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y  Cpmmrodor, 


T  H  E      M  A  G  A  Z  I N  E 


ÜF    THE    HONOURABLE 


SOCIETY  OF  CYMMRODORION 


I 


VOL.   XXVII. 


V 


LONDON : 

ISSUED    BY    THE    SOCIETY, 

NEW  STONE  BUILDINGS,  64,  CHANCERY  LANE. 

1917. 


\in.~7 


Devizes: 
Printed  ry  George  Simpson  &  Co.,  Devizes,  Ltd. 


CONTENTS 


TIib    Beneòictiiie    Abbey    of    St.  Mary  at  St.  Dogmaels.     By 
Herbert  M.  Vaughan,  F.S.A.,  Member  of   the  Honour- 

able  Society  of  Cymmrodorion  .  .  .  .  .  .  1 

Im.cstrations  :    The  S.W.  View  of  St.  Dogmael's  Priory  in 

1740  ..  ..  facingp.  1 

St.  Dogmaels,  Exterior  view  of  N.W.  Portal 

of  Nave        ..  facingp.  8 

„  „  Interior   of   Refectory,  look- 

ing  E.  . .  facing  p.  10 

Interiorof  Refectory.  showing 

Alcove  and  Western  Door- 

way  ..  Eacingp.  11 

„  Nave    of     Church,    showing 

West  Windoẃ,  Alcovcs,  and 

N.W.  Portal        facing  p.  12 

„  N.  Transept  of  Church  from 

the  S.  . .  facing  p.  13 

Rcfectoryand  adjacentRuins 
from  the  N.W.         facing  p.  14 

The  Refectory  from  the  S.W. 

facing  p.  15 

„  ,.  The  Sagranus  Stone,  fixed  at 

W.     End    of     the     Parish 
rhurch  . .  facing  p.  16 

Ancient  Incised  Stones,  placed 
in  Parish  C'hurch 

facing  p.  17 

Appendin  :  Abstract  of  the  possessions  of  the  Monastery  at 
the  date  of  the  dissolution. 

Tbe   Year   of    the   Reception    of   the   Saxones.     By  the   Rev. 

A.  W.  Wade-Evans,  Vicar  of  France  Lynch,  Glos.        .  .  26 

Some  Insular  Sources  of    the    E.rcìdiinn    Britanniae.     By  the 

Rev.  A.  W.  Wade-Evans,  Vicar  of  France  Lynch,  Glos.         37 

The  Fate  of  the  Strnctures  of  Conway  Abbey,  and  Bangor 
and  Beanmaris  Friaries.  By  Edward  Owen,  F.S.A., 
Secretary  to  the  Royal  Commission  on  Ancient  Monu- 
ments  in  Wales  and  Monmouthshire   .  .  .  .  .  .  70 

Peniarth  MS.  118.  fos.  829-837.     Introduction,  Transcript  and 

Translation.      By  Hugh    Owen,    M.A.,    Exhibitioner    at 

Liverpool    University ;     Fellow   of   the    Royal    Historical 

Society  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  11/3 

Facsimile  of  MS.  fo.  835  . .  . .  . .  facing  p.  142 

Index  of  Namcs  , ,  . .  . .  p.  150 


Owen  Glyndwr  and  the  Welsh  Church.  Extract  from  the 
"Rolì  of  the  Welsh"  (Calendar  of  Papal  Register  1406- 
1407).     By  J.  Arthur  Price,  M.A.     ..  ..  ..158 

The  Weísh  National  Emblem:  Leek  or  Daffodil  ?     A  Note  by 

Arthur  IIughes,  B.A.  . .  .  .  . .  . .       155 

Beau  Nash  :  The  Welsh  Dandy.     By  W.  Llewelyn  Williams, 

K.C,  M.P.    . .  .  .  .  .  . .  . .  . .       158 

Balad:  Y  Bretiin  a'r  Cymry.     Gan  W.  Llewelyn  Williams 

(Lhoydfryn),  A.S.        .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  169 

Ballad  :  The  King  and  the  Welsh  (a  Translation  of  the  fore- 

going).     By  Sir  Francis  Eüwards,  Bart,  M.P.  .  .       172 

The  Application  of  Electricity  to  Practical  Uses  :    A  Welsh- 
man's    Contribution.      [The    iate    Sir  William  H.  Preece, 
K.C.B.,  F.R.S.]     By  Llewelyn  Preece,  Mem.  Inst.  C.E.       175 
WithPortrait  ..  ..  ..  facingp.  175 

Some  Recent  Welsh  Literature  and  the  Limitations  of 
Realism.  By  T.  IIuws  Davies,  Secretary  to  the  Welsh 
Church  Commission    .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  186 

A  National  War  Museum  and  a  Public  Record  Office  for 
Wales.  By  Hubert  Hall,  F.S.A.,  Assistant  Keeper  of 
the  Public  Records  ;  Secretary  to  the  Royal  Commission 
on  Public  Records      .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .        206 

Welshmen  in  the  American  War  of  Independence.  By  E. 
Alfreu  Jones.  Author  of  "The  Church  Plate  of  the 
Diocese  of  Bangor",  etc.  ..  ..  ..  ..       230 


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Cçmmrotiür. 


Vol.  XXVII.     "  Cared  doeth  yr  encilion."  1917. 

Z$t  (^enẅícííne  ($66ep  of  $t  (îltarp 
at  *èt  ©ogmaefe* 

Bt  HERBERT  M.  VAUGHAN,  F.S.A., 

Member  of  the  Honourable  Society  of  Cymmrodorion. 


History. — No  doubt  there  existed  at  or  near  the  present 
St.  Dogmaels,  or  Llandüdoch,  in  pre-Norman  times,  a 
small  Celtic  monastic  foundation  which  derived  its  narae 
from  Dogfael,  the  great-grandson  of  Cunedda  Wledig, 
who  flourished  in  the  fifth  century.1  This  former  Celtic 
house,  however,  did  not  occupy  the  site  of  the  later  Bene- 
dictine  Abbey  of  Robert  Fitz  Martin,  son  and  heir  of 
Martin,  commonly  named  Martin  de  Tours,  the  original 
conqueror  and  grantee  of  the  lordship  of  Cemaes,  or 
Kemeys.  Of  this  Martin  the  Elder  we  have  it  on  the 
authority  of  Mr.  Horace  Round,  our  leading  media3val 
historian,  that  "  nothing  is  really  known  about  him" 
beyond  the  circumstance  of  this  conquest  and  grant  of 
land  in  Dyfed.  Nevertheless,  Mr.  Eound  suggests  that 
he  may  be  identical  with  the  "  Martinus  de  Wales " 
whose  name  appears  fìrst  in  the  foundation  charter  of 
Totnes  priory  in  Devon,  which  shire  was  the  home  of  this 
powerful  family.  In  any  case,  it  was  the  son  and  heir  of 
this  knight,  Robert  Eitz  Martin,  second  lord  of  Cemaes, 

1  See  Arch.  Camb.  Journal,  October  1864,  p.  302.     Article  by  the 
Rev.  Henry  Vincent.     Also  West  Wales  Hist.  Records,  vol.  iii,  p.  280. 

B 


2  The  Benedictine  Abbey  of  St.  Mary 

acting  probably  under  the  expressed  wish  of  his  late 
father  and  certainly  with  the  warm  approval  of  his 
rnother,  who  in  1 113  founded  a  priory  of  French  monks  at 
St.  Dogmaels,  which  five  years  later  he  enlarged  and 
raised  to  the  rank  of  an  abbey  dedicated  to  the  Blessed 
Virgin . 

" A  certain  Eobert  of  most  noble  birth 

approached  a  holy  man  beyond  the  seas  and  taking  with 
him  thirteen  of  his  disciples  passed  through  Norman  and 
English  territories  and  reaching  the  farthest  limits  of  the 
land  of  Wales  on  the  coast  of  the  Irish  sea  close  to  the 
river  Teifi  he  established  first  indeed  a  cell  but  afterwards 
with  an  equal  number  of  monks  together  with  an  Abbot 
at  their  request  as  we  have  mentioned  he  established  a 
Monastery  fìtted  with  all  appurtenances."  ' 

Now  "the  holy  man  beyond  the  seas  "  was  undoubtedly 
the  Blessed  Bernard  of  Abbeville,  wbo,  according  to  the 
Petits  Bollandistes,  was  born  in  1046  and  died  on  April 
14th,  1116.  This  St.  Bernard  founded  in  or  about  1113  a 
community  or  reformed  Order  under  the  Benedictine  rule 
at  Tiron  au  Perche  near  Chartres.  Special  points  of  dis- 
cipline  marked  this  new  Order,  a  salient  feature  being'  the 
insistence  on  skilled  labour  by  the  monks  themselves  for 
the  support  of  the  new  foundation.  They  were  to  be 
painters,  carvers,  joiners,  smiths,  etc.  Their  habit  was  at 
first  a  light  grey,  but  was  later  changed  to  black.  The 
Order  was  started  under  favourable  auspices  in  France, 
and  quickìy  attracted  the  attention  of  King  Henry  I  of 
England,  who  probably  himself  recommended  the  new 
Order  to  Robert  Fitz  Martin.  Only  this  one  house  at  St. 
Dogmaels,  however,  seems  to  have  been  founded  in  Eng- 
land  and  Wales,  though  four  were  founded  in  Scotland 
under    royal    patronage.     The   Order    of   Tironian    Bene- 

1 J.  H.  Hounrt,  Calendar  of  Documents  of  France,  Pref ace,  p.  xxxv. 


At  St.  Dogmaels 


ô 


dictines  continued  to  exist  in  France  until  the  close  of  the 
seventeenth  century.1 

The  date  of  Eobert  Fitz  Martin's  first  visit  to  the 
newly  founded  house  of  the  Blessed  Bernard  of  Abbeville 
at  Tiron  was  apparently  the  year  1113,  and  the  date  of  his 
second  visit  1118,  two  years  after  the  death  of  the  Saint. 
On  the  first  occasion  Robert  brought  over  thirteen  of  these 
Tironian  monks  to  St.  Dogmaels,  and  with  that  number 
founded  a  priory  as  a  cell,  or  subsidiary  house  to  the 
mother  abbey  of  Tiron  ;  whilst  five  years  later  he  again 
crossed  to  France  and  returned  with  an  additional  tliirteen 
monks  from  Tiron,  whom  he  also  installed  at  St.  Dogmaels 
with  an  abbot  at  their  head,  one  Fulchard  by  name. 
Henceforth  St.  Dogmaels  ranked  as  an  independent 
house,  no  doubt  in  close'  inter-communication  with  the 
parent  abbey  of  Tiron  during  the  whole  period  of  its 
existence,  but  in  no  wise  subordinate  to  it.  That  this 
abbey  was  founded  as  such  in  or  about  the  year  1118  is 
proved  by  the  two  facts  that  at  the  consecration  of  Abbot 
Fulchard  there  was  present  Bernard,  bishop  of  St.  Davids, 
who  was  only  elected  in  1115  ;  and  that  the  original  con- 
firmation  of  the  grant  by  Henry  I  includes  the  name  of 
Prince  William,  the  English  king's  heir,  who  was  drowned 
in  the  sinking  of  the  White  Ship  on  November  28th, 
1120.2  The  hitherto  usually  accepted  date  of  September 
1126  for  the  abbey's  original  charter,  which  is  given  by 
Dugdale,  is  therefore  eight  years  too  late. 

In  this  pious  and  munifìcent  foundation  at  St.  Dog- 
maels,  Robert  Fitz  Martin  was  also  generously  aided  by 
his  wife,  Maud  Peverel,  as  well  as  by  his  mother,  Geva,3 

1  Information  obtained  from  the  Rev.  Abbot  F.  T.  Beigh,  O.S.B. 

2  Cartulary  of  the  Abbey  of  the  Holy  Trinity  of  Tiron,  vol.  i,  p.  41. 

3  She  is  so  styled  in  one  of  the  charters.     I  suggest  the  name  is 
an  abbreviated  form  of  Genevieva,  the  patron  saint  of  Paris. 

b2 


4  The  Benedictine  Abbey  of  St.  Mary 

the  widow  of  the  fìrst  lord  of  Cemaes,  and  such  being  the 
case  there  seems  no  reason  to  discredit  the  popular  tradi- 
tion  that  both  parents  of  Robert  Fitz  Martin,  as  well  as 
himself  and  his  wife  Maud,  were  buried  "  in  medio  ehoro  " 
of  the  newlv  erected  church. 

Of  the  many  possessions  of  the  Abbey  we  need  only 
state  here  that  they  included  the  manor  of  St.  Dogmaels, 
which  extended  from  the  little  stream  called  Breuan  or 
Piliau1  to  the  mouth  of  the  Teifi;  the  chapelries  of  St. 
Dogmaels,  Llantood,  Monington,  Moylgrove,  Eglwyswrw, 
Bayvil,  Maenclochog,  Monachlog-du,  Fishguard  and  Llan- 
deilo ;  the  isle  and  subsidiary  priory  of  Caldey  (Geva's 
gift) ;  the  rich  cell  of  Pill  Priory  on  Milford  Haven  ;  and 
the  valuable  manor  of  Rattrey  in  South  Devon,  which 
English  estate  was  retained  by  the  Abbey  till  its  dissolu- 
tion.  Of  the  two  cells,  Caldey  paid  the  annual  sum  of 
£5  lOs.  lld.  to  the  Abbey,  and  Pill  £9  6s.  8d.  This  last 
mentioned  cell  was  founded  towards  the  close  of  the 
twelfth  century  by  the  de  la  Roche  family,  and  had  a 
considerable  private  revenue  of  its  own.  In  addition  to 
Caldey  and  Pill,  the  Abbey  also  owned  the  small  Tironian 
cell  of  Grlascareg  in  co.  Wexford,  which  paid  annually  to 
the  mother  house  £3  6s.  8d.,  though  the  last  abbot  of  St. 
Dogmaels  declared  to  the  Royal  commissioners  in  1534 
that  his  Abbey  had  received  no  payment  from  this  Irish 
source  for  forty  years  past. 

The  record  of  the  Abbey's  existence  of  over  four  cen- 
turies  seems  on  the  whole  to  have  been  prosperous  and 
uneventful,  if  we  except  the  successful  raid  carried  out  by 
Scandinavian  pirates  at  the  estuary  of  the  Teifi  in  1138, 
when  the  newly  founded  Benedictine  Abbey  suffered  con- 
siderably.     Of  its  many  abbots  the  names  of  eleven  only 

1  This  stream  flows  into  the  Teifi  at  Castell  Sidan,  a  little  to  the 
east  of  Cardigan  station. 


At  St.  Donnaels. 


& 


have  been  preserved  for  us,  and  none  of  these  rose  to  any 
public  eminence.  In  1188  the  celebrated  Gerald  de  Barri 
with  Archbishop  Baldwin  spent  a  night  here  as  the  guests 
of  Prince  Rhys  during  the  English  Primate's  famous 
Itinerary  of  the  Welsh  sees.  At  the  close  of  the  twelfth 
century  one  Walter,  a  cousin  of  Gerald's  and  a  rival  can- 
didate  for  the  vacant  bishopric  of  St.  Davids,  was  abbot  of 
St.  Dogmaels.  Gerald  speaks  of  this  man  as  "  an  illiter- 
ate  monk  who  could  not  read  his  Psalter  "  ;  but  then  the 
versatile  historian  was  rarely  justified  in  his  sweeping 
charges  of  vice  or  incompetence  against  those  who  opposed 
his  will.  That  the  Abbey  was  well  endowed  and  kept  in 
good  repair  is  evident  from  the  surviving  architectural 
fragments,  which  go  to  prove  there  were  constant  em- 
bellishment  and  rebuilding  in  progress  here  during  four 
hundred  years.  In  July  1504,  during  a  visitation  of  the 
deanery  of  Cemaes,  Dom.  Lewis,  lord  abbot  of  St.  Dog- 
maels,  as  well  as  the  priors  of  Pill  and  Caldey,  were  in- 
terrogated  as  to  the  condition  of  their  houses,  and  stated 
in  their  replies  (as  one  would  naturally  expect !)  that  "all 
the  brethren  were  of  good  and  honest  conversation  and 
obedient  at  their  free  will  'V 

Thirty  years  later  and  we  have  the  dismal  story  of  the 
suppression  of  the  Abbey  in  1 534.  This  matter  is  clearly 
set  forth  in  a  well-preserved  document  acknowledging  the 
Royal  Supremacy,  which  is  now  in  the  Record  Offi.ce  of  Lon- 
don.2  This  deed  of  surrender  is  signed  by  the  last  Abbot, 
William  Hire  (to  whom  an  annual  pension  of  twenty 
marks  was  subsequently  granted)  and  by  eight  of  his 
monks.  It  is  sealed  with  the  abbatial  seal,  elliptical  in 
form  and  representing  the  Virgin  and  Child  seated  be- 

1  Registers  of  the  Archbishopric  of  Cunterbury,  Warhara,  f.  228. 

2  A   Facsimile  of  this   document  is  included  in  Mrs.  Pritchard's 
volume,   The  History  of  St.  DoymueVs  Abbey  (1907). 


6  The  Benedictine  Abbey  of  St.  Mary 

neath  a  gothic  canopy  and  bearing  on  its  bordure  the 
legend,  "  S.  COMUNE.  SANTI.  DOG[MAE]LIS.  DE. 
KEMMEYS." 

It  did  not  take  long  to  disperse  the  estates  of  the 
Abbey  whose  revenue  is  variously  stated  at  fìgures  which 
in  one  instance  are  put  so  low  as  £68  and  in  another  place 
aredescribed  as  amounting  so  high  as  £120  and  over,  so 
that  probably  the  commonly  quoted  rental  of  £96  derived 
from  the  Valor  Ecclesiasticus  may  be  accepted  as  fairly 
correct.  Of  the  Pembrokeshire  estates  it  is  sufficient  here 
to  mention  that  the  manor  of  St.  Dogmaels  and  the 
monastic  buildings  and  grounds,  otherwise  called  the 
Llandre,  were,  together  with  Caldey  Island,  acquired  by 
purchase  from  the  King  in  1543  by  John  Bradshaw  of 
Presteign  for  the  sum  of  £512  odd.'  This  grant  did  not, 
however,  include  the  patronage  of  the  parish  church  of 
St.  Thomas  at  St.  Dogmaels,  and  its  chapelries  of  Llan- 
tood  and  Monington  which  remained  with  the  Crown. 

In  all  probability  large  portions  of  the  abbey  were  now 
pulled  down  and  utilized  for  the  building  of  the  Bradshaw 
manor  house,  which  remained  the  residence  of  this  family 
for  over  a  hundred  years.  The  Bradshaws  whose  early 
pedigree  is  given  in  Lewys  Dwnn's  Visitations  (vol.  i,  p.  257) 
are  mentioned  in  local  annals  for  some  four  or  fìve  gener- 
ations,  one  of  them,  John  Braclshaw,  being  High  Sheriff 
of  Pembrokeshire  in  1571.  This  man,  who  was  either  the 
son  or  the  grandson  of  the  original  purchaser  from  the 
Crown,  is  almost  certainly  the  John  Bradshaw  whose 
monumental  slab  still  exists.2     He  died  in  1588,3  and  was 

1  West  Wales  Hist.  Trans.,  vol.  iii,  p.  281. 

2  The  full  inscription  on  the   stone  is  given  by  most  writers.     All 
however  that  is  now  left  are  the  words  : 

10HANNE  |  ARMIGER  |  O  DIE  M  |  NI  1588. 

3  Dean  Allen,  Hif/h  Sheriff*  of  PembroJceshire,  p.  13. 


At  St.  Dogmaels.  7 

apparently  father  of  William  Bradshaw,  M.P.  for  Carcli- 
gan  Borough  in  1603.  Other  members  of  this  family 
appear  in  local  history,  including  Captains  Edmund  and 
John  Bradshaw  who  were  amongst  the  captured  Royalist 
Officers  in  the  garrison  of  Pill  Fort  in  16431  This  event 
was  shortly  before  the  sale  of  the  manor  of  St.  Dogmaels 
by  the  Bradshaws  to  David  Parry  of  Neuadd-Trefawr, 
near  Cardigan.  These  Parrys  held  the  manor  for  over 
two  centuries  but  do  not  seem  to  have  resided  within  the 
abbey  precincts,  where  the  old  Bradshaw  manor  house 
was  probably  allowed  to  fall  to  decay,  so  that  its  actual 
site  is  now  a  matter  for  conjecture.  In  1862  the  ultimate 
heir  of  these  Parrys,  David  K.  W.  Webley-Parry,  sold 
this  family  estate,  the  farm  of  Pentood  near  the  moutli 
of  the  Piliau  and  the  foreshore  rights  of  the  manor  being 
purchased  by  David  Davies  of  Castle  Green,  Cardigan  ; 
whilst  the  farms  of  Manian-fawr,  Manian-fach,  Poppit 
House  and  Ysgyborwen,  whose  names  occur  often  in  lists 
of  the  monastic  property,  were  sold  to  Thomas  Harman 
Brenchley,  of  Glaneirw. 

Buins. — It  is  of  course  certain  that  large  portions  of  the 
abbey  were  demolished  to  erect  the  Bradshaw  residence, 
and  it  is  also  probable  that  much  material  was  filched  for 
building  purposes  in  the  village.  On  the  whole,  therefore, 
it  is  remarkable  that  so  mucli  of  the  Abbey  should  sur- 
vive  to-day,  for  the  ruins  at  St.  Dogmaels  are  more  exten- 
sive  and  present  greater  features  of  architectural  interest 
than  do  the  existing  monastic  remains  at  Strata  Florida, 
Talley,  Cwmhir,  Haverfordwest  or  Whitland.  The 
earliest  view  of  the  abbey  we  possess  is  that  drawn  by 
Buck  in  1740  (facing  p.  1).  This  drawing,  which  is 
well  executed,  is  taken  from  the  south-west,  and  shows 
most  of  the  salient  features  of  the  present  time,  with  the 

1  J.  R.  Phillips,  Civil  War  in  Wales  and  the  Marches,  vol.  ii,  p.  152. 


8  The  Benedictine  Abbey  of  St.  Mary 

exception  of  some  tall  ruins  on  the  north  side  of  the  Choir 
that  have  since  totally  disappeared.     This  plan,  made  two 
centuries  after  the  Dissolution,  is  particularly  valuable  to 
us,  being  evidently  the   product  of  a  skilled  draftsman, 
whereas  the    various   drawings    in  the    illustrated   books 
that  appeared  in  the  early  part  of  the  nineteenth  century 
are  often  mere   picturesque   sketches,   and   consequently 
somewhat  misleading.     This  is  especially  true  of  Hassall's 
"  Chapel  of  St.  Dogmael's  Abbey ",  which  gives  a  most 
incorrect  impression  of  the  interior  of  the  north  transept. 
Gastineau's  drawing  in  "  Wales  Illustrated  " '  of  the  ex- 
terior  of  this  transept  is  better,  and  better  still  is  Hughes's 
charming  little  cut  of  the  same  subject  in  his  "  Beauties 
of  Cambria  ".     Both  of  these  views  are  so  planned  as  to 
introduce  in  the  foreground  the  ancient  gnarled  yew  tree 
which    still    flourishes  opposite  the  porch  of  the  present 
parish   church    of    St.   Thomas.     Of   descriptions  of   the 
Abbey  ruins  we  possess  practically  nothing  till  the  visit 
of  the  Cambrian  Archseological  Association  to  Cardigan 
in  August  1859  at  a  time  when  a  really  able  and  enthusi- 
astic  antiquary,  the  Eev.  Henry  James  Vincent,  was  vicar 
of  St.  Dogmaels.     Here  again  however  we  are  doomed  to 
disappointment,  for  although  the  learned  Vicar  read  aloud 
a  paper  on  the  Abbey  at  one  of  the  public  meetings,  his 
manuscript  was  for  some  reason  or  other  never  printed  in 
the    Arch.  Gamb.    Journal,    although    its    publication   was 
promised   by   the   Editor.     In  the  summer  of  1865  Mr. 
Vincent  died,  and  in  the  subsequent  notice  recording  his 
death,  allusion  is  again  made   to  his  MS.  history  of  the 
Abbey  "  which  he  had  just  completed  and  which  was  now 
being    arranged    for   publication    in   the    Journal   of   the 
Association ".       But     the     promised     monograph     never 

1  Botli  Hassall's  and  Gastineau's  sketches  aie  reprodueed  in  Mrs. 
Pritchard's  work. 


To  face  p.  8. 

ST.    DOGMAEL'S.     EXTERIOR    VIEW   OF    NORTH-WEST    PORTAL 

OF    NAVE. 

(S/cetc/ieä  by  Miss  Vida  Morris,  Scptembcr  içiô.) 


At  St.  Dopmaels 


0> 


appeared,  and  the  manuseript  itself  seems  to  have  been 
lost,  though  how  and  when  does  not  transpire  : 
"Suddenly,  as  rare  things  will,  it  vanished." 

Fortunately,  however,  a  short  address  on  the  Abbey 
ruins  in  1859  by  Mr.  Talbot  Bury,  an  antiquary  of  some 
standing,  has  been  preserved  in  the  Arch.  Camb.  Journal 
for  that  year,  and  this  account  is  invaluable  to  us  at  the 
present  day.  Mr.  Bury  describes  the  ruins  carefully,  and 
though  some  of  his  deductions  appear  to  me  erroneous, 
yet  it  is  evident  he  understood  his  subject.  Perhaps  the 
most  important  statement  in  this  brief  lecture  is  Mr. 
Bury's  detailed  account  of  a  building  within  the  Abbey 
precincts  which  unhappily  no  longer  exists.  This  is  de- 
scribed  as  standing  about  150  feet  east  of  the  so-called 
Refectory  (of  which  I  shall  speak  presently)  and  is  men- 
tioned  by  Mr.  Bury  as  "being  in  a  more  perfect  condition 
than  any  other  part  of  the  ruins.  It  is  about  38  feet  long 
by  20£  feet  wide,  but  it  is  not  easy  to  determine  its  char- 
acter.  The  roof  is  of  stone  vaulted  in  the  form  of  a 
pointed  arch  but  without  ribs,  and  has  been  ingeniously 
constructed  to  avoid  all  outward  thrust  of  the  walls  .... 
It  had  recesses  in  the  south  wall  apparently  occupied  by 
sedilia  with  the  remains  of  a  piscina.  The  building  seems 
to  be  of  an  earlier  date  than  the  church,  and  its  con- 
struction  is  of  better  masonry,  exhibiting  alternate  rows 
of  dark  and  light  stones.  Over  the  panel  of  the  east  win- 
dow  is  a  corbel  supported  by  an  angel ". 

I  am  of  opinion  myself  that  this  building  was  the 
Chapter  House,  but  in  any  case  all  speculation  is  useless, 
as  about  seven  years  later,  shortly  after  Mr.  Vincent's 
death,  this  interesting  and  welî-preserved  little  structure 
was  demolished  by  the  new  vicar,  the  ítev.  Daniel  Jones, 
and  its  materials  used  in  the  rebuilding  of  the  Vicarage 
and  the  construction  of  the  present  stable  which  stands 


io  The  Benedictine  Abbey  of  St.  Mary 

near  the  pond  at  the  extreme  eastern  end  of  the  Abbey 
enclosure.  Mr.  Bury's  account  of  this  now-destroyed 
appanage  of  the  Abbey  is  particularly  fortunate,  as  Buck's 
view  of  the  ruins  in  1740  does  not  apparently  extend  to 
the  point  where  this  building  stood  till  so  recently  as 
1866.1 

At  this  date  (1859)  great  praise  is  bestowed  by  leading 
rnembers  of  the  Arch.  Camb.  Association  on  the  care 
taken  of  the  ruins  by  their  natural  guardian,  Mr.  Vincent, 
but  with  that  excellent  man's  decease  in  1865  no  further 
effort  was  made  to  maintain,  still  less  to  repair  these 
precious  monastic  relics.  Apart  from  the  flagrant  piece 
of  vandalism  just  related,  decay  and  neglect  became 
visible  everywhere,  and  it  was  only  so  lately  as  this 
present  year  (1916)  that,  thanks  to  a  generous  gift  from 
Mr.  John  T.  Lewis,  of  Gwynfryn,  Llanarth,  Cardiganshire, 
any  steps  have  been  taken  towards  their  preservation.  In 
the  summer  of  1916  the  whole  of  the  ivy,  the  unchecked 
g-rowth  of  half  a  century,  was  completely  stripped  from 
the  masonry,  thereby  exposing  many  features  of  interest 
that  had  been  hidden  for  nearly  two  generations.  Before 
however  entering  into  closer  details  of  this  recent  work,  I 
think  I  had  fìrst  of  all  better  describe  the  ruins  them- 
selves  as  they  survive  to-day. 

These  consist  of  a  considerable  portion  of  the  monas- 
tic  church,  namely,  the  western  gable-end  of  the  nave 
with  its  window ;  the  northern  wall  of  the  nave ;  and  the 
shell  of  the  north  transept  with  its   three  windows.     On 

1  The  Rev.  J.  Marsden,  vicar  of  Llanllwch  and  a  former  curate  at 
St.  Dogmaels  under  the  Rev.  Henry  Vincent,  writes  to  me  on 
Novemher  Ist,  191(5: — "I  distinctly  remember  that  there  was  a 
building  standing  to  the  east  of  the  Abbey  ruins,  and  on  or  very  near 
the  boundary  of  the  grounds  in  which  the  ruins  stand.  And  I  am 
certain  it  was  there  when  I  left  St.  Dogmaels  in  1860.  Of  the  cir- 
cumstances  of  its  demolition  I  have  no  information  to  give.'' 


10 


To  /'U't'  />.    10. 
ST.   DOGMAELS.     INTERIOR  OF  REFECTORY,   LOOKING  E. 


At  St.  Doçmaels.  i 1 

the  south  side  is  a  moderate-sized  roofless  building  which 
has  always  been  named  the  Refectory,  so  I  shall  speak  of 
it  as  such.  This  ruin  is  about  40  feet  long  by  25  feet 
broad,  and  contains  the  remains  of  vaulting,  two  windows, 
and  a  large  arched  recess  with  a  small  south  window.  It 
has  a  low  but  elegant  portal  at  its  western  end,  of  which 
the  upper  portion  is  composed  of  local  red  sand-stone, 
the  "  redd  stone "  which  George  Owen,  the  Elizabethan 
historian  of  Pembrokeshire,  notes  as  occuring  in  these 
ruins.  A  few  paces  to  the  west  of  this  doorway  stands  a 
considerable  f  ragment  of  masonry  whose  identity  I  cannot 
determine.  Mr.  Bury  speaks  of  it  as  part  of  the  cloister, 
but  personally  I  think  it  to  be  the  remnant  of  some  domes- 
tic  building,  though  it  contains  a  gothic  arch  sunk  deep 
into  the  soil. 

To  return  to  the  North  Side. — The  great  west  window  is 
still  a  prominent  feature,  and  yet  retains  some  of  its 
moulded  splays  in  a  broken  condition.  Within  the  north 
wall  are  two  well-preserved  alcoves  of  the  usual  type, 
which  no  doubt  once  contained  eôîgies  and  ornamentation 
that  have  long  disappeared.  The  north  transept  itself  is 
the  most  imporfcant  and  strildng  survival  of  the  Abbey. 
Its  shell  so  far  as  the  roof  is  almost  perfect ;  its  three  tall 
windows  retain  much  of  their  moulded  jambs  of  red  sand- 
stone  ;  portions  of  three  of  the  four  springers  of  its  former 
fan-vaulting  remain.  Of  these  the  supporting  corbel  of 
one  shows  the  figure  of  an  angel  (S.  Matthew) ;  of  another 
that  of  a  winged  lion  (S.  Mark) ;  of  the  third  an  eagle 
with  wings  displayed  (S.  John)  ;  doubtless,  the  fourth 
springer,  which  has  wholly  vanished,  rested  on  the  winged 
calf  of  S.  Luke.  AU,  of  course,  are  much  mutilated. 
As  this  fan-vaulting  dates  from  the  early  years  of  the 
sixteenth  century,  the  decoration  of  this  transept  at  St. 
Dogmaels    must    be    contemporary    with    the    beautiful 


12  The  Benedictine  Abbey  of  St.  Mary 

Chapel  of  the  Trinity  erected  by  Bishop  Vaughan  in  St. 
David's  Cathedral  (1509-1523),  and  perhaps  it  is  not  too 
rauch  to  suggest  that  both  these  late  Perpendicular  erec- 
tions  at  no  great  distance  apart  were  designed  by  the 
same  architect. 

In  the  north-east  angle  of  this  transept  are  two  bare 
alcoves  that  once  were  tombs  of  importance.  A  good 
deal  of  the  original  plastering  still  adheres  to  these  walls, 
which  are  heavily  buttressed  externally,  these  buttresses 
displaying  an  effective  scheme  of  decoration  of  red  sand- 
stone  alternating  with  grey  or  light-coloured  material. 
The  walls  of  nave  and  transept,  and  indeed  all  parts  of  the 
abbey,  are  pierced  at  f  requent  intervals  with  holes  about 
a  foot  square.  Their  purpose  has  greatly  puzzled  me,  but 
as  even  the  buttresses  themselves  are  thus  perforated,  I 
imagine  that  the  object  of  these  apertures  was  to  drain  off 
the  moisture  of  the  porous  stone  of  the  fabric  and  not  to 
ventilate  the  interior  of  the  church,  as  I  surmised  at 
first. 

In  the  north  wall  and  near  the  west  end  of  the  nave 
stands  the  lateral  entrance  to  the  church,  which  was  pre- 
sumably  intended  for  the  use  of  the  public.  Until  the 
summer  of  1916  this  doorway  was  partially  blocked  up 
with  rubbish  and  earth,  so  that  barely  five  feet  showed 
above  ground  ;  but  now  a  f urther  fìve  feet  and  niore  of 
clearing  has  brought  fresh  features  to  light.  On  the 
inner  or  the  church  side  this  portal  is  constructed  of  plain 
grey  dressed  stone,  but  on  the  churchyard  or  northern  side 
it  presents  a  good  specimen  of  the  decorated  ball-flower 
ornamental  moulding,  showing  its  date  to  be  about  1300, 
or  possibly  a  little  later.  Excavation  on  this  side  has 
recently  exposed  the  whole  of  this  archway  with  its  richly 
decorated  scheme  intact,  shewing  in  the  inner  groove  of 
the  arch  forty  speciraens  of  this  ball-flower  ornaraent  (see 


w 


To  face  />.  /j. 
ST.    DOGMAEL'S.       NORTH    TRANSEPT    OF    CHURCH 
FROM  THE  SOUTH. 


At  St.  Dogmaels.  13 

illustration).  Above,  a  much-mutilated  weather-hood 
ending  in  two  corbels  of  faces  (one  of  which  has  dis- 
appeared)  also  shows  some  surviving  ball-flowers,  though 
most  of  them  have  perished.  It  is  hoped  later  to  excavate 
yet  further  afield  into  the  churchyard,  so  as  to  exhibit 
more  clearly  this  beautiful  doorway,  of  which  the  lower 
portion  has  been  hidden  beneath  the  soil  for  some 
hundreds  of  years.  I  may  add  that  in  clearing  away  the 
earth  for  this  object,  a  face-corbel  was  disinterred 
amongst  the  rubble. 

Last,  I  must  make  some  reference  to  the  many  carved 
fragments  which  are  preserved  mostly  in  front  of  the 
present  Vicarage  to  the  south  of  the  Abbey.  There  seems 
to  be  an  idea  prevalent  that  these  architectural  columns, 
capitals,  corbels,  bosses,  tracery,  etc,  belonged  to  the 
original  twelfth  century  church,  and  were  cast  aside  by  a 
later  generation  of  monks  when  they  rebuilt  or  enlarged 
their  church.  This  is  not  so,  as  the  fragments  in  ques- 
tion  date  from  various  periods,  and  I  think  there  can  be 
little  doubt  as  to  their  history,  for  I  have  every  reason  to 
believe  they  were  carefully  removed  from  the  adjacent 
parish  church  when  the  former  structure  was  pulled  down 
in  the  middle  of  last  century.  That  the  old  parish  church 
contained  a  large  number  of  such  fragments  is  clearly 
established  from  the  remarks  of  Sir  R.  C.  Hoare  and 
Bichard  Fenton  ;  indeed,  the  latter  historian  even  speaks 
of  this  church  as  "evidently  raised  from  the  ruins  of  the 
Abbey"  (Hist.  Tour,  p.  513).  Also,  both  these  writers 
mention  the  monumental  stone  of  John  Bradshaw  as 
being  inside  the  church  itself ;  and  as  this  identical  stone, 
now  sadly  diminished  in  size,  is  included  amongst  these 
architectural  orts  and  objects  in  the  vicarage  garden,  it 
was  presumably  deposited  here  at  the  same  time  by  Mr. 
Yincent,  who  doubtless  intended  later  to  remove  all  these 


14  The  Benedictine  Abbey  of  St.  Mary 

rescued  fragments  to  some  suìtable  and  safe  place  of 
keeping. 

As  to  the  parish  church  of  St.  Thomas  itself,  appar- 
ently  in  mediseval  times  the  village  church  stood  on  a 
hillock  between  the  two  mills  due  east  of  the  Abbey  at  a 
spot  now  called  Shingrig.1  Here  in  October,  1905,  when 
a  couple  of  old  cottages  were  pulled  down  to  make  room 
for  a  new  villa,  a  number  of  graves  were  discovered.  The 
eastern  wall  of  one  of  these  cotta^es  also  exhibited  some 
tracery  in  local  red  sand-stone,  and  on  examination  I  con- 
sidered  it  to  have  formed  part  of  the  chief  window  of  a 
small  ancient  church  or  chapel.  Apparently  it  was  not 
before  the  close  of  the  seventeenth  century  that  the 
original  site  of  the  parish  church  was  abandoned  and  a 
new  building  erected,  largely  of  materials  taken  from  the 
monastic  ruins,  a  little  to  the  north  of  the  Abbey  church. 
The  western  end  of  this  second  parish  church  is  shown  in 
Buck's  view  as  existing  in  1740;  whilst  Gastineau's 
sketch  of  a  later  date  includes  its  chancel  of  bastard 
gothic.  In  or  about  1847  this  church  was  replaced  by 
the  larger  edificé  which  now  exists.  In  the  present  choir 
are  two  fine  carved  oak  chairs  dated  1700,  which  may 
possibly  have  been  made  specially  for  use  in  the  church 
which  was  traditionally  re-erected  here  about  that  par- 
ticular  year. 

To-day. — Except  along  the  northern  wall  of  the  nave 
no  digging  has  to  the  best  of  my  knowledge  hitherto  been 
undertaken  at  the  Abbey,  and  it  is  strange  to  think  also 
how  little  has  been  written  until  very  recent  years  con- 
cerning  this  interesting  Tironian  community.  We  have 
no  description  of  any  value  about  its  ruins  previous  to 
Mr.   Talbot  Bury's  short  paper  in   the  summer  of   1859, 

1  Said  to  be  a  corruption  of  cüyn-yrûg  (heap  of  chaff),  the  refuse 
of  the  milling. 


í 


If  •  .-.; 


I  Ä4JW,  ÄP& 


y.r '-  ■*    '***» 


■  \u'AiŴBS,%s£  aS':^&«  \*.v 

»     v.     .<      ••*    ,»" 


At  St.  Donnaels.  15 


frora  which  I  have  already  quoted ;  and  the  meeting  of 
the  Arch.  Camb.  Association  at  Cardigan  in  August  1904 
produced  no  fresh  information  in  the  pages  of  that 
Society's  Joumal.  But  in  1907,  the  late  Mrs.  E.  M. 
Pritchard,  of  Cardigan  Priory,  published  a  large  and  well- 
illustrated  quarto  volume  entitled  The  History  of  St. 
Dogmaels  Abbey — a  really  valuable  contribution  to  Welsh 
monastic  history  despite  a  good  deal  of  irrelevant  or  digres- 
sive  matter.  Here  for  the  first  time  full  extracts  froin 
the  Cartulary  of  Tiron  and  from  numerous  English  docu- 
ments  preserved  in  the  Eecord  Ofíice  of  London  and  else- 
where  were  placed  at  the  disposal  of  the  student,  who  can 
thereby  obtain  a  clear  history  of  the  Abbey  from  its 
foundation  by  Eobert  Fitz  Martin  to  the  Dissolution,  and 
can  also  learn  a  good  deal  of  the  subsequent  vicissitudes 
of  the  manor  of  St.  Dogmaels  under  the  Bradshaws  and 
Parrys.  Nevertheless,  of  practical  excavation  nothing  has 
yet  been  attempted  since  the  days  of  Henry  Vincent,  the 
account  of  whose  labours  and  discoveries  is  lost  to  us. 
The  removal  of  four  of  the  more  important  ancient  stones 
to  the  shelterof  the  parish  church  (through  the  generosity 
of  Dr.  Henry  Owen,  of  Poyston)  in  the  autumn  of  1915, 
was  the  first  step  in  the  right  direction,  as  this  generous 
act  was  followed  almost  inmiediately  by  Mr.  Lewis' 
welcome  donation.  Thanks  to  this,  we  have  uncovered 
several  features  of  great  interest,  including  two  long- 
hidden  shafts  of  fan-tracery  in  the  transept,  and  the  small 
south  window  of  the  so-called  Eefectory.  The  excavation 
of  the  fine  lateral  decorated  doorway  in  the  nave  also  pro- 
duced  most  satisfactory  results.  Acting  under  the  advice 
of  Mr.  Evan  Jones  of  Pentower,  we  now  propose  to  place 
some  wooden  props  to  strengthen  the  overhanging  side  of 
the  east  wall  of  the  north  transept.  What  remains  of  our 
money  will,  I  think,  be  taken  up   with  some  necessary 


i6  The  Benedictine  Abbey  of  St.  Mary 

pointing  of  inasonry  here  and  there,  or  alittle  patching  of 
decaying  places  in  the  ruins.  As  to  further  excavation, 
there  is  a  fìne  field  open  for  soine  enterprising  antiquary 
with  money  to  spai-e.  The  Vicarage  orchard  which  now 
occupies  the  site  of  the  Abbey  is  in  reality  some  six  or 
seven  feet  above  the  original  level  of  the  church  floor, 
and  at  this  depth  there  rnust  exist  the  foundations  of  the 
whole  structure  with  pavements,  bases  of  columns,  and 
many  fragments  of  interest.  Those  who  have  seen  the 
excavations  at  Strata  Florida  and  Abbey  Cwmhir  can 
gain  some  idea  of  the  results  that  almost  certainly  will  be 
attained  at  St.  Dogmaels. 

Of  the  ancient  plan  of  the  Abbey  and  its  arrangements 
both  for  purposes  of  worship  and  residence  nothing  has 
so  far  been  suggested.  It  is  easy  to  trace  the  lines  of  the 
actual  church,  but  beyond  this  pretty  obvious  surmise,  all 
else  is  uncertain.  The  conspicuous  building  on  the  south 
side  of  the  church  is  invariably  styled  the  Refectory,  but 
with  all  humility  I  venture  to  question  the  accuracy  of 
this  popular  nomenclature.  The  building  itself  is  in  my 
opinion  far  too  small  to  serve  for  the  entertainment  of 
the  twenty-six  or  more  regular  monks  of  the  establish- 
ment,  especially  when  we  consider  that  there  must  have 
been  constant  guests  and  pilgrims  at  this  religious  house, 
seeing  that  St.  Dogmaels  lay  on  one  of  the  principal 
routes  from  North  Wales  to  St.  Davids.  Nor  can  I  dis- 
cover  the  smallest  trace  of  its  stone  staircase  or  pulpit  to 
which  Mr.  Bury  alludes.  My  own  view  is  that  this  ruin 
was  once  a  private  apartment  of  the  lord  abbot,  a  fine 
chamber  without  doubt  but  wholly  inadequate  for  the 
purposes  of  a  refectory  of  this  monastery.  It  is  also 
usual  to  speak  of  the  adjacent  mass  of  ruin  as  part  of  the 
cloister,  but  here  again  I  join  issue,  for  I  suspect  it 
formed  part  of  the  Bradshaw  manor  house   constructed 


To  face  ỳ.  16. 
ST.  DOGMAEL'S.      THE   "SAGRANUS"  STONE,   FIXED 
AT  WESTERN   END  OF  PARISH  CHURCH. 


At  St.  Dogmaels.  17 

within  the  abbey-garth.  The  so-called  Oven,to  the  south- 
west  of  the  nave,  is,  I  think,  a  disused  and  filled-in  well. 
It  is  useless  to  speculate  as  to  what  only  patient  research 
and  scientific  excavation  can  reveal,  but  I  have  a  notion 
that  the  foriner  cloister  was  situated  in  the  square  sunken 
plot  of  ground  due  east  of  the  church,  close  to  the  site  of 
the  interesting  little  building  that  was  razed  by  Parson 
Jones  in  1866,  which  I  hold  to  have  been  the  chapter- 
house. 

Ancient  Stones. — For  sorae  years  past  the  precincts  of 
St.  Dogmaels  Abbey  have  been  utilized  for  the  preseiwa- 
tion  of  various  ancient  stones  and  slabs  from  the  neigrh- 
bourhood,  of  which  the  following  list  has  recently  been 
compiled  by  me. 

(1)  The  Sagranus  Stonë,  now  affixed  to  the  west  end 
of  the  interior  of  the  parish  church.  So  many  descrip- 
tions  of  this  celebrated  stone  have  been  already  published 
that  no  further  account  is  required  here. 

(2)  A  moderate-sized  stone  with  an  incised  key  pattern 
on  its  face,  being  probably  part  of  a  cross  but  much 
obliterated  by  time  and  weather.  In  north  transept  of 
church. 

(3)  The  great  Altar  Stone  of  the  Abbey,  a  ponderous 
bevelled  slab  weighing  nearly  a  ton.  This  was  embedded 
in  the  soil  of  the  vicarage  orchard  till  October  1915  when 
it  was  removed  and  placed  in  its  present  position  between 
the  altar  of  the  parish  church  and  the  south  wall  of  the 
chancel.  It  is  slightly  damaged  at  one  corner,  but  the 
five  small  incised  crosses  011  its  surface  are  clearly  visible, 
whilst  at  the  lately  disinterred  end  of  the  stone  are 
apparent  some  notches,  which  are  said  on  very  doubtful 
authority  to  be  Ogam  characters.  (See  the  Cardigan  and 
Tẁyside  Advertiser,  November  13th,  1915.) 

(4)  The  surviving  portion  being  about  two-thirds  of  a 

c 


18  The  Benedictine  Abbey  of  St.  Mary 

rather  thin  dark  flat  stone,  having  the  pattern  of  a  wheel 
cross.     In  south  transept  of  church. 

(5)  A  tall  thin  grey  monolith  with  an  elegant  key 
pattern  and  a  wheei  cross,  broken  at  the  top.  At  north- 
east  angle  of  the  Eefectory. 

(6)  The  Manian-fawr  Stone,  set  upright  in  the  autumn 
of  1906  against  the  south  wall  of  the  Eefectory.  It  was 
presented  to  the  Cambrian  Archseological  Association  by 
the  landowner,  Mrs.  Brenchley  of  Glaneirw,  and  was 
erected  here  at  the  expense  of  that  Society.  It  is  the 
laro'est  and  heaviest  of  all  the  St.  Dogmaels  stones, 
weighing  about  a  ton  and  a  half,  and  measuring  7  feet 
high,  16  inches  broad,  and  14  inches  thick.  Its  face  is 
marked  by  a  simple  cruciform  pattern.  (See  Cardigan  and 
Twyside  Advertiser,  July  26th,  1906.) 

(7)  A  heavy  slab  about  five  feetlong,  apparently  plain, 
propped  against  the  south  wall  of  the  Eefectory. 

(8)  A  fine  green  porphyritic  monolith  with  a  brancliing 
pattern  and  the  letters  "  D.  I."  at  its  thin  end. 

(9)  A  thick  rectangular  slab  of  plain  grey  stone. — Both 
8  and  9  are  placed  on  the  south  side  of  the  ruin  just  west 
of  the  Eefectory. 

In  conclusion  I  should  like  to  express  rny  thanks  for 
kind  assistance  or  advice  in  the  preparation  of  this  article 
to  the  late  vicar  of  St.  Dogmaels,  the  Eev.  Myfenydd 
Morgan,  who  only  passed  away  last  autumn  ;  to  Mr.  (now 
Sir)  E.  D.  Jones  of  Pentower;  to  Mr.  John  Evans,  F.A.I., 
of  Cardigan  ;  to  the  Eev.  G.  Eyre  Evans  of  Ty  Tringad, 
Aberystwyth,  and  to  Mr.  Ladd  Davies  of  Cardigan. 


At  St.  Dogmacls.  19 

ST.    DOGMAELS:    APPENDIX. 

As  an  addendum  to  Mr.  Herbert  Vaughan's  interest- 
ing  account  of  the  Benedictine  Abbey  of  St.  Mary  at  St. 
Dogmael's  we  are  glad  to  publish  a  full  abstract  of  the 
possessions  of  the  Monastery  at  the  date  of  the  Dissolution 
in  the  reign  of  Henry  the  Eighth,  taken  from  the 
"  Ministers  Accounts ':  in  the  Public  Record  Office,  by 
Mr.  Edward  Owen,  a  member  of  the  Council  of  the 
Honourable  Society  of  Cymmrodorion,  and  Secretary  to 
the  Royal  Commission  on  Ancient  Monuments  in  Wales 
and  Monmouthshire. — V.E. 

The  Monastery  of  St.  Dogmaels. 

Public  Record  Offi.ce  :  Ministers  Accounts ; 
27-28  Henry  VIII,  No.  5287. 

Account  of  John  Phillip  Thomas,  collector  of  the  rents  and  ferms 
of  the  late  dissolved  monastery  of  St.  Dogmaels,  from  Michaelmas 
27th  to  Michaelmas  28th  Henry  VIII. 

Arrears — None,  because  this  is  the  first  account. 

Demesne    Lands — Rent   of   the    demesne   lands  in   the 
hands  of  William  Hyer,  late  Abbot  .  .  .  .  64s. 


Rents  at  will,  and  by  lease  in  the  parish  of  St.  Doymaels, 
alias  the  Llandr\ 

One  tenement  called  Mylle  Broke  in  parish  of  Nevern, 
and  one  close  in  the  franchise  of  Newport  (Novi  Buryi), 
with  all  arable,  non-arable,  meadow  and  pasture,  wet  and 
dry,  wood  and  plain,  to  the  said  tenement  annexed,  with 
all  appurt's,  demised  by  lease  to  Lewis  (Leodowico)  Yonge 
by  the  conventual  seal  of  the  late  Monastery,  which  lease 
was  not  exhibited  .  .  .  .  .  .  8s. 

Two  tenements  called  Haber  Berkethelley,  demised 
by  lease  to  Griffìn  ap  Phillip  ap  Powell,  by  conventual 
deed  which  was  not  exhibited  .  .  6s.  Sd. 

One  burgage  with  garden  adjoining  in  the  township 
(villam)  of  St.  Dogmaels,  in  the  highway  (vico)  called  Lan- 
don,  demised  by  lease  to  Richard  ap  Thomas  ap  Ieuan  by 
conventual  deed  which  was  not  exbibited    .  .  .  .         7s.  ád. 

Two  tenements  lying  in  the  parish  of  St.  Dogmaels  in 
the  barony  [or  franchise]  aforesaid,  of  which  one  is 
called  Coit  Parke  John  Lloyd,  the  other  Tyre  Wyat, 
lying  between  the  common  lands  of  the  said  monastery 

c2 


20  The  Benedictine  Abbey  of  St.  Mary 

called  Castell  y  Drewe  on  the  west,  and  extending  itself 
by  a  private  road  over  against  (rersus)  the  north  to  a  place 
called  Bowlghe  Never[n]  to  the  land  of  William  Hew.  and 
then  eastwardly  over  against  the  land  of  Phillip  John 
Webbe,  and  so  to  the  common  land  vulgarly  called  Lyte. 
and  then  sontherly  over  against  the  Well  (fontem)  called 
Colwill,  and  so  to  the  place  called  Foxhyll  Vaure,  demised 
to  Phillipp  Roger,  by  conventual  lease  of  the  2  August, 
27  Henry  VIII,  for  80  years,  as  by  one  part  of  such  lease 
with  the  Auditor  more  fully  appears  .  .  .  .         6s.  8d. 

One  burgage  with  garden.  and  also  one  orchard  demised 
by  indenture  to  Elizabeth  Williams,  heiress  of  William, 
which  lease  is  not  exhibited     ..  ..  ..  14d. 

2  ac.  lands,  and  one  piece  ditto,  lying  in  the  east  field 
(in  orientale  campo)  of  the  said  township  demised  by  in- 
denture  to  Elizabeth  Williams,  which  lease  is  not  ex- 
hibited  .  .  .  •  •  •  ..         2s.  Gd. 

2  ac.  land  in  a  certain  place  called  Briscu'  [or  Bristu'], 
between  the  lands  of  Thomas  ap  Jankyn  ap  Owen  on  the 
north  and  on  the  east,  by  the  common  moor  on  the  west 
where  lies  the  tenement  of  D'd  Hew,  and  on  the  west 
where  lies  the  land  of  Rotheroth  Lloyd  surrounded  by  the 
roadway  [yia  communa~\,  and  another  acre  called  Pittac, 
which  ìies  at  the  top  [in  capite]  of  Gurne  Segier  in  the 
demesne,  demised  to  Rotheroth  ap  John  Griffith,  by  deed 
of  21  July,  24  Henry  VIII,  for  97  years,  as  by  one  part  of 
this  imlenture  with  the  Auditor  more  fully  appears  .  .  3s. 

Tenement  in  the  parish  of  St.  Dogmael's  in  the  afore- 
said  barony,  called  Place  Pene  a  Bounte,  and  extending 
from  the  tenement  of  Owen  ap  Ph'  on  the  north,  and  to 
the  public  road  on  the  east,  to  Pen  abonde  on  the  east, 
and  next  (ju.rta)  the  river  Sale  to  the  said  tenement, 
And  one  other  acre  besides  (e.rtra)  meadow  which  lies 
next  the  meadow  of  John  D'd  and  Owen  ap  Ph'  demised 
to  Rice  ap  D'd  Richard,  by  deed  dated  21  March,  25  Henry 
VIII,  for  99  years,  as  by  one  part  of  this  deed  with  the 
Auditor  more  fully  appears     .  .  .  .  .  .        10s.  4d. 

Half  burgage  with  appurt's  in  London  called  Aruard 
Plac'  of  the  lands  of  Roos  (terr,  Roos),  demised  to  Ieuan 
ap  Jenlcyn  Griffith  by  deed  which  is  not  exhibited  .  .        3s.  \0d. 

Tenement  with  appurt's  lying  in  the  said  demesne  at 
Capell  S'ci  Julian  where  now  dwells  a  certain  Howell,  de- 
mised  to  Howell  ap  Jenkyn  ap  Owen,  by  conventual  deed 
which  is  not  exhibited  .  .  .  .  .  .         3s.  4d. 

Tenement  with  appurt's  demised  to  Owen  ap  Phillip 
by  conventual  deed  which  is  not  exhibited  .  .        31  s.  Sd. 

Tenement  next  the  orchard  of  John  Gryn  next  the 
bridge  of  Cardigan,  and  all  our  (?wstras)  lands  on  the 
north,  demised  to  John  Lewes  for  life,  as  it  is  said  .  .       18s.  9%d. 

Tenement  called  Penralte  with  appurt's  which  a  cer- 
tain  William  Thomas  of  Tynbie  held,  and  one  park  called 


20d. 

4». 

3s 

.  ád. 

LOí 

.  4d. 

35. 

ád. 
Ì2d. 

» 

7s. 

8d. 

2s. 

6d. 

£8 

2 

5i 

At  St.  Dogmaels.  2  \ 

P'ke  Arhenward  [yr  hen  ward]  on  the  west  of  the  forest  of 
Kylgorren,  and  one  acre  land  between  the  park  of  John 
D'd  Lewes,  demised  to  Rice  ap  John  Awbery  by  deed  of 
8th  June,  23  Henry  VIII,  for  80  years,  which  is  with  the 
Auditor,  more  fully  appears  .  .  .  .         17s.  8d. 

One  piece  land  with  appurt's  demised  at  will  to  Robert 
ap  Price  ap  Powell 

Various  lands  demised  at  will  to  William  Hewes 

Certain  lands  with  appurt's  demised  at  will  to  D'd  ap 
Ieuan 

Tenement  with  appurt's,  and  land  to  the  same  adjoin- 
ing,  demised  at  will  to  Morice  ap  D'd 

Tenement  with  appurt's  demised  at  will  to  Jenkyn 
Roger  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .  7s.  8d. 

One  dwelling  (domus)  demised  at  will  to  Jenkyn  ap 

Ieuan  ap  Gwill'm 

One  acre  demised  at  will  to  Ieuan  Powle 

Various  rents  of  lands  with  garden,  demised  at  will  to 

John  Sporyour    .  . 

Tenement  demised  at  will  to  John  Mortymere 

Total 


Rents  at  will,  by  copy  ofcourt  roll,  and  by  deed  in  Manoyhlohe  duy. 

Tenement  called  Mynyth  certhe  in  the  tenure  of  the 
heir  of  Parat  who  holds  (tenet)  freely  .  .  .  .        13*.  4d. 

Tenement  in  the  said  lordship  and  district  (cowi')  of 
Monachlog  duy  ychathe  where  now  dwells  the  above  (sic) 
Howell,  demised  to  Howell  ap  Thomas  ap  Owen  by  deed 
of  the  8th  October,  27  Henry  VIII  for  99  years,  with  the 
Auditor,  as  more  fully  appears  .  .  .  .  8s.  8d 

Tenement  with  appurt's  called  Place  Pant  Rege 
[?  Rhug],  demised  to  Howell  ap  Owen  ap  Powell  by  deed 
of  lOth  October,  27  Henry  VIII,  for  99  years,  as  by  one 
part  thereof  with  the  Auditor  more  fully  appears  .  .  5s.  8d. 

Tenement  with  appurt's  called  Come  Rerwyn,  demised 
to  D'd  ap  Rice  ap  Owen  by  deed  of  12th  October,  27 
Henry  VIII,  for  99  years,  as  by  one  part  thereof  with  the 
Auditor  more  fully  appears      .  .  .  .  .  .        lOs. 

Two  tenements  in  the  parish  of  St.  Dogmaels,  and  in 
the  district  \coit~]  of  Landr'  Manachlog  Duy,  demised  to 
Lewis  ap  Ieuan  by  deed  of  lOth  October,  27  Henry  VIII, 
for  99  years,  as  by  one  part  thereof  with  the  Auditor  more 
fully  appears        .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .        16s. 

Tenement  lying  at  Capell  S'ci  Guliany,  demised  to 
Hoeil  ap  Jenkyn  ap  Owen,  by  deed  which  is  not  extended  3s.  Ad. 

Tenement  with  appurt's  called  Pont'r  Ithe  demised  to 
Griffin  ap  Ieuan  ap  Jenkyn  by  deed  of  9th  October,  27 


22  The  Benedictine  Abbey  of  St.   Mary 

Henry  VIII,  for  99  years,  as  by  one  part  thereof  with  the 

Auditor  more  fully  appears      .  .  .  .  .  .  9s.  8d. 

Tenement  situate  in  Blayne  I  Cowrse  glethe,  demised 
to  Eynon  ap  D'd  by  deed  of  7th  October,  27  Henry  VIII, 
for  99  years,  as  by  one  part  thereof  with  the  Auditor 
more  fully  appears  .  .  .  .  .  .  5s.  ád. 

Three  tenements  with  appurt's,  of  which  one  hes  near 
(apud)  Y  Vron  Lase  in  the  lordship  of  St.  Dogmaels  which 
Griflin  ap  D'd  gors  lately  held,  the  others  lying  near 
Hengwrt,  and  within  their  metes  and  bounds,  and  all 
other  our  tenements  from  the  river  Blaencryth  to 
Blae[nlba',  demised  to  Owen  ap  Powell  and  D'd  ap  Powell 
by  deed  of  the  9th  July,  25  Henry  VIII,  for  99  years,  as 
by  one  part  thereof  with  the  Auditor  more  fully  appears       lls. 

Tenement  with  appurt's  demised  at  will  to  James 
[Jacobo]  ap  Powell  ap  Bowen  .  .  .  .        10s.  2d. 

Tenement  demised  to  Ll'n  ap  Ieuan  Pickton  at  will   .  .  3s.  8d. 

Tenement  demised  to  Ieuan  ap  Powell  ap  Ieuan  ap  D'd 
at  will  .  .  •  •  •  ■  .  .  5s. 

Tenement  with  appurt's  demised  to  Jenhyn  ap  Griffith 
at  will  .  .  .  •  •  •  ..         5s.  8d. 

Tenement  with  appurt's  demised  to  Phillipp  Thomas 
at  will  .  .  .  •  •  •  . .         5*. 

Tenement  with  appurt's  demised  to  D'd  Willyams  at 
will  .  .  •  •  ' '  ..         2s.  Id. 

Tenement  with  appurt's  demised  to  Thomas  ap  Dio 
Gwill'm  at  will     .  .  .  .  •  •  •  •         2s-  6d- 

Total  £5  17     1 


Lordship  (dominium)  of  Iiattre  in  co.  Devon. 

The  entire  lordship,  with  all  appurtenances  and  services, 
tithes  of  the  parish  of  St.  Mary  of  Rattre,  demised  to 
William  ap  Harry  and  William  Phillip  by  indenture  [set 
forth  at  large].  Parties  :  William,  abbot  of  the  monastery 
of  St.  Dogmael  in  Kemeys.  diocese  of  St.  Davids;  William 
ap  Harry  and  William  ap  Phillip,  gents.,  of  the  diocese  of 
St.  Davids,  in  co.  Carm'dine,  and  Treffegwynt  in  Pebid- 
yauge ; 

Term,  80  years ; 

Rent  of 


£20 


Dated  in  chapter  house  (in  domo  nostra  capitulari),  24th 
September,  26  Henry  VIII. 

lients  at  will  in  Haverforde  and  Pembrohe. 
Tenement  in  Haverforde  demised  to  John  Daye  at  will       10s. 
Tenement  in  Pembrolie  demised  to  John  Smyth  at  will       26s.   8d. 


36s.  8d. 


At  St.  Dogmaels.  23 

The  Mill  of  Ffysshynyarde,  co.  Pembrohe. 

Water  mill  in  Fysshyngarde,  with  all  appurt's,  demised 
to  Owin  ap  D'd  ap  Gwilì'm  by  deed  which  is  not  extended       20s. 


Vill  of  Ffisshyngarde. 
Rents  in  villa  aforesaid       .  .  .  .  .  .  £6  13s.  Ad. 


Rents  at  loill  and  by  Indenture  in  Grandyston. 

Tenement    at   Grandiston   with    appnrt's  demised   to 
Thomas  ap  D'd  ap  Phillip  by  deed  [set  forth  in  extenso]. 

Parties:  William  abbot  of  St.  Dogmael  in  Kemeys  and 
Thomas  ap  D'd  ap  Phillip  of  Grandiston,  in  the 
lordship  of  Pebid[iog]. 

Tenement  apnd  Grandiston  where  the  said  Thomas 
now  dwells. 

Terms,  60  years. 

Rent  .  .  .  •  •  •  •        18«. 

Dated,  lOth  June,  27  Henry  VIII  [1525]. 

Tenement  demised  at  will  to  John  ap  Ieuan  .  .  8s. 

Various  rents  of  waste  land  demised  at  will  to  John 
Jonyns  .  .  .  .  • •  •  •  °a. 

Total  £16     8 


Rents  at  will  and  by  Indenture  in  Caldey. 

Tenement  in  the  island  of  Caldey  demised  to  Thomas 
ap  William  Owen  by  deed,  as  it  is  stated     .  .  7s.   4â". 

Tenement  with  appurt's  demised  at  will  to  John 
Willyams 

Tenement  demised  at  will  to  John  Whytyng 

Tenement  with  appurt's  demised  at  will  to  Richard 
Prowte 

Tenement  with  appurt's  demised  at  will  to  Lewis 
Whytyng 

Tenement  with  appurt's  demised  at  will  to  Thomas 
Prowte 

Tenement  with  appurt's  demised  at  will  to  Lewis 
Webe  .  .  .  .  •  •  •  ■ 

Tenement  with  appurt's  demised  at  will  to  William 
Gough 

Tenement  with  appurt's  demised  at  will  to  John  Adam 

All  Tithes,  with  the  site  of  the  Priory  of  Caldey,  con- 
taining  by  estimation  18  ac,  demised  at  will  to  Owen 
Lloyde  .  .  .  .  .  .  •  •  60s. 

Total  £5  16  10 


7.s. 

id. 

6s. 

5s. 

8s. 

4d. 

5s. 

4d. 

4s. 

lOs. 

3s. 

6d. 

24  The  Benedictine  Abbey  of  St.  Mary 

Rectory  of  Ffiscarde  and  Gragyston. 

Tithes,  oblations,  and  all  profits,  demised  at  will  to 
John  D'd  and  William  Phillipps,  fermors  of  the  same,  by 
William  Hyer  late  abbot,  for  the  time  covered  by  this 
account  .  .  .  .  .  .  . .  £10  6s.  8d. 


Rectory  of  Manclonghhoc,  Llandilo,  and  Llancolman. 

Tithes,  etc,  demised  to  Henry  Scurbell  [or  Scurvell], 
etc.  ..  ..  ..  £8 


Chapel  (capella)  of  Manoghloke  duy. 

Tithes,  etc,  demised  to  Owin  ap  Powell,  fermor  of  the 
same  . .  .  .  .  .  .  .         £5 


Rectory  of  St.  Thomas  the  Martyr  of  St.  Dogmael,  alias  the  Llandr. 
Tithes,  etc,  in  the  hands  of  William  Hyer,  late  abbot.  .        £20 


Church  of  Eglìscero  [Eglwys    Wrw\. 
Tithes,  etc,  in  the  hands  of  William  Hyer,  late  abbot   £7  6s.  8d. 


Chapel  of  Nountwyn  clysprase  and  Newton. 

Tithes,  etc,  demised  to  Owen  ap  Powell,  by  indenture, 
as  it  is  said  .  .  .  .  .  .  ..£7  6«.  8d. 


Rectory  of  Bayryll. 
Tithes,  etc,  in  the  hands  of  William  Hyer,  late  abbot  £4  ÌSs.  4d. 


Rectory  of  Molgrave. 
Tithes,  etc,  in  the  hands  of  William  Hyer,  late  abbot  £6  \Ss.  4d. 


Churches  of  Llantode  and  of  St.  Nicholas. 
Tithes,  etc,  in  the  hands  of  William  Hyer,  late  abbot  £6  13s.  4d. 

Pensionfrom  the  late  Priory  of  Pulla. 

Pension  paid  to  (de)  William  Hyer  proceeding  f rom  the 
priory  of  Pull'      . .  . .  .  .  .  .   £9  6s.  8d. 


At  St.  Dogmaels.  25 

Pensìon  from  Glasterell  in  Ireland. 

Pension  from  the  prior  of  Glasterell  in  Hibernia — nil, 
because  no  payment  has  been  made  for  over  40  years  by 
the  oath  of  William  Hyer,  late  abbot  of  St.  Dogmaels      .  .       nil 


Chapel  of  Penhclthy   Vaghan. 

Tithes,  etc,  in  the  hands  of  the  said  late  abbot  for  the 
whole  period  of  this  account   .  .  .  .  .  .        25s. 


Perguisites  of  Court. 

Nothing,  because  none  have  accrued  during  the  period 
of  this  account,  by  oath  of  the  accountant  .  .  .  .        nil 


Total  receipts     £140     8     8| 


Fees  and  Outyoings. 

Fee  of  Lord  Fferres,  steward  of  the  court,  granted  to 
bim  by  letters  patent,  under  the  convent  seal,  by  oath  of 
William  Hyer,  late  abbot,  per  ann.  .  .  ..£3    6«.  8d. 

Fee  of  Lewis  Jordane,  clerk  of  the  court,  granted  simi- 
larly,  per  ann.      .  .  .  .  .  .  .  .     0  14s.  Od. 

Fee  of  Lewis  ap  Powell,  bailiff  and  collector  of  rents 
and  ferms,  granted  similarly,  per  ann.  .  .  ,  ,     4    0s.  Od. 


£8    0*.  8d. 


Procurations  and  Synodals. 

To  Griffith  Lloyd,  archdeacon  of  St.  David's  for  pro- 
curations  and  synodals  from  all  the  churches  aforesaid   .  .         32s. 


Rents  Resolute. 

To  the  Castle  of  Cardigan  proceeding  from  the  town- 
ship  (vilf)  of  St.  Dogmaels,  alias  Le  Landete,  per  ann.     .  .         lOs. 


And  he  is  debited  for  rents  and  ferms  due  to  the  king 
for  the  said  term,  by  the  said  William  Hyer,  late  abbot, 
received  and  expended,  with   .  .  .  .  £130  6s.  0\d. 


Amount  allowed  and  admitted  as  above     .  .  £140  8s.  8%d. 


which  sum  corresponds  with  the  receipts  above. 

Et  quietus  est. 


Z%t  ^tar  of  t$t  (Recepfton  of  t$t 

£?a;cone&* 

Bt  the  Eev.  A.  W.  WADE-EVANS, 

Vicar  of  France  Lynch,  Glos. 


No  small  interval  after  the  third  consulship  of  Aëtius  in 
a.d.  446,  when  southern  Britain  was  now  occupied  by  in- 
dependent  communities  of  '  Welsh  '  and  '  English ',  an 
event  occurred  in  the  island,  the  significance  of  which 
underwent  in  after  times  extraordinary  misconception. 
It  appears  that  in  that  western  portion  of  southern 
Britain  where  the  Britons  were  generally  collected  and 
which  in  Latin  was  known  as  Britannia,  a  certain 
*  Welsh '  king  invited  certain  'English'  to  assist  him 
against  his  enemies  and  received  them  with  hospitality. 
The  name  of  the  king  is  given  later  as  Vortigern,  his 
enemies  are  said  to  have  been  Picts  and  Scots,  and  the 
Ensflish  whom  he  invited  and  received  are  called  Saxones. 
Whether  the  incident  was  really  important  or  otherwise, 
it  was  afterwards  made  to  mean  the  first  coming  of  the 
English  to  Britain,  and  the  }rear  was  remembered. 

Let  it  be  said  at  once  that  there  was  no  year  when  the 
English  landed  for  the  first  time  in  the  island  of  Britain 
at  the  invitation  of  the  Welsh.  The  story  is  as  mythical 
as  the  Gomeric  origin  of  the  Cymry.  The  Saxons,  as  is 
well  known,  had  begun  to  infest  the  south-eastern  coastof 
Roman  Britain  as  eai-ly  as  the  third  century.  To  check  or 
regulate  their  movements  the  Eomans  had  established  a  sys- 
tem  of  coast  defence  from  the  Wash  to  the  Isle  of  Wight, 
which  was  known  as  Litus  Saxonicum,  the  Saxon  Shore. 


The  Year  of  the  Reception  of  the  Saxones.     27 

This  system,  which  consisted  of  some  nine  forts,  was  in 
full  activity  at  the  beginning  of  the  fourth  century,  being 
under  the  control  of  a  comes  or  Count  of  the  Saxon  Shore. 
To  what  extent  the  Saxons  settled  in  Roman  Britain 
before  and  whilst  this  system  prevailed,  is  a  question 
which  as  yet  has  hardly  been  raised,  the  general  obsession 
being  that  the  first  Saxon  settlement  in  Britain  must  have 
occuz*red  after  the  departure  of  the  tyrant,  Constantine, 
in  a.d.  407.  In  409  the  Britannias  were  devastated  by  an 
incursion  of  Saxons,  which  does  not  necessarily  mean 
Saxons  from  over  the  sea.  In  429  Saxons  were  fìghting 
in  conjunction  with  Picts  in  some  mountainous  part  of 
south  Britain.  In  439  the  Britannias,  lost  by  the  Romans, 
yielded  to  the  sovereignty  of  the  Saxons.  Again  in  441 
the  Britannias,  which  up  to  this  time  had  been  torn  by 
various  slaughters  and  disasters,  are  brought  under  the 
dominion  of  the  Saxons.  And  before  the  end  of  the  fifth 
century  the  Saxons  were  so  powerful  in  Britain  that  Aelle 
of  Sussex  was  Bretwalda,  or  chief  ruler  of  England,  south 
of  the  Humber.  About  the  beginning  of  the  sixth  cen- 
tury  five  of  the  chief  kings  of  Britannia  attacked  by  St. 
Gildas  are  Constantine  of  Devon,  Aurelius  Caninus  of 
Cornwall,  Vortiporius  of  Dyved  (S.W.  Wales),  Cynlas  of 
Dinerth,  near  Llandudno,  and  Maelgwn  Gwynedd  of 
Anglesey,  which  indicates  that  Britannia  meant  to  him 
that  portion  of  Britain,  which  now  goes  under  the  names 
of  Wales  and  the  West  Country  (the  Devonian  peninsula). 
In  554  Britain  contains  three  numerous  nations,  Britons, 
Angles,  and  Frisians,  which  crowd  the  island  to  such  an 
extent  that  they  migrate  yearly  in  great  numbers  to  the 
continent.  AU  this  and  more  proves  that  the  English 
were  established  in  Britain  not  only  before  some  interval 
after  the  third  consulship  of  Aëtius  in  a.d.  446,  but  even 
long  before  that  consulship. 


28       The  Year  of  the  Reception  of  the  Saxones. 

Nevertheless,  sorne  no  small  interval  after  a.d.  446  a 
'Welsh'  king  did  invite  and  did  receive  Saxones  into 
Britannia,  and  this  incident,  as  I  have  said,  was  strangely 
niade  to  mean  that  on  that  occasion  the  English  carne  and 
settled  in  Britain  for  the  first  time.  It  was  regarded  as  the 
fìrst  advent  of  the  Saxons,  and  in  after  times  diligent 
attempts  were  made  both  in  Welsh  and  English  circles  to 
fìx  the  precise  year. 

Now  that  year  was  known  to  the  author  of  the  Excidium 
Britanniae,  It  was  no  small  interval  after  the  third  con- 
sulship  of  Aëtius  in  446.  He  does  not  state  what  the 
year  was,  but  we  can  determine  it  in  this  wise.  He  tells 
us  that  when  the  Saxones  came,  there  was  a  prophecy 
current  among  them  that  they  should  occupy  Britannia  for 
300  years,  and  that  for  the  first  half  of  this  period,  that 
is,  for  150  years,  they  should  not  cease  fìghting  with  the 
Britons.  As  fighting  did  not  cease  until  the  Battle  of  the 
Badonic  Hill,  which  occurred  in  the  first  year  of  peace, 
that  battle  was  fought  when  a  round  150  years  had  been 
completed  from  the  Saxon  advent.  We  learn  from  the 
Annales  Cambriae  that  the  Battle  of  the  Badonic  Hill  took 
place  in  a.d.  665.  Consequently  the  150  years  of  strife 
extended  from  514  to  664,  and  the  year  when  the  Saxones 
were  received  into  Britannia  was  a.d.  514. 

II. 

The  Excidium  Britanniae  was  written  in  a.d.  708.  We 
know  this  because  its  author  tells  us  he  was  writing  in  the 
forty-fourth  year  of  the  great  peace  which  began  in  a.d. 
665  with  the  victory  at  the  Badonic  Hill.  The  little  book 
received  great  attention  both  in  Welsh  and  English  circles. 
By  a.d.  725  it  had  come  into  the  hands  of  Bede,  who 
quotes  from  it  in  that  year  in  his  De  temporum  ratione. 
In  a.d.  730  Bede  was  using  it  as  his  chief  authority  for 


The  Year  of  the  Reception  of  the  Saxones.     29 

British  affairs  in  the  fifth  and  sixth  centuries,  quoting 
and  paraphrasing  the  greater  portion  of  it  in  his  cele- 
brated  Historia  Ecclesiastica.  Unfortunately,  however, 
the  Excidium  Britanniae  was  shoclringly  misunderstood. 
It  came  to  be  regarded  as  a  work  of  the  Welsh  ecclesi- 
astic,  St.  Gildas,  who  flourished  in  the  early  sixth  century  ! 
The  forty-fourth  year  from  the  Battle  of  the  Badonic  Hill 
was  made  to  mean  that  the  Battle  was  fought  about  forty- 
four  years  after  the  Saxon  advent !  And  the  author  was 
taken  to  be  writing  his  treatise  a  generation  later,  that  is, 
about  the  middle  of  the  sixth  century !  Bede,  however, 
faithfully  adhered  to  its  evidence  that  the  8axones  were 
received  into  Britannia  after  the  third  consulship  of 
Aëtius  in  a.d.  446. 

Now  about  the  time  when  the  Excidium  Britanniae 
was  written,  which,  being  also  the  age  of  Aldhelm  and 
Bede,  was  a  period  of  increased  literary  activity,  there  was 
a  brief  extant  in  Britain,  which  in  its  correct  British  form 
would  have  read  as  follows  :  Quando  Gratianus  consul  fuit 
auarto  et  Aeguitius  secundo,  tunc  his  consulibus,  Saxones  a 
Guorthigemo  in  Britanniam  suscepti  sunt  anno  CCCXLVIII° 
a  passione  Christi,  When  Gratian  was  consul  for  the  fourth 
time  and  Aequitius  for  the  second  time,  these  being  then 
consuls,  the  Saxones  were  received  into  Britannia  by 
Vortigern  in  the  348th  year  from  the  Passion  of  Christ. 
The  year  indicated  is  our  a.d.  375.  The  problem  arose  at 
once  as  to  how  to  reconcile  this  brief  which  places  the 
reception  of  the  Saxones  in  a.d.  375  with  the  evidence  of 
the  Excidium  Britanniae  which  places  it  some  interval 
after  the  third  consulship  of  Aëtius  in  a.d.  446. 

The  Erroneous  Solution  of  449. 

Somebody  observed  that  a.d.  375  was  the  first  year  of 
the  joint-reigns  of  Gratian  and  Valentinian  II,  and  that 


2,o      The  Year  of  the  Reception  of  the  Saxones. 

a.d.  450  was  the  first  year  of  the  joint-reigns  of  Martian 
and  Valentinian  III.  He  concluded  that  there  had  been 
confusion  between  the  names  of  the  eniperors,  and  in 
accordance  with  the  evidence  of  the  Excidium  Brüanniae 
which  places  the  Saxon  advent  after  a.d.  44G,  he  fixed  it 
in  a.d.  450.  Our  tlieorist,  however,  in  denoting  that  year 
did  not  use  the  formula  "a.d.  450"  but  another  one, 
which  ignores  the  current  year  and  reckons  onl}^  the  years 
completed.  He  did  not  say  that  Vortigern  received  the 
Saxons  in  a.d.  450,  but  (meaning  the  same  thing)  that 
Vortigern  received  them  when  449  years  of  our  Lord  were 
completed  and  done  with.  It  was  from  this  theorist  and 
computist  that  Bede  drew  his  449  and  his  "'about  449" 
as  the  year  of  the  Saxon  advent. 

The  Erroneous  Solution  of  428. 

As  449  or  "about  449"  is  forty  years  from  the  sack  of 
Rome  by  the  Goths  when  Eoman  rule  in  Britain  was  held 
by  some  to  cease,  the  computists  who  accepted  449  would 
say  that  Vortigern  received  the  Saxons  forty  years  after 
the  end  of  Eoman  domination  in  Britain.  The  Excidium 
Britanniae,  however,  would  make  it  appear  that  Eoman 
rule  in  Britain  ceased  with  the  death  of  Maximus  in  388. 
It  wa.s  Maximus  who  drained  the  island  of  all  its  military 
strength  and  exposed  it  for  the  first  time  to  the  attacks  of 
barbarians  from  over  the  water,  first,  the  Picts  and  Scots, 
and  then  the  Saxons.  Maximus  took  away  with  him  to 
the  continent  all  the  soldiers  and  military  supplies  of 
Britain,  and  they  never  returned.  With  his  death,  there- 
fore,  in  a.d.  388,  Roman  rule  ended,  notwithstanding  the 
fact  that  Eoman  armies  are  made  to  come  twice  after- 
wards  to  the  island  to  assist  the  Britons.  If,  then,  there 
was  an  inteiwal  of  forty  years  between  the  end  of  Eoman 
rule  in  Britain  and  the  advent  of  the  Saxons,  those  who 


The  Year  of  the  Reception  of  the  Saxones.     31 

resarded  the  former  to  have  occurred  in  a.d.  388  would 

fix  the  latter  in  a.d.  428.     It  was  from  such  inconsequence 

that  the  Historia  Brittonum  deduced  a.d.  428,  when   Felix 

and    Taurus    were    consuls,    as    the   }rear    of    the    Saxon 

advent. 

III. 

Let  us  now  return  to  the  puzzling  brief  which  stated 
that  the  Saxons  were  received  into  Britain  when  Gratian 
was  consul  for  the  fourth  time  and  Aequitius  for  the 
second  time,  being  the  348th  year  from  the  Passion  of 
Christ. 

Before  this  brief  was  put  together  the  computists  in 
Britain  had  come  across  the  following  remarkable  passage 
in  a  late  edition  of  the  Liber  Pontificalis :  — 

Eleuther  natione  Graecus  ex  patre  Abundio  de  oppido 
Nicopoli  sedit  ann.  xv,  m.  iii,  d.  ii.  Fuit  temporibus  Antonini 
et  Commodi  usgue  ad  Paterno  et  Bradua.  Hic  accepit  epistula 
a  Lucio  Britannio  rege  ut  Christianus  efficeretur  per  ejus  man- 
datum. 

Eleuther,  a  Greek  by  nation,  his  father  being  Abundius 
of  the  city  of  Nieopolis,  occnpied  the  see  15  years,  3  months, 
and  2  days.  It  was  in  the  times  of  Antoninus  and  Commodus 
till  Paternus  and  Bradua  [consuls].  This  man  received  a 
letter  from  Lucius,  king  of  Britain,  that  he  might  be  made  a 
Christian  by  his  command. 

I  am  not  here  concerned  with  the  interesting  matter 
of  the  origin  of  this  passage  or  its  grammar  or  the  strange- 
ness  of  the  form  Britannio ;  only  that  it  was  read  in 
Britain  to  mean  that  sometime  from  a.d.  161  when 
Antoninus  and  Coiumodus  began  to  reign,  a  king  of  Britain, 
named  Lucius,  sent  a  letter  to  Pope  Eleuther  asking  to  be 
made  a  Christian.  Aldhelm  (died  709)  and  the  Excidium 
Britanniae  (written  in  708)  shew  no  knowledge  of  it,  nor 
does  Bede  when  he  was  writing  his  De  temjporibus  in 
702-3.  When,  however,  in  725  he  was  writing  his  De 
temporum  ratione,  he  had  already  coine  across  the  passage, 


2,2       The  Year  of  the  Reception  of  the  Saxones. 

for  under  the  reign  of  Marcus  Aurelius  he  has  Lucius 
Britannìae  rex,  missa  ad  Eleutherium  Romae  Episcopum 
epistola,  ut  Christianus  efficiatur,  impetrat,  Lucius,  king  of 
Britain,  seeks  to  be  made  a  Christian,  a  letter  having  been 
sent  to  Eleutherius,  Bishop  of  Eome  (Opera  Beclae,  vi, 
305-6).  Bede  does  not  fix  the  year  in  this  work,  but  by 
730  when  he  wrote  his  Historia  Ecclesiastica,  he  places  it 
within  the  joint  reigns  of  Marcus  Aurelius  and  Aurelius 
Commodus,  that  is,  from  161  to  169  (i,  4),  and  limits  the 
incident  to  the  year  167  (v,  24),  thus:  "In  the  year  of  our 
Lord  167  Eleuther,  being  made  bishop  at  Eome,  governed 
the  Church  most  gloriously  fìfteen  years,  to  whom  Lucius, 
king  of  Britain,  sent  a  letter,  aslcing  to  be  made  a  Chris- 
tian,  and  succeeded  in  obtaining  his  request". 

The  Britons,  also,  had  come  across  the  passage  in  the 
Liber  Pontificalis,  which  they  interpreted  in  this  fashion  : 

Post  CLXVII  annos  post  adrentum  Christi  Lucius 
Britannicus  rex  cum  omnibus  reyulis  totius  Brittanicae  getitis 
baptismum  suscepit  missa  legatione  ab  imperatore  Iìomanorum 
et  a  papa  Itomano  Eucharisto  (ov  Euaristo  or  Eleutherio). 

After  167  years  from  the  Advent  of  Christ,  Lucius, 
British  king,  with  ali  the  rulers  of  the  whole  British  race, 
received  baptism,  an  embassy  having  been  sent  by  the 
emperor  of  the  Romans  and  by  the  Roman  Pope,  E. 

Thus  it  is  evident  that  for  some  reason  both  in  English 
and  Welsh  circles  the  year  167  had  been  determined  as 
that  when  the  Britons  first  received  Christianity.  Now,  as 
the  frequent  manner  of  the  Britons  was  to  compute  from 
events  in  their  own  history,  it  would  be  tempting  to  some 
British  computist  to  date  from  so  important  an  event  as 
this  supposed  first  general  Christianization  of  Britain, 
once  it  was  believed  that  it  had  been  chronologically  deter- 
mined.  We  must  assume,  therefore,  that  in  this  period 
of  revival  of  learning  when  Aldhehn,  and  the  author  of 
the   Excidium   Britanniae,    and   Bede  were    living,    some 


The  Year  of  the  Reception  of  the  Saxones. 


Òò 


British  computist  reclconed  the  Reception  of  the  Saxones 
into  Britannia  in  a.d.  514  as  having  occurred  in  the  348th 
year  from  the  Conversion  of  Lucius,  that  is,  167  plus  347= 
514.  Somebody  misread  the  348th  year  from  Lucius  as 
the  348th  year  from  the  Passion  of  Christ  and,  looking 
up  the  consular  names  for  that  year,  Gratianus  IV  and 
Aequitius  II,  straightway  wrote  out  the  brief  fixing  the 
Saxon  advent  in  a.d.  375,  which  has  proved  the  puzzle  of 


ages. 


IV. 

Although  the  author  of  the  Excidium  Britanniae  knew 
exactly  what  the  year  was  in  which  the  Saxones  were 
invited  and  received  into  Britannia,  he  did  not  state  it 
explicitly.  He  makes  it  clear,  however,  that  it  was  no 
small  interval  after  the  third  consulship  of  Aetius  in 
a.d.  446,  and  that  it  began  the  150  years  of  strife  between 
Welsh  and  English  which  immediately  preceded  the  year 
of  the  Badonic  Hill.  It  is  only  because  we  have  the 
definite  entry  in  the  Annales  Cambriae  that  the  Badonic 
Hill  was  fought  in  a.d.  665  that  we  are  able  to  say  that 
the  Saxones  were  received  in  a.d.  514. 

Our  author,  however,  must  have  had  a  way  of  fìxing 
the  year  in  his  own  mind.  It  is  not  likely  that  he  counted 
from  the  Conversion  of  Lucius,  as  he  gives  no  indication 
that  he  was  aware  of  that  legend.  He  may  have  reckoned 
from  the  Passion  of  Christ.  But  it  is  more  than  probable 
that  just  as  he  knew  the  interval  between  the  actual  time 
in  which  he  was  writing  and  the  victory  at  the  Badonic 
Hill,  and  just  as  he  knew  the  interval  between  the  victory 
and  the  reception  of  the  Saxones,  so  he  would  have  been 
quite  cognisant  of  the  interval  between  the  reception  of 
the  Saxones  and  the  third  consulship  of  Aëtius.  He  would 
have  said  that  the  Saxones  came  into  Britannia  in  the 
sixty-ninth    year   from   Aëtius,  thrice  consul    (thus,   514 

D 


•?4      The  Year  of  the  Reception  of  the  Saxones. 


o 


minus  68  =  446).  Now  it  is  this  simple  calculation  wliich 
seems  to  be  the  underlying  cause  of  the  initial  year  of  the 
Annales  Cambriae. 

If  my  readers  will  open  the  famous  Volume  ix.  of 
Y  Cymmrodor  at  p.  152,  they  will  there  see  the  beginning 
of  the  precious  Latin  Welsh  Chronicle,  drawn  up  in  the 
tenth  century,  which  now  goes  under  the  unhappy,  modern, 
gimcrack  name  of  Annales  Cambriae.  The  Chronicle  is 
preceded  by  a  number  of  chronological  notes  from  the 
Beginning  of  the  World  up  to  Decius  and  Valerianus. 
Then  the  annals  begin  with  Annus  i,  ii,  iii,  etc,  the 
first  entry  occurring  opposite  Annus  ix.  Mr.  Phillimore, 
who  edits  the  Chronicle,  follows  earlier  writers,  such  as 
the  editors  of  Monumenta  Hist.  Britannica,  ab  Ithel,  and 
Skene,  in  equating  Annus  i  with  a.d.  444.  In  this  he 
and  his  predecessors  are  wrong,  even  on  their  own  show- 
ing,  for  they  equate  other  anni  on  the  assumption  that 
Annus  i  is  a.d.  445,  which  last  is  right.  Thus  Mr.  Philli- 
more  equates  Annus  ix  with  453  ;  he  should,  therefore, 
have  equated  Annus  i  not  with  a.d.  444,  but  with  a.d.  445. 
It  cannot  be  stated  too  often  that  Annus  i  of  the  Annales 
Cambriae  is  a.d.  445. 

But  why  should  the  Chronicler  have  commenced  his 
annals  with  this  year,  445,  against  which  there  is  no 
entry  of  any  kind  ?  Many  attempts  have  been  made  to 
explain  it,  to  which  I  now  venture  to  add  the  one  follow- 
ing. 

I  believe  that  the  opening  of  the  annals  with  Annus  i 
[=a.d.  445J  is  intimately  connected  with  the  chronological 
note  which  immediately  precedes  it,  which  note  reads 
thus  : — [A~]b  anno  quo  Saxones  uenerunt  in  Brittanniam  et 
a  Guorthigirno  suscepti  sunt  usque  ad  Decium  et  JJalerianum 
anni  sunt  sexaginta  nouem,  From  the  year  in  which  the 
Saxones  came  into  Britannia  and  were  received  by  Vorti- 


The  Year  of  the  Reception  of  the  Saxones.     3  5 

gern  until  Decius  and  Yaìerian  are  69  years.     In  short,  my 

view  is  that  this  note  is  the  true  beginning  of  the  Chronicle. 

It  will  be  obseiwed  that  in  the  original  manuscript,  as  re- 

produced  by  Mr.  Phillimore,  this  chronological  note  is  not 

connected  with  those  which  go  before  but  begins  a  fresh 

line,  space  being  provided  for  a  coloured  capital  [A]  which 

the    illuminator    failed    to    insert.     The    preceding    notes 

revolve  around  the  erroneous  idea  that  the  8axones  were 

received  in  a.d.  428.     This  note,  however,  reverts  to  the 

brief ,  with  which  I  have  dealt  above,  that  the  Saxones  were 

received  in  the  348th  year  from  Christ's  Passion,  which  is 

our  a.d.  375,  for  if  69  be  added  to  375  we  obtain  a.d.  444. 

The  Chronicler,  having  now  commenced  by  saying  that 

from  the  reception  of  the  Saxones  to  Decius  and  Valerian 

are   sixty-nine   years,  and   having   thus    brought    us    to 

a.d.  444,  straightway  begins  his  Chronicle  with  Annus  I, 

which  equates  with  the  year  following,  to  wit,  a.d.  445. 

But  what  shall  we  say  of  Decius  and  Valerian,  the 

familiar  names  of  two  persecuting  emperors  of  the  third 

century  !     The  answer  is  that  Valerian  has  been  added  to 

Decius  from  the  mere  familiar  conjunction  of  the  names, 

as  the  ridiculous  mus  was  added  to  the  Decius  of  Pedi- 

gree  xvi  of  the  genealogies  in  the  same  codex  (Y  Cymm- 

rodor,  ix,  176)  ;  and  that  decius  is  an  easy  error  for  aetius, 

an  error  which  will  be  readily  appreciated  by  every  reader 

of  medieval  manuscripts,  the  interchange  of  d  and  a,  and 

of  c  and  t,  being  common  occurrences  in  these  old  writings. 

I  believe  that  the  original  computation  gave  the  interval 

between  Aëtius   in  his  third  consulship  in  a.d.   446,  to 

whoin  the  Britons    sent   the   famous   letter  cited   in  the 

Excidium  Britanniae,  and  the  Reception  of  the  Saxones  in 

a.d.  514,  somewhat,  let  us  say,  as  follows,  In  anno  lxviiii° 

ab  aetio  saxones  uenerunt  in  britanniam,  In  the  sixty-ninth 

year   from  Aëtius  came  the  Saxones  into  Britannia,  etc. 

d2 


2,6      The  Year  of  the  Reception  of  the  Saxones. 

This  was  erroneously  paraphrased  to  signify  that  there 
was  an  interval  of  sixty-nine  years  from  the  Saxon  Advent 
to  Aëtius.  Aëtius  was  raisread  as  Decius  with  Yalerian's 
name  added  from  force  of  habit.  The  Saxon  advent  being 
fìxed  at  a.d.  375,  the  interval  of  sixty-nine  years  to  Decius 
and  Valerian  brought  the  compiler  down  to  a.d.  444,  He 
then  commences  the  Chronicle  with  a.d.  445,  on  which 
hypothesis,  be  it  observed,  the  initial  year  of  the  Annales 
Cambriae  is  of  no  particular  importance. 


^omt  ^neuíat  ^ources  of  íÇe 
"  45;ccíbtum  Ql3rífanmae "♦ 

By  the  Eev.  A.  W.  WADE-EVANS, 

Vicar  of  France  Lynch,  Glos. 


By  the  Excidium  Britanniae  I  mean  chs.  2-26  only  of  the 
work  commonly  so  called.  The  remaining  chapters,  that 
is,  ch.  1  and  chs.  27-110,  originally  formed  another  and  a 
much  earlier  work,  namely,  the  Epistola  Gildae,  the 
Epistle  of  Gildas.  In  my  new  series  of  articles  on  this 
question,  beginning  with  that  entitled  "The  Romani  in 
the  Excidium  Britanniae''''  in  the  Celtic Revieiv  (Edinburgh) 
for  August  1913,  I  find  that  the  Excidium  Britanniae  was 
written  in  a.d.  708  which  is  about  two  centuries  later  than 
the  Epistola  Gildae.  The  succeeding  articles,  which  are 
still  in  progress,  appear  in  the  Celtic  Revieiv  for  April 
1914,  November  1915,  and  June  1916.  In  adopting  the 
view  that  the  Epistola  Gildae  and  the  Excidium  Britanniae 
are  distinct  productions,  I  am  at  variance  with  all  the 
scholars,  students,  and  inquirers  of  the  present  day  who  are 
known  to  me,  with  the  exception  of  Mr.  Alfred  Anscombe. 
In  1911,  Prof.  J.  E.  Lloyd  in  his  History  of  Wales,  161,  could 
say  "  The  authenticity  of  the  De  Excidio  as  a  real  produc- 
tion  of  the  early  sixth  century  is  no  longer  seriously  ques- 
tioned".  And  again,  "  The  efforts  of  Thomas  Wright 
(Bŵgraphia  Britannica,  i,  115-35)  and  A.  Anscombe 
(Academy,  1895)  to  find  a  place  for  it,  either  as  a  whole  or 
in  part,  in  the  seventh  century  have  been  quite  unsuccess- 


$&  Some  Insular  Sources  of  the 

ful  ".  And  still  more  recentlÿ  we  have  been  assured  by 
so  distinguished  a  scholar  as  Dr.  F.  Haverfield  that  he  sees 
"  no  reason  to  put  either  Gildas  or  any  part  of  the  Epistola 
later  than  about  540 "  (Haverfield's  Romanization  of 
Roman  Britain,  3rd  ed.,  1915,  p.  84,  n.  1). 

In  1894,  Mommsen  edited  this  supposed  work  of  Gildas, 
now  divided  into  110  chapters,  under  a  lengthy  title 
beginning-  Gilclae  Sapientis  cle  excidio  et  conauestu  Britanniae, 
Gildas  the  Wise  on  the  Ruin  and  Conquest  of  Britain 
(M.  G.  H.  Chronica  Minora,  iii,  1-85).  In  1899,  Momm- 
sen's  Latin  text  was  edited  with  translation  and  notes  by 
Professor  Hugh  Williams  of  Bala  as  No.  3  of  the  Cymm- 
rodorion  Record  Series.  The  work  has  long  been  popu- 
larly  known  from  the  handy  little  volume  entitled  Six  Olcl 
English  Chronicles  in  Bohn's  Antiquarian  Library  where  it 
is  translated  into  English  under  the  heading  The  Worìcs  of 
Gilclas.  Students  should  be  warned  against  using  this 
translation  or  even  that  of  Prof .  Hugh  Williams  without 
reference  to  the  original.  No  mediseval  Latin  work  known 
to  me  needs  such  careful  handling  as  chs.  2  to  26  of  this 
collection,  which,  as  I  have  said,  constitute  no  part  of  the 
Epistola  Gildae,  but  f orm  a  much  later  work  wrongly  incor- 
porated  with  the  Epistola  Gildae  and  alone  meriting  the 
title  Excidium  Britanniae,  the  Loss  of  Britain.  It  actually 
possesses  a  Table  of  Contents  proper  to  itself,  now  ingeni- 
ously  interwoven  with  the  prefatory  remarks  of  the 
Epistola  Gildae,  and  is  also  furnished  with  a  typically 
formal  ending,  now  blunted  and  blurred  to  make  the  close 
of  the  one  book  read  smoothly  into  the  succeeding  portion 
of  the  other. 

The  Excidium  Britanniae  must  have  been  completed 
bef ore  a.d.  725  because  by  that  year  it  had  come  into  the 
hands  of  the  great  English  scholar  and  historian,  Bede. 
The  consequences  were  fateful,  for  Bede  used  it  again  in 


44  Excidium   Britanniae  ".  39 

his  Historia  Ecclesiastica  as  his  foremost  authority  for 
insular  events  in  the  fifth  and  sixth  centuries,  quoting  or 
paraphrasing'  the  greater  portion  of  it.  The  first  and 
immediate-  result  was  that  the  Excidium  Britanniae  was 
lost,  so  to  speak,  in  the  more  brilliant  narrative  of  Bede. 
Henceforward  men  read  the  Excidium  Britanniae  only 
through  Bede's  eyes.  The  Excidium  Britanniae  was  sup- 
planted  by  Bede's  borrowings  therefrom,  the  latter  being 
universally  accepted  whilst  scant  attention  was  paid  to  the 
former. 

More  than  a  century  ago  Peter  Roberts  in  his  Chronicle 
of  the  Kings  of  Britain  (London,  1811)  complains  of 
Leland,  Lhuyd,  Ussher,  and  Stilling'fleet,  that  while  they 
were  always  ready  to  attend  to  the  references  made  by 
Bede  and  his  chronicling  drsciples  to  the  writings  ascribed 
to  Gildas,  yet,  says  he,  these  scholars  "  do  not  appear  to 
have  given  that  attention  to  the  writings  themselves, 
which  was  extremely  necessary  ".  Aud  so  to-day  one  has 
cause  to  complain  and  protest  that  writers  of  distinction 
issue  works  from  the  press,  dealing  with  fifth  and  sixth 
century  Britain,  of  whom  it  may  equally  truly  be  said 
(for  a  close  scrutiny  of  their  books  and  articles  proves  it), 
that  they  "do  not  appear  to  have  given  that  attention, 
which  was  extremely  necessary  "  to  the  Excidium  Britan- 
niae,  notwithstanding  their  assurance  that  its  author  was 
the  chief,  if  not  the  only,  contemporary  voice  speaking  to 
us  out  of  those  two  dark  British  centuries.  They  attend 
to  the  Chronicles  which  follow  Bede,  and  they  attend  to 
Bede  who  follows  the  Excidium  Britanniae,  but  they  curi- 
ously  stop  short  at  giving  that  close  and  serious  attention, 
which  is  extremely  necessary,  to  the  Excidium  Britanniae 
itself.  Seventy  years  after  Peter  Roberts  sent  out  his 
disregarded  protest,  it  was  possible  for  John  Richard 
Green,  the  author  of  A  Short  History  of  the  English  People, 


40  Sorne  Insular  Sources  of  the 

to  write  in  all  seriousness  and  sobriety  that  "  Gildas  had 
seen  the  English  iiwasion " ;  and  yet  the  man,  whom 
Green  took  to  be  Gildas,  tells  us  plainly  that  from  the 
very  year  in  which  he  was  born  there  had  been  peace 
between  the  English  and  the  Welsh  !. 

Bede's  use  of  the  Excidium  Britanniae  was  followed  by 
a  far  greater  calamity  than  the  one  I  have  mentioned 
because  of  the  manner  in  which  he  misunderstood  it. 
Indeed  almost  all  the  prevailing  misconceptions  as  to  the 
work  in  question  are  traceable  to  him.  It  is  Bede  who, 
missing  the  purport  of  the  Excidium  Britanniae  that  the 
Britons  lost  the  whole  island  of  Britain  except  certain  cor- 
ners  in  the  west,  north  Scotland  first,  and  south  Scotland 
with  the  English  lowlands  from  the  Firth  of  Forth  to  the 
English  Channel  next,  limits  the  loss  to  the  latter  alone. 
It  is  Bede,  who,  mistaking  the  chronological  sequence  of 
the  narrative  bef  ore  him,  makes  the  English  to  have  landed 
shortly  after  a.d.  446,  and  interprets  the  forty-fourth  year 
from  the  Battle  of  the  Badonic  Hill  as  about  forty-four 
years  from  the  English  arrival,  with  the  fatal  result  that 
he  throws  back  the  victory  and  the  writing  of  the  book  by 
a  hundred  and  fifty  to  two  hundred  years.  And  fìnal ìj  it 
is  Bede  who  virtually  ascribes  the  authorship  of  the 
Excidium  Britanniae  to  Gildas  who  died  in  the  sixth  cen- 
tury,  and  so  starts  the  notion  that  Gildas  was  par  excel- 
lence  the  historian  of  the  Britons. 

That  Bede  should  have  set  the  seal  of  his  immense 
authority  on  such  lamentable  misconceptions  of  the 
Excidium  Britanniae  has  so  weighed  with  subsequent 
writers,  both  mediaîval  and  modern,  Welsh  writers  no  less 
than  English,  that  one  can  hardl}r  get  a  hearing  for  any 
other  view.  Peter  Roberts  at  the  commencement  of  the 
nineteenth  century,  Thomas  Wright  in  the  middle,  and 
Alfred  Anscombe  at  the  end,  have  been  so  many  voices 


"  Excidium    Britanniae" .  41 

crying  in  the  wilderness.  For  over  a  thousand  years  the 
knowledge  of  our  national  origins,  both  English  and 
Welsh,  has  been  poisoned  at  the  springs.  On  the  strength 
of  a  slight  sermonical  sketch  of  a  supposed  national 
decline,  written  in  a.d.  708  and  erroneously  conceived  to 
have  been  by  a  prominent  and  learned  Welsh  ecclesiastic 
about  a.d.  5 10,  there  is  taught  as  sober  history  throughout 
the  schools  of  the  world  the  fable  of  an  English  conquest 
of  Britain  commencing  shortly  after  a.d.  446,  and  accom- 
panied  by  a  vast  displacement  of  Welsh  people  from  the 
eastern  districts  of  southern  Britain  into  the  midlands  and 
from  the  midlands  into  the  western  corners  of  Strathclyde, 
Wales,  and  the  Devonian  peninsula.  The  true  story  of 
fifth  and  sixth  century  Britain,  whatever  that  may  have 
been,  is  obscured  almost  toobliteration,  the  chronological 
sequence  of  events  thrown  out  of  gear,  and  the  events 
themselves  distorted  in  exposition  to  force  them  to  fit  into 
the  scheme  of  a  fìctitious  theory. 

Of  the  history  of  Britain  down  to  the  memorable  siege 
of  the  Badonic  Hill  there  appears  to  have  been  no  con- 
nected  narrative  known  to  the  author  of  the  Excidium 
Britanniae.  He  tells  us  in  ch.  4  that  he  follows  the 
account  of  the  island  as  given  by  foreign  historians,  which 
says  he,  is  far  from  clear  owing  to  its  scrappiness.  Appar- 
ently  there  are  110  British  historians  to  draw  from,no  British 
Paulus  Orosius  or  Rufinus,  but  it  should  be  noted  that 
he  does  not  altogether  deny  having  made  use  of  British 
documentary  evidence.  He  will  write,  says  he,  non  tam  ex 
scriptis  patriae,  not  so  much  from  native  records,  which,  if 
they  ever  existed,  have  been  burnt  or  carried  away,  and  so 
are  not  at  hand.  He  will  write  not  so  much  from  native 
records  quam  transmarina  relatione,  as  from  foreign  ac- 
counts.  Decisive  as  this  language  may  sound,  it  does  not 
preclude  British  writings  but  even  implies  some  use  of  such. 


42  Some  Insular  Sources  of  the 

Indeed,  if  we  consider  his  words  closely,  it  is  the 
paucity  or  lack  of  native  records  in  the  times  qf  the  Roman 
emperors  that  he  is  referring  to.  His  words  are  as 
follows :  "  Only  those  evils  which  the  island  has  both 
suífered  and  inâicted  upon  other  and  distant  citizens  in 
the  times  of  the  Boman  emperors  will  I  attempt  to  make 
public.  I  shall  have  done  it,  however,  as  well  as  I  can, 
not  so  much  from  writings  of  the  country  or  records  of 
authors,  which  indeed,  if  they  ever  existed,  have  either 
been  burnt  by  the  enemies'  fires  or  carried  far  away  in  the 
citizens'  fleet  of  exile  and  so  are  not  at  hand,  as  from 
foreign  accounts,  which,  broken  by  frequent  gaps,  are  not 
very  clear."  Now  a  long  time  had  elapsed  since  the  days 
of  the  Roman  emperors  and  the  crackling  of  the  enemies' 
fires  and  the  over-sea  migration  of  citizens.  First,  there 
had  been  forty-three  years  of  peace  between  Britons  and 
Saxons,  that  is,  since  the  victory  at  the  Badonic  Hill. 
Secondly,  there  had  been  a  period  up  to  that  victory  of 
alternate  successes  and  reverses  going  back  to  the  days  of 
Ambrosius  Aurelianus,  who,  after  the  Britons  had  been 
bundled  into  the  west,  rallied  them  to  their  fìrst  victory 
over  the  Saxons.  Thus  at  the  date  when  our  author  was 
writing,  there  had  been  ample  time  and  occasion  for 
learned  Britons  to  jot  down  memoranda  of  events  in  their 
history.  Note  well  then  that  it  is  the  affairs  of  the  island 
in  Roman  times  for  which  he  lacks  native  records.  If  such 
ever  existed,  they  were  either  burnt  in  that  rapid  fìery 
advance  of  the  English  from  the  eastern  portion  of  the 
island  to  the  Western  Ocean,  even  from  sea  to  sea,  or  they 
were  carried  away  by  those  Britons  who  quitted  Britain 
for  foreign  strands.  Our  author  is  not  referring  to  what 
historical  memoranda  may  have  been  written  since  those 
fires  and  flights.  And  it  is  one  of  my  objects  in  this  paper 
to  shew  that  he  must  have  had  some  such  before  him. 


"  Excidium    Britanniae  "  43 

But  first  I  will  deal  with  the  use  which  he  made  of  arch- 
seolog-ical  evidence,  especially  for  that  Roman  period,  for 
which  he  professes  himself  to  be  short  of  native  written 
material.  The  îoreign  accounts  of  Eoman  Britain  being* 
scrappy,  he  is  constrained  to  seek  what  the  actual  Eoman 
remains  in  the  island  may  have  to  tell  him. 

(a)  Arceüeological  Evidence. 

(i)  Cities  and  Sirongholds. — In  ch.  3  he  says  that  the 
island  of  Britain  is  "  beautified  by  twice  ten  and  twice 
four  cẅitates,  cities,  and  some  castella,  strongholds,  moli- 
tiones,  laborious  building's,  built  in  an  unexceptionable 
manner,  of  muri,  walls,  turres  serratae,  serrated  towers, 
portae,  gates,  domus,  houses,  the  tops  of  which,  stretching 
aloft  with  threatening'  height,  were  firmly  fi^ed".1  In  ch. 
24,  where  he  describes  the  Saxon  advance,  he  says,  "  For 
the  fire  of  just  vengeance  blazed,  because  of  former  crimes, 
from  sea  to  sea,  heaped  up  by  the  eastern  band  of  sacri- 
legists  (i.e.  the  Saxons),  and  as  it  devastated  all  the  nearest 
cẁitates  agriaue,  cities  and  lands,  did  not  cease  after  it 
had  been  kindled  until  it  burnt  up  nearly  the  whole  sur- 
face  of  the  island  and  licked  the  Western  Ocean  with  its 
red  and  savage  tongue  ....     Thus  were  all  the  coloniae 

1  The  chapter,  in  which  the  above  passage  occurs,  is  given  a 
capitulum  in  ch.  2  entitled  De  situ  [Britanniae].  This  capitulum 
doubtless  applies  only  to  the  opening  of  the  chapter  "  on  the  geo- 
graphical  situatiou  of  Britain  ",  although  the  chapter  itself  includes 
also  a  short  general  description  of  the  island,  its  dimensions, 
physical  features,  towns,  forts,  and  a  reference  to  its  former  history. 
If  situs  is  meant  to  include  all  this,  a  still  more  extended  use  of 
the  word  may  be  exemphfied  in  another  document  of  Welsh  import- 
ance,  the  De  situ  Brecheniauc,  early  thirteenth  century,  copied  from 
a  MS.  at  least  as  old  as  the  eleventh  century  and  printed  in  Y 
Cymmrodor,  xix,  24-27.  Nothing  is  said  in  this  of  the  geographical 
situation  of  Brycheiniog,  but  there  are  indications  that  the  document 
is  incomplete. 


44  Some  Insular  Sources  of  the 

brought  low  with  the  frequent  shocks  of  battering  rams, 
also  all  the  coloni  with  the  bishops  of  the  church,  with 
priests  and  people,  whilst  swords  gleamed  on  every  side 
and  ílames  craclded.  They  were  mown  down  together  to 
the  g-round.  And,  sad  sight !  there  were  seen  in  the 
midst  of  plateae,  streets,  the  bottom  stones  of  turres,  towers, 
with  tall  cardo,  beam  or  door,  cast  down,  and  of  muri  celsi, 

high  walls,   sacred  altaria,  altars There    was    no 

sepulture  of  any  kind  save  domorum  ruinae,  the  ruins  of 
houses  ",  etc.  In  ch.  26  describing  the  state  of  Britain 
forty-three  years  after  the  Battle  of  the  Badonic  Hill,  he 
says:  "not  even  noware  the  cẁitates,  cities,  of  the  country 
inhabited  as  formerly ;  but  deserted  and  dismantled  they 
lie  neglected  until  now  ". 

The  chapter,  in  Avhich  the  first  of  the  above  passages 
occurs,  includes  much  of  what  the  author  had  doubtless 
seen  with  his  own  eyes,  the  sea  promontories  and  curved 
bays,  the  plains,  hills,  mountains,  the  flora,  wells,  streams 
and  lakes.  His  eyes  are  receptive  to  the  physical  objects 
about  him,  and  when  these  chance  to  be  the  work  of 
men's  hands,  he  will  try  to  make  them  tell  their  story. 
The  number  of  cities  in  Britain  may  have  been  a  common- 
place,  but  his  additional  mention  of  strongholds,  his 
account  of  such  structures  as  works  of  great  labour,  his 
detailed  notice  of  walls,  towers,  gates,  and  houses,  strong 
in  their  foundations  and  therefore  able  to  have  borne 
lofty  and  threatening  superstructures, — all  this  certainly 
suggests  the  description  of  an  eye  witness.  The  land  is 
full  of  ruined  cities  and  forts  from  Eoman  times,  and  our 
author  has  seen  some  of  them  and  may  see  them  again  at 
any  time. 

It  was  a  sad  sight.  He  could  still  wander  in  the 
deserted  streets  and  view  those  strong  foundations  where- 
on  had  once  stood  towers,  high  walls,  and  altars.     Around 


' '  Excidiu m  Briía nniae".  45 

him  were  ruins  of  houses,  and  as  he  gazed  he  could  re- 
create  in  his  mind  the  lurid  scenes  of  their  destruction. 
All  this  would  have  occurred  long  before  he  was  born. 
There  had  been  peace  in  his  time,  ever  since  the  year  of 
the  great  victory  at  the  Badonic  Hill,  which  was  the  forty- 
fourth  backwards  from  the  time  in  which  he  was  writing. 
And  these  cwitates  and  coloniae  had  perished  long  even 
before  that. 

The  ciwitates  and  coloniae  to  which  he  refers,  are  to  be 
sought  in  Britain  south  of  the  Firths  of  Forth  and  Clyde. 
The  coloniae  properly  so  called  were  York,  Lincoln,  Col- 
chester,  and  Grloucester.  Their  destruction  was  from  that 
eastern  portion  of  the  island  where  the  Saxons  first  landed 
no  small  interval  after  a.d.  446  to  the  Western  Ocean, 
even  from  sea  to  sea. 

(ii)  The  Two  Walls. — In  ch.  15  the  Eoman  legion, 
which  after  the  death  of  Maximus  in  388,  comes  to  the 
assistance  of  the  Britons  against  the  Picts  and  Scots,  is 
made  to  bid  the  citizens  "  to  build  a  murus,  wall,  across 
the  island  between  two  seas,  so  that  when  manned  by  a 
troop  it  might  be  a  terror  to  repel  the  foe  and  a  protection 
to  the  citizens ;  which  being  made  not  so  much  of  lajndes, 
stones,  as  of  cespites,  turf,  proved  of  no  benefit  to  the 
foolish  and  leaderless  mob  ".  In  ch.  18  the  Eomans,  who 
came  to  assist  the  Britons  for  the  second  time  against  the 
Picts  and  Scots, — "  because  they  were  thinking  that  this 
would  bring  some  advantage  to  the  people  whom  they 
were  leaving  behind,  build  a  murus,  wall,  not  [like  the 
other,  at  the  public  and  at  private  expense,  the  wretched 
inhabitants  being  joined  with  them ;  [they  build  the  wall] 
in  their  wonted  manner  of  structure,  across,  in  a  straight 
line,  from  sea  to  sea  ". 

These  two  walls  are  those  of  Antonine  and  Hadrian 
(as  we  commonly  call  them)  respectively,  constructed  not 


46  Some  Insular  Sotirces  of  the 

as  our  author  says  after  the  death  of  Maximus  in  388,  but 
in  140  and  124  (or  211).  Whether  he  had  seen  them 
himself  does  not  appear,  but  he  is  certainly  well  informed 
as  to  their  character.  Of  the  fìrst,  which  he  says  was 
made  of  turf  rather  than  stone,  modern  archseologists 
declare  that  it  is  a  wall  of  regularly  laid  sods  resting  on  a 
stone  pavement.  As  to  the  second  he  knows  that  it  is 
built  of  stone,  in  the  manner  of  the  Romans,  and  that  it 
runs  directly  from  sea  to  sea. 

(iii)  The  Forts  on  Hadrian,s  Wall. — In  ch.  18  the 
Romans  build  the  stone  wall  "  between  urbes,  forts,  which 
had  perhaps  been  erected  there  through  fear  of  enemies." 

By  the  urbes  he  doubtless  means  the  larger  f  orts,  con- 
tiguous  to  the  wall  or  generally  so,  some  sixteen  in 
number.  He  knows  that  they  were  older  than  what  he 
deems  the  wall  itself  to  be.  But  why  they  should  have 
been  erected  there,  he  is  at  a  loss  to  know.  It  must  be 
remembered  that  he  thought  Britain  to  have  been  wholly 
British  and  to  have  been  wholly  unmolested  by  barbarians 
till  after  the  revolt  of  Maximus  (383-388),  when  Picts  and 
Scots  began  coming  for  the  fìrst  time.  The  wall  was 
built  to  keep  these  back,  but  why  the  urbes,  forts,  between 
which  the  wall  had  been  built,  should  have  been  erected 
there,  he  could  not  tell.  He  suggests  that  it  was  owing 
to  some  enemy. 

(iv)  The  Forts  of  ihe  8axon  Shore. — In  ch.  18  he  says 
that  the  Romans  "  on  the  shore  of  the  ocean  also  ad 
meridianam  plagam,  towards  the  south,  where  their  ships 
were  wont  to  ride,  erect  turres  per  intervalla,  towers  at 
intervals,  overlooking  the  sea,  because  from  that  quarter 
also  wild  barbarian  hordes  were  being  feared." 

The  nine  forts  of  the  Saxon  Shore  extended  from  the 
Wash  to  the  Solent.  They  were  all  erected  before  the 
death  of  Constantius  Chlorus  in  a.d.  30G,  and  not  as  our 


"  Excìdium   Britanniae" .  47 

author  says  after  the  death  of  Maximus  in  388.  There  is 
no  indication  that  he  has  seen  them,  but  he  is  well  in- 
formed  of  their  situation.  They  overlook  the  sea,  they 
are  built  at  intervals,  and  they  are  towards  the  south  of 
the  island. 

(v)  Sculptured  Remains. — In  ch.  4  :  "  nor  do  I  enumerate 
those  diabolical  portenta,  monstrosities,  of  the  country, 
almost  surpassing  in  number  those  of  Egypt,  of  which  we 
still  see  some,  of  ugly  features,  within  or  without  deserted 
walls,  stiff  with  stern  looks  as  was  the  custom." 

Here  we  have  confessedly  the  testimony  of  an  eye 
witness,  who  spealcs  of  what  he  himself  has  seen  and  of 
what  may  be  seen  by  anyone  in  his  time,  of  monuments  of 
pagan  gods,  once  honoured  but  now  neglected  and  shunned 
lilce  the  walls  about  them.  They  are  the  remains  of  the 
old  idolatry,  of  the  old  gods  of  pagan  Eome  affined  or 
otherwise  with  barbarian  deities,  and  of  oriental  cults 
such  as  of  Mithras,  Isis,  and  Serapis.  Many  of  these 
still  survive. 

(vi)  Coins. — In  ch.  7  :  "  whatever  [Britain]  might  have 
of  copper,  silver,  or  gold,  might  be  stamped  with  the 
image  of  Csesar." 

Our  obseiwant  author  could  not  have  been  otherwise 
than  familiar  with  Eoman  coins,  which  are  still  being  dis- 
covered  yearly  in  Britain.  The  complete  subjugation  of 
the  island  to  Rome  is  evident  to  him  from  the  universal 
image  and  superscription  of  Csesars  on  the  old  coinage. 

(vii)  Weapons. — In  ch.  18  the  Eomans  before  their 
final  departure  urge  the  Britons  "  to  provide  their  hands 
with  peltae,  shields,  enses,  swords,  and  hastae,  spears."  And 
the  Romans  leave  behind  exemplaria  instituendorum 
armorum,  patterns  for  the  manufacture  of  weapons.  In 
ch.  19  there  is  mention  of  the  uncinata  tela,  the  hooked 
weapons,  of  the  Picts  and  Scots  with  which  they  drag  the 


48  Some  Insular  Sources  of  the 

citizens  from  the  walls.  In  ch.  21  reference  is  made  to 
hostium  tela,  missiles  of  enemies,  and  in  ch.  22  to  mucro,  a 
sword.  In  ch.  24:  "all  the  coloniae  were  brought  down 
with  the  frequent  shocks  of  arietes,  battering  rams," 
i.e.,  by  the  Saxons,  who  are  also  provided  with  gleaming 
mucrones,  swords. 

The  author  is  apparently  distinguishing  between  the 
weapons  of  the  Britons  and  those  of  their  enemies.  The 
weapons  of  the  Britons  are  Roman  weapons,  copied  from 
Eoman  patterns.  He  may  have  arrived  at  this  conclusion 
or  corroborated  it  to  his  own  satisfaction  by  examination 
of  such  relics  from  Roman  times. 

(viii)  Ships. — In  ch.  3  rates,  vessels,  were  wont  to  bear 
foreiom  luxuries  alon£  the  Thames  and  the  Severn.     In 

o  o 

ch.  4  there  is  reference  to  civium  exilii  classis,  citizens' 
fleet  of  exile.  In  ch.  15  a  Roman  legion  crosses  the 
ocean  to  the  country  in  rates,  vessels.  In  ch.  16  the  Picts 
and  Scots  "  burst  the  boundaries,  borne  across  by  wings 
of  oars,  by  arms  of  rowers,  and  by  sails  bulged  with 
wind."  In  ch.  18  Roman  naves,  ships,  were  wont  to  ride 
near  the  coast  towards  the  south.  In  ch.  19  "the  Scots 
and  Picts  eagerly  emerge  from  the  curuci,  coracles,  in 
which  they  sailed  across  the  sea."  In  ch.  23,  "the 
Saxons  came  tribus  ut  lingua  eius  exprimitur  cyulis  nostra 
longis  navibus,  in  three  ships,  cyulae,  keels,  as  it  is 
expressed  in  their  language  (English),  longae,  llongau,  in 
ours  (Welsh)."  Another  company  of  Saxons  follows 
"borne  in  rates,  vessels."  In  ch.  25  some  of  the  Britons 
fled  beyond  the  seas  "singing  beneath  the  swelling  sails". 

In  comparing  the  above  passages  it  will  be  seen  that 
our  author  is  clearly  distinguishing  between  the  vessels 
used  by  the  different  peoples  connected  with  the  British 
Isles.  The  coracle  was  doubtless  a  slight  vessel,  provided 
with  sails  as  well  as  oars.     The  Saxon  heels  are  equated 


"  Excidium   Britanniae".  49 

with  the  British  llongau,  the  latter  word  being  from  the 
Latin  long(a  navis),  ship  of  war. 

(ix)  Ancient  Martyrs.  —  In  ch.  10,  our  author  in 
referring  to  the  Diocletian  persecution  (303-312)  speaks  of 
"  holy  martyrs,  the  grayes  of  whose  bodies  and  the  sites 
of  whose  sufferings  might  now  be  inspiring  the  minds  of 
beholders  with  no  small  glow  of  divine  love  if  they  were 
not,  guam  ylurima^yerj  many  of  them,  taken  away  from 
the  citizens  on  account  of  our  crimes  owing  to  lugubre 
diuortium  barbarorum,  the  disastrous  partition  caused  by 
the  barbarians.  I  speak  of  saint  Alban  of  Verulam, 
Aaron  and  Julius,  citizens  of  Caerlleon,  and  the  rest  of 
either  sex  in  diverse  places  who  in  Christ's  battle  stood 
firm  with  lofty  nobleness  of  mind."  In  ch.  10:  "Thus 
when  ten  years  of  the  violence  referred  to  had  scarcely 

passed they  repair  the  churches   ruined   to   the 

ground,  they  found,  construct,  and  complete  basilicae  of 
holy  martyrs,  and  set  them  forth  in  many  places  as  em- 
blems  of  victory  ". 

Here  again  the  author  doubtless  has  his  eye  on  actual 
sites,  where  he  supposes  martyrs  to  have  perished  in  the 
Diocletian  persecution,  or  where  he  supposes  the  bodies 
of  martyrs  to  lie.  There  can  be  but  little  doubt  that  he 
is  referring  to  the  merthyr  place-names  of  '  Britannia  ', 
which  were  formerly  far  more  common  than  they  are  now 
and  which  are  still  sufficiently  numerous,  and,  in  the  one 
instance  of  Merthyr  Tydvil,  sufficiently  important  to  make 
the  term  familiar  to  all.  They  are  generally  associated 
with  personal  names,  not  only  of  men  like  Cynog  but  also 
of  women  like  Tydvil,  so  that  when  our  author  speaks  of 
martyrs  of  both  sexes  in  diverse  places,  he  is  doubtless 
thinking  of  our  merthyr  place-names,  which  carry  with 
them  the  names  of  both  males  and  females.  In  Y  Cym- 
mrodor,xxiv,  46-7,1  have  collected  instances  of  these  merthyr 

E 


5<d  Some  Insular  Sources  of  the 

place-names,  and  it  is  to  be  observed  that  they  are 
only  found  in  those  parts  of  Wales  where  Irish  influences 
are  known  to  have  prevailed.  [I  shall  not  be  far  wrong 
when  I  say  that  they  are  found  in  "  the  regions  producing 
inscribed  stones  with  rude  Latin  capitals  "  of  which  Prof . 
J.  E.  Lloyd  speaks  in  his  History  of  Wales,  115.]  The 
personal  names  are  those  of  "  saints  ':  who  fiourished, 
not  indeed  in  the  time  of  the  Emperor  Diocletian  or  any 
other  persecuting  Emperor,  but  in  the  fìfth  and  sixth 
centuries,  many  of  them  being  members  of  the  very  Irish 
family  of  Brychan.  In  fact  they  were,  many  of  them, 
contemporaries  and  perhaps  acquaintances  of  St.  Gildas, 
who  therefore  (densely  ignorant  though  Prof .  Lloyd  thinks 
him  to  have  been,  ibid.,  98)  could  hardly  have  supposed 
that  they  were  victims  of  Christian  persecution  two  cen- 
turies  previously. 

Merthyr  in  Welsh  place-names  does  not  stand  for 
martyrium  in  the  catholic  sense,  that  is,  a  church  raised 
in  memory  of  a  martyr  on  the  site  of  his  martyrdom  or 
over  his  remains.  According  to  Sir  Edward  Anwyl  it 
simply  meant  a  saint.  "  Am  ystyr  y  gair  Merthir  (says 
he)  mewn  enwau  lleoedd  yng  Nghymru,  credwn  nad  oes 
ynddo  unrhyw  gyfeiriad  at  '  ferthyrdod  '  o  gwbl,  ond  ei 
fod  fel  y  gair  Gwyddelig  martir  yn  gyfystyr  a  '  sant ' 
(Y  Beimiad,  ii,  135).  Hitherto  from  some  words  of 
Zimmer  I  have  understood  that  Welsh  merthyr  is  from 
the  Latin  martyr-ium  bearing  an  Irish  meaning  'the 
burial  place  of  a  saint ' ;  that  Merthyr  Dingad,  f  or  in- 
stance,  in  Monmouthshire,  has  an  exact  English  equation 
in  Dingatstow,  i.e.,  the  holy  place  of  saint  Dingad.  How- 
ever  this  may  be,  one  thing  is  certain  that  our  merthyr 
place-names  do  not  in  any  way  involve  reminiscences  of 
Diocletian  martyrs. 

The  author  of  the  Excidium  Britanniae,  therefore,  in 


"  Excidium  Britanniae".  51 

considering  the  many  merthyr  place-names  of  '  Britannia', 

would  have  made  two  mistakes  about  them,  first,  in  sup- 

posing   that   thej   were   martyria   in   the   catholic  sense 

familiar  to  readers  of  such  fathers  as  St.  Jerome ;  and 

secondly,  in  supposing  that  they  derived  their  origin  from 

the  Diocletian  persecution.     It  would  have  been  impos- 

sible  for  a  sixth  century  Welsh  ecclesiastic  to  have  com- 

mitted    such    a   blunder,  which   ranks  with  the   author's 

statement  about  the  Walls  of  Hadrian  and  Antonine  and 

the  Forts  of  the  Saxon  Shore  that  they  were  built  after 

a.d.  388,  and  with  those  other  equally  stupid  statements 

relative  to  the  Picts  and  Scots  that  they  never  entered 

Britain  till  the  departure  of  Maximus  exposed  the  island 

to   their   forays,    and   relative   to  the  Saxons  that   they 

landed  in  Britain  for   the  first  time   some   considerable 

interval  after  a.d.  446  !     Much  less  could  that  ecclesiastic 

have  been  St.  Gildas  who  was  familiar  with  Irish  Christi- 

anity,  and  who  must  at  least  have  met  people  who  knew 

some    of   the  '  martyrs  '  after  whom    the  merthyr   place- 

names  are  called.     It  is  obvious  that  the  man  who  wrote 

the    Excidium    Britanniae   was    writing  at  a  much    later 

period,  when  Irish  influences  in  Wales  had  decayed,  and 

did  not  even  suspect  that  the  merthyr  place-names  could 

stand  for  anything  other  than  martyres  or  martyria  in  the 

catholic  sense. 

In  this  connection  it  is  instructive  to  realize  that  the 

author  of  the  Excidium  Britanniat,  seemed  to  be  unaware 

of  any  permanent  Irish  settlements  in  southern  Britain. 

The  Picts  and  Scots  had  seized  Scotland,  north   of   the 

wall    of    Hadrian,    before    a.d.    446,    and    had   ravaged 

southern  Britain.     But  when,  sometime  after  a.d.  446,  the 

Britons   inflicted  upon  them   a  very  decisive  defeat,  the 

Scots   went   back   to   Ireland,    whilst    the    Picts  retired 

beyond  the  Wall  of  Antonine  to  settle  there  for  the  first 

e2 


52  Some  Insular  Sources  of  the 

time !  No  small  interval  after  a.d.  446,  which  interval 
was  a  periocl  of  unpredecented  prosperity,  the  English  lan- 
ded  in  Britain  for  the  first  time  and  drove  the  Britons  in 
one  amazing,  irresistible  sweep  out  of  the  eastern  division 
of  southern  Britain  into  the  mountains,  forests,  and  sea- 
islands  of  the  west.  The  English  had  come  at  the  invita- 
tion  of  the  Britons  because  the  Picts  and  Scots  had  re- 
commenced  worrying  them.  No  particulars  are  giyen  of 
this  fourth  invasion  of  Picts  and  Scots,  but  as  it  is  made 
to  occur  no  small  interval  after  a.d.  446,  it  may  point  to 
the  advent  of  the  Dalriad  Scots  in  Cantire  under  Fergus 
mac  Erc.  At  any  rate,  the  author  of  the  Excidium 
Britanniae  nowhere  gives  any  indication  that  he  knew  of 
Irish  settlements  in  Wales.  No  wonder,  then,  that  he 
blundered  in  his  interpretation  of  martyr  with  its  specifi- 
cally  Irish  meaning. 

Our  author  states  that  very  many  of  the  graves  of  his 
supposed  Diocletian  martyrs  and  of  the  sites  of  their 
sufferings  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  barbarians, 
which  he  might  very  reasonably  have  calculated  must 
have  been  so,  seeing  that  according  to  him  the  whole 
island  of  Britain  from  Totnes  to  Caithness  was  occupied 
by  the  Britons  under  Roman  rule  until  after  the  revolt  of 
Maximus  in  a.d.  383-8.  If  there  were  numerous  martyr 
sites  still  left  in  Wales,  how  many  more  must  there  not 
have  been  in  the  rest  of  Britain  whence  the  Britons  had 
been  driven  out !  Our  author,  then,  might  simply  have 
concluded  from  the  merthyr  place-names  of  Wales  (as  of 
Julius  and  Aaron  at  Caerlleon)  that  there  must  have  been 
similar  martyr  sites  in  England  (as  perhaps  at  that  time 
of  Alban  at  Verulam)  and  in  Scotland  as  well,  which  had 
been  captured  by  the  barbarians.  This  may  have  been  all 
that  he  meant.  But  he  here  uses  a  very  peculiar  phrase. 
He  spealcs  of  graves  having  been  taken  away  owing  to  a 


" Excidium  Britcuiniae" .  53 

iugubre  dẁortium,  a  disastrous  partition,  a  '  divorce  ',  a 
cutting-asunder,  caused  by  the  barbarians.  The  word 
dẁortium,  'divorce',  seems  too  specific  to  mean  the  general 
destruction  of  the  island.  May  it  not  refer  to  some  speci- 
ally  disastrous  cutting-asunder  of  Britons,  such  as  we  have 
all  hitherto  fancied  ensued  011  the  Battle  of  Dyrham  in 
a.d.  577  when  the  West-Saxons  successfully  penetrated 
the  tripolitan  area  of  Gloucester,  Cirencester,  and  Bath, 
and  'divorced'  the  Britons  of  Wales  from  those  of  the 
Devonian  peninsula?  If  Britons  or  Irish  really  did 
occupy  this  tripolitan  area,  we  might  here  find  room  for 
lost  merthyr  place-names,  an  extension  eastwards  of  the 
merthyr  place-names  of  Monmouthshire. 

(x)  Retreats  of  persecuted  Ghristians. — In  ch.  11,  our 
author  says  that  those  who  survived  the  Diocletian  perse- 
cution  "  hid  themselves  in  sifoae,  woods,  and  in  deserta, 
deserts,  and  in  secret  spelunca,  caves  ". 

Ever  since  the  Christian  religion  triumphed  in 
'  Britannia '  there  have  existed  place-nauaes  of  woods, 
deserts,  and  caves,  associated  with  '  saints  '.  The  Latin 
desertum  has  become  the  Welsh  place-name  dyserth, 
meaning  a  wild  desolate  spot  adopted  for  religious  retire- 
ment  by  some  Christian  eremite.  We  have  to-day  such 
places  as  ogof  Edi,  St.  Edi's  cave,  and  Gelli  Cawrdaf,  St. 
Cavvrdav's  wood.  In  such  place-names  our  author  might 
very  possibly  have  seen  evidences  of  Christian  persecution 
in  Britain  as  he  doubtless  did  in  the  merthyr  place-names. 
I  cannot  refrain  in  this  connection  from  quoting  some 
words  of  that  excellent  Welsh  clergyman,  Carnhuanawc, 
writing  between  1836  and  1842.  He  says,  "  Pe  buasai 
hanes  y  wlad  hon  yn  amser  Diocletianus  ar  glawr  mewn 
cyflwr  o  gyflawnder,  diameu  y  gwelsem  amryw  enghreiff- 
tiau  o  ferthyrdod  a  dioddefaint.  Ac  am  fod  yr  ychydig 
hysbysiad  a  roddir  gan  awdur  yr  Excidium  Britanniae  yn 


54  Some   Insular  Sources  of  the 

mynegi  i'r  Cristionogion  orfod  ffoi  i'r  coedydd  a'r  llefydd 
anial  aW  ogfeydd  celedig,  y  mae'n  ddilys  y  buasai  gennym 
yr  awrhon  goffadwriaeth  am  ddefnyddiad  amryw  leoedd 
adnabyddys  yn  ein  plith  i'r  cyfry w  ddiogeliad.  Ac  y  mae 
ynof  duedd  cryf  i  feddwl  fod  rhai  ogfeydd  yng  Nghymru 
eto  yn  dwyn  arnodiad  o'r  cyfryw  wasanaeth  neu  o  ryw  un 
cyffelyb".  There  is  no  foundation,  however,  for  this 
belief.  As  in  the  case  of  the  merthyrs,  the  saintly  names 
associated  with  wood  and  rock  retreats  are  those  of  fifth 
and  sixth  century  ecclesiastics. 

(b)  Indications  of  Native  Records  and  Traditions. 

(i)  Among  these  we  must  class  the  Epistolae  ad  Agitium, 
the  Letter  to  Agitius.  Agitius  is  Aëtius  (wrongly  spelt 
in  transcription),  chief  minister  of  the  Western  Empire 
under  Placidia  and  Yalentinian.  He  was  f our  times  consul, 
to  wit,  in  432,  437,  446,  and  454.  In  455  he  was  assassi- 
nated  by  Valentinian  himself .  The  author  of  the  Excidium 
Britannia.e  must  have  had  access  to  a  copy  of  the  letter  sent 
by  the  Britons  to  this  Aëtius,  and  as  Aëtius  is  described 
in  it  as  ter  consul,  consul  for  the  third  time,  we  are  fortu- 
nately  furnished  with  an  important  date  which  helps  us  to 
determine  the  chronological  frameworlc  of  the  narrative 
of  the  Excidium  Britanniae.  Only  a  portion  of  the  letter 
is  given,  which  is  made  to  represent  the  misery  of  Britain 
owing  to  the  ravages  of  Picts  and  Scots.  It  begins  as 
follows  :  Agitio  ter  consuli  gemitus  Britannorum,  to  Agitius 
in  his  third  consulship,  the  Groans  of  the  Britons.  That 
the  author  of  the  Excidium  Britanniae  was  actually  quoting 
from  a  copy  of  the  very  letter,  is  proved  by  the  fact  that  he 
tells  us  he  is  skipping  a  passage  before  going  on  with  his 
quotation.  Then  :  "  the  barbarians  drive  us  to  the  sea,  the 
sea  driues  us  to  the  barbarians  ;  between  these  two  sorts  of 
deaths  we  either  have  our  throats  cut  or  are  drowned  ".     And 


"  Excidium   Britanniae" .  55 

again  the  author  instead  of  quoting  gives  the  sense,  to  the 
effect  that  the  Britons  assert  they  have  no  aid.  Now  as 
Aëtius  was  consul  for  the  third  time  in  a.d.  446  this  letter 
must  have  been  written  any  time  from  that  year  to  the 
year  when  he  became  consul  for  the  fourth  time,  i.e.,  a.d. 
454.  In  other  words,  the  letter  was  written  and  sent  not 
earlier  than  a.d.  446  and  not  later  than  a.d.  453.  And  as 
it  was  in  this  interval  (circa  447)  that  St.  Germanus  of 
Auxerre  came  to  Britain  for  the  second  time,  who,  we 
know,  did  go  afterwards  to  Ravenna  to  intercede  with 
Aëtius  for  the  peace  of  Armorica  (Vita  s.  Germani,  II,  i, 
62),  we  may  not  unreasonably  believe  that  he  at  the  same 
time  carried  with  him  "  the  Groans  of  the  Britons ". 
The  author  of  the  Excidium  Britanniae  is  making  too 
great  a  demand  on  our  credulity  when  he  would  have  us 
believe  that  the  barbarians  mentioned  in  the  letter  were 
only  the  Picts  and  Scots.  We  know  from  other  and 
better  sources  that  the  Saxons  too  were  busy  in  Britain  at 
this  time.  But  our  author  would  make  no  small  interval 
inteiwene  between  the  despatch  of  the  Letfcer  to  Aëtius 
and  the  first  landing  of  the  Saxons.  He  tells  us  that  after 
the  Letter  to  Aetius  in  446  the  Britons  won  their  first 
victory  over  the  Picts  and  Scots.  The  Scots  retired  to 
Ireland,  whilst  the  Picts  withdrew  to  north  Scotland  to 
settle  there  for  the  first  time  !  Then  followed  a  period  of 
unprecedented  prosperity,  and  the  narrative  demands  that 
it  should  be  no  small  period.  Only  at  its  termination  did 
the  Saxons  come.  Whatever  may  be  thought  of  this,  one 
thin.2  is  certain  that  the  author  of  the  Excidium  Britanniae 
was  quite  clear  in  his  own  mind,  although  he  may  not 
have  managed  to  make  it  so  clear  to  us,  as  to  the  year 
when  he  conceived  the  English  to  have  landed  for  the  first 
time  in  the  island.  It  was  no  small  interval  after  a.d. 
446. 


5 ^  Some  Insular  Sonrccs  of  the 

(ii)  It  is  evident  that  in  his  account  of  St.  Alban  our 
author   is   quoting  from   some    Passio  Albani.     It  is  the 
only  part  of  his  narrative  where  the  miraculous  element 
is   introduced,   and  at  this  point  he  seems  to  imply  the 
presence   of  a  Roman  army  in  the  island  which  he  cer- 
tainly  does  not   do  elsewhere  except  in  his  account   of 
Maximus,   where  also  he  appears   to    be  following  some 
written  account.     Whether  the  Passio  was  of  British  or 
continental  origin  is  not  so  certain.     St,  Alban  was  cer- 
tainly  known  in  Gaul  in  the  sixth  century  as  evidenced 
by  the  poem  of  Fortunatus  (Bede's  H.E.,  i,  7),  and  also  in 
the   fifth    century,  for  Constantius  malces   St.  Germanus 
visit  St.  Alban's  tomb  in  his  Vita  S.  Germani.     Possibiy, 
therefore,  the  Passio  was   compiled  in  Gaul.     This  may 
account  for  the  mention  of  the  Thames  as  the  river  which 
'the  saint  crossed.     It  is  significant  that  Bede,  who  fixes 
the  site  of  the  martyrdom  at  Verulamium,  does  not  name 
the    river.     The    Excidium   Britanniae    names    the    river, 
which,  as  I   have  said,  is  the  Thames,  but  does  not  fix 
the  site.     Alban  is  only  said  to  have  been  of  Verulamium. 
There   is   evidence   that    the    site  was   really  Mount  St. 
Albans,  nearly  two  miles  N.E.  of  Caerlleon  in  Monmouth- 
shire,  and  that  the  river  was   fche  Usk.     The  two  other 
martyrs  mentioned,  Aaron  and  Julius,  both  of  Caerlleon, 
may  have  figured  with  Alban  in  one  and  the  same  incident. 
However  this  may  be,  the  Passio  Albani,  from  which  our 
author  is  drawing,  does  not  strike  one  as  being  particu- 
larly  British.1 

1  In  my  notes  on  St.  Alban's  near  Caerlleon  (Arch.  Camb.,  1905, 
pp.  256-9;  Y  Cymmrodor,  xxii,  75,  n.  6)  I  overlooked  the  adilitional 
evidence  of  Giruldus  Cambrensis,  who  passed  through  Caerlleon  in  a.d. 
1188.  He  tells  us  {Itinerarium  Rambriae,  i,  5):  "  Here  lie  two  noble 
persons,  the  leading  proto-martyrs  of  Great  Britain  after  Alban  and 
Amphibalus,  adorned  in  this  place  with  the  martyr's  crown,  to 
wit,  Julius  and  Aaron,  each  of  whom  had  a  fine  church  in  the  city, 


"  Excidium  Britanniae  ".  57 

(iii)  Maximus  proceeds  to  the  Gauls  with  magna  sdtel- 
litum  catewa,  a  great  crowd  of  followers.  Our  author  is 
using  expressions  here  which  go  contrary  to  the  trend  of 
what  he  has  hitherto  said.  Maximus  is  started  on  his  rebel- 
lious  career  by  tumultuans  miles,  a  turbulent  soldiery.  He 
takes  away  with  him  omnis  armatus  miles,  all  the  armed 
soldiery,  militares  copiae,  the  military  supplies,  the  rectores, 
rulers  (or  as  he  called  them  before  praepositi,  overseers), 
cruel  though  they  had  been,  and  the  able-bodied  youth. 
In  the  words  tumultuans  miles,  armatus  miles,  militares 
copiae,  and  rectores,  history  seems  to  be  peeping  through  the 
narrative  as  though  the  author  were  for  a  moment  quitting 

distinguished  by  his  own  name.  For  in  ancient  times  there  loere  three 
e.rcellent  churches  in  this  city,  oneof  the  martyr  Julius  graced  with  a 
choir  of  virgins  dedicated  to  God  ;  another  raised  to  the  name  of 
his  blessed  companion  Aaron  and  enriched  by  a  renowned  order  of 
canons ;  and  the  third  distinyuished  as  the  metropolitan  see  of  all 
Wales  ".  This,  of  course,  is  clearly  reminiscent  of  Geoffrey's  H.B.B., 
ix,  12,  as  quoted  and  translated  by  me  in  Y  Cymmrodor,  xxii,  57. 
But  there  is  a  striking  difference.  Geoffrey  says  there  were  two 
churches  and  a  school  of  astronomical  philosophers.  Giraldus  says 
there  were  three  churches,  the  third  distinyuished  as  the  metropolitan 
seeofall  Wales.  The  three  sites  referred  to  are  without  doubt  the 
three  chapels  mentioned  by  Coxe  in  his  Historical  Tour  throuyh 
Monmouthshire,  1801,  reprinted  1904,  p.  103,  namely,  'one  near  the 
present  site  of  St.  Julian's';  'the  other  at  Penros,  in  the  vicinity  of 
the  town';  'a  third  chapel,  dedicated  to  St.  Alban,  another  martyr, 
which  was  constructed  on  an  eminence  to  the  east  of  Caerleon,  over- 
looking  the  Usk  '.  The  legend  of  St.  Alban  demands  the  proximity  of 
a  large  river  near  the  site  of  the  martyr's  death.  Bede,  who  fixes 
the  site  at  Verulam,  carefully  omits  the  name  of  the  river.  The 
E.icidium  Britanniae,  which  omits  the  name  of  the  site,  mentions  a 
large  river — the  Thames.  It  is  clear  that  before  the  appearance  of 
either  Bede's  Book  or  the  Excidium  Britunniae,  St.  Alban  had  some- 
how  been  associated  with  Verulam,  the  modern  St.  Alban's  in  Hert- 
f  ordshire,  for  in  both  works  that  place  is  mentioned,  and  according 
to  Bede  a  church  had  already  been  erected  there  to  his  memory 
where  miracles  frequently  occurred  (H.  E.,  i,  7).  But  that  site  won't 
fit.     According  to  the  legend  as  quoted  by  Bede,  the  martyr  was 


58  Some  Insular  Soiwces  of  the 

his  own  fancies  and  quoting  some  reliable  document. 
Whether  such  a  document  was  British  or  continental  is 
uncertain.  He  adds  that  Maximus'  host  never  returned. 
Much  has  been  made  of  this.  It  has  proved  the  tiny  seed 
of  legend  and  pseudo-history  galore  even  to  the  present 
day.  Before  relying  011  it,  this  important  point  should 
be  borne  in  mind  that  it  is  our  author's  explanation  of 
the  wonderful  ruin  and  loss  of  Britain.  For  many  years 
the  island  became  the  sport  and  prey  of  Picts  and  Scots 
attacking  from  over  the  sea.  Appeals  had  to  be  made  to 
Roine.  The  north  was  completely  lost.  The  south  was 
ravaged  from  end  to  end.     Finally  the  English  had  to  be 

brought  to  a  river,  but  would  not  have  been  able  to  arrive  that 
evening  at  the  place  of  esecution  had  not  the  river  miraculously 
divided.  The  spot  was  outside  the  city  (for  the  judge  was  left  be- 
hiud  in  it)  and  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river.  It  is  called  at  first 
the  harena  ubiferiendus  erat,  the  arena  where  he  was  to  be  executed. 
Then,  when  he  had  crossed  the  river,  he  ascends  the  hill  of  his 
martyrdom,  which  is  about  half-a-mile  from  the  arena !  This  con- 
f  usion  is  due  to  corruption  in  the  text,  the  idea  of  which  seems  to  be 
that  the  martyr  was  led  some  distance  out  of  the  city,  the  other 
side  of  the  river,  and  up  a  hill  situated  about  half-a-mile  from  the 
river.  These  conditions  are  met  by  Mount  St.  Alban's  near  Caer- 
lleon. 

The  importance  of  the  question  as  to  the  site  of  St.  Alban's 
martyrdom  is  very  great,  because  it  determines  one  of  the  localities 
which  St.  Germanus  of  Auxerre  visited  in  429,  and  helps  to  elucidate 
the  point  as  to  what  that  Britannia  was  which  needed  purging  of 
Pelagianism  in  that  year.  Messrs.  Baring  Gould  and  Fisher  in  their 
Lires  of  the  Tiritish  Saints,  i,  142,  say,  that  the  account  of  Germanus' 
visit  to  Alban's  tomb  does  not  appear  in  the  original  Life  of  Ger- 
manus  by  Constantius.  "  It  is  (they  say)  an  interpolation  of  the 
first  half  of  the  ninth  century  ;  it  is  not  found  in  any  of  the  copies 
of  the  unadulterated  Life  by  Constantius."  And  again,  ibid.,  iii,  53, 
they  say  that  "  the  seeking  for,  finding  and  translation  of  tlie  relics 
of  S.  Alban"  is  not  to  be  found  in  the  earlier  life,  "  and  is,  in  fact, 
an  early  ninth  century  amplification  ".  Hovvever  this  may  be,  Bede 
certainly  refers  to  it  in  his  H.  E.t  i,  18,  which  he  wrote  about  A.D. 
730. 


"  Excidium   Britanniae  ".  59 

called  in.  If  an  incredulous  reader  asks  why  did  not 
Britain  defend  itself,  the  answer  is  here  pat.  It  was 
because  Maximus  drained  the  island  of  all  its  arraed 
soldiery,  all  its  railitary  supplies,  all  its  overseers  or  rulers, 
all  its  able-bodied  youtli.  Not  a  fighting  man  was  left  or 
even  a  weapon  to  fight  with.     And  they  never  returned  !  ! 

Judging  from  the  Excidium  Britanniae  what  good 
Latinists  the  Britons  were  able  to  produce,  it  is  incredible 
that  no  historical  memoranda  of  any  kind  were  written 
throughout  the  forty-three  years  of  peace  since  the 
Badonic  Hill,  and  still  backwards  through  the  period  of 
occasional  victories  to  tlie  time  of  Ambrosius  Aurelianus. 
There  may  indeed  have  been  110  connected  narrative  of 
British  history,  for  the  scholarship  of  the  time  was  con- 
centrated  on  purely  religious  matters,  but  it  is  impossible 
to  believe  that  there  was  a  total  lack  of  any  description  of 
historical  meraoranda.  How  else  could  our  author  have 
quoted  from  the  Epistolae  ad  Agitium,  which  hailed  even 
from  the  times  of  the  emperors  ?  How  else  could  he  have 
learnt  the  precise  interval  between  the  despatch  of  that 
letter  and  the  yeai'  when  the  Saxons  were  invited  to  help 
the  Britons  ?  I  take  it,  therefore,  that  he  did  have  some 
good  written  sources  with  reliable  chronological  data, 
whence  he  sketched  the  history  of  the  island  from  the 
Roman  period  to  that  in  which  he  himself  lived. 

(iv)  For  instance,  it  seems  evident  that  he  had  before 
hira  a  stateraent  to  the  effect  that  Britannia  was  invaded 
from  over  the  sea  by  two  nations  who  came  in  coracles, 
the  Scots  a  circione,  from  the  north-west,  and  the  Picts  ab 
aauilone,  from  the  north.  Their  cruel  ravages  extended  over 
many  years.  They  differed  partly  in  their  customs,  but  in 
appearance  they  were  the  same,  wearing  beards  and  appar- 
ently  kilts.     All  this  occurred  in  and  about  the  fifth  cen- 


6o  Sonie  Insular  Sources  of  the 

tury.  Now  we  know  that  the  only  part  of  Roman  Britain 
which  could  be  attacked  from  the  N.W.  and  the  N.  by 
nations  coining  over  the  water,  is  Wales.  The  record, 
which  the  author  of  the  Excidium  Britanniae  presumably 
had  before  him,  was  a  perfectly  sane  one.  It  referred  to 
the  well-known  invasions  of  Britannia,  that  is,  Wales,  in 
the  fifth  century  by  Scots  and  Picts.  In  the  Yita  s. 
Carantoci,  ch.  2,  we  read  that  about  a.d.  432  the  Scots 
overcame  Britannia,  the  names  of  the  leaders  being  Briscus, 
Thuibaius,  Machleius,  and  Anpacus.  The  Picts  are  well 
known  to  us  by  the  name  gwyr  y  gogledd,  men  of  the 
north,  including  the  bands  which  came  with  Cunedda. 
One  of  the  Pictish  leaders  was  Caw,  the  father  of  St. 
Gildas,  who  came  from  Arglud,  a  district  on  the  river 
Clyde,  to  Twrcelyn  in  Anglesey.  The  record,  I  say,  was 
a  perfectly  plain  and  sensible  one.  What  does  the  author 
of  the  Excidium  Britanniae  do  with  it?  He  converts 
'  Britannia'  into  the  island  of  Britain,  and  makes  the  Picts 
a  people  living  outside  the  island  and  attaclnng  it  from 
some  northern  habitat  beyond  the  Pentland  Firth  !  Not 
until  after  the  Revolt  of  Maximus  (383-388)  did  Picts  or 
Scots  ever  set  foot  in  Britain  !  Not  till  after  a.d.  446  did 
the  Picts  begin  to  settle  for  the  fìrst  time  in  the  north  of 
Scotland! 

(v)  After  the  despatch  of  the  Letter  to  Aëtius  in 
a.d.  446,  the  Britons  win  their  fìrst  decisive  victory  over 
the  Picts  and  Scots  with  the  result  that  the  latter  returned 
to  Ireland  whilst  the  Picts  for  the  first  time  begin  to 
settle  in  extrema  parte  insulae,  in  the  extreme  part  of  the 
island.  As  the  narrative  stands,  this  means  that  the 
Picts  now  for  tlie  íirst  time  settled  down  beyond  the 
Firths  of  Forth  and  Clyde  !  The  brief  before  our  author, 
however,  may  have  stated  that  the  Picts  now  after  a 
lengthy  period  of  conquest  settled  down  in  sinistrali  parte 


"  Excidium   Britanniae".  61 

Britanniae,  in  the  nortliern  part  of  Britannia,  that  is  to 
say,  in  the  left  part  of  Wales  as  distinct  from  the  dexter- 
alis  pars,  y  deheubarth,  the  south,  the  reference  being  to 
the  settlements  of  the  sons  of  Cunedda  from  the  river  Dee 
to  the  river  Teifì.  The  decisive  victory  may  be  Cad- 
wallon's  defeat  of  the  Scots  at  Cerryg  y  Gwyddyl  in 
Anglesey,  for  our  author,  who  knew  of  no  Scots  or  Picts 
in  southern  Britain,  would  not  realize  that  Cadwallon  and 
his  son  Maelgwn  were  '  Picts '.  Or  it  may  be  one  of  the 
Arthurian  victories,  for  as  is  proved  by  the  precious  frag- 
ment  already  referred  to,  viz.,  the  Vita  s.  Carantoci  prima, 
Arthur  flourished  in  the  second  half  of  the  fifth  century.1 

(vi)  Following  the  expulsion  of  the  Scots  to  Ireland 
there  was  a  considerable  period  of  prosperity.  No  age 
previously  remembered  thé  possession  of  such  affluence. 
Kings  were  now  annointed,  some  of  whom  were  quickly 
cut  down  and  succeeded  by  others.  Our  author  says 
there  was  no  room  for  kings  of  milder  disposition.  If 
such  a  king  attained  power,   he  was  soon   withstood   as 

1  For  the  historic  Arthur  see  sections  4  and  5  of  the  first  Vita  s. 
Carantoci  printed  with  translation  and  notes  in  the  Rev.  J.  T.  Evans's 
Church  Plate  of  Cardiganshire  (Stow-on-the-Wold,  1914),  133-142. 
[The  two  Vitae  s.  Carantoci  are  printed  as  one  Vita  and  with  many 
errors  in  Rees'  Cambro-British  Saints,  97-101.]  Here  it  will  be  seen 
that  the  locale  of  Arthur  is  our  modern  Somerset  and  Dorset.  He 
rules  in  conjunction  with  Cadwy  ab  Geraint  at  Dindraithor,  which 
may  be  either  Cadbury  on  the  R.  Camel  (a  tributary  of  the  Yeo  or 
Ivel)  in  Somerset,  or  Dundry,  near  Bristol,  in  the  same  county.  He 
moves  about  the  district  from  the  mouth  of  the  R.  Willett  which 
flows  into  the  Bristol  Channel  near  Watchet,  to  Charmouth  in 
Dorset  on  the  coast  of  the  English  Channel.  But  we  need  not 
suppose  that  Arthur  was  confined  to  the  places  mentioned  in  the 
Vita,  only  that  he  was  certainly  connected  with  them.  As  Mr. 
Egerton  Phillimore  says,  all  the  various  hill-forts  in  the  Devoniau 
peninsula  called  Cadbury,  are  probably  so  named  after  the  above 
Cadwy  ab  Geraint,  which  means  that  this  king  ruled  from  the 
Dartmoor-Exmoor  line  across  Devon  as  far  east,  say,  as  the  Bristol 
and   Wiltshire  Avons.     As  Arthur  was   ruling  in  conjunction   with 


62  Some  Insular  Sources  of  the 

though  he  were  Britanniae  subversor,  a  subvertor  of 
Britain,  which  phrase  is  reminiscent  of  well-known  Welsh 
ones,  Pabo  Post  Prydain,  Pabo  the  Pillar  of  Britain,  and 
especially,  now  that  we  are  in  the  Arthurian  age,  Iddawc 
Cordd  Prydain,  Iddawc  the  Churning  Staff  of  Britain. 

(vii)  This  age  of  unprecedented  prosperity  is  suddenly 
brought  to  an  end  by  a  fourth  invasion  of  Picts  and  Scots. 
As  we  are  now  no  small  interval  of  time  later  than  a.d. 
446,  we  have  probably  to  do  here  with  the  coming  of  the 
Dalriad  Scots  under  Fergus  mac  Erc  circa  a.d.  500. 
Then  comes  the  famous  pestilence,  which  in  a  short  time 
brings  down  such  a  number  that  the  living  are  unable  to 
bury  the  dead.  Again,  as  we  are  no  small  interval  after 
a.d.  446,  and  we  know  that  the  Yellow  Plague  which 
raged  in  Britain  carried  off  Maelgwn  Gwynedd,  who  was 
fifth  ancestor  to  Cadwallon  (ldlled  at  Eowley  Water  in 
a.d.  634),  we  can  have  no  doubt  that  it  is  this  Yellow 
Plague  which  is  referred  to  here  and  that  we  are  now  in 
the  very  early  sixth  century. 

him,  these  must  be  his  approximate  boundaries  also.  The  Yita  s. 
Carantoci  prima  also  fixes  the  chronology  of  Arthur,  for  being  a  con- 
temporary  of  St.  Carantocus,  wbo  went  to  Ireland  tbe  same  time  as 
Bishop  Patrick,  that  is,  a.d.  432,  Arthur  must  have  flourished  in  the 
fifth  century.  It  may  also  be  said  that  St.  Carantocus  was  uncle  to 
St.  David,  who  was  born  in  a.d.  462. 

Arthur  is  described  by  Geoffrey  of  Monmouth  as  a  contemporary 
of  the  Emperor  Leo  (457-474)  and  of  Pope  Simplicius  (468-483),  both 
of  whom  he  is  made  to  survive,  but  not  later  than  492.  And  this 
evidence  is  all  the  more  convincing,  inasmuch  as  the  chronology 
implied  is  unknown  to  Geoffrey,  who  unwittingly  contradicts  it. 
But  it  still  remains  to  be  seen  how  far  this  chronology  is  based  on 
the  Bedan  misinterpretation  of  the  Eicidium  Britanniae  that  Badon 
was  fought  the  forty-fourth  year  from  the  Saxon  Advent.  In  my 
Chronoloyy  of  Arthur  the  argument  is  vitiated  by  the  view  which  I 
took  from  Mr.  Anscombe  and  which  I  have  since  discarded,  that  the 
passage  in  the  Excidium  Britanniae  about  the  forty-fourth  year  is  an 
interpolation  (Y  Cymmrodor,  xxii,  137-8).  The  evidence  inthe  above 
Vita,  however,  as  to_Arthur's  period  is  independent  of  Geoffrey. 


"  Excidium  Britanniae" .  63 

(viii)  So  the  time  is  drawing  near  when  the  iniquities 
of  Britain  should  be  complete.  A  council  assembles  to 
determine  as  to  ways  and  means  to  withstand  the  Picts 
and  Scots.  The  council  with  the  proud  tyrant  is  blinded, 
and  the  Saxons  are  invited  to  assist  the  Britons.  They 
come  in  three  ships.  Here  our  author  shows  some  famili- 
arity  with  English  traditions.  First  they  called  their 
ships  heels ;  secondly,  there  was  a  prophecy  current 
amongst  them  that  they  should  occupy  Britain  for  300 
years.  For  half  this  time  they  should  be  fighting  the 
Britons,  that  is,  for  150  years.  After  that  (so  it  is 
implied)  there  would  be  peace.  Now  as  peace  began  with 
the  Battle  of  the  Badonic  Hill  which  had  already  iasted 
over  43  years,  it  follows  that  the  Excidium  Britanniae  was 
written  193  years  after  thatparticular  year  in  which  the 
Britons  asked  the  Saxons  to  help  thein. 

(ix)  Our  author  of  course  knew  that  particular  year, 
though  all  he  conveys  is  that  it  was  no  small  interval  after 
a.d.  446.  There  can  be  no  manner  of  doubt  that  he  is 
referring  to  a  real  event,  which  it  was  hardly  likely  for 
him  to  have  known  without  some  documentary  evidence. 
I  say  it  was  a  real  event,  although  of  course  he  distorts  it 
into  the  first  landing  of  the  English  in  Britain  !  Just  as 
no  Picts  ever  settled  permanently  in  north  Scotland  until 
after  a.d.  446,  so  not  till  some  considerable  interval  after 
this  same  year  did  ever  English  set  foot  in  Britain  !  The 
English  landed  somewhere  "  in  the  eastern  part  of  the 
island,"  and  soon  drove  the  Britons  pell-mell  into  the 
hilly  country  of  the  west,  Strathclyde,  Wales,  and  the 
Devonian  peninsula.  The  truth  now  peeps  out  in  one  of 
his  phrases.  He  says  that  after  the  Britons  had  been 
cooped  up  in  the  mountains,  forests,  and  sea-islands  of 
the  west,  the  Saxons  "  returned  home ".  And  cum 
recessissent  domum  crudelissimi  jpraedones,  when  the  most 


64  Some  Insîilar  Soìirces  of  the 

cruel  robbers  had  returned  home,  the  Britons  rallied 
under  Ambrosius  Aurelianus  and  won  their  first  victory. 
The  phrase  indicates  a  good  written  source  from  which 
our  author  is  drawing.  The  incident,  which  he  regards 
as  the  first  advent  of  the  Saxons  in  Britain  no  small 
interval  after  a.d.  446,  was  doubtless  an  invitation  sent  by 
some  British  tyrannus  in  'Britannia'  to  Saxones  in  Britain. 
The  Saxones  came  and  afterwards  rebelled  and  ravaged 
the  British  lands.  When  the  Saxones  had  returned  home, 
that  is,  to  their  own  lands  in  Britain,  Ambrosius 
Aurelianus,  a  '  Roman  ',  rallied  the  Britons  and  won  a 
victory. 

(x)  In  ch.  7 :  the  Romans  place  praepositi,  overseers  or 
taskmasters,  over  the  Britons  to  make  nomen  Romanae 
servitutis,  the  name  of  Roman  slavery,  to  cling  to  the  soil, 
and  to  vex  the  crafty  race  "  so  that  it  might  no  longer  be 
regarded  as  Britannia,  but  as  Romania  ".  In  ch.  13: 
the  island  retaining  nomen  Romanum,  the  Roman  name, 
but  not  [Roman]  law  and  custom  ",  sends  Maximus  to 
the  Gauls.  In  ch.  17:  again  messengers  are  sent  to 
ask  help  of  the  Romans  "  lest  the  wretched  country 
be  completely  destroyed  and  nomen  Romanorum,  the 
name  of  Romans,  should  grow  vile  ",  etc.  In.  ch.  20  :  the 
miserable  survivors  send  a  letter  to  Agitius,  Gemitus 
Britannorum,  the  Groans  of  the  Britons.  In  ch.  25  :  "to 
Ambrosius  Aurelianus,  a  modest  man,  who  alone  of  the 
Roman  race  chanced  to  survive  in  the  shock  of  such  a 
storm,  his  parents  being  killed  in  it,  who  doubtless  were 
people  clad  in  the  purple  ". 

Althouo-h  the  author  of  the  Excidium  Britanniae  is  care- 
ful  to  distinguish  between  Britons  and  Romans  through- 
outthe  whole  of  his  narrative,  yet  in  some  of  the  passages 
here  quoted  there  are  distinct  reminiscences  of  a  very 
thorough  Romanization  of  Britain.     He  suggests  that  the 


"  Excidium    Britanniae".  65 

name   of    Roman    supplanted    that    of    Briton,    especially 
where  he  says  that  the  gens,  race,  "  might  110  longer  be 
regarded   as  Britannia    but    Romania ".     In    the    word 
Romania,   he   seems   to  me   to  be  translating    from  the 
Welsh    Rumein.       Rumein    from    Romani,    Romans,    like 
Ffrainc  from  Franci,  Franks,  meant  people  at  first,  and 
then  country.     To-day  Rhufain  and  Ffrainc  mean  Rome 
and  France :  new  nouns,  Rhufeiniaid  and  Ffrancod,  have 
been   mvented  for  Romans  and   French.     If  we  suppose 
our  author  had  some  note  before   liim  which  stated  that 
the  Britons  were  Rumein  rather  than  Bridein  (or  what- 
ever   the  form   may   have   been)  meaning  Romani  rather 
than    Brüanni,    he    might    very    well     have    translated 
these    two    words    into    Romania    and    Britannia    respec- 
tively,  treating  them  as  plac'es  rather  than  peoples.     Still 
it   is   evident   that   he    had    no   idea    that   Britain    was 
Romanized    to    the     extent     that     we     are     taught    by 
Dr.   Haverfield.      With    him    Britons    and    Romans    are 
always   two   distinct   and    hostile    racial   elements.     The 
Britons  are  the  native  population,  conquered  and  enslaved 
byRome;  the   Romans   (of  whom  Ambrosius  Aurelianus 
was  the  last)  are  the  official  alien  class,  placed  in  power  by 
the  imperial  govemment.     In  a.d.  446,  when  the  Britons 
appeal  to   Aetius,   they   do   not  say   '  the  groans  of  the 
Romans    in    Britain ',    but    '  the   groans   of  the  Britons  '. 
Dr.   Haverfield  tells  us  that  "  the  old  idea  that  Britons 
and  Romans  remained  two  distinct  and  hostile  elements, 
has,  of   course,    been    long  abandoned  by  all  competent 
inquirers  ".     Doubtless  this  is  so,  but  Dr.  Haverfield  will 
have  to  face  the  difficulty  that  the  Excidium  Britanniae, 
written  according  to  him  by  Gildas  "about  540",  differen- 
tiates  carefully  between  them. 

(xi)  A  study  of  ch.  2,  which  formed  originally  a  'Table 
of  Contents'  to  the  Esccidium  Britanniae,  reveals  a  well 


66  Some  Insular  Sources  of  the 

arranged  order  of  incidents  in  chronological  sequence. 
Beginning  with  the  Letter  to  Aëtius  we  have:  de  epistoìis 
ad  Agitium,  of  the  Letter  to  Agitius,  de  victoria,  of  a 
Vietory,  de  sceleribus,  of  crimes,  de  nuntiatis  subito  hostibus, 
of  enemies  suddenly  announced,  de  famosa  peste,  of  the 
famous  Plague,  de  consilio,  of  counsel,  de  saeviore  multo 
primis  hoste,  of  an  enemy  far  more  savage  than  the  first, 
de  urbium  subversione,  of  the  ruin  of  cities,  de  reliauis,  of 
the  survivors,  de  postrema  patriae  victoria,  of  the  last 
victory  of  the  country,  which  has  been  granted  in  our 
times  by  the  will  of  God.  The  first  of  these  items  pro- 
vides  us  with  a  clefinite  date  beyond  which  it  could  not 
have  occurred,  viz.,  a.d.  446,  so  that  all  the  other  items 
mentioned  here  must  have  occurred  later  than  a.d.  446. 
Our  author  certainly  was  familiar  with  the  chronology  of 
these  events,  which  he  could  hardly  have  been  unless  he 
had  written  material  to  go  upon.  The  crucial  date  is  that 
of  the  Battle  of  the  Badonic  Hill,  which  he  helps  us  to 
determine,  first,  by  making  the  Saxon  Advent  to  have 
occurred  no  small  inteiwal  after  a.d.  446,  and,  secondly, 
by  mentioning  the  proj)hecy  of  the  300  years  during 
which  the  Saxons  were  to  occupy  Britain  and  for  the  fìrst 
150  of  which  they  were  to  continue  their  aggressions  on 
the  Britons.  Now  as  these  aggressions  ceased  with  the 
Badonic  Hill,  this  battle  must  have  been  fought  no  small 
interval  after  a.d.  446  plus  150  years.  And  as  the 
Excidium  Britanniae  was  in  Bede's  hand  when  he  was 
writing  his  De  temporum  ratione  in  725,  the  Badonic  Hill 
must  have  been  won  at  least  43  years  before  that  year, 
that  is,  by  a.d.  682.  We  must  therefore  look  for  the 
victory  about  the  middle  of  the  seventh  century.  Fortu- 
nately  the  date  is  preserved  for  us  in  the  tenth  century 
Latin  Welsh  Chronicle,  the  so-called  Annales  Cambriae, 
which  has  opposite  Annus  ccxxi  the  words  Bellum  Badonis 


"  Excidium   Britanniae".  67 

secundo,  the  Battle  of  Badon  for  the  second  time.  Strik- 
ing  out  secundo  as  due  to  Bede's  misinterpretation  of  the 
Excidium  Britanniae  who  fixes  the  Badonic  Hill  about 
44  years  after  the  Saxon  Advent,  we  have  no  other  alter- 
native  than  to  accept  Annus  ccxxi  as  the  year  of  the 
Victory,  which  in  the  era  of  that  document  is  665.  The 
Chronological  scheme  of  the  Excidium  Britanniae,  there- 
fore,  is  as  follows,  and  it  cannot  but  have  been  drawn  by 
the  author  from  good  written  sources. 

a.d.  446. — The  Letter  to  Aëtius. 

446-514. — The   fìrst   victory   over   Picts  and  Scots. 

The   period   of    unprecedented     prosperity. 

The  sudden   arrival  of  Picts  and  Scots  for 

the   fourth   time.     The   famous  Pestilence. 

The  assembly  of  Britons  invites  the  Saxons 

to  their  assistance. 
514. — The  arrival  of  the  Saxons. 
514-665. — The    Britons   expelled    into   the  western 

corners   of    Britain.     The   victory   of    Am- 

brosius  Aurelianus.     150   years  of   warfare 

between  Britons  and  Saxons. 
665.— The  Battle  of  the  Badonic  Hill.     Birth  of  the 

author  of  the  Excidium  Britanniae. 
708. — The  forty-fourth  year  of  peace.     The  Excidium 

Britanniae  is  being  written. 

(c)  Conclusion. 

The   Excidium   Britanniae   is    a   first   class  authority, 

only  if  we  realize  the  true  date  of  its  composition.     Re- 

garded  as  a  Gildasian  work  written  "about  a.d.  540  ",  it 

is  absolutely  irreconcileable  with  all  we  know  from  other 

sources.     The  many  attempts,  for  instance,  to  square  its 

supposed   evidence   with    the    story   of   the   invasion    of 

Wessex,  have  completely  broken  down.     That  the  leading 

f2 


68  Some  Insular  Sources  of  the 

Welsh  ecclesiastic  of  the  sixth  century,  St.  Gildas,  writing 
"  about  a.d.  540  ",  sliould  have  made  the  English  land  in 
Britain  for  the  fìrst  tiine  no  small  interval  after  a.d.  446, 
and  even  the  Picts  to  settle  in  Scotland  for  the  first  time 
after  that  same  date,  he  himself  being  a  Pict  born  near 
the  R.  Clyde,  is  so  incredible  and  nonsensical  that  only  a 
long  series  of  writers  from  Bede  downwards,  desperately 
ignorant  of  Welsh  affairs,  could  by  the  massive  weight  of 
their  names  have  imposed  a  conception  so  baseless  and 
perverse  even  on  Welsh  scholars.  The  author  of  the 
Excidium  Britanniae  was  very  short  of  native  records  for 
the  Eoman  period,  but  for  the  succeeding  age  his  narra- 
tive  shews  that  he  had  some  valuable  memoranda  to  go 
upon.  Some  of  these  he  grossly  misunderstood,  especially 
in  the  matter  of  the  meaning  of  '  Britannia  ',  the  first 
settlements  of  the  Picts,  and  the  invitation  for  assistance 
which  brought  8axones  on  the  scene  in  a.d.  514.  But  his 
general  conception  of  the  relations  between  Britons  and 
Saxons  from  the  time  when  he  supposed  the  former  to 
have  been  driven  into  the  west  to  a.d.  665  is  sane  and 
historical.  From  that  year  there  was,  as  he  tells  us,  com- 
parative  peace.  The  old  Roman  cities  were  abandoned 
and  in  ruins.  Social  order  among  the  Britons  was  steady 
and  hopeful.  It  is  true  he  mentions  civil  wars,  but  these 
were  normal  throughout  Europe  at  that  time,  being  the 
then  equivalent  of  our  modern  party  strifes.  As  a  zealous 
religionist  he  was  naturally  dissatisfied  with  what  was  to  him 
the  prevailing  religious  apathy.  He  was  not,  however,  like 
the  men  of  St.  Gildas'  day,  above  writing  history  or  above 
quoting  Yergil.1     The  general  impression  left  on  the  mind 

1  The  only  secular  writers,  with  whom  Mommsen  can  trace  some 
familiarity  in  the  110  chapters  which  he  supposes  to  have  been  all 
written  by  Gildas,  are  Vergil  (chs.  6,  17,  25),  Juvenal  (epimenia,  23), 
Persius  or  Martial  or  both  (catasta,  23,  109),  and  Claudian  ( Tithica 
yallis,  19).     Of  these,  catasta   must   be   ruled  out  as   it   frequently 


"  Excidium   Britanniae  ".  69 

by  his  treatise  is  that  in  a.d.  708  the  Britons  of  Strath- 
clyde,  Wales,  and  the  Devonian  peninsula  were  well 
organized,  well  able  to  hold  their  own,  faithful  children 
of  the  Christian  Church,  fond  of  learning,  and  producers 
of  no  mean  Latinists. 

occurs  in  early  Christian  literature  (Williams'  Gildas,  55,  note).  Thus 
the  only  traces  of  familiarity  with  secular  authors  which  Mommsen 
can  find  in  the  110  chapters,  are  confined  to  those  chapters  (2  to  26) 
which  in  my  opinion  are  not  by  Gildas  at  all,  but  constitute  the 
distinct  work  to  which  alone  the  title  E.rcidium  Britanniae  applies. 

The  attitude  of  the  genuine  Gildas  to  secular  writings  is  made 
plain  to  us  by  himself  in  ch.  66,  where  in  his  censure  of  the  clergy  of 
Britannia  he  says  of  them  that  they  are  "listless  and  dull  ad  prae- 
cepta  sanctorum,  towards  the  precepts  of  the  saints,  if  at  any  time 
they  should  only  have  heard  what  ought  to  be  heard  by  them  very 
often  ;  and  ready  and  attentive  ad  ludicra,  to  public  games,  et  ineptas 
saecularium  hominum  fabulas,  and  improper  stories  of  men  of  the 
world,  as  though  what  opened  the  way  of  death  were  the  way  of 
life".  By  praecepta  sanctorum  is  meant  religious  literature,  and  by 
ineptae  saecularium  hominum  fabulae  is  meant  secular  literature.  As 
is  well  known,  in  the  time  of  Gildas  (i.e.,  from  the  close  of  the  fifth 
to  about  the  middle  of  the  sixth  centuries)  the  Church  authorities 
frowned  on  all  studies  of  codices  seculares,  secular  books.  Men  like 
Jerome  and  Augustine  had  felt  uneasy  with  respect  to  the  reading 
of  heathen  writings,  and  before  long  Homer,  Vergil,  and  Cicero  were 
abandoned.  By  the  time,  however,  that  the  author  of  the  E.rcidium 
Britanniae  and  Bede  were  flourishing  this  hostility  to  secular  learn- 
ing  had  largely  passed  away.  Hencewe  are  not  surprised  that  Vergil 
is  quoted  in  the  Excidium  Britanniae,  though  we  would  have  been 
had  Gildas  quoted  him. 


Jô  Tlie  Fate  of  the  Structures  of  Conway 

£0e  §aü  of  í0e  ^frucíurea  of  £on; 

roap  @66^t  anò  QJ3an<jor  anî> 

Qj3eaumane  jjfríartea* 

Bt    EDWAED    OWEN,    F.S.A., 

Secretary  to  t/ie  lioyal  Commission  on  Ancient  Monuments  in   Wales 

and  Monmonthshire. 


The  document  of  which  a  full  abstract  is  oriven  below 
requires  few  prefatory  or  explanatory  remarks ;  its  pur- 
port  is  conveyed  with  ample  fulness  in  the  long  title  with 
wliich  it  opens.  A  few  obseiwations  may,  however,  not 
be  out  of  place  for  the  j>urpose  of  drawing  attention  to 
some  points  of  interest  that  present  themselves,  and  to  the 
bearing  which  they  have  upon  a  much  neglected  branch 
of  Welsh  historico-archseological  research. 

The  chief  value  of  the  document  lies  in  the  light  that  it 
throws  upon  the  disposal  of  the  actual  structures  of  several 
of  the  Welsh  monastic  houses,  the  fabrics  of  which  have 
so  totally  disappeared  that  if  we  had  to  depend  solely 
upon  the  researches  of  archseology  we  should  never 
know  of  even  so  mucli  as  their  existence.  Archseology 
gives  no  warrant  for  the  past  existence  of  a  monastery  of 
Conway,  or  of  friars'  houses  at  Bangor  and  Beaumaris. 
Yet  the  evidence  is,  of  course,  both  clear  and  abundant 
for  the  long-continued  presence  of  ecclesiastical  estab- 
lishments  in  all  those  j)laces ;  but  it  is  entirely  docu- 
mentary,  and  is  at  best  but  feebly  reinforced'  by  the 
survival  of  a  few  place-names  which  mark  with  no  great 
certainty  the  actual  sites  upon  which  the  buildings  of  the 


Aòbey,  and  Bangor  and  Beaumaris  Friancs.    7  ì 

monastery  or  the  friary  stood.'  It  is  true  that  of  the 
greater  number  of  Welsh  monasteries,  in  the  most  favour- 
able  instances  sufficient  remains  have  survived  to  enable 
us  to  obtain  a  more  or  less  clear  idea  of  their  size  and 
appearance,  and  where  archseology  has  had  anything  to 
work  upon,  Welsh  archseology  has  seized  its  oppor- 
tunities,  and  given  us  in  the  long  series  of  volumes 
of  Árchceologia  Cambrensis  fairly  satisfactory  accounts  of 
what  the  present  ruins  comprise,  and  what  appearance  the 
completed  whole  may  be  conjectured  to  have  presented. 

But  there  are  a  few  of  the  pre-Reformation  religious 
houses  of  Wales  of  which  it  may  be  said  that  they  are 
as  though  they  had  never  been.  Conway  is  one  of  these. 
Conway  Abbey  has  indeed  been  singularly  unfortunate  in 
not  finding  its  vates  sacer,  though  Mr.  Harold  Hughes, 
F.S.A.,  has  proved  quite  convincingly2  that  the  present 
parish  church  of  Conway  contains  portions  of  the  building 
that  was  in  existence  when  Edward  the  First  removed  the 
Abbey  from  its  site  within  the  town  of  Conway  to  Maenan 
about  a  dozen  miles  further  up  the  river  Conway.  The 
latter,  of  course,  is  the  position  of  the  real  monastery  of 
Conway,  or  Aberconway  as  it  called  itself  during  the 
whole  course  of  its  existence.  But  not  a  vestige  remains 
of  what  was  probably  a  beautiful  though  it  may  be  a 
small  establishment,  seeing  that  the  king  himself  aided 
liberally  in  its  erection,  and  that  the  buildings  were 
erected  when  Gothic  architecture  was  about  its  zenith. 
The  meetings  of  the  Cambrian  Archseological  Association 
in  the  years  1895  and  1911  took  place  in  the  immediate 
neighbourhood,  and   011   the  last   occasion   the    members 

1  There  have,  of  course,  been  small  discoveries  on  each  of  the  sites, 
but  ndjvhere  sufficient  to  show  the  nature  of  the  edifices  that  had 
stood  thereon.  Some  walling  has  been  uncovered  at  Bangor  (Arch. 
Camb.,  1900,  V,  xvii,  24). 

2  Arch.  Camb.,  1895,  p.  161. 


72  The  Fate  of  the  Structures  of  Conway 

actually  passed  by  the  site  but  did  not  consider  it  worth 
while  to  pay  it  even  the  empty  homage  of  an  afternoon 
call. 

The  present  document  gives  us  at  any  rate  the  reason 
why  there  is  not  one  stone  standing  upon  another  of 
Aberconway  Abbey — it  was  most  carefully  taken  down 
and  diligently  removed  to  Carnaiwon,  where  a  large  quan- 
tity  of  the  material  was  doubtless  used  upon  the  works 
which  were  in  progress  there,  or  was  stored  for  future 
requirements. 

Similar  work  was  being  carried  on  simultaneously  at 
Bangor  and  Beaumaris  on  the  small  houses  of  friars  in 
those  towns  that  had  just  fallen  into  the  king's  hands. 

In  addition  to  the  important  light  here  thrown  upon 
the  fate  of  these  establishments,  the  documents  give 
valuable  information  as  to  the  wages  paid  to  the  skilled 
and  unskilled  labour  employed,  and  on  the  prices  of  com- 
modities.  Much  too  little  of  this  class  of  information  has 
been  made  available  for  the  student  of  Welsh  economic 
history  at  the  dawn  of  the  modern  period.  My  friend, 
Dr.  E.  A.  Lewis  of  the  University  College  of  Aberystwyth, 
has  been  left  to  labour  alone  in  this  field  of  research. 

It  remains  but  to  add  that  the  document  as  here  pre- 
sented  is  not  a  verbatim  transcript  of  the  original.  This 
in  turn  is  evidently  no  more  than  a  compilation  from  the 
weekly  wages  sheets  and  bills,  prepared  at  the  close  of  the 
undertaldngs  by  Robert  Burghill  who  calls  himself  "  sur- 
veyor  and  paymaster ",  and  doubtless  occupied  much  the 
same  position  as  what  we  would  term  "clerlc  of  the  works". 
In  such  accounts  there  is  much  repetition  of  the  same 
or  similar  phrases.  These  have  been  for  the  most  part 
omitted,  though  it  will  probably  be  thought  by .  some 
that  too  much  has  been  suffered  to  remain.  All  the 
place  and  personal  names  are  of  course  given,  and  much 


Abbey,  and  Bangor  and  Beaumaris  Friaries.    J2> 

of  the  quaint  and  extraordinarily  diverse  spelling  has  been 
kept.  It  will  be  noticed  that  the  weeks  are  reckoned 
according  to  the  church  calendar,  and  that  though  work 
was  going  on  simultaneously  at  Carnarvon,  Beaumaris  and 
Harlech,  the  same  weeks  are  not  called  after  the  same 
saint  or  service  by  the  different  time-keepers.  A  number 
of  other  points  of  niuch  interest  will  become  apparent 
upon  a  careful  study  of  the  document. 


PUBLIC    RECORD    OFFICE  :     EXCHEQUER  K.R. 
ACCOUNTS— WORKS    AND    BUILDINGS. 

Bundle  489,  No.  16. 

Account  of  worhs  executed  in  North  Wales,  30-1  Henry  VIII 

[1539-40] . 

[m.  i.] 

THE    PRINCIPALITY    OF    NORTH    WALES. 

Reparacons  there  made  from  the  ffeaste  of  Saynte  Michaell  tharch- 
aungell  in  the  xxxtie  yere  of  the  Raigne  of  oure  Souvraigr.e  King  Henry 
the  VIIIth  unto  the  ffeast  of  Sainte  Michaell  tharchaungell  then  nexte 
folowing,  That  is  to  witte  in  the  xxxiu  yere  of  his  seide  moste  noble 
raigne,  by  vertue  of  the  king's  warraunt  dated  the  ffirste  day  of  July  in 
the  xxxth  yere  of  his  saide  noble  raigne  directed  to  John  Paldngton  and 
john  Arnolde,  esquiers,  to  be  supervysors  of  the  same  in  manner  and 
forme  hereafter  folowing. 

The  Castell  of  Caern',  the  King's  Hall,  Shyre  Courte  wher 
his  lawes  be  kepte,  the  exchequyer,  treasorye,  keye  [quay] 
and  towne  walls  there. 

Imprimis  to  David  ap  R.  ap  Mereduth  forffalling  of  wood 

to  burne  lyme  withall        ...  ...  ...  v]d. 

It'm  to  Lewes,  laborer,  for  the  ffalling  of  wood,  by  the 

space  of  viij  days  ...  ..  ...  ü-?-  viij<£ 

It'm  to  Thomas  Griffith  for  hym  and  his  horse  for  the 

caryage  of  wood,  by  the  space  of  ij  days  ...  xvd. 

It'm  to  the  said  Thomas  for  hym  and  his  horse  for  the 

carriage  of  wood  by  the  space  of  one  daye  ...  \'}d. 

It'm  to  Will'm  Ffoxewist  for  hym  and  his  horse  for  the 
karyage  of  wood  by  the  space  of  xj  days  taking  by 
the  day  v]d.  ...  ...  ...  •■■  vs.      v]d. 

It'm  to  John  Rouland  for  hym  and  his  ij  horses  for  cary- 
ing  of  wood  to  the  water  syde  by  the  space  of  one 
daye  ...  ...  ...  ...  v'ú)d. 

It'm  to  Thomas  ap  Ieuan  ap  Hoell  for  caring  of  lyme 

stones  to  the  Kylne  ...  ...  ...  vs. 


74  The  Fate  of  the  Structures  of  Comvay 

It'm  to  Will'm   Ffoxevvyst  for  breking  of  stones  to  the 

kylne  ...  ...  ...  ...  vs. 

It'm   to   the   said  Will'm   for  making  of  the  kylne  and 

burning  ...  ...  ...  ...  vs. 

It'm  for  caryage  of  Tange  and  watching  of  the  kylne     ... 

It'm  to  John  Dykon  for  mendyng  of  the  stone  wall  of 
the  kylne 

It'm  for  caryage  of  iij  loose  loodes  of  wood  from  Redyn- 

uocke  velyn  to  Caern'  at  xvjd.  the  loode 
It'm  for  woode  boughte  by  Roberte  Laurens  to  make  an 

ende  of  the  kylne 

It'm  paide  for  the  cariage  of  the  said  lyme  from  the  kylne 
unto  the  Shire  hall 

It'm  paide  for  xj  hundrede  lathis  after  the  rate  of  vd.  the 

hundreth,  and  \)d.  more  in  the  grosse  some 
It'm  paide  for  a  thousand  and  three  hundreth  sclats  after 

the  rate  of  \\)d.  the  hundreth 

It'm  paide  for  xv  pecks  of  lyme  after  the  rate  of  v\d.  the 
pecke 

It'm  paide  for  iiij  m1  ccc  large  nayles,  that  is  to  saye  for 
every  thousande  xv]d.,  and  vjd.  for  the  saide  three 
hundrede 

It'm  paide  for  spiking  nayles 

Item  payde  to  Thomas  Sclater  for  the  sclating  and  sett- 
yng  up  of  viijml  sclats  after  the  rate  of  ijí.  ü\]d.  the 
thousand       ...  ...  ...  .    ...      xvin>.    viijí/. 

It'm  paide  to  Hughe  Smyth  for  a  stone  and  iiij  lb.  of  iron 
to  make  the  racks  in  the  kychyn  after  the  rate  of 
xiiijí/.  the  stone  ...  ...  ...  xv\)d. 

It'm  payde  to  Jenkyn  Smyth  for  the  makying  of  the  said 

racks  ...  ...  ...  ...  v\i)d. 

It'm  paide  to  Thomas  Sclater  for  the  mendyng  of  the 
kychyn  wyndowe  and  dressing  of  the  gutter  over  the 
said  kichyn   ...  ...  ...  ...  vjd. 

It'm  for  nayles  for  the  same  worke  ...  ...  i)d. 

It'm   paide  for  the   caryage  of  xij  lodes  of  claye  to  the 

making  of  the  Wouen  [Oven]  ...  ...  \i\jd. 

It'm  paide  to  Lewes  mason  and  John  Dykon  for  one 
day's  worke  upon  the  oven  after  the  rate  of  vjd.  the 
daye  to  every  oí  them       ...  ...  ...  x\')d. 

It'm  paide  to  a  laborer  to  serve  the  mason  by  the  space 

of  one  daye  ...  ...  ...  ...  i\\]d. 


xi)d. 

\jd. 

ÌÜjí. 

\)d 

\\')S. 

v\\)d. 

iiijí. 

\xd. 

\\')S. 

iijd. 

V\)S. 

v]d. 

vs. 

xd. 

ii\)d. 

Sma         ...  ...  iiij//.  ]d. 

The  coosts  and  chargs  that  were  done  in  talung  downe  of  the 
churche  rouffe  of  the  late  Abbeye  of  Conweye  and  the  kariage  of  Stones 
and  Tymbre  from  the  said  Abbeye  to  Caern' 

Imprimis  payde  to  Thomas  Hervy  and  Robert  ap  Willm 
carpenters  by  the  space  of  yj  days  after  the  rate  of 
v\d.  the  day  unto  eu'y  of  them  ...  ...  vjj. 

It'm    payde  to  the  same   carpynters  for  theire  labor  in 

taking  downe  the  said  rouffe  \\\)d.  a  pese  ...  \'û\d. 


Abbey,  anci  Bangor  and  Beanmaris  Friaries.    75 

It'm  paide  to  other  iij  Carpynters  by  the  space  of  vj  days 
for  taking  downe  oí'the  said  rouffe  after  the  rate  of 
vd.  the  daye  unto  eu'y  of  them  ...  ...         vn>.      v]d. 

It'm  paide  to  the  same  iii  Carpynters  at  an  other  tyme 
for  taking  down  of  the  same  rouffe  unto  eu'y  of 
them  \]d.        ...  ...  ...  •••  VJÄ 

It'm  paide  to  a  laborer  to  carye  the  said  Tymbir  oute  ot 
the  churche  and  to  lode  the  same  uppon  horses  to 
the  Pykarde  by  the  space  of  vj  days  and  a  halfe  after 
the  rate  of  iiijŵ.  the  daye  ...  •••  'i^-       ij#- 

It'm  paide  to  Will'm  Beisley  for  the  cooste  of  hym  and 
his  horse  from  Caern'  to  Conwey  for  pulling  downe 
the  roufe  of  the  churche,  by  the  space  of  x  days      ...  xs. 

[m.  id.] 

It'm  paide  to  Roberte  ap  John  ap  Atha  for  the  freyghte 
of  his  pykarde  of  vij  Tonne  to  carye  the  said  Tymbre 
by  water  to  Caern'  ...  ...  •••         xijí.  viiijrf. 

It"m   paide   to   Rouland  Griffith  for  the   fraighte  of  his 

Pykarde  of  v  Tonne  the  same  tyme      ...  ...  ixs. 

It'm    paide  to  a  laborer   by  the  space   of  twoo  days  in 

makiug  clene  of  the  greate  sellar  under  the  Shyre 

Hall   to   leye   the   said  Tymbre  in  after  the  rate  of 

iiijrtf.  by  the  daye  ...  ...  •■•  vii]V. 

It'm  paid  to  Roger  ap  John  ap  Atha  for  the  ffraight  of  his 

pykarde   at   an   other  tyme   in  karying  of  the  said 

Tymber  toCaern' from  Conwey 
It'm  paid   to  a  laborer  to  lode  the  said  Tymber  in  the 

said  pykarde 
It'm  paide  to  Richarde  Maynwaring  for  the  ffraighte  of 

his   pykarde    loden    witli    stones   f'rom    the    Abbey 

of  Conweye  to  Caern'       ...  .      ••• 

It'm   paide  for  the  ffraighte  of  an  other  pykarde  laden 

with   stones   of  iij    tonne    from  the  said  Abbey   to 

Caeru' 
It'm    paide   to   Roger   ap   John  Atha  the  viijth  daye  of 

August  for  the  ffraighte  of  his  pykarde  laden  w'th 

stones  from  Conwey  to  Caern' 
It'm  paide  to  Richarde  Maynwaring  the  same   daye  for 

the  ffraight  of  his  pykarde  laden  with   stones  from 

Conwey  to  Caern' 
It'm  paide  for  the  taking  downe  of  xxxvtie  sparres  in  the 

Abbey,    and  for  Ale  to   the    tenaunts    that   caryed 

stones  to  the  water  syde  ... 

Sma         ...  ...  ciiijí.  vij^. 

Ebdomeda  in  ffesto  Sancti  Petri  advincla  [ìst  August]  anno  supra- 
dicto  R.  predicti. 

It'm  paide  to  Morys  ap  John  ap  Hoell  for  the  cariage  of 

xiiij  bote  lodes  of  stones  from  Angles'  to  Caern'       ...       xiiijí. 

It'm  paide  to  John  Roulande  for  the  cariage  of  x  Iodes 
of  stones  írom  the  water  syde  to  the  Hall  after  the 
rate  of  iij^.  the  lode  ...  ...  ...  \]s.      vjä. 


X1ÌJÍ. 

\]d. 

X]'í. 

vs. 

\\]d. 

x\\']S. 

v\\]d. 

X]'í. 

viij^. 

v\\]d. 

j6         The  Fate  of  the  Structures  of  Conway 

It'm  paide  to  tlie  said  John  for  the  caryage  of  other  iiij 
lodes  of  the  said  stones  after  the  rate  of  \\x\d.  the 
lode  ...  ...  ...  ...  xv]d. 

It'm  paideto  the  said  John  Roulande  for  the  cariage  of 
syxe  score  and  xij  lodes  of  sande  to  temper  the  lyme 
in  the  vvorke,  after  the  rate  of  \d.  for  every  four  lodes  \]s.      \xd. 

It'm  paide  to  Will'm  Ffoxvviste  and  John  Jonson  for  the 
cariage  of  foure  score  lodes  of  sande  after  the  rate 
aforesaid       ...  ...  ...  ...  xxd. 

It'm  paide  to  John  Rouland  for  the  cariage  of  a  pykarde 

loode  of  stones  from  Conwey  to  Caern'  ...  v]d. 

Summa  ejusdem  Ebdomade  ...  xxijs.  \xd. 

Ebdomeda  ante  ff'm  S'ci  Laurencii  [loth  August]. 

It'm  to  John  Rouland  for  the  cariage  of  iij  bote  lodes  of 

stones  from  the  water  side  to  the  worke  ...  \xd. 

It'm  to  the  said  John  for  the  cariage  of  lij  lodes  of  sande  x\\]d. 

It'm  paid  for  a  tliousand  latthis  after  the  rate  of  vd.  the 

thousand  and  \]d.  farther  in  the  hole  some  ...         iiijí.     \\\]d. 

It'm  paide  to  John  Clarke  for  xltie  lodes  of  sande  ...  xd. 

It'm  paide  to  Morys  ap  John  ap  Hoell  for  the  cariage  of 

twoo  bote  Iodes  of  stones  oute  of  Anglesey  to  Caern'  \]s. 

It'm  paide  to  the  saide  Morrys  for  two  fleyks  to  make 

sckafoldes     ...  ...  ...  ...  \\\]d. 

Summa  ejusdem  Ebdomade  ...  \xs.  \\\]d. 

Ebdomeda  ante  ffestum  Assumptionis  B'te  Marie  [15U1  AugustJ. 

It'm  paide  to  John  Asshe  for  the  cariage  up  of  twoo 
pykardes  lodes  oi  stones  that  came  from  Conwey 
from  the  water  syde  to  the  Justice  Hall  ...  xv\]d. 

It'm  paide  to  Thomas  Griffith  for  the  cariage  of  xvj  lodes 

ofsande         ...  ...  ...  ...  iüj^. 

It'm  paide  to  John  Asshe  for  the  caryage  of  xij  lodes  of 

claye  ...  ...  ...  ...  \\\]d. 

It'm  paide  to  Thomas  Griffith  for  the  cariage  of  xij  lodes 

ofclaye  ...  ...  ...  ...  \\\]d. 

It'm  to  the  said  John  Asshe  for  xltie  lodes  of  sande         ...  xd. 

It'm  paide  to  Moris  ap  Ieuan  ap  Hoell  for  v  bote  lodes  of 

stones  from  Anglesey  to  Caern'  ...  ...  vs. 

It'm  paide  to  Johu  Clarke  for  cariage  of  v  bote  lodes  of 

stones  from  the  water  syde  to  the  worke  ...  xvd. 

It'm  to  the  said  John  for  the  cariage  of  lx  lodes  of  sande  xvd. 

[m.  2.] 

It'm  paide  for  xj  hundrede  of  sclats  after  the  rate  of  \\]d. 

the  hundreth  ...  ...  ...  ij^.      \X(l 

It'm  paide  to  Will'm   ap  Holl,  laborer,  by  the  space  of 

twoo  days  in  dyggyng  and  heving  up  of  claye  ...  v\\]d. 

It'm  paide  to  Lewes  mason  onwarde  011  his  payment    ...      xlvijí.      v]d. 


Snmina  ejusdem  ebdomade  ...         lxjj.   v\\]d. 


Abbey,  and  Bangor  and  Beaumaris  Friaries.    JJ 

Ebdomeda  ante  ffestum  Bartholomei  ap'li  [24th  August]. 

It  m  paide  for  v  thousand  sclats  ...  ...         xijí.      \\]d. 

It'm  paide  to  John  Asshe  for  the  cariage  of  xxxix  lodes  of 

claye  after  the  rate  of  iij  lodes  a  peny  ...  xú]d. 

It'm  paide  to  the  said  John  for  the  cariage  of  lix  lodes  of 

sande  after  the  rate  of  iiij  lodes  a  peny  ...  xvd. 

It'm  paide  to  Lewes  mason  the  same  vveke  ...     xxiiijí.       \]d. 

It'm  paide  Morys  ap  Yeuan  ap  Hoell  for  the  cariage  of 

viij  lodes  of  stones  oute  of  Angleseye  to  Caern'       ...        viijí. 
It'm  paide  to  John  CIerke  for  cariage  of  the  said  stones 

from  the  water  syde  to  the  worke         ...  ...  ijí. 

It'm   paide  to  the  said  John   Clerke  for  the  caryage  of 

fourtie  loodes  of  sande     ...  ...  ...  xd. 

Summa  ejusdem  Ebdomade         ...       xlix.y.     v\]d. 

Ebdomeda  proxime  post  ffestum  S'ci  Bartholemei  ap'li. 

It'm  paide  to  Morys  ap  Ieuan  ap  Hoell  for  cariage  of  vj 

lodes  of  stones  that  were  broughte  from  Anglesey  ...  v]s. 

It'm   paide  to  John  Clarke  for  the  cariage  of  the  said 

stones  from  the  water  side  to  the  work  ...  x\\\]d. 

lt'm  paide  to  the  said  John  for  the  cariage  of  viij  loodes 

of  sande         ...  ...  ...  ...  \]d. 

It'm  paide  to  John  Asshe  for  the  kariage  of  xv  loodes  of 

Claye  ...  ...  ...  ...  vd. 

It'm  paide  for  three  thousand  and  a  halfe  of  sclats         ...         viijí.      \xd. 

It'm  paide  for  a  Barrowe  ...  ...  ...  \\\d. 

It'm  paide  for  xiiij  clamstaves  to  make  up  the  wall  be- 

twene  the  Buttery  and  the  servaunts'  chamber         ...  \\\]d. 

It'm  paide  to  Lewes  mason     ...  ...  ...         xvs. 


Summa  ejusdem  Ebdomade         ...     xxxijj.       vd. 

Ebdomeda  ante  ffestum  Nativitatis  B'te  Marie  [8th  September]. 

It'm  paide  to  Lewis  Mason  for  making  the  stone  work 

of  the  Hall  at  one  tyme  in  grosse  ...  ...         xxs. 

It'm  paide  to  Roberte  ap  Will'm  and  Thomas  Harvy, 
carpynters  for  the  setting  up  the  rouffe  of  the  Justes 
Hall  ...  ...  •••  •••      xxv]s.    v\\]d. 

It'm    paide   for   cariage   of  certayne   Tymbre   to    make 

sckaffoldes    ...  ...  ...  ...  v\\]d. 

It'm  paide  for  the  cariage  of  twoo  stones  from  the 
churche  of  Sainte  Beblike  unto  the  worke  towarde 
the  making  ot'  the  Hall  doore  ...  ...  v\\]d. 

It'm  paide  for  ij  Stocks  to  make  pynne  wood  for  the  car- 

pinters  ...  ...  •  ••  •••  iüj^- 

It'm  paide  to  Morys  ap  Ieuan  for  cariage  of  vj  bote  loode 

of  Stones  oute  of  Anglesey  to  Caern'    ...  ...  v]s. 

It'm  paide  to  John  Clarke  for  the  cariage  uppe  of  the 

same  Stones  from  the  water  syde  to  the  worke       ...  xviii^. 


78  The  Fate  of  the  Structures  of  Conway 

It'ra   paid   to  Thomas  Sclater  in   parte  of  payment  for 

sclating  the  Justices  Hall  ...  ...  \]s. 

It'm  paide  to  Jenkyn  Smyth  in  parte  of  payment  for  the 
making  the  Iron  \voork  of  the  dores  and  wyndowes 
of  the  Justice  Hall  ...  ...  ...         vh>.      \]d. 

Summa  to  the  huius  Ebdomade 
Ebdomeda  post  ffestum  Nativitatis  B'te  Marie. 

It'm  paid  for  a  thousand  and  three  hundreth  sclats  after 

the  rate  of  \\}d.  the  hundreth 
It'm  paid  for  vij  pecks  and  a  halfe  of  lyme  after  the  rate 

of  \]d.  le  peck 
It'm   paid   to    Morys  ap   Yeuan   for   vj    lodes  ot  stones 

caried  out  of  Anglesey  to  Caern' 

It'm  paid  for  the  cariage  up  of  the  said  stones  from  the 

water  syde  unto  the  worke 
It'm  paid  to  a  laborer  for  one  day's  worke  in  dygging 

upp  of  Clay  taking  by  the  daye  foure  pens 

[m.  2d.] 

It'm   paide  for  the  cariage  up  of  the   same   that   is   to 

wytte  for  xxiiij  loodes 
It'm  paid  to  Lewes  mason  for  parte  of  payment  of  the 

taske  for  making  the  Justices  Hall 

It'm  paide  to  a  laborer  for  ij  days  in  caring  of  tymber  at 
the  rering  of  the  forsaid  Hall 

Summa  huius  Ebdomade  ...      xxìxí.      vj«. 

Ebdomeda  post  ffestum  Exaltationis  S'te  Crucis  [i4th  September]. 
In  primis  paid  for  a  thousand  sclats  ...  ...  i]s.      \]d. 

It'm  paid  for  xviij  pecks  of  lyme  ...  ...  ixí. 

It'm  paid  for  the  cariage  of  the  Bateling  [?  Battlement] 

Stones  from  Conweye  to  Caern'  ...  ...  vs. 

It'm  paide  for  the  cariage  of  the  said  Stones  from  the 

water  side  to  the  worke    ...  ...  ...  i'ij^. 

It'm   payde  to  Morys  ap   Hugh  for  ij  days  werk  about 

necessaryes  done  in  the  kytchin  and  the  stable       ...  xi]d. 

It'm  paid  to  Thomas  Sclater  in  parte  of  payment  for 

Sclating  the  hall  of  justice  ...  ...  ü]s. 

It'm  paide  to  a  laborer  for  ij  days  work  in  dygging  of 

claye  ...  ...  ...  •••  viij<£ 

It'm   paide   to   John    Reynolde   for   the  kariage   of  xviij 

loodes  of  claye     ...  ...  ...  •••  ixrf. 

It'm  paid  to  the  said  John  for  the  cariage  of  x  loodes  of 

sande  ...  ...  •■•  •■•  i}d.  ob. 

It'm  paide  to  Morys  ap  Yeuan  for  the  cariage  of  one  boote 

loode  of  Stones  from  Anglesey  to  Caern'  ...  xi]d. 

It'm  paide  for  the  kariage  up  of  the  same  from  the  water 

syde  to  the  wourke  ...  ...  ...  ü\d. 

Summa  ejusdem  Ebdomade  xxii\s.  \i\\d.  ob. 


]XÌX5. 

iiiî^. 

Üjí. 

ihy. 

Ì\)S. 

ixd. 

\]s. 

x\i'\]d. 

iii]d. 

\\i]d. 

xii]s. 

iìi]d. 

\ii]d. 

viijí. 

\]d. 

Üjí. 

\xd. 

ijí. 

viijrf. 

\')S. 

\\\')d. 

\)S. 

\\\]d. 

iijj. 

xx\\]d. 

\d.  ob. 

\\\]d. 

Abbey,  and  Bangor  and  Beaumaris  Friaries,    79 

Ebdomeda  prox  post  ffestum  Sci  Mathei  Apli.  [2ist  September]. 

Inprimis  paid  for  viij  hundreth  scklats        ...  ...  \)s. 

It'm  paid  for  xvij  pecks  of  lyme  after  the  rate  of  \]d.  le 
pecke 

It'm  paide  to  Roberte  Comb[er]bache  and  John  Smyth 
for  ix  loodes  of  sparres  after  the  rate  of  \d.  the  loode 

It'm  paide  to  ij  laborers  the  space  of  iiij  days  for  rydding 
[and]  clensing  of  the  rubbell  out  of  the  Hall  and 
Court 

It'm  paide  to  Lewes  Mason  for  parte  of  payment  of  the 
Taske  for  making  of  the  Justices  Hall 

It'm  paide  to  Thomas  Harvy  and  Robert  ap  Will'm, 
carpinters,  in  parte  of  payment  of  a  Taske  taken  in 
malcing  of  the  Hall 

It'm  to  Thomas  Sclater  in  parte  of  his  Taske  for  sclating 
oftheHall    ... 

It'm  paid  to  John  Rouland  for  the  cariage  of  lxviij  loodes 
of  claye 

It'm  paid  for  the  cariage  of  xxij  loodes  of  sande 
It'm  to  the  said  John  Rouland  for  the  temp[er]ing  and 
dawbing  the  same  claye    ... 

Summa  ejusdem  Ebdomade  xxxvî.    x\d.  ob. 

Ebdomada  post  ffestum  S'ci  Mich'is  arch.  [2Qth  September]. 
It'm  paide  for  a  thousand  aud  ij  hundreth  of  sclats 
It'm  paide  for  vij  pecks  and  di'  of  lyme 
It'm  paide  to  Jamys  Smyth  for  vj  sparrys  ... 
It'm    paide    to    Stevyn   Bodington   for  m1   and   a   halfe 
[1,500]  oflathe  nailes 

It'm  paide  to  the  said  Steven  tor  iij  stone  and  foure 
poundes  oí  Iron  ... 

It'm  paide  to  Thomas  Scklater  in  parte  of  paym't  of  his 
Taske  for  sclating  the  hall 

Summa  ejusdem  Ebdomade  ...         x\\s. 

Ebdomada  ante  ffestum  S'ci  Edward  [i3th  October]. 

It'm  paide  for  xij  c  [hundred]  scklats  ...  ...           \\\s. 

It'm  paide  for  iij  pecks  of  lyme  ...  ...                 xviijtf'. 

It'm  to  Thomas  Sclater            ...  ...  ...            xs. 

It'm  payde  for  yj  pecks  of  lyme  ...  ...           \\'\s. 

[m.  3] 

It'm  paide  for  foure  loodes  of  sande  ...  ...                        ]d. 

It'm  payde  to  Thomas  Harvey  carpinter  ...  ...           v]s.  \\\]d. 

It'm  paide  to  Hughe  Smythe  for  yj  m1  lathe  nailes  after 

tlie  rate  ot  xvjí/.  le  thousand  ...  ...        viijj. 

It'm  to  the  said  Hughe  for  iij  c.  gade  nayles  after  the  rate 

ofvijrf.  thec.  ...  ...  ...  xxjrf. 

It'm  paide  to  the  said  Hughe  for  ij  c  spike  nayle  after  the 

rate  of  iiij</.  the  hundredth  ...  •••  \\\]d. 


\Ì)S. 

\\]s. 

\xd. 

x\]d. 

\]s. 

Üjí. 

\\')d. 

Üjí. 

8o  The  Fate  of  the  Stmctures  of  Conway 

It"m  paid  to  the  said  Hughe  for  di.  c.  [50]  borde  nayle  ...  \]d. 

It'in  paide  to  John  Smyth  for  viij   sparrys  after  the  rate 

of  ij  ob.  le  sparre  ...  ...  ...  xxd. 

It'm  paide  to  Thomas  Becke  for  c.  and  di.  [ij  cwt.]  of  Iron 

after  the  rate  of  vijs.  v]d.  the  hundreth  [cwt.]  ...  xjí.      \\]d. 

It'm  paide  to  the  said  Thomas  for  ij  Rugs  for  the  Halle 

doore  ...  ...  ...  ...  v'û)d. 

It'm  for  a  hundreth  and  a  halfe  of  gadde  nayles  after  v\]d. 

the  hundrethe  ...  ...  ...  xd.  ob. 

It'm  paide  for  a  hundrethe  of  spike  nayles...  ...  vd. 

It'm  paide  for  a  thousand  lathe  nayles         ...  ...  xv]d. 

It'm  paide  for  vj  c  lathe  nayles  after  the  rate  of  v]d.  the 

hundreth        ...  ...  ...  ...  W]s. 

It'm  payde  to  Jenkyn  Smyth  in  full  payment  of  his  Iron 

werk  to  the  Justice  courte  ...  ...         iiijí.       xd. 


Summe  ejusdem  ebdomade  ...     h'irjí.  xd.  ob. 

Ebdomada  post  ffestum  Omnium  Sanctorum  [ist  November]. 

It'm  paide  to  Rauffe  Jonson  for  making  the  chymney  in 

the  chechin  [ldtchen]         ...  ...  ...        xiijí.     \\\]d. 

It'm  paide  to  Ieuan  Cotmfer]  for  a  pece  of  Tymber  to  the 

work  over  the  staire  from  the  Hall  to  the  chamber  \\s. 

It'm  paide  for  viij  c  sclats  after  the  rate  of  \\]d.  le  c         ...  \]s. 

It'm  for  iiij  pecks  of  lyme  after  the  rate  of  yj  le  pek        ...  \]s. 

It'm  paide  to  Thomas  Beeke  for  a  hundreth  latthis         ...  v]d. 

It'm  paide  to  the  said  Thomas  for  viij  c  lathe  nailes       ...  x\]d. 

It'm  paide  to  Thomas  Sclater  for  his  werk  ...  xxs.  \W]d. 

It'm    payde  to   Jenet    Ffrauncs    for   caruing    [carrying] 

water  to  the  making  of  morter  ...  ...  \]s. 

It'm  paide  to  Morres  ap  Yeuan  for  vij  boate  loodes  of 
Stones  to  fill  and  stoppe  the  hooles  in  the  kaye 
[quay]  after  the  rate  of  v\\]d.  the  loode  ...         iiijs.    v\\]d. 

It'm  paide  to  the  said  Morrys  and  to  other  laborers  for 
the  stopping  and  ffilling  up  of  the  hooles  in  the  keye 
withe  the  said  stones        ...  ...  ...  \]s. 

It'm    paide  to  Thomas  Glasyer  for  the  glasing  of  lxiij 

foote  of  glasse  after  the  rate  of  v]d.  ob.  le  foote        ...  xxxiiijí.  \d.  ob. 

It'm  paide  for  wynding  roddes  ...  ...  xvj</. 

It'm  paide  for  v  pecks  and  a  halfe  of  lyme  after  the  rate 

of  v]d.   le    pek  towardes    the   rep[ar]acone    of    Mr. 

Arnolde's  chamber  and  the  shire  nall  ...  ...  \]s.      \xd. 

It'm  paide  to  Ric.  Sclatter  by  the  space  of  x  days  in 
sclating  of  the  said  chamber  after  the  rate  oí  v]d. 
le  daye  ...  ...  ...  ...  vs. 

It'm  paide  for  a  hundreth  lathe  nailes  ...  ...  \]d. 

It'm  paide  for  a  shovill  with  a  hed  ...  ...  W]d. 

It'm  paide  for  a  syve  to  rydle  the  lyme       ...  ...  \]d. 

Summa  eiusdem  Ebdomade  iiij//.  xiijí.  v\]d.  ob. 


x\]d. 


Aòbey,  and  Bangor  and  Beaumaris  Friaries.   8 1 

Ebdomada  tercia  quadragesime. 

It'm  paid  to  Will'm  ap  leuan  ap  Yockyn  for  iij  dars 
vvorke  in  hewin  and  cutting  of  wood  to  the  lyme 
kylne  after  the  rate  of  \\\]d.  the  daye     ...  ...  x\]d. 

It'm  paide  to  Thomas  Griffitli  in  Iike  wise  for  iij   day's 

worke  on  thesaid  kyeue  [quay]  ...  ...  x\]d. 

It'm  paid  for  iij  days  woorkein  lyke  man[ner]  to  Richarde 

laborer 
It'm  paide  for  cariage  of  the  wood  to  the  water  syde  and 

towardes  the  looding  of  the  same        ...  ...  v]s. 

[m.  3d.] 

It'm  to  Ll'  ap  Will'm  for  the  cariage  of  iij  boate  loode  of 

woode  by  water  after  the  rate  of  xv]d.  le  loode         ...         iiijí. 
It'm  paide  to  Morrys  ap   Ieuan   for  the  cariage  of  one 

boate  loode  of  wood  ...  ...  ...  x\\d. 

It'm  paide  to  the  said  Morrys   for  fyve  boate  loode  of 

lyme  stones  ...  ...  ...  Vs. 

It'm   paid  to  Will'm  Ffoxewist   for  breking  of  the  said 

stones  ...  ...  ...  ...  ví. 

It'm  paid  to  the  said  Will'm  for  setting  and  brennyng 

[?burning]  of  the  same  kylne  .  ...  ...  vs. 

It'm  paid  to  the  said  Will'm  for  kariing  of  th£  stones    ' 

from  the  water  side  and  loyding  [?loading]  of  the 

Tange  of  the  said  kylne   ...  ...  ...  Xxd. 

It'm  paid  to  John  Rouland  for  the  kariage  of  lyme  out  of 

the  said  kylne  to  the  Justice  Hall         ...  ...  üj.y.     îîjjá 

It'm  paide  to  John  Dyckon  for  the  mendyngand  dressing 

of  the  said  kylne     ^  ...  ...  ...  v]d. 

Summa  ejusdem  Ebdomade   ^.         ...  xxxiiijí.     v]d. 

Ebdomada  quinta  quadragesime. 

It'm  paid  for  a  pykarde  loode  of  Tymbre  being  of  v  tonne 

to  Robert  ap  John  ap  Atha  ffrom  Conwey  to  Caern'        v\\]s. 

It'm  paid  to  Ffulke  Maynwayring  and  toThomas  Griffith  ' 

for  the  unlayding  of  the  said  tymbre  oute  of  the  said 
pykarde         ...  ...  ...  ...  v]d. 

It'm  paide  for  dygging  of  clay  for  twoo  days  ...  v\\]d. 

It'm  paid  to  Robert  ap  Griffìth  for  the  cariage  of  fyftie 

loods  of  Claye  after  the  rate  of  every  iiij  lods  ]d.      ...  x\]d. 

It'm  paide  to  John  Rouland  for  xvj  loode  of  claye  ...  \\\]d. 

It'm  payde  to  Will'm  Ffoxewiste  for  the  making,  tem- 
p[er]ing  and  dawbing  of  the  wasting  [?  wainscotting] 
of  the  Hall  and  pointing  the  same  with  lyme  by  the 
space  [of]  ix  days  after  the  rate  of  ú\]d.  the  daye     ...  \\]s. 

It'm  paide  to  Morys  ap  Ieuan  for  a  boote  loode  of  stones 

to  the  making  of  the  chymney  in  the  kychen  ...  x\]d. 

It'm  to  John  Rouland  for  the  cariage  of  the  saide  stones 

from  the  water  syde  to  the  Justes  courte  ...  '\\\d. 

lt'm  paid  for  caruing  of  water  to  temper  the  claye  and 

morter  for  the  said  chymney  ...  ...  \md. 


82  TJie  Fate  of  tJie  Structures  of  Conway 

It'm  paide  for  xlviij  loode  of  claye  to  the  chymney  ...  x\}d. 

It'm  paide  to  John  Mason  and  Lewes  his  brother  for  one 
day's  vvorke  on  the  chymney  after  the  rate  of  \]d.  le 
day  ...  ...  ...  ...  x\]d. 

It'm  to  Will'm  Ffurberor'  and  to  Ric'  the  laborer  for  s'uyng 
[serving]  the  masons  for  one  daye  after  the  rate  of 
iii]d.  by  the  daye  le  pere  ...  ...  \\\]d. 

It'm  paide  to  John  ap  R.,  mason,   for  one  day's   \vork 

taking  by  the  daye  \]d.      ...  ...  ...  \]d. 

It'm  paide  to  Ric,  laborer,  for  serving  the  said  mason  ...  i\i]d. 

It'm  to  Rouland  Ffoxevviste  for  taking  downe  sclats  in 

the  kichin      ...  ...  ...  ...  \i\]d. 

It'm  to  Henry  ap  Lli'  for  foure  hoopis  and  twoo  turnells 

to  carie  up  the  lyme  ...  ...  ...  \\\]d. 

It'm  for  xij  loodes  of  sande  to  pointing  of  the  chymney  in 

the  kichin      ...  ...  ...  ...  üj^. 

Summa  eiusdem  Ebdomade  ...  xixs.  \]d. 

Ebdomada  ante  ffestum  vanus  palmar'. 

It'm  to  Thomas  Ffoxwist  for  the  pointing  of  the  chymney  \\\]d. 

It'm  paide  to  D'd  the  laborer  for  the  making  of  claye  and 
dawbing  the  said  chymney  the  space  of  iiij  days 
after  the  rate  of  ii\]d.  le  daye  ...  ...  x\]d. 

It'm  to  Rouland  Ffoxewiste  in  the  same  weke  the  space 

ofiijdais        ...  ...  ...  ...  x\]d. 

It'm  paide  for  carinng  of  water  to  tempre  the  said  morter  i]d. 

Summa  eiusdem  Ebdomade  ...         iijí.       \]d. 

[m.  4.]  [No  heading  of  the  week.] 

It'm  paid  to  John  ap  R.  and  Lewes  his  brother  and  to 
the  other  masons  for  making  the  windowes,  dores 
and  stayres  in  the  Hall     ...  ...  ...         liijí.     \\\]d. 

It'm  gyven  in  rewarde  to  the  said  masons  ...        xiijj.     iiijrt'. 

It'm  paide  to  the  mason  for  mendyng  the  chymney  in  the 

Justeschamber  ...  ...  ...        xiijj.    \\\]d. 

It'm  paide  unto  Ieuan  ap  John  ap  D'd  Vichan  for  the 
ffalling  of  xvj  greate  oks  at  Conwey,  for  every  one 
i\]d.  ...  ...  ...  ...  in>-   viij<£ 

It'm   paid   unto  Griffith   ap  John   for    the   hewing   and 

squaring  of  the  said  oks    ...  ...  ...  x]s.    ii\]d. 

It'm  paide  unto  the  above  namyd  Griffith  ap  John  for  the 
sawing  of  the  said  Treys  for  iij  roodys  et  di  [?2j 
roods]  after  the  rate  of  \s.  le  roode      ...  ...         xi]s.      \]d. 

I'tm  paide  for  the  cariage  by  water  of  the  said  tymber 
from  the  late  Abbeye  of  Conwey  unto  Caern'  unto 
Griffith  ap  Ll'  ...  ...  ...         x\]s.      \]d. 

It'm  paide  to  Griff  ap  Hoell  ap  Jhon,  Hughe  ap  D'd  ap 
Ll'  and  others  for  the  cariage  of  stones  and  tymber 
by  lande  at  soundrie  tymes  for  the  Justice  Hall  at 
Caern'  from  the  Abbeye  of  Conweye  to  the  water   ...  xlí. 

Summa  istius  Ebdomade  ...        vlijẃ". 


Abbey,  and  Bangor  anci  Beaumaris  Friaries.  83 

Ebdomeda  prox'ante  ffestum  apostolorum  Ph'i  et  Jacobi  [ist  May]. 

In  primis  paide  to  Thomas  Hervy  carpinter  tor  iiij  dais 
work  in  pulling  downe  tlie  rouffe  of  Oure  Lady 
Chapell  at  Bangor  taking  by  the  daye  v\\d.  ...  \]s.     \\'\]d. 

It'm  paide  to  Roberte  ap  Will'm  for  iiij  days  worke  in  lyke 

manner  taking  v]d.  le  daye  ...  ...  ijí. 

It'm   paide   Rouland   ap  Will'm   carpinter   for   iiij   days 

worke  in  lyke  manner  taking  by  the  daye  v]d.  ...  \]s. 

It'm  paide  to  Ric'  Browne  carpinter  for  iiij  daies  work  in 
pulling  downe  the  rouffe  of  the  said  chapell,  taking 
\]d.  le  daye    ...  ...  ...  ...  \]s. 

It'm  paide  to  Richard  ap  Will'm  sclater  for  ij  dais  woork 
in  taking  downe  of  the  sklats  from  the  said  chapell, 
taking  \]d.  le  daye  ...  ...  ...  x\]d. 

It'm  paide  to  Thomas  Ffoxewist  sklaterfor  ij  dais  wourke 
in  taking  downe  of  the  sclats  from  the  said  chapell, 
taking  \]d.  le  daye  ...  ...  ...  x\]d. 

It'm  paide  to  ij  laborers  by  the  space  of  ij  dais  to  take 

the  sclats  from  the  sclaters  ...  ...  xv]d. 

It'm  paide  to  John  Smythe  for  the  making  of  two  Iron 

pynnes  ...  ...  ...  ...  \\\]d. 

It'm  paide  to  Thomas  Osbaston  mason  for  v  dais  work 
in  pullyng  downe  of  the  stones  from  the  churche  of 
Bangor,  taking  by  the  daye  \'\]d.  ...  ...  i]s.      x]d. 

It'm  paide  to  Hughe  ap  R.  mason  for  taking  downe  of 
stones  in  like  manner  from  the  church  of  Bangor,  by 
the  space  of  v  dais,  taking  v]d.  le  daye  ...  i\s.      v]d. 

It'm  paide  to  David  Dromme  laborer  for  v  dais  wourk 
to  take  up  the  stones  from  the  said  masons,  taking 
\\\]d.  by  the  daye  ...  ...  ...  xxd. 

It'm  paide  to  D'd  ap  Roberte  laborer  for  v  dais  worlc 
taking  up  stones  from  the  said  masons,  taking  by  the 
daye  iüj«.      ...  ...  ...  ...  xxd. 

It'm  paide  to  John  Sadler  for  hym  and  his  horse  for  foure 
dais  labor  to  karie  stones  from  the  Ffriers  of  Bangor 
to  the  water  syde,  taking  le  daye  v]d.  ...  ...  ijs. 

It'm  paide  to  Thomas  ap  Ieuan  for  hym  and  his  horse 
for  iiij  dais  worke  to  cary  stones  from  the  Ffriers  of 
Bangor  to  the  water  side,  taking  le  daye  v]d.  ...  \]s. 

It'm  paide  to  John  ap  S.  Griffith  for  hym  and  his  horse 
for  iiij  dais  labor  to  carye  stones  from  the  said  Ffrier 
House  to  the  water  side,  taking  le  day  v]d.  ...  \]s. 

It'm  paide  to  David  ap  Will'm  for  hym  and  his  horse  by 
the  space  of  ij  dais  to  carie  stones  in  like  manner, 
taking  by  the  daye  v]d.     ...  ...  ...  x\]d. 

Summa  eiusdem  Ebdomade  ...     xxvijí.    \xd. 

Ebdomada  in  ffesto  Apostolorum  Ph'i  et  Jacobi. 
[m.  4d.] 

It'm  paide  to  Robert  Griffith  for  hym  and  his  horse  for 
iiij   days  laboryng  to  carie  stones  from  the  Ffriers 
house  of  Bangor  unto  the  water  side  taking  by  the 
daye  v]d.        ...  ...  ...  ...  i]s. 

G  2 


84  The  Fate  of  the  Structures  of  Conway 

It'm  for  one  gable  rope  of  vj  stone  and  a  halfe  after  the 

rate  of  \}s.  \}d.  le  stone      ...  ...  ...       xiiij,y. 

It'm  paide  to  Thomas  Hosbaston  mason  by  the  space  of 
iiij  days  and  a  halfe  in  poling  downe  of  stones  from 
the  said  church,  taking  by  the  daye  \\}d.  ...      ijy.  \\\d.  ob. 

It'm  paid  to  John  ap  Ieuan  mason  for  iiij  dais  vvorke  in 
taking  dowiie  of  stones  from  the  churche  of  Bangor, 
taking  by  the  daye  \)d.     ...  ...  ...  i)s. 

It'm  paid  to  David  Dromme  laborer  by  the  space  of  iiij 
days  and  a  halfe  taking  stones  from  the  masons, 
talíing  by  the  daye  iii)d.    ...  ...  ...  xviij^. 

It'm  paide  to  John  ap  Thomas  laborer  for  iiij  days  and 
a  halfe  in  taking  stones  from  the  masons,  taking  by 
the  daye  iii)d.  ...  ...  ...  xvii)d. 

It'm  paide  to  Ric.  Browne  and  Thomas  Harvy  carpinters 
for  j  dai's  vvorke  to  make  ij  cradeis  to  worke  uppon 
the  castell  walle  ...  ...  ...  xij</. 

It'm  paide  to  the  Constable  of  Caern'  for  his  pilorde 
laden  twyes  [twice]  to  carie  stones  from  Bangor  to 
Caern'  ...  ...  ...  ...  \)s.   \ii)d. 

It'm  paide  to  John  Sadler  for  hym  and  his  horse  the 
space  of  iiij  days,  after  the  rate  of  \)d.  the  daye  to 
carie  stones  from  the  Ffriers  to  the  water  side         ...  i)s. 

It'm  paide  to  John  ap  S.  John  Gruff  for  hym  and  his 
horse  the  space  of  iiij  days  after  the  rate  of  \)d.  the 
daye  in  karing  stones  from  the  churche  of  Bangor  to 
the  water  syde  ...  ...  ...  i)s. 

It'm  paide  to  Morrys  ap  Hoell  for  hym  and  his  horse  the 
space  of  iiij  days  to  carye  stones  to  the  water  side 
from  the  churche  of  Bangor,  taking  by  the  daye  \)d.  i)s. 

Summa  eiusdem  Ebdomade  xxxvijj.  ü)d.  ob. 

Ebdomada  post  ffestum  Apostolorum  Ph'  et  Jacobi. 

It'm  paide  to  Thomas  Hosbaston  mason  for  vj  dais 
laboring  011  the  keye  and  castell  walls,  taking  by  the 
daye  \i)d.      ...  ...  ...  ...  ii)s.     \)d. 

It'm  paide  to  Griff  ap  Hoell  mason  for  vj  dais  laboring 

011  the  keye,  taking  by  the  daye  \)d.     ...  ...  ii)s. 

It'm  paide  to  David  ap  Hoell  mason  for  vj  days  laboring 

on  the  kaye,  taking  by  the  daye  \)d.     ...  ...  ii)s. 

It'm  paid  to  Hugh  ap  R.  mason  for  vj  days  laboring  on 

the  kaye,  taking  by  the  daye  \)d.  ...  ...  ii)s. 

It'm  paide  to  John  ap  R.  mason  for  yj  dais  laboring  on 

the  kaye,  taking  by  the  daye  \)d.  ...  ...  i'\)s. 

It'm  paide  to  David  Drome  laborer  for  vj  days  laboring 

on  the  kaie,  taking  by  the  daye  iii)d.     ...  ...  ijí. 

It'm  paide  toThomas  Ffoxewist  laborer  for  v  dais  labor- 

ing  on  the  keye,  taking  by  the  daye  iii)d.  ...  xxd. 

It'm  paide  to  Ieuan  ap  John  laborer  for  v  dais  laboring 

on  the  kaye,  taking  by  the  daye  iii)d.    ...  ...  xxd. 

It'm  paid  to  Gruff.  ap  John  for  v  dais  laboring  011  the 

kaye,  taking  by  the  daye  ii\)d.  ...  ...  xxd. 


Abbey,  and  Baugor  and  Beaumaris  Friaries.  85 

It'm  paide  to  Rouland  Ffoxewist  laborer  for  vdais  labor- 

ing  011  the  kaye,  taking  by  the  daye  iiijW.  ...  xxd. 

It'm  paide  to  David  ap  Richarde  laborer  fof  v  dais  labor- 

ing  on  the  kaie,  taking  by  the  daye  \\\]d.  ...  xxd. 

It'm  paide  to  Hoell  ap  Dicus  for  iiij  boote  loode  laden 

with  stones  from  Angles'  to  Caern'       ...  ...         iiijí. 

It'm  paide  to  a  laborer  for  the  cariage  of  xij   loode  of 

sande  ...  ...  ...  ...  W]d. 

It'm  paide  to  Thomas  Beeke  for  the  ffreight  of  his 
pikarde  at  ij  tymes  from  Bangor  to  Caern'  with 
stones  ...  ...  ...  ...         v\]s.     \\\]d. 

It'm  paide  to  John  Roulland  for  hym  and  his  horse  the 
space  of  v  days  to  kary  sande  and  morter,  taking  by 
the  daye  v]d.  ...  ...  ...  \]s.      v]d. 

It'm    paid  to   Ratheryne    Morrys   for   gethering   of  viij 

bourden  of  mosse  ...  ...  ...  viij<£ 


Summa  eiusdem  Ebdomade  ...  x\s.    v\]d. 

[m.  50 

Ebdomada  in  festo  translacionis  Sc'i  Bernardi  [17U1  May]. 

It'm   paide   to  Thomas   Hosboston,   mason,  for  vj   days 

laboring  on  the  kaye,  taking  be  the  daye  v\]d.  ...  W]s.      v]d. 

It'm  paide  to  Griffith  ap  Hoell,  mason,  for  vj  dais  labor- 

ing  on  the  keye,  taking  by  the  daye  v]d.  ...  \\]s. 

It'm  paide  to  David  ap  Hoell  ap  Griffith,  mason,   for  vj 

days  laboring  on  the  kaye,  taking  by  the  daye  v]d.  \\]s. 

It'm  paid  to  John  ap  R.  for  vj  dais  laboring  011  the  kaye, 

taking  by  the  daye,  v]d.    ...  ...  ...  W]s. 

It'm  paide  to  Lewes  ap  R.,  mason,  for  vj   days  laboring 

on  the  keye,  taking  by  the  daye,  v]d.   ...  ...  \\]s. 

It'm  paid  to  Hugh  ap  R.,  mason,  for  vj  dais  laboring  on 

the  kaye,  talcing  by  the  daye  v]d.  ...  ...  iijí. 

It'm  paide  to  Gruff '  ap  Yeuan,  laborer,  forsixe  days  labor- 

ing  on  the  kaye,  takyng  by  the  daye,  \\\]d.  ...  \]s. 

It'm  paid  to  David  Drome  for  vj  dais  laboring  on  the 

kaye,  taking  by  the  daye  \\\]d.  ...  ...  \]s. 

It'm  paide  to  John  ap  Madock,  laborer,  for  vj  dais  laboring 

on  the  kaie,  takyng  by  the  daye,  W\]d.  ...  ...  \]s. 

It'm  paide  to  greate  Richarde,  laborer,  forvj  daislaboring 

on  the  kaye,  taking  by  the  daye  iiijäf.    ...  ...  \]s. 

It'm  paide  to  Thomas  ap  John,  laborer,  for  vj  dais  Iabor- 

ing  on  the  keye,  taking  by  the  daye,  iiij«.  ...  ij\r. 

It'm  paid  to  Ric'  ap  Ieuan,  laborer.  for  vj  daislaboring  on 

the  kaye,  takyn  by  the  daye  \\\]d.  ...  ...  \\s. 

It'm  paide  to  Morys  ap  Yeuan  for  the  cariage  of  iiij  boote 

lods  with  ffilling  stones  oute  of  Anglesey  to  Caern'         \\\]s. 

It'm  paide  to  Rateryne  Morrys  for  the  gethering   of  viij 

bourden  of  mosse  ...  ...  ...  v\\\d. 

It'm  paid  to  John  Griffith  for  v  dais  laboring  to  cut  and 
fall  downe  rodds  in  Rredonoke  filling  [Velen], 
takyng  by  the  day  \\\]d.  ...  ...  xxd. 


&6         The  Fate  of  the  Structures  of  Conway 

It'm  paide  to  David  ap  Yeuan  for  v  dais  laboring  to  cut 
and  fall  wood  in  Rredomoke  Vellen  to  branne 
[burn]  the  lyme  kylne,  taking  by  the  daye  \\\]d.        ...  xxd. 

It'm  paide  to  John  ap  Hoell  for  hym  and  his  horse  the 
space  of  vj  dais,  after  the  rate  of  \]d.  the  daye,  to 
carye  the  said  woode  to  the  water  side  ...  iijí. 

It'm  paide  to  Robert  Gruffith  for  hym  and  his  horse  the 
space  of  vj  days,  after  the  rate  of  \]d.  the  day,  to 
carie  the  said  wood  to  the  water  side  ...  ...  \'\]s. 

It'm  paide  to  John  Roulande  for  hym  and  his  horse  for 
cariing  of  morter  to  serve  the  masons  by  the  space 
of  vj  days,  taking  by  the  daie  \]d.         ...  ...  \\]s. 

It'm  paide  to  John  ap  S'r  Gruff '  for  hym  and  his  horse 
the  space  of  vj  dais  to  carye  sande  and  morter,  taking 
by  the  daye  yj</.  ...  ...  ...  iijí. 


Summa  eiusdem  Ebdomade  ...  \s.      \]d. 

Ebdomada  prox'  post  ffestum  translacionis  S'ci  Bernardi. 

It'm  paid  to  Griffìth  ap  Hoell  mason  for  v  dais  labouring 

on  the  keye,  taking  by  tlie  daye  \]d.     ...  ...  \]s.      \]d. 

It'm  paide  to  David  ap  Hoell  mason  for  v  days  laboring 

on  the  kaye,  taking  by  the  daye  \]d.     ...  ...  \]s.      \]d. 

It'm  paide  to  John   Mason  for  iij   dais  laboring  on  the 

kaye,  taking  by  the  daye  v]d.  ...  ...  x\\\]d. 

It'm  paide  to  Lewes  mason  for  iij  dais  laboring  in  poling 
downe  of  stones  fro[m]  the  churche  of  Bangor,  taking 
by  the  daye  \]d.  ...  ...  ...  x\\'\]d. 

It'm  paide  to  iij  laborers  the  space  of  iij  days  to  serve  the 

said  masons,  taking  by  the  daye  \'\\]d.  ...  ...  \\]s. 

It'm  paide  to  John  Sadler  for  hym  and  his  horse  the 
space  of  iiij  dais  to  karye  stones  from  tne  Ffriers 
house  of  Bangor  to  the  water  side,  taking  by  the 
daie  \]d.        ...  ...  ...  ...  \]s. 

It'm  paide  to  Jamys  ap  Ithell  for  hym  and  his  horse  the 
space  of  iij  days  to  carie  stones  from  the  said  Ffryers 
house  to  the  water  syde,  taking  \]d.  le  daye  ...  x\\\]d. 

It'm  paide  to  Ric.  ap  Yeuan  for  hym  and  hys  horse  the 
space  of  iij  dais  to  karye  stones  from  the  said  Friers 
house  to  the  water  side,  taking  by  the  daye  \]d.      ...  wiijí^. 

[m.  5d.] 

It'm  paide  to  the  Constable  of  Caern'  for  the  ffraight  of 

his  pikarde  laden  with  stones  from  Bangor  to  Caern'  iijí.     \\\]d. 

It'm  paide  for  the  cariage  of  one  pikarde   looden  with 

Tymber  from  Conweye  woode  to  Caern'...  ...        viijj. 

It'm  paide  for  falling  down  of  a  c  [100]  oks  in  Conwey 

woode  ...  ...  ...  ...        x\'\]s.     \'\\]d. 

It'm  paid  for  iij  shovills            ...                    ...                    ...  \]d. 

It'm  paide  for  iij  greate  nailes                      ...                    ...  ]d. 

It'm  paide  for  ij  tournells        ...                    ...                    ...  xijí/. 

It'm  paide  for  iij  [cwt.  ?]  of  nailes  to  make  the  sckaffoldis  \]d. 


Aòòey,  and  Bangor  and  Beaumaris  Friaries.    Sy 

It'm  paide  to  Robert  of  [?ap]  Will'm  carpinter  for  iij  days 

\vourke  in  making  ij  scícaffoldes  ...  ...  i\]s. 

It'm  paid  to  Mooris  ap  Ieuan  ap  Hoell  for  the  kariage  of 

vj  boate  loods  of  lyme  stones  ...  ...  vjf. 


Summa  eiusdem  Ebdomade  ...  Ijí.     ixd. 

Ebdomada  prox'  ante  ffestum  Translationis  S'ci  Edmundi  [9U1  June]. 

It'm  paid  to  Gruffith  ap  Hoell  mason  for  vj  days  laboring 

upon  the  kaye,  taking  by  the  daye  v]d.  ...         i\]s. 

It'm  paide  to  D'd  ap  Hoell  mason  for  yj  dais  laboring  on 

thekaie,  taking  by  the  daye  v]d.  ...  ...  üjí. 

It'm  paide  to  John  mason  for  vj  dais  laboring  on   the 

kaie,  taking  by  the  daye  v]d.  ...  ...  i\]s. 

It'm  paid  to  Denes  mason  for  vj  dais  laboring  on  the 

Caye,  taking  v]d.  by  the  daye  ...  ...  ü]s. 

It'm  paid  to  Hughe  ap  R.  mason  for  v  dais  laboring  011 

the  kaie,  taking  by  the  daye  v]d.  ...  ...  i]s.      v]d. 

It'm  paide  to  vij  laborers  the  space  of  v  dais  to  serve  the 

said  masons,  taking  by  the  daye  iiij  a  pece  ...  x\s.    vi\]d. 

It'm  paide  to  Will'm  ap  Will'm  the  space  of  v  days,  after 

the  rate  of  v]d.  the  daye  to  karie  sande  and  morter...  ijí.      v]d. 

It'm  paide  to  Moris  ap  Yeuan  ap  Hoell  for  the  cariage 

of  one  boote  loode  of  woode  from  Riedonock  Velen 

to  Caern'  to  burne  the  lyme  kylne        ...  ...  xijí/. 

It'm   paide  to  Moris  ap  Yeuan  for  iiij   boote   loode   of 

filling  stones  oute  of  Anglesey  to  Caern'  ...         i\\]s. 

It'm  paide  to  Thomas  ap  R.  for  breking  of  stones  to  the 

lyme  kylne    ...  ...  ...  ...  vs. 

It'm  paide  to  the  said  Thomas  for  brannyng  [?burning] 

of  the  said  lyme  kylne       ...  ...  ...  vs. 

It'm  paide  to  the  said  Thomas  for  the  caryage  of  woode 

and  tunge  from  the  water  side  to  the  lyme  kylue     ...         ijí.      viij^. 

It'm  paide  to  John  ap  Ieuan  for  ij  dais  laboring  to  cutte 

woode  in  Redanok  Velen,  taking  \\\\d.  le  daye  ...  v\\\d. 

It'm  paide  to  John  ap  Griffith  for  hym  and  his  horse  the 

space  of  v  dais,  taking  by  the  daye  v]d.  ...  \]s.      v]d. 

It'm  paide  to  Katerine  Mooris  for  ix  burden  of  mosse    ...  ixd. 

It'm    paide   to   Lewes   ap   R.    masor.   for  vj  dais  worke 

laboring  uppon  the  kaye,  taking  v]d.  le  day  ...  iijj. 

Summa  eiusdem  Ebdomade  ...         liijí.     ii]d. 

Ebdomada  in  ffesto  Translacionis  S'ci  Edmundi. 

It'm  paide  to  Gruff.  ap  Hoell  mason  for  vj  dais  laboring 

on  the  kaie,  taking  by  the  daye  vj^.      ...  ...  iijs. 

It'm  paide  to  D'd  ap  Hoell  mason  for  vj  dais  laboring  on 

the  kaye,  taking  by  the  daye  v]d.  ...  ...  ú]s. 

It'm  paide  to  Denes  mason  for  vj  dais  working  on  the 

kaie,  taking  by  the  daye  v]d.  ...  ...  \\]s. 

It'm  paid  to  John  ap  R.  mason  for  yj  dais  laboring  on  the 

kaye,  taking  by  the  daye  v]d.  ...  ...  \\]s. 


SS  The  Fate  of  the  Structures  o/  Coniuay 

It'm  paide  to  Hugh  ap  R.  mason  for  vj  dais  laboring  on 

the  kaie,  taking  v]d.  the  daye  ...  ...  üjs. 

It'm  paide  to  Lewes  ap  R.  mason  for  vj  dais  laboring  on 

the  kaye,  taking  by  the  daye  v]d.  ...  ...  ii]s. 

It'm  paide  to  vij  laborers  the  space  of  vj  dais  to  serve 

the  said  masons,  taking  ii\]d.  a  daye  to  every  of  them       xiiijí. 

[m.  6.] 

It'm  paide  to  John  ap  S'r  Gruffith  for  hym  and  his  horse 
the  space  of  vj  dais  to  cary  sand  and  mort[er]  to 
serve  the  masons,  taking  by  the  daye  v]d.  ...  ii]s. 

It'm  paide  to   Mooris  ap  leuan  ap  Hoell  for  iiij  boats 

loade  of  Stones  out  of  Angles' to  Caern'  ...  iiij.y. 

It'm   paide  for  the  cariage  of  iiij   boats  loode  of  wood 

ffrom  Redemok  Vellen  to  Caern'  to  Lewes  ap  Ll'    ...  vs. 

It'm  paide  to  Roberte  Gruffith  for  hym  and  his  horse  for 

ij  dais  to  carye  sand  and  morter,  taking  by  day  v]d....  x\]d. 

It'm  paide  to  Ratheryn  Morris  for  the   kariage   of  viij 

burden  of  mosse  ...  ...  ...  viijí/. 

It'm  paide  to  Annes  ap  Meredith  for  the  cariage  of  water 

to  slake  the  lyme  ...  ...  ...  \d. 

It'm  paid  to  the  Constable  of  Caern'  for  his  pikardeladen 

with  stones  from  Bangor  to  Caern'       ...  ...  \\]s.    \\\]d. 

Summa  ejusdem  Ebdomade  ...       xlixí.       vd. 

Ebdomada  prox'  ante  ffestum  Nativitatis  S'ci  Johannis  Baptist' 

[24th  June]. 

It'm  paide  to  Griffith  ap  Hoell  mason  for  vj  days  laboring 

on  the  keye,  taking  by  the  daye  v]d.     ...  ...  iijs. 

It'm  paide  David  ap  Gruff '  ap  Hoell  mason  for  vj  days 

laboring  on  the  keye,  taking  by  the  daye  v]d.  ...  iijí. 

It'm  paide  to  Denes  Roche  mason  for  vj  dais  laboring  on 

the  kaye,  taking  by  the  daye  v]d.  ...  ...  ii]s. 

It'm  paid  to  John  ap  Ieuan   mason  for  vj    dais   worke 

uppon  the  kaye,  taking  by  the  daye  v]d.  ...  Y\]s. 

lt'm  paid  to  Hugh   ap    R.   mason    for  vj   dais   working 

uppon  the  kaye,  taking  v]d.  the  daye  ...  ii]s. 

It'm  paide  to  D'd  Drome  laborer  for  vj  dais  worke  on 

the  kaye,  taking  by  the  daye  iihy.         ...  ...  ijj. 

It'm  paide  to  Rouland  Ffoxewist  for  vj  dais  worke  uppon 

the  kaye,  taking  by  the  daye  iii]d.        ...  ...  i]s. 

It'm  paide  to  Roberte  Griffith  for  vj  dais  working  on  the 

kaie,  taking  by  the  daye  iii]d.  ...  ...  i]s. 

It'm  paide  to  D'd  ap  Ric'  ior  vj  dais  laboring  on  the  kaye, 

taking  by  the  day  iiij^.      ...  ...  ...  ij^. 

It'm  paid  to  John  ap  Will'm  for  hym  and  his  horse  the 
space  of  vj  dais  to  karie  morter  and  sand,  taking  by 
the  daye  vj</.  ...  ...  ...  ii]s. 

It'm  paid  to  John  ap  Robert  for  hym  and  his  horse  the 

space  of  ij  dais,  taking  by  the  daye  v]d.  ...  x\]d. 

It'm  paide  to  Moris  ap  Ieuan  for  iij   boote   loodes  with 

stones  from  Angles'  to  Raern'  ...  ...  ìijí. 


xi]d. 

ÜJÄ. 

i'\]d. 

xx']  d. 
\\\]d. 

xY]s. 

\\\]d. 

Abbey,  and  Batigor  and  Beaumaris  Friaries,    89 

It'm  paide  to  John  ap  R.  for  a  boate  loode  of  stones  from 

Bangor  to  Caern'  ...  ...  ...  \]S.      \]d. 

It'm  paid  to  John  Smythe  for  sharp[en]ing  the  masons' 

toles  [tools]...  ...  ...  ...  \]s. 

It'm  paide  to  Eatheryn  Mooris  for  getheryng  vj  bordens 

of  moosse      ...  ...  ...  ...  \]d. 

It'm  paide  to   Mooris  ap  Yevan  for  the  kariage  of  one 

boate  loaden  with  woode  frome  Redonoke  Velen  to 

Caern' 
It'm  paide  to  Richarde  Louelake  for  one  roope  of  one 

stone  and  a  halfe,  after  the  rate  of  ij.y.  i]d.  le  stone  ... 
It'm  paide  to  Thomas  Harvy  in  iij  days  laboring  in  going 

to  Conwey  woode  and  to  Harloghe  to  mark  the  trees 

there  to  be  ffallyn,  taking  by  the  daye  vij</. 
It'm  paid  for  twoo  syves  to  syft  the  lyme  ... 

Summa  ejusdem  Ebdomade 

Ebdomada  in  ffesto  Nativitatis  S'ci  Johannis  Baptiste. 

It'm  paid  to  Grufhth  ap  Hoell  mason  for  vj  dais  laboring 

on  the  keye,  taking  by  the  daye  \}d.    ...  ...  i\]s. 

It'm  paide  to  D'd  ap  Hoell  mason  for  vj  dais  worke  upon 

the  kaye,  taking  by  the  daye  \}d.  ...  ...  ii]s. 

It'm  paid  to  Thomas  Roche  for  vj   dais  worke  on  the 

kaye,  taking  by  the  daye  \}d.  ...  ...  ii]s. 

It'm  paid  to  Lewes  mason  for  vj  dais  worke  on  the  kaye, 

taking  by  the  daye  \]d.      ...  ...  ...  U]s. 

It'm  paid  to  David  Dromme  íor  v  dais  working  of  the 

key,  taking  by  the  daye  v]d.  [?ii'\]d.]     ...  ...  xxd. 

[m.  6d.] 

It'm  paide  to  David  ap  Ric.  laborer  for  v  dais  laboryng 

on  the  kaye,  taking  by  the  daye  iii]d.  ...  ...  xxd. 

It'm  paide  to  Thomas  Ffoxewiste  for  laboring  upon  the 

kaye,  taking  by  the  daye  iii]d.  ...  ...  xxd. 

It'm  paid  to  John  ap  Madock  for  working  upon  the  kaye 

the  space  of  v  dais,  talung  iiij^.  le  daye  ...  xxd. 

It'm  paid  to  John  ap  S'r  Griffith  for  hym  andhis  horse  by 

the  space  of  iiij  days,  taking  by  the  day  \]d.      ...  \]s. 

It'm  paide  to  Ratheryn   Morys  for  the  gethering  of  iiij 

bourden  ofmosse        ...  ...  ...  iii]d. 

It'm  paide  to  Will'm  ap  Hoell  for  the  kariage  of  iij  boate 

loode  of  stones  from  Bangor  to  Caern'  ...  ii]s. 

It'm  paide  for  ijlb.  of  tallo  to  tallo  the  roope  [rope]         ...  ij^. 

It'm  paide  to  Annes  ap  Meredith  for  caring  of  water  to 

slake  the  lyme  ...  ...  ...  iüj^- 

Summa  ejusdem  ebdomade         ...     xxiiijí.      \]d. 

Ebdomada  prox'  post  ffestum  Nativitatis  S'ci  Johannis  [Baptiste]. 

It'm  paid  to  Griffith  ap  Hoell  for  yj  dais  laboring  on  the 

keye,  taking  by  the  daye  \}d.  ...  ...         üj? 


9<D  The  Fate  of  the  Structures  of  Conway 

It'm  paide  to  David  mason  for  vj  dais  laboring  on  the 

keye,  taking  by  the  daye  v]d.  ...  ...  i\]s. 

It'm  paide  to  Denes  Rooche  mason  for  vj  dais  vvoorke 

uppon  the  kaye,  taking  by  the  daye  v\d.  ...  \\}S. 

It'm  paid  to  John  ap  Yeuan  mason  for  vj  dais  vvoorkyng 

uppon  the  kaye,  taking  v]d.  by  the  daye  ...  \\\s. 

It'm  paide  to  David  goz  [goch]  mason  for  vj  dais  laboring 

on  the  keye,  taking  v]d.  by  the  daye     ...  ...  iijí. 

It'm  paide  to  John  ap  Madock  for  sixe  dais  laboring  on 

the  kaye,  taking  iiijrtf.  by  the  daye         ...  ...  \\s. 

It'm  paide  to  David  Drome  for  laboring  on  the  kaye  by 

the  space  of  yj  days,  taking  \\\]d.  le  daye  ...  \]s. 

It'm  paide  to  David  ap  Ll'  laborer  for  vj  dais  vvorke  upon 

the  kaye,  taking  by  the  daye  \\\]d.         ...  ...  \]s. 

It'm  paide  to  John  Ffyvyon  [?  Vivian]  for  v  dais  laboring 

on  the  kaye,  taking  by  the  daye  \\\]d.  ...  xxd. 

It'm  paide  to  John  ap  Ric.  laborer  for  iiij  dais  vvorking 

uppon  the  kaie,  taking  by  the  daye  \\\]d.  ...  xv]d. 

It'm  to  Ratheryn  Morys  for  vj  bourden  of  mosse  ...  v]d. 

It'm  paide  to  Jolin  ap  S'r  Griffith  for  hym  and  his  horse 

the  space  [of]  iiij  dais,  taking  v]d.  by  the  daye  ...  ijí. 

It'in  paide  for  iiij  smale  roopes  ...  ...  \\\]d. 

It'm  paide  for  the  mending  of  one  tornell  ...  ...  \]d. 

It'm  paide  for  the  kariage  of  water  to  slake  the  lyme     ...  \\\]d. 


Summa  ejusdem  ebdomade  ...     xxvij5.     \\\]d. 

Ebdomada  in  ffesto  Translacionis  S'ci  Thome  [3rd  July]. 

It'm  paide  to  Hoell  mason  for  vj  dais  laboring  on  the 

kaye,  taking  v]d.  by  the  daye  ...  ...  iijj. 

It'm  paid  to  David  ap  Hoell  mason   for  vj  dais  laboring 

on  the  kaye,  taking  by  the  daye  v]d.     ...  ...  \\]s. 

It'm  paide  to  Denes  Roche  mason  for  vj  dais  laboring  on 

the  kaie,  takyng  by  the  day  v]d.  ...  ...  \\]s. 

It'm  to  John  ap  Yeuan  mason  for  vj  dais  laboring  on  the 

kaye,  taking  by  the  daye  v]d.  ...  ...  \\]s. 

It'm  paide  to  D'd  goch  mason  for  vj  dais  laboring  on  the 

kaye,  talcing  by  the  daye  vd.  ...  ...  \\s.      vd.1 

It'm  paide  to  David  Drome  laborer  tor  vj   dais   Iaboring 

on  the  kaye,  taking  by  the  day  iiijW.      ...  ...  \\s. 

It'm  paide  to  D'd  ap  Ll'  laborer  for  vj  days  laboring  on 

the  kaye,  taking  iiij</.  le  daye  ...  ...  \]s. 

It'm  to  John  ap  Madocke  for  vi  dais  laboring  on  the  kaie, 

taking  i\\]d.  le  daye  ...  ...  ...  ijí. 

It'm  paide  to  John  ap  Ric'  laborer  for  vj  days  Iaboring  on 

the  kaye,  taking  \\\]d.  le  daye  ...  ...  ijs. 

It'm   to  Will'm   ap  Griffith  for  vj  days  laboring  on  the 

kaye,  taking  by  the  daye  \\\]d.  ...  ...  \]s. 

1  Should  be  yj,  but  in  total  as  v. 


Abbey,  anci  Bangor  anci  Beaumaris  Friaries.    91 

It'm  paide  to  John  ap  S'r  John  Gruff'  for  vj  dais  laboring 
for  hym  and  hys  horse,  taking  by  the  day  v]d.y  to  cary 
sande  and  morter  ...  ...  ...  \\)S. 

It'm  paide  to  John  ap  leuan  for  hym  and  his  horse  the 
space  of  iij  days  and  a  halfe  to  cary  sand  and  morter, 
taking  also  v]d.  le  daye      ...  ...  ...  xx]d. 

[m.  7.] 

It'm  paide  to  Katerin  Moris  for  sixe  bourden  of  mosse  ...  v]d. 

It'm   paid  to   Richarde  Sparrowe  for  one  boote   [boat] 

laden  within  stones  from  Bangor  to  Caern'  ...  xi]d. 

It'm  paide  to  Morys  ap  Yenan  ap  Hoell,   for  one  boote 

laden  with  stones  from  Bangor  to  Caern'  ...  xije/. 

It'm  payde  for  mendyng  of  one  turnell         ...  ...  i]d. 

It'm  paide  to  Ratheryn  Moorys  for  kariing  of  water  to 

slake  the  lyme  ...  ...  ...  iii]d. 

Summa  ejusdem  Ebdomade  ...        xxxijí.  i]d. 


Ebdomada  prox'  ffestum  Translacionis  S'ci  Thome. 

It'm  paide  to  Rouland  Ffoxewiste  laborer  for  one  dai's 
wourke  in  taking  downe  of  scklats  from  the  churche 
of  Bangor,  taking  by  the  daye  iiij^.       ...  ...  iii]d. 

It'm   paid   to   Richarde  ap  Yeuan  laborer  for  one  day's 

worke  to  take  the  sclats  from  the  sclater  ...  iii]d. 

It'm  paid  to  Jamys  ap  Ithell  for  hym  and  his  horseby  the 
space  of  ij  dais  to  bring  the  said  slats  to  the  water 
side,  taking  by  the  daye  v]d.  ...  ...  xi]d. 

It'm   paide   to  Richarde  Sparowe  for  the  cariage  of  one 

booté  loode  of  slates  from  Bangor  to  Caern'  ...  xi\d 

It'm  paid  to  Hughe  ap  Hoell  for  the  cariage  of  one  bote 

loode  of  sckiats  from  Bangor  to  Caern'  ...  xi]d. 

It'm  paide  to  John  Sadlar  for  the  cariage  of  the  tymber 

of  the  Porche  of  Bangor,  and  sclats  to  the  watersyde  vii]d. 

It'm   paide  to  David   Thome   for  twoo  dais  laboring  to 

rydde  the  stable,  takyng  by  the  daye  iii]d.  ...  vii]d. 

It'm  paide  to  David  ap  Ll'  laborer  for  ij  dais  laboring  to 

ridde  the  stables,  taking  by  the  daye  iii]d.  ...  vii]d. 

It'm  paide  to  Hughe  ap  Hoell  for  the  caryage  ofiij  boots 

loode  with  scíats  from  Bangor  to  Caern'  ...  iijí. 

It'm  paide  to  Richarde  ap  Yeuan  ap  R.  for  hym  and  his 
horse  the  space  of  ij  dais  to  carye  sclats  and  glasse 
to  the  water  side  from  the  churche  of  Bangor,  taking 
by  the  daye  v]d.  ...  ...  ...  xi]d. 

It'm   paide  to   David  ap  Will'm  sclater   for   the   taking 

downe  the  one  half  of  the  slats  of  the  cloyster         ...  v'ûjd. 

It'm  paide  to  John  ap  S'r  Grnffith  for  the  cariage  of  iij 
boots  loode  of  síclats  from  the  water  side  to  the 
Shyre  Hall    ...  ...  ...  ...  xd. 

It'm  paide   to   Ll'i   ap   R.   for   one   pykarde   laden   with 

tembre  from  Conwey  wood  to  Caern'  ...  ...  xs. 


;  j 


92  The  Fate  of  the  Structures  of  Conway 

It'm  paide  to  Roberte  ap  Will'm  and  to  Rouland  ap 
Will'm  for  iij  dais  laboring  to  sarve  the  planks  for 
the  stable,  taking  by  tlie  daye  v]d.  le  pece  [each]     ...  iijí. 

Summa  eiusdem  Ebdomade  ...  xxiiijí.  ]d. 

Ebdomada  in  ffesto  S'ce  Marie  Magdalene  [22nd  July]. 

It'm  paide  to  Lewes  ap  R.  mason  for  sixe  dais  laboring 
to  make  the  porche  of  the  Hall  and  by  the  Chambre, 
taking  by  the  daye  v]d.  ob.  ...  ...  û]s.      \\]d. 

It'm  paide  to  greate  Richarde  laborer  for  vj  dais  laboring 

to  serve  the  masons,  taking  by  the  daye  \\\]d.  ...  i]s. 

It'm  paide  to  Robert  ap  Will'm  and  Rouland  ap  Will'm 
carpinters  for  vj  dais  laboring  on  the  Porche  and  the 
lytle  Chambre,  takying  by  the  daye  v]d.  le  pece       ...  v]s. 

It'm  paide  to  David  ap  Yeuan  carpinter  for  vj  dais  \vork 
on  the  Porche  and  litle  Chambre,  taking  by  the  daye 
v]d.  ...  ...  ...  ...  iijí. 

Summa  ejusdem  Ebdomade  ...       xiiijí.     iij<s?. 

Ebdomada  post  ffestum  S'ce  Marie  Magdalene. 
It'm  paide  to  Lewes  ap  R.  mason  for  iij   dais  work  in 
making  the  stone  wourke  of  the  Pourche  and  lytill 
chambre,  taking  by  the  daye,  v]d.  ob.  ...  ...  x'\xd.  ob. 

It'm  paide  to  John  ap  Yeuan  mason  for  vj  dais  work  to 
make  the  Porche  and  litle  Chambre,  taking  v]d.  le 
day  ...  ...  ...  ...  iijí. 

It'm  paide  to  David  Dromme  for  vj  dais  laboring  to  serve 

the  masons,  taking  by  the  daye  \\\]d.    ...  ...  ijí. 

It'm  paide  to   greate    Richarde   for  vj  dais  laboring   to 

serve  the  masons,  taking  by  the  daie  \'\i]d.  ...  \]s. 

It'm  paide  to  John  ap  S'r  Gruff"  for  hym  and  his  horse 
the  space  of  vj  dais  to  carie  sand  and  morter,  taking 
by  the  daie  v]d.  ...  ...  ...  \\]s. 

[m.  7d.] 

It'm  paid  to  Roberte  ap  Will'm  and  Rouland  ap  Will'm 
carpinters  for  vj  dais  worke  on  the  Porche  and  litle 
Chambre,  taking  by  the  daie  v]d.  le  pece  ...  v]s. 

It'm  paide  to  David  ap  Yeuan  carpinter  for  vj  dais  work 
on  the  Porche  and  litle  Chambre,  taking  by  the  daye 
v]d.  ...  ...  ...  ...  \\]s. . 

It'm  paide  to  Richarde  Sparro  for  the  kariage  of  one  bote 

loode  of  scklats  from  Bangor  to  Caern'  ...  xijr/. 

It'm    paide   to   Will'm  ap   Hoell   for  iiij  boote  Ioode  of 

stones  from  Anglesey  to  Caern'  ...  ...         iiijí. 

It'm  paide  to  Ric.  ap  Will'm  sclater  for  yj  dais  work  on 

the  Exchequier,  takyng  by  the  daie  vj«.  ...  iijí. 

It'm  paide  to  John  Clarke  tor  vj  dais  laboring  to  serve 

the  sclater,  taking  by  the  daye  ü\]d.     ...  ...  \]s. 

It'm  paid  to  Richarde  ap  Yeuan  ap  R.  for  hym  and  his 
horse  the  space  of  one  daye  to  carie  sclats  from  the 
churche  of  Bangor  to  the  watei  side,  taldng  by  the 
daye  v]d.         ..  ...  ■•■  ■■■  vj<£ 


Abbey,  and  Bangor  and  Beaumaris  Friaides.    93 

It'm  paide  to  John  ap  Madock  and  to  grete  Ric'  for  the 
cariage  up  of  iij  bote  loode  of  sclates  from  the  water 
syde  to  the  Shyre  Hall      ...  ...  ...  v\d. 

It'm  paide  to  David  ap  Hoell  mason  for  iij  dais  work  in 

making  the  cubberde  in  the  Hall,  taking  vjd.  le  daye  xvii]d. 

Summa  ejusdem  Ebdomade  ...  xxxin>.  ]d.  ob. 

Ebdomada  post  ffestum  S'ci  Jacobi  apostoli  [25th  July]. 
It'm  paide  to  Roberte  ap  Will'm   for   v  dais   worke   in 

plancking  the  stable  and  making  the  racks,  taking 

by  the  daye  v]d.  ...  ...  •••  n>      v]d. 

It'm  paide  to  Rouland  ap  Will'm  and  David  ap  Yeuan 

carpinters  for  v  dais  in  plancking  the  stabulls,  taking 

by  the  daye  vjd.  le  pece    ...  ...  ...  vs. 

It'm  paide  to  Hugh  ap  Hoell  ap  Dicus  for  the  cariage  of 

an  Auter  [altar]  stone  from  Bewmaris  to  Caern'       ...  xi]d. 

It'm  paide  to  the  said  Hughe  for  iiij  boats  loodeof  stones 

from  Anglesey  to  Caern'...  ...  ...         iü]s. 

It'm  paide  to  John  ap  Madock  laborer  for  ij  dais  work  in 

ridding  the  courte,  taking  by  the  day  iii]d.  ...  vii]d. 

It'm  paide  to  John  Clark  for  ij  dais  work  in  serving  the 

mason,  taking  by  the  daye  [iiij^.]  ...  •••  vii]d. 

It'm  paide  to   Roberte  ap  Will'm   carpinter  for  vj  dais 

work  in  plancking  the  stable  and  setting  the  bordes 

in  the  hall,  taking  by  the  daye  vijd.      ...  ...  iijí.      v]d. 

It'm  paide  to  Roulland  ap  Will'm  and  to  David  ap  Ieuan 

carpinters  for  vj  dais  work  in  making  the  bordes  in 

the  Hall,  taking  by  the  daye  v]d.  le  pece  ...  vjí. 

lt'm   paide  to  John  Gruff  laborer  for  iiij  dais  laboring  to 

rydde  the  courte  and  the  stable  ...  ...  xv]d. 

It'm  paide  to  Will'm  ap  Hoell  laborer  for  yj  dais  work  in 

ridding  the  courte  and  the  stable,  taking  by  the  daye 

iii]d.  ...  ...  ...  •••  i]s. 

It'm  paide  Roulande  Ffoxewist  sclater  for  vj  dais  work  in 

pointing  the  Hall,  taking  by  the  daye  iii]d.  ...  i]s. 

It'm    paide  to  Hughe  ap   Hoell  for  the  kariage  of  one 

boote  loode  of  lyme  from  Caern'  to  Bewmarys         ...  xi]d. 

It'm  paide  to  John  ap  Madock  and  to  greate  Ric.  for  the 

lading  of  the  said  bote  with  lyme  ...  ...  iii]d. 

It'm  paide  to  Hugh  Smyth  for  ij  hundreth  of  lathis         ...  xi]d. 

It'm  paide  to  Hugh  Smyth  for  half  a  hundreth  of  spikins  ij^. 

It'm  paide  to  John  ap  Yeuan  for  iij  dais  laboring  on  the 

Exchequier,  taking  by  the  daye  v]d.     ...  ...  xvii]d. 

It'm  paide  to  Rouland  Ffoxewist  in  twoo  dais  for  poynting 

the  Hall,  taking  iii]d.  le  daye  ...  ...  viijí/. 

It'm   paide  to  Ric'  ap  Will'm  sclater  for  vj  dais  on  the 

Exchequier,  taking  by  the  day  v]d.       ...  ...  ü]s. 

It'm  paide  to  John  Clark  laborer  for  vj  dais  work  to  serve 

tlie  sclater,  taking  iii]d.  by  the  daye     ...  ...  ijí. 

It'm  paide  to  John  Smyth  for  the  making  of  the  barres 

for  the  litle  Chambre         ...  ...  ...  iüj^- 


Summa  ejusdem  Ebdomade  ...  xxxvih>.  viij^. 


94  The  Fate  of  the  Structures  of  Conway 

Ebdomada  in  ffesto  S'ci  Laurencii  [ioth  August]. 
It'm  paid  to  Ric.  ap  Wili'm  sclater  for  yj  dais  worke  in 

sklating  the  Porche  and  the  litle  chambre  ...  iijí. 

It'm  paide  to  Hugh  Goodfrey  for  v  dais  \vork  in  glasing 

the  wyndowes  in  the  lytle  Chambre     ...  ...  ijí.      \]d. 

It'm  paid  to  Holl  ap  Yenan  for  vj  trees  to  bere  the  boordes 

in  the  Hall    ...  ...  ...  ...  xi]d. 

It'm  paide  to  Ric.  ap  Will'm  sciater  in  pointing  the  Hall, 

the  space  of  one  daye       ...  ...  ...  \]d. 

[m.  8.] 

It  m  paide  to  Hughe  Smyth  for  a  m1  [1,000]  lathe  nailes  viij</. 

It'm  paid  to  the  said  Huglie  for  halfe  a  hundreth  of  borde 

nailes  ...  ...  ...  ...  i]d. 

It'm  paide  to  Roberte  ap  Will'm  carpinter  for  iiij  dais 
work  on  the  Exchequyer  and  Stable,  taking  \]d.  a 
day  ...  ...  ...  ...  n>. 

It'm  paide  to  John  Smyth  for  one  lock  and  a  keye  to  the 

litle  chamber  dore  ...  ...  ...  xd. 

It'm  paide  to  Thomas  Hervy  carpinter  for  iiij  dais  work 
in  making  the  boordes  in  the  Hall,  taking  by  the 
daye  viij«.     ...  ...  ...  ...  üs.   \ii]d. 

It'm  paide  Lewes  ap  Yeuan  carpinter  for  iiij  dais  worke, 

taking  by  the  daye  \]d.      ...  ...  ...  iis. 

It'm  paide  to  Hugh  ap  Hoell  for  the  hariage  of  one  boote 

loode  of  sclats  from  Bangor  to  Caern' ...  ...  x\]d. 

It'm  paide  to  greate  Ric'  laborer  for  one  dai's  work  to 

rydde  the  courte,  taking  iii]d.  by  the  daye  ...  \\\\d. 

It'm  paide  to  Will'm  Poell  laborer  for  iij  dais  work  to 

ndde  the  courte  and  stabie,  taking  iinẂ.  le  day         ...  xi\d. 

It'm  paide  to  Thomas  Gouff'  for  hym  and  his  horse  the 

space  of  ij  dais,  taking  \]d.  by  the  daye  to  ridde  the 

courte  and  stable  ...  ...  ...  x\\d. 

It'm  paide  to  John  ap   Madock   for  one  dai's  worke  to 

ridde  the  courte,  taking  by  the  daye  iii\d.  ...  iii\d. 

It'm  paide  for  the  kariage  up  of  a  boote  loode  of  stones 

from  the  water  side  to  the  Justice  Courte  ...  ii]d. 

It'm  paide  for  the  kariage  of  a  pikarde  loode  of  tymbre 

from  the  water  side  to  the  Justice  Courte  ...  \]d. 

Summa  eiusdem  Ebdomade  ...        xixy.      ixd. 

[Period  omitíed.] 
It'm  paide  to  Robert  Plumer  for  saudring  and  dressing 
the  leade  over  the  Treasure  House  by  the  space  of 
iij  dais,  taking  for  every  daye  xd.  ...  ...  i]s.      \]d. 

It'm   paide   to   the    plumerfs]    servant   for    serving   his 

master  iij  dais,  taking  \]d.  every  day  ...  xviijflf. 

It'm  paide  to  Thomas  Sclater  for  making  a  doore  goyng 

in  to  the  leade  of  the  Tresore  House,  for  one  day    ...  \]d 

It'm  paid  to  Thomas  ap  David  Hoell  for  ij  bourdes  to 

make  the  said  doore  ...  ...  ...  \\d. 

It'm  paide  to  Hugh  Smyth  for  a  paire  of  hengs  [hinges]  xij^. 

It'm  to  the  said  Hugh  for  nalis  to  make  the  said  dore    ...  ij^. 


Abbey,  and  Bangor  and  Beaumaris  Friaries.    95 

It'm  paide  for  a  lock  and  a  kaye  boughte  for  the  same 

doore  ...  ...  •••  •  ••  v\d- 

It'm  paide  for  ij  gists  [joists]  to  set  underthe  leadein  the 

said  Toure    ...  ...  ...  •••  xvjú?. 

It'm  paide  for  iij  burdys  [boards]  to  leye  under  the  said 

leade  ...  ...  ...  •  ••  ix<£ 

It'm  paid  for  ij  locks  for  ij  doores  within  the  Bell  Towre  x\)d. 

It'm   paide    for   an    other   lock  for   dore    in   the   Towre 

Hickhyn         ...  ...  ...  •••  v)d. 

It'm  paide  for  an  other  looke  for  a  doore  within  the  said 

Towre  ...  ...  ...  •••  vj<£ 

It'm  paide  for  an  other  lock  for  the  kechin  doore  ...  v'újd. 

It'm  paide  for  iijc.  sclats  boughte  of  Thomas  ap  Meredith 

for  the  stable  ...  ...  ...  ixd. 

It'm  paide  for  ij  peicks  of  lyme  ...  ...  x\]d. 

It'm  paide  to  Thomas  Sclater  for  iij  dais  working,  taking 

every  daye  for  hym  selfe  vj«.,   and  to  his  servant 

serving  hym  by  the  said  space  for  every  daye  ì'újd....  \]s.      v]d. 

It'm  paide  for  a  lock  for  the  stable  doore    ...  ...  v]d. 

It'm   paide  for  clamstaves   and   rooddis   for   the   stable 

walle  ...  ...  ...  ...  in>.    i\\]d. 

It'm   for  the  cariage  of  xltie  carrefull  of  claye  to  Griff' 

laborer  for  hym  and  his  horse,  taking  v]d.  by  the 

daye  for  iiij  dais  ...  ...  ...  ijí- 

It'm  paid  to  the  said  Gruff'  for  dawbing  and  winding  for 

x  dais,  every  daye  v\d.       ...  ...  ...  vs. 

It'm  paide  for  Irons  for  the  Postern  gate    ...  ...  v\\]d. 

It'm  paide  to  John  Smyth  for  a  dai's  work  on  the  said 

Postern  gate...  ...  ...  ...  v\d. 

It'm  paide  for  a  hanging  lcock  for  the  same  gate  ...  x\\d. 

It'm  paide  for  iij  bourdes  to  set  under  the  leade  ...  \xd. 

It'm  paide  to  Thomas  Sclater  for  one  dai's  work  upon 

the  same  burdys  ...  ...  ...  v]d. 

It'm  paide  for  iij  boordes  of  v  yardes  in  length  for  the 

Exchequier,  every  bourde  v]d.  ...  ...  xviij^. 

It'm  paide  íor  iijc  of  greate  sclats,  at  iiij^.  le  c.  [100]       ...  x'\]d. 

It'm  paide  for  ij  pecks  of  lyme  ...  ...  x\]d. 

It'm  paide  for  iij  dais  work  to  Thomas  Ffoxewist  sclater, 

taking  v]d.  a  daye  ...  ...  ...  xviijV/. 

lt'm  paide  for  xl  tie  bourdes  to  burde  the  chamber  fflores 

in  the  Castell,  for  every  bourde  i\]d.     ...  ...  xs. 

It'm  paide  for  viij  gysts  for  the  Dettrs  [Debtors']  Chamber, 

for  every  giyste  x\]d.         ...  ...  ...        viijí. 

[m.  8d.] 

It'm  paide  to  Hugh  Smyth  for  ijc  spiking  nailes,  for  every 

hundreth  vd.  ...  ...  ...  xd. 

It'm  paide  to  Thomas  Hervy  for  v  dais  working  uppon 

the  Detters  chamber         ...  ...  ...  \\s.      v]d. 

It'm  paide  for  xxiiij  bordes  for  Eve  Towre  for  the  p'son 

[prison]  house,  for  every  borde  iiijrf.    ...  ...        viiJ5~. 


96  The  Fate  of  the  Structures  of Conway 

It'm  paide  for  c  and  di.  [150]  of  spildng  nailes  for  the 

same  work,  after  the  rate  of  vd.  the  c...  ...  vijrf.  ob. 

It'm  paide  to  Thomas  Harvy  for  iij  dais  working  uppon 

the  same,  taking  v]d.  by  the  daye  ...  ...  xv\\]d. 

It'm  paide  to  Griff  ap  Hoell  caruing  of  iiijxx  [80]  carefull 
of  claye  for  the  fflores  of  the  Detters  Chambers  and 
the  fflore  in  the  pryson  house  in  Eve  Toure  ...  \\]s.    \\\]d. 

It'm  paide  to  the  said  Gruff  for  dawbyng  and  makyng 
the  same  ffloures  by  the  space  of  viij  days,  taking  by 
the  daye  \\\]d.  ...  ...  ...  \]s.   v\\]d. 

It'm  payde  to  the  plumer  for  the  sowdryng  of  the  valting 
leade,  and  for  the  souder  of  the  same,  by  the  space 
of  ij  dais,  taking  by  the  daye  xd.  ...  ...  \]s.       xd. 

It'm  paide  for  one  peick  of  lyme  for  the  reparacions  of 

the  Exchequier  ...  ...  ...  v]d. 

Summa      ...  ...  ...lxxvi.viijrf.ob. 

The  Castell  of  Harloghe. 

In  primis  to  Morgan  ap  Jenkyn  for  xxtie  trees,  price  of 

every  tree  v\\]d.  ...  ...  ...        x\\]s.     \\\]d. 

It'm  paid  to  Ric.  ap  Ffyvyan  ior  the  ffalling  downe  of  the 

said  trees,  and  two  greate  somers       ...  ...  iijí.     \\\]d. 

It'm  paide  for  kariage  of  xviij  of  the  same  xx  trees  to 
Thomas  ap  John  ap  Ll'  and  to  Robert  ap  Eignion  et 
al'  ...  ...  ...  ...        xiijí.      v]d. 

It'm  paide  to  Ric.  ap  Ffyvian  for  the  kariage  of  iij  trees 

to  the  pitte  banke  to  be  sawn  ...  ...  v]d. 

It'm  paid  for  the  kariage  of  ij  greate  somers,   the  one 

xx\]d.  and  the  other  vs.     ...  ...  ...  v]s.       xd. 

It'm  paide  to  Grono  ap  Ieuan  for  the  kariage  of  the  sawen 

bordes  of  iij  trees  from  the  wood  to  Harlegh  ...  xxd. 

It'm  paide  to  Morgan  ap  Janlcyn  for  ij  grete  somers       ...         iiijj. 

It'm  paide  to  Ll'  ap  Ieuan  ap  D'd  for  viij  oks  v\\]s.  vu]d. 
to  Merick  ap  Yeuan  for  iiij  oks  \\\]s,  to  Grifi"  ap  Ll' 
for  iij  oks  \\]s.,  to  Meredith  ap  D'd  iiij  oks  \\\]s.,  to 
Lewes  ap  Ric'  for  iij  oks  \\]s.  ...  ...       xxijí.   v\\]d. 

It'm  paide  to  Edwarde  goz  [goch],  Griffìth  ap  Yeuan  and 

others  for  falling  downe  of  the  same  trees  ...         iiijí.   v\\]d. 

It'm  paide  to  Morris  ap  Yeuan  ap  Eden'  and  Gittayn  ap 
John  carpinters  for  twoo  dais  in  chosing  of  the  said 
tymbre  ...  ...  ...  ...  x\]d. 

It'm  paide  to  the  said  Morrys  for  ij  dais  working  uppon 

the  said  tymbre  ...  ...  ...  xiiijrf. 

It'm  paid  to  R.  ap  D'd  for  ij  dais  working  upon  the  said 

tymbre  ...  ...  ...  ...  xijrf. 

It'm  paid  to  Gittyn  John  for  ij  dais  worldng  ...  x\]d. 

It'm  paid  to  Ieuan  ap  Tudder  for  Iike  ...  ...  xd. 

It'm  paid  to  Hoell  goch  for  like  ...  ...  xd. 

It'm  paide  for  cariage  of  twoo  greate  trees  from  Dolgelle 

by  water  to  the  Ab[er]mo  ...  ...  ijí.   v\\]d. 

Summa      ...  ...  ...     1xxìxí. 


Abbey 


and  Bançor  and  Beaumaris  Friaries.    97 


[m.  9.] 

Ebdomada  in  ffesto  translacionis  S'ci  Ffrancisci  [24th  May]. 
It'm  paid  to  Morgan  ap  Jenkyn  and  Will'm  ap   Yeuan 

for  v  greate  trees,  every  tree  xijrf.         ...  ...  vs. 

It'm  paide  to  Morgan  ap  Jenkyn  for  x  trees,  price  of  every 

tree  viij^. 
Item  paide  for  cariage  of  ix  of  the  abovenamyd  x  trees 

to  Harlegh  thre  myles  of  [off],  to  Will'm  ap  Yeuan  ... 
It'm  paide  for  the  kariage  of  iij  trees  for  the  Barrell  and 

other  necessaries 
It'm  paide  for  the  cariage  of  ij  greate  gyeists  to  Harlegh 

to  Will'm  ap  Ieuan 
It'm  paide  for  the  karyage  of  the  fforke  to  the  wynlasse 

[windlass] 
It'm  paide  for  the  cariage  of  iii  greate  roopis  and  ij  brason 

pullis  from  Caern'  to  Harlegh 

Summa  eiusdem  Ebdomade  ...      xxxj.y.       xd. 

Ebdomada  post  ffestum  translacionis  S'ci  Ffrancisci. 

It'm  paid  to  Thomas  Hervy  carpynter  forvj  daislaboring 

on  the  castell,  taking  by  the  daye  vijr/.  ...  iijs.      v]d. 

It'm  paid  to  Richarde  Browne,  carpinter,  for  vj  days  work 

on  the  Castell,  taking  by  the  day  v]d.  ...  ...  \\}S. 

It'm  paid  to  Gruffith  ap  John  carpinter  for  vj  dais  labor- 

ing  on  the  Castell,  taking  by  the  daye  v]d.  ...         ii]s. 

It'm  paid  to  Tuddre  ap  Hoell  withe  and  to  Gruff  ap 
Hoeil  for  the  sawing  of  ij  roods  of  boordes,  after  the 
rate  of  vs.  the  roode  ...  ...  ...  xs. 


v]s. 

vi\]d. 

xs. 

v]d. 

\]s. 

iiij^. 

vs. 

\xd. 

vi]d. 

x\]d. 

i]s. 

x]d. 

i]s. 

v]d. 

i]s. 

v]d. 

v]d. 

Summa  eiusdem  Ebdomade  ...        xìxí.      v]d. 

Ebdomada  in  ffesto  Translacionis  S'ci  Edmundi  [ath  June]. 

It'm  paid  to  Thomas  Harvy,  carpintor  for  v  dais  work, 
taking  by  the  day  viid. 

It'm  paid  to  Ric.  Browne,  carpinter,  for  v  days  laboring 
on  the  Castell,  taking  by  the  daye  v]d. 

It'm  paide  to  Griff.  ap  John,  carpinter,  for  v  dais  laboryng 
on  the  Castell,  takyng  by  the  daye  v]d. 

It'm  paide  D'd  ap  Yeuan  smyth  for  iij  iron  pynnes 

Summa  eiusdem  Ebdomade  ...        viijj.       vd. 

Ebdomada  prox"  post  ffestum  Translacionis  S'ci  Edmundi. 

It'm  paid  to  Thomas  Harvy  carpinter  for  vj  dais  laboring 

on  the  Eastell,  taking  by  the  daye  vi]d.  ...  iijí.      v]d. 

It'm  paid   to   Robert   ap   Will'm,  carpinter,   for  vi  dais 

laboryng  on  the  Castell,  taking  by  the  daye  v]d.      ...  ii]s. 

It'm  paide  to  Ric.  Browne,  carpinter,  for  yj  dais  laboring 

on  the  Castell,  taking  by  the  daye  v]d.  ...  ii\s. 

It'm    paide   to   Gruffith   ap  John,  carpinter,  for  vj   dais 

laboring  on  the  Castell,  taking  by  the  day  v]d.         ...  ii]s. 

Summa  eiusdem  Ebdomade  ...         xi\s.     v]d. 

H 


98  The  Fate  of  the  Structures  of  Conway 

Ebdomada  in  Ffesto  Translacionis  S'ci  Edwardi  [20th  June]. 

It'm  paid  to  Thomas  Hervy,  carpynter,  for  vj  dais  vvoork 

on  the  Castell,  taking  by  the  daye  v\\d.  ...  \\}s.     v)d. 

It'm   paid  to  Ric.  Browne,  carpinter,  for  vj  dais  woork, 

taking  by  the  day  v)d.        ...  ...  ...  ü)s. 

It'm  paide  to  Robert  ap  Will'm,  carpynter,  for  yj  dais 

laboring  on  the  Castell,  taking  v)d.  le  day  ...  iijs. 

It'm  paid  to  Ieuan  ap  Gruff',  carpinter,  for  iiij  dais  labor- 

ing  on  the  Castell,  taking  iinW.  le  daye  ...  *v)d. 

Summa  eiusdem  Ebdomade  ...  xs.       xd. 

It'm  paid  to  Thomas  Hervy,  carpynter,  for  vj  dais  labor- 

ing  011  the  Castell,  taking  by  the  daye  v\\)d.  ...         iüií. 

It'mpaid  to  Robert  ap   Will'm,  carpynter,   for  vj   dais 

laboring  on  the  Castell,  taking  by  the  day  v)d.         ...  \\)s. 

It'm  paide  to  Rouland  ap  Will'm,   carpinter,  for  yj  dais 

laboring  on  the  Castell,  taking  by  the  day  v)d.        ...  iijí. 

It'm  paide  to  Richarde  ap  Browne,  carpinter,  for  vj  dais 

laboring  on  the  Castell,  taking  by  the  daye  v)d.       ...  \\)s. 

It'm  paide  to  D'd  ap  Will'm,  carpinter,  for  vj  dais  laboring 

on  the  Castell,  taking  by  the  day  v)d. ...  ...  u)s. 

It'm  paid  for  one  gable  [cable]  roope  of  vj  stone  and  a 

half,  after  the  rate  of  \\s.  \)d.  le  stone    ...  ...       xiiijí. 

[m.  9d.] 

It'm  paid  to  Tuddr'  ap  Hoell  for  the  sawing  of  iij  roods 

of  boordes,  taking  for  every  roode  vs  ...         xvs. 

It'm  paide  to  Will'm  ap  Yeuan  for  the  cariage  of  iij  greate 

giysts  from  the  wood  to  Harlegh  iij  myles  of[f]       ...         vijs.      v)d. 

Summa  eiusdem  ebdomade  ...  lij^.     v)d. 

Ebdomada  in  ffesto  translacionis  S'ci  Thome  [7th  July]. 

It'm  paide  to  Thomas  Harvy,  carpinter,  for  v  dais  laboring 

011  the  Castell,  taking  by  the  daye  viijc/.  ...  \'\)s.    ü\)d. 

It'm  paide   to    Robert   ap  Will'm,  carpinter,  for  v  dais 

laboryng  on  the  Castell,  taking  by  the  daye  v)d.      ...  \)s.      v)d. 

ít'm  paid  to  Rouland  ap  Will'm  for  v  dais  laboring  011 

the  Kastell,  taking  by  the  daye  v)d.  ...  \)s.      v)d. 

It'm  paide  to  David  ap  Will'm,  carpinter,  for  vdais  labor- 

ing  on  the  Castell,  taking  by  the  day  v)d.  ...  \)s.      v)d. 

It'm  paid  to  Richarde  Browne,  carpinter,  for  v  dais  labor- 

ing  on  the  Castell,  taking  v)d.  a  day     ...  ...  \)s.     v)d. 

It'm  paid  to  Tuddr'  ap  Hoel!  with,  forthe  sawing  of  one 

roode  of  Boordes,  taking  for  the  roode  vs.  ...  vs. 

It'm  paid  to  D'd  ap  Yeuan,  laborer,  for  ij  dais  laboring 

011  the  Rastell,  taking  by  the  day  iiij^.  ...  v'\\)d. 

It'm    paid   to  Yeuan   ap   Griffith,    laborer,   for   one  dai's 

work  on  the  Kastell,  taking  by  the  daye  \n)d.  ...  \\\)d. 

Summa  eiusdem  Ebdomade  ...        xìxj.    \\\)d. 


Aòbey,  and  Bangor  and  Beaumaris  Friaries.    99 

Ebdomada  prox'  post  ffestum  Translacionis  S'ci  Thome. 
It'm  paid  to  Thomas  Harvy  for  vj  dais  laboring  on  the 

Kastell,  taking  by  the  daye  vii]d.  ...  ...         iiijs. 

It'm  paid  to  Robert  ap  Will'm,    carpinter,    for   vj    dais 

laboring  on  the  castell,  taking  by  the  daye  v]d.        ...  \\\s. 

It'm   paid  to  Rouland  ap  Will'm,  carpinter,   for  vj  dais 

laboring  on  the  castell,  taldng  by  the  daye  v]d.        ...  \\]s. 

It'm    paid  to   David   ap   Will'm,   carpinter,    for  vj    dais 

laboring  on  the  Castell,  taking  by  the  day  v]d.         ...  \\]s. 

It'm    paid    to   Richard    Browne,   carpinter,   for  vj    dais 

laboring  on  the  Castle,  taking  by  the  day  v]d.  ...  \\]s. 

It'm  paide  for  the  cariage  of  the  boordes  from  the  grene 

to  the  castell  ...  ...  ...  \]d. 

It'm   paid   to   Ieuan   ap  Tuddr'   for   iiij  horse  loode  of 

woodes  to  wynde  the  whele  ...  ...  \ii]d. 

It'm  paid  to  Tuddre  ap  Hoell  for  one  dai's  worke  on  the 

castell,  taking  by  the  daye  \ii]d.  ...  ...  u\]d. 

Summa  eiusdem  Ebdomade  ...        xv]s.       xd. 

Ebdomada  in  ffesto  S'ce  Marie  Magdalene  [22nd  July]. 
It'm  paide  to  Thomas  Hervy,  carpinter,  for  yj  dais  labor- 

ing  on  the  castell,  taking  by  the  day  v'\i]d.  ...         \\\]s. 

It'm  paide   to  Robert  ap    Will'm,  carpinter,  for  yj  dais 

laboring  of  [011]  the  Castell,  taldng  by  the  daye  v]d.  \\\s. 

It'm  paide  to  Rouland  ap  Will'm,  carpinter,  for  vj  dais 

laboring  on  the  Castell,  taking  by  the  day  v\d.         ...  ü\s. 

It'm  paide  to  D'd  ap  Will'm,  carpinter,  for  yj  dais  labor- 

ing  on  the  Castell,  tahing  by  the  day  v]d.  ...  \\]s. 

It'm  paid  to  Ric.  Browne,  carpinter,  for  vj  dais  laboring 

on  the  Castell,  taking  by  the  daye  v]d.  ...  \\]s. 

It'm  paide  to  Yeuan  ap  D'd  for  ij  dais  worke,  taking  by 

the  daye  \\\]d.  ...  ...  ...  v\\]d. 

It'm  paide  ior  one  horse  loode  of  roddes    ...  ...  \]d. 

It'm   Ric.   Bangor   for   one  dai's  woork   and  a  half  for 

working  on  the  Castell,  taldng  v]d.  le  day  ...  \xd. 

It'm  paide  to  Yeuan  ap  Gruffìth,  laborer,  for  halfe  a  dai's 

labour  on  the  Castell,  taking  \\\]d.  le  day  ...  \]d. 


Summa  eiusdem  Ebdomade  ...        xvijí.      ix«'. 

Ebdomada  in  ffesto  Jacobi  ap'  li  [25th  July]. 

It'm  paide  to  Thomas  Hervy,  carpinter,  for  v  dais  labor- 
ing  on  the  Castell,  taking  by  the  day  viij^. 

It'm  paide  to  Robert  ap  Will'm,   carpinter,    for  v   dais 
laboring  on  the  Castell,  taking  by  the  daye  v]d. 

It'm  paid  to  Roulland  ap  Will'm  for  v  dais  work  on  the 

Castell,  taking  by  the  daye  v\d. 
It'm  paide  to  D'd  ap  Will'm,  carpinter,  for  v  dais  laboring 

on  the  Castell,  taking  v\d.  le  daye 

It'm  paid  to  Ric.  Browne,  carpinter,  for  v  dais  laboring 
on  the  Castell,  taking  v\d.  le  daye 

Summa  eiusdem  Ebdomade 


iijí. 

Üijrt'. 

\]s. 

v]d. 

\]s. 

v\d. 

i]s. 

v]d. 

\]s. 

v]d. 

x\\\s. 

ji2 

\\\]d. 

ioo         The  Fate  qf '  the  Structures  of  Conway 

[m.  10.] 

Ebdomada  prox'  post  ffestum  S'ci  Jacobi  ap'li. 
It'm   paide   to   Thomas    Hervy,   carpinter,    for    iiij    dais 

laboring  on  the  Castell,  taking  by  the  daye  \ii\d.     ...  i\s.    \ii]d. 

It'm   paide  to  Robert  ap  Will'm,  carpinter,  for  iiij  dais 

laboring  on  the  Castell,  taking  by  the  daye  \]d.       ...  \]s. 

It'm  paid  to  Rouland  ap  Will'm,  carpinter,  for  iiij  dais 

laboring  on  the  Castell,  taking  by  the  day  \\d.        ...  \]s. 

It'm  paide  to  Ric.  Browne,  carpinter,  for  ìiij  dais  laboring 

on  the  Castell,  taking  by  the  daye  \]d.  ...  \]s. 

It'm  paide  to  Ric.  Ffyvion  for   the   carege  of  ij  brason 

pullis  from  Harlegh  to  Bangor  ...  ...  iiijrt'. 

It'm  paide  to  the  Constable  of  Harlogh  for  the  kariage 

of  xxviij  bordes  to  Harlogh  iij  miles  of[l]  ...  xvj<^. 

It'm  paid  to  the  said  Constable  for  the  kariageof  iij  trees 

to  Harlogh  iij  miles  of      ...  ...  ...  iijj. 

It'm  paide  to  Robert  ap  Will'm  for  vij  dais  laboring  on 

tlie  Castell,  taking  by  the  daye  \]d.      ...  ...  i\]s.      \\d. 

Summa  ejusdem  Ebdomade  ...        xvjí.       xd. 

Ebdomada  in  ffesto  S'ci  Laurentii  [ioth  August]. 

It'm  paide  to  Rauffe  Johnson,  carpinter,  for  vj  dais  labor- 

ing  on  the  Castell,  taking  by  the  daye  \]d.  ...  i\\s. 

It'm   paide  to  David   ap   Yeuan,  carpinter,  for   \\\    dais 

laboring  on  the  Castell,  taking  by  the  daye  \\d.       ...  \i\s.      \\d. 

It'm   paide   to    Morris   ap   Hewe,  carpinter,   for  vj  dais 

laboring  on  the  Castell,  taking  by  the  day  \]d.         ...  ii]s. 

It'm  paide  to  Gruff'  ap  Hoell,  carpinter,  for  yj  dais  labor- 

ing  on  the  Castell,  taking  by  the  daye  \]d.  ...  ii]s. 

It'm  paid  for  the  cariage  of  ij  pecks  of  lyme  to  Harlegh 

from  Caern'  to  John  ap  S'r  Gruff.  ...  ...  xd. 

It'm  paide  to  John  ap  Yeuan,  mason,  for  vij  dais  laboring 

on  the  Eastell,  taking  by  the  daye  \]d.  ob.  ...  iiij.      ixd. 

It'm  paide  to  Lewes  ap  R.,  mason,  for  vij  dais  laboring 

on  the  Castell,  taking  by  the  daye  \]d.  ob  ...  iiií.      ixd. 

It'm  paide  to  D'd  ap  Yeuan,  laborer,  for  v  dais  laboring 

to  serve  the  masons,  taking  by  the  daye  iii\d.  ...  xxd. 

It'm  paide  to  Ric.  Ffivion,  laborer,  for  v  dais  in  serving 

the  masons,  taking  by  the  daye  ii\]d.    ...  ...  xxd. 

It'm   paide  to  John  ap   Madock  for  v  dais   laboring   to 

serve  the  masons,  takmg  i\i\d.  by  the  daye  ...  xxd. 

It'm  paide  to  Ric.  Ffyvion  for  one  dai's  laboring  to  ridde 

the  leds,  talcing  by  the  day  iiijrt'.  ...  ...  iiijtf'. 

It'm   paide  to   Tuddr'   ap   Yeuan   for   the   sawing    of  a 

cviij  foote  of  burdes  [boards]  ...  ...  xxí£ 


Summa  eiusdem  Ebdomade  ...     xxvijí.       xd. 

Ebdomada  prox'  post  ffestum  S'ci  Laurentii. 
It'm  paide  to  Robert  ap  Will'm,  carpynter,  for  one  dai's 

work,  taking  by  the  daye  \]d.  ...  ...  \]d. 


Abbey,  and  Bangor  and  Beaumaris  Friaries.    101 

It'm  paid  to  David  ap  Yeuan,  carpinter,  for  one   dai's 

work,  taking  by  the  daye  v]d.  ...  ...  v]d. 

It'm   paide   to  Moris  ap  Hewe,  carpinter,  for  one  dai's 

vvork,  taking  by  the  day  v\d.  ...  ...  v]d. 

It'm  paid  to  Raffe  Jonson,  carpinter,  for  one  dai's  worke 

on  the  Castell,  taking  v]d.  by  the  day  ...  ...  v]d. 

It'm  paide   to   Gruff'  ap  Hoell,  carpinter,  for  one   dai's 

work  on  the  Castell,  taking  by  the  day  v]d.  ...  v]d. 

It'm  paide  to  John  ap  Yeuan,  mason,  for  one  dai's  vvork 

on  the  Castell,  taking  by  the  day  v]d.  ob.  ...  v\d.  ob. 

It'm  paide  to  Lewes  ap  R.f  mason,  for  one  dai's  work  on 

the  Castell,  taking  by  the  daye  v]d.  ob.  ...  v\d.  ob. 

It'm  paide  to  Hugh  Smyth  for  a  m1  [1,000]  single  spikins 

at  iijj  iii]d.  le  thousand    ...  ...  ...  ü]s.     ii'\]d. 

It'm  paide  to  the  said  Hugh  íor  a  m1  of  double  spyldngs, 

aftertherateofvjj.viijV.lem1  ...  ...  v]s.    vi'\]d. 

It'm  paide  to  John  a  Lee  and  ij  piummers  for  iij  dais  in 

taking  downe  a  rouff  and  leede  [Iead],  that  ís  to  sey 

every  day  xviij<r/.  ...  ...  ...         h^s.      v]d. 

It'm  paide  to  Rouland  Thickyns  for  cc  [2  cwt.]  of  Iron 

every  c.  vih>.  ...  ...  ...        Xv]s. 

It'm  paid  to  Hugh  Plumer  of  Worcèster  for  casting  and 

leing  [laying]  the  leed  uppon  the  castell  of  Harlegh       iiij11 
It'm  paide  for  iiijlb  of  souder  ...  ...  ...  xv\d. 

It'm  paide  for  nailes  ...  ...  ...  i'\i\d. 


Summa  istius  Ebdomade  ...        cxvs.      ixd. 

[m.  iod.  vacant.] 
[m.  11.] 

THE  TÜWNE  WALLIS  AND  SHIRE  HALL  OF  BEWMARYS. 
Ebdomoda  p'x  post  ffestum  Nat.  S'ci  Johannis  Baptiste  [24th  June]. 
In  primis  paied  to  Thomas  Res,  carpenter,  tor  cuttyng 
wodde  to  the  lyme  kylle   the   space   of  iiij   dayes, 
talíyng  by  the  day  vid.       ..  ...  ...  \\s. 

It'm  paied  to  Hugh  Hampson,  carpenter,  for  ij  days 
laboryng  to  cutt  wodde  to  burne  the  lyme'  kylle, 
takyng  every  day  v]d.        ...  ...  ...  xij^. 

It'm  paied  to  Gruff'  Andrew  for  thre[e]  dayes  workyng 

to  cutt  wodde  to  the  lyme  kill,  takyng  every  day  i\i]d.  x\]d. 

It'm  paied  to  John  ap  Will'm  for  ffawlyng  [felling]  two 

tres  ...  ...  ...  ...  ü]d. 

It'm  paied  to  John  Taberner,  laborer,  the  space  of  two 
days  cuttyng  wodde  to  the  lyme  kyll,  takyng  every 
day  iiij^.        ...  ...  ...  ...  viij</. 

It'm  paied  to  Thnmas  ap  Ithell,  mason,  for  two  days 
worlce  to  take  downe  stones  from  the  Ffrer  House  of 
Bewmarys,  takyng  by  the  day  vj^.        ...  ...  x\\d. 

It'm  paied  to  D'd  ap  Ll'n,  mason,  for  ij  dayes  worke  to 
take  downe  stones  ffrom  the  Ffryers  of  Bewmarys, 
taking  by  the  day  v]d.       ...  ...  ...  xi]d. 


102        The  Fate  of  the  Structures  of  Conway 

It'm  paid  to  Hoell  ap  D'd  laboryng  two  days  to  take 
stones  ffrom  the  seid  masons,  takyng  by  the  day 
\'û]d.  ...  ...  ...  ...  vii)d. 

It'm  paied  to  Roland  Abrettell  for  ij  botte  lodes  of  stones 

from  the  Ffriers  to  the  key  ...  ...  xvj^. 

It'm  paied  to  John  Inggr'm  [Ingram]  for  vj  bott  lods  of 

stones  from  the  seid  Ffriers  unto  the  key  ...  ijí. 

It  m  paied   to    Gilb't    Roby[n]son    for   certen    wodde   to 

brane  [burn]  the  lyme  kyll,  in  grose     ...  ...         xxs. 

It'm  paied  to  John  Tabernar  tbe  space  of  ij  dayes,  takyng 

by  the  day  iii)d.  ...  ...  ...  viijd. 

It'm  paied  for  ij  seves  to  sift  the  lyme         ...  ...  iii)d. 

It'm  paied  to  Ieuan  ap  D'd  íor  the  cariage  of  xij  tres 

ffrom  the  seid  Ffryers  to  the  lyme  kyll,  in  grose      ...  ii')s.       ijd. 

It'm  paied  to  D'd  ap   Ll'n,  laborer,  for  iiij  days  worke, 

takyng  by  the  day  \i\jd.     ...  ...  ...  xvjd. 


Summa  eiusdem  Ebdomade  ...    xxxvjí.       vd. 


Ebdomoda  prox'  post  ffestum  Apostolorum  Petri  et  Pauli  [29th  June]. 

It'm  paied  to  Gruff'  ap  Hoell,  mason,  for  vj  days  workyng 

on  the  walles,  takyng  vi]d.  le  day  ...  ...  ii]s.      v\d. 

It'm  paied  to  Denys  Roche,  mason,  for  vj  days  workyng 

on  the  walls,  takyng  by  the  day  vjd.  ob.  ...  iijj.      újd. 

It'm  paied  to  John  ap  Ieuan,  mason,  for  vj  days  workyng 

on  the  walls,  takyng  every  day  vjd.  ob.  ...  iijí.      iijd. 

It'm    paied   to    Will'm    Smyth,    laborer,    the    space    of 

iiij  dayes,  takyng  every  day  'úijd.        ...  ...  xvjd. 

It'm  paied  to  Hugh  ap  Richard  for  vj  days  laboryng  on 

the  key,  takyng  by  day  iujd.  ...  ...  ijs. 

It'm  paied  to  Richard  ap  Thomas  for  iij  days  laboryng 

on  the  key,  takyng  every  day  iiij^.        ...  ...  xij</. 

It'm  paied  to  Morgan  ap  Will'm  for  thre  days  laboryng 

on  the  Towne  Walls,  takyng  le  day  iiijflf.  ...  xijí^. 

It'm  paied  to  Harry  Tarboke,  smyth,  for  one  mattok      ...  vjd. 

It'm  paied  to  John  ap  Ris,  laborer,  the  space  of  v  days, 

takyng  every  day  iiijd.       ...  ...  ...  xxd. 

It'm  paied  to  John  Phivion  [?  Vivian]  the  space  of  vj  dayes 
to  cutt  wodde  to  brane  the  lyme  kyll,  takyng  by  the 
day  iiij^/.         ...  ...  ...  ...  ij^. 

It'm  paied  to  John  Taberner  the  space  of  vj  days  to  cutt 

wodde  to  brane  the  lyme  kyll,  takyng  by  the  day  iiije/.  i\s. 

It'm  paied  to  Richard  ap  Will'm  the  space  of  vj  dayes  to 
cut  woode  to  brane  under  the  lyme  kyll,  takyng  by 
the  day  iiijí^. ...  ...  ...  ...  i j-v. 

It'm  paied  to  Harry  Hova,  laborer,  the  space  of  vj  dayes 

workyng  on  the  keys,  takyng  every  day  iii)d.  ...  ijí. 

It'm  paied  to  John  Alye.  carpenter,  the  s|)ace  of  vj  days 
worke,  tafcyng  every  day  vjd.  in  makyng  the  house 
ior  the  masons  to  worke  ...  ...  ...  iiji'. 


Abbey,  and  Bangor  and  Beaumaris  Friaries.    103 

It'm  paied  to  D'd  ap  Ll'n,  mason,  the  spaoe  of  vj  days 
vvork  in  takyng  downe  stones  ffrom  the  Ffryers  of 
Bewmaris,  talcyng  by  the  day  \\d.         ...  ...  iijí. 

It'm  paied  to  Will'm  ap  Ieuan  for  hym  and  his  vj  oxen 
and  ij  horses  the  spase  of  thre  days  to  cary  wodde 
to  the  lyme  kylle  ...  ...  ...         iiij.    \\\\d. 

It'm  paied  to  Gylbert  Robynson  for  the  cariage  of  stones 
to  the  lyme  kyll  and  brekyng  of  the  same  stones,  in 
grose  ...  ...  ...  ...        xv]S.  v\\]d. 

It'm  paied  to  Ric'  ap  Grono  for  vj  days  worke  in  settyng 

the  lyme  kyll,  takyng  every  day  v]d.     ...  ...  iijí. 

[m.  1  id.] 

It'm  paied  to  John  Ingram  for  the  cariage  of  vi  botte  lods 

of  stones  from  the  Ffryers  of  Bewmaries  to  the  key  xxd. 

It'm  paied  to  John  ap  Tud'  for  hym  and  his  horse  the 
space  of  ij  days,  takyng  every  day  v]d.,  to  cary  stones 
from  the  water  syde  to  the  key  ...  ...  x\\d. 

Summa  eiusdem  Ebdomade  ...  lvij^.  v]d. 

Ebdomoda  prox'  post  ffestum  Translacionis  S'ci  Martini  [_4th  July]. 

It'm  paied  to  Gruff.  ap  Hoell,  mason,  the  space  of  vj  days 

worke  on  the  key,  takyng  every  day  v\]d.  ...  \\]s.      v]d. 

It'm  paied  to  Denys  Roche,  mason,  the  space  of  6  days 

workying  on  the  key,  takyng  every  day  v]d.  ob.       ...  iijí.      \\]d. 

It'm  paied  to  John  ap  Ieuan,  mason,  for  vj  days  worltyng 

on  the  key,  takyng  every  day  v]d.  ob.  ...  iii.y.      \\]d. 

It'm  paied  to  Rob't  Roche,  mason,  for  vj  days  workyng 

on  the  key,  takyng  every  day  v]d.         ...  ...  \\]s. 

It'm  paied  to  D'd  ap  Ll'n,  mason,  for  iij  days  in  pollyng 
downe  stones  from  the  Ffriers  of  Bangor,  takyng 
every  day  v]d.  ...  ...  ...  xv\\]d. 

It'm  paied  to  Thomas  ap  Ieuan,  laborer,  for  iij  days 
worke  to  take  downe  stones  from  the  seid  masons, 
takyng  every  day  \\\]d.       ...  ...  ...  xi]d. 

It'm  paied  to  Hugh  Hampson  and  Roland  Abretell,  for 
the  cariage  ofone  botte  lode  with  stones  from  Ban- 
gor  to  Bewmarries  ...  ...  ...  xx\\d. 

It'm  paied  to  Will'm  Smyth  and  John  Mansman  [?  Manx- 
man]  for  the  cariage  of  xvj  bott  lods  of  stones  ffrom 
the  Ffryers  of  Bewmarries  to  the  key  ...  ...  vs.    \\\]d. 

It'm  paied  to  Gruff  Andrew,  laborer,  for  iiij  days  worke 

on  the  key,  takyng  every  day  iiijä?.         ...  ...  xvj<£ 

It'm   paied  to  D'd  ap  Ric'  for  v  days  worke  in  branyng 

[burning]  of  lyme,  takyng  every  day  v\d.  ...  \]s.      v]d. 

It'm  paied  to  the  seid  D'd  ap  Ric'  for  watchyng  the  lyme 
kyll  the  space  of  iij  nyghts,  takyng  for  every  nyght 
vjc/.  ...  ...  ...  ...  xviijrt'. 

It'm  paied  to  Harry  Holl's  for  iij  nyghts  watchyng  the 

lyme  kyll,  takyng  iüj^.  every  nyght       ...  ...  x\\d. 

It'm  paied  to  Hugh  ap  Res  for  the  carriage  of  tangs  [?] 

to  the  lyme  kyll,  m  grose...  ...  ...         iiijí. 


I  ò4        The  Fate  of  tke  Structures  of  Conway 

It'm  paied  to  John  Ingram  for  the  carriage  of  ix  botts 
lade  with  stones  ffrom  the  Ffryers  of  Bewmaries  to 
the  key  ...  ...  ...  ...  üjs. 

It'm  paied  to  Richard  Johnson  for  one  barrell  of  polls 

[poles]  to  brane  the  lyme  kyll  ...  ...  \i\d. 

It'm    paied    for    rodds  to   bynde   the   house  where  the 

masons  dyd  worke  in        ...  ...  ...  \i]d. 

It'm  paied  for  naylls  ...  ...  ...  ii]d. 

It'm  paied  to  D'd  ap  Richard  for  hym  and  his  man  and 
their  ij  horses  the  space  of  iij  days  to  cary  stones 
from  the  Ffryers  of  Bewmarries  to  the  key  ...  ü\s. 

It'm  paied  to  John  ap  Ieuan  for  hym  and  hys  man  and 
their  ij  horses  the  space  of  iiij  days  to  carie  stones 
from  the  Fíryers  of  Bangor  to  the  water  side,  taking 
by  the  day  every  of  them  \]d.  ...  ...         \\i\s. 

Summa  eiusdem  Ebdomode         ...      xliiijí.       \d. 
Ebdomoda  prox'  post  ffestum  S'ci  P'nati  m'ris  [sic\ 

It'm  paied  to  Gruff'  ap  Hoell,  mason,  for  vj  days  workyng 

on  the  key,  takyng  \i]d.  every  day        ...  ...  iijs.      \\d. 

It'm  paied  to  John  ap  Ieuan,  mason,  for  vj  days  workyng 

on  the  key,  takyng  \\d.  ob.  every  day  ...  ...  i\\s.     ii]d. 

It'm  paied  to  Denys  Roche,  mason,  for  vj  days  workyng 

on  the  key,  takyng  every  day  \]d.  ob.  ...  ...  ii\s.      h]d. 

It'm   paied   to   Richard   Englefeild,   mason,   for  vj   days 

workyng  on  the  key,  takyng  every  day  \]d.  ob.         ...  iijí.      H\d. 

It'm  paied  to  Rob't  Roche,  mason,  for  vj  days  workyng 

on  the  key,  takyng  for  every  day  \]d.    ...  ...  H]s. 

It'm  paied   to   Thomas   Rochedale,    mason,   for  yj    dais 

workyng  on  the  key,  takyng  \]d.  ob.  every  day         ...  ii]s.      ii]d. 

It'm  paied  to  Thomas  ap  Ithell,  mason,  for  iij  days  worke 

there,  takyng  \\d.  le  day   ...  ...  ...  xvihy. 

It'm  paied  to  D'd  ap  Ll'n,  mason,  the  space  of  iij  dayes 

workyng  on  the  key,  takyng  for  every  day  \]d.  ...  x\ii]d. 

It'm  paied  to  vj  laborers  for  v  dayes  to  serve  the  masons, 

takyng  iiijrtf.  le  day  every  of  them  ...  ...  xs. 

It'm  paied  to  Roland  Hyde  for  hym  and  hys  horse  the 

space  of  iij  days,  takyng  every  day  \]d.  ...  x\ii]d. 

It'm  paied  to  John  Maketire,  laborer,  for  v  days  workyng 

at  the  key,  takyng  iii]d.  every  day  ...  ...  xxd. 

It'm  paied  to  Thomas  ap  Grono  for  hym  and  hys  horse 

the   space   of  iij    daies    to   cary  sande  and  morter, 

takyng  \]d.  every  day        ...  ...  ...  x\ii]d. 

[m.  12.] 

It'm  paied  for  ij  turnells  to  cary  morter  and  sande  ...  xjj^. 

It'm  paied  to  Ric'  Sparowe  for  the  carriage  of  v  bott  lods 

of  stones  irom  Bangor  to  the  key  ...  ...  \s. 

It'm  paied  to  John  Ingram  for  the  cariage  of  x  bott  lode 

of  stones  trom  the  Ffryers  of  Bewmarris  to  the  key  iij^.    iii]d. 

Summa  eiusdem  Ebdomode         ...       xlvj.y.      \]d. 


Abbey,  and  Bangor  and  Beaumaris  Friaries.    105 

Ebdomoda  prox'  post  ffestum  S'te  Margaret  Virginis  [2oth  July]. 

It'm  paied  to  Gruff'  mason  for  v  days  laboryng  on  the 

key,  takyng  every  day  \\}d.  ...  ...  ij-S'-      *]d. 

It'm  paied  to  John  ap  Ieuan,  mason,  for  v  days  laboryng 

ther,  takyng  every  day  v]d.  ob.  ..  ...      ijí.  v\\\d.  ob. 

It'm  paied  to  Denys  Roche,  mason,  for  v  days  Iabor  on 

the  key,  takyng  ut  supra  ...  ...  ...      ijj.  v\\}d.  ob. 

It'm  paied  to  Rob't  Roche,  mason,  for  v  days  laboryng 

ther,  takyng  every  day  v]d.  ...  ...  i)S.      v]d. 

It'm   paied   to   Thomas   Rochedale,   mason,  for   v   days 

laboryng  on  the  key,  takyng  every  day  v]d.  ob.         ...      ijí.  viijrt.  ob. 

It'm   paied   to   Richard   Englefeild,    mason,    for   v  days 

laboryng  on  the  key,  takyng  every  day  v]d.  ob.         ...      \]s.  vû]d.  ob. 

It'm  paied  to  Jamys  ap  Ithell  for  hym  and  hys  horse  the 
space  of  iij  days  to  cary  stones  ffrom  the  Ffryers  of 
Bewmarriës  to  the  water  syde,  takyng  by  the  day  v]d.  xv'ú]d. 

It'm  paied  to  Will'm  Smyth  for  the  carriage  of  viij  bott 
lods  of  stones  from  the  Ffriers  of  Bewmarries  to  the 
key  ...  ...  ...  •••  i.i-y-    v'û]d. 

It'm  paied  to  Thomas  ap  Grono  for  hym  and  his  horse 
the  space  of  v  days  to  cary  stones  ffrom  the  Ffiiers 
of  Bewmarres  to  the  water  syde  ...  ...  \]s.      v\d. 

It'm  paied  to  D'd  ap  Ll'n,  mason,  the  space  of  ij  days  in 
takyng  downe  stones  from  the  Ffriers  of  Bangor, 
takyng  by  the  day  v]d.       ...  ...  ■■■  x\]d. 

It'm  paied  to  Thomas  ap  Ieuan,  mason,  the  space  of 
i]  days  in  polyng  downe  of  stones  ffrom  the  Ffryers 
of  Bangor,  takyng  by  the  day  v]d.         ...  ...  x\]d. 

It'm  paied  to  Ll'n  ap  Ric'  for  one  picarde  lade  with 
stones  of  vj  tons  and  di  [6|  tons]  ffrom  the  Ffryers 
of  Bewmarries  to  the  key...  ...  ...  x\]d. 

Summa  eiusdem  Ebdomode  ...       xxvs.      x\d. 

Ebdomoda  prox'  post  ffestum  S'ci  Jacobi  apostoli  [25th  July]. 

It'm  paied  to  Gruff  ap  Hoell,  mason,  for  yj  days  laboryng 

on  the  key,  takyng  every  day  v\]d.         ...  ...  \\]s.      v]d. 

It'm  paied  to  Denys  Roche,  mason,  the  space  of  vj  days 

laboryng  on  the  key,  takyng  every  day  v]d.  ob.         ...  iijs.      \\]d. 

It'm  paied  to  John  ap  Ieuan,  mason,  for  vj  days  laboryug 

on  the  key,  takyng  every  day  v]d.  ob.  ...  ...  \\]s.     \\]d. 

It'm   paied   to   Richard    Inglefeild,   mason.   for   vj    days 

labor  on  the  key,  takyng  every  day  v]d.  ob.  ...  iijí.      \\]d. 

It'm  paied  to   Thomas    Rochedale,   mason,   for   vj    days 

laboryng  on  the  key,  takyng  every  day  v]d.  ob.         ...  \\]s.      \\]d. 

It'm  paide  to  Rob't  Roche,  mason,  the  space  of  vj  days 

laboryng  on  the  key,  takyng  every  day  v]d.  ...  \\]s. 

It'm  paied  to  vj  laborars  for  vj  days  to  serve  the  seid 

masons,  takyng  every  of  them  iiijí/.  the  day  ...         x\]s. 

It'm  paied  to  Will'm  ap  D'd  for  hym  and  hys  horse  for 
iij  days  to  cary  sande  and  morter,  takyng  every  day 
v\d.   '  ...  ...  ...  ...  xviij<£ 


i  oó       The  Fate  of  the  Strudures  of  Conway 

It'm  paied  to  Will'm  Smyth  for  the  cariage  of  ij  bott  lods 

of  stones  ffrom  tlie  Ffryers  of  Bewmarries  to  the  key  vii]d. 

Summa  eiusdem  Ebdomode  ...    xxxiijs.   viijäf. 

Ebdomod'  prox'  post  ffestum  S'ci  Petri  ad  Vincula  [ist  August]. 

It'm  paied  to  Gruff.  ap  Hoell,  mason,  the  space  of  vj  days 

laboryng  on  the  key,  takyng  every  day  v'\)d.  ...  i'\]s.      v]d. 

It'm  paied  to  John  ap  Ieuan,  mason,  for  vj  days  laboryng 

on  the  key,  takyng  every  day  v]d.  ob.  ...  ...  ü]s.     ü]d. 

It'm  paiedto  Denys  Roche,  mason,  for  vj  days  laboryng 

on  the  key,  takyng  every  day  v]d.  ob.  ...  ...  i'\]s.      i'\\d. 

It'm  paied  to  Ric'  Englefeild,  mason,  for  vj  days  laboryng 

on  the  key,  takyng  by  the  day  v]d.  ob.  ...  ü]s.      ü\d. 

It'm  paied  to  Rob't  Roche,  mason,  for  vj   days   labor  on 

the  key,  takyng  every  day  v]d.  ...  ■  ■■  \\]s. 

It'm  paied  to  Thomas  Rochedale,   mason,   for   vj    days 

laboryng  on  the  key,  takyng  every  day  v]d.  ob.        ...  ii]s.      ü]d. 

It'm  paied  to  Thomas  Smyth  for  the  carriage  of  xv  bott 

lods  of  stones  ffrom  the  Ffriers  of  Bewmarries  unto 

the  key  ...  ...  ■••  •••  Ví- 

Summa  ejusdem  Ebdomode  ...       xxiih>.   v\d. 

[m.  i2d.] 

The  membrane  commences  with  a  number  of  items  which  are  can- 
celled  because  re-entered  below. 

Ebdomoda  prox'  post  ffestum  S'ci  Laurentii  Martyris  [ioth  August]. 

It'm  paied  to  Gruff'  mason  for  vj  days  laboryng   on  the 

towne  walls,  takyng  by  the  day  vijí^.     ...  •••  ü]s.     vj<z. 

It'm  paied  to  John  ap  Ieuan,  mason,  for  vj  days  laboryng 

on  the  towne  walls,  takyng  by  the  day  v]d.  ob.         ...  n]s.      u]d. 

It'm  paied  to  Denys  Roche,  mason,  the  space  of  vj  daies 

laboryng  on  the  key,  taking  by  the  day  v]d.  ob.         ...  ü]s.      û]d. 

It'm   paied   to    Thomas   Rochdale,   mason,  for   vj    days 

laboryng  on  the  towne  walls,  talcyng  vjd.  ob.  le  day  iijí.      i'\]d. 

It'm  paied  to  Ric'  Inglefeilde,  mason,  for  vj  days  laboryng 

on  the  towne  walls,  takyng  v]d.  ob.  le  day  ...  H]s.      \'\)d. 

It'm  paied  to  Rob't  Roche,  mason,  for  vj   days  laboryng 

on  the  towne  walls,  takyng  v]d.  le  day  ...  \'\}s. 

It'm   paied   to     |ohn    Dauyson,    laborer,   for    thre    days 

laboryng  on  the  towne  walls,  takyng  by  the  day  \\'\]d.  x'\]d. 

It'm  paied  to  Dauet  ap  Will'm,  laborer,  for  ij  days  labor- 

yng  on  the  towne  walls,  takyng  by  the  day  üi]d.      ...  v\\)d. 

It'm  paied  to  D'd  ap  Ll'n,  laborer,  for  iij  days  laboryng  on 

the  towne  walls,  takyng  by  the  day  iiijrt'.  ...  x\)d. 

It'm  paied   to  Tliomas  ap  Ithell,  mason,  for  two  days 

laboryng  on  tlie  towne  walls,  takyng  by  the  day  vj<-/.  xi]d. 

It'm  paied  to  John  ap  John  Gruff  for  liym  and   his  horse 

the  space  of  ij  days  to  cary  sande  and  morter,  takyng 

l>y  the  day  v]d.  ■■■  •■•  •••  X1J"- 


Abbey,  and  Bangor  and  Beaumaris  Friaries.  107 

It'm  paied  to  John  Taberner,  laborer,  for  ij  days  laboryng 

on  the  towne  walls,  takyng  by  the  day  \\\]d.  ...  v\\]d. 

It*m    paied   to    John   ap  Ieuan,   laborer,   for   two   days 

laboryng  on  tlie  towne  walls,  takyng  by  the  day  \\\]d.  v\\]d. 

Summa  ejusdem  Ebdomode  ...         xxvs.     v\d. 

Ebdomoda  prox'  ante  ffestum  S'ci  Bartholomei  apostoli  [24th  August]. 

It'm  paied  to  Gruff'  ap  Hoell  ap  Gruff ,  mason,  for  v  days 

laboryng  on  the  towne  walls,  takyng  v\\d.  le  day     ...  \]s.      x]d. 

It'm  paied  to  Denys  Roche,  mason,  for  v  days  laboryng 

on  the  towne  walls,  takyng  v]d.  ob.  le  day  ...      ijí.  v\\]d.  ob. 

It'm  paied  to  Rob't  Roche,  mason,  for  v  days  laboryng 

on  the  towne  walls,  takyng  v]d.  le  day  ...  ijí.       v]d. 

It'm  paied  to  Ric'  Inglefeild,  mason,  for  v  days  laboryng 

on  the  towne  walls,  takyng  v]d.  ob.  le  day  ...      ijí.  viijrtf.  ob. 

It'm  paied  to  John  ap  Ieuan,  mason,  for  v  days  laboryng 

on  the  towne  walls,  takyng  by  the  day  v]d.  ob.         ...     ijí.  v\\]d.  ob. 

lt'm  paied  to  Thomas  Rochedale,  mason,  for  v  days 
laboryng  on  the  seid  walls,  takyng  by  the  day 
v\d.  ob.  ...  ...  •••  •••      ij.y.  v\\]d.  ob. 

It'm  paied  to  Lewis  ap  R',  mason,  for  v  days  laboryng 

on  the  towne  walls,  takyng  by  the  day  v]d.  ob.         ...      \]s.  v\\]d.  ob. 

It'm  paied  to  Will'm  Smyth  for  the  carryage  of  xiij  bote 
lods  of  stones  from  the  Ffryers  of  Bewmarries  to  the 
key  ...  ...  ...  ...         iüjí.    'û\)d. 

It'm  paied  to  D'd  ap  Ll'n,  raasoii,  for  ij  days  worke 
takyng  by  the  day  v]d.  in  pullyng  downe  of  stones 
from  the  Ffryers  of  Bangor  ...  ...  x\]d. 

It'm  paied  to  Thomas  ap  Ithell,  mason,  the  space  of 
ij  days  worke  in  pullyng  downe  of  stones  ffrom  the 
seid  Ffryers,  takyng  v]d.  le  day  ...  ...  x\]d. 

It'm  paied  to  two  laborers  the  space  of  ij  days  worke  to 
take  the  stones  from  the  masons,  takyng  iìijíîf.  every 
ofthembyday  ...  ...  ...  xvj^. 

It'm  paied  to  John  ap  Tud',  laborer,  the  space  of  ij  days 
to  bryng  stones  fiom  the  water  syde  to  the  masons, 
takyng  \\\]d.  le  day  ...  ...  ...  viij«f. 

[m.  13.] 

It'm  paied  to  John  1  aberner  for  ìj  days  to  bryng  stones 

from   the   water   syde    to   the   masons,  takyng  \\\]d. 

every  day      ...  ...  ...  ...  v\\]d. 

It'm  paied  to  David  ap  Thomas  for  hym  and  his  horse 
for  thre  dayes  to  cary  stones  and  morter  to  serve  the 
masons,  taícyng  by  the  day  yjd.  ...  ...  xviìjí/. 

Summa  eiusdem  Ebdomode  ...  xxix.y.  \\\]d.  ob, 

Ebdomoda  prox'  post  ffestum  S'ci  Bartholomei  apostoli. 

It'm  paied  to  Gruff'  ap  Hoell  ap  Gruff',  mason,  for  vj  days 

laboryng  on  the  towne  wails,  takyng  by  the  day  vnV.  iijí.      v]d. 

It'm  paied  to  Ric'  Englefeild,  mason,  for  vj  days  laboryng 

on  the  towne  walls,  takyng  by  the  day  v]d  ob.         ...  iijí.      \\]d. 


I  o8        The  Fate  of  the  Structures  of  Conway 

It'm  paied  to   Thomas   Rochedale,  mason,  for   vj  days 

laboryng  on  the  towne  walls,  takyng  v]d.  ob.  le  day  iijj.      \\\d. 

It'm  paied  to  Denys  Roche,  mason,  for  vj  days  laboryng 

on  the  towne  walls,  takyng  by  the  da'y  v]d.  ob.         ...  Y\]s.      \\]d. 

It'm  paide  to  John  ap  Ieuan,  mason,  for  vj  days  laboryng 

on  the  towne  walls,  takyng  by  the  da'y  v]d.  ob.         ...  iijj.      \\\d. 

It'm  paied  to  Rob't  Roche,  mason,  for  vj  days  laboryng 

on  the  towne  walls,  takyng  by  the  day  v]d.  ob.         ...  \\\s.      \\]d. 

It'm  paied  to  Lewis  ap  Res,  mason,  for  vj  days  laboryng 

on  the  towne  walls,  takyng  by  the  day,  v]d.  ob.        ...  iijí.      \\]d. 

It'm  paied  to  John  Taberner,  laborer,  for  thre  days  worke 

on  the  towne  walls,  takyng  \\\]d.  le  day  ...  x\]d. 

It'm  paied  to  Will'm  Smyth,  laborer,  for  ij  days  laboryng 

on  the  towne  walls,  takyng  every  day  iiijrtf.  ...  v\\\d. 

It'm  paied  to  Thomas  ap  Res  for  hym  and  hys  horse  the 

space  of  iij   days  to  cary  stones  from   the  Friers  of 

Bangor  to  t'he  water  syde,  takyng  by  [the]  day  v]d.  ...  xv\\]d. 

It'm  paied  to  Jamys  ap  Ithell  íor  hym  and  hys  horse  the 

space  of  iij  days  to  cary  stones  from  the  Ffriers  of 

Bangor  to  the  water  syde,  takyng  le  day  v\d.  ...  xviijí/. 

It'm  paied  to  John  ap  Mad[oc]  for  hym  and  hys  horse  the 

space  of  iij  days  to  cary  stones  from  the  seid  Ffriers 

to  the  water  side,  takyng  le  day  v]d.     ...  ...  xv\\]d. 


Summa  eiusdem  Ebdomade  ...      xxìxí.       \]d. 

Ebdomoda  prox'  post  ffestum  Decolationis  S'ci  Johannis  Baptiste 

[2Qth  August]. 

It'm  paied  to  Gruff'  Mason  for  vj  [?v]  days  laboryng  on 

the  towne  wallis,  takyng  by  the  day  vi]d. 
It'm  paied  to  John  ap  Ieuan,  mason,  for  v  days  laboryng 

on  the  towne  wallis,  takyng  by  the  day  v]d.  ob.        ...     \]s. 
It'm  paide  to  Denys  Roche,  mason,  the  space  of  v  days 

laboryng  on  the  key,  takyng  by  the  day  v]d.  ob.        ...     \]s. 
It'm   paied   to    Thomas    Rochedale,  mason,    for    v    days 

laboryng  on  the  Towne  Walles,  takyng  by  the  day 

v]d.  ob.  ...  ...  ...  ...     \]s. 

It'm  paied  to  Ric'  Inglefeild,  mason,  for  v  days  Iaboryng 

on  the  towne  wallis,  takyng  by  the  day  v\d.  ob.        ...     \\s. 
It'm  paied  to  Rob't  Roche,  mason,  the  space  of  v  days 

laboryng  on  the  towne  wallis,  takyng  by  the  day  v]d. 
It'm  paied  to  Lewis  ap  Res,  mason,  for  v  days  labor  on 

the  same  wallis,  takyng  by  the  day  v]d.  ob.  ...     \\s. 

It'm  paied  to  John  ap  Ieuan  ibr  his  costs  in  goyng  into 

Chesshire  to  bryng  the  masons 

It'm  paied  to  David  goch,  mason,  the  space  of  v  days 
laboryng  on  the  key,  takyng  every  day  vd. 

It'm  paied  tn  Thomas  ap  Ithell,  mason,  for  iij  days  laboryng 
on  the  key,  takyng  by  the  day  vjV/. 

It'm  paied  to  D'd  ap  Ll'n,  mason,  for  thre  days  laboryng 
on  the  towne  walls,  takyng  by  the  day  yja. 


\]s.     x]d. 

v\\]d.  ob. 

viijrt'.  ob. 

v\i\d.  ob. 

viijrf.  ob. 

\]s.      v]d. 

v\\]d.  ob. 

xij^. 

\]s.       ]d. 

xviijöT. 

xviij</. 

Abbey,  and  Bangor  and  Beaumaris  Friaries.    109 

It'm  paied  to  Thomas  ap  Grono  í'or  the  hire  of  his  horse 
the  space  of  vj  days  to  carysande  and  morter,  takyng 
every  day  \}d.  ...  ...  ...  xi]d. 

It'm  paied  to  Will'm  Smyth,  laborer,  the  space  of  iiij  days 

laboryng  on  the  towne  walls,  takyng  every  day  iii)d.  xv]d. 

It'm  paied  to  John  Nicolson  í'or  iij  days  laboryng  on  the 

towne  wallis,  takyng  iii]d.  by  the  day  ...  ...  xi]d. 

It'm  paied  to  John  Taberner,  laborer,  for  vj  days  laboryng 

on  the  towne  wallis,  takyng  by  the  day  i\i]d.  ...  i]s. 

It'm  paied  to  Gruff'  ap  Ll'n  for  one  bott  lode  with  stones 

from  Bangor  to  the  key     ...  ...  ...  xxd. 

It'm  paied  to  John  ap  Ieuan,  laborer,  the  space  of  iij  days 

laboryng  on  the  towne  wallis,  takyng  \i\jd.  by  the  day  x'\]d. 

It'm   paied   to   Thomas,  laborer,   the   space   of  iij   days 

laboryng  on  the  towne  walls,  takyng  by  the  day  iii]d.  xi]d. 

It'm  paied  to  Ieuan  ap  Res,  laborer,  for  iij  days  laboryng 

on  the  towne  walles,  takyng  by  the  day  iiijtìf.  ...  xi]d. 

It'm  paied  to  Machyn  [?  Mathyw=Matthew]  Smyth  for 

mendyng  of  the  locke  of  the  lyme  house  ...  i]d. 

It'm  paied  to  Will'm  Smyth  for  one  bote  lode  of  stones 

from  Bangor  to  the  key     ...  ...  ...  xd. 

It'm  paied  to  Hugh  Hampson  for-  one  bote  lode  of  stones 

from  Bangor  to  the  key     ...  ...  ...  xxi]d. 

It'm  paied  to  Will'm  Smyth  for  the  cariage  of  xv  botts 
lode  with  stones  from  the  Ffriers  of  Bewmarries  to 
the  key  ...  ...  ...  ...  vs. 

It'm  paied  to  Thomas  ap  Grono  for  the  hire  of  his  horse 

the  space  of  iij  dayes,  takyng  every  day  i]d.  ...  v]d. 

It'm  paide  to  John  ap  Mad[oc],  laborer,  the  space  of  one 

day  ...  ...  ...  ...  iiij^- 

[m.  i3d.] 

It'm  paied  to  Will'm  Smyth,  laborer,  the  space  of  one 
day  laboryng  on  the  Towne  Walls,  takyng  by  tlie 
day  iiijöf.         ...  ...  ...  ...  iüj^- 

Summa  eiusdem  ebdomode  ...      xliiijí.  ob. 

Ebdomoda  in  festo  Nativitate  B'te  Marie  virginis  [8th  September]. 

It'm   paied  to   Gruff,  mason,    for   yj   days   labor  on  the 

towne  walls,  takyng  every  day  vijrt'.      ...  ...  ii]s.      v]d. 

It'm  paied  to  Denys  Roche,  mason,  for  vj  days  laboryng 

on  the  same  walls,  takyng  by  the  day  v]d.  ob.  ...  i\]s.     ii]d. 

It'm  paied  to  Thomas  Rochedale,  mason,  for  yj  days 
laboryng  on  the  same  walls,  takyng  by  the  day 
v]d.  ob.  ...  ...  ...  ...  ü]s.     H\d. 

It'm  paied  to  Rob't  Roche,  mason,  for  vj  days  laboryng 

011  the  towne  walls,  takyng  by  the  day  v]d.  ...  ii]s. 

It'm  paied  to  Richard  Englafeild,  mason,  for  vj  days 
laboryng  on  the  towne  walls,  taking  by  the  day 
v]d.  ob.  ...  ...  ...  ...  üjí-      üj^- 

It'm  paied  to  Lewis  ap  Res,  mason,  for  vj  days  laboryng 

on  the  towne  walls,  takyng  by  the  day  v]d.  ob.         ...  ii]s.      ii]d. 


Üjí. 

\\]d. 

Ìjí. 

v]d. 

xviìjd. 

1 1  o        The  Fate  of  the  Structures  of  Conway 

It'm  paied  to  John  ap  Ieuan,  mason,  for  yj  days  laboryng 
on  the  towne  walls,  takyng  by  the  day  v\d.  ob. 

It'm  paied  to  D'd  goch,  mason,  for  vj  days  laboryng  on 
the  same  wallis,  takyng  by  the  day  vd. 

It'm  paied  to  Ric'  ap  Will'm,  sclatter,  for  iij  dayslaboryng 
in  sclattyng  of  the  shire  halle,  takyng  every  day  v]d. 

Summa  eiusdem  Ebdomode  ...      xxvjí.      ixd. 

Ebdomoda  prox'  post  ffestum  Exaltationis  S'ci  Crucis  [i4th  September]. 

It'm  paied  to  Gruff'ap  Hoell,  mason,  for  vj  days  laboryng 

on  the  towne  waîls,  takyng  every  day  vij</.  ...  n]s.      v]d. 

It'm  paied  to  Ric'  Englefeild,  mason,  for  vj  days  laboryng 

on  the  towne  walls,  takyng  by  the  day  v]d.  ob.  ...  ii]s      ii]d. 

It'm  paied  to  Thomas  Rochedale,  mason,  for  vj  days 
laboryng  on  the  towne  walls,  takyng  by  the  day 
v]d.  ob.  ...  ...  ...  ...  ii]s.      ii]d. 

It'm  paied  to  Denys  Roche,  mason,  for  vj  days  laboryng 

on  the  towne  walls,  takyng  by  the  day  v]d.  ob.         ...  ii)s.      \\]d. 

It'm  paied  to  Rob't  Roche,  mason,  for  vj  days  laboryng 

on  the  towne  walls,  takyng  by  the  day  v]d.  ...  \i\s. 

It'm  paied  to  John  ap  Ieuan,  mason,  for  vj  days  laboryng 
on  the  towne  walls,  takyng  by  the  day  v]d.  ob. 

It'm  paied  to  Lewis  ap  R  ,  mason,  for  vj  days  laboryng 
on  the  towne  walls,  takyng  le  day  v]d.  ob. 

It'm  paied  to  D'd  ap  Hoell,  mason,  for  vj  days  Iaboryng 
on  the  towne  walls,  taltyng  by  the  day  v]d.  ob. 

It'm  paied  to  D'd  goch,  mason,  for  vj  days  laboryng  on 
the  towne  walls,  takyng  by  the  day  vd. 

It'm  paied  to  Hugh  Holt,  laborer,  for  vj  days  laboryng  on 
the  towne  walls  to  serve  the  masons,  takyng  by  the 
day  iiijrt'.         ...  ...  ...  ...  i]s. 

It'm  paied  to  John  Taberner,  laborer,  for  vj  days  laboryng 

on  tne  key,  takyng  by  the  day  iii]d.      ...  ...  i]s. 

It'm  paied  to  Hugh  ap  John  ap  Will'm,  laborer,  for  vj 
days  laboryng  on  the  key  to  serve  the  masons, 
takyng  by  the  day  iii]d.     ...  ...  ...  i]s. 

It'm  paied  to  John  Maketire,  laborer,  foryi  days  laboryng 
on  the  key,  takyng  by  the  day  iii]d.,  to  serve  the 
masons  ...  ...  ...  ...  ij^. 

It'm  paied  to  Will'm  Smyth,  laborer,  for  vj  days  laboryng 

on  the  key,  takyng  every  day  iiij^.         ...  ...  i]s. 

It'm  paied  to  John  Davyson,  laborer,  lor  v  days  laboryng 
on  the  towne  walls,  takyng  by  the  day  iii]d.,  to  serve 
the  masons    ...  ...  ...  ...  xxc/. 

It'm  paied  to  D'd  ap  D'd,  laborer,  for  iiij  days  laboryng 
on  the  key,  takyng  by  the  day  iiijâT.,  to  serve  the  said 
masons  ...  ...  ...  ...  xv]d. 

It'm  paied  to  Hugh  Hampson  for  one  bott  lode  of  stones 

from  Bangor  to  the  key     ...  ...  ...  xi]d. 

Summa  eiusdem  Ebdomode  ...       x\i]s.     v]d. 


ii\s. 

ii]d. 

ii]s. 

i\]d. 

ii]s. 

i\]d. 

i]s. 

v]d. 

lljí. 

V)(t. 

Üjf. 

\\]d. 

iijj. 

\\]d. 

Üjí. 

\\]d. 

Üjí. 

ü)d. 

UjS. 

Abbey,  and  Bangor  and  Beaumaris  Friaries.  1 1 1 

Ebdomoda  prox'  post  ffestum  S'ci  Mathei  apostoli  [2ist  September]. 

It'm  paied  to  Gruff'  ap  Hoell,  mason,  for  vj  days  laboryng 
on  the  towne  walls,  takyng  by  the  day  v\]d. 

It'm  paied  to  Ric'  Englefeild,  mason,  for  vj  days  laboryng 

on  the  towne  walls,  takyng  by  the  day  v')d.  ob. 
It'm  paied  to  John  ap  Ieuan,  mason,  for  vj  days  laboryng 

on  the  towne  walls,  takyng  by  the  day  vj«.  ob. 
It'm   paied   to   Thomas  Rochedale,  mason,   for  vj   days 

laboryng   on    the   towne   walls,    takyng  by   the  day 

v]d.  ob. 

It'm  paied  to  Denys  Roche,  mason,  for  vj  days  laboryng 

on  the  towne  walls,  takyng  by  the  day  v]d.  ob. 
It'm  paied  to  Rob't  Roche,  mason,  for  vj  days  laboryng 

on  the  towne  walls,  takyng  by  the  day  v]d. 

[m.  14.] 

It'm  payde  to  Lewes  ap  R.,  mason,  for  laboring  on  the 

Towne  Waüys  the  sp'ace  of  vj  days,  takyng  by  the 

daye  v]d.  ob.... 

It'm  payde  to  David  Goch,  mason,  for  vj  days  laboring 
on  the  Towne  Wallys,  takyng  by  the  day  vd. 

It'm  payde  to  Thomas  ap  Ithell,  mason,  for  iij  days 
laboring  on  the  Towne  Walls,  takyng  by  tlie  daye  v]d. 

It'm  payde  to  David  ap  Ll'n,  mason,  for  iij  days  laboryng 

upon  the  Towne  Wallys,  takyng  by  the  day  v]d. 
It'm    payde    to    John   Taberner.    laborer,    for    vj    days 

laboring   upon    the   Towne  Wallys,  takyng   by  the 

daye  \\\\d. 

It'm  payde  to  John  Davyson,  laborer,  for  yj  days  laboring 

on  the  Towne  Wallys,  taking  by  the  daye  iiijrt'. 
It'm  payde  to  John  Maketyre,  laborer,  for  v  days  laboring 

on  the  Towne  Wallys,  takyng  by  the  daye  iiij^.       ...  xxd. 

It'm  payde  to  Jamys  of  the  Hey,  laborer,  for  iij  days 
laboring  on  the  Towne  Wallys,  takyng  by  the  daye 
\\\]d.,  to  serve  the  masons  ...  ...  x\]d. 

It'm  payde  to  Will'm  Smyth,  laborer,  for  one  daye 
laboryng  011  the  Towne  Wallys,  taking  by  the  daye 
u\]d.  ...  ...  ...  ...  \\\]d. 

It'm  payde  to  David  ap  Guttyn,  laborer,  for  iij  days 
laboring  on  the  Towne  Wallys,  takyng  by  the  daye 

\\\]d.  ...  ...  ...  ...  x\]d. 

It'm  payde  to  John  Nycholas  for  v  days  on  the  Towne 

Wallys,  takyng  by  the  daye  \\\]d.,to  serve  the  masons  xxd. 

It'm  payde  to  John  ap  Ithell,  laborer,  for  vdays  laboryng 
on  the  Towne  Wallys,  takyng  by  the  day  \u]d.,  to 
serve  the  masons  ...  ...  ...  xxd. 

It'm  payd  to  Thomas  ap  John  for  iiij  days  laboryng  on 
the  Towne  Wallys,  takyng  by  the  daye  iiijrf.,to  serve 
the  masons    ...  ...  ...  ...  xv]d. 

It'm   payd   to  Ris   Jhonson   for    coordes    to   bynde   the 

scaffold  ...  ...  ...  ...  u]d. 

It'm  payd  for  Roodes  [?  rods]  and  [blank]  to  make  the 

scaffold  ...  ...  ...  ...  v\\]d. 


\\]s. 

\\]d. 

\]s, 

v]d. 

.wiijrt'. 

xv\\\d. 

\]s. 

Ìjí. 

lljí. 

v]d. 

Üjí. 

\\]d. 

Üjí. 

\\]d. 

1 1 2        The  Fate  of  the  Structures  of  Conway 

It'm  paid  to  Thomas  Rychard,  carpynter,  for  one  day's 

laboring  to  make  the  sayd  scaffold        ...  ...  v]d. 

It'm  payd  to  Rouland  Moyle  for  the  cariage  of  one  boate 

loode  of  stones  from  Bangor  to  the  keye  ...  xx\\d. 

It'm  paid  to  Thomas  ap  Grono  for  hym  and  hys  horse 
the  space  of  iij  days  and  di  [3!  days],  takyng  by  the 
daye  v]d.        ...  ...  ...  ...  xx]d. 

It'm  payde  to  Will'm  Smyth  for  ij  botes  lode  of  stones 

from  the  Ffryers  house  at  Bewmarres  to  the  keye  ...  v\\]d. 

Summa  istius  Ebdomade  ...        xlvjí.  v\\\d. 


Ebdomada  in  ffesto  S'ci  Michaelis  archangeli  [29Ü1  September]. 

It'm  paide  to  Gruff'  ap  Hoell,  mason,  for  vj  days  vvorke 

on  the  Towne  Walls,  takyng  by  the  day  v\\d. 
It'm  payde  to  Ris.  Englefeld,  mason,  for  vj  days  laboring 

on  the  Towne  Walls,  takyng  by  the  daye  v]d.  ob.   ... 
It'm  payd  to  John  ap  Ieuan,  mason,  for  vj  days  laboring 

uppon  the  Towne  Walls,  takyng  by  the  daye  v]d.  ob. 

It'm  payde  to  Thomas  Rochedale,  mason,  for  vi  days 
laboring  upon  the  Towne  Walls,  takyng  by  the  daye 
v]d.  ob.  ...  ...  ...  ...  iijí.      \\]d. 

It'm  paid  to  David  ap  Hoell,  mason,  for  v  [vj]  days 
laboring  011  the  Towne  Walls,  takyng  by  the  daye 
v]d.  ob.  ...  ...  ...  ...  iij.?.      \'\]d. 

It'm  payd  to  Denys  Roche,  mason,  for  yj  days  laboring 

on  the  Towne  Walls,  takyng  by  the  daye  v]d.  ob.   ...  \\\s.     \\\d. 

It'm  payd  to  Robert  Roche,  mason,  for  vj  days  laboring 

uppon  the  Towne  Walls,  taking  by  the  daye  v]d.    ...  iij.s. 

It'm  payd  to  Will'm  Smyth,  laborer,  for  vj  days  laboring 
uppon  the  Towne  Walls,  takyng  by  the  daye  iinW., 
to  serve  the  masons  ...  ...  ...  \\s. 

It'm  paid  to  Jamys  of  the  Haye  for  vj  days  laboring  uppon 
the  Towne  Walls,  taking  by  the  daye  \\\]d.,  to  serve 
the  masons   ...  ...  ...  ...  \]s. 

It'm  paid  to  John  Maketire  for  vj  days  laboring  uppon 
the  Towr.e  Walls,  taking  by  the  day  \\\]d.  to  serve 
the  masons   ...  ...  ...  ...  \\s. 

It'm  paid  to  John  Tarberner  for  yj  days  work  on  the 
Towne  Walls,  taking  by  the  daye  \'\\]d.,  to  serve  the 
masons  ...  ...  ...  ...  \]s. 

It'm  paid  to  David  ap  D'd,  laborer,  for  vj  days  working 
uppon  the  Towue  Walls,  taking  by  the  day  iiijrt'.,  to 
serve  the  masons  ...  ...  ...  \]s. 

It'm  paid  to  Hugh  ap  John,  laborer,  for  yj  days  laboring 

uppon  the  Towne  Walls,  taking  by  the  day  \\\]d.     ...  \]s. 

It'm  paid  to  R.  ap  Hoell  ap  Griff'  for  vj   days  laboring 

uppon  the  Towne  Walls,  taking  iiijí^.  by  the  daye  ...  \]s. 

It'm  paid  to  Hugh  a  lowe,  laborer,  working  upon  the 
Towne  Walls,  taking  by  the  space  of  vj  days  for 
every  day  iii]V/.  ...  ...  ...  \]s. 


Abbey,  and  Bangor  and  Beaumaris  Friaries.  1 13 

It'm  paid  to  Hugh  Hampson  for  vj  bote  lodes  of  stones 
caried  from  the  Ffriers  house  of  Bewmares  to  the 
kaye  ...  ...  ...  ...  \)S.      \\d. 


Summa  istius  Ebdomade  ...        x\\s.      \\]d. 

[m.  i4d.] 

Ebdomada  prox,  post  ffestum  S'ci  Michaelis  archangeli. 

It'm  paid  to  Griff ,  mason.  for  iiij  days  work  on  the  towne 

walls,  taking  by  the  day  v'\]d.  ...  ...  \]s.    \\\]d. 

It'm  paid  to  Denys  Roche,  mason,  for  iiij  dais  work  on 
the  Town  Walls,  taking  by  the  daye  v]d.  ob. 

It'm  paid  to  David  ap  Hoell,  mason,  for  iiij  days  laboring 
on  the  Towne  Walls,  taking  by  the  day  v\d.  Gb. 

It'm  paid  to  Thomas  Rochedale,  mason,  for  foure  days 
laboring  uppon  the  Towne  Walls,  taking  by  the  daye 
v]d.  ob. 

It'm  paid  to  David  Ris,  mason,  for  iiij  days  work  upon 
the  same  walls,  taking  by  the  daye  \d. 

It'm  paid  to  Ric'  ap  Ieuan,  laborer,  for  iij  days  laboring 
to  serve  the  sayd  masons,  taking  by  the  day  \\\]d.    ... 

It'm  paid  to  Will'm  Smyth,  laborer,  for  iij  days  laboring 

to  serve  the  masons,  taking  by  the  daye  \\\]d. 
It'm   paid  to  Jamys    of  the  Haye,  laborer,  for  iij  days 

laboring  to  serve  the  masons,  taking  bythe  daye  W'ijd. 
It'm  paid  to  Hugh  ap  John,  laborer,  for  iij  days  laboring 

to  serve  the  sayd  masons,  taking  by  the  day  \\\]d.    ... 

It'm  paid  to  Thomas  ap  John,  laborer,  for  iij  days  labor- 
ing  to  serve  the  masons,  taking  by  the  daye  \i\jd.    ... 

It'm  paid  to  John   Maketore  [sic],  laborer,  for  iij  days 

laboring  to  serve  the  said  masons,  taking  by  the  day 

\\\]d. 
It'm  paid  to  John  Taberner,  laborer,  for  iij  dais  laboring 

on  the  Towne  Walls,  taícing  by  the  daye  \\\]d. 
It'm  paid  to  Gilbert  Robyson  for  lxxj  pecks  of  lyme,  after 

tlie  rate  of  \]d.  le  peck 
It'm  paid  to  Nicholas  Britell  for  viij  pecks  of  lyme,  after 

the  rate  of  \\\]d.  le  peck     ... 

It'm  paid  to  John  ap  Ieuan  ap  Lewes,  smyth,  for  the 
sharping  of  the  masons' toles  [tools]    ... 

It'm  paid  to  all  the  masons  in  rewarde  towards  theyre 
charges  in  going  home 

It'm  paid  to  Robert  Burghill,  surveyor  and  paymaster  of 
the  sayd  works,  attending  uppon  the  workemen  there 
and  riding  from  place  to  place  for  p[ro]visions  for  the 
same,  for  hymself  and  his  horse,  by  the  said  space, 
taking  in  grosse  for  one  hoole  yere,  and  for  ingross- 
ing  the  boke  in  p'cells  [parcels]  as  weli  in  paper  as 
in  p'chement...  ...  ...  ...  xli. 

...    x\\Ui.  x]s.  vd. 
I 


\]s. 

\]d. 

\')S. 

\]d. 

\]s. 

\]d. 

xxd. 

x\\d. 

x\]d. 

x\]d. 

xij</. 

x\]d. 

x\]d. 

x\]d. 

xxx\s. 

v]d. 

\]s. 

v\\]d. 

xs. 

vd. 

\s. 

\\\]d. 

1 1 4   The  Fate  ofthe  Structures  of  Comuay  Abbey,  etc. 

[Total  expenditure  at  Beaumaris,  £41   $s.  yd.] 

Sm'a  total'  istius  1 

bundell'  cont'  l  cxl//.  xiíji-.  íú]d.  ob. 
xiiij  rotuli        J 

p'  me  Joh'em  Pakyngton. 

p'  me  Joh'em  Arnold. 

The  total  expenditure  at  the  different  places  was 

at  Carnarvon  for  18  weeks  ...  ...      £4$     4     7 

,,  Ouay  for  17  weeks  ...        32     1     =;£ 


Harlech,  for  14  weeks 
Beaumaris,  for  16  weeks 

^MO  13  IQè 
There  is  an  error  of  6d.  somewhere  in  the  account. 


77 

6 

o± 

22 

2 

3 

4« 

5 

7 

Çpímarffl  (fíle.  11 8,  fo*.  829=837. 

Introduction,  Transcript  and  Translation, 
By  HUGH  OWEN,  M.A., 

Exhibitioner  at  Liverpool  Uhẁersity  ;   Felloio  of  the  Royal  Historical 

Society. 


^nírobucfíotu 


The  accompanying  extract  from  the  Peniarth  MS.  118 
(foolscap  folio)  was  writtenby  John  David  Rhys1 — better 
known  as  Sion  Dafydd  Rhys — about  the  year  1600.  In 
addition  to  writing  parts  of  Peniarth  MSS,  118,  252,  270, 
316  ;  Cardiff  MS.  18,  and  Llanstephan  MSS.  4Î,  55,  56, 
79, 2  he  published  a  Welsh  Grammar  in  1592  ;  he  died  in 
1617,  aged  80  years.3 

Sion  Dafydd  Rhys's  handwriting  is  fairly  legible  and 
needs  little  comment :  in  the  following  transcript  the 
symbols  6  and  h  are  written  w  and  nn  respectively.  An 
examination  of  the  photographic  reproduction  of  fo.  835 
(facing  p.  142),  which  is  one  quarter  of  the  actual  size, 

^yerified  by  Mr.  T.  Gwynn  Jones,  who  is  familiar  with  John 
David  Rhys'  handwriting. 

2Dr.  Gwenogvryn  Evans'  Report  on  MSS.  in  the  Welsh  Lanyuage. 
Peniarth  MS.  118,  fo.  297  contains  an  autograph  letter  of  W. 
Mydleton  from  Wilton,  dated  lst  Feb.,  1582,  to  Dr.  Davies,  i.e.,  Dr. 
John  Dd.  Rhys.  On  fo.  300  of  the  same  MS.  are  "  Two  para- 
graphs  in  Latin  enjoining  Wm :  ap  Howell,  Dd  :  ap  Dd  :  ap  Morgan, 
and  Tho :  Vaughan  to  hold  their  agreement  with  John  David,  Doctor 
of  Medicine,  concerning  a  dwelling  house,  a  barn  and  two  gardens 
'  in  burgo  Brecon  '  ". 

3  Rowlands,  Llyfryddiaeth  y  Cymry,  p.  63,  but  Rowlands  does  not 
give  his  sources  for  the  date  of  J.  D.  R's  death. 

i2 


iió  Peniarth  Ms.    nS,fos.  829-837. 

gives  an  adequate  idea  of  the  characteristics  of  his  script. 
Apparently  most  of  this  extract  refers  to  the  pre-Norman 
period  in  Welsh  history — when  perhaps  it  was  thought 
that  every  caiw1  had  his  stronghold  or  caer. 

To  the  archseologist  one  of  the  most  interesting  pass- 
ages  is  to  be  found  on  fo.  836,  line  26,  where  it  is  stated 
that  a  caer  was  made  for  the  milting  of  cows  within  it, 
a  statement  that  strengthens  the  idea  entertained  by 
some  scholars  that  most,  if  not  all,  of  the  caers  (and  one 
might  add  din  or  dinas),  of  very  small  area,  throughout 
Wales,  served  no  military  purpose  but  were  used  as 
enclosures  for  cattle  or  sheep. 

The  commonest  place-names  in  Wales  suggesting  fpr- 
tifications  of  some  kind  are  din  or  dinas,  caer,  llys  (?), 
tommen,  and  castellS  It  is  as  difficult  to  distinguish 
between  these  terms  as  it  is  between  the  Irish  dün,  rath, 
lis,  cathair,  and  caisel,3  because  they  are  often  used  in- 
differently1  in  the  literature  of  Wales  and  of  Ireland 
respectively,  to  designate  a  simiìar  object — a  stronghold. 

1 "  On  the  etymology  of  Welsh  cawr,  see  Julius  Pokorny's  article 
in  the  Zeitschrift  für  vergleichende  Sprachforschung,  neue  Folge,  45 
Bd.  1  Heft." — Comniunicated  by  Mr.  J.  Glyn  Davies,  Liverpool 
University. 

2  The  names  din  (both  as  prefix  and  suffix)  or  dinas,  caer,  llys  and 
tommen  seem  to  be  more  frequent  in  North  than  in  South  Wales. 
The  castle — and  with  it  the  word  castell — was  introduced  earlier,  and 
to  a  greater  extent,  in  South  Wales ;  and  as  it  superseded  the  pre- 
viously  constructed  forts,  the  original  name — din  or  dinas,  caer,  llys, 
tommen — would  inevitably  in  many  places  become  obsolete. 

3  O'Curry's  Manners  and  Customs  of  the  Ancient  Irish,  vol.  I., 
pp.  ccxxxviii,  cccv-cccvii,  cccix,  vol.  III.,  p.  3 ;  vol.  I.,  pp.  ccciv- 
cccv;  vol.  I.,  p.  ccciv;  vol.  I.,  pp.  cccvi-cccvii ;  vol.  IV.,  p.  4;  vol.  I., 
pp.  cccv,  cccix. 

4Compare  the  hopeless  manner  in  which  the  nomenclature  of 
mediieval  military  engines  is  confused  by  the  chroniclers :  for 
examples  of  this  see  Oman,  A  History  of  the  Art  of  War  in  the 
Middle  Ages,  p.  545. 


Peniarth  Ms.    nS,/os.  829-837.  117 

From  the  descriptions  available  of  din  or  dinas  sites  in 
Wales  we  find  that  most  of  them  are  strongholds  011 
hill-tops,  and  appear  by  nature  to  be  much  stronger  for 
defence  than  the  caerau.  Evidently  the  din  or  dinas  was 
the  more  primitive  type  of  fort ;  its  area  varied  consider- 
ably — from  half  an  acre  (e.g.  Dinas  near  Dolbadarn  in 
Carnarvonshire)  to  sixty-nine  acres  (e.g.  Dinas  Mawr  in 
Denbighshire). 

The  term  din  means  "  a  fort "  (Irish  dün).  Dinas  in 
Welsh  has  long  come  to  mean  "  a  city ",  and  the  con- 
fusion  of  meanings  between  the  old  and  the  new  is  found 
in  the  inconsequential  place-name  Dinas  Dinlle.1  In 
literary  Welsh  dinas  is  now  feminine,  but  in  place-names 
the  old  masculine  gender .  is  frequently  preserved,  e.g., 
Dinas  Mawr,  Braich  y  Dinas,  Craig  y  Dinas  (near  Clynnog 
in  Carnarvonshire)  ;  however,  the  spoken  form  is  liable 
to  follow  the  modern  feminine  gender,  e.g.,  Braich  y 
Ddinas. 

Caer — particularly  common  in  Snowdonia — is  generally 
applied  to  at  least  two  geographical  types  of  forts  which 
may  be  roughly  distinguished  as  the  hill-caer  and  the 
plain-caer. 

(1)  The  hUl-caer  appears  to  have  been  a  strong  fort  on 
a  comparatively  high  hill — "  a  contour-f ort ",  with  arti- 
ficial  defences  following  the  natural  line  of  the  hill,  and 
often  consisting  of  a  huge  wall  of  loose  stones  to 
encircle  completely  the  summit,  and  necessitating  hard 
and  long  labour  in  its  construction.  It  was  generally 
circular  in  shape  and  enclosed  an  area  of  from  one  to 
two  acres.     Sometimes  this  stronghold,  though  usually  on 

1  Dinas  is  clearly  a  late  super-imposition  in  this  name,  ancl  coulcl 
only  have  been  appliecl  at  a  time  when  the  meaning  of  Dinlle  hacl 
been  forgotten.  Compare  Llyn  Strellyn  (Ystracl-Ilyn)  and  Llyn 
Cicellyn  (Cawell-lyn) — clear  instances  of  tautology. 


n8  Peniarth  Ms.    \\%,  fos.   829-837. 

high  ground,  was  not  entirely  dependent  011  natural  slopes 
for  protection.1 

(2)  The  plain-caer  is  represented  by  a  rectangular  or 
other  enclosure  of  simple  plan  on  fairly  level  ground.2 
This  type  of  fort,  if  not  actually  constructed  by  the 
Romans,  may  be  attributed  to  their  influence,  for  the 
Eomans  rarely,  if  ever,  adapted  British  camps  to  their 
own  use.3  The  Romanized  Britons  may  have  modified  the 
Roman  camps  to  suit  their  own  methods  of  warfare,  but 
it  is  more  likely  that  when  attacked,  they  retreated  to 
their  hills ;  Roman  tactics  were  only  suitable  for  a  B-oman 
drilled  army. 

At  present  the  data  available  are  not  sufficient4  to 
answer  conclusively  the  following  questions  (which  occur 
to  us)  in  connection  with  the  caerau  : — 

(1)  Are  there  plain-caerau  with  which  the  Eomans 
were  unlihely  to  be  connected  ? 

(2)  Can  the  plain-caerau  be  sub-divided  into  marsh- 
caerau5  and  hard-ground  caerau  ? 

1  "  By  our  valuable  MSS.  and  by  traditional  evidence,  of  which 
much  remains  correctly  retained  amongst  our  mountaineers,  we  learn 
that  the  caeran  upon  the  summit  of  our  hills,  were  outposts  of  the 
ancient  inhabitants  ;  here  they  lodged  their  wives  and  children  ;  to 
these  places  they  drove  their  cattle." — Caerwys  MS.  x.  p.  3,  '  An 
Historical  Account  of  the  Ancient  Castles  in  the  Counties  of  Mont- 
yomery  and  Uenbiyh',  by  Angharad  Llwyd. 

2  The  plain-caer  will  not,  of  course,  be  confused  with  the  moated 
homestead  of  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries.  See  Allcroft, 
Earthworjc  of  Enyland,  ch.  xiv. 

1  British  camps  for  the  protection  of  the  tribe — men,  women  and 
children — were  generally  in  isolated  positions  suitable  for  natural 
defence ;  Roman  camps  were  usually  on  a  particular  line  of  march 
and  mostly  intended  for  temporary  occupation  only,  and  that  by 
trained  soldiers. 

4  Only  when  thc  '  Royal  Commission  on  Ancient  Monuments  in 
Walcs  and  Monmouthshire  '  has  completed  its  admirable  Inrentories 
of  thc  Welsh  Counties  can  these  prol)lems  be  adeíjuately  considered. 

5  Some  earthworlis  may  have  been  enclosures  for  cattle  as  a  pro- 


Peniarth  Ms.    nS,/os.   829-837.  119 

(3)  Are  the  hill-caer  and  the  plain-caer  to  be  found 
close  together  ?  If  so,  could  they  have  been  constructed 
by  the  same  race  at  the  same  period  ? 

(4)  Were  any  of  these  caerau  isolated  forts,  or  were 
they  units  in  a  general  system  of  defence  ?  ' 

(5)  Why  are  some  caerau  surrounded  by  a  ditch,  others 
by  stones  ?  Was  this  difference  due  to  the  nature  of  the 
material  available  or  to  the  nature  of  the  ground,  to 
different  builders,  or  to  some  other  cause  ? 

(6)  Was  the  hill-caer  the  British  imitation  of  a 
possibly  Roman  plain-caer?  Was  the  hill-caer  in  general 
use  in  Wales  in  post-Roman  times  and  until  the  intro- 
duction  of  the  motte-castle  ? 

(7)  If  both  the  hill-caer  and  plain-caer  were  post- 
Rouian,  was  the  plain-caer  used  for  domestic  purposes,  and 
the  hill-caer  as  a  watch-post  and  theref ore  made  smaller  ? 

The  etymology  of  the  word  caer  (pl.  caerau,  caeroedd, 

and  caerydd)  cannot  help  us  at  the  present  time  because  it 

is  not  established ;  it  cannot  be  phonetically  derived  f rom 

the  Latin  castra  according  to  the  established  processes  of 

Latin  phonology   in    Welsh — that   is,  the  Latin    of    the 

Roman  occupation — because  no  instance  is  known  of  the 

passing  of  Latin  str  into  Welsh  diphthong  +  r.2     (See  n. 

pp.  148-9.) 

tection  from  wild  animals,  such  aswolves;  awolf  could  cross  a  marsh 
but  heavy  quadrupeds  would  never  succeed  in  doing  so,  hence  a 
marsh  stockade  suggests  its  use  for  military  purposes  only. 

Mr.  Higgins,  Liverpool  University,  suggests  in  a  letter  to  me  that 
Gaencen  means  '  a  fort  on,  or  in  close  proximity  to,  wide  marshlands'. 
In  this  connectiön  compare  Gaerwen  ddu,  showing  that  -icen  cannot 
mean  '  white ' :  is  -wen  the  modern  Welsh  term  -iceun  ? 

1  See  Professor  Haverfield's  '  Military  Aspects  of  Roman  Brítain', 
Y  Cymmrodor  (1910)  p.  67.  Elaborate  fortifications  would  suggest 
permanent  occupation. 

2  (a)  Professor  J.  E.  Lloyd,  Bangor,  in  '  Y  Cymmrodor,'1  vol.  xi., 
pp.  26,  27,  states :  "In  some  parts  of  Cardiganshire  caerau  is  occa- 
sionally  used  for  caeau  'fields'".     W.  O.  Pughe  in  his  Dictionary 


120  Peniarth  Ms.    i\S,/os.   829-837. 

In  the  course  of  time  these  caer-enclosures  fell  into 
disuse  as  forts,  but  coulcl  still  be  used  by  the  natives  for 
herding  cattle,1  and  the  word  caer  might  subsequently  be 
gi-adually  applied  to  cattle  enclosures.  As  a  matter  of 
fact,  in  the  accoinpanying  transcript  of  Peniarth  MS.  118, 
fo.  836,  an  instance  is  given  of  a  caer  being  built  for 
the  purpose  of  niilking  cows  within  it : 

"Drewyn  Gawr  a  wnaeth  Gaer  Drewyn"2  yn  y  Deyrnion, 
am  yr  abhon  a  Chorwen.  Ac  yw  gariad  y  gwnaeth  y  Gaer 
honno,  er  godro  ei gicarthec  yndi". 

(Drewyn  Gawr  made  Caer  Drewyn  in  Deyrnion,  the 
other  side  of  the  river  from  Corwen.  And  to  his  sweetheart 
he  made  that  Caer,  to  milk  her  cows  in.) 

The  language  no  doubt  distinguished  at  some  time 
between  dinas  and  caer,  but  in  what  way  cannot  be  ascer- 
tained  unless  by  archseological  surveys  and  scientific 
excavation.     Was  the  dinas  an  enclosure  bounded  by  a 

(1832)  gives  'caer  y  fynwent',  the  churchyard  wall.     In  the  Welsh 
Bible  caer  is  used  almost  invariably  for  'a  wall'. 

(b)  Compare  Thurneysen,  Handbuch  des  Alt-Irischen,  p.  517,  for 
the  derivation  of  caer  from  castra.— Communicated  by  Mr.  Ifor 
Williams,  Bangor. 

1  Compare  the  following  : 

(a)  "  Probably  the  Romanized  Britons  occupied  the  older  British 
fort  and  modified  its  size  to  suit  their  own  requirements." — Allcroft, 
Earthworh  of  England,  ch.  xi. 

(b)  "  The  Normans  often  adapted  British  and  Roman  works,  but 
these  were  mostly  post-Norman,  and  used  for  domestic,  not  military 
purposes."' — Ibid. 

(c)  "  Long  after  the  lisses  and  raths  were  abandoned  as  dwellings, 
many  of  them  were  turned  to  different  uses  ;  some  of  the  high  dûns 
and  mounds  were  crowned  with  modern  buildings.  The  superstitious 
peasantry  always  felt  the  greatest  reluctance  to  putting  them  under 
tillage ;  but  they  were  often  used  as  pens  for  cattle,  for  which  some 
were  admirably  adapted." — Joyce,  The  Origin  and  History  of  lrish 
Names  of  Places,  vol  i,  p.  284. 

2  "  Kaer  Drewin,  a  round  stone  wall  about  an  acre  of  ground 
where  they  kept  their  cattel  in  war  time." — Ed.  Lhwyd's  Parochialia, 
Arch.  Camb.  (Supplement,  April  1910),  part  ii,  p  44. 


Peniarth  Ms.    118,  fos.   829-837.  121 

wall  of  earth,  and  the  caer  originally  surrounded  by  a  wall 
of  stone  ?  Was  the  dinas  oriefinallv  intended  to  shelter 
the  whole  tribe  and  their  belongings  ?  Was  the  plain-caer 
the  fort  of  the  Romans,  and  the  hill-caer  the  watch-post 
of  the  Britons  in  post-Roman  times  ? 

Of  the  name  Uys1  (Irish  lis=í  a  fort ')  sufficient  ex- 
amples  are  not  as  yet  forthcoming  to  warrant  any  state- 
ment  as  to  the  particular  type  of  the  military  enclosure 
indicated.  In  later  times  llys  certainly  came  to  mean 
'  court',  whether  of  the  judiciary  or  of  the  Crown. 

Another  place-name  suggesting  a  fortification  of  some 
kind  is  tommen — derived  from  Low  Latin  tumba — tomm  -f- 
the  Welsh  femine  singulative  suffix  -en :  tomm  is  also 
applied  to  '  dung-heap  ',  e.g.,  tommen  dail  (English 
'  midden '),  probably  from  the  fact  of  its  having  been 
earthed  up  for  preservation.  By  the  term  tommen?  is  gener- 
ally  meant  an  artifìcial  mount,  with  encircling  ditch  or 

1  («)  Mr.  Ifor  Williams,  Bangor,  in  a  letter  notes  that  in 
'  Culhwch  '  cadlys  is  used  for  '  the  bailey  of  a  castle  ',  and  he  quotes 
the  Myvyrian  Archaiology  (Denbigh,  1870),  p.  226: 

'Nyseuis  na  thwr  na  bwr  (=burgh)  bu  krein'  (=prostrate). 

'  Nac  argoed  na  choed  na  chadlys  drein  (=a  stockade  of  thorns)  ; 
also  the  White  Book  Mabinogion  (J.  Gwenogvryn  Evans,  1907),  p.  244b, 
'mynet  dros  y  teir  catlys  awnaethant  hyt 
pan  dyuuant  y  myón  ygaer'. 
With   cadlys   compare   cadlas — used   in    Carnarvonshire    to-day    to 
denote  an  enclosure  for  the  haystack. 

(6)  Llys :  Indo-Germanìc  plt-su,  Pedersen,  §  413,  i;ognate  with 
English  '  field '. — Communicated  by  Mr.  J.  Glyn  Davies,  Liverpool 
University. 

2  Was  the  tommen  type  of  fort  originally  a  round  barrow  of  the 
pre-historic  age,  bnt  subsequently  adapted  for  military  purposes  ? 
See  B.  C.  A.  Windle,  Remains  of  the  Pre-historic  Aye  in  Enyland 
(Methuen,  1904),  pp.  140-143  ;  also  compare  the  names  Tommen 
Gastelh  (Gwydhelwern),  Tommen  Gastelh  (Lhanvor)  and  Castelh 
Tommen  y  mur(Lhandekwyn)  referred  to  in  Ed.  Lhwyd's  Parochialia 
(Arch.  Camb.,  Supplement  Apr.  1910.  Part  ii,  pp.  49,  62  and  104 
respectively). 


122  Peniarth  Ms.    nS,/os.   829-S37. 

fosse,  the  area  so  enclosed  being  usually  less  than  half  an 
acre,  e.g.,  Tommen  Fawr  (Carnarvonshire),  Tommen  y 
Faerdre  and  Tommen  y  Rhodwydd  (Denbighshire),  Tom- 
men  y  Bala  (Merionethshire),  Tommen  Llanio  (Cardigan- 
shire).  The  tommen  site  is  often  found  on  a  river  bank  or 
on  the  edge  of  a  lake. 

The  frequency  with  which  proper  names  are  attached 
to  the  word  castell  in  place-names  suggests 

(1)  The  personal  element,  and  possibly  indicates  the 
original  builder,  e.g.,  Castell  Madoc  (Brecknockshire) ; 
castell-íorts  bearing  personal  names  are  yrima  facie  com- 
paratively  modern  ; 

(2)  The  proximity  of  a  town,  and  suggests  that  the 
fort  either  protected  the  town  or  held  it  in  subjection,  e.g., 
Castell  y  Wyddgrug. 

Most  of  the  castell-n&mes,  even  where  the  proper 
names  are  absent,  are  applied  to  fortiíied  mounts,  wholly 
or  partly  artificial,  and  probably  of  the  mount-and-bailey 
type.1 

The  type,  as  well  as  the  name,  shows  castell  to  be  a  fort 
of  later  date  than  dinas  or  caer  ;2  it  is  also  evident  that 
castell  was  a  different  kind  of  stronghold  from  the  caer.3 

1  The  descrii)tions  as  yet  available  of  these  eastell-  forts  are  not  in 
theniselves  sufliciently  conclusive  on  this  point. 

2  Castell  occurs  in  the  Booh  of  Llandaf  only  about  six  tinies ;  it 
does  not  appear  once  in  the  Gododin,  which  contains  dinas  six,  and 
caer  four  times.  In  this  connection  it  may  be  observed  that  the 
military  references  in  the  Pedeir  Kainc  of  the  Mabinogion  suggest  a 
period  in  Wales  prior  to  a.d.  1100;  the  descriptions  of  the  castles  in 
the  other  tales  of  the  so-called  Mabinoyion  clearly  refer  to  some  time 
at  least  subsequent  to  a.d.  1250.  [It  is  stated  that  the  Peniarth  MS. 
containing  the  Whitc  Book  Mabinogion  was  written  about  a.d.  li^82  ; 
see  lntroduction  to  White  Book  Mabinogion  (J.  Gwenogvryn  Evans), 
p.  xiii]. 

3  (a)  "Ni  savei  racdun  ruych  pell 

Nac  aer  na  chaerna  chastell".— Myv.  Arch.  (Denbigh)p.  175. 

(Nor  battle  nor  caor  nor  castle  would  stand before 

them.) 


Peniarth  Ms.    118,  fos.  829-837.  123 

The  word  castell  is  generally  assumed  to  be  derived 
from  the  Latin  castellum  (Irish  caisel).1 

In  the  "Extract"  that  follows  the  writer  names,  but 
does  not  attempt  to  disting-uish  between,  various  sites  of 
strong-holds.  He  appears  to  be  more  concerned  with 
deriving-  nearly  all  the  place-names  from  the  names  of 
g-iants  who  once  dwelt  there.  Some  of  these,  so  he  writes, 
dwelt  on  a  moel  (Yscydion,  Ophrom,  Ysbryn)  ;  others  in  a 
caer  (Gwedros,  Hedoc,  Dinas  or  Dynas,  Chwilcin,  Celgan, 
Odwyn,  Clidha,  Phili,  Gwrle,  Drewyn)  ;  two  in  a  bwlch 
(Radyr,  Aedhan) ;  one  in  a  llwyn  (Chwermon),  a  cwrt 
(Mibhod),  a  garth  (Cribwr),  an  ynys  (Cedwyn)  ;  but  most 
of  them  are  stated  to  have  been  dwelling-  in  a  castell 
(Howel,  Lhyphan,  Pyscoc,  Chwil,  Didhannel,  Moel, 
Moythyn,  Mabon,  Ourbryd,  Cymryd,  Maylor,  Cornippin, 
Crygyn,  Bwba,  Bwch,  Ernalht,  Buga,  Trog-i,  Crou,  Gerd- 
han).  The  absence  of  the  name  din  or  dinas  for  a  strong- 
hold  is  signifìcant. 

(b)  The  feature  that  distinguishes  the  castell  from  its  prede- 
cessors — dinas  and  caer — is  the  tower,  whether  the  motte  of  the 
mount-and-bailey  type  or  the  keep  of  the  later  stone  castle.  This 
type  of  stronghold  for  permanent  occupation  suited  a  man  with  only 
a  few  trusted  followers,  and  would  be  quite  unsuitable  to  a  tribe — 
with  women  and  children.  See  Geoffrey  de  Mandeville,  by  J.  H. 
Round  (Longmans,  1892),  p.  328,  who  adds  that  "the  Latin  castellum 
(corresponding  to  the  Welsh  caer),  continued  to  be  regularly  used  as 
descriptive  of  a  fortified  enclosure,  whether  surrounded  by  walls  or 
earthworks,  being  even  applied  by  Giraldus  Cambrensis  to  a  turf 
entrenchment  at  Pembroke".  Probably  in  many  cases  it  was  found 
suitable  to  build  a  tower  in  a  former  din  or  caer,  and  then  utilize  the 
latter  as  a  '  bailey '  :  compare  note  x  (b),  page  120. 

1  "  Caiseal  is  very  common  in  Irish  and  always  used  to  signify  a 
circular  stone  fort,  and  is  either  cognate  with,  or  derived  from,  Latin 
casteüum  ;  it  is  found  in  the  most  ancient  Irish  MSS.  :  the  modern 
form  is  cashel." — Joyce,  The  Orujin  and  History  of  Irish  Names  of 
Places,  vol.  i.,  p.  286. 


124  Peniarth  Ms.   1 18  :  fos.  829-837. 

fo.829        ẅdwicf  from   tytetttoft   (^0.    118. 

Yghwlad    Meirionydh    ymhlwybh  Dol  Gelhe    y  yghymwt 

Tal  y   Bont    y  mae   rnynydh   neu    bhann   neu  bhoel1 

bhawr  uchel 
a  elwir  Cadeir  Idris.2    Ac  yghhylch  godreon  y  brynn  mawr 

hwnn 
y    mae    amrybhaelon    lhycheu    neu    lynnodh3    o    dhwbhr. 

mawr  ac 
uchel  (mal  y  dywedais)  yw'r  mynydh ;  ac  er  i  uched,  ac  er 

an- 
hawdhed    myned   drostaw ;    eissioes   os   bwrir    (medhant) 

phonn 
neu    brenn    aralh    ir    nebun    a    bhynnoch    or    dybhroedh 

hynny,  chwi 
a  gephwch  y   prenn  hwnnw  yn  y  lhynn   aralh  yn  y   tu 

gwrthwy- 
neb  ir  mynydh  hw.nn.     Ac  am  na  elhir  credu  yn  hawdh 
alhu  o'r  prenn  bhyned  dros  draws  penn  mynydh  cyn  ucheled 
10.  ar  hwnn  hynn  yma  ;  ydh  ydis  yn  tybieid  bhod  rhyw  ogobh 
neu  geudawd  o'r  nailh  lynn  ir  lhalh  dann  y  mynydh  yma, 
mal  y  galhei  y  peth  a  bhei  yn  y  nailh  lynn  gael  ei  symud 

ar  y  lhalh.     Ac  ar  y  coryn  uchabh  ir  mynydh  hwnn 
y  mae  megis  lhun  dulh  ryw  wely,  mawr  ei  hyd  a'i  led,  wedy 
15.  ei  bheiliaw  o  bhain  neu  gerric  ossodedic  oe  gylch.  a  hwnn 
a  elwir  Grwely  Idris,  cyd  boed  bhod  yn  debygolach 
y  bhod  yn  bhedh  y  cledhyssid  Idris  yndaw  gynt.     Ac  ebh 

a  dhywe- 
dir  taw  pwy  bynnac  i  dhyn  a  orwedho  ac  a  gysco  ar  y 

gwely  hwnnw,  un 
o'r   dheu    beth   a  dhamchweina  idhaw,   nailh    ai    bod   yn 

Brydydh 
20.  or  bhath  oreu,  ai  ynteu  myned  yn  lhwyr  ynbhyd4  o  honaw. 

Ac 

1  moel  is  a  '  round '  beight — bare. 

2  Marginal   Note :— Cewri   Cymru  |  Idris   Gawr  |  Cymwd  Ystym- 
.  .  |  mer.     Ac  Artliur  |  ai  lhadhodh.  ac  |  wrth  hyny  ydh  oedhynt  | 
cewri  yma  yn  deyrnasu  |  yn  hir  wedy  Brutus  |  Crychan  gawr  yn  | 
trigo  yn  Moel  Cry-  |  chan  yn  gymodawc  |  Idris  gawr.  | 

3  Ihycheu  neu  lynnodh — both  terms  are  vague  in  denoting  the  size 
of  sheets  of  water.  The  writer  may  have  meant  to  give  alternative 
forms  meaning  precisely  the  same  thing. 

4  ynbhyd — O.E.  ungewittige=unreasonable. 


Peniarth  Ms.    ii$:fos.   829837.  125 

&x<x\\&t<xûo\\   of  tfyt  <&\txacL  f0.829 

In  the  land  of  Merioneth  in  the  parish  of  Dolgelly  in 
the  commote  of  Talybont  is  a  mountain  or  peak  or  high 
large  mount  that  is  called  Cader  Idris.1  And  about  the 
foot  of  this  large  hill  are  several  lochs  or  lakes  of  water. 
Large  and  high  (as  I  have  said)  is  the  mountain ;  and 
though  so  high,  and  though  so  difficult  to  cross  over,  yet 
(so  they  say)  if  a  stick  or  other  piece  of  wood  be  thrown 
into  any  you  may  choose  of  those  waters,  you  will  get  that 
wood  in  the  other  lake2  on  the  opposite  side  of  this  moun- 
tain.  And  as  it  is  not  easy  to  believe  that  the  wood  can 
go  over  the  top  of  a  mountain  as  high  as  this  one  here,  it 
is  supposed  that  there  is  some  cave3  or  hollow  from  the 
one  lake  to  the  other  under  this  mountain,  so  that  a  thing 
that  is  in  one  lake  can  be  moved  to  the  other.  And  on 
the  highest  crown  of  this  mountain  is  a  bed-shaped  form  as 
it  were,  great  in  length  a.nd  width,  built  of  slabs  or  stones 
fixed  around  it.  And  this  is  called  The  Bed  of  Idris, 
though  it  is  more  likely  that  it  is  the  grave  in  which 
Idris  was  buried  in  ages  past.  And  it  is  said  thatwhoever 
lies  and  sleeps  on  that  bed,  one  of  two  things  will  happen 
to  him,  either  he  will  be  a  poet  of  the  best  kind,  or  go 
entirely  demented.     And        

1  Marginal  Note  :— The  Giants  of  Wales  |  Giant  Idris  |  The  Com- 
niot  of  |  Ystymmer.     And  Arthur  |  killed  him.     And  |  by  that  there 
were  |  giants    ruling    here    long    after    Brutus  |  Giant    Crychan  | 
dwelling  in  Moel  |  Crychan  |  a  neighbour  |  of  Giant  Idris. 

2  Llyn  Gafr  and  Llyn  y  Gader  on  the  north  side  of  Cader  Idris ; 
Llyn  Can  on  the  other  side. 

3  Twll  yr  Ogof  on  the  west  flank  of  Cader  Idris. 


126  Peniarth  Ms.    nS,fos.   829-837. 

fo.  829  odhiwrth  un  or  lhynnoedh  yssydh  dan  y  mynydh  uchel  y 

rhed 
abhon  bhawr.     Ac  er  hynny  hagen  pryd  y  damweina  habh 

trassych 
y  bydh  eissieu  dwbhr  wrth  bhalu  ar  y  melineu  adeili- 
edic  ar  lann  yr  abhon  honno.     Ac  or  ethryb  hynny  y  gor- 
2g  bhuwyd  yn  bhynych  rydhhau  dwbhr  or  lhynn  hwnnw  er 

achub  diphyc 
dwbhr  y  melineu.     Ac  (medhant)  ny  elhyggwyd  dwbhr 
eirmoed  or  lhynn  hwnnw,  heb  na  bei  yn  dhiannod  ryw 
dymhestl  a  dygybhor  o  law,  atharaneu,  a  melht  neu 
lyched,  yn  damchweinaw  yn  y  bhann  honno.     Ac  yn  y 
30.  mynydh  uchel  hwnn  y  preswylei  gynt  anbhad  aruthr1 
o  gawr,  heb  dhim  lhai  meintiolaeth  ei  gorph  no  phwy  un 
bynnac  o'r  cewri  uchod,  a  hwnn  a  elwid  Idris  gawr. 
Ac  yn  yr  un  plwybh  (Dol  Gelhe)  y  mae  mynydh  a  elwir 
Moel   Yecydion.      Ac    yn    y   mynydh    hwnn    ydh    oedh 

preswyl- 

35.  bhan  y  cawr  mawr  a  elwid  Yscydion  gawr  ac  oe 

36.  enw  ebh  yr  henwid  y  bhoel  honno  yn  bhoel  Yscydion. 

fo.  830  ^c  ym  mhlwybh  Lhan  Bhachreth  y  mae  bryn  neu  bhyn- 

nydh 
a  elwir  Moel  Ophrom  ;   yn  y  lhe  y  preswylei  gynt  Ophrom 
gawr,  ac  oe  enw  ebh  hebhyd  y  cabhas  y  brynn  hwnnw  ei 

enw,  ac 
nyd  pelh  y  bhoel  honno  odhiwrth  Bhoel  Yscydion,  a  lhai 

yw  no 
5.  Moel  Yscydion,  ac  yn  yr  un  wlad  a'r  un  cymwt. 

Ac  yghwlad  Meirionydh  hebhyd  jmi  mhlwybh  lhanylhtyd 
a  chymwt  Ardudwy,  ac  ychydic  odhiwrth  y  moelydh  erailh 
ac  or  tu  aralh   i'r  abhon  a  ranna  y  cymydoedh,  y  mae 

brynn 
aralh  a  elwir  Moel  Ysbryn,  am  bhod  Ysbryn  gawr  ai 
10.  Dricbhan  yno;  o  enw  yr  hwnn,  y  cabhas  y  brynn  ei  enw. 
A'r  cewri  hynn  olh  a  oedhynt  yn  anbherth  o  bheint,  ac  yn 
amser  Idris  gawr,  yr  hwnn  Idris  oedh  yn  deyrn  ac 
yn  Bennaeth  arnadhunt. 

Ac  yghwlad  Meirionydh  hebhyd,  ac  yn  agos  at  Penn 
15  Aran  ym  Mhenlhyn,  a  thann  y  lhe  a  elwir  Bwlch  y 
Groes,  y  mae  bedh  mawr  ei  gyhydedh2  yn  y  lhe  y  dy- 
wedant  dharbhod  cladhu'Lytta  neu  Ritta  neu  Ricca  neu 

1  anbhad  aruthr  0  ffawr=liter.  "an  unholy  terror  of  a  giant". 

2  Cyhydedh  =  '  equality ',  '  parity  '. 


Peniarth  Ms.    118,  fos.  829-837.  127 

froin  one  of  the  lakes  that  is  under  the  high  mountain  fo.  829 
runs  a  large  riyer.1  And  in  spite  of  that  when  a  very  dry 
summer  happens  there  is  lack  of  water  to  grind  in  the 
mills  built  011  the  bank  of  that  river.  And  for  that  reason 
it  was  frequently  necessary  to  release  the  water  from  that 
lake  to  save  the  shortage  of  water  of  the  mills.  And  (so 
they  say)  no  water  was  ever  released  from  that  lake,  that 
there  was  not  at  once  some  storm  and  downpour  of  rain, 
and  thunder,  and  lightning,  happening  in  that  spot.  And 
in  this  high  mountain  formerly  lived  a  big  giant,  not  less 
in  size  of  body  than  any  of  the  above  giants,  and  he  was 
called  Idris  Gawr.  And  in  the  same  parish  (Dolgelly)  is 
a  mountain  called  Moel  Yscydion.  And  in  this  mountain 
was  the  abode  of  a  great  giant  called  Yscydion  Gawr  and 
from  his  name  that  hill  was  called  Moel  Yscydion.2 

And  in  the  parish  of  Llanfachreth  is  a  hill  or  mountain  fo.830 
called  Moel  Ophrom,3  where  formerly  lived  Ophrom  Gawr, 
and  it  is  from  his  name  that  that  hill  derived  its  name, 
and  that  hill  is  not  far  from  Moel  Yscydion,  and  it  is 
smaller  than  Moel  Yscydion,  and  in  the  same  country  and 
the  same  commote. 

And  in  the  land  of  Merioneth  also,  in  the  parish  of 
Llanelltyd  and  the  commote  of  Ardudwy,  and  a  little  from 
the  other  hills  and  on  the  other  side  of  the  river  that 
divides  the  commotes,  is  another  hill  called  Moel  Ysbryn, 
because  Ysbryn  Gawr  had  his  dwelling  there  ;  from  whose 
name  the  hill  received  its  name.  And  all  these  giants 
were  of  enormous  size,  and  in  the  time  of  Idris  Gawr, 
which  Idris  was  king  and  chief  over  them.  And  in  the 
land  of  Merioneth  also,  and  close  to  Pen  Aran  in  Penllyn,1 
and  under  the  place  called  Bwlch  y  Groes,  is  a  grave  of 
great  dimensions  where  they  say  Lytta  or  Ritta  01*  Ricca  or 

1  i.e.,  Dysynni  River. 

2  Moel  Esgidion  or  Moel  Caer  Ynwch  ('  Cantref  Meirionydd ',  gan 
R.  Prys  Morris,  Dolgellan,  1890,  pp.  69,  70):  for  'Caerynwch'  see 
Owen  Jones's  '  Cymru ',  i.,  440,  and  Cambro-Briton,  vol.  ii,  p.  364 
(London,  1821). 

3  '  Now  called  Moel  Offrwm,  1|  miles  South  of  Llanfachraeth '. — 
Owen  Jones's  '  Cymru  ',  ii,  258. 

4  In  N.-E.  Merionethshire  and  containing  Llandderfel  and  four 
other  parishes. 


128  Peniarth  Ms.    1 1 8,  fos.   829-837. 

Rithonwy  neu  Itto  gawr ;  corph   yr  hwnn  a  dharoedh  y 

rei  o  genedl  y 
cewri  ei  symud  o  Eryri,  hyd  yn  agos  i  bhynydh  yr  Aran 

20-  bhawr  yni  Mhenlhyn.     Y  Ehicca  gawr  hwnn,  a  ymladh- 
assei  Arthur  ac  ebh,  ac  a  ladhassei  yn  Eryri.     A'r 
cawr  hwnn  hynn  a  wnaethodh  idhaw  ehun  pilis  o 
bharbheu  brenhinedh,  a  ryladlryssei  ebh.     Ac  anbhon  a 
oruc  at  Arthur  i  erchi  idhaw  ynteu  bhlighaw1  ei  bharbh 
ehu- 

25.  nan  a'e  hanbhon  idhaw/     Ac  megis  ydh  oedh  Arthur  yn 
bennabh  ar  y  brenhinedh  ;  ynteu  a  dhodei  ei  bharbh  ebhyn 
uchabh  ar  y  pilis3  o'r  barbheu  ereilh  olh  er  enrhydedh  i 
Arthur.     Ac  ony  wnelei  ebh  hynny  ;   erchi  i  Arthur  dhy- 
bhod  i  ymladh  ac  ebli ;  ar  trechabh  o  nadhunt  cymered 

30-  bilis  o  bharbh  y  lhalh.     A'  gwedy  eu  mjmed  i  ymladh 
y  cabhas  Arthur  y  bhudhugoliaeth  ac  y  cymerth  bharbh 


y  cawr  a'e'  bilis,' — Itto  gawr 

na  chy- 
bhyrdhyssei  ac  ebh  eirioed  yr 
cawr  hwnnw.     A'  gwedy  caph 
35.  aeth  honno,  yn  yr  eil  wylbha 


yn  galw  .  .   .  .,  a  dhywedei 

eilgwr  cyn  dhewi-ed  a'r 
el  o  Arthur  y  bhudhugoli- 
o'r  nos  wynt  a  dhoethant5 


1  '  blingo '  means  to  take  the  skin  off,  as  well  as  to  '  scalp  '  his 
beard. 

2  This  demand  of  Rhitta  Gawr  is  detailed  in  '  Morte  Arthur',  I. 
c.  xxvii.  See  also  '  The  Mabinogùm',  translated  by  Lady  Charlotte 
Guest,  ed.  by  Ernest  Rhys  (J.  M.  Dent  &  Co.),  notes  pp.  326-7. 

3 pilis.  M.E.  pilche  =  a  furred  garment ;  O.E.  pylce ;  L.  pellicea 
=  made  of  skins. 

4  Marginal  Note  (Roman  numerals  denote  the  number  of  each  five 
lines) : — 

Ac  erailh  a  adrodhant  yr  hystoria  bhal  hynn,  nyd  amgen : 

Itto  gawr  yn  galw  ehunan  (v)  bhrehin  gwynedh  yn  amser  Arthur 
a  dhanbhones  at  Arthur  i  obhyn  ei  bharbh  ef .  Ac  Arthur  ai  gom- 
edhei  idho.  Ac  ar  hynny  (x)  ymgybharbhod  a  orugant  ar  benn 
brynn  ai  enw  bwlch  y  groes  rhwgh  mowdhwy  a  phenlhyn  yghwlad 
meirionydh.  Ac  yn  yr  yuigy-  (xv)  bharbhod  drwy  dheisybhiad  Itto, 
y  bwriassant  eu  harbheu  odhiwrthunt,  er  probhi  eu  crybhder.  Ac 
or  diwedh  wrth  ymdrech,  a  thann  (xx)  ymdreiglo,  y  daethant  i'r 
gwastad,  y  lhe  a  elwir  Blaen  Cynlhwyd,  wedy  tynnu  barbheu  eu 
gilydh.  ac  er  cobhiadigaeth  am  (xxv)  hynny,  y  gelwir  y  bryn  hwnnw, 
Rhiw  y  Barbheu,  A'gwedy  hynny,  ymladh  a  wnaethant  aicledhybheu, 
yn  y  lhe  y  lhadhodh  Arthur  y  (xxx)  cawr;  yn  yr  hwnn  lhe  y  mae 
bedh  Itto  oe  weled  hyd  hedhiw  yn  nhroed  y  rhiw. 

Iwni  gawr. 
(xxxv)  Iwni  gawr  yn  trigo  ygghhymwd  Penlhyn  yn  lhe  a  elwir  etto 
Cebhn  Caer  Iwni,  ar  lhe  y  mae  etto  (xxxix)  ol  ei  hen  gastelh  ebh. 

6  Vertical  line  drawn  (as  indicated)  through  the  last  four  lines 
(32-35). 


Peniarth  Ms.    i  iS, /os.  829-837.  129 

Rithonwy  or  Itto  Gawr  was  buried  ;  whose  body  someío-830 
of  the  tribe  of  the  giants  removed  from  Eryri  to  some- 
where  near  Mynydd  Aran  Fawr  in  Penllyn.  This  Ricca 
Gawr  was  the  one  with  whom  Arthur  had  fought  and  had 
ldlled  in  Eryri.  And  this  giant  made  this  for  himself,  a 
robe  of  the  beards  of  the  kings  he  had  lnlled.  And  he 
sent  to  Arthur  to  order  him  to  cut  off  his  own  (i.e., 
Arthur's)  beard  and  send  it  to  him.  And  as  Arthur  was 
the  chief  of  the  Kings,  he  would  place  his  beard  above  the 
other  beards  as  an  honour  to  Arthur.  And  if  he  would 
not  do  that,  he  begged  Arthur  to  come  and  fight  him ; 
and  the  victorious  of  them  to  make  a  robe  from  the 
other's  beard.     And  after  they  went  to  fight  Arthur  had 


the  victory  and  he  took  the 
Itto  Gawr  said  he  never  m 
as  that  giant.  And  when  A 
in  the  second  watch  of  the  n 


giant's  beard  and  his  robe. 
et  a  second  man  as  brave 
rthur  had  got  that  victory, 
ight  they  caine 


Marginal  Note : — 

And  others  relate  the  story  thus,  namely : 

Itto  Gawr,  callinghimself  king  of  Gwynedd  in  the  time  of  Arthur, 
sent  to  Arthur  to  ask  for  his  beard.  And  Arthur  refused  it  to  him. 
And  on  this  they  met  on  the  top  of  a  hill  called  Bwlch  y  Groes  between 
Mowddwy  and  Penllyn  in  the  land  of  Merioneth.  And  in  the  meet- 
ing  at  Itto's  wish,  they  cast  their  weapons  away  from  them,  to  prove 
their  strength.  And  at  last  by  a  struggle,  and  by  rolling,  they  came  to 
the  plain,  to  the  place  calJed  Blaen  Cynllwyd,1  after  plucking  each 
other's  beards.  And  in  remembrance  of  that,  that  hill  is  called 
Rhiw  y  Barfau.2  And  after  that,  they  fought  with  their  swords,  in 
the  place  where  Arthur  killed  the  giant :  in  which  place  is  Itto's 
grave  to  be  seen  to  this  day  at  the  foot  of  the  slope. 

Iwni  gawr, 

Iwni  Gawr  lived  in  the  commote  of  Penllyn  in  a  place  still  called 
Cefn  Caer  Iwni,3  and  the  place  where  still  is  a  trace  of  his  old 
castle. 


1  i.e.,  Cwm  Cynllwyd,  in  which  a  stream  runs  from  Bwlch  y  Groes 
to  Bala  Lake. 

2  Cp.  Pfynonau'r  Barfau  in  Bardsey  Island.  The  tradition  there 
is  that  these  small  wells  were  used  by  the  monks  for  shaving  pur- 
poses. 

3  Cefn  Caereini  or  Y  Gaer,  O.  Jones's  Cymru,  ii,  64  ;  Caer  Creini 
or  Crwyni,  Caer  Crwyn,  O.  Jones's  Cymru,  ii,  657  (and  map);  Caerau 
Crwyni,  Pennant's  Tours,  ii,  205,  Arch.  Camb.,  II,  ii,  54  ill  ;  IV,  xii, 
307  ill. ;  V,  i,  343.     Cp.  Llyn  Creini. 

K 


130  Peniarth  Ms.    118,  fos.   829-837. 

fo.  831  Yghwlad   Aber  Teibhi  ac  ym  mhlwybh  Lhan  Dyssiliaw  y 
mae  lhe  a  elwir  Caer  Wedros.     Ar  caer  hwnnw  a  elwid 

bhelhy  ac  a  elwir  etto 
o  achaws  bod  Gwedros  gawr  yn  trigiaw  yno  gynt. 
Ac  yghwlad  Aber  Teibhi  ac  ym  mhlwybh  Lhan  Dyssul  yr 
5  oedh  cawr  yn  trigiaw  ai  enw  Howel  gawr  ;  a'r  lhe  yr 
oedh  yn  aros  yndaw  a  elwir  etto  Castelh  Howel  gawr. 
Ac  yghwlad  Aber  Teibhi  ac  ym  mhlwybh  Lhan  Bhair  or 

Lhwyn 
ydh  oedh  cawr  a  elwid  Lhyphan  gawr,  a'r  lhe  ydh  oedh 
«  ebh  yn  tri 

giaw  yndaw,  a  elwir  etto  Castelh  Lhyphan  gawr. 
10  Ac  yghwlad  Aber  Teibhi  ac  yn  plwybh  Bangor  ydh  oedh 

Pyscoc 
gawr  yn  preswyl ;  a'r  lhe  ydh  oedh  ebh  yn  trigaw  yndaw 

a  el- 
wir  etto  Castelh  Pyscoc  gawr. 
Tair  gwidhones1  oedh  yn  wragedh  i'r  tri  chawr  dwethabh, 

nyd  amgen, 
i  Howel  gawr,  a  Lhyphan  gawr,  a  Pyscoc  gawr ;  a'r  tair 

widhones 
15  hynny  a  ladhwyd  (medhant)  gan  Walchmei  nai  Arthur  ; 
drwy  dhichelhon,  herwydh  na  elhid  ei  dibha  wy  mywn 

modh 
amgenach  nac  yn  dhichelhgar,  gan  bhaint  eu  crybhder  a'i 

grym. 
a   thair   chwiorydh  oedhynt  y  tair  gwidhones  hynn  ;  ac 

obhywn  y 
tri  chastelh  y  lhadwyd,  nyd  amgen,  castelh  Howel,  castelh 

Lhy- 
•20  phan,  a  chastelh  Pyscoc,  herwydh  a  dhywedir  am  danunt. 
Yghwlad  Aber  Teibhi  ac  jm  mhlwybh  lhan  D}rssul  y  pre- 
swyliei   gynt   Hedoc   gawr ;    a'r    lhe   ydh   oedh   el»h    yn 

preswyl 
yndaw,  a  elwir  etto  caer  Hedoc  gawr. 

»  '  gwi.ìdon  '  (/).     See  Rhys's  Celtic  Folh  Lore. 


Peniarth  Ms.    nS,/os.  829-837.  131 

In  the  land  of  Aberteiü  and  in  the  parish  ot'  Llan  Dyssil-  fo.831 
iaw1  is  a  place  called  Caer  Wedros."     And  that  caer  was 
called  thus,  and  is  still  so  called  because  Gwedros  Gawr 
formerly  lived  there. 

And  in  the  land  of  Aberteifì  and  in  the  parish  of  Llan 
Dyssul3  lived  a  giant  and  his  name  was  Howel  Gawr ;  and 
the  place  he  lived  in  is  still  called  Castell  Howel  Gawr.4 

And  in  the  land  of  Aberteifi  and  in  the  parish  of  Llan- 
fair  or  Llwyn5  was  a  g-iant  called  Llyphan  Gawr,  and  the 
place  he  lived  in  is  still  called  Castell  Llyphan  Gawr. 

And  in  the  land  of  Aberteifì  and  in  the  parish  of 
Bangor'  lived  Pyscoc  Gawr ;  and  the  place  he  dwelt  in  is 
still  called  Castell  Pyscoc  Gawr.7 

Three  witches  were  wives  to  the  last  three  g-iants, 
namely,  to  Howel  Gawr,  and  Llyphan  Gawr,  and  Pyscoc 
Gawr ;  and  those  three  giantesses  were  killed  (they  say) 
by  Gwalchmar  the  nephew  of  Arthur  by  trickery, 
because  they  could  not  be  destroyed  except  by  cunning, 
011  account  of  their  strength  and  power.  And  three 
sisters  were  these  three  witches  ;  and  within  the  three 
castles  they  were  killed,  namely,  Castell  Howell,  Castell 
Llyphan,  and  Castell  Pyscoc,  according  to  what  is 
related  of  them. 

In  the  land  of  Aberteifi  and  in  the  parish  of  Llan 
Dyssul  formerly  lived  Hedoc  Gawr;  and  the  place  he  lived 
in  is  still  called  Caer  Hedoc  Gawr.9 

1  Llandyssilio-gogo,  or  Gogofau,  18  miles  W.N.W.  of  Lampeter  and 
7\  miles  from  Aberaeron. 

2  Castell  Llwyn  Dafydd  or  Castell  Mabwynion  (0.  Jones's  Cymru, 
ii,  61),  or  Meib  Wnion  (or  Castell  Caerwaredros—  0.  Jones's  Gymru,  i, 
77,  315). 

3  Llandyssul,  on  River  Teivi  on  the  Carmarthen  border,  and  8£ 
miles  E.  of  Newcastle  Emlyn. 

4  Castell  Howel  or  Humphrey.  See  O.  Jones's  Cymru,  i,  78,  280 ; 
ii,  62  (bis) ;  Arch.  Camb.,  I,  i,  44  ;  III,  vi,  172  ;  Y  Geninen,  xxx,  p.  144 
(1912). 

3  Llanfair-Orllwyn  on  the  River  Teivi  on  the  Carmarthen  border, 
and  4  miles  E.  of  Newcastle  Emlyn. 

6  Bangor — 5^  miles  E.  of  Newcastle  Emlyn. 

7  Castell  Pistog.     See  O.  Jones's  Cymru,  i,  78,  107. 

8  Is  this  Gwalchmai  ab  Gwyar,  nephew  son  of  Arthur's  sister,  by 
Gwyar,  her  second  husband  ?  O.  Jones's  Cymru  i,  602 ;  see  also 
Lady  C.  Guest's  Mabinogion,  i,  122. 

9  Moel  Hebog  (Carnarvonshire)  is  called  Moel  Hedog  or  Moli 
hedog  about  Criccieth. 

k2 


132  Peniarth  Ms.    118,  fos.  829-837. 

fo.  831  Ac  yghwlad  Aber  Teibhi  ac  ym  mhlw}rbh  lharm  Drenoc1 
25  y  trigiei  gynt  Chwîl  gawr  ;  a'r  Ihe  ydh  oedh  ebh  yn  aros 
yndaw,  a  elwir  etto  Castelh  Chwîl  gawr.2 

Yghwlad  Aber  Teibhi  yn  ystrad  ydh  oedh  gynt  Didhan- 
nel  gawr,  a'r  lhe  ydh  oedh  yn  aros  yndaw  oe  enw  ebh 
a  elwid,  ac  a  elwir  etto  Castelh  Didhannel. 

30  Ac  yghwlad  Aber  Teibhi  yn  Ystrad  uchod  y  preswyliei 
Moel  gawr,  a'r  lhe  ydh  oedh  yn  trigiaw  yndaw,  a  elwir 
etto,  Castelh  Moel. 

Ac  yghwlad  Aber  Teibhi,  yn  lhann  Arth  ydh  oedli  Moy- 
34  thyn  gawr,  a'e  breswylbhod  a  elwir  etto  Castelh  Moythyn. 
fo.  832  Yghwlad  Aber  Teibhi  ydh  oedh  cawr  a  elwid 

Mibhod  gawr,  a'r  lhe  ydh  oedh  yn  aros  yndaw  a  elwir  etto 

Cwrt 
Mibhod. 

Ac  yghwlad  Caer  Bhyrdhin  jn  lhann  Sawel  ydh  oedh 
5  pedwar  o  gewri,  a'r  rhai  hynny  yn  bedwar  brodyr  ;  nyd 
amgen  Mabon  gawr ;  ar  lhe  a  gybhanhedhei  y  cawr  hwnn, 
a  elwir  hedhiw  a  henw  Castelh  Bhabon  ;  a'r  ail  a  elwid 
Dinas  gawr ;  a'r  lhe  y  preswyliei  yndaw  a  elwir  etto  Caer 
Dhinas  gawr.  a'r  ferydydh  a  elwir  Chwilcin  neu  Wilcin 
10  gawr  ;  a'r  bhan  yr  arhossei  yndaw  a  elwir  etwa  Caer  Wilc- 
cin.     A'r  pedwerydh  a  elwir  Celgan  gawr,  a'r  lhe  y 
trigiei  yndaw  a  elwir  etto  Caer  Celgan. 


1  '  Wenog  '  written  in  ink  above  '  Drenoc '  by  later  writer. 
2 '  Crug  y  hwil '  written  in  margin  by  later  writer. 


Peniarth  Ms.    118,/os.  829-837.  133 

And  in  the  land  of  Aberteifì  and  in  the  parish  of  Llan  fo.  831 
Drenoc'    formerly  lived  Chwîl  Gawr :    and    the   place  he 
abode  in  is  still  called  Castell  Chwîl  Gawr.2 

In  the  land  of  Aberteifi  in  Ystrad3  was  formerly 
Diddanel  Gawr,  and  the  place  he  lived  in  was  named 
after  him,  and  is  still  called  Castell  Diddanel. 

And  in  the  land  of  Aberteifì  in  the  above  Ystrad  there 
dwelt  Moel  Gawr,  and  the  place  he  lived  in  is  still  called 
Castell  Moel.4 

And  in  the  land  of  Aberteifi  in  Llan  Arth'  was 
Moythyn  Gawr,  and  his  abode  is  still  called  Castell 
Moythyn.6 

In  the  land  of  Aberteifi  was  a  giant  called  Meifod  Gawr,7  fo- 832 
and  the  place  he  dwelt  in  is  still  called  Cwrt  Meifod.8 

And  in  the  land  of  Caerfyrddin  in  Llan  Sawel9 
were  four  giants,  and  these  were  four  brothers,  namely 
Mabon  Gawr,  and  the  place  in  which  this  giant  dwelt  is 
called  to-day  by  the  name  Castell  Fabon ;  and  the  second 
was  called  Dinas  Gawr,  and  the  place  he  dwelt  in  is  still 
called  Caer  Dinas  Gawr.  And  the  third  is  called  Chwilcin 
or  Wilcin  Gawr,  and  the  place  he  dwelt  in  is  still  called 
Caer  Wilcin.  And  the  fourth  is  called  Celgan  Gawr,  and 
the  place  he  lived  in  is  still  called  Caer  Celgan. 

1  Llanwennog— 6  miles  W.S.W.  Lampeter  Railway  Station.— 
O.  Jones's  Cymru,  i,  78  ;  ii,  179. 

2  Is  it  identical  with  Castell  Moyddin  ? — O.  Jones's  Cym.ru  ii,  179. 
Cf .  Castell  Moyddyn  infra. 

3  I ^strad  (a)  in  Caron  îs  Clawdd  parish  near  Tregaron. — O.Jones's 

Cymru,  ii,  647. 
(b)  in  Llanddewi    Brefi  parish  3^  miles  S.W.S.  of  Tre- 
garon. —  O.  Jones's  Cymru,  ii,  647. 
Ystrad  Fflur—òh  miles  N.E.  Tregaron.— O.  Jones's   Cym.ru, 

i,  274-5. 
Llanfihangel  Ystrad— 6|  miles  S  E.  Aberaeron. — O.  Jones's 
Cymru,  ii,  114. 

4  Castell  Yspytty  Ystrad  Meurig. — O.  Jones's  Cymru,  i,  78 ;  ii,  646. 

5  Llánarth. 

6  Castell  Moeddyn.—  O.  Jones's  Cymru,  i,  77 ;  II,  ii,  298;  Arch. 
Camb.,  VI,  x,  374. 

7  ?  Meifod— 6  miles  N.W.  of  Welshpool  in  Montgomeryshire. — 
O.  Jones's  Cymru,  ii,  252.  (Other  '  Meifods '  in  Brecknockshire, 
Radnorshire  and  Carmarthenshire.) 

8  ?  Cwrt  Newydd — 5  miles  W.  of  Lampeter. — (O.  Jones's  Cymru — 

map). 
?  Cwrt  Earthwork — Arch.  Camb.,  IV,  ix,  344. 

,J  Llan  sawel  or  Llan  sawyl— 8  miles  N.W.  Llangadoclc. 


134 


Peniarth  Ms.    nS,/os.   829-837. 


fo.  832  Yghwlad  Caer  Bhyrdhin  ac  yn  lhann  y  Crwys  ydh  oedh 
cawr 
a  elwid  Chwermon  gawr,  a'r  lhe  yr  oedh  yn  trigiaw  yndo, 
15  a  elwir  etto  lhwyn  Chwermon. 

Ac  yghwlad  Caer  Bhyrdhin  yn  mhlwybh  Cynwil  ydh  oedh 
cawr  a  elwid  Ladyr  neu  Radyr  gawr ;  ar  lhe  ydh  oedh 
yn  aros  yndaw  a  elwir  etto  Bwlch  Rhiw  Radyr. 

Ac  yghwlad  Caer  Bhyrdhin  yn  Cynwil  Gayo  ydh  oedh 
20  cawr  a  elwid  Cynwil  gawr,  a  dyna  yr  achaws,  agatbhydh 
paham  y  gelwir  y  lhe  etto  Cynwil,  a  gwr  dwywawl  ydoedh 
hwnnw, 

Ac  yghwlad  Caer  Bhyrdhin  3^11  lhann  lhony  ydh  oedh 
Oerbryd  neu  Eurbryd  gawr,  a'r  lhe  ydh  oedh  ebh  yn 
ei  gybhanhedhu,  a  elwir  etto  Castelh  Ourbryd. 

25  Ac  yn  yr  un  plwybh  a'r  lhe  ydh  oedh  Cymryd  gawr,  a'r 
lhe   ydh   oedh   yn   trigaw   yndaw,    a   elwir   etto   Castelh 
Cymryd. 

/Gogbhran  gawr  a  oedh  yn  trigo  yn  Aber 

Ysgyr  yn  y 
caer  uch  yr  abhon. 

Mwghmawr   drebhi1  a   oebh   yn   trigo   yn 
caereu  yssydh  dir  yr  awr  hon  i  Rosser 
Howel  o'r  gaer. 
Crystil  gawr  yn  nghwlad  y  Cruc  wrth  bont 

wilim 
Crwcast  gawr  yn  trigo  ym  mhen  Crwcast. 

eraill2  a 
1  dhywedant  Crow  castell,  Castell  y  brain. 


30  ygwlad  Bry- 
cheinawc  yn- 
agos  i  drebh 

32  Aber  Hodni. 


1  Mwngmaicr  Arefî—' Mug  mawr  drewydd '— Blach  BooJt  of  Car- 
marthen,  J.  Gwenogvryn  Evans  (Pwllheli,  1906),  93-1,  93-6,  108-5. 

2  From  this  word  to  the  end  of  the  following  line  is  written  in  a 
different  hand— probably  a  later  note. 


Peniarth  Ms.    118,  fos.   829-837.  135 

In  the  land  of  Caerfyrddin  and  in   Llan  y  Crwys'  was  a  fo.  832 
giant  called  Chwermon  Gawr,  and  the  place  he  dwelt  in 
is  still  called  Llwyn  Chwermon. 

And  in  the  land  of  Caerfyrddin  in  the  parish  of 
Cynwil2  was  a  giant  called  Ladyr  or  Radyr  Gawr3,  and  tlie 
place  he  lived  in  is  still  called  Bwlch  Rhiw  Radyr.4 

And  in  the  land  of  Caerfyrddin  in  Cynwil  Gayo°  was  a 
giant  called  Cynwil  Gawr,  and  that  is  the  reason,  perhaps, 
why  the  place  is  still  called  Cynwil,  and  he  was  a  godly 
man. 

And  in  the  land  of  Caerfyrddin  in  Llan  llony  was 
Oerbryd  or  Eurbryd  Gawr,  and  the  place  he  dwelt  in  is 
still  called  Castell  Ourbryd. 

And  in  the  same  parish  and  place  was  Cymryd  Gawr, 
and  the  pìace  he  dwelt  in  is  still  called  Casteìl  Cymryd. 

'Gogfran  GawrG  lived  in  Aber  Ysgyr7  in  the 

caer  above  the  river. 
Mwnsrmawr  drefì  lived  in  the  caerau  which 


In  the  land  of 
Brycheiniog 
near  to  the 
town  of  Aber 
Hodni. 


land  now  belongs  to  Rosser  Howel  of 

the  gaer. 
Crystil  Gawr  in  the  land  of  the  Cruc  by 

Bont  wilim. 
Crwcast  Gawr  dwelling  in  the  top  of  Crw- 

cast.    Others  say  Castell  Crow,s  Castell 

y  brain. 


1  Llanycrwys — on  Roman  road,  4  miles  E.  by  S.  of  Lampeter 
Railway  Station,  and  near  the  Cardiganshire  boundary. — O.  Jones's 
Cymru,  ii,  183. 

2  St.  Cynwyl  in  the  sixth  century  founded 

(i)  Cynwyl  Gaio  Church — 8  miles  N.W.  by  N.  of  Llanymddyfri 
and  Caer  Caio  there  situated. — O.  Jones's  Cymru,  i,  260. 

(ii)  Cymvyl  Elfed  Church — 6  miles  N.N.W.  Carmarthen — in 
Carmarthenshire. — 0.  Jones's  Cymru,  i,  367. 

3  Is  Radyr— Rhaiadr  ? 

4  Bwlch  y  rhiw — 5  miles  N.W.  Conwil  Cayo. — O.  Jones's  Cymru 
(map). 

5  Caer  Caio — O.  Jones's  Cymru  i,  260. 

6  Gogyrfan  Gawr,  father  of  Gwenhwyfar — Caer  Ogyrfan  (Old 
Oswestry). — O.  Jones's  Cymru,  i,  585. 

7  Aberyscir  or  Aber-esgair — 3imiles  W.N.W.  Aberhonddu.  There 
is  '  Y  Gaer '  or  Gaer  Bannau  (on  the  East  bank  of  Yscir  opposite  to 
the  village),  also  an  artificial  hillocli. — O.  Jones's  Cymru,  i,  82. 

8  Crowcastle. 


136  Peniarth  Ms.    118,  fos.  829-837. 

fo.  833  Ac  yghwlad  Aber  Teiblii  ydh  oedh  gynt  cyn  110  dybhod 

Brutus 
ir  ynys  honn,  Maylor  gawr,  a'r  lhe  y  preswylei  yndaw,  a 

elwir 
etto  Castelh  Maylor  adeiliedic  ar  bhrynn  uchel  neu  drum 
lann  uchel  a  enwir  y  Dinas  ar  y  nailh  ystlys  i'r  abhon 
5  ystwyth  o  bhywn  rhydhdir  trebh  Aber  Ystwyth.     Ac  i'r 

May- 
lor  gawr  hwnn  ydh  oedh  tri  meib,  nyd  amgen,  Cornippin 

gawr, 
a  Crygyn  gawr,  a  Bwba  gawr.     Cornippin  gawr  a  gy- 
bhanhedhei  gastelh  a  elwir  etto  o'i  enw  ebh  ehun,  nyd 

amgen 
Castelh  Cornippin  yn  gybharwyneb  a  Chastelh  Maylor  or 
10  ystlys  aralh  i'r  abhon  Ystwyth  ym  mhlwybh  Lhan  Ychay- 
arn  obhywn  cymwd  Mebhonydh.     Ac  ebh  a  dhamchwei- 
anawdh  i  Bhaylor  gawr  gael  ei  dhala  yn  gaeth  yn  lhe  a 
elwid  Cybheiloc  yghhylch  deudhec  milhtir  odhiwrth  ei 
gastelh  ehun ;  ac  yn  barawd  cael  ei  dhodi  i  agheu,  ebh 
15  a  dheiss}rbhawdh  ar  ei  elynion  gael  cennad  i  chwythu  yn  ei 
gorn  deirgweith  cyn  godhebh  i  agheu.     yr  hynn  beth  a 

genhatawyd 
idhaw.     Ac  yna  y  chwythei  ebh  yn  ei  gorn  y  chwythiad 
cyntabh   hyd   yny   gwympei    gwalht    ei    benn    a    blew   ei 

bharbh. 
Ac  ar  ei  eil  chwythiad  yn  ei  gorn,  cymeint  oedh  o  nerth  ac 
20  angerdh  yn  y  chwyth  ac  y  cwympei  yn  lhwyr  holh  ewinedh 
byssedh  ei  dhwylo  a'e  draed.     Ac  ar  y  trydydh  chwythiad 
yn  ei  gorn  y  parei  angerdh  grymm  y  chwyth  ir  corn 
dorri  yn  gandrylheu  mân.     Ac  yna  pan  ytoedh  ei  bhab 
ebh  Cornippin  yn  hely  wrth  bharchogaeth  ar  bharch  mawr 

abhribhed  gan 
25  arwein  ei  bhytheiad  yn  ei  law,  ac  yn  clywed  lais  corn 
ei  dad,  ebh  a  dristaawdh  }rn  dhirbhawr,  ac  yn  bhwy  no 
meint   yr   hiraethodh   am    ei   dad;    a'r   lhe   hwnnw   h}rd 

hedhiw,  a 
elwir   Cebhn    Hiraethoc.      Ac    yna    y   dechreawdh    ebh 

ymchue- 
lud  tu    ac  at    ei    dad   wrth   geissiaw    ei    helpu ;    ac  wrth 


Peniarth  Ms.    118,  fos.  829-837.  137 

And  in  the  country  of  Aberfceifi,  before  the  coming  of  fo.  833 
Brutus  to  this  island,  there  formerly  lived  Maylor  Gawr, 
and  the  place  in  which  he  lived  is  still  called  Castell 
Majdor  which  was  built  on  a  high  hill  or  high  ridge  called 
Y  Dinas1  011  the  one  side  of  the  river  Ystwyth  within  the 
boundary  of  the  town  of  Aber  Ystwyth. 

To  this  Maylor  Gawr  were  three  sons,  namely,  Cor- 
nippin  Gawr,  and  Crygyn  Gawr,  and  Bwba  Gawr. 
Cornippin  Gawr  dwelt  in  a  castle  which  is  still  called 
after  his  own  name,  namely,  Castell  Cornippin  opposite 
Castell  Maylor  on  the  other  side  of  the  river  Ystwyth  in 
the  parish  of  Llan  Ychaiarir  within  the  commote  of 
Meifienydd.3  And  it  came  to  pass  that  Maylor  Gawr  was 
taken  prisoner  in  a  place  called  Cyfeilog,  about  twelve 
miles  from  his  own  castle  ;  and  when  on  the  point  of 
being  put  to  death,  he  begged  of  his  enemies  to  permit 
him  to  blow  his  horn  three  times  before  suffering  death, 
which  thing  was  allowed  to  him.  And  then  he  blew  his 
horn  the  first  time  until  the  hair  of  his  head  and  beard 
fell.  And  on  the  second  blast  of  his  horn,  so  great  was 
the  strength  and  force  of  the  sounding  that  all  his  finger 
and  toe-nails  fell  off  completely.  And  on  the  third  blast 
of  his  horn  the  intensity  of  the  force  of  the  sound  caused 
the  horn  to  be  broken  into  small  pieces.1  And  then  when 
his  son  Cornippin  was  hunting,  as  he  rode  on  his  huge 
horse  and  leading  his  hound  by  hand,  and  hearing  the 
sound  of  his  father's  horn,  he  saddened  greatly,5  and  he 
longed  beyond  measure  for  his  father  ;  and  that  place,  to 
the  present  day,  is  called  Cefn  Hiraethog.  And  then  he 
began  to  return  towards  his  father  in  seeking  to  help  him; 
and  in 

1  Dinas  Maclor — the  old  name  for  '  Y  Dinas' — to  the  S.  of  Aberyst- 
wyth.     For  a  rìescription  of  it  see  O.  Jones's  Cymru,  i,  84,  85. 

"Arìnaborì,  nirì  anobaith 
Dinas  Maelor  o'r  môr  maith  ; 
Cael  o'r  brairìrì,  rìiwlarìairìrì  lwyth, 

O  bu  rwystr,  Aberystwyth.''— Cywyrìrì  y  Morrìwyo  at  Ynys 
Enlli  gan  Rhys  Llwyrì  ap  Rhys. 

2  Llanychaiarn — village  anrì  parish  in  Carrìiganshire,  on  Ystwyth 
river,  two  miles  E.  of  Aberystwyth  Railway  Station :  the  Castell 
stoorì  on  the  E.  bank  of  the  Ystwyth. — 0.  Jones's  Cymru,  ii,  182. 

3  Mefenyrìrì — a  township  in  Llanrhystyrì,  Carrìiganshire,  8^  miles 
N.E.  Aberaeron. 

4  or  '  shattererì  into  fragments '  5  or  '  sorrowerì  gfeatly.' 


138  Peniarth  Ms.    118,  fos.   829-837. 

fo.  833  bharcho- 

30  gaeth  drwy  gymeint  o  phrwst  a  buander,  ebh  a  dorres  penn 
ei  bhytheiad  odhi  wrth  ei  gorph,  hyd  yn  y  lynei  yn  unic 

JnJ 
gynlhybhan  pen  a  sabhn  y  ci.    A'r  lhe  hwnnw  a  elwir  etto 
hyd  y  dydh  hedhiw,  Bwlch  Sabhn  y  ci,  a  phan  weles  ebh 

hynny, 
ebh  a  yspardynei  ei  bharch,  hyd  yny  lamhei  y  march  ar 
35  un  naid  dros  yr  abhon  ystwyth  i  hyd  yn  gymeint  a  bod 

enrhy- 
bhedhawd  mawr  weled  amled  hyd  y  gambha.    a'r  lhe  y  dis- 
cynodh  y  march  ar  ei  naid,  a  elwir  yr  awr  honn  01  carn 
y  march.     Ac  bhelhy  y  daeth  Cornippin  hyd  at  ei  dad,  yn 

y  lhe 
drwy  ymladh  y  las  ynteu  hebh}rd. 
40  A'r   Grygyn   gawr  a  oedh  yn  trigaw  yn  Castelh   Crygyn 

obhywn 
plwybh  Lhan  Hilar  ac  yn  yr  un  cymwd. 
fo.  834  Bwba1  gawr  a  oedh  yn  trigiaw  yn  y  castelh  yssydh  a'i  enw 

ebh  arnaw 
etto,  nyd  amgen  Castelh  Bwba,  ym  mhlwybh  Lhan  Badarn 
Bhawr  yghhymwd  perbhedh 
Ydh  oedhynt  y  cewri  hynn  yn  buchedhocau  yghhymry  cyn 

no  dybhod 
0  Brutus  i'r  ynys  honn,  a'i  cynnebhawd  oedh  hyd  tra  bhuant 
bhyw  ladh    y  sawl    dhynion    bynnac    a   dhelynt   i   lettya 

obhywn  eu 
ceyrydh  wy,  hyd  yn  y  diwedh  dhybhod  'r  un  dyn2  ai  lhadh 

wynt 
eilh-deu  yn  un  nosweith  drwy  dhichelh. 
Odwyn  gawr  a  oedh  yn  trigaw  yn  ei  caer  a  elwir  etto  Caer 
10  Odwyn  neu  Castelh  Edwin  obhywn  plwybh  Lhan  Badarn 
Odwyn,  y  gelwir  lhan  Badarn  Odyn,  gan  golhi  y  lhythyr 
(w)  o'r  canol. 
Rhai  a  dybiynt  bhod  Garwed  yn  gawr,  eithr  nyd  cawr 

oedh  ebh 
namyn  meudwy  yn  trigiaw  obhywn  pedeir  milhtir  i  Ystrad 
lô  F'hlur,  mywn  lhe  a  elwir  etto  Rhiw  Garwed ;  ac  yna  y 
cabhas  ei  ladh  gan  Gwaith  Bhoed,  er  ys  yghhylch  pym 

cant 
o  bhlwydhyneu. 

1  Cp.    'bwbaeh'   a  bogey,  goblin,  scarecrow;   is   '  bwba',  a  local 
name  for  '  ^host '  'r  2  V  un  dyn='  the  same  man '. 


Penìarth  Ms.    nS,/os.  829-837.  139 

riding  with  such  haste  and  swiftness,  he  tore  the  head  fo.  833 
of  his  houncl  from  off  its  body,  until  there  only  remained 
in  the  leash  the  head  and  mouth  of  the  dog.  And 
that  place  is  still  called  to  tfiis  day,  The  Pass  of  the 
Dog's  Muzzle.  And  when  he  saw  that,  he  spurred  his 
steed  until  the  horse  leapt  at  one  bound  over  the  Ystwyth 
Eiver  so  that  it  was  a  great  wonder  to  see  such  a  length 
of  leap,  and  the  sput  on  which  the  horse  alighted  on  his 
leap,  is  called  to  this  hour  01  Carn  y  March.1  And  in 
that  manner  Cornippin  came  up  to  his  father,  where  after 
fighting  he  also  was  killed. 

And  Crygyn  Gawr  dwelt  in  Castell  Crygyn  within  the 
parish  of  Llan  Hilar,2  and  in  the  same  commote.  fo  g34 

Bwba  Gawr  lived  in  the  castle  which  still  bears  his 
name,  namely,  Castell  Bwba,  iri  the  parish  of  Llan  Badarn 
Fawr3  in  the  middle  comrnote. 

These  giants  lived  in  Wales  before  Brutus  came  to 
this  islancl,  and  their  custom  while  they  lived  was  to  kill 
whatever  men  should  come  to  lodge  within  their  strong- 
holds  until  at  last  the  same  man  came  and  killed  them 
both  the  same  night  by  cunning. 

Odwyn  Gawr  lived  in  his  stronghold  which  is  still 
called  Caer  Odw'yn  or  Castell  Eclwin  within  the  parish  of 
Llan  Badarn  Oclyn,  which  is  called  Llan  Badarn  Odyn,4 
the  letter  (w)  being  lost  from  the  middle.  Some  con- 
sider  Garwed5  a  giant,  but  he  was  not  a  giant  but  a  hermit 
living  within  four  miles  of  Ystrad  Fflur,6  in  a  place  still 
called  Rhiw  Garwed ;  and  then  he  was  killed  by  Gwaith 
Bhoed,  about  five  hundred  years  ago. 

1  There  is  a  Glan  Olmarch  near  Cardigan—at  Llechryd. 

2  Llanilar—h\  miles  S.E.  Aberystwyth  :  '  Castle  Hill'  is  one  of  its 

chief  mansions  (O.  Jones's  Cymru,  ii,  147). 
Ilar  (Hilary)  was  a  Saint  that  flourished  at  the  beginning  of 
the    sixth    century    and    was     sometimes    called    Ilar 
Bysgotwr  (O.  Jones's  Cymru,  i,  676). 

3  Llanbadarn  Fawr — a  large  parish  including  Aberystwyth — 
O.  Jones's   Cymru,  ii,  14,  15. 

4  Llanbadarn  Odwyn—S  miles  W.  of  Tregaron  Railway  Station. — 
O.  Jones's  Cymru,  ii,  18. 

5  Cp.  Carwed  Fynydd. 

6  Ystrad  Fflur  or  Strata  Florida  or  Caron-uwch-clawdd— 5£  miles 
N.E.  Tregaron. 


140  Peniarth  Ms.    118,  fos.   829-837. 

fo.  83-t  Yghwlad  Morgannw  ydh  oedh  Cribwr  gawr  y  yghhastelh 

Cebhn  Cribwr  wrtli  Lami  Gewydh.     Arthur  a  ladhawdh 

dair 

20  chwaer  i  Gribwr  wrth  dhichelh.    Canys  Arthur  a  lysenwei 

ebh 

yn  Gawl  Twym  wrth  y  chwaer  gy  ntabh ;  ac  yn  Uwd  twym 

wrth   yr  ail  chwaer  (mal  y  cerdha'r  chwedl),  ac   wrth  y 

drydedh  yn  Tameid  Bara 
a  phany  y  galwei  y  chwaer  gyntabh  am  help  yn  erbyn 

Cawl 
Twym,  yr  attebei  Cribwr  :  mursen  gad  idho  oeri,  ac 
25  yn  yr  un  modh  yr  attebei  irail  chwaer,  pan  geissiei  help 
yn  erbyn  Uwd  twym.     A'r  drydedh  chwaer  a  lebhei  bhod 
y  Tameid  Bara  yn  ei  thagu  ;  ac  ir  attebei  ynteu,  Mursen 
cymer  dameid  a  bho  lhai.     A  phan  yr  ymliwiei 
Cribwr  ac  Arthur  am  ladh  ei  chwiorydh,  yr  attebei  Arthur 
30  drwy  eghlyn  milwr1  yn  y  lhun  hynn. 
Cribwr  cymer  dy  gribeu 
A  phaid  ath  gostoc  lidieu 
0  daw  i  mi  gynyg — dieu 
A  gawsant  wy,  a  gey  ditheu 

35  nyalhei  neb  ladh  y  tair  chwaer  yghhyd,  rac  maint  eu  grym 
eithr  o'r  neilhtu  drwy  dhichelh  y  lhadhodh  Arthur  wy. 
fo.  835  Ar  lhe  oi  enw  ebh  a  elwir  etto  Cribarth  i.e.  garth  Cribwr 


Ö* 


gawr 


Ac  yn  gybheir  wyneb  ac  ynteu  ydh  oedh  cawr  a  elwid  Oyle 

gawr, 
ai  dricbhan  etto  a  elwir  Penn  Oyle. 

Ac  mywn  lhe  yn  yr  un  plwybh  a  elwir  etto  ynys  Cedwyn 
5  ydh  oedh  cawr  aralh  a  elwid  Cedwyn  gawr,  a'r  tri  hynn  a 

oedhynt 
yn  amser  Arthur.     A'r  dhau  gyntabh  a  gawsant  eu  lhadh 

gan  Arthur. 
Ac  ym  mhlwybh  Penn  Ederyn,  Dynas  gawr  a  gabhas  y 

ladh 


1  See  Yr  Y.«;<>/  Farddol,  gan  Dafydd  Morganwg  (Caerdydd)  1904— 
'Englyn  Milwr'  (p.  133);  also  'Triban  Milwr'  (pp.  125-127)  and 
'Triban  Morganwg'  (pp.  127-8)— both  of  which  have  been  confused 
with  '  Englyn  Milwr  '. 


Peniarth  Ms.    118,  fos.  829-837.  141 

In  the  country  o£  Morgannwg  was  Cribwr  Grawr  in  fo.  834 
Castell  Cefn  Cribwr'  by  Llan  Gewydd . J  Artliur  killed  three 
sisters  of  Cribwr  by  treachery.  Because  Arthur  nick- 
named  him(self)  Hot  Pottage  to  the  first  sister,  and  Warm 
Porridge  to  the  second  sister  (so  the  tale  runs),  and  a 
Morsel  of  Bread  to  the  third,  and  when  the  fìrst  sister 
called  for  help  against  Hot  Pottage  Cribwr  answered  : 
Wench,  let  him  cool ;  and  in  the  same  manner  he 
answered  the  second  sister,  when  she  sought  assistance 
against  Warm  Porridge.  And  the  third  sister  called  out 
that  the  Morsel  of  Bread  was  choking  her ;  and  to  this 
he  answered,  Wench,  take  a  smaller  piece.  And  when 
Cribwr  reproached  Arthur  for  killing  his  sisters  Arthur 
replied  by  an  englyn  milwr  in  this  manner ; 

Cribwr  take  thy  combs 

And  cease  with  currish  anger 

If  I  get  a  real  chance — surely 

What  they  have  had,  thou  shalt  have  too. 

No  one  could  kill  the  three  sisters  together,  so  great 
was  their  strength,  but  singly  by  stealth  Arthur  lnlled 
them. 

And  the  place  is  still  called  after  his  name  Cribarth,3  fo-835 
namely,  Garth  Cribwr  Gawr.     And  opposite  to  him  was 
another  giant  called  Oyle  Gawr,  and  his  dwelling  place  is 
still  called  Pen  Oyle. 

And  in  the  same  parish  in  a  place  still  called  Ynys 
Cedwyn4  there  was  another  giant  called  Cedwyn  Gawr, 
and  these  three  lived  in  Arthur's  time.  And  the  fìrst  two 
were  killed  by  Arthur. 

And  in  the  parish  of  Pen  Ederyn,3  Dynas  Gawr  was 
killed 

1  Cefn  Cribwr — 4  miles  N.W.  Bridgend. 

2  Llangewydd — or  Trelalys  or  Laleston — 2  mües  W.  by  N. 
Bridgend.  Llangewydd  was  the  original  name  and  founded  by  Caw, 
lord  of  Cwm  Cowlyd  ;  the  present  name  is  from  Lales,  the  builder  of 
Neath  monastery  and  Margam  Abbey. — O.  Jones's  Cymru,  ii,  2. 

3  Cribarth  — a  mountain  on  the  S.  border  of  Brecknockshire,  near 
Tawe  River,  12  miles  N.  by  E.  of  Neath. 

4  Ynys  Cedwyn — a  township  in  N.  Glamorgan,  near  the  junction 
of  the  Tawe  and  Twrch,  and  13  miles  N.E.  Swansea. 

5  Penderyn  or  Pen  y  daren,  near  S.  border  of  Brecknockshire  and 
7  miles  W.  by  N.  of  Merthyr  Tydvil :  a  strong  old  British  fort  called 
Craig  y  Dinas  (O.  Jones's  Cymru  ii.  661)  in  the  parish  (0.  J.'s  Cymru 
ii,  405). 


142  Peniarth  Ms.    118,  fos.  829-837. 

fo.  835  gan  Arthur.     A'r  lhe  y  trigyei  yndaw  a  elwir  etto  Caer 
Craic  Dynas  gawr,  alias  Craic  y  lhyn. 

]0  Bwch  gawr  a  breswylei  yn  lhe  a  elwir  etto  Castelh  Bwch 
rhwgh  Caer  lhion  ar  Wysc  a  lhan  Ternan,  ac  yn  y 
Castelh  Bwch  aralh  rhwgh  y  pentre  Bach  ar  Henlhys 
yggwlad  Gwent  y  cybhanhedhei  ebh  hebhyd,  Ac  i'r  Bwch 

hwnn  y  bu  bheibion,  nyd 
amgen  Ernalht  gawr,  a'i  dricbhan  yn  lhe  a  elwir  etto 

15  Castelh  Ernalht  yn  lhan  Gattwc  dhyphryn  W}rsc.  Clidha 
gawr  ym  mhlwybh  y  Bettws  newydh,  ai  dricbha  yn  y  lhe  a 
elwir  Clodheu  Caer  Clidha,  ar  tir  hwnnw  a  elwir  hedhiw 

Tir 
Clibha  ym  mhlwybh  Lhan  Arth.     Buga  gawr,  a'i  dr- 
igbha  yn  y  lhe  a  elwir  etto  Castelh  Brynn  Buga, 

-°  Trogi  gawr  a  breswylei  yn  y  Castelh  a  elwir  etto  Castelh 
Trogi  wrth  Coed  Gwent.     Cybi  gawr,  ai  gartrebh 
yn  y  castelh  a  elwir  etto  Castelh  Cybi.     Crou  gawr,  a'i 
arosbha  yn  y  lhe  a  elwir  etto  Castelh  tir  Crou  ym  mhlwybh 
y  Bettws  newydh,  Yr  hain  olh  oedhynt  bheibion  i  Bhwch 
gawr 

25  o  bhywn  gwlad  Gwent.     A  rhai  o  dhywedant  bhod  Phili 
yn  gawr  ac  yn  bhab  i'r  Bwch  uchod,  a'i  dricbha  yn        .     , 


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*&Vl  ^    7-/-  ^ŴŴÎ      A  -J 


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fef^  -~V^-r  ^>~  -*  5^  ŵ  <^*f ^  9*  r-: 

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r 


n— ■■ 


7o  /<íí"t?  ^.  142. 
PENIARTH    MS.    118,    FO.    835. 


Peniarth  Ms.    1 1 8,  fos.   829-837.  143 

by  Arthur.     And  the  place  where  he  dwelt  is  still  called  fo-  83i> 
Caer  Craig  Dj'iias  Gawr,  at  other  times  Craig*  y  Llyn.1 

Bwch  Gawr  lived  in  a  place  still  called  Castell  Bwch 
between  Caerleon  on  Usk  and  Llan  Ternan,2  and  he  also 
lived  in  the  other  Castell  Bwch  between  Pentref  Bach  and 
the  Henllys3  in  the  country  of  Gwent.  And  there  were 
sons  to  this  Bwch,  namely,  Ernallt  Gawr,  whose  dwelling 
was  in  the  place  still  called  Castell  Ernallt  in  Llan 
Gattwg*  in  the  Usk  valley.  Clidda  Gawr  in  the  parish  of 
Bettws  Newydd,5  and  his  abode  in  the  place  called  Cloddeu 
Caer  Clidda,  and  that  land  to-day  is  called  Tir  Clidda6  in 
the  parish  of  Llan  arth.7  Buga  Gawr,  and  his  abode  in 
the  place  still  called  Castell  Bryn  Buga/  Trogi  Gawr 
dwelt  in  the  castle  still  called  Castell  Trogi  by  Coed 
Gwent.9  Cybi  Gawr,  whose  home  was  in  the  castle  still 
called  Castell  Cybi.  Crou  Gawr,  his  abode  in  the  place 
still  called  Castell  Tir  Crou10  in  the  parish  of  Bettws 
Newydd.  All  these  were  sons  of  Bwch  Gawr  within  the 
country  of  Gwent.  And  some  say  that  Phili  was  a  giant 
and  a   son  to  the   above  Bwch,  and   his  abode  in 

1  Craig  y  llyn — the  highest  peak  in  Glamorganshire,  5  miles  W.  by 
N.  of  Aberdare,  and  4  miles  S.W.  of  Penderyn. 

2  Llanfihangel-llantarnam  or  Llantorfaen — 2^  rniles  N.W.  Caer- 
leon-on-Usk  (O.  J.'s  Cymru,  ii,  109).  (On  O.  Jones's  map  of  Monmouth 
an  encampment  is  indicated  almost  midwaybetween  Caerleon  on  Usk 
and  Llan-llantarnam.) 

3  Henllys — a  parish  on  the  Usk  3^  miles  N.W.  Newport. 

4  Llangattwg  (i)  in  S.W.  Brecknockshire,  near   the  Usk  opposite 

Crughowel. — O.  J.'s  Cymru,  ii,  125. 
(h)  neartheUskinMonmouth,  andincludes  Caerleon- 
on-Usk ;  it  is  two  miles  N.E.  Newport  Railway 
Station. — O.  J.'s  Cymru,  ii,  126. 
(iii)  near  the  Usk  in  Monmouth,  and  3^  miles  S.S.E. 
Abergavenny — O.  J.'s  Cymru,  ii,  126. 
6  Bettius  Newydä — 10  miles  S.W.  Monmouth  and  4  miles  N.  by  W. 
of  the  Usk. 

6  Clytha—Hh  miles  S.E.  Abergavenny.— O.  J.'s  Cymru,  ii,  660. 
(Clytha  Castle  is  indicated  on  O.  Jones's  map  of  Monmouth.) 

7  Llanarth—ò  miles  S.E.  Abergavenny.  (There  is  a  'Llanarth' 
also  in  Cardigansliire.— O.  J.'s  Cymru,  ii,  11,  12.) 

s  Bryn  Biga  or  Usk— 13  miles  S.W.  Monmouth.  Thereareseveral 
old  forts  in  the  neighbourhood — Craig  y  Gaercyd  or  Craig  y  Gaerwyd, 
Coed  y  Gwersyll,  Coed  y  Bonedd  (O.  J.'s  Cymru,  ii,  660).— 0.  Jones's 
Cymru,  i,  200-202. 

9  Coed  Gioent—\\  miles  S.S-E.  of  Bryn  Buga  or  Usk. 

10  Cantref  Cron  Nedd  in  Glamorganshire ;  see  under  Baglan.— 
O.  J.'s  Cymru,  i,  104. 


144  Peniarth  Ms.    1 1 8,  fos.  829-837. 

fo.  835  caer  phili  yghwlad  Morgannwc,  a'i  tad  hwy  (medhant) 
a  ladhwyd  ei  benn  yghwlad  Morgannwc  uchlaw 
Lhan  Trissant  yn  y  lhe  a  elwir  etto  Pen  Bwch. 
30  Erdhan  neu  Gerdhan  gawr  oedh  yn  trigo  yn  Castelh 
Erdhan  ac  mywn  Ogobh  a  elwir  etto  Gogobh  Erdhan 
gawr,  ac  yn  bhyrr  Gogerdhan,  ac  ar  bhrynn  a  elwir  Brynn 
33  Bronn  Gastelhann  yghwlad  Aber  Teibhi. 
fo.  836  Ac  yghwlad  Morgannwc  y  mae  lhe  a  elwir  Celh  .... 

walhawn  gawr,   a   hynny  yw   Gors   bhawr    obhywn  Coed 

phranc 
rhwgh  Castelh  Nedh  ac  Abertawi. 

Ac  y  mae  lhe  a  elwir  Rhyd  Penn  y  Cawr  rhwgh  Lhann 
5  Sawel  a'  Chwrt  y  Betws,  yghwlad  Bhorgannwc,  yn  y 
lhe  y  torrwyd  penn  Lhoches  Gawr. 
Ac  yghwlad  Bhorgannwc  y  mae  mann  a  elwir  Bedh 
Dilic1  Gawr,  rhwgh  Lhan  Sawel  a  Baglann 
a'r  Bedh  hwnn  hynn  yssydh  yn  chwanec  i  dec  ar  ugeint 
troedbhedh 
10  o  hyyd. 

Tarnoc  Gawr  ym  mhlwybh  Merthyr  yn  nyphryn  Hodni 
yghwlad  Bhrycheinoc. 

Medhgyrn  Gawr  ym  mhlwybh  Aber  Ysgyr  yn  yr  un  wlad 
Bhrycheinawc. 
15  Dyrnhhwch  gawr  yghwlad  Euas. 

Gwrle  gawr,  a'r  lhe  y  trigiei  yndaw  a  elwid  Caer  Gwrle2 
nyd  pelh  odhiwrth  Caer  lheon  Gawr  a'r  Dhybhrdwy. 
Iestyn  Gawr  ai  dricbha  yn  lhann  Iestyn,  wrth  Garth 
Beibio. 


1  '  Dilyc'  in  margin. 

2  "  Y  garles  o  gaer  Gwrlai. 

I  garu  y  gwr  o  Gaer  Gai— Ieu.  Br.  Hir.  (Elis  o  Ddyífryn  Alun) 
— LÌan  St.,  133,  p.  320. 


Peniarth  Ms.    118,  fos.    129-837.  145 

Caer    Phili1    in    the   country    of    Morgannwg,   and    theirro-835 
father  (they  say)  was  killed  in  the  country  of  Morgannwg 
above  Llantrissant  in  the  place  still  called  Pen  Bwch. 

Erddan  or  Gerddan  Gawr  was  living  in  Castell  Erddan 
and  in  a  cave  still  called  Gog-of  Gerddan  Gawr,  and 
briefiy  Gogerddan,  and  011  a  hill  called  Bryn  Bron  Gas- 
tellan2  in  the  country  of  Aberteifi. 

And  in  the  country  of  Morgannwg  is  a  place  called  fo- 836 
Cell  ....  Wallawn3  Gawr,  and  that  is  a  big  marsh  in 
Coed  Ffranc  between  Neath  Castle  and  Swansea.  And 
there  is  a  place  called  Rhyd  Pen  y  Cawr  between  Llan 
Sawel  and  Cwrt  y  Betws4  in  the  country  of  Morgannwg, 
where  Lloches  Gawr  had  his  head  cut  off. 

And  in  the  country  of  Morgannwg  is  a  spot  called 
Bedd  Dilic  Gawr,  between  Llan  Sawel  and  Baglair5  and 
this  grave  is  over  thirty  feet  in  length. 

Tarnoc  Gawr  in  the  parish  of  Merthyr6  in  the  valley  of 
Hodni7  in  the  country  of  Brecknock. 

Meddgyrn  Gawr  in  the  parish  of  Aber  Ysgyr  in  the 
same  country  of  Brecknock. 

Dyrnhwch  Gawr  in  the  country  of  Euas. 

Gwrle  Gawr,  and  the  place  he  dwelt  in  was  called  Caer 
Gwrle  not  far  from  Caerlleon  Gawr  and  the  Dee. 

Iestyn  Gawr"  and  his  dwelling  in  Llaniestyn,  by  Garth 
Beibio.9 


1  Caer  Phili. — O.  Jones's  Cymru,  i,  235-241. 

2  Bron  Castellan — township  in  Llanbadam  Fawr  near  E.  border 
of  Cardiganshire,  on  the  Aberystwyth-Llanidloes  high  road,  11  miles 
E.  Aberystwyth. — O.  J.'s  Cymru,  i,  83. 

3  ?  Cellywion  or  Celliwyn  village  in  Llantrisant  parish,  in  Miscyn 
hundred,  N.W.  Cardiff. 

4  Bettws — 4  miles  N.  Bridgend. 

5  Baglan— 3  miles  S.  of  Neath. 

6  Merthyr  Cynog— a  parish  8  miles  N.N-W.  Aberhonddu ;  there 
are  traces  of  the  remains  of  a  British  Camp  on  a  hill  named  Allfarnog 
in  this  parish. — O.  J.'s  Cymru,  ii,  266-7. 

7  Dyffryn  Honddu — in  Merthyr  Cynog,  Brecknockshire. 

8  (i)  Iestyn  ab  Cadfan— a  Saint  of  the   fourth  century.— O.  J.'s 

Cymru,  i,  672. 
(ii)  Iestyn  ab  Geraint  ab  Erbin — founded  churches  in  Llaniestyn 

(Anglesey  and  Carnarvon).— O.  J.'s  Cymru,  i.  672. 
(iii)  Iestyn  ab  Gwrgant — a  traitor  to  the  Welsh. — O.  J.'s  Cymru, 

i,  672. 

9  Garth  Beibio — a  parish  8  miles  N.W.  Llanfaircaereinion. 

L 


146  Peniarth  Ms.    118,  fos.   829-837. 

fo.  836 

20  Cornbwch  Gawr  yn  trigiaw  yn  y  Graic  donn,  rhwgh 

Trebhyclawdh  a'r  Cnwclas. 
Bedh    Gnerys    Gawr   y    sydh    obhywn    plwybh    lhan    ym 

Mow- 
dhwy,  yn  agos  at  le  a  elwir  Bwlch  Sabhn  âst,  yghwlad 
__  Bheirionnydh. 
-°  Drewyn1  Gawr  a  wnaeth  Caer  Drewyn  yn  y  Deyrnion,  am 

yr  abhon  a 
Chorwen.     Ac  yw  gariad    y   gwnaeth  y   Gaer  honno,  er 

godro  ei  gwarthec  yndi, 
Ac  ar  gybher  Caer  Dhrewyn  y  mae  Cebhn  Heini,  a  lhynn 

Heini3  Gawr 
y  dhau  le  hynn  a  gawsant  eu  henwi  gan  y  cawr  Heini. 
Ac  yn  ymyl  parc  Glocaenawc  y  mae  lhe  a  elwir  Sarn  y 

Trichawr  yr  hwnn 
30  a  wnaed  gan  dri  chawr  mywn  gwayn,  er  galhi  sebhylh  yn 

gadarn  o  rann  dau 
erailh   i  alhu   ymladh    ae    gilydh;    a    phan    ledhid   un   o 

honunt,  bod  i'r  dhau  erailh 
gybhymladh,  ac  i'r   neb   or   dhau   a  orbhydhei  o'r  dhau 

hynny,  cael  o  hwnnw 
y  peth  a  ardhelid  am  danaw,  oblegyd  y  chweryl  hwnnw. 
Mywn  lhe  a  elwir  Glascoed  yghwlad  Trebhaldwyn  y  mae 

bedh  tri  chawr  sebh 
35  Meichiad  Gawr  yr  hwnn  a  oedh  yn  cadw  moch  ;  ac  oi  enw 

ebh  y  gelwid  nant 
a  diphryn  Meichiad  a  Cwm  glann  Meichiad  ;    yn  y  lhe  y 

caphad  ei  gylhelh  ebh  a'i  bibelh.     Ac  Aedh- 
an  Gawr ;  ac  oi  enw  ebh  y  cabhas  Bwlch  Aedhan  ei  enw. 

Ac  ym  mhlwybh 
Meibhod  y  maent  y  dhau  le  hynny  sef  y  nant  a'r  bwlch. 
fo.  837  Ceimiad    gawr   y   sydh    a    bedh  idhaw    ar    lawr  dyphryn 

Mochnant 
yn  lhe  a  elwir  lhwyn  y  meini  hirion  ar  bhin  nant  Ceimiad, 
ym  mhlwybh  Pennant  Mylaghelh,  lhe  y  cawssei  ei  ladh 

(medhant) 
gan  Arthur,  a'r  dhau  bhain  hirion  yn   terbhynu  hyyd  y 

bedh, 
5  un  ym  mhob  penn  idhaw. 


1  From  line  2ö  to  bottom  of  the  page  appears  in  the  same  ink  as 
the  preceding  lines,  lmt  lines  25-38  are  crowded  into  the  page. 

-  Caer  Enni,  now  Llyn  Creini  (see  Iwni  Gawr,  pp.  128-129  notes). 


Peniarth  Ms.    nS,fos.   829-837.  147 

Cornbwch  Gawr  dwelling  in  the  Graig'  clon,  between  fo.  836 
Tref yclawdd  and  Kmicklas.1 

The  grave  of  Gnerys  Gawr  is  within  the  parish  of  Llan 
yn  Mawddwy  near  a  place  called  the  Pass  of  the  Bitch's 
Mouth,  in  the  country  of  Merioneth. 

Drewyn  Gawr  made  Caer  Drewyn2  in  Deyrnion,3  the 
other  side  of  the  river  from  Corwen.  And  to  his  sweetheart 
he  made  that  Caer,to  milk  her  cows  within  it.  And  opposite 
Caer  Drewyn  is  Cefn  Heini,  and  the  lake  of  Heini  Gawr. 
These  two  places  were  named  by  the  Cawr  Heini.  And 
near  the  park  of  Glocaenawg4  is  a  place  called  Sarn  y 
Trichawr  which  was  made  by  three  giants  in  a  marsh  to 
be  able  to  stand  firmly  in  respect  of  two  others  in  order 
to  fìght  one  another ;  and  when  one  of  them  was  killed, 
for  the  other  two  to  fig-ht  each  other,  and  whichever  of 
the  two  triumphed,  he  was  to  receive  the  thing  that  was 
claimed,  because  of  that  qúarrel. 

In  a  place  called  Glascoed5  in  the  country  of  Mont- 
g-omery  is  the  grave  of  three  giants,  namely,  Meichiad 
Gawr  who  kept  pigs  ;  and  after  his  name  was  called  Nant 
and  Dyffryn  Meichiad  and  Cwm  Glan  Meichiad  ;  where 
his  knife  and  flute  were  found.  And  Aeddan  Gawr6 :  and 
after  him  Bwlch  Aeddan  was  called.  And  in  the  parish 
of  Meifod  are  those  two  places,  namely,  the  Nant  and  the 
Bwlch. 

Ceimiad    Gawr  has    a   grave    in   the   soil  of   Dyffryn  fo.  837 
Mochnant  in  a  place  called  Llwyn  y  Meini  Hirion  near 
Nant   Ceimiad,    in   the    parish   of    Pennant   Mylang-ell,7 
where   he  was  killed  (so  they  say)  by  Arthur,  and  two 
long  stones  mark  the  leng-th  of  the  g-rave,  one  at  each  end. 

1  Cnwclas— 2^  miles  N.W.  Rnighton  (Trefyclawdd),  Radnorshire. 
Garth  Hill  and  Race  Course  are  situated  between  Trefyclawdd  and 
Cnwclas. — O.  J.'s  Cymru,  ii,  map  of  Radnor. 

2  Caer  Drewyn — 1  mile  N.E.  Corwen  in  Merionethshire. 

3  Edeyrnion — a  valley  and  cantref  between  Bala  and  Corwen  by 
the  bank  of  the  Dee. 

4  Clocaenog— a  parish  3|  miles  S.W.  Ruthin. 

5  Glascoed— one  mile  S.W.  Meifod  in  Montgomeryshire. 
G  Aeddan,  son  of  Blegwryd,  killed  in  1015. 

7  Pennant  or  Pennant  Melangell— a  parish  9|  miles  N.W.  by  W. 
of  Llanfyllin,  Montgomeryshire. 

L  — 


148  Peniarth  Ms.    11&,  fos.  829-837. 

fo.  837  Ydh  oedh  lhe  ym  mlaeneu  gwlad  yr  Amwythyc,  a 

elwid    Bronn    Wrgan,    a   phreswylbhod    cewri    ydoedh    y 
bhann  honno 

Ac  yn  y  lhe  hwnn  yr  adrodhid  bod  rhyw  bhro- 

dyr  i  Wenhwybhar  bherch  Gogbhran  .  . 
10  gawr,  mywn  ceithiwed  carchar  gan  rai  o'r 

cewri  hynn.     A  drwc  anianawl  oedh  gantei 

y  bod  wy  yn  geith.     Eithr  Arthur  au  gwaredawdh 

wy  cymeint  ar  un,1  gan  ladh  y  cewri,  a 

chymrud  penn  y  mwyabh  o  honunt  ai  bhyrw 
15  i  berbhedh  yr  abhon  yn  lhe  maen,  wrth 

lamhu  dros  yr  abhon,  er  myned 

i  gastelh  y  Cnwclas.     Ac  wrth  dhodi  ei 

droed  ar  iad  y  cawr  wrth  lamhu  dros 

yr  abhon,  y  d}7wawd2  Arthur  tybhed  yr  iad 
20  yu  yr  abhon  yn  lhe  maen.     Ac  o 

hynny  alhan  y  gelwid  yr  abhon  honno  yn 

Abhon  Tybhediad,  megis  tybhed  ymliad 
23  y  cawr. 


one' — an    idiom    long   since    dead  :      see 
Cymaint  un  j  Ed.  Prys'  Salrns  for  example. 


} 

2  dywawd  (dywod)=said. 


Note  on  the  word  Caer  (see  p.  119).  After  the  foregoing  pages 
were  set  the  following  note  was  received  from  Mr.  J.  Glyn  Davies,  of 
the  University  of  Liverpool : — 

"The  word  Caer  cannot  be  traced  back  before  the  Roman  occupa- 
tion,  nor  does  it  occur  in  the  British  place-names  recorded  by  the 
early  geographers.  That  Caer,  which  subsequently  became  so  wide- 
spread  a  term,  should  be  missing  in  the  earliest  sources,  shews  pretty 
elearly  that  it  must  be  a  loan  word,  and  from  its  vogue  both  in 
Brittany  (Ker)  and  in  Wales,  a  Latin  loan  word.  The  Latin  castra, 
castrum,  would  give  a  satisfactory  meaning,  but  by  no  ascertained 
phonetic  process  can  the  st  be  got  rid  of.  There  is  another  Latin 
word,  liowever,  which  was  more  probably  the  origin  of  caer,  and  that 
is  r/uadrum,  in  its  modified  form  cadrum  (see  Maigne  D'arnis),  a  word 
that  would  precisely  hit  off  the  rectangular  form  of  the  Roman  fort. 
Phonologically  the  fit  is  perfect.     The  d  in  combination  with  r  drops 


Peniarth  Ms.    nS,  fos.  829-837.  149 

There  was  a  place  011  the  f rontier  of  the  land  of  Shrop-  f o.  837 
shire,  called  Bron  Wrgan,  and  it  was  the  abode  of  giants. 

And  in  this  place  it  is  related  that  there  were  some 
brothers  to  Gwenhwyfar,1  the  daughter  of  Gogyrfan 
Gawr,2  who  were  imprisoned  by  some  of  these  giants. 
And  she  grieved  greatly  they  were  in  captivity.  But 
Arthur  saved  them  each  one,  killing  the  giants,  and 
taking  the  head  of  the  biggest  of  them  and  throwing  it 
into  the  middle  of  the  river  instead  of  a  stone,  in  stepping 
across  the  river,  to  go  to  Castell  y  Cnwclas.  And  as  he 
placed  his  foot  on  the  head  of  the  giant  in  stepping  across 
the  river  Arthur  said,  Let  the  head  grow  in  the  river 
instead  of  a  stone.  And  henceforth  that  river  was  called 
Afon  Tyfed-iad,  as  the  side  of  the  giant's  head  grew. 

1  "  Gwenhwyfar,  ferch  Gogyrfan  Gawr, 

Drwg  yn  fechan,  gwaeth  yn  fawr." 

2  Gogyrf an  was  the  chief  of  a  part  of  Powys  in  the  sixth  century. — 
O.  Jones's  Cymru,  i,  585. 


out  and  leaves  a  dipthong  behind,  as  in  cadeir  (cathedra),  Eirion 
(Hadrianus),  chwaerfan  (quadrimanus).  How  caer  came  to  be  applied 
to  older  British  forts  is  a  question  for  archseologists  to  decide"  — V.  E. 


ERRATA. 

Page  124,  line  18,  for  gyd  read  hyd. 

„     126,     ,,    34,  for  Yecydion  read  Yscydion. 

„     128,     „    32,  delete  Itto  Gawr  yn  galw    ....     (as  an  inter- 

lineation  for  "  a  marginal  note  ")  and  insert 

A  gwedy  hwnnw  (?)  ebh. 
„     129,     „     15,  delete  Itto  Gawr,  and  read,  And  after  that  he. 
„     134,  note  1,  for  Mungmawr  Arcfi  read  Mungmawr  drefi. 
„     139,  line  16,  for  middle  commote  read  commote  of  Perfedd. ' 
„     139,     ,,    24,  for  Llan  Badarn  Odyn  which  is  called  read  Llan 

Badarn  Odwyn,  which  i<  called. 
„     139,     „    28-29,  for  Gwaith  Bhoed  read  Gweithfoed. 


1  so 


Peuiarth  Ms.    nS,fos.   829-837 


INDEX    OF    NAMES. 

(Nos.  refer  to  folios  of  Peniarth  Ms.,  and  m  to  the  marginal  note.)    % 


Aber  Hodni,  832  m 

Abertawi,  836 

Aber  Teìbhi,  831,  832,  833,  835 

Aber  Ysgyr,  832 

Aber  Ystwyth,  833 

Ablion  Tybhediad,  837 

Aedhan,  Bwlch,  836 

Aedhan,  Gawr,  836 

Amwythyc,  837 

Aran  bhawr,  mynydh,  S30 

Aran,  Penn,  830 

Ardudwy,  830 

Arthur,  829111,  830,  830111,  831,  834, 

§35.  837 

B. 
Baglann,  836 
Bangor,  831 

Barbheu,  Rhiw  y,  830  m 
Bedh  Dilyc  Gawr,  836 
Bettws  newydh,  835 
Betws,  Cwrt  y,  836 
Bhoed,  Gwaith,  834 
Blaen  Cynlhwyd,  830  m 
Bronn  Gastelhann,  Brynn,  835 
Bronn  Wrgan,  837 
Brutus,  829  m,  833,  834 
Brycheinawc,  832 
Brycheinoc,  836 
Brynn  Bronn  Gastelhann,  835 
Brynn  Buga,  Castelh,  835 
Buga  Gawr,  835 
Bwba  Gawr,  S33,  834 
Bwch  Gawr,  835 
Bwch,  Pen,  83=; 
Bwlch  Aedlian".  836 
Bwlch  Rhiw  Radyr,  832 
Bwlch  Sabhn  Ast,  836 
Bwlch  Sabhn  y  Ci,  833 
Bwlch  y  Groes,  830,  830  m 


Cadeir  Idris,  829 
Caer  Bhyrdhin,  831 
Caer  Celgan,  S32 
Caer  Clidlia,  Clodheu,  835 
Caer  Craic  Dynas  Gawr,  835 
Caer  Dliinas  Gawr,  832 
Caer  Drewyn,  836 
Caer  Gwrle,  S36 
'Caer  Hcdoc  Gawr,  831 
Caer  llieon  Gawr,  836 
Caer  lhion  ar  Wysc,  835     . 


Caer  Odwyn,  834 
Caer  Phili,  835 
Caer  Wedros,  831 
Caer  Wilcin,  S32 
(Carwed  ?),  Garwed,  834 
Castelh  Bhabon,  832 
Castelh  Brynn  Buga,  835 
Castelh  Bwba,  834 
Castelh  Bwch,  835 
Castelh  Ceblm  Cribwr,  S34 
Castelh  Chwil  Gawr,  831 
Castelh  Cornippin,  833 
Castelii  Crow,  832 
Castelli  Crygyn,  833 
Castelh  Cybi,  835 
Castelh  Cymryd,  832 
Castelh  Didhannel,  831 
Castelh  Edwin,  834 
Castelh  Erdhan,  S35 
Castelh  Ernalht,  835 
Castelh  Howel  Gawr,  831 
Castelh  Lhyphan  Gawr,  831 
Castelh  Maylor,  S33 
Castelh  Moel,  831 
Castelh  Moythyn,  831 
Castelh  Nedh,  836 
Castelh  Oerbryd,  S32 
Castelh  Pyscoc  Gawr,  831 
Caslelh  tir  Crou,  835 
Castelh  Trogi,  835 
Castelh  y  brain,  832 
Castelh  y  Cnwclas,  837 
Cawl  Twym,  834 
Cebhn  Caer  [wni,  830  m 
Cebhn  Cribwr,  Càstelh,  834 
Cebhn  Heini,  836 
Cebhn  Hiraethoc,  833 
Cedwyn  Gawr,  S35 
Cedwyn,  Ynys,  835 
Ceimiad  Gawr,  837 
Ceimiad,  nant,  837 
Celgan,  Caer,  832 
Celgan  Gawr,  832 
Celhwalhawn  Gawr,  836 
Chwermon  Gawr,  832 
Chwermon,  Lhwyn,  832 
Chwilcin  Gawr,  832 
Chwîl  Gawr,  831 
Clidha,  Clodheu  Caer,  835 
Clidha  Gawr,  835 
Clidha,  Tir,  835 
Clodheu  Caer  Clidha,  835 
Cnwclas,  836 
Cnwclas,  castelh  y,  837 


Penìarth  Ms.    i  1 8,  fos.   S29-S37. 


151 


Coed  Gwent,  S35 

Coed  phranc,  836 

Cornbwch  Gawr,  836 

Cornippin  Gawr,  833 

Corwen,  836 

Craic  Dynas  Gawr,  Caer,  835 

Craic  y  lhyn,  835 

Craic  Dynas  Gawr,  Caer,  835 

Cribarth,  835 

Cribwr  Gawr,  834 

Crow  Castelh,  832 

Cron  Gawr,  835 

Cruc,  832 

Crug  y  Hwil,  831  m 

Crwcast  Gawr,  832 

Crwcast,  pen,  832 

Crychan  Gawr,  829  m 

Crygyn  Gawr,  833 

Crystil  Gawr,  832 

Cwm  Glann  Meichiad,  836 

Cwrt  Mibhod,  832 

Cwrt  y  Betws,  836 

Cybheiloc,  833 

Cybi  Gawr,  835 

Cymry,  834 

Cymryd  Gawr,  832 

Cynlhwyd,  Blaen,  830111 

Cynwil,  832 

Cynwil  Gawr,  832 

Cynwil  Gayo,  832 

D. 

Deyrnion,  y,  836 
Didhannel  Gawr,  831 
Dilyc  Gawr,  Bedh,  836 
Dinas,  833 
Dinas  Gawr,  832 
diphryn  Meichiad,  836 
Dol  Gelhe,  829 
Drewyn  Gawr,  836 
Dybhrdwy,  836 
Dynas  Gawr,  835 
Dynas  Gawr,  Caer  Craic,  835 
dyphryn  Mochnant,  837 
Dyrnhhwch  Gawr,  836 

E. 
Ederyn,  Penn,  835 
Edwin,  Castelh,  834 
Erdhan,  Gawr,  835 
Ernalht  Gawr,  835 
Eryri,  830 
Euas,  836 
Eurbryd  Gawr,  832 


Gartli  Beibio,  836 
Garth  Cribwr  Gawr,  835 


Garwed  (Carwed  ?),  834 
Garwed,  Rhiw,  834 
Gastelhann,  Brynn  Bronn,  835 
Gerdhan  Gawr,  835 
Glascoed,  836 
Glocaenawc,  Parc,  836 
Gnerys  Gawr,  836 
Gogbhran  Gawr,  832,  837 
Gogerdhan,  835 
Gogobh  Erdhan  Gawr,  835 
Gros  bhawr,  836 
Graic  donn,  836 
Gwaith  Bhoed,  834 
Gwalchmei,  831 
Gwedros  Gawr,  831 
Gwely  Idris,  829 
Gwenhwybhar,  837 
Gwent,  835 
Gwent  Coed,  835 
Gwrle  Gawr,  836 

H. 
Hedoc  Gawr,  831 
Heini,  Cebhn,  836 
Heini  Gawr,  836 
Henlhys,  835 
Hiraethoc,  Cebhn,  833 
Hodni,  dyphryn,  836 
Howel  Gawr,  831 
Howel,  Rosser,  832 

I. 
Idris,  Cader,  829 
Idris,  Caer, 
Idris,  Gwely,  829 
Idris  Gawr,  829,  829111,  830 
Iestyu  Gawr,  836 
Itto  Gawr,  830,  830  m 
Iwni  Gawr,  830  m 

L. 

Ladyr  Gawr,  832 
Lhan  Arth,  831,  835 
Lhan  Badarn  Bhawr,  834 

„       Odwyn  (Odyn),  834 
Lhan  Bhachreth,  830 
Lhan  Bhair  or  Lhwyn,  831 
Lhan  Drenoc,  831 
Lhan  Dyssiliaw,  831 
Lhan  Dyssul,  831 
Lhan  Gattwc  dhyphryn  Wysc,  835 
Lhan  Gewydh,  834 
Lhan  Hilar,  833 
Lhan  Iestyn,  836 
Lhanlhony,  832 
Lhan  Sawel,  832,  836 
Lhan  Ternan,  835 
Lhan  Trissant,  835 


*5- 


Peniarth  Ms.    118,  fos.   829-837. 


Lhan  Wenog,  831 
Lhan  Ychayarn,  S33 
Lhan  y  Crwys,  832 
Lhanylhtyd,  830 
Lhan  ym  Mowdhwy,  836 
Lhoches  Gawr,  836 
Lhwyn  Chwermon,  832 
Lhwyni  y  meini  hirion,  837 
Lhyphan  Gawr,  831 
Lhynn  Heini  Gawr,  836 
Lytta  Gawr,  830 

M. 
Mabon  Gawr,  832 
Maylor  Gawr,  833 
Mebhonydh,  S33 
Medhgyrn  Gawr.  S^6 
Meibhod,  836 

Meichiad,  Cwm  Glann,  836 
Meichiad,  diphryn,  836 
Meichiad  Gawr,  836 
Meichiad,  nant,  836 
Meirionydh,  829,  830,  830111,  836 
Merthyr,  836 
Mibhod,  Cwrt,  S32 
Mochnant,  dyphryn,  S37 
Moel  Crychan,  829  m 
Moel  Gawr,  831 
Moel  Ophrom,  830 
Moel  Ysbryn,  830 
Moel  Yscydion,  829,  830 
Morgannwc,  834,  835,  836 
Mowdhwy,  830111 
Moythyn  Gawr,  83 1 
Mwghmawr  drebhi,  832 
Mylaghelh,  Pennant,  837 

N. 
Nant  Ceimiad,  S37 
Nant  Meichiad,  S37 

O. 
Odwyn,  Caer  (Odyn),  S34 
Odwyn  Gawr,  S34 
Oerbryd  Gawr,  832 
Ol  carn  y  march,  833 
Ophrom  Gawr,  830 
Ophrom,  Moel,  S30 
Oyle  Gawr,  835 
Oyle,  Penn,  S35 


Parc  Glocaenawc,  S36 
Pennant  Mylaghelh,  S37 
Penn  Aran,  S30 
Penn  Bwch,  835 
Penn  Ederyn,  S35 
Penn  lliyn,  830,  830  m 
Penn  Oyk-,  S35 


Penn  y  Gawr,  Rhyd,  S36 
Pentre  Bach,  S35 
Perbhedh,  834 
Phili  Gawr,  835 
Phranc,  Coed.  S36 
Pont  Wilim,  S32 
Pyscoc  Gawr,  831 

R. 

Radyr,  Bwlch  Rhiw,  832 
Radyr  Gawr,  S32 
Rhiw  Garwed,  834 
Rhiw  Radyr,  Bwlch,  832 
Rhiw  y  Barbheu,  S30111 
Ricca,  830 
Rithonwy,  S30 
Ritta,  830 
Rosser  Howel,  832 
Rhyd  Penn  y  Gawr,  836 


Sarn  y  Trichawr,  836 

T. 

Talybont,  829 
Tameid  bara,  834 
Tarnoc  Gawr,  836 
Tir  Clidha,  835 
Tir  Crou,  Castelh,  S35 
Trebhaldwyn,  836 
Trebh  y  clawdh,  S36 
Trogi,  Castelh,  S35 
Trogi  Gawr,  835 
Twym,  Cawl,  S34 
Twym,  Uwd,  S34 
Tybhediad,  Abhon,  S37 

U. 

Uwd  Twym,  834 

W. 
Wedros,  Caer.  831 
Wilcin,  Caer,  832 
Wilcin  Gawr,  832 
Wilim,  Pont,  832 
Wrgan,  Bronn,  837 
Wysc,  caer  lhion  ar,  835 
Wysc,  dhyphryn,  835 


Ynys  Cedwyn,  S35 
Ysbryn  Gawr,  S30 
Ysbryn,  Moel,  830 
Yscydion  Gawr,  829 
Yscydion,  Moel,  829,  830 
Ysgyr,  Aber,  832 
Ystrad  F'hlur,  834 
Ystwyth,  Abhon,  833 
Ystymmer,  Cymwd,  S29111. 


Örotn  (Bfgnöwr  cmò  t§t  TlDtfafy 

C0urc0. 

By  J.  Aethur  Price,  M.A. 


It  is  well  known  that  Owen  Glyndwr,  with  the  advice  of  the 
ecclesiastics  who  supported  him,  transferred  the  spiritual 
allegiance  of  Wales  from  Gregory  XII  of  Eome,  the  Pope, 
recognised  in  the  days  of  the  great  schism  by  England,  to 
Benedict  XIII  of  Avignon,  the  Pope  recognised  by  France 
and  Scotland.  John  Trevor,  the  Bishop  of  St.  Asaph, 
who  had  passed  from  the  English  to  the  Welsh  side  in  the 
revolution,  must  have  supported  this  move,  and  about 
the  same  time  Llewelyn,  or  Lewis,  Bifort  was,  apparently 
with  the  sanction  of  the  Avignonese  Pope,  elected  on 
Glyndwr's  nomination  to  the  See  of  Bangor  in  place  of  the 
exiled  owner  of  the  dignity,  Bichard  Young.  Bishop 
Stubbs  (Registrum  Sacrum  Anglicanum,  p.  178)  says  that 
Bifort  was  never  recognised  by  the  English  Church. 
However  this  may  have  been,  he  subsequently  put  in  an 
appearance  at  the  Council  of  Constance  as  "  Ludovicus 
Bangorensis  ".  At  any  rate  from  1404  to  1408  Glyndwr's 
party  were  supreme  in  the  North  Wales  dioceses,  and  had 
much  infìuence  in  South  Wales.  It  was  during  these 
years  that  the  Welsh  clerics  (whose  names  occur  in  the 
list  extracted  from  the  Avignonese  Register),  visited  the 
Papal  Court  in  the  hopes  of  obtaining  ecclesiastical  pro- 
motion.  The  journey  must  have  been  expensive,  the  fees 
high,  and  the  risk  of  being  hung  as  traitors  if  they  fell 
into  English  hands  considerable.  The  fact  that  so  many 
Welsh  clerics,  bore  the  trouble  and  expense  and  took 
the  risk,  which  in  the  end  led  to  no  result,  proves  that  they 
must    have    entertained   a   reasonable    expectation    that 


154     Owen   Glyndiür  and  the    Welsh  Church. 

Glyndwr  would  triumph    and    that  Wales  would  shortly 
become  an  independent  state. 

RoLL    OF    THE    WeLSH. 

(Galenclar   of  Papal   Register,    i,    pp.  623,  624.) 

1406. 

John  Roughton,  of  noble  birth,  for  a  benefice  in  the 
gift  of  the  Bishop  of  St.  Davids. 

Matthew  ap  Ievan  Lloyt,  of  noble  birth,  for  the  like. 

Griffin  ap  Ievan,  of  noble  birth,  for  the  like,  notwith- 
standing-  that  he  is  dispensed  on  account  of  illeg-itimacy, 
and  has  the  perpetual  vicarage  of  St.  Teilaus,  in  the 
diocese  of  Llandaff,  which  he  is  ready  to  resign. 

Granted  for  all.     8avona  13,  Kal.  July,  anno  12. 

Matthew  ap  Ievan  Loyt.  That  the  Pope  would  expedite 
letters  for  a  canonry  and  prebend  of  St.  Davids,  inasmuch 
as  he  is  not  a  g-raduate  althoug-h  he  is  of  noble  birth, 
and  cannot  have  the  former  letters  expedited. 

Granted.  Finale,  in  the  diocese  of  8avona.  5  Non., 
July,  anno  12. 

Philip  ap  Ll,  of  the  diocese  of  Llandaff,  f or  the  beneflce 
in  the  g-ift  of  the  Bishop  and  Chapter-  of  St.  David. 

Granted.     Dated  as  above. 

Gregory  ap  Ivan,  efferiat,  of  the  diocese  of  St.  Asaph, 
for  a  benefice  in  the  gift  of  the  Bishop  and  Chapter 
of  St.  Davids,  notwithstanding  that  he  is  dispensed  as  the 
son  of  a  priest. 

Granted.     Marseilles.     18 th  Kal.  Feb.,  anno  13. 

1407. 

Iorwedith  ap  David  ap  Iorwerth.  For  a  benefice  in  the 
gift  of  the  Bishop  and  Chapter  of  St.  Davids. 

Roger  ap  Ieuan.     For  the  like. 

Mereduth  ap  David  ap  Gruffuth,  for  the  like. 

Granted  for  all.     Marseilles.     6  Id.  Jan.,  anno  13. 


Z%t  TMefl  (Ttafíonaf  6m6fem : 
&tá  or  ©affobíf. 

A  Note  by  ARTHUR  HUGHES,  B.A. 


The  lines  quoted  in  the  last  volume  of  Y  Cymmroclor 
(xxvi,  155)  froinWynkyn  de  Worde's  Chronicles  of  England 
are,  in  the  text,  erroneously  attributed  to  Caxton.  This 
was  done  in  reliance  upon  a  note  in  Sir  Henry  Ellis's 
edition  of  Brand's  Popular  Antiguities  (ed.  1813,  p.  89) 
where  he  states  that  the  lines  referring  to  the  Leek  are 
from  "  Caxton's  Description  of  Wales  at  the  end  of  The 
Scholemaster  of  St.  Alban's  Chroiiicle  ".  This  Description 
of  Wales  has,  however,  a  very  much  earlier  origin  and  is 
John  Trevisa's  translation  of  the  Description  of  Wales  in 
rhymed  Latin  verse  contained  in  Higden's  Polychronicon. 
Hisrden  died  in  1363,  and  Trevisa  informs  us  that  he 
finished  his  translation  of  Higden's  Chronicles  in  1387. 
Ralph  Higden,  monk  of  Chester,  was,  however,  only  a 
compiler  of  Chronicles,  and  the  real  author  of  the  Latin 
verse  Description  of  Wales  in  his  Polychronicon  is  assumed 
to  be  Walter  Map,  the  Welshman,  and  intimate  friend  of 
Giraldus  Cambrensis.  The  poem  is  attributed  to  Map  in 
an  old  list  of  his  works,  and,  as  he  died  c.  1210,  we  may 
claim  that  the  Welshman's  great  affection  for  leeks  was 
recognised  by  a  Welsh  writer  more  than  250  years  before 
Caxton  printed  his  first  book  at  Westminster. 

The  Latin  lines  referring  to  the  Leek  are  these  : — 

His  pnltis  ad  legumina 
Pro  epulis  acrumina 


Ad  mensam  et  post  prandium 
Sal,  porri  sunt  solatium. 


156  The    Welsh  National  Emblem  : 

Trevisa's  translation  is  : — 

They  have  gruel  to  potage 
And  lekes  kynde  to  companage 


Atte  mete  and  after  eke 
Her  solace  is  salt  and  leke. 


The  last  two  lines  are  seen  to  be  translated  quite 
literally ;  but  the  word  acrumina  (acrumen)  translated  as 
'  lekes  kynde  '  is  not  to  be  found  in  any  standard  Latin 
dictionary,  and  it  apparently  puzzled  the  scribes  because 
one  MS.  reads  Pepulis  acrimonia.  There  was,  however,  a 
Low-Latin  word,  agrumen  (agrumina)  signifying  '  the  leek 
species ',  "  olerum  genus  acrimoniam  aliquam  habens  ut 
porri,  allia,  etc."  (Vide,  a  quotation  from  the  Acta  Sanct- 
orum,  a  Bollando  edita,  given  in  Maigne  D'Arnis'  Lexicon 
of  Mediseval  and  Low  Latin,  Paris,  1866,  sub  agrumen). 
The  acrumina  of  the  Polychronicon  is,  therfore,  in  all 
probability,  a  scribe's  mistake  for  agrumina  and  thus 
correctly  translated  as  '  lekes  kynde '  by  Trevisa.  (For 
the  full  texts  of  the  Latin  and  English  verse  see  Chronicles 
of  Greai  Britain  and  Ireland,  Rolls  Series,  vol.  i  (1865) 
and  Laiin  Poems,  by  Walter  Map,  Camden  Society's  pub- 
lications.) 

There  are  several  other  references  to  the  leek  in  Eliza- 
bethan  and  Stuart  literature  in  addition  to  those  given  in 
volume  xxvi  of  Y  Cymmrodor.  Incidentally  they  show 
how  very  common  the  practice  of  wearing  the  leek  on  St. 
David's  Day  must  have  been;  otherwise  the  casual  refer- 
ences  found  would  not  have  been  appreciated  by  theatre 
audiences.  An  interesting  one  is  found  in  the  old  play 
Northward  Hoe,  by  Dekker  and  Webster,  published  1607, 
but  probably  written  in  1601,  where  Captain  Jenldns, 
the  Welshman  swears  :  "  By  all  the  leekes  that  are  worn 
on  St.  Davies  day  ".  There  is  also  a  curious  tract  among- 
the  Commonwealth  Tracts  in  the  British  Museum,  attri- 


Leek  or  Daffodil.  157 

buted  to  the  year  1642,  dealing  with  the  leek  custom.  It 
is  entitled,  "  The  Welchman's  Jubilee :  To  the  Honour 
of  St.  David  :  Showing  the  manner  of  that  Solemn  Cele- 
bration  which  the  Welshmen  annually  hold  in  honour  of 
St.  David.  Describing  likewise  the  True  and  rea  (sic) 
Cause  why  they  wear  that  day  a  Leek  on  their  Hats. 
With  an  excellent  merry  sonnet,  annexed  unto  it.  Com- 
posed  by  T.  Morgan,  Gent."  lt  shows  that  the  orig-in  of 
the  custom  was  no  less  a  puzzle  then  than  it  is  now.  The 
author  states :  "  Some  report  that  they  wear  this  leek 
because  of  their  general  affection  unto  it :  Others  affìrm 
the  cause  to  be,  because  of  the  numerous  multitude  of 
Leekes  that  grow  in  their :  (sic)  but  either  of  these  are 
fallible :  for  it  is  more  credibly  declared,  that  S.  David 
when  hee  always  went  into  the  field,  in  Martiall  exercise 
he  carried  a  Leek  with  him  ;  and  once  being  almost  faint 
to  death,  he  immediately  remembered  himself  of  the  Leek 
and  by  that  means  not  onely  preserved  his  life  but  also 
became  victorious  :  hence  is  the  Mythologie  of  the  Leek 
derived".  Although  Morgan's  explanation  of  the  origin 
of  the  leek  custom  is  not  convincing,  his  doggerel  verses — 
in  no  way  a  sonnet — most  convincingly  prove  him  to  have 
been  an  ardent  Royalist  and  no  Cromwellian. 

The  leek  in  literature  throws  a  curious  side  light  upon 
the  determination  of  Welshmen  to  make  S.  David  a  fight- 
ing  patron  saint  whose  achievements  are  by  no  means 
eclipsed  by  those  of  S.  George. 


Qj3é<m  Qtae0  :  Z$t  We#  ©ani>p+ 

By  w.  llewelyn  williams,  k.c.,  m.p. 

Recorder  of  the  City  of  Cardiff. 


"  Born  in  an  obscure  village  and  from  mean  ancestors  " — 
to  quote  from  his  Latin  epitaph — he  refused  a  knighthood 
at  the  hands  of  two  sovereigns  before  he  was  30  ;  living 
during  a  prolonged  life  like  a  Prince  and  yet  with  no 
visible  means  of  subsistence ;  without  looks,  for  "  his  per- 
son  was  clumsy  and  his  features  harsh  and  peculiarly 
irregular  ",  he  was  noted  for  his  gallantry  and  he  was  the 
undisputed  King  of  English  Fashion  for  over  half  a 
century,  the  arbiter  elegantiarum  in  the  days  of  the 
Dandies,  "  the  glass  of  fashion  and  the  mould  of  form  "  ; 
lampooned  by  Lord  Chesterfield  and  snarled  at  by  Pope, 
he  was  great  or  fortunate  enough  to  have  01iver  Goldsmith 
for  his  biographer,  and  in  our  own  days  George  Meredith 
for  his  subtle  and  slightly  mocking  eulogist,  and  so  severe 
a  moralist  as  Lecky  for  his  admirer  ;  without  wit,  he  was 
the  most  quoted  tallcer  of  his  day ;  without  learning — for 
he  left  Oxford  without  a  degree  and  having  eaten  his 
dinners  was  never  called  to  the  Bar — he  had  more  books 
dedicated  to  him  than  almost  any  patron  of  his  time ; 
without  family,  he  was  the  friend  of  Princes,  he  exchanged 
snuff-boxes  and  compliments  with  the  Prince  of  Orange 
and  Frederick,  Prince  of  Wales,  he  was  rude  with  im- 
punity  to  great  ladies,  and  saved  Dukes  and  Earls  from 
the  consequences  of  their  folly ;  he  refused  flatly  the 
petition  of  Princess  Amelia  for  an  extra  dance,  and  he 
tore  her  white  apron  from  her  Grace  the  Duchess  of 
Queensberry  and  threw  it,  in  a  public  room,  to  her  ladies- 


Beau  Nash:    The    Welsh  Dandy.  159 

in-waiting ;  a  gambler,  a  speudthrift,  and  a  rake,  he  was 
the  confidential  adviser  in  all  matters  of  business  of  grim 
old  Sarah,  Duchess  of  Marlborough,  the  shrewdest  and 
richest  and  most  grasping  woman  of  her  age  ;  a  graceless 
adventurer,  his  death  eclipsed  the  gaiety  of  the  nation, 
and  his  public  funeral  evoked  as  much  attention  and 
eulogy  as  if  he  had  indeed  been  a  throned  monarch  :  who 
can  deny  the  quality  of  romance  to  the  amazing  career  of 
Richard  Nash,  the  Welsh  Dandy,  whom  George  Meredith 
has  described  as  the  fìrst  and  perhaps  the  last  of  the 
philosopher-beaus  of  England? 

Richard  Nash  was  born  at  Swansea  on  October  18th, 
1674.  The  house  where  he  was  born  still  stands  in  Goat 
Street,  and  a  tablet  distinguishes  it  from  its  meaner 
fellows  with  the  legend  that  it  is  Beau  Nash's  birthplace. 
His  father  was  a  partner  in  a  glass-house,  and  originally 
came  from  Pembrokeshire — from  Haverfordwest,  if  I 
mistake  not.  His  mother  was  the  niece  of  that  Colonel 
Poyer,  who,  after  fighting  on  the  Parliament  side,  took 
the  field  against  Cromwell,  and  was  shot  for  his  pains  in 
London,  after  his  defeat  at  the  Battle  of  St.  Fagan's. 

In  those  days  Swansea  was  a  place  of  110  great  account. 
In  our  estimation  it  was  something  more  than  "  an  obscure 
village  ",  but  it  was  insignificant  as  compared  with  towns 
like  Bath  or  Bristol,  or  even  Carmarthen.  The  "  glass- 
house  "  in  which  the  elder  Nash  was  partner  was  not  a 
great  affair,  for  our  hero  never  seems  to  have  been  encum- 
bered  with  much  of  this  world's  gear.  Still,  Richard 
Nash,  the  elder,  must  have  been  a  man  of  substance,  for 
he  sent  his  son  to  school  at  Carmarthen  under  one 
Maddocks,  and  thence  to  Jesus  College,  Oxford,  where  he 
matriculated  in  March,  1691-2,  at  the  mature  age  of  16i. 
But  the  future  Beau  was  a  precocious  youth.  He  soon 
entered  upon  a  love-passage  with  an  adventurous  damsel 


ióo  Beau  Nash  :     The    Welsh  Dandy. 

in  or  near  Oxford.  He  received  the  blessing  of  the  lady's 
father,  and  proposed  and  was  accepted  by  the  fair 
Amaryllis.  The  College  authorities,  ever  ready  to  destroy 
love's  young  dream,  and  in  those  days  entirely  composed 
of  vinous  celibates,  got  wind  of  our  hero's  romantic 
escapade  and  promptly  sent  the  young  gentleman  down. 
He  shook  the  dust  of  Oxford  from  off  his  feet  and  never 
returned. 

Young  Richard,  having  once  tasted  the  joys  of  adven- 
ture,  soon  took  wing  from  the  Goat  Street  nest.  He 
managed  somehow  to  "purchase  a  pair  of  colours  in  the 
army  ",  or,  in  other  words,  he  bought  a  commission.  His 
biographer  goes  on  to  say  that  he  "  dressed  the  part  to 
the  very  edge  of  his  finances ".  Some  admirers  have 
suggested  that  he  was  able  to  do  all  this  by  the  help  of 
his  father;  but  Goldsmitb,  who  knew  Beau  Nash  and  who 
read  through  the  papers  which  the  old  Beau  had  written 
with  a  view  to  publishing  his  autobiography,  will  have 
none  of  this.  He  thinks  that  Beau  Nash,  thus  early, 
began  to  live  on  his  wits,  and  was  even  then  a  skilled 
gamester.  He  relates  indeed  many  tales,  amusing  but 
unedifying,  of  the  shifts  to  which  our  poor  hero  was 
driven  in  order  to  maintain  his  position  in  the  world.  He 
did  not  remain  long  in  the  army.  The  strictness  of  the 
discipline  appalled  hini,  and  the  pay  was  too  small  for  a 
young  gentleman  whose  ambition  it  was  to  set  the  fashion 
to  the  bucks  about  town.  He  sold  out,  therefore,  and 
with  the  price  of  his  commission,  he  was  able  to  enter  his 
name  at  the  Inner  Temple.  There  he  met  a  society  after 
his  own  heart.  He  became  distinguished  for  his  fine 
manners,  his  fashionable  dress,  and  the  gaiety  of  his  wit. 
No  one  knew  where  he  got  his  money  from,  and  no  one 
particularly  cared.  Indeed,  it  was  commonly  reported 
that  he  rode   out  to  Hounslow  Heath  and  helcì   up   fat 


Beau  Nash  :    The    Welsh  Dandy.  1 6 1 

graziers  and  pursy  parsons :  and  no  one  seems  ío  have 
thought  the  worse  of  him  !  Let  me  hasten  to  adcl  that 
there  is  no  tittle  of  evidence  that  our  hero  ever  did  any- 
thing  so  crude.  Had  he  done  so,  we  may  be  sure  that 
in  the  garrulity  of  his  old  age,  when  he  was  fond  of  boast- 
ing  of  his  youthful  prowess,  he  would  not  have  refrained 
from  mentioning  the  fact.  He  did  tell  Goldsmith  many 
stories  of  the  absurd  wagers  which  he  made  in  order  to 
raise  the  wind.  Once  he  rode  naked  through  a  village  on 
the  back  of  a  cow ;  another  time  he  stood  at  the  main 
door  of  York  Minster  for  an  hour  with  only  a  sheet  over 
him,  and  he  recalls  his  encounter  with  the  Dean  who 
happened  to  know  him.  But  the  chief  source  of  his 
income  was  the  gaming  tables. 

When  he  was  a  Templar,  his  Gracious  Majesty  King 
William  III  paid  a  State  visit  to  the  Middle  Temple.  So 
great  by  this  time  was  the  reputation  of  Nash  that, 
through  a  member  of  the  Inner  Temple,  he  was  asked  to 
become  the  Superintendent  of  the  Pageant  with  which  it 
was  the  custom  in  those  days  to  entertain  the  monarch. 
Nash  accepted  the  task,  and  pleased  King  William  so 
much  that  he  offered  to  knight  the  young  spark  of  24. 
"  An  it  please  your  Majesty  to  make  me  a  Knight ",  was 
the  reply,  "  let  me  be  made  a  poor  knight  of  Windsor,  f or 
then  I  shall  have  the  means  to  support  the  title".  But 
the  shrewd  Dutchman  did  not  take  the  hint,  and  the 
needy  Pageant-Director  remained  plain  Richard  Nash. 

On  another  occasion — though  of  this  we  have  no 
details — Nash  refused  a  knighthood.  This  time  it  was 
Queen  Anne  who  was  snubbed  by  his  refusal.  Queen  Anne 
is  dead,  and  we  all  know  the  rule,  nil  nisi  bonum  de  mortuis. 
But  historic  truth  compels  one  to  admit  that  her  Gracious 
Majesty  was  a  weak,  silly  old  dame.  In  those  days  there 
were  no  music  halls  to  amuse  the  tired  brain  of  Royalty, 

M 


IÓ2  Bean  Nash  :    The    Wclsh  Dandv. 

110  Harry  Lauders  to  entertain  tliem.  So  they  kept  a 
tame  jester  at  Court,  and  Queen  Anne's  was  a  fool  called 
William  or  Billy  Reid.  I  suppose  the  poor  lady  laughed 
one  day  more  heartily  than  usual  at  Billy's  quips,  and 
forthwith  got  him  on  his  knees,  popped  out  a  sword,  and 
smacked  him  011  the  shoulder,  crying,  "Rise,  Sir  William!" 
And  the  Court  laughed  at  the  merry  jest  for  nine  days. 
Shortly  after — whether  it  was  that  our  hero  had  super- 
intended  anotlier  pageant  or  that  one  of  his  puns  amused 
Her  Majesty — the  poor  Queen,  who  was  ever  kind,  wanted 
to  knight  Diclc  Nash.  "  No,  madam,  an  it  please  you  ", 
replied  he,  drawing  back  in  alarm,  "  for  if  you  knight  me, 
Billy  Reid  will  call  me  brother  ". 

But  it  was  through  his  connection  of  nearly  sixty  years 
with  the  city  of  Bath  that  Nash  attained  perennial  fame. 
In  1703,  Bath  had  become  a  fashionable  resort  because  of 
Queen  Anne's  visit  to  the  Wells.  The  ruck  of  fine  society 
went  thither,  and  as  play  was  almost  the  only  recreation 
of  the  great  in  those  days,  it  was  no  wonder  that  the  fame 
of  Bath  became  second  onlv  to  that  of  London  for  the 
vastness  of  the  sums  that  were  staked.  Thither  therefore 
went  all  the  professional  gamesters  of  England  for  the 
season.  The  fìrst  to  try  to  exploit  the  virgin  soil  was  one 
Captain  Webster,  whose  name  would  have  been  forgotten 
but  for  Nash's  reminiscences  to  Goldsmith.  In  1705, 
however,  two  years  after  the  Queen's  visit,  Richard  Nash 
went  to  Bath,  and  for  well  nigh  sixty  years  his  name  was 
synonymous  with  that  of  the  famous  Wells.  He  became 
the  uncrowned  King  of  Bath.  Within  its  confines,  he 
was  a  more  autocratic  monarch  than  ever  a  Tudor  was  on 
the  English  throne.  None  dared  dispute  his  laws.  He 
reigned  by  ridicule,  for  an  Englishman  fears  nothing  so 
much  as  being  laughed  at.  He  decreed  that  no  cavalier 
should  come  to  the  Assembly  Rooms  wearing  a   sword, 


Beau  Nash  :    The    Welsh  Danciy.  163 

which  hitherto  had  been  looked  upon  as  theunmistakeable 
mark  of  a  gentleman.  •  So  arbitrary  a  rule,  sinning  against 
all  the  conventions  of  a  rude  society,  might  be  thought  to 
be  certain  of  defeat,  but,  so  great  was  the  masterful 
dominance  of  Beau  Nash — as  he  now  came  to  be  called — 
that  the  custom  took  deep  root,  not  only  in  Bath,  but 
between  the  years  1720  and  1730  in  London  as  well. 
Even  to-day  in  Franee  and  Germany  the  duel  is  regarded 
as  a  proper  method  of  settling  disputes  between  gentle- 
men.  The  decline  of  the  duel  in  England  may  be  dated 
from  the  reign  of  Beau  Nash,  and  were  it  only  for  this 
advance  in  the  amenities  of  social  life,  his  name  deserves 
to  be  held  in  lasting  esteem. 

The  squires  of  England  in  those  rude  days  were  little 
better  than  clodhoppers.  Fielding's  "  Squire  Western  ", 
with  his  clownish  talk  and  uncouth  manners,  was  true  to 
type.  They  were  the  bane  of  Beau  Nash's  early  reign. 
They  came  to  Bath  in  their  riding  gear,  full  of  coarse 
jests  and  vulgar  oaths.  This  was  more  than  the  Welsh 
Dandy  could  stand.  He  lampooned  them  in  verse,  he 
ridiculed  them  on  the  stage,  till  at  last  not  one  of  them 
durst  appear  in  the  Assembly  Rooms  in  his  riding  boots, 
and  ladies  were  freed  from  the  vulgarities  of  their  drunlcen 
insolence.  Bath,  then,  became  the  mirror  of  polite  society 
and  for  the  first  time,  English  manners  became  compar- 
able  with  those  of  England's  polite  neighbour  across  the 
Channel. 

It  would  take  too  long  to  tell  what  Beau  Nash  did  for 
Bath.  He  built  the  Assembly  Rooms,  he  gave  a  code  of 
manners  and  customs  which  were  more  strictly  enjoined 
than  the  laws  of  the  Medes  and  Persians,  he  widened  the 
roads,  he  embellished  the  streets,  he  provided  musical 
bands,  and  he  made  Bath  the  capital  of  English  Eashion. 
He  was  generally  known  as  the  King  of   Bath,  and  his 

m  2 


1 64  Beau  Nasli  :    The   Welsh  Dandy. 

jurisdiction  extended  for  miles  without  the  city  walls. 
He  had  neither  Crown  nor  Constitution,  but  for  well  nigh 
sixty  years  he  ruled  as  a  despotic  monarch.  He  had 
the  power  to  exile  any  offender  from  the  circle,  his  smiles 
were  courted  by  princes  and  poets  and  peers.  When  he 
rode  to  Tunbridge,  which  he  did  once  a  year,  it  was  in  a 
great  chariot  drawn  by  six  greys,  with  outriders,  running 
footmen,  and  French  horns.  He  always  wore  a  buckle 
over  his  stock  in  front,  the  wonder  of  mankind,  and  till 
the  day  of  his  death  he  was  never  seen  wearing  ought  but 
his  white  hat.  He  gave  the  laws  to  the  young  bloods  of 
England,  and  110  one  could  hope  to  hold  a  place  in  society 
on  whom  Beau  Nash  had  frowned. 

It  was  when  he  was  at  the  zenith  of  his  fame  and 
fortune  that  he  encountered  an  adversary  against  whom 
he  was  powerless.  John  Wesley  came  to  Bath  on  June  5th, 
1739,  and  met  the  uncrowned  king.  Let  John  Wesley 
tell  the  tale  himself  as  he  has  given  it  in  his  Journal — 
"  There  was  great  expectation  at  Bath,"  he  relates  "  of 
what  a  noted  man  was  to  do  to  me  there  ;  and  I  was 
much  entreated  not  to  preach,  because  no  one  knew  what 
might  happen.  By  this  report  I  gained  a  much  larger 
audience,  among  whom  were  many  of  the  rich  and  great. 
....  Many  of  them  ....  were  sinking  into  seriousness 
when  their  champion  appeared,  and  coming  close  to  me, 
asked  by  what  authority  I  did  these  things.  I  replied, 
'  By  the  authority  of  Jesus  Christ,  conveyed  to  me  by  the 
(now)  Archbishop  of  Canterbury ',  when  he  laid  hands 
upon  me  and  said,  '  Take  thou  authority  to  preach  the 
Gospel'.  He  said,  'This  is  contrary  to  Act  of  Parliament, 
this  is  a  conventicle'.  I  answered,  '  Sir,  the  conventicles 
mentioned  in  that  Act  (as  the  preamble  shows)  are  sedi- 
tious  meetings,  but  this  is  not  such  ;  here  is  no  shadow  of 
sedition  ;  therefore  it  is  not  contrary  to  that  Act '.     He 


Bean  Nash:    The    Welsh  Dandy.  165 

replied,  '  I  say  it  is  ;  and  besides,  your  preaching  frightens 
people  out  of  their  wits '.  '  Sir,  did  you  ever  hear  nie 
preach  '  ?  '  No.'  '  How  then  can  you  judge  of  what  you 
have  never  heard  ?  '  '  Sir,  by  coramon  report.'  '  Cominon 
Report  is  not  enough.  Give  me  leave,  sir,  to  ask,  is  not 
your  name  Nash  ? '  '  My  name  is  Nash.'  '  Sir,  I  dare 
not  judge  of  you  by  common  report.  I  think  it  is  not 
enough  to  judge  by.'  Here  he  paused  awhile,  and  having 
recovered  himself  said,  '  I  desire  to  know  what  this  people 
comes  here  for  ?  '  On  which  one  replied,  '  Sir,  leave  him 
to  me  ;  let  an  old  woman  answer  him.  You,  Mr.  Nash, 
take  care  of  your  body  ;  we  take  care  of  our  souls ;  and 
for  the  food  of  our  souls,  we  come  here  '.  He  replied  not 
a  word,  but  walked  away."- 

There  is  something  in  the  story  that  appeals  to  me. 
It  bears  upon  itself  the  impress  of  truth,  as  all  John 
Wesley's  entries  in  his  Journal  do.  There  is  no  doubt 
that  the  great  Dissenting  casuist  got  the  better  of  our 
poor  Beau  in  dialectics.  Dick  Nash  was  no  fit  opponent 
to  the  Rev.  J.  Wesley,  Fellow  of  Lincoln  College,  Oxford, 
either  in  theology,  or  law,  or  general  debate.  He  was 
repulsed  at  the  first  charge,  and  the  "  old  woman  "  turned 
the  repulse  into  a  rout.  Yet,  I  like  the  conclusion.  "He 
replied  not  a  word,  but  walked  away."  He  felt  he  was 
fighting  forces  greater  than  he  could  command,  and  a 
spirit  he  could  not  quench.  He  did  not  rail  or  swear, 
"  He  said  nçt  a  word  but  walked  away ".  Perhaps  he 
had  some  dim  perception — as  what  Welshman  could  not? 
— of  the  meaning  of  the  portent  of  Jolm  Wesley.  He 
may  have  been  conscious  of  the  antagonism  of  two 
elemental  forces  in  the  human  world.  On  the  one 
side,  tbere  was  the  old  Paganism,  exemplified  in  the 
eighteenth  century  by  Beau  Nash,  with  its  delight  in  the 
pursuit  of  pleasure, — which  in  the  previous  century  made 


i66  Beau  Nash  :    The    Welsh  Dandy. 

Huw  Morus  exclaim,  when  the  Cromwellians  were  chang- 
ing  all  things  : 

Pan  oeddwn  i'n  fachgen, 

Mi  welais  fyd  Uawen, 

Cyn  codi  o'r  genfìgen  flin  fìlen  yn  fawr, 

I  ladd  yr  hên  Lywydd, 

A  dilyn  ffydd  newydd 

Ac  Arglwydd  afìonydd  yn  flaenawr. 
On  the  other,  was  that  spirit  of  Puritanism,  which  was 
to  transform  and  transfigure  the  whole  conception  of 
social  life  in  England,  and  our  poor  Beau,  when  suddenly 
confronted  with  the  blunt  exposition  of  the  "old  woman  ", 
being  a  Welshman,  could  not  have  failed  to  have  some 
glimmering  perception  of  the  truth.  At  all  events  let  it 
be  accounted  unto  him  for  grace  that,  "  He  replied  not  a 
word,  but  walked  away". 

For  this  is  the  paradox  of  Beau  Nash.  He  lived  by 
garaing,  but  he  helped  to  save  many  a  gamester  from  ruin. 
A  society  parasite,  he  was  capable  of  acts  of  supreme 
generosity.  He  was  often  superbly  insolent, — Pope  once 
described  him  as  an  "  impudent  dog" — but  there  never 
was  a  ldnder  heart.  He  was  in  many  ways  a  snob,  yet 
when  the  Duchess  of  Marlborough  taunted  him  with  never 
mentioning  his  father,  he  replied  with  spirit  and  fíne 
feeling,  "  Madam,  I  seldom  mention  ray  father  in  com- 
pany,  not  because  I  have  any  reason  to  be  ashamed  of  hira, 
but  because  he  has  some  reason  to  be  asharaed  of  me  ". 
Two  stories — how  he  saved  a  Duke,  and  how  he  befriended 
a  generous  souled  beauty,  named  Miss  Braddock,  the  sister 
of  that  ill-fated  General  Braddock,  who  fell  at  Ticon- 
deroga — have  been  enshrined  and  intertwined  in  George 
Meredith's  fascinating  story  of  Beau  Bearaish,  yclept 
"  A  Tale  of  Chloe".  Another  true  story  of  our  Beau — 
how  he  proposed  to  a  lady,  and  was  told  that  she  loved 


Beau  Nash  :    The   Welsh  Dandy.  167 

another,  how  he  offered  her  the  dowry  which  her  indignant 
father  refused  in  his  anger,  and  how  the  father  relented 
and  consented  to  the  marriage — was  used  by  Vanbrugh  in 
the  last  Act  of  one  of  his  plays.  There  is  one  well  attested 
story  which  I  must  tell.  A  certain  young  Earl  came  to 
Bath  intent  on  amusement.  He  knew  nothing  of  garning, 
and  so  Beau  Nash  became  his  instructor.  They  began  to 
play  for  small  stakes  ;  the  Beau  won  and  won.  Tlie  young 
Earl  lost  his  temper,  and  challenged  his  opponent  to  play 
for  higher  stakes.  Nash  refused  ;  the  young  fool  became 
insolent  and  insulting.  Time  after  time  the  stakes  were 
increased ;  time  after  time  the  Beau  won.  At  last  the 
Earl  rose  from  the  table,  a  ruined  man.  All  his  paternal 
acres  had  passed  to  the  old  gamester  who  ruled  over  Bath. 
"  My  Lord  ",  said  Nash,  "  I  will  not  deprive  you  of  your 
inheritance.  Go  back  to  your  home,  and  promise  me  to 
play  110  more ".  The  Earl  was  astonished  and  over- 
whelmed,  and  asked  what  return  he  could  make.  "  Give 
me  £5,000",  said  the  Beau,  "if  ever  I  ask  it  of  you  ". 
The  Earl  consented,  and  forthwith  departed,  but  as  long 
as  he  lived  the  Beau  never  exacted  the  penalty.  Long 
after  tlie  EarPs  death,  when  the  Beau  was  old  and  poor, 
he  sent  a  claim  to  the  Earl's  successor  for  the  £5,000. 
The  claim  was  met  and  the  £5,000  was  paid. 

It  was  little  wonder,  after  all,  that  a  man  of  this 
character  became  the  Monarch  of  Bath.  His  full  length 
statue  was  put  up  by  the  Corporation  between  the  busts 
of  Newton  and  Pope.  The  great  Lord  Chesterfield 
satirised  it  as  follows  : — 

The  statue  placed  the  busts  between 

Adds  to  the  satire  strength, 

Wisdom  and  wit  are  little  seen, 

But  Folly  at  full  length. 
But  the  Corporation  of  Bath  were  no  whit  abashed.     They 


i68  Beau  Nash  :    The    Welsh  Dandy. 

revered  the  Creator  of  the  fame  and  prosperity  of  theìr 
city,  and  they  allowed  nothing  to  dini  their  gratitude. 

When  in  his  old  age  in  1745 — when  he  was  71 — a  law 
was  passed  to  forbid  gaming  in  public  places,  and  the 
poor  old  Beau  was  deprived  of  the  niain  source  of  his 
inconie,  the  Corporation  bestowed  on  hini  a  pension  of 
£10  a  month.  He  was  ever  a  bountiful  and  compassionate 
man.  No  one  in  distress  ever  approached  him  in  vain. 
He  it  was  that  was  mainly  instrumental  in  establishing 
the  Hospital  at  Bath  for  poor  patients.  The  stories  of  his 
kind  heartedness  are  innumerable.  He  cared  nothing  for 
money.  He  spent  it  lavishly  as  he  made  it  easily.  When 
he  died  in  1761,  at  the  venerable  age  of  87,  £50  was  voted 
by  the  Corporation  for  a  public  funeral.  Never  was  such 
a  spectacle  seen  before  in  Bath.  The  Capital  of  Fashion 
went  into  mourning.  Every  house  was  shut,  every  blind 
was  drawn.  The  funeral  cortege,  as  described  in  the 
Gentlemaris  Magazine  was  stately  and  impressive.  First 
came  the  charity  boys  and  girls — the  Beau's  own  protégés — 
singing  a  hymn,  then  came  the  City  Band,  and  then  the 
Beau's  own  Band  from  the  Assembly  Eooms,  playing  a 
dirge.  Then  three  clergymen  walked  in  solemn  procession, 
in  full  canonicals,  before  the  coffin  which  was  bedecked 
with  sable  plumes.  The  pall  was  supported  by  the  six 
senior  aldermen  of  the  City.  Then  followed  the  Beau's 
own  chosen  retinue — the  masters  of  the  Assembly  Eooms ; 
after  them  the  beadles  of  the  Hospital.  The  picture  is 
striking  and  pathetic ;  but  I  like  best  of  all  the  little 
touch  which  was  added  by  Goldsmith,  the  supreme  artist 
in  homely  emotion,  "  Last  of  all ",  wrote  he,  "  the  poor 
patients  themselves,  the  lame,  the  emaciated,  and  the 
feeble  folloẅed  their  old  benefactor  to  his  grave,  shedding 
unfeigned  tears,  and  lamenting  themselves  in  him  ". 

Kequiescat  in  pace. 


QJ5afcẃ:   y  QÌ5remn  <xfx  £{>mrj>+ 

Gan  W.  LLEWELYN  WILLIAMS  (Llwydfryn),  A.S. 


Unde  et  Anglorum  rege  Henrico  secundo  in  australem  Walliam  apud 
Pencadeyr,  quod  capud  Cathedrae  sonat,  nostris  diehus  (a.d.  1163)  in 
hanc  gentem  expeditionem  agente,  consultus  ab  eo  senior  quidam 
populi  ejusdem  qui  contra  alios  tamen  vitio  gentis  eidem  adhaeserat, 
super  exercitu  regis,  populoque  rebelli  si  resistere  posset,  quid  ei 
declararet  opinionem  respondit :  "  Gravari  quidem,  plurimaque  ex 
parte  destrui  et  debilitari  vestris,  rex,  aliorumque  viribus,  nunc  et 
olim  et  pluries,  meritorum  exegentia,  gens  ista  valebit.  Ad  plenum 
autem,  propter  hominis  iram,  nisi  et  ira  Dei  concurrerit,  non  delebitur. 
Nec  alia,  ut  arbitror,  gens  quam  haec  Rambrica,  aliave  lingua,  in  die 
districti  examinis  coram  Judice  Supremo,  quicquid  de  ampliore  con- 
tingat,  pro  hoc  terrarum  angulo  respondebit. 

Giraldus  Cambrensis  :    Desc.  Cambriae  :  Lit.  ii,  cap.  x. 

Felly  yn  ein  dyddiau  ni  (a.d.  1163)  pan  y  bu  i'r  Brenin  Harri'r 
Eilfed  ymosod  ar  y  Deheubarth,  efe  a  ofynnodd  ym  Mhencader  i  hen 
wr  o  Gymro,  yr  hwn  oedd  yn  glynu  wrtho,  beth  oedd  ei  farn  am  ei 
fyddin,  ac  am  allu'r  Cymry  i  wrthsefyll  ei  rym,  ac  ebe'r  henwr :  "  O 
Frenin,  ti  elli  di  ac  ereill  lethu,  ac  mewn  rhan  wanychu  a  difetha 
llawer  ar  y  genedl  hon,  fel  y  digwyddodd  lawer  gwaith  o'r  blaen,  a 
mynych  hi  a  lwydda  drwy  rinwedd  ei  hynni,  ond  fyth  ni  ddileir  hi'n 
llwyr  drwy  lidiowgrwydd  dyn,  oddieithr  iddi  hefyd  ennyn  digofaint 
Duw.  Ac  yn  nydd  mawr  y  Farn,  pan  y  geilw  Duw  ni  oll  i  gyfrif, 
rwyf  yn  meddwl,  doed  a  ddelo,  mai  Cymry  fydd  pia'r  wlad,  ac  mai  yn 
Gymraeg  yr  atebant  dros  y  cwr  hwn  o'r  ddaear. 

i. 

"  Barbariaid  yw'r  Cymry  !  "  yn  groch  llefai  Harri : 
Nid  oes  iddynt,  druain,  warineb  na  moes  ! 
Ar  hyn  fe  rof  derfyn,  fy  nghyfraith  gânt  dderbyn, 
Y  Norddman  gânt  ddilyn,  pen  brigyn  yr  oes  ; 


170  Balad:    Y  Brenin  dr  Cymry. 

Pam  glynant  yn  ffyddlon  i  grefydd  a  defîon 
A  iaith  sydd  yn  estron  i  gyimydd  y  byd  ? 
Paham  nad  ynt  foddlon  ar  iaith  eu  cym'dogion? 
Paham  ar  iaith  anwar  y  rhoddant  eu  bryd  ? 


11. 


"  Mae  gennyf  fì  fyddin  ",  bygythiai  y  Brenin, 
0  Norddmyn  a  Fflemyn  na  threchwyd  erioed ; 
Myfi  yw  ei  llywydd ;  ac  o  Fôr  y  Werydd 
Hyd  eithaf  y  gwledydd,  fe  seinir  fy  ng-hlod  ! 
A  chwi,  wael  Frythoniaid,  llwyth  tlawd  o  anwariaid, 
Gwybyddwch  mai  ofer  g-wrthsefyll  fy  ngrym  ! 
'Mostyng-wch  i'm  harfau,  a  phlygwch  i'm  deddfau, 
Cewch  freiniau  fy  neiliaid  yn  rhad  ac  am  ddim  "  ! 

iii. 

"  Ein  Duw  "  ebe'r  Cymry  "  a  roes  ein  gwlad  ini, — 

Ei  chadw  ai  charu  rhaid  ini  ei  phlant  : 

Os  cribog'  ein  bryniau,  a  gwael  ein  buddiannau, 

Anwylwn  o'n  c'lonnau  bob  mynydd  a  phant. 

Ti  elli,  o  D'wysog,  drwy  rym  dy  wyr  arfog1, 

Orthrymu'n  flinderog  ein  cenedl  ni, 

Ond  gwybydd  na  elli  ein  hysbryd  orchfyg-u, 

Na'n  cariad  at  Gymru  tra  llosgo'r  haul  fry  ! 

iv. 

"  Ac  am  ein  hiaith  dirion,  er  gwaetha'th  fygythion, 

Yn  ddwfn  yn  ein  calon  caiff  loches  a  nyth  : 

Tra  ser  y  ffurfafen,  tra  llen,  cân  ac  awen, 

Coleddwn  yn  llawen  ei  cheinion  hi  byth. 

Ei  hacen  hyfrydol  ar  wefus  mam  siriol, 

A  g-lywsom  yn  swynol  wrth  siglo'n  y  crud  : 

A  drown  yn  anffyddlon,  ar  arch  rhyw  deyrn  estron, 

I'n  mamiaith  wen  wiwlon  a'n  mag'odd  ni  cyd  ? 


Balad  :    Y  Brenin  ar  Cymry.  1 7 1 


v. 


"  Yn  hon  bu  ein  beirddion  yn  moli  ein  dewrion 

A'n  glew  dywysogion,  gwroniaid  ein  bro : 

Os  hon  a  anghofiwn,  ein  hanes  a  gollwn, 

Mor  ddiwerth  a  fydclwn  ag  adar  y  tô  ! 

Os  hyn  yw  gwareiddiad,  gwell  cyflwr  barbariad 

Sy'n  meithrin  ei  gariad  at  bethau  a  fu ! 

A  gasglodd  ein  tadau  fwynheir  gennym  ninnau, 

A  drosir  yn  ddiau  i'n  plant  bychain  ni ! 

vi. 

"  Ein  hiaith  os  enciliodd  o  blasau  brenhinoedd, 
0  wychder  eu  llysoedd  os  ciliodd  hi  draw, — 
Os  gwledig  ei  hagwedd,  mae  iddi  ei  gorsedd 
Yng  nghalon  ei  deiliaid,  y  sydd  ac  a  ddaw  ! 
Eheda  i'r  entrych  i  breswyl  gwyn  gorwych, 
A  neges  f  wy  drudfawr  na  deiseb  i  ti, — 
Can's  hi  sy'n  cyfryngu  rhwng  tylwyth  y  Cymry 
A'r  Iesu  a  hoeliwyd  ar  bren  erom  ni ! 

vii. 

"  0  lychyn  ymffrostgar  !  nid  wyt  ond  o'r  ddaear, 
Yn  ebrwydd  i'r  ddaear  disgynni  yn  ôl ! 
Nid  yw  dy  ddoethineb  ond  ffug  o  warineb, 
Doethineb  nid  yw, — ond  clindarddach  y  ffol  ! 
Duw  roes  yn  ein  genau  briodiaith  ein  tadau, 
A  thrwy'r  cenedlaethau  hi  erys  yn  bur : 
A  phan  ddaw  Dydd  Cyfrif,  'nol  oesau  aneirif, 
Yn  honno  yr  etyb  trigolion  ein  tir  !  " 


Zfy  Itíng  anb  t$t  TMefc 

(A   Translation  of  the  foregoing.) 
By  SIE  FRANCIS  EDWARDS,  Bart.,  M.P. 


Tliose  heathen,  the  Cymry,  loud  spake  the  King  Henry, 

Are  wretches  ill-mannered  and  gentleness  scorn  : 
Amend  this  I  vow  to,  my  law  they  shall  bow  to, 

The  Norman  shall  rule  them  to  leadership  born. 
Why  do  they  thus  fight  for  their  faith  and  their  right, 

Their  tongue  that  doth  slight  the  world's  progress  for- 
sooth  ? 
Why  is  our  speech  hated  by  these  with  us  mated, 

Why  love  they  so  fondly  a  language  uncouth  ? 

ii. 

My  army  doth  muster,  the  Monarch  did  bluster, 

Both  Norman  and  Fleming  who  know  not  defeat : 
Their  leader  undaunted,  my  praises  are  chaunted 

O'er  ocean  to  realms  of  remotest  retreat. 
Ye  Celts  of  low  station,  poor  barbarous  nation, 

Know  that  it  avails  not  my  might  to  withstand : 
Submit  to  my  legions,  to  my  laws  give  obedience, 

As  subjects  your  rights  you  shall  freely  command. 

iii. 

The  land  to  us  given,  said  the  Welshmen,  by  heaven 
We  must,  as  her  children,  both  cherish  and  prize  : 
Our  hills  may  seem  frowning,  our  wealth  not  worth  own- 

But  our  mountains  and  valleys  are  dear  to  our  eyes. 


The  King  and  the    Welsh.  173 

By  the  might  of  thy  forces,  0  Prince,  and  resources 
Our  nation  thou  canst  both  oppress  and  o'er-run ; 

But  know  that  thy  power  our  pride  cannot  lower, 
Nor  the  love  of  our  country  while  shineth  the  sun. 


IV. 

Our  language  belo^éd,  by  threats  all  unmovéd, 

A  refuge  and  nest  in  our  bosoms  shall  share  : 
While  the  stars  gleam  above  and  the  muses  we  love, 

Its  charm  we  shall  cherish  with  joyfulness  e'er. 
Its  accents  enthralling  from  mother  lips  falling 

When  rocked  in  our  cradles  we  g'ladly  did  hear  : 
Shall  our  tongue  be  abhorred  at  a  foreign  king's  word, 

The  sweet  mother-tongùe  for  such  ages  our  cheer  ? 


Our  bards  in  this  tongue  of  our  stalwarts  have  sung, 

And  princes  of  valour,  our  heroes  supreme  : 
If  we  fail  this  to  cherish,  our  story  will  perish, 

As  worthless  as  sparrows  ourselves  we  shall  deem. 
If  culture  this  be  then,  far  better  the  heathen, 

Who  foster  affection  for  things  that  are  past : 
What  our  fathers  have  wrought  for,  by  us  shall  be  fought 
for, 

And  faithfully  left  to  our  children  at  last. 


VI. 


Our   tongue   though    'tis    banished   from   halls,  and   has 
vanished 

From  the  palaces  splendid  of  kings  f  ar  away : 
Though  rustic  her  dress  is,  a  throne  she  possesses 

In  the  hearts  of  her  subjects  for  ever  and  aye. 


174  The  King  and  the    Welsh. 

To  heaven  she's  ascended,  to  halls  brig'ht  and  splendid, 
With  a  prayer  of  raore  price  than  petitions  to  thee : 

For  she  intercedeth  for  Welshmen,  and  pleadeth 
With  Jesus  who  for  our  sakes  died  on  the  tree. 

vii. 

Oh  dust  and  vaing*lory,  the  earth  'twas  that  bore  thee, 

And  soon  to  the  earth  thou'lt  descend  when  death  rules : 
Thy  wisdom  is  naught  but  confusion  of  thought — 

Thy  wisdom  is  only  the  cackling-  of  fools. 
God  the  Cymry  iríspires  with  the  speech  of  their  sires, 

And  throuçfh  o-enerations  unsuìlied  'twill  stand : 
And  when  Time  dies  away,  on  the  Last  Judgment  day 

In  its  accents  will  answer  the  folk  of  our  land. 


Histcd. 


ln  face  />.  i;?- 


SIR  WILLIAM   H.   PREECE,   K.C.B.,   F.R.S., 

A  Vice-President  of  tlie  Honourable  Sociciy  of  üymmrodofion. 
Born  /j  February,  1834;  died  6  November,  jçij- 


£$c  ($ppfícafíon  of  <£fecírtctí}>  ío 

Çpracftcaf  (Uaea : 

(#  Tî7cf0Çmanŷ0  £onfrí6uftom 

[The  late  SIR  WILLIAM  H.  PEEECE,  K.C.B.,  F.E.S.] 


By   LLEWELYN   PEEECE,  Mem,  Inst,  C.E. 


William  Henrt  Preece  was  born  at  Carnarvon  on  Feb- 
ruary  loth,  1834.  His  parents  were  of  Welsh  descent, 
the  father  being  the  son  of  a  schoolmaster  at  Cowbridge, 
Glamorgan,  whilst  the  mother  was  of  a  Carnarvon  family 
named  Hughes.  Eichard  Matthias  Preece,  who  had  been 
several  times  Mayor  of  the  Town  of  Carnarvon,  left  that 
town  with  his  family  in  1844  and  came  to  London,  so  that 
his  son  obtained  most  of  his  education  in  the  Metropolis. 
He  entered  King's  College  School  in  1845  and  completed 
his  general  education  at  the  College.  He  in  no  way  dis- 
tinguished  himself  at  school  or  college,  nor  showed  any 
particular  propensity  for  a  profession.  At  the  time  lie 
studied  at  King's  College,  it  was  proposed  that  he  should 
join  the  Army.  Fortunately,  however,  for  many  reasons, 
his  father  had  serious  financial  losses  at  the  beginning  of 
1852,  and  it  became  apparent  that  his  eldest  son,  William, 
must  take  up  work  which  would  give  him  an  immediate 
income. 

E.  M.  Preece  had  made  the  acquaintance  of  Edwin  and 
Latimer  Clerk  in  earlier  days  when  they  were  engaged  in 
constructing  the  Menai  Bridge.  These  two  engineers 
were  in  1852  both  employed  by  the  Electric  Telegraph 
Company,  one  as  chief  engineer  and  the  other  as  chief 


176         The  Late  Sir   William  H.  Preece. 

assistant  engineer,  and  the  latter  had  lately  becoine  a  son- 
in-law  of  E.  M.  Preece.  Two  other  officers  of  this  Com- 
pany,  Frederick  and  Frank  Webb,  were  then,  or  were 
shortly  to  become  also  sons-in-law,  so  that  when  R.  M. 
Preece  loolced  about  to  find  work  for  his  son,  William,  it 
was  only  natural  that  the  thoughts  of  both  should  turn  to 
the  Electric  Telegraph  Company.  The  young  man  had 
attended  several  of  the  lectures  of  the  great  Faraday  at 
the  Royal  Institution  and  had  thus  imbibed  some  of  the 
rudiments  of  the  study  of  electricity.  The  result  was  that 
011  May  14th,  1853,  W.  H.  Preece  obtained  an  appoint- 
ment  as  assistant  engineer  in  this  Company. 

Very  soon  after  he  joined.  Preece  had  the  good  fortune 
to  be  called  in  to  assist  Latimer  Clerk  in  some  special 
experiments  carried  out  for  the  Astronomer  Royal, 
Sir  George  Airey,  which  brought  him  into  touch  with 
that  scientist,  and  these  were  followed  by  still  more 
important  experiments,  in  which  Preece  assisted  Faraday 
and  Latimer  Clerlc,  on  the  fìow  of  electric  currents  in 
underground  wires. 

All  the  rest  of  his  life  Preece  loolced  back  with  pride 
to  this  occasion  when  he  acted  as  Faraday's  assistant, 
and  revered  him  as  his  professional  father. 

During  his  first  year  of  work  Preece  took  out  his  fìrst 
patent,  which  was  for  a  means  of  working  "duplex", 
that  is  of  transmitting  two  electric  messages  in  oppo- 
site  directions  simultaneously  over  one  wire.  This  idea 
had  originated  in  1852  on  the  Continent,  but  it  was 
not  until  some  twenty  years  later  that  the  method 
of  working  became  practical.  Preece's,  like  many 
others,  failed  in  practice.  For  three  years  Preece  held 
this  staff  appointment,  and  evidently  spent  his  time 
obtaining  a  thorough  grasp  of  electric  telegraphy,  both 
over  land  lines  and  through  submarine  cables.     The  only 


The  Late  Sir   William  H.  Preece.         177 

record  of  his  work,  at  this  time,  is  contained  in  some 
excellent  technical  articles  written  by  him  for  a  publica- 
tion  of  the  E.T.C.  called  Our  Magazine,  in  which  curiously 
enough  his  are  the  only  articles  of  technical  value,  all  the 
others  being  literary. 

From  these  articles  alone  one  obtains  a  very  clear  idea 
of  telegraph  engineering  in  the  "  fifties  ",  the  trouble  en- 
gineers  had  to  contend  with,  and  the  means  they  employed 
in  overcoming  them.     These  articles  are  truly  historical. 

On  February  9th,  1856,  when  just  22  years  of  age, 
Preece  was  appointed  Superintendent  of  the  Southern 
Division,  having  under  his  charge  all  land  lines  and 
telegraph  oíîices  from  Kent  to  Cornwall  and  S.  Wales. 
In  1858  he  was  appointed,  in  addition,  Engineer  to  the 
Channel  Islands  Cable  Company,  a  subsidiary  company  of 
the  E.T.C.,  and  in  1860,  when  the  London  and  South 
Western  Railway  formed  their  own  telegraph  depart- 
ment,  he  was  permitted  to  hold  a  third  appointment  as 
Telegraph  Superintendent  to  this  E-ailway  Company.  His 
headquarters  were,  during  these  years,  at  Southampton. 

For  some  time  his  administrative  duties  kept  Preece 
very  fully  enrployed.  In  1860,  however,  he  found  time  to 
write  his  first  paper  for  the  Institution  of  Civil  Engineers, 
which  was  on  "  Submarine  Cables  in  Shallow  Waters ". 
The  basis  of  this  paper  was  his  experience  with  the 
Channel  Islands  Cable.  This  paper  earned  for  him  the 
Telford  Gold  Medal,  presented  by  the  Institution,  and 
placed  him  in  the  front  rank  of  submarine  cable  engineers. 

A  somewhat  instructive  incident  took  place  during  the 
discussion  on  this  paper.  Preece  in  the  course  of  his 
remarks  mentioned  that  in  his  opinion  it  would,  in  the 
future,  be  necessary  to  study  the  ocean  bottoms  as  care- 
fully  and  as  closely  as  was  already  done  with  the  land 
surfaces.     This  suggestion  gave  rise  to  jeers  on  the  part 

N 


178  The  Late  Sir   William  H.   Preece. 

of  some  of  his  audience,  and  one  old  man  at  the  Council 
table  got  up  and  in  angry  tones  told  Preece  that  he  was 
talking  nonsense,  that  such  an  ideawas  absolutely  absurd  ! 
Nevertheless  Preece  has  been  proved  right. 

Shortly  afterwards  Preece  gave  evidence  before  a 
special  joint  committee,  appointed  by  the  Boarcl  of  Trade 
and  the  Cable  Companies,  sitting  to  consider  the  many 
causes  of  submarine  cable  failures,  and  this  committee 
stated  in  its  recommendation  thatthe  bottom  of  the  oceans 
should  be  most  carefully  surveyed  before  cables  were  laid. 

In  1862,  Preece,  in  conjunction  with  a  Lieutenant 
Gilmore,  took  out  a  patent  for  an  indicator  to  be  used  on 
board  ship  between  the  bridge  and  the  wheelhouse  for 
steering  purposes.  This  was  taken  up  by  the  Admiralty 
and  amongst  the  first  ships  fítted  was  the  Royal  Yacht 
which  brought  the  young  Princess  Alexandra  to  this 
country.  As  Preece  travelled  on  the  ship  for  this  voyage 
he  had  the  honour  to  be  presented  on  this  auspicious 
occasion. 

Soon  after  Preece  took  up  the  appointment  of  tele- 
graph  superintendent  to  the  L.  &  S.  W.  Railway,  he  had 
to  turn  his  attention  to  an  electric  block  signalling  for  use 
on  that  railway,it  being  desired  to  equip  a  section  of  the  line 
at  Exeter  with  such.  Up  to  this  time,  though  Cooke,  who 
with  Wheatstone  introduced  the  electric  telegraphin  1837, 
had  in  very  early  days  pointed  out  the  immense  importance 
of  the  electric  telegraph  to  train  control  011  railways,  the 
railway  companies  had  been  very  slow  indeed  to  take 
advantage  of  it,  and,  practically  speaking,  only  the  long 
tunnels  in  the  country  were,  at  this  time,  properly  guarded. 
Preece  set  out  then  to  invent  a  system  which  would  not 
only  render  block  working  safe,  but  would  be  of  such  a 
simple  character  that  it  could  be  handled  and  understood  by 
any  signalman.    For  this  purpose  he  made  his  switches  mini- 


The  Late  Sir   William  H.   Preece.         179 

ature  signal  levers,  and  liis  indicators  miniature  signals. 
The  men  had  only  to  pull  over  the  lever  and  watch  the 
the  signal  artn  rise  or  fall.  This  system  worked  well,  and 
was  in  use  for  some  years. 

As  his  new  system  was  successful,  he  promptly  pre- 
pared  a  second  paper  for  the  Institution  of  Civil  Engineers 
on  "  Railway  Telegraphs  "  which  was  read  at  the  begin- 
ning  of  1863.  The  discussion  lastedover  several  evenings, 
and  the  Author  received  from  the  Institution  the  Telford 
premium. 

Preece  soon  afterwards  introduced  an  electric  indicator 
to  show  to  the  signalman  the  position  of  signal  arms — 
whether  "on "  or  "off ",  and  a  lamp  indicator  which 
indicated  whether  the  lamp  was  burning  properly. 

W.  E.  Langdon,  in  his  book  on  "  Electricity  applied  to 
Railway  Worhing  ",  stated  that  "  to  Mr.  W.  H.  Preece  is 
due  the  credit  of  having  done  perhaps  more  to  popularize 
block  signalling  than  any  other  Engineer". 

Preece's  next  patent  was  for  train  intercommunication, 
that  is,  a  system  to  enable  passengers  to  ring  a  bell  in  the 
guard's  van  or  on  the  locomotive.  This  was  in  1864. 
Preece  had  married  this  year,  and  spent  his  honeymoon 
in  Paris.  Whilst  there  he  made  the  acquaintance  of  the 
electric  trembler  bell — a  French  invention — and  found  that 
several  hotels  and  houses  were  fitted  up  with  this  apparatus. 
It  was  this  type  of  bell  he  used  for  his  inter-com- 
munication  system,  placing  a  special  type  of  contact 
maker  in  each  compartment,  covered  by  a  thin  glass  plate, 
and  an  indicator  outside  to  show  from  which  compart- 
ment  the  bell  had  been  rung. 

This  sjstem  was  made  the  subject  of  a  third  paper  at 
the  Institution  of  Civil  Engineers  in  1866,  for  which 
Preece  received  the  CounciPs  premium. 

Also  by  articles,  pamphlets,  etc,  Preece   introduced 

n2 


180         The  Late  Sir   William  H.  Preece. 

the  idea  of  using  electric  bells  for  domestic  purposes  into 
this  country,  and  as  he  could  get  no  firm  to  undertake  the 
installation,  he,  for  a  time,  did  this  himself,  the  first 
house  to  be  fitted  being  that  of  the  late  Sir  James  Trus- 
cott,  late  Lord  Mayor  of  London.  This  took  place  in 
1865. 

During  these  years  Preece  was  earning  a  great  reputa- 
tion  as  a  lecturer  and  was  in  constant  demand,  not  only  at 
Southampton,  his  headquarters,  but  at  many  towns  in  his 
district.  He  often  spolce  of  an  amusing,  though  trying, 
contretemps  which  took  place  at  one  of  his  Southampton 
lectures  about  this  time.  The  lecture  was  on  "  The 
Electric  Telegraph  "  and  he  had  arranged  for  the  Head 
Office  in  London  to  connect  a  Southampton  line  to  a  Paris 
line,  and  several  messages  passed  to  and  fro,  apparently 
between  Southampton  and  Paris.  Unfortunatelj'  one 
man  in  the  audience  requested  Preece  to  ask  Paris 
the  titne  there.  A  repty  came,  but  unfortunately  it  was 
forty  minutes  wrong.  The  man  got  up,  denounced  Preece 
as  an  impostor,  and  electric  telegraphy  as  a  swindle, 
then  walked  out  shaking  the  dust  off  his  shoes.  Preece 
was  terribly  dismayed,  and  on  making  enquiries  he  found 
that  the  Paris  wire  was  interrupted  and  the  operator  at 
London,  not  wishing  to  disappoint  Preece  and  his 
audience,  had  personified  Paris.  When  he  was  asked  the 
time  he  knew  that  there  was  a  difference  of  twenty 
minutes  between  London  and  Paris,  but  unfortunately 
put  it  on  instead  of  taking  it  off  ! 

In  1869,  began  perhapsthe  greatestundertaldngPreeee 
ever  had.  For  a  few  years  there  had  been  considerable  agita- 
tion  and  volumes  of  talk  regarding  the  desirability  of  the 
Government  buying  up  all  the  electric  telegraph  com- 
panies.  The  Bill  sanctioning  this  was  passed  in  1869, 
and  Preece  was  set  to  work  to  re-organise  the  whole  of 


The  Late  Sir   William  H.  Preece.         181 

his  large  division  for  Government  requirements.  Itmeant 
a  considerable  increase  in  the  number  of  land  lines,  and 
the  equipment  of  a  telegraph  office  in  the  post  offices  of 
every  town  under  his  superintendence.  This  work  took 
two  years  and  absorbed  most  of  Preece's  energies  during 
that  time,  though  he  succeeded  in  producing  two  excel- 
lent  reports  for  the  Secretary  of  the  G.P.O.  on  the  educa- 
tion  of  operators,  and  on  methods  of  the  daily  testing  of 
electric  lines. 

At  the  transfer,  Preece  was  appointed  superintending 
engineer  of  his  old  division,  the  Southern,  and  untiì  1874 
his  headquarters  remained  at  Southampton.  Thisdivision 
was  subdivided  into  four  sectioiis,  of  which  three  of  the 
superintendents  in  charge  were  the  afterwards  well-known 
telegraph  engineers,  Sir  John  Gavey,  C.B.,  the  late  Sir 
James  Sivewright,  K.C.M.G.,  and  the  late  Mr.  W.  E. 
Langdon.  He  had  no  sooner  got  this  division  into 
working  order  than  his  enthusiasm  was  rekindled  by  the 
advent  of  Mr.  J.  B.  Stearns  of  America,  and  his  successful 
duplex  system,  a  method  of  telegraphy,  to  which  Preece, 
as  a  budding  engineer  had  turned  his  attention  twenty 
years  before.  Stearns'  system  was  gradually  applied 
everywhere,  and  is  still  universally  employed.  Preece 
was  not  only  instrumental  in  assisting  in  the  application 
of  this  method  to  landlines,  but  also  in  applying  it  to 
submarine  cables. 

In  1872,  Preece  had  the  honour  of  delivering  a  lecture 
on  Electric  Telegraphy  at  the  newly-opened  Albert  Hall 
before  the  then  Prince  of  Wales  (afterwards  King 
Edward),  and  the  Duke  of  Edinburgh,  on  which  occasion 
the  Hall  was  connected  with  Persia  and  India,  and  real 
messages  passed  between  these  countries  and  the  Hall.  At 
the  end  of  1871,  the  Society  of  Telegraph  Engineers  was 
rounded  (now  the  Institution  of  Electrical  Engineers)  of 


182  The  Late  Sir    William  H.  Pi'eece. 

which  Preece  was  one  of  tlie  founders,  and  at  the  end  of 
1872  he  was  elected  on  the  Council  and  remained  an 
honoured  member  at  the  Council  table  until  the  end  of 
his  life. 

In  1874  Preece  had  the  terrible  misfortune  to  lose  his 
wife,  and  shortly  afterwards  left  Southampton  and  made 
London  his  headquarters.  Three  years  later,  in  May  1877, 
Preece  made  his  first  trip  to  America,  memorable  for  the 
fact  that  on  his  return  he  brought  with  him  the  fìrst 
practical  telephone  of  Professor  Graham  Bell.  He  ex- 
hibited  two  of  these  instruments  at  the  British  Association 
meeting  at  Plymouth  in  August  that  year,  on  which 
occasion  Graham  Bell  himself  appeared. 

For  the  next  f ew  years  Preece  put  in  a  great  amount  of 
work  on  the  advancement  of  telephony.  He  was  the  first 
Engineer  to  insist  on  the  use  of  metallic  circuits  for  tele- 
phones  in  place  of  the  earth  return  which  was  the  practice 
in  telegraphy.  He  was  very  early  in  the  field  in  the  use 
of  copper  wire  in  place  of  iron  wire  for  telephony,  and 
afterwards  for  telegraphy  also,  and  he  was  the  man  to 
whom  David  Hughes  first  demonstrated  his  great  inven- 
tion,  the  microphone,  the  apparatus  to  which  the  spread 
of  telephony  is  mainly  due.  Another  result  of  his  visit  to 
the  States  was  the  introduction  into  England  of  Edison's 
plionograph.  Edison  sent  to  Preece  one  of  his  earliest 
apparatus  at  the  beginning  of  1878. 

During  this  year  Culley,  the  Engineer-in-Chief  of  the 
Post  Office,  retired.  Edward  Graves  was  appointed  his 
successor,  and  Preece  was  appointed  Electrician  to  the 
Post  Office. 

In  1878  Preece  first  turned  his  attention  to  Electric 
Lighting.  The  great  possibility  of  Arc  Lighting  for 
streets  and  large  buildings  was  at  that  time  being  realised, 
and  Preece  was  amongst  the  first  to  recognise  this.     In 


The  Late  Sir    William  H.   Preece.  183 


o 


May,  1879,  he  again  lectured  in  the  Albert  Hall  before 
the  same  august  personages,  and  this  time  on  Electric 
Liffhting.  In  1880,  W.  H.  Preece  was  elected  President 
of  the  Society  of  Telegraph  Engineers,  and  this  year  saw 
the  advent  of  the  incandescent  lamp,  invented  indepen- 
dently  by  J.  W.  Swa'n  and  by  Edison. 

The  decade  from  1880  to  1890  was  certainly  the  busiest 
time  in  Preece's  life.  He  was  still  engaged  in  the 
improvement  of  high  speed  telegraphy  on  the  lines  insti- 
tuted  by  Charles  Wheatstone.  Wheatstone's  instrument 
in  1870  was  able  to  transmit  messages  at  the  rate  of  40  to 
60  words  per  minute,  but  by  1887,  thanlîs  mainly  to  the 
energetic  endeavours  of  Preece,  this  speed  was  increased 
to  a  maximum  of  600  words  per  minute.  The  work 
Preece  did  also  in  the  advancement  of  the  telephone  was 
sufficient  to  satisfy  any  ordinary  man  as  a  good  life  work. 
But  even  this  did  not  content  Preece.  He  not  only  worked 
just  as  hard  at  the  advancement  of  Electric  Lighting,  but 
also  in  1884  commenced  the  work  for  which  he  was  best 
known  by  the  public,  namely,  Wireless  Telegraphy.  He 
was  also  largely  concerned  in  the  innumerable  Exhibitions 
for  which  this  decade  was  noted. 

He  was  elected  Fellow  of  the  Eoyal  Society  in  1881. 

It  is  quite  impossible  to  write  a  short  lucid  account  of 
a.il  the  work  done  by  W.  H.  Preece  during  this  decade. 
It  might  be  mentioned  that  he  read  no  less  than  170 
papers  alone,  before  the  various  societies  and  institutions 
in  this  country,  without  mentioning  other  lectures  and 
addresses.  It  will  probably  be  better  to  limit  oneself  to 
an  account  of  his  wireless  experiments,  or  as  it  was  then 
called,  "  signalling  across  space  without  wires." 

The  fìrst  indication  of  the  possibility  of  bridging  space 
without  a  metallic  conductor  arose  in  Gray's  Inn  Eoad,  in 
London,  where  there  were  soine  telegraph  wires  running 


184         The  Late  Sir   William  H.  Preece. 

underground  and  some  telephone  circuits  overhead.  It 
was  reported  to  Preece  in  1884  that  the  Morse  signals 
passing  through  the  telegraph  wires  were  audible  in  tele- 
phones  attached  to  the  telephone  wires,  80  ft.  above  the 
telegraph  line.  He  immediately  instituted  experiments  to 
discover  to  what  a  distance  such  signals  could  be  heard, 
and  whether  this  j)henomenon  was  due  to  induction  or  to 
leakage.  Preece  came  to  the  conclusion  that  it  was  due 
to  induction,  though  many  scientists  before  and  since 
strongly  hold  that  it  is  really  due  to  leakage.  After  some 
years  of  experimenting  Preece  found  that  he  could  bridge 
any  reasonable  distance,  so  long  as  the  transmitting  and 
receiving  lines  were  parallel,  and  of  more  or  less  equal 
length,  these  lengths  being  somewhat  more  than  that 
distance  apart. 

The  first  actual  working  system  of  this  character 
installed  was  in  the  British  Channel  between  Lavernoch 
Point,  South  Wales,  and  the  island  of  Flatholm,  and  it  was 
a  most  curious  coincidence  that  the  first  official  message 
to  pass  was  one  communicating  to  Preece  the  death  of 
E.  Graves,  the  Engineer-in-Chief  of  the  Post  Office,  and 
Preece's  immediate  predecessor,  for  Preece  therefrom 
became  the  Engineer-in-Chief.  This  was  in  1892.  In 
March,  1896,  Signor  Marconi,  the  young  Italian,  22  years 
of  age,  called  on  Preece  at  the  G.P.O.  and  explained  to 
him  his  new  wireless  telegraph  invention.  Preece  was 
greatly  interested,  and  placed  at  Marconi's  seiwice  the 
Post  Office  experimental  staff.  For  the  next  twelve 
months  or  more  Marconi  and  the  Post  Office  engineers 
made  many  experiments  in  various  parts  of  the  country, 
and  in  June,  1897,  Preece  gave  a  lecture  before  the  Eoyal 
Institution,  in  which  he  described  Marconi's  successes. 
Soon  after  this  Marconi  and  the  Post  Office  separated, 
and  Preece  was  no  longer  concerned  in  Marconi's  progress, 


The  Late  Sir   William  H.   Preece.  185 

and  though  until  the  end  of  his  life  he  continued  to  take 
the  greatest  interest  in  the  advancement  of  wireless 
telegraphy,  he  was  no  longer  practically  engaged  in  that 
work. 

Preece  became  President  of  the  Institution  of  Civil 
Engineers  in  1898.  He  retired  from  his  position  as 
Engineer-in-Chief  to  the  Post  Office  in  1899,  receiving  the 
honour  of  Knighthood  of  the  Order  of  the  Bath,  and  he 
became  the  Consulting  Engineer  for  the  following  five 
years.  In  1899  he,  with  Major  Cardew,  late  Electrical 
Adviser  to  the  Board  of  Trade,  and  his  two  elder  sons 
formed  the  firm  of  Preece  and  Cardew,  Consulting  Elec- 
trical  Engineers.  Preece's  unrivalled  knowledge  of 
telegraphy,  telephony,  wireless  telegraphy,  electric  light- 
ing  and  power,  was  in  constant  demand.  From  1884  Preece 
had  acted  as  Consulting  Engineer  to  many  municipalities 
in  connection  with  electric  lighting  plant.  In  1903  Preece 
had  his  first  serious  illness,  pneumonia.  He  recovered 
from  this,  but  in  1908  had  to  undergo  a  severe  operation, 
from  which  he  never  completely  recovered.  He  went 
finally  to  his  home  near  Carnarvon  in  May,  1912,  after  a 
trip  to  S.  Africa,  and  gradually  failing  in  strength  he 
passed  away  peacefully  on  November  6th,  1913,  within 
three  months  of  his  80th  birthday. 


1 86       Some  Recent    Welsh  Literatìire  and 


*èomt  (Recenf  TÛ7efeÇ  Btíeraíute  anò 
f#e   Bímtfafíona  of  (Reaftatm 

By  t.  huws  davies. 

Secretary  to  the    Welsh   Church  Commission. 


The  artist's  calling-  is  a  high  ancl  an  honourable  one. 
There  are  many  lcinds  of  men  who  use  that  dangerous 
instrument,  the  pen,  but  of  thein  all  the  artist  is  the  only 
one  who  has,  as  it  were,  been  put  on  his  honour  in  its  use. 
All  the  others  have  been  hedged  round  for  their  own  and 
the  public  safety  with  all  manner  of  restrictions  and 
penalties.  Over  many  of  them, — the  reporters,  the  critics 
of  affairs,  and  the  controversialists,  for  instance — hangs 
always  the  awful  shadow  of  the  law  of  libel ;  in  their  case 
injustice,  malice,  any  perversion  of  fact, — may  at  any 
moinent  be  visited  with  the  dire  penalties  of  the  law. 
Others, — the  scientist  and  the  historian, — whose  pro- 
fession  it  is  to  array  facts  and  draw  from  them  legitimate 
and  well-justified  conclusions,  lcnow  from  experience  that 
any  disloyalty  to  truth,  any  contempt  of  dispassionate 
scientific  accuracy,  means  professional  suieide.  The  first 
conviction  is  always  followed  by  the  imposition  of  the 
maximum  penalty — the  penalty  of  outlawry  from  their 
clan  and  lcinsmen. 

But  the  artist  is  in  an  entirely  different  position  :  he  is 
immune  froin  these  disabling  penalties,  provided  he  be 
single-minded  in  the  practice  of  his  profession.  A  Shaw 
may  (in  peace  times)  pillory  a  British  General,  or  a  Gals- 
worthy  may  depict  all  the  ugliness  of    a  colliery  owner, 


The  Limitations  of  Realism.  187 

without  fear,  provided  he  makes  it  clear  that  his  interest 
in  the  type  is  artistic  aud  not  personal.  The  artist  has 
the  great  privilege  and  the  consequent  great  obligation  of 
always  being  on  his  honour.  He  is  only  hampered  by  the 
inherent  limitations  of  art.  He  is  free  to  do  what  he 
wishes,  but  he  must  not  degrade  his  calling  or  bring  the 
name  of  his  chosen  goddess  into  disrepute. 

It  is  particularly  important,  in  view  of  recent  develop- 
ments  in  literary  methods,  to  reassert  and  to  emphasize 
this  platitude  at  this  moment.  It  seems  as  if,  at  last, 
we  were  reaching  the  noonday  of  realism  in  literature, 
and  there  are  signs  that  some  writers,  posing  as  realists, 
are  in  danger  of  losing  this  sense  of  the  honour  of  their 
profession,  by  ignoring  the  limitations  which  should  be 
placed  upon  them  by  an  adequate  realisation  of  the  dignity 
of  art. 

Realism,  in  the  truest  sense,  is  but  an  extension  to 
the  field  of  literary  creation  of  the  application  of  the 
eighteenth  century  revivalist's  dictum,  "  the  world  is  my 
parish  ".  What  George  Russell  (A.E.)  said  of  the  Irish 
bards  is  to  some  extent  true  of  all  the  classicists  and 
romanticists — they  had  "  endeavoured  to  live  in  a  palace 
of  art,  in  chambers  hung  with  embroidered  cloths  and 
made  dim  with  pale  lights  and  Druid  twilights,  and  the 
melodies  they  sought  for  were  half  soundless ".  The 
realist,  however,  is  in  revolt  against  this  limitation  of  the 
subject  matter  upon  which  he  is  to  work,  as  well  as 
against  the  consequent  limitation  in  the  method  of  treat- 
ment  which  it  implies.  "  Nihil  humanum  a  me  alienum 
puto  "  is  the  cry  of  the  realists.  They  would  like,  as 
Professor  Gilbert  Murrry  said  of  some  of  them,  "  to 
make  no  difference  between  good  and  bad,  but  to  welcome 
every  experience  that  will  lead  to  knowledge  or  even  cause 
a  thrill Their  faith  is  that  anything  truly  felt 


1 88       Some  Recent   Welsh   Literature  and 

and  expressed  has  a  ldnd  of  absolute  and  indestructible 
value ".  This  is  the  creed  for  instance,  of  the  great 
Russian  realists,  Dostoievsky,  Gorki,  Tchekov,  and  others, 
the  rnasters  of  tbe  craft  in  our  generation,  who  have 
justified  themselves  in  their  revolt  by  demonstrating  that 
the  artist,  even  when  he  flings  himself  into  the  midst  of 
the  ugliness  of  life,  need  not  lose  any  of  his  divinity. 
They  have  cast  from  themselves  all  the  old  traditions  and 
conventions  of  their  craft ;  cloistered,  precious,  well- 
selected  beauty  is  no  concern  of  theirs  ;  they  often  dwell 
in  horrible  detail  on  the  degradation  and  the  ugliness  of 
human  life ;  they  have  made  the  pettiness,  the  meanness 
and  the  dishouesty  which  they  find  so  universal  in  human 
relations  cry  to  heaven  for  sudden  vengeance ;  they  have 
covered  their  pages  with  terrible  revelations  of  the  depths 
into  whicb  men  and  women  have  fallen — but  they  have 
never  committed  the  crime  of  suggesting  that  the  subject 
was  beneath  them.  They  have  never  worked  at  their 
ugly  task  for  their  own  amusement  or  for  the  amusement 
of  their  readers — they  are  driven  by  a  vision  in  it  all. 
The  least  thing  that  concerns  that  strange  animal  Man — 
always  a  mixta  persona,  some  beast  and  some  God — is  of 
infinite  import  to  them.  When  they  roar  their  curses 
against  the  individual,  or  cast  a  bright  light  on  his  disease 
and  his  filth,  they  are  really  singing  a  great  hytnn  of 
devotion  to  Man  in  the  abstract ;  they  are  saying  what 
Dostoievsky  in  "Crime  and  Punishment "  made  Raskolni- 
koff  say  to  Sonia  "I  do  not  bow  to  to  you  personally, 
but  to  suffering  humanity  in  your  person  ". 

The  most  abandoned  realist  of  them  all  is  Anton 
Tchekov,  "the  murderer  of  human  hopes",  and  even  he 
can  always  plead  that  he  has  never  sacrificed  his  honour 
as  an  artist.  A  great  Russian  critic,  Leon  Shestov,  said 
of  him  that  the  description  which  Tchekov  gives  of  one 


The  Limitations  of  Reaiism.  189 

of  his  heroes  applies  to  them  all :  "  A  man  cannot 
reconcile  himself  to  the  accomplished  fact ;  neither  can 
he  refuse  so  to  reconcile  himself ;  and  there  is  no  third 
course.  Under  such  conditions  action  is  impossible.  He 
can  only  fall  and  weep  and  "beat  his  head  against  the 
floor  ".  It  is  a  pitiable  position  enough,  but  Tchekov's 
men  even  in  that  position  are  all  men.  It  can  be  said 
of  all  the  Russian  realists  that  they  have  honestly  ob- 
served  the  inherent  conditions  of  their  art, — it  is  charac- 
terized  by  an  unbending  devotion  to  strict  truth ;  it  is 
animated  by  a  high  purpose ;  it  is  throughout  illuminated 
by  a  wonderful  chaiúty;  it  is  the  vehicle  of  devotion,  and 
as  such  sacred  and  holy.  Realism  is  only  justified  if  it 
bears  these  marks. 

This  is  true  of  the  masters — from  whose  work  we  can 
derive  some  standards  of  measurement  for  those  who 
follow  them.  What  of  the  appreutices  ?  The  question  is 
of  peculiar  interest  to  Celts  and  especially  to  Welshmen  at 
the  present  moment,  for  the  gale  of  realism  has  begun  to 
blow  over  our  lands  too  with  very  considerable  force. 

During  the  last  generation  or  two  "  the  Celtic  Fringe" 
has  shown  signs  of  great  literary  vitality  and  activity,  and 
it  is  interesting  to  note  in  passing  that  during  this 
recent  period  the  different  Celtic  groups  have  passed 
through  very  similar  phases.  Scotland  at  the  end  of  the 
nineteenth  century  possessed  its  idyllic  Kailyard  school  of 
novelists,  but  within  a  generation  it  had,  probably  in  the 
way  of  a  reaction,  produced  George  Douglas,  with  his 
House  with  the  Green  Shutters — one  of  the  most  terribly 
realistic  works  in  recent  fiction. 

A  generation  ago,  Ireland  was  in  the  throes  of  a  great 
literary  renascence,  whose  main  characteristic  was  a  kind 
of  sentimental  eclecticism  in  prose,  in  poetry,  and  in 
drama.     W.  B.  Yeats  had  imposed  his  dictatorial  will  on 


iço        Some  Recent    Wclsh  Literaturc  and 

all,  but  within  a  few  years  something  in  the  nature  of  a 
revolution  had  occurred.  Yeats  was  dethroned,  and  a 
conscious  realist  in  the  person  of  J.  M.  Synge  had  taken 
his  place.  In  his  drama  particularly,  but  also  in  his  prose 
and  poetry,  Synge  attempted  to  get  at  the  elemental  forces 
in  the  lives  of  the  people  round  him,  and  to  depict  them  in 
their  true  reality  with  a  fine  sense  of  their  terror  and 
strength.  He  even  turned  to  the  common  people  for  the 
vocabulary  of  his  art.  One  remembers  with  what  pride 
he  asserted  in  his  preface  to  the  Play  Boy  of  the  Western 
World  that  there  were  but  one  or  two  words  in  the  whole 
play  which  he  had  not  heard  among  the  country  people  of 
Ireland.  His  literary  f aitli  as  set  forth  in  that  remarlcable 
preface  may  perhaps  be  quoted  : — 

"  All  art  is  a  collaboration  ;  and  there  is  little  doubt 
that,  in  the  happy  ages  of  literature,  strihing  and  beautiful 
phrases  were  as  ready  to  the  story-teller's  or  the  playwright's 
hand  as  the  rich  cloaks  and  dresses  of  his  time.  It  is  prob- 
able  that  when  the  Elizabethau  dramatist  took  his  ink-horn 
and  sat  down  to  his  work  he  used  many  phrases  that  he  had 
just  heard,  as  he  sat  at  dinner,  from  his  mother  or  his 
children.  In  Ireland  those  of  us  who  know  the  people  have 
the  same  privilege.  When  I  was  writing  The  Shadoic  of  the 
Crlen  some  years  ago,  I  got  more  aid  than  any  learning  could 
have  given  me  from  a  chink  in  the  floor  of  the  old  Wichlow 
house  where  I  was  staying,  that  let  me  hear  what  was  being 
said  by  the  servant  girls  in  the  kitchen.  This  matter,  I 
think,  is  of  importance,  for  in  countries  where  the  imagina- 
tion  of  the  people,  and  the  language  they  use,  is  rich  and 
living,  it  is  possible  for  a  writer  to  be  rich  and  copious  in  his 
words,  and  at  the  same  time  to  give  the  reality,  which  is  the 
root  of  all  poetry,  in  a  comprehensive  and  natural  form." 

The  realist  in  matter  and  in  form  had  arrived,  and 
later  Irish  literature  proves  that  he  was  not  some  "  isolated 
accident  "  in  the  story. 

Something  of  the  same  nature  has  happened  in 
Wales.      During   the   last   fifteen    or   twenty   years,   the 


The  Limitations  of  Realism.  191 

literary  activities  of  the  country  have  undergone  a  com- 
plete  transformation, — although  the  full  manifestation  of 
the  change  has  been  arrested  to  some  extent  by  the  War. 
It  is  immaterial  what  particular  form  of  literary  creation 
we  choose  to  select,  the  change  is  obvious.  If  we  take 
Welsh  poetry,  and  compare  the  work  of  the  middle  of  the 
nineteenth  century  with  that  of  the  beginning  of  the 
twentieth,  we  fìnd  that  the  whole  world  of  the  poet  has 
changed.  The  old  poetry  was  the  poetry  of  the  compensa- 
tions  of  life,  and  in  it  life's  bitterness  and  cruelty  were  at 
their  strongest  not  much  more  than  a  distant  echo.  The 
new  poetry,  whatever  may  be  its  faults  and  its  weaknesses, 
is  concerned  with  the  law  and  life  of  the  visible  world,  and 
its  songs  quiver  witli  suffering  and  sorrow.  When  the  older 
poet  sang  of  love,  he  sang  of  an  idyllic,  balanced  emotion, 
with  but  little  of  the  elemental  force  of  nature  in  it,  but 
the  new  poet  tells  a  stranger  story — he  sings  of  theterrors 
of  love,  of  the  tempest  in  the  blood,  of  the  laying  waste  of 
lives  and  the  deliberate  choice  of  hell  for  heaven.  Ceiriog 
was  one  of  the  master  love-singers  of  Wales,  but  he  never 
sang  of  hungry  passion  with  its  mantle  in  tatters  from  its 
own  violence.  According  to  the  conventions  of  his  period, 
it  was  too  rude  and  cataclysmic  a  theme  for  poetry. 
When  the  older  poets  sang  of  the  life  of  the  Welsh 
peasantry,  they  generally  pictured  it  as  poor  and  simple, 
but  contented,  drawing  its  comforts  frorn  the  things  of 
another  world.  The  peasant  had  a  warm  hearth,  a  true 
love,  a  good  and  a  forgiving  God.  The  new  poet  finds  the 
hearth  cold  and  comfortless  ;  the  life  racked  by  suffering 
and  disease,  the  love  often  mean  and  insecure,  the  God 
frequently  deaf,  the  whole  existence  one  long  process  of 
victimisation  and  injustice,  and  he  sings  the  song  of  pro- 
test  and  revolt.  He  has  lef  t  the  "  dewy  and  silent  places 
among  hazel  trees  by  still  waters  ",  and  is  found  among 


192        Some  Recent   Welsh  Literature  ancl 

the  crowds  covered  with  the  grinie  and  clay  of  everyday 
life.     He  has  become  a  realist. 

We  have  written  first  of  the  appearance  of  realism  in 
Welsh  poetry  because  the  pure  literature  of  Wales  is  mainly 
poetic, — other  forms  have  been  by  no  means  abundant  in 
their  growth.  Wales  has  not  been  particularly  fruitful  in 
fiction,  and  indeed  the  novel  and  the  short  story  are 
relatively  quite  modern  products.  Our  country  has  pro- 
duced  up  to  the  present  one  great  novelist — Daniel  Owen, 
a  master  in  the  delineation  of  character,  an  irrepressible 
humourist,  often  a  profound  and  discerning  critic,  inti- 
mately  acquainted  with  the  life  of  the  people,  because  he 
was  one  of  them  and  lived  their  life,  knowing  their  weak- 
ness  and  their  strength,  and  moved  in  all  he  did  by 
an  overwhelming  love  of  them.  But  Daniel  Owen  was 
utterly  unaffected  by  any  realism.  It  is  true  that  he 
described  many  of  the  painful  sides  of  Welsh  life  of  which 
the  pompous,  overbearing  squire,  the  mean  and  cringing 
parasite  on  the  great,  the  hypocritical  professorof  religion, 
the  vain  empty-headed  intellectual  fraud  are  symbols,  but 
he  never  chose  any  of  these  weaknesses  as  a  main 
motive.  His  atmosphere  is  throughout  idyllic;  he  be- 
longs  both  by  inclination  and  by  definite  volition  to  the 
"  Kailyard ':  novelists.  In  the  main,  Welsh  life  was  to 
him  idyllic.  It  was  never  part  of  his  task  to  show  the 
overpowering  catastrophic  forces  at  wrork  in  the  life  of 
every  village  and  country-side,  and  the  terrible  devastation 
so  often  produced  by  them,  though  so  often  concealed  from 
the  eye  of  most  observers.  The  bitter  and  eternal  con- 
flict  between  hell  and  heaven  for  the  souls  of  men 
and  women,  with  its  ever  changing  fortunes  and  its 
awful  uncertainty,  finds  little  place  in  his  novels.  He 
lived  "  au  dessus  de  la  mêlée;"  his  air  was  free  of  the 
growls  and  groans  of   earth  in  passion  and  labour,  and 


The  Limitations  of  Realis?n.  193 

his  hands  and  grarments  were  clean  of  the  soil  and  blood 
of  battle. 

No  other  novelist  of  equal  g-ifts  arose  after  him,  either 
to  inherit  his  idyllic  tradition  or  create  a  new  one,  and  for 
the  tiine  being  Welsh  fiction  was  non-existent.  During 
recent  years,  however,  an  allied  form  seemed  on  the  point 
of  achieving  considerable  popularity  in  the  vernacular 
literature, — we  refer  to  the  short  story.  Most  of  the  pro- 
ductions  in  that  particular  literary  form  (as  was  to  be 
expected)  were  directly  under  the  influence  of  the  "Daniel 
Owen  tradition — such,  for  instance,  as  the  Rev.  Dewi 
Williams'  little  masterpieces,  of  which  a  small  collection 
has  been  published  by  the  author  under  the  title  of  Clawdd 
Terfyn.  There  were  others,  however,  touched  with  a 
strano-e  and  alien  manner  more  akin  to  the  work  of  the 
great  European  realists,  to  the  Eussians,  to  Guy  de 
Maupassant,  to  Thomas  Hardy,  than  to  anything  in 
Welsh  literature.  One  recollects  two  instances  of  re- 
markable  power  which  appeared  in  the  issues  of  the 
Beirniad  for  June  1911  and  the  Autumn  of  1913  respec- 
tively,  entitled  "Aml  Gnoc  "  and  "  De  Mortuis  ",  both 
from  the  pen  of  Mr.  W.  J.  Gruffydd.  In  the  former,  he 
described  the  mysterious  working  of  physical  pain,  mental 
torture,  and  a  forced  intimacy  with  Death,  that  King  of 
Terrors  against  whom  nothing  can  prevail,  on  the  soul  of 
a  hardened  Pharisee,  who  had  stitled  all  the  emotions  of 
his  nature.  In  the  other,  he  shows  the  terrible  possibilities 
of  coarse  tragedy  in  an  ordinary  love  affair  in  an  ordinary 
Welsh  village,  and  both  stories  are  in  the  true  realist 
style.  The  tendency  was  still  more  marked  in  that  small 
crop  of  dramas  which  were  published  in  the  three  or  four 
years  immediately  before  the  war,  of  which  "  Beddau'r 
Proffwydi  ",  and  "  Ble  ma  Fe  "  are  good  examples,  and  it 
is  still  perceptible  in  the  literature  of  the  war  period,  as 


194        Some  Recent    Welsh  Literaturc  and 

can  be  seen  in  a  delightful  little  slcetch  by  Mr.  Llewelyn 
Williams  in  the  Beiruiad  for  this  year — which  is  a  per- 
fect  example  of  how,  fancy  and  realism  can  be  judiciously 
combined. 

Eealism,  however,  is  as  yet  not  very  much  more  than  a 
tendency  in  pure  Welsh  literature — it  has  not  become  its 
main   method.      All    our    poets    and    writers    still    retain 
some  measure  either  of  the  classicism  which  was  its  main 
characteristic  in  the  early  part  of  the  nineteenth  century, 
or    of     romanticism — its     later     inspiration.      They   still 
worship  the  old  legends  and  traditions,  they  still  love  the 
glory  of  high  colours  and  the  grace  of  rhythmic  cadences  ; 
nature  with  its  magic  beauties  still  haunts  them  every- 
where  ;  even   when  the  force  of  circumstances   and   con- 
viction  drives  them  to  use  the  new  instrument  of  realism, 
they   use    it   with    great   reserve    and   economy,   as   men 
lcnowing  its  dangers  and  fearing  them,  and,  indeed,  this  is 
their  justification.     Extravagance   in   realism   is  as  inde- 
fensible  as  extravagance  in  the  use  of  the  surgeon's  loiife. 
The    use  of   the   realistic    method   by  the    artist  is  only 
justified  when  he  is  able  to  make  it  clear  that,  in  spite  of 
the  proximity  of  the  actual,  the  vision  of  the  ideal  has  not 
been  obscured  for  him.     When  he  describes  ugliness,  he 
must  convince  his  world  that  he  loves  beauty  and  is  able 
to  comprehend  it.     And  it  is  no  excess  to  say  that  such 
realists  as  there  are  in  Welsh  literature  have  so  far  been 
able  to  do  this.     Eecently,  however,  we  have  witnessed  an 
amazing  deyelopment  in  English  literature  whose  subject 
matter  is  Wales  and  its  life.     Two  remarhable  collections 
of  short  stories  or  sketches  from  the  pen  of  a  Welshman 
have  been  issued  in  English,  purporting— as  the  title  of 
the   first  volume  (My  People),  and  the  general  advertise- 
ments  of  both  volumes,  indicate — to  be  realistic  studies  of 
the  life  of  the  peasantry  of  West  Wales,  and  they  have 


The  Limitations  of  Realism.  195 

been  hailecl  by  reviewers  and  readers  both  as  works  of 

exceptional  genius  and  power,  securing  for  the  author  a 

place  among-  the  great  literary  artists  of  our  daj,  and  also 

as  social  documents  of  great  value  and  interest. 

Such  a  first  judgment  of  these  studies  is  not  greatly 

to    be     wondered    at,    for     we     are     all    interested     in 

accounts    of   peoples  whose  lives,  manners,  and   customs 

are  strange  and  abnormal.     There  is  always  a  market  for 

books  about  people  who  are  not  "  like  us  ",  whether  they 

inhabit  the  slums  of  our  great  cities,  the  wildnesses  of  the 

lands  of  the  Celtic  fringe,  the  Russian  prisons  and  dram- 

shops,  or  the  Indian  hills.     The  Play-Boy  of  the  Western 

World,  Creatures  that  once  were  Men,  Plain   Tales  from  the 

Hills,  No.  5  John  Street,  Limehouse  Nights — are   instances 

of   books  which  have  appealed    to   many  people,  not  so 

much  because  of  their  intrinsic  literary  worth,  but  because 

they  have  given  them  the  thrill  of  realizing  that  their 

world  is  still  peopled  by  strange  creatures  unlike  them- 

selves.    It  is  a  satisfying,  as  well  as  an  exciting  experience 

to  realize  that  close  to  our  respectable  and  well-organized 

habitations  there  are  wild  and  primitive  beings  living  a 

fierce  life  of  their  own.     The  nearer  these  strange  peoples 

dwell  and  the  more  barbaric  their  existence,  the  better 

subjects  will  they  make  for  the  kind  of    literature  that 

appeals  to  this  class  of  reader.     Up  to  the  present  no  one 

seemed  to  have  realized  that  Wales  was  a  ground  which 

might   with    ingenuity   be    made    to    offer    considerable 

possibilites  in  this  direction.     In  the  past  Wales  has  not 

produced  any  real  literature  of  its  own  life  in  English — 

chiefly  because  it  was  intent  on  producing  what  it  could 

in  its  own  language.     It  is  true  that  some  attempts  have 

been  made  to  reproduce  the  life  of  the  country  in  English 

fiction— Rhys    Lewis     was     translated,    Theodore    Watts 

Dunton    wrote    Aylwin,    Ernest    Rhŷs,  Owen    Rhoscomyl, 

o2 


196         Some  Recent    Welsh  Literatnre   and 

Miss  Gwendolen  Pryce,  Miss  Bowen  Rowlands,  John 
Thomas,  Alfred  Thomas,  Miss  Dillwyn,  John  Finnemore, 
and  others,  varying  greatly  among  themselves  in  power 
and  achievement,  wrote  English  novels  and  stories 
dealing  with  Wales,  Welsh  history  and  Welsh  life, 
but  not  one  of  them  produced  any  work  of  first  rate  power 
and  distinctiveness.  In  the  days  before  the  harsh  and 
raucous  voice  of  the  realist  was  heard  in  the  land,  Wales 
produced  no  one  who  told  for  alien  ears  the  story  of  the 
sweetnesses,  of  the  heroisms  and  the  charities  of  its  life, 
so  as  to  captivate  and  charm  the  listeners,  who  were 
always  ready  to  be  fascinated.  The  first  story-teller  to 
be  hailed  by  his  public  as  something  more  than  an 
amateur  at  his  craft  brought  with  him  tales  of  sordid- 
ness  and  filth — and  he  found  the  listeners  waiting.  This, 
in  itself,  makes  any  real  criticism  of  such  work  as  My 
People  and  Capel  Sion  highly  difficult  in  so  far  as  they 
claim  to  be  social  documents,  as  we  have  110  other  records 
of  the  life  understandable  by  people  of  another  tongue  to 
which  to  make  our  appeal.  When  a  critic  disputes,  as  he 
has  a  perfect  right  to  do,  the  truth  of  these  books  as  true 
representations  of  life,  he  must  do  it  from  the  books 
themselves  and  from  universally  accepted  facts  and 
principles,  but  not  from  other  related  sources,  as  these,  as 
far  as  the  English  reading  public  is  concerned,  do  not 
exist. 

The  task,  however,  is  not  impossible  in  spite  of  all  the 
disabilities.  It  will,  we  believe,  be  universally  conceded 
that  the  realist  fails  both  as  an  artist  and  as  a  social  recorder 
if  he  finds  nothing  in  human  life  but  ugliness  and  depravity. 
If  he  sees  nothing  but  these  evil  and  ungainly  things  he 
stands  condemned  by  the  consensus  of  human  experiences 
on  one  of  two  grounds.  It  may  be  that  he  lacks  spiritual 
sight,  for  no  man    lives  on  earth  who,  not  being  blind, 


The  Limitatioiis  of  Realism.  197 

does  not  know  that  his  fellow  men  have  all  some  good  in 
their  hearts,  are  possessed  of  some  longing  for  holiness, 
some  love  of  beauty  (of  which  they  are  often  almost  afraid 
to  whisper  to  their  companions),  some  marvellous  possi- 
bilities  of  heroism  and  sacrifice. 

He  who  sees  at  all  must  see  these  things — but  he  who 
lacks  sight  is  by  the  very  absence  of  that  sense,  ruled  out 
from  the  communion  of  artists  and  truthtellers.  All  the 
senses — even  an  abnormally  developed  sense  of  smell 
which  is  often  an  endowment  of  the  blind — can  never 
make  up  for  the  gift  of  sight.  It  may  be,  however,  that 
our  theoretical  realist  is  not  deficient  in  any  particular 
sense,  but  that  in  his  exclusive  dwelling  on  the  "  deformi- 
ties  of  human  existence  " .  he  is  f or  some  purpose  of  his 
own,  from  hatred  or  for  propaganda  or  profit  for  instance, 
consciously  and  intentionally  rejecting  life's  balance  and 
grace,  but  even  then  he  again  stands  condemned  as  an  artist 
and  social  witness.  As  an  artist  he  is  guilty  of  the  very 
misdemeanour  in  art  against  which  he  is  supposed  to  be 
in  revolt — that  of  rejecting  a  part  of  life  as  being  not 
worthy  of  treatment,  of  deliberately  making  an  arbitrary 
difference  between  good  and  evil  ;  while  as  a  social  witness 
he  is  guilty  of  the  meanest  of  the  perjuries — the  sup- 
pression  of  truth  which  would  favour  the  condemned. 

This  general  charge  is  our  first  count  against  the  later 
manifestations  of  realism  in  the  literature  of  the  life  of 
the  Welsh  peasantry ;  they  omit  all  but  its  ugliness.  The 
author  is  either  blind  by  nature  to  all  the  other  features 
of  that  life,  or  he  has  deprived  himself  of  his  sight,  which 
is  worse. 

In  the  two  volumes  (My  People  and  Capel  Sion,  by 
Caradoc  Evans)  with  which  for  the  moment  we  are 
priniarily  concerned  there  are  in  all  some  thirty  short 
stories  or  sketches,  and  it  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  not 


198         Some  Rccent    Welsh   Literature  aud 

in  one  of  them  can  there  be  found  any  real  record  of  the 
uniyersal  sof tening  and  cleansing  influences  of  human  life, 
even  among  the  lowest  barbarians. 

There  exists  no  community  of  men  and  women  011  the 
face  of  the  earth  which  does  not  know  something  of  these 
forces,  of  the  ennobling  influence  of  little  children  with 
their  innocence  and  simple  dependence,  of  the  arresting  of 
personal  selfishness  by  that  strange  devotion  of  man  to 
man  called  friendship,  of  the  power  öf  the  love  of  man  for 
woman  in  idealising  the  things  of  the  earthly  body  and 
the  common  affairs  of  life,  of  the  capacity  for  sacrifice  in 
the  parent  and  for  loyalty  in  the  child,  of  the  mysterious 
longing  for  communion  with  the  Unknown,  which  (even 
among  savages)  always  finds  expression  in  words  of  dignity 
and  beauty. 

But  in  these  sketches  we  have  nothing  but  a  record  of 
an  inhabited  territory  where  apparently  there  is  more  con- 
centrated  devilry  to  the  square  mile  than  the  world  has 
ever  known  before,  and  where  none  of  these  mj'sterious 
but  universally  distributed  forces  are  ever  in  play. 

It  would  be  difficult  without  a  definite  mathematical 
effort  to  say  how  many  births  the  stories  would  lead  one  to 
expect,  but  there  are  no  children  anywhere  in  these 
Stories  of  the  Peasantry  of  West  Wales,  and,  as  far  as  they 
are  concerned,  it  would  not  be  difiicult  to  believe  that 
these  peasants  are  in  the  habit  of  putting  all  but  the 
unhealthiest  of  them  to  death  at  birth.  Their  mischief, 
their  laughter,  their  simple  joj7s  and  sorrows  never  move 
any  heart  or  bring  anxiety  or  hope  into  any  home  within 
the  covers  of  these  two  volumes. 

One  will  seek  in  vain  for  any  friendship  here — there 
are  protestations  of  it  in  abundance  but  always  with  some 
selfish  end  in  view,  and  the  ruling  passion  of  the  tribe  is 
for  an  opportunity  t<>  play  again  the  drama  of  Cain  and 


Tke  Liìmtations  of  Realism.  199 

Abel.  There  is  110  love  here,  not  even  healthy  desire. 
Apart  from  one  story,  "  Greater  than  Love ",  which 
recorcls  a  crime  peculiarly  rare  in  Wales,  as  cold  judicial 
statisties  would  prove,  it  would  be  difficult  to  find  any 
instance  in  the  books  of  two  people  who  might  be  ex- 
pected  to  mate  decently. 

There  is  no  love  of  clan  or  kindred  which  does  not  find 
expression  in  meanness  and  cruelty,  and  110  longing  for 
God  and  his  works  except  among  one   or  two  madmen. 
A  mere   citation    of   these    omissions   entitles   us    to  say 
that  the  creations  of  this   writer  are  in  defiance  of  the 
whole  of  human  lmowledge  and  experience,  ineluding  that 
of  the  author  if  he  be  normal. '  How  different  it  all  is 
from   the  work   of   the    master  realists,   some   of   whose 
names  we  have  given.     One  is  tempted  to  compare  it  with 
one  of  the  most  terrible  realist  sketches  in  the  whole  of 
European   literature,  Creatures  that  once  were    Men    (also 
published  in  English  under  the  title  of   The  Outcasts),  by 
Maxim  Gorki,  whom  one  suspects  Mr.  Caradoc  Evans  of 
imitating.     That  story  is  a  tale  of  pure  squalor,  but  in 
spite  of   that  it  is  full  of  the  eternal  human  charities. 
Old     Captain     Kouvalda,    the    doss-house    keeper,    who 
although  always   helping   to  draw  his  lodgers  with    him 
deeper  and   deeper  into  the  slough  of   drunkenness   and 
misery,  yet  never  failed  to  help  them  at  their  need  if  it 
was  in  his  power  to  do  so,  the  drunken  old  schoolmaster, 
who  only  spent  half  his  earnings  011  drink  and  the  other 
on    the    poor    staiwing    little    children   of  the   slums,  are 
monuments  amidst  the    dreariness   and   the   fìlth    to    the 
divinity  of  man.     A  short  description  of  the  old  school- 
master  transforms   the    detailed    descriptions    of    human 
weakness,  selfishness  and  hypocrisy  and  makes  them  bear- 
able  and  purposeful. 

"  Sometimes  the  schoolmaster  would  gather  the  childreri 


200        Some   Recent    Welsh  Literature  and 

round  him,  buy  a  quantity  of  bread,  eggs,  apples,  nuts  and 
go  with  them  into  the  fìelds  towards  the  river.  There  they 
would  greedily  eat  up  all  he  had  to  offer  them  filling  the  air 
around  with  merry  noise  and  laughter.  The  lank,  thin 
figure  of  the  drunhard  seemed  to  shrivel  up  and  grow  small 
like  the  little  ones  around  him,  who  treated  him  with  com- 
plete  familiarity  as  if  he  were  one  of  their  own  age.  They 
called  him  "  Philippe ",  not  adding  even  the  title  of 
"  Uncle  ".  They  iumped  around  him  like  eels,  they  pushed 
him,  got  on  his  back,  slapped  his  bald  heacì,  and  pulled  his 
nose.  He  probably  liked  it,  for  he  never  protested  against 
these  liberties  being  taken.  He  spoke  very  little  to  them, 
and  his  words  were  humble  and  timid,  as  if  he  were  afraid 
that  his  voice  might  soil  or  hurt  them.  He  spent  many 
hours  with  them,  sometimes  as  play  thing,  and  at  other 
times  as  play  mate.  He  used  to  look  into  their  bright  faces 
with  sad  eyes,  and  would  then  slowly  and  thoughtfully  slink 
off  into  Vaviloff's  vodka  shop  where  he  would  drink  till  he 
lost  consciousness." 

That  justifies  all  the  ruthless  analysis  of  character  and 
the  cruel  records  of  the  actualities  of  life,  because  in  the 
flash  of  a  searchlight  it  also  reveals  its  glories,  and  had 
Mr.  Caradoc  Evans  enshrined  in  his  two  volumes  five 
hundred  lines  of  the  same  character  he  would  have  been 
able,  without  fear  of  conviction,  to  plead  not  guilty  to  the 
charge  of  blindness  either  natural  or  self  inflicted. 

But  the  indictment  does  not  end  with  the  general 
charge.  We  have  still  to  point  out  that  either  from 
ignorance  or  incompetence  the  distinctive  features  of  the 
life  described,  the  features  which  make  it  unique  and 
recognisable,  are  all  missing  or  distorted.  We  need  only 
give  two  instances.  Every  person  who  tnows  Wales 
knows  also  that,  in  the  Eisteddfod,  it  possesses  and 
cherishes  one  of  the  most  wonderful  democratic  cultural 
institutions  in  the  world  to-day,  which  inspires  the 
common  people  to  effort  in  all  the  arts, — in  music, 
in  poetry,  in  prose,  and  in  craft.  The  institution  is 
mentioned,  as  far  as  I  can   remember,  once  in  the  two 


The  Limitations  of  Realism.  201 

volumes  and  then  as  the  occasion  of  (if  not  the  incitement 
to)  immorality.  The  practice  of  anyone  of  the  arts  may 
be  subversive  of  the  code  of  morals  declared  in  the  deca- 
logue,  but  surely  when  the  life  of  a  peasantry  who,  amidst 
all  the  varying  ebbs  and  tides  of  social  and  political  for- 
tune  have  kept  alive  the  fire  of  inspiration  is  described,  it 
merits  some  more  generous  treatment  than  this. 

Again,  whatever  may  be  the  sins  and  weaknesses  of 
the  peasantry  of  Wales,  and  of  West  Wales  in  particular, 
no  one  can  deny  that  their  religious  development  has  given 
them  a  lmowledge  of  theological  and  religious  termino- 
logy  not  to  be  equalled  anywhere  in  the  world.  As 
Paxton  Hood'  said  : — 

"  Religion  was  the'one  topic  upon  which  you  might  talk 
intelligently  anywhere  in  Wales:  with  the  pitman  in  the 
coal  mine,  with  the  iron  smelter  at  the  forge,  with  the  farmer 
by  his  ingleside,  with  the  labourer  in  his  mountain  shieling  ; 
and  not  merely  on  the  first  more  elementary  lessons  of  the 
catechism,  but  on  the  great  bearings  and  infinite  relations  of 
religious  things.  Jonathan  Edwarrìs,  and  Williams  of  Rother- 
ham,  and  Owen,  and  Bunyan  and  FIavel,  these  men  and 
their  works,  and  a  few  others  like  them,  were  well  known 

thus  you  might  often  feel  surprised  when, 

sitting  down  in  some  lowly  cottage,  you  found  yourself 
suddenly  caught  and  carried  along  by  its  owner  in  a  coil  of 
metaphysical  argument ". 

We  do  not  say  it  with  any  pride  (for  we  know  its 
inherent  weaknesses)  but  it  is  true  that  there  is  less  of  the 
anthropomorpliism  of  religion  among  the  peasantry  of 
Wales  than  among  any  other  people  in  the  world  living 
such  a  simple  uncultivated  life ;  but  in  these  sketches  the 
whole  religious  atmosphere  is  made  ghastly  with  the  most 
materialist  anthropomorphism.  The  very  county  which 
is  the  scene  of  these  sketches  has  produced  some  of  the 

1  Christmas  Evans,  the  Preacher  of  Wild   Wales  (p.  7),  by  Paxton 
Hood.     Hodder  &  Stoughton. 


202         Some   Recent    Welsh   Literature   and 

most  wonderful  preachers  our  generations  have  known — 
Daniel  Rowlands,  Christmas  Evans,  Ebenezer  Morris, 
Thomas  and  Ebenezer  Richards — some  of  whom  were 
brought  up  within  a  few  miles  of  the  actual  spot  where 
the  horrible  Bern  Daf  jdd's  sermon  on  "  The  Word " 
(Capel  Sion,  pp.  17-28)  is  supposed  to  have  been  delivered. 
One  is  almost  tempted  to  think  that  this  sermon  is  a 
conscious  distortion  of  some  of  Christmas  Evans'  wonder- 
ful  deliverances. 

Whatever  else  may  be  said  in  the  defence  of  these 
stories,  they  are  not  of  the  life  of  the  Welsh  peasantry — 
they  are  stories  of  the  diseased  minds  and  the  deformed 
souls  which  are  cast  among  all  the  congregations  of  men 
and  women,  and  of  whom  generally  the  world  speaks  only 
in  whispers  and  with  tears. 

There  has  recently  been  published  in  English  a  similar 
collection  of  sketches  of  the  life  of  China-town,  by 
Mr.  Thomas  Burke,  under  the  title  of  Limehouse  Niç/hts, 
characterized  also  by  the  same  ruthless  realism,  but  at  the 
same  time  by  an  overwhelming  sympathy  and  charity.  In 
the  most  terrible  of  them  all,  "  The  Paw  ",  which  is  full 
of  maniacal  cruelty  and  torture,  one  is  always  conscious 
of  an  enormous  passion  looming  over  all  its  horrors  : 

"  Tlie  Greaser  loved  his  wife  with  the  miserable,  fuiious 
passion  of  a  \veak  thing.  He  Ioved  lier  to  life  and  death  as 
such  men  do  when  they  rise  to  it  at  all". 

and  given  the  character  of  the  Greaser,  combined  with 
this  passion  and  his  "narcotised  sensibilities",  one  under- 
stands  how  the  terrible  blow  that  fell  upon  him  led  to  all 
the  horror.  The  story  is  as  much  a  defence  as  it  is  a  con- 
demnation.  In  others,  such  as  "  Gina  of  the  China  Town  ", 
we  fînd  pictures  almost  idyllic  in  their  nature,  only  just 
hardened  here  and  there  in  their  outlines  by  a  touch  of 
pure  realism.     The  book  shows  how  this  kind  of  work  can 


The  Limitations  of  Realism.  203 

and  should  be  clone — for  in  it,  the  author  (whether  he  has 
been  just  to  China  Town  or  not)  has  at  any  rate  observed 
the  inherent  limitations  and  conditions  of  his  method. 

As  we  have  already  suggested,  a  new  literary  method 
often  necessarily  entails  a  new  literary  form,  and  it  is 
hardly  to  be  wondered  at  that  so  many  of  our  realists  have 
been  forced  to  discover  or  to  create  for  themselves  a  new 
language.  Words,  after  all,  areonly  tokens,  and  they 
become  worn  in  use,  and  the  images  graven  upon  them 
indistinct,  so  that  ultimately  they  do  more  to  confuse  the 
artist  than  to  assist  him.  Mr.  Grwynn  Jones,  for  instance, 
in  his  realist  poem  Pro  Patria — like  his  confrère,  John 
Maseíield,1  in  England — had  to  seek  for  a  new  poetic 
diction  as  the  vehicle  of  his  new  ideas.  This,  we  believe, 
has  been  the  first  task  of  the  realist  everywhere. 
Evidently  Mr.  Caradoc  Evans  was  faced  with  the  same 
problem — and  it  must  be  admitted  that  he  has  found  an 
effective  and  adequate  solution. 

He  knew  that  his  work  was  to  portray  the  coarseness 
of  life,  and  he  has  created  a  coarse  vocabulary  and  an 
uncouth  idiom  to  convey  his  ideas.  His  method  is  simple 
in  principle  but  somewhat  complex  in  execution.  He  has 
generally  (though  not  always)  adopted  the  form  of  a 
Welsh  sentence  and  translated  it  iíito  English,  maintain- 
ing  partially  the  order  of  the  original  but  almost  invariably 
choosing  the  ugliest  and  coarsest  English  equivalent.  His 
language  is  powerful,  and  it  perf ectly  expresses  his  attitude 
and  his  ideas — but  it  bears  no  basic  relation  to  the 
original  Welsh,  as  one  or  two  instances  will  demonstrate. 

The  famous  Welsh  hymn 

"  Yn  y  dyfroedd  mawr  a'r  tonnau 
Nid  oes  neb  a  ddeil  fy  mhen, 
Ond  fy  anwyl  briod  Iesu 
A  fu  farw  ar  y  pren  ", 

1  Cp.,  The  Everlastùi(/  Mercy,  The  Widow  in  the  Bye  Street,  &c. 


204         Some  Recent    Welsh  Literature   and 

is   translated   in    the    story,  entitled,  "  Three  Men  from 
Horeb  "  {Capel  Sion),  as  follows  : — 

"  In  the  big  floods  and  swells  there  is  none  to  hold  my 
head  but  my  beloved  hnsband,  Jesus,  who  died  upon  the 
Wood". 

No  one  can  blame  the  author  for  his  version,  for 
he  has  the  right  to  use  the  words,  which  are  in  tune  with 
his  work ;  but  his  version  is  not  a  translation  of  the 
original  Welsh,  and  it  is  obvious  that  there  has  been  an 
intentional  choice  of  hard,  ugly  words. 

All  the  prolonged  conversations  are  so  utterly  unreal 
to  anyone  acquainted  with  the  country  described,  and  so 
full  of  ugly  words  hardly  ever  heard  in  any  part 
of  Wales,  that  it  would  be  useless  to  give  the  original 
Welsh,  the  author's  translation  together  with  a  parallel 
one,  but  certain  typical  phrases  can  be  chosen.  A  com- 
mon  phrase  used  for  God  in  this  part  of  Cardiganshire  is 
"  Y  Bôd  Mawr  "  (not  "  Y  Gwr  Mawr  "  which  is  the  term 
used  for  the  squire),  and  the  literal  translation  of  it  would 
be  "  The  Great  Being  ".  In  these  stetches  it  is  rendered 
"  The  big  man ",  "  The  great  man "  (Y  dyn  mawr), 
"  Great  male  "  (Y  gwrryw  mawr). 

The  common  Cardiganshire  form  "  Gwedwch  "  (dy- 
wedwch)  is  rendered  "  mouth "  (cegwch)  or  "  voice  " 
(lleisiwch)  at  will,  and  merely  to  give  the  Welsh  equivalent 
of  the  author's  form  is  to  demonstrate  its  absurdity. 
"  Gynau  gwynion  ",  is  generally  given  as  "  white  shirts  ", 
which  in  Cardiganshire  would  be  "crysau  gwynion  ". 
The  exact  rendering  is  beautiful  and  dignified,  "white 
robes  ".  Phrases  like  "Move  your  tongue  now  ",  "  Clap 
your  old  lips  ",  "  What  iobish  do  you  spout  ",  "  Back  you 
hie,  you  brazen  slut ",  abound  in  the  books,  and  merely 
to  attempt  to  translate  them  would  be  sufficient  to  shew 
how  un-Welsh  they  are. 

But  the  author's  langnagc  is  no  concern  of  ours  in  this 
note,    except    in   so   far   as    it  might  be  taken  by  those 


Thc  Limitations  of  Rcalism.  205 

unacquainted  with  the  origitial  to  be  the  exact  equivalent 
of  the  Welsh.  He  has  createcl  an  expressive  and  powerful 
form  which  admirably  suits  his  purpose. 

We  have  dwelt  at  such  length  on  these  two  volumes 
not  so  much  on  account  of  their  intrinsic  importance,  but 
because  they  are  a  sign  of  the  times  and  also  because 
their  success  may  tempt  others  to  follow  along  the  same 
paths  and  disregard  utterly  the  inherent  laws  of  literary 
art.  It  may  be,  of  course,  that  present  events  will 
create  a  great  revulsion  against  the  realistic  and  the 
actualistic  methods  in  literature,  and  that  Europe  will 
see  a  great  return  to  romance  again,  but  it  is  just 
as  likely  that  an  intimate  acquaintance  of  a  generation 
with  the  ghastly  realities  and  possibilities  of  life  will 
make  it  all  the  more  impatient  with  the  accepted  forms, 
methods,  and  traditions  of  the  past.  Indeed  we  are  in- 
clined  to  think  that  the  remnant  of  the  coming  generation 
will  not  be  willing  "  to  pass  by  life,  to  suppress  the  deep 
and  dark  passions  of  the  soul,  and  to  lull  by  some  lying 
and  narcotic  phrase  the  urgent  questions  of  the  mind  ". 
If  that  be  so, — the  coming  age  will  be  above  all  the 
age  of  the  realist — but,  it  is  worth  remembering,  he 
will  only  be  sovereign  at  will, — so  long  as  he  can  con- 
vince  his  age  that  his  passion  is  for  truth,  that  he  is 
inspired  by  high  ideals,  that  life  to  him  is  indeed  "  the 
sum  of  all  human  potentialities  ",  that  he  sees  it  as  a 
whole,  and  that  he  is  able  to  find  a  place  for  all  its  forces 
"  in  a  pattern  in  which  none  should  be  distorted  ",  for 
these  are  the  conditions  of  the  existence  of  the  realist. 


2o6  A  National  War  Museum  anci  a 

%   (Haftonaf   TDat   (Hluseum   <xnò   a 
Çpufiftc  %uoxò  Üfftce  for  lùafte* 

By  HUBEET  HALL,  F.S.A., 

Assistant  Keeper  of  the  Public  JRecords ;    Secretary  to  the  Royal 
Commission  on  Public  Records. 


It  has  been  suggested  that  I  might,  with  advantage  to 
fellow  students,  state  my  views  on  the  subject  of  the  above 
institutions,  both  of  which  are  generally  believed  to  be 
"  on  order  "  for  the  Welsh  nation. 

There  was  a  time,  not  so  long  past,  when  Welsh  states- 
men  and  scholars  were  discussing  the  best  means  of 
establishing  a  National  Library  and  a  National  Museum 
for  Wales.  The  accomplishment  of  these  earlier  ambitions 
may  well  encourage  the  belief  thatanother  "big  push"  will 
put  Welshmen  in  possession  of  a  National  War  Museum  as 
well  as  a  Public  Record  Office ;  for  both  these  institutions 
are  intimately  concerned  with  tlie  war  itself.  The  daily 
history  of  the  war  can  best  be  visualised  from  the  exhibits 
that  form  the  main  feature  of  a  War  Museum,  while  the 
problems  connected  with  its  responsibilities  can  only  be 
seriously  studied  from  the  original  records  that  will  be 
preserved  in  the  national  archives.  In  short  the  records 
will  form  the  text  of  the  History  of  the  War,  and  the 
contents  of  the  Museum  will  serve  as  illustrations  to  this 
text. 

But  there  is  another  reason  why  the  establishment  of 
these  institutions  should  be  regarded  as  a  matter  of 
national  importance.     We  have  been  reminded,  more  than 


Public  Record  Office  for   Wales.  207 

once,  in  recent  years  tliat  the  study  of  archives  and  other 
documentary  sources  of  Modern  History  has  been  sadly 
neglected  in  this  country.  It  is  true  that  we  have  not 
taken  this  reproof  to  heart,  and  that  we  have  made  no 
special  effort  to  mend  our  ways  ;  but,  here  and  tliere,  we 
find  scholars  who  resent  the  reproach  of  being  outside  the 
pale  of  European  culture  in  this  matter  of  the  archives. 
Moreover  we  know  that  no  excuse  for  this  neglect  is 
furnished  by  the  vicissitudes  of  the  State.  Our  public 
records  were  compiled  and  preserved  under  the  same  con- 
ditions  as  those  which  obtained  abroad,  and  they  have 
escaped  the  havoc  that  has  been  wrought  in  foreign 
archives  by  hostile  invasion  and  civil  war.  The  neglect 
that  they  have  experienced,  and  the  losses  that  they  have 
consequently  suffered,  are  due  to  the  fact  that  their  value 
as  a  national  treasure  has  not  been  realized  as  it  has  been 
by  Continental  nations. 

One  cause  of  this  foreign  enlightenment  has  been 
frequently  noted.  The  French  Revolution  brought  about 
a  remarkable  change  in  the  treatment  of  State  documents. 
Instead  of  burning  old  records,  like  the  insurgent  peasantry 
of  the  Middle  Ages,  one  of  the  first  acts  of  the  Republic  was 
to  nationalize  them.  There  was  no  more  ominous  act  in 
the  early  days  of  the  Russian  Revolution  than  the  wanton 
destruction  of  archives.  There  is  no  more  hopeful  symptom, 
to-day,  than  the  appointment  of  a  body  of  experts'  for  the 
reorganisation  of  the  ancient  imperial  archives. 

With  the  restoration  of  the  French  monarchy,  in  1814, 
the  archives  had  become  a  national  institution  which  no 
government  dared  to  despise  or  neglect,  and  the  care  of 
archives  was  taught  and  practised  as  a  State  service. 
As  Franlcish  scholars  had  reformed  the  official  hand- 
writing  of  Western   Europe  in  the  ninth  century,  so  the 

1  Uncìer  thc  presidency  of  Professor  Lappo-Dani]e\vsky. 


2o8  A  National   War  Museum  and  a 

"  Science  ':'  or  "  Economy  "  o£  the  French  archives  was 
adopted  by  most  of  the  European  nations  a  thousand  years 
later.  In  England,  on  the  other  hand,  the  public  records 
have  not  been  dealt  with  on  these  lines.  Official  docu- 
ments  which,  in  theory,  are  the  property  of  the  Crown 
have  continued  to  be  vested  in  their  custodians,  who  have 
received  no  recognized  training  as  archivists  and  who 
often  have  no  hnowledge  of  the  nature  or  value  of  the 
records  in  their  charge.  This  state  of  things  is  possibty 
due  to  the  conservative  distrust  of  the  French  Revolution 
which  influenced  English  statecraft  for  more  than  one 
generation.  Six  hundred  years  earlier  Matthew  Paris 
petulantly  assured  his  countrymen  that  England  had  no 
use  for  paj)al  and  imperial  notaries,  and  following  this 
insular  tradition,  we  have  held  ourselves  aloof  from  the 
methods  of  French  scholars,  to  whose  learning  and 
patriotism  the  admirable  system  of  the  Continental 
archives  is  due.1 

With  this  foreign  archive  system  the  cult  of  Libraries 
and  Museums  is  closely  associated ;  it  is  not  surprising, 
therefore,  that  from  the  beginning  of  the  war,  collections 
were  made  by  foreign  governments  to  illustrate  its  pro- 
gress.  But  now,  in  the  third  year  of  the  war,  a  proposal 
for  a  National  War  Museum  has  begun  to  engage  the 
attention  of  our  own  Government,  and  the  event  is  really 
one  of  great  interest  and  importance.  To  a  mere  onlooher 
it  would  seem  as  though  this  war  will  bring  to  pass  the 
dream  of  our  historians  that  has  waited  for  its  fulfilment 
during  the  whole  of  the  smug  Victorian  era.2 

It  is  well  known  that  the  question  of  a  National  War 
Museum  is  under  consideration  by  a  departmental  Com- 

1  Langlois  and  Stein,  "Archives  de  l'Histoire  de  France  ",  p.  xiii : 
Quarterly  lleriew,  Jan.,  1910,  pp.  42-47. 

2  Edinburyh  Reriew,  Oct.,  1914,  pp.  375-6. 


Public  Record  Offìce  for   Wales.  209 

mittee  appointed  by  the  First  Commissioner  of  His 
Majesty's  Works,  to  whose  patriotic  and  enlightened  enter- 
prise  the  credit  for  the  whole  scheme  mainly  belongs.  It  is 
also  lcnown  that  the  interests  of  Science,  Archseolog)r, 
History  and  Literature  are  represented  by  a  sub-committee 
of  experts.  Under  these  circumstances  it  would  be  improper 
to  make  any  conjecture  as  to  the  nature  of  the  scheme 
that  the  Committee  has  in  hand.  It  can,  however,  be 
inferred  from  the  announcements  made  in  the  press  that 
some  scope  will  be  left  for  other  national  or  local  enter- 
prises. 

Now  this  is  where  our  immediate  interest  in  the  matter 
coines  in.  It  may,  perhaps,  be  assumed  that  the  several 
nationalities  concerned  will.become,  as  the  new  formula 
runs,  the  "  masters  of  their  own  destinies  "  herein  :  that 
is  to  say  that  their  requirements  in  respect  of  the  equip- 
ment  of  war  museums  or  archives  will  be  the  care  of 
native  archivists  and  historians.  At  the  same  time  it 
must  be  remembered  that  the  position  of  these  members 
of  the  imperial  family  is  intimately  affected  by  tlie 
present  "political  state  of  Great  Britain "  and  by  the 
existing  distribution  of  the  archives  of  the  war.  In  fact 
we  should  find,  in  the  case  of  Scotland,  Ireland,  Wales  and 
the  Isle  of  Man,  that  the  whole  of  the  exhibits  illustrating 
the  several  aspects  of  the  war  are  vested  in  the  Govern- 
ment  departments  at  Whitehall.  What  may  be  the  effect 
of  this  official  monopoly  on  the  national  interests  or  senti- 
ments  of  our  Scottish,  Irish  and  Manx  neighbours,  I  have 
no  right  or  wish  to  inquire.  I  am  only  concerned  here 
with  the  case  of  Wales,  because  I  have  set  out  to  discuss 
the  purely  academic  question  of  the  possibility  and  desir- 
ability  of  instituting  a  National  War  Museum  for  the 
Principality.  It  will  be  necessary,  therefore,  to  examine 
the  national  position  of  Wales  more  closely. 


210  A  National  War  Mtiseiim  and  a 

In  the  first  place  it  would  seem  that  this  resembles 
tliat  of  the  other  members  of  the  imperial  community  in 
respect  of  the  distribution  of  the  various  exhibits  which 
must  form  the  bulk  of  a  National  War  Museum.  In 
each  case  the  warlilce  gear,  relics  ancl  recent  administrative 
documents  are,  as  we  have  seen,  under  the  control  of  the 
London  authorities.  If  any  of  these  historical  objects  are 
preserved  elsewhere  than  in  London,  that  is  merely  a 
matter  of  official  convenience  or  arrangement  and  does 
not  detract  from  the  preroprative  exercised  by  the  secre- 
tariats  or  Boards. 

I  am  not  aware  whether  the  above  countries  wish  to 
have  War  Museums  of  their  own,  but  the  fact  remains 
that  Wales,  which  apparently  does  wish  to  possess  such 
a  memorial  of  the  war,  is  just  as  much  entitled  to  have  it 
as  are  the  others. 

On  the  other  hand,  Wales  is  under  a  distinct  dis- 
advantage  herein  owing  to  the  loss  of  its  national  records, 
which  were  removed  to  London  some  sixty  years  ago, 
whereas  the  records  are  stiil  preseiwed  at  Edinburgh, 
Dublin  and  Douglas.  Moreover,  in  the  case  of  Jersey, 
Guernsey  and  the  Colonial  Dominions,  Dependencies  and 
Crown  Colonies  the  distinction  is  emphasized  by  the  pre- 
servation  of  administrative  as  well  as  judicial  records 
abroad.1  Now  we  know  that  from  the  Union  of  1543 
to  1830  the  judicial  records  were  preserved  within  the 
Principality,  whilst  earlier  still,  from  1284  to  1543,  many 
administrative  as  well  as  judicial  records  were  deposited 
in  Welsh  repositories.2 


1  Royal  Commission  on  Public  Records,  Second  Report  (1914), 
Appendix  (1). 

J  Ibid.,  First  Report  (1!)12),  Appx.  (10);  Second  Report  (1914), 
Appx.  (1).  Cymmrodorion  Socirt>/'s  Transactions,  1900-1,  pp.  40-52,  and 
Ibid.,  1914-15,  pp.  16-42. 


Public  Record  Office  for   Wales.  2  1  1 

Tt  is  scarcely  surprising  therefore  that  many  Welshmen 
have  regarded  the  transfer  of  those  records  as  ill-advised. 
As  it  was  the  records  were  handed  over,  in  some  cases 
urider  protest,  and  remained  in  a  more  or  less  unsatisfac- 
tory  state  down  to  comparatively  recent  times.1 

This  historical  incident  has  an  important  bearing  on 
the  subject  of  the  institution  of  a  National  War  Museum 
for  Wales,  because  the  Principality  has  been  deprived  of 
an  archive  establishment  which  elsewhere  might  serve  as  a 
collecting  depôt  for  a  National  War  Museum.  In  view, 
therefore,  of  the  authoritative  and  emphatic  Eeport  of 
the  Eoyal  Commission  on  Public  Eecords  in  favour  of  the 
repatriation  of  the  Welsh  records,  an  excellent  opportunity 
exists  for  the  erection  of  a  Welsh  Memorial  which  may 
combine  the  custody  of  the  archives  of  the  war  with  the 
collection  of  relics  and  objects  of  national  and  historical 
interest. 

II. 

Before  I  proceed  to  suggest  a  possible  solution  of  the 
various  local  problems  connected  with  the  proposed  estab- 
lishment  of  a  Public  Eecord  Ofììce  and  National  War 
Museum  for  Wales,  it  is  important  that  those  who  have 
this  matter  at  heart,  in  the  interests  of  the  Welsh  nation 
at  large,  should  realize  the  technical  requirements  of 
those  institutions.  A  National  War  Museum  appears  to 
be  associated  in  the  minds  of  many  people  with  a  com- 
memoration  on  the  lines  of  the  Victorian  Jubilee  Memor- 
ials,  while  letters  incautiously  addressed  to  the  "  Eecord 
Office,  London  ",  have  been  commonly  delivered  at  the 
offices  of  the  "  Eecord  "  newspaper.  In  any  case  the  full 
significance  of  the  scholarly  ideals  inspired  by  such  insti- 
tutions  has  not  been  generally  appreciated,  and  it  is  per- 

1  Ibid.,  Royal  Commission  on  Public  Records,  Minutes  of  Evidence, 
Q.  334  and  3666. 

P  2 


2  12  A  National  War  Museum  anci  a 

haps  desirable  thattheir  relative  positions  should  be  clearly 
stated. 

The  Museum  occupies  a  definite  position  in  the 
scheme  of  national  culture  as  the  repository  of  scientific 
and  archseological  exhibits,  which  niust  be  regarded  as 
"objects"  in  distinction  to  "  documents ".  Half-way 
between  the  two  comethe  products  of  Art,  which  may  also 
be  displayed  in  more  appropriate  Galleries.  The  "  docu- 
ments "  in  question  are  everywhere  preserved  in  two 
distinct  repositories ;  official  documents,  in  the  shape  of 
records  and  state  papers,  being  found  in  Archives,  and 
literary  manuscripts,  with  printed  books,  in  Libraries. 
Naturally  a  certain  admixture  or  interchange  of  these 
elements  is  observable,  but  Museums,  Archives,  and 
Libraries  may  be  readily  distinguished  by  the  above- 
mentioned  characteristics.  At  the  same  time  the  official 
titles  of  certain  institutions  may  be  somewhat  misleading. 
For  example,  the  "  British  Museum  "  actually  connotes 
the  "  National  Library  of  England  ",  and  the  removal  of 
the  scientific  exhibits  to  a  Natural  History  Museum  may 
possibly  forshadow  the  establishment  of  a  National  Art 
Gallery  at  no  distant  date.  In  the  provinces,  however, 
the  intermixing  of  exhibits  representing  the  domains  of 
Science,  Art,  Archseology,  History  and  Literature  in  a 
single  Museum  is  still  of  frequent  occurrence  and  is  per- 
haps  inevitable  under  existing  circumstances.  Indeed 
this  exigency  furnishes,  incidentally,  a  useful  object 
lesson  as  to  the  value  of  all  these  materials  for  a  survey  of 
the  national  history. 

It  will  appear  from  the  above  statement  that  the  pur- 
pose  of  a  National  War  Museum  is  definite,  and  its  func- 
tions  will  be  exercised  at  the  discretion  of  the  authorities 
concerned  :  that  is  to  say,  the  proposed  museum  may 
purport  to  include  all  the  available  exhibits  illustrating 


Public  Record  Ojjìce  for   Wales.  2  1 


the  war,  or  only  such  as  come  readily  to  hand.  In  the 
former  case,  a  scientific  and  coniprehensive  plan  of 
operations  will  be  necessary ;  but,  in  the  end,  this 
would  not  involve  much  more  trouble  or  expense  than  a 
casual  method  of  collection.  In  any  case  it  is  important 
that  all  the  materials  that  exist  for  a  permanent  com- 
memoration  and  adecpaate  history  of  the  war  should  be 
carefully  noted.  It  follows,  therefore,  that  it  will  be 
necessary  to  determine  the  following  points :  (1)  What 
the    proper    contents    of    a    War    Museum    should    be. 

(2)  Whether  these  are  actually  available  for  exhibition. 

(3)  If  so,  how  they  can  be  properly  housed,  arranged  and 
described  to  the  best  advantage. 

Now  each  of  these  processes  is  complementary  to  the 
other.  To  select  a  site  and  obtain  a  grant  of  the  neces- 
sary  f unds  for  building  and  maintenance  before  the  nature 
and  use  of  the  exhibits  or  their  extent  and  distribution 
have  been  ascertained,  would  seem  to  be  the  wrong  way 
of  setting  to  work.  It  is,  indeed,  obvious  that  no  real 
progress  could  be  made  with  the  establishment  of  such  an 
institution  until  it  has  been  decided  what  it  will  contain  ; 
nor  can  the  contents  be  estimated  until  their  nature  and 
use,  their  extent  and  distribution  have  been  exhaustively 
determined.  The  very  position  and  size  of  the  building 
must  depend  on  the  character  of  the  matter  that  is  avail- 
able.  Certain  important  materials  may  be  found  to  be 
unavailable,  others  may  prove  undesirable  ;  not  a  few  may 
have  been  already  appropriated  by  local  authorities  and 
collectors. 

These  and  other  points  ought  to  be  ascertained  by 
means  of  a  preliminary  survey,  for  which  the  knowledge 
of  official  experts  and  the  co-operation  of  local  antiquaries 
and  historians  should  be  utilised.  At  the  same  time  some 
definite  provision  should  be  made  to  recover  documents  or 


214  A  National  War  Museum  and  a 

relics  that  have  strayed  from  official  custody,  and  the 
respective  spheres  of  influence  of  the  imperial  and  local 
authorities  should  be  carefully  ascertained  to  avoid  the 
risk  of  a  disastrous  competition. 

These  are  operations  that  require  both  lmowledge  and 
tact,  for  even  the  most  persuasive  methods  of  official 
enterprise  will  avail  little  without  an  exact  loiowledge  of 
the  materials  that  maybe  found  in  sundry  places.  Finally 
it  is  very  desirable,  in  this  connection,  that  the  national 
character  and  patriotic  objects  of  the  proposed  collection 
should  be  widely  known  and  appreciated.  These  things 
may  be  taken  for  granted  in  high  places,  but  they  should 
be  emphasized  for  the  benefìt  of  smaller  folk. 

In  the  matter  of  the  contents  of  a  War  Museum 
that  will  claim  to  be  of  national  or  permanent  import- 
ance,  there  is  already  a  wealth  of  exhibits  in  prospect, 
if  these  can  be  realized.  Whether  such  a  museum 
should  include  exhibits  illustrative  of  the  naval  and 
military  methods,  the  history  and  literature  of  allied 
or  hostile  states,  is  an  academic  problem  that  the  author 
of  this  Paper  will  not  attempt  to  solve.  That  these 
are  objects  of  common  interest  cannot  be  doubted ;  but, 
on  the  otlier  hand,  it  would  be  impossible  to  bring  to- 
gether  in  any  one  place  a  complete  collection  of  universal 
exhibits  :  an  arbitrary  or  fortuitous  system  would  have 
little  scientific  value.  When  the  belligerent  nations  have 
completed  their  individual  national  collections,  printed 
catalogues  can  be  readily  used  by  students.  In  the  mean- 
time  the  respective  National  Museums  might  include  a 
foreign  section  for  the  display  of  the  various  trophies  or 
relics  that  have  come  to  hand.1 


1  It  will  beremembered  that  in  tlie  caseof  docunients,  intercepted 

or  captured  papers  have  always  had  a  recogniseô!  place  in  the  State 
urchives. 


Public  Record  Office  for    Wales.  215 

The  normal  exhibits'  in  a  National  War  Museum  will 
include  material  objects  such  as  the  various  engines  of 
war,  with  models  and  divers  reproductions  of  naval  and 
military  tactics.  Other  exhibits  such  as  colours,  uniforms 
and  other  insignia,  together  with  many  relics  from  famous 
battlefìelds,  will  have  a  sentimental  as  well  as  a  didactic 
value.  Closely  related  to  these  are  certain  types  of 
documentary  exhibits  such  as  plans,  drawings,  portraits 
and  other  delineations  of  the  incidents  or  fîgures  of  the 
war,  and  these  might  be  more  conveniently  displayed  in 
a  gallery  annexe. 

A  third  class  of  exhibits  will  comprise  the  documents ; 
and  these  again  may  be  sub-divided  as  printed  and 
unprinted  materials.  If  prints,  photographs  and  other 
delineations  are  classed  as  objects  of  Art,  the  contents  of 
the  above  sub-divisions  can  be  roughly  estimated.  In  the 
first  place,  however,  it  is  necessary  to  insist  that  a  sharp 
distinction  between  printed  and  unprinted  documents  is 
not  always  possible,  or  desirable.  The  fact  that  a  certain 
document  has  been  printed,  while  others  of  a  like  nature 
remain  unprinted,  is  largely  due  to  accident  or  caprice,  as 
well  as  to  our  haphazard  method  of  issuing  historical 
publications.  Many  important  series  of  manuscripts  have 
been  published  piecemeal ;  others  have  been  kept  unpub- 
lished.  Under  these  circumstances  we  cannot  reerard  the 
original  MSS.  and  the  partial  reproductions  thereof  as 
entirely  independent  sources.  In  fact  the  necessity  of 
co-ordinating  the  printed  and  unpublished  sources  has 
been  tardily  or  grudgingly  acknowledged,  and  this 
method  has  formed  a  noticeable  feature  of  the  best  his- 
torical  bibliographies  in  recent  years.  It  is,  therefore, 
important   that   the    administration    of   a    National  War 

1  Those    mentioned   in   tlie    following   lines   must,  of   course,    be 
regarded  only  as  types. 


2i6  A  National  War  Museum  and  a 

Museuin  should  recognize  this  method  of  co-ordination  in 
connection  with  a  survey  of  the  documentary  exhibits. 

There  are,  of  course,  many  printed  books  that  are  not 
affected  by  the  above  consideration.  In  order  to  make 
this  point  clear  it  may  be  possible  to  regard  the  whole 
body  of  printed  historical  literature  as  falling  naturally 
into  three  main  groups.  These  are :  (1)  The  "  original 
sources  "  which  have  hitherto  been  printed.  (2)  Various 
compilations  that  are  based  directly  or  indirectly  on 
original  sources.  (3)  The  still  more  numerous  works 
that  are  based  on  common  knowledge,  hearsay  or  mere 
supposition,  ratlier  than  on  any  specific  source  of  infor- 
mation. 

How  far  it  is  necessary  to  preserve  copies  of  every  type 
of  historical  literature  relating  to  the  War  for  the  sup- 
posed  benefìt  of  posterity,  is  a  question  that  may  yet  have 
to  be  decided.  A  select  bibliography  has  always  been 
viewed  with  some  distrust  by  expert  bibliographers^  but 
modern  historical  students  have  rebelled  against  a  method 
of  historical  research  which  had  been  reduced  to  an  absur- 
dity.  Here,  at  least,  a  drastic  "  selection  "  would  seem  to 
be  inevitable.  It  goes  without  saying  that  the  term 
"  printed  book "  will  cover  such  forms  as  pamphlets, 
broadsides,  &c. 

In  the  case  of  the  unprinted  documents,  the  position  is 
one  of  still  greater  difficulty,  for  here  not  only  is  the  bulk 
of  the  material  relatively  larger,  but  it  is  also  much  more 
difficult  to  classify,  with  a  view  to  a  survey  or  selection. 
The  manuscript  materials  for  the  History  of  the  War 
correspond,  on  the  whole,  with  the  fìrst  division  of 
printed  materials  mentioned  above.  Since  the  invention 
of  printing,  compilations  more  or  less  basedon  the  original 
sources  and  worlcs  of  imagination  have  not  usually  been 
preserved  in  a  manuscriptform  ;  but  such  as  have  survived 


Píiblic  Record  Office  for    Wales.  2  1  7 

in  this  form   only  have  usually  come  to  be   reputed    as 

"  sources  'V 

It    remains,    then,   to    sort    out    these    documentary 

sources,  but  this   is    a   somewhat   delicate   as   well  as  a 

difficult  operation.     To  begin  with,  110  scientiíic  or  even 

scholarly  attempt   has  been  made  to  deal  with  the   docu- 

ments  for  the  purpose  of  ascertaining  and  describing  their 

various  natures  and  their  several  uses.     We  have  a  classi- 

fìcation  of  the  official  records,  which  is  both  arbitrary  and 

incomplete,  for  it  is  based  011  the  overlapping  and  inter- 

changeable  custody  of  the  old  courts  and  departments  of 

State,  while  it  has  not  attempted  to  co-ordinate  the  records, 

as  now  preserved,  with  the  vast  number  of  official  docu- 

tnents  that  have  found  their  way  from  time  to  time  into 

other  collections.     We  have  110  classification  whatever  of 

*• 
our  local  records,  and  the  remaining  original  sources  of  a 

literary  nature  have  not  been  classified  or  co-ordinated,  as 

a  whole,  with  the  official  or  local  records. 

It  will  be  obvious  that  a  nation  that  has  not  troubled 

to   evolve   an    intelligent   classification   of    its    historical 

records    and    manuscripts    will    not    have    a    very    exact 

knowledge    of    their    several    relationships    and    values. 

At   the    same   time    it   may   be    said   that    we    have    an 

adequate  description,  to  hand,  of   most  of  the   important 

records  and  MSS.  pi*eserved  in  our  national  repositories. 

Certainly  the  custodians,  as   well  as  unofficial  historians 

and   antiquaries,   have    enlarged    on    the    importance   of 

various  classes  or  specimens  of  documents ;  but  the  result 

of  their  learned  labours  will  not  be  helpful  for  the  present 

purpose.     It  might  indeed  assist  us  greatly  in  replenishing 

a  museum  connected  with  the  study  of  archeeology  and 

1  An  exception  may  perhaps  be  made  in  the  case  of  the  original 
"  copy  "  of  printed  vvorks  which  has  gradually  acquired  a  sensational 
value  for  personal  or  sentimental  reasons. 


2 1 8         A  National  War  Museum  and  a 

mediseval  history;  but  it  is  well  known  that  the  later 
State  Papers,  with  the  records  of  the  War  Office,  Admiralty 
and  other  departments  concerned  in  the  conduct  of  the 
war,  have  not  yet  been  completely  or  adequately  cata- 
logued.1  Much  has  been  done  in  the  way  of  identification 
and  description  of  these  modern  records  by  the  Eoyal 
Commission  appointed  in  1910  ;2  but  a  great  deal  more 
remains  to  be  accomplished  before  all  the  original  sources 
for  the  History  of  the  War  can  be  finally  considered  and 
selections  made  therefrom  for  exhibition  or  permanent 
preservation  in  the  archives. 

In  tlie  first  place,  therefore,  we  may  take  it  that  it  is 
essential  to  know  what  official  documents  exist  before  they 
can  be  properly  examined  and  utilized.  In  the  second 
place,  we  must  know  how  these  records  are  distributed, 
and  how  far  they  are  available  for  exhibition  or  reference. 
Again,  it  would  seem  very  desirable  that  some  decision 
should  be  arrived  at  with  regard  to  the  general  scope  of 
the  collection ;  that  is  to  say  what  types  or  classes  of 
documents  are  to  be  admitted  and  what  are  to  be  excluded?3 

Another  point  to  be  decided  is  concerned  with  the 
period  of  time  covered  by  the  collection  :  for  example  is  it 
to  be  confined  to  the  period  of  the  war,  or  will  the 
archives  of  the  war  be  brought  together  over  an  indefinite 
period  ? 

In  this  matter  a  special  difficulty  is  suggested  by 
the  Reports  of  the  Royal  Commission.*  It  is  the  official 
practice  in  this  and  other  countries  for  the  papers  of  the 
various  Government  departments  to  be  periodically  trans- 
ferred  to  the  central  archives  as  they  mature.     Here  they 

1  Quarterly  Review,  April,  1917,  pp.  505-507. 

2  Second  Report,  Appenclix  iii,  No.  77  arul  passim. 

3  Tliis  question  applies  equally  to  other  classes  of  exhibits. 
*  Especially  the  Second  Report,  pp.  61-66. 


Public  Record  OJJ/îce  for    Wales.  2  1 9 

form  part  of  a  permanent  series  which  becomes  accessible 
to  students  in  due  course.  To  divert  any  considerable 
portion  of  these  records  to  a  new  repository,  where  they 
would  be  less  accessible  for  purposes  of  refèrence,  might 
prove  a  real  hardship  to  students. 

It  is  true  that  these  archives  of  the  war  appear  to  be 
as  yet  imperfectly,  or  rather  partially  arranged  and 
described,1  but  the  same  might  be  said  of  a  large  propor- 
tion  of  the  State  Papers  of  the  last  two  centuries.  In  any 
case  it  is  indisputable  that  the  records  of  every  period 
should  be  properly  catalogued  and  described,  both  to 
ensure  their  preservation  and  to  facilitate  authorized 
researches. 

Incidentally,  this  matter  is  of  some  importance.  We 
have  seen  that  a  War  Museum  and  a  Public  Record  Offìce 
has  each  an  interest  (one  immediate  and  the  other  rever- 
sionary)  in  these  archives  of  the  war  ;  but  besides  this 
question  of  access  for  students,  there  is  the  far  more 
important  question  of  their  permanent  preseiwation.  For 
this  purpose  the  Museum  may  play  the  part  of  a  careful 
foster-mother,  since  the  records  may  be,  soon  or  later,  in 
grave  danger  of  destruction.  It  would  certainly  be  use- 
less  to  insist  upon  their  retention  for  transmission  to 
the  archives  if  they  are  never  destined  to  reach  the  hands 
of  future  historians." 

This  is  the  real  crux  of  the  matter.  These  archives  of 
the  war  to-day  are  securely  preserved,  in  almost  infinite 
extent  and  variety,  within  numerous  official  repositories. 
They  are,  for  the  most  party  the  lineal  successors  of  the 
archives  of  what  we  once  thought  to  be  great  national 

1  Ibid.,  pp.  89-92. 

2  The  argument  (if  it  should  be  a<ìvancerì)  that  the  substance  of 
these  documents  has  been  published  in  official  prints  is  vitiated  by 
the  practice  of  official  expurgation. 


220  A   National  War  Museum  aud  a 

wars  in  the  eighteenth  and  nineteenth  centuries ;  but 
where  are  these  archives  now? 

We  have  learnt,  for  the  first  tiuie,  from  the  auiazing 
revelations  of  a  receut  Blue  Book'  that  a  very  large  pro- 
portion,  amounting  in  some  cases  to  95  per  ceut.  of  these 
collections,  is  no  longer  in  official  custody. 

For  the  manner  of  the  disappearance  of  the  docu- 
ments  reference  must  be  made  to  the  authorities  here 
cited.  It  may  suffi.ee  to  say  that  the  destruction  wrought 
by  the  natural  enemies  of  archives  (and  equally  of  libraries 
and  museums)  namely,  fire,  water,  dirt,  vermin  and 
thieves,  has  apparently  been  far  exceeded  by  the  deliber- 
ate  destructiou  carried  out  by  their  custodians  on  various 
pretexts." 

Of  these  the  most  convincing  is  the  positive  necessity 
for  conserviug  space,  and  thereby  labour  and  other  inci- 
dental  charges  of  the  custody  of  archives.  A  further 
reason,  which  would  be  more  properly  advanced  by 
historians  than  by  archivists,  indicates  the  increasing 
difficulty  of  dealing  with  the  great  accumulations  of 
historical  materials.  The  ultimate  bearing  of  the  whole 
matter  on  the  position  of  the  proposed  War  Museum 
really  depends,  therefore,  on  the  permanent  security  of 
the  records  which  must  be  the  ultitnate  authority  for  any 
serious  history  of  the  war.  The  answer  that  is  given  to 
this  question  by  the  Reports  of  the  Royal  Commission 
raises  grave  doubts  with  regard  to  the  fate  of  many  of  the 
records  of  other  "  great "  wars  in  which  this  country  has 
been  engaged  since  the  Napoleonic  era.  Some  have  been 
burnt,  or  defaced  by  damp,  or  appropriated,  as  the  result 
of    negligent    custody;     others    have    been    destroyed    by 

1  Second  Report  of  Royal  Commission  on  Pnblic  Records  (1914), 
pp.  «57-7^ ;   Contemporary  Review,  May,  1916,  p.  608. 

2  Ouarterly  lieuirw,  April,  1917,  pp.  500-503. 


Public  Record  Office  for   Wales.  221 

unexpert  boards  oí'  officers  or  departmental  committees, 
contrary  to  statutes  made  for  their  protection.1 

Many  of  the  archives  that  have  been  allowed  to  perish 
within  living  memory  could  be  supplemented  by  State 
Papers  that  still  survive,  though  these  are  no  longer  in 
official  custody.  I  refer  to  the  documents  that  have  been 
removed  from  public  departments,  at  one  time  or  another, 
and  are  now  regarded  as  the  private  property  of  those 
persons  who  have  inherited  or  otherwise  acquired  them. 

Under  the  head  of  Local  Records,  it  will  not  be  prac- 
ticable  to  include,  in  a  War  Museum,  any  large  body  of 
documents  of  a  public  nature,  even  where  these  may 
illustrate  the  administrative  and  social  history  of  the  war. 
The  business  of  the  local.courts  may  refìect  the  effects  of 
the  war  in  the  shape  of  convictions,  orders,  bankruptcies, 
and  inquests  ;  but  these  evidences  will  be  practically  sup- 
plied  by  printed  statistics.  Of  far  greater  interest  and 
value  are  the  records  of  the  local  Statutorv  Authorities  ; 
the  various  Committees  dealing  with  distress,  pensions, 
agriculture,  food,  savings  and  other  matters  of  national 
concern.  Here  again,  however,  the  interest  of  the  indi- 
vidual  collections  is  cumulative,  though  they  are  to  a  large 
extent  an  unlcnown  quantity.  Again  vve  may  surmise 
that  the  inclusion  in  the  archives  of  derelict  local  records 
appears  to  afford  the  only  hope  (especially  in  Wales)  of 
their  permanent  preservation. 

We  now  come  to  the  last  group  of  presumptive  exliibits, 
documents  of  a  private  or  literary  nature,  as  distinguished 
from  the  public  interest  of  official  records  ;  but  it  will  be 
evident  that  this  class  cannot  furnish  many  types  of  value 
to  the  historian  of  the  war.  For  the  mediseval  period, 
and  for  such  subjects  as  political,  constitutional  or  eccle- 
siastical  history,  the  case  would  have  been  different.  At 
1  The  Puhlic  Record  Office  Acts  of  1838  and  1877. 


222  A  National  War  Museum  and  a 

the  same  time  tliere  will  be  many  "  semi-official "  papers 
in  private  custody  which  might  be  deposited  or  lent  for 
exhibition  or  reference.  Other  types  of  special  interest 
would  include  diaries,  correspondence  and  accounts. 
Finally,  mention  may  be  made  of  the  extensive  muni- 
ments  of  societies,  associations,  and  various  professional 
and  trading  corporations  to  which  a  fresh  interest  will  be 
added  in  connection  with  the  war. 

Such  are  the  main  classes  of  exhibits  that  should, 
perhaps,  come  under  the  consideration  of  the  authorities 
of  a  National  War  Museum.  These  indications  will  assist 
in  determining  how  these  exhibits  could  be  most  suitably 
distributed  and  preserved  in  the  Principality. 

III. 

In  the  fìrst  part  of  this  paper  I  ventured  to  suggest 
that  a  National  War  Museum  and  a  Public  Record  Office 
for  Wales  might  fulfil  a  common  purpose,  and  I  will  now 
attempt  to  show  how  the  two  schemes  might  proceed 
towards  their  accomplishment,  hand  in  hand. 

In  the  first  place,  before  we  build  upon  the  prospects 
of  either  of  these  new  institutions,  we  should  naturally 
consider  whether  the  requirements  of  the  Principality 
could  be  supplied  by  existing  institutions. 

Of  these,  the  National  Libraryof  Wales  contains  boolcs 
and  other  printed  matter,  literary  and  historical  manu- 
scripts,  local  records  and  certain  public  records  relating  to 
Wales,  acquired  by  gift,  purchase,  or  statutory  grant. 

The  National  Museum  of  Wales  contains  various 
scientific,  archoeological  and  artistic  exhibits,  including 
specimens  of  MSS.  and  books  of  reference.  Each  of  these 
important  institutions  would  doubtless  be  prepared  to  add 
to  its  present  responsibilities  by  taking  charge  of  such 
exhibits  relating  to  the  war  as  seemed  most  appropriate 


Public  Rccord  Office  for   Wales.  223 

to  its  national  objects.  It  may  also  be  assumed  that  tlie 
National  Library  would  be  able  to  make  suitable  provision 
for  the  Welsh  records,  if  and  when  these  are  retransferred 
from  London  in  accordance  with  the  recommendations  of 
the  Royal  Commission.  Moreover,  the  National  Museum 
will  be  concerned  eventually  with  many  of  the  exhibits 
that  would  illustrate  the  conditions  of  the  war  as  they 
affect  Wales. 

The  most  obvious  objection  to  such  a  promising-  arrange- 
ment  would  be  that  neither  of  these  institutions  is  specially 
equipped  for  dealing'  with  the  reconstruction  of  the 
archives  and  worlcshops  of  the  war.  It  will  be  evident, 
from  the  statement  made  in  the  second  part  of  this  Paper, 
that  such  undertakings  reguire  special  experience  for  their 
successful  execution.  We  shall  also  see  that  the  archives 
with  which  we  are  now  concerned  are  outside  the  spheres 
of  interest  of  both  these  institutions. 

But  if  the  above  conclusion  is  inevitable,  it  does  not 
follow  that  those  who  are  interested  in  the  projects  of  a 
Welsh  Record  Office  and  War  Museum  are  at  the  end  of 
their  resources.  It  would  certainly  have  simplifìed 
matters  if  these  undertakings  could  have  been  handed 
over  to  existing  institutions  without  raising  the  difficult 
question  of  obtaining  funds  for  the  erection  and  suitable 
equipment  of  two  new  national  institutions  or  the  delicate 
question  of  their  respective  locations.  At  the  same 
time  it  must  be  remembered  that  the  proposals  of 
Welsh  statesmen  and  scholars,  and  the  recommenda- 
tions  of  the  Royal  Commission  in  recent  years,  have 
alike  contemplated  the  provision  of  a  Public  Record 
Office  for  Wales  as  a  new  and  independent  institution. 
The  important  point,  therefore,  seems  to  be  whether  this 
third  national  institution  can  be  utilized  for  the  concen- 
tration  of  documents  and  relics  of  the   war  without   in- 


224  *4   National  War  Museum  and  a 

curring  the  expense  of  building  and  equipping  a  separate 
War  Museura. 

And  here  it  is  necessary  to  speak  very  franldy  about 
the  whole  situation.  It  may  be  that  an  adequate  Record 
Office  and  War  Museum  can  be  provided  and  equipped, 
as  separate  institutions,  without  risk  of  the  reaction  that 
follows  on  most  rash  undertalrings.  Even  so,  however, 
there  are  two  or  three  considerations  which  should  be 
carefully  weighed  by  all  concerned. 

The  first  of  these  is  that,  with  the  exception  of  the 
judicial  records  now  preserved  in  London  and  a  few  others 
recently  transferred  to  Aberystwyth,  the  national  archives 
of  Wales  are  practically  non-existent  at  this  moment. 
They  would  certainly  need  to  be  defined  and  identified 
before  they  are  available  either  for  a  Record  Office  or  a 
War  Museum. 

The  second  point  is  that  these  two  institutions  would 
fìnd  themselves  competing,  on  unequal  terms,  with  exist- 
ing  bodies  in  respect  of  the  collection  of  the  earlier  MSS. 
and  certain  classes  of  material  exhibits  ;  for  no  statutory 
intervention  can  be  contemplated  in  this  matter. 

The  third  point  is  that  although  there  can  be  no  com- 
plete  or  serviceable  collection  of  Public  Records  until  some 
further  scheme  of  local  government  for  Wales  has  been 
propounded,  there  are  many  public  records  now  in  local 
custody  which  could  be  brought  together  with  advantage 
to  the  public  departments  concerned  and,  incidentally, 
with  a  considerable  saving  of  expense  for  their  niain- 
tenance.  In  this  and  other  directions  a  considerable 
amount  of  spade-work  will  have  to  be  done  before  the 
Welsh  records  can  be  transferred  to  a  new  repository,  and 
the  sooner  this  work  is  taken  in  hand,  the  more  chance 
there  will  be  of  preserving  the  records  and  malcing  them 
accessible  to  students. 


Public  Recorci  Office  for    Walcs.  225 

It  would  seem,  therefore,  that  a  Public  Eecord  Office 
and  a  National  War  Museum  for  Wales,  if  and  when  they 
are  constituted,  must  be  chiefìy  concerned  with  purely 
preparatory  work  during  the  first  few  years  of  their 
existence.  During'  these  years  the  building  of  the  archives 
would  be  carried  on  and  sufficient  accommodation  could 
be  provided  on  the  spot  for  such  documents  and  exhibits 
as  required  immediate  attention.  When  these  operations 
have  been  completed  ;  when  the  Record  Office  has  been 
built  (as  a  model  of  its  kind  for  the  whole  Empire1)  and 
filled  with  the  records  and  exhibits  that  have  accrued, 
these  collections  can  then  be  transferred  to  their  permanent 
receptacles. 

Probably  it  would  be  found  desirable  to  take  powers 
for  a  broad  and  scholarly  scheme  of  clistribution.  Hitherto 
the  obligation,  real  or  iniaginary,  of  preseiwing  certain 
documents  in  a  particular  court  or  office,  with  which  they 
havebeen  traditionally  associated,  has  proved  a  stumbling- 
block  to  antiquaries.  The  result  has  been  constant  dupli- 
cation  and  inconsistency.  Students  have  been  mystified 
by  these  cross-references,  and  much  official  time  and 
copious  stores  of  paper  and  ink  have  been  wasted  in 
attempts  to  describe  these  heterogeneous  documents.  It 
has  been  the  cause  of  needless  jealousies  and  wasteful 
competition  between  official  bodies,  whilst  it  has  provided 
a  direct  incentive  to  the  misappropriation  of  documents 
and  has  offered  no  inducement  for  their  restoration  to 
national  or  local  collections.  If  this  proprietary  system  of 
classification  were  abandoned,  it  would  be  possible  to  make 
a  more  scientific  and  serviceable  distribution  of  the  con- 

1  This  does  not  possess  a  single  reputable  building  of  the  kind, 
with  the  possible  exception  of  the  new  Canadian  archives  at  Ottawa. 
It  may  be  mentioned  in  this  connection  that  the  Public  Record  Com- 
missioners  inspected,  in  1912,  an  up-to-date  repository  at  Rotterdam 
which  cost  only  some  £10,000. 

Q 


2  26  A  National  War  Mtisetim  anci  a 

tents  of  any  large  national  collection  of  historical 
clocunients.  In  the  place  of  obsolete  custodies,  new 
spheres  of  official  interest  would  be  created,  and  these 
would  have  a  comrnon  interest  in  an  intelligent  distribution 
of  historical  sources. 

In  the  case  of  Wales,  these  spheres  of  interests  may  be 
roughly  defìned  as  below,  to  indicate  the  respective  con- 
tents  of  the  several  national  institutions,  together  with 
the  proposed  allocation  of  documents  and  exhibits  : — 

A.  Existing  Institutions. 

(1)  National  Library  of  Wales — 

(a)  Department  of  printed  books,  &c.  (including 

prints). 

(b)  Department  of  MSS.  (including  seals). 

(c)  National  War  Museum  (special  collection  of 

printed  books  and  prints). 
Note. — All    historical    and    literary    documents,    other 
than     official     records,     to     be    transferred     here     from 
the    Pnblic    Record    Office    for    Wales    for     permanent 
preservation. 

(2)  National  Museum  of  Wales — 

(à)  Existing  departments. 

(b)  National  War  Museum  (special  collection  of 

professional,    scientific,    economic,    social 

and  artistic  exhibits  illustrating  the  War, 

as  affecting  Wales). 

Note. — War  exhibits  to  be  transferred  from  the  Public 

Eecord  Office  for  Wales  to  the  National  Museum. 

B.  Proposed  Institutions. 

(3)  Public  Record  Office  for  Wales— 

(a)  Record  Department.  All  official  documents, 
the  property  of  the  Crown,  which  may  be 
transferred  from  the  London  Record 
Onice  or  departmental  and  provincial  re- 


Public  Record  OJjìce  for   Wales.  227 

positories,  or  deposited  by  local  authorities 

and    private    individuals    for    the    use    of 

students. 

Note. — All    literary   MSS.    to    be    transferred   to   the 

National  Librarv  of  Wales,  and  all  War  Exhibits  to  be 

transferred  to  the  National  Museum  for  Wales. 

(6)  National  War  Museum  for  Wales  (Directory 
and  Secretariat  and  special  collection   of 
the  archives  of  tlie  War). 
(4)   National  War  Museum  for  Wales — 

(a)  Directory    and    Secretariat     (at    the    Public 

Record  Office  for  Wales). 

(b)  Special   collection   of    archives   of    the   War 

(at  the  Public  Record  Ofíice  for  Wales). 

(c)  Special  collection  of  Printed  Books,  &c.   (at 

the  National  Library  of  Wales) . 

(d)  Special  collection    of   War   exhibits  (at  the 

National  Museum  of  Wales). 

It  will    be    seen  from  the  above  statement  that  the 

suggested  distribution  of  the  Welsh   archives    and  War 

exhibits  would  add  considerably  to  the  value  and  import- 

ance  of  the  existing  contents  of  the  National  Library  and 

National  Museum  respectively.     It  would  also  justify  the 

early  establishment  of  the  long  promised  Public  Record 

Office  as  a  collecting  and  distributing  agency  in  connec- 

tion  with  the  outstanding  public  records  and  the  exhibits 

for  the  proposed  War  Museum.     Finally  it  would  nialce 

the  establishment  of  a  War  Museum  possible  at  a  compara- 

tively  small  cost  and  with  far  better  results,  in  respect  of 

the  meritof  the  collection,  than  if  it  were  housed  in  a  sepa- 

rate  building,  unless  such  a  building  were  adjacent  to  the 

Record   Office  :  for  the  archives  of  the  War  which  must 

be   preserved  there  will  form,  if  not  the  most  important 

section  of  a  National  War  Museum,  at  least  that  which  is 

Q2 


228  A  National  War  Museum  and  a 

most  likelyto  endure.  It  is  unthinkable  thatan  imposing 
institution  should  be  established  for  the  preservation  of 
relics,  trophies,  and  other  mementos  of  the  war,  whilst 
the  title-deeds  of  the  Welsh  nation  to  its  national  estate 
continue  to  moulder  and  rot  in  a  Babylonian  capthdty.1 

History,  indeed,  teaches  us  to  doubt  the  permanent 
utility,  or  popularity,  of  national  memorials  that  are  ex- 
clusively  associated  with  successive  historical  events. 
Some  of  those  events  undoubtedly  excited  the  strongest 
emotions  of  contemporary  witnesses  ;  but  after  the  lapse 
of  many  years  their  testimony  leaves  us  unmoved.  It  is 
otherwise  with  the  monuments  of  local  patriotism  and 
piety  which  have  always  formed  enduring  land-marks  in 
the  civilization  of  even  the  smallest  states.  A  worn 
Celtic  cross  or  a  fissured  tombstone  can  move  us  more 
deeply  than  stately  monuments  showing  where  the  funeral 
procession  of  a  Plantagenet  queen  halted,  or  where  a  great 
fìre  or  a  grievous  plague  were  stayed.  And  so  the  earliest 
palaces  and  f orts-  have  been  replaced  by  public  buildings — 
courts  of  justice  and  town-halls,  churches  and  chapels, 
libraries  and  institutes ;  and  besides  these  in  "  some  old- 
fashioned  house,  in  an  old-fashioned  street  of  an  old- 
fashioned  town ",  throughout  the  continent  of  Western 
Europe,  we  should  find  the  public  archives. 

In  one  of  the  remoter  Swiss  cantons  there  is  a  small 
but  ancient  town  wherein  an  unpretentious  archive-house 
displays  the  following  proud  inscription  : 

"  I  watch  over  the  old  charters  of  liberty  of  the  men  of 
this  town ; 

1  Ezra,  I,  vi.  The  archives  of  the  Vatican  underwent  the  same 
experience  in  the  fourteenth  century.  The  term  of  the  exile  of  the 
mediieval  popes  at  Avignon  in  the  fourteenth  century  a.d.  coincided, 
roughly,  with  that  of  the  deportation  of  the  Jews  to  Babylon,  in  the 
sixth  century  b.c.  The  deposit  of  the  Welsh  records  in  London  has 
lasted  for  a  somowhat  shorter  period, 


Public  Record  Offi.ce  for   Wales.  229 

"  To   preserve  the    liberties   themselves,  is  their  own 


care." 


Then  there  is  the  other  picture,  recently  drawn  by  an 
American  explorer  of  the  Mexican  archiyes.1  Everywhere 
the  student  looks  in  vain  for  a  track  through  the  wilder- 
ness  of  unsorted  records  ;  for  during  three  centuries  that 
nation  has  put  off  till  "  to-morrow "  what  should  have 
been  done  to-day.  And  so  the  old  charters  of  its  liberties 
are  lost  sight  of  and  forgotten ;  and  so  for  us  also  "  to- 
morrow  "  may  be  one  day  too  late. 

Can  we  not  interpret  profitably  the  writing  on  the 
walls  of  these  neglected  archives?  A  nation  without 
records  is  not  only  the  poorer  for  the  loss  of  a  heritable 
treasure  ;  it  is  as  a  ship  without  its  logs,  or  a  trading 
company  without  its  ledgers ;  nominum  umbrae,  repre- 
sented,  some  day,  only  by  a  hulk  and  a  brass  plate. 
Moreover,  the  longer  these  muniments  are  leftin  abeyance, 
the  more  diffìcult  will  be  their  restoration.  "  Manana  " 
has  only  one  significance  for  business  men. 

If,  indeed,  the  preseiwation  of  their  national  records 
was  a  matter  of  great  moment  to  the  Commons  of 
England  under  Plantagenet  and  Hanoverian  kings  alike  ; 
if  this  has  also  been  the  occasion  of  passionate  protest  by 
the  Commons  of  Scotland  and  Ireland,  and  even  by  the 
county  justices  of  Wales ;  and  if  the  tiny  Channel  Islands 
and  the  whole  of  the  Dominions  and  dependencies  over 
sea  have  preseiwed  their  respective  national  archives  and 
published  much  of  their  contents,  is  it  not  time  Welsh- 
men  made  a  special  effort  to  accomplish  something  of  the 
same  kind  ? 

1  "Guirìe  to  the  Manuscript  materials  (for  U.S.A.  History)  in  the 
archives  of  Mexico  ",  p.  v. 


230  Welshmen  in  the  American 

Tt?efe#nten  ín  íÇe  Çjlmerican  Tì?ar  of 

Jnbepenbence* 

By  e.  alfred  jones, 

Author  of  "  Church  Plate  of  the  Diocese  of  Banyor",  etc,  etc. 


The  Welsh  were  ahnost  unaffected  by  the  wave  of  emigra- 
tion,  forced  by  economic  conditions,  from  Scotland  and 
Ulster  to  the  American  Colonies  in  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury.  Many  individual  Welshmen,  however,  faced  the 
long  and  dreary  passage  across  the  Atlantic  to  seek  fortune 
in  the  new  World,  as  will  be  shown  in  this  article.1 

The  present  writer's  interest  in  the  subject  which 
forms  the  title  of  this  paper  began  with  a  study  of  the 
mass  of  MSS.  of  the  American  Loyalists  in  the  Public 
Record  Office  in  London. 

Before  presenting  a  few  biographical  sketches  of  the 
Welshmen  among  these  loyalists,  based  upon  the  original 
material  just  mentioned,  it  is  proposed  to  offer  a  few 
remarks  on  the  men  of  Welsh  nationality  or  of  Welsh 
descent  who  were  adherents  of  the  American  cause  in  the 
great  struggle  which  ended  with  the  loss  of  the  American 
Colonies  to  England. 

Taking  the  names  at  random,  there  was  General  Daniel 
Morgan,  who,  as  the  name  indicates,  was  of  Welsh  extrac- 
tion,  and  who  is  known  as  the  "  Hero  of  Cowpens  ",  from 
his  defeat  of  Lord  Cornwallis  in  that  battle.  Of  the 
fifty-six  signatories  to  the  celebrated  Declaration  of 
Independence  in  1776,  110  fewer  than  four  were  of 
Welsh  descent,  while  a  fìfth  was  born  in  the  Principality. 

1  A  Welsh  scttloniL'nt  had  heen  formed  in  South  Carohna  in  1735-36. 
Froni  tliese  emigrants  have  descended  many  distinguished  nien  of 
that  State.  (  Hi&tory  of  South  Carolina  underthe  Royal  Government, 
J  7 19-1776,  by  E.  McCrady,  1899,  p.  136.) 


War  of  Independence.  231 

These  were  Jefferson,  Williams,  William  Floyd,  and  Lewis 
Morris,  the  native-born  Welshman  being  Francis  Lewis, 
who  is  said  to  have  hailed  from  Llandaff.1 

One  warrior  of  Welsh  birth  was  Isaac  Shelby,  who  was 
a  hard  and  stubborn  fighter  in  the  frequent  engagements 
in  the  Carolinas.  Another  soldier  of  Welsh  blood  was 
Colonel  John  Thomas,2  the  successor  of  Colonel  Thomas 
Fletchall,  the  loyalist,  as  Colonel  of  Militia  in  South 
Carolina.  There  were  other  men  from  the  little  princi- 
palityof  Wales,  as  active  iri  this  greatwar  aswas  Jefferson 
Davis,  of  direct  Welsh  descent,  on  the  Confederate  side  in 
the  Civil  War. 

Turning  now  to  an  account  of  the  Welsh  loyalists,  the 
most  conspicious  was  perhaps  Anthony  Stokes,  barrister- 
at-law,  who  is  described  in  the  admission  book  of  Gray's 
Inn,  under  date  of  28  January,  1758,  as  of  the  parish  of 
St.  Andrew's,  Holborn,  gentleman.  He  was,  however, 
called  to  the  bar  by  the  Inner  Temple,  of  which  he  was 
elected  a  bencher  in  1796.  This  description  would  seem 
to  rule  out  all  possibility  of  Anthony  Stokes's  Welsh 
descent,  but  his  own  declaration  of  his  nationality  is 
obtained  from  three  sources,  namely,  from  his  memorial  to 
the  Commissioners  of  American  Claims,  from  his  printed 
petition3  of  10  January,  1785,  to  William  Pitt,  Chancellor 
of  the  Exchequer,  and  from  a  letter  mentioned  later. 

The  official  career  of  this  Welshman  began  with  his 
appointment,  a  few  years  after  his  call  to  the  bar,  on  the 
Colonial  Council  of  Antigua.  On  15  May,  1767,  he  was 
appointed  Chief  Justice  of  the  Southern  Caribbee  Islands, 
and  on  St.  David's  Day,  1771,  he  was  transferred  to 
America,  as  member  of  the  council  of  the  province  of 
Georgia,  and  Chief  Justice,  an  appointment  which  had 
been  made  in  1768.'  The  honourable  office  of  Chief 
Justice  was  held  by  Anthony  Stokes  until  war  put  an  end 

1  See  The  Scotch-Irish  in  America,  by  H.  Jones  Ford  191/),  p.  491. 

2  McCrady's  South  Carolina  in  the  lieoolution,  1775-80,  p.  608. 

3  Public  Record  Office:  F.O.4/1.   4  Public  Record  Office:  C.O.  5/G57. 


232  Welshmen  in  the  American 

to  his  enjoyment  of  it.  Finding  things  too  hot  for  him, 
he  returned  in  1776  to  England,  where  he  remained  until 
he  received  orders  in  1779  to  return  to  Georgia,  upon  its 
subjugation  by  the  British.  On  the  passage  out  on  H.M. 
ship  Eoiperiment,1  he  was  the  observer  of  a  smart  action 
between  that  vessel   and   the   enemy. 

Anthony  Stokes  claims  to  have  been  the  only  Chief 
Justice  from  the  revolted  colonies  who  had  been  called  to 
the  English  bar.  He  performed  the  functions  of  his  office 
of  Chief  Justice  until  1782,  when  the  British  evacuated 
Savannah,  and  he  returned  home  on  H.M.  frigate  Garys- 
forl,  on  which  he  accidentally  broke  his  arm. 

Tributes  to  his  strong  character  and  to  his  firm  adminis- 
tration  of  justice  were  paid  not  only  by  such  distinguished 
loyalists  as  Sir  James  Wright,  Governor  of  Georgia,  but 
also  by  Americans,  whose  respect  he  had  won. 

The  following  letter2  from  Anthony  Stokes  to  the 
Commissioners  of  American  Claims,  dated  from  1,  Inner 
Temple  Lane,  23  February,  1786,  is  not  without  interest: — 

"I  beg  Leave  to  return  you  my  Thanks,  for  increasing  my  Allow- 
ance  (as  the  King's  late  Chief  Justice,  and  a  Member  of  his  Council 
of  Georgia)  from  £50.  to  £100.  a  year.  on  my  receiving  the  Arrears, 
I  hastened  to  pay  some  Debts,  I  had  contracted;  but  I  unfortunately 
find,  my  present  Income  inadequate  to  my  decent  Support;  I,  and 
my  Family  yet  want  many  Necessaries — I  still  owe  some  Debts — and 
I  lately  borrowed  Money  to  pay  for  my  Daughter's  Schooling. 
Having  been  driven  to  the  Bar  for  Bread,  on  Account  of  my  slender 
Allowance,  I  attend  regularly  there ;  and  was  absent  from  West- 
minster  Hall,  only  one  Day  during  the  last  Term  :  The  Fruits  of  my 
Attendance,  were  only  2  half  Guinea  Motions :  For,  by  a  long 
Absence  from  this  Country,  I  have  lost  my  Connections ;  And  whilst 
I  was  serving  my  Sovereign,  in  the  prime  of  Life,  in  an  unwholesome 
Climate  ;  young  Men  have  got  forward,  who  were  at  the  Breast,  when 
I  was  called  to  the  Bar. 


1  This  ship  was  captured  at  the  end  of  1779  by  the  French,  with 
£30,000  in  specie  on  board.  (Hist.  MSS.  Comm. :  Report  on  the 
American  MSS.  in  the  lioyal  Inst.,  Vol.  ii ,  p.  71.) 

2  Public  Record  Office:  A.O.  13/137. 


War  of  Independence.  233 

"  I  shall  not  mentionthe  Names  of  several  (mylnferiors  in  üffice; 
ancì  not  my  Superiors  in  Loyalty,  or  Character,)  who  have  Allowances 
from  £200.  up  to  £500.  a  a  Year,  and  a  Prospect  of  large  Compensa- 
tion;  whilst  I  have  no  Claim  depending:  Such  an  Enumeration 
might  appear  bnridious :  And  as  I  subscribe  to  the  Merit,  and  Pre- 
tensions  of  those  Gentlemen,  I  rejoice  at  their  good  Fortune ; 
However  to  convince  your  Honorable  Board,  that  I  am  not  inferior 
to  those  Gentlemen,  in  any  Respect;  I  beg  Leave  to  inclose  a  Copy 
of  a  Certificate,  subscribed  by  a  Number  of  Loyalists ;  and  which  I 
trust,  no  Man  who  knows  me,  would  hesitate  to  sign. 

"  I  do  most  readily  admit  the  strict  Impartiality  of  your  Board  : 
But  there  has  been  some  unfortunate  Misapprehension  of  my  Case  ; 
or  an  Enemy  has  endeavour'd  To  do  me  a  Prejudice,  which  I  shod  be 
happy  to  remove  by  producing  several  of  the  Principal  Loyalists,  who 
know  me ;  to  speak  to  my  Character,  and  Conduct.  Such  an 
Examination  might,  perhaps,  induce  you  to  place  my  Name  as  high 
in  the  List  of  temporary  Subsistance  as  those  of  inferior  official 
Rank. 

"When  I  applied  at  Whitehall  to  have  my  Case  recommended 
back  for  your  Reconsideration  ;  I  was  told  that  the  Treasury  Board 
had  come  to  a  Resolution  ag'  making  any  such  Recommendation  ; 
and  that  the  Matter  rested  with  you  ;  It  has  also  been  a  Rule  of  your 
Board,  not  to  pay  anyAttention  to  Patronage,  or  Interest.  I  there- 
fore  beg  Leave  to  throw  myself  on  the  Justice  of  Gentlemen,  selected 
by  a  solemn  Act  of  the  Supreme  Power  in  the  State,  to  dispense  the 
Benevolence  intended  for  the  unfortunate  Loyalists;  without  Favor, 
or  affection  to  any  one  :  And  as  it  is  one  of  the  Ojualities  of  liberal 
Minds,  to  be  open  to  Conviction  ;  and  to  rejoice  at  an  Opportunity 
of  correcting  any  Mistake ;  I  therefore  rely  on  your  Humanity  to 
measure  out  to  me  the  same  Justice  that  you  have  done  to  others : 
Being  satisfied  that  you  are  alike  insensible  to  Resentment,  and 
Recommendation. 

"I  am  the  rather  induced  to  address  you  at  this  Time,  because 
the  Governor  of  Georgia,  and  several  other  Loyalists,  who  had  con- 
siderable  Allowances,  are  dead :  And  I  have  been  informed  that  in 
the  Case  of  those  who  have  received  Compensations  ;  a  Deduction  is 
made  from  their  temporary  Subsistence,  in  Proportion  to  such  Com- 
pensation,  for  the  Purpose  of  increasing  the  Allowances  of  the 
Crown  Oföcers  from  America :  And,  at  this  Juncture,  an  Increase  of 
Income,  wod  be  a  happy  Circumstance,  for  me,  and  my  Family. 

"  But  shod  your  Board  be  decidedly  of  Opinion  not  to  increase 
my  present  Allowance  ;  I  then  trust  that  this  Letter  will  be  taken  in 
good  Part ;  and  not  excite  a  Displeasure  in  you,  that  may  distress 
me  by  lessening  my  present  Pittance. 


234  Welshmen  in  the  American 

"I  shall  thinlc  myself  highly  obliged  by  a  speedy  Answer  to  this  ; 
that  in  Case  I  have  nothing  to  hope  for ;  I  may  look  ronnd,  and 
endeavonr  to  raise  some  Money  to  snpply  my  present  Necessities  " 

This  letter  is  endorsecl,  probably  by  one  oí'  the  Coni- 
missioners : — 

"  Having  been  already  reconsidered  cannot  at  present  take  any 
steps  in  Consequ  of  his  Request ". 

Copies  of  Certificates 

"I,  Sir  James  Wright,  Baronet,  late  Governor  of  Georgia,  do 
hereby  certify ;  that  I  was  well  acquainted  with  Anthony  Stokes, 
Esq.,  late  Chief  Justice  of  the  said  Province  and  also  one  of  his 
Majesty's  Council  there,  That  the  said  Anthony  Stokes,  during  his 
Continuance  in  those  Stations,  until  the  Evacuation  in  July,  1782, 
discharged  his  Duty,  with  great  Abihty,  Honor,  and  Integrity.  That 
he  was  a  firm  and  steady  Loyalist;  truly  zealous  to  promote,  and 
support  his  Majesty's  Authority,  and  Government,  and  uniform  in 
his  Opposition  to  the  Rebellion ;  and,  as  a  private  Gentleman, 
esteemed  by  all  who  had  the  pleasure  of  his  Acquaintance.  That  he 
has  certainly  suffered  greatly  by  the  Rebellion  ;  and  I  consider  him 
as  a  very  worthy  deserving  Person.  In  Testimony  whereof,  I  have 
hereunto  set  my  hand,  the  2d  Day  of  November,  1784. 

"  (Signed)         Ja  :  Wright. 

"  In  Addition  to  the  Certificate  of  Sir  James  Wright ;  We  whose 
Names  are  hereunto  subscribed,  Crown  Officers  and  others,  Inhabi- 
tants  of  the  province  of  Georgia,  in  North  America ;  do  hereby 
certify ;  that  we  know,  and  are  well  acquainted  with  Anthony 
Stokes,  Esq.,  his  Majesty's  late  Chief  Justice  of  that  Province ;  that 
during  his  Continuance  in  that  Ofnce,  he  discharged  his  Duty  with  an 
Uprightness,  and  Integrity  universally  acknowledged,  by  all  Ranks 
and  Descriptions  of  people.  That  no  Man  could  possibly  have 
exhibited  greater  Zeal  for  the  Service  of  his  Sovereign,  or  have  shewn 
a  more  determined,  or  uniform  Opposition  to  the  Rebellion.  That, 
besides  his  public  Conduct  being  most  unexceptionable  his  private 
Character  as  a  Gentleman,  entitled  him  to,  and  procured  him  the 
Esteem  of  all  who  had  the  pleasure  of  his  Acquaintance.  We  there- 
fore,  in  Justice  to  his  great  Merit  sincerely  unite  in  bearing  this 
Testimony  to  his  Integrity,  Loyalty  and  Sufferings. 

"  Given  under  our  hands  at  London,  this  2d  day  of  November, 
1784. 

"(Signed  by) 

"John  Graham,  late  Lieutenant  Governor  of  Georgia. 

"Lewis  Johnston,  late  a  Member  of  his  Majesty's  Council   for 

Georgia. 


War  of  Independence.  235 

"Josiah   Tatnall,   late   a   Member   of  his   Majesty's  Council  for 

Georgia.1 
"  Martin   Jollie,   late   a   Member   of    his   Majesty's    Council    for 

Georgia,  &c. 
"  John  Jamieson,  late  Member  of  the  Assembly  of  Georgia. 
"  B.  Cowper,  Member  of  the  Assembly,  Georgia. 
"  James  Butler,  Member  of  the  Assembly  of  Georgia. 
"S.  H.  Jenkins,  Member  of  the  house  of  Assembly  of  Georgia. 
"  Wm.  Jones,  Member  of  the  house  of  Assembly  of  Georgia. 
"  Simon  Munro,  late  a  Member  of  the  Assembly  of  Georgia. 
"  Simon  Paterson,  Member  of  the  Commons  house  of  Assembly 
"  Ja :  Herriot,  Member  of  the  house  of  Assembly,  Georgia. 
"  John  Rennie  MA.2  late  Rector  of  S'  Philip's  Georgia,  now  Vicar 

of  Chilver's  Coton,  Warwicks. 
"  George  D'erbage,  late  Master  in  Chancery  in  Georgia.3 

In  one  of  several  letters4  from   Anthony  Stokes  to  the 

Commissioners  of   American   Claims,  praying   for   relief, 

dated   23   October,   1 784',  he   complains   of   his   harassed 

financial  position  and  of  the  inadequacy  of  the  allowance 

of  £50  per  annum.     In  another,  dated  14  January,  1785, 

he  states  that  he  was  on  the  point  of  breaking  in  on  his 

small  capital  and  sacrificing  £100  worth  for  £55.    He  was, 

however,  relieved  from  the  necessity  of  making  this  heavy 

sacrifice  by  an  opportune  loan  of  £30  from  his  wif e's  sister. 

But  this  loan  was  only  sufficient  for  the  immediate  needs 

of  the  family.     To  pay  the  rent  of  his  chambers  in  the 

Temple  he  was  obliged  to  sell   his  gold  watch.     If   the 

Commissioners   were    unable    to    grant  him  a  more    sub- 

stantial  allowance  forthwith,  he  would  be  compelled  to 

1  Josiah  Tatnall  was  born  at  Charleston,  but  settled  in  Georgia, 
where  he  was  a  planter  and  sawyer ;  colonel  of  a  militia  regiment ; 
and  holder  of  several  public  offices  during  the  war.  In  1785  he  was 
surveyo>r-general  of  lands  in  the  Bahamas. 

2  TheRev.  John  Rennie  was  instituted  as  Vicar  of  ChihersCoton, 
21  April,  1783,  and  was  succeeded  on  25  September,  1786,  by  the  Rev. 
Bernard  Gilpin  Ebdell,  the  "Mr.  Gilfil"  of  George  Eliot's  Scenes  of 
Clerical  Life,  though  the  latter  appears  not  to  have  entered 
immediately  upon  his  duties.     Public  Record  Office  :  A.  O.,  13/137. 

3  The  claims  and  petitions  of  these  Georgia  loyalists  are  in  the 
Public  Record  Office,  A.  O.,  12  and  13. 

4  Public  Record  Office  :  F.O.  4/1. 


236  Welshmen  in  the  Aìnerican 

dispose  of  all  his  investments  to  pay  for  the  education  of 
his  daughter  and  for  the  rent  of  his  lodgings  at  No.  53, 
Theobald's  Road. 

In  a  later  letter1  dated  23  August,  1788,  he 
declines  to  prefer  a  memorial  for  compensation  for  the 
loss  of  his  property  in  Georgia  because  "  the  quantum  of 
such  loss  would  in  a  great  measure  depend  011  a  memori- 
alist's  own  evidence ",  and,  therefore,  might  make  it 
necessary  for  an  examination  on  oath,  to  which,  as  will  be 
observed  later,  he  had  a  strong  objection ;~  but  the  facts 
stated  in  his  petition  for  coinpensation  for  the  loss  of  his 
office  of  Chief  Justice  and  his  services  and  sufferings  in 
the  cause  of  Government  admitted  of  proof  by  others, 
trusting  that  no  Crown  Officer  from  America  had  adduced 
stronger  evidence  of  uniform  loyalty  to  the  King,  attach- 
ment  to  the  British  Government,  or  zeal  in  opposing  the 
rebellion,  than  he  had  done.  Anthony  Stokes  declares 
further  that  it  would  always  afford  him  great  satisfaction 
to  reflect  that  there  was  not  one  loyalist  or  American  who 
had  attempted  to  impeach  his  loyalty  or  moral  character 
in  a  single  instance.  He  ends  with  his  thanks  for  the 
increase  in  his  allowance  to  £200  and  with  the  hope  that 
if  on  any  occasion  he  had  unfortunately  manifested  the 
least  peevishness,  either  by  letter  or  in  person,  he  would 
earnestly  request  the  Commissioners'  pardon,  and  hoped 
that  they  would  not  attribute  it  to  that  "  absurd  irasci- 
bility  "  to  which  the  natives  of  the  Principality  of  Wales 
are  "  proverbially  subject". 

In  another  letter  Anthony  Stokes  mentions  that  in  Lon- 

1  Public  Record  Oftice  :  A.O.  13/85. 

2  There  is  110  evidence  in  the  documents  that  he  was  a  Quaker. 
Several  Quakers  were  among  the  loyalist  claimants,  and  their  faith 
was  invariably  mentioned,  e.g.,  Captain  Thomas  Gummersall,  of  the 
King's  Royal  Regiment  of  New  York,  who,  being  a  Quaker,  was  per- 
mitted  to  affirm  in  evidence  on  his  claim,  before  Anthony  Stokes  at 
Savannah,  in  June,  1775.  (Second  lleport  of  the  Bureau  of  Archẁes, 
Province  of  Ontario,  1904,  p.  254.) 


War  of  Independence.  237 

don  he  was  compelled  by  liis  inadequate  incoine  toexercise 
tiie  greatest  economy,  and  that  in  consequence  he  "  was  a 
stranger  to  all  public  places  and  amusements  of  all  kinds  ". 
His  aversion  f'rom  taking  an  oath  is  again  emphasized  in 
this  letter,  where  he  hopes  that,  knowing  his  scruples, 
he  would  not  be  required  to  take  an  oath  when  he  attends 
upon  the  Commissioners  to  give  evidence  in  support  of  his 
claim. 

An  affidavit  of  his  clerk,  Edward  Harraden,  sworn 
29  August,  1788,  states  that  Anthony  Stokes  was  not  at 
that  date  in  the  enjoyment  of  any  place  or  employment 
of  profit  or  emolument,  ecclesiastical,  civil  or  military, 
under  the  Crown,  or  any  half-pay  or  allowance  for  military 
services  in  America,  except  the  sum  of  £200  a  year  allowed 
by  Grovernment  for  his  temporary  subsistence  as  an 
American  loyalist ;  and  unless  the  appointment  of  Colonial 
Agent  to  the  Bahama  Islands  be  considered  an  employ- 
ment  under  the  Crown,  for  which  he  was  to  be  allowed 
the  sum  of  £100  per  year.  His  clerk  goes  on  to  say  that 
Anthony  Stokes  appeared  to  have  "  on  all  occasions  a 
great  aversion  to  take  an  oath  ",  and  that  he  was  much 
affected  on  seeing  the  form  of  oath  administered  by  the 
Commissioners  of  American  Claims  to  all  loyalists  about 
to  be  put  on  the  pension  list. 

In  the  impoverished  condition  of  Stokes,  the  arrival  of 
the  following  note  from  the  Receiver  General  of  the 
Bahamas,  dated  19  July,  1788,  was  a  bitter  disappoint- 
ment  to  him  :  "  I  received  your  favour  by  Mr.  Hood,  and 
am  very  sorry  to  acquaint  you  that  the  Treasury  is  in  so 
bad  a  situation  that  I  cannot  give  you  encouragement  to 
expect  your  salary  soon ".  The  arrears  of  salary  and 
other  charges  of  Anthony  Stokes,  as  the  agent  of  the 
Bahamas  in  London,  had  amounted  to  £213  18s.  1d.  from 
thedate  of  his  appointment,  1  October,  1785,  to  1  January, 
1788.1    This  Colonial  Agency  he  offered  to  resign  forthwith 

1  Public  Record  Office :  A.O.  13/83  ;  A.O.  13/85. 


238  Welshmen  in  the  American 

if  the  Commissioners  regarded  it  as  an  obstacle  to  his 
receipt  of  an  increased  allowance,  as  he  would  be  sorry  to 
give  up  a  substance  here  for  a  shadow  abroad. 

Anthony  Stokes  claimed  £1,200  for  the  loss  of  his 
annual  income  from  his  public  offìces  in  Georgia,  and  was 
allowed  £1,000.'     He  died  27  March,  1819. 

Another  Welsh  loyalist  worthy  of  mention  was  Hoplrin 
Price  of  Charleston,  South  Carolina. 

In  the  claim  in  behalf  of  the  estate,  made  by  his 
executor,  Robert  Williams,  counsellor  at  law,  it  is  stated 
that  Hoplrin  Price  died  011  14  December  1781,  presumably 
at  Charleston,  leaving  by  his  will  legacies  to  his  relations 
in  Wales.  This  will,  however,  cannot  be  found  at  Char- 
leston  or  at  Somerset  House,  and  therefore  the  names  and 
places  of  residence  of  these  relations  cannot  be  traced. 
His  real  property  in  South  Carolina  is  said  to  have  been 
confiscated  because  of  his  "  loyalty  to  the  King  and 
attachment  to  the  British  Constitution  ".  The  personal 
estate  was  sold  by  Robert  Williams  and  the  proceeds 
applied  to  the  discharge  of  debts.  The  claim  of  £4,600 
was  disallowed  by  the  Commissioners  of  American  Claims, 
on  the  ground  that  insufficient  proof  had  been  adduced  of 
the  loyalty  of  Hoplrin  Price.  Here  it  may  be  observed 
that  all  the  American  loyalists  who  made  claims  for  loss 
of  property,  or  applied  for  allowances  or  pensions,  were 
required  to  produce  eviclences  of  loyalty,  by  certificate  or 
by  the  personal  testimony  of  men  of  unquestioned  loyalty. 
In  this  case  the  death  of  the  claimant  was  a  serious 
obstacle  to  the  executor  in  obtaining  the  necessary  proof 
of  his  loyal  principles. 

The  name  of  Robert  Williams  suggests  that  he,  too, 
was  of  Welsh  blood ;  but  the  present  writer  in  his  search 
among  the  documents'-  has  failed  to  trace  any  evidence  of 

1  Public  Record  Office  :  A.O.  12/109,  fos  85,  251. 

'l  Public   Record    Office:    A.O.    12/48,  fo.    12;  A.O.  12/109;  A.O. 

13/1:;:;. 


War  of  Indcpendence.  239 

the  original  nationality  of  his  family.  At  Charleston  his 
eminence  as  a  lawyer  attracted  the  attention  of  the 
leaders  of  the  Whig  party,  who  failed,  however,  to 
wean  him  from  his  political  faith,  by  offering  him,  among 
other  incUicements,  the  dignified  position  of  a  judge. 
Eobert  Williams  claimed  for  his  losses  by  the  war  the 
large  sum  of  £22,692,  but  was  allowed  only  £1,705.  His 
further  claim  of  £1,050  for  the  loss  of  his  professional 
income  per  annum  was  met  by  an  allowance  of  £800, 
while  the  British  Government  also  gave  him  a  pension  of 
£360.  The  wife  and  family  of  ten  children  of  this  loyalist 
would  seem  to  havc  remained  at  Charleston  after  the 
evacuation  of  South  Carolina  by  the  British  forces. 

John  Jones,  the  third  Welsh  loyalist,  was  born  in 
Wales  at  a  place  not  revealed  in  the  documents.  He 
started  lif  e  as  a  common  soldier,  and  by  promotion  became 
sergeant  in  the  44th  Foot  in  1755,  when  it  was  ordered 
out  to  America.  After  the  peace  with  the  French  in  1763 
he  got  his  discharge  from  the  army,  and  he  would  appear 
to  have  contemplated  following  the  example  of  many 
British  officers  and  men,  participants  in  that  war,  and 
settle  down  on  bounty  lands  in  the  Province  of  New  York. 
In  1764,  however,  his  abilities  and  general  good  conduct 
were  recognized  as  deserving  of  further  promotion,  and  he 
was  appointed  by  General  Gage  to  the  lucrative  position 
of  barrack-master  at  Fort  George  on  Lake  George,  New 
York,  with  pay  of  4s.  a  day  with  a  house.  Here  he  re- 
mained  in  comfort  and  ease,  in  possession  of  a  good 
orchard,  land,  barns,  and  a  saw  mill  until  the  Eevolu- 
tionary  War,  when  Fort  George  was  captured  by  the 
Americans.  In  addition,  he  was  the  owner  of  a  house  in 
the  town  of  Albany,  which  he  had  bought  in  1776  from 
one  Jacob  Lanson  for  £300  in  New  York  currency,  equal 
to  about  £200  sterling. 

Among  his  services  during  the  war  was  that  of  con- 
veying  intelligence,  with  the  help  of  other  loyalists,  to  the 
British  army  in  Canada  of   the   proposed  expedition   of 


240  Welshmen  in  the  American 

the  Americaus  into  Canada  in  1775.  By  some  means, 
undisclosed  in  liis  petition,  he  was  discovered  as  the 
sender  and  was  captured  and  confined  by  the  enemy  to 
Fort  Edward.  He  succeeded,  however,  in  escaping  and 
in  joining  the  advanced  part  of  General  Burgoyne's  army 
at  Skenesborough,  110 w  Whitehall.  In  his  memorial,  John 
Jones  states  that  he  was  "  soon  af  ter  employed  by  General 
Burgoyne  to  Quebec,  Ticonderoga  and  Fort  George ", 
without,  however  stating  exactly  the  nature  of  this  duty. 
On  1  August  1777,  his  merits  were  rewarded  by  his 
appointment  as  barrack-master  at  Ticonderoga — the  ram- 
part  against  invasion  from  Canada  and  regarded  as  the 
stronghold  of  the  north — which  had  been  unexpectedly 
and  suddenly  evacuated,  with  its  immense  supplies  of  war 
material,  by  the  American  General,  St.  Clair,  to  the  sur- 
prise  of  America  and  England.  He  was  afterwards  em- 
ployed  in  obtaining  stores  for  the  army  in  Canada,  where 
he  remained  on  hearing  of  Burgoyne's  defeat  at  Saratoga. 
The  confidence  of  the  army  in  John  Jones  was  further 
recognized  by  his  appointment,  in  1786,  as  barract-master 
at  William  Henry,  now  known  as  Sorel,  in  Canada,  where 
he  was  liying  in  1788  and  where  it  is  presumed  he  re- 
mained  until  his  death. 

His  losses  amounted  to  over  £4,000  sterling  and  in- 
cluded  four  farms  of  1,500  acres,  with  four  dwelling 
houses,  good  farming  stock,  two  boats  and  a  large  barge, 
and  £500  worth  of  wine,  rum,  brandy  and  other  liquors, 
which  he  had  buried  at  Fort  George,  and  which  were  dis- 
covered  and  seized  by  the  Americans.  Part  of  his  claim 
of  £4,187  lOs.  was  waived,  the  property  having  been  dis- 
posed  of  in  part  by  permission  of  the  Americans.  The 
amount  awarded  to  him  by  the  Commissioners  of  American 
Claims  was  £323,  and  £70  per  annum  for  the  loss  of  his 
official  income  as  barrack-master  at  Fort  George,  until  his 
appointment  to  the  same  position  at  Sorel.1 

1  Second  Ileport  of  the  Bureau  of  Archives,  Province  of  Ontario, 
1904,  pp,  380-381;  Public  Record  Office :  A.O.  12/26,  fos.  181-186; 
A.O.  12/109. 


War  of  Independence.  241 

David  Propert,  a  loyalist  from  Boston,  Massachusetts, 
had  been  an  emigrant  from  South  Wales.  He  had 
achieved  consîderable  success  as  a  musician  at  Boston 
until  the  war  ended  his  career  there.  According  to  his 
evidence  before  the  Commissioners  on  17  January  1783, 
he  estimated  his  annual  income  from  his  profession  at 
£300,  inclusive  of  his  salary  of  £40  as  organist  of  Trinity 
Church.  From  his  income  as  a  musicianhe  saved  sufficient 
money,  aecording  to  his  petition,  to  acquire  substantial 
real  property  in  the  town  of  Boston,  consisting  of  two 
pieces  of  land  in  Beach  Street,  two  warehouses  and  land 
in  King  Street,  and  a  messuage  in  Back  Street.  All  this 
property  was  adjudged  forfeit  in  1781  by  reason  of  David 
Propert's  loyalty.  In  cross-examination,  however,  by  the 
Commissioners,  this  Welsh  musician  stated  that  he  was 
not  in  actual  possession  of  any  landed  property,  but  that 
he  had  personalty,  consisting  of  bonds,  doubtless  011  the 
above  estate,  to  the  amount  of  £1,500  sterling'.  A  fellow- 
exile,  Robert  Hallowell,  the  former  comptroller  of  the 
customs  at  Boston,  in  supporting  the  claim,  stated  that 
Propert  had  "  considerable  property ",  whether  personal 
or  real  is  not  disclosed  in  the  minutes  of  the  evidence. 

David  Propert's  musical  career  at  the  chief  city  in 
New  England  began  with  his  appointment  as  organist  to 
Trinity  Church  on  9  December  1770,  when  John  Rowe,  a 
conspicuous  Boston  merchant,  was  churchwarden  and  one 
of  his  patrons.  In  this  worthy  merchant's  diary,  pub- 
lished  as  the  "  Letters  and  Diary  of  John  Rowe  ",'  some 
references  to  Propert's  concerts  are  made.  For  example, 
on  15  March  1771,  the  diarist  writes  "  .  .  .  .  when  I 
came  home  I  found  Mr.  J.  Lane2  and  Mr.  Propert  who 
supped  and  diverted  us  all  the  evening  by  playing  011 
Sucky's  Spinnet3  and  Joyned  by  Mr.  J.  Lane  in  singing  — 

1  Edited  by  E.  L.  Pierce,  1895. 

2  Probably   John    Lane,    partner   in   the  firm  of  Lane,   Son  and 
Fraser,  of  London,  agents  and  exporters  in  the  American  trade. 

3  Sucky  was  Susannah  hiraan,  niece  of  John  Rowe's  wife,  Hannah. 
She  married  Captain  John  Linzee,  R.N.,  in  1772. 

R 


242  Welshmen  in  the  American 

Propert  is  a  fìne  hand ".  Two  other  references,  under 
date  of  3  February  1773,  are  of  interest :  "  I  went  to  the 
Concert  at  the  Coffee  House1  of  Mr.  Propert's — very  fine 
Musick  and  good  Performers  "  ;  and  17  February  1773: 
"  Spent  the  Evening  at  the  Coffee  House  with  a  great 
number  of  G-entlemen  and  Laclies  being  Mr.  Propert's 
concert ". 

References  are  made  to  the  musical  life  of  David 
Propert  at  Boston  in  0.  G.  Sonneck's  Early  Concert  Life 
in  America  (1731-1800),  where  he  is  mentioned  as  per- 
forming  some  select  pieces  011  the  fortepiano  and  guitar, 
at  a  concert  in  March  1771." 

Propert  took  no  part  as  a  combatant  in  the  war, 
for  he  fìed  from  Boston  011  the  outbreak  of  hostilities, 
leaving  four  spinets  in  the  custody  of  friends.  From 
Boston  he  returned  home  to  Swansea,  and  was  again 
welcomed  to  his  former  position  of  organist  at  St.  Mary's 
parish  church — a  position  which  he  filled  from  September 
1776  until  his  death  or  retirement  on  25  March  1784, 
when  he  was  succeeded  by  S.  Dyer.  In  1783  he  was  a 
single  man,  whether  a  bachelor  or  a  widower  is  not  stated 
in  the  documents,  and  was  earning-  £50  a  year  by  teaching 
music,  as  well  as  receiving  £16  a  year  from  Lane,  Son  and 
Fraser,  and  a  government  pension  as  an  American  loyalist 
of  £20. 3  David  Propert's  name  is  not  to  be  found  in  the 
registe'r  of  deaths  of  St.  Marys's.4 

The  history  in  America  of  the  next  Welsh  loyalist, 
Thomas  Hughes,  begins  with  his  emigration,  in  1765,  to 
New  York,  where  he  became  prosperous  as  a  storekeeper 
and  a  retailer  of  liquors  in  Morecoil  Street.  By  dint  of 
energy  and  thrift  he  saved  sutìicient  money  to  buy  two 
houses  in  New  York,  and  in  1770  he  was  the  purchaser  of 

1  British  CofFee  House  in  King  Street,  Boston. 

2  The  writer  is  indebted  for  this  note  to  Mr.  Charles  Knowles 
Bolton,  of  Boston. 

3  Public  Record  Office  :  A.O.  12/99,  fo.  327;  The  Royal  Commis- 
sion  on  Loyalists'  Claims  :  The  Roxburghe  Club,  1915,  p.  322. 

4  Note  contributed  by  Mr.  F.  Pale  Ẃood,  churchwarden, 


War  of  Independence.  243 

a  farm  on  Barbados  Neck  in  Bergen  county,  New  Jersey, 
for  £500  sterling,  from  his  father-in-law,  Gustavus  Kings- 
land,  who  remained  in  possession  of  this  farm  after  the 
war.  His  appointed  duties  during  the  war  included  the 
purchase  of  horses,  wood,  hay,  and  other  supplies  for  the 
British  army.  But  the  episode,  of  which  he  spoke  with 
pride,  was  011  the  occasion  when  he  conducted  a  party  of 
British  troops  to  two  barns  at  Toppan  in  Orange  eounty, 
New  York,  where  they  surprised  "  Lady  Washington's 
Light  Horse  ",  and  killed  or  wounded  all  except  three. 

The  pension  granted  to  Thomas  Hughes  and  his  wife 
and  five  children  was  £20. 

John  Lewis,  a  New  York  loyalist,  and  perhaps  a 
fellow-countryman,  was  present  at  the  purchase  of  the 
above  farm.1 

Owen  Richards  emigrated  from  Wales  to  America  in 
or  about  1750  and  settled  at  Boston.  He  was  named  in 
the  Banishment  Act  of  the  State  of  Massachusetts,  passed 
in  September  1778,  "to  prevent  the  return  to  this  state  of 
certain  persons  therein  named,  and  others  who  have  left 
this  state  or  either  of  the  United  States,  and  joined  the 
enemies  thereof  ". 

Shortly  after  his  arrival  in  England  he  settled  in 
Eotherhithe,  with  his  family  of  four  small  children,  and 
earned  a  living  by  plying  a  boat.on  the  Thames. 

His  memorials  are  here  printed  : 

2"(i)  That  He  has  the  most  Gratefull  sence  of,  and  desires  to 
return  his  sincere  thanks  to  your  Lordships  for  the  relief  granted 
him  on  his  Petition  in  January  last  and  as  he  is  in  hopes,  tbat  his 
poor  Wife  and  Family3  is  got  away  from  Boston  to  Halifax,  he  is 

1  Public  Record  Office:  A.O.  12/21,  fos.  325-327;  A.O.  12/85,  fos. 
5-10;  A.O.  12/109,  fo.  165:  A.O.  13/64;  A.O.  13/144. 

2  Public  Record  Office  :  A.O.  13/75. 

3  Mrs.  Richards  was  one  of  the  inhabitants  who  in  March,  1776, 
when  Boston  was  evacuated  by  the  British  Army,  accompanied  the 
Army  to  Halifax,  Nova  Scptia.  The  complete  list  of  names  is 
published  in  the  Proceedings  of  the  Massachusetts  Hist.  Soc,  Vol,  18, 

p.  266. 

R2 


244  Welshmen  in  the  American 

desirous  of  going  thither  to  their  Assistance,  And  humbly  requests 
that  your  Lordships  would  give  him  leave  of  Absence  and  Order  the 
Stipend  of  £30  per  Annum  allowed  your  Petitioner  to  be  paid  his 
Attorney — and  in  Duty  bound  will  ever  Pray 

"OWEN     RlCHARDS. 

"March,  1778". 

"  (ii)  That  your  Petitioner  has  been  in  the  Service  of  his  Majesty 
by  Sea  and  Land  near  Thirty  Years,  the  greatest  part  of  that  Time 
in  his  Majestys  Customs  at  Boston,  in  the  Year  1770  when  Thomas 
Hutchinson  Esq.  was  Governor.  Your  petitioner  made  a  Seizure  of 
a  Scooner  and  Cargo  of  Foreign  Sugars  &c.  Illegally  Imported.  and 
with  an  Intent  to  defraud  his  Majesty  of  his  Revenue,  This  act  of 
Duty  of  your  Petitioner  so  Incensed  the  Disaffected  Inhabitants  of 
Boston  against  Him,  that  the  same  Night,  they  Collected  a  Tumul- 
tuous  Mob  of  near  2000  and  came  to  your  Petitioners  House.  Broke 
his  Windows,  and  distroyed  his  Furniture;  they  then  Draged  him 
by  the  heels  along  the  Streets  to  the  Custom  House,  then  tore  all 
his  Cloaths  off  his  Bocly  to  his  nakedness,  and  then  rolled  him  in  the 
Channel  Then  put  him  into  a  Cart,  Tarr'd  and  Feathered  him,  then 
set  the  Feathers  on  Fire  on  his  Back,  and  fìxed  a  Rope  round  his 
Neck,  In  this  Possition  they  Exposed  him  round  the  Town  for  seven 
Hours  untill  he  was  just  expiring. 

"  Your  Petitioner  through  these  sufferings  of  savage  treatment 
lay  many  Months  Sick,  and  at  a  great  Expence,  and  in  great  Doubt 
whether  he  could  Survive  it,  To  verify  the  truth  of  your  Petitioners 
Sufferings  and  Loyalty  to  his  Majesty  he  humbly  appeals  to  Governor 
Hutchinson  and  other  Gentlemen,  Your  Petitioner  is  now  near  Sixty 
Years  of  Age — he  has  a  helpless  Wife  and  four  Children,  his  Interest 
(which  was  some  hundreds  of  Pounds  Value,  that  he  had  Indus- 
triously  Obtained  and  through  Oeconomy  had  saved,  He  was  obliged 
to  leave  behind  him  in  Boston  and  it  is  now  Destroyed  by  the 
Rebelious  Inhabitants  there, 

"  Your  Petitioner  has  never  received  from  Government  any 
recompence  or  Rewards  for  his  Sufferings,  nor  for  the  Loss  of  all  the 
Interest  had  in  Boston 

'•  Therefore  Your  Petitioner  most  Humbly  Implores  your  Lord- 
ships,  that  your  Lordships  would  be  pleased  to  take  your  Petitioners 
Age,  Distressed  State,  and  Faithful  Service  into  Consideration  and 
Order  him  such  Relief,  as  you  in  Your  Goodnessshall  see  Meet  to  do. 

"  And  Your  Petitioner  as  in  Duty  bound  shall  Ever  pray 

"OWEN    RlCHARDS. 


rs  " 


War  of  Iudependence.  245 

'•This  Petition  was  recommended,  by  Goverr  Hutchinson 
"  Peter  01iver,  Chief  Judge  of  the  Province 
"  TIiob  Flucker,  Secretary  D° 

"Harrison  Grey,1  Treasurer  |-Esq 

"  Robert  Auchmoody,2  Judge  of  the  Admiralty 
"  Jon'a  Sewel,3— D°  of  Nova  Scotia 

With    this    inemorial    are    the    following-   copies    of 

Certificates  : — 

"  at  the  request  of  the  Petitioner  Owen  Richards  I  certify  that 
he  was  an  Inhabitant  of  the  Massachuset  Bay  and  Officer  and  of  the 
Customs  when  I  was  Governer  there,  and  that  I  remember  the  great 
Abuse  by  the  Mob,  to  which  he  Refers,  and  I  then  understood  and 
Believed  that  it  was  Occasioned  by  a  regular  discharge  of  his  Duty 

in  the  Execution  of  his  Office, 

"  Sigd         Th°  Hutchinson. 
"  Sackville  Street  Novr  5th  1777. 

"I  can  Certify  that  it  appeared  on  a  Trial  had  in  the  supreme 

Court  of  Judicature  that  the  fact  above  Related  with  Respect  to  his 

Sufferings  is  not  at  all  Exaggerated. 

"  Sigd         Peter  01iver. 

"  The  Facts  related  by  the  Petitioner  I  believe  to  be  true  and 
that  his  Sufferings  were  Occasioned  by  a  regular  Discharge  of  his 
Office,  Signd         Harrison  Gray. 

"  I  Certify  the  Like.  Sigd         Tho»  Flucker. 

"  I  Beüeve  the  within  Facts  to  be  truly  Stated — 

"  Sigd         Robert  Auchmuty  ". 

Endorsed  : — 

"  Read  22  Decr  1777,  let  him  be  pd  his  Sal^  as  Tidesn  out  of 
Custom  20  and  30  per  ann. 

"  The  Coppey  of  |  His  Formor  |  Pettistion  ". 

"  (iii)  That  your  Memorialist  is  now  sixty  five  Years  of  Age,  and 
has  been  Employed  in  his  Majesty's  Service  thirty  eight  Years,  and 
has  been  a  Tidesman  in  the  port  of  Boston,  more  than  twenty  Years, 
That  in  year  1770  your  Memorialist  suffered  very  great  abuse,  and 
Inhuman  treatment  from  the  Mob  in  Boston  for  His  regular  dis- 
charge  of  Duty  and  for  his  Loyalty  and  Attachment  to  His  Majestys 
Government,  That  in  the  Year  1775,  during  the  Seige  of  Boston 
Your  Memorialist  was  Imploy'd  on  Several  Occasions,  on  his  Majesty 
Service,  and  that  his  Salary  as  a  Tidesman  was  25  pounds  per 
Annum,  and  Eighteen  pence  per  day  when  on  Duty  which  together 

1  Harrison  Gray.         -  Robert  Auchmuty.         3  Jonathan  Sewall. 
1  Public  Record  Office  :  A.O.  13/75. 


246  Welshmen  in  the  American 

was  45  pounds  per  Annum,  That  in  March  1776  when  the  British 
Troops  under  the  Command  of  Gen1  Sir  William  How  left  Boston 
and  came  to  Halifax  in  Nova  Scotia.  Your  Memorialist  embraced 
that  Opportunity  to  come  away  with  a  number  of  the  Loyal  Inhabi- 
tants,  under  the  protection  of  his  Majestys  Troops  and  Navy,  Your 
Memorialist  from  a  Steady  attachment  to,  and  Long  Services  under 
the  Brittish  Govermment,  Left  Halifax  and  came  to  England,  and 
Applied  tu  the  R'  Honble  the  Lords  Commissioners  of  His  Majestys 
Treasury  for  Relief,  That  in  Jannary  1778.  their  Lordships  was  was 
pleased  to  Order  your  Memorialist  Twenty  Pounds,  and  thirty 
Pounds  per  Annum,  for  further  particulars  beg  reference  may  be  had 
to  the  petition  and  Certiücates  herewith  Exhibited,  That  the  pro- 
perty  of  your  Memorialist  is  Confisticated  and  Lost  which  was  in 
Value  as  per  Estimate  on  the  other  side  of  this  Memorial,  Your 
Memorialist  therefore  prays  that  his  case  may  be  taken  into  your 
Consideration,  in  order  that  your  Memorialist  may  be  enabled,  under 
your  Report  to  Receive  such,  aid  or  Relief,  as  his  losses  may  be 
found  to  Deserve. 

"  And  your  Memorialist  will  ever  Pray 

"  OWEN    RlCHARDS  ". 

This  memorial  is  endorsed  : — 

"  to  Be  heard  of  at  the  Torbay  Elephant  Staiers 

"  Rotherhith  in  Sury  ". 
"At  the  Request  of  the  Memorialist  Owen  Richards,  I  hereby 
Certify,  that  I  knew  him  many  Years  a  peaceable  Loyal  Subject  in 
America,  and  that  for  his  Integrity  as  an  Officer  of  the  Customs  of 
the  Port  of  Boston  he  was  esteemed  by  his  Superiors  in  Office,  and 
I  have  every  reason  to  believe.  that  the  Illtreatment  and  Suffering  he 
met  with  by  the  Hands  of  the  Populace  was  Occasioned  by  the 
Faithful  discharge  of  his  Duty  as  a  Custom  House  Officer,  and  I  also 
realy  believe  what  he  sets  forth  respecting  his  property  in  America 
to  be  Just  I  know  he  had  a  House  in  Boston — 

"  Charles  Street  N°  7  Benj  Hallowell— 

"  22d  October  1783 —  One  of  the  Commissioners 

"  of  His  Majestys  Customs 
"  for  America — 

"  ESTIMATE. 

"  A  Dwelling  House  and  Land,  as  per  Title  Deeds 

••  Household  Furniture,  Plate  &c. 

"The   Estate  of  William  Prince  Deceased  p'   Acc' 

annexed    .  . 
"To  which  Add  one  Years  Salary  from  his  Majestys 

Customs    .  . 
"  Eighteen  pence  per  Day  when  011  Duty  .  . 


£256  18 
30    0 

0 
0 

70  14 

0 

25    0 
20    0 

0 

0 

••i.102   12 

0 

War  of  Indepèndence.  247 

"Your  memorialist  at  Presant  cannot  Bring  beter  Proof  to  the 
above  account  of  his  Losses  then  his  title  Deeds  and  the  accounts 
here  with  Exhibited  ".1 

A  printed  affidavit,  such  as  was  sent  to  most  of  the 
loyalists,  that  Owen  Richards  was  not  the  holder  of  any 
place  or  employment  of  profit  or  emolument,  ecclesiastical, 
civil  *or  military,  under  the  Crown,  or  in  receipt  of  half- 
pay  or  allowance  for  military  services  in  America,  except 
the  teinporary  support  of  £30  allowed  by  the  Lords  of  the 
Treasury,  was  sworn  by  him,  30  August,  1788.2 

Owen  Richards  claimed  £286  18,<;.  for  loss  of  property 
and  was  allowed  £120.  He  also  claimed  £45  for  loss  of 
annual  inconie  from  his  post  as  Customs  Officer  and  was 
granted  £-40.  From  1782  to  1784  he  received  a  yearly 
allowance  of  £50  from  the  Treasury.  This  was  reduced 
to  £30  in  1784,  and  a  further  reduction  to  £10  was  made 
until  the  year  1800,3  when  he  probably  died. 

Lieut.  John  Hybart  in  his  evidence  and  memorial, 
dated  6  March  1784,  declared  that  he  was  a  native  of 
Wales,  and  left  these  shores  for  South  Carolina  in  1771  at 
the  early  ag-e  of  twelve.  There  he  became  provincial 
deputy-surveyor  to  Elias  Durnford.  In  177(5  he  removed 
to  West  Florida  to  escape  compulsory  service  under  the 
Americans,  and  shortly  afterwards,  while  yet  a  youthof  17 
or  18,  received  a  warrant  to  raise  men  for  the  King's 
Florida  Rangers,  raised  and  commanded  by  Lieut.-Colonel 
Thomas  Brown,  a  redoubtable  loyalist.  This  young1 
Welshman  succeeded  in  recruiting  forty-one  men  and 
received  a  commission  as  ensign,  and  later  as  lieutenant 

1  Public  Record  Office  :  A.O.  13/48. 

2  Ibid. :  A.O.  13/83. 

3Ibid:  A.O.  459/7;  A.O.  461/16;  T.  50/6;  T.  50/8;  A.O.  12/109, 
fo.  256;  AO.  12/105,  fo.  43. 

Seeond  lieport,  Bureau  of  Archires,  Prorince  of  Ontario,  1904, 
p.  1 160. 

The  Royal  Comm.  on  Loyalists  Claims:  Roxburghe  Club,  1915, 
p.  80. 


248  Welshmen  in  the  American 

in  that  loyalist  corps,  which  was  subsequently  merged 
into  the  King's  Carolina  Rangers.  At  the  siege  of 
Augusta  in  September  1780,  when  that  place  fell  to  the 
Americans,  Lieut.  Hybart  was  so  severely  wounded  that 
he  was  incapacitated  from  further  participation  in  the 
war.  His  total  claim  amounted  to  £708,  and  included  the 
following  tracts  of  uncultivated  land  in  South  Carolina  : 
150  acres  in  Orangeburg  township  £78  15  0 
500  acres  in  Colleton  county  ...  £525     0     0 

250  acres  011  Tom's  Creek,  a  branch 
of  the  Congaree  river,  about  two 
miles  from  Friday's  ferry  ...    £56     5     0 

With  Lieut.  Hybart's  claim  are  copies  of  affidavits 
sworn  before  John  Mills  and  David  Scott  at  St.  Augustine 
in  East  Florida  in  1783  that  he  was  lawfully  possessed  of 
the  above  property.  The  title  deeds  having  been  lost  in 
the  course  of  the  disturbances,  the  claim  was  rejected. 
From  February  1783,  one  year's  pay(£85  3s.  éd.)  was  paid 
from  H.M.  bounty  for  the  loss  of  his  arm.1 

Tn  an  undated  petition  to  the  Commissioners  of 
American  Claims,  Lieut.  Hybart  appeals  for  a  "  place  in 
the  revenue,  near  the  sea,  in  any  part  of  the  West  of 
England'"  that  thereby  he  might  be  able  to  support  his 
little  family  comfortably,  for  which  he  would  willingly 
relinquish  his  half-pay  ".  Whether  he  succeeded  in  ob- 
taining  a  revenue  appointment  is  not  divulged  in  the 
documents.     His  half-pay,  however,  ceased  in  1816. 3 

1  On  18  September  1782,  a  certificate  was  signed  at  Charleston  by 
John  Allen,  surgeon  of  the  Carolina  King's  Rangers,  by  Daniel  Ban- 
croft,  surgeon  of  the  3rd  Batt.  New  Jersey  Volunteers,  and  by  Major 
James  Wright  (of  the  Georgia  Rangers  until  tliat  corps  was  amalga- 
mated  with  the  King"s  Carolina  Rangers  in  June  1782),  that  Lieut. 
John  Hybart  had  lost  the  use  of  his  left  arm  at  Augusta  (Hist.  MSS. 
Coìnm.  lieport  on  the  American  MSS.  in  Royal  Inst.,  vol.  iii,  p.  124). 

2  ?  The  West  of  Wales  or  South  Wales. 

3  Public  Record  Office  :  W.O.  :  Ind.  5604,  5605,  5606. 

4  Public  Record  Office:  A.O.  12/101,  fo.  61  ;  A.O.  12/109,  fo.  168  : 
A.O.  1:5/129. 


Wai'  of  Independence.  249 

English  official  documents  in  the  eighteenth,  and  well 
into  the  nineteenth,  century,  frequently  ignored  the  racial 
and  geographical  distinctions  between  England  and  Wales. 
Thus  the  nationality  of  Lieut.  John  Hybart  is  stated  in 
the  half-pay  lists  as  English,  whereas  in  his  written 
memorial  and  in  his  oral  evidence  he  declares  himself  to 
be  Welsh. 

The  name  of  Susannah  Marshall  has  110  suggestion  of 
Welsh  origin.  When  summoned  before  the  Commis- 
sioners  in  London  she  stated,  however,  that  she  was  a 
native  of  Wales  and  had  married  an  Irishman,  one 
William  Marshall.  She  related  the  story  of  their  emigra- 
tion  to  the  new  world,  taking  with  them  their  little  f ortune 
of  £500  in  money  ancl  cargo,  and  accompanied  by  their  two 
children,  and  gave  a  vivid  picture  of  her  exciting  experi- 
ences  at  Baltimore,  in  Maryland,  where  they  had  settled. 

Susannah  Marshall  was  a  determined  enterprising 
woman  and  opened  a  boarding  house  and  liquor  retailing 
store  in  that  city.  Hardly  had  her  enterprise  met  its  just 
reward  than  the  clash  of  arms  was  resounding  in  Mary- 
land,  and  William  Marshall  was  in  May  1775  called  upon 
by  the  revolutionary  party  to  take  up  arms  "  in  defence  of 
the  country  " ;  but  the  call  was  met  by  this  loyal  Irish- 
man  with  a  blank  negative,  coupled  with  a  refusal  to  sign 
an  association  in  violation  of  his  allegiance  to  his  rightful 
sovereign.  His  loyalty  rendering  him  obnoxious,  he  was 
obliged  to  quit  his  home  at  Baltimore,  leaving  his  wife 
and  children  to  the  mercy  of  the  times.  Like  so  many 
other  harried  lo}Talists  from  the  Southern  Colonies  in  the 
early  days  of  the  rebelliou,  he  determined  to  seek  a  tem- 
porary  asylum  in  the  British  West  Inclies  until  the  storm 
should  blow  over  and  he  coulcl  return  to  his  wife  and 
family.  But  William  Marshall  never  again  cast  eyes  on 
the  American  shore,  for  he  died  in  the  island  of  Dominica, 
sometime  before  its  seizure  by  the  Erench  in  1778.  Mean- 
while  his  wif e,  ignorant  of  his  death,  was  "  maliciously 
compelled ",    as  she   describes   it,    to  billet  a  number  of 


250  Welshmen  in  tlie  Amcrican 

American  soldiers  in  her  house  from  time  to  time  until 
1776,  when  in  desperation  she  declared  her  intention 
"  to  embrace  Lord  Dunmore's  proclamation  ",  and  refused 
any  longer  to  have  any  more  soldiers  quartered  iu  her 
house.  Such  an  unexpected  refusal  could  not  be  tolerated 
from  a  woman,  and  an  attempt  was  made,  according  to 
her  evidence,  to  "  tar  and  feather "  her.  Tarring  and 
feathering  was  a  popular  form  of  punishment  meted  out 
011  both  sides  during  the  revolutionary  war.  Owen 
Richards,  it  will  be  remembered,  was  one  of  the  victims. 

This  good  woman's  determination  and  enterprise,  com- 
bined  with  her  unwavering  loyality,  in  spite  of  a  long 
succession  of  threats,  are  further  confirmed  by  her  char- 
tering  of  a  schooner  011  8  August  1776  for  the  purpose  of 
conveying  her  and  her  children  to  a  spot  .011  the  Maryland 
coast  in  search  of  the  protection  promised  to  the  loyalists 
by  Lord  Dunmore,  then  Governor  of  Virginia.  Failing  to 
reach  the  appointed  spot  in  time,  Susannah  Marshall 
ordered  the  schooner  to  make  for  the  Head  of  Elk,  where 
she  resolved  to  settle,  and  where  she  either  bought  or 
rented  the  Elk  tavern  and  country  ferry  from  one  Thomas 
Bailey,  a  master  mariner  and  loj^alist.  Her  occupation  of 
this  home  was  destined  to  be  of  brief  duration,  for, 
alarmed  by  the  spread  of  the  rebellion  and  anxious  for 
her  own  safety,  she  decided  in  March  1777  to  sell  off  her 
personal  property  and  to  take  advantage  of  a  "  proclama- 
tion  of  Congress  stating  that  all  wlio  were  desirous  of 
quitting  the  province  might  do  so,  without  taking  any 
goods  except  country  produce  ".  Chartering  a  schooner, 
she  took  on  board  eighty-one  barrels  of  flour,  two  hogs- 
heads  of  venison  and  hams,  and  a  quantity  of  bacon  and 
bread,  intending  to  join  her  husband  in  the  West  Indies, 
ignorant,  as  has  been  already  observed,  of  his  death. 
Her  troubles  were  not  yet  at  an  end,  for  she  was 
obliged  by  the  Americans  to  clear  out  for  Hispaniola 
in  the  West  Indies,  and  to  get  a  bondsman  for  £2,000 
as    security    that    she    was    not    tating    the    cargo    of 


War  of  Independence.  251 

foodstuffs  to  an  English  port.  Another  glirnpse  of  her 
steadfast  loyalty  is  afforded  by  her  allowingthree  deserters 
from  the  Amerieans  to  take  shelter  on  her  vessel.  The 
escape  of  these  men  had,  however,  been  reported  on  shore, 
and  a  vessel  was  forthwith  despatched  in  pursuit  of 
Susannah  MarshalPs  schooner,  which  was  shortly  after- 
wards  captured.  Luclrily,  the  schooner  was  retaken  by  a 
British  armed  boat  and  was  sent  by  the  commander, 
James  Wallace,1  to  St.  Augustine  in  East  Florida,  where 
the  vessel  and  cargo  were  condemned  in  the  Admiralty 
court  and  the  cargo  sold  for  £1,070  Vòs.  for  the  use  of  the 
starving  garrison  and  population.  The  capable  governor 
of  that  province,  Patrick  Tonyn,  gave  Susannah  Marshall 
a  certifìcate,  in  order  that  she  might  recover  compensation 
and  a  passage  for  herself  .and  children  to  England  by  the 
Hawhe  transport.  Arriving  in  England  in  an  enfeebled 
and  destitute  condition,  she  was  allowed  by  the  Treasury 
£20  per  annum,  and  appealed  later  for  an  increase  in  this 
allowance  because  of  ill-health  and  because  of  her  timely, 
if  accidental,  supply  of  food  for  the  relief  of  St.  Augus- 
tine.  Williani  Lloyd,  a  loyalist  witness  before  the  Com- 
missioners,  declared  011  oath  that  William  and  Susannah 
Marshall  were  regarded  as  people  of  property,  that 
Mrs.  Marshall  was  worth  £700  or  £800  at  Baltimore,  and 
that  her  house  there  was  "  very  genteely  furnished  ".3 

Lorenzo  Sabine3  is  the  authority  for  the  statement 
that  Bichard  Bonsall,  a  Welshman,  was  a  loyalist,  and 
that  before  emigrating  to  New  York  he  had  commenced 
the  study  of  medicine,  but  had  abandoned  the  pursuit  of 
that  profession  in  America.  His  name  is  not  included  in 
the  list  of  claimants  for  confiscated  property.  Sabine 
states  that  Richard  Bousall  married  a  lady  named  Smith, 
of  Long  Island,  New  York,  and  that  in  1783  he  accom- 

1  Afterwards  Admiral  Sir  James  Wallace.     {Dict.  of  Nat.  Bìoíj.) 

2  Public  Record  Office  :  A.O.  12/6,  fos.  2,57-263  ;  A.Ó.  12/99,  fo.'i'l  I ; 
A.O.  12/109;  A.O.  13/46;  A.O.  13/62.  The  Royal  Comm.  on  American 
Claims  :  Roxburglie  Club,  1915,  p.  388. 

3  Bioyraphies  of  Loyalists. 


252  Welshmen  in  the  American 

panied  the  loyalist  refugees  to  St.  John,  !New  Brunswick, 
where  he  was  a  grantee  of  land,  and  where  he  died  in 
1814,  aged  72.  He  is  presumed  to  have  been  a  kinsman 
of  Sir  Thomas  Bonsall,  sheriff  of  Cardiganshire,  knighted 
in  1795. 

The  tenth  Welsh  loyalist  was  Lieut.-Colonel  Propert 
Howorth.  In  his  memorial  he  states  that  he  fìrst  went 
out  to  the  American  colonies  as  a  cadet  in  General  Ogle- 
thorpe's1  regiment  of  Foot  to  Georgia  in  1737  or  1738. 
On  7  November,  1741,  he  received  a  commission  as  ensign 
in  that  regiment,  and  in  March  1744  was  promoted 
lieutenant.  In  1749  this  regiment  was  disbanded,  and 
three  independent  companies  detached  and  sent  to  South 
Carolina.  Lieut.  Propert  Howorth's  own  company  was 
afterwards  ordered  in  1754  to  Virginia,  and  in  the  follow- 
ing  year  he  was  dangerously  wounded  in  Braddock's 
defeat.  Returning  to  South  Carolina,  he  was  appointed 
in  August,  1757,  by  Governor  Lyttelton  (afterwards  Baron 
Westcote  and  fìrst  Baron  Lyttelton  ;  Governor  of  South 
Carolina,  1755-62),  Lieut.-Colonel  of  a  regiment  of  foot 
and  accompanied  the  Governor  on  an  expedition  against 
the  Cherokee  Indians  in  1759.  In  February,  1760,  he  was 
appointed  Commanderof  Fort  Johnston,2  near  Charleston, 
at  an  annual  salary  of  £200,  which  was  augmented  by 
certain  fees,  amounting  to  about  £250  a  year,  from  all 
merchant  vessels  entering  Charleston  harbour. 

Colonel  Howorth  lived  in  ease  and  affìuence  at  that 
charming  city  and  prosperous  centre  of  Southern  colonial 
life.  His  military  duties  at  Fort.  Johnston  were  not 
onerous  and  the  ten  men  who  occupied  the  fort  were 
content  in  his  absence  to  serve  under  the  command  of  a 
non-cominissioned  officer,  such  as  George  Walker,  who  was 
subsequently  banished  as  a  loyalist  from  South  Carolina.3 

1  General  James  Edward  Oglethorpe,  soldier,  philanthropist  and 
colonist.     (Dict.ofNat.  Bẁg.) 

2  Fort  Johnston  is  shown  on  Crisp's  Map  of  Charleston,  abont  1711. 

3  For  u  picturesque  account  of  his  trial  by  a  mock  jury  at  Char- 
leston,  see  A.O.  12/46,  fos.  53-61. 


War  of  Independence.  253 

In  order  to  protect  his  property  in  that  province  from 
confiscation,  Colonel  Howorth  divested  himself  of  it  all  in 
favour  of  his  only  daughter,  who  was  married  shortly 
after  the  year  1778  to  Lieut.  James  Graham.1 

Colonel  Howorth  was  a  refugee  at  Charleston  in  1782.2 
He  claimed  £500  for  the  loss  of  his  annual  income  in 
America  and  was  allowed  £450,  receiving  in  addition  a 
pension  of  £220,  under  the  address  of  the  House  of 
Commons,  9  June,  1788. 

In  September,  1788,  he  was  living  at  Hay  in  Brecon- 
shire,  and  a  letter  of  that  date  to  the  Commissioners  bears 
the  hat  post-mark,  and  is  sealed  with  his  initials  in  a 
medallion,  enclosed  in  palm  branches,  surrounded  by  the 
motto,  Credo  Christi  Cruce,  and  surmounted  by  the  crest : 
an  arm  holding  a  wreath  enclosing  a  cross.3 

Colonel  Propert  Howorth,  in  a  letter*  dated  5  Novem- 
ber,  179G,  from  Hay  to  his  brother,  Captain  John 
Howorth,  R.N.,  says  that  he  is  very  ill  and  very  low  and 
unable  to  say  half  what  he  would  wish.  He  desired, 
therefore,  to  add  in  as  few  words  as  possible  that  he 
wished  his  niece,  Frances  Bavies,  to  have  everything  that 
he  was  possessed  of,  after  his  death.  One  of  the  two 
administrators  was  George  Boone  Roupell,  of  the  Middle 
Temple,a  loyalist  from  South  Carolina.  Colonel  Howorth's 
cleath  occurred  between  the  date  of  the  above  letter  and 
8  February,  1797. 

Another  Welsh  loyalist  was  Henry  Walkeys,  who  had 
gone  out  to  New  York  as  a  gunsmith  just  before  the 
outbreak  of  war.  His  record  of  war  services  begins 
officially  in  January,  1776,  when  he  was  employed  to 
malce  arms  for  the  British  forces  by  William  Tryon,  then 

1  His  signature  is  in  the  Public  Record  Office :  T.  50/3,  book  11, 
folio  24. 

2  Ensign  in  lst  (or  Royal)  Regiment  of  Foot  from  14  May,  1773, 
until  his  promotion,  23  November,  1778,  in  64th  (or  2nd  Staffordshire) 
Regiment  of  Foot,  from  which  he  retired  in  1783. 

3Public  Record  Office:  A.O.  13/83  A.O.  13/85;  A.O.  12/109,  fos. 
166-167;  A.O.  13/129;  A.O.  13/83;  A.O.  459/7;  A.O.  459/13. 
4  Somerset  House  (Exeter  90). 


254  Welshmen  in  thc  American 

Governor  of  New  York.  In  the  following  year  he  was 
transferred  to  the  Rojal  Artillerj  as  an  armourer,  and  in 
1781  he  was  appointed  armourer  to  the  garrison  of  the 
Citj  of  New  York,  a  position  which  he  held  until  the 
evacuation  of  that  citj  bj  the  British  in  1783,  when  he 
returned  to  this  countrj.  Confident  in  a  victorj  bj  the 
British,  he  bought  in  1782  a  house  in  Little  Queen  Street, 
New  Yorlc,  froin  James  de  Lancej,  the  lojalist,  for  £350, 
in  local  currencj.  This  propertj  had,  however,  been 
alreadj  confiscated  bj  an  act  of  the  province,  with  other 
estates  of  de  Lancej,  and  sold  bj  the  Americans.1  Henrj 
Walkejs  then  brought  an  action  against  de  Lancej  in  the 
Court  of  King's  Bench  in  London,  for  recoverj  of  the 
monej  paid,  but  failed  to  secure  a  verdict  in  his  favour. 
In  the  hope  of  obtaining  compensation  for  his  losses,  he 
crossed  the  Atlantic  again,  this  time  to  Halifax,  Nova 
Scotia,  where  one  of  the  Commissioners,  Jeremj  Pember- 
ton,  was  sitting,  in  Julj,  1786,  to  investigate  the  claims  of 
those  lojalists  who  had  sought  an  asjlum  in  that  colon j ; 
but  the  unhappj  Welsh  lojalist  met  with  another  dis- 
appointment,  being  allowed  onlj  £171  of  his  claim 
of  £804  14s.  for  loss  of  propertj.2  David  Mathews,  the 
last  Mayor  of  New  York  under  the  Crown,  and  afterwards 
President  and  Commander-in-Chief  of  Cape  Breton, 
testified  at  Halifax  to  the  loyalty  of  Henrj  Walkejs. 

William  Price  described  himself  in  evidence  as  a  native 
of  Wales  who  einigrated  to  Charleston,  in  South  Carolina, 
in  or  about  the  jear  1746,  and  had  a  drj  goods  store  at 
Charleston  when  war  broke  out.  Bj  industry  and  thrift 
he  had  saved  about  £1,000  sterling — a  substantial  sum  in 
those  dajs.  Steadfast  in  his  lojaltj,  this  son  of  Wales 
refused  on  several  occasions  to  abjure  his  king  and  to  take 
the  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  Americans.  In  consequence 
of  this  refusal  he  was  obliged  to  shift  from  place  to  place 
to  escape  the  anger  of  the  revolutionarj  partj. 

1  Second  Report  of  the  Bureau  of  Archẁes,  Province  of  Ontario, 
1904,  pp.  668-669.  -  Public  Record  Office :   A.O.  12/109. 


War  of  Independence.  255 

From  Charleston,  William  Price  escaped  to  New  York, 
which  was  then  in  possession  of  the  British  Army.  Here 
he  was  ordered  by  Sir  Guy  Carleton,  commander-in-chief, 
an  allowance  of  £30  per  quarter,  "  on  account  of  his  good 
character",  and  011  the  recommendation  of  "  respectable 
people  of  Charleston  ",  his  fellow-refugees  at  New  York. 
His  loyalty  was  never  in  doubt,  for  among  the  written 
proofs,  presented  to  the  Commissioners  of  American  Claims 
in  London,  was  one  from  Colonel  Nisbet  Balfour,  formerly 
of  the  23rd  Foot  (Royal  Welsh  Fusiliers)  and  Commandant 
at  Charleston  during  a  part  of  the  war. 

In  1784  William  Price  was  almost  an  imbecile,  at  the 
age  of  70,  and  was  granted  an  allowance  of  £24.  His 
place  of  abode  at  that  time  is  not  mentioned  in  the 
documents  in  the  Public  Record  Office.1 

The  Scotch  husband  of  a  Welsh  woman,  Mary  Rice, 
of  "  a  good  Carmarthenshire  family  ",  as  she  describes 
herself  in  lier  memorial,  was  a  loyalist,  one  Dr.  John 
Hamilton.  This  worthy  Scot  emigrated  to  America 
shortly  before  the  outburst  of  the  revolutionary  storm, 
taking  £200  in  money  and  a  quantity  of  medicines,  and 
settled  as  a  physician  and  surgeon  at  Dover,  in  New  York. 
As  a  loyal  Scot  he  secured  150  recruits  at  his  own  expense 
for  the  King's  American  Regiment,  a  loyalist  corps  which 
was  first  raised  in  December  1776  by  Colonel  Edmund 
Fanning  of  North  Carolina,  who  became  Governor  of 
Prince  Edward  Island  in  1786.  Dr.  Hamilton,  before 
embarking  on  his  self-appointed  task  of  recruiting,  had 
suffered  considerable  maltreatment  at  the  liands  of  the 
local  revolutionists,  and  had  been  ordered  to  appear  before 
the  Supreme  Court  on  a  charge  of  being  a  traitor  to 
America — a  charge  of  which  he  was  acquitted. 

Some  time  later  in  the  war  he  was  engaged  as  a  sur- 
geon  to  H.M.  ship  HinchinbrooJc,  which  was  destroyed  on 
the   Mississippi   in   April    1778   by   the   Americans,2   Dr. 

1  Public  Record  Office:  A.O.  12/101,  fo.  92;  A.O.  13/133. 

2  Hist.  MSS.   Comm.  Report  on  the  American  MSS.  in  the  Royal 
Jnst.,  vol.  i,  pp.  221,  239,  244,  251. 


256  Welshmen  in  the  American 

Hamilton  escaping  injury.  He  was  afterwards  transferred 
to  H.M.  ship  Zebra,  which  was  lost  in  a  storm  off  Tybee, 
22  December,  1788.  After  these  misfortunes  he  returned 
to  England,  but  was  not  long  idle,  as  the  records  show  that 
after  seiwing  as  surgeon  011  a  frigate  in  the  British  Navy, 
he  became,  in  February  1780,  surgeon  to  H.M.  ship 
Centaur,  on  which  he  died  in  July  of  the  same  year  at 
Barbados,  leaving  his  wife,  Mary,  with  one  son,  Walter, 
aged  5  years. 

Mary,  his  widow,  would  seem  not  to  have  accompanied 
her  husband  to  America.  Her  claim  of  £1,000  for  the 
loss  of  his  property  there  was  disallowed  for  the  want  of 
adequate  proof  of  loss,  being  unable  to  produce  the  title 
deeds  (which  were  probably  in  the  possession  of  her  hus- 
band),  or  proof  of  the  confiscation  and  sale  of  the  pro- 
perty.2 

Although  not  strictly  an  American  loyalist,  the  inclu- 
sion  in  this  list  of  a  Welshman,  who  suffered  considerable 
pecuniary  loss  by  the  American  War  of  Independence, 
may  not  be  inappropriate.  This  was  William  Jones,  a 
prominent  shipowner  of  Swansea,  who  presented  a  large 
claim  to  the  Commissioners  for  American  Claims  for  the 
brig  Toiunsend  (David  Thomas,  master),  which  he  had 
sent  out  to  Falmouth  (now  known  as  Portland,  Maine), 
laden  with  sundry  goods,  wares  and  merchandize  for  the 
purpose  of  establishing  a  store  there.  His  factor  and 
future  partner,  one  William  Horton,  a  Quaker,  accom- 
panied  the  cargo  to  Falmouth,  aiid  for  eight  months 
successfully  carried  011  the  business,  so  successfully  that 
the  brig  was  ordered  to  return  home  and  bring  another 
consignment.  Hardly  had  the  vessel  brought  this  second 
cargo  than  the  revolutionary  disturbances  broke  out  at 
Falmouth  and  a  petition  was,  on  or  about  30  June  1775, 
sent  round  to  all  the  inhabitants  that  "  as  the  British 
ministry  was  making  use  of  means  to  bring  the  Americans 

2Public  Record  Office :  A.O.  12/19,  fos.  21-28;  A.O.  12/109:  A.O. 
13/65;  A.O.  13/114. 


War  of  Independence.  257 

into  abject  slavery,the  subscribers  thereof  did  utterly  detest 
such  artifices  and  did  thereby  declare  that  they  would  with 
their  lives  and  fortunes  oppose  such  measures  and  also 
that  whatever  methods  the  American  leaders  or  Cono-ress 
should  propose  tliey  would  support  to  the  utmost  of  their 
power".  William  Horton  was  required  to  sign  this 
petition,  being  given  overnight  to  reflect  upon  it.  On  the 
following  day,  deeming  discretion  the  better  part  of 
valour,  and  conscious  that  a  refusal  to  append  his  signa- 
ture  to  this  hateful  petition  would  result  in  personal 
abuse,  he  signed  it.  But  the  loyal  Quaker  determined  to 
escape  from  his  unhappy  position,  and  secretly  got  on  board 
the  Welsh  brig  in  the  dead  of  night  and  hid  himself, 
intending  to  set  sail  before  daybreak.  The  vessel  was, 
however,  seized  by  the  revolutionists  and  a  threat  was 
made  by  the  search  party  that  unless  all  on  board  signi- 
fied  their  intention  to  support  the  American  cause,  both 
they  and  the  vessel  would  be  destroyed.  David  Thomas, 
the  master,  anxious  for  the  safety  of  all  on  board,  in- 
cluding  William  Horton,  prudently  made  a  formal  decla- 
ration  of  adhesion  to  that  cause,  distasteful  as  it  was,  and 
was  permitted,  with  his  crew,  to  remain  in  possession  of 
the  vessel.  The  Welsh  mariner  kept  watch,  and  per- 
ceiving  a  chance  in  the  darkness  to  escape,  set  sail  for 
home,  crossing  the  Atlantic  without  accident  and  reaching 
Swansea  early  in  July  1775. 

The  inventory  of  the  goods  left  behind  in  the  store  at 
Falmouth  included  such  diverse  things  as  pottery,  knives, 
snuff-boxes,  women's  fur  hats,  brass  inkstands,  horn  combs, 
Jews-harps,  gloves,  shoe  buckles,  ironmongery,  etc.1 

The  borough  records2  of  Swansea  prove  that  William 
Jones  was  a  considerable  merchant  there  between  1770 
and   1790.     In  1775  his    natne   is   included   in   a  Hst  of 

1  Public  Record  Office:  A.O.  13/74. 

2  Mr.  D.  Rhys  Phillips,  of  Swansea,  who  is  engaged  in  editing 
these  records,  has  kindly  sent  this  note,  with  the  consent  of  tho 
borough  authorities, 

S 


258  Welshmen  in  the  American 

principal  magistrates,  noblemen,  gentlemen  and  merchants, 
who  had  coal  estates  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Swansea. 

One  extract  from  those  records  deseiwes  mention  here 
because  of  its  allusion  to  the  American  war,  namely: — 

February  2,  1776.  "  The  Sally  brigantine  calls  at 
Swansea.  This  vessel  belongs  to  Isaac  Lascelles  Winn, 
Esq.,  who  purchased  her  at  Boston  in  order  to  convey  his 
family  to  England,  she  having  been  taken  from  the 
Americans  by  one  of  H.M.  ships  of  war.  We  made 
inquiry  touching  the  state  of  the  Army  &c.  in  America, 
but  cannot  learn  any  particulars  which  we  think  can  be  of 
service  in  communicating  to  your  Honours  ". 

The  Sally  also  carried  Lieut.  Julian,  of  the  23rd  Foot 
(Royal  Welsh  Fusiliers),  bound  for  London  with  despatches 
for  Government. 

One  of  the  most  pathetic  stories  of  the  war  is  that  of 
the  wife  of  a  loyalist,  William  Powell,  described  as  a 
native  of  South  Carolina,  of  Welsh  descent.  His  home 
on  the  Ogeechee  river  in  Georo-ia  was  attacked  in  his 
absence  by  a  party  of  nine  Americans,  under  the  leader- 
ship  of  John  Hampton  of  Salt  Ketches,  South  Carolina. 
Sheltering  in  the  house  were  some  loyalists  who  had  been 
sent  by  William  Powell  to  acquaint  his  wife  of  his  situa- 
tion.  One  of  these  loyalists,  John  Jones  by  name,  was 
shot  dead  by  William  Nichols,  and  Mrs.  Powell  was 
wounded  and  disabled  by  the  same  ball.  Thomas  Rice  is 
named  as  a  member  of  the  attaclcing  party.  The  Powell 
family  consisted  at  this  time  of  a  beautiful  girl,  two 
handsome  boys  and  a  baby.1 

There  were  other  Welshmen  or  men  of  Welsh  extrac- 
tion  on  both  sides  of  the  great  struggle  in  America,  whose 
names  have  escaped  remembrance.  Several  characteristi- 
cally  Welsh  names  are  to  be  found  in  the  loyalist  lists, 
but  these,  like  certain  distinctively  Scottish  and  Irish 
names,  are  included  in  the  comprehensive  title  of  natives 

1  Public  Record  Office:  Treas.  1/622. 


War  of  Indcpendcnce.  259 

of  Britain.  One  Welsh  name  of  a  loyalist  is  that  of 
Hopldn  Williams  of  Ninety-six  district  in  South  Carolina, 
who  was  a  refugee  at  Charleston  in  1782. '  Flewelling, 
which  like  tlie  "  Fluellen  "  of  Shakespeare,  is  a  corruption 
of  Llewelyn,  is  a  name  represented  by  a  loyalist  family  in 
the  province  of  New  York.  One  member  of  this  family 
was  Thomas  Flewelling,  a  yeoman,  of  Northcastle,  who 
had  110  fewer  than  four  sons  in  the  well-knovvn  loyalist 
corps,  the  King's  American  Regiment,  two  of  whoni  died 
on  active  service  and  one  was  killed  in  action.  Thomas 
Flewelling  hiinself  settled,  after  the  war,  in  Queen's 
County,  New  Brunswiek. 

Records  of  the  services  of  two  Welsh  officers  in  the 
British  army  during  the  American  Revolutionary  War 
are  extracted  from  official  documents. 

The  first  of  these  is  Lieut.-General  Sir  John  Vaughan,2 
son  of  the  third  Viscount  Lisburne,  who,  after  serving  in 
the  lOth  Dragoons  from  1746  to  1755  (when  he  was 
transferred  to  the  16th  Dragoons),raised  the  Eoyal  Welsh 
Volunteers,3  known  also  as  "Vaughan's  Foot"  and  after- 
wards  as  the  9-lth  Regiment,  of  which  he  was  commissioned 
Lieut.  Colonel  Commandant,  12  January,  1760.  In  1762 
this  regiment  was  disbanded  and  Vaughan  was  appointed 
Lieut.  Colonel  of  the  46th  Foot. 

At  the  outbreak  of  the  Revolutionary  War  in  America, 
Colonel  John  Vaughan  took  out  reinforcements  and  was 
granted  the  local  rank  of  Major-General  on  1  January, 
1776.  For  his  great  victory  and  capture  of  Fort  Mont- 
gomery  on  6  October,  1777,  he  was  mentioned  in  orders 
by  General  Sir  Henry  Clinton  in  the  following  words  : — 
"  Fort  Montgomery  is  henceforth  to  be  distinguished  by 
the  name  of  Fort  Vaughan,  in  memory  of  the  intrepidity 
and  noble   perseverance    which    Major-General    Vaughan 

1  Public  Record  Office  :  Treas.  50/5. 

2  Dict.  of  Nat.  Biog. 

3  An  account  of  the  Welsh  Volunteers  is  in  preparation  by  the 
present  writer. 


2Óo  Welshmen  in  the  American 

showed  in  the  assault  on  it ".  The  fort  has,  however, 
continued  to  be  known  in  history  as  Fort  Montgomery. 

From  1780  to  1782,  Lieut.-General  Vaughan  seiwed  in 
the  West  Indies  and  was  in  command  of  the  military 
forces,  while  Admiral  Rodney  commanded  the  fleet,  in  the 
expedition  to  the  Island  of  St.  Eustatius,  which  surrendered 
on  3  February,  1781 .'  Both  he  and  Rodney  were  after- 
wards  accused  of  peculation  at  the  capture  of  that  Dutch 
island — the  centre  of  American  smuggling  trade  against 
the  British  Navigation  Laws,  and  in  the  course  of  the  war 
a  source  of  supplies  for  the  Americans.  Vaughan,  as 
member  for  Berwick,  defended  himself  from  his  place  in 
the  House  of  Commons,  and  the  ìnotion  for  an  enquiry 
into  the  alleged  peculation  was  defeated. 

Whether  Vaughan's  purchase  of  a  large  tract  of  land 
of  8,000  acres,  in  Albany  County,  New  York,  from  the 
Indians,  by  deed  dated  21  March,  1770,  was  a  mere  specu- 
lation,  an  investment,  or  an  indication  of  his  intention  to 
settle  down  in  the  American  Colonies,  is  not  disclosed  in 
his  memorial  to  the  Commissioners  of  American  Claims. 
Many  British  officers  and  men,  after  the  war  against  the 
French  which  ended  in  the  conquest  of  Canada  in  1763, 
received  bounty  lands  in  the  Province  of  New  York,  while 
others  married  during  or  after  the  war,  and  subsequently 
settled  there.  The  Revolutionary  War  saw  some  of  these 
former  British  soldiers  fighting  •  on  the  side  of  the 
Americans,  and  others  in  defence  of  the  Crown. 

The  second  Welsh  officer  in  the  regular  British  Army 
who  participated  in  the  Revolutionary  War  was  the  Pem- 
brokeshire-born  Major  John  Lewis,  who  served  throughout 
the  war.  His  recorded  military  career  appears  to  begin 
with  his  commission  of  16  May,  1766,  as  Lieutenant  in 
the    64th    (or    2nd    Staffordshire)    Regiment    of    Foot,  in 

1  Original  Correspondence  of  George  III.     Public  Record  Office  : 
H.O.  42/3. 

2  Public  Record  Office  :  A.O.  13/137. 


War  of  Independcnce.  261 

which  he  was  promoted  Captain,  3  May,  1776,  and  later 
Major.  He  had  doubtless  been  a  cadet  or  ensign  in  the 
64th  or  another  regiinent  of  the  line  previous  to  the  date 
of  his  commission  as  lieutenant,  for  in  a  petition1  of 
26  April,  1787,  he  refers  to  his  25  years  service  in  the 
British  Army.  Towards  the  end  of  the  war,  Major  Lewis 
was  appointed  deputy  Quartermaster-General.  The  peti- 
tion  just  mentioned  was  dated  from  Grosvenor  House  to 
William  Pitt,  then  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer,  and 
prays  for  the  appointment  to  the  vacancy  in  the  steward- 
ship  of  the  Castles  of  Pembroke  and  Haverfordwest  and 
of  the  King's  Manors  in  the  county  of  Pembroke. 

This  is  perhaps  hardly  the  occasion  for  the  inclusion  of 
an  account  of  the  services  of  the  Ro}'al  Welsh  Fusiliers  in 
the  American  War  of  Independence.  It  may,  however, 
not  be  out  of  place  to  mention  that  a  member  of  the  regi- 
ment,  one  Sergeant  F.  Lamb,  published  in  1809  an 
"  Original  and  Authentic  Journal "  of  the  war,  and  that 
the  names  of  four  American  loyalists  appear  among  the 
officers  of  the  Royal  Welsh  Fusiliers  after  that  war. 
Biographies  of  these  officers  will  be  included  in  a  book 
by  the  present  writer  on  Americans  in  the  British 
Army. 

The  weary  continuation  of  the  war  in  America,  the 
surrender  of  Burgoyne  at  Saratoga,  and  perhaps  the 
knowledge  that  a  treaty  of  alliance  had  been  made  by 
the  Americans  with  the  French  in  January,  1778,  plunged 
London  into  a  state  of  gloom  and  anxiety.  Prophecies  of 
invasion  by  the  French  were  as  frequent  from  1778  until 
the  Peace  in  1783  as  they  were  later,  in  the  Napoleonic 
wars.     The    result   was    that    volunteer    coinpanies2    were 

raised  throughout  the  land.     In  Wales  nine  independent 

1  Chatham  papers  in  Public  Record  Office,  Bundle  220. 

2  Several  independent  companies,  amounting  to  something  about 
a  regiment  in  point  of  number,  were  raised  in  Wales  {Annual  Register, 
1778,  p.  86). 


2Ó2  Welshmen  in  the  American 

companies  were  organized  in  February,  1778,  commanded 
by  the  following  officers,  with  the  rank  of  captain  : — 
Hugh  Lord,  Viscount  Fielding, 

Rowland  Edwards,  George  Vaughan, 

Alexander  Campbell,  John  Edwards, 

George  Adams,  Lord  Herbert, 

Thomas  Lloyd. 
The  Welsh  ports  were  free  from  blockades  during  the 
war.  Milford  was  used  for  shipping  stores  for  the  British 
Artny  in  Atnerica,  as  was  Barry  port.  Swansea,  as  has 
been  obseiwed  earlier,  was  not  without  importance  as  a 
port  of  export  and  entry. 

Holywell  can  show  the  names  of  two  inhabitants  who 
had  business  or  social  relations  with  American  loyalists. 
One  was  J.  E.  Mostyn,  who  in  March,  1775,  had  some 
transactions  with  Gilbert  Deblois,  senior,  a  prosperous 
Boston  merchant,  and  afterwards  a  refuoee  in  Eneland. 
The  second  was  Captain  Thomas  Totty,  who  was  a  witness 
to  the  loyalty  and  material  losses  of  Lieut.  William 
Haswell,  who  had  retired  from  the  British  Navy  after  the 
war  against  the  French  in  America  and  married  and 
settled  in  Massachusetts,  only  to  be  disturbed  a  few  years 
later  by  the  Revolutionary  War,  when  he  threw  all  his 
strength  on  the  side  of  England. 

There  were  not  wanting,  as  is  well  lcnown,  strong 
advocates  in  England  of  the  American  cause.  Among 
these  were  two  dmnes,1  one  a  Welsh  bishop,  the  other  a 
Welsh  Nonconformist  minister  in  London,  both  of  whom 
were  correspondents  of  Benjamin  Franklin. 

The  former  was  Jonathan  Shipley,  bishop  of  St.  Asaph 
from  1769  to  1788,  and  the  other  was  Richard  Price,  who 
combined  the  gifts  of  a  writer  on  morals,  politics  and 
economics  with  theology.  The  bishop  ẃas  not  at  first 
whole-heartedly  a  supporter  of  the  Americans.  In  an 
eloquent  appeal  for  a  reconciliation   with   the  American 

1  Both  are  in  the  Dict.  of  Nat.  Bìotj. 


War  of  Indeỳendence.  26 


.-> 


colonies,  tinged  with  a  melancholy  suggestion  of  the 
inevitable  decay  and  downfall  of  England,  the  bishop 
regarded  those  colonies  "  as  the  only  great  nursery  of 
freemen  left  upon  the  face  of  the  earth  ",  adding  that  "we 
ought  to  cherish  them  as  the  immortal  monuments  of  our 
public  justice  and  wisdom,  as  the  heirs  of  our  better  days, 
of  our  old  arts  and  manners  and  our  expiring  national 
virtues  'V 

Price  is  remembered  as  the  author  of  the  pamphlet, 
"  Observations  on  Civil  Liberty  and  the  Justice  and  Policy 
of  the  War  with  America  ",  and  as  the  recipient  of  an 
invitation  from  Congress  in  1778  to  assist  in  the  financial 
adtninistration  of  the  insurgent  States.  Richard  Price 
concluded  his  letter,  declining  this  flattering  invitation, 
with  the  prophetic  words  that  he  looked  "  to  the  United 
States  as  now  the  hope,  and  likely  soon  to  become  the 
refuge,  of  mankind  ". 

1  Force's  American  Archẁes,  Series  IV,  Vol.  ii,  pp.  97-104. 


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