neu  ban 
nyddai  Dafydd  ab  Gwilym  ei  gywyddau  i  Porfudd;  ac  fel  y 
dywedir  am  y  gwr  adt'ydus,  bi  a  ymdarawodd  &  chymdeithion 
rhyfedd.  Pe  gallasai  y  Cynfeirdd  ddychwelyd  i  dir  y  byw, 
prin  iawn  yr  adwaenent  eu  mam  Ceridwen,  gan  mor  Uesg 
ei  cham,  mor  Uwyd  ei  gwep,  ac  mor  garpiog  ei  gwisg  lawer 
pryd.  Sawl  gwaith  y  gwelsom  y  foneddiges  eiriandlws  a 
groesewid  gynt  i  fysg  tywysogion  wedi  syrthio,  druan  o 
honi,  ar  eluseii  plwy  neu  drugaredd  Dorcas.  Ond  g^wnaeth 
Pwyllgor  Llenyddol  Bangor  ymdrech  iV  hudo  yn  ol  i'w 
hen  gynefin,  sef  llwybrau  anian;  a  chawn  weled  iddynt 
Iwyddo  i  raddau  o  leiat'.  A  thyma'r  moddion  a  gymeras- 
ant  i'w  denu  ;  nid  ei  Uygad-dynu  a  Uawer  o  aur  ac  arian, 
eithr  cynyg  testynau  cyf addas  iddi  ganu  arnynt.  Pa  fenyw 
freiniol  na  ddirywiasai  o  gydgam  A'r  fath  bethau  a  "Brawd- 
oliaeth  Gyffredinol"?  Pa  bren  tirf  na  wywa  wedi  tynu 
ei  wreiddiau  o'r  ddaear  roddasai  faeth  iddo  ? 

Testyn  y  Gadair  oedd  "Ymadawiad  Arthur";  testyn  y 


Reviews.  141 

Goron  "Trystan  ac  Esyllt".  Yr  oedd  cjmaint  a  hyn  o 
deby  grwydd  rhyngddynt,  perthynai  y  ddau  i  gyff  y  chwedlau 
Arthuraidd;  yr  oeddynt  yn  rhamantas  ac  yn  Gymreig. 
Ond  yr  oedd  y  ddwy  stori  yn  bur  wahanol  i'w  gilydd, 
a  gofynent  ymdriniaeth  wahanol.  Un  digwyddiad,  un 
syniad  geid  yn  "Ymadawiad  Arthur";  i  wneyd  gwrhydri 
ohono  rhaid  i'r  bardd  wrth  amgyffred,  darfelydd,  ac  awen* 
Ar  y  llaw  arall  stori  amlganghenog  ydoedd  ^'Trystan  ac 
Esyllt",  yn  orlawn  o  amryfal  elfenau,  ac  ar  brydiau  yn 
treiddio  i  guddfanau  mwyaf  cyfrin  traseroh.  Cynwysai 
y  testyn  hwn  gyflawnder  o  ddefnyddiau ;  y  penaf  peth  a 
ofynid  oddiar  y  bardd  oedd  gallu  i  ddethol  ac  i  grynhoi. 
Yr  oedd  Uawer  o  f eirdd,  mewn  llawer  iaith,  wedi  canu  ar  y 
ddau  destyn,  ac  oni  buasai  eu  bod  yn  dwyn  y  nodwedd 
sydd  byth  yn  newydd,  tra  byth  yn  hen,  gallasai  hyn  fod 
yn  anf antais  i'r  ymgeisydd.  Amcan  yr  ysgrif  hon  yw 
chwilio  ansawdd  y  ddau  gyfansoddiad  buddugol^  er  gweled 
pa  gymaint  o  ffyniant  a  ddilynodd  antnr  y  Pwyllgor. 
Cymerwn  orchest  y  Gadair  yn  gyntaf . 

Er  fod  y  Proffeswr  J.  Morris  Jones,  yn  ei  f eimiadaeth 
ddysgedig  a  dyddorol,  wedi  talu  dod  uchel  i  Tvr  na  n^g^ 
prin  y  sylwodd  ddigon  ar  yr  hyn  a  ymddengys  i  mi  yn  brif 
gamp  yr  awdl,  sef  ei  dramatic  quoMHes.  Mor  gyfyng  oedd 
cylch  y  testyn  fel  yr  oedd  yn  demtasiwn  i  gyfansoddwr 
anghelfydd  fyned  tuallan  iddo  a  Uusgo  pob  math  o  bethau 
afreidiol  ac  amherthynasol  i  mewn.  Hyny  wnaeth  wyth 
o'r  deng  ymgeisydd.  Yn  Ue  barddoniaeth,  eb  y  beimiad, 
'^ni  gawn  ymsonau  a  myfyrdodau,  traethodau  ar  ddylanwad 
Arthur,  Arthur  eto'n  fyw,  ac  felly  ymlaen/'  Prawf  yw 
hyn  o  dlodi  awenyddol,  o  anallu  i  amgyffred  y  testyn,  o 
eiddilwch  dychymyg.    Yr  oedd  Camlan  wedi  ei  hymladd 


^  Y  ffug-enw  a  ddefnyddiwyd  gan  awdwr  yr   Awdl  faddagoly 
Mr.  T.  Gwynn  Jodob.— (E.V.B.) 


142  Reviews. 

rhwng  Arthur  a'r  carnfradwr  Medrawd.  Ni  bu  erioed  y 
fatli  wrhydri,  erioed  y  f ath  laddfa.  "And  ever  they  fought 
still  till  it  was  iiigh  night,  and  by  that  time  was  there  a 
hundred  thousand  laid  dead  upon  the  down" — dyna  eiriau 
yr  hen  chwedleuwr  diddan  Malory.  Meddianodd  Kr  no, 
n-Og  ei  hun.  Efe  yn  unig  gafodd  ^'weledigaeth  eglur". 
Difynaf  sylw  y  beimiad  ar  ei  dduU  o  gyfleu  yr  hanes. 
"Medrod  wedi  ei  ladd.  Y  mae  yn  dechreu  fel  hyn  ar 
ddiwedd  cad  Gamlan,  ac  yna'n  adrodd  yr  hanes,  a  dim  ond 
yr  hanes,  hyd  y  diwedd,  ond  ei  fod  ef  yn  ei  addumo  a 
disgrifiadau  a  chyifelybiaethau  tlysion  o'i  waith  ei  hun,  a*r 
oil  yn  null  ac  ysbryd  y  rhamantwyr."  Ond  fe  wnaeth  Tir 
im  n-Og  f wy  na  hyd  yn  oed  hyny.  Mewn  byr  eiriau  fe 
dynodd  bictiwr  ddyry  ini  well  dimadaeth  o  frawychdod  yr 
olygf a  na  phe  dilynasai  hynt  y  f  rwydr  yn  f anwi.  Medrawd 
wedi  ei  ladd !  Y  gorchfygwyr  yn  anos  y  gorchfygedig  I 
Wedi'r  trin  neb  yn  aros  i  gadw  gwylnos  a'r  meirwdn 
oddieithr  y  brenin  clwyf  edig  a'r  ffyddlon  f archog  Bedwyr  I 

**  Yno,  mal  duw  celanedd, 
A'i  bwys  ar  gam  glwys  ei  gledd, 
Y  naill  oedd,  aV  Hall  gerllaw, 
A  golwg  syn  yn  gwyliaw." 

Nid  anhebyg  i  hyn  ydyw  dull  Tennyson  o  agor  ei  gerdd  ar 
yr  un  testyn,  "Morte  d'Arthur": 

"  So  all  day  long  the  noise  of  battle  rolPd 
Among  the  mountains  by  the  winter  sea ; 
Until  King  Arthiir's  table,  man  by  man, 
Had  fallen  in  Lyonnesso  about  their  Lord." 

Dichon  fod  Tir  tm  )i-Og  yn  ddyledus  i  Tennyson  am  yr 
awgrym.  Boed  hyny  fel  y  bo,  yr  wyf  hyfed  a  meddwl  fod 
y  Cymro  yn  y  fan  hon  yn  fwy  grymus  na'r  Sais.  Llwy- 
ddodd  Tir  na  n-Og  i  gadw'r  nodwedd  hon  i  fyny  bron  hyd  y 
diwedd.  Lie  mae  Tennyson  yn  colli,  ceir  fod  Tir  na  n~Og 
yn    enill,    sef    mewn    angerddoldeb    a    chynildeb.    Mae 


Reviews.  143 

cymeriadau  Tennyson  yn  rhy  barablus.  Nid  naturiol,  i'ra 
tyb  i,  yw  gwneuthur  i  frenhin  wedi  ei  glwyfo  hyd  farw 
draddodi  araeth  o  bum-llinell-ar-hugain  yn  y  dull  chwydd- 
fawr  ac  amleiriog  liwn  : 

"  The  sequel  of  to-day  unsolders  all 
The  goodliest  fellowship  of  famous  knights 
Whereof  this  world  holds  record," 

ac  felly  ymlaen.  Gwell  genyf  dawedo^wydd  a  dwyster 
Tir  na  n-Og.  Pan  fynai  Bedwyr  i'r  brenin  ymuno  yn  yr 
anos,  ei  ateb  yw  : 

"  Ebr  yntau  ;  Cly  w,  brwnt  y  clwyf 
Hwn ;  clyw,  Fedwyr,  claf  ydwyf ." 

Ni  ddaw  neb  person  arall  i  dori  ar  y  gyfeillach  hon 
sydd  yn  dyf nhan  ar  drothwy'r  bedd.  Dim  ond  y  ddeuddyn 
— a'r  celaneddau !  Yng  nglyn  a  chysondeb  dramadig, 
dengys  Tir  tia  n-Og  fedrusrwydd  dihafal  i  dynu  contrasts. 
Mor  frawychus,  eto  mor  dyner,  yw  y  darlun  hwn  o'r  haul 
yn  bwrw  ei  rudd-wawr  dros  yr  erchylldra ! 

"  Troes  gemliw  wawl  tros  Gamlan 
Oni  bu  coch  wyneb  can 
A  marw  pawb  o'r  Cymry  pur 
Yno  syrthiodd  dros  Arthur, 
Ac  onid  oedd  holl  gnawd  du 
Drudion  Medrawd  yn  madru  !" 

"Drudion  Medrawd  {Mordred's  braves)  yn  madru" — ^buasai 
hwn  bron  yn  anioddefol  heb  y  tosturi  oddifry.  Ni  fyn  y 
bardd  arteithio  ein  teimladau  yn  rhy  hir.  Ceir  gwanwyn 
a  gaeaf,  marwolaeth  a  bywyd  bob  amser  finfin  a'u  gilydd. 
Ar  ei  fraich  gref  cludodd  Bedwyr  y  brenin  claf  ymaith  i  le 
esmwyth  He  caffai  ymgeledd. 

"  Yngo'r  oedd  lannerch  rhwng  iraidd  Iwyni 
A  lien  der  wastad  o  feillion  drosti ; 
Wynned  oedd  a  phe  doi  hi,  Olwen  dlos, 
Ar  hyd  yr  himos  i  grwydro  ami. 


144  Reviews. 

"A  ffynon  dirion  o  dan  y  deri 
Oedd,  a  femid  &  rhad  gyneddf  ami, 
Sef  oedd,  os  ef  ae  iddi,  y  doi  gUf 

I'w  glan  heb  anaf  na'i  glwy'n  ei  boeni." 

Ond  rliy  dda  y  gwyddai  y  teyrnfilwr  clwyfus  fod  ei  awr 

wedi  dod,  a  rhaid  j^wneyd  y  goreu  o'r  munudau  gwerth- 

fawr  oedd  yn  aros.    Dyry  i'r  marchog  y  genadwri  fjrthgof- 

iadwy  drist,  sef   myiied  o  hono  a  bwrw  jr  hen  gleddyf 

hardd  ergydlym  Caledf  wlch  i'r  Uyn  gerllaw,  a  dychwelyd  i 

adrodd  yr  hya  a  ddigwyddai.     Tma  ceir  un  o'r  darnau 

prydfertliaf  yn  yr  awdl.     Clywsom  lawer  o  son  am  natural 

mngic,     Peth  anhawdd  i'w  ddeffinio  yw,  oddieithr  ei  fod 

yn  golygu  rhyw  ddawn  gyfriniol  i  ddeongli  natur — ^nid  yn 

unig  i  adnabod  ei  hwyneb,  ond  hefyd  i  glywed  curiadau  ei 

chalon.     Dyma'r  olygfa  a  ymagorodd  o  flaen  Bedwyr  wedi 

myned  i  wneyd  y  neges  a  roddes  Arthur  iddo  : 

"  O'r  drum,  rhoes  Bedwyr  dremyn, 
A  cliafas  faith,  frychlas  fryn, 
Tonnog,  a  marian  tano, 
Yn  dres  fraith  ar  draws  y  fro, 
'Roedd  prydfei-th  flodauV  perthi, 
Unlliw  6d  nou  ewyn  lli ; 
Dibrin  flodauV  eithin  aur 
Mai  haen  o  glych  molynaur  ; 
Man  flodau*r  grug  yn  hugan 
Ar  y  geillt,  o  borffor  gwan  ; 
A  gwrid  yr  haul  ar  grwydr  hyd 
Y  ban,  bron  bob  rhyw  ennyd 
Yn  nowid  Uiw,  troi  dull  hon 
A'i  hon  woddau'n  newyddion." 

Nid  wyf  yii  petruso  dweyd  fod  y  penill  hwn  yn 
farddoniaeth  byw,  ac  yn  deilwiig  o'r  delyn  Gymreig  yn  ei 
dyddiau  hoewaf  a  dedwyddaf .  Yn  sydyn  clywai  Bedwyr 
ryw  "grawc  anghynes  grds"  a  dorai  yn  anhyfryd  ar  ei 
fyfyrdodau ;  a  safodd  yn  syn  i  wrando.  Hyd  y  gwn,  mae 
y  ddyfais  hon  gan  Tir  na  n-Og  yn  perthyn  iddo  'i  hun.  Ni 
cheir  dim   tebyg  yng  ngh&n  Tennyson  nag  yn  hanesion 


Reviews.  145 

Malory.     Dywedais  nad  oedd  un  bod  rhesymol  i'w  weld  yn 

y  fangre  oddigerth  Arthur  a'i  farchog.     T  mae  ymddan- 

gosiad  disymwth  y  frfi-n  ddu  frudiol  yn  gwneyd  yr  olygfa 

yn  fwy  llethol  fyth. 

*'  Bran  ddu  groch  ar  bren  oedd  grin, 
Goelfawr  a  hir  ei  gylfin, 
Fwriai'n  oer,  afar  ei  nwyd, 
Fregliach  o'r  dderwen  friglwyd." 

A  pha  iaith  mor  addas  i  greglais  yr  aderyn   hwn  a 

thriban  milwr  ? 

"  Glywaist  ti  a  gant  y  fran, 
Ai  drwg  ai  da'r  darogan, 
*Na  fid  cryf  heb  gleddyf  gl&n."* 

Parodd  hyn  i  Fedwyr  ystyried  ac  ymson  ag  ef  ei  bun. 
Mae'n  sicr  fod  cywreinwaith  y  cledd  yn  ei  demtio,  ond  nid 
hyny  a  gyfaddefai  efe  iddo  ei  bun.  Pa  f odd  yr  ymdarawai 
ei  wlad  wedi  colli  yr  arf  anorfod  bwn  ? 

"  Cododd  Bedwyr  y  cadarn 
Gledd  gerfydd  ei  gelfydd  gam, 
A  thremio'n  hir  a  thrwm  wnaeth 
Ar  ei  gywrain  ragoriaeth." 

Mor  anhawdd  oedd  ymadael  a'r  fath  drysor!     A  thy  ma 

Bedwyr  yn  dechreu  anwesu'r  cledd  a'i  gyfarch  fel  petai 

beth  by  w :  — 

"  Ba  dro  fyth"  eb  Bedwyr,  "fai 
Ddigon  i'r  sawl  a'th  ddygai 
Di,  Galedfwlch  deg,  glodfawr, 
Heb  falio,  a'th  luchio  i  lawr 
Megys  pedfai  ddirmygwr, 
Onid  aet  o  dan  y  dwr ! 
A'n  hil,  Och  !  ba  ryw  fam  lem 
Nas  gallai'n  dal  pes  collem 
Dithau  ?    Gan  adwythig  gur 
Y  dinerthwyd  dawn  Arthur, 
Onide,  diau  nad  hyn 
A  barasai,  heb  resyn. 
Diogel  mi  a'th  gelaf, 
A  gwel'd  a  ddigwyddo  g&f." 

L 


1 46  Reviews, 

Ehaid  fod  poen  wedi  dyrysu  pen  y  brenin— dyna  rat  y 
cyfiawnhai  Bedwyr  ei  dwyll.  Ac  yn  lie  bwrw  y  cledd  i*r 
llyn  yn  ol  arch  ei  deym,  efe  a'i  cuddiodd  mewn  ogof 
gerllaw.  Tna  dychwelodd  at  Arthur  a  chelwydd  ar  ei 
dafod.  Yn  y  fan  yma  eto  tybiaf  fod  Tennyson  yn  llawer 
gwanach  na'r  bardd  Cymreig. 

"  He  grazed  so  long 
That  both  his  eyes  wore  dazzled,  as  he  stood, 
This  way  and  that  dividing  the  swift  mind, 
In  act  to  throw :  but  at  the  last  it  seemM 
Better  to  leave  Excalibur  conceal'd 
There  in  the  many-knotted  waterflags, 
That  whistled  stiff  and  dry  about  the  marge." 

"Better  to  leave  Excalibur  conceal'd", — nid  hawdd  foasai 
llunio  brawddeg  fwy  anheilwng  o'r  achlysur.  Ond  ni 
chymerai  y  brenin  mo'i  dwyllo.  "Ba  argoel  fu*',  ebai.  A 
Bedwyr  atebodd : — 

**  Ilyd  y  gwn,  bid  wiw  gennyd, 
Ni  bu  un  arwydd  o'r  byd." 

Braidd  yn  wan  yw  yntau,  Tir  na  n-Og^  yn  yr  ateb  hwo. 
Llinell  wael  enbyd  yw,  "Ni  bu  un  arwydd  o'r  byd." 
Gymaint  yn  well  yw  y  geiriau  ddyry  Malory  yng  ngenau  y 
marcliog :  "Sir",  said  he,  "I  saw  nothing  but  waves  and 
wind."  Eilchwyl  gorfu  i  Fedwyr  fynd  ymaith  ar  ei  neges 
droni.  Och  !  nior  anhawdd  oedd  jTnadael  fl,'r  cledd.  Yn 
ebrwydd  mae  Tir  na  n-Og  yn  adenill  ei  nerth  a'i  swyn- 
gyfaredd.     Dyma  eto  ddarlun  byw  : — 

"  Yna  rhag  genau'r  ogo, 
Safodd  ac  edrychodd  dro  ; 
Eto,  nid  oodd  yno  ddyn 
Vn  yinyl,  na  swn,  namyn 
Twrw'r  dwr,  man  He  torrai  r  don, 
Mwynder  hiraothus  meindon 
Awol  y'mysg  y  dail  m&n — 
Ochenaid  onaid  anian." 


Reviews.  1 47 

Pan  oedd  ar  gyrchu  y  cledd  o'r  ogof,  clywodd  grawc  y 

fr&n. 

"  Gwae  i'n  tud  o  frud  y  fran 
A  drwg  oedd  ei  darogan — 
*Na  fid  cryf  heb  gleddyf  glan.' " 

Eilchwyl  dychwelyd  at  Arthur.     Yma  eto  ceir  ychydig 

o  arwydd  llesgedd  neu  ddiofalwch   yng  ngwaith    Tir  na 

n-Og,     Onid  rhyddiaith  troednoeth  yw   Uinell  gyntaf  yr 

englyn  hwn  ? 

"  Ceisiodd  Bedwyr  bob  cysur — oedd  ddichon 

Wrth  ddychwel  yn  brysur ; 

Er  gwaith  cad,  er  gwaetha'  cur, 

Rhy  wiiihun  oedd  marw  Arthur  !" 

Lied  ddibwynt,  hefyd,  yw  yr  esgyll.  Mae  ateb  Bedwyr 
i'w  feistr  yn  well  y  tro  yma.     "Ba  argoel  sydd?" 

"  Troes  Bedwyr  gan  ynganu, 
*  Un  arwydd,  f  arglwydd  ni  f u, 
Ond  dwr  a'i  dwrdd  yn  taro 
Ar  y  graig,  a'i  su  drwyV  gro/  " 

Yr  wyf  yn  tueddu  i  feddwl  fod  Tir  na  n-Og  wedi 
ef elycliu  tipyn  ar  Tennyson  yn  y  fan  yna : — 

"  I  heard  the  water  lapping  on  the  crag, 
And  the  long  ripple  washing  in  the  reeds." 

Ni  thyciodd  y  celwydd.  Cychwyn  eto  tua'r  llyn,  a 
cherydd  ei  f  renin  yn  ei  glust,  f  u  raid  i  Pedwyr.  Y  drydedd 
waith  daeth  at  yr  ogof.     Prin  yr  wyf  yn  hoffi'r  llinell : 

Plygodd,  penlinodd  mewn  pannwl  yno, 

Nid  achwyn  yr  wyf  ar  y  gair — "pannwl"  (a  hollow), 
ond  tybiaf  fod  gormod  o  debygrwydd  sain  drwy  y  llinell, 
nes  ei  gwneyd  fel  tincian  efydd.  Ond  hawdd  maddeu  y 
m&n  feflau  hyn,  pan  geir  yn  ymyl  ddarn  mor  orchestol  a'r 
disgrifiad  a  ganlyn  o'r  cledd : — 

"  Trwy'r  bwlch,  dwyn  Caledfwlch  l&n 
O'r  gwyU  a  orug  allan. 
Ei  ddymfol  aur  addumfawr, 

L   2 


1 48  Reviews, 

Cywrain  oedd,  ac  ami  wawr 

O  liwiau  gemau  lawer, 

Lliw'r  tan  a  lliw  eira  ter, 

Lliw'r  gwaed  rhudd,  lliw  gwydr  a  haul, 

Neil  801*  y'nghyfnos  araiil ; 

Ei  hir  lafn  dur  lyfnod  oedd 

A  difreg  lif  y  dyfroedd, 

A  gloywed  a  gwiw  lewych 

Rhudd  yr  haul  ar  ddisglair  ddrych." 

Dyddorol  y w  cymharu  y  darn  hwn  a  disgrifiad  Tenny- 
son: 

**  There  drew  he  forth  the  brand  Excalibur, 

And  o'or  him,  drawing  it,  the  winter  moon, 
Brightening  the  skirts  of  a  long  cloud,  ran  forth 
And  sparkled  keen  with  frost  against  the  hilt: 
For  all  the  liaft  twinkled  with  diamond  sparks, 
Myria<l  of  topaz-lights,  an<l  jacinth-work 
Of  subtlest  jewellry." 

Edrychwn  He  maent  yn  ymdebygu,  a  lie  y  gwahaniaethant. 
Blank  verse,  wrtli  gwrs,  yw  y  llinellau  Seisnig;  er  hyny, 
cynhwysant  gryn  lawer  o  gynghanedd  o  ddosbarth  j 
"braidd  gyffwrdd",  a  byddai  yn  iechyd  i'r  moel-odlwyr 
Cymreig  sylwi  ar  liyn  : 

**The^»rand  ExcaliAur. 
A7ul  o'er  him.     .     .     .     wifitor  moon 
Long  r/oud     ....     sparAVed  keen 
With  //-oat  against  the  hi\t    .     .     .    for  all  the  kait 
Ti)\niz-I\^ht8     ....     «ubt/e«^ 
t7acinth-/ro7-k     ....    jaicuWry." 

Er  nad  yw  y  gynghanedd  wedi  ei  gweu  wrth  reol 
fanol,  11a  thybior  mai  damweiniol  yw.  Y  mae  yn  fwy  cudd 
na'r  gynghaiiodd  Gynireig,  ac  ar  ryw  ystyr  yn  fwy  celfydd. 
Dibynai  y  bardd  ar  oi  glust  ei  liun  i  gynyrchu  cydbwysedd 
prydt'erth  rliwiig  y  cydseiniaid  a'r  llafariaid.  Yn  y  mesur 
Seisnig,  iiid  y w  fai  yn  y  byd  t'od  rhan  o  linell  yn  cyng- 
liaiieddu  a'r  Uinell  nesaf.  Yn  y  darn  cywydd  cawn 
gynghanedd  reolaidd,  a  hi  yn  ddiau  yw'r  felusaf  i'r  glust 


Reviews,  1 49 

Gymreig.  Y  mae  cynghaneddion  Tir  na  n-Og  yn  gywrain 
heb  fod  yn  rhodresgar.  Ar  eithriad  y  deuvvii  ar  draws  swn 
clogsiau  difiwsig  fel  "a  raagwyr  yn  ei  mygu".  Mae'n 
amlwg  fod  Tir  na  n-Og  dan  ryw  gymaint  o  ddyled  i 
Tennyson  am  ei  ddisgrifiad  penigamp  o'r  addumwaith. 
Llinell  gampus  yw  "Lliw  'r  t4n  a  Uiw  eira  ter",  ond 
perthyn  yn  agos  i  "With  frost  against  the  hilt".  Wedi'r 
cwbl,  nid  yw  hyny  o  debygrwydd  sydd  ynia  yn  tynu  dim 
oddiar  ogoniant  y  darn  Cymraeg. 

O'r  diwedd  mae  y  marchog  yn  ufuddhau.  "  Yn  iach 
Galedfwlch  glodfawr",  llefai,  dan  fwrw  y  Uafn  i'r  llyn. 

"Ond  ar  un  naid,  er  hynny 
Chwyfiodd  ei  fraich  ufrudd  fry, 
A'r  arf  drosto  drithro  drodd 
Heb  aros,  ac  fe'i  bwriodd 
Onid  oedd  fel  dam  o  dan 
Yn  y  nwyfre  yn  hofran. 
Fel  modrwy  trwy'r  gwagle  trodd  • 
Ennyd,  a  syth  ddisgynnodd 
Fel  mellten  glaer,  ysplenydd, 
A  welwo  deg  wawl  y  dydd  ; 
Ond  cyn  iddo  daro'r  dwr, 
I'w  wyneb  daeth  rhyw  gynnwr' ; 
Ar  hyn  o'r  llyn  cododd  Haw 
Gadarn,  gan  fedrus  gydiaw 
Yn  ei  gam,  ac  yna  gyd 
A  deheurwydd  drud  wryd, 
Codi'r  cleddyf  a'i  chwyfio, 
Gwaniad  a  thrychiad  dri  thro  ; 
Yna'n  ol  hynny  wele. 
Tan  y  dwfr  y  tynwyd  e  !" 

Disgrifiad  rhagorol.  Mae  darfelydd  y  bardd  yn  gjrfartal 
i'w  ddawn  i  drosi  geiriau.  Mor  gyson,  mor  gryno  yw  y 
darlun  drwyddo ;  mor  lfi,n  oddiwrth  ddim  byd  ystrydebol ! 
Does  yma  ddim  gwastraff ;  ^1  pob  ergyd  i'w  nod  yn  syth 
ac  uniongyrch.  Ni  thynwn  oddiwrth  werth  y  disgrifiad 
drwy  ei  gymharu  ag  eiddo  Tennyson  : — 


1 50  Reviews. 

"Then  quickly  rose  Sir  Bedivere,  and  ran, 
And,  leaping  down  the  ridges  lightly,  plunged 
Among  the  bulrush-beds,  and  clutch'd  the  sword, 
And  strongly  wheel'd  and  threw  it.    The  great  brand 
Made  lightnings  in  the  splendour  of  the  moon, 
And  flashing  round  and  round,  and  whirPd  in  an  arch, 
Shot  like  a  streamer  of  the  northern  mom. 
Seen  where  the  moving  isles  of  winter  shock 
By  night,  with  noises  of  the  northern  sea. 
So  flasli'd  and  fell  the  brand  Excalibur : 
But  crc  he  dipt  the  surface,  rose  an  arm 
Clothed  in  white  samite,  mystic,  wonderful. 
And  caught  him  by  the  hilt,  and  brandished  him 
Three  times,  and  drew  him  under  in  the  more." 

Nid  ^wiw  gwadu  fod  Tennyson  wedi  aw^ymu  rhai  o 

ymadroddion  goreu  Tir  na  n-Og,  er  engraifft : — 

"  And  strongly  whoel'd  and  threw  it.*' 
"  A*r  arf  drosto  drithro  dr6dd." 

"  Made  lightnings  in  the  splendour  of  the  moon." 
"Fel  mellten  giaer,  ysplenydd." 

"  And  flashing  round  and  round,'*  etc. 
"  Fel  modrwy  trwy'r  gwagle  trodd." 

"  But  ere  he  dipt  the  surface." 
**  Olid  cyn  iddo  daroV  dwr." 

Dyma'r  cwbl  a  geir  yn  y  chwedl :  "And  then  he  threw 
the  sword  into  the  water  as  far  as  he  might,  and  there 
came  an  arm  and  a  hand  above  the  water  and  met  it  and 
caught  it,  and  so  shook  it  thrice  and  brandished.  And 
then  the  hand  vanished  away  with  the  sword  in  the  water." 
Dengys  hyn  faint  o  gynoi-thwy  gafodd  Tir  na  n-Og  oddi- 
wrth  Tennyson.  Mwy  priodol,  hwyrach  fyddai  "ysbry- 
doliac^th"  na  "chynorthwy".  Oni  thynodd  Tennyson  ei 
hun  yn  helaoth  oddiar  Malory  yn  yr  "Idylls  of  tlie  King"  ? 
Nis  gwaeth  faint  o  dd(Hinydd  gafodd  Tir  na  n^Og  yng 
nghoidd  Tennyson;  oni  chreodd  rywbeth  newydd? 
Ac  wodi'r  cwbl,  onid  oes  mawr  wahaniaeth  rhyngddynt? 
Mae  Tir  na  n-Og  yn  ddigon  beiddgar  i  dori  lliuell  newydd 
pan  welo  hyny  yn  oreu. 


Reviews,  1 5 1 

Ehaid  i  minau  frysio,  fel  y  bu  gorfod  i  Fedwyr,  i 
gludo'r  brenin  claf  hyd  fin  y  dwr.  Caraswn  ddifynu 
disgrifiad  Tennyson  o'r  gorchwyl  blin  a  phruddaidd  hvvnw. 
Dengys  f wy  o  ofal  ac  o  dosturi  dros  glwyfau  y  gwr  ardder- 
chog  oedd  ar  adael  y  byd  na  Tir  na  n-Og, 

*' Quick,  quick  I 
I  fear  it  is  too  late,  and  I  shall  die." 

Fel  engraifft  o  saerniaeth  farddonol,  hwyrach  nad  oes 
yn  awdl  Tir  na  n-Og  ddim  cystal  a'i  ddisgrifiad  o'r  Hong 
oedd  i  gludo  Arthur  i  Ynys  Afallon.  Llong  ddu  ddar- 
parodd  Tennyson,  "dark  as  a  funeral  scarf  from  stem  to 
stern,"  ag  ar  ei  bwrdd  lu  o  wyryfon  urddasol  mewn 
galarwisgoedd,  "black-stoled, black-hooded".  Ond  "llong 
eres",  sydd  gan  Tir  na  n-Og^  a  thyma'i  ddisgrifiad: — 

**  Y'nghraidd  y  llong,  ar  ddull  ail 
I  orsedd,  'roedd  glwth  eursail, 
Ac  ar  ei  gerfwaith  cywrain 
Gwrlid  mwyth  o  'sgarlad  main. 
Tair  hefyd  o  wyrj^on 
Ar  sedd  wrth  yr  orsedd  hon 
Eisteddai.     Dlysed  oeddynt ! 
Nid  oedd  gwedd  Blodeuwedd  gynt 
O  geinder  ail ;  rhag  gwyndawd 
Perlog  ne  eu  purloyw  gnawd 
Pylai  gwawT  y  pali  gwyn, 
A  ymdonnai  am  danyn' ; 
A  lliw  teg  eu  gwalltiau  aur 
Drwyddo  fal  cawod  ruddaur. 
Gyddfau  a  thalceunau  cin 
Mai  eira  ymyl  Aran  ; 
Deufan  goch  pob  dwyfoch  deg, 
Lliw  gwin  drwy  wynlliw  gwaneg." 

Y  mae  y  darlun  godidog  yna  ynddo  ei  hun  yn  werth 
mwy  na  chadair  Bangor.  Ond  beth  yn  enw  barddas,  a 
wnaeth  i  Tir  na  n-Og  ollwng  i  mewn  i'w  awdl  linell  mor 
ddiawen,  mor  ddiurddas  a  hon  : — 

"A  chodwyd  e'n  barchedig — i'r  glwth  draw." 


1 5  2  Reviews, 

Os  byth  y  caffo  gyfle,  tyned  hi  allan  pe  costiai  hyny  iddo  ei 
f ywyd.  Lied  oeraidd  ydy w  araeth  ffarwel  Arthur.  Brudio 
am  ddyddiau  adfydus  a  wiia,  ac  am  ei  ail  ddyfodiad. 

"  Vn  fy  nghledd 
Gafaelaf,  dygaf  eilwaith 
Glod  yn  ol  in  gwlad  a'n  hiaith." 

Et(),  mae  yr  araeth  hon  yn  gorwedd  yn  esmythach  ar 
galon  Cymro  na'r  bregeth  wyntog  a  geir  yn  yr  un  cyfwng 
yng  ngliS^n  Tennyson;  "The  old  order  changeth^  giving 
place  to  new,"  &c.  Ac  y  mae  diwedd  awdl  Tir  na  n-Og 
yn  hoUol  deilwng  o'r  dechreuad. 

"  Yn  y  pellter  fel  peraidd 
Anadliad,  sibrydiad  bvaidd, 
Darfu'r  llais  ;  o  drofauV  llyn 
Anial,  lledodd  niwl  llwydwyn, 
Yna  araf  cyniweiriodd, 
Ac  ynoV  llonj^  dano  dodd 
A'i  cliolu  ;  fel  drychiolaeth 
Yn  y  niwl  diflannu  wnaoth. 

"Bndwyryn  drist  a  distaw 
At  y  drin  aeth  eto  draw." 

Nis  gallaf  ddychmygu  am  ddim   mwy  effeithiol  na'r 

diweddglo   hwn.     Hapus   a   phrydferth   iawn,  hefyd,  yw 

disgrifiad  Tennyson  o  ymadawiad  y  Hong :  maddeuer  imi 

am  ei  dditynu: — 

'*So  said  be,  and  tbe  barge  witb  oar  and  sail 
Moved  from  tbe  l)rink,  bke  some  full-breasted  swan 
Tbat  fluting  a  wild  carol  ere  ber  deatb, 
Kutilea  ber  pure  cobl  plume,  and  takes  tbe  flood 
Witb  swarthy  webs.     Long  stood  Sir  Bedivero, 
Revolving  many  memories,  till  tbe  bull 
Look'd  one  black  (b>t  against  tbe  verge  of  dawn, 
And  on  tbe  mere  tlie  wailing  died  away." 

Nid  wyf  yn  holt'  o  brotfwydo,  ond  credaf  y  cymer  awdl 
'Vir  na  n-Og  safli*  nehol  ym  mvsg  caniudau  (»i  wlad.  Enwais 
y  gamp  t'wvat:*  arni,  sot'  iJrttmafic  realization,  Yn  nesaf  at 
hyny  ei  rhagoriaeth  yw  mireindeb.     Y  mae  yr  awdwr  yn 


Reviews,  153 

artut.     Amlwg  ei  fod  wedi  efrydu  yr  iaith  yn  llwyr,   a 

gwyr  yn  dda  sut  i'w  defnyddio.     Gwelir  fod  ei  ardduU  yn 

tynu  yn  nes  at  gyfnod  Dafydd  ab  Gwilym  na'r  dyddiau 

diweddar  hyn.     Eto,  nid  ardduU  Dafydd  ab  Gwilym  moni. 

Saif,  yn  wir,  ar  ei  phen  ei  hun.     Dichon  fod  ei  iaith  a'i 

dduU-ymadrodd  yn  rhy  goeth,  rhy  glasurol  i  rai  pobl ;  ond 

eu  hanifawd  liwy  yw  hyny.     Gwir  iddo  arfer  rhai  geiriau 

ansathredig,   megis    lias,    deryw,    dmdion,  breithell,  gwrrriy 

gnav)dy  orug,  nevd,  gUiif,  dioer,  gwyndawdy  pannwl ;  ond  nid 

ydynt  mor  lliosog,  ac  y  mae  rhai  o  honynt  na  ddylesid  eu 

gollwng  oddiar  gof .     Un  arall  o  deithi  mwyaf  hudohis  yr 

avvdl  yw   swyngyfaredd.      Y   mae    Tir  na  n-Og   yn  cam 

natur  yn  fwy   nag   athrawiaeth.     Efe   a    ddug  yr   awen 

Gymreig    yn    ol    i'w   hen   arfer.     Ychydig   o   fesurau   a 

ddefnydiodd — Unodl   Union,  Deuair   Hirion,   Toddaid,   a 

Thriban  Milwr.     Gwnaeth  yn  ddoeth  ymwrthod  a  phethau 

ffug-gywrain  ym  mhlith  y  mesurau   Cymreig.     Os  oes  bai 

ar  yr  awdl,  yr  wyf  bron  meddwl  y  gall  fod  rhy  fychan  o 

deimlad   ynddi.     Buaswn   yn    barod  i  gyfnewid  peth  o'r 

ceinder    marmoraidd   am   ychydig   o   ddagrau.     Ond    nid 

wylo    gwneyd    ychwaith :  gwell    genyf    heb    hwnw.     Be 

ddy  wed  yr  hen  benill  bendigaid  : — 

"  Ti  gel  glywed  os  gwrandewi 
Swn  y  galon  fach  yn  tori." 

Oni  sibrydodd  yr  Awen  wrth  y  bardd,  "Dod  dy  glust 
ar  fron  y  gwron  clwyfedig,  a  thi  a  gei  glywed  swn  y  galon 
fawr  yn  dryllio."  Ond  dyna ;  nis  gall  dyn  na  bardd  fod 
yn  bobpeth. 

Deliais  yr  awdl  ochr  yn  ochr  a  chyfansoddiad  y  prif- 
fardd  Tennyson,  gy da  dau  neu  dri  o  amcanion.  Tybiais 
niai  nid  anyddorol  fyddai  i'r  darllenydd  wybod  i  ba  raddau 
yr  oedd  y  bardd  byw  yn  ddyledus  i'r  marw,  yr  anenwog  i'r 
bydenwog.  Os  digwydd  i  rai  o  awenwyr  ieuainc  Cymru 
ddarllen   hyn   o  ysgrif,    hwyrach  yr  argyhoeddir   hwynt 


1 54  Reviews. 

gymaint  allent  fanteisio  drwy  efrydu  gweithiau  dynion 
mwy  na  hwy  eu  hunaiii.  Hefyd,  yr  oedd  yn  haws  ffurfio 
bam  deg  am  yr  awdl  drwy  ei  dal  yn  gjrfochrog  &  gwaith 
awdurol,  a  chyferbynu  yr  hyn  oedd  wych  yn  y  naill  &'r 
hyn  oedd  wael  yn  y  Ilall.  Yn  olaf,  credaf  imi  roddi  prawf  y 
gall  y  bardd  Cymreig,  ond  iddo  Wneyd  tegwch  ag  of  ei  hun, 
fod  yn  gystal  a'r  goreuon.  Am  un  peth  yn  arbenig  dylem 
ddiolch  i  Tir  na  n-Og  ;  ni  ddarfu  iddo,  fel  y  gwnaeih 
Tennyson  yn  ei  ol-arawd,  gyffelybu  Arthur — ^yr  Arthur  a 
ddaw — i  ^'modern  gentleman  of  stateliest  port".  Cyiigor 
bach  yng  nglilust  Tir  tia  n-Og — ^Na  fydded  iddo  gipris  am 
ormod  gwobrau.  Mae  un  gadair  gystal  a  chant.  T 
cywydd  deuair-hirion  yw  ei  nerth.  Boed  iddo  ddewis  ei 
destynau  fel  y  daw  yr  hwyl,  a  chanu  ar  ei  f wyd  ei  hun. 


n. 

Pan  drown  oddiwrth  awdl  Tir  na  ii-Og  at  bryddest  €hvyd- 
ion  ab  Don,'  symudwn  i  hinsawdd  dra  gwahanol.  Nid  oes 
eisieu  miiiiylu  ar  y  gwahaniaeth  rhwng  y  ddau  dduU  o 
ganu — yr  hen  a'r  diweddar,  y  caeth  a'r  rhydd.  Llai  fyth 
sydd  o  aiighen  dadleu  pa  un  yw  y  mwyaf  gorchestol :  pe 
caem  y  ddau  ar  eu  goreu,  gwynfydedig  yn  wir  fyddem. 
Nil,  HieddwX  yr  oeddwn  am  y  ddau  destyn.  Tn  y 
naill,  cerddcnn  ar  adegau  liyd  lenyrch  paradwysaidd. 
Ond  swn  hiraetha  niarwolaeth  oedd  yn  yr  awel.  Nid 
yw  ceinder  yii  gyfyngoJig  i  fywyd  na  dedwyddwch. 
Onid  yw  gruddiau  angeii  yn  ami  yn  hawddgar,  ymylon 
bedd  yn  flodeuogr^  Yn  ing  "Ymadawiad  Arthur"  ni 
clilywsom  air  o  son  jim  Wonhwyfar,  na  thanau'r 
delyn,  na  dewiniaeth  Myrddin.     Ond  yn  stori  amlgeino- 

'^  11  wn   yw  y  ll'ujj-oiiw  a   ddufiiyddiwyd    j^an    y   Parch.  R  Bilyn 
Roberts,  M.A.,  avvdwr  y  Bryddest  fuddugol.— ^E.V.E.) 


Revietvs,  155 

iog  Trystan  ac  Esyllt,  yr  hyn  oedd  yn  ein  haros  oedd 
swynion  serch,  ei  nwyfiant  a'i  soriant,  ei  fwyn  ofalon, 
ei  dor  calon  a'i  dranc.  Bawb  ohonom  oedd  wedi  croesi'r 
cyhydedd,  deisyfasom  fyned  yn  ifanc  drachefn.  Canys 
hoen  ieuenctid  sydd  lond  y  testy n.  Yr  oeddym,  hefyd,  yn 
gwybod  am  y  bardd  enillodd  y  llawryf.  Darllenasom  ei 
delynegion.  Disgwyliem  lawer  oddiwrtho.  O  blith  y  rhai 
a  ganasant  o'i  flaen  i'r  un  testyn,  dylid  enwi  Matthew 
Arnold  a  Swinburne.  Nodweddir  cerdd  Arnold  gan 
davvelwch  prudd-dyner.  Disgrifir  y  gwron  yn  ei  gystudd 
olaf,  yn  ail  fyw  yr  helynt  caru  mewn  breuddwyd.  Difera 
ambell  air  neu  riddfaniad  dros  ei  wefusau,  yna  dyry'r 
bardd  gainc  i  mewn  i  lenwi'r  bylchau.  Ymestyn  cfi^n 
Swinburne  i  bum  mil  o  linellau  agos.  Edrydd  efe  yr 
hanes  bron  o'r  dechreu  i'r  diwedd  gydag  afiaeth,  darfelydd, 
a  dawn  digy^ffelyb.  Mae  byd  o  wahaniaeth  rhwng  cynllun 
ac  ardduU  y  ddwy  gerdd. 

Er  mwyn   hwylusdod   rhoddaf   grynhodeb   o'r   hanes^ 
wedi  ei  godi  o  Chambers*  Encyclopcedia  : 

**  Tristrem  was  the  love-child  of  King  Mark  of  Comwall's  sister  and 
Roland  of  Ermonie,  and  at  fifteen  repaired  to  Cornwall,  where  he 
charmed  the  whole  Court  by  his  minstrelsy.  lie  slew  Moraunt  in 
mortal  combat,  and  lay  ill  three  years  of  the  wounds  he  received,  but 
was  borne  to  Ireland,  and  there  cured  by  Ysolt  or  Ysonde,  daughter 
of  the  Queen.  On  his  return  to  Cornwall  he  told  his  uncle  of  the 
marvellous  beauty  of  the  Irish  Princess,  and  was  sent  to  solicit  her 
hand  ft)r  him  in  marriage.  Tristrem  escorted  Ysonde  on  her  voyage 
to  Enf,dand  ;  but  both  unwittingly  drank  of  a  love-potion  intended 
for  Mark,  and  from  that  day  to  the  day  of  their  death  no  man  or 
woman  could  come  between  their  loves.  Ysonde  was  married  to  the 
King  of  Cornwall,  but  by  the  help  of  her  clever  maid,  Brengwain,  had 
many  a  secret  interview  with  her  lover.  Tristrem  was  banished  from 
Cornwall,  but  again  brought  to  his  uncle's  Court,  and  again  their 
inevitable  loves  began  anew.  Next  he  wandered  to  Spain,  Ermonie, 
Jhittany,  and  here  married  another  Ysonde — her  with  the  white 
hand,  daughter  of  Duke  Florentine — but  he  could  not  forget  his  love 
for  Ysonde  of  Ireland.  Grievously  wounded  in  battle,  he  sent  a 
messenger  to  bring  her  to  him.  *If  you  bring  her  with  you/  he 
charged  him,  'hoist  a  white  sail;  if  you  bring  her  not,  let  your  sail 


156  Reviews. 

l>e  black.'  Soon  the  ship  is  siglited,  and  Tristrom  asks  eagerly  what 
is  the  colour  of  hor  sail.  It  was  white,  bnt  Ysonde  of  Brittany,  her 
heart  being  filled  with  bitter  jealousy,  told  Tristrem  the  sail  was 
black,  whereupon  the  heart-sick  lover  sank  back  and  died.  Ysonde 
of  Ireland  threw  herself  in  passionate  despair  upon  his  body  and  died 
heart-broken  beside  liim.  King  Mark  subsequently  learned  the  story 
of  the  love-potion,  and  buried  the  twain  in  one  grave,  planting  over 
Ysonde  a  rose-bush,  over  Tristrem  a  vine,  which  grew  up  so  inextric- 
ably intertwined  that  no  man  could  separate  them." 

Stori  hynod  o  brydferth !  Cyfrifir  hi  gan  lawer  yn 
frenhines  yin  mysff  storiau  serch.  O'r  ddeuddegfed  ganrif 
hyd  ein  hamser  ni  fe  ysbrydolodd  lu  o  feirddion  a  cherdd- 
orion  ym  mhob  gwlad  yn  Ewrob  i  gaiiu  a  plirydyddu. 
Hon  YN  testyn  un  o  brif  weithiau  Wagner.  Cydnebydd 
yr  awdurdodau  penaf  mai  stori  Geltaidd  yw.  Ai  dyna'r 
rheswm  paham  y  darfu  i'r  beirdd  Cyinreig  ei  diystyru  mor 
hir  ?  Nid  y w  hyny  yn  glod  nac  yn  enill  iddynt.  Modd 
bynag  fe  roddodd  dewisiad  Pwyllgor  Bangor  gyfleustra 
ardderchog  i  rai  ohonynt  anfarwoli  eu  hunain.  Yn  Uyfr 
Malory  mae  y  chwedl  yn  faith  a  chymysglyd,  ag  iddi 
lawer  ystlys  a  mwy  na  digon  o  aniweirdeb.  Fel  yr 
awgrymwyd  eisoes,  o  hyny  y  cyfyd  yr  unig  anhawster 
sydd  yn  perthyn  i'r  testyn.  Y  gamp,  felly,  oedd  sut  i 
ddeol  y  pethau  mwyaf  gwrthun  yn  y  stori  heb  abertliu  ei 
bywyd  a'i  swyn. 

Ehanodd  Gwydion  ah  Don  ei  gerdd  yn  bum  penod.  Yn 
y  gyntaf  gwelwn  long  yn  marchogaeth  y  tonau  tua'r 
Twerddon,  a  Thrystan  ar  ei  bwrdd.  Ceir  disgrifiad  by wiog 
a  chryno  o'r  gwron  clwyfedig : 

"  Ar  gwrlid  drud,  mewn  gwisg  o  borflbr  breiniol, 
Gorwedda  clwyfus  wr  o  dreni  urddasol, 
Y  gwinau  wallt,  lliw'r  gneuon,  yn  modrwyog 
Gylchynnu'i  wyneb  hanld,  boneddig,  rhywiog  ; 
Ond  yn  ei  lygaid  tristwch  du  deyruasa, 
A  gwywder  bedd  ar  Iwydiii  'i  rudd  arhosa  : 
Ei  ghvyf  a  ysa'i  fywyd  tan  ei  ddwyfron, 
A'  i  wenwyn  marwol  tiferra  waed  ei  galon. 


Reviews.  157 

A  segur  ydyw'r  waew  fawr  ei  grym, 
Yr  helm  o  ddur,  a'r  cleddyf  hirbraflf  llym ; 
Ei  fron  ni  wisg  y  gref  ddihafal  hirig 
A  her i odd  ruthr  11a wer  ymwan  fFyrnig, 
Gorffwysa'i  delyn  euraidd  wrth  ei  ystlys, 
A'i  thannau  yn  anghofio'i  thonau  melus." 

Mae  arddull  y  darn  uchod  yn  fwy  Cymreig,  a'i  symu- 

diad  yn  fwy  urddasol  na  llawer  pryddest  a  goronwyd  yn 

yr   Eisteddfod   Genedlaethol.     Er  hyny,   Uithra'r  awdwr 

weithiau.     Mwy   boddhaol   fuasai   llai   o    '^wr  o   drem", 

"gwisg   o   borffor",    "tielm   o  ddur".     Cydmarer  y  dam 

hwn  a  disgrifiad  Tit  na  n-Og  o'r  llong  y  dodwyd  Arthur 

arni,  a  gwelir  fod  pellder  difesur  rhyngddynt.     Yn  dilyn 

y  Uinellau  yna,  ceii*  cipdrem  dros  fywyd  boreol  Trystan — 

marwolaeth   ei   fam,  ei   gampau   fel  cerddor  a  milwr,  ei 

ddyfodiad  i  Gernyw,  ac  yn  benaf  yr  ornest  fawr  rhyngddo 

a  MoroUt,  pan  laddwyd  y  Gwyddel  ac  y  clwyfwyd  yntau. 

Ar   y   cyfan    mae   yr  iaith   yn   gref,  ond   canfyddwn    ar 

brydiau  duedd  i  rigymu,  megys  : 

"  Ym  mroch  yr  helynt  Trystan  a  ddaeth  o  daith  iV  llys, 
Ac  achos  Cern3rw  arno'i  hun  gymerodd  gyda  brys." 

Lied  ddof  hefyd  yw  ei  ddisgriflad  o'r  ymladd : 

"  Roedd  wyneb  yr  ynysig  yn  weirglodd  wastad  las, 
Ac  yno  bwriwyd  Morollt  falch  a'i  ryf  elf  arch  a  las. 
Disgynnodd  Trystan  jmtau  iV  gyrchu  gyda*i  gledd, 
Ond  yn  yr  ymgyrch  cafodd  glwyf  a  Iwydodd  wrid  ei  wedd. 
Er  gwaetha'r  archoll  hyrddiodd  un  dymod  grymus  mawr 
Nes  hollti  helm  ei  elyn  a'i  fwrw'n  fud  i'r  Uawr ; 
A  darn  o'r  glaif  clodforus  a  dorrodd  yn  y  briw 
Anrhydedd  gorsedd  Cernyw  Ion  a  gadwodd  Trystan  wiw." 

Gymaint  yn  fwy  arwrol  yw  rhyddiaeth  Malory  !    Dyma 
ddarn  o'i  ddisgriflad  ef : 

"And  they  began  for  to  fewtre  their  spears,  and  they  met  so 
fiercely  together  that  they  smote  each  other  down,  both  horse  and 
all,  to  the  earth.  But  Sir  Marhaus  smote  Sir  Tristram  a  great  wound 
in  his  side  with  his  spear,  and  then  they  avoided  their  horses,  and 


158  Reviews, 

drew  out  their  swords  anon,  and  cast  their  shields  before  them,  and 
then  thoy  laslied  together  as  it  had  been  two  wild  boars  that  be 

courageous." 

Pan  orweddai  Trystan  yn  glaf,  daeth  '^gwr  o  hil  y 
tylwyth  t^g"  ato  a  dywedodd  mai  yn  llys  Iwerddon  yn 
unig  y  caffai  feddyginiaeth  i'w  glwyf. 

"  A'r  Ynys  Werdd,  trwy  far  y  don  ormesol, 
A  gyrchaV  clwyfus  wr  o  drem  urddasol." 

"O  drem  urddasol"  eto!  Fel  yna  y  gadewir  Trystan 
ar  y  mor  i  gyfeirio  ei  rawd  am  yr  Iwerddon.  Ni  adroddir 
ei  hanes  wedi  cyrhaedd  y  wlad  hono,  yr  hyn  a  hkv  dipyn 
o  ddyryswch  i'r  darllenydd. 

"Y  Llys  Gennad"  yw  penawd  yr  ail  adran.  Egyr 
gyda  molawd  fer  ar  ddylanwad  serch.  Bydd  genyf 
rywbeth  i'w  ddweyd  am  y  dernyn  hwn  cyn  diweddu. 
Erbyn  hyn  y  mae  Trystan  yn  ol  yng  Nghernyw,  a  chodir 
y  lien  arno  yn  eist^dd  ar  grib  craig  uwchben  y  mor  ac  yn 
canu  alawon  serch  i  Esyllt,  y  ferch  a  welsai  yn  Ilya 
Iwerddon.     Mae  y  darlun  hwn  wedi  ei  liwio  yn  hynod  o 

gelf ydd : 

"  Yng  Nghornyw  Ion  yn  swn  y  Hi  ar  glogwyn  uchel  unig 
Eisteddai  gwr  o  osgedd  hardd  urddasol  a  bonheddig ; 
Modrwyau  anil  am  ei  law,  ei  wisg  o  bali  purddu, 
A  rhagdal  aur  rhud<lomog  dnid  gynhalia'i  wallt  gwineuddu ; 
Cain  lafiiau  curaidd  oodd  yn  cau'i  wintasau  cordwal  newydd, 
Ei  ddeliou  law  gynhaliai  bwys  ei  dolyn  aur  ysblennydd  ; 
Ei  rudd  orifwysai  ar  y  Hall ;  a'i  dywell  drem  frouddwydiol 
Yn  crwydro  ar  liiraethlon  daitli  trwy  wyll  y  nos  lodrithiol 
I  oleu  llys  yr  Ynys  Werdd,  oi  gyfoeth  a'i  ysblander, 
A  mel  acenion  Esyllt  won  yn  ysbrydoHM  louder  " 

Rhed  ei  fyfyrdodau  yn  ol  at  y  feinir  deg  "fu'n 
cliwilio'r  arclioU  eclirys".  lacliasai'r  fam  y  clwyf,  ond 
"clwyt'asai'r  forcli  ei  ddwyfron".  Mae'n  eglur  tuhwnt  i 
bob  dadl  fod  Trystan  wedi  syrthio  yn  ddwfn  mewn  serch 
ag  Esyllt.  Ehag  bod  cysgod  o  amheuaoth  ar  y  pwnc, 
gesyd  y  bardd  delyneg  liiraethlawn  yng  ngenau  Trystan  : 


Reviews.  159 

**  O  dan  fy  mron  mae  cur, 

Esyllt  wen,  Esyllt  wen, 
Am  wen  dy  lygaid  pur, 

Esyllt  wen, 
Cael  eto'th  gwmni  tirion, 
A  miwsig  dy  acenion, — 
Ilyn  leddfa  gur  fy  nghalon, — 

Brysia  i  Gernyw,  Esyllt  wen." 

Pedwar  penill  tebyg  i'r  uchod  yw  y  delyneg.  Nid  oes 
fawr  ddim  newydd  yn  y  syniadau,  ac  y  mae  gorinod  o 
adsain  "Mentra  Gwen"  jn  y  seiniau.  Byrdwn  sal  a 
dienaid  yw  "Brysia  i  Gernyw".  Anaturiol  i'r  eithaf  yw 
dechreu  y  pedwerydd  penill : — 

"  Fy  ngwlad  a  ddenfyn  wys 

Esyllt  wen,  Esyllt  wen. 
Am  danat  ti  iV  llys, 

Esyllt  wen." 

Nis  gwyddai  ei  wlad  ddim  am  y  ferch  Wyddelig  oedd 
wedi  tanio  ei  fron.  Y  prawf  goreu  o  hyny  yw  y  dam  sydd 
yn  dilyn : — 

"  Ar  hyd  y  llwybr  anwastad,  cam,  dros  lethrau  serth  y  clogwyn, 
Yr  araf  rodiai'r  brenin  March ;  a  chlybu  glod  y  forwyn." 

Mae  y  brenin  "yn  ymholi  am  ei  Hun  a'i  lliw",  ac  yn 
ddioed  clywir  Trystan  yn  udganu  ei  chlodydd.  Tr  oedd 
mor  anwyl  a  Gwener,  yn  serchocach  naLalage,  na  Chloris, 
na  Lesbia ;  yn  fwy  swynol  na  Helen  Troia.  ithyfedd 
genyf  i  fardd  Cymreig  lusgo  i'w  gerdd  y  sothach  coeg- 
glasurol  yma  sydd  mor  gyffredin  ym  marddoniaeth  Seisnig 
yr  eilfed-ganrif-ar-bymtheg — pethau  nad  oeddynt  namyn 
efelychiadau  o  Horas.  Ehaid  hefyd  fod  dawn  yn  brin,  a 
iaith  yn  dlawd  os  nad  all  bardd  ddarlunio  tegwch  merch 
heb  ymostwng  i'r  fath  gyffredinedd  a'r  ddwy  linell  a 
ganlyn : — 

"  Ni  feddai  beirdd  holl  oesau'r  byd  y  crebwyll  naV  darfelydd 
Ddisgrifiai'n  llawn  y  filfed  ran  o  gyfoeth  ei  grasusau." 


1 60  Reviews. 

Nid  oes  raid  wrth  fardd  i  ddweyd  pethau  fel  yna, 
Gwell,  hefyd,  f uasai  y  ^erdd  heb  linell  mor  aflednais  a  hon, 
am  yr  hen  freiiin  March  : 

"  A  thoimlai  iasau  nwydau  sorch  jn  cerdded  ei  wythiennau." 

Eto: 
"  Ond  08  dychwolai  codid  had  i  March  oV  ieiianc  fanon." 

Beth  allsai  fod  yn  fwy  disynwyr,  pan  ystyriom  nad 
oedd  March  erioed  wedi  gweled  y  ferch,  na'r  ffurf  a  roddir 
i'w  orchymyn.     "Dos"  ebe  March  : 

"  I  ddwyn  fy  mherl  (bos  frig  y  don  i'w  chartref  yii  fy  mreichiau.** 

Perl — cartref — breichiau !    A  pha  fath  garwr  oedd  Trys- 

tan,  pan  dderbyniai  y  gorchymyn  hwn  i  gyrchu  y  ferch  i 

arall  heb  wrthdystiad  bach  na  uiawr?    Yr  anffawd  yw  fod 

Gwydlon  ah  Don  wedi  gwneyd  i  Drystan  ac  Esyllt  syrthio 

mewn  serch  a'u  gilydd  yn  llawor  rhy  gynar,  a  cheir  gweld 

fod  hyny  wedi  ei  dynn  i  fagl  arall.     le,  mae  dau  yn  caru 

Esyllt,  sef  y  brenin  a'i  nai.     "Ond  sut  i'w  chael",  medd 

y  bardd : 

" I'r  llys  anfonwyd  rhoddion  heirdd  \v  brenin  a'r  frenhines, 
A  thlysau  aur  a  gemau  dnid  i  Esyllt  dywysoges/' 

Drwy  hyny  cafodd  Trystan  ei  draed  eilwaith  ar  dir 
Twerddon.  Ond  ni  sonir  dim  am  dano'n  cyflwynoV 
genadwri  a  ddygasai  oddiwrth  frenin  Gernyw.  T  peth  a 
wnaeth  oedd  myned  allan  i  ymladd  k  draig  oedd  yn  blino'r 
wlad,  ac  oherwydd  iddo  ei  Uadd  bu  Trystan  yn  fawr  ei 
barch.  Arfollwyd  gwledd  iddo,  a  galwyd  ar  y  frenhines 
a'r  ferch  i'w  ymgeleddu.  Dechreua  Esyllt  amheu  ai  nid 
efe  oedd  y  Uanc  a  ymwelodd  a'r  llys  o'r  blaen  dan  yr  enw 
Tantrys.  Tra  mae  Trystan  yn  y  baddon,  archwilia  hithau 
ei  wisg  a'i  arfau,  a  thyn  ei  gledd  o'r  wain — fenyw  gywrain 
— yn  ei  gorawydd  am  ryw  dystiolaeth.  Yn  ebrwydd 
cenfydd  y  bwlch  yn  y  llafn,  a  thyna'r  gwirionedd  yn 
gwawrio  ar  ei  meddwl, 


Reviews.  1 6 1 

"  Fflachiodd  goleuni  ffaith  i'w  bryd  yn  sydyn  fel  taranfoUt : 
Cofiodd  y  dam  dynesid  gynt  o  ben  clwyfedig  Morollt. 
Dial  gynheuai  yn  ei  gwaed  ;  a  rhuthrai  i  daroV  gelyn 
Oedd  yn  y  baddon  marmor  gwyn  yn  llesg  a  diamddiffyn. 
*  Tydi  dywelltaist  waed  fy  nghar',  dolefai'r  ferch  yn  llidiog, 
*■  Tydi  yw  gelyri  penna  ngwlad,  y  gwaedlyd  Drystan  farchog.* 
A  chyda'r  gair  dyrchaf ai'r  cledd  i  drychu  Trystan  fradus  ; 
Ond  gwelai  wen,  a  Uygaid  du,  a  gwallt  gwineuddu  Tantrys." 

Mae  y  ferch  yn  gwareiddio  ac  yn  maddeu.     Ond  mor 

afresymol   yw  yr  yinfiBamychiad   hwn ;    mor  anaturiol  y 

darlun  !     Beth  barai  i  Esyllt  ymboeni  cymaint  am  "ben 

clwyfedig  Morollt?"     A  hi  yn  "serchocach  na  Lalage," 

beth  enynasai  y  fath  ddygasedd  ynddi  at  y  '^gwr  a  garai 

orau"?     Iseult,  you  had  a  vile  temper.     Dywedir,  hwyrach, 

fod  digwyddiad  cyffelyb  yn  llyfr  Malory.     Oes,  ond  y  mae 

wedi  ei  gyfleu  yn  bur  wahanol.     Nid  Esyllt,  ond  ei  mham, 

a  fygythiai  lofruddio'r  marchog  "yn  y  baddon",  a  rhoddir 

rheswm  da  paham.     Yr  oedd  Morollt  yn  frawd  i'r  fren- 

hines.     Ni  wneir  hyny  yn  eglur  yn  y  bryddest.     Hawdd 

fuasai    hebgor    yr    hanesyn    rhyfedd   hwn,   ond   os   nad 

allasai    Gwydion    ah    Bon    wrthsefyll    y    demtasiwn    o'i 

ddefnyddio,    beth  oedd  yn  galw  am  iddo  ei  wyrdroi  a'i 

wneuthur  yn  anf esurol  ddigrif ach  peth  nag  y  caf odd  ef  ? 

Modd  bynag,  fe  ddaeth  Trystan  allan  o'r  baddon  yn  fyw 

a  gwisgodd  am  dano,  a  bu  yn  edifar  gan  y  fun  iddi  fod 

mor  chwyrn. 

"  Breuddwydiai  Esyllt  ieuanc  am  y  gwr  a  garai  orau 
A'r  dagrau'n  perlio  ar  ei  grudd  o  dan  ei  mucbudd  aeliau, 
Glan  a  diniwed  oedd  ei  serch  fel  gwynder  blodauV  gwanwyn, 
A'i  theimlad  tyner  mor  ddi-nwyd  ag  awel  Mai  mewn  irlwyn." 

Cyrhaeddir  y  climax  yn  y  drydedd  benod,  "Y  Cwpan 
Swyn".  Mae  y  Hong  yn  mordwyo  yn  ol  tua  Chemyw,  a'r 
ddeuddyn  dedwydd,  Trystan  ac  Esyllt,  ar  ei  bwrdd. 
Llithra'r  dydd  heibio  yn  ddifyr  rhwng  ymddiddanion 
cariadlawn  ac  odlau  mwyn  y  delyn.  Erbyn  yr  hwyr 
edrychai  y  rhwyfwyr  yn  llesg  gan  y  gwres  a'r  Uudded. 


1 62  Reviews. 

"  Ac  moddai  Trystan :  *  Wyr,  gorflfwyswch,  weithion, 
*  A  p^wyliaf  fmnau'ch  hiin  ar  fron  yr  eigion.' 
Gafaelai  yn  y  i-hwyfaii  hir  anhyblyg, 
O'i  nertli  ystwythent  mogys  gwiail  helyg. 
Ei  rym  digymar  yrrai'r  Hong  i'w  thaith  ; 
Fel  gwisgi  gysgod  cjorddai'i  llwy})yr  llaith.'" 

Nid  oes  air  o  grybwylliad  am  hyn  yn  hanes  Malory. 
Cyinerwyd  y  s}Tiiad,  mi  dybiaf,  o  gerdd  Swinburne. 
Pedwar  rhwyfwr  sydd  ar  ei  long  ef ;  ac  er  mwyn  ystwytho 
ei  gyinalau,  cyniertli  Trystan  le  un  o  honynt  wrth  y  rhwyf . 

"  Then  Tristram  girt  liim  for  an  oarsman^s  place 
And  took  his  oar  and  smoto,  and  toiled  with  might 
In  the  east  wind's  full  face  and  the  strong  sea's  spite 

•  Laboiirinfjj ;  and  all  the  rowers  rowed  hard;  but  he 
More  mightily  than  any  wearier  three." 

Ond  ni  t'oddlonai  Ghoydion  ah  Don  ar  hyny ;  mynai  efe 
i  Drystan  wneyd  gwaith  y  cwbl.  Nid  wyf  yn  ei  feio  am 
t'enthycioV  ddyfais,  ond  yn  hytrach  am  ei  difetha.  T 
gwir  am  can  oedd  codi  syched  ar  Drystan  ar  gyfer  y  peth 
pwysig — y  pwysicaf  yn  y  gerdd — oedd  i  ddilyn.  "Trystan, 
gad  dy  rwyfo",  sibrydai  Esyllt,  ac  yntau  a  eisteddodd 
wrtli  ei  thraed.  Yna  ceir  disgrifiad  niaith  o'r  ymserchu 
fu  rliwng  y  ddau.  Difynaf  ranau  ohono,  a  gofynaf  i'r 
darllonydd  sylwi  mor  frwd  oedd  eu  teimladau,  mor  nwyd- 
lawn  eu  liymarweddiad. 

"Addolai  Trystan  brydferth  fun  ei  gariad, 
A  pheraroglan  serch  yn  meddwi'i  deimlad, 
l^"wy  w^ythiennau  llosgai  tan  y  duwiau  ; 
A  chrynnai  neges  serch  ar  ei  wefusan. 

•  •  •  • 

Ei  mynwos  hithau'n  Uawn  o  dyner  d&n, 
A'i  wrcs  yn  araf  wrido  'i  gruddiau  gl&n  ; 
Pelydrai  'i  llygaid  fel  dwy  seren  befr : 
Agosrwydd  Trystan  doimlai  mogys  gwefr  ; 
Disgynnai  llesmair  serch  ar  ei  haolodau 
A'i  ddwys  ddyhead  byw  yn  llenwi  ei  bronnau. 


Reviews,  1 63 

Dymunai  Trystan  sugno  mel  y  rhos  ; 

A  chuddio  'i  ben  am  byth  tan  lenni'r  nos. 

•  •  •  • 

Fe  blygai  Esyllt  ar  y  cwrlid  purddu  ; 
A'i  lili  law  roi  ar  ei  wallt  gwineuddu  ; 
A  pliwysai  'i  ben  i  orwedd  ar  oi  gliniau  ; 
A  theimlai'r  gwros  ennynai  'i  wythiennau." 

A  llawer  mwy  o  bethau  cyffelyb,  yn   gwneyd  cant  o 

linellau.     Prin    y    gallasai'r    awdwr    dynu    y    gorchudd 

ymhellach  oddiar   ddygyfor   cariad   heb   irroesi   terfynau 

gweddeidd-dra.    Yn  wir  y  mae  rhai  o'r  Uinellau  yn  cerdded 

yr  ymylon.    Ond  dyma'r  pwynt — yr  oedd  y  Cwpan  Swyn  eto 

heb  ei  yfed !     Pryder  y  f renhines  am   y  f erch  oedd  yn 

myned  i  briodi  hen  wr  wnaeth   iddi   barotoi  y   diodlyn 

serch.     Wele  eiriau  Malory  : 

*'And  then  the  Queen,  La  Beale  Isoude's  mother,  gave  Dame 
Bragwaine,  her  daughter's  gentlewoman,  and  unto  Gk)vemale  a  drink, 
and  charged  them  that  what  day  King  Mark  should  wed,  that  same 
day  they  should  give  him  that  drink,  so  that  King  Mark  should  drink 
with  La  Beale  Isoude,  and  then  *I  undertake,*  said  the  Queen 
^either  shall  love  other  all  the  days  of  their  life.'" 

Dyna  sut  y  daeth  y  Iovq  philtre  i  chware  rhan  mor 
bwysig  yn  y  stori.  Y  mae  Gwydion  ah  Don  wedi  gwneyd 
i  Drystan  syrthio  mewn  serch  ag  Esyllt,  ac  Esyllt  & 
Thrystan  o'r  dechreu.  Beth  sydd  i'r  cwpan  ei  wneyd  wedi 
hyn  ?  Mor  wahanol  yw  ymdriniaeth  Swinburne !  Cyfyd 
syched  angerddol  ar  Drystan  wedi  y  rhwjrfo,  a  geilw  am 
ddiod.  Naid  Esyllt  i  fyny  rhed  i  ymofyn  gwin  ;  cenfydd 
y  gostrel  aur  wedi  ei  chuddio  ym  mynwes  Branwen,  a 
dwg  hi  at  Drystan.  Nid  oes  dim  mwy  effeithiol  yng 
ngherdd  Swinburne  na'r  llinellau  He  disgrifia'r  ddeuddyn 
yn  edrych  i  wynebau  eu  gilydd  am  y  tro  olaf  yn  ddibrofiad 

o  boenau  serch : 

'^  The  last  hour  of  their  hurtless  hearts  at  rest, 
The  last  that  peace  should  touch  them  breast  to  breast, 
The  last  that  sorrow  far  from  them  should  sit, 
This  last  was  with  them  and  they  knew  not  it.'' 

m2 


1 64  Reviews. 

Yf  y  ddau  o'r  ddiod,  a  thyna'r  drwg  wedi  ei  wneyd,  y 
fflani  aniffoddol  wedi  ei  henyn.  Disgrifia  Ghvydion  ab  Don 
y  weithred  hon  yn  fanwl.  Ond  i  ba  beth?  Tng  ngh&n 
Swinburne  gotyna  Trystan  i'r  fun  gyffwrth  y  cwpan  A'i 
gwefusau : 

''Give  mo  to  drink  and  give  me  for  a  pledge 
The  touch  of  four  lips  on  the  beaker's  edge.'' 

Dyfais  Swinburne  ei  hun  yw  hon,  a  thyma'r  defnydd 
wna  Gmydian  ab  Don  ohoni : 

**  I  ^'paii  swyn  edrychai'r  non  ddigymyl ; 
A  gwelai  hetlair  j^wefus  ar  oi  ymyl 
Yn  yfod  hudwin  tynged  hob  betnisdor, 
^'n  drachtio  rhudd  ddiodlyn  gwinllan  Gwener." 

Dau  yn  yfed  o'r  un  gostrel,  neu  phiol,  ar  unwaith  I 
Nid  felly  Swinburne ;  y  fun  yn  gyntaf,  yna  y  Uanc.  Wedi 
yr  yfed,  ceir  gan  Gwydion  ab  Don  ail  genllif  o  ufelwy  serch 
a  nwyd  : — 

**  Hi  doimlai'r  tan  yn  ennyn  yn  ei  chalon, 
A'i  wroa  yn  j^wrido  'i  grudd,  yn  chwyddo  'i  dwyfron, 
Ei  (ihorff  yn  ci-ynnu  dan  ei  loesion  melus, 
A'i  flwynion  yn  parlysu  ei  howyllya. 
Oo^^wyddai  'i  phen  ;  a  ehoisiai  guddio  'i  Uygaiil ; 
Ond  rnethai  'i  gwallt  gymylu  'u  pelydr  tanbaid. 
A  thrasort'h  Trystan,  wodi  ei  wallgofi, 
Fol  ufel  mynwcs  Etna  yn  dylosgi, 
Dynesai ;  ymddisgloiriai  Uygaid  Eayllt, 
Serch,  dychryn,  nwyd  yn  llonwi  on  dyfnder  trywylit ; 
Dychlamai  bronnau'r  ddau  ;  ymwelwai  'u  gruddiau  ; 
Byrhai,  dyfnhai,  cyflyniai  'u  hanadliadau.** 

Yr  unig  wahaniaetli  rliwng  y  darn  liwn  a^r  disgrifisid 
ddifynwyd  eisoc^s  cyn  yfed  ohonynt  o'r  Cwpan  Swyn  yw 
yr  awgryin  o  drytliyllwcli  tua'r  diwedd.  Cyfrifir  Svrin- 
burne  y  niwyaf  nwyfus  a  liyf  ei  leferydd  o'r  beirdd 
Seisnig,  ond  y  inae  yn  Uawer  cynilach  o'i  eiriau  a^i  afiaeth 
11a  Gwydlnn  ab  Don  yn  y  cyfwngliwn.     Dim  ond  un-llinell- 


Reviews,  165 

ar-byintheg  sydd   ganddo   ar   ganlyniad  uniongyrchol  yr 
yfed.     Dyma'r  cryfaf  o  honynt : 

"And  all  their  life  changed  in  thom,  for  they  quaflfed 

Death 

Each  on  each 
Hung  with  strange  eyes  and  hovered  as  a  bird 
Wounded,  and  each  mouth  trembled  for  a  word  ; 
Their  heads  neared,  and  their  hands  were  drawn  in  one, 
And  they  saw  dark,  though  still  the  urisunken  sun 
Far  through  fine  rain  shot  fire  into  the  south  ; 
And  their  four  lips  became  one  burning  mouth." 

Erysdwybenod  eto— ^^Tr  Alltud",  a'r  ^^Hwyl  Ddu". 
Ond  mae'r  amynedd  yn  pallu.  Fe'm  siomwyd  yn  aruthr 
yn  y  gerdd  hon.  Dywedais  air  da  am  ran  ohoni.  Gyda 
gofal  ac  ynidrech,  diau  y  gallasai  yr  awdwr  gynyrchu 
rhywbeth  a  bri  arno,  ond  methodd  a  chadw  ei  safon  ei  hun 
i  fyny.  Ar  brydiau  naid  yn  uchel  i'r  nwyfre,  ond  yn 
etrwydd  disgynna  yn  ol  i'r  ddaear.  Mae  weithiau  yn 
ehedydd,  weithiau  fel  hwyaden  yn  hedfan  ar  ei  thraed. 
Yn  awr  ac  eilwaith  meddienir  ef  gan  iasau  o  glefyd  y 
Bardd  Newydd.  Ar  dudalen  36,  ceir  y  ddwy  linell  a 
ganlyn  bron  y  drws  nesaf  i'w  gilydd : 

"  Mae  calon  tragwyddoldeb  ynddo'n  euro." 
"  Mae'r  ser  yn  gwenu  cariad  tragwyddoldeb." 

Am  Esyllt  ym  mhothder  ei  serch  dywed  : 

"Ni  chaiflf  ond  cariad  weld  ei  thrysor  penaf, — 
Shecinah  glan  ei  chysegr  sancteiddiolaf." 

A  glybuwyd  erioed  y  f ath  ffwlbri  ?  Yn  un  o'i  delyneg- 
ion  serch  sonia  am  '^y  manna  a'r  gwin'^,  ac  "emynau 
mawl ".  Os  emyn,  emyn ;  os  telyneg,  telyneg.  Yn 
gymysg  a  hyny  daw  y  mnrsendod  colegaidd  y  soniais  am 
dano.  Fwy  nag  unwaith  ceir  ganddo  bethau  gwir  chwer- 
thinllyd.    Yn  y  bedwaredd  benod  Uwyddodd  rhyw  grythor 


1 66  Reviews, 

crwydrol  drwy  dric  lied  blentynaidd  i  ysbeilio  y  brenin 
March  o'i  wraig.  Ond  yr  oedd  Trystan  yn  gwylio  ei 
gyfleustra  "ineAvn  ogof  y^  y  coed".  Daeth  yntau  ar 
warthaf  y  crythor  a  chyda  tipyn  o  strcUegyy  cipiodd 
Esyllt  o'i  feddiant.  Chware  teg  iddo;  nid  twyll  twyllo 
twyllwr.  T  peth  sydd  yn  anfaddeuol  yn  yr  helynt  yw  y 
cwpled  a  ganlyn : 

**A  fflaohiodd  cilwg  Trystan,  i'r  Gwyddol  rhoddodd  wth: 
*  Fy  nholyu  aui  a  biau'r  god  onillaist  ti  a'th  grwth*." 

Beth  pe  dywedasai  Mathew  Arnold  neu  Swinburne  yn 
eu  cerddi  hyglod : 

*'  His  eye  flashed  out  in  anger  tierce,  he  gave  the  Pat  a  shove, 
*  My  golden  harp  has  won  the  girl,  a  fiddler  she's  above'." 

Pan  61  Gwydion  ab  Don  i  gyfarch  yr  Awen,  boed  iddo 
ar  bob  cyfrif  orclilygu  ei  duedd  i  wneuthur  ei  hun  yn  gareg 
ateb  i  feirdd  eraill,  waetli  pwy  fyddont.  Yn  y  g&n  hon  ceir 
amryw  adseiniau  o  Elfed.  Un  o  honynt  yw  "Milfil  chwer- 
thin  distaw'r  Hi "  ("Milfil  chworthin  ei  diluw'* — Caniadau 
Elfed),  Ai'  y  goreu  nid  yw  ond  cyfieithiad  o  ymadrodd 
enwog  iEschylus,  "Kuniaton  anerithmon  gelasma"  {Prome- 
theus Bound),  Mae  amryw  feirdd  ereill  wedi  gwneyd 
defnydd  oliono  (c.  g,  "Many  twinkling  smile  of  Ocean" — 
Keble)y  ac  y  mae  i'w  gael  yjn  mhob  geiriadur  Groeg  o 
bwys.  Gan  ei  fod  wedi  chwerthin  ers  mwy  na  dwy  file 
flynyddoedd,  y  mae'n  bryd  iddo  dyuu  ei  gemau  adref. 
Engndiftiau  pellach  o  Elfediaeth  yw  "O  ddwyfol  serch, 
anfarwol  sei'cli",  a  "Llwybyr  paradwys  mab   a   nierch". 

''  O!  wynfyd  Sorch,  01  ddolur  Serch/' 

**  Ponyd  nofolaidd  mab  a  merch." 

(Caniadau  luffed,) 

Un  o'r  pethau  hynotaf  yn  perthyn  i  gerdd  Swinburne 
yw  ei  ragarawd  maith  ar  Serch  fel  dylanwad  cynwynol 
drwy'r   greadigaeth.     Ceir   rhagymodrodd   byr   ar  yr  un 


Reviews,  167 

pwnc  ar  ddechreu  ail  benod  Gwydion  ab  Don.     Dechreua 
Swinburne  fel  hyn  : 

"Love,  that  is  first  and  last  of  all  things  made." 

A  Gwydion  ab  Don  : 
"Serch,  cryfach  yw  nag  angeu  du,  a  hynach  na'r  myuyddoedd." 

Mae'n  ddigon  eglur  eisoes  mai  Swinburne  awgrymodd 
y  drychfeddwl  hwn  i  Gwydion  ab  Don.  Tn  awr  mi  godaf 
ychydig  linellau  o'r  naill  a'r  Hall  er  mwyn  dangos  pa 
ddefnydd  wnaeth  bardd  coronog  Bangor  o'r  awgrym  : 

"  One  fiery  raiment  with  all  lives  inwrought, 
And  lights  of  sunny  and  starry  deed  and  thought." 

"  Serch  y w  goleuni  bywyd  dyn  a  dwyfol  grewr  hyder. 

"And  with  the  pulse  and  motion  of  his  breath 
Through  the  great  heart  of  the  earth  strikes  life  and  death." 

"  Yra  more  gwyn  ieuenctyd  bod,  ar  wawr  y  dechreu  cynnar, 
Deffrodd  pelydrau  t3,n  yr  haul  nwyd  serch  ym  mron  y  ddaear." 

"  Love  that  is  blood  within  the  veins  of  time." 

"  Anfarwol  serch  yw'r  bywiol  waed  yng  ngwythiennau  amser." 

Tybiaf  i  mi  ddangos  yn  fy  sylwadau  ar  awdl  Tir  na 
n-Og  nad  wyf  yn  gulfarn  na  chrintachlyd  ynghylch  hawl 
awdwr  i  gymeryd  awgrymiadau  o  waith  awdwr  arall.  T 
cwestiwn  yw  hwn, — beth  a  wna  o  honynt.  Tr  hyn  a 
wnaeth  Gwydion  ab  Don  yma  oedd  pigo  llinellau  o 
ragarawd  Swinburne  a'u  troi  i'r  Gymraeg  a'u  dodi  yn  ei 
gS^n  ei  hun  yn  y  drefn  a  welodd  efe  yn  oreu.  Beth  yw  y 
Ilinell  olaf  a  ddifynais  heblaw  cyfieithiad  noeth  o  ua  o'r 
llinellau  mwyaf  barddonol  a  ysgrifenodd  Swinburne 
erioed  ? 

Ond  yr  anaf  mwyaf  ar  y  gerdd  yw  ei  chynlluniad. 
Teimlwn  fod  gormod  o  wagle  rhwng  y  benod  gyntaf  a'r 
ail.  Trwyddo  i  gyd  eyll  y  cyfansoddiad  mewn  cysondeb. 
Nid  oes  yma  ddim  o'r  dramatic  instinct  hwnw  a  esyd  y  f ath 
arbenigrwydd  ar  awdl  Tir  na  n-Og.     Ni  bu  Gwydion  ah 


1 68  Reviews. 

Don  yn  ddoeth  i  ddewis  y  pethau  goreu  o*r  hen  chwedl ; 
ni  bu  yn  gelfydd  wrth  gyfleu  y  rhai  a  ddewisodd.  Benth- 
yciodd  amryw  bethau  o  gerdd  Swinburne,  ac  andwyodd 
hwynt.  Gwaeth  na'r  cwbl  methodd  yn  ei  ymgais  i  ddwyn 
rhawd  y  stori  i'w  glimax  yn  namwain  y  Cwpan  Swyn,  yr 
hyn  y w  craidd  a  chnewyllyn  yr  hoU  ramant. 

B.  A.  Gbiffith  (Elphin). 


OLD  FEMBBOKE  FAMILIES  in  the  Anoient  County 
Palatine  of  Pembroke.  Compiled  (in  part  from  the 
Floyd  MSSJ  by  Henry  Owen,  D.C.L.  Oxon.,  F^.A^ 
High  Sheriff  of  Pembrokeshire.  London:  Published 
for  the  Author  by  Chas.  J.  Clark,  36,  Essex  Street, 
Strand,  1902. 


In  the  book  before  us  Dr.  Owen  makes  another  valuable 
addition  to  his  scholarly  researches  into  the  history  of  his 
native  county.  The  work  forms  a  welcome  supplement  to 
the  volumes  he  has  already  issued,  concerned  as  those  are 
with  the  topography  of  the  shire. 

We  owe  what  knowledge  we  possess  of  the  ancient 
families  of  Pembroke  to  the  History  of  the  verbose  and 
inaccurate  Feiiton.  The  contrast  between  the  two  books 
is  remarkable.  Indeed,  one  might  well  suppose  that  Dr. 
Owen  had  ever  before  his  mind's  eye  a  fear  of  Fenton*s 
failings,  for  never  was  there  a  book  so  shorn  of  verbiage 
and  so  minuk^ly  accurate.  The  author  might  well  have 
been  pardoned  had  he  dwelt  at  greater  length  upon  the 


Reviews,  1 69 

story  of  some  of  the  notable  personages  whose  names  he 
records,  or  given  the  reader  a  glimpse  of  the  romances' 
which  underlie  the  history  of  the  families  whose  fortunes 
he  narrates.  But  he  dismisses  the  famous  Tournament  held 
at  Carew  Castle  in  1507  with  a  bare  reference,  and  even 
Sir  John  Perrot  has  to  be  content  with  a  paltry  page  or  two. 
To  a  certain  extent,  however,  this  deficiency  is  made  less 
apparent  by  the  play  of  the  dry  wit  never  absent  from  Dr. 
Owen's  pages.  Occasionally,  also,  the  reader  is  enlivened 
by  the  author's  cynical  contempt  for  shams,  as  for  instance 
in  his  exposure  of  the  Norman  pedigree  of  the  De  La 
Roche  family. 

When  William  the  Conqueror  turned  his  horde  of 
adventurers  loose  over  England  and  Wales,  the  rich 
pasture  lands  of  Glamorgan  and  Pembroke  soon  attracted 
their  notice.  Not  only  did  these  districts  promise  a  rich 
harvest  to  the  Norman  knight,  whose  only  fortune  was  his 
sword,  but  he  also  "got  something  else  which  probably 
pleased  him  quite  as  much,  namely,  his  stomachful  of 
fighting.  There  were  other  attractions  too,  does  Welsh 
tradition  belie  not,  for  if  fate  decreed  that  the  Welsh 
chieftain  and  his  heirs  fell  on  the  field  of  battle,  the 
Norman  was  seldom  averse  to  an  alliance  with  the  chief- 
tain's daughter  and  her  estate.  The  fair  Welshwomen 
made  easy  captives  of  the  men  who  had  defeated  their 
fathers  and  brothers.  The  voluminous  works  of  Mr.  G.  T. 
Clark  and  Dr.  De  Gray  Birch  have,  of  recent  years,  placed 
us  in  possession  of  a  mass  of  details  about  the  Glamorgan 
settlers  ;  but  hitherto  no  attempt  has  been  made  to  reduce 
tliese  isolated  facts  into  an  accurate  and  consecutive  narra- 
tive. 

That  interesting  story  still  remains  to  be  told,  and  we 
fancy  the  coming  historian  will  find  his  labours  consider- 
ably lightened  by  delving  into  the  Floyd  CoUections  now 


1 70  Reviews, 

at  Aberystwyth  College.  Dr.  Owen  has  generously  paid 
his  acknowledgments  to  Mr.  Floyd,  though  every  page  of 
the  book  bears  witness  to  his  own  unrivalled  knowledge  of 
the  history  of  the  County. 

But  what  remains  to  be  done  for  the  Glamorgan  lords 
has  been  accomplished  for  their  Pembroke  compeers  in 
the  book  before  us.  We  have  here  a  succinct  and  com- 
pressed account  of  twenty-eight  of  the  chief  families  of  the 
County  Palatine.  When  it  is  stated  that  eight  of  these 
families  settled  in  the  county  early  in  the  twelfth  century, 
and  that  the  history  of  all  the  others  is  traced  back  to  the 
fourteenth  century,  it  will  be  easy  for  those  who  delight  in 
antiquarian  pursuits  to  gauge  the  value  of  the  book. 

Few  of  the  families  mentioned  are  to-day  represented 
in  the  county,  and  fewer  still  retain  their  ancient  heritages. 
The  Hon.  Mrs.  Trollope,  who  is  at  present  the  owner  of 
Carew  Castle,  is  a  lineal  descendant  of  Nest,  the  "Helen 
of  Wales",  who  brought  it  as  dower  to  Gerald  de  Windsor 
about  the  year  1104.  Surely  few  families  in  the  United 
Kingdom  have  a  record  such  as  this.  The  Wirriots  also, 
who  were  settled  at  Orieltoii  in  the  twelfth,  century  are  now 
represented  by  Sir  Hugh  Owen,  of  Good  wick,  one  of 
whose  ancestors  married  the  heiress  of  the  family.  From 
Nest  and  Gerald  de  Windsor  are  descended  some  of  the 
most  famous  families  of  Ireland:  the  Fitzgeralds,  who 
became  Earls  of  Kildare  and  Dukes  of  Leinster ;  the  Fitz- 
Maurices,  Earls  of  Kerry  and  Marquises  of  Lansdowne; 
the  Graces,  Barons  of  Courtstown,  and  the  Gerards,  Lord 
Gerrard.  A  branch  of  the  family  returned  to  Wales  at  a 
later  date,  and,  settling  in  North  Wales,  became  the 
founders  of  many  of  the  best-known  families  there,  such 
as  tlio  Vaughans  of  Corsygedol,  and  the  Wynns  of 
Peniartli. 

Quito   a  controversy  seems  to   have  risen   as  to  the 


Reviews,  1 7 1 

meaning  of    the  word    Carew.     Old  Richard  Carew,  the 
Elizabethan  historian  of  Cornwall,  quaintly  says  : 

•*  Carow,  of  ancient,  Carru  was, 
And  Carru  is  a  plough  ; 
Roman's  the  trade,  Frenchman  the  word, 
I  do  the  name  avow." 

Dr.  Owen  thinks  the  word  is  of  Welsh  origin,  and 
probably  meant  Caerau,  camps,  the  local  pronunciation, 
Carey,  giving  some  colour  to  this  surmise.  In  Welsh 
poetry  of  the  fifteenth  century,  it  is  spelt  Caeryw,  and  this 
was  probably  the  Welsh  pronunciation  as  distinguished 
from  tliat  adopted  by  those  living  in  the  locality,  who  were 
certainly  not  Welsh-speaking. 

Next  to  the  Carews,  the  families  whose  history  presents 
the  greatest  interest  are  the  Wogans,  the  Perrots  and  the 
Owens.  Sir  John  Wogan,  **the  greatest  man  of  all  the 
Wogan  families,  and  one  of  the  greatest  men  whom 
Pembrokeshire  has  produced",  was  Justiciary  of  Ireland 
in  the  thirteenth  century,  where  **he  kept  everything  so 
quiet  that  we  hear  of  no  trouble  in  a  great  while". 

Surely,  no  better  proof  of  shrewd  diplomacy  or  great 
wisdom  could  be  adduced.  Another  Wogan,  Thomas  by 
name,  signed  the  death  warrant  of  Charles  I.  At  the 
Restoration  he  escaped  to  Utrecht,  and  amused  himself 
by  plotting  against  his  jovial  majesty  Charles  11.  Tradi- 
tion says  that  he  afterwards  returned  to  his  native  county, 
and  lived  on  charity  in  the  church  porch  of  Walwyn's 
Castle,  where  he  was  one  morning  found  dead.  Yet 
another  Wogan  was  a  correspondent  of  Dean  Swift,  and 
was  created  a  baronet  by  the  Pretender  in  1 719.  A  Sir 
John  Wogan,  of  Wist^n,  was  killed  fighting  for  the 
Yorkists  at  the  battle  of  Banbury  in  1469,  along  with 
many  another  gallant  Welshman. 


174  Reviews. 

ledge  of  "the  sources"  which  is  displayed  throughout 
Mr.  Morris's  book. 

From  this  point  of  view  alone  the  book  must  be  of  real 
value  to  the  students  of  the  period,  whilst  its  interest  is 
certainly  many-sided.  As  an  essay  on  the  military  aspects 
of  the  Feudal  System  it  contributes  a  number  of  new  and 
material  facts  to  our  knowledge  of  contemporary  warfare ; 
but  this,  though  perhaps  the  chief,  is  not  the  only  merit 
of  Mr.  Morris's  work.  The  customs  and  topography  of 
the  Welsh  Marches  are  carefully  described,  with  references 
to  original  records,  which  unfortunately  are  not  described 
in  a  series  of  mediaeval  calendars,  such  as  those  which  are 
devoted  to  the  description  of  the  Scottish  and  Irish  records 
preserved  in  the  London  Archives. 

Naturally,  these  careful  details  of  the  military  opera- 
tions against  the  Welsh  fastnesses  between  the  years  1277 
and  1295  involve  an  examination  of  the  political  and  con- 
stitutional history  of  the  period,  and,  to  some  extent,  of  the 
social  and  economic  conditions  of  the  times.  Mr.  Morris 
handles  the  difficult  subject  of  the  Edwardian  policy  with 
much  dexterity;  and,  allowing  for  a  good  many  necessary 
assumptions,  it  may  fairly  be  considered  that  many  obscure 
points  in  that  policy  have  been  illumined  by  the  author's 
industrious  researchers.  Indeed,  it  was  inevitable  that  the 
production  of  a  mass  of  statistics  from  contemporary 
records  should  materially  contribute  to  the  better  compre- 
hension of  the  deep-laid  plans  of  the  conqueror  of  Wales 
and  Scotland.  In  this  connexion  Mr.  Morris  seems  to 
have  received  valuable  assistance  from  a  careful  study  of 
the  best  authorities,  though  he  very  properly  declines  to 
follow  the  example  of  a  former  generation  of  scholars 
in  a  blind  acceptance  of  the  statements  of  contemporary 
chroniclers. 

On  the  other  hand,  Mr.  Morris's  speculations  on  several 


Reviews.  173 


THE  WELSH  WARS  OP  EDWARD  I.  A  Contribution  to 
MediaBval  Military  History,  Based  on  Original  Docu- 
ments. By  John  E.  Morris,  M.A.,  formerly  Demi  of 
Magdalen  College,  Oxford.  Oxford:  The  Clarendon 
Press,  190L 


It  is  now  very  generally  recognised  that  the  value  of 
an  historical  work  no  longer  depends  chiefly  on  the 
interest  of  the  subject-matter,  or  the  attractiveness  of  the 
author's  style.  There  are  many  important  problems  of 
national  history  which  could  scarcely  interest  the  general 
reader;  and,  again,  there  are  many  highly-trained  and 
acute  historical  scholars  who  could  make  no  pretension  to 
elegance  of  literary  composition.  When  these  difficult 
problems  have  been  solved  by  the  patient  researches  of 
the  scientific  student  there  will  be  materials  available  for 
the  construction  of  a  national  history  which  may  take  its 
place  amongst  the  masterpieces  of  our  national  literature. 

These  reflections  naturally  occur  to  us  after  the  perusal 
of  such  a  monograph  as  that  which  Mr.  Morris  has 
laboriously  compiled  to  illustrate  the  historical  significance 
of  '*The  Welsh  Wars  of  Edward  I.'^ 

A  work  of  this  kind  makes  somewhat  high  demands 
upon  the  intelligence  both  of  its  author  and  his  readers, 
but  the  former  is  also  required  to  possess  a  special  know- 
ledge of  several  distinct  branches  of  historical  and 
antiquarian  study.  It  is  important,  therefore,  to  satisfy 
ouiselves  that  the  author's  equipment  is  sufficient  for  the 
historical  object  which  he  has  in  view,  before  we  rely 
upon  the  authority  of  his  statement?,  and  here  we  are  at 
once  reassured  by  the  comprehension  and  technical  know- 


174  Reviews. 

ledge  of  ^Hhe  sources"  which  is  displayed  throughout 
Mr.  Morris's  book. 

Frojn  tliis  point  of  view  alone  the  book  must  be  of  real 
value  to  the  students  of  the  period,  whilst  its  interest  is 
certainly  many-sided.  As  an  essay  on  the  military  aspects 
of  the  Feudal  System  it  contributes  a  number  of  new  and 
material  facts  to  our  knowledge  of  contemporary  warfare ; 
but  this,  thougli  perhaps  the  chief,  is  not  the  only  merit 
of  Mr.  Morris's  work.  The  customs  and  topography  of 
the  Welsh  Marches  are  carefully  described,  with  references 
to  original  records,  which  unfortunately  are  not  described 
in  a  series  of  mediaeval  calendars,  such  as  those  which  are 
devoted  to  the  description  of  the  Scottish  and  Irish  records 
preserved  in  the  London  Archives. 

Naturally,  these  careful  details  of  the  military  opera- 
tions against  the  Welsh  fastnesses  between  the  years  1277 
and  1295  involve  an  examination  of  the  political  and  con- 
stitutional history  of  the  period,  and,  to  some  extent,  of  the 
social  and  economic  conditions  of  the  times.  Mr.  Morris 
handles  the  difficult  subject  of  the  Edwardian  policy  with 
jnuch  dexterity;  and,  allowing  for  a  good  many  necessary 
assumptions,  it  may  fairly  be  considered  that  many  obscure 
points  in  that  policy  have  been  illumined  by  the  author's 
industrious  researches.  Indeed,  it  was  inevitable  that  the 
production  of  a  mass  of  statistics  from  contemporary 
records  should  materially  contribute  to  the  better  compre- 
hension of  the  deep-laid  plans  of  the  conqueror  of  Wales 
and  Scotland.  In  this  connexion  Mr.  Morris  seems  to 
have  received  valuable  assistance  from  a  careful  study  of 
the  best  authorities,  though  he  very  properly  declines  to 
follow  the  example  of  a  former  generation  of  scholars 
in  a  blind  acceptance  of  the  statements  of  contemporary 
chroniclers. 

On  the  other  hand,  Mr.  Morris's  speculations  on  several 


Reviews.  1 7  5 

difficult  constitutional  questions  do  not  appear  always  con- 
vincing, and  his  account  of  Knight-service  and  Scutage  in 
this  later  period  does  not  add  to  our  knowledge  of  the 
subject.  Here,  perhaps,  Mr.  Morris  lost  an  opportunity  of 
throwing  light  upon  the  later  history  of  this  institution  by 
his  obvious  anxiety  to  reconcile  the  conditions  which 
existed  in  the  twelfth  century  with  those  which  charac- 
terize the  period  of  transition  at  the  close  of  the  thirteenth. 
More  than  once  the  author  hazards,  in  a  half-hearted 
fashion,  suggestions  of  his  own,  which  show  a  true  appre- 
ciation of  the  altered  conditions.  In  short,  if  Mr.  Morris 
had  been  a  little  more  dogmatic  at  this  point  his  conclusions 
would  perhaps  have  been  both  more  valuable  and  more 
intelligible  to  the  general  reader.  As  an  instance  in  point 
the  "Note  on  Scutage"  (p.  108)  may  be  mentioned,  which 
appears  to  have  been  inserted  at  the  end  of  the  chapter 
dealing  with  the  Edwardian  army  for  the  purpose  of 
discounting  the  theories  to  which  the  author  has  apparently 
given  some  credence  in  the  preceding  pages.  At  the  same 
time,  it  is  scarcely  fair  to  lay  stress  upon  a  point  which  lies 
somewhat  beyond  the  scope  of  Mr.  Morris's  work,  and  it 
would  be  still  less  fair  to  pick  out  a  few  slips  here  and 
tliere  in  the  references  and  facts.  The  feeling  of  every 
practical  student  of  History  who  has  read  this  book  care- 
fully, and  estimated  the  methods  by  which  it  has  been 
compiled,  should  be  one  of  keen  appreciation  of  the 
writer's  industry  and  scholarly  discernment. 

Hubert  Hall. 


CotueponUnu^ 


THE  TWO  HUGH  OWENSJ 


The  following  correspondence  with  reference  to  certain 
interesting  points  suggested  by  Mr.  W.  Llewelyn  Williams 
in  Appendix  H  (The  Two  Hugh  Owens) ^  to  his  Article  on 
"Welsh  Catholics  on  the  Continent,"^  has  been  placed  at 
tlie  disposal  of  the  Editorial  Committee. 

Mr.  Hughes  of  Kinmel,  Lord  Lieutenant  of  the 
County  of  Flint,  writes  as  follows  to  Mr.  Llewelyn 
Williams  in  reference  to 

Captain  Hugh  Owen,  of  Talebolion. 

"  I  think  I  have  discun-ered  tho  Hu(/k  Oicen  you  are  in  search  of. 
In  the  parish  of  Llanflowin,  Ilundrotl  of  Talebolion,  co.  Anglesey, 
there  is  a  small  place  called  'Gwennynog',  mis-spelt  *Gwnwnog'  m 
the  Ordnance  Survey. 

Owen  ah  Hugh,  of  Gwennynog==Jano,  vch.  Hugh  ab  Howol  ab 


descended   from    Ilwfa  ab 
Cynddelw. 


Llewelyn  ab  Ithei  to  Hwfa 
aforesaid. 


**  Captain"    Hugh  ==Elisabeth,  vch.  Thos.     Elizabeth =Robt.    Gruffydd 


Owen,  of  Gwen- 
nynog, afore- 
said. 


Bulkeley,  of  Croes  ab  William  ab 

Vechan,  3rd   son  Edmund  Gniff- 

of  Porthamel.  ydd,    of    Taly- 

t>ont. 

r-r-, < 


I  III 

Hugh  Owen.  Margaret. 

Jane. 


Mary — and  one  or  two  more  daughters. 


'  Vide    "The     Transactions    of     the     Honourable     Society    of 
Cvmmrodorion."     St'ssion  llH)l-()i\  p.  li>S.— (E.V.E.) 


Correspondence. 


^77 


*What  became  of  Hugh  I  have  not  been  able  to  ascertain  ;  but  all 
the  daugliters  appear  to  nave  married.  One  of  them  to  ...  . 
^Nightingale,  a  white  silversmith.'  This  couple  were  living  in  great 
poverty  in  Beaumaris,  when  an  estate  fell  to  Nightingale  in  England, 
and  there  they  went  to  live. 

''Captain"  Hugh  Owen  could  hardly  be  described  as  a  relation  of 
Sir  Hugh,  of  Bodeon.  To  find  a  common  ancestor  they  must  go 
back  to  Ilowel  ab  lorwerth  Ddu,  whose  eldest  son,  Hwlkin  ab  Howel 
— Sir  Hugh's  ancestor — was  alive  on  the  next  Monday  after  the 
Festival  of  the  Assumption,  21  Richard  II  (1398).  Captain  Hugh 
Owen  was  descended  from  Hwlkin's  third  brother,  Llewelyn  ab 
Ilowel. 


Hugh  Owen  the  Conspirator. 

"  In  reference  to  Hugh  Owen,  of  Plasddu,  the  'Conspirator',  there 
can  be  no  doubt  that  the  Salusbury  Pedigree  is  wrong.  He  was  un- 
questionably uncle  to  John  Owen  the  Epigrammatist,  brother  of 
Thomas  Owen,  of  Plasddrl,  and  son  of  Owen  ab  Gruffydd  ab  Morris,  by 
his  wife,  Margaret  Salusbury,  of  Llanrwst. 


Owen  ab  Gruflfydd  ab==Margal:et  vch.  Foulke 


Morris  ab  Gruflfydd 
to  Collwyn  ab 
Tangno. 


Salusbury,  of  Llan- 
rwst. 


I  I 


Thomas  ab  Owen,=Sian  vch.     Hugh 
of    PlasdA   [co. 
Carnarvon], 
Sheriff,  1669. 


Robert  Anne8=Tho8.  Mad- 

Morys         Owen.     Owen,  ryn      ab 

ab  Elis-    Foulke       anolde  Gruffydd 

au    ab         Owen.     Priest.  Madryn. 
Morys. 


Owen  ab  Thomas: 
of  PlasdA,  b. 
1660.  This 
Owen  soulde 
PlasdA  to  Sir 
Thomas  Myd- 
dleton,  knt. 


:Margaret,  vch.  Ris.     William  Owen, 
Gruffydd      ab      a  Priest, bom 
Robert  Van    of      1561. 
Plas    hen    yn 
Evionydd. 


Hugh  Owen, 
Secretarie 
to   tjie 
Duke   of 
Norfolk. 


John  Owen, 
the  famous 
Epigram- 
matist. 


Cadd'  ab  Ris.= 
Gruffydd  ab 
Robt.  Va'n. 
(per  liber  Mr. 
Davies,  p. 
414.) 


=Margaret  Wen=Morri8  Tanat  of 
vch.  Thomas      BlodwellVechan 

(per  Sion  Cain). 


N 


178  Correspondence. 

"In  an  old  Carnarvonshire  MS.  I  find  the  above  Hueh  Owen 
doscribod  as— ^privatte  Counsell  tt)  the  Prince  of  Parma.  Tnis  Hugh 
Owen  was  born  in  tliia  county  |'C»i^""»^^'v^>"]»  ^  younger  brother  of  an 
ancient  jrontlcnian's  bouse,  callo<]  Plas  dii.  He  served  in  great  credit 
with  th(^  Karl  of  Aiinidell.  an<l  was  a  chief  actor  in  the  Duke  of 
Norfolk's  action,  iuul  was  thouj^ht  to  be  the  wisest  man  amongst 
tbcni ;  and  when  he  saw  that  his  Counsel]  was  not  followed,  he 
traversed  his  ground  in  time  into  Brussells,  where  he  continued 
priveo  Councillor  to  the  State  for  forty  years,  until  the  end  of 
his  dayes.'" 


Mr.  W.  Prichard  Williams,  of  Bangor,  wrote  to  Mr. 
Llewelyn  Williams,  as  follows  : — 

**  I  submit  to  you  a  copy  of  Hugh  Owen's  Gwenynnog  pedigree 
taken  from  a  MS.  in  the  possession  of  Mr.  J.  E.  Griffiths,  Brvn 
Dinas,  Bangor,  who  has  kindly  allowed  me  to  make  the  extract  for 
you.  It  does  not  throw  much  light  on  Hugh  Owen's  life.  The  fact 
that  his  wife's  grandfather  died  in  I06:?  may  be  of  help.  John  Ellis, 
of  Tai  Crocision  -in  whose  handwriting  the  book  is  mainly  written — 
is  considered  the  most  accurate  and  careful  of  the  North  Wales 
Genealogists. 


GWENWYNNOG    [LlANPPLEWYN]  . 


Morris,  from  IIwfa= 
ap  Cinddelw 


I)avid=7-- 


II()W0ll== 


Richard=Grace  vch.  Rhees  ap  Evan  ap 
Llewelyn,  of  Trefeilir. 


IIugli=Margarott  vch.  David  ap  Rhees  ap 
David  ap  Ouilim,  of  Llwydiart. 


Owcn=Jane  vch.  Hugh  ap  Howell  an  Llewelyn 
ap  Ithel  fro  Ilwfa  ap  Cinddelw. 
a 


Correspondence. 


179 


a 


Capt.  Hugh= 
Owen. 


Ellin  vch.  T.  Bulkeley,  Croes  Elizabeth=  Robert   Grif- 

Fechan  ail[trydyd(l  ?]  fab  [or  Ann  ac-         f  y  t  h     a  p 

o  B[orth]  Amel  o  Jonet  cording   to 

vch.    IIu   Gwyn    Bodew-  some  pedi- 

yryd.     [Hugh  Gwyn,  ob.  grees]. 
1562,  Bodewryd  ped] 


William  ap 
Edmund  o 
Dal  y  bont. 


Hugh.         Margaret.        Jane. 


Mary=  Wm.  Dd.  ap  Rees  ap 
Dd.  ap  Howell  ap 
Mredydd  ap  Rees, 
of  Bodelwyn. 


Dd.==Elizabeth  Pierce,  dau.  Pierce  Owen,  of  Sign 
y  Bedol  and  Ellin  Lloyd,  of  Marian. 


William==Margaret,  dau.  Wm.  Warmingham. 


David    [Williams,=Ellin,  dau.  Griff.  Roberts,      • 
of  BodyTidlwyn.]         Bach  y  Saint. 

"  There  was  one  maried  to  Price  Prichd.,  Scubor  ddu,  another 
Edw.  Owen  Prees,  of  Cynddoll  or  Gardd  Gynddol,  in  Rhos  golyn, 
and    secondly,    Trefridin,    another    to     Nevydd    issa,     another    to 

Nightingale,  a  whitesmith.      I  have  seen  him,  his  wife  and 

dau.  at  Beumarsh  Hospitall.     An  estate  fell  to  him  in  Eng<^  and  there 
went  in  a  hired  coach." 

[From  a  MS.  "Llyfr  lachau",  in  the  possession  of  J.  E. 
Griffith,  Esq.,  F.L.S.,  etc.,  Bryn  Dinas,  Bangor,  in  the 
handwriting  of  John  Ellis,  Tai  Croesion.  The  above 
pedigree,  to  and  including  Captain  Hugh  Owen,  is  in  John 
Ellis'  hand  {circa  1720),  and  he  gives  Catherine  as  the 
name  of  his  wife.  But  another  hand  has  drawn  a  line 
through  Catherine  and  carried  the  pedigree  on  from 
"ElUn".]  

John  Roberts,  Trawsptnydd.^ 

With   reference   to    John    Roberts,    the    Benedictine 
Martyr,  Mr.  Priohard  Williams  writes : — 

*'  I  have  been  trying  for  some  years  to  gather  information  about 
the  family  history  of  John  Roberts  without  any   success.     A  very 


^   Vide    "The     Transactions     of    the     Honourable     Society    of 
Cymmrodorion/'  Session  1901-02,  p.  120.— [E.V.E.] 


1 80  Correspondence. 

concise  account  of  his  life  is  given  in  a  little  book  written  in  WelBh, 
and  piibliHhod  in  1824,  in  the  intorost  of  the  Roman  Catholics.  His 
birth-placo  is  given  as  *Dolgollau\  However,  Dom  Bede  Camm  is 
utterly  wrong  in  aHSO(;iating  his  name  with  John  Roberts  of  the 
Vaner  Gymnior.  That  can  bo  clearly  seen  from  Lewis  Dwnn,  as  you 
point  out  in  your  article.  I  notice  that  you  have  transcribed  uiat 
pedigree  from  Cainm'H  book,  and  not  from  Lewis  Dwnn,  as  the  (G)  is 
meaningless  at  the  end  of  the  line.  It  should  be  at  the  beginning  of 
the  next,  thus  : — ^G)  [gwraig]  John  Roberts,  etc. 

"Your  own  conjecture  about  D61  y  Ddwyryd  will  not  bear  investt- 
gation  either.  If  you  will  consult  Lewis  Dwnn  again  yon  will  find 
that  Sion  ab  Robert  ab  John  ab  Robert  is  referred  to  in  a  footnote 
as  being  coroner  for  Merionethshire,  and  that  is  the  John  Roberts 
you  must  be  referring  to.  D61  y  Moch  and  D61  y  Ddwyryd  refer  to 
one  and  the  same  place.  Further,  the  parishes  of  Festiniog  and 
Trawsfynydd  are  not  contiguous,  Maontwrog  lying  between  them.  I 
think  that  John  Roberts'  home  must  be  looked  for  in  the  Dolgelley 
end  of  Trawsfynydd  parish." 


G.  Simpson,  Printer,  Devizes. 


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