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Full text of "Y Cymmrodor"

-fcsûdf 



y Cpmmrodor, 






T H E M A G A Z I N E 



ÜF THE HONOURABLE 



SOCIETY OF CYMMRODORION 



I 



VOL. XXVII. 




V 



LONDON : 

ISSUED BY THE SOCIETY, 

NEW STONE BUILDINGS, 64, CHANCERY LANE. 

1917. 



\in.~7 



Devizes: 
Printed ry George Simpson & Co., Devizes, Ltd. 



CONTENTS 



TIib Beneòictiiie Abbey of St. Mary at St. Dogmaels. By 
Herbert M. Vaughan, F.S.A., Member of the Honour- 

able Society of Cymmrodorion . . . . . . 1 

Im.cstrations : The S.W. View of St. Dogmael's Priory in 

1740 .. .. facingp. 1 

St. Dogmaels, Exterior view of N.W. Portal 

of Nave .. facingp. 8 

„ „ Interior of Refectory, look- 

ing E. . . facing p. 10 

Interiorof Refectory. showing 

Alcove and Western Door- 

way .. Eacingp. 11 

„ Nave of Church, showing 

West Windoẃ, Alcovcs, and 

N.W. Portal facing p. 12 

„ N. Transept of Church from 

the S. . . facing p. 13 

Rcfectoryand adjacentRuins 
from the N.W. facing p. 14 

The Refectory from the S.W. 

facing p. 15 

„ ,. The Sagranus Stone, fixed at 

W. End of the Parish 
rhurch . . facing p. 16 

Ancient Incised Stones, placed 
in Parish C'hurch 

facing p. 17 

Appendin : Abstract of the possessions of the Monastery at 
the date of the dissolution. 

Tbe Year of the Reception of the Saxones. By the Rev. 

A. W. Wade-Evans, Vicar of France Lynch, Glos. . . 26 

Some Insular Sources of the E.rcìdiinn Britanniae. By the 

Rev. A. W. Wade-Evans, Vicar of France Lynch, Glos. 37 

The Fate of the Strnctures of Conway Abbey, and Bangor 
and Beanmaris Friaries. By Edward Owen, F.S.A., 
Secretary to the Royal Commission on Ancient Monu- 
ments in Wales and Monmouthshire . . . . . . 70 

Peniarth MS. 118. fos. 829-837. Introduction, Transcript and 

Translation. By Hugh Owen, M.A., Exhibitioner at 

Liverpool University ; Fellow of the Royal Historical 

Society . . . . . . . . . . 11/3 

Facsimile of MS. fo. 835 . . . . . . facing p. 142 

Index of Namcs , , . . . . p. 150 



Owen Glyndwr and the Welsh Church. Extract from the 
"Rolì of the Welsh" (Calendar of Papal Register 1406- 
1407). By J. Arthur Price, M.A. .. .. ..158 

The Weísh National Emblem: Leek or Daffodil ? A Note by 

Arthur IIughes, B.A. . . . . . . . . 155 

Beau Nash : The Welsh Dandy. By W. Llewelyn Williams, 

K.C, M.P. . . . . . . . . . . . . 158 

Balad: Y Bretiin a'r Cymry. Gan W. Llewelyn Williams 

(Lhoydfryn), A.S. . . . . . . . . 169 

Ballad : The King and the Welsh (a Translation of the fore- 

going). By Sir Francis Eüwards, Bart, M.P. . . 172 

The Application of Electricity to Practical Uses : A Welsh- 
man's Contribution. [The iate Sir William H. Preece, 
K.C.B., F.R.S.] By Llewelyn Preece, Mem. Inst. C.E. 175 
WithPortrait .. .. .. facingp. 175 

Some Recent Welsh Literature and the Limitations of 
Realism. By T. IIuws Davies, Secretary to the Welsh 
Church Commission . . . . . . . . 186 

A National War Museum and a Public Record Office for 
Wales. By Hubert Hall, F.S.A., Assistant Keeper of 
the Public Records ; Secretary to the Royal Commission 
on Public Records . . . . . . . . . . 206 

Welshmen in the American War of Independence. By E. 
Alfreu Jones. Author of "The Church Plate of the 
Diocese of Bangor", etc. .. .. .. .. 230 



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Cçmmrotiür. 



Vol. XXVII. " Cared doeth yr encilion." 1917. 

Z$t (^enẅícííne ($66ep of $t (îltarp 
at *èt ©ogmaefe* 

Bt HERBERT M. VAUGHAN, F.S.A., 

Member of the Honourable Society of Cymmrodorion. 



History. — No doubt there existed at or near the present 
St. Dogmaels, or Llandüdoch, in pre-Norman times, a 
small Celtic monastic foundation which derived its narae 
from Dogfael, the great-grandson of Cunedda Wledig, 
who flourished in the fifth century. 1 This former Celtic 
house, however, did not occupy the site of the later Bene- 
dictine Abbey of Robert Fitz Martin, son and heir of 
Martin, commonly named Martin de Tours, the original 
conqueror and grantee of the lordship of Cemaes, or 
Kemeys. Of this Martin the Elder we have it on the 
authority of Mr. Horace Round, our leading media3val 
historian, that " nothing is really known about him" 
beyond the circumstance of this conquest and grant of 
land in Dyfed. Nevertheless, Mr. Eound suggests that 
he may be identical with the " Martinus de Wales " 
whose name appears fìrst in the foundation charter of 
Totnes priory in Devon, which shire was the home of this 
powerful family. In any case, it was the son and heir of 
this knight, Robert Eitz Martin, second lord of Cemaes, 

1 See Arch. Camb. Journal, October 1864, p. 302. Article by the 
Rev. Henry Vincent. Also West Wales Hist. Records, vol. iii, p. 280. 

B 



2 The Benedictine Abbey of St. Mary 

acting probably under the expressed wish of his late 
father and certainly with the warm approval of his 
rnother, who in 1 113 founded a priory of French monks at 
St. Dogmaels, which five years later he enlarged and 
raised to the rank of an abbey dedicated to the Blessed 
Virgin . 

" A certain Eobert of most noble birth 

approached a holy man beyond the seas and taking with 
him thirteen of his disciples passed through Norman and 
English territories and reaching the farthest limits of the 
land of Wales on the coast of the Irish sea close to the 
river Teifi he established first indeed a cell but afterwards 
with an equal number of monks together with an Abbot 
at their request as we have mentioned he established a 
Monastery fìtted with all appurtenances." ' 

Now "the holy man beyond the seas " was undoubtedly 
the Blessed Bernard of Abbeville, wbo, according to the 
Petits Bollandistes, was born in 1046 and died on April 
14th, 1116. This St. Bernard founded in or about 1113 a 
community or reformed Order under the Benedictine rule 
at Tiron au Perche near Chartres. Special points of dis- 
cipline marked this new Order, a salient feature being' the 
insistence on skilled labour by the monks themselves for 
the support of the new foundation. They were to be 
painters, carvers, joiners, smiths, etc. Their habit was at 
first a light grey, but was later changed to black. The 
Order was started under favourable auspices in France, 
and quickìy attracted the attention of King Henry I of 
England, who probably himself recommended the new 
Order to Robert Fitz Martin. Only this one house at St. 
Dogmaels, however, seems to have been founded in Eng- 
land and Wales, though four were founded in Scotland 
under royal patronage. The Order of Tironian Bene- 

1 J. H. Hounrt, Calendar of Documents of France, Pref ace, p. xxxv. 



At St. Dogmaels 



ô 



dictines continued to exist in France until the close of the 
seventeenth century. 1 

The date of Eobert Fitz Martin's first visit to the 
newly founded house of the Blessed Bernard of Abbeville 
at Tiron was apparently the year 1113, and the date of his 
second visit 1118, two years after the death of the Saint. 
On the first occasion Robert brought over thirteen of these 
Tironian monks to St. Dogmaels, and with that number 
founded a priory as a cell, or subsidiary house to the 
mother abbey of Tiron ; whilst five years later he again 
crossed to France and returned with an additional tliirteen 
monks from Tiron, whom he also installed at St. Dogmaels 
with an abbot at their head, one Fulchard by name. 
Henceforth St. Dogmaels ranked as an independent 
house, no doubt in close' inter-communication with the 
parent abbey of Tiron during the whole period of its 
existence, but in no wise subordinate to it. That this 
abbey was founded as such in or about the year 1118 is 
proved by the two facts that at the consecration of Abbot 
Fulchard there was present Bernard, bishop of St. Davids, 
who was only elected in 1115 ; and that the original con- 
firmation of the grant by Henry I includes the name of 
Prince William, the English king's heir, who was drowned 
in the sinking of the White Ship on November 28th, 
1120. 2 The hitherto usually accepted date of September 
1126 for the abbey's original charter, which is given by 
Dugdale, is therefore eight years too late. 

In this pious and munifìcent foundation at St. Dog- 
maels, Robert Fitz Martin was also generously aided by 
his wife, Maud Peverel, as well as by his mother, Geva, 3 

1 Information obtained from the Rev. Abbot F. T. Beigh, O.S.B. 

2 Cartulary of the Abbey of the Holy Trinity of Tiron, vol. i, p. 41. 

3 She is so styled in one of the charters. I suggest the name is 
an abbreviated form of Genevieva, the patron saint of Paris. 

b2 



4 The Benedictine Abbey of St. Mary 

the widow of the fìrst lord of Cemaes, and such being the 
case there seems no reason to discredit the popular tradi- 
tion that both parents of Robert Fitz Martin, as well as 
himself and his wife Maud, were buried " in medio ehoro " 
of the newlv erected church. 

Of the many possessions of the Abbey we need only 
state here that they included the manor of St. Dogmaels, 
which extended from the little stream called Breuan or 
Piliau 1 to the mouth of the Teifi; the chapelries of St. 
Dogmaels, Llantood, Monington, Moylgrove, Eglwyswrw, 
Bayvil, Maenclochog, Monachlog-du, Fishguard and Llan- 
deilo ; the isle and subsidiary priory of Caldey (Geva's 
gift) ; the rich cell of Pill Priory on Milford Haven ; and 
the valuable manor of Rattrey in South Devon, which 
English estate was retained by the Abbey till its dissolu- 
tion. Of the two cells, Caldey paid the annual sum of 
£5 lOs. lld. to the Abbey, and Pill £9 6s. 8d. This last 
mentioned cell was founded towards the close of the 
twelfth century by the de la Roche family, and had a 
considerable private revenue of its own. In addition to 
Caldey and Pill, the Abbey also owned the small Tironian 
cell of Grlascareg in co. Wexford, which paid annually to 
the mother house £3 6s. 8d., though the last abbot of St. 
Dogmaels declared to the Royal commissioners in 1534 
that his Abbey had received no payment from this Irish 
source for forty years past. 

The record of the Abbey's existence of over four cen- 
turies seems on the whole to have been prosperous and 
uneventful, if we except the successful raid carried out by 
Scandinavian pirates at the estuary of the Teifi in 1138, 
when the newly founded Benedictine Abbey suffered con- 
siderably. Of its many abbots the names of eleven only 

1 This stream flows into the Teifi at Castell Sidan, a little to the 
east of Cardigan station. 



At St. Donnaels. 



& 



have been preserved for us, and none of these rose to any 
public eminence. In 1188 the celebrated Gerald de Barri 
with Archbishop Baldwin spent a night here as the guests 
of Prince Rhys during the English Primate's famous 
Itinerary of the Welsh sees. At the close of the twelfth 
century one Walter, a cousin of Gerald's and a rival can- 
didate for the vacant bishopric of St. Davids, was abbot of 
St. Dogmaels. Gerald speaks of this man as " an illiter- 
ate monk who could not read his Psalter " ; but then the 
versatile historian was rarely justified in his sweeping 
charges of vice or incompetence against those who opposed 
his will. That the Abbey was well endowed and kept in 
good repair is evident from the surviving architectural 
fragments, which go to prove there were constant em- 
bellishment and rebuilding in progress here during four 
hundred years. In July 1504, during a visitation of the 
deanery of Cemaes, Dom. Lewis, lord abbot of St. Dog- 
maels, as well as the priors of Pill and Caldey, were in- 
terrogated as to the condition of their houses, and stated 
in their replies (as one would naturally expect !) that "all 
the brethren were of good and honest conversation and 
obedient at their free will 'V 

Thirty years later and we have the dismal story of the 
suppression of the Abbey in 1 534. This matter is clearly 
set forth in a well-preserved document acknowledging the 
Royal Supremacy, which is now in the Record Offi.ce of Lon- 
don. 2 This deed of surrender is signed by the last Abbot, 
William Hire (to whom an annual pension of twenty 
marks was subsequently granted) and by eight of his 
monks. It is sealed with the abbatial seal, elliptical in 
form and representing the Virgin and Child seated be- 

1 Registers of the Archbishopric of Cunterbury, Warhara, f. 228. 

2 A Facsimile of this document is included in Mrs. Pritchard's 
volume, The History of St. DoymueVs Abbey (1907). 



6 The Benedictine Abbey of St. Mary 

neath a gothic canopy and bearing on its bordure the 
legend, " S. COMUNE. SANTI. DOG[MAE]LIS. DE. 
KEMMEYS." 

It did not take long to disperse the estates of the 
Abbey whose revenue is variously stated at fìgures which 
in one instance are put so low as £68 and in another place 
aredescribed as amounting so high as £120 and over, so 
that probably the commonly quoted rental of £96 derived 
from the Valor Ecclesiasticus may be accepted as fairly 
correct. Of the Pembrokeshire estates it is sufficient here 
to mention that the manor of St. Dogmaels and the 
monastic buildings and grounds, otherwise called the 
Llandre, were, together with Caldey Island, acquired by 
purchase from the King in 1543 by John Bradshaw of 
Presteign for the sum of £512 odd.' This grant did not, 
however, include the patronage of the parish church of 
St. Thomas at St. Dogmaels, and its chapelries of Llan- 
tood and Monington which remained with the Crown. 

In all probability large portions of the abbey were now 
pulled down and utilized for the building of the Bradshaw 
manor house, which remained the residence of this family 
for over a hundred years. The Bradshaws whose early 
pedigree is given in Lewys Dwnn's Visitations (vol. i, p. 257) 
are mentioned in local annals for some four or fìve gener- 
ations, one of them, John Braclshaw, being High Sheriff 
of Pembrokeshire in 1571. This man, who was either the 
son or the grandson of the original purchaser from the 
Crown, is almost certainly the John Bradshaw whose 
monumental slab still exists. 2 He died in 1588, 3 and was 

1 West Wales Hist. Trans., vol. iii, p. 281. 

2 The full inscription on the stone is given by most writers. All 
however that is now left are the words : 

10HANNE | ARMIGER | O DIE M | NI 1588. 

3 Dean Allen, Hif/h Sheriff* of PembroJceshire, p. 13. 



At St. Dogmaels. 7 

apparently father of William Bradshaw, M.P. for Carcli- 
gan Borough in 1603. Other members of this family 
appear in local history, including Captains Edmund and 
John Bradshaw who were amongst the captured Royalist 
Officers in the garrison of Pill Fort in 1643 1 This event 
was shortly before the sale of the manor of St. Dogmaels 
by the Bradshaws to David Parry of Neuadd-Trefawr, 
near Cardigan. These Parrys held the manor for over 
two centuries but do not seem to have resided within the 
abbey precincts, where the old Bradshaw manor house 
was probably allowed to fall to decay, so that its actual 
site is now a matter for conjecture. In 1862 the ultimate 
heir of these Parrys, David K. W. Webley-Parry, sold 
this family estate, the farm of Pentood near the moutli 
of the Piliau and the foreshore rights of the manor being 
purchased by David Davies of Castle Green, Cardigan ; 
whilst the farms of Manian-fawr, Manian-fach, Poppit 
House and Ysgyborwen, whose names occur often in lists 
of the monastic property, were sold to Thomas Harman 
Brenchley, of Glaneirw. 

Buins. — It is of course certain that large portions of the 
abbey were demolished to erect the Bradshaw residence, 
and it is also probable that much material was filched for 
building purposes in the village. On the whole, therefore, 
it is remarkable that so mucli of the Abbey should sur- 
vive to-day, for the ruins at St. Dogmaels are more exten- 
sive and present greater features of architectural interest 
than do the existing monastic remains at Strata Florida, 
Talley, Cwmhir, Haverfordwest or Whitland. The 
earliest view of the abbey we possess is that drawn by 
Buck in 1740 (facing p. 1). This drawing, which is 
well executed, is taken from the south-west, and shows 
most of the salient features of the present time, with the 

1 J. R. Phillips, Civil War in Wales and the Marches, vol. ii, p. 152. 



8 The Benedictine Abbey of St. Mary 

exception of some tall ruins on the north side of the Choir 
that have since totally disappeared. This plan, made two 
centuries after the Dissolution, is particularly valuable to 
us, being evidently the product of a skilled draftsman, 
whereas the various drawings in the illustrated books 
that appeared in the early part of the nineteenth century 
are often mere picturesque sketches, and consequently 
somewhat misleading. This is especially true of Hassall's 
" Chapel of St. Dogmael's Abbey ", which gives a most 
incorrect impression of the interior of the north transept. 
Gastineau's drawing in " Wales Illustrated " ' of the ex- 
terior of this transept is better, and better still is Hughes's 
charming little cut of the same subject in his " Beauties 
of Cambria ". Both of these views are so planned as to 
introduce in the foreground the ancient gnarled yew tree 
which still flourishes opposite the porch of the present 
parish church of St. Thomas. Of descriptions of the 
Abbey ruins we possess practically nothing till the visit 
of the Cambrian Archseological Association to Cardigan 
in August 1859 at a time when a really able and enthusi- 
astic antiquary, the Eev. Henry James Vincent, was vicar 
of St. Dogmaels. Here again however we are doomed to 
disappointment, for although the learned Vicar read aloud 
a paper on the Abbey at one of the public meetings, his 
manuscript was for some reason or other never printed in 
the Arch. Gamb. Journal, although its publication was 
promised by the Editor. In the summer of 1865 Mr. 
Vincent died, and in the subsequent notice recording his 
death, allusion is again made to his MS. history of the 
Abbey " which he had just completed and which was now 
being arranged for publication in the Journal of the 
Association ". But the promised monograph never 

1 Botli Hassall's and Gastineau's sketches aie reprodueed in Mrs. 
Pritchard's work. 




To face p. 8. 

ST. DOGMAEL'S. EXTERIOR VIEW OF NORTH-WEST PORTAL 

OF NAVE. 

(S/cetc/ieä by Miss Vida Morris, Scptembcr içiô.) 



At St. Dopmaels 



0> 



appeared, and the manuseript itself seems to have been 
lost, though how and when does not transpire : 
"Suddenly, as rare things will, it vanished." 

Fortunately, however, a short address on the Abbey 
ruins in 1859 by Mr. Talbot Bury, an antiquary of some 
standing, has been preserved in the Arch. Camb. Journal 
for that year, and this account is invaluable to us at the 
present day. Mr. Bury describes the ruins carefully, and 
though some of his deductions appear to me erroneous, 
yet it is evident he understood his subject. Perhaps the 
most important statement in this brief lecture is Mr. 
Bury's detailed account of a building within the Abbey 
precincts which unhappily no longer exists. This is de- 
scribed as standing about 150 feet east of the so-called 
Refectory (of which I shall speak presently) and is men- 
tioned by Mr. Bury as "being in a more perfect condition 
than any other part of the ruins. It is about 38 feet long 
by 20£ feet wide, but it is not easy to determine its char- 
acter. The roof is of stone vaulted in the form of a 
pointed arch but without ribs, and has been ingeniously 
constructed to avoid all outward thrust of the walls .... 
It had recesses in the south wall apparently occupied by 
sedilia with the remains of a piscina. The building seems 
to be of an earlier date than the church, and its con- 
struction is of better masonry, exhibiting alternate rows 
of dark and light stones. Over the panel of the east win- 
dow is a corbel supported by an angel ". 

I am of opinion myself that this building was the 
Chapter House, but in any case all speculation is useless, 
as about seven years later, shortly after Mr. Vincent's 
death, this interesting and welî-preserved little structure 
was demolished by the new vicar, the ítev. Daniel Jones, 
and its materials used in the rebuilding of the Vicarage 
and the construction of the present stable which stands 



io The Benedictine Abbey of St. Mary 

near the pond at the extreme eastern end of the Abbey 
enclosure. Mr. Bury's account of this now-destroyed 
appanage of the Abbey is particularly fortunate, as Buck's 
view of the ruins in 1740 does not apparently extend to 
the point where this building stood till so recently as 
1866. 1 

At this date (1859) great praise is bestowed by leading 
rnembers of the Arch. Camb. Association on the care 
taken of the ruins by their natural guardian, Mr. Vincent, 
but with that excellent man's decease in 1865 no further 
effort was made to maintain, still less to repair these 
precious monastic relics. Apart from the flagrant piece 
of vandalism just related, decay and neglect became 
visible everywhere, and it was only so lately as this 
present year (1916) that, thanks to a generous gift from 
Mr. John T. Lewis, of Gwynfryn, Llanarth, Cardiganshire, 
any steps have been taken towards their preservation. In 
the summer of 1916 the whole of the ivy, the unchecked 
g-rowth of half a century, was completely stripped from 
the masonry, thereby exposing many features of interest 
that had been hidden for nearly two generations. Before 
however entering into closer details of this recent work, I 
think I had fìrst of all better describe the ruins them- 
selves as they survive to-day. 

These consist of a considerable portion of the monas- 
tic church, namely, the western gable-end of the nave 
with its window ; the northern wall of the nave ; and the 
shell of the north transept with its three windows. On 

1 The Rev. J. Marsden, vicar of Llanllwch and a former curate at 
St. Dogmaels under the Rev. Henry Vincent, writes to me on 
Novemher Ist, 191(5: — "I distinctly remember that there was a 
building standing to the east of the Abbey ruins, and on or very near 
the boundary of the grounds in which the ruins stand. And I am 
certain it was there when I left St. Dogmaels in 1860. Of the cir- 
cumstances of its demolition I have no information to give.'' 



10 




To /'U't' />. 10. 
ST. DOGMAELS. INTERIOR OF REFECTORY, LOOKING E. 



At St. Doçmaels. i 1 

the south side is a moderate-sized roofless building which 
has always been named the Refectory, so I shall speak of 
it as such. This ruin is about 40 feet long by 25 feet 
broad, and contains the remains of vaulting, two windows, 
and a large arched recess with a small south window. It 
has a low but elegant portal at its western end, of which 
the upper portion is composed of local red sand-stone, 
the " redd stone " which George Owen, the Elizabethan 
historian of Pembrokeshire, notes as occuring in these 
ruins. A few paces to the west of this doorway stands a 
considerable f ragment of masonry whose identity I cannot 
determine. Mr. Bury speaks of it as part of the cloister, 
but personally I think it to be the remnant of some domes- 
tic building, though it contains a gothic arch sunk deep 
into the soil. 

To return to the North Side. — The great west window is 
still a prominent feature, and yet retains some of its 
moulded splays in a broken condition. Within the north 
wall are two well-preserved alcoves of the usual type, 
which no doubt once contained eôîgies and ornamentation 
that have long disappeared. The north transept itself is 
the most imporfcant and strildng survival of the Abbey. 
Its shell so far as the roof is almost perfect ; its three tall 
windows retain much of their moulded jambs of red sand- 
stone ; portions of three of the four springers of its former 
fan-vaulting remain. Of these the supporting corbel of 
one shows the figure of an angel (S. Matthew) ; of another 
that of a winged lion (S. Mark) ; of the third an eagle 
with wings displayed (S. John) ; doubtless, the fourth 
springer, which has wholly vanished, rested on the winged 
calf of S. Luke. AU, of course, are much mutilated. 
As this fan-vaulting dates from the early years of the 
sixteenth century, the decoration of this transept at St. 
Dogmaels must be contemporary with the beautiful 



12 The Benedictine Abbey of St. Mary 

Chapel of the Trinity erected by Bishop Vaughan in St. 
David's Cathedral (1509-1523), and perhaps it is not too 
rauch to suggest that both these late Perpendicular erec- 
tions at no great distance apart were designed by the 
same architect. 

In the north-east angle of this transept are two bare 
alcoves that once were tombs of importance. A good 
deal of the original plastering still adheres to these walls, 
which are heavily buttressed externally, these buttresses 
displaying an effective scheme of decoration of red sand- 
stone alternating with grey or light-coloured material. 
The walls of nave and transept, and indeed all parts of the 
abbey, are pierced at f requent intervals with holes about 
a foot square. Their purpose has greatly puzzled me, but 
as even the buttresses themselves are thus perforated, I 
imagine that the object of these apertures was to drain off 
the moisture of the porous stone of the fabric and not to 
ventilate the interior of the church, as I surmised at 
first. 

In the north wall and near the west end of the nave 
stands the lateral entrance to the church, which was pre- 
sumably intended for the use of the public. Until the 
summer of 1916 this doorway was partially blocked up 
with rubbish and earth, so that barely five feet showed 
above ground ; but now a f urther fìve feet and niore of 
clearing has brought fresh features to light. On the 
inner or the church side this portal is constructed of plain 
grey dressed stone, but on the churchyard or northern side 
it presents a good specimen of the decorated ball-flower 
ornamental moulding, showing its date to be about 1300, 
or possibly a little later. Excavation on this side has 
recently exposed the whole of this archway with its richly 
decorated scheme intact, shewing in the inner groove of 
the arch forty speciraens of this ball-flower ornaraent (see 



w 





To face />. /j. 
ST. DOGMAEL'S. NORTH TRANSEPT OF CHURCH 
FROM THE SOUTH. 



At St. Dogmaels. 13 

illustration). Above, a much-mutilated weather-hood 
ending in two corbels of faces (one of which has dis- 
appeared) also shows some surviving ball-flowers, though 
most of them have perished. It is hoped later to excavate 
yet further afield into the churchyard, so as to exhibit 
more clearly this beautiful doorway, of which the lower 
portion has been hidden beneath the soil for some 
hundreds of years. I may add that in clearing away the 
earth for this object, a face-corbel was disinterred 
amongst the rubble. 

Last, I must make some reference to the many carved 
fragments which are preserved mostly in front of the 
present Vicarage to the south of the Abbey. There seems 
to be an idea prevalent that these architectural columns, 
capitals, corbels, bosses, tracery, etc, belonged to the 
original twelfth century church, and were cast aside by a 
later generation of monks when they rebuilt or enlarged 
their church. This is not so, as the fragments in ques- 
tion date from various periods, and I think there can be 
little doubt as to their history, for I have every reason to 
believe they were carefully removed from the adjacent 
parish church when the former structure was pulled down 
in the middle of last century. That the old parish church 
contained a large number of such fragments is clearly 
established from the remarks of Sir R. C. Hoare and 
Bichard Fenton ; indeed, the latter historian even speaks 
of this church as "evidently raised from the ruins of the 
Abbey" (Hist. Tour, p. 513). Also, both these writers 
mention the monumental stone of John Bradshaw as 
being inside the church itself ; and as this identical stone, 
now sadly diminished in size, is included amongst these 
architectural orts and objects in the vicarage garden, it 
was presumably deposited here at the same time by Mr. 
Yincent, who doubtless intended later to remove all these 



14 The Benedictine Abbey of St. Mary 

rescued fragments to some suìtable and safe place of 
keeping. 

As to the parish church of St. Thomas itself, appar- 
ently in mediseval times the village church stood on a 
hillock between the two mills due east of the Abbey at a 
spot now called Shingrig. 1 Here in October, 1905, when 
a couple of old cottages were pulled down to make room 
for a new villa, a number of graves were discovered. The 
eastern wall of one of these cotta^es also exhibited some 
tracery in local red sand-stone, and on examination I con- 
sidered it to have formed part of the chief window of a 
small ancient church or chapel. Apparently it was not 
before the close of the seventeenth century that the 
original site of the parish church was abandoned and a 
new building erected, largely of materials taken from the 
monastic ruins, a little to the north of the Abbey church. 
The western end of this second parish church is shown in 
Buck's view as existing in 1740; whilst Gastineau's 
sketch of a later date includes its chancel of bastard 
gothic. In or about 1847 this church was replaced by 
the larger edificé which now exists. In the present choir 
are two fine carved oak chairs dated 1700, which may 
possibly have been made specially for use in the church 
which was traditionally re-erected here about that par- 
ticular year. 

To-day. — Except along the northern wall of the nave 
no digging has to the best of my knowledge hitherto been 
undertaken at the Abbey, and it is strange to think also 
how little has been written until very recent years con- 
cerning this interesting Tironian community. We have 
no description of any value about its ruins previous to 
Mr. Talbot Bury's short paper in the summer of 1859, 

1 Said to be a corruption of cüyn-yrûg (heap of chaff), the refuse 
of the milling. 









í 



If • .-.; 



I Ä4JW, ÄP& 




y.r '- ■* '***» 










■ \u'A i ŴBS,%s£ aS':^&« \*.v 

» v. .< ••* ,»" 




At St. Donnaels. 15 



frora which I have already quoted ; and the meeting of 
the Arch. Camb. Association at Cardigan in August 1904 
produced no fresh information in the pages of that 
Society's Joumal. But in 1907, the late Mrs. E. M. 
Pritchard, of Cardigan Priory, published a large and well- 
illustrated quarto volume entitled The History of St. 
Dogmaels Abbey — a really valuable contribution to Welsh 
monastic history despite a good deal of irrelevant or digres- 
sive matter. Here for the first time full extracts froin 
the Cartulary of Tiron and from numerous English docu- 
ments preserved in the Eecord Ofíice of London and else- 
where were placed at the disposal of the student, who can 
thereby obtain a clear history of the Abbey from its 
foundation by Eobert Fitz Martin to the Dissolution, and 
can also learn a good deal of the subsequent vicissitudes 
of the manor of St. Dogmaels under the Bradshaws and 
Parrys. Nevertheless, of practical excavation nothing has 
yet been attempted since the days of Henry Vincent, the 
account of whose labours and discoveries is lost to us. 
The removal of four of the more important ancient stones 
to the shelterof the parish church (through the generosity 
of Dr. Henry Owen, of Poyston) in the autumn of 1915, 
was the first step in the right direction, as this generous 
act was followed almost inmiediately by Mr. Lewis' 
welcome donation. Thanks to this, we have uncovered 
several features of great interest, including two long- 
hidden shafts of fan-tracery in the transept, and the small 
south window of the so-called Eefectory. The excavation 
of the fine lateral decorated doorway in the nave also pro- 
duced most satisfactory results. Acting under the advice 
of Mr. Evan Jones of Pentower, we now propose to place 
some wooden props to strengthen the overhanging side of 
the east wall of the north transept. What remains of our 
money will, I think, be taken up with some necessary 



i6 The Benedictine Abbey of St. Mary 

pointing of inasonry here and there, or alittle patching of 
decaying places in the ruins. As to further excavation, 
there is a fìne field open for soine enterprising antiquary 
with money to spai-e. The Vicarage orchard which now 
occupies the site of the Abbey is in reality some six or 
seven feet above the original level of the church floor, 
and at this depth there rnust exist the foundations of the 
whole structure with pavements, bases of columns, and 
many fragments of interest. Those who have seen the 
excavations at Strata Florida and Abbey Cwmhir can 
gain some idea of the results that almost certainly will be 
attained at St. Dogmaels. 

Of the ancient plan of the Abbey and its arrangements 
both for purposes of worship and residence nothing has 
so far been suggested. It is easy to trace the lines of the 
actual church, but beyond this pretty obvious surmise, all 
else is uncertain. The conspicuous building on the south 
side of the church is invariably styled the Refectory, but 
with all humility I venture to question the accuracy of 
this popular nomenclature. The building itself is in my 
opinion far too small to serve for the entertainment of 
the twenty-six or more regular monks of the establish- 
ment, especially when we consider that there must have 
been constant guests and pilgrims at this religious house, 
seeing that St. Dogmaels lay on one of the principal 
routes from North Wales to St. Davids. Nor can I dis- 
cover the smallest trace of its stone staircase or pulpit to 
which Mr. Bury alludes. My own view is that this ruin 
was once a private apartment of the lord abbot, a fine 
chamber without doubt but wholly inadequate for the 
purposes of a refectory of this monastery. It is also 
usual to speak of the adjacent mass of ruin as part of the 
cloister, but here again I join issue, for I suspect it 
formed part of the Bradshaw manor house constructed 




To face ỳ. 16. 
ST. DOGMAEL'S. THE "SAGRANUS" STONE, FIXED 
AT WESTERN END OF PARISH CHURCH. 



At St. Dogmaels. 17 

within the abbey-garth. The so-called Oven,to the south- 
west of the nave, is, I think, a disused and filled-in well. 
It is useless to speculate as to what only patient research 
and scientific excavation can reveal, but I have a notion 
that the foriner cloister was situated in the square sunken 
plot of ground due east of the church, close to the site of 
the interesting little building that was razed by Parson 
Jones in 1866, which I hold to have been the chapter- 
house. 

Ancient Stones. — For sorae years past the precincts of 
St. Dogmaels Abbey have been utilized for the preseiwa- 
tion of various ancient stones and slabs from the neigrh- 
bourhood, of which the following list has recently been 
compiled by me. 

(1) The Sagranus Stonë, now affixed to the west end 
of the interior of the parish church. So many descrip- 
tions of this celebrated stone have been already published 
that no further account is required here. 

(2) A moderate-sized stone with an incised key pattern 
on its face, being probably part of a cross but much 
obliterated by time and weather. In north transept of 
church. 

(3) The great Altar Stone of the Abbey, a ponderous 
bevelled slab weighing nearly a ton. This was embedded 
in the soil of the vicarage orchard till October 1915 when 
it was removed and placed in its present position between 
the altar of the parish church and the south wall of the 
chancel. It is slightly damaged at one corner, but the 
five small incised crosses 011 its surface are clearly visible, 
whilst at the lately disinterred end of the stone are 
apparent some notches, which are said on very doubtful 
authority to be Ogam characters. (See the Cardigan and 
Tẁyside Advertiser, November 13th, 1915.) 

(4) The surviving portion being about two-thirds of a 

c 



18 The Benedictine Abbey of St. Mary 

rather thin dark flat stone, having the pattern of a wheel 
cross. In south transept of church. 

(5) A tall thin grey monolith with an elegant key 
pattern and a wheei cross, broken at the top. At north- 
east angle of the Eefectory. 

(6) The Manian-fawr Stone, set upright in the autumn 
of 1906 against the south wall of the Eefectory. It was 
presented to the Cambrian Archseological Association by 
the landowner, Mrs. Brenchley of Glaneirw, and was 
erected here at the expense of that Society. It is the 
laro'est and heaviest of all the St. Dogmaels stones, 
weighing about a ton and a half, and measuring 7 feet 
high, 16 inches broad, and 14 inches thick. Its face is 
marked by a simple cruciform pattern. (See Cardigan and 
Twyside Advertiser, July 26th, 1906.) 

(7) A heavy slab about five feetlong, apparently plain, 
propped against the south wall of the Eefectory. 

(8) A fine green porphyritic monolith with a brancliing 
pattern and the letters " D. I." at its thin end. 

(9) A thick rectangular slab of plain grey stone. — Both 
8 and 9 are placed on the south side of the ruin just west 
of the Eefectory. 

In conclusion I should like to express rny thanks for 
kind assistance or advice in the preparation of this article 
to the late vicar of St. Dogmaels, the Eev. Myfenydd 
Morgan, who only passed away last autumn ; to Mr. (now 
Sir) E. D. Jones of Pentower; to Mr. John Evans, F.A.I., 
of Cardigan ; to the Eev. G. Eyre Evans of Ty Tringad, 
Aberystwyth, and to Mr. Ladd Davies of Cardigan. 



At St. Dogmacls. 19 

ST. DOGMAELS: APPENDIX. 

As an addendum to Mr. Herbert Vaughan's interest- 
ing account of the Benedictine Abbey of St. Mary at St. 
Dogmael's we are glad to publish a full abstract of the 
possessions of the Monastery at the date of the Dissolution 
in the reign of Henry the Eighth, taken from the 
" Ministers Accounts ' : in the Public Record Office, by 
Mr. Edward Owen, a member of the Council of the 
Honourable Society of Cymmrodorion, and Secretary to 
the Royal Commission on Ancient Monuments in Wales 
and Monmouthshire. — V.E. 

The Monastery of St. Dogmaels. 

Public Record Offi.ce : Ministers Accounts ; 
27-28 Henry VIII, No. 5287. 

Account of John Phillip Thomas, collector of the rents and ferms 
of the late dissolved monastery of St. Dogmaels, from Michaelmas 
27th to Michaelmas 28th Henry VIII. 

Arrears — None, because this is the first account. 

Demesne Lands — Rent of the demesne lands in the 
hands of William Hyer, late Abbot . . . . 64s. 



Rents at will, and by lease in the parish of St. Doymaels, 
alias the Llandr\ 

One tenement called Mylle Broke in parish of Nevern, 
and one close in the franchise of Newport (Novi Buryi), 
with all arable, non-arable, meadow and pasture, wet and 
dry, wood and plain, to the said tenement annexed, with 
all appurt's, demised by lease to Lewis (Leodowico) Yonge 
by the conventual seal of the late Monastery, which lease 
was not exhibited . . . . . . 8s. 

Two tenements called Haber Berkethelley, demised 
by lease to Griffìn ap Phillip ap Powell, by conventual 
deed which was not exhibited . . 6s. Sd. 

One burgage with garden adjoining in the township 
(villam) of St. Dogmaels, in the highway (vico) called Lan- 
don, demised by lease to Richard ap Thomas ap Ieuan by 
conventual deed which was not exbibited . . . . 7s. ád. 

Two tenements lying in the parish of St. Dogmaels in 
the barony [or franchise] aforesaid, of which one is 
called Coit Parke John Lloyd, the other Tyre Wyat, 
lying between the common lands of the said monastery 

c2 



20 The Benedictine Abbey of St. Mary 

called Castell y Drewe on the west, and extending itself 
by a private road over against (rersus) the north to a place 
called Bowlghe Never[n] to the land of William Hew. and 
then eastwardly over against the land of Phillip John 
Webbe, and so to the common land vulgarly called Lyte. 
and then sontherly over against the Well (fontem) called 
Colwill, and so to the place called Foxhyll Vaure, demised 
to Phillipp Roger, by conventual lease of the 2 August, 
27 Henry VIII, for 80 years, as by one part of such lease 
with the Auditor more fully appears . . . . 6s. 8d. 

One burgage with garden. and also one orchard demised 
by indenture to Elizabeth Williams, heiress of William, 
which lease is not exhibited .. .. .. 14d. 

2 ac. lands, and one piece ditto, lying in the east field 
(in orientale campo) of the said township demised by in- 
denture to Elizabeth Williams, which lease is not ex- 
hibited . . . • • • .. 2s. Gd. 

2 ac. land in a certain place called Briscu' [or Bristu'], 
between the lands of Thomas ap Jankyn ap Owen on the 
north and on the east, by the common moor on the west 
where lies the tenement of D'd Hew, and on the west 
where lies the land of Rotheroth Lloyd surrounded by the 
roadway [yia communa~\, and another acre called Pittac, 
which ìies at the top [in capite] of Gurne Segier in the 
demesne, demised to Rotheroth ap John Griffith, by deed 
of 21 July, 24 Henry VIII, for 97 years, as by one part of 
this imlenture with the Auditor more fully appears . . 3s. 

Tenement in the parish of St. Dogmael's in the afore- 
said barony, called Place Pene a Bounte, and extending 
from the tenement of Owen ap Ph' on the north, and to 
the public road on the east, to Pen abonde on the east, 
and next (ju.rta) the river Sale to the said tenement, 
And one other acre besides (e.rtra) meadow which lies 
next the meadow of John D'd and Owen ap Ph' demised 
to Rice ap D'd Richard, by deed dated 21 March, 25 Henry 
VIII, for 99 years, as by one part of this deed with the 
Auditor more fully appears . . . . . . 10s. 4d. 

Half burgage with appurt's in London called Aruard 
Plac' of the lands of Roos (terr , Roos), demised to Ieuan 
ap Jenlcyn Griffith by deed which is not exhibited . . 3s. \0d. 

Tenement with appurt's lying in the said demesne at 
Capell S'ci Julian where now dwells a certain Howell, de- 
mised to Howell ap Jenkyn ap Owen, by conventual deed 
which is not exhibited . . . . . . 3s. 4d. 

Tenement with appurt's demised to Owen ap Phillip 
by conventual deed which is not exhibited . . 31 s. Sd. 

Tenement next the orchard of John Gryn next the 
bridge of Cardigan, and all our (?wstras) lands on the 
north, demised to John Lewes for life, as it is said . . 18s. 9%d. 

Tenement called Penralte with appurt's which a cer- 
tain William Thomas of Tynbie held, and one park called 





20d. 


4». 




3s 


. ád. 


LOí 


. 4d. 





35. 


ád. 
Ì2d. 


» 


7s. 


8d. 




2s. 


6d. 


£8 


2 


5 i 



At St. Dogmaels. 2 \ 

P'ke Arhenward [yr hen ward] on the west of the forest of 
Kylgorren, and one acre land between the park of John 
D'd Lewes, demised to Rice ap John Awbery by deed of 
8th June, 23 Henry VIII, for 80 years, which is with the 
Auditor, more fully appears . . . . 17s. 8d. 

One piece land with appurt's demised at will to Robert 
ap Price ap Powell 

Various lands demised at will to William Hewes 

Certain lands with appurt's demised at will to D'd ap 
Ieuan 

Tenement with appurt's, and land to the same adjoin- 
ing, demised at will to Morice ap D'd 

Tenement with appurt's demised at will to Jenkyn 
Roger . . . . . . . . 7s. 8d. 

One dwelling (domus) demised at will to Jenkyn ap 

Ieuan ap Gwill'm 

One acre demised at will to Ieuan Powle 

Various rents of lands with garden, demised at will to 

John Sporyour . . 

Tenement demised at will to John Mortymere 

Total 



Rents at will, by copy ofcourt roll, and by deed in Manoyhlohe duy. 

Tenement called Mynyth certhe in the tenure of the 
heir of Parat who holds (tenet) freely . . . . 13*. 4d. 

Tenement in the said lordship and district (cowi') of 
Monachlog duy ychathe where now dwells the above (sic) 
Howell, demised to Howell ap Thomas ap Owen by deed 
of the 8th October, 27 Henry VIII for 99 years, with the 
Auditor, as more fully appears . . . . 8s. 8d 

Tenement with appurt's called Place Pant Rege 
[? Rhug], demised to Howell ap Owen ap Powell by deed 
of lOth October, 27 Henry VIII, for 99 years, as by one 
part thereof with the Auditor more fully appears . . 5s. 8d. 

Tenement with appurt's called Come Rerwyn, demised 
to D'd ap Rice ap Owen by deed of 12th October, 27 
Henry VIII, for 99 years, as by one part thereof with the 
Auditor more fully appears . . . . . . lOs. 

Two tenements in the parish of St. Dogmaels, and in 
the district \coit~] of Landr' Manachlog Duy, demised to 
Lewis ap Ieuan by deed of lOth October, 27 Henry VIII, 
for 99 years, as by one part thereof with the Auditor more 
fully appears . . . . . . . . 16s. 

Tenement lying at Capell S'ci Guliany, demised to 
Hoeil ap Jenkyn ap Owen, by deed which is not extended 3s. Ad. 

Tenement with appurt's called Pont'r Ithe demised to 
Griffin ap Ieuan ap Jenkyn by deed of 9th October, 27 



22 The Benedictine Abbey of St. Mary 

Henry VIII, for 99 years, as by one part thereof with the 

Auditor more fully appears . . . . . . 9s. 8d. 

Tenement situate in Blayne I Cowrse glethe, demised 
to Eynon ap D'd by deed of 7th October, 27 Henry VIII, 
for 99 years, as by one part thereof with the Auditor 
more fully appears . . . . . . 5s. ád. 

Three tenements with appurt's, of which one hes near 
(apud) Y Vron Lase in the lordship of St. Dogmaels which 
Griflin ap D'd gors lately held, the others lying near 
Hengwrt, and within their metes and bounds, and all 
other our tenements from the river Blaencryth to 
Blae[nlba', demised to Owen ap Powell and D'd ap Powell 
by deed of the 9th July, 25 Henry VIII, for 99 years, as 
by one part thereof with the Auditor more fully appears lls. 

Tenement with appurt's demised at will to James 
[Jacobo] ap Powell ap Bowen . . . . 10s. 2d. 

Tenement demised to Ll'n ap Ieuan Pickton at will . . 3s. 8d. 

Tenement demised to Ieuan ap Powell ap Ieuan ap D'd 
at will . . • • • ■ . . 5s. 

Tenement with appurt's demised to Jenhyn ap Griffith 
at will . . . • • • .. 5s. 8d. 

Tenement with appurt's demised to Phillipp Thomas 
at will . . . • • • . . 5*. 

Tenement with appurt's demised to D'd Willyams at 
will . . • • ' ' .. 2s. Id. 

Tenement with appurt's demised to Thomas ap Dio 
Gwill'm at will . . . . • • • • 2s - 6d - 

Total £5 17 1 



Lordship (dominium) of Iiattre in co. Devon. 

The entire lordship, with all appurtenances and services, 
tithes of the parish of St. Mary of Rattre, demised to 
William ap Harry and William Phillip by indenture [set 
forth at large]. Parties : William, abbot of the monastery 
of St. Dogmael in Kemeys. diocese of St. Davids; William 
ap Harry and William ap Phillip, gents., of the diocese of 
St. Davids, in co. Carm'dine, and Treffegwynt in Pebid- 
yauge ; 

Term, 80 years ; 

Rent of 



£20 



Dated in chapter house (in domo nostra capitulari), 24th 
September, 26 Henry VIII. 

lients at will in Haverforde and Pembrohe. 
Tenement in Haverforde demised to John Daye at will 10s. 
Tenement in Pembrolie demised to John Smyth at will 26s. 8d. 



36s. 8d. 



At St. Dogmaels. 23 

The Mill of Ffysshynyarde, co. Pembrohe. 

Water mill in Fysshyngarde, with all appurt's, demised 
to Owin ap D'd ap Gwilì'm by deed which is not extended 20s. 



Vill of Ffisshyngarde. 
Rents in villa aforesaid . . . . . . £6 13s. Ad. 



Rents at loill and by Indenture in Grandyston. 

Tenement at Grandiston with appnrt's demised to 
Thomas ap D'd ap Phillip by deed [set forth in extenso]. 

Parties: William abbot of St. Dogmael in Kemeys and 
Thomas ap D'd ap Phillip of Grandiston, in the 
lordship of Pebid[iog]. 

Tenement apnd Grandiston where the said Thomas 
now dwells. 

Terms, 60 years. 

Rent . . . • • • • 18«. 

Dated, lOth June, 27 Henry VIII [1525]. 

Tenement demised at will to John ap Ieuan . . 8s. 

Various rents of waste land demised at will to John 
Jonyns . . . . • • • • °a. 

Total £16 8 



Rents at will and by Indenture in Caldey. 

Tenement in the island of Caldey demised to Thomas 
ap William Owen by deed, as it is stated . . 7s. 4â". 

Tenement with appurt's demised at will to John 
Willyams 

Tenement demised at will to John Whytyng 

Tenement with appurt's demised at will to Richard 
Prowte 

Tenement with appurt's demised at will to Lewis 
Whytyng 

Tenement with appurt's demised at will to Thomas 
Prowte 

Tenement with appurt's demised at will to Lewis 
Webe . . . . • • • ■ 

Tenement with appurt's demised at will to William 
Gough 

Tenement with appurt's demised at will to John Adam 

All Tithes, with the site of the Priory of Caldey, con- 
taining by estimation 18 ac, demised at will to Owen 
Lloyde . . . . . . • • 60s. 

Total £5 16 10 



7.s. 


id. 


6s. 




5s. 




8s. 


4d. 


5s. 


4d. 


4s. 




lOs. 




3s. 


6d. 



24 The Benedictine Abbey of St. Mary 

Rectory of Ffiscarde and Gragyston. 

Tithes, oblations, and all profits, demised at will to 
John D'd and William Phillipps, fermors of the same, by 
William Hyer late abbot, for the time covered by this 
account . . . . . . . . £10 6s. 8d. 



Rectory of Manclonghhoc, Llandilo, and Llancolman. 

Tithes, etc, demised to Henry Scurbell [or Scurvell], 
etc. .. .. .. £8 



Chapel (capella) of Manoghloke duy. 

Tithes, etc, demised to Owin ap Powell, fermor of the 
same . . . . . . . . £5 



Rectory of St. Thomas the Martyr of St. Dogmael, alias the Llandr. 
Tithes, etc, in the hands of William Hyer, late abbot. . £20 



Church of Eglìscero [Eglwys Wrw\. 
Tithes, etc, in the hands of William Hyer, late abbot £7 6s. 8d. 



Chapel of Nountwyn clysprase and Newton. 

Tithes, etc, demised to Owen ap Powell, by indenture, 
as it is said . . . . . . ..£7 6«. 8d. 



Rectory of Bayryll. 
Tithes, etc, in the hands of William Hyer, late abbot £4 ÌSs. 4d. 



Rectory of Molgrave. 
Tithes, etc, in the hands of William Hyer, late abbot £6 \Ss. 4d. 



Churches of Llantode and of St. Nicholas. 
Tithes, etc, in the hands of William Hyer, late abbot £6 13s. 4d. 

Pensionfrom the late Priory of Pulla. 

Pension paid to (de) William Hyer proceeding f rom the 
priory of Pull' . . . . . . . . £9 6s. 8d. 



At St. Dogmaels. 25 

Pensìon from Glasterell in Ireland. 

Pension from the prior of Glasterell in Hibernia — nil, 
because no payment has been made for over 40 years by 
the oath of William Hyer, late abbot of St. Dogmaels . . nil 



Chapel of Penhclthy Vaghan. 

Tithes, etc, in the hands of the said late abbot for the 
whole period of this account . . . . . . 25s. 



Perguisites of Court. 

Nothing, because none have accrued during the period 
of this account, by oath of the accountant . . . . nil 



Total receipts £140 8 8| 



Fees and Outyoings. 

Fee of Lord Fferres, steward of the court, granted to 
bim by letters patent, under the convent seal, by oath of 
William Hyer, late abbot, per ann. . . ..£3 6«. 8d. 

Fee of Lewis Jordane, clerk of the court, granted simi- 
larly, per ann. . . . . . . . . 14s. Od. 

Fee of Lewis ap Powell, bailiff and collector of rents 
and ferms, granted similarly, per ann. . . , , 4 0s. Od. 



£8 0*. 8d. 



Procurations and Synodals. 

To Griffith Lloyd, archdeacon of St. David's for pro- 
curations and synodals from all the churches aforesaid . . 32s. 



Rents Resolute. 

To the Castle of Cardigan proceeding from the town- 
ship (vilf) of St. Dogmaels, alias Le Landete, per ann. . . lOs. 



And he is debited for rents and ferms due to the king 
for the said term, by the said William Hyer, late abbot, 
received and expended, with . . . . £130 6s. 0\d. 



Amount allowed and admitted as above . . £140 8s. 8%d. 



which sum corresponds with the receipts above. 

Et quietus est. 



Z%t ^tar of t$t (Recepfton of t$t 

£?a;cone&* 

Bt the Eev. A. W. WADE-EVANS, 

Vicar of France Lynch, Glos. 



No small interval after the third consulship of Aëtius in 
a.d. 446, when southern Britain was now occupied by in- 
dependent communities of ' Welsh ' and ' English ', an 
event occurred in the island, the significance of which 
underwent in after times extraordinary misconception. 
It appears that in that western portion of southern 
Britain where the Britons were generally collected and 
which in Latin was known as Britannia, a certain 
* Welsh ' king invited certain 'English' to assist him 
against his enemies and received them with hospitality. 
The name of the king is given later as Vortigern, his 
enemies are said to have been Picts and Scots, and the 
Ensflish whom he invited and received are called Saxones. 
Whether the incident was really important or otherwise, 
it was afterwards made to mean the first coming of the 
English to Britain, and the } r ear was remembered. 

Let it be said at once that there was no year when the 
English landed for the first time in the island of Britain 
at the invitation of the Welsh. The story is as mythical 
as the Gomeric origin of the Cymry. The Saxons, as is 
well known, had begun to infest the south-eastern coastof 
Roman Britain as eai-ly as the third century. To check or 
regulate their movements the Eomans had established a sys- 
tem of coast defence from the Wash to the Isle of Wight, 
which was known as Litus Saxonicum, the Saxon Shore. 



The Year of the Reception of the Saxones. 27 

This system, which consisted of some nine forts, was in 
full activity at the beginning of the fourth century, being 
under the control of a comes or Count of the Saxon Shore. 
To what extent the Saxons settled in Roman Britain 
before and whilst this system prevailed, is a question 
which as yet has hardly been raised, the general obsession 
being that the first Saxon settlement in Britain must have 
occuz*red after the departure of the tyrant, Constantine, 
in a.d. 407. In 409 the Britannias were devastated by an 
incursion of Saxons, which does not necessarily mean 
Saxons from over the sea. In 429 Saxons were fìghting 
in conjunction with Picts in some mountainous part of 
south Britain. In 439 the Britannias, lost by the Romans, 
yielded to the sovereignty of the Saxons. Again in 441 
the Britannias, which up to this time had been torn by 
various slaughters and disasters, are brought under the 
dominion of the Saxons. And before the end of the fifth 
century the Saxons were so powerful in Britain that Aelle 
of Sussex was Bretwalda, or chief ruler of England, south 
of the Humber. About the beginning of the sixth cen- 
tury five of the chief kings of Britannia attacked by St. 
Gildas are Constantine of Devon, Aurelius Caninus of 
Cornwall, Vortiporius of Dyved (S.W. Wales), Cynlas of 
Dinerth, near Llandudno, and Maelgwn Gwynedd of 
Anglesey, which indicates that Britannia meant to him 
that portion of Britain, which now goes under the names 
of Wales and the West Country (the Devonian peninsula). 
In 554 Britain contains three numerous nations, Britons, 
Angles, and Frisians, which crowd the island to such an 
extent that they migrate yearly in great numbers to the 
continent. AU this and more proves that the English 
were established in Britain not only before some interval 
after the third consulship of Aëtius in a.d. 446, but even 
long before that consulship. 



28 The Year of the Reception of the Saxones. 

Nevertheless, sorne no small interval after a.d. 446 a 
'Welsh' king did invite and did receive Saxones into 
Britannia, and this incident, as I have said, was strangely 
niade to mean that on that occasion the English carne and 
settled in Britain for the first time. It was regarded as the 
fìrst advent of the Saxons, and in after times diligent 
attempts were made both in Welsh and English circles to 
fìx the precise year. 

Now that year was known to the author of the Excidium 
Britanniae, It was no small interval after the third con- 
sulship of Aëtius in 446. He does not state what the 
year was, but we can determine it in this wise. He tells 
us that when the Saxones came, there was a prophecy 
current among them that they should occupy Britannia for 
300 years, and that for the first half of this period, that 
is, for 150 years, they should not cease fìghting with the 
Britons. As fighting did not cease until the Battle of the 
Badonic Hill, which occurred in the first year of peace, 
that battle was fought when a round 150 years had been 
completed from the Saxon advent. We learn from the 
Annales Cambriae that the Battle of the Badonic Hill took 
place in a.d. 665. Consequently the 150 years of strife 
extended from 514 to 664, and the year when the Saxones 
were received into Britannia was a.d. 514. 

II. 

The Excidium Britanniae was written in a.d. 708. We 
know this because its author tells us he was writing in the 
forty-fourth year of the great peace which began in a.d. 
665 with the victory at the Badonic Hill. The little book 
received great attention both in Welsh and English circles. 
By a.d. 725 it had come into the hands of Bede, who 
quotes from it in that year in his De temporum ratione. 
In a.d. 730 Bede was using it as his chief authority for 



The Year of the Reception of the Saxones. 29 

British affairs in the fifth and sixth centuries, quoting 
and paraphrasing the greater portion of it in his cele- 
brated Historia Ecclesiastica. Unfortunately, however, 
the Excidium Britanniae was shoclringly misunderstood. 
It came to be regarded as a work of the Welsh ecclesi- 
astic, St. Gildas, who flourished in the early sixth century ! 
The forty-fourth year from the Battle of the Badonic Hill 
was made to mean that the Battle was fought about forty- 
four years after the Saxon advent ! And the author was 
taken to be writing his treatise a generation later, that is, 
about the middle of the sixth century ! Bede, however, 
faithfully adhered to its evidence that the 8axones were 
received into Britannia after the third consulship of 
Aëtius in a.d. 446. 

Now about the time when the Excidium Britanniae 
was written, which, being also the age of Aldhelm and 
Bede, was a period of increased literary activity, there was 
a brief extant in Britain, which in its correct British form 
would have read as follows : Quando Gratianus consul fuit 
auarto et Aeguitius secundo, tunc his consulibus, Saxones a 
Guorthigemo in Britanniam suscepti sunt anno CCCXLVIII° 
a passione Christi, When Gratian was consul for the fourth 
time and Aequitius for the second time, these being then 
consuls, the Saxones were received into Britannia by 
Vortigern in the 348 th year from the Passion of Christ. 
The year indicated is our a.d. 375. The problem arose at 
once as to how to reconcile this brief which places the 
reception of the Saxones in a.d. 375 with the evidence of 
the Excidium Britanniae which places it some interval 
after the third consulship of Aëtius in a.d. 446. 

The Erroneous Solution of 449. 

Somebody observed that a.d. 375 was the first year of 
the joint-reigns of Gratian and Valentinian II, and that 



2,o The Year of the Reception of the Saxones. 

a.d. 450 was the first year of the joint-reigns of Martian 
and Valentinian III. He concluded that there had been 
confusion between the names of the eniperors, and in 
accordance with the evidence of the Excidium Brüanniae 
which places the Saxon advent after a.d. 44G, he fixed it 
in a.d. 450. Our tlieorist, however, in denoting that year 
did not use the formula "a.d. 450" but another one, 
which ignores the current year and reckons onl}^ the years 
completed. He did not say that Vortigern received the 
Saxons in a.d. 450, but (meaning the same thing) that 
Vortigern received them when 449 years of our Lord were 
completed and done with. It was from this theorist and 
computist that Bede drew his 449 and his "'about 449" 
as the year of the Saxon advent. 

The Erroneous Solution of 428. 

As 449 or "about 449" is forty years from the sack of 
Rome by the Goths when Eoman rule in Britain was held 
by some to cease, the computists who accepted 449 would 
say that Vortigern received the Saxons forty years after 
the end of Eoman domination in Britain. The Excidium 
Britanniae, however, would make it appear that Eoman 
rule in Britain ceased with the death of Maximus in 388. 
It wa.s Maximus who drained the island of all its military 
strength and exposed it for the first time to the attacks of 
barbarians from over the water, first, the Picts and Scots, 
and then the Saxons. Maximus took away with him to 
the continent all the soldiers and military supplies of 
Britain, and they never returned. With his death, there- 
fore, in a.d. 388, Roman rule ended, notwithstanding the 
fact that Eoman armies are made to come twice after- 
wards to the island to assist the Britons. If, then, there 
was an inteiwal of forty years between the end of Eoman 
rule in Britain and the advent of the Saxons, those who 



The Year of the Reception of the Saxones. 31 

resarded the former to have occurred in a.d. 388 would 

fix the latter in a.d. 428. It was from such inconsequence 

that the Historia Brittonum deduced a.d. 428, when Felix 

and Taurus were consuls, as the } r ear of the Saxon 

advent. 

III. 

Let us now return to the puzzling brief which stated 
that the Saxons were received into Britain when Gratian 
was consul for the fourth time and Aequitius for the 
second time, being the 348th year from the Passion of 
Christ. 

Before this brief was put together the computists in 
Britain had come across the following remarkable passage 
in a late edition of the Liber Pontificalis : — 

Eleuther natione Graecus ex patre Abundio de oppido 
Nicopoli sedit ann. xv, m. iii, d. ii. Fuit temporibus Antonini 
et Commodi usgue ad Paterno et Bradua. Hic accepit epistula 
a Lucio Britannio rege ut Christianus efficeretur per ejus man- 
datum. 

Eleuther, a Greek by nation, his father being Abundius 
of the city of Nieopolis, occnpied the see 15 years, 3 months, 
and 2 days. It was in the times of Antoninus and Commodus 
till Paternus and Bradua [consuls]. This man received a 
letter from Lucius, king of Britain, that he might be made a 
Christian by his command. 

I am not here concerned with the interesting matter 
of the origin of this passage or its grammar or the strange- 
ness of the form Britannio ; only that it was read in 
Britain to mean that sometime from a.d. 161 when 
Antoninus and Coiumodus began to reign, a king of Britain, 
named Lucius, sent a letter to Pope Eleuther asking to be 
made a Christian. Aldhelm (died 709) and the Excidium 
Britanniae (written in 708) shew no knowledge of it, nor 
does Bede when he was writing his De temjporibus in 
702-3. When, however, in 725 he was writing his De 
temporum ratione, he had already coine across the passage, 



2,2 The Year of the Reception of the Saxones. 

for under the reign of Marcus Aurelius he has Lucius 
Britannìae rex, missa ad Eleutherium Romae Episcopum 
epistola, ut Christianus efficiatur, impetrat, Lucius, king of 
Britain, seeks to be made a Christian, a letter having been 
sent to Eleutherius, Bishop of Eome (Opera Beclae, vi, 
305-6). Bede does not fix the year in this work, but by 
730 when he wrote his Historia Ecclesiastica, he places it 
within the joint reigns of Marcus Aurelius and Aurelius 
Commodus, that is, from 161 to 169 (i, 4), and limits the 
incident to the year 167 (v, 24), thus: "In the year of our 
Lord 167 Eleuther, being made bishop at Eome, governed 
the Church most gloriously fìfteen years, to whom Lucius, 
king of Britain, sent a letter, aslcing to be made a Chris- 
tian, and succeeded in obtaining his request". 

The Britons, also, had come across the passage in the 
Liber Pontificalis, which they interpreted in this fashion : 

Post CLXVII annos post adrentum Christi Lucius 
Britannicus rex cum omnibus reyulis totius Brittanicae getitis 
baptismum suscepit missa legatione ab imperatore Iìomanorum 
et a papa Itomano Eucharisto (ov Euaristo or Eleutherio). 

After 167 years from the Advent of Christ, Lucius, 
British king, with ali the rulers of the whole British race, 
received baptism, an embassy having been sent by the 
emperor of the Romans and by the Roman Pope, E. 

Thus it is evident that for some reason both in English 
and Welsh circles the year 167 had been determined as 
that when the Britons first received Christianity. Now, as 
the frequent manner of the Britons was to compute from 
events in their own history, it would be tempting to some 
British computist to date from so important an event as 
this supposed first general Christianization of Britain, 
once it was believed that it had been chronologically deter- 
mined. We must assume, therefore, that in this period 
of revival of learning when Aldhehn, and the author of 
the Excidium Britanniae, and Bede were living, some 



The Year of the Reception of the Saxones. 



Òò 



British computist reclconed the Reception of the Saxones 
into Britannia in a.d. 514 as having occurred in the 348th 
year from the Conversion of Lucius, that is, 167 plus 347= 
514. Somebody misread the 348th year from Lucius as 
the 348th year from the Passion of Christ and, looking 
up the consular names for that year, Gratianus IV and 
Aequitius II, straightway wrote out the brief fixing the 
Saxon advent in a.d. 375, which has proved the puzzle of 



ages. 



IV. 

Although the author of the Excidium Britanniae knew 
exactly what the year was in which the Saxones were 
invited and received into Britannia, he did not state it 
explicitly. He makes it clear, however, that it was no 
small interval after the third consulship of Aetius in 
a.d. 446, and that it began the 150 years of strife between 
Welsh and English which immediately preceded the year 
of the Badonic Hill. It is only because we have the 
definite entry in the Annales Cambriae that the Badonic 
Hill was fought in a.d. 665 that we are able to say that 
the Saxones were received in a.d. 514. 

Our author, however, must have had a way of fìxing 
the year in his own mind. It is not likely that he counted 
from the Conversion of Lucius, as he gives no indication 
that he was aware of that legend. He may have reckoned 
from the Passion of Christ. But it is more than probable 
that just as he knew the interval between the actual time 
in which he was writing and the victory at the Badonic 
Hill, and just as he knew the interval between the victory 
and the reception of the Saxones, so he would have been 
quite cognisant of the interval between the reception of 
the Saxones and the third consulship of Aëtius. He would 
have said that the Saxones came into Britannia in the 
sixty-ninth year from Aëtius, thrice consul (thus, 514 

D 



•?4 The Year of the Reception of the Saxones. 



o 



minus 68 = 446). Now it is this simple calculation wliich 
seems to be the underlying cause of the initial year of the 
Annales Cambriae. 

If my readers will open the famous Volume ix. of 
Y Cymmrodor at p. 152, they will there see the beginning 
of the precious Latin Welsh Chronicle, drawn up in the 
tenth century, which now goes under the unhappy, modern, 
gimcrack name of Annales Cambriae. The Chronicle is 
preceded by a number of chronological notes from the 
Beginning of the World up to Decius and Valerianus. 
Then the annals begin with Annus i, ii, iii, etc, the 
first entry occurring opposite Annus ix. Mr. Phillimore, 
who edits the Chronicle, follows earlier writers, such as 
the editors of Monumenta Hist. Britannica, ab Ithel, and 
Skene, in equating Annus i with a.d. 444. In this he 
and his predecessors are wrong, even on their own show- 
ing, for they equate other anni on the assumption that 
Annus i is a.d. 445, which last is right. Thus Mr. Philli- 
more equates Annus ix with 453 ; he should, therefore, 
have equated Annus i not with a.d. 444, but with a.d. 445. 
It cannot be stated too often that Annus i of the Annales 
Cambriae is a.d. 445. 

But why should the Chronicler have commenced his 
annals with this year, 445, against which there is no 
entry of any kind ? Many attempts have been made to 
explain it, to which I now venture to add the one follow- 
ing. 

I believe that the opening of the annals with Annus i 
[=a.d. 445J is intimately connected with the chronological 
note which immediately precedes it, which note reads 
thus : — [A~]b anno quo Saxones uenerunt in Brittanniam et 
a Guorthigirno suscepti sunt usque ad Decium et JJalerianum 
anni sunt sexaginta nouem, From the year in which the 
Saxones came into Britannia and were received by Vorti- 



The Year of the Reception of the Saxones. 3 5 

gern until Decius and Yaìerian are 69 years. In short, my 

view is that this note is the true beginning of the Chronicle. 

It will be obseiwed that in the original manuscript, as re- 

produced by Mr. Phillimore, this chronological note is not 

connected with those which go before but begins a fresh 

line, space being provided for a coloured capital [A] which 

the illuminator failed to insert. The preceding notes 

revolve around the erroneous idea that the 8axones were 

received in a.d. 428. This note, however, reverts to the 

brief , with which I have dealt above, that the Saxones were 

received in the 348 th year from Christ's Passion, which is 

our a.d. 375, for if 69 be added to 375 we obtain a.d. 444. 

The Chronicler, having now commenced by saying that 

from the reception of the Saxones to Decius and Valerian 

are sixty-nine years, and having thus brought us to 

a.d. 444, straightway begins his Chronicle with Annus I, 

which equates with the year following, to wit, a.d. 445. 

But what shall we say of Decius and Valerian, the 

familiar names of two persecuting emperors of the third 

century ! The answer is that Valerian has been added to 

Decius from the mere familiar conjunction of the names, 

as the ridiculous mus was added to the Decius of Pedi- 

gree xvi of the genealogies in the same codex (Y Cymm- 

rodor, ix, 176) ; and that decius is an easy error for aetius, 

an error which will be readily appreciated by every reader 

of medieval manuscripts, the interchange of d and a, and 

of c and t, being common occurrences in these old writings. 

I believe that the original computation gave the interval 

between Aëtius in his third consulship in a.d. 446, to 

whoin the Britons sent the famous letter cited in the 

Excidium Britanniae, and the Reception of the Saxones in 

a.d. 514, somewhat, let us say, as follows, In anno lxviiii° 

ab aetio saxones uenerunt in britanniam, In the sixty-ninth 

year from Aëtius came the Saxones into Britannia, etc. 

d2 



2,6 The Year of the Reception of the Saxones. 

This was erroneously paraphrased to signify that there 
was an interval of sixty-nine years from the Saxon Advent 
to Aëtius. Aëtius was raisread as Decius with Yalerian's 
name added from force of habit. The Saxon advent being 
fìxed at a.d. 375, the interval of sixty-nine years to Decius 
and Valerian brought the compiler down to a.d. 444, He 
then commences the Chronicle with a.d. 445, on which 
hypothesis, be it observed, the initial year of the Annales 
Cambriae is of no particular importance. 



^omt ^neuíat ^ources of íÇe 
" 45;ccíbtum Ql3rífanmae "♦ 

By the Eev. A. W. WADE-EVANS, 

Vicar of France Lynch, Glos. 



By the Excidium Britanniae I mean chs. 2-26 only of the 
work commonly so called. The remaining chapters, that 
is, ch. 1 and chs. 27-110, originally formed another and a 
much earlier work, namely, the Epistola Gildae, the 
Epistle of Gildas. In my new series of articles on this 
question, beginning with that entitled "The Romani in 
the Excidium Britanniae'''' in the Celtic Revieiv (Edinburgh) 
for August 1913, I find that the Excidium Britanniae was 
written in a.d. 708 which is about two centuries later than 
the Epistola Gildae. The succeeding articles, which are 
still in progress, appear in the Celtic Revieiv for April 
1914, November 1915, and June 1916. In adopting the 
view that the Epistola Gildae and the Excidium Britanniae 
are distinct productions, I am at variance with all the 
scholars, students, and inquirers of the present day who are 
known to me, with the exception of Mr. Alfred Anscombe. 
In 1911, Prof. J. E. Lloyd in his History of Wales, 161, could 
say " The authenticity of the De Excidio as a real produc- 
tion of the early sixth century is no longer seriously ques- 
tioned". And again, " The efforts of Thomas Wright 
(Bŵgraphia Britannica, i, 115-35) and A. Anscombe 
(Academy, 1895) to find a place for it, either as a whole or 
in part, in the seventh century have been quite unsuccess- 



$& Some Insular Sources of the 

ful ". And still more recentlÿ we have been assured by 
so distinguished a scholar as Dr. F. Haverfield that he sees 
" no reason to put either Gildas or any part of the Epistola 
later than about 540 " (Haverfield's Romanization of 
Roman Britain, 3rd ed., 1915, p. 84, n. 1). 

In 1894, Mommsen edited this supposed work of Gildas, 
now divided into 110 chapters, under a lengthy title 
beginning- Gilclae Sapientis cle excidio et conauestu Britanniae, 
Gildas the Wise on the Ruin and Conquest of Britain 
(M. G. H. Chronica Minora, iii, 1-85). In 1899, Momm- 
sen's Latin text was edited with translation and notes by 
Professor Hugh Williams of Bala as No. 3 of the Cymm- 
rodorion Record Series. The work has long been popu- 
larly known from the handy little volume entitled Six Olcl 
English Chronicles in Bohn's Antiquarian Library where it 
is translated into English under the heading The Worìcs of 
Gilclas. Students should be warned against using this 
translation or even that of Prof . Hugh Williams without 
reference to the original. No mediseval Latin work known 
to me needs such careful handling as chs. 2 to 26 of this 
collection, which, as I have said, constitute no part of the 
Epistola Gildae, but f orm a much later work wrongly incor- 
porated with the Epistola Gildae and alone meriting the 
title Excidium Britanniae, the Loss of Britain. It actually 
possesses a Table of Contents proper to itself, now ingeni- 
ously interwoven with the prefatory remarks of the 
Epistola Gildae, and is also furnished with a typically 
formal ending, now blunted and blurred to make the close 
of the one book read smoothly into the succeeding portion 
of the other. 

The Excidium Britanniae must have been completed 
bef ore a.d. 725 because by that year it had come into the 
hands of the great English scholar and historian, Bede. 
The consequences were fateful, for Bede used it again in 



44 Excidium Britanniae ". 39 

his Historia Ecclesiastica as his foremost authority for 
insular events in the fifth and sixth centuries, quoting or 
paraphrasing' the greater portion of it. The first and 
immediate- result was that the Excidium Britanniae was 
lost, so to speak, in the more brilliant narrative of Bede. 
Henceforward men read the Excidium Britanniae only 
through Bede's eyes. The Excidium Britanniae was sup- 
planted by Bede's borrowings therefrom, the latter being 
universally accepted whilst scant attention was paid to the 
former. 

More than a century ago Peter Roberts in his Chronicle 
of the Kings of Britain (London, 1811) complains of 
Leland, Lhuyd, Ussher, and Stilling'fleet, that while they 
were always ready to attend to the references made by 
Bede and his chronicling drsciples to the writings ascribed 
to Gildas, yet, says he, these scholars " do not appear to 
have given that attention to the writings themselves, 
which was extremely necessary ". Aud so to-day one has 
cause to complain and protest that writers of distinction 
issue works from the press, dealing with fifth and sixth 
century Britain, of whom it may equally truly be said 
(for a close scrutiny of their books and articles proves it), 
that they "do not appear to have given that attention, 
which was extremely necessary " to the Excidium Britan- 
niae, notwithstanding their assurance that its author was 
the chief, if not the only, contemporary voice speaking to 
us out of those two dark British centuries. They attend 
to the Chronicles which follow Bede, and they attend to 
Bede who follows the Excidium Britanniae, but they curi- 
ously stop short at giving that close and serious attention, 
which is extremely necessary, to the Excidium Britanniae 
itself. Seventy years after Peter Roberts sent out his 
disregarded protest, it was possible for John Richard 
Green, the author of A Short History of the English People, 



40 Sorne Insular Sources of the 

to write in all seriousness and sobriety that " Gildas had 
seen the English iiwasion " ; and yet the man, whom 
Green took to be Gildas, tells us plainly that from the 
very year in which he was born there had been peace 
between the English and the Welsh !. 

Bede's use of the Excidium Britanniae was followed by 
a far greater calamity than the one I have mentioned 
because of the manner in which he misunderstood it. 
Indeed almost all the prevailing misconceptions as to the 
work in question are traceable to him. It is Bede who, 
missing the purport of the Excidium Britanniae that the 
Britons lost the whole island of Britain except certain cor- 
ners in the west, north Scotland first, and south Scotland 
with the English lowlands from the Firth of Forth to the 
English Channel next, limits the loss to the latter alone. 
It is Bede, who, mistaking the chronological sequence of 
the narrative bef ore him, makes the English to have landed 
shortly after a.d. 446, and interprets the forty-fourth year 
from the Battle of the Badonic Hill as about forty-four 
years from the English arrival, with the fatal result that 
he throws back the victory and the writing of the book by 
a hundred and fifty to two hundred years. And fìnal ìj it 
is Bede who virtually ascribes the authorship of the 
Excidium Britanniae to Gildas who died in the sixth cen- 
tury, and so starts the notion that Gildas was par excel- 
lence the historian of the Britons. 

That Bede should have set the seal of his immense 
authority on such lamentable misconceptions of the 
Excidium Britanniae has so weighed with subsequent 
writers, both mediaîval and modern, Welsh writers no less 
than English, that one can hardl} r get a hearing for any 
other view. Peter Roberts at the commencement of the 
nineteenth century, Thomas Wright in the middle, and 
Alfred Anscombe at the end, have been so many voices 



" Excidium Britanniae" . 41 

crying in the wilderness. For over a thousand years the 
knowledge of our national origins, both English and 
Welsh, has been poisoned at the springs. On the strength 
of a slight sermonical sketch of a supposed national 
decline, written in a.d. 708 and erroneously conceived to 
have been by a prominent and learned Welsh ecclesiastic 
about a.d. 5 10, there is taught as sober history throughout 
the schools of the world the fable of an English conquest 
of Britain commencing shortly after a.d. 446, and accom- 
panied by a vast displacement of Welsh people from the 
eastern districts of southern Britain into the midlands and 
from the midlands into the western corners of Strathclyde, 
Wales, and the Devonian peninsula. The true story of 
fifth and sixth century Britain, whatever that may have 
been, is obscured almost toobliteration, the chronological 
sequence of events thrown out of gear, and the events 
themselves distorted in exposition to force them to fit into 
the scheme of a fìctitious theory. 

Of the history of Britain down to the memorable siege 
of the Badonic Hill there appears to have been no con- 
nected narrative known to the author of the Excidium 
Britanniae. He tells us in ch. 4 that he follows the 
account of the island as given by foreign historians, which 
says he, is far from clear owing to its scrappiness. Appar- 
ently there are 110 British historians to draw from,no British 
Paulus Orosius or Rufinus, but it should be noted that 
he does not altogether deny having made use of British 
documentary evidence. He will write, says he, non tam ex 
scriptis patriae, not so much from native records, which, if 
they ever existed, have been burnt or carried away, and so 
are not at hand. He will write not so much from native 
records quam transmarina relatione, as from foreign ac- 
counts. Decisive as this language may sound, it does not 
preclude British writings but even implies some use of such. 



42 Some Insular Sources of the 

Indeed, if we consider his words closely, it is the 
paucity or lack of native records in the times qf the Roman 
emperors that he is referring to. His words are as 
follows : " Only those evils which the island has both 
suífered and inâicted upon other and distant citizens in 
the times of the Boman emperors will I attempt to make 
public. I shall have done it, however, as well as I can, 
not so much from writings of the country or records of 
authors, which indeed, if they ever existed, have either 
been burnt by the enemies' fires or carried far away in the 
citizens' fleet of exile and so are not at hand, as from 
foreign accounts, which, broken by frequent gaps, are not 
very clear." Now a long time had elapsed since the days 
of the Roman emperors and the crackling of the enemies' 
fires and the over-sea migration of citizens. First, there 
had been forty-three years of peace between Britons and 
Saxons, that is, since the victory at the Badonic Hill. 
Secondly, there had been a period up to that victory of 
alternate successes and reverses going back to the days of 
Ambrosius Aurelianus, who, after the Britons had been 
bundled into the west, rallied them to their fìrst victory 
over the Saxons. Thus at the date when our author was 
writing, there had been ample time and occasion for 
learned Britons to jot down memoranda of events in their 
history. Note well then that it is the affairs of the island 
in Roman times for which he lacks native records. If such 
ever existed, they were either burnt in that rapid fìery 
advance of the English from the eastern portion of the 
island to the Western Ocean, even from sea to sea, or they 
were carried away by those Britons who quitted Britain 
for foreign strands. Our author is not referring to what 
historical memoranda may have been written since those 
fires and flights. And it is one of my objects in this paper 
to shew that he must have had some such before him. 



" Excidium Britanniae " 43 

But first I will deal with the use which he made of arch- 
seolog-ical evidence, especially for that Roman period, for 
which he professes himself to be short of native written 
material. The îoreign accounts of Eoman Britain being* 
scrappy, he is constrained to seek what the actual Eoman 
remains in the island may have to tell him. 

(a) Arceüeological Evidence. 

(i) Cities and Sirongholds. — In ch. 3 he says that the 
island of Britain is " beautified by twice ten and twice 
four cẅitates, cities, and some castella, strongholds, moli- 
tiones, laborious building's, built in an unexceptionable 
manner, of muri, walls, turres serratae, serrated towers, 
portae, gates, domus, houses, the tops of which, stretching 
aloft with threatening' height, were firmly fi^ed". 1 In ch. 
24, where he describes the Saxon advance, he says, " For 
the fire of just vengeance blazed, because of former crimes, 
from sea to sea, heaped up by the eastern band of sacri- 
legists (i.e. the Saxons), and as it devastated all the nearest 
cẁitates agriaue, cities and lands, did not cease after it 
had been kindled until it burnt up nearly the whole sur- 
face of the island and licked the Western Ocean with its 
red and savage tongue .... Thus were all the coloniae 

1 The chapter, in which the above passage occurs, is given a 
capitulum in ch. 2 entitled De situ [Britanniae]. This capitulum 
doubtless applies only to the opening of the chapter " on the geo- 
graphical situatiou of Britain ", although the chapter itself includes 
also a short general description of the island, its dimensions, 
physical features, towns, forts, and a reference to its former history. 
If situs is meant to include all this, a still more extended use of 
the word may be exemphfied in another document of Welsh import- 
ance, the De situ Brecheniauc, early thirteenth century, copied from 
a MS. at least as old as the eleventh century and printed in Y 
Cymmrodor, xix, 24-27. Nothing is said in this of the geographical 
situation of Brycheiniog, but there are indications that the document 
is incomplete. 



44 Some Insular Sources of the 

brought low with the frequent shocks of battering rams, 
also all the coloni with the bishops of the church, with 
priests and people, whilst swords gleamed on every side 
and ílames craclded. They were mown down together to 
the g-round. And, sad sight ! there were seen in the 
midst of plateae, streets, the bottom stones of turres, towers, 
with tall cardo, beam or door, cast down, and of muri celsi, 

high walls, sacred altaria, altars There was no 

sepulture of any kind save domorum ruinae, the ruins of 
houses ", etc. In ch. 26 describing the state of Britain 
forty-three years after the Battle of the Badonic Hill, he 
says: "not even noware the cẁitates, cities, of the country 
inhabited as formerly ; but deserted and dismantled they 
lie neglected until now ". 

The chapter, in Avhich the first of the above passages 
occurs, includes much of what the author had doubtless 
seen with his own eyes, the sea promontories and curved 
bays, the plains, hills, mountains, the flora, wells, streams 
and lakes. His eyes are receptive to the physical objects 
about him, and when these chance to be the work of 
men's hands, he will try to make them tell their story. 
The number of cities in Britain may have been a common- 
place, but his additional mention of strongholds, his 
account of such structures as works of great labour, his 
detailed notice of walls, towers, gates, and houses, strong 
in their foundations and therefore able to have borne 
lofty and threatening superstructures, — all this certainly 
suggests the description of an eye witness. The land is 
full of ruined cities and forts from Eoman times, and our 
author has seen some of them and may see them again at 
any time. 

It was a sad sight. He could still wander in the 
deserted streets and view those strong foundations where- 
on had once stood towers, high walls, and altars. Around 



' ' Excidiu m Briía nniae". 45 

him were ruins of houses, and as he gazed he could re- 
create in his mind the lurid scenes of their destruction. 
All this would have occurred long before he was born. 
There had been peace in his time, ever since the year of 
the great victory at the Badonic Hill, which was the forty- 
fourth backwards from the time in which he was writing. 
And these cwitates and coloniae had perished long even 
before that. 

The ciwitates and coloniae to which he refers, are to be 
sought in Britain south of the Firths of Forth and Clyde. 
The coloniae properly so called were York, Lincoln, Col- 
chester, and Grloucester. Their destruction was from that 
eastern portion of the island where the Saxons first landed 
no small interval after a.d. 446 to the Western Ocean, 
even from sea to sea. 

(ii) The Two Walls. — In ch. 15 the Eoman legion, 
which after the death of Maximus in 388, comes to the 
assistance of the Britons against the Picts and Scots, is 
made to bid the citizens " to build a murus, wall, across 
the island between two seas, so that when manned by a 
troop it might be a terror to repel the foe and a protection 
to the citizens ; which being made not so much of lajndes, 
stones, as of cespites, turf, proved of no benefit to the 
foolish and leaderless mob ". In ch. 18 the Eomans, who 
came to assist the Britons for the second time against the 
Picts and Scots, — " because they were thinking that this 
would bring some advantage to the people whom they 
were leaving behind, build a murus, wall, not [like the 
other, at the public and at private expense, the wretched 
inhabitants being joined with them ; [they build the wall] 
in their wonted manner of structure, across, in a straight 
line, from sea to sea ". 

These two walls are those of Antonine and Hadrian 
(as we commonly call them) respectively, constructed not 



46 Some Insular Sotirces of the 

as our author says after the death of Maximus in 388, but 
in 140 and 124 (or 211). Whether he had seen them 
himself does not appear, but he is certainly well informed 
as to their character. Of the fìrst, which he says was 
made of turf rather than stone, modern archseologists 
declare that it is a wall of regularly laid sods resting on a 
stone pavement. As to the second he knows that it is 
built of stone, in the manner of the Romans, and that it 
runs directly from sea to sea. 

(iii) The Forts on Hadrian , s Wall. — In ch. 18 the 
Romans build the stone wall " between urbes, forts, which 
had perhaps been erected there through fear of enemies." 

By the urbes he doubtless means the larger f orts, con- 
tiguous to the wall or generally so, some sixteen in 
number. He knows that they were older than what he 
deems the wall itself to be. But why they should have 
been erected there, he is at a loss to know. It must be 
remembered that he thought Britain to have been wholly 
British and to have been wholly unmolested by barbarians 
till after the revolt of Maximus (383-388), when Picts and 
Scots began coming for the fìrst time. The wall was 
built to keep these back, but why the urbes, forts, between 
which the wall had been built, should have been erected 
there, he could not tell. He suggests that it was owing 
to some enemy. 

(iv) The Forts of ihe 8axon Shore. — In ch. 18 he says 
that the Romans " on the shore of the ocean also ad 
meridianam plagam, towards the south, where their ships 
were wont to ride, erect turres per intervalla, towers at 
intervals, overlooking the sea, because from that quarter 
also wild barbarian hordes were being feared." 

The nine forts of the Saxon Shore extended from the 
Wash to the Solent. They were all erected before the 
death of Constantius Chlorus in a.d. 30G, and not as our 



" Excìdium Britanniae" . 47 

author says after the death of Maximus in 388. There is 
no indication that he has seen them, but he is well in- 
formed of their situation. They overlook the sea, they 
are built at intervals, and they are towards the south of 
the island. 

(v) Sculptured Remains. — In ch. 4 : " nor do I enumerate 
those diabolical portenta, monstrosities, of the country, 
almost surpassing in number those of Egypt, of which we 
still see some, of ugly features, within or without deserted 
walls, stiff with stern looks as was the custom." 

Here we have confessedly the testimony of an eye 
witness, who spealcs of what he himself has seen and of 
what may be seen by anyone in his time, of monuments of 
pagan gods, once honoured but now neglected and shunned 
lilce the walls about them. They are the remains of the 
old idolatry, of the old gods of pagan Eome affined or 
otherwise with barbarian deities, and of oriental cults 
such as of Mithras, Isis, and Serapis. Many of these 
still survive. 

(vi) Coins. — In ch. 7 : " whatever [Britain] might have 
of copper, silver, or gold, might be stamped with the 
image of Csesar." 

Our obseiwant author could not have been otherwise 
than familiar with Eoman coins, which are still being dis- 
covered yearly in Britain. The complete subjugation of 
the island to Rome is evident to him from the universal 
image and superscription of Csesars on the old coinage. 

(vii) Weapons. — In ch. 18 the Eomans before their 
final departure urge the Britons " to provide their hands 
with peltae, shields, enses, swords, and hastae, spears." And 
the Romans leave behind exemplaria instituendorum 
armorum, patterns for the manufacture of weapons. In 
ch. 19 there is mention of the uncinata tela, the hooked 
weapons, of the Picts and Scots with which they drag the 



48 Some Insular Sources of the 

citizens from the walls. In ch. 21 reference is made to 
hostium tela, missiles of enemies, and in ch. 22 to mucro, a 
sword. In ch. 24: "all the coloniae were brought down 
with the frequent shocks of arietes, battering rams," 
i.e., by the Saxons, who are also provided with gleaming 
mucrones, swords. 

The author is apparently distinguishing between the 
weapons of the Britons and those of their enemies. The 
weapons of the Britons are Roman weapons, copied from 
Eoman patterns. He may have arrived at this conclusion 
or corroborated it to his own satisfaction by examination 
of such relics from Roman times. 

(viii) Ships. — In ch. 3 rates, vessels, were wont to bear 
foreiom luxuries alon£ the Thames and the Severn. In 

o o 

ch. 4 there is reference to civium exilii classis, citizens' 
fleet of exile. In ch. 15 a Roman legion crosses the 
ocean to the country in rates, vessels. In ch. 16 the Picts 
and Scots " burst the boundaries, borne across by wings 
of oars, by arms of rowers, and by sails bulged with 
wind." In ch. 18 Roman naves, ships, were wont to ride 
near the coast towards the south. In ch. 19 "the Scots 
and Picts eagerly emerge from the curuci, coracles, in 
which they sailed across the sea." In ch. 23, "the 
Saxons came tribus ut lingua eius exprimitur cyulis nostra 
longis navibus, in three ships, cyulae, keels, as it is 
expressed in their language (English), longae, llongau, in 
ours (Welsh)." Another company of Saxons follows 
"borne in rates, vessels." In ch. 25 some of the Britons 
fled beyond the seas "singing beneath the swelling sails". 

In comparing the above passages it will be seen that 
our author is clearly distinguishing between the vessels 
used by the different peoples connected with the British 
Isles. The coracle was doubtless a slight vessel, provided 
with sails as well as oars. The Saxon heels are equated 



" Excidium Britanniae". 49 

with the British llongau, the latter word being from the 
Latin long(a navis), ship of war. 

(ix) Ancient Martyrs. — In ch. 10, our author in 
referring to the Diocletian persecution (303-312) speaks of 
" holy martyrs, the grayes of whose bodies and the sites 
of whose sufferings might now be inspiring the minds of 
beholders with no small glow of divine love if they were 
not, guam ylurima^yerj many of them, taken away from 
the citizens on account of our crimes owing to lugubre 
diuortium barbarorum, the disastrous partition caused by 
the barbarians. I speak of saint Alban of Verulam, 
Aaron and Julius, citizens of Caerlleon, and the rest of 
either sex in diverse places who in Christ's battle stood 
firm with lofty nobleness of mind." In ch. 10: "Thus 
when ten years of the violence referred to had scarcely 

passed they repair the churches ruined to the 

ground, they found, construct, and complete basilicae of 
holy martyrs, and set them forth in many places as em- 
blems of victory ". 

Here again the author doubtless has his eye on actual 
sites, where he supposes martyrs to have perished in the 
Diocletian persecution, or where he supposes the bodies 
of martyrs to lie. There can be but little doubt that he 
is referring to the merthyr place-names of ' Britannia ', 
which were formerly far more common than they are now 
and which are still sufficiently numerous, and, in the one 
instance of Merthyr Tydvil, sufficiently important to make 
the term familiar to all. They are generally associated 
with personal names, not only of men like Cynog but also 
of women like Tydvil, so that when our author speaks of 
martyrs of both sexes in diverse places, he is doubtless 
thinking of our merthyr place-names, which carry with 
them the names of both males and females. In Y Cym- 
mrodor,xxiv, 46-7,1 have collected instances of these merthyr 

E 



5<d Some Insular Sources of the 

place-names, and it is to be observed that they are 
only found in those parts of Wales where Irish influences 
are known to have prevailed. [I shall not be far wrong 
when I say that they are found in " the regions producing 
inscribed stones with rude Latin capitals " of which Prof . 
J. E. Lloyd speaks in his History of Wales, 115.] The 
personal names are those of " saints ' : who fiourished, 
not indeed in the time of the Emperor Diocletian or any 
other persecuting Emperor, but in the fìfth and sixth 
centuries, many of them being members of the very Irish 
family of Brychan. In fact they were, many of them, 
contemporaries and perhaps acquaintances of St. Gildas, 
who therefore (densely ignorant though Prof . Lloyd thinks 
him to have been, ibid., 98) could hardly have supposed 
that they were victims of Christian persecution two cen- 
turies previously. 

Merthyr in Welsh place-names does not stand for 
martyrium in the catholic sense, that is, a church raised 
in memory of a martyr on the site of his martyrdom or 
over his remains. According to Sir Edward Anwyl it 
simply meant a saint. " Am ystyr y gair Merthir (says 
he) mewn enwau lleoedd yng Nghymru, credwn nad oes 
ynddo unrhyw gyfeiriad at ' ferthyrdod ' o gwbl, ond ei 
fod fel y gair Gwyddelig martir yn gyfystyr a ' sant ' 
(Y Beimiad, ii, 135). Hitherto from some words of 
Zimmer I have understood that Welsh merthyr is from 
the Latin martyr-ium bearing an Irish meaning 'the 
burial place of a saint ' ; that Merthyr Dingad, f or in- 
stance, in Monmouthshire, has an exact English equation 
in Dingatstow, i.e., the holy place of saint Dingad. How- 
ever this may be, one thing is certain that our merthyr 
place-names do not in any way involve reminiscences of 
Diocletian martyrs. 

The author of the Excidium Britanniae, therefore, in 



" Excidium Britanniae". 51 

considering the many merthyr place-names of ' Britannia', 

would have made two mistakes about them, first, in sup- 

posing that thej were martyria in the catholic sense 

familiar to readers of such fathers as St. Jerome ; and 

secondly, in supposing that they derived their origin from 

the Diocletian persecution. It would have been impos- 

sible for a sixth century Welsh ecclesiastic to have com- 

mitted such a blunder, which ranks with the author's 

statement about the Walls of Hadrian and Antonine and 

the Forts of the Saxon Shore that they were built after 

a.d. 388, and with those other equally stupid statements 

relative to the Picts and Scots that they never entered 

Britain till the departure of Maximus exposed the island 

to their forays, and relative to the Saxons that they 

landed in Britain for the first time some considerable 

interval after a.d. 446 ! Much less could that ecclesiastic 

have been St. Gildas who was familiar with Irish Christi- 

anity, and who must at least have met people who knew 

some of the ' martyrs ' after whom the merthyr place- 

names are called. It is obvious that the man who wrote 

the Excidium Britanniae was writing at a much later 

period, when Irish influences in Wales had decayed, and 

did not even suspect that the merthyr place-names could 

stand for anything other than martyres or martyria in the 

catholic sense. 

In this connection it is instructive to realize that the 

author of the Excidium Britanniat, seemed to be unaware 

of any permanent Irish settlements in southern Britain. 

The Picts and Scots had seized Scotland, north of the 

wall of Hadrian, before a.d. 446, and had ravaged 

southern Britain. But when, sometime after a.d. 446, the 

Britons inflicted upon them a very decisive defeat, the 

Scots went back to Ireland, whilst the Picts retired 

beyond the Wall of Antonine to settle there for the first 

e2 



52 Some Insular Sources of the 

time ! No small interval after a.d. 446, which interval 
was a periocl of unpredecented prosperity, the English lan- 
ded in Britain for the first time and drove the Britons in 
one amazing, irresistible sweep out of the eastern division 
of southern Britain into the mountains, forests, and sea- 
islands of the west. The English had come at the invita- 
tion of the Britons because the Picts and Scots had re- 
commenced worrying them. No particulars are giyen of 
this fourth invasion of Picts and Scots, but as it is made 
to occur no small interval after a.d. 446, it may point to 
the advent of the Dalriad Scots in Cantire under Fergus 
mac Erc. At any rate, the author of the Excidium 
Britanniae nowhere gives any indication that he knew of 
Irish settlements in Wales. No wonder, then, that he 
blundered in his interpretation of martyr with its specifi- 
cally Irish meaning. 

Our author states that very many of the graves of his 
supposed Diocletian martyrs and of the sites of their 
sufferings had fallen into the hands of the barbarians, 
which he might very reasonably have calculated must 
have been so, seeing that according to him the whole 
island of Britain from Totnes to Caithness was occupied 
by the Britons under Roman rule until after the revolt of 
Maximus in a.d. 383-8. If there were numerous martyr 
sites still left in Wales, how many more must there not 
have been in the rest of Britain whence the Britons had 
been driven out ! Our author, then, might simply have 
concluded from the merthyr place-names of Wales (as of 
Julius and Aaron at Caerlleon) that there must have been 
similar martyr sites in England (as perhaps at that time 
of Alban at Verulam) and in Scotland as well, which had 
been captured by the barbarians. This may have been all 
that he meant. But he here uses a very peculiar phrase. 
He spealcs of graves having been taken away owing to a 



" Excidium Britcuiniae" . 53 

iugubre dẁortium, a disastrous partition, a ' divorce ', a 
cutting-asunder, caused by the barbarians. The word 
dẁortium, 'divorce', seems too specific to mean the general 
destruction of the island. May it not refer to some speci- 
ally disastrous cutting-asunder of Britons, such as we have 
all hitherto fancied ensued 011 the Battle of Dyrham in 
a.d. 577 when the West-Saxons successfully penetrated 
the tripolitan area of Gloucester, Cirencester, and Bath, 
and 'divorced' the Britons of Wales from those of the 
Devonian peninsula? If Britons or Irish really did 
occupy this tripolitan area, we might here find room for 
lost merthyr place-names, an extension eastwards of the 
merthyr place-names of Monmouthshire. 

(x) Retreats of persecuted Ghristians. — In ch. 11, our 
author says that those who survived the Diocletian perse- 
cution " hid themselves in sifoae, woods, and in deserta, 
deserts, and in secret spelunca, caves ". 

Ever since the Christian religion triumphed in 
' Britannia ' there have existed place-nauaes of woods, 
deserts, and caves, associated with ' saints '. The Latin 
desertum has become the Welsh place-name dyserth, 
meaning a wild desolate spot adopted for religious retire- 
ment by some Christian eremite. We have to-day such 
places as ogof Edi, St. Edi's cave, and Gelli Cawrdaf, St. 
Cavvrdav's wood. In such place-names our author might 
very possibly have seen evidences of Christian persecution 
in Britain as he doubtless did in the merthyr place-names. 
I cannot refrain in this connection from quoting some 
words of that excellent Welsh clergyman, Carnhuanawc, 
writing between 1836 and 1842. He says, " Pe buasai 
hanes y wlad hon yn amser Diocletianus ar glawr mewn 
cyflwr o gyflawnder, diameu y gwelsem amryw enghreiff- 
tiau o ferthyrdod a dioddefaint. Ac am fod yr ychydig 
hysbysiad a roddir gan awdur yr Excidium Britanniae yn 



54 Some Insular Sources of the 

mynegi i'r Cristionogion orfod ffoi i'r coedydd a'r llefydd 
anial aW ogfeydd celedig, y mae'n ddilys y buasai gennym 
yr awrhon goffadwriaeth am ddefnyddiad amryw leoedd 
adnabyddys yn ein plith i'r cyfry w ddiogeliad. Ac y mae 
ynof duedd cryf i feddwl fod rhai ogfeydd yng Nghymru 
eto yn dwyn arnodiad o'r cyfryw wasanaeth neu o ryw un 
cyffelyb". There is no foundation, however, for this 
belief. As in the case of the merthyrs, the saintly names 
associated with wood and rock retreats are those of fifth 
and sixth century ecclesiastics. 

(b) Indications of Native Records and Traditions. 

(i) Among these we must class the Epistolae ad Agitium, 
the Letter to Agitius. Agitius is Aëtius (wrongly spelt 
in transcription), chief minister of the Western Empire 
under Placidia and Yalentinian. He was f our times consul, 
to wit, in 432, 437, 446, and 454. In 455 he was assassi- 
nated by Valentinian himself . The author of the Excidium 
Britannia.e must have had access to a copy of the letter sent 
by the Britons to this Aëtius, and as Aëtius is described 
in it as ter consul, consul for the third time, we are fortu- 
nately furnished with an important date which helps us to 
determine the chronological frameworlc of the narrative 
of the Excidium Britanniae. Only a portion of the letter 
is given, which is made to represent the misery of Britain 
owing to the ravages of Picts and Scots. It begins as 
follows : Agitio ter consuli gemitus Britannorum, to Agitius 
in his third consulship, the Groans of the Britons. That 
the author of the Excidium Britanniae was actually quoting 
from a copy of the very letter, is proved by the fact that he 
tells us he is skipping a passage before going on with his 
quotation. Then : " the barbarians drive us to the sea, the 
sea driues us to the barbarians ; between these two sorts of 
deaths we either have our throats cut or are drowned ". And 



" Excidium Britanniae" . 55 

again the author instead of quoting gives the sense, to the 
effect that the Britons assert they have no aid. Now as 
Aëtius was consul for the third time in a.d. 446 this letter 
must have been written any time from that year to the 
year when he became consul for the fourth time, i.e., a.d. 
454. In other words, the letter was written and sent not 
earlier than a.d. 446 and not later than a.d. 453. And as 
it was in this interval (circa 447) that St. Germanus of 
Auxerre came to Britain for the second time, who, we 
know, did go afterwards to Ravenna to intercede with 
Aëtius for the peace of Armorica (Vita s. Germani, II, i, 
62), we may not unreasonably believe that he at the same 
time carried with him " the Groans of the Britons ". 
The author of the Excidium Britanniae is making too 
great a demand on our credulity when he would have us 
believe that the barbarians mentioned in the letter were 
only the Picts and Scots. We know from other and 
better sources that the Saxons too were busy in Britain at 
this time. But our author would make no small interval 
inteiwene between the despatch of the Letfcer to Aëtius 
and the first landing of the Saxons. He tells us that after 
the Letter to Aetius in 446 the Britons won their first 
victory over the Picts and Scots. The Scots retired to 
Ireland, whilst the Picts withdrew to north Scotland to 
settle there for the first time ! Then followed a period of 
unprecedented prosperity, and the narrative demands that 
it should be no small period. Only at its termination did 
the Saxons come. Whatever may be thought of this, one 
thin.2 is certain that the author of the Excidium Britanniae 
was quite clear in his own mind, although he may not 
have managed to make it so clear to us, as to the year 
when he conceived the English to have landed for the first 
time in the island. It was no small interval after a.d. 
446. 



5 ^ Some Insular Sonrccs of the 

(ii) It is evident that in his account of St. Alban our 
author is quoting from some Passio Albani. It is the 
only part of his narrative where the miraculous element 
is introduced, and at this point he seems to imply the 
presence of a Roman army in the island which he cer- 
tainly does not do elsewhere except in his account of 
Maximus, where also he appears to be following some 
written account. Whether the Passio was of British or 
continental origin is not so certain. St, Alban was cer- 
tainly known in Gaul in the sixth century as evidenced 
by the poem of Fortunatus (Bede's H.E., i, 7), and also in 
the fifth century, for Constantius malces St. Germanus 
visit St. Alban's tomb in his Vita S. Germani. Possibiy, 
therefore, the Passio was compiled in Gaul. This may 
account for the mention of the Thames as the river which 
'the saint crossed. It is significant that Bede, who fixes 
the site of the martyrdom at Verulamium, does not name 
the river. The Excidium Britanniae names the river, 
which, as I have said, is the Thames, but does not fix 
the site. Alban is only said to have been of Verulamium. 
There is evidence that the site was really Mount St. 
Albans, nearly two miles N.E. of Caerlleon in Monmouth- 
shire, and that the river was fche Usk. The two other 
martyrs mentioned, Aaron and Julius, both of Caerlleon, 
may have figured with Alban in one and the same incident. 
However this may be, the Passio Albani, from which our 
author is drawing, does not strike one as being particu- 
larly British. 1 

1 In my notes on St. Alban's near Caerlleon (Arch. Camb., 1905, 
pp. 256-9; Y Cymmrodor, xxii, 75, n. 6) I overlooked the adilitional 
evidence of Giruldus Cambrensis, who passed through Caerlleon in a.d. 
1188. He tells us {Itinerarium Rambriae, i, 5): " Here lie two noble 
persons, the leading proto-martyrs of Great Britain after Alban and 
Amphibalus, adorned in this place with the martyr's crown, to 
wit, Julius and Aaron, each of whom had a fine church in the city, 



" Excidium Britanniae ". 57 

(iii) Maximus proceeds to the Gauls with magna sdtel- 
litum catewa, a great crowd of followers. Our author is 
using expressions here which go contrary to the trend of 
what he has hitherto said. Maximus is started on his rebel- 
lious career by tumultuans miles, a turbulent soldiery. He 
takes away with him omnis armatus miles, all the armed 
soldiery, militares copiae, the military supplies, the rectores, 
rulers (or as he called them before praepositi, overseers), 
cruel though they had been, and the able-bodied youth. 
In the words tumultuans miles, armatus miles, militares 
copiae, and rectores, history seems to be peeping through the 
narrative as though the author were for a moment quitting 

distinguished by his own name. For in ancient times there loere three 
e.rcellent churches in this city, oneof the martyr Julius graced with a 
choir of virgins dedicated to God ; another raised to the name of 
his blessed companion Aaron and enriched by a renowned order of 
canons ; and the third distinyuished as the metropolitan see of all 
Wales ". This, of course, is clearly reminiscent of Geoffrey's H.B.B., 
ix, 12, as quoted and translated by me in Y Cymmrodor, xxii, 57. 
But there is a striking difference. Geoffrey says there were two 
churches and a school of astronomical philosophers. Giraldus says 
there were three churches, the third distinyuished as the metropolitan 
seeofall Wales. The three sites referred to are without doubt the 
three chapels mentioned by Coxe in his Historical Tour throuyh 
Monmouthshire, 1801, reprinted 1904, p. 103, namely, 'one near the 
present site of St. Julian's'; 'the other at Penros, in the vicinity of 
the town'; 'a third chapel, dedicated to St. Alban, another martyr, 
which was constructed on an eminence to the east of Caerleon, over- 
looking the Usk '. The legend of St. Alban demands the proximity of 
a large river near the site of the martyr's death. Bede, who fixes 
the site at Verulam, carefully omits the name of the river. The 
E.icidium Britanniae, which omits the name of the site, mentions a 
large river — the Thames. It is clear that before the appearance of 
either Bede's Book or the Excidium Britunniae, St. Alban had some- 
how been associated with Verulam, the modern St. Alban's in Hert- 
f ordshire, for in both works that place is mentioned, and according 
to Bede a church had already been erected there to his memory 
where miracles frequently occurred (H. E., i, 7). But that site won't 
fit. According to the legend as quoted by Bede, the martyr was 



58 Some Insular Soiwces of the 

his own fancies and quoting some reliable document. 
Whether such a document was British or continental is 
uncertain. He adds that Maximus' host never returned. 
Much has been made of this. It has proved the tiny seed 
of legend and pseudo-history galore even to the present 
day. Before relying 011 it, this important point should 
be borne in mind that it is our author's explanation of 
the wonderful ruin and loss of Britain. For many years 
the island became the sport and prey of Picts and Scots 
attacking from over the sea. Appeals had to be made to 
Roine. The north was completely lost. The south was 
ravaged from end to end. Finally the English had to be 

brought to a river, but would not have been able to arrive that 
evening at the place of esecution had not the river miraculously 
divided. The spot was outside the city (for the judge was left be- 
hiud in it) and on the opposite side of the river. It is called at first 
the harena ubiferiendus erat, the arena where he was to be executed. 
Then, when he had crossed the river, he ascends the hill of his 
martyrdom, which is about half-a-mile from the arena ! This con- 
f usion is due to corruption in the text, the idea of which seems to be 
that the martyr was led some distance out of the city, the other 
side of the river, and up a hill situated about half-a-mile from the 
river. These conditions are met by Mount St. Alban's near Caer- 
lleon. 

The importance of the question as to the site of St. Alban's 
martyrdom is very great, because it determines one of the localities 
which St. Germanus of Auxerre visited in 429, and helps to elucidate 
the point as to what that Britannia was which needed purging of 
Pelagianism in that year. Messrs. Baring Gould and Fisher in their 
Lires of the Tiritish Saints, i, 142, say, that the account of Germanus' 
visit to Alban's tomb does not appear in the original Life of Ger- 
manus by Constantius. " It is (they say) an interpolation of the 
first half of the ninth century ; it is not found in any of the copies 
of the unadulterated Life by Constantius." And again, ibid., iii, 53, 
they say that " the seeking for, finding and translation of tlie relics 
of S. Alban" is not to be found in the earlier life, " and is, in fact, 
an early ninth century amplification ". Hovvever this may be, Bede 
certainly refers to it in his H. E. t i, 18, which he wrote about A.D. 
730. 



" Excidium Britanniae ". 59 

called in. If an incredulous reader asks why did not 
Britain defend itself, the answer is here pat. It was 
because Maximus drained the island of all its arraed 
soldiery, all its railitary supplies, all its overseers or rulers, 
all its able-bodied youtli. Not a fighting man was left or 
even a weapon to fight with. And they never returned ! ! 

Judging from the Excidium Britanniae what good 
Latinists the Britons were able to produce, it is incredible 
that no historical memoranda of any kind were written 
throughout the forty-three years of peace since the 
Badonic Hill, and still backwards through the period of 
occasional victories to tlie time of Ambrosius Aurelianus. 
There may indeed have been 110 connected narrative of 
British history, for the scholarship of the time was con- 
centrated on purely religious matters, but it is impossible 
to believe that there was a total lack of any description of 
historical meraoranda. How else could our author have 
quoted from the Epistolae ad Agitium, which hailed even 
from the times of the emperors ? How else could he have 
learnt the precise interval between the despatch of that 
letter and the yeai' when the Saxons were invited to help 
the Britons ? I take it, therefore, that he did have some 
good written sources with reliable chronological data, 
whence he sketched the history of the island from the 
Roman period to that in which he himself lived. 

(iv) For instance, it seems evident that he had before 
hira a stateraent to the effect that Britannia was invaded 
from over the sea by two nations who came in coracles, 
the Scots a circione, from the north-west, and the Picts ab 
aauilone, from the north. Their cruel ravages extended over 
many years. They differed partly in their customs, but in 
appearance they were the same, wearing beards and appar- 
ently kilts. All this occurred in and about the fifth cen- 



6o Sonie Insular Sources of the 

tury. Now we know that the only part of Roman Britain 
which could be attacked from the N.W. and the N. by 
nations coining over the water, is Wales. The record, 
which the author of the Excidium Britanniae presumably 
had before him, was a perfectly sane one. It referred to 
the well-known invasions of Britannia, that is, Wales, in 
the fifth century by Scots and Picts. In the Yita s. 
Carantoci, ch. 2, we read that about a.d. 432 the Scots 
overcame Britannia, the names of the leaders being Briscus, 
Thuibaius, Machleius, and Anpacus. The Picts are well 
known to us by the name gwyr y gogledd, men of the 
north, including the bands which came with Cunedda. 
One of the Pictish leaders was Caw, the father of St. 
Gildas, who came from Arglud, a district on the river 
Clyde, to Twrcelyn in Anglesey. The record, I say, was 
a perfectly plain and sensible one. What does the author 
of the Excidium Britanniae do with it? He converts 
' Britannia' into the island of Britain, and makes the Picts 
a people living outside the island and attaclnng it from 
some northern habitat beyond the Pentland Firth ! Not 
until after the Revolt of Maximus (383-388) did Picts or 
Scots ever set foot in Britain ! Not till after a.d. 446 did 
the Picts begin to settle for the fìrst time in the north of 
Scotland! 

(v) After the despatch of the Letter to Aëtius in 
a.d. 446, the Britons win their fìrst decisive victory over 
the Picts and Scots with the result that the latter returned 
to Ireland whilst the Picts for the first time begin to 
settle in extrema parte insulae, in the extreme part of the 
island. As the narrative stands, this means that the 
Picts now for tlie íirst time settled down beyond the 
Firths of Forth and Clyde ! The brief before our author, 
however, may have stated that the Picts now after a 
lengthy period of conquest settled down in sinistrali parte 



" Excidium Britanniae". 61 

Britanniae, in the nortliern part of Britannia, that is to 
say, in the left part of Wales as distinct from the dexter- 
alis pars, y deheubarth, the south, the reference being to 
the settlements of the sons of Cunedda from the river Dee 
to the river Teifì. The decisive victory may be Cad- 
wallon's defeat of the Scots at Cerryg y Gwyddyl in 
Anglesey, for our author, who knew of no Scots or Picts 
in southern Britain, would not realize that Cadwallon and 
his son Maelgwn were ' Picts '. Or it may be one of the 
Arthurian victories, for as is proved by the precious frag- 
ment already referred to, viz., the Vita s. Carantoci prima, 
Arthur flourished in the second half of the fifth century. 1 

(vi) Following the expulsion of the Scots to Ireland 
there was a considerable period of prosperity. No age 
previously remembered thé possession of such affluence. 
Kings were now annointed, some of whom were quickly 
cut down and succeeded by others. Our author says 
there was no room for kings of milder disposition. If 
such a king attained power, he was soon withstood as 

1 For the historic Arthur see sections 4 and 5 of the first Vita s. 
Carantoci printed with translation and notes in the Rev. J. T. Evans's 
Church Plate of Cardiganshire (Stow-on-the-Wold, 1914), 133-142. 
[The two Vitae s. Carantoci are printed as one Vita and with many 
errors in Rees' Cambro-British Saints, 97-101.] Here it will be seen 
that the locale of Arthur is our modern Somerset and Dorset. He 
rules in conjunction with Cadwy ab Geraint at Dindraithor, which 
may be either Cadbury on the R. Camel (a tributary of the Yeo or 
Ivel) in Somerset, or Dundry, near Bristol, in the same county. He 
moves about the district from the mouth of the R. Willett which 
flows into the Bristol Channel near Watchet, to Charmouth in 
Dorset on the coast of the English Channel. But we need not 
suppose that Arthur was confined to the places mentioned in the 
Vita, only that he was certainly connected with them. As Mr. 
Egerton Phillimore says, all the various hill-forts in the Devoniau 
peninsula called Cadbury, are probably so named after the above 
Cadwy ab Geraint, which means that this king ruled from the 
Dartmoor-Exmoor line across Devon as far east, say, as the Bristol 
and Wiltshire Avons. As Arthur was ruling in conjunction with 



62 Some Insular Sources of the 

though he were Britanniae subversor, a subvertor of 
Britain, which phrase is reminiscent of well-known Welsh 
ones, Pabo Post Prydain, Pabo the Pillar of Britain, and 
especially, now that we are in the Arthurian age, Iddawc 
Cordd Prydain, Iddawc the Churning Staff of Britain. 

(vii) This age of unprecedented prosperity is suddenly 
brought to an end by a fourth invasion of Picts and Scots. 
As we are now no small interval of time later than a.d. 
446, we have probably to do here with the coming of the 
Dalriad Scots under Fergus mac Erc circa a.d. 500. 
Then comes the famous pestilence, which in a short time 
brings down such a number that the living are unable to 
bury the dead. Again, as we are no small interval after 
a.d. 446, and we know that the Yellow Plague which 
raged in Britain carried off Maelgwn Gwynedd, who was 
fifth ancestor to Cadwallon (ldlled at Eowley Water in 
a.d. 634), we can have no doubt that it is this Yellow 
Plague which is referred to here and that we are now in 
the very early sixth century. 

him, these must be his approximate boundaries also. The Yita s. 
Carantoci prima also fixes the chronology of Arthur, for being a con- 
temporary of St. Carantocus, wbo went to Ireland tbe same time as 
Bishop Patrick, that is, a.d. 432, Arthur must have flourished in the 
fifth century. It may also be said that St. Carantocus was uncle to 
St. David, who was born in a.d. 462. 

Arthur is described by Geoffrey of Monmouth as a contemporary 
of the Emperor Leo (457-474) and of Pope Simplicius (468-483), both 
of whom he is made to survive, but not later than 492. And this 
evidence is all the more convincing, inasmuch as the chronology 
implied is unknown to Geoffrey, who unwittingly contradicts it. 
But it still remains to be seen how far this chronology is based on 
the Bedan misinterpretation of the Eicidium Britanniae that Badon 
was fought the forty-fourth year from the Saxon Advent. In my 
Chronoloyy of Arthur the argument is vitiated by the view which I 
took from Mr. Anscombe and which I have since discarded, that the 
passage in the Excidium Britanniae about the forty-fourth year is an 
interpolation (Y Cymmrodor, xxii, 137-8). The evidence inthe above 
Vita, however, as to_Arthur's period is independent of Geoffrey. 



" Excidium Britanniae" . 63 

(viii) So the time is drawing near when the iniquities 
of Britain should be complete. A council assembles to 
determine as to ways and means to withstand the Picts 
and Scots. The council with the proud tyrant is blinded, 
and the Saxons are invited to assist the Britons. They 
come in three ships. Here our author shows some famili- 
arity with English traditions. First they called their 
ships heels ; secondly, there was a prophecy current 
amongst them that they should occupy Britain for 300 
years. For half this time they should be fighting the 
Britons, that is, for 150 years. After that (so it is 
implied) there would be peace. Now as peace began with 
the Battle of the Badonic Hill which had already iasted 
over 43 years, it follows that the Excidium Britanniae was 
written 193 years after thatparticular year in which the 
Britons asked the Saxons to help thein. 

(ix) Our author of course knew that particular year, 
though all he conveys is that it was no small interval after 
a.d. 446. There can be no manner of doubt that he is 
referring to a real event, which it was hardly likely for 
him to have known without some documentary evidence. 
I say it was a real event, although of course he distorts it 
into the first landing of the English in Britain ! Just as 
no Picts ever settled permanently in north Scotland until 
after a.d. 446, so not till some considerable interval after 
this same year did ever English set foot in Britain ! The 
English landed somewhere " in the eastern part of the 
island," and soon drove the Britons pell-mell into the 
hilly country of the west, Strathclyde, Wales, and the 
Devonian peninsula. The truth now peeps out in one of 
his phrases. He says that after the Britons had been 
cooped up in the mountains, forests, and sea-islands of 
the west, the Saxons " returned home ". And cum 
recessissent domum crudelissimi jpraedones, when the most 



64 Some Insîilar Soìirces of the 

cruel robbers had returned home, the Britons rallied 
under Ambrosius Aurelianus and won their first victory. 
The phrase indicates a good written source from which 
our author is drawing. The incident, which he regards 
as the first advent of the Saxons in Britain no small 
interval after a.d. 446, was doubtless an invitation sent by 
some British tyrannus in 'Britannia' to Saxones in Britain. 
The Saxones came and afterwards rebelled and ravaged 
the British lands. When the Saxones had returned home, 
that is, to their own lands in Britain, Ambrosius 
Aurelianus, a ' Roman ', rallied the Britons and won a 
victory. 

(x) In ch. 7 : the Romans place praepositi, overseers or 
taskmasters, over the Britons to make nomen Romanae 
servitutis, the name of Roman slavery, to cling to the soil, 
and to vex the crafty race " so that it might no longer be 
regarded as Britannia, but as Romania ". In ch. 13: 
the island retaining nomen Romanum, the Roman name, 
but not [Roman] law and custom ", sends Maximus to 
the Gauls. In ch. 17: again messengers are sent to 
ask help of the Romans " lest the wretched country 
be completely destroyed and nomen Romanorum, the 
name of Romans, should grow vile ", etc. In. ch. 20 : the 
miserable survivors send a letter to Agitius, Gemitus 
Britannorum, the Groans of the Britons. In ch. 25 : "to 
Ambrosius Aurelianus, a modest man, who alone of the 
Roman race chanced to survive in the shock of such a 
storm, his parents being killed in it, who doubtless were 
people clad in the purple ". 

Althouo-h the author of the Excidium Britanniae is care- 
ful to distinguish between Britons and Romans through- 
outthe whole of his narrative, yet in some of the passages 
here quoted there are distinct reminiscences of a very 
thorough Romanization of Britain. He suggests that the 



" Excidium Britanniae". 65 

name of Roman supplanted that of Briton, especially 
where he says that the gens, race, " might 110 longer be 
regarded as Britannia but Romania ". In the word 
Romania, he seems to me to be translating from the 
Welsh Rumein. Rumein from Romani, Romans, like 
Ffrainc from Franci, Franks, meant people at first, and 
then country. To-day Rhufain and Ffrainc mean Rome 
and France : new nouns, Rhufeiniaid and Ffrancod, have 
been mvented for Romans and French. If we suppose 
our author had some note before liim which stated that 
the Britons were Rumein rather than Bridein (or what- 
ever the form may have been) meaning Romani rather 
than Brüanni, he might very well have translated 
these two words into Romania and Britannia respec- 
tively, treating them as plac'es rather than peoples. Still 
it is evident that he had no idea that Britain was 
Romanized to the extent that we are taught by 
Dr. Haverfield. With him Britons and Romans are 
always two distinct and hostile racial elements. The 
Britons are the native population, conquered and enslaved 
byRome; the Romans (of whom Ambrosius Aurelianus 
was the last) are the official alien class, placed in power by 
the imperial govemment. In a.d. 446, when the Britons 
appeal to Aetius, they do not say ' the groans of the 
Romans in Britain ', but ' the groans of the Britons '. 
Dr. Haverfield tells us that " the old idea that Britons 
and Romans remained two distinct and hostile elements, 
has, of course, been long abandoned by all competent 
inquirers ". Doubtless this is so, but Dr. Haverfield will 
have to face the difficulty that the Excidium Britanniae, 
written according to him by Gildas "about 540", differen- 
tiates carefully between them. 

(xi) A study of ch. 2, which formed originally a 'Table 
of Contents' to the Esccidium Britanniae, reveals a well 



66 Some Insular Sources of the 

arranged order of incidents in chronological sequence. 
Beginning with the Letter to Aëtius we have: de epistoìis 
ad Agitium, of the Letter to Agitius, de victoria, of a 
Vietory, de sceleribus, of crimes, de nuntiatis subito hostibus, 
of enemies suddenly announced, de famosa peste, of the 
famous Plague, de consilio, of counsel, de saeviore multo 
primis hoste, of an enemy far more savage than the first, 
de urbium subversione, of the ruin of cities, de reliauis, of 
the survivors, de postrema patriae victoria, of the last 
victory of the country, which has been granted in our 
times by the will of God. The first of these items pro- 
vides us with a clefinite date beyond which it could not 
have occurred, viz., a.d. 446, so that all the other items 
mentioned here must have occurred later than a.d. 446. 
Our author certainly was familiar with the chronology of 
these events, which he could hardly have been unless he 
had written material to go upon. The crucial date is that 
of the Battle of the Badonic Hill, which he helps us to 
determine, first, by making the Saxon Advent to have 
occurred no small inteiwal after a.d. 446, and, secondly, 
by mentioning the proj)hecy of the 300 years during 
which the Saxons were to occupy Britain and for the fìrst 
150 of which they were to continue their aggressions on 
the Britons. Now as these aggressions ceased with the 
Badonic Hill, this battle must have been fought no small 
interval after a.d. 446 plus 150 years. And as the 
Excidium Britanniae was in Bede's hand when he was 
writing his De temporum ratione in 725, the Badonic Hill 
must have been won at least 43 years before that year, 
that is, by a.d. 682. We must therefore look for the 
victory about the middle of the seventh century. Fortu- 
nately the date is preserved for us in the tenth century 
Latin Welsh Chronicle, the so-called Annales Cambriae, 
which has opposite Annus ccxxi the words Bellum Badonis 



" Excidium Britanniae". 67 

secundo, the Battle of Badon for the second time. Strik- 
ing out secundo as due to Bede's misinterpretation of the 
Excidium Britanniae who fixes the Badonic Hill about 
44 years after the Saxon Advent, we have no other alter- 
native than to accept Annus ccxxi as the year of the 
Victory, which in the era of that document is 665. The 
Chronological scheme of the Excidium Britanniae, there- 
fore, is as follows, and it cannot but have been drawn by 
the author from good written sources. 

a.d. 446. — The Letter to Aëtius. 

446-514. — The fìrst victory over Picts and Scots. 

The period of unprecedented prosperity. 

The sudden arrival of Picts and Scots for 

the fourth time. The famous Pestilence. 

The assembly of Britons invites the Saxons 

to their assistance. 
514. — The arrival of the Saxons. 
514-665. — The Britons expelled into the western 

corners of Britain. The victory of Am- 

brosius Aurelianus. 150 years of warfare 

between Britons and Saxons. 
665.— The Battle of the Badonic Hill. Birth of the 

author of the Excidium Britanniae. 
708. — The forty-fourth year of peace. The Excidium 

Britanniae is being written. 

(c) Conclusion. 

The Excidium Britanniae is a first class authority, 

only if we realize the true date of its composition. Re- 

garded as a Gildasian work written "about a.d. 540 ", it 

is absolutely irreconcileable with all we know from other 

sources. The many attempts, for instance, to square its 

supposed evidence with the story of the invasion of 

Wessex, have completely broken down. That the leading 

f2 



68 Some Insular Sources of the 

Welsh ecclesiastic of the sixth century, St. Gildas, writing 
" about a.d. 540 ", sliould have made the English land in 
Britain for the fìrst tiine no small interval after a.d. 446, 
and even the Picts to settle in Scotland for the first time 
after that same date, he himself being a Pict born near 
the R. Clyde, is so incredible and nonsensical that only a 
long series of writers from Bede downwards, desperately 
ignorant of Welsh affairs, could by the massive weight of 
their names have imposed a conception so baseless and 
perverse even on Welsh scholars. The author of the 
Excidium Britanniae was very short of native records for 
the Eoman period, but for the succeeding age his narra- 
tive shews that he had some valuable memoranda to go 
upon. Some of these he grossly misunderstood, especially 
in the matter of the meaning of ' Britannia ', the first 
settlements of the Picts, and the invitation for assistance 
which brought 8axones on the scene in a.d. 514. But his 
general conception of the relations between Britons and 
Saxons from the time when he supposed the former to 
have been driven into the west to a.d. 665 is sane and 
historical. From that year there was, as he tells us, com- 
parative peace. The old Roman cities were abandoned 
and in ruins. Social order among the Britons was steady 
and hopeful. It is true he mentions civil wars, but these 
were normal throughout Europe at that time, being the 
then equivalent of our modern party strifes. As a zealous 
religionist he was naturally dissatisfied with what was to him 
the prevailing religious apathy. He was not, however, like 
the men of St. Gildas' day, above writing history or above 
quoting Yergil. 1 The general impression left on the mind 

1 The only secular writers, with whom Mommsen can trace some 
familiarity in the 110 chapters which he supposes to have been all 
written by Gildas, are Vergil (chs. 6, 17, 25), Juvenal (epimenia, 23), 
Persius or Martial or both (catasta, 23, 109), and Claudian ( Tithica 
yallis, 19). Of these, catasta must be ruled out as it frequently 



" Excidium Britanniae ". 69 

by his treatise is that in a.d. 708 the Britons of Strath- 
clyde, Wales, and the Devonian peninsula were well 
organized, well able to hold their own, faithful children 
of the Christian Church, fond of learning, and producers 
of no mean Latinists. 

occurs in early Christian literature (Williams' Gildas, 55, note). Thus 
the only traces of familiarity with secular authors which Mommsen 
can find in the 110 chapters, are confined to those chapters (2 to 26) 
which in my opinion are not by Gildas at all, but constitute the 
distinct work to which alone the title E.rcidium Britanniae applies. 

The attitude of the genuine Gildas to secular writings is made 
plain to us by himself in ch. 66, where in his censure of the clergy of 
Britannia he says of them that they are "listless and dull ad prae- 
cepta sanctorum, towards the precepts of the saints, if at any time 
they should only have heard what ought to be heard by them very 
often ; and ready and attentive ad ludicra, to public games, et ineptas 
saecularium hominum fabulas, and improper stories of men of the 
world, as though what opened the way of death were the way of 
life". By praecepta sanctorum is meant religious literature, and by 
ineptae saecularium hominum fabulae is meant secular literature. As 
is well known, in the time of Gildas (i.e., from the close of the fifth 
to about the middle of the sixth centuries) the Church authorities 
frowned on all studies of codices seculares, secular books. Men like 
Jerome and Augustine had felt uneasy with respect to the reading 
of heathen writings, and before long Homer, Vergil, and Cicero were 
abandoned. By the time, however, that the author of the E.rcidium 
Britanniae and Bede were flourishing this hostility to secular learn- 
ing had largely passed away. Hencewe are not surprised that Vergil 
is quoted in the Excidium Britanniae, though we would have been 
had Gildas quoted him. 



Jô Tlie Fate of the Structures of Conway 

£0e §aü of í0e ^frucíurea of £on; 

roap @66^ t anò QJ3an<jor anî> 

Qj3eaumane jjfríartea* 

Bt EDWAED OWEN, F.S.A., 

Secretary to t/ie lioyal Commission on Ancient Monuments in Wales 

and Monmonthshire. 



The document of which a full abstract is oriven below 
requires few prefatory or explanatory remarks ; its pur- 
port is conveyed with ample fulness in the long title with 
wliich it opens. A few obseiwations may, however, not 
be out of place for the j>urpose of drawing attention to 
some points of interest that present themselves, and to the 
bearing which they have upon a much neglected branch 
of Welsh historico-archseological research. 

The chief value of the document lies in the light that it 
throws upon the disposal of the actual structures of several 
of the Welsh monastic houses, the fabrics of which have 
so totally disappeared that if we had to depend solely 
upon the researches of archseology we should never 
know of even so mucli as their existence. Archseology 
gives no warrant for the past existence of a monastery of 
Conway, or of friars' houses at Bangor and Beaumaris. 
Yet the evidence is, of course, both clear and abundant 
for the long-continued presence of ecclesiastical estab- 
lishments in all those j)laces ; but it is entirely docu- 
mentary, and is at best but feebly reinforced' by the 
survival of a few place-names which mark with no great 
certainty the actual sites upon which the buildings of the 



Aòbey, and Bangor and Beaumaris Friancs. 7 ì 

monastery or the friary stood.' It is true that of the 
greater number of Welsh monasteries, in the most favour- 
able instances sufficient remains have survived to enable 
us to obtain a more or less clear idea of their size and 
appearance, and where archseology has had anything to 
work upon, Welsh archseology has seized its oppor- 
tunities, and given us in the long series of volumes 
of Árchceologia Cambrensis fairly satisfactory accounts of 
what the present ruins comprise, and what appearance the 
completed whole may be conjectured to have presented. 

But there are a few of the pre-Reformation religious 
houses of Wales of which it may be said that they are 
as though they had never been. Conway is one of these. 
Conway Abbey has indeed been singularly unfortunate in 
not finding its vates sacer, though Mr. Harold Hughes, 
F.S.A., has proved quite convincingly 2 that the present 
parish church of Conway contains portions of the building 
that was in existence when Edward the First removed the 
Abbey from its site within the town of Conway to Maenan 
about a dozen miles further up the river Conway. The 
latter, of course, is the position of the real monastery of 
Conway, or Aberconway as it called itself during the 
whole course of its existence. But not a vestige remains 
of what was probably a beautiful though it may be a 
small establishment, seeing that the king himself aided 
liberally in its erection, and that the buildings were 
erected when Gothic architecture was about its zenith. 
The meetings of the Cambrian Archseological Association 
in the years 1895 and 1911 took place in the immediate 
neighbourhood, and 011 the last occasion the members 

1 There have, of course, been small discoveries on each of the sites, 
but ndjvhere sufficient to show the nature of the edifices that had 
stood thereon. Some walling has been uncovered at Bangor (Arch. 
Camb., 1900, V, xvii, 24). 

2 Arch. Camb., 1895, p. 161. 



72 The Fate of the Structures of Conway 

actually passed by the site but did not consider it worth 
while to pay it even the empty homage of an afternoon 
call. 

The present document gives us at any rate the reason 
why there is not one stone standing upon another of 
Aberconway Abbey — it was most carefully taken down 
and diligently removed to Carnaiwon, where a large quan- 
tity of the material was doubtless used upon the works 
which were in progress there, or was stored for future 
requirements. 

Similar work was being carried on simultaneously at 
Bangor and Beaumaris on the small houses of friars in 
those towns that had just fallen into the king's hands. 

In addition to the important light here thrown upon 
the fate of these establishments, the documents give 
valuable information as to the wages paid to the skilled 
and unskilled labour employed, and on the prices of com- 
modities. Much too little of this class of information has 
been made available for the student of Welsh economic 
history at the dawn of the modern period. My friend, 
Dr. E. A. Lewis of the University College of Aberystwyth, 
has been left to labour alone in this field of research. 

It remains but to add that the document as here pre- 
sented is not a verbatim transcript of the original. This 
in turn is evidently no more than a compilation from the 
weekly wages sheets and bills, prepared at the close of the 
undertaldngs by Robert Burghill who calls himself " sur- 
veyor and paymaster ", and doubtless occupied much the 
same position as what we would term "clerlc of the works". 
In such accounts there is much repetition of the same 
or similar phrases. These have been for the most part 
omitted, though it will probably be thought by . some 
that too much has been suffered to remain. All the 
place and personal names are of course given, and much 



Abbey, and Bangor and Beaumaris Friaries. J2> 

of the quaint and extraordinarily diverse spelling has been 
kept. It will be noticed that the weeks are reckoned 
according to the church calendar, and that though work 
was going on simultaneously at Carnarvon, Beaumaris and 
Harlech, the same weeks are not called after the same 
saint or service by the different time-keepers. A number 
of other points of niuch interest will become apparent 
upon a careful study of the document. 



PUBLIC RECORD OFFICE : EXCHEQUER K.R. 
ACCOUNTS— WORKS AND BUILDINGS. 

Bundle 489, No. 16. 

Account of worhs executed in North Wales, 30-1 Henry VIII 

[1539-40] . 

[m. i.] 

THE PRINCIPALITY OF NORTH WALES. 

Reparacons there made from the ffeaste of Saynte Michaell tharch- 
aungell in the xxxtie yere of the Raigne of oure Souvraigr.e King Henry 
the VIII th unto the ffeast of Sainte Michaell tharchaungell then nexte 
folowing, That is to witte in the xxxi u yere of his seide moste noble 
raigne, by vertue of the king's warraunt dated the ffirste day of July in 
the xxx th yere of his saide noble raigne directed to John Paldngton and 
john Arnolde, esquiers, to be supervysors of the same in manner and 
forme hereafter folowing. 

The Castell of Caern', the King's Hall, Shyre Courte wher 
his lawes be kepte, the exchequyer, treasorye, keye [quay] 
and towne walls there. 

Imprimis to David ap R. ap Mereduth forffalling of wood 

to burne lyme withall ... ... ... v]d. 

It'm to Lewes, laborer, for the ffalling of wood, by the 

space of viij days ... .. ... ü-?- viij<£ 

It'm to Thomas Griffith for hym and his horse for the 

caryage of wood, by the space of ij days ... xvd. 

It'm to the said Thomas for hym and his horse for the 

carriage of wood by the space of one daye ... \'}d. 

It'm to Will'm Ffoxewist for hym and his horse for the 
karyage of wood by the space of xj days taking by 
the day v]d. ... ... ... •■■ vs. v]d. 

It'm to John Rouland for hym and his ij horses for cary- 
ing of wood to the water syde by the space of one 
daye ... ... ... ... v'ú)d. 

It'm to Thomas ap Ieuan ap Hoell for caring of lyme 

stones to the Kylne ... ... ... vs. 



74 The Fate of the Structures of Comvay 

It'm to Will'm Ffoxevvyst for breking of stones to the 

kylne ... ... ... ... vs. 

It'm to the said Will'm for making of the kylne and 

burning ... ... ... ... vs. 

It'm for caryage of Tange and watching of the kylne ... 

It'm to John Dykon for mendyng of the stone wall of 
the kylne 

It'm for caryage of iij loose loodes of wood from Redyn- 

uocke velyn to Caern' at xvjd. the loode 
It'm for woode boughte by Roberte Laurens to make an 

ende of the kylne 

It'm paide for the cariage of the said lyme from the kylne 
unto the Shire hall 

It'm paide for xj hundrede lathis after the rate of vd. the 

hundreth, and \)d. more in the grosse some 
It'm paide for a thousand and three hundreth sclats after 

the rate of \\)d. the hundreth 

It'm paide for xv pecks of lyme after the rate of v\d. the 
pecke 

It'm paide for iiij m 1 ccc large nayles, that is to saye for 
every thousande xv]d., and vjd. for the saide three 
hundrede 

It'm paide for spiking nayles 

Item payde to Thomas Sclater for the sclating and sett- 
yng up of viij ml sclats after the rate of ijí. ü\]d. the 
thousand ... ... ... . ... xvin>. viijí/. 

It'm paide to Hughe Smyth for a stone and iiij lb. of iron 
to make the racks in the kychyn after the rate of 
xiiijí/. the stone ... ... ... xv\)d. 

It'm payde to Jenkyn Smyth for the makying of the said 

racks ... ... ... ... v\i)d. 

It'm paide to Thomas Sclater for the mendyng of the 
kychyn wyndowe and dressing of the gutter over the 
said kichyn ... ... ... ... vjd. 

It'm for nayles for the same worke ... ... i)d. 

It'm paide for the caryage of xij lodes of claye to the 

making of the Wouen [Oven] ... ... \i\jd. 

It'm paide to Lewes mason and John Dykon for one 
day's worke upon the oven after the rate of vjd. the 
daye to every oí them ... ... ... x\')d. 

It'm paide to a laborer to serve the mason by the space 

of one daye ... ... ... ... i\\]d. 





xi)d. 




\jd. 


ÌÜjí. 






\)d 


\\')S. 


v\\)d. 


iiijí. 


\xd. 


\\')S. 


iijd. 


V\)S. 


v]d. 


vs. 


xd. 




ii\)d. 



Sm a ... ... iiij//. ]d. 

The coosts and chargs that were done in talung downe of the 
churche rouffe of the late Abbeye of Conweye and the kariage of Stones 
and Tymbre from the said Abbeye to Caern' 

Imprimis payde to Thomas Hervy and Robert ap Willm 
carpenters by the space of yj days after the rate of 
v\d. the day unto eu'y of them ... ... vjj. 

It'm payde to the same carpynters for theire labor in 

taking downe the said rouffe \\\)d. a pese ... \'û\d. 



Abbey, anci Bangor and Beanmaris Friaries. 75 

It'm paide to other iij Carpynters by the space of vj days 
for taking downe oí'the said rouffe after the rate of 
vd. the daye unto eu'y of them ... ... vn>. v]d. 

It'm paide to the same iii Carpynters at an other tyme 
for taking down of the same rouffe unto eu'y of 
them \]d. ... ... ... ••• VJÄ 

It'm paide to a laborer to carye the said Tymbir oute ot 
the churche and to lode the same uppon horses to 
the Pykarde by the space of vj days and a halfe after 
the rate of iiijŵ. the daye ... ••• 'i^- ij#- 

It'm paide to Will'm Beisley for the cooste of hym and 
his horse from Caern' to Conwey for pulling downe 
the roufe of the churche, by the space of x days ... xs. 

[m. id.] 

It'm paide to Roberte ap John ap Atha for the freyghte 
of his pykarde of vij Tonne to carye the said Tymbre 
by water to Caern' ... ... ••• xijí. viiijrf. 

It"m paide to Rouland Griffith for the fraighte of his 

Pykarde of v Tonne the same tyme ... ... ixs. 

It'm paide to a laborer by the space of twoo days in 

makiug clene of the greate sellar under the Shyre 

Hall to leye the said Tymbre in after the rate of 

iiijrtf. by the daye ... ... •■• vii]V. 

It'm paid to Roger ap John ap Atha for the ffraight of his 

pykarde at an other tyme in karying of the said 

Tymber toCaern' from Conwey 
It'm paid to a laborer to lode the said Tymber in the 

said pykarde 
It'm paide to Richarde Maynwaring for the ffraighte of 

his pykarde loden witli stones f'rom the Abbey 

of Conweye to Caern' ... . ••• 

It'm paide for the ffraighte of an other pykarde laden 

with stones of iij tonne from the said Abbey to 

Caeru' 
It'm paide to Roger ap John Atha the viij th daye of 

August for the ffraighte of his pykarde laden w'th 

stones from Conwey to Caern' 
It'm paide to Richarde Maynwaring the same daye for 

the ffraight of his pykarde laden with stones from 

Conwey to Caern' 
It'm paide for the taking downe of xxxv tie sparres in the 

Abbey, and for Ale to the tenaunts that caryed 

stones to the water syde ... 

Sm a ... ... ciiijí. vij^. 

Ebdomeda in ffesto Sancti Petri advincla [ìst August] anno supra- 
dicto R. predicti. 

It'm paide to Morys ap John ap Hoell for the cariage of 

xiiij bote lodes of stones from Angles' to Caern' ... xiiijí. 

It'm paide to John Roulande for the cariage of x Iodes 
of stones írom the water syde to the Hall after the 
rate of iij^. the lode ... ... ... \]s. vjä. 



X1ÌJÍ. 






\]d. 


X]'í. 




vs. 


\\]d. 


x\\']S. 


v\\]d. 


X]'í. 


viij^. 




v\\]d. 



j6 The Fate of the Structures of Conway 

It'm paide to tlie said John for the caryage of other iiij 
lodes of the said stones after the rate of \\x\d. the 
lode ... ... ... ... xv]d. 

It'm paideto the said John Roulande for the cariage of 
syxe score and xij lodes of sande to temper the lyme 
in the vvorke, after the rate of \d. for every four lodes \]s. \xd. 

It'm paide to Will'm Ffoxvviste and John Jonson for the 
cariage of foure score lodes of sande after the rate 
aforesaid ... ... ... ... xxd. 

It'm paide to John Rouland for the cariage of a pykarde 

loode of stones from Conwey to Caern' ... v]d. 

Summa ejusdem Ebdomade ... xxijs. \xd. 

Ebdomeda ante ff'm S'ci Laurencii [loth August]. 

It'm to John Rouland for the cariage of iij bote lodes of 

stones from the water side to the worke ... \xd. 

It'm to the said John for the cariage of lij lodes of sande x\\]d. 

It'm paid for a tliousand latthis after the rate of vd. the 

thousand and \]d. farther in the hole some ... iiijí. \\\]d. 

It'm paide to John Clarke for xltie lodes of sande ... xd. 

It'm paide to Morys ap John ap Hoell for the cariage of 

twoo bote Iodes of stones oute of Anglesey to Caern' \]s. 

It'm paide to the saide Morrys for two fleyks to make 

sckafoldes ... ... ... ... \\\]d. 

Summa ejusdem Ebdomade ... \xs. \\\]d. 

Ebdomeda ante ffestum Assumptionis B'te Marie [15U1 AugustJ. 

It'm paide to John Asshe for the cariage up of twoo 
pykardes lodes oi stones that came from Conwey 
from the water syde to the Justice Hall ... xv\]d. 

It'm paide to Thomas Griffith for the cariage of xvj lodes 

ofsande ... ... ... ... iüj^. 

It'm paide to John Asshe for the caryage of xij lodes of 

claye ... ... ... ... \\\]d. 

It'm paide to Thomas Griffith for the cariage of xij lodes 

ofclaye ... ... ... ... \\\]d. 

It'm to the said John Asshe for xl tie lodes of sande ... xd. 

It'm paide to Moris ap Ieuan ap Hoell for v bote lodes of 

stones from Anglesey to Caern' ... ... vs. 

It'm paide to Johu Clarke for cariage of v bote lodes of 

stones from the water syde to the worke ... xvd. 

It'm to the said John for the cariage of lx lodes of sande xvd. 

[m. 2.] 

It'm paide for xj hundrede of sclats after the rate of \\]d. 

the hundreth ... ... ... ij^. \ X( l 

It'm paide to Will'm ap Holl, laborer, by the space of 

twoo days in dyggyng and heving up of claye ... v\\]d. 

It'm paide to Lewes mason onwarde 011 his payment ... xlvijí. v]d. 



Snmina ejusdem ebdomade ... lxjj. v\\]d. 



Abbey, and Bangor and Beaumaris Friaries. JJ 

Ebdomeda ante ffestum Bartholomei ap'li [24th August]. 

It m paide for v thousand sclats ... ... xijí. \\]d. 

It'm paide to John Asshe for the cariage of xxxix lodes of 

claye after the rate of iij lodes a peny ... xú]d. 

It'm paide to the said John for the cariage of lix lodes of 

sande after the rate of iiij lodes a peny ... xvd. 

It'm paide to Lewes mason the same vveke ... xxiiijí. \]d. 

It'm paide Morys ap Yeuan ap Hoell for the cariage of 

viij lodes of stones oute of Angleseye to Caern' ... viijí. 
It'm paide to John CIerke for cariage of the said stones 

from the water syde to the worke ... ... ijí. 

It'm paide to the said John Clerke for the caryage of 

fourtie loodes of sande ... ... ... xd. 

Summa ejusdem Ebdomade ... xlix.y. v\]d. 

Ebdomeda proxime post ffestum S'ci Bartholemei ap'li. 

It'm paide to Morys ap Ieuan ap Hoell for cariage of vj 

lodes of stones that were broughte from Anglesey ... v]s. 

It'm paide to John Clarke for the cariage of the said 

stones from the water side to the work ... x\\\]d. 

lt'm paide to the said John for the cariage of viij loodes 

of sande ... ... ... ... \]d. 

It'm paide to John Asshe for the kariage of xv loodes of 

Claye ... ... ... ... vd. 

It'm paide for three thousand and a halfe of sclats ... viijí. \xd. 

It'm paide for a Barrowe ... ... ... \\\d. 

It'm paide for xiiij clamstaves to make up the wall be- 

twene the Buttery and the servaunts' chamber ... \\\]d. 

It'm paide to Lewes mason ... ... ... xvs. 



Summa ejusdem Ebdomade ... xxxijj. vd. 

Ebdomeda ante ffestum Nativitatis B'te Marie [8th September]. 

It'm paide to Lewis Mason for making the stone work 

of the Hall at one tyme in grosse ... ... xxs. 

It'm paide to Roberte ap Will'm and Thomas Harvy, 
carpynters for the setting up the rouffe of the Justes 
Hall ... ... ••• ••• xxv]s. v\\]d. 

It'm paide for cariage of certayne Tymbre to make 

sckaffoldes ... ... ... ... v\\]d. 

It'm paide for the cariage of twoo stones from the 
churche of Sainte Beblike unto the worke towarde 
the making ot' the Hall doore ... ... v\\]d. 

It'm paide for ij Stocks to make pynne wood for the car- 

pinters ... ... • •• ••• iüj^- 

It'm paide to Morys ap Ieuan for cariage of vj bote loode 

of Stones oute of Anglesey to Caern' ... ... v]s. 

It'm paide to John Clarke for the cariage uppe of the 

same Stones from the water syde to the worke ... xviii^. 



78 The Fate of the Structures of Conway 

It'ra paid to Thomas Sclater in parte of payment for 

sclating the Justices Hall ... ... \]s. 

It'm paide to Jenkyn Smyth in parte of payment for the 
making the Iron \voork of the dores and wyndowes 
of the Justice Hall ... ... ... vh>. \]d. 

Summa to the huius Ebdomade 
Ebdomeda post ffestum Nativitatis B'te Marie. 

It'm paid for a thousand and three hundreth sclats after 

the rate of \\}d. the hundreth 
It'm paid for vij pecks and a halfe of lyme after the rate 

of \]d. le peck 
It'm paid to Morys ap Yeuan for vj lodes ot stones 

caried out of Anglesey to Caern' 

It'm paid for the cariage up of the said stones from the 

water syde unto the worke 
It'm paid to a laborer for one day's worke in dygging 

upp of Clay taking by the daye foure pens 

[m. 2d.] 

It'm paide for the cariage up of the same that is to 

wytte for xxiiij loodes 
It'm paid to Lewes mason for parte of payment of the 

taske for making the Justices Hall 

It'm paide to a laborer for ij days in caring of tymber at 
the rering of the forsaid Hall 

Summa huius Ebdomade ... xxìxí. vj«. 

Ebdomeda post ffestum Exaltationis S'te Crucis [i4th September]. 
In primis paid for a thousand sclats ... ... i]s. \]d. 

It'm paid for xviij pecks of lyme ... ... ixí. 

It'm paid for the cariage of the Bateling [? Battlement] 

Stones from Conweye to Caern' ... ... vs. 

It'm paide for the cariage of the said Stones from the 

water side to the worke ... ... ... i'ij^. 

It'm payde to Morys ap Hugh for ij days werk about 

necessaryes done in the kytchin and the stable ... xi]d. 

It'm paid to Thomas Sclater in parte of payment for 

Sclating the hall of justice ... ... ü]s. 

It'm paide to a laborer for ij days work in dygging of 

claye ... ... ... ••• viij<£ 

It'm paide to John Reynolde for the kariage of xviij 

loodes of claye ... ... ... ••• ixrf. 

It'm paid to the said John for the cariage of x loodes of 

sande ... ... •■• •■• i}d. ob. 

It'm paide to Morys ap Yeuan for the cariage of one boote 

loode of Stones from Anglesey to Caern' ... xi]d. 

It'm paide for the kariage up of the same from the water 

syde to the wourke ... ... ... ü\d. 

Summa ejusdem Ebdomade xxii\s. \i\\d. ob. 



]XÌX5. 


iiiî^. 


Üjí. 


ihy. 


Ì\)S. 


ixd. 


\]s. 






x\i'\]d. 




iii]d. 




\\i]d. 


xii]s. 


iìi]d. 




\ii]d. 



viijí. 


\]d. 


Üjí. 


\xd. 


ijí. 


viijrf. 


\')S. 


\\\')d. 


\)S. 


\\\]d. 


iijj. 






xx\\]d. 




\d. ob. 




\\\]d. 



Abbey, and Bangor and Beaumaris Friaries, 79 

Ebdomeda prox post ffestum Sci Mathei Apli. [2ist September]. 

Inprimis paid for viij hundreth scklats ... ... \)s. 

It'm paid for xvij pecks of lyme after the rate of \]d. le 
pecke 

It'm paide to Roberte Comb[er]bache and John Smyth 
for ix loodes of sparres after the rate of \d. the loode 

It'm paide to ij laborers the space of iiij days for rydding 
[and] clensing of the rubbell out of the Hall and 
Court 

It'm paide to Lewes Mason for parte of payment of the 
Taske for making of the Justices Hall 

It'm paide to Thomas Harvy and Robert ap Will'm, 
carpinters, in parte of payment of a Taske taken in 
malcing of the Hall 

It'm to Thomas Sclater in parte of his Taske for sclating 
oftheHall ... 

It'm paid to John Rouland for the cariage of lxviij loodes 
of claye 

It'm paid for the cariage of xxij loodes of sande 
It'm to the said John Rouland for the temp[er]ing and 
dawbing the same claye ... 

Summa ejusdem Ebdomade xxxvî. x\d. ob. 

Ebdomada post ffestum S'ci Mich'is arch. [2Qth September]. 
It'm paide for a thousand aud ij hundreth of sclats 
It'm paide for vij pecks and di' of lyme 
It'm paide to Jamys Smyth for vj sparrys ... 
It'm paide to Stevyn Bodington for m 1 and a halfe 
[1,500] oflathe nailes 

It'm paide to the said Steven tor iij stone and foure 
poundes oí Iron ... 

It'm paide to Thomas Scklater in parte of paym't of his 
Taske for sclating the hall 

Summa ejusdem Ebdomade ... x\\s. 

Ebdomada ante ffestum S'ci Edward [i3th October]. 

It'm paide for xij c [hundred] scklats ... ... \\\s. 

It'm paide for iij pecks of lyme ... ... xviijtf'. 

It'm to Thomas Sclater ... ... ... xs. 

It'm payde for yj pecks of lyme ... ... \\'\s. 

[m. 3] 

It'm paide for foure loodes of sande ... ... ]d. 

It'm payde to Thomas Harvey carpinter ... ... v]s. \\\]d. 

It'm paide to Hughe Smythe for yj m 1 lathe nailes after 

tlie rate ot xvjí/. le thousand ... ... viijj. 

It'm to the said Hughe for iij c. gade nayles after the rate 

ofvijrf. thec. ... ... ... xxjrf. 

It'm paide to the said Hughe for ij c spike nayle after the 

rate of iiij</. the hundredth ... ••• \\\]d. 



\Ì)S. 

\\]s. 


\xd. 

x\]d. 


\]s. 




Üjí. 


\\')d. 


Üjí. 





8o The Fate of the Stmctures of Conway 

It"m paid to the said Hughe for di. c. [50] borde nayle ... \]d. 

It'in paide to John Smyth for viij sparrys after the rate 

of ij ob. le sparre ... ... ... xxd. 

It'm paide to Thomas Becke for c. and di. [ij cwt.] of Iron 

after the rate of vijs. v]d. the hundreth [cwt.] ... xjí. \\]d. 

It'm paide to the said Thomas for ij Rugs for the Halle 

doore ... ... ... ... v'û)d. 

It'm for a hundreth and a halfe of gadde nayles after v\]d. 

the hundrethe ... ... ... xd. ob. 

It'm paide for a hundrethe of spike nayles... ... vd. 

It'm paide for a thousand lathe nayles ... ... xv]d. 

It'm paide for vj c lathe nayles after the rate of v]d. the 

hundreth ... ... ... ... W]s. 

It'm payde to Jenkyn Smyth in full payment of his Iron 

werk to the Justice courte ... ... iiijí. xd. 



Summe ejusdem ebdomade ... h'irjí. xd. ob. 

Ebdomada post ffestum Omnium Sanctorum [ist November]. 

It'm paide to Rauffe Jonson for making the chymney in 

the chechin [ldtchen] ... ... ... xiijí. \\\]d. 

It'm paide to Ieuan Cotmfer] for a pece of Tymber to the 

work over the staire from the Hall to the chamber \\s. 

It'm paide for viij c sclats after the rate of \\]d. le c ... \]s. 

It'm for iiij pecks of lyme after the rate of yj le pek ... \]s. 

It'm paide to Thomas Beeke for a hundreth latthis ... v]d. 

It'm paide to the said Thomas for viij c lathe nailes ... x\]d. 

It'm paide to Thomas Sclater for his werk ... xxs. \W]d. 

It'm payde to Jenet Ffrauncs for caruing [carrying] 

water to the making of morter ... ... \]s. 

It'm paide to Morres ap Yeuan for vij boate loodes of 
Stones to fill and stoppe the hooles in the kaye 
[quay] after the rate of v\\]d. the loode ... iiijs. v\\]d. 

It'm paide to the said Morrys and to other laborers for 
the stopping and ffilling up of the hooles in the keye 
withe the said stones ... ... ... \]s. 

It'm paide to Thomas Glasyer for the glasing of lxiij 

foote of glasse after the rate of v]d. ob. le foote ... xxxiiijí. \d. ob. 

It'm paide for wynding roddes ... ... xvj</. 

It'm paide for v pecks and a halfe of lyme after the rate 

of v]d. le pek towardes the rep[ar]acone of Mr. 

Arnolde's chamber and the shire nall ... ... \]s. \xd. 

It'm paide to Ric. Sclatter by the space of x days in 
sclating of the said chamber after the rate oí v]d. 
le daye ... ... ... ... vs. 

It'm paide for a hundreth lathe nailes ... ... \]d. 

It'm paide for a shovill with a hed ... ... W]d. 

It'm paide for a syve to rydle the lyme ... ... \]d. 

Summa eiusdem Ebdomade iiij//. xiijí. v\]d. ob. 



x\]d. 



Aòbey, and Bangor and Beaumaris Friaries. 8 1 

Ebdomada tercia quadragesime. 

It'm paid to Will'm ap leuan ap Yockyn for iij dars 
vvorke in hewin and cutting of wood to the lyme 
kylne after the rate of \\\]d. the daye ... ... x \]d. 

It'm paide to Thomas Griffitli in Iike wise for iij day's 

worke on thesaid kyeue [quay] ... ... x \]d. 

It'm paid for iij days woorkein lyke man[ner] to Richarde 

laborer 
It'm paide for cariage of the wood to the water syde and 

towardes the looding of the same ... ... v]s. 

[m. 3 d.] 

It'm to Ll' ap Will'm for the cariage of iij boate loode of 

woode by water after the rate of xv]d. le loode ... iiijí. 
It'm paide to Morrys ap Ieuan for the cariage of one 

boate loode of wood ... ... ... x\\d. 

It'm paide to the said Morrys for fyve boate loode of 

lyme stones ... ... ... V s. 

It'm paid to Will'm Ffoxewist for breking of the said 

stones ... ... ... ... ví. 

It'm paid to the said Will'm for setting and brennyng 

[?burning] of the same kylne . ... ... vs. 

It'm paid to the said Will'm for kariing of th£ stones ' 

from the water side and loyding [?loading] of the 

Tange of the said kylne ... ... ... X xd. 

It'm paid to John Rouland for the kariage of lyme out of 

the said kylne to the Justice Hall ... ... üj.y. îîjjá 

It'm paide to John Dyckon for the mendyngand dressing 

of the said kylne ^ ... ... ... v ]d. 

Summa ejusdem Ebdomade ^. ... xxxiiijí. v]d. 

Ebdomada quinta quadragesime. 

It'm paid for a pykarde loode of Tymbre being of v tonne 

to Robert ap John ap Atha ffrom Conwey to Caern' v\\]s. 

It'm paid to Ffulke Maynwayring and toThomas Griffith ' 

for the unlayding of the said tymbre oute of the said 
pykarde ... ... ... ... v ]d. 

It'm paide for dygging of clay for twoo days ... v\\]d. 

It'm paid to Robert ap Griffìth for the cariage of fyftie 

loods of Claye after the rate of every iiij lods ]d. ... x \]d. 

It'm paide to John Rouland for xvj loode of claye ... \\\]d. 

It'm payde to Will'm Ffoxewiste for the making, tem- 
p[er]ing and dawbing of the wasting [? wainscotting] 
of the Hall and pointing the same with lyme by the 
space [of] ix days after the rate of ú\]d. the daye ... \\]s. 

It'm paide to Morys ap Ieuan for a boote loode of stones 

to the making of the chymney in the kychen ... x \]d. 

It'm to John Rouland for the cariage of the saide stones 

from the water syde to the Justes courte ... '\\\d. 

lt'm paid for caruing of water to temper the claye and 

morter for the said chymney ... ... \md. 



82 TJie Fate of tJie Structures of Conway 

It'm paide for xlviij loode of claye to the chymney ... x\}d. 

It'm paide to John Mason and Lewes his brother for one 
day's vvorke on the chymney after the rate of \]d. le 
day ... ... ... ... x\]d. 

It'm to Will'm Ffurberor' and to Ric' the laborer for s'uyng 
[serving] the masons for one daye after the rate of 
iii]d. by the daye le pere ... ... \\\]d. 

It'm paide to John ap R., mason, for one day's \vork 

taking by the daye \]d. ... ... ... \]d. 

It'm paide to Ric, laborer, for serving the said mason ... i\i]d. 

It'm to Rouland Ffoxevviste for taking downe sclats in 

the kichin ... ... ... ... \i\]d. 

It'm to Henry ap Lli' for foure hoopis and twoo turnells 

to carie up the lyme ... ... ... \\\]d. 

It'm for xij loodes of sande to pointing of the chymney in 

the kichin ... ... ... ... üj^. 

Summa eiusdem Ebdomade ... xixs. \]d. 

Ebdomada ante ffestum vanus palmar'. 

It'm to Thomas Ffoxwist for the pointing of the chymney \\\]d. 

It'm paide to D'd the laborer for the making of claye and 
dawbing the said chymney the space of iiij days 
after the rate of ii\]d. le daye ... ... x\]d. 

It'm to Rouland Ffoxewiste in the same weke the space 

ofiijdais ... ... ... ... x\]d. 

It'm paide for carinng of water to tempre the said morter i]d. 

Summa eiusdem Ebdomade ... iijí. \]d. 

[m. 4.] [No heading of the week.] 

It'm paid to John ap R. and Lewes his brother and to 
the other masons for making the windowes, dores 
and stayres in the Hall ... ... ... liijí. \\\]d. 

It'm gyven in rewarde to the said masons ... xiijj. iiijrt'. 

It'm paide to the mason for mendyng the chymney in the 

Justeschamber ... ... ... xiijj. \\\]d. 

It'm paide unto Ieuan ap John ap D'd Vichan for the 
ffalling of xvj greate oks at Conwey, for every one 
i\]d. ... ... ... ... in>- viij<£ 

It'm paid unto Griffith ap John for the hewing and 

squaring of the said oks ... ... ... x]s. ii\]d. 

It'm paide unto the above namyd Griffith ap John for the 
sawing of the said Treys for iij roodys et di [?2j 
roods] after the rate of \s. le roode ... ... xi]s. \]d. 

I'tm paide for the cariage by water of the said tymber 
from the late Abbeye of Conwey unto Caern' unto 
Griffith ap Ll' ... ... ... x\]s. \]d. 

It'm paide to Griff ap Hoell ap Jhon, Hughe ap D'd ap 
Ll' and others for the cariage of stones and tymber 
by lande at soundrie tymes for the Justice Hall at 
Caern' from the Abbeye of Conweye to the water ... xlí. 

Summa istius Ebdomade ... vlijẃ". 



Abbey, and Bangor anci Beaumaris Friaries. 83 

Ebdomeda prox'ante ffestum apostolorum Ph'i et Jacobi [ist May]. 

In primis paide to Thomas Hervy carpinter tor iiij dais 
work in pulling downe tlie rouffe of Oure Lady 
Chapell at Bangor taking by the daye v\\d. ... \]s. \\'\]d. 

It'm paide to Roberte ap Will'm for iiij days worke in lyke 

manner taking v]d. le daye ... ... ijí. 

It'm paide Rouland ap Will'm carpinter for iiij days 

worke in lyke manner taking by the daye v]d. ... \]s. 

It'm paide to Ric' Browne carpinter for iiij daies work in 
pulling downe the rouffe of the said chapell, taking 
\]d. le daye ... ... ... ... \]s. 

It'm paide to Richard ap Will'm sclater for ij dais woork 
in taking downe of the sklats from the said chapell, 
taking \]d. le daye ... ... ... x\]d. 

It'm paide to Thomas Ffoxewist sklaterfor ij dais wourke 
in taking downe of the sclats from the said chapell, 
taking \]d. le daye ... ... ... x\]d. 

It'm paide to ij laborers by the space of ij dais to take 

the sclats from the sclaters ... ... xv]d. 

It'm paide to John Smythe for the making of two Iron 

pynnes ... ... ... ... \\\]d. 

It'm paide to Thomas Osbaston mason for v dais work 
in pullyng downe of the stones from the churche of 
Bangor, taking by the daye \'\]d. ... ... i]s. x]d. 

It'm paide to Hughe ap R. mason for taking downe of 
stones in like manner from the church of Bangor, by 
the space of v dais, taking v]d. le daye ... i\s. v]d. 

It'm paide to David Dromme laborer for v dais wourk 
to take up the stones from the said masons, taking 
\\\]d. by the daye ... ... ... xxd. 

It'm paide to D'd ap Roberte laborer for v dais worlc 
taking up stones from the said masons, taking by the 
daye iüj«. ... ... ... ... xxd. 

It'm paide to John Sadler for hym and his horse for foure 
dais labor to karie stones from the Ffriers of Bangor 
to the water syde, taking le daye v]d. ... ... ijs. 

It'm paide to Thomas ap Ieuan for hym and his horse 
for iiij dais worke to cary stones from the Ffriers of 
Bangor to the water side, taking le daye v]d. ... \]s. 

It'm paide to John ap S. Griffith for hym and his horse 
for iiij dais labor to carye stones from the said Ffrier 
House to the water side, taking le day v]d. ... \]s. 

It'm paide to David ap Will'm for hym and his horse by 
the space of ij dais to carie stones in like manner, 
taking by the daye v]d. ... ... ... x\]d. 

Summa eiusdem Ebdomade ... xxvijí. \xd. 

Ebdomada in ffesto Apostolorum Ph'i et Jacobi. 
[m. 4d.] 

It'm paide to Robert Griffith for hym and his horse for 
iiij days laboryng to carie stones from the Ffriers 
house of Bangor unto the water side taking by the 
daye v]d. ... ... ... ... i]s. 

G 2 



84 The Fate of the Structures of Conway 

It'm for one gable rope of vj stone and a halfe after the 

rate of \}s. \}d. le stone ... ... ... xiiij,y. 

It'm paide to Thomas Hosbaston mason by the space of 
iiij days and a halfe in poling downe of stones from 
the said church, taking by the daye \\}d. ... ijy. \\\d. ob. 

It'm paid to John ap Ieuan mason for iiij dais vvorke in 
taking dowiie of stones from the churche of Bangor, 
taking by the daye \)d. ... ... ... i)s. 

It'm paid to David Dromme laborer by the space of iiij 
days and a halfe taking stones from the masons, 
talíing by the daye iii)d. ... ... ... xviij^. 

It'm paide to John ap Thomas laborer for iiij days and 
a halfe in taking stones from the masons, taking by 
the daye iii)d. ... ... ... xvii)d. 

It'm paide to Ric. Browne and Thomas Harvy carpinters 
for j dai's vvorke to make ij cradeis to worke uppon 
the castell walle ... ... ... xij</. 

It'm paide to the Constable of Caern' for his pilorde 
laden twyes [twice] to carie stones from Bangor to 
Caern' ... ... ... ... \)s. \ii)d. 

It'm paide to John Sadler for hym and his horse the 
space of iiij days, after the rate of \)d. the daye to 
carie stones from the Ffriers to the water side ... i)s. 

It'm paide to John ap S. John Gruff for hym and his 
horse the space of iiij days after the rate of \)d. the 
daye in karing stones from the churche of Bangor to 
the water syde ... ... ... i)s. 

It'm paide to Morrys ap Hoell for hym and his horse the 
space of iiij days to carye stones to the water side 
from the churche of Bangor, taking by the daye \)d. i)s. 

Summa eiusdem Ebdomade xxxvijj. ü)d. ob. 

Ebdomada post ffestum Apostolorum Ph' et Jacobi. 

It'm paide to Thomas Hosbaston mason for vj dais 
laboring 011 the keye and castell walls, taking by the 
daye \i)d. ... ... ... ... ii)s. \)d. 

It'm paide to Griff ap Hoell mason for vj dais laboring 

011 the keye, taking by the daye \)d. ... ... ii)s. 

It'm paide to David ap Hoell mason for vj days laboring 

on the kaye, taking by the daye \)d. ... ... ii)s. 

It'm paid to Hugh ap R. mason for vj days laboring on 

the kaye, taking by the daye \)d. ... ... ii)s. 

It'm paide to John ap R. mason for yj dais laboring on 

the kaye, taking by the daye \)d. ... ... i'\)s. 

It'm paide to David Drome laborer for vj days laboring 

on the kaie, taking by the daye iii)d. ... ... ijí. 

It'm paide toThomas Ffoxewist laborer for v dais labor- 

ing on the keye, taking by the daye iii)d. ... xxd. 

It'm paide to Ieuan ap John laborer for v dais laboring 

on the kaye, taking by the daye iii)d. ... ... xxd. 

It'm paid to Gruff. ap John for v dais laboring 011 the 

kaye, taking by the daye ii\)d. ... ... xxd. 



Abbey, and Baugor and Beaumaris Friaries. 85 

It'm paide to Rouland Ffoxewist laborer for vdais labor- 

ing 011 the kaye, taking by the daye iiijW. ... xxd. 

It'm paide to David ap Richarde laborer fof v dais labor- 

ing on the kaie, taking by the daye \\\]d. ... xxd. 

It'm paide to Hoell ap Dicus for iiij boote loode laden 

with stones from Angles' to Caern' ... ... iiijí. 

It'm paide to a laborer for the cariage of xij loode of 

sande ... ... ... ... W]d. 

It'm paide to Thomas Beeke for the ffreight of his 
pikarde at ij tymes from Bangor to Caern' with 
stones ... ... ... ... v\]s. \\\]d. 

It'm paide to John Roulland for hym and his horse the 
space of v days to kary sande and morter, taking by 
the daye v]d. ... ... ... \]s. v]d. 

It'm paid to Ratheryne Morrys for gethering of viij 

bourden of mosse ... ... ... viij<£ 



Summa eiusdem Ebdomade ... x\s. v\]d. 

[m. 50 

Ebdomada in festo translacionis Sc'i Bernardi [17U1 May]. 

It'm paide to Thomas Hosboston, mason, for vj days 

laboring on the kaye, taking be the daye v\]d. ... W]s. v]d. 

It'm paide to Griffith ap Hoell, mason, for vj dais labor- 

ing on the keye, taking by the daye v]d. ... \\]s. 

It'm paide to David ap Hoell ap Griffith, mason, for vj 

days laboring on the kaye, taking by the daye v]d. \\]s. 

It'm paid to John ap R. for vj dais laboring 011 the kaye, 

taking by the daye, v]d. ... ... ... W]s. 

It'm paide to Lewes ap R., mason, for vj days laboring 

on the keye, taking by the daye, v]d. ... ... \\]s. 

It'm paid to Hugh ap R., mason, for vj dais laboring on 

the kaye, talcing by the daye v]d. ... ... iijí. 

It'm paide to Gruff ' ap Yeuan, laborer, forsixe days labor- 

ing on the kaye, takyng by the daye, \\\]d. ... \]s. 

It'm paid to David Drome for vj dais laboring on the 

kaye, taking by the daye \\\]d. ... ... \]s. 

It'm paide to John ap Madock, laborer, for vj dais laboring 

on the kaie, takyng by the daye, W\]d. ... ... \]s. 

It'm paide to greate Richarde, laborer, forvj daislaboring 

on the kaye, taking by the daye iiijäf. ... ... \]s. 

It'm paide to Thomas ap John, laborer, for vj dais Iabor- 

ing on the keye, taking by the daye, iiij«. ... ij\r. 

It'm paid to Ric' ap Ieuan, laborer. for vj daislaboring on 

the kaye, takyn by the daye \\\]d. ... ... \\s. 

It'm paide to Morys ap Yeuan for the cariage of iiij boote 

lods with ffilling stones oute of Anglesey to Caern' \\\]s. 

It'm paide to Rateryne Morrys for the gethering of viij 

bourden of mosse ... ... ... v\\\d. 

It'm paid to John Griffith for v dais laboring to cut and 
fall downe rodds in Rredonoke filling [Velen], 
takyng by the day \\\]d. ... ... xxd. 



&6 The Fate of the Structures of Conway 

It'm paide to David ap Yeuan for v dais laboring to cut 
and fall wood in Rredomoke Vellen to branne 
[burn] the lyme kylne, taking by the daye \\\]d. ... xxd. 

It'm paide to John ap Hoell for hym and his horse the 
space of vj dais, after the rate of \]d. the daye, to 
carye the said woode to the water side ... iijí. 

It'm paide to Robert Gruffith for hym and his horse the 
space of vj days, after the rate of \]d. the day, to 
carie the said wood to the water side ... ... \'\]s. 

It'm paide to John Roulande for hym and his horse for 
cariing of morter to serve the masons by the space 
of vj days, taking by the daie \]d. ... ... \\]s. 

It'm paide to John ap S'r Gruff ' for hym and his horse 
the space of vj dais to carye sande and morter, taking 
by the daye yj</. ... ... ... iijí. 



Summa eiusdem Ebdomade ... \s. \]d. 

Ebdomada prox' post ffestum translacionis S'ci Bernardi. 

It'm paid to Griffìth ap Hoell mason for v dais labouring 

on the keye, taking by tlie daye \]d. ... ... \]s. \]d. 

It'm paide to David ap Hoell mason for v days laboring 

on the kaye, taking by the daye \]d. ... ... \]s. \]d. 

It'm paide to John Mason for iij dais laboring on the 

kaye, taking by the daye v]d. ... ... x\\\]d. 

It'm paide to Lewes mason for iij dais laboring in poling 
downe of stones fro[m] the churche of Bangor, taking 
by the daye \]d. ... ... ... x\\'\]d. 

It'm paide to iij laborers the space of iij days to serve the 

said masons, taking by the daye \'\\]d. ... ... \\]s. 

It'm paide to John Sadler for hym and his horse the 
space of iiij dais to karye stones from tne Ffriers 
house of Bangor to the water side, taking by the 
daie \]d. ... ... ... ... \]s. 

It'm paide to Jamys ap Ithell for hym and his horse the 
space of iij days to carie stones from the said Ffryers 
house to the water syde, taking \]d. le daye ... x\\\]d. 

It'm paide to Ric. ap Yeuan for hym and hys horse the 
space of iij dais to karye stones from the said Friers 
house to the water side, taking by the daye \]d. ... wiijí^. 

[m. 5 d.] 

It'm paide to the Constable of Caern' for the ffraight of 

his pikarde laden with stones from Bangor to Caern' iijí. \\\]d. 

It'm paide for the cariage of one pikarde looden with 

Tymber from Conweye woode to Caern'... ... viijj. 

It'm paide for falling down of a c [100] oks in Conwey 

woode ... ... ... ... x\'\]s. \'\\]d. 

It'm paid for iij shovills ... ... ... \]d. 

It'm paide for iij greate nailes ... ... ]d. 

It'm paide for ij tournells ... ... ... xijí/. 

It'm paide for iij [cwt. ?] of nailes to make the sckaffoldis \]d. 



Aòòey, and Bangor and Beaumaris Friaries. Sy 

It'm paide to Robert of [?ap] Will'm carpinter for iij days 

\vourke in making ij scícaffoldes ... ... i\]s. 

It'm paid to Mooris ap Ieuan ap Hoell for the kariage of 

vj boate loods of lyme stones ... ... vjf. 



Summa eiusdem Ebdomade ... Ijí. ixd. 

Ebdomada prox' ante ffestum Translationis S'ci Edmundi [9U1 June]. 

It'm paid to Gruffith ap Hoell mason for vj days laboring 

upon the kaye, taking by the daye v]d. ... i\]s. 

It'm paide to D'd ap Hoell mason for yj dais laboring on 

thekaie, taking by the daye v]d. ... ... üjí. 

It'm paide to John mason for vj dais laboring on the 

kaie, taking by the daye v]d. ... ... i\]s. 

It'm paid to Denes mason for vj dais laboring on the 

Caye, taking v]d. by the daye ... ... ü]s. 

It'm paid to Hughe ap R. mason for v dais laboring 011 

the kaie, taking by the daye v]d. ... ... i]s. v]d. 

It'm paide to vij laborers the space of v dais to serve the 

said masons, taking by the daye iiij a pece ... x\s. vi\]d. 

It'm paide to Will'm ap Will'm the space of v days, after 

the rate of v]d. the daye to karie sande and morter... ijí. v]d. 

It'm paide to Moris ap Yeuan ap Hoell for the cariage 

of one boote loode of woode from Riedonock Velen 

to Caern' to burne the lyme kylne ... ... xijí/. 

It'm paide to Moris ap Yeuan for iiij boote loode of 

filling stones oute of Anglesey to Caern' ... i\\]s. 

It'm paide to Thomas ap R. for breking of stones to the 

lyme kylne ... ... ... ... vs. 

It'm paide to the said Thomas for brannyng [?burning] 

of the said lyme kylne ... ... ... vs. 

It'm paide to the said Thomas for the caryage of woode 

and tunge from the water side to the lyme kylue ... ijí. viij^. 

It'm paide to John ap Ieuan for ij dais laboring to cutte 

woode in Redanok Velen, taking \\\\d. le daye ... v\\\d. 

It'm paide to John ap Griffith for hym and his horse the 

space of v dais, taking by the daye v]d. ... \]s. v]d. 

It'm paide to Katerine Mooris for ix burden of mosse ... ixd. 

It'm paide to Lewes ap R. masor. for vj dais worke 

laboring uppon the kaye, taking v]d. le day ... iijj. 

Summa eiusdem Ebdomade ... liijí. ii]d. 

Ebdomada in ffesto Translacionis S'ci Edmundi. 

It'm paide to Gruff. ap Hoell mason for vj dais laboring 

on the kaie, taking by the daye vj^. ... ... iijs. 

It'm paide to D'd ap Hoell mason for vj dais laboring on 

the kaye, taking by the daye v]d. ... ... ú]s. 

It'm paide to Denes mason for vj dais working on the 

kaie, taking by the daye v]d. ... ... \\]s. 

It'm paid to John ap R. mason for yj dais laboring on the 

kaye, taking by the daye v]d. ... ... \\]s. 



SS The Fate of the Structures o/ Coniuay 

It'm paide to Hugh ap R. mason for vj dais laboring on 

the kaie, taking v]d. the daye ... ... üjs. 

It'm paide to Lewes ap R. mason for vj dais laboring on 

the kaye, taking by the daye v]d. ... ... ii]s. 

It'm paide to vij laborers the space of vj dais to serve 

the said masons, taking ii\]d. a daye to every of them xiiijí. 

[m. 6.] 

It'm paide to John ap S'r Gruffith for hym and his horse 
the space of vj dais to cary sand and mort[er] to 
serve the masons, taking by the daye v]d. ... ii]s. 

It'm paide to Mooris ap leuan ap Hoell for iiij boats 

loade of Stones out of Angles' to Caern' ... iiij.y. 

It'm paide for the cariage of iiij boats loode of wood 

ffrom Redemok Vellen to Caern' to Lewes ap Ll' ... vs. 

It'm paide to Roberte Gruffith for hym and his horse for 

ij dais to carye sand and morter, taking by day v]d.... x\]d. 

It'm paide to Ratheryn Morris for the kariage of viij 

burden of mosse ... ... ... viijí/. 

It'm paide to Annes ap Meredith for the cariage of water 

to slake the lyme ... ... ... \d. 

It'm paid to the Constable of Caern' for his pikardeladen 

with stones from Bangor to Caern' ... ... \\]s. \\\]d. 

Summa ejusdem Ebdomade ... xlixí. vd. 

Ebdomada prox' ante ffestum Nativitatis S'ci Johannis Baptist' 

[24th June]. 

It'm paide to Griffith ap Hoell mason for vj days laboring 

on the keye, taking by the daye v]d. ... ... iijs. 

It'm paide David ap Gruff ' ap Hoell mason for vj days 

laboring on the keye, taking by the daye v]d. ... iijí. 

It'm paide to Denes Roche mason for vj dais laboring on 

the kaye, taking by the daye v]d. ... ... ii]s. 

It'm paid to John ap Ieuan mason for vj dais worke 

uppon the kaye, taking by the daye v]d. ... Y\]s. 

lt'm paid to Hugh ap R. mason for vj dais working 

uppon the kaye, taking v]d. the daye ... ii]s. 

It'm paide to D'd Drome laborer for vj dais worke on 

the kaye, taking by the daye iihy. ... ... ijj. 

It'm paide to Rouland Ffoxewist for vj dais worke uppon 

the kaye, taking by the daye iii]d. ... ... i]s. 

It'm paide to Roberte Griffith for vj dais working on the 

kaie, taking by the daye iii]d. ... ... i]s. 

It'm paide to D'd ap Ric' ior vj dais laboring on the kaye, 

taking by the day iiij^. ... ... ... ij^. 

It'm paid to John ap Will'm for hym and his horse the 
space of vj dais to karie morter and sand, taking by 
the daye vj</. ... ... ... ii]s. 

It'm paid to John ap Robert for hym and his horse the 

space of ij dais, taking by the daye v]d. ... x\]d. 

It'm paide to Moris ap Ieuan for iij boote loodes with 

stones from Angles' to Raern' ... ... ìijí. 





xi]d. 


ÜJÄ. 


i'\]d. 




xx'] d. 
\\\]d. 


xY]s. 


\\\]d. 



Abbey, and Batigor and Beaumaris Friaries, 89 

It'm paide to John ap R. for a boate loode of stones from 

Bangor to Caern' ... ... ... \]S. \]d. 

It'm paid to John Smythe for sharp[en]ing the masons' 

toles [tools]... ... ... ... \]s. 

It'm paide to Eatheryn Mooris for getheryng vj bordens 

of moosse ... ... ... ... \]d. 

It'm paide to Mooris ap Yevan for the kariage of one 

boate loaden with woode frome Redonoke Velen to 

Caern' 
It'm paide to Richarde Louelake for one roope of one 

stone and a halfe, after the rate of ij.y. i]d. le stone ... 
It'm paide to Thomas Harvy in iij days laboring in going 

to Conwey woode and to Harloghe to mark the trees 

there to be ffallyn, taking by the daye vij</. 
It'm paid for twoo syves to syft the lyme ... 

Summa ejusdem Ebdomade 

Ebdomada in ffesto Nativitatis S'ci Johannis Baptiste. 

It'm paid to Grufhth ap Hoell mason for vj dais laboring 

on the keye, taking by the daye \}d. ... ... i\]s. 

It'm paide to D'd ap Hoell mason for vj dais worke upon 

the kaye, taking by the daye \}d. ... ... ii]s. 

It'm paid to Thomas Roche for vj dais worke on the 

kaye, taking by the daye \}d. ... ... ii]s. 

It'm paid to Lewes mason for vj dais worke on the kaye, 

taking by the daye \]d. ... ... ... U]s. 

It'm paid to David Dromme íor v dais working of the 

key, taking by the daye v]d. [?ii'\]d.] ... ... xxd. 

[m. 6d.] 

It'm paide to David ap Ric. laborer for v dais laboryng 

on the kaye, taking by the daye iii]d. ... ... xxd. 

It'm paide to Thomas Ffoxewiste for laboring upon the 

kaye, taking by the daye iii]d. ... ... xxd. 

It'm paid to John ap Madock for working upon the kaye 

the space of v dais, talung iiij^. le daye ... xxd. 

It'm paid to John ap S'r Griffith for hym andhis horse by 

the space of iiij days, taking by the day \]d. ... \]s. 

It'm paide to Ratheryn Morys for the gethering of iiij 

bourden ofmosse ... ... ... iii]d. 

It'm paide to Will'm ap Hoell for the kariage of iij boate 

loode of stones from Bangor to Caern' ... ii]s. 

It'm paide for ijlb. of tallo to tallo the roope [rope] ... ij^. 

It'm paide to Annes ap Meredith for caring of water to 

slake the lyme ... ... ... iüj^- 

Summa ejusdem ebdomade ... xxiiijí. \]d. 

Ebdomada prox' post ffestum Nativitatis S'ci Johannis [Baptiste]. 

It'm paid to Griffith ap Hoell for yj dais laboring on the 

keye, taking by the daye \}d. ... ... üj? 



9<D The Fate of the Structures of Conway 

It'm paide to David mason for vj dais laboring on the 

keye, taking by the daye v]d. ... ... i\]s. 

It'm paide to Denes Rooche mason for vj dais vvoorke 

uppon the kaye, taking by the daye v\d. ... \\}S. 

It'm paid to John ap Yeuan mason for vj dais vvoorkyng 

uppon the kaye, taking v]d. by the daye ... \\\s. 

It'm paide to David goz [goch] mason for vj dais laboring 

on the keye, taking v]d. by the daye ... ... iijí. 

It'm paide to John ap Madock for sixe dais laboring on 

the kaye, taking iiijrtf. by the daye ... ... \\s. 

It'm paide to David Drome for laboring on the kaye by 

the space of yj days, taking \\\]d. le daye ... \]s. 

It'm paide to David ap Ll' laborer for vj dais vvorke upon 

the kaye, taking by the daye \\\]d. ... ... \]s. 

It'm paide to John Ffyvyon [? Vivian] for v dais laboring 

on the kaye, taking by the daye \\\]d. ... xxd. 

It'm paide to John ap Ric. laborer for iiij dais vvorking 

uppon the kaie, taking by the daye \\\]d. ... xv]d. 

It'm to Ratheryn Morys for vj bourden of mosse ... v]d. 

It'm paide to Jolin ap S'r Griffith for hym and his horse 

the space [of] iiij dais, taking v]d. by the daye ... ijí. 

It'in paide for iiij smale roopes ... ... \\\]d. 

It'm paide for the mending of one tornell ... ... \]d. 

It'm paide for the kariage of water to slake the lyme ... \\\]d. 



Summa ejusdem ebdomade ... xxvij5. \\\]d. 

Ebdomada in ffesto Translacionis S'ci Thome [3rd July]. 

It'm paide to Hoell mason for vj dais laboring on the 

kaye, taking v]d. by the daye ... ... iijj. 

It'm paid to David ap Hoell mason for vj dais laboring 

on the kaye, taking by the daye v]d. ... ... \\]s. 

It'm paide to Denes Roche mason for vj dais laboring on 

the kaie, takyng by the day v]d. ... ... \\]s. 

It'm to John ap Yeuan mason for vj dais laboring on the 

kaye, taking by the daye v]d. ... ... \\]s. 

It'm paide to D'd goch mason for vj dais laboring on the 

kaye, talcing by the daye vd. ... ... \\s. vd. 1 

It'm paide to David Drome laborer tor vj dais Iaboring 

on the kaye, taking by the day iiijW. ... ... \\s. 

It'm paide to D'd ap Ll' laborer for vj days laboring on 

the kaye, taking iiij</. le daye ... ... \]s. 

It'm to John ap Madocke for vi dais laboring on the kaie, 

taking i\\]d. le daye ... ... ... ijí. 

It'm paide to John ap Ric' laborer for vj days Iaboring on 

the kaye, taking \\\]d. le daye ... ... ijs. 

It'm to Will'm ap Griffith for vj days laboring on the 

kaye, taking by the daye \\\]d. ... ... \]s. 

1 Should be yj, but in total as v. 



Abbey, anci Bangor anci Beaumaris Friaries. 91 

It'm paide to John ap S'r John Gruff' for vj dais laboring 
for hym and hys horse, taking by the day v]d. y to cary 
sande and morter ... ... ... \\)S. 

It'm paide to John ap leuan for hym and his horse the 
space of iij days and a halfe to cary sand and morter, 
taking also v]d. le daye ... ... ... xx]d. 

[m. 7.] 

It'm paide to Katerin Moris for sixe bourden of mosse ... v]d. 

It'm paid to Richarde Sparrowe for one boote [boat] 

laden within stones from Bangor to Caern' ... xi]d. 

It'm paide to Morys ap Yenan ap Hoell, for one boote 

laden with stones from Bangor to Caern' ... xije/. 

It'm payde for mendyng of one turnell ... ... i]d. 

It'm paide to Ratheryn Moorys for kariing of water to 

slake the lyme ... ... ... iii]d. 

Summa ejusdem Ebdomade ... xxxijí. i]d. 



Ebdomada prox' ffestum Translacionis S'ci Thome. 

It'm paide to Rouland Ffoxewiste laborer for one dai's 
wourke in taking downe of scklats from the churche 
of Bangor, taking by the daye iiij^. ... ... iii]d. 

It'm paid to Richarde ap Yeuan laborer for one day's 

worke to take the sclats from the sclater ... iii]d. 

It'm paid to Jamys ap Ithell for hym and his horseby the 
space of ij dais to bring the said slats to the water 
side, taking by the daye v]d. ... ... xi]d. 

It'm paide to Richarde Sparowe for the cariage of one 

booté loode of slates from Bangor to Caern' ... xi\d 

It'm paid to Hughe ap Hoell for the cariage of one bote 

loode of sckiats from Bangor to Caern' ... xi]d. 

It'm paide to John Sadlar for the cariage of the tymber 

of the Porche of Bangor, and sclats to the watersyde vii]d. 

It'm paide to David Thome for twoo dais laboring to 

rydde the stable, takyng by the daye iii]d. ... vii]d. 

It'm paide to David ap Ll' laborer for ij dais laboring to 

ridde the stables, taking by the daye iii]d. ... vii]d. 

It'm paide to Hughe ap Hoell for the caryage ofiij boots 

loode with scíats from Bangor to Caern' ... iijí. 

It'm paide to Richarde ap Yeuan ap R. for hym and his 
horse the space of ij dais to carye sclats and glasse 
to the water side from the churche of Bangor, taking 
by the daye v]d. ... ... ... xi]d. 

It'm paide to David ap Will'm sclater for the taking 

downe the one half of the slats of the cloyster ... v'ûjd. 

It'm paide to John ap S'r Grnffith for the cariage of iij 
boots loode of síclats from the water side to the 
Shyre Hall ... ... ... ... xd. 

It'm paide to Ll'i ap R. for one pykarde laden with 

tembre from Conwey wood to Caern' ... ... xs. 



; j 



92 The Fate of the Structures of Conway 

It'm paide to Roberte ap Will'm and to Rouland ap 
Will'm for iij dais laboring to sarve the planks for 
the stable, taking by tlie daye v]d. le pece [each] ... iijí. 

Summa eiusdem Ebdomade ... xxiiijí. ]d. 

Ebdomada in ffesto S'ce Marie Magdalene [22nd July]. 

It'm paide to Lewes ap R. mason for sixe dais laboring 
to make the porche of the Hall and by the Chambre, 
taking by the daye v]d. ob. ... ... û]s. \\]d. 

It'm paide to greate Richarde laborer for vj dais laboring 

to serve the masons, taking by the daye \\\]d. ... i]s. 

It'm paide to Robert ap Will'm and Rouland ap Will'm 
carpinters for vj dais laboring on the Porche and the 
lytle Chambre, takying by the daye v]d. le pece ... v]s. 

It'm paide to David ap Yeuan carpinter for vj dais \vork 
on the Porche and litle Chambre, taking by the daye 
v]d. ... ... ... ... iijí. 

Summa ejusdem Ebdomade ... xiiijí. iij<s?. 

Ebdomada post ffestum S'ce Marie Magdalene. 
It'm paide to Lewes ap R. mason for iij dais work in 
making the stone wourke of the Pourche and lytill 
chambre, taking by the daye, v]d. ob. ... ... x'\xd. ob. 

It'm paide to John ap Yeuan mason for vj dais work to 
make the Porche and litle Chambre, taking v]d. le 
day ... ... ... ... iijí. 

It'm paide to David Dromme for vj dais laboring to serve 

the masons, taking by the daye \\\]d. ... ... ijí. 

It'm paide to greate Richarde for vj dais laboring to 

serve the masons, taking by the daie \'\i]d. ... \]s. 

It'm paide to John ap S'r Gruff" for hym and his horse 
the space of vj dais to carie sand and morter, taking 
by the daie v]d. ... ... ... \\]s. 

[m. 7d.] 

It'm paid to Roberte ap Will'm and Rouland ap Will'm 
carpinters for vj dais worke on the Porche and litle 
Chambre, taking by the daie v]d. le pece ... v]s. 

It'm paide to David ap Yeuan carpinter for vj dais work 
on the Porche and litle Chambre, taking by the daye 
v]d. ... ... ... ... \\]s. . 

It'm paide to Richarde Sparro for the kariage of one bote 

loode of scklats from Bangor to Caern' ... xijr/. 

It'm paide to Will'm ap Hoell for iiij boote Ioode of 

stones from Anglesey to Caern' ... ... iiijí. 

It'm paide to Ric. ap Will'm sclater for yj dais work on 

the Exchequier, takyng by the daie vj«. ... iijí. 

It'm paide to John Clarke tor vj dais laboring to serve 

the sclater, taking by the daye ü\]d. ... ... \]s. 

It'm paid to Richarde ap Yeuan ap R. for hym and his 
horse the space of one daye to carie sclats from the 
churche of Bangor to the watei side, taldng by the 
daye v]d. .. ... ■•■ ■■■ vj<£ 



Abbey, and Bangor and Beaumaris Friaides. 93 

It'm paide to John ap Madock and to grete Ric' for the 
cariage up of iij bote loode of sclates from the water 
syde to the Shyre Hall ... ... ... v\d. 

It'm paide to David ap Hoell mason for iij dais work in 

making the cubberde in the Hall, taking vjd. le daye xvii]d. 

Summa ejusdem Ebdomade ... xxxin>. ]d. ob. 

Ebdomada post ffestum S'ci Jacobi apostoli [25th July]. 
It'm paide to Roberte ap Will'm for v dais worke in 

plancking the stable and making the racks, taking 

by the daye v]d. ... ... ••• n> v]d. 

It'm paide to Rouland ap Will'm and David ap Yeuan 

carpinters for v dais in plancking the stabulls, taking 

by the daye vjd. le pece ... ... ... vs. 

It'm paide to Hugh ap Hoell ap Dicus for the cariage of 

an Auter [altar] stone from Bewmaris to Caern' ... xi]d. 

It'm paide to the said Hughe for iiij boats loodeof stones 

from Anglesey to Caern'... ... ... iü]s. 

It'm paide to John ap Madock laborer for ij dais work in 

ridding the courte, taking by the day iii]d. ... vii]d. 

It'm paide to John Clark for ij dais work in serving the 

mason, taking by the daye [iiij^.] ... ••• vii]d. 

It'm paide to Roberte ap Will'm carpinter for vj dais 

work in plancking the stable and setting the bordes 

in the hall, taking by the daye vijd. ... ... iijí. v]d. 

It'm paide to Roulland ap Will'm and to David ap Ieuan 

carpinters for vj dais work in making the bordes in 

the Hall, taking by the daye v]d. le pece ... vjí. 

lt'm paide to John Gruff laborer for iiij dais laboring to 

rydde the courte and the stable ... ... xv]d. 

It'm paide to Will'm ap Hoell laborer for yj dais work in 

ridding the courte and the stable, taking by the daye 

iii]d. ... ... ... ••• i]s. 

It'm paide Roulande Ffoxewist sclater for vj dais work in 

pointing the Hall, taking by the daye iii]d. ... i]s. 

It'm paide to Hughe ap Hoell for the kariage of one 

boote loode of lyme from Caern' to Bewmarys ... xi]d. 

It'm paide to John ap Madock and to greate Ric. for the 

lading of the said bote with lyme ... ... iii]d. 

It'm paide to Hugh Smyth for ij hundreth of lathis ... xi]d. 

It'm paide to Hugh Smyth for half a hundreth of spikins ij^. 

It'm paide to John ap Yeuan for iij dais laboring on the 

Exchequier, taking by the daye v]d. ... ... xvii]d. 

It'm paide to Rouland Ffoxewist in twoo dais for poynting 

the Hall, taking iii]d. le daye ... ... viijí/. 

It'm paide to Ric' ap Will'm sclater for vj dais on the 

Exchequier, taking by the day v]d. ... ... ü]s. 

It'm paide to John Clark laborer for vj dais work to serve 

tlie sclater, taking iii]d. by the daye ... ... ijí. 

It'm paide to John Smyth for the making of the barres 

for the litle Chambre ... ... ... iüj^- 



Summa ejusdem Ebdomade ... xxxvih>. viij^. 



94 The Fate of the Structures of Conway 

Ebdomada in ffesto S'ci Laurencii [ioth August]. 
It'm paid to Ric. ap Wili'm sclater for yj dais worke in 

sklating the Porche and the litle chambre ... iijí. 

It'm paide to Hugh Goodfrey for v dais \vork in glasing 

the wyndowes in the lytle Chambre ... ... ijí. \]d. 

It'm paid to Holl ap Yenan for vj trees to bere the boordes 

in the Hall ... ... ... ... xi]d. 

It'm paide to Ric. ap Will'm sciater in pointing the Hall, 

the space of one daye ... ... ... \]d. 

[m. 8.] 

It m paide to Hughe Smyth for a m 1 [1,000] lathe nailes viij</. 

It'm paid to the said Huglie for halfe a hundreth of borde 

nailes ... ... ... ... i]d. 

It'm paide to Roberte ap Will'm carpinter for iiij dais 
work on the Exchequyer and Stable, taking \]d. a 
day ... ... ... ... n>. 

It'm paide to John Smyth for one lock and a keye to the 

litle chamber dore ... ... ... xd. 

It'm paide to Thomas Hervy carpinter for iiij dais work 
in making the boordes in the Hall, taking by the 
daye viij«. ... ... ... ... üs. \ii]d. 

It'm paide Lewes ap Yeuan carpinter for iiij dais worke, 

taking by the daye \]d. ... ... ... iis. 

It'm paide to Hugh ap Hoell for the hariage of one boote 

loode of sclats from Bangor to Caern' ... ... x\]d. 

It'm paide to greate Ric' laborer for one dai's work to 

rydde the courte, taking iii]d. by the daye ... \\\\d. 

It'm paide to Will'm Poell laborer for iij dais work to 

ndde the courte and stabie, taking iinẂ. le day ... xi\d. 

It'm paide to Thomas Gouff' for hym and his horse the 

space of ij dais, taking \]d. by the daye to ridde the 

courte and stable ... ... ... x\\d. 

It'm paide to John ap Madock for one dai's worke to 

ridde the courte, taking by the daye iii\d. ... iii\d. 

It'm paide for the kariage up of a boote loode of stones 

from the water side to the Justice Courte ... ii]d. 

It'm paide for the kariage of a pikarde loode of tymbre 

from the water side to the Justice Courte ... \]d. 

Summa eiusdem Ebdomade ... xixy. ixd. 

[Period omitíed.] 
It'm paide to Robert Plumer for saudring and dressing 
the leade over the Treasure House by the space of 
iij dais, taking for every daye xd. ... ... i]s. \]d. 

It'm paide to the plumerfs] servant for serving his 

master iij dais, taking \]d. every day ... xviijflf. 

It'm paide to Thomas Sclater for making a doore goyng 

in to the leade of the Tresore House, for one day ... \]d 

It'm paid to Thomas ap David Hoell for ij bourdes to 

make the said doore ... ... ... \\d. 

It'm paide to Hugh Smyth for a paire of hengs [hinges] xij^. 

It'm to the said Hugh for nalis to make the said dore ... ij^. 



Abbey, and Bangor and Beaumaris Friaries. 95 

It'm paide for a lock and a kaye boughte for the same 

doore ... ... ••• • •• v \d- 

It'm paide for ij gists [joists] to set underthe leadein the 

said Toure ... ... ... ••• xvjú?. 

It'm paide for iij burdys [boards] to leye under the said 

leade ... ... ... • •• ix<£ 

It'm paid for ij locks for ij doores within the Bell Towre x\)d. 

It'm paide for an other lock for dore in the Towre 

Hickhyn ... ... ... ••• v)d. 

It'm paide for an other looke for a doore within the said 

Towre ... ... ... ••• vj<£ 

It'm paide for an other lock for the kechin doore ... v'újd. 

It'm paide for iijc. sclats boughte of Thomas ap Meredith 

for the stable ... ... ... ixd. 

It'm paide for ij peicks of lyme ... ... x\]d. 

It'm paide to Thomas Sclater for iij dais working, taking 

every daye for hym selfe vj«., and to his servant 

serving hym by the said space for every daye ì'újd.... \]s. v]d. 

It'm paide for a lock for the stable doore ... ... v]d. 

It'm paide for clamstaves and rooddis for the stable 

walle ... ... ... ... in>. i\\]d. 

It'm for the cariage of xltie carrefull of claye to Griff' 

laborer for hym and his horse, taking v]d. by the 

daye for iiij dais ... ... ... ijí- 

It'm paid to the said Gruff' for dawbing and winding for 

x dais, every daye v\d. ... ... ... vs. 

It'm paide for Irons for the Postern gate ... ... v\\]d. 

It'm paide to John Smyth for a dai's work on the said 

Postern gate... ... ... ... v\d. 

It'm paide for a hanging lcock for the same gate ... x\\d. 

It'm paide for iij bourdes to set under the leade ... \xd. 

It'm paide to Thomas Sclater for one dai's work upon 

the same burdys ... ... ... v]d. 

It'm paide for iij boordes of v yardes in length for the 

Exchequier, every bourde v]d. ... ... xviij^. 

It'm paide íor iij c of greate sclats, at iiij^. le c. [100] ... x'\]d. 

It'm paide for ij pecks of lyme ... ... x\]d. 

It'm paide for iij dais work to Thomas Ffoxewist sclater, 

taking v]d. a daye ... ... ... xviijV/. 

lt'm paide for xl tie bourdes to burde the chamber fflores 

in the Castell, for every bourde i\]d. ... ... xs. 

It'm paide for viij gysts for the Dettrs [Debtors'] Chamber, 

for every giyste x\]d. ... ... ... viijí. 

[m. 8d.] 

It'm paide to Hugh Smyth for ij c spiking nailes, for every 

hundreth vd. ... ... ... xd. 

It'm paide to Thomas Hervy for v dais working uppon 

the Detters chamber ... ... ... \\s. v]d. 

It'm paide for xxiiij bordes for Eve Towre for the p'son 

[prison] house, for every borde iiijrf. ... ... viiJ5~. 



96 The Fate of the Structures of Conway 

It'm paide for c and di. [150] of spildng nailes for the 

same work, after the rate of vd. the c... ... vijrf. ob. 

It'm paide to Thomas Harvy for iij dais working uppon 

the same, taking v]d. by the daye ... ... xv\\]d. 

It'm paide to Griff ap Hoell caruing of iiij xx [80] carefull 
of claye for the fflores of the Detters Chambers and 
the fflore in the pryson house in Eve Toure ... \\]s. \\\]d. 

It'm paide to the said Gruff for dawbyng and makyng 
the same ffloures by the space of viij days, taking by 
the daye \\\]d. ... ... ... \]s. v\\]d. 

It'm payde to the plumer for the sowdryng of the valting 
leade, and for the souder of the same, by the space 
of ij dais, taking by the daye xd. ... ... \]s. xd. 

It'm paide for one peick of lyme for the reparacions of 

the Exchequier ... ... ... v]d. 

Summa ... ... ...lxxvi.viijrf.ob. 

The Castell of Harloghe. 

In primis to Morgan ap Jenkyn for xx tie trees, price of 

every tree v\\]d. ... ... ... x\\]s. \\\]d. 

It'm paid to Ric. ap Ffyvyan ior the ffalling downe of the 

said trees, and two greate somers ... ... iijí. \\\]d. 

It'm paide for kariage of xviij of the same xx trees to 
Thomas ap John ap Ll' and to Robert ap Eignion et 
al' ... ... ... ... xiijí. v]d. 

It'm paide to Ric. ap Ffyvian for the kariage of iij trees 

to the pitte banke to be sawn ... ... v]d. 

It'm paid for the kariage of ij greate somers, the one 

xx\]d. and the other vs. ... ... ... v]s. xd. 

It'm paide to Grono ap Ieuan for the kariage of the sawen 

bordes of iij trees from the wood to Harlegh ... xxd. 

It'm paide to Morgan ap Janlcyn for ij grete somers ... iiijj. 

It'm paide to Ll' ap Ieuan ap D'd for viij oks v\\]s. vu]d. 
to Merick ap Yeuan for iiij oks \\\]s, to Grifi" ap Ll' 
for iij oks \\]s., to Meredith ap D'd iiij oks \\\]s., to 
Lewes ap Ric' for iij oks \\]s. ... ... xxijí. v\\]d. 

It'm paide to Edwarde goz [goch], Griffìth ap Yeuan and 

others for falling downe of the same trees ... iiijí. v\\]d. 

It'm paide to Morris ap Yeuan ap Eden' and Gittayn ap 
John carpinters for twoo dais in chosing of the said 
tymbre ... ... ... ... x\]d. 

It'm paide to the said Morrys for ij dais working uppon 

the said tymbre ... ... ... xiiijrf. 

It'm paid to R. ap D'd for ij dais working upon the said 

tymbre ... ... ... ... xijrf. 

It'm paid to Gittyn John for ij dais worldng ... x\]d. 

It'm paid to Ieuan ap Tudder for Iike ... ... xd. 

It'm paid to Hoell goch for like ... ... xd. 

It'm paide for cariage of twoo greate trees from Dolgelle 

by water to the Ab[er]mo ... ... ijí. v\\]d. 

Summa ... ... ... 1xxìxí. 



Abbey 



and Bançor and Beaumaris Friaries. 97 



[m. 9.] 

Ebdomada in ffesto translacionis S'ci Ffrancisci [24th May]. 
It'm paid to Morgan ap Jenkyn and Will'm ap Yeuan 

for v greate trees, every tree xijrf. ... ... vs. 

It'm paide to Morgan ap Jenkyn for x trees, price of every 

tree viij^. 
Item paide for cariage of ix of the abovenamyd x trees 

to Harlegh thre myles of [off], to Will'm ap Yeuan ... 
It'm paide for the kariage of iij trees for the Barrell and 

other necessaries 
It'm paide for the cariage of ij greate gyeists to Harlegh 

to Will'm ap Ieuan 
It'm paide for the karyage of the fforke to the wynlasse 

[windlass] 
It'm paide for the cariage of iii greate roopis and ij brason 

pullis from Caern' to Harlegh 

Summa eiusdem Ebdomade ... xxxj.y. xd. 

Ebdomada post ffestum translacionis S'ci Ffrancisci. 

It'm paid to Thomas Hervy carpynter forvj daislaboring 

on the castell, taking by the daye vijr/. ... iijs. v]d. 

It'm paid to Richarde Browne, carpinter, for vj days work 

on the Castell, taking by the day v]d. ... ... \\}S. 

It'm paid to Gruffith ap John carpinter for vj dais labor- 

ing on the Castell, taking by the daye v]d. ... ii]s. 

It'm paid to Tuddre ap Hoell withe and to Gruff ap 
Hoeil for the sawing of ij roods of boordes, after the 
rate of vs. the roode ... ... ... xs. 



v]s. 


vi\]d. 


xs. 


v]d. 


\]s. 


iiij^. 


vs. 


\xd. 




vi]d. 




x\]d. 



i]s. 


x]d. 


i]s. 


v]d. 


i]s. 


v]d. 

v]d. 



Summa eiusdem Ebdomade ... xìxí. v]d. 

Ebdomada in ffesto Translacionis S'ci Edmundi [ath June]. 

It'm paid to Thomas Harvy, carpintor for v dais work, 
taking by the day viid. 

It'm paid to Ric. Browne, carpinter, for v days laboring 
on the Castell, taking by the daye v]d. 

It'm paide to Griff. ap John, carpinter, for v dais laboryng 
on the Castell, takyng by the daye v]d. 

It'm paide D'd ap Yeuan smyth for iij iron pynnes 

Summa eiusdem Ebdomade ... viijj. vd. 

Ebdomada prox" post ffestum Translacionis S'ci Edmundi. 

It'm paid to Thomas Harvy carpinter for vj dais laboring 

on the Eastell, taking by the daye vi]d. ... iijí. v]d. 

It'm paid to Robert ap Will'm, carpinter, for vi dais 

laboryng on the Castell, taking by the daye v]d. ... ii]s. 

It'm paide to Ric. Browne, carpinter, for yj dais laboring 

on the Castell, taking by the daye v]d. ... ii\s. 

It'm paide to Gruffith ap John, carpinter, for vj dais 

laboring on the Castell, taking by the day v]d. ... ii]s. 

Summa eiusdem Ebdomade ... xi\s. v]d. 

H 



98 The Fate of the Structures of Conway 

Ebdomada in Ffesto Translacionis S'ci Edwardi [20th June]. 

It'm paid to Thomas Hervy, carpynter, for vj dais vvoork 

on the Castell, taking by the daye v\\d. ... \\}s. v)d. 

It'm paid to Ric. Browne, carpinter, for vj dais woork, 

taking by the day v)d. ... ... ... ü)s. 

It'm paide to Robert ap Will'm, carpynter, for yj dais 

laboring on the Castell, taking v)d. le day ... iijs. 

It'm paid to Ieuan ap Gruff', carpinter, for iiij dais labor- 

ing on the Castell, taking iinW. le daye ... *v)d. 

Summa eiusdem Ebdomade ... xs. xd. 

It'm paid to Thomas Hervy, carpynter, for vj dais labor- 

ing 011 the Castell, taking by the daye v\\)d. ... iüií. 

It'mpaid to Robert ap Will'm, carpynter, for vj dais 

laboring on the Castell, taking by the day v)d. ... \\)s. 

It'm paide to Rouland ap Will'm, carpinter, for yj dais 

laboring on the Castell, taking by the day v)d. ... iijí. 

It'm paide to Richarde ap Browne, carpinter, for vj dais 

laboring on the Castell, taking by the daye v)d. ... \\)s. 

It'm paide to D'd ap Will'm, carpinter, for vj dais laboring 

on the Castell, taking by the day v)d. ... ... u)s. 

It'm paid for one gable [cable] roope of vj stone and a 

half, after the rate of \\s. \)d. le stone ... ... xiiijí. 

[m. 9d.] 

It'm paid to Tuddr' ap Hoell for the sawing of iij roods 

of boordes, taking for every roode vs ... xvs. 

It'm paide to Will'm ap Yeuan for the cariage of iij greate 

giysts from the wood to Harlegh iij myles of[f] ... vijs. v)d. 

Summa eiusdem ebdomade ... lij^. v)d. 

Ebdomada in ffesto translacionis S'ci Thome [7th July]. 

It'm paide to Thomas Harvy, carpinter, for v dais laboring 

011 the Castell, taking by the daye viijc/. ... \'\)s. ü\)d. 

It'm paide to Robert ap Will'm, carpinter, for v dais 

laboryng on the Castell, taking by the daye v)d. ... \)s. v)d. 

ít'm paid to Rouland ap Will'm for v dais laboring 011 

the Kastell, taking by the daye v)d. ... \)s. v)d. 

It'm paide to David ap Will'm, carpinter, for vdais labor- 

ing on the Castell, taking by the day v)d. ... \)s. v)d. 

It'm paid to Richarde Browne, carpinter, for v dais labor- 

ing on the Castell, taking v)d. a day ... ... \)s. v)d. 

It'm paid to Tuddr' ap Hoel! with, forthe sawing of one 

roode of Boordes, taking for the roode vs. ... vs. 

It'm paid to D'd ap Yeuan, laborer, for ij dais laboring 

011 the Rastell, taking by the day iiij^. ... v'\\)d. 

It'm paid to Yeuan ap Griffith, laborer, for one dai's 

work on the Kastell, taking by the daye \n)d. ... \\\)d. 

Summa eiusdem Ebdomade ... xìxj. \\\)d. 



Aòbey, and Bangor and Beaumaris Friaries. 99 

Ebdomada prox' post ffestum Translacionis S'ci Thome. 
It'm paid to Thomas Harvy for vj dais laboring on the 

Kastell, taking by the daye vii]d. ... ... iiijs. 

It'm paid to Robert ap Will'm, carpinter, for vj dais 

laboring on the castell, taking by the daye v]d. ... \\\s. 

It'm paid to Rouland ap Will'm, carpinter, for vj dais 

laboring on the castell, taldng by the daye v]d. ... \\]s. 

It'm paid to David ap Will'm, carpinter, for vj dais 

laboring on the Castell, taking by the day v]d. ... \\]s. 

It'm paid to Richard Browne, carpinter, for vj dais 

laboring on the Castle, taking by the day v]d. ... \\]s. 

It'm paide for the cariage of the boordes from the grene 

to the castell ... ... ... \]d. 

It'm paid to Ieuan ap Tuddr' for iiij horse loode of 

woodes to wynde the whele ... ... \ii]d. 

It'm paid to Tuddre ap Hoell for one dai's worke on the 

castell, taking by the daye \ii]d. ... ... u\]d. 

Summa eiusdem Ebdomade ... xv]s. xd. 

Ebdomada in ffesto S'ce Marie Magdalene [22nd July]. 
It'm paide to Thomas Hervy, carpinter, for yj dais labor- 

ing on the castell, taking by the day v'\i]d. ... \\\]s. 

It'm paide to Robert ap Will'm, carpinter, for yj dais 

laboring of [011] the Castell, taldng by the daye v]d. \\\s. 

It'm paide to Rouland ap Will'm, carpinter, for vj dais 

laboring on the Castell, taking by the day v\d. ... ü\s. 

It'm paide to D'd ap Will'm, carpinter, for yj dais labor- 

ing on the Castell, tahing by the day v]d. ... \\]s. 

It'm paid to Ric. Browne, carpinter, for vj dais laboring 

on the Castell, taking by the daye v]d. ... \\]s. 

It'm paide to Yeuan ap D'd for ij dais worke, taking by 

the daye \\\]d. ... ... ... v\\]d. 

It'm paide ior one horse loode of roddes ... ... \]d. 

It'm Ric. Bangor for one dai's woork and a half for 

working on the Castell, taldng v]d. le day ... \xd. 

It'm paide to Yeuan ap Gruffìth, laborer, for halfe a dai's 

labour on the Castell, taking \\\]d. le day ... \]d. 



Summa eiusdem Ebdomade ... xvijí. ix«'. 

Ebdomada in ffesto Jacobi ap' li [25th July]. 

It'm paide to Thomas Hervy, carpinter, for v dais labor- 
ing on the Castell, taking by the day viij^. 

It'm paide to Robert ap Will'm, carpinter, for v dais 
laboring on the Castell, taking by the daye v]d. 

It'm paid to Roulland ap Will'm for v dais work on the 

Castell, taking by the daye v\d. 
It'm paide to D'd ap Will'm, carpinter, for v dais laboring 

on the Castell, taking v\d. le daye 

It'm paid to Ric. Browne, carpinter, for v dais laboring 
on the Castell, taking v\d. le daye 

Summa eiusdem Ebdomade 



iijí. 


Üijrt'. 


\]s. 


v]d. 


\]s. 


v\d. 


i]s. 


v]d. 


\]s. 


v]d. 


x\\\s. 

ji2 


\\\]d. 



ioo The Fate qf ' the Structures of Conway 

[m. 10.] 

Ebdomada prox' post ffestum S'ci Jacobi ap'li. 
It'm paide to Thomas Hervy, carpinter, for iiij dais 

laboring on the Castell, taking by the daye \ii\d. ... i\s. \ii]d. 

It'm paide to Robert ap Will'm, carpinter, for iiij dais 

laboring on the Castell, taking by the daye \]d. ... \]s. 

It'm paid to Rouland ap Will'm, carpinter, for iiij dais 

laboring on the Castell, taking by the day \\d. ... \]s. 

It'm paide to Ric. Browne, carpinter, for ìiij dais laboring 

on the Castell, taking by the daye \]d. ... \]s. 

It'm paide to Ric. Ffyvion for the carege of ij brason 

pullis from Harlegh to Bangor ... ... iiijrt'. 

It'm paide to the Constable of Harlogh for the kariage 

of xxviij bordes to Harlogh iij miles of[l] ... xvj<^. 

It'm paid to the said Constable for the kariageof iij trees 

to Harlogh iij miles of ... ... ... iijj. 

It'm paide to Robert ap Will'm for vij dais laboring on 

tlie Castell, taking by the daye \]d. ... ... i\]s. \\d. 

Summa ejusdem Ebdomade ... xvjí. xd. 

Ebdomada in ffesto S'ci Laurentii [ioth August]. 

It'm paide to Rauffe Johnson, carpinter, for vj dais labor- 

ing on the Castell, taking by the daye \]d. ... i\\s. 

It'm paide to David ap Yeuan, carpinter, for \\\ dais 

laboring on the Castell, taking by the daye \\d. ... \i\s. \\d. 

It'm paide to Morris ap Hewe, carpinter, for vj dais 

laboring on the Castell, taking by the day \]d. ... ii]s. 

It'm paide to Gruff' ap Hoell, carpinter, for yj dais labor- 

ing on the Castell, taking by the daye \]d. ... ii]s. 

It'm paid for the cariage of ij pecks of lyme to Harlegh 

from Caern' to John ap S'r Gruff. ... ... xd. 

It'm paide to John ap Yeuan, mason, for vij dais laboring 

on the Eastell, taking by the daye \]d. ob. ... iiij. ixd. 

It'm paide to Lewes ap R., mason, for vij dais laboring 

on the Castell, taking by the daye \]d. ob ... iiií. ixd. 

It'm paide to D'd ap Yeuan, laborer, for v dais laboring 

to serve the masons, taking by the daye iii\d. ... xxd. 

It'm paide to Ric. Ffivion, laborer, for v dais in serving 

the masons, taking by the daye ii\]d. ... ... xxd. 

It'm paide to John ap Madock for v dais laboring to 

serve the masons, takmg i\i\d. by the daye ... xxd. 

It'm paide to Ric. Ffyvion for one dai's laboring to ridde 

the leds, talcing by the day iiijrt'. ... ... iiijtf'. 

It'm paide to Tuddr' ap Yeuan for the sawing of a 

cviij foote of burdes [boards] ... ... xxí£ 



Summa eiusdem Ebdomade ... xxvijí. xd. 

Ebdomada prox' post ffestum S'ci Laurentii. 
It'm paide to Robert ap Will'm, carpynter, for one dai's 

work, taking by the daye \]d. ... ... \]d. 



Abbey, and Bangor and Beaumaris Friaries. 101 

It'm paid to David ap Yeuan, carpinter, for one dai's 

work, taking by the daye v]d. ... ... v]d. 

It'm paide to Moris ap Hewe, carpinter, for one dai's 

vvork, taking by the day v\d. ... ... v]d. 

It'm paid to Raffe Jonson, carpinter, for one dai's worke 

on the Castell, taking v]d. by the day ... ... v]d. 

It'm paide to Gruff' ap Hoell, carpinter, for one dai's 

work on the Castell, taking by the day v]d. ... v]d. 

It'm paide to John ap Yeuan, mason, for one dai's vvork 

on the Castell, taking by the day v]d. ob. ... v\d. ob. 

It'm paide to Lewes ap R. f mason, for one dai's work on 

the Castell, taking by the daye v]d. ob. ... v\d. ob. 

It'm paide to Hugh Smyth for a m 1 [1,000] single spikins 

at iijj iii]d. le thousand ... ... ... ü]s. ii'\]d. 

It'm paide to the said Hugh íor a m 1 of double spyldngs, 

aftertherateofvjj.viijV.lem 1 ... ... v]s. vi'\]d. 

It'm paide to John a Lee and ij piummers for iij dais in 

taking downe a rouff and leede [Iead], that ís to sey 

every day xviij<r/. ... ... ... h^s. v]d. 

It'm paide to Rouland Thickyns for cc [2 cwt.] of Iron 

every c. vih>. ... ... ... X v]s. 

It'm paid to Hugh Plumer of Worcèster for casting and 

leing [laying] the leed uppon the castell of Harlegh iiij 11 
It'm paide for iiij lb of souder ... ... ... xv\d. 

It'm paide for nailes ... ... ... i'\i\d. 



Summa istius Ebdomade ... cxvs. ixd. 

[m. iod. vacant.] 
[m. 11.] 

THE TÜWNE WALLIS AND SHIRE HALL OF BEWMARYS. 
Ebdomoda p'x post ffestum Nat. S'ci Johannis Baptiste [24th June]. 
In primis paied to Thomas Res, carpenter, tor cuttyng 
wodde to the lyme kylle the space of iiij dayes, 
talíyng by the day vid. .. ... ... \\s. 

It'm paied to Hugh Hampson, carpenter, for ij days 
laboryng to cutt wodde to burne the lyme' kylle, 
takyng every day v]d. ... ... ... xij^. 

It'm paied to Gruff' Andrew for thre[e] dayes workyng 

to cutt wodde to the lyme kill, takyng every day i\i]d. x\]d. 

It'm paied to John ap Will'm for ffawlyng [felling] two 

tres ... ... ... ... ü]d. 

It'm paied to John Taberner, laborer, the space of two 
days cuttyng wodde to the lyme kyll, takyng every 
day iiij^. ... ... ... ... v iij</. 

It'm paied to Thnmas ap Ithell, mason, for two days 
worlce to take downe stones from the Ffrer House of 
Bewmarys, takyng by the day vj^. ... ... x\\d. 

It'm paied to D'd ap Ll'n, mason, for ij dayes worke to 
take downe stones ffrom the Ffryers of Bewmarys, 
taking by the day v]d. ... ... ... xi]d. 



102 The Fate of the Structures of Conway 

It'm paid to Hoell ap D'd laboryng two days to take 
stones ffrom the seid masons, takyng by the day 
\'û]d. ... ... ... ... vii)d. 

It'm paied to Roland Abrettell for ij botte lodes of stones 

from the Ffriers to the key ... ... xvj^. 

It'm paied to John Inggr'm [Ingram] for vj bott lods of 

stones from the seid Ffriers unto the key ... ijí. 

It m paied to Gilb't Roby[n]son for certen wodde to 

brane [burn] the lyme kyll, in grose ... ... xxs. 

It'm paied to John Tabernar tbe space of ij dayes, takyng 

by the day iii)d. ... ... ... viijd. 

It'm paied for ij seves to sift the lyme ... ... iii)d. 

It'm paied to Ieuan ap D'd íor the cariage of xij tres 

ffrom the seid Ffryers to the lyme kyll, in grose ... ii')s. ijd. 

It'm paied to D'd ap Ll'n, laborer, for iiij days worke, 

takyng by the day \i\jd. ... ... ... xvjd. 



Summa eiusdem Ebdomade ... xxxvjí. vd. 



Ebdomoda prox' post ffestum Apostolorum Petri et Pauli [29th June]. 

It'm paied to Gruff' ap Hoell, mason, for vj days workyng 

on the walles, takyng vi]d. le day ... ... ii]s. v\d. 

It'm paied to Denys Roche, mason, for vj days workyng 

on the walls, takyng by the day vjd. ob. ... iijj. újd. 

It'm paied to John ap Ieuan, mason, for vj days workyng 

on the walls, takyng every day vjd. ob. ... iijí. iijd. 

It'm paied to Will'm Smyth, laborer, the space of 

iiij dayes, takyng every day 'úijd. ... ... xvjd. 

It'm paied to Hugh ap Richard for vj days laboryng on 

the key, takyng by day iujd. ... ... ijs. 

It'm paied to Richard ap Thomas for iij days laboryng 

on the key, takyng every day iiij^. ... ... xij</. 

It'm paied to Morgan ap Will'm for thre days laboryng 

on the Towne Walls, takyng le day iiijflf. ... xijí^. 

It'm paied to Harry Tarboke, smyth, for one mattok ... vjd. 

It'm paied to John ap Ris, laborer, the space of v days, 

takyng every day iiijd. ... ... ... xxd. 

It'm paied to John Phivion [? Vivian] the space of vj dayes 
to cutt wodde to brane the lyme kyll, takyng by the 
day iiij^/. ... ... ... ... ij^. 

It'm paied to John Taberner the space of vj days to cutt 

wodde to brane the lyme kyll, takyng by the day iiije/. i\s. 

It'm paied to Richard ap Will'm the space of vj dayes to 
cut woode to brane under the lyme kyll, takyng by 
the day iiijí^. ... ... ... ... i j-v. 

It'm paied to Harry Hova, laborer, the space of vj dayes 

workyng on the keys, takyng every day iii)d. ... ijí. 

It'm paied to John Alye. carpenter, the s|)ace of vj days 
worke, tafcyng every day vjd. in makyng the house 
ior the masons to worke ... ... ... iiji'. 



Abbey, and Bangor and Beaumaris Friaries. 103 

It'm paied to D'd ap Ll'n, mason, the spaoe of vj days 
vvork in takyng downe stones ffrom the Ffryers of 
Bewmaris, talcyng by the day \\d. ... ... iijí. 

It'm paied to Will'm ap Ieuan for hym and his vj oxen 
and ij horses the spase of thre days to cary wodde 
to the lyme kylle ... ... ... iiij. \\\\d. 

It'm paied to Gylbert Robynson for the cariage of stones 
to the lyme kyll and brekyng of the same stones, in 
grose ... ... ... ... xv]S. v\\]d. 

It'm paied to Ric' ap Grono for vj days worke in settyng 

the lyme kyll, takyng every day v]d. ... ... iijí. 

[m. 1 id.] 

It'm paied to John Ingram for the cariage of vi botte lods 

of stones from the Ffryers of Bewmaries to the key xxd. 

It'm paied to John ap Tud' for hym and his horse the 
space of ij days, takyng every day v]d., to cary stones 
from the water syde to the key ... ... x\\d. 

Summa eiusdem Ebdomade ... lvij^. v]d. 

Ebdomoda prox' post ffestum Translacionis S'ci Martini [_4th July]. 

It'm paied to Gruff. ap Hoell, mason, the space of vj days 

worke on the key, takyng every day v\]d. ... \\]s. v]d. 

It'm paied to Denys Roche, mason, the space of 6 days 

workying on the key, takyng every day v]d. ob. ... iijí. \\]d. 

It'm paied to John ap Ieuan, mason, for vj days worltyng 

on the key, takyng every day v]d. ob. ... iii.y. \\]d. 

It'm paied to Rob't Roche, mason, for vj days workyng 

on the key, takyng every day v]d. ... ... \\]s. 

It'm paied to D'd ap Ll'n, mason, for iij days in pollyng 
downe stones from the Ffriers of Bangor, takyng 
every day v]d. ... ... ... xv\\]d. 

It'm paied to Thomas ap Ieuan, laborer, for iij days 
worke to take downe stones from the seid masons, 
takyng every day \\\]d. ... ... ... xi]d. 

It'm paied to Hugh Hampson and Roland Abretell, for 
the cariage ofone botte lode with stones from Ban- 
gor to Bewmarries ... ... ... xx\\d. 

It'm paied to Will'm Smyth and John Mansman [? Manx- 
man] for the cariage of xvj bott lods of stones ffrom 
the Ffryers of Bewmarries to the key ... ... vs. \\\]d. 

It'm paied to Gruff Andrew, laborer, for iiij days worke 

on the key, takyng every day iiijä?. ... ... xvj<£ 

It'm paied to D'd ap Ric' for v days worke in branyng 

[burning] of lyme, takyng every day v\d. ... \]s. v]d. 

It'm paied to the seid D'd ap Ric' for watchyng the lyme 
kyll the space of iij nyghts, takyng for every nyght 
vjc/. ... ... ... ... xviijrt'. 

It'm paied to Harry Holl's for iij nyghts watchyng the 

lyme kyll, takyng iüj^. every nyght ... ... x\\d. 

It'm paied to Hugh ap Res for the carriage of tangs [?] 

to the lyme kyll, m grose... ... ... iiijí. 



I ò4 The Fate of tke Structures of Conway 

It'm paied to John Ingram for the carriage of ix botts 
lade with stones ffrom the Ffryers of Bewmaries to 
the key ... ... ... ... üjs. 

It'm paied to Richard Johnson for one barrell of polls 

[poles] to brane the lyme kyll ... ... \i\d. 

It'm paied for rodds to bynde the house where the 

masons dyd worke in ... ... ... \i]d. 

It'm paied for naylls ... ... ... ii]d. 

It'm paied to D'd ap Richard for hym and his man and 
their ij horses the space of iij days to cary stones 
from the Ffryers of Bewmarries to the key ... ü\s. 

It'm paied to John ap Ieuan for hym and hys man and 
their ij horses the space of iiij days to carie stones 
from the Fíryers of Bangor to the water side, taking 
by the day every of them \]d. ... ... \\i\s. 

Summa eiusdem Ebdomode ... xliiijí. \d. 
Ebdomoda prox' post ffestum S'ci P'nati m'ris [sic\ 

It'm paied to Gruff' ap Hoell, mason, for vj days workyng 

on the key, takyng \i]d. every day ... ... iijs. \\d. 

It'm paied to John ap Ieuan, mason, for vj days workyng 

on the key, takyng \\d. ob. every day ... ... i\\s. ii]d. 

It'm paied to Denys Roche, mason, for vj days workyng 

on the key, takyng every day \]d. ob. ... ... ii\s. h]d. 

It'm paied to Richard Englefeild, mason, for vj days 

workyng on the key, takyng every day \]d. ob. ... iijí. H\d. 

It'm paied to Rob't Roche, mason, for vj days workyng 

on the key, takyng for every day \]d. ... ... H]s. 

It'm paied to Thomas Rochedale, mason, for yj dais 

workyng on the key, takyng \]d. ob. every day ... ii]s. ii]d. 

It'm paied to Thomas ap Ithell, mason, for iij days worke 

there, takyng \\d. le day ... ... ... xvihy. 

It'm paied to D'd ap Ll'n, mason, the space of iij dayes 

workyng on the key, takyng for every day \]d. ... x\ii]d. 

It'm paied to vj laborers for v dayes to serve the masons, 

takyng iiijrtf. le day every of them ... ... xs. 

It'm paied to Roland Hyde for hym and hys horse the 

space of iij days, takyng every day \]d. ... x\ii]d. 

It'm paied to John Maketire, laborer, for v days workyng 

at the key, takyng iii]d. every day ... ... xxd. 

It'm paied to Thomas ap Grono for hym and hys horse 

the space of iij daies to cary sande and morter, 

takyng \]d. every day ... ... ... x\ii]d. 

[m. 12.] 

It'm paied for ij turnells to cary morter and sande ... xjj^. 

It'm paied to Ric' Sparowe for the carriage of v bott lods 

of stones irom Bangor to the key ... ... \s. 

It'm paied to John Ingram for the cariage of x bott lode 

of stones trom the Ffryers of Bewmarris to the key iij^. iii]d. 

Summa eiusdem Ebdomode ... xlvj.y. \]d. 



Abbey, and Bangor and Beaumaris Friaries. 105 

Ebdomoda prox' post ffestum S'te Margaret Virginis [2oth July]. 

It'm paied to Gruff' mason for v days laboryng on the 

key, takyng every day \\}d. ... ... ij-S'- *]d. 

It'm paied to John ap Ieuan, mason, for v days laboryng 

ther, takyng every day v]d. ob. .. ... ijí. v\\\d. ob. 

It'm paied to Denys Roche, mason, for v days Iabor on 

the key, takyng ut supra ... ... ... ijj. v\\}d. ob. 

It'm paied to Rob't Roche, mason, for v days laboryng 

ther, takyng every day v]d. ... ... i)S. v]d. 

It'm paied to Thomas Rochedale, mason, for v days 

laboryng on the key, takyng every day v]d. ob. ... ijí. viijrt. ob. 

It'm paied to Richard Englefeild, mason, for v days 

laboryng on the key, takyng every day v]d. ob. ... \]s. vû]d. ob. 

It'm paied to Jamys ap Ithell for hym and hys horse the 
space of iij days to cary stones ffrom the Ffryers of 
Bewmarriës to the water syde, takyng by the day v]d. xv'ú]d. 

It'm paied to Will'm Smyth for the carriage of viij bott 
lods of stones from the Ffriers of Bewmarries to the 
key ... ... ... ••• i.i-y- v'û]d. 

It'm paied to Thomas ap Grono for hym and his horse 
the space of v days to cary stones ffrom the Ffiiers 
of Bewmarres to the water syde ... ... \]s. v\d. 

It'm paied to D'd ap Ll'n, mason, the space of ij days in 
takyng downe stones from the Ffriers of Bangor, 
takyng by the day v]d. ... ... ■■■ x\]d. 

It'm paied to Thomas ap Ieuan, mason, the space of 
i] days in polyng downe of stones ffrom the Ffryers 
of Bangor, takyng by the day v]d. ... ... x\]d. 

It'm paied to Ll'n ap Ric' for one picarde lade with 
stones of vj tons and di [6| tons] ffrom the Ffryers 
of Bewmarries to the key... ... ... x\]d. 

Summa eiusdem Ebdomode ... xxvs. x\d. 

Ebdomoda prox' post ffestum S'ci Jacobi apostoli [25th July]. 

It'm paied to Gruff ap Hoell, mason, for yj days laboryng 

on the key, takyng every day v\]d. ... ... \\]s. v]d. 

It'm paied to Denys Roche, mason, the space of vj days 

laboryng on the key, takyng every day v]d. ob. ... iijs. \\]d. 

It'm paied to John ap Ieuan, mason, for vj days laboryug 

on the key, takyng every day v]d. ob. ... ... \\]s. \\]d. 

It'm paied to Richard Inglefeild, mason. for vj days 

labor on the key, takyng every day v]d. ob. ... iijí. \\]d. 

It'm paied to Thomas Rochedale, mason, for vj days 

laboryng on the key, takyng every day v]d. ob. ... \\]s. \\]d. 

It'm paide to Rob't Roche, mason, the space of vj days 

laboryng on the key, takyng every day v]d. ... \\]s. 

It'm paied to vj laborars for vj days to serve the seid 

masons, takyng every of them iiijí/. the day ... x\]s. 

It'm paied to Will'm ap D'd for hym and hys horse for 
iij days to cary sande and morter, takyng every day 
v\d. ' ... ... ... ... xviij<£ 



i oó The Fate of the Strudures of Conway 

It'm paied to Will'm Smyth for the cariage of ij bott lods 

of stones ffrom tlie Ffryers of Bewmarries to the key vii]d. 

Summa eiusdem Ebdomode ... xxxiijs. viijäf. 

Ebdomod' prox' post ffestum S'ci Petri ad Vincula [ist August]. 

It'm paied to Gruff. ap Hoell, mason, the space of vj days 

laboryng on the key, takyng every day v'\)d. ... i'\]s. v]d. 

It'm paied to John ap Ieuan, mason, for vj days laboryng 

on the key, takyng every day v]d. ob. ... ... ü]s. ü]d. 

It'm paiedto Denys Roche, mason, for vj days laboryng 

on the key, takyng every day v]d. ob. ... ... i'\]s. i'\\d. 

It'm paied to Ric' Englefeild, mason, for vj days laboryng 

on the key, takyng by the day v]d. ob. ... ü]s. ü\d. 

It'm paied to Rob't Roche, mason, for vj days labor on 

the key, takyng every day v]d. ... ■ ■■ \\]s. 

It'm paied to Thomas Rochedale, mason, for vj days 

laboryng on the key, takyng every day v]d. ob. ... ii]s. ü]d. 

It'm paied to Thomas Smyth for the carriage of xv bott 

lods of stones ffrom the Ffriers of Bewmarries unto 

the key ... ... ■•• ••• Ví - 

Summa ejusdem Ebdomode ... xxiih>. v\d. 

[m. i2d.] 

The membrane commences with a number of items which are can- 
celled because re-entered below. 

Ebdomoda prox' post ffestum S'ci Laurentii Martyris [ioth August]. 

It'm paied to Gruff' mason for vj days laboryng on the 

towne walls, takyng by the day vijí^. ... ••• ü]s. vj<z. 

It'm paied to John ap Ieuan, mason, for vj days laboryng 

on the towne walls, takyng by the day v]d. ob. ... n]s. u]d. 

It'm paied to Denys Roche, mason, the space of vj daies 

laboryng on the key, taking by the day v]d. ob. ... ü]s. û]d. 

It'm paied to Thomas Rochdale, mason, for vj days 

laboryng on the towne walls, talcyng vjd. ob. le day iijí. i'\]d. 

It'm paied to Ric' Inglefeilde, mason, for vj days laboryng 

on the towne walls, takyng v]d. ob. le day ... H]s. \'\)d. 

It'm paied to Rob't Roche, mason, for vj days laboryng 

on the towne walls, takyng v]d. le day ... \'\}s. 

It'm paied to |ohn Dauyson, laborer, for thre days 

laboryng on the towne walls, takyng by the day \\'\]d. x'\]d. 

It'm paied to Dauet ap Will'm, laborer, for ij days labor- 

yng on the towne walls, takyng by the day üi]d. ... v\\)d. 

It'm paied to D'd ap Ll'n, laborer, for iij days laboryng on 

the towne walls, takyng by the day iiijrt'. ... x\)d. 

It'm paied to Tliomas ap Ithell, mason, for two days 

laboryng on tlie towne walls, takyng by the day vj<-/. xi]d. 

It'm paied to John ap John Gruff for liym and his horse 

the space of ij days to cary sande and morter, takyng 

l>y the day v]d. ■■■ •■• ••• X1 J"- 



Abbey, and Bangor and Beaumaris Friaries. 107 

It'm paied to John Taberner, laborer, for ij days laboryng 

on the towne walls, takyng by the day \\\]d. ... v\\]d. 

It*m paied to John ap Ieuan, laborer, for two days 

laboryng on tlie towne walls, takyng by the day \\\]d. v\\]d. 

Summa ejusdem Ebdomode ... xxvs. v\d. 

Ebdomoda prox' ante ffestum S'ci Bartholomei apostoli [24th August]. 

It'm paied to Gruff' ap Hoell ap Gruff , mason, for v days 

laboryng on the towne walls, takyng v\\d. le day ... \]s. x]d. 

It'm paied to Denys Roche, mason, for v days laboryng 

on the towne walls, takyng v]d. ob. le day ... ijí. v\\]d. ob. 

It'm paied to Rob't Roche, mason, for v days laboryng 

on the towne walls, takyng v]d. le day ... ijí. v]d. 

It'm paied to Ric' Inglefeild, mason, for v days laboryng 

on the towne walls, takyng v]d. ob. le day ... ijí. viijrtf. ob. 

It'm paied to John ap Ieuan, mason, for v days laboryng 

on the towne walls, takyng by the day v]d. ob. ... ijí. v\\]d. ob. 

lt'm paied to Thomas Rochedale, mason, for v days 
laboryng on the seid walls, takyng by the day 
v\d. ob. ... ... ••• ••• ij.y. v\\]d. ob. 

It'm paied to Lewis ap R', mason, for v days laboryng 

on the towne walls, takyng by the day v]d. ob. ... \]s. v\\]d. ob. 

It'm paied to Will'm Smyth for the carryage of xiij bote 
lods of stones from the Ffryers of Bewmarries to the 
key ... ... ... ... iüjí. 'û\)d. 

It'm paied to D'd ap Ll'n, raasoii, for ij days worke 
takyng by the day v]d. in pullyng downe of stones 
from the Ffryers of Bangor ... ... x\]d. 

It'm paied to Thomas ap Ithell, mason, the space of 
ij days worke in pullyng downe of stones ffrom the 
seid Ffryers, takyng v]d. le day ... ... x\]d. 

It'm paied to two laborers the space of ij days worke to 
take the stones from the masons, takyng iìijíîf. every 
ofthembyday ... ... ... xvj^. 

It'm paied to John ap Tud', laborer, the space of ij days 
to bryng stones fiom the water syde to the masons, 
takyng \\\]d. le day ... ... ... viij«f. 

[m. 13.] 

It'm paied to John 1 aberner for ìj days to bryng stones 

from the water syde to the masons, takyng \\\]d. 

every day ... ... ... ... v\\]d. 

It'm paied to David ap Thomas for hym and his horse 
for thre dayes to cary stones and morter to serve the 
masons, taícyng by the day yjd. ... ... xviìjí/. 

Summa eiusdem Ebdomode ... xxix.y. \\\]d. ob, 

Ebdomoda prox' post ffestum S'ci Bartholomei apostoli. 

It'm paied to Gruff' ap Hoell ap Gruff', mason, for vj days 

laboryng on the towne wails, takyng by the day vnV. iijí. v]d. 

It'm paied to Ric' Englefeild, mason, for vj days laboryng 

on the towne walls, takyng by the day v]d ob. ... iijí. \\]d. 



I o8 The Fate of the Structures of Conway 

It'm paied to Thomas Rochedale, mason, for vj days 

laboryng on the towne walls, takyng v]d. ob. le day iijj. \\\d. 

It'm paied to Denys Roche, mason, for vj days laboryng 

on the towne walls, takyng by the da'y v]d. ob. ... Y\]s. \\]d. 

It'm paide to John ap Ieuan, mason, for vj days laboryng 

on the towne walls, takyng by the da'y v]d. ob. ... iijj. \\\d. 

It'm paied to Rob't Roche, mason, for vj days laboryng 

on the towne walls, takyng by the day v]d. ob. ... \\\s. \\]d. 

It'm paied to Lewis ap Res, mason, for vj days laboryng 

on the towne walls, takyng by the day, v]d. ob. ... iijí. \\]d. 

It'm paied to John Taberner, laborer, for thre days worke 

on the towne walls, takyng \\\]d. le day ... x\]d. 

It'm paied to Will'm Smyth, laborer, for ij days laboryng 

on the towne walls, takyng every day iiijrtf. ... v\\\d. 

It'm paied to Thomas ap Res for hym and hys horse the 

space of iij days to cary stones from the Friers of 

Bangor to t'he water syde, takyng by [the] day v]d. ... xv\\]d. 

It'm paied to Jamys ap Ithell íor hym and hys horse the 

space of iij days to cary stones from the Ffriers of 

Bangor to the water syde, takyng le day v\d. ... xviijí/. 

It'm paied to John ap Mad[oc] for hym and hys horse the 

space of iij days to cary stones from the seid Ffriers 

to the water side, takyng le day v]d. ... ... xv\\]d. 



Summa eiusdem Ebdomade ... xxìxí. \]d. 

Ebdomoda prox' post ffestum Decolationis S'ci Johannis Baptiste 

[2Qth August]. 

It'm paied to Gruff' Mason for vj [?v] days laboryng on 

the towne wallis, takyng by the day vi]d. 
It'm paied to John ap Ieuan, mason, for v days laboryng 

on the towne wallis, takyng by the day v]d. ob. ... \]s. 
It'm paide to Denys Roche, mason, the space of v days 

laboryng on the key, takyng by the day v]d. ob. ... \]s. 
It'm paied to Thomas Rochedale, mason, for v days 

laboryng on the Towne Walles, takyng by the day 

v]d. ob. ... ... ... ... \]s. 

It'm paied to Ric' Inglefeild, mason, for v days Iaboryng 

on the towne wallis, takyng by the day v\d. ob. ... \\s. 
It'm paied to Rob't Roche, mason, the space of v days 

laboryng on the towne wallis, takyng by the day v]d. 
It'm paied to Lewis ap Res, mason, for v days labor on 

the same wallis, takyng by the day v]d. ob. ... \\s. 

It'm paied to John ap Ieuan ibr his costs in goyng into 

Chesshire to bryng the masons 

It'm paied to David goch, mason, the space of v days 
laboryng on the key, takyng every day vd. 

It'm paied tn Thomas ap Ithell, mason, for iij days laboryng 
on the key, takyng by the day vjV/. 

It'm paied to D'd ap Ll'n, mason, for thre days laboryng 
on the towne walls, takyng by the day yja. 



\]s. x]d. 


v\\]d. ob. 


viijrt'. ob. 


v\i\d. ob. 


viijrf. ob. 


\]s. v]d. 


v\\]d. ob. 


xij^. 


\]s. ]d. 


xviijöT. 


xviij</. 



Abbey, and Bangor and Beaumaris Friaries. 109 

It'm paied to Thomas ap Grono í'or the hire of his horse 
the space of vj days to carysande and morter, takyng 
every day \}d. ... ... ... xi]d. 

It'm paied to Will'm Smyth, laborer, the space of iiij days 

laboryng on the towne walls, takyng every day iii)d. xv]d. 

It'm paied to John Nicolson í'or iij days laboryng on the 

towne wallis, takyng iii]d. by the day ... ... xi]d. 

It'm paied to John Taberner, laborer, for vj days laboryng 

on the towne wallis, takyng by the day i\i]d. ... i]s. 

It'm paied to Gruff' ap Ll'n for one bott lode with stones 

from Bangor to the key ... ... ... xxd. 

It'm paied to John ap Ieuan, laborer, the space of iij days 

laboryng on the towne wallis, takyng \i\jd. by the day x'\]d. 

It'm paied to Thomas, laborer, the space of iij days 

laboryng on the towne walls, takyng by the day iii]d. xi]d. 

It'm paied to Ieuan ap Res, laborer, for iij days laboryng 

on the towne walles, takyng by the day iiijtìf. ... xi]d. 

It'm paied to Machyn [? Mathyw=Matthew] Smyth for 

mendyng of the locke of the lyme house ... i]d. 

It'm paied to Will'm Smyth for one bote lode of stones 

from Bangor to the key ... ... ... xd. 

It'm paied to Hugh Hampson for- one bote lode of stones 

from Bangor to the key ... ... ... xxi]d. 

It'm paied to Will'm Smyth for the cariage of xv botts 
lode with stones from the Ffriers of Bewmarries to 
the key ... ... ... ... vs. 

It'm paied to Thomas ap Grono for the hire of his horse 

the space of iij dayes, takyng every day i]d. ... v]d. 

It'm paide to John ap Mad[oc], laborer, the space of one 

day ... ... ... ... iiij^- 

[m. i3d.] 

It'm paied to Will'm Smyth, laborer, the space of one 
day laboryng on the Towne Walls, takyng by tlie 
day iiijöf. ... ... ... ... iüj^- 

Summa eiusdem ebdomode ... xliiijí. ob. 

Ebdomoda in festo Nativitate B'te Marie virginis [8th September]. 

It'm paied to Gruff, mason, for yj days labor on the 

towne walls, takyng every day vijrt'. ... ... ii]s. v]d. 

It'm paied to Denys Roche, mason, for vj days laboryng 

on the same walls, takyng by the day v]d. ob. ... i\]s. ii]d. 

It'm paied to Thomas Rochedale, mason, for yj days 
laboryng on the same walls, takyng by the day 
v]d. ob. ... ... ... ... ü]s. H\d. 

It'm paied to Rob't Roche, mason, for vj days laboryng 

011 the towne walls, takyng by the day v]d. ... ii]s. 

It'm paied to Richard Englafeild, mason, for vj days 
laboryng on the towne walls, taking by the day 
v]d. ob. ... ... ... ... üjí- üj^- 

It'm paied to Lewis ap Res, mason, for vj days laboryng 

on the towne walls, takyng by the day v]d. ob. ... ii]s. ii]d. 



Üjí. 


\\]d. 


Ìjí. 


v]d. 




xviìjd. 



1 1 o The Fate of the Structures of Conway 

It'm paied to John ap Ieuan, mason, for yj days laboryng 
on the towne walls, takyng by the day v\d. ob. 

It'm paied to D'd goch, mason, for vj days laboryng on 
the same wallis, takyng by the day vd. 

It'm paied to Ric' ap Will'm, sclatter, for iij dayslaboryng 
in sclattyng of the shire halle, takyng every day v]d. 

Summa eiusdem Ebdomode ... xxvjí. ixd. 

Ebdomoda prox' post ffestum Exaltationis S'ci Crucis [i4th September]. 

It'm paied to Gruff'ap Hoell, mason, for vj days laboryng 

on the towne waîls, takyng every day vij</. ... n]s. v]d. 

It'm paied to Ric' Englefeild, mason, for vj days laboryng 

on the towne walls, takyng by the day v]d. ob. ... ii]s ii]d. 

It'm paied to Thomas Rochedale, mason, for vj days 
laboryng on the towne walls, takyng by the day 
v]d. ob. ... ... ... ... ii]s. ii]d. 

It'm paied to Denys Roche, mason, for vj days laboryng 

on the towne walls, takyng by the day v]d. ob. ... ii)s. \\]d. 

It'm paied to Rob't Roche, mason, for vj days laboryng 

on the towne walls, takyng by the day v]d. ... \i\s. 

It'm paied to John ap Ieuan, mason, for vj days laboryng 
on the towne walls, takyng by the day v]d. ob. 

It'm paied to Lewis ap R , mason, for vj days laboryng 
on the towne walls, takyng le day v]d. ob. 

It'm paied to D'd ap Hoell, mason, for vj days Iaboryng 
on the towne walls, taltyng by the day v]d. ob. 

It'm paied to D'd goch, mason, for vj days laboryng on 
the towne walls, takyng by the day vd. 

It'm paied to Hugh Holt, laborer, for vj days laboryng on 
the towne walls to serve the masons, takyng by the 
day iiijrt'. ... ... ... ... i]s. 

It'm paied to John Taberner, laborer, for vj days laboryng 

on tne key, takyng by the day iii]d. ... ... i]s. 

It'm paied to Hugh ap John ap Will'm, laborer, for vj 
days laboryng on the key to serve the masons, 
takyng by the day iii]d. ... ... ... i]s. 

It'm paied to John Maketire, laborer, foryi days laboryng 
on the key, takyng by the day iii]d., to serve the 
masons ... ... ... ... ij^. 

It'm paied to Will'm Smyth, laborer, for vj days laboryng 

on the key, takyng every day iiij^. ... ... i]s. 

It'm paied to John Davyson, laborer, lor v days laboryng 
on the towne walls, takyng by the day iii]d., to serve 
the masons ... ... ... ... xxc/. 

It'm paied to D'd ap D'd, laborer, for iiij days laboryng 
on the key, takyng by the day iiijâT., to serve the said 
masons ... ... ... ... xv]d. 

It'm paied to Hugh Hampson for one bott lode of stones 

from Bangor to the key ... ... ... xi]d. 

Summa eiusdem Ebdomode ... x\i]s. v]d. 



ii\s. 


ii]d. 


ii]s. 


i\]d. 


ii]s. 


i\]d. 


i]s. 


v]d. 



lljí. 


V)(t. 


Üjf. 


\\]d. 


iijj. 


\\]d. 


Üjí. 


\\]d. 


Üjí. 


ü)d. 


UjS. 





Abbey, and Bangor and Beaumaris Friaries. 1 1 1 

Ebdomoda prox' post ffestum S'ci Mathei apostoli [2ist September]. 

It'm paied to Gruff' ap Hoell, mason, for vj days laboryng 
on the towne walls, takyng by the day v\]d. 

It'm paied to Ric' Englefeild, mason, for vj days laboryng 

on the towne walls, takyng by the day v')d. ob. 
It'm paied to John ap Ieuan, mason, for vj days laboryng 

on the towne walls, takyng by the day vj«. ob. 
It'm paied to Thomas Rochedale, mason, for vj days 

laboryng on the towne walls, takyng by the day 

v]d. ob. 

It'm paied to Denys Roche, mason, for vj days laboryng 

on the towne walls, takyng by the day v]d. ob. 
It'm paied to Rob't Roche, mason, for vj days laboryng 

on the towne walls, takyng by the day v]d. 

[m. 14.] 

It'm payde to Lewes ap R., mason, for laboring on the 

Towne Waüys the sp'ace of vj days, takyng by the 

daye v]d. ob.... 

It'm payde to David Goch, mason, for vj days laboring 
on the Towne Wallys, takyng by the day vd. 

It'm payde to Thomas ap Ithell, mason, for iij days 
laboring on the Towne Walls, takyng by tlie daye v]d. 

It'm payde to David ap Ll'n, mason, for iij days laboryng 

upon the Towne Wallys, takyng by the day v]d. 
It'm payde to John Taberner. laborer, for vj days 

laboring upon the Towne Wallys, takyng by the 

daye \\\\d. 

It'm payde to John Davyson, laborer, for yj days laboring 

on the Towne Wallys, taking by the daye iiijrt'. 
It'm payde to John Maketyre, laborer, for v days laboring 

on the Towne Wallys, takyng by the daye iiij^. ... xxd. 

It'm payde to Jamys of the Hey, laborer, for iij days 
laboring on the Towne Wallys, takyng by the daye 
\\\]d., to serve the masons ... ... x\]d. 

It'm payde to Will'm Smyth, laborer, for one daye 
laboryng 011 the Towne Wallys, taking by the daye 
u\]d. ... ... ... ... \\\]d. 

It'm payde to David ap Guttyn, laborer, for iij days 
laboring on the Towne Wallys, takyng by the daye 

\\\]d. ... ... ... ... x\]d. 

It'm payde to John Nycholas for v days on the Towne 

Wallys, takyng by the daye \\\]d.,to serve the masons xxd. 

It'm payde to John ap Ithell, laborer, for vdays laboryng 
on the Towne Wallys, takyng by the day \u]d., to 
serve the masons ... ... ... xxd. 

It'm payd to Thomas ap John for iiij days laboryng on 
the Towne Wallys, takyng by the daye iiijrf.,to serve 
the masons ... ... ... ... xv]d. 

It'm payd to Ris Jhonson for coordes to bynde the 

scaffold ... ... ... ... u]d. 

It'm payd for Roodes [? rods] and [blank] to make the 

scaffold ... ... ... ... v\\]d. 



\\]s. 


\\]d. 


\]s, 


v]d. 




.wiijrt'. 




xv\\\d. 


\]s. 




Ìjí. 





lljí. 


v]d. 


Üjí. 


\\]d. 


Üjí. 


\\]d. 



1 1 2 The Fate of the Structures of Conway 

It'm paid to Thomas Rychard, carpynter, for one day's 

laboring to make the sayd scaffold ... ... v]d. 

It'm payd to Rouland Moyle for the cariage of one boate 

loode of stones from Bangor to the keye ... xx\\d. 

It'm paid to Thomas ap Grono for hym and hys horse 
the space of iij days and di [3! days], takyng by the 
daye v]d. ... ... ... ... xx]d. 

It'm payde to Will'm Smyth for ij botes lode of stones 

from the Ffryers house at Bewmarres to the keye ... v\\]d. 

Summa istius Ebdomade ... xlvjí. v\\\d. 



Ebdomada in ffesto S'ci Michaelis archangeli [29Ü1 September]. 

It'm paide to Gruff' ap Hoell, mason, for vj days vvorke 

on the Towne Walls, takyng by the day v\\d. 
It'm payde to Ris. Englefeld, mason, for vj days laboring 

on the Towne Walls, takyng by the daye v]d. ob. ... 
It'm payd to John ap Ieuan, mason, for vj days laboring 

uppon the Towne Walls, takyng by the daye v]d. ob. 

It'm payde to Thomas Rochedale, mason, for vi days 
laboring upon the Towne Walls, takyng by the daye 
v]d. ob. ... ... ... ... iijí. \\]d. 

It'm paid to David ap Hoell, mason, for v [vj] days 
laboring 011 the Towne Walls, takyng by the daye 
v]d. ob. ... ... ... ... iij.?. \'\]d. 

It'm payd to Denys Roche, mason, for yj days laboring 

on the Towne Walls, takyng by the daye v]d. ob. ... \\\s. \\\d. 

It'm payd to Robert Roche, mason, for vj days laboring 

uppon the Towne Walls, taking by the daye v]d. ... iij.s. 

It'm payd to Will'm Smyth, laborer, for vj days laboring 
uppon the Towne Walls, takyng by the daye iinW., 
to serve the masons ... ... ... \\s. 

It'm paid to Jamys of the Haye for vj days laboring uppon 
the Towne Walls, taking by the daye \\\]d., to serve 
the masons ... ... ... ... \]s. 

It'm paid to John Maketire for vj days laboring uppon 
the Towr.e Walls, taking by the day \\\]d. to serve 
the masons ... ... ... ... \\s. 

It'm paid to John Tarberner for yj days work on the 
Towne Walls, taking by the daye \'\\]d., to serve the 
masons ... ... ... ... \]s. 

It'm paid to David ap D'd, laborer, for vj days working 
uppon the Towue Walls, taking by the day iiijrt'., to 
serve the masons ... ... ... \]s. 

It'm paid to Hugh ap John, laborer, for yj days laboring 

uppon the Towne Walls, taking by the day \\\]d. ... \]s. 

It'm paid to R. ap Hoell ap Griff' for vj days laboring 

uppon the Towne Walls, taking iiijí^. by the daye ... \]s. 

It'm paid to Hugh a lowe, laborer, working upon the 
Towne Walls, taking by the space of vj days for 
every day iii]V/. ... ... ... \]s. 



Abbey, and Bangor and Beaumaris Friaries. 1 13 

It'm paid to Hugh Hampson for vj bote lodes of stones 
caried from the Ffriers house of Bewmares to the 
kaye ... ... ... ... \)S. \\d. 



Summa istius Ebdomade ... x\\s. \\]d. 

[m. i4d.] 

Ebdomada prox, post ffestum S'ci Michaelis archangeli. 

It'm paid to Griff , mason. for iiij days work on the towne 

walls, taking by the day v'\]d. ... ... \]s. \\\]d. 

It'm paid to Denys Roche, mason, for iiij dais work on 
the Town Walls, taking by the daye v]d. ob. 

It'm paid to David ap Hoell, mason, for iiij days laboring 
on the Towne Walls, taking by the day v\d. Gb. 

It'm paid to Thomas Rochedale, mason, for foure days 
laboring uppon the Towne Walls, taking by the daye 
v]d. ob. 

It'm paid to David Ris, mason, for iiij days work upon 
the same walls, taking by the daye \d. 

It'm paid to Ric' ap Ieuan, laborer, for iij days laboring 
to serve the sayd masons, taking by the day \\\]d. ... 

It'm paid to Will'm Smyth, laborer, for iij days laboring 

to serve the masons, taking by the daye \\\]d. 
It'm paid to Jamys of the Haye, laborer, for iij days 

laboring to serve the masons, taking bythe daye W'ijd. 
It'm paid to Hugh ap John, laborer, for iij days laboring 

to serve the sayd masons, taking by the day \\\]d. ... 

It'm paid to Thomas ap John, laborer, for iij days labor- 
ing to serve the masons, taking by the daye \i\jd. ... 

It'm paid to John Maketore [sic], laborer, for iij days 

laboring to serve the said masons, taking by the day 

\\\]d. 
It'm paid to John Taberner, laborer, for iij dais laboring 

on the Towne Walls, taícing by the daye \\\]d. 
It'm paid to Gilbert Robyson for lxxj pecks of lyme, after 

tlie rate of \]d. le peck 
It'm paid to Nicholas Britell for viij pecks of lyme, after 

the rate of \\\]d. le peck ... 

It'm paid to John ap Ieuan ap Lewes, smyth, for the 
sharping of the masons' toles [tools] ... 

It'm paid to all the masons in rewarde towards theyre 
charges in going home 

It'm paid to Robert Burghill, surveyor and paymaster of 
the sayd works, attending uppon the workemen there 
and riding from place to place for p[ro]visions for the 
same, for hymself and his horse, by the said space, 
taking in grosse for one hoole yere, and for ingross- 
ing the boke in p'cells [parcels] as weli in paper as 
in p'chement... ... ... ... xli. 

... x\\Ui. x]s. vd. 
I 



\]s. 


\]d. 


\')S. 


\]d. 


\]s. 


\]d. 




xxd. 




x\\d. 




x\]d. 




x\]d. 




xij</. 




x\]d. 




x\]d. 




x\]d. 


xxx\s. 


v]d. 


\]s. 


v\\]d. 


xs. 


vd. 


\s. 


\\\]d. 



1 1 4 The Fate ofthe Structures of Comuay Abbey, etc. 

[Total expenditure at Beaumaris, £41 $s. yd.] 

Sm'a total' istius 1 

bundell' cont' l cxl//. xiíji-. íú]d. ob. 
xiiij rotuli J 

p' me Joh'em Pakyngton. 

p' me Joh'em Arnold. 

The total expenditure at the different places was 

at Carnarvon for 18 weeks ... ... £4$ 4 7 

,, Ouay for 17 weeks ... 32 1 =;£ 



Harlech, for 14 weeks 
Beaumaris, for 16 weeks 

^MO 13 IQ è 
There is an error of 6d. somewhere in the account. 



77 


6 


o± 


22 


2 


3 


4« 


5 


7 



Çpímarffl (fíle. 11 8, fo*. 829=837. 

Introduction, Transcript and Translation, 
By HUGH OWEN, M.A., 

Exhibitioner at Liverpool Uhẁersity ; Felloio of the Royal Historical 

Society. 



^nírobucfíotu 



The accompanying extract from the Peniarth MS. 118 
(foolscap folio) was writtenby John David Rhys 1 — better 
known as Sion Dafydd Rhys — about the year 1600. In 
addition to writing parts of Peniarth MSS, 118, 252, 270, 
316 ; Cardiff MS. 18, and Llanstephan MSS. 4Î, 55, 56, 
79, 2 he published a Welsh Grammar in 1592 ; he died in 
1617, aged 80 years. 3 

Sion Dafydd Rhys's handwriting is fairly legible and 
needs little comment : in the following transcript the 
symbols 6 and h are written w and nn respectively. An 
examination of the photographic reproduction of fo. 835 
(facing p. 142), which is one quarter of the actual size, 

^yerified by Mr. T. Gwynn Jones, who is familiar with John 
David Rhys' handwriting. 

2 Dr. Gwenogvryn Evans' Report on MSS. in the Welsh Lanyuage. 
Peniarth MS. 118, fo. 297 contains an autograph letter of W. 
Mydleton from Wilton, dated lst Feb., 1582, to Dr. Davies, i.e., Dr. 
John Dd. Rhys. On fo. 300 of the same MS. are " Two para- 
graphs in Latin enjoining Wm : ap Howell, Dd : ap Dd : ap Morgan, 
and Tho : Vaughan to hold their agreement with John David, Doctor 
of Medicine, concerning a dwelling house, a barn and two gardens 
' in burgo Brecon ' ". 

3 Rowlands, Llyfryddiaeth y Cymry, p. 63, but Rowlands does not 
give his sources for the date of J. D. R's death. 

i2 



iió Peniarth Ms. nS,fos. 829-837. 

gives an adequate idea of the characteristics of his script. 
Apparently most of this extract refers to the pre-Norman 
period in Welsh history — when perhaps it was thought 
that every caiw 1 had his stronghold or caer. 

To the archseologist one of the most interesting pass- 
ages is to be found on fo. 836, line 26, where it is stated 
that a caer was made for the milting of cows within it, 
a statement that strengthens the idea entertained by 
some scholars that most, if not all, of the caers (and one 
might add din or dinas), of very small area, throughout 
Wales, served no military purpose but were used as 
enclosures for cattle or sheep. 

The commonest place-names in Wales suggesting fpr- 
tifications of some kind are din or dinas, caer, llys (?), 
tommen, and castellS It is as difficult to distinguish 
between these terms as it is between the Irish dün, rath, 
lis, cathair, and caisel, 3 because they are often used in- 
differently 1 in the literature of Wales and of Ireland 
respectively, to designate a simiìar object — a stronghold. 

1 " On the etymology of Welsh cawr, see Julius Pokorny's article 
in the Zeitschrift für vergleichende Sprachforschung, neue Folge, 45 
Bd. 1 Heft." — Comniunicated by Mr. J. Glyn Davies, Liverpool 
University. 

2 The names din (both as prefix and suffix) or dinas, caer, llys and 
tommen seem to be more frequent in North than in South Wales. 
The castle — and with it the word castell — was introduced earlier, and 
to a greater extent, in South Wales ; and as it superseded the pre- 
viously constructed forts, the original name — din or dinas, caer, llys, 
tommen — would inevitably in many places become obsolete. 

3 O'Curry's Manners and Customs of the Ancient Irish, vol. I., 
pp. ccxxxviii, cccv-cccvii, cccix, vol. III., p. 3 ; vol. I., pp. ccciv- 
cccv; vol. I., p. ccciv; vol. I., pp. cccvi-cccvii ; vol. IV., p. 4; vol. I., 
pp. cccv, cccix. 

4 Compare the hopeless manner in which the nomenclature of 
mediieval military engines is confused by the chroniclers : for 
examples of this see Oman, A History of the Art of War in the 
Middle Ages, p. 545. 



Peniarth Ms. nS,/os. 829-837. 117 

From the descriptions available of din or dinas sites in 
Wales we find that most of them are strongholds 011 
hill-tops, and appear by nature to be much stronger for 
defence than the caerau. Evidently the din or dinas was 
the more primitive type of fort ; its area varied consider- 
ably — from half an acre (e.g. Dinas near Dolbadarn in 
Carnarvonshire) to sixty-nine acres (e.g. Dinas Mawr in 
Denbighshire). 

The term din means " a fort " (Irish dün). Dinas in 
Welsh has long come to mean " a city ", and the con- 
fusion of meanings between the old and the new is found 
in the inconsequential place-name Dinas Dinlle. 1 In 
literary Welsh dinas is now feminine, but in place-names 
the old masculine gender . is frequently preserved, e.g., 
Dinas Mawr, Braich y Dinas, Craig y Dinas (near Clynnog 
in Carnarvonshire) ; however, the spoken form is liable 
to follow the modern feminine gender, e.g., Braich y 
Ddinas. 

Caer — particularly common in Snowdonia — is generally 
applied to at least two geographical types of forts which 
may be roughly distinguished as the hill-caer and the 
plain-caer. 

(1) The hUl-caer appears to have been a strong fort on 
a comparatively high hill — " a contour-f ort ", with arti- 
ficial defences following the natural line of the hill, and 
often consisting of a huge wall of loose stones to 
encircle completely the summit, and necessitating hard 
and long labour in its construction. It was generally 
circular in shape and enclosed an area of from one to 
two acres. Sometimes this stronghold, though usually on 

1 Dinas is clearly a late super-imposition in this name, ancl coulcl 
only have been appliecl at a time when the meaning of Dinlle hacl 
been forgotten. Compare Llyn Strellyn (Ystracl-Ilyn) and Llyn 
Cicellyn (Cawell-lyn) — clear instances of tautology. 



n8 Peniarth Ms. \\%, fos. 829-837. 

high ground, was not entirely dependent 011 natural slopes 
for protection. 1 

(2) The plain-caer is represented by a rectangular or 
other enclosure of simple plan on fairly level ground. 2 
This type of fort, if not actually constructed by the 
Romans, may be attributed to their influence, for the 
Eomans rarely, if ever, adapted British camps to their 
own use. 3 The Romanized Britons may have modified the 
Roman camps to suit their own methods of warfare, but 
it is more likely that when attacked, they retreated to 
their hills ; Roman tactics were only suitable for a B-oman 
drilled army. 

At present the data available are not sufficient 4 to 
answer conclusively the following questions (which occur 
to us) in connection with the caerau : — 

(1) Are there plain-caerau with which the Eomans 
were unlihely to be connected ? 

(2) Can the plain-caerau be sub-divided into marsh- 
caerau 5 and hard-ground caerau ? 

1 " By our valuable MSS. and by traditional evidence, of which 
much remains correctly retained amongst our mountaineers, we learn 
that the caeran upon the summit of our hills, were outposts of the 
ancient inhabitants ; here they lodged their wives and children ; to 
these places they drove their cattle." — Caerwys MS. x. p. 3, ' An 
Historical Account of the Ancient Castles in the Counties of Mont- 
yomery and Uenbiyh', by Angharad Llwyd. 

2 The plain-caer will not, of course, be confused with the moated 
homestead of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. See Allcroft, 
Earthworjc of Enyland, ch. xiv. 

1 British camps for the protection of the tribe — men, women and 
children — were generally in isolated positions suitable for natural 
defence ; Roman camps were usually on a particular line of march 
and mostly intended for temporary occupation only, and that by 
trained soldiers. 

4 Only when thc ' Royal Commission on Ancient Monuments in 
Walcs and Monmouthshire ' has completed its admirable Inrentories 
of thc Welsh Counties can these prol)lems be adeíjuately considered. 

5 Some earthworlis may have been enclosures for cattle as a pro- 



Peniarth Ms. nS,/os. 829-837. 119 

(3) Are the hill-caer and the plain-caer to be found 
close together ? If so, could they have been constructed 
by the same race at the same period ? 

(4) Were any of these caerau isolated forts, or were 
they units in a general system of defence ? ' 

(5) Why are some caerau surrounded by a ditch, others 
by stones ? Was this difference due to the nature of the 
material available or to the nature of the ground, to 
different builders, or to some other cause ? 

(6) Was the hill-caer the British imitation of a 
possibly Roman plain-caer? Was the hill-caer in general 
use in Wales in post-Roman times and until the intro- 
duction of the motte-castle ? 

(7) If both the hill-caer and plain-caer were post- 
Rouian, was the plain-caer used for domestic purposes, and 
the hill-caer as a watch-post and theref ore made smaller ? 

The etymology of the word caer (pl. caerau, caeroedd, 

and caerydd) cannot help us at the present time because it 

is not established ; it cannot be phonetically derived f rom 

the Latin castra according to the established processes of 

Latin phonology in Welsh — that is, the Latin of the 

Roman occupation — because no instance is known of the 

passing of Latin str into Welsh diphthong + r. 2 (See n. 

pp. 148-9.) 

tection from wild animals, such aswolves; awolf could cross a marsh 
but heavy quadrupeds would never succeed in doing so, hence a 
marsh stockade suggests its use for military purposes only. 

Mr. Higgins, Liverpool University, suggests in a letter to me that 
Gaencen means ' a fort on, or in close proximity to, wide marshlands'. 
In this connectiön compare Gaerwen ddu, showing that -icen cannot 
mean ' white ' : is -wen the modern Welsh term -iceun ? 

1 See Professor Haverfield's ' Military Aspects of Roman Brítain', 
Y Cymmrodor (1910) p. 67. Elaborate fortifications would suggest 
permanent occupation. 

2 (a) Professor J. E. Lloyd, Bangor, in ' Y Cymmrodor,' 1 vol. xi., 
pp. 26, 27, states : "In some parts of Cardiganshire caerau is occa- 
sionally used for caeau 'fields'". W. O. Pughe in his Dictionary 



120 Peniarth Ms. i\S,/os. 829-837. 

In the course of time these caer-enclosures fell into 
disuse as forts, but coulcl still be used by the natives for 
herding cattle, 1 and the word caer might subsequently be 
gi-adually applied to cattle enclosures. As a matter of 
fact, in the accoinpanying transcript of Peniarth MS. 118, 
fo. 836, an instance is given of a caer being built for 
the purpose of niilking cows within it : 

"Drewyn Gawr a wnaeth Gaer Drewyn" 2 yn y Deyrnion, 
am yr abhon a Chorwen. Ac yw gariad y gwnaeth y Gaer 
honno, er godro ei gicarthec yndi". 

(Drewyn Gawr made Caer Drewyn in Deyrnion, the 
other side of the river from Corwen. And to his sweetheart 
he made that Caer, to milk her cows in.) 

The language no doubt distinguished at some time 
between dinas and caer, but in what way cannot be ascer- 
tained unless by archseological surveys and scientific 
excavation. Was the dinas an enclosure bounded by a 

(1832) gives 'caer y fynwent', the churchyard wall. In the Welsh 
Bible caer is used almost invariably for 'a wall'. 

(b) Compare Thurneysen, Handbuch des Alt-Irischen, p. 517, for 
the derivation of caer from castra.— Communicated by Mr. Ifor 
Williams, Bangor. 

1 Compare the following : 

(a) " Probably the Romanized Britons occupied the older British 
fort and modified its size to suit their own requirements." — Allcroft, 
Earthworh of England, ch. xi. 

(b) " The Normans often adapted British and Roman works, but 
these were mostly post-Norman, and used for domestic, not military 
purposes."' — Ibid. 

(c) " Long after the lisses and raths were abandoned as dwellings, 
many of them were turned to different uses ; some of the high dûns 
and mounds were crowned with modern buildings. The superstitious 
peasantry always felt the greatest reluctance to putting them under 
tillage ; but they were often used as pens for cattle, for which some 
were admirably adapted." — Joyce, The Origin and History of lrish 
Names of Places, vol i, p. 284. 

2 " Kaer Drewin, a round stone wall about an acre of ground 
where they kept their cattel in war time." — Ed. Lhwyd's Parochialia, 
Arch. Camb. (Supplement, April 1910), part ii, p 44. 



Peniarth Ms. 118, fos. 829-837. 121 

wall of earth, and the caer originally surrounded by a wall 
of stone ? Was the dinas oriefinallv intended to shelter 
the whole tribe and their belongings ? Was the plain-caer 
the fort of the Romans, and the hill-caer the watch-post 
of the Britons in post-Roman times ? 

Of the name Uys 1 (Irish lis= í a fort ') sufficient ex- 
amples are not as yet forthcoming to warrant any state- 
ment as to the particular type of the military enclosure 
indicated. In later times llys certainly came to mean 
' court', whether of the judiciary or of the Crown. 

Another place-name suggesting a fortification of some 
kind is tommen — derived from Low Latin tumba — tomm -f- 
the Welsh femine singulative suffix -en : tomm is also 
applied to ' dung-heap ', e.g., tommen dail (English 
' midden '), probably from the fact of its having been 
earthed up for preservation. By the term tommen? is gener- 
ally meant an artifìcial mount, with encircling ditch or 

1 («) Mr. Ifor Williams, Bangor, in a letter notes that in 
' Culhwch ' cadlys is used for ' the bailey of a castle ', and he quotes 
the Myvyrian Archaiology (Denbigh, 1870), p. 226: 

'Nyseuis na thwr na bwr (=burgh) bu krein' (=prostrate). 

' Nac argoed na choed na chadlys drein (=a stockade of thorns) ; 
also the White Book Mabinogion (J. Gwenogvryn Evans, 1907), p. 244b, 
'mynet dros y teir catlys awnaethant hyt 
pan dyuuant y myón ygaer'. 
With cadlys compare cadlas — used in Carnarvonshire to-day to 
denote an enclosure for the haystack. 

(6) Llys : Indo-Germanìc plt-su, Pedersen, § 413, i;ognate with 
English ' field '. — Communicated by Mr. J. Glyn Davies, Liverpool 
University. 

2 Was the tommen type of fort originally a round barrow of the 
pre-historic age, bnt subsequently adapted for military purposes ? 
See B. C. A. Windle, Remains of the Pre-historic Aye in Enyland 
(Methuen, 1904), pp. 140-143 ; also compare the names Tommen 
Gastelh (Gwydhelwern), Tommen Gastelh (Lhanvor) and Castelh 
Tommen y mur(Lhandekwyn) referred to in Ed. Lhwyd's Parochialia 
(Arch. Camb., Supplement Apr. 1910. Part ii, pp. 49, 62 and 104 
respectively). 



122 Peniarth Ms. nS,/os. 829-S37. 

fosse, the area so enclosed being usually less than half an 
acre, e.g., Tommen Fawr (Carnarvonshire), Tommen y 
Faerdre and Tommen y Rhodwydd (Denbighshire), Tom- 
men y Bala (Merionethshire), Tommen Llanio (Cardigan- 
shire). The tommen site is often found on a river bank or 
on the edge of a lake. 

The frequency with which proper names are attached 
to the word castell in place-names suggests 

(1) The personal element, and possibly indicates the 
original builder, e.g., Castell Madoc (Brecknockshire) ; 
castell-íorts bearing personal names are yrima facie com- 
paratively modern ; 

(2) The proximity of a town, and suggests that the 
fort either protected the town or held it in subjection, e.g., 
Castell y Wyddgrug. 

Most of the castell-n&mes, even where the proper 
names are absent, are applied to fortiíied mounts, wholly 
or partly artificial, and probably of the mount-and-bailey 
type. 1 

The type, as well as the name, shows castell to be a fort 
of later date than dinas or caer ; 2 it is also evident that 
castell was a different kind of stronghold from the caer. 3 

1 The descrii)tions as yet available of these eastell- forts are not in 
theniselves sufliciently conclusive on this point. 

2 Castell occurs in the Booh of Llandaf only about six tinies ; it 
does not appear once in the Gododin, which contains dinas six, and 
caer four times. In this connection it may be observed that the 
military references in the Pedeir Kainc of the Mabinogion suggest a 
period in Wales prior to a.d. 1100; the descriptions of the castles in 
the other tales of the so-called Mabinoyion clearly refer to some time 
at least subsequent to a.d. 1250. [It is stated that the Peniarth MS. 
containing the Whitc Book Mabinogion was written about a.d. li^82 ; 
see lntroduction to White Book Mabinogion (J. Gwenogvryn Evans), 
p. xiii]. 

3 (a) "Ni savei racdun ruych pell 

Nac aer na chaerna chastell".— Myv. Arch. (Denbigh)p. 175. 

(Nor battle nor caor nor castle would stand before 

them.) 



Peniarth Ms. 118, fos. 829-837. 123 

The word castell is generally assumed to be derived 
from the Latin castellum (Irish caisel). 1 

In the "Extract" that follows the writer names, but 
does not attempt to disting-uish between, various sites of 
strong-holds. He appears to be more concerned with 
deriving- nearly all the place-names from the names of 
g-iants who once dwelt there. Some of these, so he writes, 
dwelt on a moel (Yscydion, Ophrom, Ysbryn) ; others in a 
caer (Gwedros, Hedoc, Dinas or Dynas, Chwilcin, Celgan, 
Odwyn, Clidha, Phili, Gwrle, Drewyn) ; two in a bwlch 
(Radyr, Aedhan) ; one in a llwyn (Chwermon), a cwrt 
(Mibhod), a garth (Cribwr), an ynys (Cedwyn) ; but most 
of them are stated to have been dwelling- in a castell 
(Howel, Lhyphan, Pyscoc, Chwil, Didhannel, Moel, 
Moythyn, Mabon, Ourbryd, Cymryd, Maylor, Cornippin, 
Crygyn, Bwba, Bwch, Ernalht, Buga, Trog-i, Crou, Gerd- 
han). The absence of the name din or dinas for a strong- 
hold is signifìcant. 

(b) The feature that distinguishes the castell from its prede- 
cessors — dinas and caer — is the tower, whether the motte of the 
mount-and-bailey type or the keep of the later stone castle. This 
type of stronghold for permanent occupation suited a man with only 
a few trusted followers, and would be quite unsuitable to a tribe — 
with women and children. See Geoffrey de Mandeville, by J. H. 
Round (Longmans, 1892), p. 328, who adds that "the Latin castellum 
(corresponding to the Welsh caer), continued to be regularly used as 
descriptive of a fortified enclosure, whether surrounded by walls or 
earthworks, being even applied by Giraldus Cambrensis to a turf 
entrenchment at Pembroke". Probably in many cases it was found 
suitable to build a tower in a former din or caer, and then utilize the 
latter as a ' bailey ' : compare note x (b), page 120. 

1 " Caiseal is very common in Irish and always used to signify a 
circular stone fort, and is either cognate with, or derived from, Latin 
casteüum ; it is found in the most ancient Irish MSS. : the modern 
form is cashel." — Joyce, The Orujin and History of Irish Names of 
Places, vol. i., p. 286. 



124 Peniarth Ms. 1 18 : fos. 829-837. 

fo.829 ẅdwicf from tytetttoft (^0. 118. 

Yghwlad Meirionydh ymhlwybh Dol Gelhe y yghymwt 

Tal y Bont y mae rnynydh neu bhann neu bhoel 1 

bhawr uchel 
a elwir Cadeir Idris. 2 Ac yghhylch godreon y brynn mawr 

hwnn 
y mae amrybhaelon lhycheu neu lynnodh 3 o dhwbhr. 

mawr ac 
uchel (mal y dywedais) yw'r mynydh ; ac er i uched, ac er 

an- 
hawdhed myned drostaw ; eissioes os bwrir (medhant) 

phonn 
neu brenn aralh ir nebun a bhynnoch or dybhroedh 

hynny, chwi 
a gephwch y prenn hwnnw yn y lhynn aralh yn y tu 

gwrthwy- 
neb ir mynydh hw.nn. Ac am na elhir credu yn hawdh 
alhu o'r prenn bhyned dros draws penn mynydh cyn ucheled 
10. ar hwnn hynn yma ; ydh ydis yn tybieid bhod rhyw ogobh 
neu geudawd o'r nailh lynn ir lhalh dann y mynydh yma, 
mal y galhei y peth a bhei yn y nailh lynn gael ei symud 

ar y lhalh. Ac ar y coryn uchabh ir mynydh hwnn 
y mae megis lhun dulh ryw wely, mawr ei hyd a'i led, wedy 
15. ei bheiliaw o bhain neu gerric ossodedic oe gylch. a hwnn 
a elwir Grwely Idris, cyd boed bhod yn debygolach 
y bhod yn bhedh y cledhyssid Idris yndaw gynt. Ac ebh 

a dhywe- 
dir taw pwy bynnac i dhyn a orwedho ac a gysco ar y 

gwely hwnnw, un 
o'r dheu beth a dhamchweina idhaw, nailh ai bod yn 

Brydydh 
20. or bhath oreu, ai ynteu myned yn lhwyr ynbhyd 4 o honaw. 

Ac 

1 moel is a ' round ' beight — bare. 

2 Marginal Note :— Cewri Cymru | Idris Gawr | Cymwd Ystym- 
. . | mer. Ac Artliur | ai lhadhodh. ac | wrth hyny ydh oedhynt | 
cewri yma yn deyrnasu | yn hir wedy Brutus | Crychan gawr yn | 
trigo yn Moel Cry- | chan yn gymodawc | Idris gawr. | 

3 Ihycheu neu lynnodh — both terms are vague in denoting the size 
of sheets of water. The writer may have meant to give alternative 
forms meaning precisely the same thing. 

4 ynbhyd — O.E. ungewittige=unreasonable. 



Peniarth Ms. ii$:fos. 829837. 125 

&x<x\\&t<xûo\\ of tfyt <&\txacL f .829 

In the land of Merioneth in the parish of Dolgelly in 
the commote of Talybont is a mountain or peak or high 
large mount that is called Cader Idris. 1 And about the 
foot of this large hill are several lochs or lakes of water. 
Large and high (as I have said) is the mountain ; and 
though so high, and though so difficult to cross over, yet 
(so they say) if a stick or other piece of wood be thrown 
into any you may choose of those waters, you will get that 
wood in the other lake 2 on the opposite side of this moun- 
tain. And as it is not easy to believe that the wood can 
go over the top of a mountain as high as this one here, it 
is supposed that there is some cave 3 or hollow from the 
one lake to the other under this mountain, so that a thing 
that is in one lake can be moved to the other. And on 
the highest crown of this mountain is a bed-shaped form as 
it were, great in length a.nd width, built of slabs or stones 
fixed around it. And this is called The Bed of Idris, 
though it is more likely that it is the grave in which 
Idris was buried in ages past. And it is said thatwhoever 
lies and sleeps on that bed, one of two things will happen 
to him, either he will be a poet of the best kind, or go 
entirely demented. And 

1 Marginal Note :— The Giants of Wales | Giant Idris | The Com- 
niot of | Ystymmer. And Arthur | killed him. And | by that there 
were | giants ruling here long after Brutus | Giant Crychan | 
dwelling in Moel | Crychan | a neighbour | of Giant Idris. 

2 Llyn Gafr and Llyn y Gader on the north side of Cader Idris ; 
Llyn Can on the other side. 

3 Twll yr Ogof on the west flank of Cader Idris. 



126 Peniarth Ms. nS,fos. 829-837. 

fo. 829 odhiwrth un or lhynnoedh yssydh dan y mynydh uchel y 

rhed 
abhon bhawr. Ac er hynny hagen pryd y damweina habh 

trassych 
y bydh eissieu dwbhr wrth bhalu ar y melineu adeili- 
edic ar lann yr abhon honno. Ac or ethryb hynny y gor- 
2g bhuwyd yn bhynych rydhhau dwbhr or lhynn hwnnw er 

achub diphyc 
dwbhr y melineu. Ac (medhant) ny elhyggwyd dwbhr 
eirmoed or lhynn hwnnw, heb na bei yn dhiannod ryw 
dymhestl a dygybhor o law, atharaneu, a melht neu 
lyched, yn damchweinaw yn y bhann honno. Ac yn y 
30. mynydh uchel hwnn y preswylei gynt anbhad aruthr 1 
o gawr, heb dhim lhai meintiolaeth ei gorph no phwy un 
bynnac o'r cewri uchod, a hwnn a elwid Idris gawr. 
Ac yn yr un plwybh (Dol Gelhe) y mae mynydh a elwir 
Moel Yecydion. Ac yn y mynydh hwnn ydh oedh 

preswyl- 

35. bhan y cawr mawr a elwid Yscydion gawr ac oe 

36. enw ebh yr henwid y bhoel honno yn bhoel Yscydion. 

fo. 830 ^c y m mhlwybh Lhan Bhachreth y mae bryn neu bhyn- 

nydh 
a elwir Moel Ophrom ; yn y lhe y preswylei gynt Ophrom 
gawr, ac oe enw ebh hebhyd y cabhas y brynn hwnnw ei 

enw, ac 
nyd pelh y bhoel honno odhiwrth Bhoel Yscydion, a lhai 

yw no 
5. Moel Yscydion, ac yn yr un wlad a'r un cymwt. 

Ac yghwlad Meirionydh hebhyd jmi mhlwybh lhanylhtyd 
a chymwt Ardudwy, ac ychydic odhiwrth y moelydh erailh 
ac or tu aralh i'r abhon a ranna y cymydoedh, y mae 

brynn 
aralh a elwir Moel Ysbryn, am bhod Ysbryn gawr ai 
10. Dricbhan yno; o enw yr hwnn, y cabhas y brynn ei enw. 
A'r cewri hynn olh a oedhynt yn anbherth o bheint, ac yn 
amser Idris gawr, yr hwnn Idris oedh yn deyrn ac 
yn Bennaeth arnadhunt. 

Ac yghwlad Meirionydh hebhyd, ac yn agos at Penn 
15 Aran ym Mhenlhyn, a thann y lhe a elwir Bwlch y 
Groes, y mae bedh mawr ei gyhydedh 2 yn y lhe y dy- 
wedant dharbhod cladhu'Lytta neu Ritta neu Ricca neu 

1 anbhad aruthr ffawr=liter. "an unholy terror of a giant". 

2 Cyhydedh = ' equality ', ' parity '. 



Peniarth Ms. 118, fos. 829-837. 127 

froin one of the lakes that is under the high mountain fo. 829 
runs a large riyer. 1 And in spite of that when a very dry 
summer happens there is lack of water to grind in the 
mills built 011 the bank of that river. And for that reason 
it was frequently necessary to release the water from that 
lake to save the shortage of water of the mills. And (so 
they say) no water was ever released from that lake, that 
there was not at once some storm and downpour of rain, 
and thunder, and lightning, happening in that spot. And 
in this high mountain formerly lived a big giant, not less 
in size of body than any of the above giants, and he was 
called Idris Gawr. And in the same parish (Dolgelly) is 
a mountain called Moel Yscydion. And in this mountain 
was the abode of a great giant called Yscydion Gawr and 
from his name that hill was called Moel Yscydion. 2 

And in the parish of Llanfachreth is a hill or mountain fo.830 
called Moel Ophrom, 3 where formerly lived Ophrom Gawr, 
and it is from his name that that hill derived its name, 
and that hill is not far from Moel Yscydion, and it is 
smaller than Moel Yscydion, and in the same country and 
the same commote. 

And in the land of Merioneth also, in the parish of 
Llanelltyd and the commote of Ardudwy, and a little from 
the other hills and on the other side of the river that 
divides the commotes, is another hill called Moel Ysbryn, 
because Ysbryn Gawr had his dwelling there ; from whose 
name the hill received its name. And all these giants 
were of enormous size, and in the time of Idris Gawr, 
which Idris was king and chief over them. And in the 
land of Merioneth also, and close to Pen Aran in Penllyn, 1 
and under the place called Bwlch y Groes, is a grave of 
great dimensions where they say Lytta or Ritta 01* Ricca or 

1 i.e., Dysynni River. 

2 Moel Esgidion or Moel Caer Ynwch (' Cantref Meirionydd ', gan 
R. Prys Morris, Dolgellan, 1890, pp. 69, 70): for 'Caerynwch' see 
Owen Jones's ' Cymru ', i., 440, and Cambro-Briton, vol. ii, p. 364 
(London, 1821). 

3 ' Now called Moel Offrwm, 1| miles South of Llanfachraeth '. — 
Owen Jones's ' Cymru ', ii, 258. 

4 In N.-E. Merionethshire and containing Llandderfel and four 
other parishes. 



128 Peniarth Ms. 1 1 8, fos. 829-837. 

Rithonwy neu Itto gawr ; corph yr hwnn a dharoedh y 

rei o genedl y 
cewri ei symud o Eryri, hyd yn agos i bhynydh yr Aran 

20 - bhawr yni Mhenlhyn. Y Ehicca gawr hwnn, a ymladh- 
assei Arthur ac ebh, ac a ladhassei yn Eryri. A'r 
cawr hwnn hynn a wnaethodh idhaw ehun pilis o 
bharbheu brenhinedh, a ryladlryssei ebh. Ac anbhon a 
oruc at Arthur i erchi idhaw ynteu bhlighaw 1 ei bharbh 
ehu- 

25. nan a'e hanbhon idhaw/ Ac megis ydh oedh Arthur yn 
bennabh ar y brenhinedh ; ynteu a dhodei ei bharbh ebhyn 
uchabh ar y pilis 3 o'r barbheu ereilh olh er enrhydedh i 
Arthur. Ac ony wnelei ebh hynny ; erchi i Arthur dhy- 
bhod i ymladh ac ebli ; ar trechabh o nadhunt cymered 

30 - bilis o bharbh y lhalh. A' gwedy eu mjmed i ymladh 
y cabhas Arthur y bhudhugoliaeth ac y cymerth bharbh 



y cawr a'e' bilis,' — Itto gawr 

na chy- 
bhyrdhyssei ac ebh eirioed yr 
cawr hwnnw. A' gwedy caph 
35. aeth honno, yn yr eil wylbha 



yn galw . . . ., a dhywedei 

eilgwr cyn dhewi-ed a'r 
el o Arthur y bhudhugoli- 
o'r nos wynt a dhoethant 5 



1 ' blingo ' means to take the skin off, as well as to ' scalp ' his 
beard. 

2 This demand of Rhitta Gawr is detailed in ' Morte Arthur', I. 
c. xxvii. See also ' The Mabinogùm', translated by Lady Charlotte 
Guest, ed. by Ernest Rhys (J. M. Dent & Co.), notes pp. 326-7. 

3 pilis. M.E. pilche = a furred garment ; O.E. pylce ; L. pellicea 
= made of skins. 

4 Marginal Note (Roman numerals denote the number of each five 
lines) : — 

Ac erailh a adrodhant yr hystoria bhal hynn, nyd amgen : 

Itto gawr yn galw ehunan (v) bhrehin gwynedh yn amser Arthur 
a dhanbhones at Arthur i obhyn ei bharbh ef . Ac Arthur ai gom- 
edhei idho. Ac ar hynny (x) ymgybharbhod a orugant ar benn 
brynn ai enw bwlch y groes rhwgh mowdhwy a phenlhyn yghwlad 
meirionydh. Ac yn yr yuigy- (xv) bharbhod drwy dheisybhiad Itto, 
y bwriassant eu harbheu odhiwrthunt, er probhi eu crybhder. Ac 
or diwedh wrth ymdrech, a thann (xx) ymdreiglo, y daethant i'r 
gwastad, y lhe a elwir Blaen Cynlhwyd, wedy tynnu barbheu eu 
gilydh. ac er cobhiadigaeth am (xxv) hynny, y gelwir y bryn hwnnw, 
Rhiw y Barbheu, A'gwedy hynny, ymladh a wnaethant aicledhybheu, 
yn y lhe y lhadhodh Arthur y (xxx) cawr; yn yr hwnn lhe y mae 
bedh Itto oe weled hyd hedhiw yn nhroed y rhiw. 

Iwni gawr. 
(xxxv) Iwni gawr yn trigo ygghhymwd Penlhyn yn lhe a elwir etto 
Cebhn Caer Iwni, ar lhe y mae etto (xxxix) ol ei hen gastelh ebh. 

6 Vertical line drawn (as indicated) through the last four lines 
(32-35). 



Peniarth Ms. i iS, /os. 829-837. 129 

Rithonwy or Itto Gawr was buried ; whose body some ío - 830 
of the tribe of the giants removed from Eryri to some- 
where near Mynydd Aran Fawr in Penllyn. This Ricca 
Gawr was the one with whom Arthur had fought and had 
ldlled in Eryri. And this giant made this for himself, a 
robe of the beards of the kings he had lnlled. And he 
sent to Arthur to order him to cut off his own (i.e., 
Arthur's) beard and send it to him. And as Arthur was 
the chief of the Kings, he would place his beard above the 
other beards as an honour to Arthur. And if he would 
not do that, he begged Arthur to come and fight him ; 
and the victorious of them to make a robe from the 
other's beard. And after they went to fight Arthur had 



the victory and he took the 
Itto Gawr said he never m 
as that giant. And when A 
in the second watch of the n 



giant's beard and his robe. 
et a second man as brave 
rthur had got that victory, 
ight they caine 



Marginal Note : — 

And others relate the story thus, namely : 

Itto Gawr, callinghimself king of Gwynedd in the time of Arthur, 
sent to Arthur to ask for his beard. And Arthur refused it to him. 
And on this they met on the top of a hill called Bwlch y Groes between 
Mowddwy and Penllyn in the land of Merioneth. And in the meet- 
ing at Itto's wish, they cast their weapons away from them, to prove 
their strength. And at last by a struggle, and by rolling, they came to 
the plain, to the place calJed Blaen Cynllwyd, 1 after plucking each 
other's beards. And in remembrance of that, that hill is called 
Rhiw y Barfau. 2 And after that, they fought with their swords, in 
the place where Arthur killed the giant : in which place is Itto's 
grave to be seen to this day at the foot of the slope. 

Iwni gawr, 

Iwni Gawr lived in the commote of Penllyn in a place still called 
Cefn Caer Iwni, 3 and the place where still is a trace of his old 
castle. 



1 i.e., Cwm Cynllwyd, in which a stream runs from Bwlch y Groes 
to Bala Lake. 

2 Cp. Pfynonau'r Barfau in Bardsey Island. The tradition there 
is that these small wells were used by the monks for shaving pur- 
poses. 

3 Cefn Caereini or Y Gaer, O. Jones's Cymru, ii, 64 ; Caer Creini 
or Crwyni, Caer Crwyn, O. Jones's Cymru, ii, 657 (and map); Caerau 
Crwyni, Pennant's Tours, ii, 205, Arch. Camb., II, ii, 54 ill ; IV, xii, 
307 ill. ; V, i, 343. Cp. Llyn Creini. 

K 



130 Peniarth Ms. 118, fos. 829-837. 

fo. 831 Yghwlad Aber Teibhi ac ym mhlwybh Lhan Dyssiliaw y 
mae lhe a elwir Caer Wedros. Ar caer hwnnw a elwid 

bhelhy ac a elwir etto 
o achaws bod Gwedros gawr yn trigiaw yno gynt. 
Ac yghwlad Aber Teibhi ac ym mhlwybh Lhan Dyssul yr 
5 oedh cawr yn trigiaw ai enw Howel gawr ; a'r lhe yr 
oedh yn aros yndaw a elwir etto Castelh Howel gawr. 
Ac yghwlad Aber Teibhi ac ym mhlwybh Lhan Bhair or 

Lhwyn 
ydh oedh cawr a elwid Lhyphan gawr, a'r lhe ydh oedh 
« ebh yn tri 

giaw yndaw, a elwir etto Castelh Lhyphan gawr. 
10 Ac yghwlad Aber Teibhi ac yn plwybh Bangor ydh oedh 

Pyscoc 
gawr yn preswyl ; a'r lhe ydh oedh ebh yn trigaw yndaw 

a el- 
wir etto Castelh Pyscoc gawr. 
Tair gwidhones 1 oedh yn wragedh i'r tri chawr dwethabh, 

nyd amgen, 
i Howel gawr, a Lhyphan gawr, a Pyscoc gawr ; a'r tair 

widhones 
15 hynny a ladhwyd (medhant) gan Walchmei nai Arthur ; 
drwy dhichelhon, herwydh na elhid ei dibha wy mywn 

modh 
amgenach nac yn dhichelhgar, gan bhaint eu crybhder a'i 

grym. 
a thair chwiorydh oedhynt y tair gwidhones hynn ; ac 

obhywn y 
tri chastelh y lhadwyd, nyd amgen, castelh Howel, castelh 

Lhy- 
•20 phan, a chastelh Pyscoc, herwydh a dhywedir am danunt. 
Yghwlad Aber Teibhi ac jm mhlwybh lhan D} r ssul y pre- 
swyliei gynt Hedoc gawr ; a'r lhe ydh oedh el»h yn 

preswyl 
yndaw, a elwir etto caer Hedoc gawr. 

» ' gwi.ìdon ' (/). See Rhys's Celtic Folh Lore. 



Peniarth Ms. nS,/os. 829-837. 131 

In the land of Aberteiü and in the parish ot' Llan Dyssil- fo.831 
iaw 1 is a place called Caer Wedros." And that caer was 
called thus, and is still so called because Gwedros Gawr 
formerly lived there. 

And in the land of Aberteifì and in the parish of Llan 
Dyssul 3 lived a giant and his name was Howel Gawr ; and 
the place he lived in is still called Castell Howel Gawr. 4 

And in the land of Aberteifi and in the parish of Llan- 
fair or Llwyn 5 was a g-iant called Llyphan Gawr, and the 
place he lived in is still called Castell Llyphan Gawr. 

And in the land of Aberteifì and in the parish of 
Bangor' lived Pyscoc Gawr ; and the place he dwelt in is 
still called Castell Pyscoc Gawr. 7 

Three witches were wives to the last three g-iants, 
namely, to Howel Gawr, and Llyphan Gawr, and Pyscoc 
Gawr ; and those three giantesses were killed (they say) 
by Gwalchmar the nephew of Arthur by trickery, 
because they could not be destroyed except by cunning, 
011 account of their strength and power. And three 
sisters were these three witches ; and within the three 
castles they were killed, namely, Castell Howell, Castell 
Llyphan, and Castell Pyscoc, according to what is 
related of them. 

In the land of Aberteifi and in the parish of Llan 
Dyssul formerly lived Hedoc Gawr; and the place he lived 
in is still called Caer Hedoc Gawr. 9 

1 Llandyssilio-gogo, or Gogofau, 18 miles W.N.W. of Lampeter and 
7\ miles from Aberaeron. 

2 Castell Llwyn Dafydd or Castell Mabwynion (0. Jones's Cymru, 
ii, 61), or Meib Wnion (or Castell Caerwaredros— 0. Jones's Gymru, i, 
77, 315). 

3 Llandyssul, on River Teivi on the Carmarthen border, and 8£ 
miles E. of Newcastle Emlyn. 

4 Castell Howel or Humphrey. See O. Jones's Cymru, i, 78, 280 ; 
ii, 62 (bis) ; Arch. Camb., I, i, 44 ; III, vi, 172 ; Y Geninen, xxx, p. 144 
(1912). 

3 Llanfair-Orllwyn on the River Teivi on the Carmarthen border, 
and 4 miles E. of Newcastle Emlyn. 

6 Bangor — 5^ miles E. of Newcastle Emlyn. 

7 Castell Pistog. See O. Jones's Cymru, i, 78, 107. 

8 Is this Gwalchmai ab Gwyar, nephew son of Arthur's sister, by 
Gwyar, her second husband ? O. Jones's Cymru i, 602 ; see also 
Lady C. Guest's Mabinogion, i, 122. 

9 Moel Hebog (Carnarvonshire) is called Moel Hedog or Moli 
hedog about Criccieth. 

k2 



132 Peniarth Ms. 118, fos. 829-837. 

fo. 831 Ac yghwlad Aber Teibhi ac ym mhlw} r bh lharm Drenoc 1 
25 y trigiei gynt Chwîl gawr ; a'r Ihe ydh oedh ebh yn aros 
yndaw, a elwir etto Castelh Chwîl gawr. 2 

Yghwlad Aber Teibhi yn ystrad ydh oedh gynt Didhan- 
nel gawr, a'r lhe ydh oedh yn aros yndaw oe enw ebh 
a elwid, ac a elwir etto Castelh Didhannel. 

30 Ac yghwlad Aber Teibhi yn Ystrad uchod y preswyliei 
Moel gawr, a'r lhe ydh oedh yn trigiaw yndaw, a elwir 
etto, Castelh Moel. 

Ac yghwlad Aber Teibhi, yn lhann Arth ydh oedli Moy- 
34 thyn gawr, a'e breswylbhod a elwir etto Castelh Moythyn. 
fo. 832 Yghwlad Aber Teibhi ydh oedh cawr a elwid 

Mibhod gawr, a'r lhe ydh oedh yn aros yndaw a elwir etto 

Cwrt 
Mibhod. 

Ac yghwlad Caer Bhyrdhin jn lhann Sawel ydh oedh 
5 pedwar o gewri, a'r rhai hynny yn bedwar brodyr ; nyd 
amgen Mabon gawr ; ar lhe a gybhanhedhei y cawr hwnn, 
a elwir hedhiw a henw Castelh Bhabon ; a'r ail a elwid 
Dinas gawr ; a'r lhe y preswyliei yndaw a elwir etto Caer 
Dhinas gawr. a'r ferydydh a elwir Chwilcin neu Wilcin 
10 gawr ; a'r bhan yr arhossei yndaw a elwir etwa Caer Wilc- 
cin. A'r pedwerydh a elwir Celgan gawr, a'r lhe y 
trigiei yndaw a elwir etto Caer Celgan. 



1 ' Wenog ' written in ink above ' Drenoc ' by later writer. 
2 ' Crug y hwil ' written in margin by later writer. 



Peniarth Ms. 118,/os. 829-837. 133 

And in the land of Aberteifì and in the parish of Llan fo. 831 
Drenoc' formerly lived Chwîl Gawr : and the place he 
abode in is still called Castell Chwîl Gawr. 2 

In the land of Aberteifi in Ystrad 3 was formerly 
Diddanel Gawr, and the place he lived in was named 
after him, and is still called Castell Diddanel. 

And in the land of Aberteifì in the above Ystrad there 
dwelt Moel Gawr, and the place he lived in is still called 
Castell Moel. 4 

And in the land of Aberteifi in Llan Arth' was 
Moythyn Gawr, and his abode is still called Castell 
Moythyn. 6 

In the land of Aberteifi was a giant called Meifod Gawr, 7 fo - 832 
and the place he dwelt in is still called Cwrt Meifod. 8 

And in the land of Caerfyrddin in Llan Sawel 9 
were four giants, and these were four brothers, namely 
Mabon Gawr, and the place in which this giant dwelt is 
called to-day by the name Castell Fabon ; and the second 
was called Dinas Gawr, and the place he dwelt in is still 
called Caer Dinas Gawr. And the third is called Chwilcin 
or Wilcin Gawr, and the place he dwelt in is still called 
Caer Wilcin. And the fourth is called Celgan Gawr, and 
the place he lived in is still called Caer Celgan. 

1 Llanwennog— 6 miles W.S.W. Lampeter Railway Station.— 
O. Jones's Cymru, i, 78 ; ii, 179. 

2 Is it identical with Castell Moyddin ? — O. Jones's Cym.ru ii, 179. 
Cf . Castell Moyddyn infra. 

3 I ^strad (a) in Caron îs Clawdd parish near Tregaron. — O.Jones's 

Cymru, ii, 647. 
(b) in Llanddewi Brefi parish 3^ miles S.W.S. of Tre- 
garon. — O. Jones's Cymru, ii, 647. 
Ystrad Fflur—òh miles N.E. Tregaron.— O. Jones's Cym.ru, 

i, 274-5. 
Llanfihangel Ystrad— 6| miles S E. Aberaeron. — O. Jones's 
Cymru, ii, 114. 

4 Castell Yspytty Ystrad Meurig. — O. Jones's Cymru, i, 78 ; ii, 646. 

5 Llánarth. 

6 Castell Moeddyn.— O. Jones's Cymru, i, 77 ; II, ii, 298; Arch. 
Camb., VI, x, 374. 

7 ? Meifod— 6 miles N.W. of Welshpool in Montgomeryshire. — 
O. Jones's Cymru, ii, 252. (Other ' Meifods ' in Brecknockshire, 
Radnorshire and Carmarthenshire.) 

8 ? Cwrt Newydd — 5 miles W. of Lampeter. — (O. Jones's Cymru — 

map). 
? Cwrt Earthwork — Arch. Camb., IV, ix, 344. 

,J Llan sawel or Llan sawyl— 8 miles N.W. Llangadoclc. 



134 



Peniarth Ms. nS,/os. 829-837. 



fo. 832 Yghwlad Caer Bhyrdhin ac yn lhann y Crwys ydh oedh 
cawr 
a elwid Chwermon gawr, a'r lhe yr oedh yn trigiaw yndo, 
15 a elwir etto lhwyn Chwermon. 

Ac yghwlad Caer Bhyrdhin yn mhlwybh Cynwil ydh oedh 
cawr a elwid Ladyr neu Radyr gawr ; ar lhe ydh oedh 
yn aros yndaw a elwir etto Bwlch Rhiw Radyr. 

Ac yghwlad Caer Bhyrdhin yn Cynwil Gayo ydh oedh 
20 cawr a elwid Cynwil gawr, a dyna yr achaws, agatbhydh 
paham y gelwir y lhe etto Cynwil, a gwr dwywawl ydoedh 
hwnnw, 

Ac yghwlad Caer Bhyrdhin 3^11 lhann lhony ydh oedh 
Oerbryd neu Eurbryd gawr, a'r lhe ydh oedh ebh yn 
ei gybhanhedhu, a elwir etto Castelh Ourbryd. 

25 Ac yn yr un plwybh a'r lhe ydh oedh Cymryd gawr, a'r 
lhe ydh oedh yn trigaw yndaw, a elwir etto Castelh 
Cymryd. 

/Gogbhran gawr a oedh yn trigo yn Aber 

Ysgyr yn y 
caer uch yr abhon. 

Mwghmawr drebhi 1 a oebh yn trigo yn 
caereu yssydh dir yr awr hon i Rosser 
Howel o'r gaer. 
Crystil gawr yn nghwlad y Cruc wrth bont 

wilim 
Crwcast gawr yn trigo ym mhen Crwcast. 

eraill 2 a 
1 dhywedant Crow castell, Castell y brain. 



30 ygwlad Bry- 
cheinawc yn- 
agos i drebh 

32 Aber Hodni. 



1 Mwngmaicr Arefî—' Mug mawr drewydd '— Blach BooJt of Car- 
marthen, J. Gwenogvryn Evans (Pwllheli, 1906), 93-1, 93-6, 108-5. 

2 From this word to the end of the following line is written in a 
different hand— probably a later note. 



Peniarth Ms. 118, fos. 829-837. 135 

In the land of Caerfyrddin and in Llan y Crwys' was a f o. 832 
giant called Chwermon Gawr, and the place he dwelt in 
is still called Llwyn Chwermon. 

And in the land of Caerfyrddin in the parish of 
Cynwil 2 was a giant called Ladyr or Radyr Gawr 3 , and tlie 
place he lived in is still called Bwlch Rhiw Radyr. 4 

And in the land of Caerfyrddin in Cynwil Gayo° was a 
giant called Cynwil Gawr, and that is the reason, perhaps, 
why the place is still called Cynwil, and he was a godly 
man. 

And in the land of Caerfyrddin in Llan llony was 
Oerbryd or Eurbryd Gawr, and the place he dwelt in is 
still called Castell Ourbryd. 

And in the same parish and place was Cymryd Gawr, 
and the pìace he dwelt in is still called Casteìl Cymryd. 

'Gogfran Gawr G lived in Aber Ysgyr 7 in the 

caer above the river. 
Mwnsrmawr drefì lived in the caerau which 



In the land of 
Brycheiniog 
near to the 
town of Aber 
Hodni. 



land now belongs to Rosser Howel of 

the gaer. 
Crystil Gawr in the land of the Cruc by 

Bont wilim. 
Crwcast Gawr dwelling in the top of Crw- 

cast. Others say Castell Crow, s Castell 

y brain. 



1 Llanycrwys — on Roman road, 4 miles E. by S. of Lampeter 
Railway Station, and near the Cardiganshire boundary. — O. Jones's 
Cymru, ii, 183. 

2 St. Cynwyl in the sixth century founded 

(i) Cynwyl Gaio Church — 8 miles N.W. by N. of Llanymddyfri 
and Caer Caio there situated. — O. Jones's Cymru, i, 260. 

(ii) Cymvyl Elfed Church — 6 miles N.N.W. Carmarthen — in 
Carmarthenshire. — 0. Jones's Cymru, i, 367. 

3 Is Radyr— Rhaiadr ? 

4 Bwlch y rhiw — 5 miles N.W. Conwil Cayo. — O. Jones's Cymru 
(map). 

5 Caer Caio — O. Jones's Cymru i, 260. 

6 Gogyrfan Gawr, father of Gwenhwyfar — Caer Ogyrfan (Old 
Oswestry). — O. Jones's Cymru, i, 585. 

7 Aberyscir or Aber-esgair — 3imiles W.N.W. Aberhonddu. There 
is ' Y Gaer ' or Gaer Bannau (on the East bank of Yscir opposite to 
the village), also an artificial hillocli. — O. Jones's Cymru, i, 82. 

8 Crowcastle. 



136 Peniarth Ms. 118, fos. 829-837. 

fo. 833 Ac yghwlad Aber Teiblii ydh oedh gynt cyn 110 dybhod 

Brutus 
ir ynys honn, Maylor gawr, a'r lhe y preswylei yndaw, a 

elwir 
etto Castelh Maylor adeiliedic ar bhrynn uchel neu drum 
lann uchel a enwir y Dinas ar y nailh ystlys i'r abhon 
5 ystwyth o bhywn rhydhdir trebh Aber Ystwyth. Ac i'r 

May- 
lor gawr hwnn ydh oedh tri meib, nyd amgen, Cornippin 

gawr, 
a Crygyn gawr, a Bwba gawr. Cornippin gawr a gy- 
bhanhedhei gastelh a elwir etto o'i enw ebh ehun, nyd 

amgen 
Castelh Cornippin yn gybharwyneb a Chastelh Maylor or 
10 ystlys aralh i'r abhon Ystwyth ym mhlwybh Lhan Ychay- 
arn obhywn cymwd Mebhonydh. Ac ebh a dhamchwei- 
anawdh i Bhaylor gawr gael ei dhala yn gaeth yn lhe a 
elwid Cybheiloc yghhylch deudhec milhtir odhiwrth ei 
gastelh ehun ; ac yn barawd cael ei dhodi i agheu, ebh 
15 a dheiss} r bhawdh ar ei elynion gael cennad i chwythu yn ei 
gorn deirgweith cyn godhebh i agheu. yr hynn beth a 

genhatawyd 
idhaw. Ac yna y chwythei ebh yn ei gorn y chwythiad 
cyntabh hyd yny gwympei gwalht ei benn a blew ei 

bharbh. 
Ac ar ei eil chwythiad yn ei gorn, cymeint oedh o nerth ac 
20 angerdh yn y chwyth ac y cwympei yn lhwyr holh ewinedh 
byssedh ei dhwylo a'e draed. Ac ar y trydydh chwythiad 
yn ei gorn y parei angerdh grymm y chwyth ir corn 
dorri yn gandrylheu mân. Ac yna pan ytoedh ei bhab 
ebh Cornippin yn hely wrth bharchogaeth ar bharch mawr 

abhribhed gan 
25 arwein ei bhytheiad yn ei law, ac yn clywed lais corn 
ei dad, ebh a dristaawdh } r n dhirbhawr, ac yn bhwy no 
meint yr hiraethodh am ei dad; a'r lhe hwnnw h} r d 

hedhiw, a 
elwir Cebhn Hiraethoc. Ac yna y dechreawdh ebh 

ymchue- 
lud tu ac at ei dad wrth geissiaw ei helpu ; ac wrth 



Peniarth Ms. 118, fos. 829-837. 137 

And in the country of Aberfceifi, before the coming of f o. 833 
Brutus to this island, there formerly lived Maylor Gawr, 
and the place in which he lived is still called Castell 
Majdor which was built on a high hill or high ridge called 
Y Dinas 1 011 the one side of the river Ystwyth within the 
boundary of the town of Aber Ystwyth. 

To this Maylor Gawr were three sons, namely, Cor- 
nippin Gawr, and Crygyn Gawr, and Bwba Gawr. 
Cornippin Gawr dwelt in a castle which is still called 
after his own name, namely, Castell Cornippin opposite 
Castell Maylor on the other side of the river Ystwyth in 
the parish of Llan Ychaiarir within the commote of 
Meifienydd. 3 And it came to pass that Maylor Gawr was 
taken prisoner in a place called Cyfeilog, about twelve 
miles from his own castle ; and when on the point of 
being put to death, he begged of his enemies to permit 
him to blow his horn three times before suffering death, 
which thing was allowed to him. And then he blew his 
horn the first time until the hair of his head and beard 
fell. And on the second blast of his horn, so great was 
the strength and force of the sounding that all his finger 
and toe-nails fell off completely. And on the third blast 
of his horn the intensity of the force of the sound caused 
the horn to be broken into small pieces. 1 And then when 
his son Cornippin was hunting, as he rode on his huge 
horse and leading his hound by hand, and hearing the 
sound of his father's horn, he saddened greatly, 5 and he 
longed beyond measure for his father ; and that place, to 
the present day, is called Cefn Hiraethog. And then he 
began to return towards his father in seeking to help him; 
and in 

1 Dinas Maclor — the old name for ' Y Dinas' — to the S. of Aberyst- 
wyth. For a rìescription of it see O. Jones's Cymru, i, 84, 85. 

"Arìnaborì, nirì anobaith 
Dinas Maelor o'r môr maith ; 
Cael o'r brairìrì, rìiwlarìairìrì lwyth, 

O bu rwystr, Aberystwyth.''— Cywyrìrì y Morrìwyo at Ynys 
Enlli gan Rhys Llwyrì ap Rhys. 

2 Llanychaiarn — village anrì parish in Carrìiganshire, on Ystwyth 
river, two miles E. of Aberystwyth Railway Station : the Castell 
stoorì on the E. bank of the Ystwyth. — 0. Jones's Cymru, ii, 182. 

3 Mefenyrìrì — a township in Llanrhystyrì, Carrìiganshire, 8^ miles 
N.E. Aberaeron. 

4 or ' shattererì into fragments ' 5 or ' sorrowerì gfeatly.' 



138 Peniarth Ms. 118, fos. 829-837. 

fo. 833 bharcho- 

30 gaeth drwy gymeint o phrwst a buander, ebh a dorres penn 
ei bhytheiad odhi wrth ei gorph, hyd yn y lynei yn unic 

J n J 
gynlhybhan pen a sabhn y ci. A'r lhe hwnnw a elwir etto 
hyd y dydh hedhiw, Bwlch Sabhn y ci, a phan weles ebh 

hynny, 
ebh a yspardynei ei bharch, hyd yny lamhei y march ar 
35 un naid dros yr abhon ystwyth i hyd yn gymeint a bod 

enrhy- 
bhedhawd mawr weled amled hyd y gambha. a'r lhe y dis- 
cynodh y march ar ei naid, a elwir yr awr honn 01 carn 
y march. Ac bhelhy y daeth Cornippin hyd at ei dad, yn 

y lhe 
drwy ymladh y las ynteu hebh} r d. 
40 A'r Grygyn gawr a oedh yn trigaw yn Castelh Crygyn 

obhywn 
plwybh Lhan Hilar ac yn yr un cymwd. 
fo. 834 Bwba 1 gawr a oedh yn trigiaw yn y castelh yssydh a'i enw 

ebh arnaw 
etto, nyd amgen Castelh Bwba, ym mhlwybh Lhan Badarn 
Bhawr yghhymwd perbhedh 
Ydh oedhynt y cewri hynn yn buchedhocau yghhymry cyn 

no dybhod 
Brutus i'r ynys honn, a'i cynnebhawd oedh hyd tra bhuant 
bhyw ladh y sawl dhynion bynnac a dhelynt i lettya 

obhywn eu 
ceyrydh wy, hyd yn y diwedh dhybhod 'r un dyn 2 ai lhadh 

wynt 
eilh-deu yn un nosweith drwy dhichelh. 
Odwyn gawr a oedh yn trigaw yn ei caer a elwir etto Caer 
10 Odwyn neu Castelh Edwin obhywn plwybh Lhan Badarn 
Odwyn, y gelwir lhan Badarn Odyn, gan golhi y lhythyr 
(w) o'r canol. 
Rhai a dybiynt bhod Garwed yn gawr, eithr nyd cawr 

oedh ebh 
namyn meudwy yn trigiaw obhywn pedeir milhtir i Ystrad 
lô F'hlur, mywn lhe a elwir etto Rhiw Garwed ; ac yna y 
cabhas ei ladh gan Gwaith Bhoed, er ys yghhylch pym 

cant 
o bhlwydhyneu. 

1 Cp. 'bwbaeh' a bogey, goblin, scarecrow; is ' bwba', a local 
name for ' ^host ' 'r 2 V un dyn=' the same man '. 



Penìarth Ms. nS,/os. 829-837. 139 

riding with such haste and swiftness, he tore the head fo. 833 
of his houncl from off its body, until there only remained 
in the leash the head and mouth of the dog. And 
that place is still called to tfiis day, The Pass of the 
Dog's Muzzle. And when he saw that, he spurred his 
steed until the horse leapt at one bound over the Ystwyth 
Eiver so that it was a great wonder to see such a length 
of leap, and the sput on which the horse alighted on his 
leap, is called to this hour 01 Carn y March. 1 And in 
that manner Cornippin came up to his father, where after 
fighting he also was killed. 

And Crygyn Gawr dwelt in Castell Crygyn within the 
parish of Llan Hilar, 2 and in the same commote. fo g34 

Bwba Gawr lived in the castle which still bears his 
name, namely, Castell Bwba, iri the parish of Llan Badarn 
Fawr 3 in the middle comrnote. 

These giants lived in Wales before Brutus came to 
this islancl, and their custom while they lived was to kill 
whatever men should come to lodge within their strong- 
holds until at last the same man came and killed them 
both the same night by cunning. 

Odwyn Gawr lived in his stronghold which is still 
called Caer Odw'yn or Castell Eclwin within the parish of 
Llan Badarn Oclyn, which is called Llan Badarn Odyn, 4 
the letter (w) being lost from the middle. Some con- 
sider Garwed 5 a giant, but he was not a giant but a hermit 
living within four miles of Ystrad Fflur, 6 in a place still 
called Rhiw Garwed ; and then he was killed by Gwaith 
Bhoed, about five hundred years ago. 

1 There is a Glan Olmarch near Cardigan—at Llechryd. 

2 Llanilar—h\ miles S.E. Aberystwyth : ' Castle Hill' is one of its 

chief mansions (O. Jones's Cymru, ii, 147). 
Ilar (Hilary) was a Saint that flourished at the beginning of 
the sixth century and was sometimes called Ilar 
Bysgotwr (O. Jones's Cymru, i, 676). 

3 Llanbadarn Fawr — a large parish including Aberystwyth — 
O. Jones's Cymru, ii, 14, 15. 

4 Llanbadarn Odwyn—S miles W. of Tregaron Railway Station. — 
O. Jones's Cymru, ii, 18. 

5 Cp. Carwed Fynydd. 

6 Ystrad Fflur or Strata Florida or Caron-uwch-clawdd— 5£ miles 
N.E. Tregaron. 



140 Peniarth Ms. 118, fos. 829-837. 

fo. 83-t Yghwlad Morgannw ydh oedh Cribwr gawr y yghhastelh 

Cebhn Cribwr wrtli Lami Gewydh. Arthur a ladhawdh 

dair 

20 chwaer i Gribwr wrth dhichelh. Canys Arthur a lysenwei 

ebh 

yn Gawl Twym wrth y chwaer gy ntabh ; ac yn Uwd twym 

wrth yr ail chwaer (mal y cerdha'r chwedl), ac wrth y 

drydedh yn Tameid Bara 
a phany y galwei y chwaer gyntabh am help yn erbyn 

Cawl 
Twym, yr attebei Cribwr : mursen gad idho oeri, ac 
25 yn yr un modh yr attebei irail chwaer, pan geissiei help 
yn erbyn Uwd twym. A'r drydedh chwaer a lebhei bhod 
y Tameid Bara yn ei thagu ; ac ir attebei ynteu, Mursen 
cymer dameid a bho lhai. A phan yr ymliwiei 
Cribwr ac Arthur am ladh ei chwiorydh, yr attebei Arthur 
30 drwy eghlyn milwr 1 yn y lhun hynn. 
Cribwr cymer dy gribeu 
A phaid ath gostoc lidieu 
daw i mi gynyg — dieu 
A gawsant wy, a gey ditheu 

35 nyalhei neb ladh y tair chwaer yghhyd, rac maint eu grym 
eithr o'r neilhtu drwy dhichelh y lhadhodh Arthur wy. 
fo. 835 Ar lhe oi enw ebh a elwir etto Cribarth i.e. garth Cribwr 



Ö* 



gawr 



Ac yn gybheir wyneb ac ynteu ydh oedh cawr a elwid Oyle 

gawr, 
ai dricbhan etto a elwir Penn Oyle. 

Ac mywn lhe yn yr un plwybh a elwir etto ynys Cedwyn 
5 ydh oedh cawr aralh a elwid Cedwyn gawr, a'r tri hynn a 

oedhynt 
yn amser Arthur. A'r dhau gyntabh a gawsant eu lhadh 

gan Arthur. 
Ac ym mhlwybh Penn Ederyn, Dynas gawr a gabhas y 

ladh 



1 See Yr Y.«;<>/ Farddol, gan Dafydd Morganwg (Caerdydd) 1904— 
'Englyn Milwr' (p. 133); also 'Triban Milwr' (pp. 125-127) and 
'Triban Morganwg' (pp. 127-8)— both of which have been confused 
with ' Englyn Milwr '. 



Peniarth Ms. 118, fos. 829-837. 141 

In the country o£ Morgannwg was Cribwr Grawr in fo. 834 
Castell Cefn Cribwr' by Llan Gewydd . J Artliur killed three 
sisters of Cribwr by treachery. Because Arthur nick- 
named him(self) Hot Pottage to the first sister, and Warm 
Porridge to the second sister (so the tale runs), and a 
Morsel of Bread to the third, and when the fìrst sister 
called for help against Hot Pottage Cribwr answered : 
Wench, let him cool ; and in the same manner he 
answered the second sister, when she sought assistance 
against Warm Porridge. And the third sister called out 
that the Morsel of Bread was choking her ; and to this 
he answered, Wench, take a smaller piece. And when 
Cribwr reproached Arthur for killing his sisters Arthur 
replied by an englyn milwr in this manner ; 

Cribwr take thy combs 

And cease with currish anger 

If I get a real chance — surely 

What they have had, thou shalt have too. 

No one could kill the three sisters together, so great 
was their strength, but singly by stealth Arthur lnlled 
them. 

And the place is still called after his name Cribarth, 3 fo - 835 
namely, Garth Cribwr Gawr. And opposite to him was 
another giant called Oyle Gawr, and his dwelling place is 
still called Pen Oyle. 

And in the same parish in a place still called Ynys 
Cedwyn 4 there was another giant called Cedwyn Gawr, 
and these three lived in Arthur's time. And the fìrst two 
were killed by Arthur. 

And in the parish of Pen Ederyn, 3 Dynas Gawr was 
killed 

1 Cefn Cribwr — 4 miles N.W. Bridgend. 

2 Llangewydd — or Trelalys or Laleston — 2 mües W. by N. 
Bridgend. Llangewydd was the original name and founded by Caw, 
lord of Cwm Cowlyd ; the present name is from Lales, the builder of 
Neath monastery and Margam Abbey. — O. Jones's Cymru, ii, 2. 

3 Cribarth — a mountain on the S. border of Brecknockshire, near 
Tawe River, 12 miles N. by E. of Neath. 

4 Ynys Cedwyn — a township in N. Glamorgan, near the junction 
of the Tawe and Twrch, and 13 miles N.E. Swansea. 

5 Penderyn or Pen y daren, near S. border of Brecknockshire and 
7 miles W. by N. of Merthyr Tydvil : a strong old British fort called 
Craig y Dinas (O. Jones's Cymru ii. 661) in the parish (0. J.'s Cymru 
ii, 405). 



142 Peniarth Ms. 118, fos. 829-837. 

fo. 835 gan Arthur. A'r lhe y trigyei yndaw a elwir etto Caer 
Craic Dynas gawr, alias Craic y lhyn. 

]0 Bwch gawr a breswylei yn lhe a elwir etto Castelh Bwch 
rhwgh Caer lhion ar Wysc a lhan Ternan, ac yn y 
Castelh Bwch aralh rhwgh y pentre Bach ar Henlhys 
yggwlad Gwent y cybhanhedhei ebh hebhyd, Ac i'r Bwch 

hwnn y bu bheibion, nyd 
amgen Ernalht gawr, a'i dricbhan yn lhe a elwir etto 

15 Castelh Ernalht yn lhan Gattwc dhyphryn W} r sc. Clidha 
gawr ym mhlwybh y Bettws newydh, ai dricbha yn y lhe a 
elwir Clodheu Caer Clidha, ar tir hwnnw a elwir hedhiw 

Tir 
Clibha ym mhlwybh Lhan Arth. Buga gawr, a'i dr- 
igbha yn y lhe a elwir etto Castelh Brynn Buga, 

-° Trogi gawr a breswylei yn y Castelh a elwir etto Castelh 
Trogi wrth Coed Gwent. Cybi gawr, ai gartrebh 
yn y castelh a elwir etto Castelh Cybi. Crou gawr, a'i 
arosbha yn y lhe a elwir etto Castelh tir Crou ym mhlwybh 
y Bettws newydh, Yr hain olh oedhynt bheibion i Bhwch 
gawr 

25 o bhywn gwlad Gwent. A rhai o dhywedant bhod Phili 
yn gawr ac yn bhab i'r Bwch uchod, a'i dricbha yn . , 




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7o /<íí"t? ^. 142. 
PENIARTH MS. 118, FO. 835. 



Peniarth Ms. 1 1 8, fos. 829-837. 143 

by Arthur. And the place where he dwelt is still called fo - 83i > 
Caer Craig Dj'iias Gawr, at other times Craig* y Llyn. 1 

Bwch Gawr lived in a place still called Castell Bwch 
between Caerleon on Usk and Llan Ternan, 2 and he also 
lived in the other Castell Bwch between Pentref Bach and 
the Henllys 3 in the country of Gwent. And there were 
sons to this Bwch, namely, Ernallt Gawr, whose dwelling 
was in the place still called Castell Ernallt in Llan 
Gattwg* in the Usk valley. Clidda Gawr in the parish of 
Bettws Newydd, 5 and his abode in the place called Cloddeu 
Caer Clidda, and that land to-day is called Tir Clidda 6 in 
the parish of Llan arth. 7 Buga Gawr, and his abode in 
the place still called Castell Bryn Buga/ Trogi Gawr 
dwelt in the castle still called Castell Trogi by Coed 
Gwent. 9 Cybi Gawr, whose home was in the castle still 
called Castell Cybi. Crou Gawr, his abode in the place 
still called Castell Tir Crou 10 in the parish of Bettws 
Newydd. All these were sons of Bwch Gawr within the 
country of Gwent. And some say that Phili was a giant 
and a son to the above Bwch, and his abode in 

1 Craig y llyn — the highest peak in Glamorganshire, 5 miles W. by 
N. of Aberdare, and 4 miles S.W. of Penderyn. 

2 Llanfihangel-llantarnam or Llantorfaen — 2^ rniles N.W. Caer- 
leon-on-Usk (O. J.'s Cymru, ii, 109). (On O. Jones's map of Monmouth 
an encampment is indicated almost midwaybetween Caerleon on Usk 
and Llan-llantarnam.) 

3 Henllys — a parish on the Usk 3^ miles N.W. Newport. 

4 Llangattwg (i) in S.W. Brecknockshire, near the Usk opposite 

Crughowel. — O. J.'s Cymru, ii, 125. 
(h) neartheUskinMonmouth, andincludes Caerleon- 
on-Usk ; it is two miles N.E. Newport Railway 
Station. — O. J.'s Cymru, ii, 126. 
(iii) near the Usk in Monmouth, and 3^ miles S.S.E. 
Abergavenny — O. J.'s Cymru, ii, 126. 
6 Bettius Newydä — 10 miles S.W. Monmouth and 4 miles N. by W. 
of the Usk. 

6 Clytha—Hh miles S.E. Abergavenny.— O. J.'s Cymru, ii, 660. 
(Clytha Castle is indicated on O. Jones's map of Monmouth.) 

7 Llanarth—ò miles S.E. Abergavenny. (There is a 'Llanarth' 
also in Cardigansliire.— O. J.'s Cymru, ii, 11, 12.) 

s Bryn Biga or Usk— 13 miles S.W. Monmouth. Thereareseveral 
old forts in the neighbourhood — Craig y Gaercyd or Craig y Gaerwyd, 
Coed y Gwersyll, Coed y Bonedd (O. J.'s Cymru, ii, 660).— 0. Jones's 
Cymru, i, 200-202. 

9 Coed Gioent—\\ miles S.S-E. of Bryn Buga or Usk. 

10 Cantref Cron Nedd in Glamorganshire ; see under Baglan.— 
O. J.'s Cymru, i, 104. 



144 Peniarth Ms. 1 1 8, fos. 829-837. 

fo. 835 caer phili yghwlad Morgannwc, a'i tad hwy (medhant) 
a ladhwyd ei benn yghwlad Morgannwc uchlaw 
Lhan Trissant yn y lhe a elwir etto Pen Bwch. 
30 Erdhan neu Gerdhan gawr oedh yn trigo yn Castelh 
Erdhan ac mywn Ogobh a elwir etto Gogobh Erdhan 
gawr, ac yn bhyrr Gogerdhan, ac ar bhrynn a elwir Brynn 
33 Bronn Gastelhann yghwlad Aber Teibhi. 
fo. 836 Ac yghwlad Morgannwc y mae lhe a elwir Celh .... 

walhawn gawr, a hynny yw Gors bhawr obhywn Coed 

phranc 
rhwgh Castelh Nedh ac Abertawi. 

Ac y mae lhe a elwir Rhyd Penn y Cawr rhwgh Lhann 
5 Sawel a' Chwrt y Betws, yghwlad Bhorgannwc, yn y 
lhe y torrwyd penn Lhoches Gawr. 
Ac yghwlad Bhorgannwc y mae mann a elwir Bedh 
Dilic 1 Gawr, rhwgh Lhan Sawel a Baglann 
a'r Bedh hwnn hynn yssydh yn chwanec i dec ar ugeint 
troedbhedh 
10 o hyyd. 

Tarnoc Gawr ym mhlwybh Merthyr yn nyphryn Hodni 
yghwlad Bhrycheinoc. 

Medhgyrn Gawr ym mhlwybh Aber Ysgyr yn yr un wlad 
Bhrycheinawc. 
15 Dyrnhhwch gawr yghwlad Euas. 

Gwrle gawr, a'r lhe y trigiei yndaw a elwid Caer Gwrle 2 
nyd pelh odhiwrth Caer lheon Gawr a'r Dhybhrdwy. 
Iestyn Gawr ai dricbha yn lhann Iestyn, wrth Garth 
Beibio. 



1 ' Dilyc' in margin. 

2 " Y garles o gaer Gwrlai. 

I garu y gwr o Gaer Gai— Ieu. Br. Hir. (Elis o Ddyífryn Alun) 
— LÌan St., 133, p. 320. 



Peniarth Ms. 118, fos. 129-837. 145 

Caer Phili 1 in the country of Morgannwg, and their ro -835 
father (they say) was killed in the country of Morgannwg 
above Llantrissant in the place still called Pen Bwch. 

Erddan or Gerddan Gawr was living in Castell Erddan 
and in a cave still called Gog-of Gerddan Gawr, and 
briefiy Gogerddan, and 011 a hill called Bryn Bron Gas- 
tellan 2 in the country of Aberteifi. 

And in the country of Morgannwg is a place called fo - 836 
Cell .... Wallawn 3 Gawr, and that is a big marsh in 
Coed Ffranc between Neath Castle and Swansea. And 
there is a place called Rhyd Pen y Cawr between Llan 
Sawel and Cwrt y Betws 4 in the country of Morgannwg, 
where Lloches Gawr had his head cut off. 

And in the country of Morgannwg is a spot called 
Bedd Dilic Gawr, between Llan Sawel and Baglair 5 and 
this grave is over thirty feet in length. 

Tarnoc Gawr in the parish of Merthyr 6 in the valley of 
Hodni 7 in the country of Brecknock. 

Meddgyrn Gawr in the parish of Aber Ysgyr in the 
same country of Brecknock. 

Dyrnhwch Gawr in the country of Euas. 

Gwrle Gawr, and the place he dwelt in was called Caer 
Gwrle not far from Caerlleon Gawr and the Dee. 

Iestyn Gawr" and his dwelling in Llaniestyn, by Garth 
Beibio. 9 



1 Caer Phili. — O. Jones's Cymru, i, 235-241. 

2 Bron Castellan — township in Llanbadam Fawr near E. border 
of Cardiganshire, on the Aberystwyth-Llanidloes high road, 11 miles 
E. Aberystwyth. — O. J.'s Cymru, i, 83. 

3 ? Cellywion or Celliwyn village in Llantrisant parish, in Miscyn 
hundred, N.W. Cardiff. 

4 Bettws — 4 miles N. Bridgend. 

5 Baglan— 3 miles S. of Neath. 

6 Merthyr Cynog— a parish 8 miles N.N-W. Aberhonddu ; there 
are traces of the remains of a British Camp on a hill named Allfarnog 
in this parish. — O. J.'s Cymru, ii, 266-7. 

7 Dyffryn Honddu — in Merthyr Cynog, Brecknockshire. 

8 (i) Iestyn ab Cadfan— a Saint of the fourth century.— O. J.'s 

Cymru, i, 672. 
(ii) Iestyn ab Geraint ab Erbin — founded churches in Llaniestyn 

(Anglesey and Carnarvon).— O. J.'s Cymru, i. 672. 
(iii) Iestyn ab Gwrgant — a traitor to the Welsh. — O. J.'s Cymru, 

i, 672. 

9 Garth Beibio — a parish 8 miles N.W. Llanfaircaereinion. 

L 



146 Peniarth Ms. 118, fos. 829-837. 

fo. 836 

20 Cornbwch Gawr yn trigiaw yn y Graic donn, rhwgh 

Trebhyclawdh a'r Cnwclas. 
Bedh Gnerys Gawr y sydh obhywn plwybh lhan ym 

Mow- 
dhwy, yn agos at le a elwir Bwlch Sabhn âst, yghwlad 
__ Bheirionnydh. 
-° Drewyn 1 Gawr a wnaeth Caer Drewyn yn y Deyrnion, am 

yr abhon a 
Chorwen. Ac yw gariad y gwnaeth y Gaer honno, er 

godro ei gwarthec yndi, 
Ac ar gybher Caer Dhrewyn y mae Cebhn Heini, a lhynn 

Heini 3 Gawr 
y dhau le hynn a gawsant eu henwi gan y cawr Heini. 
Ac yn ymyl parc Glocaenawc y mae lhe a elwir Sarn y 

Trichawr yr hwnn 
30 a wnaed gan dri chawr mywn gwayn, er galhi sebhylh yn 

gadarn o rann dau 
erailh i alhu ymladh ae gilydh; a phan ledhid un o 

honunt, bod i'r dhau erailh 
gybhymladh, ac i'r neb or dhau a orbhydhei o'r dhau 

hynny, cael o hwnnw 
y peth a ardhelid am danaw, oblegyd y chweryl hwnnw. 
Mywn lhe a elwir Glascoed yghwlad Trebhaldwyn y mae 

bedh tri chawr sebh 
35 Meichiad Gawr yr hwnn a oedh yn cadw moch ; ac oi enw 

ebh y gelwid nant 
a diphryn Meichiad a Cwm glann Meichiad ; yn y lhe y 

caphad ei gylhelh ebh a'i bibelh. Ac Aedh- 
an Gawr ; ac oi enw ebh y cabhas Bwlch Aedhan ei enw. 

Ac ym mhlwybh 
Meibhod y maent y dhau le hynny sef y nant a'r bwlch. 
fo. 837 Ceimiad gawr y sydh a bedh idhaw ar lawr dyphryn 

Mochnant 
yn lhe a elwir lhwyn y meini hirion ar bhin nant Ceimiad, 
ym mhlwybh Pennant Mylaghelh, lhe y cawssei ei ladh 

(medhant) 
gan Arthur, a'r dhau bhain hirion yn terbhynu hyyd y 

bedh, 
5 un ym mhob penn idhaw. 



1 From line 2ö to bottom of the page appears in the same ink as 
the preceding lines, lmt lines 25-38 are crowded into the page. 

- Caer Enni, now Llyn Creini (see Iwni Gawr, pp. 128-129 notes). 



Peniarth Ms. nS,fos. 829-837. 147 

Cornbwch Gawr dwelling in the Graig' clon, between fo. 836 
Tref yclawdd and Kmicklas. 1 

The grave of Gnerys Gawr is within the parish of Llan 
yn Mawddwy near a place called the Pass of the Bitch's 
Mouth, in the country of Merioneth. 

Drewyn Gawr made Caer Drewyn 2 in Deyrnion, 3 the 
other side of the river from Corwen. And to his sweetheart 
he made that Caer,to milk her cows within it. And opposite 
Caer Drewyn is Cefn Heini, and the lake of Heini Gawr. 
These two places were named by the Cawr Heini. And 
near the park of Glocaenawg 4 is a place called Sarn y 
Trichawr which was made by three giants in a marsh to 
be able to stand firmly in respect of two others in order 
to fìght one another ; and when one of them was killed, 
for the other two to fig-ht each other, and whichever of 
the two triumphed, he was to receive the thing that was 
claimed, because of that qúarrel. 

In a place called Glascoed 5 in the country of Mont- 
g-omery is the grave of three giants, namely, Meichiad 
Gawr who kept pigs ; and after his name was called Nant 
and Dyffryn Meichiad and Cwm Glan Meichiad ; where 
his knife and flute were found. And Aeddan Gawr 6 : and 
after him Bwlch Aeddan was called. And in the parish 
of Meifod are those two places, namely, the Nant and the 
Bwlch. 

Ceimiad Gawr has a grave in the soil of Dyffryn fo. 837 
Mochnant in a place called Llwyn y Meini Hirion near 
Nant Ceimiad, in the parish of Pennant Mylang-ell, 7 
where he was killed (so they say) by Arthur, and two 
long stones mark the leng-th of the g-rave, one at each end. 

1 Cnwclas— 2^ miles N.W. Rnighton (Trefyclawdd), Radnorshire. 
Garth Hill and Race Course are situated between Trefyclawdd and 
Cnwclas. — O. J.'s Cymru, ii, map of Radnor. 

2 Caer Drewyn — 1 mile N.E. Corwen in Merionethshire. 

3 Edeyrnion — a valley and cantref between Bala and Corwen by 
the bank of the Dee. 

4 Clocaenog— a parish 3| miles S.W. Ruthin. 

5 Glascoed— one mile S.W. Meifod in Montgomeryshire. 
G Aeddan, son of Blegwryd, killed in 1015. 

7 Pennant or Pennant Melangell— a parish 9| miles N.W. by W. 
of Llanfyllin, Montgomeryshire. 

L — 



148 Peniarth Ms. 11&, fos. 829-837. 

fo. 837 Ydh oedh lhe ym mlaeneu gwlad yr Amwythyc, a 

elwid Bronn Wrgan, a phreswylbhod cewri ydoedh y 
bhann honno 

Ac yn y lhe hwnn yr adrodhid bod rhyw bhro- 

dyr i Wenhwybhar bherch Gogbhran . . 
10 gawr, mywn ceithiwed carchar gan rai o'r 

cewri hynn. A drwc anianawl oedh gantei 

y bod wy yn geith. Eithr Arthur au gwaredawdh 

wy cymeint ar un, 1 gan ladh y cewri, a 

chymrud penn y mwyabh o honunt ai bhyrw 
15 i berbhedh yr abhon yn lhe maen, wrth 

lamhu dros yr abhon, er myned 

i gastelh y Cnwclas. Ac wrth dhodi ei 

droed ar iad y cawr wrth lamhu dros 

yr abhon, y d} 7 wawd 2 Arthur tybhed yr iad 
20 yu yr abhon yn lhe maen. Ac o 

hynny alhan y gelwid yr abhon honno yn 

Abhon Tybhediad, megis tybhed ymliad 
23 y cawr. 



one' — an idiom long since dead : see 
Cymaint un j Ed. Prys' Salrns for example. 



} 

2 dywawd (dywod)=said. 



Note on the word Caer (see p. 119). After the foregoing pages 
were set the following note was received from Mr. J. Glyn Davies, of 
the University of Liverpool : — 

"The word Caer cannot be traced back before the Roman occupa- 
tion, nor does it occur in the British place-names recorded by the 
early geographers. That Caer, which subsequently became so wide- 
spread a term, should be missing in the earliest sources, shews pretty 
elearly that it must be a loan word, and from its vogue both in 
Brittany (Ker) and in Wales, a Latin loan word. The Latin castra, 
castrum, would give a satisfactory meaning, but by no ascertained 
phonetic process can the st be got rid of. There is another Latin 
word, liowever, which was more probably the origin of caer, and that 
is r/uadrum, in its modified form cadrum (see Maigne D'arnis), a word 
that would precisely hit off the rectangular form of the Roman fort. 
Phonologically the fit is perfect. The d in combination with r drops 



Peniarth Ms. nS, fos. 829-837. 149 

There was a place 011 the f rontier of the land of Shrop- f o. 837 
shire, called Bron Wrgan, and it was the abode of giants. 

And in this place it is related that there were some 
brothers to Gwenhwyfar, 1 the daughter of Gogyrfan 
Gawr, 2 who were imprisoned by some of these giants. 
And she grieved greatly they were in captivity. But 
Arthur saved them each one, killing the giants, and 
taking the head of the biggest of them and throwing it 
into the middle of the river instead of a stone, in stepping 
across the river, to go to Castell y Cnwclas. And as he 
placed his foot on the head of the giant in stepping across 
the river Arthur said, Let the head grow in the river 
instead of a stone. And henceforth that river was called 
Afon Tyfed-iad, as the side of the giant's head grew. 

1 " Gwenhwyfar, ferch Gogyrfan Gawr, 

Drwg yn fechan, gwaeth yn fawr." 

2 Gogyrf an was the chief of a part of Powys in the sixth century. — 
O. Jones's Cymru, i, 585. 



out and leaves a dipthong behind, as in cadeir (cathedra), Eirion 
(Hadrianus), chwaerfan (quadrimanus). How caer came to be applied 
to older British forts is a question for archseologists to decide" — V. E. 



ERRATA. 

Page 124, line 18, for gyd read hyd. 

„ 126, ,, 34, for Yecydion read Yscydion. 

„ 128, „ 32, delete Itto Gawr yn galw .... (as an inter- 

lineation for " a marginal note ") and insert 

A gwedy hwnnw (?) ebh. 
„ 129, „ 15, delete Itto Gawr, and read, And after that he. 
„ 134, note 1, for Mungmawr Arcfi read Mungmawr drefi. 
„ 139, line 16, for middle commote read commote of Perfedd. ' 
„ 139, ,, 24, for Llan Badarn Odyn which is called read Llan 

Badarn Odwyn, which i< called. 
„ 139, „ 28-29, for Gwaith Bhoed read Gweithfoed. 



1 so 



Peuiarth Ms. nS,fos. 829-837 



INDEX OF NAMES. 

(Nos. refer to folios of Peniarth Ms., and m to the marginal note.) % 



Aber Hodni, 832 m 

Abertawi, 836 

Aber Teìbhi, 831, 832, 833, 835 

Aber Ysgyr, 832 

Aber Ystwyth, 833 

Ablion Tybhediad, 837 

Aedhan, Bwlch, 836 

Aedhan, Gawr, 836 

Amwythyc, 837 

Aran bhawr, mynydh, S30 

Aran, Penn, 830 

Ardudwy, 830 

Arthur, 829111, 830, 830111, 831, 834, 

§35. 837 

B. 
Baglann, 836 
Bangor, 831 

Barbheu, Rhiw y, 830 m 
Bedh Dilyc Gawr, 836 
Bettws newydh, 835 
Betws, Cwrt y, 836 
Bhoed, Gwaith, 834 
Blaen Cynlhwyd, 830 m 
Bronn Gastelhann, Brynn, 835 
Bronn Wrgan, 837 
Brutus, 829 m, 833, 834 
Brycheinawc, 832 
Brycheinoc, 836 
Brynn Bronn Gastelhann, 835 
Brynn Buga, Castelh, 835 
Buga Gawr, 835 
Bwba Gawr, S33, 834 
Bwch Gawr, 835 
Bwch, Pen, 83=; 
Bwlch Aedlian". 836 
Bwlch Rhiw Radyr, 832 
Bwlch Sabhn Ast, 836 
Bwlch Sabhn y Ci, 833 
Bwlch y Groes, 830, 830 m 



Cadeir Idris, 829 
Caer Bhyrdhin, 831 
Caer Celgan, S32 
Caer Clidlia, Clodheu, 835 
Caer Craic Dynas Gawr, 835 
Caer Dliinas Gawr, 832 
Caer Drewyn, 836 
Caer Gwrle, S36 
'Caer Hcdoc Gawr, 831 
Caer llieon Gawr, 836 
Caer lhion ar Wysc, 835 . 



Caer Odwyn, 834 
Caer Phili, 835 
Caer Wedros, 831 
Caer Wilcin, S32 
(Carwed ?), Garwed, 834 
Castelh Bhabon, 832 
Castelh Brynn Buga, 835 
Castelh Bwba, 834 
Castelh Bwch, 835 
Castelh Ceblm Cribwr, S34 
Castelh Chwil Gawr, 831 
Castelh Cornippin, 833 
Castelii Crow, 832 
Castelli Crygyn, 833 
Castelh Cybi, 835 
Castelh Cymryd, 832 
Castelh Didhannel, 831 
Castelh Edwin, 834 
Castelh Erdhan, S35 
Castelh Ernalht, 835 
Castelh Howel Gawr, 831 
Castelh Lhyphan Gawr, 831 
Castelh Maylor, S33 
Castelh Moel, 831 
Castelh Moythyn, 831 
Castelh Nedh, 836 
Castelh Oerbryd, S32 
Castelh Pyscoc Gawr, 831 
Caslelh tir Crou, 835 
Castelh Trogi, 835 
Castelh y brain, 832 
Castelh y Cnwclas, 837 
Cawl Twym, 834 
Cebhn Caer [wni, 830 m 
Cebhn Cribwr, Càstelh, 834 
Cebhn Heini, 836 
Cebhn Hiraethoc, 833 
Cedwyn Gawr, S35 
Cedwyn, Ynys, 835 
Ceimiad Gawr, 837 
Ceimiad, nant, 837 
Celgan, Caer, 832 
Celgan Gawr, 832 
Celhwalhawn Gawr, 836 
Chwermon Gawr, 832 
Chwermon, Lhwyn, 832 
Chwilcin Gawr, 832 
Chwîl Gawr, 831 
Clidha, Clodheu Caer, 835 
Clidha Gawr, 835 
Clidha, Tir, 835 
Clodheu Caer Clidha, 835 
Cnwclas, 836 
Cnwclas, castelh y, 837 



Penìarth Ms. i 1 8, fos. S29-S37. 



151 



Coed Gwent, S35 

Coed phranc, 836 

Cornbwch Gawr, 836 

Cornippin Gawr, 833 

Corwen, 836 

Craic Dynas Gawr, Caer, 835 

Craic y lhyn, 835 

Craic Dynas Gawr, Caer, 835 

Cribarth, 835 

Cribwr Gawr, 834 

Crow Castelh, 832 

Cron Gawr, 835 

Cruc, 832 

Crug y Hwil, 831 m 

Crwcast Gawr, 832 

Crwcast, pen, 832 

Crychan Gawr, 829 m 

Crygyn Gawr, 833 

Crystil Gawr, 832 

Cwm Glann Meichiad, 836 

Cwrt Mibhod, 832 

Cwrt y Betws, 836 

Cybheiloc, 833 

Cybi Gawr, 835 

Cymry, 834 

Cymryd Gawr, 832 

Cynlhwyd, Blaen, 830111 

Cynwil, 832 

Cynwil Gawr, 832 

Cynwil Gayo, 832 

D. 

Deyrnion, y, 836 
Didhannel Gawr, 831 
Dilyc Gawr, Bedh, 836 
Dinas, 833 
Dinas Gawr, 832 
diphryn Meichiad, 836 
Dol Gelhe, 829 
Drewyn Gawr, 836 
Dybhrdwy, 836 
Dynas Gawr, 835 
Dynas Gawr, Caer Craic, 835 
dyphryn Mochnant, 837 
Dyrnhhwch Gawr, 836 

E. 
Ederyn, Penn, 835 
Edwin, Castelh, 834 
Erdhan, Gawr, 835 
Ernalht Gawr, 835 
Eryri, 830 
Euas, 836 
Eurbryd Gawr, 832 



Gartli Beibio, 836 
Garth Cribwr Gawr, 835 



Garwed (Carwed ?), 834 
Garwed, Rhiw, 834 
Gastelhann, Brynn Bronn, 835 
Gerdhan Gawr, 835 
Glascoed, 836 
Glocaenawc, Parc, 836 
Gnerys Gawr, 836 
Gogbhran Gawr, 832, 837 
Gogerdhan, 835 
Gogobh Erdhan Gawr, 835 
Gros bhawr, 836 
Graic donn, 836 
Gwaith Bhoed, 834 
Gwalchmei, 831 
Gwedros Gawr, 831 
Gwely Idris, 829 
Gwenhwybhar, 837 
Gwent, 835 
Gwent Coed, 835 
Gwrle Gawr, 836 

H. 
Hedoc Gawr, 831 
Heini, Cebhn, 836 
Heini Gawr, 836 
Henlhys, 835 
Hiraethoc, Cebhn, 833 
Hodni, dyphryn, 836 
Howel Gawr, 831 
Howel, Rosser, 832 

I. 
Idris, Cader, 829 
Idris, Caer, 
Idris, Gwely, 829 
Idris Gawr, 829, 829111, 830 
Iestyu Gawr, 836 
Itto Gawr, 830, 830 m 
Iwni Gawr, 830 m 

L. 

Ladyr Gawr, 832 
Lhan Arth, 831, 835 
Lhan Badarn Bhawr, 834 

„ Odwyn (Odyn), 834 
Lhan Bhachreth, 830 
Lhan Bhair or Lhwyn, 831 
Lhan Drenoc, 831 
Lhan Dyssiliaw, 831 
Lhan Dyssul, 831 
Lhan Gattwc dhyphryn Wysc, 835 
Lhan Gewydh, 834 
Lhan Hilar, 833 
Lhan Iestyn, 836 
Lhanlhony, 832 
Lhan Sawel, 832, 836 
Lhan Ternan, 835 
Lhan Trissant, 835 



*5- 



Peniarth Ms. 118, fos. 829-837. 



Lhan Wenog, 831 
Lhan Ychayarn, S33 
Lhan y Crwys, 832 
Lhanylhtyd, 830 
Lhan ym Mowdhwy, 836 
Lhoches Gawr, 836 
Lhwyn Chwermon, 832 
Lhwyni y meini hirion, 837 
Lhyphan Gawr, 831 
Lhynn Heini Gawr, 836 
Lytta Gawr, 830 

M. 
Mabon Gawr, 832 
Maylor Gawr, 833 
Mebhonydh, S33 
Medhgyrn Gawr. S^6 
Meibhod, 836 

Meichiad, Cwm Glann, 836 
Meichiad, diphryn, 836 
Meichiad Gawr, 836 
Meichiad, nant, 836 
Meirionydh, 829, 830, 830111, 836 
Merthyr, 836 
Mibhod, Cwrt, S32 
Mochnant, dyphryn, S37 
Moel Crychan, 829 m 
Moel Gawr, 831 
Moel Ophrom, 830 
Moel Ysbryn, 830 
Moel Yscydion, 829, 830 
Morgannwc, 834, 835, 836 
Mowdhwy, 830111 
Moythyn Gawr, 83 1 
Mwghmawr drebhi, 832 
Mylaghelh, Pennant, 837 

N. 
Nant Ceimiad, S37 
Nant Meichiad, S37 

O. 
Odwyn, Caer (Odyn), S34 
Odwyn Gawr, S34 
Oerbryd Gawr, 832 
Ol carn y march, 833 
Ophrom Gawr, 830 
Ophrom, Moel, S30 
Oyle Gawr, 835 
Oyle, Penn, S35 



Parc Glocaenawc, S36 
Pennant Mylaghelh, S37 
Penn Aran, S30 
Penn Bwch, 835 
Penn Ederyn, S35 
Penn lliyn, 830, 830 m 
Penn Oyk-, S35 



Penn y Gawr, Rhyd, S36 
Pentre Bach, S35 
Perbhedh, 834 
Phili Gawr, 835 
Phranc, Coed. S36 
Pont Wilim, S32 
Pyscoc Gawr, 831 

R. 

Radyr, Bwlch Rhiw, 832 
Radyr Gawr, S32 
Rhiw Garwed, 834 
Rhiw Radyr, Bwlch, 832 
Rhiw y Barbheu, S30111 
Ricca, 830 
Rithonwy, S30 
Ritta, 830 
Rosser Howel, 832 
Rhyd Penn y Gawr, 836 



Sarn y Trichawr, 836 

T. 

Talybont, 829 
Tameid bara, 834 
Tarnoc Gawr, 836 
Tir Clidha, 835 
Tir Crou, Castelh, S35 
Trebhaldwyn, 836 
Trebh y clawdh, S36 
Trogi, Castelh, S35 
Trogi Gawr, 835 
Twym, Cawl, S34 
Twym, Uwd, S34 
Tybhediad, Abhon, S37 

U. 

Uwd Twym, 834 

W. 
Wedros, Caer. 831 
Wilcin, Caer, 832 
Wilcin Gawr, 832 
Wilim, Pont, 832 
Wrgan, Bronn, 837 
Wysc, caer lhion ar, 835 
Wysc, dhyphryn, 835 



Ynys Cedwyn, S35 
Ysbryn Gawr, S30 
Ysbryn, Moel, 830 
Yscydion Gawr, 829 
Yscydion, Moel, 829, 830 
Ysgyr, Aber, 832 
Ystrad F'hlur, 834 
Ystwyth, Abhon, 833 
Ystymmer, Cymwd, S29111. 



Örotn (Bfgnöwr cmò t§t TlDtfafy 

C0urc0. 

By J. Aethur Price, M.A. 



It is well known that Owen Glyndwr, with the advice of the 
ecclesiastics who supported him, transferred the spiritual 
allegiance of Wales from Gregory XII of Eome, the Pope, 
recognised in the days of the great schism by England, to 
Benedict XIII of Avignon, the Pope recognised by France 
and Scotland. John Trevor, the Bishop of St. Asaph, 
who had passed from the English to the Welsh side in the 
revolution, must have supported this move, and about 
the same time Llewelyn, or Lewis, Bifort was, apparently 
with the sanction of the Avignonese Pope, elected on 
Glyndwr's nomination to the See of Bangor in place of the 
exiled owner of the dignity, Bichard Young. Bishop 
Stubbs (Registrum Sacrum Anglicanum, p. 178) says that 
Bifort was never recognised by the English Church. 
However this may have been, he subsequently put in an 
appearance at the Council of Constance as " Ludovicus 
Bangorensis ". At any rate from 1404 to 1408 Glyndwr's 
party were supreme in the North Wales dioceses, and had 
much infìuence in South Wales. It was during these 
years that the Welsh clerics (whose names occur in the 
list extracted from the Avignonese Register), visited the 
Papal Court in the hopes of obtaining ecclesiastical pro- 
motion. The journey must have been expensive, the fees 
high, and the risk of being hung as traitors if they fell 
into English hands considerable. The fact that so many 
Welsh clerics, bore the trouble and expense and took 
the risk, which in the end led to no result, proves that they 
must have entertained a reasonable expectation that 



154 Owen Glyndiür and the Welsh Church. 

Glyndwr would triumph and that Wales would shortly 
become an independent state. 

RoLL OF THE WeLSH. 

(Galenclar of Papal Register, i, pp. 623, 624.) 

1406. 

John Roughton, of noble birth, for a benefice in the 
gift of the Bishop of St. Davids. 

Matthew ap Ievan Lloyt, of noble birth, for the like. 

Griffin ap Ievan, of noble birth, for the like, notwith- 
standing- that he is dispensed on account of illeg-itimacy, 
and has the perpetual vicarage of St. Teilaus, in the 
diocese of Llandaff, which he is ready to resign. 

Granted for all. 8avona 13, Kal. July, anno 12. 

Matthew ap Ievan Loyt. That the Pope would expedite 
letters for a canonry and prebend of St. Davids, inasmuch 
as he is not a g-raduate althoug-h he is of noble birth, 
and cannot have the former letters expedited. 

Granted. Finale, in the diocese of 8avona. 5 Non., 
July, anno 12. 

Philip ap Ll, of the diocese of Llandaff, f or the beneflce 
in the g-ift of the Bishop and Chapter- of St. David. 

Granted. Dated as above. 

Gregory ap Ivan, efferiat, of the diocese of St. Asaph, 
for a benefice in the gift of the Bishop and Chapter 
of St. Davids, notwithstanding that he is dispensed as the 
son of a priest. 

Granted. Marseilles. 18 th Kal. Feb., anno 13. 

1407. 

Iorwedith ap David ap Iorwerth. For a benefice in the 
gift of the Bishop and Chapter of St. Davids. 

Roger ap Ieuan. For the like. 

Mereduth ap David ap Gruffuth, for the like. 

Granted for all. Marseilles. 6 Id. Jan., anno 13. 



Z%t TMefl (Ttafíonaf 6m6fem : 
&tá or ©affobíf. 

A Note by ARTHUR HUGHES, B.A. 



The lines quoted in the last volume of Y Cymmroclor 
(xxvi, 155) froinWynkyn de Worde's Chronicles of England 
are, in the text, erroneously attributed to Caxton. This 
was done in reliance upon a note in Sir Henry Ellis's 
edition of Brand's Popular Antiguities (ed. 1813, p. 89) 
where he states that the lines referring to the Leek are 
from " Caxton's Description of Wales at the end of The 
Scholemaster of St. Alban's Chroiiicle ". This Description 
of Wales has, however, a very much earlier origin and is 
John Trevisa's translation of the Description of Wales in 
rhymed Latin verse contained in Higden's Polychronicon. 
Hisrden died in 1363, and Trevisa informs us that he 
finished his translation of Higden's Chronicles in 1387. 
Ralph Higden, monk of Chester, was, however, only a 
compiler of Chronicles, and the real author of the Latin 
verse Description of Wales in his Polychronicon is assumed 
to be Walter Map, the Welshman, and intimate friend of 
Giraldus Cambrensis. The poem is attributed to Map in 
an old list of his works, and, as he died c. 1210, we may 
claim that the Welshman's great affection for leeks was 
recognised by a Welsh writer more than 250 years before 
Caxton printed his first book at Westminster. 

The Latin lines referring to the Leek are these : — 

His pnltis ad legumina 
Pro epulis acrumina 



Ad mensam et post prandium 
Sal, porri sunt solatium. 



156 The Welsh National Emblem : 

Trevisa's translation is : — 

They have gruel to potage 
And lekes kynde to companage 



Atte mete and after eke 
Her solace is salt and leke. 



The last two lines are seen to be translated quite 
literally ; but the word acrumina (acrumen) translated as 
' lekes kynde ' is not to be found in any standard Latin 
dictionary, and it apparently puzzled the scribes because 
one MS. reads Pepulis acrimonia. There was, however, a 
Low-Latin word, agrumen (agrumina) signifying ' the leek 
species ', " olerum genus acrimoniam aliquam habens ut 
porri, allia, etc." (Vide, a quotation from the Acta Sanct- 
orum, a Bollando edita, given in Maigne D'Arnis' Lexicon 
of Mediseval and Low Latin, Paris, 1866, sub agrumen). 
The acrumina of the Polychronicon is, therfore, in all 
probability, a scribe's mistake for agrumina and thus 
correctly translated as ' lekes kynde ' by Trevisa. (For 
the full texts of the Latin and English verse see Chronicles 
of Greai Britain and Ireland, Rolls Series, vol. i (1865) 
and Laiin Poems, by Walter Map, Camden Society's pub- 
lications.) 

There are several other references to the leek in Eliza- 
bethan and Stuart literature in addition to those given in 
volume xxvi of Y Cymmrodor. Incidentally they show 
how very common the practice of wearing the leek on St. 
David's Day must have been; otherwise the casual refer- 
ences found would not have been appreciated by theatre 
audiences. An interesting one is found in the old play 
Northward Hoe, by Dekker and Webster, published 1607, 
but probably written in 1601, where Captain Jenldns, 
the Welshman swears : " By all the leekes that are worn 
on St. Davies day ". There is also a curious tract among- 
the Commonwealth Tracts in the British Museum, attri- 



Leek or Daffodil. 157 

buted to the year 1642, dealing with the leek custom. It 
is entitled, " The Welchman's Jubilee : To the Honour 
of St. David : Showing the manner of that Solemn Cele- 
bration which the Welshmen annually hold in honour of 
St. David. Describing likewise the True and rea (sic) 
Cause why they wear that day a Leek on their Hats. 
With an excellent merry sonnet, annexed unto it. Com- 
posed by T. Morgan, Gent." lt shows that the orig-in of 
the custom was no less a puzzle then than it is now. The 
author states : " Some report that they wear this leek 
because of their general affection unto it : Others affìrm 
the cause to be, because of the numerous multitude of 
Leekes that grow in their : (sic) but either of these are 
fallible : for it is more credibly declared, that S. David 
when hee always went into the field, in Martiall exercise 
he carried a Leek with him ; and once being almost faint 
to death, he immediately remembered himself of the Leek 
and by that means not onely preserved his life but also 
became victorious : hence is the Mythologie of the Leek 
derived". Although Morgan's explanation of the origin 
of the leek custom is not convincing, his doggerel verses — 
in no way a sonnet — most convincingly prove him to have 
been an ardent Royalist and no Cromwellian. 

The leek in literature throws a curious side light upon 
the determination of Welshmen to make S. David a fight- 
ing patron saint whose achievements are by no means 
eclipsed by those of S. George. 



Qj3é<m Qtae0 : Z$t We# ©ani>p + 

By w. llewelyn williams, k.c., m.p. 

Recorder of the City of Cardiff. 



" Born in an obscure village and from mean ancestors " — 
to quote from his Latin epitaph — he refused a knighthood 
at the hands of two sovereigns before he was 30 ; living 
during a prolonged life like a Prince and yet with no 
visible means of subsistence ; without looks, for " his per- 
son was clumsy and his features harsh and peculiarly 
irregular ", he was noted for his gallantry and he was the 
undisputed King of English Fashion for over half a 
century, the arbiter elegantiarum in the days of the 
Dandies, " the glass of fashion and the mould of form " ; 
lampooned by Lord Chesterfield and snarled at by Pope, 
he was great or fortunate enough to have 01iver Goldsmith 
for his biographer, and in our own days George Meredith 
for his subtle and slightly mocking eulogist, and so severe 
a moralist as Lecky for his admirer ; without wit, he was 
the most quoted tallcer of his day ; without learning — for 
he left Oxford without a degree and having eaten his 
dinners was never called to the Bar — he had more books 
dedicated to him than almost any patron of his time ; 
without family, he was the friend of Princes, he exchanged 
snuff-boxes and compliments with the Prince of Orange 
and Frederick, Prince of Wales, he was rude with im- 
punity to great ladies, and saved Dukes and Earls from 
the consequences of their folly ; he refused flatly the 
petition of Princess Amelia for an extra dance, and he 
tore her white apron from her Grace the Duchess of 
Queensberry and threw it, in a public room, to her ladies- 



Beau Nash: The Welsh Dandy. 159 

in-waiting ; a gambler, a speudthrift, and a rake, he was 
the confidential adviser in all matters of business of grim 
old Sarah, Duchess of Marlborough, the shrewdest and 
richest and most grasping woman of her age ; a graceless 
adventurer, his death eclipsed the gaiety of the nation, 
and his public funeral evoked as much attention and 
eulogy as if he had indeed been a throned monarch : who 
can deny the quality of romance to the amazing career of 
Richard Nash, the Welsh Dandy, whom George Meredith 
has described as the fìrst and perhaps the last of the 
philosopher-beaus of England? 

Richard Nash was born at Swansea on October 18th, 
1674. The house where he was born still stands in Goat 
Street, and a tablet distinguishes it from its meaner 
fellows with the legend that it is Beau Nash's birthplace. 
His father was a partner in a glass-house, and originally 
came from Pembrokeshire — from Haverfordwest, if I 
mistake not. His mother was the niece of that Colonel 
Poyer, who, after fighting on the Parliament side, took 
the field against Cromwell, and was shot for his pains in 
London, after his defeat at the Battle of St. Fagan's. 

In those days Swansea was a place of 110 great account. 
In our estimation it was something more than " an obscure 
village ", but it was insignificant as compared with towns 
like Bath or Bristol, or even Carmarthen. The " glass- 
house " in which the elder Nash was partner was not a 
great affair, for our hero never seems to have been encum- 
bered with much of this world's gear. Still, Richard 
Nash, the elder, must have been a man of substance, for 
he sent his son to school at Carmarthen under one 
Maddocks, and thence to Jesus College, Oxford, where he 
matriculated in March, 1691-2, at the mature age of 16i. 
But the future Beau was a precocious youth. He soon 
entered upon a love-passage with an adventurous damsel 



ióo Beau Nash : The Welsh Dandy. 

in or near Oxford. He received the blessing of the lady's 
father, and proposed and was accepted by the fair 
Amaryllis. The College authorities, ever ready to destroy 
love's young dream, and in those days entirely composed 
of vinous celibates, got wind of our hero's romantic 
escapade and promptly sent the young gentleman down. 
He shook the dust of Oxford from off his feet and never 
returned. 

Young Richard, having once tasted the joys of adven- 
ture, soon took wing from the Goat Street nest. He 
managed somehow to "purchase a pair of colours in the 
army ", or, in other words, he bought a commission. His 
biographer goes on to say that he " dressed the part to 
the very edge of his finances ". Some admirers have 
suggested that he was able to do all this by the help of 
his father; but Goldsmitb, who knew Beau Nash and who 
read through the papers which the old Beau had written 
with a view to publishing his autobiography, will have 
none of this. He thinks that Beau Nash, thus early, 
began to live on his wits, and was even then a skilled 
gamester. He relates indeed many tales, amusing but 
unedifying, of the shifts to which our poor hero was 
driven in order to maintain his position in the world. He 
did not remain long in the army. The strictness of the 
discipline appalled hini, and the pay was too small for a 
young gentleman whose ambition it was to set the fashion 
to the bucks about town. He sold out, therefore, and 
with the price of his commission, he was able to enter his 
name at the Inner Temple. There he met a society after 
his own heart. He became distinguished for his fine 
manners, his fashionable dress, and the gaiety of his wit. 
No one knew where he got his money from, and no one 
particularly cared. Indeed, it was commonly reported 
that he rode out to Hounslow Heath and helcì up fat 



Beau Nash : The Welsh Dandy. 1 6 1 

graziers and pursy parsons : and no one seems ío have 
thought the worse of him ! Let me hasten to adcl that 
there is no tittle of evidence that our hero ever did any- 
thing so crude. Had he done so, we may be sure that 
in the garrulity of his old age, when he was fond of boast- 
ing of his youthful prowess, he would not have refrained 
from mentioning the fact. He did tell Goldsmith many 
stories of the absurd wagers which he made in order to 
raise the wind. Once he rode naked through a village on 
the back of a cow ; another time he stood at the main 
door of York Minster for an hour with only a sheet over 
him, and he recalls his encounter with the Dean who 
happened to know him. But the chief source of his 
income was the gaming tables. 

When he was a Templar, his Gracious Majesty King 
William III paid a State visit to the Middle Temple. So 
great by this time was the reputation of Nash that, 
through a member of the Inner Temple, he was asked to 
become the Superintendent of the Pageant with which it 
was the custom in those days to entertain the monarch. 
Nash accepted the task, and pleased King William so 
much that he offered to knight the young spark of 24. 
" An it please your Majesty to make me a Knight ", was 
the reply, " let me be made a poor knight of Windsor, f or 
then I shall have the means to support the title". But 
the shrewd Dutchman did not take the hint, and the 
needy Pageant-Director remained plain Richard Nash. 

On another occasion — though of this we have no 
details — Nash refused a knighthood. This time it was 
Queen Anne who was snubbed by his refusal. Queen Anne 
is dead, and we all know the rule, nil nisi bonum de mortuis. 
But historic truth compels one to admit that her Gracious 
Majesty was a weak, silly old dame. In those days there 
were no music halls to amuse the tired brain of Royalty, 

M 



IÓ2 Bean Nash : The Wclsh Dandv. 

110 Harry Lauders to entertain tliem. So they kept a 
tame jester at Court, and Queen Anne's was a fool called 
William or Billy Reid. I suppose the poor lady laughed 
one day more heartily than usual at Billy's quips, and 
forthwith got him on his knees, popped out a sword, and 
smacked him 011 the shoulder, crying, "Rise, Sir William!" 
And the Court laughed at the merry jest for nine days. 
Shortly after — whether it was that our hero had super- 
intended anotlier pageant or that one of his puns amused 
Her Majesty — the poor Queen, who was ever kind, wanted 
to knight Diclc Nash. " No, madam, an it please you ", 
replied he, drawing back in alarm, " for if you knight me, 
Billy Reid will call me brother ". 

But it was through his connection of nearly sixty years 
with the city of Bath that Nash attained perennial fame. 
In 1703, Bath had become a fashionable resort because of 
Queen Anne's visit to the Wells. The ruck of fine society 
went thither, and as play was almost the only recreation 
of the great in those days, it was no wonder that the fame 
of Bath became second onlv to that of London for the 
vastness of the sums that were staked. Thither therefore 
went all the professional gamesters of England for the 
season. The fìrst to try to exploit the virgin soil was one 
Captain Webster, whose name would have been forgotten 
but for Nash's reminiscences to Goldsmith. In 1705, 
however, two years after the Queen's visit, Richard Nash 
went to Bath, and for well nigh sixty years his name was 
synonymous with that of the famous Wells. He became 
the uncrowned King of Bath. Within its confines, he 
was a more autocratic monarch than ever a Tudor was on 
the English throne. None dared dispute his laws. He 
reigned by ridicule, for an Englishman fears nothing so 
much as being laughed at. He decreed that no cavalier 
should come to the Assembly Rooms wearing a sword, 



Beau Nash : The Welsh Danciy. 163 

which hitherto had been looked upon as theunmistakeable 
mark of a gentleman. • So arbitrary a rule, sinning against 
all the conventions of a rude society, might be thought to 
be certain of defeat, but, so great was the masterful 
dominance of Beau Nash — as he now came to be called — 
that the custom took deep root, not only in Bath, but 
between the years 1720 and 1730 in London as well. 
Even to-day in Franee and Germany the duel is regarded 
as a proper method of settling disputes between gentle- 
men. The decline of the duel in England may be dated 
from the reign of Beau Nash, and were it only for this 
advance in the amenities of social life, his name deserves 
to be held in lasting esteem. 

The squires of England in those rude days were little 
better than clodhoppers. Fielding's " Squire Western ", 
with his clownish talk and uncouth manners, was true to 
type. They were the bane of Beau Nash's early reign. 
They came to Bath in their riding gear, full of coarse 
jests and vulgar oaths. This was more than the Welsh 
Dandy could stand. He lampooned them in verse, he 
ridiculed them on the stage, till at last not one of them 
durst appear in the Assembly Rooms in his riding boots, 
and ladies were freed from the vulgarities of their drunlcen 
insolence. Bath, then, became the mirror of polite society 
and for the first time, English manners became compar- 
able with those of England's polite neighbour across the 
Channel. 

It would take too long to tell what Beau Nash did for 
Bath. He built the Assembly Rooms, he gave a code of 
manners and customs which were more strictly enjoined 
than the laws of the Medes and Persians, he widened the 
roads, he embellished the streets, he provided musical 
bands, and he made Bath the capital of English Eashion. 
He was generally known as the King of Bath, and his 

m 2 



1 64 Beau Nasli : The Welsh Dandy. 

jurisdiction extended for miles without the city walls. 
He had neither Crown nor Constitution, but for well nigh 
sixty years he ruled as a despotic monarch. He had 
the power to exile any offender from the circle, his smiles 
were courted by princes and poets and peers. When he 
rode to Tunbridge, which he did once a year, it was in a 
great chariot drawn by six greys, with outriders, running 
footmen, and French horns. He always wore a buckle 
over his stock in front, the wonder of mankind, and till 
the day of his death he was never seen wearing ought but 
his white hat. He gave the laws to the young bloods of 
England, and 110 one could hope to hold a place in society 
on whom Beau Nash had frowned. 

It was when he was at the zenith of his fame and 
fortune that he encountered an adversary against whom 
he was powerless. John Wesley came to Bath on June 5th, 
1739, and met the uncrowned king. Let John Wesley 
tell the tale himself as he has given it in his Journal — 
" There was great expectation at Bath," he relates " of 
what a noted man was to do to me there ; and I was 
much entreated not to preach, because no one knew what 
might happen. By this report I gained a much larger 
audience, among whom were many of the rich and great. 
.... Many of them .... were sinking into seriousness 
when their champion appeared, and coming close to me, 
asked by what authority I did these things. I replied, 
' By the authority of Jesus Christ, conveyed to me by the 
(now) Archbishop of Canterbury ', when he laid hands 
upon me and said, ' Take thou authority to preach the 
Gospel'. He said, 'This is contrary to Act of Parliament, 
this is a conventicle'. I answered, ' Sir, the conventicles 
mentioned in that Act (as the preamble shows) are sedi- 
tious meetings, but this is not such ; here is no shadow of 
sedition ; therefore it is not contrary to that Act '. He 



Bean Nash: The Welsh Dandy. 165 

replied, ' I say it is ; and besides, your preaching frightens 
people out of their wits '. ' Sir, did you ever hear nie 
preach ' ? ' No.' ' How then can you judge of what you 
have never heard ? ' ' Sir, by coramon report.' ' Cominon 
Report is not enough. Give me leave, sir, to ask, is not 
your name Nash ? ' ' My name is Nash.' ' Sir, I dare 
not judge of you by common report. I think it is not 
enough to judge by.' Here he paused awhile, and having 
recovered himself said, ' I desire to know what this people 
comes here for ? ' On which one replied, ' Sir, leave him 
to me ; let an old woman answer him. You, Mr. Nash, 
take care of your body ; we take care of our souls ; and 
for the food of our souls, we come here '. He replied not 
a word, but walked away."- 

There is something in the story that appeals to me. 
It bears upon itself the impress of truth, as all John 
Wesley's entries in his Journal do. There is no doubt 
that the great Dissenting casuist got the better of our 
poor Beau in dialectics. Dick Nash was no fit opponent 
to the Rev. J. Wesley, Fellow of Lincoln College, Oxford, 
either in theology, or law, or general debate. He was 
repulsed at the first charge, and the " old woman " turned 
the repulse into a rout. Yet, I like the conclusion. "He 
replied not a word, but walked away." He felt he was 
fighting forces greater than he could command, and a 
spirit he could not quench. He did not rail or swear, 
" He said nçt a word but walked away ". Perhaps he 
had some dim perception — as what Welshman could not? 
— of the meaning of the portent of Jolm Wesley. He 
may have been conscious of the antagonism of two 
elemental forces in the human world. On the one 
side, tbere was the old Paganism, exemplified in the 
eighteenth century by Beau Nash, with its delight in the 
pursuit of pleasure, — which in the previous century made 



i66 Beau Nash : The Welsh Dandy. 

Huw Morus exclaim, when the Cromwellians were chang- 
ing all things : 

Pan oeddwn i'n fachgen, 

Mi welais fyd Uawen, 

Cyn codi o'r genfìgen flin fìlen yn fawr, 

I ladd yr hên Lywydd, 

A dilyn ffydd newydd 

Ac Arglwydd afìonydd yn flaenawr. 
On the other, was that spirit of Puritanism, which was 
to transform and transfigure the whole conception of 
social life in England, and our poor Beau, when suddenly 
confronted with the blunt exposition of the "old woman ", 
being a Welshman, could not have failed to have some 
glimmering perception of the truth. At all events let it 
be accounted unto him for grace that, " He replied not a 
word, but walked away". 

For this is the paradox of Beau Nash. He lived by 
garaing, but he helped to save many a gamester from ruin. 
A society parasite, he was capable of acts of supreme 
generosity. He was often superbly insolent, — Pope once 
described him as an " impudent dog" — but there never 
was a ldnder heart. He was in many ways a snob, yet 
when the Duchess of Marlborough taunted him with never 
mentioning his father, he replied with spirit and fíne 
feeling, " Madam, I seldom mention ray father in com- 
pany, not because I have any reason to be ashamed of hira, 
but because he has some reason to be asharaed of me ". 
Two stories — how he saved a Duke, and how he befriended 
a generous souled beauty, named Miss Braddock, the sister 
of that ill-fated General Braddock, who fell at Ticon- 
deroga — have been enshrined and intertwined in George 
Meredith's fascinating story of Beau Bearaish, yclept 
" A Tale of Chloe". Another true story of our Beau — 
how he proposed to a lady, and was told that she loved 



Beau Nash : The Welsh Dandy. 167 

another, how he offered her the dowry which her indignant 
father refused in his anger, and how the father relented 
and consented to the marriage — was used by Vanbrugh in 
the last Act of one of his plays. There is one well attested 
story which I must tell. A certain young Earl came to 
Bath intent on amusement. He knew nothing of garning, 
and so Beau Nash became his instructor. They began to 
play for small stakes ; the Beau won and won. Tlie young 
Earl lost his temper, and challenged his opponent to play 
for higher stakes. Nash refused ; the young fool became 
insolent and insulting. Time after time the stakes were 
increased ; time after time the Beau won. At last the 
Earl rose from the table, a ruined man. All his paternal 
acres had passed to the old gamester who ruled over Bath. 
" My Lord ", said Nash, " I will not deprive you of your 
inheritance. Go back to your home, and promise me to 
play 110 more ". The Earl was astonished and over- 
whelmed, and asked what return he could make. " Give 
me £5,000", said the Beau, "if ever I ask it of you ". 
The Earl consented, and forthwith departed, but as long 
as he lived the Beau never exacted the penalty. Long 
after tlie EarPs death, when the Beau was old and poor, 
he sent a claim to the Earl's successor for the £5,000. 
The claim was met and the £5,000 was paid. 

It was little wonder, after all, that a man of this 
character became the Monarch of Bath. His full length 
statue was put up by the Corporation between the busts 
of Newton and Pope. The great Lord Chesterfield 
satirised it as follows : — 

The statue placed the busts between 

Adds to the satire strength, 

Wisdom and wit are little seen, 

But Folly at full length. 
But the Corporation of Bath were no whit abashed. They 



i68 Beau Nash : The Welsh Dandy. 

revered the Creator of the fame and prosperity of theìr 
city, and they allowed nothing to dini their gratitude. 

When in his old age in 1745 — when he was 71 — a law 
was passed to forbid gaming in public places, and the 
poor old Beau was deprived of the niain source of his 
inconie, the Corporation bestowed on hini a pension of 
£10 a month. He was ever a bountiful and compassionate 
man. No one in distress ever approached him in vain. 
He it was that was mainly instrumental in establishing 
the Hospital at Bath for poor patients. The stories of his 
kind heartedness are innumerable. He cared nothing for 
money. He spent it lavishly as he made it easily. When 
he died in 1761, at the venerable age of 87, £50 was voted 
by the Corporation for a public funeral. Never was such 
a spectacle seen before in Bath. The Capital of Fashion 
went into mourning. Every house was shut, every blind 
was drawn. The funeral cortege, as described in the 
Gentlemaris Magazine was stately and impressive. First 
came the charity boys and girls — the Beau's own protégés — 
singing a hymn, then came the City Band, and then the 
Beau's own Band from the Assembly Eooms, playing a 
dirge. Then three clergymen walked in solemn procession, 
in full canonicals, before the coffin which was bedecked 
with sable plumes. The pall was supported by the six 
senior aldermen of the City. Then followed the Beau's 
own chosen retinue — the masters of the Assembly Eooms ; 
after them the beadles of the Hospital. The picture is 
striking and pathetic ; but I like best of all the little 
touch which was added by Goldsmith, the supreme artist 
in homely emotion, " Last of all ", wrote he, " the poor 
patients themselves, the lame, the emaciated, and the 
feeble folloẅed their old benefactor to his grave, shedding 
unfeigned tears, and lamenting themselves in him ". 

Kequiescat in pace. 



QJ5afcẃ: y QÌ5remn <x f x £{>mrj> + 

Gan W. LLEWELYN WILLIAMS (Llwydfryn), A.S. 



Unde et Anglorum rege Henrico secundo in australem Walliam apud 
Pencadeyr, quod capud Cathedrae sonat, nostris diehus (a.d. 1163) in 
hanc gentem expeditionem agente, consultus ab eo senior quidam 
populi ejusdem qui contra alios tamen vitio gentis eidem adhaeserat, 
super exercitu regis, populoque rebelli si resistere posset, quid ei 
declararet opinionem respondit : " Gravari quidem, plurimaque ex 
parte destrui et debilitari vestris, rex, aliorumque viribus, nunc et 
olim et pluries, meritorum exegentia, gens ista valebit. Ad plenum 
autem, propter hominis iram, nisi et ira Dei concurrerit, non delebitur. 
Nec alia, ut arbitror, gens quam haec Rambrica, aliave lingua, in die 
districti examinis coram Judice Supremo, quicquid de ampliore con- 
tingat, pro hoc terrarum angulo respondebit. 

Giraldus Cambrensis : Desc. Cambriae : Lit. ii, cap. x. 

Felly yn ein dyddiau ni (a.d. 1163) pan y bu i'r Brenin Harri'r 
Eilfed ymosod ar y Deheubarth, efe a ofynnodd ym Mhencader i hen 
wr o Gymro, yr hwn oedd yn glynu wrtho, beth oedd ei farn am ei 
fyddin, ac am allu'r Cymry i wrthsefyll ei rym, ac ebe'r henwr : " O 
Frenin, ti elli di ac ereill lethu, ac mewn rhan wanychu a difetha 
llawer ar y genedl hon, fel y digwyddodd lawer gwaith o'r blaen, a 
mynych hi a lwydda drwy rinwedd ei hynni, ond fyth ni ddileir hi'n 
llwyr drwy lidiowgrwydd dyn, oddieithr iddi hefyd ennyn digofaint 
Duw. Ac yn nydd mawr y Farn, pan y geilw Duw ni oll i gyfrif, 
rwyf yn meddwl, doed a ddelo, mai Cymry fydd pia'r wlad, ac mai yn 
Gymraeg yr atebant dros y cwr hwn o'r ddaear. 

i. 

" Barbariaid yw'r Cymry ! " yn groch llefai Harri : 
Nid oes iddynt, druain, warineb na moes ! 
Ar hyn fe rof derfyn, fy nghyfraith gânt dderbyn, 
Y Norddman gânt ddilyn, pen brigyn yr oes ; 



170 Balad: Y Brenin dr Cymry. 

Pam glynant yn ffyddlon i grefydd a defîon 
A iaith sydd yn estron i gyimydd y byd ? 
Paham nad ynt foddlon ar iaith eu cym'dogion? 
Paham ar iaith anwar y rhoddant eu bryd ? 



11. 



" Mae gennyf fì fyddin ", bygythiai y Brenin, 
Norddmyn a Fflemyn na threchwyd erioed ; 
Myfi yw ei llywydd ; ac o Fôr y Werydd 
Hyd eithaf y gwledydd, fe seinir fy ng-hlod ! 
A chwi, wael Frythoniaid, llwyth tlawd o anwariaid, 
Gwybyddwch mai ofer g-wrthsefyll fy ngrym ! 
'Mostyng-wch i'm harfau, a phlygwch i'm deddfau, 
Cewch freiniau fy neiliaid yn rhad ac am ddim " ! 

iii. 

" Ein Duw " ebe'r Cymry " a roes ein gwlad ini, — 

Ei chadw ai charu rhaid ini ei phlant : 

Os cribog' ein bryniau, a gwael ein buddiannau, 

Anwylwn o'n c'lonnau bob mynydd a phant. 

Ti elli, o D'wysog, drwy rym dy wyr arfog 1 , 

Orthrymu'n flinderog ein cenedl ni, 

Ond gwybydd na elli ein hysbryd orchfyg-u, 

Na'n cariad at Gymru tra llosgo'r haul fry ! 

iv. 

" Ac am ein hiaith dirion, er gwaetha'th fygythion, 

Yn ddwfn yn ein calon caiff loches a nyth : 

Tra ser y ffurfafen, tra llen, cân ac awen, 

Coleddwn yn llawen ei cheinion hi byth. 

Ei hacen hyfrydol ar wefus mam siriol, 

A g-lywsom yn swynol wrth siglo'n y crud : 

A drown yn anffyddlon, ar arch rhyw deyrn estron, 

I'n mamiaith wen wiwlon a'n mag'odd ni cyd ? 



Balad : Y Brenin ar Cymry. 1 7 1 



v. 



" Yn hon bu ein beirddion yn moli ein dewrion 

A'n glew dywysogion, gwroniaid ein bro : 

Os hon a anghofiwn, ein hanes a gollwn, 

Mor ddiwerth a fydclwn ag adar y tô ! 

Os hyn yw gwareiddiad, gwell cyflwr barbariad 

Sy'n meithrin ei gariad at bethau a fu ! 

A gasglodd ein tadau fwynheir gennym ninnau, 

A drosir yn ddiau i'n plant bychain ni ! 

vi. 

" Ein hiaith os enciliodd o blasau brenhinoedd, 
wychder eu llysoedd os ciliodd hi draw, — 
Os gwledig ei hagwedd, mae iddi ei gorsedd 
Yng nghalon ei deiliaid, y sydd ac a ddaw ! 
Eheda i'r entrych i breswyl gwyn gorwych, 
A neges f wy drudfawr na deiseb i ti, — 
Can's hi sy'n cyfryngu rhwng tylwyth y Cymry 
A'r Iesu a hoeliwyd ar bren erom ni ! 

vii. 

" lychyn ymffrostgar ! nid wyt ond o'r ddaear, 
Yn ebrwydd i'r ddaear disgynni yn ôl ! 
Nid yw dy ddoethineb ond ffug o warineb, 
Doethineb nid yw, — ond clindarddach y ffol ! 
Duw roes yn ein genau briodiaith ein tadau, 
A thrwy'r cenedlaethau hi erys yn bur : 
A phan ddaw Dydd Cyfrif, 'nol oesau aneirif, 
Yn honno yr etyb trigolion ein tir ! " 



Zfy Itíng anb t$t TMefc 

(A Translation of the foregoing.) 
By SIE FRANCIS EDWARDS, Bart., M.P. 



Tliose heathen, the Cymry, loud spake the King Henry, 

Are wretches ill-mannered and gentleness scorn : 
Amend this I vow to, my law they shall bow to, 

The Norman shall rule them to leadership born. 
Why do they thus fight for their faith and their right, 

Their tongue that doth slight the world's progress for- 
sooth ? 
Why is our speech hated by these with us mated, 

Why love they so fondly a language uncouth ? 

ii. 

My army doth muster, the Monarch did bluster, 

Both Norman and Fleming who know not defeat : 
Their leader undaunted, my praises are chaunted 

O'er ocean to realms of remotest retreat. 
Ye Celts of low station, poor barbarous nation, 

Know that it avails not my might to withstand : 
Submit to my legions, to my laws give obedience, 

As subjects your rights you shall freely command. 

iii. 

The land to us given, said the Welshmen, by heaven 
We must, as her children, both cherish and prize : 
Our hills may seem frowning, our wealth not worth own- 

But our mountains and valleys are dear to our eyes. 



The King and the Welsh. 173 

By the might of thy forces, Prince, and resources 
Our nation thou canst both oppress and o'er-run ; 

But know that thy power our pride cannot lower, 
Nor the love of our country while shineth the sun. 



IV. 

Our language belo^éd, by threats all unmovéd, 

A refuge and nest in our bosoms shall share : 
While the stars gleam above and the muses we love, 

Its charm we shall cherish with joyfulness e'er. 
Its accents enthralling from mother lips falling 

When rocked in our cradles we g'ladly did hear : 
Shall our tongue be abhorred at a foreign king's word, 

The sweet mother-tongùe for such ages our cheer ? 



Our bards in this tongue of our stalwarts have sung, 

And princes of valour, our heroes supreme : 
If we fail this to cherish, our story will perish, 

As worthless as sparrows ourselves we shall deem. 
If culture this be then, far better the heathen, 

Who foster affection for things that are past : 
What our fathers have wrought for, by us shall be fought 
for, 

And faithfully left to our children at last. 



VI. 



Our tongue though 'tis banished from halls, and has 
vanished 

From the palaces splendid of kings f ar away : 
Though rustic her dress is, a throne she possesses 

In the hearts of her subjects for ever and aye. 



174 The King and the Welsh. 

To heaven she's ascended, to halls brig'ht and splendid, 
With a prayer of raore price than petitions to thee : 

For she intercedeth for Welshmen, and pleadeth 
With Jesus who for our sakes died on the tree. 

vii. 

Oh dust and vaing*lory, the earth 'twas that bore thee, 

And soon to the earth thou'lt descend when death rules : 
Thy wisdom is naught but confusion of thought — 

Thy wisdom is only the cackling- of fools. 
God the Cymry iríspires with the speech of their sires, 

And throuçfh o-enerations unsuìlied 'twill stand : 
And when Time dies away, on the Last Judgment day 

In its accents will answer the folk of our land. 




Histcd. 



ln face />. i;?- 



SIR WILLIAM H. PREECE, K.C.B., F.R.S., 

A Vice-President of tlie Honourable Sociciy of üymmrodofion. 
Born /j February, 1834; died 6 November, jçij- 



£$c ($ppfícafíon of <£fecírtctí}> ío 

Çpracftcaf (Uaea : 

(# Tî7cf0Çman ŷ £onfrí6uftom 

[The late SIR WILLIAM H. PEEECE, K.C.B., F.E.S.] 



By LLEWELYN PEEECE, Mem, Inst, C.E. 



William Henrt Preece was born at Carnarvon on Feb- 
ruary loth, 1834. His parents were of Welsh descent, 
the father being the son of a schoolmaster at Cowbridge, 
Glamorgan, whilst the mother was of a Carnarvon family 
named Hughes. Eichard Matthias Preece, who had been 
several times Mayor of the Town of Carnarvon, left that 
town with his family in 1844 and came to London, so that 
his son obtained most of his education in the Metropolis. 
He entered King's College School in 1845 and completed 
his general education at the College. He in no way dis- 
tinguished himself at school or college, nor showed any 
particular propensity for a profession. At the time lie 
studied at King's College, it was proposed that he should 
join the Army. Fortunately, however, for many reasons, 
his father had serious financial losses at the beginning of 
1852, and it became apparent that his eldest son, William, 
must take up work which would give him an immediate 
income. 

E. M. Preece had made the acquaintance of Edwin and 
Latimer Clerk in earlier days when they were engaged in 
constructing the Menai Bridge. These two engineers 
were in 1852 both employed by the Electric Telegraph 
Company, one as chief engineer and the other as chief 



176 The Late Sir William H. Preece. 

assistant engineer, and the latter had lately becoine a son- 
in-law of E. M. Preece. Two other officers of this Com- 
pany, Frederick and Frank Webb, were then, or were 
shortly to become also sons-in-law, so that when R. M. 
Preece loolced about to find work for his son, William, it 
was only natural that the thoughts of both should turn to 
the Electric Telegraph Company. The young man had 
attended several of the lectures of the great Faraday at 
the Royal Institution and had thus imbibed some of the 
rudiments of the study of electricity. The result was that 
011 May 14th, 1853, W. H. Preece obtained an appoint- 
ment as assistant engineer in this Company. 

Very soon after he joined. Preece had the good fortune 
to be called in to assist Latimer Clerk in some special 
experiments carried out for the Astronomer Royal, 
Sir George Airey, which brought him into touch with 
that scientist, and these were followed by still more 
important experiments, in which Preece assisted Faraday 
and Latimer Clerlc, on the fìow of electric currents in 
underground wires. 

All the rest of his life Preece loolced back with pride 
to this occasion when he acted as Faraday's assistant, 
and revered him as his professional father. 

During his first year of work Preece took out his fìrst 
patent, which was for a means of working "duplex", 
that is of transmitting two electric messages in oppo- 
site directions simultaneously over one wire. This idea 
had originated in 1852 on the Continent, but it was 
not until some twenty years later that the method 
of working became practical. Preece's, like many 
others, failed in practice. For three years Preece held 
this staff appointment, and evidently spent his time 
obtaining a thorough grasp of electric telegraphy, both 
over land lines and through submarine cables. The only 



The Late Sir William H. Preece. 177 

record of his work, at this time, is contained in some 
excellent technical articles written by him for a publica- 
tion of the E.T.C. called Our Magazine, in which curiously 
enough his are the only articles of technical value, all the 
others being literary. 

From these articles alone one obtains a very clear idea 
of telegraph engineering in the " fifties ", the trouble en- 
gineers had to contend with, and the means they employed 
in overcoming them. These articles are truly historical. 

On February 9th, 1856, when just 22 years of age, 
Preece was appointed Superintendent of the Southern 
Division, having under his charge all land lines and 
telegraph oíîices from Kent to Cornwall and S. Wales. 
In 1858 he was appointed, in addition, Engineer to the 
Channel Islands Cable Company, a subsidiary company of 
the E.T.C., and in 1860, when the London and South 
Western Railway formed their own telegraph depart- 
ment, he was permitted to hold a third appointment as 
Telegraph Superintendent to this E-ailway Company. His 
headquarters were, during these years, at Southampton. 

For some time his administrative duties kept Preece 
very fully enrployed. In 1860, however, he found time to 
write his first paper for the Institution of Civil Engineers, 
which was on " Submarine Cables in Shallow Waters ". 
The basis of this paper was his experience with the 
Channel Islands Cable. This paper earned for him the 
Telford Gold Medal, presented by the Institution, and 
placed him in the front rank of submarine cable engineers. 

A somewhat instructive incident took place during the 
discussion on this paper. Preece in the course of his 
remarks mentioned that in his opinion it would, in the 
future, be necessary to study the ocean bottoms as care- 
fully and as closely as was already done with the land 
surfaces. This suggestion gave rise to jeers on the part 

N 



178 The Late Sir William H. Preece. 

of some of his audience, and one old man at the Council 
table got up and in angry tones told Preece that he was 
talking nonsense, that such an ideawas absolutely absurd ! 
Nevertheless Preece has been proved right. 

Shortly afterwards Preece gave evidence before a 
special joint committee, appointed by the Boarcl of Trade 
and the Cable Companies, sitting to consider the many 
causes of submarine cable failures, and this committee 
stated in its recommendation thatthe bottom of the oceans 
should be most carefully surveyed before cables were laid. 

In 1862, Preece, in conjunction with a Lieutenant 
Gilmore, took out a patent for an indicator to be used on 
board ship between the bridge and the wheelhouse for 
steering purposes. This was taken up by the Admiralty 
and amongst the first ships fítted was the Royal Yacht 
which brought the young Princess Alexandra to this 
country. As Preece travelled on the ship for this voyage 
he had the honour to be presented on this auspicious 
occasion. 

Soon after Preece took up the appointment of tele- 
graph superintendent to the L. & S. W. Railway, he had 
to turn his attention to an electric block signalling for use 
on that railway,it being desired to equip a section of the line 
at Exeter with such. Up to this time, though Cooke, who 
with Wheatstone introduced the electric telegraphin 1837, 
had in very early days pointed out the immense importance 
of the electric telegraph to train control 011 railways, the 
railway companies had been very slow indeed to take 
advantage of it, and, practically speaking, only the long 
tunnels in the country were, at this time, properly guarded. 
Preece set out then to invent a system which would not 
only render block working safe, but would be of such a 
simple character that it could be handled and understood by 
any signalman. For this purpose he made his switches mini- 



The Late Sir William H. Preece. 179 

ature signal levers, and liis indicators miniature signals. 
The men had only to pull over the lever and watch the 
the signal artn rise or fall. This system worked well, and 
was in use for some years. 

As his new system was successful, he promptly pre- 
pared a second paper for the Institution of Civil Engineers 
on " Railway Telegraphs " which was read at the begin- 
ning of 1863. The discussion lastedover several evenings, 
and the Author received from the Institution the Telford 
premium. 

Preece soon afterwards introduced an electric indicator 
to show to the signalman the position of signal arms — 
whether "on " or "off ", and a lamp indicator which 
indicated whether the lamp was burning properly. 

W. E. Langdon, in his book on " Electricity applied to 
Railway Worhing ", stated that " to Mr. W. H. Preece is 
due the credit of having done perhaps more to popularize 
block signalling than any other Engineer". 

Preece's next patent was for train intercommunication, 
that is, a system to enable passengers to ring a bell in the 
guard's van or on the locomotive. This was in 1864. 
Preece had married this year, and spent his honeymoon 
in Paris. Whilst there he made the acquaintance of the 
electric trembler bell — a French invention — and found that 
several hotels and houses were fitted up with this apparatus. 
It was this type of bell he used for his inter-com- 
munication system, placing a special type of contact 
maker in each compartment, covered by a thin glass plate, 
and an indicator outside to show from which compart- 
ment the bell had been rung. 

This sjstem was made the subject of a third paper at 
the Institution of Civil Engineers in 1866, for which 
Preece received the CounciPs premium. 

Also by articles, pamphlets, etc, Preece introduced 

n2 



180 The Late Sir William H. Preece. 

the idea of using electric bells for domestic purposes into 
this country, and as he could get no firm to undertake the 
installation, he, for a time, did this himself, the first 
house to be fitted being that of the late Sir James Trus- 
cott, late Lord Mayor of London. This took place in 
1865. 

During these years Preece was earning a great reputa- 
tion as a lecturer and was in constant demand, not only at 
Southampton, his headquarters, but at many towns in his 
district. He often spolce of an amusing, though trying, 
contretemps which took place at one of his Southampton 
lectures about this time. The lecture was on " The 
Electric Telegraph " and he had arranged for the Head 
Office in London to connect a Southampton line to a Paris 
line, and several messages passed to and fro, apparently 
between Southampton and Paris. Unfortunatelj' one 
man in the audience requested Preece to ask Paris 
the titne there. A repty came, but unfortunately it was 
forty minutes wrong. The man got up, denounced Preece 
as an impostor, and electric telegraphy as a swindle, 
then walked out shaking the dust off his shoes. Preece 
was terribly dismayed, and on making enquiries he found 
that the Paris wire was interrupted and the operator at 
London, not wishing to disappoint Preece and his 
audience, had personified Paris. When he was asked the 
time he knew that there was a difference of twenty 
minutes between London and Paris, but unfortunately 
put it on instead of taking it off ! 

In 1869, began perhapsthe greatestundertaldngPreeee 
ever had. For a few years there had been considerable agita- 
tion and volumes of talk regarding the desirability of the 
Government buying up all the electric telegraph com- 
panies. The Bill sanctioning this was passed in 1869, 
and Preece was set to work to re-organise the whole of 



The Late Sir William H. Preece. 181 

his large division for Government requirements. Itmeant 
a considerable increase in the number of land lines, and 
the equipment of a telegraph office in the post offices of 
every town under his superintendence. This work took 
two years and absorbed most of Preece's energies during 
that time, though he succeeded in producing two excel- 
lent reports for the Secretary of the G.P.O. on the educa- 
tion of operators, and on methods of the daily testing of 
electric lines. 

At the transfer, Preece was appointed superintending 
engineer of his old division, the Southern, and untiì 1874 
his headquarters remained at Southampton. Thisdivision 
was subdivided into four sectioiis, of which three of the 
superintendents in charge were the afterwards well-known 
telegraph engineers, Sir John Gavey, C.B., the late Sir 
James Sivewright, K.C.M.G., and the late Mr. W. E. 
Langdon. He had no sooner got this division into 
working order than his enthusiasm was rekindled by the 
advent of Mr. J. B. Stearns of America, and his successful 
duplex system, a method of telegraphy, to which Preece, 
as a budding engineer had turned his attention twenty 
years before. Stearns' system was gradually applied 
everywhere, and is still universally employed. Preece 
was not only instrumental in assisting in the application 
of this method to landlines, but also in applying it to 
submarine cables. 

In 1872, Preece had the honour of delivering a lecture 
on Electric Telegraphy at the newly-opened Albert Hall 
before the then Prince of Wales (afterwards King 
Edward), and the Duke of Edinburgh, on which occasion 
the Hall was connected with Persia and India, and real 
messages passed between these countries and the Hall. At 
the end of 1871, the Society of Telegraph Engineers was 
r ounded (now the Institution of Electrical Engineers) of 



182 The Late Sir William H. Pi'eece. 

which Preece was one of tlie founders, and at the end of 
1872 he was elected on the Council and remained an 
honoured member at the Council table until the end of 
his life. 

In 1874 Preece had the terrible misfortune to lose his 
wife, and shortly afterwards left Southampton and made 
London his headquarters. Three years later, in May 1877, 
Preece made his first trip to America, memorable for the 
fact that on his return he brought with him the fìrst 
practical telephone of Professor Graham Bell. He ex- 
hibited two of these instruments at the British Association 
meeting at Plymouth in August that year, on which 
occasion Graham Bell himself appeared. 

For the next f ew years Preece put in a great amount of 
work on the advancement of telephony. He was the first 
Engineer to insist on the use of metallic circuits for tele- 
phones in place of the earth return which was the practice 
in telegraphy. He was very early in the field in the use 
of copper wire in place of iron wire for telephony, and 
afterwards for telegraphy also, and he was the man to 
whom David Hughes first demonstrated his great inven- 
tion, the microphone, the apparatus to which the spread 
of telephony is mainly due. Another result of his visit to 
the States was the introduction into England of Edison's 
plionograph. Edison sent to Preece one of his earliest 
apparatus at the beginning of 1878. 

During this year Culley, the Engineer-in-Chief of the 
Post Office, retired. Edward Graves was appointed his 
successor, and Preece was appointed Electrician to the 
Post Office. 

In 1878 Preece first turned his attention to Electric 
Lighting. The great possibility of Arc Lighting for 
streets and large buildings was at that time being realised, 
and Preece was amongst the first to recognise this. In 



The Late Sir William H. Preece. 183 



o 



May, 1879, he again lectured in the Albert Hall before 
the same august personages, and this time on Electric 
Liffhting. In 1880, W. H. Preece was elected President 
of the Society of Telegraph Engineers, and this year saw 
the advent of the incandescent lamp, invented indepen- 
dently by J. W. Swa'n and by Edison. 

The decade from 1880 to 1890 was certainly the busiest 
time in Preece's life. He was still engaged in the 
improvement of high speed telegraphy on the lines insti- 
tuted by Charles Wheatstone. Wheatstone's instrument 
in 1870 was able to transmit messages at the rate of 40 to 
60 words per minute, but by 1887, thanlîs mainly to the 
energetic endeavours of Preece, this speed was increased 
to a maximum of 600 words per minute. The work 
Preece did also in the advancement of the telephone was 
sufficient to satisfy any ordinary man as a good life work. 
But even this did not content Preece. He not only worked 
just as hard at the advancement of Electric Lighting, but 
also in 1884 commenced the work for which he was best 
known by the public, namely, Wireless Telegraphy. He 
was also largely concerned in the innumerable Exhibitions 
for which this decade was noted. 

He was elected Fellow of the Eoyal Society in 1881. 

It is quite impossible to write a short lucid account of 
a.il the work done by W. H. Preece during this decade. 
It might be mentioned that he read no less than 170 
papers alone, before the various societies and institutions 
in this country, without mentioning other lectures and 
addresses. It will probably be better to limit oneself to 
an account of his wireless experiments, or as it was then 
called, " signalling across space without wires." 

The fìrst indication of the possibility of bridging space 
without a metallic conductor arose in Gray's Inn Eoad, in 
London, where there were soine telegraph wires running 



184 The Late Sir William H. Preece. 

underground and some telephone circuits overhead. It 
was reported to Preece in 1884 that the Morse signals 
passing through the telegraph wires were audible in tele- 
phones attached to the telephone wires, 80 ft. above the 
telegraph line. He immediately instituted experiments to 
discover to what a distance such signals could be heard, 
and whether this j)henomenon was due to induction or to 
leakage. Preece came to the conclusion that it was due 
to induction, though many scientists before and since 
strongly hold that it is really due to leakage. After some 
years of experimenting Preece found that he could bridge 
any reasonable distance, so long as the transmitting and 
receiving lines were parallel, and of more or less equal 
length, these lengths being somewhat more than that 
distance apart. 

The first actual working system of this character 
installed was in the British Channel between Lavernoch 
Point, South Wales, and the island of Flatholm, and it was 
a most curious coincidence that the first official message 
to pass was one communicating to Preece the death of 
E. Graves, the Engineer-in-Chief of the Post Office, and 
Preece's immediate predecessor, for Preece therefrom 
became the Engineer-in-Chief. This was in 1892. In 
March, 1896, Signor Marconi, the young Italian, 22 years 
of age, called on Preece at the G.P.O. and explained to 
him his new wireless telegraph invention. Preece was 
greatly interested, and placed at Marconi's seiwice the 
Post Office experimental staff. For the next twelve 
months or more Marconi and the Post Office engineers 
made many experiments in various parts of the country, 
and in June, 1897, Preece gave a lecture before the Eoyal 
Institution, in which he described Marconi's successes. 
Soon after this Marconi and the Post Office separated, 
and Preece was no longer concerned in Marconi's progress, 



The Late Sir William H. Preece. 185 

and though until the end of his life he continued to take 
the greatest interest in the advancement of wireless 
telegraphy, he was no longer practically engaged in that 
work. 

Preece became President of the Institution of Civil 
Engineers in 1898. He retired from his position as 
Engineer-in-Chief to the Post Office in 1899, receiving the 
honour of Knighthood of the Order of the Bath, and he 
became the Consulting Engineer for the following five 
years. In 1899 he, with Major Cardew, late Electrical 
Adviser to the Board of Trade, and his two elder sons 
formed the firm of Preece and Cardew, Consulting Elec- 
trical Engineers. Preece's unrivalled knowledge of 
telegraphy, telephony, wireless telegraphy, electric light- 
ing and power, was in constant demand. From 1884 Preece 
had acted as Consulting Engineer to many municipalities 
in connection with electric lighting plant. In 1903 Preece 
had his first serious illness, pneumonia. He recovered 
from this, but in 1908 had to undergo a severe operation, 
from which he never completely recovered. He went 
finally to his home near Carnarvon in May, 1912, after a 
trip to S. Africa, and gradually failing in strength he 
passed away peacefully on November 6th, 1913, within 
three months of his 80th birthday. 



1 86 Some Recent Welsh Literatìire and 



*èomt (Recenf TÛ7efeÇ Btíeraíute anò 
f#e Bímtfafíona of (Reaftatm 

By t. huws davies. 

Secretary to the Welsh Church Commission. 



The artist's calling- is a high ancl an honourable one. 
There are many lcinds of men who use that dangerous 
instrument, the pen, but of thein all the artist is the only 
one who has, as it were, been put on his honour in its use. 
All the others have been hedged round for their own and 
the public safety with all manner of restrictions and 
penalties. Over many of them, — the reporters, the critics 
of affairs, and the controversialists, for instance — hangs 
always the awful shadow of the law of libel ; in their case 
injustice, malice, any perversion of fact, — may at any 
moinent be visited with the dire penalties of the law. 
Others, — the scientist and the historian, — whose pro- 
fession it is to array facts and draw from them legitimate 
and well-justified conclusions, lcnow from experience that 
any disloyalty to truth, any contempt of dispassionate 
scientific accuracy, means professional suieide. The first 
conviction is always followed by the imposition of the 
maximum penalty — the penalty of outlawry from their 
clan and lcinsmen. 

But the artist is in an entirely different position : he is 
immune froin these disabling penalties, provided he be 
single-minded in the practice of his profession. A Shaw 
may (in peace times) pillory a British General, or a Gals- 
worthy may depict all the ugliness of a colliery owner, 



The Limitations of Realism. 187 

without fear, provided he makes it clear that his interest 
in the type is artistic aud not personal. The artist has 
the great privilege and the consequent great obligation of 
always being on his honour. He is only hampered by the 
inherent limitations of art. He is free to do what he 
wishes, but he must not degrade his calling or bring the 
name of his chosen goddess into disrepute. 

It is particularly important, in view of recent develop- 
ments in literary methods, to reassert and to emphasize 
this platitude at this moment. It seems as if, at last, 
we were reaching the noonday of realism in literature, 
and there are signs that some writers, posing as realists, 
are in danger of losing this sense of the honour of their 
profession, by ignoring the limitations which should be 
placed upon them by an adequate realisation of the dignity 
of art. 

Realism, in the truest sense, is but an extension to 
the field of literary creation of the application of the 
eighteenth century revivalist's dictum, " the world is my 
parish ". What George Russell (A.E.) said of the Irish 
bards is to some extent true of all the classicists and 
romanticists — they had " endeavoured to live in a palace 
of art, in chambers hung with embroidered cloths and 
made dim with pale lights and Druid twilights, and the 
melodies they sought for were half soundless ". The 
realist, however, is in revolt against this limitation of the 
subject matter upon which he is to work, as well as 
against the consequent limitation in the method of treat- 
ment which it implies. " Nihil humanum a me alienum 
puto " is the cry of the realists. They would like, as 
Professor Gilbert Murrry said of some of them, " to 
make no difference between good and bad, but to welcome 
every experience that will lead to knowledge or even cause 
a thrill Their faith is that anything truly felt 



1 88 Some Recent Welsh Literature and 

and expressed has a ldnd of absolute and indestructible 
value ". This is the creed for instance, of the great 
Russian realists, Dostoievsky, Gorki, Tchekov, and others, 
the rnasters of tbe craft in our generation, who have 
justified themselves in their revolt by demonstrating that 
the artist, even when he flings himself into the midst of 
the ugliness of life, need not lose any of his divinity. 
They have cast from themselves all the old traditions and 
conventions of their craft ; cloistered, precious, well- 
selected beauty is no concern of theirs ; they often dwell 
in horrible detail on the degradation and the ugliness of 
human life ; they have made the pettiness, the meanness 
and the dishouesty which they find so universal in human 
relations cry to heaven for sudden vengeance ; they have 
covered their pages with terrible revelations of the depths 
into whicb men and women have fallen — but they have 
never committed the crime of suggesting that the subject 
was beneath them. They have never worked at their 
ugly task for their own amusement or for the amusement 
of their readers — they are driven by a vision in it all. 
The least thing that concerns that strange animal Man — 
always a mixta persona, some beast and some God — is of 
infinite import to them. When they roar their curses 
against the individual, or cast a bright light on his disease 
and his filth, they are really singing a great hytnn of 
devotion to Man in the abstract ; they are saying what 
Dostoievsky in "Crime and Punishment " made Raskolni- 
koff say to Sonia "I do not bow to to you personally, 
but to suffering humanity in your person ". 

The most abandoned realist of them all is Anton 
Tchekov, "the murderer of human hopes", and even he 
can always plead that he has never sacrificed his honour 
as an artist. A great Russian critic, Leon Shestov, said 
of him that the description which Tchekov gives of one 



The Limitations of Reaiism. 189 

of his heroes applies to them all : " A man cannot 
reconcile himself to the accomplished fact ; neither can 
he refuse so to reconcile himself ; and there is no third 
course. Under such conditions action is impossible. He 
can only fall and weep and "beat his head against the 
floor ". It is a pitiable position enough, but Tchekov's 
men even in that position are all men. It can be said 
of all the Russian realists that they have honestly ob- 
served the inherent conditions of their art, — it is charac- 
terized by an unbending devotion to strict truth ; it is 
animated by a high purpose ; it is throughout illuminated 
by a wonderful chaiúty; it is the vehicle of devotion, and 
as such sacred and holy. Realism is only justified if it 
bears these marks. 

This is true of the masters — from whose work we can 
derive some standards of measurement for those who 
follow them. What of the appreutices ? The question is 
of peculiar interest to Celts and especially to Welshmen at 
the present moment, for the gale of realism has begun to 
blow over our lands too with very considerable force. 

During the last generation or two " the Celtic Fringe" 
has shown signs of great literary vitality and activity, and 
it is interesting to note in passing that during this 
recent period the different Celtic groups have passed 
through very similar phases. Scotland at the end of the 
nineteenth century possessed its idyllic Kailyard school of 
novelists, but within a generation it had, probably in the 
way of a reaction, produced George Douglas, with his 
House with the Green Shutters — one of the most terribly 
realistic works in recent fiction. 

A generation ago, Ireland was in the throes of a great 
literary renascence, whose main characteristic was a kind 
of sentimental eclecticism in prose, in poetry, and in 
drama. W. B. Yeats had imposed his dictatorial will on 



iço Some Recent Wclsh Literaturc and 

all, but within a few years something in the nature of a 
revolution had occurred. Yeats was dethroned, and a 
conscious realist in the person of J. M. Synge had taken 
his place. In his drama particularly, but also in his prose 
and poetry, Synge attempted to get at the elemental forces 
in the lives of the people round him, and to depict them in 
their true reality with a fine sense of their terror and 
strength. He even turned to the common people for the 
vocabulary of his art. One remembers with what pride 
he asserted in his preface to the Play Boy of the Western 
World that there were but one or two words in the whole 
play which he had not heard among the country people of 
Ireland. His literary f aitli as set forth in that remarlcable 
preface may perhaps be quoted : — 

" All art is a collaboration ; and there is little doubt 
that, in the happy ages of literature, strihing and beautiful 
phrases were as ready to the story-teller's or the playwright's 
hand as the rich cloaks and dresses of his time. It is prob- 
able that when the Elizabethau dramatist took his ink-horn 
and sat down to his work he used many phrases that he had 
just heard, as he sat at dinner, from his mother or his 
children. In Ireland those of us who know the people have 
the same privilege. When I was writing The Shadoic of the 
Crlen some years ago, I got more aid than any learning could 
have given me from a chink in the floor of the old Wichlow 
house where I was staying, that let me hear what was being 
said by the servant girls in the kitchen. This matter, I 
think, is of importance, for in countries where the imagina- 
tion of the people, and the language they use, is rich and 
living, it is possible for a writer to be rich and copious in his 
words, and at the same time to give the reality, which is the 
root of all poetry, in a comprehensive and natural form." 

The realist in matter and in form had arrived, and 
later Irish literature proves that he was not some " isolated 
accident " in the story. 

Something of the same nature has happened in 
Wales. During the last fifteen or twenty years, the 



The Limitations of Realism. 191 

literary activities of the country have undergone a com- 
plete transformation, — although the full manifestation of 
the change has been arrested to some extent by the War. 
It is immaterial what particular form of literary creation 
we choose to select, the change is obvious. If we take 
Welsh poetry, and compare the work of the middle of the 
nineteenth century with that of the beginning of the 
twentieth, we fìnd that the whole world of the poet has 
changed. The old poetry was the poetry of the compensa- 
tions of life, and in it life's bitterness and cruelty were at 
their strongest not much more than a distant echo. The 
new poetry, whatever may be its faults and its weaknesses, 
is concerned with the law and life of the visible world, and 
its songs quiver witli suffering and sorrow. When the older 
poet sang of love, he sang of an idyllic, balanced emotion, 
with but little of the elemental force of nature in it, but 
the new poet tells a stranger story — he sings of theterrors 
of love, of the tempest in the blood, of the laying waste of 
lives and the deliberate choice of hell for heaven. Ceiriog 
was one of the master love-singers of Wales, but he never 
sang of hungry passion with its mantle in tatters from its 
own violence. According to the conventions of his period, 
it was too rude and cataclysmic a theme for poetry. 
When the older poets sang of the life of the Welsh 
peasantry, they generally pictured it as poor and simple, 
but contented, drawing its comforts frorn the things of 
another world. The peasant had a warm hearth, a true 
love, a good and a forgiving God. The new poet finds the 
hearth cold and comfortless ; the life racked by suffering 
and disease, the love often mean and insecure, the God 
frequently deaf, the whole existence one long process of 
victimisation and injustice, and he sings the song of pro- 
test and revolt. He has lef t the " dewy and silent places 
among hazel trees by still waters ", and is found among 



192 Some Recent Welsh Literature ancl 

the crowds covered with the grinie and clay of everyday 
life. He has become a realist. 

We have written first of the appearance of realism in 
Welsh poetry because the pure literature of Wales is mainly 
poetic, — other forms have been by no means abundant in 
their growth. Wales has not been particularly fruitful in 
fiction, and indeed the novel and the short story are 
relatively quite modern products. Our country has pro- 
duced up to the present one great novelist — Daniel Owen, 
a master in the delineation of character, an irrepressible 
humourist, often a profound and discerning critic, inti- 
mately acquainted with the life of the people, because he 
was one of them and lived their life, knowing their weak- 
ness and their strength, and moved in all he did by 
an overwhelming love of them. But Daniel Owen was 
utterly unaffected by any realism. It is true that he 
described many of the painful sides of Welsh life of which 
the pompous, overbearing squire, the mean and cringing 
parasite on the great, the hypocritical professorof religion, 
the vain empty-headed intellectual fraud are symbols, but 
he never chose any of these weaknesses as a main 
motive. His atmosphere is throughout idyllic; he be- 
longs both by inclination and by definite volition to the 
" Kailyard ' : novelists. In the main, Welsh life was to 
him idyllic. It was never part of his task to show the 
overpowering catastrophic forces at w r ork in the life of 
every village and country-side, and the terrible devastation 
so often produced by them, though so often concealed from 
the eye of most observers. The bitter and eternal con- 
flict between hell and heaven for the souls of men 
and women, with its ever changing fortunes and its 
awful uncertainty, finds little place in his novels. He 
lived " au dessus de la mêlée;" his air was free of the 
growls and groans of earth in passion and labour, and 



The Limitations of Realis?n. 193 

his hands and grarments were clean of the soil and blood 
of battle. 

No other novelist of equal g-ifts arose after him, either 
to inherit his idyllic tradition or create a new one, and for 
the tiine being Welsh fiction was non-existent. During 
recent years, however, an allied form seemed on the point 
of achieving considerable popularity in the vernacular 
literature, — we refer to the short story. Most of the pro- 
ductions in that particular literary form (as was to be 
expected) were directly under the influence of the "Daniel 
Owen tradition — such, for instance, as the Rev. Dewi 
Williams' little masterpieces, of which a small collection 
has been published by the author under the title of Clawdd 
Terfyn. There were others, however, touched with a 
strano-e and alien manner more akin to the work of the 
great European realists, to the Eussians, to Guy de 
Maupassant, to Thomas Hardy, than to anything in 
Welsh literature. One recollects two instances of re- 
markable power which appeared in the issues of the 
Beirniad for June 1911 and the Autumn of 1913 respec- 
tively, entitled "Aml Gnoc " and " De Mortuis ", both 
from the pen of Mr. W. J. Gruffydd. In the former, he 
described the mysterious working of physical pain, mental 
torture, and a forced intimacy with Death, that King of 
Terrors against whom nothing can prevail, on the soul of 
a hardened Pharisee, who had stitled all the emotions of 
his nature. In the other, he shows the terrible possibilities 
of coarse tragedy in an ordinary love affair in an ordinary 
Welsh village, and both stories are in the true realist 
style. The tendency was still more marked in that small 
crop of dramas which were published in the three or four 
years immediately before the war, of which " Beddau'r 
Proffwydi ", and " Ble ma Fe " are good examples, and it 
is still perceptible in the literature of the war period, as 



194 Some Recent Welsh Literaturc and 

can be seen in a delightful little slcetch by Mr. Llewelyn 
Williams in the Beiruiad for this year — which is a per- 
fect example of how, fancy and realism can be judiciously 
combined. 

Eealism, however, is as yet not very much more than a 
tendency in pure Welsh literature — it has not become its 
main method. All our poets and writers still retain 
some measure either of the classicism which was its main 
characteristic in the early part of the nineteenth century, 
or of romanticism — its later inspiration. They still 
worship the old legends and traditions, they still love the 
glory of high colours and the grace of rhythmic cadences ; 
nature with its magic beauties still haunts them every- 
where ; even when the force of circumstances and con- 
viction drives them to use the new instrument of realism, 
they use it with great reserve and economy, as men 
lcnowing its dangers and fearing them, and, indeed, this is 
their justification. Extravagance in realism is as inde- 
fensible as extravagance in the use of the surgeon's loiife. 
The use of the realistic method by the artist is only 
justified when he is able to make it clear that, in spite of 
the proximity of the actual, the vision of the ideal has not 
been obscured for him. When he describes ugliness, he 
must convince his world that he loves beauty and is able 
to comprehend it. And it is no excess to say that such 
realists as there are in Welsh literature have so far been 
able to do this. Eecently, however, we have witnessed an 
amazing deyelopment in English literature whose subject 
matter is Wales and its life. Two remarhable collections 
of short stories or sketches from the pen of a Welshman 
have been issued in English, purporting— as the title of 
the first volume (My People), and the general advertise- 
ments of both volumes, indicate — to be realistic studies of 
the life of the peasantry of West Wales, and they have 



The Limitations of Realism. 195 

been hailecl by reviewers and readers both as works of 

exceptional genius and power, securing for the author a 

place among- the great literary artists of our daj, and also 

as social documents of great value and interest. 

Such a first judgment of these studies is not greatly 

to be wondered at, for we are all interested in 

accounts of peoples whose lives, manners, and customs 

are strange and abnormal. There is always a market for 

books about people who are not " like us ", whether they 

inhabit the slums of our great cities, the wildnesses of the 

lands of the Celtic fringe, the Russian prisons and dram- 

shops, or the Indian hills. The Play-Boy of the Western 

World, Creatures that once were Men, Plain Tales from the 

Hills, No. 5 John Street, Limehouse Nights — are instances 

of books which have appealed to many people, not so 

much because of their intrinsic literary worth, but because 

they have given them the thrill of realizing that their 

world is still peopled by strange creatures unlike them- 

selves. It is a satisfying, as well as an exciting experience 

to realize that close to our respectable and well-organized 

habitations there are wild and primitive beings living a 

fierce life of their own. The nearer these strange peoples 

dwell and the more barbaric their existence, the better 

subjects will they make for the kind of literature that 

appeals to this class of reader. Up to the present no one 

seemed to have realized that Wales was a ground which 

might with ingenuity be made to offer considerable 

possibilites in this direction. In the past Wales has not 

produced any real literature of its own life in English — 

chiefly because it was intent on producing what it could 

in its own language. It is true that some attempts have 

been made to reproduce the life of the country in English 

fiction— Rhys Lewis was translated, Theodore Watts 

Dunton wrote Aylwin, Ernest Rhŷs, Owen Rhoscomyl, 

o2 



196 Some Recent Welsh Literatnre and 

Miss Gwendolen Pryce, Miss Bowen Rowlands, John 
Thomas, Alfred Thomas, Miss Dillwyn, John Finnemore, 
and others, varying greatly among themselves in power 
and achievement, wrote English novels and stories 
dealing with Wales, Welsh history and Welsh life, 
but not one of them produced any work of first rate power 
and distinctiveness. In the days before the harsh and 
raucous voice of the realist was heard in the land, Wales 
produced no one who told for alien ears the story of the 
sweetnesses, of the heroisms and the charities of its life, 
so as to captivate and charm the listeners, who were 
always ready to be fascinated. The first story-teller to 
be hailed by his public as something more than an 
amateur at his craft brought with him tales of sordid- 
ness and filth — and he found the listeners waiting. This, 
in itself, makes any real criticism of such work as My 
People and Capel Sion highly difficult in so far as they 
claim to be social documents, as we have 110 other records 
of the life understandable by people of another tongue to 
which to make our appeal. When a critic disputes, as he 
has a perfect right to do, the truth of these books as true 
representations of life, he must do it from the books 
themselves and from universally accepted facts and 
principles, but not from other related sources, as these, as 
far as the English reading public is concerned, do not 
exist. 

The task, however, is not impossible in spite of all the 
disabilities. It will, we believe, be universally conceded 
that the realist fails both as an artist and as a social recorder 
if he finds nothing in human life but ugliness and depravity. 
If he sees nothing but these evil and ungainly things he 
stands condemned by the consensus of human experiences 
on one of two grounds. It may be that he lacks spiritual 
sight, for no man lives on earth who, not being blind, 



The Limitatioiis of Realism. 197 

does not know that his fellow men have all some good in 
their hearts, are possessed of some longing for holiness, 
some love of beauty (of which they are often almost afraid 
to whisper to their companions), some marvellous possi- 
bilities of heroism and sacrifice. 

He who sees at all must see these things — but he who 
lacks sight is by the very absence of that sense, ruled out 
from the communion of artists and truthtellers. All the 
senses — even an abnormally developed sense of smell 
which is often an endowment of the blind — can never 
make up for the gift of sight. It may be, however, that 
our theoretical realist is not deficient in any particular 
sense, but that in his exclusive dwelling on the " deformi- 
ties of human existence " . he is f or some purpose of his 
own, from hatred or for propaganda or profit for instance, 
consciously and intentionally rejecting life's balance and 
grace, but even then he again stands condemned as an artist 
and social witness. As an artist he is guilty of the very 
misdemeanour in art against which he is supposed to be 
in revolt — that of rejecting a part of life as being not 
worthy of treatment, of deliberately making an arbitrary 
difference between good and evil ; while as a social witness 
he is guilty of the meanest of the perjuries — the sup- 
pression of truth which would favour the condemned. 

This general charge is our first count against the later 
manifestations of realism in the literature of the life of 
the Welsh peasantry ; they omit all but its ugliness. The 
author is either blind by nature to all the other features 
of that life, or he has deprived himself of his sight, which 
is worse. 

In the two volumes (My People and Capel Sion, by 
Caradoc Evans) with which for the moment we are 
priniarily concerned there are in all some thirty short 
stories or sketches, and it is not too much to say that not 



198 Some Rccent Welsh Literature aud 

in one of them can there be found any real record of the 
uniyersal sof tening and cleansing influences of human life, 
even among the lowest barbarians. 

There exists no community of men and women 011 the 
face of the earth which does not know something of these 
forces, of the ennobling influence of little children with 
their innocence and simple dependence, of the arresting of 
personal selfishness by that strange devotion of man to 
man called friendship, of the power öf the love of man for 
woman in idealising the things of the earthly body and 
the common affairs of life, of the capacity for sacrifice in 
the parent and for loyalty in the child, of the mysterious 
longing for communion with the Unknown, which (even 
among savages) always finds expression in words of dignity 
and beauty. 

But in these sketches we have nothing but a record of 
an inhabited territory where apparently there is more con- 
centrated devilry to the square mile than the world has 
ever known before, and where none of these mj'sterious 
but universally distributed forces are ever in play. 

It would be difficult without a definite mathematical 
effort to say how many births the stories would lead one to 
expect, but there are no children anywhere in these 
Stories of the Peasantry of West Wales, and, as far as they 
are concerned, it would not be difiicult to believe that 
these peasants are in the habit of putting all but the 
unhealthiest of them to death at birth. Their mischief, 
their laughter, their simple joj 7 s and sorrows never move 
any heart or bring anxiety or hope into any home within 
the covers of these two volumes. 

One will seek in vain for any friendship here — there 
are protestations of it in abundance but always with some 
selfish end in view, and the ruling passion of the tribe is 
for an opportunity t<> play again the drama of Cain and 



Tke Liìmtations of Realism. 199 

Abel. There is 110 love here, not even healthy desire. 
Apart from one story, " Greater than Love ", which 
recorcls a crime peculiarly rare in Wales, as cold judicial 
statisties would prove, it would be difficult to find any 
instance in the books of two people who might be ex- 
pected to mate decently. 

There is no love of clan or kindred which does not find 
expression in meanness and cruelty, and 110 longing for 
God and his works except among one or two madmen. 
A mere citation of these omissions entitles us to say 
that the creations of this writer are in defiance of the 
whole of human lmowledge and experience, ineluding that 
of the author if he be normal. ' How different it all is 
from the work of the master realists, some of whose 
names we have given. One is tempted to compare it with 
one of the most terrible realist sketches in the whole of 
European literature, Creatures that once were Men (also 
published in English under the title of The Outcasts), by 
Maxim Gorki, whom one suspects Mr. Caradoc Evans of 
imitating. That story is a tale of pure squalor, but in 
spite of that it is full of the eternal human charities. 
Old Captain Kouvalda, the doss-house keeper, who 
although always helping to draw his lodgers with him 
deeper and deeper into the slough of drunkenness and 
misery, yet never failed to help them at their need if it 
was in his power to do so, the drunken old schoolmaster, 
who only spent half his earnings 011 drink and the other 
on the poor staiwing little children of the slums, are 
monuments amidst the dreariness and the fìlth to the 
divinity of man. A short description of the old school- 
master transforms the detailed descriptions of human 
weakness, selfishness and hypocrisy and makes them bear- 
able and purposeful. 

" Sometimes the schoolmaster would gather the childreri 



200 Some Recent Welsh Literature and 

round him, buy a quantity of bread, eggs, apples, nuts and 
go with them into the fìelds towards the river. There they 
would greedily eat up all he had to offer them filling the air 
around with merry noise and laughter. The lank, thin 
figure of the drunhard seemed to shrivel up and grow small 
like the little ones around him, who treated him with com- 
plete familiarity as if he were one of their own age. They 
called him " Philippe ", not adding even the title of 
" Uncle ". They iumped around him like eels, they pushed 
him, got on his back, slapped his bald heacì, and pulled his 
nose. He probably liked it, for he never protested against 
these liberties being taken. He spoke very little to them, 
and his words were humble and timid, as if he were afraid 
that his voice might soil or hurt them. He spent many 
hours with them, sometimes as play thing, and at other 
times as play mate. He used to look into their bright faces 
with sad eyes, and would then slowly and thoughtfully slink 
off into Vaviloff's vodka shop where he would drink till he 
lost consciousness." 

That justifies all the ruthless analysis of character and 
the cruel records of the actualities of life, because in the 
flash of a searchlight it also reveals its glories, and had 
Mr. Caradoc Evans enshrined in his two volumes five 
hundred lines of the same character he would have been 
able, without fear of conviction, to plead not guilty to the 
charge of blindness either natural or self inflicted. 

But the indictment does not end with the general 
charge. We have still to point out that either from 
ignorance or incompetence the distinctive features of the 
life described, the features which make it unique and 
recognisable, are all missing or distorted. We need only 
give two instances. Every person who tnows Wales 
knows also that, in the Eisteddfod, it possesses and 
cherishes one of the most wonderful democratic cultural 
institutions in the world to-day, which inspires the 
common people to effort in all the arts, — in music, 
in poetry, in prose, and in craft. The institution is 
mentioned, as far as I can remember, once in the two 



The Limitations of Realism. 201 

volumes and then as the occasion of (if not the incitement 
to) immorality. The practice of anyone of the arts may 
be subversive of the code of morals declared in the deca- 
logue, but surely when the life of a peasantry who, amidst 
all the varying ebbs and tides of social and political for- 
tune have kept alive the fire of inspiration is described, it 
merits some more generous treatment than this. 

Again, whatever may be the sins and weaknesses of 
the peasantry of Wales, and of West Wales in particular, 
no one can deny that their religious development has given 
them a lmowledge of theological and religious termino- 
logy not to be equalled anywhere in the world. As 
Paxton Hood' said : — 

" Religion was the'one topic upon which you might talk 
intelligently anywhere in Wales: with the pitman in the 
coal mine, with the iron smelter at the forge, with the farmer 
by his ingleside, with the labourer in his mountain shieling ; 
and not merely on the first more elementary lessons of the 
catechism, but on the great bearings and infinite relations of 
religious things. Jonathan Edwarrìs, and Williams of Rother- 
ham, and Owen, and Bunyan and FIavel, these men and 
their works, and a few others like them, were well known 

thus you might often feel surprised when, 

sitting down in some lowly cottage, you found yourself 
suddenly caught and carried along by its owner in a coil of 
metaphysical argument ". 

We do not say it with any pride (for we know its 
inherent weaknesses) but it is true that there is less of the 
anthropomorpliism of religion among the peasantry of 
Wales than among any other people in the world living 
such a simple uncultivated life ; but in these sketches the 
whole religious atmosphere is made ghastly with the most 
materialist anthropomorphism. The very county which 
is the scene of these sketches has produced some of the 

1 Christmas Evans, the Preacher of Wild Wales (p. 7), by Paxton 
Hood. Hodder & Stoughton. 



202 Some Recent Welsh Literature and 

most wonderful preachers our generations have known — 
Daniel Rowlands, Christmas Evans, Ebenezer Morris, 
Thomas and Ebenezer Richards — some of whom were 
brought up within a few miles of the actual spot where 
the horrible Bern Daf jdd's sermon on " The Word " 
(Capel Sion, pp. 17-28) is supposed to have been delivered. 
One is almost tempted to think that this sermon is a 
conscious distortion of some of Christmas Evans' wonder- 
ful deliverances. 

Whatever else may be said in the defence of these 
stories, they are not of the life of the Welsh peasantry — 
they are stories of the diseased minds and the deformed 
souls which are cast among all the congregations of men 
and women, and of whom generally the world speaks only 
in whispers and with tears. 

There has recently been published in English a similar 
collection of sketches of the life of China-town, by 
Mr. Thomas Burke, under the title of Limehouse Niç/hts, 
characterized also by the same ruthless realism, but at the 
same time by an overwhelming sympathy and charity. In 
the most terrible of them all, " The Paw ", which is full 
of maniacal cruelty and torture, one is always conscious 
of an enormous passion looming over all its horrors : 

" Tlie Greaser loved his wife with the miserable, fuiious 
passion of a \veak thing. He Ioved lier to life and death as 
such men do when they rise to it at all". 

and given the character of the Greaser, combined with 
this passion and his "narcotised sensibilities", one under- 
stands how the terrible blow that fell upon him led to all 
the horror. The story is as much a defence as it is a con- 
demnation. In others, such as " Gina of the China Town ", 
we fînd pictures almost idyllic in their nature, only just 
hardened here and there in their outlines by a touch of 
pure realism. The book shows how this kind of work can 



The Limitations of Realism. 203 

and should be clone — for in it, the author (whether he has 
been just to China Town or not) has at any rate observed 
the inherent limitations and conditions of his method. 

As we have already suggested, a new literary method 
often necessarily entails a new literary form, and it is 
hardly to be wondered at that so many of our realists have 
been forced to discover or to create for themselves a new 
language. Words, after all, areonly tokens, and they 
become worn in use, and the images graven upon them 
indistinct, so that ultimately they do more to confuse the 
artist than to assist him. Mr. Grwynn Jones, for instance, 
in his realist poem Pro Patria — like his confrère, John 
Maseíield, 1 in England — had to seek for a new poetic 
diction as the vehicle of his new ideas. This, we believe, 
has been the first task of the realist everywhere. 
Evidently Mr. Caradoc Evans was faced with the same 
problem — and it must be admitted that he has found an 
effective and adequate solution. 

He knew that his work was to portray the coarseness 
of life, and he has created a coarse vocabulary and an 
uncouth idiom to convey his ideas. His method is simple 
in principle but somewhat complex in execution. He has 
generally (though not always) adopted the form of a 
Welsh sentence and translated it iíito English, maintain- 
ing partially the order of the original but almost invariably 
choosing the ugliest and coarsest English equivalent. His 
language is powerful, and it perf ectly expresses his attitude 
and his ideas — but it bears no basic relation to the 
original Welsh, as one or two instances will demonstrate. 

The famous Welsh hymn 

" Yn y dyfroedd mawr a'r tonnau 
Nid oes neb a ddeil fy mhen, 
Ond fy anwyl briod Iesu 
A fu farw ar y pren ", 

1 Cp., The Everlastùi(/ Mercy, The Widow in the Bye Street, &c. 



204 Some Recent Welsh Literature and 

is translated in the story, entitled, " Three Men from 
Horeb " {Capel Sion), as follows : — 

" In the big floods and swells there is none to hold my 
head but my beloved hnsband, Jesus, who died upon the 
Wood". 

No one can blame the author for his version, for 
he has the right to use the words, which are in tune with 
his work ; but his version is not a translation of the 
original Welsh, and it is obvious that there has been an 
intentional choice of hard, ugly words. 

All the prolonged conversations are so utterly unreal 
to anyone acquainted with the country described, and so 
full of ugly words hardly ever heard in any part 
of Wales, that it would be useless to give the original 
Welsh, the author's translation together with a parallel 
one, but certain typical phrases can be chosen. A com- 
mon phrase used for God in this part of Cardiganshire is 
" Y Bôd Mawr " (not " Y Gwr Mawr " which is the term 
used for the squire), and the literal translation of it would 
be " The Great Being ". In these stetches it is rendered 
" The big man ", " The great man " (Y dyn mawr), 
" Great male " (Y gwrryw mawr). 

The common Cardiganshire form " Gwedwch " (dy- 
wedwch) is rendered " mouth " (cegwch) or " voice " 
(lleisiwch) at will, and merely to give the Welsh equivalent 
of the author's form is to demonstrate its absurdity. 
" Gynau gwynion ", is generally given as " white shirts ", 
which in Cardiganshire would be "crysau gwynion ". 
The exact rendering is beautiful and dignified, "white 
robes ". Phrases like "Move your tongue now ", " Clap 
your old lips ", " What iobish do you spout ", " Back you 
hie, you brazen slut ", abound in the books, and merely 
to attempt to translate them would be sufficient to shew 
how un-Welsh they are. 

But the author's langnagc is no concern of ours in this 
note, except in so far as it might be taken by those 



Thc Limitations of Rcalism. 205 

unacquainted with the origitial to be the exact equivalent 
of the Welsh. He has createcl an expressive and powerful 
form which admirably suits his purpose. 

We have dwelt at such length on these two volumes 
not so much on account of their intrinsic importance, but 
because they are a sign of the times and also because 
their success may tempt others to follow along the same 
paths and disregard utterly the inherent laws of literary 
art. It may be, of course, that present events will 
create a great revulsion against the realistic and the 
actualistic methods in literature, and that Europe will 
see a great return to romance again, but it is just 
as likely that an intimate acquaintance of a generation 
with the ghastly realities and possibilities of life will 
make it all the more impatient with the accepted forms, 
methods, and traditions of the past. Indeed we are in- 
clined to think that the remnant of the coming generation 
will not be willing " to pass by life, to suppress the deep 
and dark passions of the soul, and to lull by some lying 
and narcotic phrase the urgent questions of the mind ". 
If that be so, — the coming age will be above all the 
age of the realist — but, it is worth remembering, he 
will only be sovereign at will, — so long as he can con- 
vince his age that his passion is for truth, that he is 
inspired by high ideals, that life to him is indeed " the 
sum of all human potentialities ", that he sees it as a 
whole, and that he is able to find a place for all its forces 
" in a pattern in which none should be distorted ", for 
these are the conditions of the existence of the realist. 



2o6 A National War Museum anci a 

% (Haftonaf TDat (Hluseum <xnò a 
Çpufiftc %uoxò Üfftce for lùafte* 

By HUBEET HALL, F.S.A., 

Assistant Keeper of the Public JRecords ; Secretary to the Royal 
Commission on Public Records. 



It has been suggested that I might, with advantage to 
fellow students, state my views on the subject of the above 
institutions, both of which are generally believed to be 
" on order " for the Welsh nation. 

There was a time, not so long past, when Welsh states- 
men and scholars were discussing the best means of 
establishing a National Library and a National Museum 
for Wales. The accomplishment of these earlier ambitions 
may well encourage the belief thatanother "big push" will 
put Welshmen in possession of a National War Museum as 
well as a Public Record Office ; for both these institutions 
are intimately concerned with tlie war itself. The daily 
history of the war can best be visualised from the exhibits 
that form the main feature of a War Museum, while the 
problems connected with its responsibilities can only be 
seriously studied from the original records that will be 
preserved in the national archives. In short the records 
will form the text of the History of the War, and the 
contents of the Museum will serve as illustrations to this 
text. 

But there is another reason why the establishment of 
these institutions should be regarded as a matter of 
national importance. We have been reminded, more than 



Public Record Office for Wales. 207 

once, in recent years tliat the study of archives and other 
documentary sources of Modern History has been sadly 
neglected in this country. It is true that we have not 
taken this reproof to heart, and that we have made no 
special effort to mend our ways ; but, here and tliere, we 
find scholars who resent the reproach of being outside the 
pale of European culture in this matter of the archives. 
Moreover we know that no excuse for this neglect is 
furnished by the vicissitudes of the State. Our public 
records were compiled and preserved under the same con- 
ditions as those which obtained abroad, and they have 
escaped the havoc that has been wrought in foreign 
archives by hostile invasion and civil war. The neglect 
that they have experienced, and the losses that they have 
consequently suffered, are due to the fact that their value 
as a national treasure has not been realized as it has been 
by Continental nations. 

One cause of this foreign enlightenment has been 
frequently noted. The French Revolution brought about 
a remarkable change in the treatment of State documents. 
Instead of burning old records, like the insurgent peasantry 
of the Middle Ages, one of the first acts of the Republic was 
to nationalize them. There was no more ominous act in 
the early days of the Russian Revolution than the wanton 
destruction of archives. There is no more hopeful symptom, 
to-day, than the appointment of a body of experts' for the 
reorganisation of the ancient imperial archives. 

With the restoration of the French monarchy, in 1814, 
the archives had become a national institution which no 
government dared to despise or neglect, and the care of 
archives was taught and practised as a State service. 
As Franlcish scholars had reformed the official hand- 
writing of Western Europe in the ninth century, so the 

1 Uncìer thc presidency of Professor Lappo-Dani]e\vsky. 



2o8 A National War Museum and a 

" Science ' : ' or " Economy " o£ the French archives was 
adopted by most of the European nations a thousand years 
later. In England, on the other hand, the public records 
have not been dealt with on these lines. Official docu- 
ments which, in theory, are the property of the Crown 
have continued to be vested in their custodians, who have 
received no recognized training as archivists and who 
often have no hnowledge of the nature or value of the 
records in their charge. This state of things is possibty 
due to the conservative distrust of the French Revolution 
which influenced English statecraft for more than one 
generation. Six hundred years earlier Matthew Paris 
petulantly assured his countrymen that England had no 
use for paj)al and imperial notaries, and following this 
insular tradition, we have held ourselves aloof from the 
methods of French scholars, to whose learning and 
patriotism the admirable system of the Continental 
archives is due. 1 

With this foreign archive system the cult of Libraries 
and Museums is closely associated ; it is not surprising, 
therefore, that from the beginning of the war, collections 
were made by foreign governments to illustrate its pro- 
gress. But now, in the third year of the war, a proposal 
for a National War Museum has begun to engage the 
attention of our own Government, and the event is really 
one of great interest and importance. To a mere onlooher 
it would seem as though this war will bring to pass the 
dream of our historians that has waited for its fulfilment 
during the whole of the smug Victorian era. 2 

It is well known that the question of a National War 
Museum is under consideration by a departmental Com- 

1 Langlois and Stein, "Archives de l'Histoire de France ", p. xiii : 
Quarterly lleriew, Jan., 1910, pp. 42-47. 

2 Edinburyh Reriew, Oct., 1914, pp. 375-6. 



Public Record Offìce for Wales. 209 

mittee appointed by the First Commissioner of His 
Majesty's Works, to whose patriotic and enlightened enter- 
prise the credit for the whole scheme mainly belongs. It is 
also lcnown that the interests of Science, Archseolog) r , 
History and Literature are represented by a sub-committee 
of experts. Under these circumstances it would be improper 
to make any conjecture as to the nature of the scheme 
that the Committee has in hand. It can, however, be 
inferred from the announcements made in the press that 
some scope will be left for other national or local enter- 
prises. 

Now this is where our immediate interest in the matter 
coines in. It may, perhaps, be assumed that the several 
nationalities concerned will.become, as the new formula 
runs, the " masters of their own destinies " herein : that 
is to say that their requirements in respect of the equip- 
ment of war museums or archives will be the care of 
native archivists and historians. At the same time it 
must be remembered that the position of these members 
of the imperial family is intimately affected by tlie 
present "political state of Great Britain " and by the 
existing distribution of the archives of the war. In fact 
we should find, in the case of Scotland, Ireland, Wales and 
the Isle of Man, that the whole of the exhibits illustrating 
the several aspects of the war are vested in the Govern- 
ment departments at Whitehall. What may be the effect 
of this official monopoly on the national interests or senti- 
ments of our Scottish, Irish and Manx neighbours, I have 
no right or wish to inquire. I am only concerned here 
with the case of Wales, because I have set out to discuss 
the purely academic question of the possibility and desir- 
ability of instituting a National War Museum for the 
Principality. It will be necessary, therefore, to examine 
the national position of Wales more closely. 



210 A National War Mtiseiim and a 

In the first place it would seem that this resembles 
tliat of the other members of the imperial community in 
respect of the distribution of the various exhibits which 
must form the bulk of a National War Museum. In 
each case the warlilce gear, relics ancl recent administrative 
documents are, as we have seen, under the control of the 
London authorities. If any of these historical objects are 
preserved elsewhere than in London, that is merely a 
matter of official convenience or arrangement and does 
not detract from the preroprative exercised by the secre- 
tariats or Boards. 

I am not aware whether the above countries wish to 
have War Museums of their own, but the fact remains 
that Wales, which apparently does wish to possess such 
a memorial of the war, is just as much entitled to have it 
as are the others. 

On the other hand, Wales is under a distinct dis- 
advantage herein owing to the loss of its national records, 
which were removed to London some sixty years ago, 
whereas the records are stiil preseiwed at Edinburgh, 
Dublin and Douglas. Moreover, in the case of Jersey, 
Guernsey and the Colonial Dominions, Dependencies and 
Crown Colonies the distinction is emphasized by the pre- 
servation of administrative as well as judicial records 
abroad. 1 Now we know that from the Union of 1543 
to 1830 the judicial records were preserved within the 
Principality, whilst earlier still, from 1284 to 1543, many 
administrative as well as judicial records were deposited 
in Welsh repositories. 2 



1 Royal Commission on Public Records, Second Report (1914), 
Appendix (1). 

J Ibid., First Report (1!)12), Appx. (10); Second Report (1914), 
Appx. (1). Cymmrodorion Socirt>/'s Transactions, 1900-1, pp. 40-52, and 
Ibid., 1914-15, pp. 16-42. 



Public Record Office for Wales. 2 1 1 

Tt is scarcely surprising therefore that many Welshmen 
have regarded the transfer of those records as ill-advised. 
As it was the records were handed over, in some cases 
urider protest, and remained in a more or less unsatisfac- 
tory state down to comparatively recent times. 1 

This historical incident has an important bearing on 
the subject of the institution of a National War Museum 
for Wales, because the Principality has been deprived of 
an archive establishment which elsewhere might serve as a 
collecting depôt for a National War Museum. In view, 
therefore, of the authoritative and emphatic Eeport of 
the Eoyal Commission on Public Eecords in favour of the 
repatriation of the Welsh records, an excellent opportunity 
exists for the erection of a Welsh Memorial which may 
combine the custody of the archives of the war with the 
collection of relics and objects of national and historical 
interest. 

II. 

Before I proceed to suggest a possible solution of the 
various local problems connected with the proposed estab- 
lishment of a Public Eecord Ofììce and National War 
Museum for Wales, it is important that those who have 
this matter at heart, in the interests of the Welsh nation 
at large, should realize the technical requirements of 
those institutions. A National War Museum appears to 
be associated in the minds of many people with a com- 
memoration on the lines of the Victorian Jubilee Memor- 
ials, while letters incautiously addressed to the " Eecord 
Office, London ", have been commonly delivered at the 
offices of the " Eecord " newspaper. In any case the full 
significance of the scholarly ideals inspired by such insti- 
tutions has not been generally appreciated, and it is per- 

1 Ibid., Royal Commission on Public Records, Minutes of Evidence, 
Q. 334 and 3666. 

P 2 



2 12 A National War Museum anci a 

haps desirable thattheir relative positions should be clearly 
stated. 

The Museum occupies a definite position in the 
scheme of national culture as the repository of scientific 
and archseological exhibits, which niust be regarded as 
"objects" in distinction to " documents ". Half-way 
between the two comethe products of Art, which may also 
be displayed in more appropriate Galleries. The " docu- 
ments " in question are everywhere preserved in two 
distinct repositories ; official documents, in the shape of 
records and state papers, being found in Archives, and 
literary manuscripts, with printed books, in Libraries. 
Naturally a certain admixture or interchange of these 
elements is observable, but Museums, Archives, and 
Libraries may be readily distinguished by the above- 
mentioned characteristics. At the same time the official 
titles of certain institutions may be somewhat misleading. 
For example, the " British Museum " actually connotes 
the " National Library of England ", and the removal of 
the scientific exhibits to a Natural History Museum may 
possibly forshadow the establishment of a National Art 
Gallery at no distant date. In the provinces, however, 
the intermixing of exhibits representing the domains of 
Science, Art, Archseology, History and Literature in a 
single Museum is still of frequent occurrence and is per- 
haps inevitable under existing circumstances. Indeed 
this exigency furnishes, incidentally, a useful object 
lesson as to the value of all these materials for a survey of 
the national history. 

It will appear from the above statement that the pur- 
pose of a National War Museum is definite, and its func- 
tions will be exercised at the discretion of the authorities 
concerned : that is to say, the proposed museum may 
purport to include all the available exhibits illustrating 



Public Record Ojjìce for Wales. 2 1 



the war, or only such as come readily to hand. In the 
former case, a scientific and coniprehensive plan of 
operations will be necessary ; but, in the end, this 
would not involve much more trouble or expense than a 
casual method of collection. In any case it is important 
that all the materials that exist for a permanent com- 
memoration and adecpaate history of the war should be 
carefully noted. It follows, therefore, that it will be 
necessary to determine the following points : (1) What 
the proper contents of a War Museum should be. 

(2) Whether these are actually available for exhibition. 

(3) If so, how they can be properly housed, arranged and 
described to the best advantage. 

Now each of these processes is complementary to the 
other. To select a site and obtain a grant of the neces- 
sary f unds for building and maintenance before the nature 
and use of the exhibits or their extent and distribution 
have been ascertained, would seem to be the wrong way 
of setting to work. It is, indeed, obvious that no real 
progress could be made with the establishment of such an 
institution until it has been decided what it will contain ; 
nor can the contents be estimated until their nature and 
use, their extent and distribution have been exhaustively 
determined. The very position and size of the building 
must depend on the character of the matter that is avail- 
able. Certain important materials may be found to be 
unavailable, others may prove undesirable ; not a few may 
have been already appropriated by local authorities and 
collectors. 

These and other points ought to be ascertained by 
means of a preliminary survey, for which the knowledge 
of official experts and the co-operation of local antiquaries 
and historians should be utilised. At the same time some 
definite provision should be made to recover documents or 



214 A National War Museum and a 

relics that have strayed from official custody, and the 
respective spheres of influence of the imperial and local 
authorities should be carefully ascertained to avoid the 
risk of a disastrous competition. 

These are operations that require both lmowledge and 
tact, for even the most persuasive methods of official 
enterprise will avail little without an exact loiowledge of 
the materials that maybe found in sundry places. Finally 
it is very desirable, in this connection, that the national 
character and patriotic objects of the proposed collection 
should be widely known and appreciated. These things 
may be taken for granted in high places, but they should 
be emphasized for the benefìt of smaller folk. 

In the matter of the contents of a War Museum 
that will claim to be of national or permanent import- 
ance, there is already a wealth of exhibits in prospect, 
if these can be realized. Whether such a museum 
should include exhibits illustrative of the naval and 
military methods, the history and literature of allied 
or hostile states, is an academic problem that the author 
of this Paper will not attempt to solve. That these 
are objects of common interest cannot be doubted ; but, 
on the otlier hand, it would be impossible to bring to- 
gether in any one place a complete collection of universal 
exhibits : an arbitrary or fortuitous system would have 
little scientific value. When the belligerent nations have 
completed their individual national collections, printed 
catalogues can be readily used by students. In the mean- 
time the respective National Museums might include a 
foreign section for the display of the various trophies or 
relics that have come to hand. 1 



1 It will beremembered that in tlie caseof docunients, intercepted 

or captured papers have always had a recogniseô! place in the State 
urchives. 



Public Record Office for Wales. 215 

The normal exhibits' in a National War Museum will 
include material objects such as the various engines of 
war, with models and divers reproductions of naval and 
military tactics. Other exhibits such as colours, uniforms 
and other insignia, together with many relics from famous 
battlefìelds, will have a sentimental as well as a didactic 
value. Closely related to these are certain types of 
documentary exhibits such as plans, drawings, portraits 
and other delineations of the incidents or fîgures of the 
war, and these might be more conveniently displayed in 
a gallery annexe. 

A third class of exhibits will comprise the documents ; 
and these again may be sub-divided as printed and 
unprinted materials. If prints, photographs and other 
delineations are classed as objects of Art, the contents of 
the above sub-divisions can be roughly estimated. In the 
first place, however, it is necessary to insist that a sharp 
distinction between printed and unprinted documents is 
not always possible, or desirable. The fact that a certain 
document has been printed, while others of a like nature 
remain unprinted, is largely due to accident or caprice, as 
well as to our haphazard method of issuing historical 
publications. Many important series of manuscripts have 
been published piecemeal ; others have been kept unpub- 
lished. Under these circumstances we cannot reerard the 
original MSS. and the partial reproductions thereof as 
entirely independent sources. In fact the necessity of 
co-ordinating the printed and unpublished sources has 
been tardily or grudgingly acknowledged, and this 
method has formed a noticeable feature of the best his- 
torical bibliographies in recent years. It is, therefore, 
important that the administration of a National War 

1 Those mentioned in tlie following lines must, of course, be 
regarded only as types. 



2i6 A National War Museum and a 

Museuin should recognize this method of co-ordination in 
connection with a survey of the documentary exhibits. 

There are, of course, many printed books that are not 
affected by the above consideration. In order to make 
this point clear it may be possible to regard the whole 
body of printed historical literature as falling naturally 
into three main groups. These are : (1) The " original 
sources " which have hitherto been printed. (2) Various 
compilations that are based directly or indirectly on 
original sources. (3) The still more numerous works 
that are based on common knowledge, hearsay or mere 
supposition, ratlier than on any specific source of infor- 
mation. 

How far it is necessary to preserve copies of every type 
of historical literature relating to the War for the sup- 
posed benefìt of posterity, is a question that may yet have 
to be decided. A select bibliography has always been 
viewed with some distrust by expert bibliographers^ but 
modern historical students have rebelled against a method 
of historical research which had been reduced to an absur- 
dity. Here, at least, a drastic " selection " would seem to 
be inevitable. It goes without saying that the term 
" printed book " will cover such forms as pamphlets, 
broadsides, &c. 

In the case of the unprinted documents, the position is 
one of still greater difficulty, for here not only is the bulk 
of the material relatively larger, but it is also much more 
difficult to classify, with a view to a survey or selection. 
The manuscript materials for the History of the War 
correspond, on the whole, with the fìrst division of 
printed materials mentioned above. Since the invention 
of printing, compilations more or less basedon the original 
sources and worlcs of imagination have not usually been 
preserved in a manuscriptform ; but such as have survived 



Píiblic Record Office for Wales. 2 1 7 

in this form only have usually come to be reputed as 

" sources 'V 

It remains, then, to sort out these documentary 

sources, but this is a somewhat delicate as well as a 

difficult operation. To begin with, 110 scientiíic or even 

scholarly attempt has been made to deal with the docu- 

ments for the purpose of ascertaining and describing their 

various natures and their several uses. We have a classi- 

fìcation of the official records, which is both arbitrary and 

incomplete, for it is based 011 the overlapping and inter- 

changeable custody of the old courts and departments of 

State, while it has not attempted to co-ordinate the records, 

as now preserved, with the vast number of official docu- 

tnents that have found their way from time to time into 

other collections. We have 110 classification whatever of 

*• 
our local records, and the remaining original sources of a 

literary nature have not been classified or co-ordinated, as 

a whole, with the official or local records. 

It will be obvious that a nation that has not troubled 

to evolve an intelligent classification of its historical 

records and manuscripts will not have a very exact 

knowledge of their several relationships and values. 

At the same time it may be said that we have an 

adequate description, to hand, of most of the important 

records and MSS. pi*eserved in our national repositories. 

Certainly the custodians, as well as unofficial historians 

and antiquaries, have enlarged on the importance of 

various classes or specimens of documents ; but the result 

of their learned labours will not be helpful for the present 

purpose. It might indeed assist us greatly in replenishing 

a museum connected with the study of archeeology and 

1 An exception may perhaps be made in the case of the original 
" copy " of printed vvorks which has gradually acquired a sensational 
value for personal or sentimental reasons. 



2 1 8 A National War Museum and a 

mediseval history; but it is well known that the later 
State Papers, with the records of the War Office, Admiralty 
and other departments concerned in the conduct of the 
war, have not yet been completely or adequately cata- 
logued. 1 Much has been done in the way of identification 
and description of these modern records by the Eoyal 
Commission appointed in 1910 ; 2 but a great deal more 
remains to be accomplished before all the original sources 
for the History of the War can be finally considered and 
selections made therefrom for exhibition or permanent 
preservation in the archives. 

In tlie first place, therefore, we may take it that it is 
essential to know what official documents exist before they 
can be properly examined and utilized. In the second 
place, we must know how these records are distributed, 
and how far they are available for exhibition or reference. 
Again, it would seem very desirable that some decision 
should be arrived at with regard to the general scope of 
the collection ; that is to say what types or classes of 
documents are to be admitted and what are to be excluded? 3 

Another point to be decided is concerned with the 
period of time covered by the collection : for example is it 
to be confined to the period of the war, or will the 
archives of the war be brought together over an indefinite 
period ? 

In this matter a special difficulty is suggested by 
the Reports of the Royal Commission.* It is the official 
practice in this and other countries for the papers of the 
various Government departments to be periodically trans- 
ferred to the central archives as they mature. Here they 

1 Quarterly Review, April, 1917, pp. 505-507. 

2 Second Report, Appenclix iii, No. 77 arul passim. 

3 Tliis question applies equally to other classes of exhibits. 
* Especially the Second Report, pp. 61-66. 



Public Record OJJ/îce for Wales. 2 1 9 

form part of a permanent series which becomes accessible 
to students in due course. To divert any considerable 
portion of these records to a new repository, where they 
would be less accessible for purposes of refèrence, might 
prove a real hardship to students. 

It is true that these archives of the war appear to be 
as yet imperfectly, or rather partially arranged and 
described, 1 but the same might be said of a large propor- 
tion of the State Papers of the last two centuries. In any 
case it is indisputable that the records of every period 
should be properly catalogued and described, both to 
ensure their preservation and to facilitate authorized 
researches. 

Incidentally, this matter is of some importance. We 
have seen that a War Museum and a Public Record Offìce 
has each an interest (one immediate and the other rever- 
sionary) in these archives of the war ; but besides this 
question of access for students, there is the far more 
important question of their permanent preseiwation. For 
this purpose the Museum may play the part of a careful 
foster-mother, since the records may be, soon or later, in 
grave danger of destruction. It would certainly be use- 
less to insist upon their retention for transmission to 
the archives if they are never destined to reach the hands 
of future historians." 

This is the real crux of the matter. These archives of 
the war to-day are securely preserved, in almost infinite 
extent and variety, within numerous official repositories. 
They are, for the most part y the lineal successors of the 
archives of what we once thought to be great national 

1 Ibid., pp. 89-92. 

2 The argument (if it should be a<ìvancerì) that the substance of 
these documents has been published in official prints is vitiated by 
the practice of official expurgation. 



220 A National War Museum aud a 

wars in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries ; but 
where are these archives now? 

We have learnt, for the first tiuie, from the auiazing 
revelations of a receut Blue Book' that a very large pro- 
portion, amounting in some cases to 95 per ceut. of these 
collections, is no longer in official custody. 

For the manner of the disappearance of the docu- 
ments reference must be made to the authorities here 
cited. It may suffi.ee to say that the destruction wrought 
by the natural enemies of archives (and equally of libraries 
and museums) namely, fire, water, dirt, vermin and 
thieves, has apparently been far exceeded by the deliber- 
ate destructiou carried out by their custodians on various 
pretexts." 

Of these the most convincing is the positive necessity 
for conserviug space, and thereby labour and other inci- 
dental charges of the custody of archives. A further 
reason, which would be more properly advanced by 
historians than by archivists, indicates the increasing 
difficulty of dealing with the great accumulations of 
historical materials. The ultimate bearing of the whole 
matter on the position of the proposed War Museum 
really depends, therefore, on the permanent security of 
the records which must be the ultitnate authority for any 
serious history of the war. The answer that is given to 
this question by the Reports of the Royal Commission 
raises grave doubts with regard to the fate of many of the 
records of other " great " wars in which this country has 
been engaged since the Napoleonic era. Some have been 
burnt, or defaced by damp, or appropriated, as the result 
of negligent custody; others have been destroyed by 

1 Second Report of Royal Commission on Pnblic Records (1914), 
pp. «57-7^ ; Contemporary Review, May, 1916, p. 608. 

2 Ouarterly lieuirw, April, 1917, pp. 500-503. 



Public Record Office for Wales. 221 

unexpert boards oí' officers or departmental committees, 
contrary to statutes made for their protection. 1 

Many of the archives that have been allowed to perish 
within living memory could be supplemented by State 
Papers that still survive, though these are no longer in 
official custody. I refer to the documents that have been 
removed from public departments, at one time or another, 
and are now regarded as the private property of those 
persons who have inherited or otherwise acquired them. 

Under the head of Local Records, it will not be prac- 
ticable to include, in a War Museum, any large body of 
documents of a public nature, even where these may 
illustrate the administrative and social history of the war. 
The business of the local.courts may refìect the effects of 
the war in the shape of convictions, orders, bankruptcies, 
and inquests ; but these evidences will be practically sup- 
plied by printed statistics. Of far greater interest and 
value are the records of the local Statutorv Authorities ; 
the various Committees dealing with distress, pensions, 
agriculture, food, savings and other matters of national 
concern. Here again, however, the interest of the indi- 
vidual collections is cumulative, though they are to a large 
extent an unlcnown quantity. Again vve may surmise 
that the inclusion in the archives of derelict local records 
appears to afford the only hope (especially in Wales) of 
their permanent preservation. 

We now come to the last group of presumptive exliibits, 
documents of a private or literary nature, as distinguished 
from the public interest of official records ; but it will be 
evident that this class cannot furnish many types of value 
to the historian of the war. For the mediseval period, 
and for such subjects as political, constitutional or eccle- 
siastical history, the case would have been different. At 
1 The Puhlic Record Office Acts of 1838 and 1877. 



222 A National War Museum and a 

the same time tliere will be many " semi-official " papers 
in private custody which might be deposited or lent for 
exhibition or reference. Other types of special interest 
would include diaries, correspondence and accounts. 
Finally, mention may be made of the extensive muni- 
ments of societies, associations, and various professional 
and trading corporations to which a fresh interest will be 
added in connection with the war. 

Such are the main classes of exhibits that should, 
perhaps, come under the consideration of the authorities 
of a National War Museum. These indications will assist 
in determining how these exhibits could be most suitably 
distributed and preserved in the Principality. 

III. 

In the fìrst part of this paper I ventured to suggest 
that a National War Museum and a Public Record Office 
for Wales might fulfil a common purpose, and I will now 
attempt to show how the two schemes might proceed 
towards their accomplishment, hand in hand. 

In the first place, before we build upon the prospects 
of either of these new institutions, we should naturally 
consider whether the requirements of the Principality 
could be supplied by existing institutions. 

Of these, the National Libraryof Wales contains boolcs 
and other printed matter, literary and historical manu- 
scripts, local records and certain public records relating to 
Wales, acquired by gift, purchase, or statutory grant. 

The National Museum of Wales contains various 
scientific, archoeological and artistic exhibits, including 
specimens of MSS. and books of reference. Each of these 
important institutions would doubtless be prepared to add 
to its present responsibilities by taking charge of such 
exhibits relating to the war as seemed most appropriate 



Public Rccord Office for Wales. 223 

to its national objects. It may also be assumed that tlie 
National Library would be able to make suitable provision 
for the Welsh records, if and when these are retransferred 
from London in accordance with the recommendations of 
the Royal Commission. Moreover, the National Museum 
will be concerned eventually with many of the exhibits 
that would illustrate the conditions of the war as they 
affect Wales. 

The most obvious objection to such a promising- arrange- 
ment would be that neither of these institutions is specially 
equipped for dealing' with the reconstruction of the 
archives and worlcshops of the war. It will be evident, 
from the statement made in the second part of this Paper, 
that such undertakings reguire special experience for their 
successful execution. We shall also see that the archives 
with which we are now concerned are outside the spheres 
of interest of both these institutions. 

But if the above conclusion is inevitable, it does not 
follow that those who are interested in the projects of a 
Welsh Record Office and War Museum are at the end of 
their resources. It would certainly have simplifìed 
matters if these undertakings could have been handed 
over to existing institutions without raising the difficult 
question of obtaining funds for the erection and suitable 
equipment of two new national institutions or the delicate 
question of their respective locations. At the same 
time it must be remembered that the proposals of 
Welsh statesmen and scholars, and the recommenda- 
tions of the Royal Commission in recent years, have 
alike contemplated the provision of a Public Record 
Office for Wales as a new and independent institution. 
The important point, therefore, seems to be whether this 
third national institution can be utilized for the concen- 
tration of documents and relics of the war without in- 



224 *4 National War Museum and a 

curring the expense of building and equipping a separate 
War Museura. 

And here it is necessary to speak very franldy about 
the whole situation. It may be that an adequate Record 
Office and War Museum can be provided and equipped, 
as separate institutions, without risk of the reaction that 
follows on most rash undertalrings. Even so, however, 
there are two or three considerations which should be 
carefully weighed by all concerned. 

The first of these is that, with the exception of the 
judicial records now preserved in London and a few others 
recently transferred to Aberystwyth, the national archives 
of Wales are practically non-existent at this moment. 
They would certainly need to be defined and identified 
before they are available either for a Record Office or a 
War Museum. 

The second point is that these two institutions would 
fìnd themselves competing, on unequal terms, with exist- 
ing bodies in respect of the collection of the earlier MSS. 
and certain classes of material exhibits ; for no statutory 
intervention can be contemplated in this matter. 

The third point is that although there can be no com- 
plete or serviceable collection of Public Records until some 
further scheme of local government for Wales has been 
propounded, there are many public records now in local 
custody which could be brought together with advantage 
to the public departments concerned and, incidentally, 
with a considerable saving of expense for their niain- 
tenance. In this and other directions a considerable 
amount of spade-work will have to be done before the 
Welsh records can be transferred to a new repository, and 
the sooner this work is taken in hand, the more chance 
there will be of preserving the records and malcing them 
accessible to students. 



Public Recorci Office for Walcs. 225 

It would seem, therefore, that a Public Eecord Office 
and a National War Museum for Wales, if and when they 
are constituted, must be chiefìy concerned with purely 
preparatory work during the first few years of their 
existence. During' these years the building of the archives 
would be carried on and sufficient accommodation could 
be provided on the spot for such documents and exhibits 
as required immediate attention. When these operations 
have been completed ; when the Record Office has been 
built (as a model of its kind for the whole Empire 1 ) and 
filled with the records and exhibits that have accrued, 
these collections can then be transferred to their permanent 
receptacles. 

Probably it would be found desirable to take powers 
for a broad and scholarly scheme of clistribution. Hitherto 
the obligation, real or iniaginary, of preseiwing certain 
documents in a particular court or office, with which they 
havebeen traditionally associated, has proved a stumbling- 
block to antiquaries. The result has been constant dupli- 
cation and inconsistency. Students have been mystified 
by these cross-references, and much official time and 
copious stores of paper and ink have been wasted in 
attempts to describe these heterogeneous documents. It 
has been the cause of needless jealousies and wasteful 
competition between official bodies, whilst it has provided 
a direct incentive to the misappropriation of documents 
and has offered no inducement for their restoration to 
national or local collections. If this proprietary system of 
classification were abandoned, it would be possible to make 
a more scientific and serviceable distribution of the con- 

1 This does not possess a single reputable building of the kind, 
with the possible exception of the new Canadian archives at Ottawa. 
It may be mentioned in this connection that the Public Record Com- 
missioners inspected, in 1912, an up-to-date repository at Rotterdam 
which cost only some £10,000. 

Q 



2 26 A National War Mtisetim anci a 

tents of any large national collection of historical 
clocunients. In the place of obsolete custodies, new 
spheres of official interest would be created, and these 
would have a comrnon interest in an intelligent distribution 
of historical sources. 

In the case of Wales, these spheres of interests may be 
roughly defìned as below, to indicate the respective con- 
tents of the several national institutions, together with 
the proposed allocation of documents and exhibits : — 

A. Existing Institutions. 

(1) National Library of Wales — 

(a) Department of printed books, &c. (including 

prints). 

(b) Department of MSS. (including seals). 

(c) National War Museum (special collection of 

printed books and prints). 
Note. — All historical and literary documents, other 
than official records, to be transferred here from 
the Pnblic Record Office for Wales for permanent 
preservation. 

(2) National Museum of Wales — 

(à) Existing departments. 

(b) National War Museum (special collection of 

professional, scientific, economic, social 

and artistic exhibits illustrating the War, 

as affecting Wales). 

Note. — War exhibits to be transferred from the Public 

Eecord Office for Wales to the National Museum. 

B. Proposed Institutions. 

(3) Public Record Office for Wales— 

(a) Record Department. All official documents, 
the property of the Crown, which may be 
transferred from the London Record 
Onice or departmental and provincial re- 






Public Record OJjìce for Wales. 227 

positories, or deposited by local authorities 

and private individuals for the use of 

students. 

Note. — All literary MSS. to be transferred to the 

National Librarv of Wales, and all War Exhibits to be 

transferred to the National Museum for Wales. 

(6) National War Museum for Wales (Directory 
and Secretariat and special collection of 
the archives of tlie War). 
(4) National War Museum for Wales — 

(a) Directory and Secretariat (at the Public 

Record Office for Wales). 

(b) Special collection of archives of the War 

(at the Public Record Ofíice for Wales). 

(c) Special collection of Printed Books, &c. (at 

the National Library of Wales) . 

(d) Special collection of War exhibits (at the 

National Museum of Wales). 

It will be seen from the above statement that the 

suggested distribution of the Welsh archives and War 

exhibits would add considerably to the value and import- 

ance of the existing contents of the National Library and 

National Museum respectively. It would also justify the 

early establishment of the long promised Public Record 

Office as a collecting and distributing agency in connec- 

tion with the outstanding public records and the exhibits 

for the proposed War Museum. Finally it would nialce 

the establishment of a War Museum possible at a compara- 

tively small cost and with far better results, in respect of 

the meritof the collection, than if it were housed in a sepa- 

rate building, unless such a building were adjacent to the 

Record Office : for the archives of the War which must 

be preserved there will form, if not the most important 

section of a National War Museum, at least that which is 

Q2 



228 A National War Museum and a 

most likelyto endure. It is unthinkable thatan imposing 
institution should be established for the preservation of 
relics, trophies, and other mementos of the war, whilst 
the title-deeds of the Welsh nation to its national estate 
continue to moulder and rot in a Babylonian capthdty. 1 

History, indeed, teaches us to doubt the permanent 
utility, or popularity, of national memorials that are ex- 
clusively associated with successive historical events. 
Some of those events undoubtedly excited the strongest 
emotions of contemporary witnesses ; but after the lapse 
of many years their testimony leaves us unmoved. It is 
otherwise with the monuments of local patriotism and 
piety which have always formed enduring land-marks in 
the civilization of even the smallest states. A worn 
Celtic cross or a fissured tombstone can move us more 
deeply than stately monuments showing where the funeral 
procession of a Plantagenet queen halted, or where a great 
fìre or a grievous plague were stayed. And so the earliest 
palaces and f orts- have been replaced by public buildings — 
courts of justice and town-halls, churches and chapels, 
libraries and institutes ; and besides these in " some old- 
fashioned house, in an old-fashioned street of an old- 
fashioned town ", throughout the continent of Western 
Europe, we should find the public archives. 

In one of the remoter Swiss cantons there is a small 
but ancient town wherein an unpretentious archive-house 
displays the following proud inscription : 

" I watch over the old charters of liberty of the men of 
this town ; 

1 Ezra, I, vi. The archives of the Vatican underwent the same 
experience in the fourteenth century. The term of the exile of the 
mediieval popes at Avignon in the fourteenth century a.d. coincided, 
roughly, with that of the deportation of the Jews to Babylon, in the 
sixth century b.c. The deposit of the Welsh records in London has 
lasted for a somowhat shorter period, 



Public Record Offi.ce for Wales. 229 

" To preserve the liberties themselves, is their own 



care." 



Then there is the other picture, recently drawn by an 
American explorer of the Mexican archiyes. 1 Everywhere 
the student looks in vain for a track through the wilder- 
ness of unsorted records ; for during three centuries that 
nation has put off till " to-morrow " what should have 
been done to-day. And so the old charters of its liberties 
are lost sight of and forgotten ; and so for us also " to- 
morrow " may be one day too late. 

Can we not interpret profitably the writing on the 
walls of these neglected archives? A nation without 
records is not only the poorer for the loss of a heritable 
treasure ; it is as a ship without its logs, or a trading 
company without its ledgers ; nominum umbrae, repre- 
sented, some day, only by a hulk and a brass plate. 
Moreover, the longer these muniments are leftin abeyance, 
the more diffìcult will be their restoration. " Manana " 
has only one significance for business men. 

If, indeed, the preseiwation of their national records 
was a matter of great moment to the Commons of 
England under Plantagenet and Hanoverian kings alike ; 
if this has also been the occasion of passionate protest by 
the Commons of Scotland and Ireland, and even by the 
county justices of Wales ; and if the tiny Channel Islands 
and the whole of the Dominions and dependencies over 
sea have preseiwed their respective national archives and 
published much of their contents, is it not time Welsh- 
men made a special effort to accomplish something of the 
same kind ? 

1 "Guirìe to the Manuscript materials (for U.S.A. History) in the 
archives of Mexico ", p. v. 



230 Welshmen in the American 

Tt?efe#nten ín íÇe Çjlmerican Tì?ar of 

Jnbepenbence* 

By e. alfred jones, 

Author of " Church Plate of the Diocese of Banyor", etc, etc. 



The Welsh were ahnost unaffected by the wave of emigra- 
tion, forced by economic conditions, from Scotland and 
Ulster to the American Colonies in the eighteenth cen- 
tury. Many individual Welshmen, however, faced the 
long and dreary passage across the Atlantic to seek fortune 
in the new World, as will be shown in this article. 1 

The present writer's interest in the subject which 
forms the title of this paper began with a study of the 
mass of MSS. of the American Loyalists in the Public 
Record Office in London. 

Before presenting a few biographical sketches of the 
Welshmen among these loyalists, based upon the original 
material just mentioned, it is proposed to offer a few 
remarks on the men of Welsh nationality or of Welsh 
descent who were adherents of the American cause in the 
great struggle which ended with the loss of the American 
Colonies to England. 

Taking the names at random, there was General Daniel 
Morgan, who, as the name indicates, was of Welsh extrac- 
tion, and who is known as the " Hero of Cowpens ", from 
his defeat of Lord Cornwallis in that battle. Of the 
fifty-six signatories to the celebrated Declaration of 
Independence in 1776, 110 fewer than four were of 
Welsh descent, while a fìfth was born in the Principality. 

1 A Welsh scttloniL'nt had heen formed in South Carohna in 1735-36. 
Froni tliese emigrants have descended many distinguished nien of 
that State. ( Hi&tory of South Carolina underthe Royal Government, 
J 7 19-1776, by E. McCrady, 1899, p. 136.) 



War of Independence. 231 

These were Jefferson, Williams, William Floyd, and Lewis 
Morris, the native-born Welshman being Francis Lewis, 
who is said to have hailed from Llandaff. 1 

One warrior of Welsh birth was Isaac Shelby, who was 
a hard and stubborn fighter in the frequent engagements 
in the Carolinas. Another soldier of Welsh blood was 
Colonel John Thomas, 2 the successor of Colonel Thomas 
Fletchall, the loyalist, as Colonel of Militia in South 
Carolina. There were other men from the little princi- 
palityof Wales, as active iri this greatwar aswas Jefferson 
Davis, of direct Welsh descent, on the Confederate side in 
the Civil War. 

Turning now to an account of the Welsh loyalists, the 
most conspicious was perhaps Anthony Stokes, barrister- 
at-law, who is described in the admission book of Gray's 
Inn, under date of 28 January, 1758, as of the parish of 
St. Andrew's, Holborn, gentleman. He was, however, 
called to the bar by the Inner Temple, of which he was 
elected a bencher in 1796. This description would seem 
to rule out all possibility of Anthony Stokes's Welsh 
descent, but his own declaration of his nationality is 
obtained from three sources, namely, from his memorial to 
the Commissioners of American Claims, from his printed 
petition 3 of 10 January, 1785, to William Pitt, Chancellor 
of the Exchequer, and from a letter mentioned later. 

The official career of this Welshman began with his 
appointment, a few years after his call to the bar, on the 
Colonial Council of Antigua. On 15 May, 1767, he was 
appointed Chief Justice of the Southern Caribbee Islands, 
and on St. David's Day, 1771, he was transferred to 
America, as member of the council of the province of 
Georgia, and Chief Justice, an appointment which had 
been made in 1768.' The honourable office of Chief 
Justice was held by Anthony Stokes until war put an end 

1 See The Scotch-Irish in America, by H. Jones Ford 191/), p. 491. 

2 McCrady's South Carolina in the lieoolution, 1775-80, p. 608. 

3 Public Record Office: F.O.4/1. 4 Public Record Office: C.O. 5/G57. 



232 Welshmen in the American 

to his enjoyment of it. Finding things too hot for him, 
he returned in 1776 to England, where he remained until 
he received orders in 1779 to return to Georgia, upon its 
subjugation by the British. On the passage out on H.M. 
ship Eoiperiment, 1 he was the observer of a smart action 
between that vessel and the enemy. 

Anthony Stokes claims to have been the only Chief 
Justice from the revolted colonies who had been called to 
the English bar. He performed the functions of his office 
of Chief Justice until 1782, when the British evacuated 
Savannah, and he returned home on H.M. frigate Garys- 
forl, on which he accidentally broke his arm. 

Tributes to his strong character and to his firm adminis- 
tration of justice were paid not only by such distinguished 
loyalists as Sir James Wright, Governor of Georgia, but 
also by Americans, whose respect he had won. 

The following letter 2 from Anthony Stokes to the 
Commissioners of American Claims, dated from 1, Inner 
Temple Lane, 23 February, 1786, is not without interest: — 

"I beg Leave to return you my Thanks, for increasing my Allow- 
ance (as the King's late Chief Justice, and a Member of his Council 
of Georgia) from £50. to £100. a year. on my receiving the Arrears, 
I hastened to pay some Debts, I had contracted; but I unfortunately 
find, my present Income inadequate to my decent Support; I, and 
my Family yet want many Necessaries — I still owe some Debts — and 
I lately borrowed Money to pay for my Daughter's Schooling. 
Having been driven to the Bar for Bread, on Account of my slender 
Allowance, I attend regularly there ; and was absent from West- 
minster Hall, only one Day during the last Term : The Fruits of my 
Attendance, were only 2 half Guinea Motions : For, by a long 
Absence from this Country, I have lost my Connections ; And whilst 
I was serving my Sovereign, in the prime of Life, in an unwholesome 
Climate ; young Men have got forward, who were at the Breast, when 
I was called to the Bar. 



1 This ship was captured at the end of 1779 by the French, with 
£30,000 in specie on board. (Hist. MSS. Comm. : Report on the 
American MSS. in the lioyal Inst., Vol. ii , p. 71.) 

2 Public Record Office: A.O. 13/137. 



War of Independence. 233 

" I shall not mentionthe Names of several (mylnferiors in üffice; 
ancì not my Superiors in Loyalty, or Character,) who have Allowances 
from £200. up to £500. a a Year, and a Prospect of large Compensa- 
tion; whilst I have no Claim depending: Such an Enumeration 
might appear bnridious : And as I subscribe to the Merit, and Pre- 
tensions of those Gentlemen, I rejoice at their good Fortune ; 
However to convince your Honorable Board, that I am not inferior 
to those Gentlemen, in any Respect; I beg Leave to inclose a Copy 
of a Certificate, subscribed by a Number of Loyalists ; and which I 
trust, no Man who knows me, would hesitate to sign. 

" I do most readily admit the strict Impartiality of your Board : 
But there has been some unfortunate Misapprehension of my Case ; 
or an Enemy has endeavour'd To do me a Prejudice, which I sho d be 
happy to remove by producing several of the Principal Loyalists, who 
know me ; to speak to my Character, and Conduct. Such an 
Examination might, perhaps, induce you to place my Name as high 
in the List of temporary Subsistance as those of inferior official 
Rank. 

"When I applied at Whitehall to have my Case recommended 
back for your Reconsideration ; I was told that the Treasury Board 
had come to a Resolution ag' making any such Recommendation ; 
and that the Matter rested with you ; It has also been a Rule of your 
Board, not to pay anyAttention to Patronage, or Interest. I there- 
fore beg Leave to throw myself on the Justice of Gentlemen, selected 
by a solemn Act of the Supreme Power in the State, to dispense the 
Benevolence intended for the unfortunate Loyalists; without Favor, 
or affection to any one : And as it is one of the Ojualities of liberal 
Minds, to be open to Conviction ; and to rejoice at an Opportunity 
of correcting any Mistake ; I therefore rely on your Humanity to 
measure out to me the same Justice that you have done to others : 
Being satisfied that you are alike insensible to Resentment, and 
Recommendation. 

"I am the rather induced to address you at this Time, because 
the Governor of Georgia, and several other Loyalists, who had con- 
siderable Allowances, are dead : And I have been informed that in 
the Case of those who have received Compensations ; a Deduction is 
made from their temporary Subsistence, in Proportion to such Com- 
pensation, for the Purpose of increasing the Allowances of the 
Crown Oföcers from America : And, at this Juncture, an Increase of 
Income, wo d be a happy Circumstance, for me, and my Family. 

" But sho d your Board be decidedly of Opinion not to increase 
my present Allowance ; I then trust that this Letter will be taken in 
good Part ; and not excite a Displeasure in you, that may distress 
me by lessening my present Pittance. 



234 Welshmen in the American 

"I shall thinlc myself highly obliged by a speedy Answer to this ; 
that in Case I have nothing to hope for ; I may look ronnd, and 
endeavonr to raise some Money to snpply my present Necessities " 

This letter is endorsecl, probably by one oí' the Coni- 
missioners : — 

" Having been already reconsidered cannot at present take any 
steps in Consequ of his Request ". 

Copies of Certificates 

"I, Sir James Wright, Baronet, late Governor of Georgia, do 
hereby certify ; that I was well acquainted with Anthony Stokes, 
Esq., late Chief Justice of the said Province and also one of his 
Majesty's Council there, That the said Anthony Stokes, during his 
Continuance in those Stations, until the Evacuation in July, 1782, 
discharged his Duty, with great Abihty, Honor, and Integrity. That 
he was a firm and steady Loyalist; truly zealous to promote, and 
support his Majesty's Authority, and Government, and uniform in 
his Opposition to the Rebellion ; and, as a private Gentleman, 
esteemed by all who had the pleasure of his Acquaintance. That he 
has certainly suffered greatly by the Rebellion ; and I consider him 
as a very worthy deserving Person. In Testimony whereof, I have 
hereunto set my hand, the 2 d Day of November, 1784. 

" (Signed) Ja : Wright. 

" In Addition to the Certificate of Sir James Wright ; We whose 
Names are hereunto subscribed, Crown Officers and others, Inhabi- 
tants of the province of Georgia, in North America ; do hereby 
certify ; that we know, and are well acquainted with Anthony 
Stokes, Esq., his Majesty's late Chief Justice of that Province ; that 
during his Continuance in that Ofnce, he discharged his Duty with an 
Uprightness, and Integrity universally acknowledged, by all Ranks 
and Descriptions of people. That no Man could possibly have 
exhibited greater Zeal for the Service of his Sovereign, or have shewn 
a more determined, or uniform Opposition to the Rebellion. That, 
besides his public Conduct being most unexceptionable his private 
Character as a Gentleman, entitled him to, and procured him the 
Esteem of all who had the pleasure of his Acquaintance. We there- 
fore, in Justice to his great Merit sincerely unite in bearing this 
Testimony to his Integrity, Loyalty and Sufferings. 

" Given under our hands at London, this 2 d day of November, 
1784. 

"(Signed by) 

"John Graham, late Lieutenant Governor of Georgia. 

"Lewis Johnston, late a Member of his Majesty's Council for 

Georgia. 



War of Independence. 235 

"Josiah Tatnall, late a Member of his Majesty's Council for 

Georgia. 1 
" Martin Jollie, late a Member of his Majesty's Council for 

Georgia, &c. 
" John Jamieson, late Member of the Assembly of Georgia. 
" B. Cowper, Member of the Assembly, Georgia. 
" James Butler, Member of the Assembly of Georgia. 
"S. H. Jenkins, Member of the house of Assembly of Georgia. 
" Wm. Jones, Member of the house of Assembly of Georgia. 
" Simon Munro, late a Member of the Assembly of Georgia. 
" Simon Paterson, Member of the Commons house of Assembly 
" Ja : Herriot, Member of the house of Assembly, Georgia. 
" John Rennie MA. 2 late Rector of S' Philip's Georgia, now Vicar 

of Chilver's Coton, Warwicks. 
" George D'erbage, late Master in Chancery in Georgia. 3 

In one of several letters 4 from Anthony Stokes to the 

Commissioners of American Claims, praying for relief, 

dated 23 October, 1 784', he complains of his harassed 

financial position and of the inadequacy of the allowance 

of £50 per annum. In another, dated 14 January, 1785, 

he states that he was on the point of breaking in on his 

small capital and sacrificing £100 worth for £55. He was, 

however, relieved from the necessity of making this heavy 

sacrifice by an opportune loan of £30 from his wif e's sister. 

But this loan was only sufficient for the immediate needs 

of the family. To pay the rent of his chambers in the 

Temple he was obliged to sell his gold watch. If the 

Commissioners were unable to grant him a more sub- 

stantial allowance forthwith, he would be compelled to 

1 Josiah Tatnall was born at Charleston, but settled in Georgia, 
where he was a planter and sawyer ; colonel of a militia regiment ; 
and holder of several public offices during the war. In 1785 he was 
surveyo>r-general of lands in the Bahamas. 

2 TheRev. John Rennie was instituted as Vicar of ChihersCoton, 
21 April, 1783, and was succeeded on 25 September, 1786, by the Rev. 
Bernard Gilpin Ebdell, the "Mr. Gilfil" of George Eliot's Scenes of 
Clerical Life, though the latter appears not to have entered 
immediately upon his duties. Public Record Office : A. O., 13/137. 

3 The claims and petitions of these Georgia loyalists are in the 
Public Record Office, A. O., 12 and 13. 

4 Public Record Office : F.O. 4/1. 



236 Welshmen in the Aìnerican 

dispose of all his investments to pay for the education of 
his daughter and for the rent of his lodgings at No. 53, 
Theobald's Road. 

In a later letter 1 dated 23 August, 1788, he 
declines to prefer a memorial for compensation for the 
loss of his property in Georgia because " the quantum of 
such loss would in a great measure depend 011 a memori- 
alist's own evidence ", and, therefore, might make it 
necessary for an examination on oath, to which, as will be 
observed later, he had a strong objection ;~ but the facts 
stated in his petition for coinpensation for the loss of his 
office of Chief Justice and his services and sufferings in 
the cause of Government admitted of proof by others, 
trusting that no Crown Officer from America had adduced 
stronger evidence of uniform loyalty to the King, attach- 
ment to the British Government, or zeal in opposing the 
rebellion, than he had done. Anthony Stokes declares 
further that it would always afford him great satisfaction 
to reflect that there was not one loyalist or American who 
had attempted to impeach his loyalty or moral character 
in a single instance. He ends with his thanks for the 
increase in his allowance to £200 and with the hope that 
if on any occasion he had unfortunately manifested the 
least peevishness, either by letter or in person, he would 
earnestly request the Commissioners' pardon, and hoped 
that they would not attribute it to that " absurd irasci- 
bility " to which the natives of the Principality of Wales 
are " proverbially subject". 

In another letter Anthony Stokes mentions that in Lon- 

1 Public Record Oftice : A.O. 13/85. 

2 There is 110 evidence in the documents that he was a Quaker. 
Several Quakers were among the loyalist claimants, and their faith 
was invariably mentioned, e.g., Captain Thomas Gummersall, of the 
King's Royal Regiment of New York, who, being a Quaker, was per- 
mitted to affirm in evidence on his claim, before Anthony Stokes at 
Savannah, in June, 1775. (Second lleport of the Bureau of Archẁes, 
Province of Ontario, 1904, p. 254.) 



War of Independence. 237 

don he was compelled by liis inadequate incoine toexercise 
tiie greatest economy, and that in consequence he " was a 
stranger to all public places and amusements of all kinds ". 
His aversion f'rom taking an oath is again emphasized in 
this letter, where he hopes that, knowing his scruples, 
he would not be required to take an oath when he attends 
upon the Commissioners to give evidence in support of his 
claim. 

An affidavit of his clerk, Edward Harraden, sworn 
29 August, 1788, states that Anthony Stokes was not at 
that date in the enjoyment of any place or employment 
of profit or emolument, ecclesiastical, civil or military, 
under the Crown, or any half-pay or allowance for military 
services in America, except the sum of £200 a year allowed 
by Grovernment for his temporary subsistence as an 
American loyalist ; and unless the appointment of Colonial 
Agent to the Bahama Islands be considered an employ- 
ment under the Crown, for which he was to be allowed 
the sum of £100 per year. His clerk goes on to say that 
Anthony Stokes appeared to have " on all occasions a 
great aversion to take an oath ", and that he was much 
affected on seeing the form of oath administered by the 
Commissioners of American Claims to all loyalists about 
to be put on the pension list. 

In the impoverished condition of Stokes, the arrival of 
the following note from the Receiver General of the 
Bahamas, dated 19 July, 1788, was a bitter disappoint- 
ment to him : " I received your favour by Mr. Hood, and 
am very sorry to acquaint you that the Treasury is in so 
bad a situation that I cannot give you encouragement to 
expect your salary soon ". The arrears of salary and 
other charges of Anthony Stokes, as the agent of the 
Bahamas in London, had amounted to £213 18s. 1d. from 
thedate of his appointment, 1 October, 1785, to 1 January, 
1788. 1 This Colonial Agency he offered to resign forthwith 

1 Public Record Office : A.O. 13/83 ; A.O. 13/85. 



238 Welshmen in the American 

if the Commissioners regarded it as an obstacle to his 
receipt of an increased allowance, as he would be sorry to 
give up a substance here for a shadow abroad. 

Anthony Stokes claimed £1,200 for the loss of his 
annual income from his public offìces in Georgia, and was 
allowed £1,000.' He died 27 March, 1819. 

Another Welsh loyalist worthy of mention was Hoplrin 
Price of Charleston, South Carolina. 

In the claim in behalf of the estate, made by his 
executor, Robert Williams, counsellor at law, it is stated 
that Hoplrin Price died 011 14 December 1781, presumably 
at Charleston, leaving by his will legacies to his relations 
in Wales. This will, however, cannot be found at Char- 
leston or at Somerset House, and therefore the names and 
places of residence of these relations cannot be traced. 
His real property in South Carolina is said to have been 
confiscated because of his " loyalty to the King and 
attachment to the British Constitution ". The personal 
estate was sold by Robert Williams and the proceeds 
applied to the discharge of debts. The claim of £4,600 
was disallowed by the Commissioners of American Claims, 
on the ground that insufficient proof had been adduced of 
the loyalty of Hoplrin Price. Here it may be observed 
that all the American loyalists who made claims for loss 
of property, or applied for allowances or pensions, were 
required to produce eviclences of loyalty, by certificate or 
by the personal testimony of men of unquestioned loyalty. 
In this case the death of the claimant was a serious 
obstacle to the executor in obtaining the necessary proof 
of his loyal principles. 

The name of Robert Williams suggests that he, too, 
was of Welsh blood ; but the present writer in his search 
among the documents'- has failed to trace any evidence of 

1 Public Record Office : A.O. 12/109, fos 85, 251. 

' l Public Record Office: A.O. 12/48, fo. 12; A.O. 12/109; A.O. 

13/1:;:;. 



War of Indcpendence. 239 

the original nationality of his family. At Charleston his 
eminence as a lawyer attracted the attention of the 
leaders of the Whig party, who failed, however, to 
wean him from his political faith, by offering him, among 
other incUicements, the dignified position of a judge. 
Eobert Williams claimed for his losses by the war the 
large sum of £22,692, but was allowed only £1,705. His 
further claim of £1,050 for the loss of his professional 
income per annum was met by an allowance of £800, 
while the British Government also gave him a pension of 
£360. The wife and family of ten children of this loyalist 
would seem to havc remained at Charleston after the 
evacuation of South Carolina by the British forces. 

John Jones, the third Welsh loyalist, was born in 
Wales at a place not revealed in the documents. He 
started lif e as a common soldier, and by promotion became 
sergeant in the 44th Foot in 1755, when it was ordered 
out to America. After the peace with the French in 1763 
he got his discharge from the army, and he would appear 
to have contemplated following the example of many 
British officers and men, participants in that war, and 
settle down on bounty lands in the Province of New York. 
In 1764, however, his abilities and general good conduct 
were recognized as deserving of further promotion, and he 
was appointed by General Gage to the lucrative position 
of barrack-master at Fort George on Lake George, New 
York, with pay of 4s. a day with a house. Here he re- 
mained in comfort and ease, in possession of a good 
orchard, land, barns, and a saw mill until the Eevolu- 
tionary War, when Fort George was captured by the 
Americans. In addition, he was the owner of a house in 
the town of Albany, which he had bought in 1776 from 
one Jacob Lanson for £300 in New York currency, equal 
to about £200 sterling. 

Among his services during the war was that of con- 
veying intelligence, with the help of other loyalists, to the 
British army in Canada of the proposed expedition of 



240 Welshmen in the American 

the Americaus into Canada in 1775. By some means, 
undisclosed in liis petition, he was discovered as the 
sender and was captured and confined by the enemy to 
Fort Edward. He succeeded, however, in escaping and 
in joining the advanced part of General Burgoyne's army 
at Skenesborough, 110 w Whitehall. In his memorial, John 
Jones states that he was " soon af ter employed by General 
Burgoyne to Quebec, Ticonderoga and Fort George ", 
without, however stating exactly the nature of this duty. 
On 1 August 1777, his merits were rewarded by his 
appointment as barrack-master at Ticonderoga — the ram- 
part against invasion from Canada and regarded as the 
stronghold of the north — which had been unexpectedly 
and suddenly evacuated, with its immense supplies of war 
material, by the American General, St. Clair, to the sur- 
prise of America and England. He was afterwards em- 
ployed in obtaining stores for the army in Canada, where 
he remained on hearing of Burgoyne's defeat at Saratoga. 
The confidence of the army in John Jones was further 
recognized by his appointment, in 1786, as barract-master 
at William Henry, now known as Sorel, in Canada, where 
he was liying in 1788 and where it is presumed he re- 
mained until his death. 

His losses amounted to over £4,000 sterling and in- 
cluded four farms of 1,500 acres, with four dwelling 
houses, good farming stock, two boats and a large barge, 
and £500 worth of wine, rum, brandy and other liquors, 
which he had buried at Fort George, and which were dis- 
covered and seized by the Americans. Part of his claim 
of £4,187 lOs. was waived, the property having been dis- 
posed of in part by permission of the Americans. The 
amount awarded to him by the Commissioners of American 
Claims was £323, and £70 per annum for the loss of his 
official income as barrack-master at Fort George, until his 
appointment to the same position at Sorel. 1 

1 Second Ileport of the Bureau of Archives, Province of Ontario, 
1904, pp, 380-381; Public Record Office : A.O. 12/26, fos. 181-186; 
A.O. 12/109. 



War of Independence. 241 

David Propert, a loyalist from Boston, Massachusetts, 
had been an emigrant from South Wales. He had 
achieved consîderable success as a musician at Boston 
until the war ended his career there. According to his 
evidence before the Commissioners on 17 January 1783, 
he estimated his annual income from his profession at 
£300, inclusive of his salary of £40 as organist of Trinity 
Church. From his income as a musicianhe saved sufficient 
money, aecording to his petition, to acquire substantial 
real property in the town of Boston, consisting of two 
pieces of land in Beach Street, two warehouses and land 
in King Street, and a messuage in Back Street. All this 
property was adjudged forfeit in 1781 by reason of David 
Propert's loyalty. In cross-examination, however, by the 
Commissioners, this Welsh musician stated that he was 
not in actual possession of any landed property, but that 
he had personalty, consisting of bonds, doubtless 011 the 
above estate, to the amount of £1,500 sterling'. A fellow- 
exile, Robert Hallowell, the former comptroller of the 
customs at Boston, in supporting the claim, stated that 
Propert had " considerable property ", whether personal 
or real is not disclosed in the minutes of the evidence. 

David Propert's musical career at the chief city in 
New England began with his appointment as organist to 
Trinity Church on 9 December 1770, when John Rowe, a 
conspicuous Boston merchant, was churchwarden and one 
of his patrons. In this worthy merchant's diary, pub- 
lished as the " Letters and Diary of John Rowe ",' some 
references to Propert's concerts are made. For example, 
on 15 March 1771, the diarist writes " . . . . when I 
came home I found Mr. J. Lane 2 and Mr. Propert who 
supped and diverted us all the evening by playing 011 
Sucky's Spinnet 3 and Joyned by Mr. J. Lane in singing — 

1 Edited by E. L. Pierce, 1895. 

2 Probably John Lane, partner in the firm of Lane, Son and 
Fraser, of London, agents and exporters in the American trade. 

3 Sucky was Susannah hiraan, niece of John Rowe's wife, Hannah. 
She married Captain John Linzee, R.N., in 1772. 

R 



242 Welshmen in the American 

Propert is a fìne hand ". Two other references, under 
date of 3 February 1773, are of interest : " I went to the 
Concert at the Coffee House 1 of Mr. Propert's — very fine 
Musick and good Performers " ; and 17 February 1773: 
" Spent the Evening at the Coffee House with a great 
number of G-entlemen and Laclies being Mr. Propert's 
concert ". 

References are made to the musical life of David 
Propert at Boston in 0. G. Sonneck's Early Concert Life 
in America (1731-1800), where he is mentioned as per- 
forming some select pieces 011 the fortepiano and guitar, 
at a concert in March 1771." 

Propert took no part as a combatant in the war, 
for he fìed from Boston 011 the outbreak of hostilities, 
leaving four spinets in the custody of friends. From 
Boston he returned home to Swansea, and was again 
welcomed to his former position of organist at St. Mary's 
parish church — a position which he filled from September 
1776 until his death or retirement on 25 March 1784, 
when he was succeeded by S. Dyer. In 1783 he was a 
single man, whether a bachelor or a widower is not stated 
in the documents, and was earning- £50 a year by teaching 
music, as well as receiving £16 a year from Lane, Son and 
Fraser, and a government pension as an American loyalist 
of £20. 3 David Propert's name is not to be found in the 
registe'r of deaths of St. Marys's. 4 

The history in America of the next Welsh loyalist, 
Thomas Hughes, begins with his emigration, in 1765, to 
New York, where he became prosperous as a storekeeper 
and a retailer of liquors in Morecoil Street. By dint of 
energy and thrift he saved sutìicient money to buy two 
houses in New York, and in 1770 he was the purchaser of 

1 British CofFee House in King Street, Boston. 

2 The writer is indebted for this note to Mr. Charles Knowles 
Bolton, of Boston. 

3 Public Record Office : A.O. 12/99, fo. 327; The Royal Commis- 
sion on Loyalists' Claims : The Roxburghe Club, 1915, p. 322. 

4 Note contributed by Mr. F. Pale Ẃood, churchwarden, 



War of Independence. 243 

a farm on Barbados Neck in Bergen county, New Jersey, 
for £500 sterling, from his father-in-law, Gustavus Kings- 
land, who remained in possession of this farm after the 
war. His appointed duties during the war included the 
purchase of horses, wood, hay, and other supplies for the 
British army. But the episode, of which he spoke with 
pride, was 011 the occasion when he conducted a party of 
British troops to two barns at Toppan in Orange eounty, 
New York, where they surprised " Lady Washington's 
Light Horse ", and killed or wounded all except three. 

The pension granted to Thomas Hughes and his wife 
and five children was £20. 

John Lewis, a New York loyalist, and perhaps a 
fellow-countryman, was present at the purchase of the 
above farm. 1 

Owen Richards emigrated from Wales to America in 
or about 1750 and settled at Boston. He was named in 
the Banishment Act of the State of Massachusetts, passed 
in September 1778, "to prevent the return to this state of 
certain persons therein named, and others who have left 
this state or either of the United States, and joined the 
enemies thereof ". 

Shortly after his arrival in England he settled in 
Eotherhithe, with his family of four small children, and 
earned a living by plying a boat.on the Thames. 

His memorials are here printed : 

2 "(i) That He has the most Gratefull sence of, and desires to 
return his sincere thanks to your Lordships for the relief granted 
him on his Petition in January last and as he is in hopes, tbat his 
poor Wife and Family 3 is got away from Boston to Halifax, he is 

1 Public Record Office: A.O. 12/21, fos. 325-327; A.O. 12/85, fos. 
5-10; A.O. 12/109, fo. 165: A.O. 13/64; A.O. 13/144. 

2 Public Record Office : A.O. 13/75. 

3 Mrs. Richards was one of the inhabitants who in March, 1776, 
when Boston was evacuated by the British Army, accompanied the 
Army to Halifax, Nova Scptia. The complete list of names is 
published in the Proceedings of the Massachusetts Hist. Soc, Vol, 18, 

p. 266. 

R2 



244 Welshmen in the American 

desirous of going thither to their Assistance, And humbly requests 
that your Lordships would give him leave of Absence and Order the 
Stipend of £30 per Annum allowed your Petitioner to be paid his 
Attorney — and in Duty bound will ever Pray 

"OWEN RlCHARDS. 

"March, 1778". 

" (ii) That your Petitioner has been in the Service of his Majesty 
by Sea and Land near Thirty Years, the greatest part of that Time 
in his Majestys Customs at Boston, in the Year 1770 when Thomas 
Hutchinson Esq. was Governor. Your petitioner made a Seizure of 
a Scooner and Cargo of Foreign Sugars &c. Illegally Imported. and 
with an Intent to defraud his Majesty of his Revenue, This act of 
Duty of your Petitioner so Incensed the Disaffected Inhabitants of 
Boston against Him, that the same Night, they Collected a Tumul- 
tuous Mob of near 2000 and came to your Petitioners House. Broke 
his Windows, and distroyed his Furniture; they then Draged him 
by the heels along the Streets to the Custom House, then tore all 
his Cloaths off his Bocly to his nakedness, and then rolled him in the 
Channel Then put him into a Cart, Tarr'd and Feathered him, then 
set the Feathers on Fire on his Back, and fìxed a Rope round his 
Neck, In this Possition they Exposed him round the Town for seven 
Hours untill he was just expiring. 

" Your Petitioner through these sufferings of savage treatment 
lay many Months Sick, and at a great Expence, and in great Doubt 
whether he could Survive it, To verify the truth of your Petitioners 
Sufferings and Loyalty to his Majesty he humbly appeals to Governor 
Hutchinson and other Gentlemen, Your Petitioner is now near Sixty 
Years of Age — he has a helpless Wife and four Children, his Interest 
(which was some hundreds of Pounds Value, that he had Indus- 
triously Obtained and through Oeconomy had saved, He was obliged 
to leave behind him in Boston and it is now Destroyed by the 
Rebelious Inhabitants there, 

" Your Petitioner has never received from Government any 
recompence or Rewards for his Sufferings, nor for the Loss of all the 
Interest had in Boston 

'• Therefore Your Petitioner most Humbly Implores your Lord- 
ships, that your Lordships would be pleased to take your Petitioners 
Age, Distressed State, and Faithful Service into Consideration and 
Order him such Relief, as you in Your Goodnessshall see Meet to do. 

" And Your Petitioner as in Duty bound shall Ever pray 

"OWEN RlCHARDS. 



rs " 



War of Iudependence. 245 

'•This Petition was recommended, by Gover r Hutchinson 
" Peter 01iver, Chief Judge of the Province 
" TIiob Flucker, Secretary D° 

"Harrison Grey, 1 Treasurer |-Esq 

" Robert Auchmoody, 2 Judge of the Admiralty 
" Jon'a Sewel, 3 — D° of Nova Scotia 

With this inemorial are the following- copies of 

Certificates : — 

" at the request of the Petitioner Owen Richards I certify that 
he was an Inhabitant of the Massachuset Bay and Officer and of the 
Customs when I was Governer there, and that I remember the great 
Abuse by the Mob, to which he Refers, and I then understood and 
Believed that it was Occasioned by a regular discharge of his Duty 

in the Execution of his Office, 

" Sig d Th° Hutchinson. 
" Sackville Street Nov r 5 th 1777. 

"I can Certify that it appeared on a Trial had in the supreme 

Court of Judicature that the fact above Related with Respect to his 

Sufferings is not at all Exaggerated. 

" Sig d Peter 01iver. 

" The Facts related by the Petitioner I believe to be true and 
that his Sufferings were Occasioned by a regular Discharge of his 
Office, Sign d Harrison Gray. 

" I Certify the Like. Sig d Tho» Flucker. 

" I Beüeve the within Facts to be truly Stated — 

" Sig d Robert Auchmuty ". 

Endorsed : — 

" Read 22 Dec r 1777, let him be p d his Sal^ as Tides n out of 
Custom 20 and 30 per ann. 

" The Coppey of | His Formor | Pettistion ". 

" (iii) That your Memorialist is now sixty five Years of Age, and 
has been Employed in his Majesty's Service thirty eight Years, and 
has been a Tidesman in the port of Boston, more than twenty Years, 
That in year 1770 your Memorialist suffered very great abuse, and 
Inhuman treatment from the Mob in Boston for His regular dis- 
charge of Duty and for his Loyalty and Attachment to His Majestys 
Government, That in the Year 1775, during the Seige of Boston 
Your Memorialist was Imploy'd on Several Occasions, on his Majesty 
Service, and that his Salary as a Tidesman was 25 pounds per 
Annum, and Eighteen pence per day when on Duty which together 

1 Harrison Gray. - Robert Auchmuty. 3 Jonathan Sewall. 
1 Public Record Office : A.O. 13/75. 



246 Welshmen in the American 

was 45 pounds per Annum, That in March 1776 when the British 
Troops under the Command of Gen 1 Sir William How left Boston 
and came to Halifax in Nova Scotia. Your Memorialist embraced 
that Opportunity to come away with a number of the Loyal Inhabi- 
tants, under the protection of his Majestys Troops and Navy, Your 
Memorialist from a Steady attachment to, and Long Services under 
the Brittish Govermment, Left Halifax and came to England, and 
Applied tu the R' Hon ble the Lords Commissioners of His Majestys 
Treasury for Relief, That in Jannary 1778. their Lordships was was 
pleased to Order your Memorialist Twenty Pounds, and thirty 
Pounds per Annum, for further particulars beg reference may be had 
to the petition and Certiücates herewith Exhibited, That the pro- 
perty of your Memorialist is Confisticated and Lost which was in 
Value as per Estimate on the other side of this Memorial, Your 
Memorialist therefore prays that his case may be taken into your 
Consideration, in order that your Memorialist may be enabled, under 
your Report to Receive such, aid or Relief, as his losses may be 
found to Deserve. 

" And your Memorialist will ever Pray 

" OWEN RlCHARDS ". 

This memorial is endorsed : — 

" to Be heard of at the Torbay Elephant Staiers 

" Rotherhith in Sury ". 
"At the Request of the Memorialist Owen Richards, I hereby 
Certify, that I knew him many Years a peaceable Loyal Subject in 
America, and that for his Integrity as an Officer of the Customs of 
the Port of Boston he was esteemed by his Superiors in Office, and 
I have every reason to believe. that the Illtreatment and Suffering he 
met with by the Hands of the Populace was Occasioned by the 
Faithful discharge of his Duty as a Custom House Officer, and I also 
realy believe what he sets forth respecting his property in America 
to be Just I know he had a House in Boston — 

" Charles Street N° 7 Benj Hallowell— 

" 22 d October 1783 — One of the Commissioners 

" of His Majestys Customs 
" for America — 

" ESTIMATE. 

" A Dwelling House and Land, as per Title Deeds 

•• Household Furniture, Plate &c. 

"The Estate of William Prince Deceased p' Acc' 

annexed . . 
"To which Add one Years Salary from his Majestys 

Customs . . 
" Eighteen pence per Day when 011 Duty . . 



£256 18 
30 






70 14 





25 
20 







••i.102 12 






War of Indepèndence. 247 

"Your memorialist at Presant cannot Bring beter Proof to the 
above account of his Losses then his title Deeds and the accounts 
here with Exhibited ". 1 

A printed affidavit, such as was sent to most of the 
loyalists, that Owen Richards was not the holder of any 
place or employment of profit or emolument, ecclesiastical, 
civil *or military, under the Crown, or in receipt of half- 
pay or allowance for military services in America, except 
the teinporary support of £30 allowed by the Lords of the 
Treasury, was sworn by him, 30 August, 1788. 2 

Owen Richards claimed £286 18,<;. for loss of property 
and was allowed £120. He also claimed £45 for loss of 
annual inconie from his post as Customs Officer and was 
granted £-40. From 1782 to 1784 he received a yearly 
allowance of £50 from the Treasury. This was reduced 
to £30 in 1784, and a further reduction to £10 was made 
until the year 1800, 3 when he probably died. 

Lieut. John Hybart in his evidence and memorial, 
dated 6 March 1784, declared that he was a native of 
Wales, and left these shores for South Carolina in 1771 at 
the early ag-e of twelve. There he became provincial 
deputy-surveyor to Elias Durnford. In 177(5 he removed 
to West Florida to escape compulsory service under the 
Americans, and shortly afterwards, while yet a youthof 17 
or 18, received a warrant to raise men for the King's 
Florida Rangers, raised and commanded by Lieut.-Colonel 
Thomas Brown, a redoubtable loyalist. This young 1 
Welshman succeeded in recruiting forty-one men and 
received a commission as ensign, and later as lieutenant 

1 Public Record Office : A.O. 13/48. 

2 Ibid. : A.O. 13/83. 

3 Ibid: A.O. 459/7; A.O. 461/16; T. 50/6; T. 50/8; A.O. 12/109, 
fo. 256; AO. 12/105, fo. 43. 

Seeond lieport, Bureau of Archires, Prorince of Ontario, 1904, 
p. 1 160. 

The Royal Comm. on Loyalists Claims: Roxburghe Club, 1915, 
p. 80. 



248 Welshmen in the American 

in that loyalist corps, which was subsequently merged 
into the King's Carolina Rangers. At the siege of 
Augusta in September 1780, when that place fell to the 
Americans, Lieut. Hybart was so severely wounded that 
he was incapacitated from further participation in the 
war. His total claim amounted to £708, and included the 
following tracts of uncultivated land in South Carolina : 
150 acres in Orangeburg township £78 15 
500 acres in Colleton county ... £525 

250 acres 011 Tom's Creek, a branch 
of the Congaree river, about two 
miles from Friday's ferry ... £56 5 

With Lieut. Hybart's claim are copies of affidavits 
sworn before John Mills and David Scott at St. Augustine 
in East Florida in 1783 that he was lawfully possessed of 
the above property. The title deeds having been lost in 
the course of the disturbances, the claim was rejected. 
From February 1783, one year's pay(£85 3s. éd.) was paid 
from H.M. bounty for the loss of his arm. 1 

Tn an undated petition to the Commissioners of 
American Claims, Lieut. Hybart appeals for a " place in 
the revenue, near the sea, in any part of the West of 
England'" that thereby he might be able to support his 
little family comfortably, for which he would willingly 
relinquish his half-pay ". Whether he succeeded in ob- 
taining a revenue appointment is not divulged in the 
documents. His half-pay, however, ceased in 1816. 3 

1 On 18 September 1782, a certificate was signed at Charleston by 
John Allen, surgeon of the Carolina King's Rangers, by Daniel Ban- 
croft, surgeon of the 3rd Batt. New Jersey Volunteers, and by Major 
James Wright (of the Georgia Rangers until tliat corps was amalga- 
mated with the King"s Carolina Rangers in June 1782), that Lieut. 
John Hybart had lost the use of his left arm at Augusta (Hist. MSS. 
Coìnm. lieport on the American MSS. in Royal Inst., vol. iii, p. 124). 

2 ? The West of Wales or South Wales. 

3 Public Record Office : W.O. : Ind. 5604, 5605, 5606. 

4 Public Record Office: A.O. 12/101, fo. 61 ; A.O. 12/109, fo. 168 : 
A.O. 1:5/129. 



Wai' of Independence. 249 

English official documents in the eighteenth, and well 
into the nineteenth, century, frequently ignored the racial 
and geographical distinctions between England and Wales. 
Thus the nationality of Lieut. John Hybart is stated in 
the half-pay lists as English, whereas in his written 
memorial and in his oral evidence he declares himself to 
be Welsh. 

The name of Susannah Marshall has 110 suggestion of 
Welsh origin. When summoned before the Commis- 
sioners in London she stated, however, that she was a 
native of Wales and had married an Irishman, one 
William Marshall. She related the story of their emigra- 
tion to the new world, taking with them their little f ortune 
of £500 in money ancl cargo, and accompanied by their two 
children, and gave a vivid picture of her exciting experi- 
ences at Baltimore, in Maryland, where they had settled. 

Susannah Marshall was a determined enterprising 
woman and opened a boarding house and liquor retailing 
store in that city. Hardly had her enterprise met its just 
reward than the clash of arms was resounding in Mary- 
land, and William Marshall was in May 1775 called upon 
by the revolutionary party to take up arms " in defence of 
the country " ; but the call was met by this loyal Irish- 
man with a blank negative, coupled with a refusal to sign 
an association in violation of his allegiance to his rightful 
sovereign. His loyalty rendering him obnoxious, he was 
obliged to quit his home at Baltimore, leaving his wife 
and children to the mercy of the times. Like so many 
other harried lo} T alists from the Southern Colonies in the 
early days of the rebelliou, he determined to seek a tem- 
porary asylum in the British West Inclies until the storm 
should blow over and he coulcl return to his wife and 
family. But William Marshall never again cast eyes on 
the American shore, for he died in the island of Dominica, 
sometime before its seizure by the Erench in 1778. Mean- 
while his wif e, ignorant of his death, was " maliciously 
compelled ", as she describes it, to billet a number of 



250 Welshmen in tlie Amcrican 

American soldiers in her house from time to time until 
1776, when in desperation she declared her intention 
" to embrace Lord Dunmore's proclamation ", and refused 
any longer to have any more soldiers quartered iu her 
house. Such an unexpected refusal could not be tolerated 
from a woman, and an attempt was made, according to 
her evidence, to " tar and feather " her. Tarring and 
feathering was a popular form of punishment meted out 
011 both sides during the revolutionary war. Owen 
Richards, it will be remembered, was one of the victims. 

This good woman's determination and enterprise, com- 
bined with her unwavering loyality, in spite of a long 
succession of threats, are further confirmed by her char- 
tering of a schooner 011 8 August 1776 for the purpose of 
conveying her and her children to a spot .011 the Maryland 
coast in search of the protection promised to the loyalists 
by Lord Dunmore, then Governor of Virginia. Failing to 
reach the appointed spot in time, Susannah Marshall 
ordered the schooner to make for the Head of Elk, where 
she resolved to settle, and where she either bought or 
rented the Elk tavern and country ferry from one Thomas 
Bailey, a master mariner and loj^alist. Her occupation of 
this home was destined to be of brief duration, for, 
alarmed by the spread of the rebellion and anxious for 
her own safety, she decided in March 1777 to sell off her 
personal property and to take advantage of a " proclama- 
tion of Congress stating that all wlio were desirous of 
quitting the province might do so, without taking any 
goods except country produce ". Chartering a schooner, 
she took on board eighty-one barrels of flour, two hogs- 
heads of venison and hams, and a quantity of bacon and 
bread, intending to join her husband in the West Indies, 
ignorant, as has been already observed, of his death. 
Her troubles were not yet at an end, for she was 
obliged by the Americans to clear out for Hispaniola 
in the West Indies, and to get a bondsman for £2,000 
as security that she was not tating the cargo of 



War of Independence. 251 

foodstuffs to an English port. Another glirnpse of her 
steadfast loyalty is afforded by her allowingthree deserters 
from the Amerieans to take shelter on her vessel. The 
escape of these men had, however, been reported on shore, 
and a vessel was forthwith despatched in pursuit of 
Susannah MarshalPs schooner, which was shortly after- 
wards captured. Luclrily, the schooner was retaken by a 
British armed boat and was sent by the commander, 
James Wallace, 1 to St. Augustine in East Florida, where 
the vessel and cargo were condemned in the Admiralty 
court and the cargo sold for £1,070 Vòs. for the use of the 
starving garrison and population. The capable governor 
of that province, Patrick Tonyn, gave Susannah Marshall 
a certifìcate, in order that she might recover compensation 
and a passage for herself .and children to England by the 
Hawhe transport. Arriving in England in an enfeebled 
and destitute condition, she was allowed by the Treasury 
£20 per annum, and appealed later for an increase in this 
allowance because of ill-health and because of her timely, 
if accidental, supply of food for the relief of St. Augus- 
tine. Williani Lloyd, a loyalist witness before the Com- 
missioners, declared 011 oath that William and Susannah 
Marshall were regarded as people of property, that 
Mrs. Marshall was worth £700 or £800 at Baltimore, and 
that her house there was " very genteely furnished ". 3 

Lorenzo Sabine 3 is the authority for the statement 
that Bichard Bonsall, a Welshman, was a loyalist, and 
that before emigrating to New York he had commenced 
the study of medicine, but had abandoned the pursuit of 
that profession in America. His name is not included in 
the list of claimants for confiscated property. Sabine 
states that Richard Bousall married a lady named Smith, 
of Long Island, New York, and that in 1783 he accom- 

1 Afterwards Admiral Sir James Wallace. {Dict. of Nat. Bìoíj.) 

2 Public Record Office : A.O. 12/6, fos. 2,57-263 ; A.Ó. 12/99, fo.'i'l I ; 
A.O. 12/109; A.O. 13/46; A.O. 13/62. The Royal Comm. on American 
Claims : Roxburglie Club, 1915, p. 388. 

3 Bioyraphies of Loyalists. 



252 Welshmen in the American 

panied the loyalist refugees to St. John, !New Brunswick, 
where he was a grantee of land, and where he died in 
1814, aged 72. He is presumed to have been a kinsman 
of Sir Thomas Bonsall, sheriff of Cardiganshire, knighted 
in 1795. 

The tenth Welsh loyalist was Lieut.-Colonel Propert 
Howorth. In his memorial he states that he fìrst went 
out to the American colonies as a cadet in General Ogle- 
thorpe's 1 regiment of Foot to Georgia in 1737 or 1738. 
On 7 November, 1741, he received a commission as ensign 
in that regiment, and in March 1744 was promoted 
lieutenant. In 1749 this regiment was disbanded, and 
three independent companies detached and sent to South 
Carolina. Lieut. Propert Howorth's own company was 
afterwards ordered in 1754 to Virginia, and in the follow- 
ing year he was dangerously wounded in Braddock's 
defeat. Returning to South Carolina, he was appointed 
in August, 1757, by Governor Lyttelton (afterwards Baron 
Westcote and fìrst Baron Lyttelton ; Governor of South 
Carolina, 1755-62), Lieut.-Colonel of a regiment of foot 
and accompanied the Governor on an expedition against 
the Cherokee Indians in 1759. In February, 1760, he was 
appointed Commanderof Fort Johnston, 2 near Charleston, 
at an annual salary of £200, which was augmented by 
certain fees, amounting to about £250 a year, from all 
merchant vessels entering Charleston harbour. 

Colonel Howorth lived in ease and affìuence at that 
charming city and prosperous centre of Southern colonial 
life. His military duties at Fort. Johnston were not 
onerous and the ten men who occupied the fort were 
content in his absence to serve under the command of a 
non-cominissioned officer, such as George Walker, who was 
subsequently banished as a loyalist from South Carolina. 3 

1 General James Edward Oglethorpe, soldier, philanthropist and 
colonist. (Dict.ofNat. Bẁg.) 

2 Fort Johnston is shown on Crisp's Map of Charleston, abont 1711. 

3 For u picturesque account of his trial by a mock jury at Char- 
leston, see A.O. 12/46, fos. 53-61. 



War of Independence. 253 

In order to protect his property in that province from 
confiscation, Colonel Howorth divested himself of it all in 
favour of his only daughter, who was married shortly 
after the year 1778 to Lieut. James Graham. 1 

Colonel Howorth was a refugee at Charleston in 1782. 2 
He claimed £500 for the loss of his annual income in 
America and was allowed £450, receiving in addition a 
pension of £220, under the address of the House of 
Commons, 9 June, 1788. 

In September, 1788, he was living at Hay in Brecon- 
shire, and a letter of that date to the Commissioners bears 
the hat post-mark, and is sealed with his initials in a 
medallion, enclosed in palm branches, surrounded by the 
motto, Credo Christi Cruce, and surmounted by the crest : 
an arm holding a wreath enclosing a cross. 3 

Colonel Propert Howorth, in a letter* dated 5 Novem- 
ber, 179G, from Hay to his brother, Captain John 
Howorth, R.N., says that he is very ill and very low and 
unable to say half what he would wish. He desired, 
therefore, to add in as few words as possible that he 
wished his niece, Frances Bavies, to have everything that 
he was possessed of, after his death. One of the two 
administrators was George Boone Roupell, of the Middle 
Temple,a loyalist from South Carolina. Colonel Howorth's 
cleath occurred between the date of the above letter and 
8 February, 1797. 

Another Welsh loyalist was Henry Walkeys, who had 
gone out to New York as a gunsmith just before the 
outbreak of war. His record of war services begins 
officially in January, 1776, when he was employed to 
malce arms for the British forces by William Tryon, then 

1 His signature is in the Public Record Office : T. 50/3, book 11, 
folio 24. 

2 Ensign in lst (or Royal) Regiment of Foot from 14 May, 1773, 
until his promotion, 23 November, 1778, in 64th (or 2nd Staffordshire) 
Regiment of Foot, from which he retired in 1783. 

3 Public Record Office: A.O. 13/83 A.O. 13/85; A.O. 12/109, fos. 
166-167; A.O. 13/129; A.O. 13/83; A.O. 459/7; A.O. 459/13. 
4 Somerset House (Exeter 90). 



254 Welshmen in thc American 

Governor of New York. In the following year he was 
transferred to the Rojal Artillerj as an armourer, and in 
1781 he was appointed armourer to the garrison of the 
Citj of New York, a position which he held until the 
evacuation of that citj bj the British in 1783, when he 
returned to this countrj. Confident in a victorj bj the 
British, he bought in 1782 a house in Little Queen Street, 
New Yorlc, froin James de Lancej, the lojalist, for £350, 
in local currencj. This propertj had, however, been 
alreadj confiscated bj an act of the province, with other 
estates of de Lancej, and sold bj the Americans. 1 Henrj 
Walkejs then brought an action against de Lancej in the 
Court of King's Bench in London, for recoverj of the 
monej paid, but failed to secure a verdict in his favour. 
In the hope of obtaining compensation for his losses, he 
crossed the Atlantic again, this time to Halifax, Nova 
Scotia, where one of the Commissioners, Jeremj Pember- 
ton, was sitting, in Julj, 1786, to investigate the claims of 
those lojalists who had sought an asjlum in that colon j ; 
but the unhappj Welsh lojalist met with another dis- 
appointment, being allowed onlj £171 of his claim 
of £804 14s. for loss of propertj. 2 David Mathews, the 
last Mayor of New York under the Crown, and afterwards 
President and Commander-in-Chief of Cape Breton, 
testified at Halifax to the loyalty of Henrj Walkejs. 

William Price described himself in evidence as a native 
of Wales who einigrated to Charleston, in South Carolina, 
in or about the jear 1746, and had a drj goods store at 
Charleston when war broke out. Bj industry and thrift 
he had saved about £1,000 sterling — a substantial sum in 
those dajs. Steadfast in his lojaltj, this son of Wales 
refused on several occasions to abjure his king and to take 
the oath of allegiance to the Americans. In consequence 
of this refusal he was obliged to shift from place to place 
to escape the anger of the revolutionarj partj. 

1 Second Report of the Bureau of Archẁes, Province of Ontario, 
1904, pp. 668-669. - Public Record Office : A.O. 12/109. 



War of Independence. 255 

From Charleston, William Price escaped to New York, 
which was then in possession of the British Army. Here 
he was ordered by Sir Guy Carleton, commander-in-chief, 
an allowance of £30 per quarter, " on account of his good 
character", and 011 the recommendation of " respectable 
people of Charleston ", his fellow-refugees at New York. 
His loyalty was never in doubt, for among the written 
proofs, presented to the Commissioners of American Claims 
in London, was one from Colonel Nisbet Balfour, formerly 
of the 23rd Foot (Royal Welsh Fusiliers) and Commandant 
at Charleston during a part of the war. 

In 1784 William Price was almost an imbecile, at the 
age of 70, and was granted an allowance of £24. His 
place of abode at that time is not mentioned in the 
documents in the Public Record Office. 1 

The Scotch husband of a Welsh woman, Mary Rice, 
of " a good Carmarthenshire family ", as she describes 
herself in lier memorial, was a loyalist, one Dr. John 
Hamilton. This worthy Scot emigrated to America 
shortly before the outburst of the revolutionary storm, 
taking £200 in money and a quantity of medicines, and 
settled as a physician and surgeon at Dover, in New York. 
As a loyal Scot he secured 150 recruits at his own expense 
for the King's American Regiment, a loyalist corps which 
was first raised in December 1776 by Colonel Edmund 
Fanning of North Carolina, who became Governor of 
Prince Edward Island in 1786. Dr. Hamilton, before 
embarking on his self-appointed task of recruiting, had 
suffered considerable maltreatment at the liands of the 
local revolutionists, and had been ordered to appear before 
the Supreme Court on a charge of being a traitor to 
America — a charge of which he was acquitted. 

Some time later in the war he was engaged as a sur- 
geon to H.M. ship HinchinbrooJc, which was destroyed on 
the Mississippi in April 1778 by the Americans, 2 Dr. 

1 Public Record Office: A.O. 12/101, fo. 92; A.O. 13/133. 

2 Hist. MSS. Comm. Report on the American MSS. in the Royal 
Jnst., vol. i, pp. 221, 239, 244, 251. 



256 Welshmen in the American 

Hamilton escaping injury. He was afterwards transferred 
to H.M. ship Zebra, which was lost in a storm off Tybee, 
22 December, 1788. After these misfortunes he returned 
to England, but was not long idle, as the records show that 
after seiwing as surgeon 011 a frigate in the British Navy, 
he became, in February 1780, surgeon to H.M. ship 
Centaur, on which he died in July of the same year at 
Barbados, leaving his wife, Mary, with one son, Walter, 
aged 5 years. 

Mary, his widow, would seem not to have accompanied 
her husband to America. Her claim of £1,000 for the 
loss of his property there was disallowed for the want of 
adequate proof of loss, being unable to produce the title 
deeds (which were probably in the possession of her hus- 
band), or proof of the confiscation and sale of the pro- 
perty. 2 

Although not strictly an American loyalist, the inclu- 
sion in this list of a Welshman, who suffered considerable 
pecuniary loss by the American War of Independence, 
may not be inappropriate. This was William Jones, a 
prominent shipowner of Swansea, who presented a large 
claim to the Commissioners for American Claims for the 
brig Toiunsend (David Thomas, master), which he had 
sent out to Falmouth (now known as Portland, Maine), 
laden with sundry goods, wares and merchandize for the 
purpose of establishing a store there. His factor and 
future partner, one William Horton, a Quaker, accom- 
panied the cargo to Falmouth, aiid for eight months 
successfully carried 011 the business, so successfully that 
the brig was ordered to return home and bring another 
consignment. Hardly had the vessel brought this second 
cargo than the revolutionary disturbances broke out at 
Falmouth and a petition was, on or about 30 June 1775, 
sent round to all the inhabitants that " as the British 
ministry was making use of means to bring the Americans 

2 Public Record Office : A.O. 12/19, fos. 21-28; A.O. 12/109: A.O. 
13/65; A.O. 13/114. 



War of Independence. 257 

into abject slavery,the subscribers thereof did utterly detest 
such artifices and did thereby declare that they would with 
their lives and fortunes oppose such measures and also 
that whatever methods the American leaders or Cono-ress 
should propose tliey would support to the utmost of their 
power". William Horton was required to sign this 
petition, being given overnight to reflect upon it. On the 
following day, deeming discretion the better part of 
valour, and conscious that a refusal to append his signa- 
ture to this hateful petition would result in personal 
abuse, he signed it. But the loyal Quaker determined to 
escape from his unhappy position, and secretly got on board 
the Welsh brig in the dead of night and hid himself, 
intending to set sail before daybreak. The vessel was, 
however, seized by the revolutionists and a threat was 
made by the search party that unless all on board signi- 
fied their intention to support the American cause, both 
they and the vessel would be destroyed. David Thomas, 
the master, anxious for the safety of all on board, in- 
cluding William Horton, prudently made a formal decla- 
ration of adhesion to that cause, distasteful as it was, and 
was permitted, with his crew, to remain in possession of 
the vessel. The Welsh mariner kept watch, and per- 
ceiving a chance in the darkness to escape, set sail for 
home, crossing the Atlantic without accident and reaching 
Swansea early in July 1775. 

The inventory of the goods left behind in the store at 
Falmouth included such diverse things as pottery, knives, 
snuff-boxes, women's fur hats, brass inkstands, horn combs, 
Jews-harps, gloves, shoe buckles, ironmongery, etc. 1 

The borough records 2 of Swansea prove that William 
Jones was a considerable merchant there between 1770 
and 1790. In 1775 his natne is included in a Hst of 

1 Public Record Office: A.O. 13/74. 

2 Mr. D. Rhys Phillips, of Swansea, who is engaged in editing 
these records, has kindly sent this note, with the consent of tho 
borough authorities, 

S 



258 Welshmen in the American 

principal magistrates, noblemen, gentlemen and merchants, 
who had coal estates in the neighbourhood of Swansea. 

One extract from those records deseiwes mention here 
because of its allusion to the American war, namely: — 

February 2, 1776. " The Sally brigantine calls at 
Swansea. This vessel belongs to Isaac Lascelles Winn, 
Esq., who purchased her at Boston in order to convey his 
family to England, she having been taken from the 
Americans by one of H.M. ships of war. We made 
inquiry touching the state of the Army &c. in America, 
but cannot learn any particulars which we think can be of 
service in communicating to your Honours ". 

The Sally also carried Lieut. Julian, of the 23rd Foot 
(Royal Welsh Fusiliers), bound for London with despatches 
for Government. 

One of the most pathetic stories of the war is that of 
the wife of a loyalist, William Powell, described as a 
native of South Carolina, of Welsh descent. His home 
on the Ogeechee river in Georo-ia was attacked in his 
absence by a party of nine Americans, under the leader- 
ship of John Hampton of Salt Ketches, South Carolina. 
Sheltering in the house were some loyalists who had been 
sent by William Powell to acquaint his wife of his situa- 
tion. One of these loyalists, John Jones by name, was 
shot dead by William Nichols, and Mrs. Powell was 
wounded and disabled by the same ball. Thomas Rice is 
named as a member of the attaclcing party. The Powell 
family consisted at this time of a beautiful girl, two 
handsome boys and a baby. 1 

There were other Welshmen or men of Welsh extrac- 
tion on both sides of the great struggle in America, whose 
names have escaped remembrance. Several characteristi- 
cally Welsh names are to be found in the loyalist lists, 
but these, like certain distinctively Scottish and Irish 
names, are included in the comprehensive title of natives 

1 Public Record Office: Treas. 1/622. 



War of Indcpendcnce. 259 

of Britain. One Welsh name of a loyalist is that of 
Hopldn Williams of Ninety-six district in South Carolina, 
who was a refugee at Charleston in 1782. ' Flewelling, 
which like tlie " Fluellen " of Shakespeare, is a corruption 
of Llewelyn, is a name represented by a loyalist family in 
the province of New York. One member of this family 
was Thomas Flewelling, a yeoman, of Northcastle, who 
had 110 fewer than four sons in the well-knovvn loyalist 
corps, the King's American Regiment, two of whoni died 
on active service and one was killed in action. Thomas 
Flewelling hiinself settled, after the war, in Queen's 
County, New Brunswiek. 

Records of the services of two Welsh officers in the 
British army during the American Revolutionary War 
are extracted from official documents. 

The first of these is Lieut.-General Sir John Vaughan, 2 
son of the third Viscount Lisburne, who, after serving in 
the lOth Dragoons from 1746 to 1755 (when he was 
transferred to the 16th Dragoons),raised the Eoyal Welsh 
Volunteers, 3 known also as "Vaughan's Foot" and after- 
wards as the 9-lth Regiment, of which he was commissioned 
Lieut. Colonel Commandant, 12 January, 1760. In 1762 
this regiment was disbanded and Vaughan was appointed 
Lieut. Colonel of the 46th Foot. 

At the outbreak of the Revolutionary War in America, 
Colonel John Vaughan took out reinforcements and was 
granted the local rank of Major-General on 1 January, 
1776. For his great victory and capture of Fort Mont- 
gomery on 6 October, 1777, he was mentioned in orders 
by General Sir Henry Clinton in the following words : — 
" Fort Montgomery is henceforth to be distinguished by 
the name of Fort Vaughan, in memory of the intrepidity 
and noble perseverance which Major-General Vaughan 

1 Public Record Office : Treas. 50/5. 

2 Dict. of Nat. Biog. 

3 An account of the Welsh Volunteers is in preparation by the 
present writer. 



2Óo Welshmen in the American 

showed in the assault on it ". The fort has, however, 
continued to be known in history as Fort Montgomery. 

From 1780 to 1782, Lieut.-General Vaughan seiwed in 
the West Indies and was in command of the military 
forces, while Admiral Rodney commanded the fleet, in the 
expedition to the Island of St. Eustatius, which surrendered 
on 3 February, 1781 .' Both he and Rodney were after- 
wards accused of peculation at the capture of that Dutch 
island — the centre of American smuggling trade against 
the British Navigation Laws, and in the course of the war 
a source of supplies for the Americans. Vaughan, as 
member for Berwick, defended himself from his place in 
the House of Commons, and the ìnotion for an enquiry 
into the alleged peculation was defeated. 

Whether Vaughan's purchase of a large tract of land 
of 8,000 acres, in Albany County, New York, from the 
Indians, by deed dated 21 March, 1770, was a mere specu- 
lation, an investment, or an indication of his intention to 
settle down in the American Colonies, is not disclosed in 
his memorial to the Commissioners of American Claims. 
Many British officers and men, after the war against the 
French which ended in the conquest of Canada in 1763, 
received bounty lands in the Province of New York, while 
others married during or after the war, and subsequently 
settled there. The Revolutionary War saw some of these 
former British soldiers fighting • on the side of the 
Americans, and others in defence of the Crown. 

The second Welsh officer in the regular British Army 
who participated in the Revolutionary War was the Pem- 
brokeshire-born Major John Lewis, who served throughout 
the war. His recorded military career appears to begin 
with his commission of 16 May, 1766, as Lieutenant in 
the 64th (or 2nd Staffordshire) Regiment of Foot, in 

1 Original Correspondence of George III. Public Record Office : 
H.O. 42/3. 

2 Public Record Office : A.O. 13/137. 



War of Independcnce. 261 

which he was promoted Captain, 3 May, 1776, and later 
Major. He had doubtless been a cadet or ensign in the 
64th or another regiinent of the line previous to the date 
of his commission as lieutenant, for in a petition 1 of 
26 April, 1787, he refers to his 25 years service in the 
British Army. Towards the end of the war, Major Lewis 
was appointed deputy Quartermaster-General. The peti- 
tion just mentioned was dated from Grosvenor House to 
William Pitt, then Chancellor of the Exchequer, and 
prays for the appointment to the vacancy in the steward- 
ship of the Castles of Pembroke and Haverfordwest and 
of the King's Manors in the county of Pembroke. 

This is perhaps hardly the occasion for the inclusion of 
an account of the services of the Ro}'al Welsh Fusiliers in 
the American War of Independence. It may, however, 
not be out of place to mention that a member of the regi- 
ment, one Sergeant F. Lamb, published in 1809 an 
" Original and Authentic Journal " of the war, and that 
the names of four American loyalists appear among the 
officers of the Royal Welsh Fusiliers after that war. 
Biographies of these officers will be included in a book 
by the present writer on Americans in the British 
Army. 

The weary continuation of the war in America, the 
surrender of Burgoyne at Saratoga, and perhaps the 
knowledge that a treaty of alliance had been made by 
the Americans with the French in January, 1778, plunged 
London into a state of gloom and anxiety. Prophecies of 
invasion by the French were as frequent from 1778 until 
the Peace in 1783 as they were later, in the Napoleonic 
wars. The result was that volunteer coinpanies 2 were 

raised throughout the land. In Wales nine independent 

1 Chatham papers in Public Record Office, Bundle 220. 

2 Several independent companies, amounting to something about 
a regiment in point of number, were raised in Wales {Annual Register, 
1778, p. 86). 



2Ó2 Welshmen in the American 

companies were organized in February, 1778, commanded 
by the following officers, with the rank of captain : — 
Hugh Lord, Viscount Fielding, 

Rowland Edwards, George Vaughan, 

Alexander Campbell, John Edwards, 

George Adams, Lord Herbert, 

Thomas Lloyd. 
The Welsh ports were free from blockades during the 
war. Milford was used for shipping stores for the British 
Artny in Atnerica, as was Barry port. Swansea, as has 
been obseiwed earlier, was not without importance as a 
port of export and entry. 

Holywell can show the names of two inhabitants who 
had business or social relations with American loyalists. 
One was J. E. Mostyn, who in March, 1775, had some 
transactions with Gilbert Deblois, senior, a prosperous 
Boston merchant, and afterwards a refuoee in Eneland. 
The second was Captain Thomas Totty, who was a witness 
to the loyalty and material losses of Lieut. William 
Haswell, who had retired from the British Navy after the 
war against the French in America and married and 
settled in Massachusetts, only to be disturbed a few years 
later by the Revolutionary War, when he threw all his 
strength on the side of England. 

There were not wanting, as is well lcnown, strong 
advocates in England of the American cause. Among 
these were two dmnes, 1 one a Welsh bishop, the other a 
Welsh Nonconformist minister in London, both of whom 
were correspondents of Benjamin Franklin. 

The former was Jonathan Shipley, bishop of St. Asaph 
from 1769 to 1788, and the other was Richard Price, who 
combined the gifts of a writer on morals, politics and 
economics with theology. The bishop ẃas not at first 
whole-heartedly a supporter of the Americans. In an 
eloquent appeal for a reconciliation with the American 

1 Both are in the Dict. of Nat. Bìotj. 



War of Indeỳendence. 26 



.-> 



colonies, tinged with a melancholy suggestion of the 
inevitable decay and downfall of England, the bishop 
regarded those colonies " as the only great nursery of 
freemen left upon the face of the earth ", adding that "we 
ought to cherish them as the immortal monuments of our 
public justice and wisdom, as the heirs of our better days, 
of our old arts and manners and our expiring national 
virtues 'V 

Price is remembered as the author of the pamphlet, 
" Observations on Civil Liberty and the Justice and Policy 
of the War with America ", and as the recipient of an 
invitation from Congress in 1778 to assist in the financial 
adtninistration of the insurgent States. Richard Price 
concluded his letter, declining this flattering invitation, 
with the prophetic words that he looked " to the United 
States as now the hope, and likely soon to become the 
refuge, of mankind ". 

1 Force's American Archẁes, Series IV, Vol. ii, pp. 97-104. 



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