YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENRAL LITERATURE NUMBER 18 1969

Y39 v.18 1969 70-00129

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1970

NUMBER

18

YEARBOOK

OF
COMPARATIVE

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GENERAL
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Articles

NORTHROP FRYE
Mythos and Logos 5

CLAUDIO GUILLEN
On the Object of Literary Change 19

SIEGFRIED MEWS
Foreign Literature in German Magazines, 1870-1890 36

JACK WEINER
Russian and Soviet Criticism of the Spanish "Comedia" 48

CHARLES R. LARSON
African Literature and Comparative Literature 70

ANTHONY THORLBY
Comparative Literature 75

Reviews of Recent Translations 82

by
ROY ARTHUR SWANSON, L. R. LIND, M. BYRON RAIZIS

Reviews of Professional Works 90

by
RALPH E. MATLAW, JOHN R. FREY

KONRAD BlEBER, ANDRfc RESZLER, RONALD T. SWIGGER

List of Translations: 1968 104

by
GERHARD H. W. ZUTHER, editor

Annual Bibliography: 1968 113
News and Notes 165

KANSAS CITY (MO,) PUBLIC LIBRAftf
700O129

Northrop Frye

MYTHOS AND LOGOS*

The School of Letters was founded
twenty years ago, largely in response to
a great resurgence of interest in the the
ory of criticism. At that time I had just
finished a study of Blake, and was at
tracted by the same interest, following
the particular bent that Blake had given
me. From the beginning I was interested
particularly in two questions. One was:
What is the total subject of study of
which criticism forms a part? I rejected
the easy answer: "Criticism is a subdivi
sion of literature," because it seemed
obvious to me that literature is not a
subject of study at all apart from some
aspect of criticism. There seemed to me
two possible larger contexts for criticism:
one, the unified criticism of all the arts,
which does not yet exist; the other, some
larger study of verbal expression which
has not yet been defined. The latter
seemed more immediately promising: the
former was the area of aesthetics, in
which (at least at that time) relatively
few technically competent literary critics
appeared to be much interested. But there
was a strong centrifugal drift from criti
cism toward social, philosophical or re
ligious interests, which had set in at least

* Presented as a lecture to celebrate the Twen
tieth Anniversary of the School of Letters at
Indiana University, July, 1968.

as early as Coleridge, Some sense of
claustrophobia was doubtless operating
here: a critic devoting himself wholly to
literature is apt to feel that he can never
be anything more than a second-class
writer or thinker, because his work is
based on the work of what almost by
definition are greater men.

The other question was: How do we
arrive at poetic meaning? This question
was closely related to the other question
of context. When I first began to write
on critical theory, I was startled to real
ize how general was the agreement that
criticism had no presuppositions of its
own, but had to be "grounded" on some
other subject. The disagreements were
not over that, but over the question of
what the proper subjects were that criti
cism ought to depend on. There were the
various critical determinisms, ranging
from Thomism to Marxism, and there
was an establishment view that the
proper basis was a mixture of history
and philosophy, evidently on the assump
tion that every work of literature is
what Sir Walter Raleigh said Paradise
Lost was, a monument to dead ideas.
I myself was soon identified as one of
the critics who took their assumptions
from anthropology and psychology, then

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

still widely regarded as the wrong sub
jects. I have always insisted that criti
cism cannot take presuppositions from
elsewhere, which always means wrench
ing them out of their real context, and
must work out its own. But mental
habits are hard to break, especially bad
habits, and, because I found the term
"archetype" a useful one, I am still
often called a Jungian critic, and classi
fied with Miss Maud Bodkin, whose book
I have read with interest, but whom, on
the evidence of that book, I resemble
about as closely as I resemble the late
Sarah Bemhardt.

In certain respects the situation of
twenty years ago has not changed essen
tially. The centrifugal drift continues:
sometimes it represents a genuine ex
panding of the scope of criticism, or
even, as with my colleague Marshall
McLuhan, a new mosaic code. But it
often takes the form of treating the
work of literature as an illustration of
something outside literature. When the
whiteness of Moby Dick is explained as a
Lockian tabula rasa, or Alice in Wonder
land discussed in terms of her hypo
thetical toilet training, one is reminded
of the exempla from natural history
made by medieval preachers. The bee
carries earth in its feet to ballast itself
when it flies, and thereby reminds us of
the Incarnation, when God took up an
earthly form. The example is ingenious
and entertaining, and only unsatisfying
if one happens to be interested in bees.
Naturally such practices have produced a
reaction from critics who see the futility
of trying to base their professional schol
arly competence on an amateur enthu
siasm for something else. But I do not
think it helps any merely to write cau
tionary treatises urging critics that they
should be careful not to do too much
various things that they are not effec
tively doing at all. For the sense of
criticism as a second-hand literary activ
ity is also still with us. Its postulates

would doubtless be repudiated when ex
pressed as bluntly as I have just ex
pressed them, but it still survives as an
unrealized assumption, and any sensitive
teacher can see for himself what psycho
logical damage it continues to do in our
graduate schools, or even earlier.

Hence, although within the last twenty
years students of literature have gained
immensely in confidence and sense of di
rection, criticism is still vulnerable to
external attack in a way that no other
academic subject is, except to the extent
that religion is an academic subject. The
determinists are out of fashion now, but
we still have the critical drop-out, who
laments the shame of our graduate
schools' preoccupation with literature in
stead of with current events or some
thing more "vital." The word in the
desert, T. S. Eliot reminds us, is most
beset by voices of temptation, and, for
younger students in particular, a com
mitment to literature, critical or practi
cal, has still many hazards surrounding
it in this violent and troubled country.

In trying to think about this situation,
I find myself turning to the two classical
"defences" of poetry in English litera
ture, those by Sidney and Shelley. Both
works are familiar, but I should like to
look at them again, not only for what
they say but for what they imply about
the cultural context contemporary with
them. In that aspect they may help us
to clarify our view of our own context.
It is obvious that a defence of poetry,
whoever writes it, is also, at least poten
tially, a critic's confession of faith. De
fence implies attack, and both defences
are conceived as rejoinders to a theoreti
cal attack on poetry. Sidney's essay is
usually associated with the kind of anti-
poetic statement often called "Puritan,"
such as Gosson's School of Abicse, al
though technically Gosson was not a
Puritan and Sidney was. Shelley takes
off from his friend Peacock's satire, The
Four Ages of Poetry. The attacks are

MYTHOS AND LOGOS

not as obsolete as they look: Peacock's
thesis, for instance, with considerably
less of Peacock's wit and paradox,
turned up more recently in Sir Charles
Snow's account of the two cultures.

In most Elizabethan criticism we find
some reference to the poet as having
been dispossessed from a greater herit
age. Sidney stresses this theme less than
many of his contemporaries, but still it
is there, attached to the common Renais
sance assumption that in all human
achievements the greatest are the earli
est. In a distant past, even before
Homer, a period associated with such
legendary names as Musaeus, Linus and
Orpheus, along with Zoroaster in religion
and Hermes Trismegistus in philosophy,
the poet, we are told, was the lawgiver
of society, the founder of civilization.
The reference is, of course, to what we
should now call the conditions of an oral
or pre-literate culture. An oral culture
depends heavily on memory, and the ob
vious instrument of verbal memory is
verse, the simplest and most primitive
way of conventionalizing verbal expres
sion. The professional poet in an oral
culture is, if not exactly the lawgiver, at
least the educator, the man who knows.
That is, he is the man who remembers,
and consequently knows the traditional
and proper formulas of knowledge. He
knows the names of the gods, their gene
alogy and their dealings with men; the
names of the kings and the tribal leg
ends, the stories of battles won and ene
mies conquered, the popular wisdom of
proverbs and the esoteric wisdom of
oracles, the calendar and the seasons,
the lucky and unlucky days and the
phases of the moon, charms and spells,
the right methods of sacrifice, appropri
ate prayers and formulas for greeting
strangers. In short, he knows the kind of
thing that we can still see in the poetry
of Homer and Hesiod.

The characteristics of oral poetry are
familiar, the most familiar being the

formulaic unit, the stock epithets and the
metrical phrases that can be moved
around at will in a poetic process which
is always close to improvisation. An oral
culture is, necessarily, a highly ritualized
one, and oral poetry has strong affinities
with magic. There is magic in the great
roll calls of names, like the Greek ships
in Homer or the elemental spirits in
Hesiod, in the carefully stereotyped de
scriptions of ritual and councils of war,
in the oblique and riddling epithets like
the Anglo-Saxon kenning, in the senten
tious reflections that express the inevita
ble reactions to certain recurring human
situations. Magic means secret wisdom,
the keys to all knowledge, as becomes
more obvious when the poet's repertory
of legend expands into a vast interlock
ing epic cycle. The Elizabethan critics
(Sidney less than, for instance, Chap
man) sensed a kind of encyclopaedic
synthesis in Homer, and they had the
same kind of sentimental admiration for
it that many people in our day have had
for the cultural synthesis of the Middle
Ages. The ideal of universal knowledge
achieved in and through poetry has con
tinued to haunt poets and critics ever
since.

Oral formulaic poetry has a driving
power behind it that is very hard to re
capture in individually conceived and
written poetry. The sinewy strength of
Homer is the despair of imitators and
translators alike: the style is neither
lofty nor familiar, neither naive nor in
genious, but passes beyond all such dis
tinctions. We can get a clearer idea of
the effect of such poetry, perhaps, from
another formulaic art, the music of the
high Baroque. In an intensely formulaic
composer, such as Vivaldi, the same scale
and chord passages, the same harmonic
and melodic progressions, the same
cadences, appear over and over again,
yet the effect is not monotony but the
release of a self-propelled energy. One
of the keenest sources of pleasure in lis-

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

tening to poetry or music is the fulfilling
of a general expectation, of a sort that
is possible only in highly conventional
ized art. If a particular expectation is
being fulfilled, when we know exactly
what is going to be said, as in listening
to something very familiar, our atten
tion is relaxed, and what we are par
ticipating in tends to become either a
ritual or a bore, or possibly both. If we
have no idea what is coming next, our
attention is tense and subject to fatigue.
The intermediate area, where we do not
know what Pope will say but do know
that he will say it in a beautifully turned
couplet, where we do not know in a
detective story who murdered X but do
know that somebody did, is the area of
closest unity between poet and audience.

So far as it is a technique, Homer's
energy can be matched by the later poets
of a writing culture, but the kind of gen
eral expectation he raises is based on
something that hardly can be. This is
the total empathy between poet and
audience which arises when the poet is
neither the teacher of his audience nor
a spokesman for them, but both at once.
Such a poet needs to make no moral
judgements, for the standards implied
are already shared. We cannot even call
him a conservative, for that is still a
partisan term, and in every judgement
or reflective statement he does make he
is formulating his hearer's thought as
well as his own.

With the rise of writing techniques a
major shift in cultural values sets in.
Writing means, among other things, the
development of prose, of verbal expres
sion organized syntactically rather than
rhythmically. With prose, philosophy
ceases to be oracular and proverbial and
becomes dialectical, depending on sus
tained argument and sequence. A mythi
cal habit of mind is displaced by a more
logical one. We now realize, thanks to
such studies of Plato as Eric Eavelock's,
that Plato's attack on poets in the tenth

book of the Republic means exactly what
it says: that the language of poetry
leads not towards truth but towards il
lusion, and that poetry, specifically
Homer, must be rejected as the primary
instrument of education. Something par
allel must have happened in Hebrew cul
ture around the Deuteronomic reform,
something which transformed a mass of
legends and oracles into a sacred book.
In Plato's argument poetry is being
rejected not merely as the primary mode
of thought and learning, but as an en
couragement to social action. For the
oral poet is also concerned with the rit
ualized acts, what Yeats called the cere
mony of innocence, around which social
activity revolves in an oral culture. Plato
considers the poet's version of reality to
be inferior, not merely to the philoso
pher's, but to the artisan's or craftsman's
as well. Most devaluations of poetry
ever since, whether Platonic, Puritan,
Marxist or Philistine, have been attached
to some version of the work ethic which
makes it a secondary or leisure-time
activity.

With writing, in any case, the lan
guage of prose and reason comes to be
regarded as the primary verbal expres
sion of reality, however reality is con
ceived. This assumption is so firmly es
tablished in Sidney's day that he raises
it only by implication. It is accepted
that no poet can be regarded as having,
in religion, the kind of authority that
the theologian would have; and in history
and morals too the language of poetry
falls short of the language of what is
considered literal truth. Many people in
Sidney's day and later were obsessed
with the values of a writing culture:
religion for most of them was derived
from a book; it was spiritually danger
ous to be illiterate, yet the religion had
to be understood from the book in the
plainest possible terms. Hence the atti
tude of such pamphleteers as Gosson,
who demanded to know why Plato was

MYTHOS AND LOGOS

not right, and why anything which is
admitted to be fabulous should still have
a claim on our attention.

Gosson is something of a straw man
in Sidney, if he is there at all, and the
sense of social threat is not very op
pressive. The general liberal position of
Sidney is contained within the same
Christian framework of assumptions as
that of the detractors of poetry. For
Sidney, the ultimate aim of education, in
the broadest sense, is the reform of the
will, which is born in sin and headed the
wrong way. Truth, by itself, cannot turn
the will, but poetry in alliance with
truth, using the vividness and the emo
tional resonance peculiar to it, may move
the feelings to align themselves with the
intelligence, and so help to get the will
moving. Thus the function of poetry is
rhetorical or persuasive. When writing
techniques develop in society, the central
oral figure becomes not the rhapsode but
the rhetor, and for Sidney the poet's
training is very similar to the orator's
rhetorical training, as laid down by
Cicero and Quintilian. Rhetoric, said
Aristotle, is the antistrophos, the an
swering chorus, of truth; and whatever
genuine social function the poet has de
pends on the consonance between his
rhetoric and the rational disciplines, with
their more exact relation to reality. The
same conception of poetry as an emo
tional support is applied to social action,
more particularly military courage,
where poetry is discovered to be, not a
corrupter of courage, but "the companion
of camps."

In countering the attack on poetry as
"fabulous," Sidney follows the line of ar
gument which had also descended from
Aristotle, that the truthful statement is
the specific and particular statement.
Poetry withdraws from particular state
ments: the poet never affirms or denies,
and thus is able to combine the example
of the historian with the precept of the
moral philosopher. As compared with the

historian, the poet gives us the recur
ring or essential event: as compared
with the moralist, he tells us not the
essential but the existential truth, the
kind of truth that can only be presented
through illustration or parable. The
principle emerging here, of which Sid
ney is as yet still imperfectly aware, is
a distinction between what the poet says
and what he illustrates or shows forth.
What he says is of limited importance:
whatever it is, other forms of verbal ex
pression say it more accurately. He is,
of course, greatly prized for his capacity
to make sententious statements, of the
kind that readers and schoolboys copied
out in their commonplace books. But the
more admirable the sentence, the more
it is an echo of what we already know in
a different way. What is distinctive about
poetry is the poet's power of illustra
tion, a power which is partly an ability
to popularize and make more accessible
the truths of revelation and reason.
Hence the importance of the tag ut
pictura poesis: poetry is a speaking pic
ture. Gerard Manley Hopkins draws a
distinction between a poet's "over-
thought," or explicit meaning, and his
"underthought," or texture of images and
metaphors. But in a writing culture a
poet's underthought, his metaphorical or
pictured meaning, tends to become the
more important thought, and to some de
gree it even separates itself from the
explicit statement.

The critical situation which Sidney is
implicitly accepting may be stated some
thing like this: in a writing culture the
norms of meaning are established by the
non-literary writers. It is the discursive
prose writers who really mean what they
say, and align their words clearly with
the facts or propositions they are convey
ing. Compared with them, the poet's
meaning is indirect, or ironic, as we
should say now. When we try to grasp a
poem's meaning, we begin with the
meaning which the poem has in com-

10

YEARBOOK OP COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

mon with non-literary writing. We call
this the literal meaning, though it is ac
tually an allegorical meaning, some
thing that relates the poem to something
outside poetry. What the poem means
apart from this is largely an emotional
meaning, conveyed through various de
vices of rhetorical embellishment. For
criticism based on this aspect of meaning,
poems considered as content are essen
tially documents or records, whether of
ideas or of the poet's experience; con
sidered as forms they are products of
rhetorical expertise. In either case the
critic's function is primarily judicial or
evaluative, concerned with the worth of
what the poet is saying and with his suc
cess in saying it.

When we look at Shakespeare, we
realize that Elizabethan culture is still
very largely oral, and that the existence
of a poetic theatre is evidence of the
fact. In Shakespeare we see a good deal
of the poet's original oral educating
function still going on, most obviously
in the histories. Shakespeare also shows
the identification with the audience's at
titude that the oral poet has. On the
level of explicit statement, or what the
play appears to be saying, he seems will
ing to accept the assumption, or implica
tion, that Henry V was a glorious con
queror and Joan of Arc a wicked witch,
that Shylock is typical of Jews and
Judaism, that peasants are to be seen
through the eyes of the gentry, that the
recognized sovereign is the Lord's anoint
ed and can cure diseases in virtue of
being so, and many other things that the
modern critic passes over in embarrassed
silence. With Shakespeare we are still
many centuries removed from T. S.
Eliot's comparison of the explicit mean
ing of a poem to a piece of meat that a
burglar throws to a watchdog to keep
him quiet. But there is clearly something
in the uncritical social postulates of
Shakespeare that has to do with soothing
popular anxieties and keeping a vigilant

and by no means unintelligent censorship
from getting stirred up. I am not of
course speaking of a conscious policy on
Shakespeare's part: I am merely apply
ing to him a principle which extends to
all poetry. Questionable or dated social
attitudes, as expressed in what appears
to be the surface meaning, do not affect
the real meaning of poetry, which is con
veyed through a structure of imagery
and action.

The Elizabethan critics were less con
tradictory than they may at first seem to
be in saying, on the one hand, that the
poet popularizes the rational disciplines,
sugar-coats the pill, provides instruction
for the simple, and on the other hand
that great poetry is a treasure trove of
esoteric wisdom which poets hid in par
ables "lest by profane wits it should be
abused." Both these views of poetry can
be understood through the same axiom of
ut pictura poesis. Spenser, for instance,
attempted in The Faerie Queene "a con
tinued allegory or dark conceit" which
would return proportionate rewards for
a good deal of work. At the same time
it is clear that his friend Gabriel Harvey
regarded the poem, with its use of
magic, medieval romance, the fairy world,
the folk play of St. George, and in gen
eral of what he called "Hobgoblin run
away with the garland from Apollo/' as
a concession to a relatively simple-
minded audience.

The more completely the techniques of
writing and the mental disciplines they
create pervade a community, the more
difficult it is for the poet to retain his
traditional oral functions. Prose becomes
fully mature and in command of its
characteristic powers, and thereby begins
to break away from poetry, which has
nothing like its capacity for conceptual
expression, and has a limited tolerance
for the abstract language which is now
becoming even the ordinary language of
educated people. Ambiguity, which sim
ply means bad or incompetent writing in

MYTHOS AND LOGOS

11

any logical or descriptive context, is a
structural principle of poetry. In pro
portion as scientific and philosophical
pictures of the world develop, the starkly
primitive nature of poetic thought stands
out more clearly. For poetry attempts
to unite the physical environment to man
through the primitive categories of anal
ogy and identity, simile and metaphor,
which, as Shakespeare's Theseus re
marks, the poet shares, not with the rest
of civilized society, but with lunatics and
lovers. These categories are essentially
the categories of magic, and the figure of
the magician, who, like Orpheus, can
charm the trees by his song is a figure
of the poet as well. The function of
magic, said Pico della Mirandola, is to
"marry the world" (maritare mundum),
and this naive anthropomorphic image
remains close to the centre of all poetic
metaphor. But magic no longer seems
contemporary with the rest of thought.
Such are some of the paradoxes that
Peacock dealt with in his brilliant satire
The Four Ages of Poetry. According to
this, poetry began in primitive times as
"the mental rattle that awakened the at
tention of intellect in the infancy of civil
society." The chief form of primitive
poetry was, Peacock says, panegyric,
which points to the identification of the
poet with his community that we find in
oral cultures. Poetry has its greatest
flowering, or golden age, in the times
immediately following, where habits of
thought are still close to the primitive.
But as civilization develops, Plato's
prophecy becomes fulfilled, and the poet
becomes more and more of an atavistic
survival. "A poet in our times is a semi-
barbarian in a civilized community. He
lives in the days that are past. His ideas,
thoughts, feelings, associations, are all
with barbarous manners, obsolete cus
toms, and exploded superstitions. The
march of his intellect is like that of a
crab, backward."

Peacock's essay is in part a comment on
the rise of the Romantic movement, par-
ticularly on such features as its interest
in the ballad and other forms of primi
tive verbal culture, its use of supersti
tion and magic as poetic imagery, its
withdrawal from urban culture and its
tendency to seek its subjects in the sim
plest kinds of rural life. But everything
that Peacock says about the age of
Wordsworth and Coleridge applies far
more to the age of D. H. Lawrence and
Ezra Pound. He illustrates a stage
of poetry in which the poet has lost the
traditional function inherited from pre-
literate days, and as a result has become
separated from society. Yet the very iso
lation of the modern poet indicates a
turning point in literary history. The
poetic habit of mind, however primitive,
is coming back into society, insisting on
being recognized for itself and on being
accorded some degree of autonomy and
independence from the logical habit of
mind.

We are first made aware, however, of
the decline of the sense of the social
relevance of poetry since Sidney's time,
except insofar as it has become assimi
lated to the mental outlook of a writing
culture. Sidney's case for the poet de
pends on a body of generally accepted
social ideas and values. As society be
comes more confident about these values,
the help of the poet in publicizing them
becomes less essential, and his role more
curtailed. For Sidney the poet is, for ex
ample, potentially a religious influence.
He accepts the Christian conception of
two levels of nature, an upper level of
human nature as God originally planned
it, man's unf alien state, and a lower level
of physical nature which is theologically
"fallen." When he says that poetry de
velops a second nature, he is thinking of
the power of the poet to present the ideal
of the unfallen state in its most vivid
possible form, as a speaking picture. But
in a later age, under Boileau's influence,

YEARBOOK O? COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

the mysteries of religion are thought to
be too high for the poet's ornamentation:
on the other hand, the puerilities of
heathen mythology are too low, and the
poet should outgrow his hankering for
them. Of the traditional qualities of oral
poetry, the one that chiefly survives, in
the age of Pope, is the sententious, the
capacity to formulate "What oft was
thought, but ne'er so well expressed."
The high value set on this aspect of po
etry continues well into Victorian times.
But otherwise the elements that make
Homer the cornerstone of our poetic tra
dition are precisely the elements that
come to be most despised. Catalogues
and lists and mnemonic verses of the
"Thirty days hath September" type,
quoted by Coleridge, are now regarded
as poetry's lowest achievement; the for
mulaic unit becomes the cliche; the rev
erence for convention, of doing things
because this is the way they are done,
gives place to a law of copyright and a
cult of uniqueness.

The poet's role of telling his society
what his society should know is even
more drastically inverted. In this con
nexion Peacock makes the comment: "As
to that small portion of our contempo
rary poetry . . . which, for want of a
better name, may be called ethical, the
most distinguished portion of it, con
sisting merely of querulous, egotistical
rhapsodies, to express the writer's high
dissatisfaction with the world and every
thing in it, serves only to confirm what
has been said of the semi-barbarous
character of poets, who from singing
dithyrambics and <Io Triumphe/ while
society was savage, grow rabid, and out
of their element, as it becomes polished
and enlightened." The most intellectually
tolerant of critics, studying the ideas or
opinions of Yeats, D. H. Lawrence, Ezra
Pound, Robert Graves, or Wyndham
Lewis, is bound to be puzzled, even dis
tressed, by the high proportion of freak
ish and obscurantist views he finds and

the lack of contact they show with what
ever the ideas are that actually do hold
society together. In the twentieth cen
tury an important and significant writer
may be reactionary or superstitious: he
may even be a bloody-minded kook, like
Celine. The one thing apparently that
he cannot be is a spokesman of ordinary
social values. The popular poems of our
day are usually poems of explicit state
ment, continuing the sententious tradi
tion, but such poems seem as a rule to be
out of touch with the real poetic idioms
of their times. Recently in an interview
ing program on the Canadian radio, a
Toronto hippie remarked that the world
would have no problems left if everyone
would only read Kipling's "If" and live
by it. One feels that in our day a re
mark of that kind could be attached only
to a substandard poem. Those who ex
press the ideas and symbols that hold
society together are not the poets; they
are not even the orators who succeeded
them, so much as men of action with a
power over the sententious utterance
which operates mainly outside literature,
and who usually arise in a revolutionary
situation. Such men of action include
Jefferson, and later Lincoln, in this coun
try, and the great Marxist leaders, Lenin
and Mao.

In spite of the close affinity between
metaphor and magic, one might have
thought that, as the authority of science
established itself, poets would become
the heralds of science, as they had earlier
been the heralds of religion. Many great
poets, such as Dante, had in fact ab
sorbed and used most of the essential
science of their day. But after about
Newton's time it became increasingly
clear that most poets were not going to
make much more than a random and
occasional use of imagery derived from
science, or even from technology. What
had attracted earlier poets to the science
contemporary with them was clearly a
certain schematic and mythical quality in

HYTHOS AND LOGOS

13

it, associations of seven planets with
seven metals and the like, which science
itself had outgrown. This schematic qual
ity survived only in a kind of intellectual
underground inhabited by occultists, the-
osophists, mystagogues and scryers, yet,
curiously enough, this was where many
poets turned for intellectual support.
Further, as we see in Yeats, such inter
ests are so triumphantly vindicated in
the poetry itself that it seems clear that
they are connected with the actual lan
guage of poetry, and are not simply a
removable obstacle to appreciating it.
The relation of poetry to religion has
been much closer, and many modern
poets have been most eloquent in their
support of the Christian religion. One
wonders whether that may not be con
nected with the fact that Christianity is
more primitive in its mythology than
Judaism or Marxism or the highly intel-
lectualized versions of Oriental religions
that reach us.

Shelley begins his answer to Peacock
by neatly inverting the hierarchy of
values implied in Sidney. Sidney is con
cerned to show that poetry is a genuine
instrument of education, along with re
ligion, morality and law, but their claim
to be educational is prior and unques
tioned. Shelley puts all the discursive
disciplines into an inferior group of "an
alytic" operations of reason. They are
aggressive; they think of ideas as weap
ons; they seek the irrefutable argument,
which keeps eluding them because all
arguments are theses, and theses are
half-truths implying their own opposites.
Some of the discursive writers are de
fenders of the social status quo: not only
do they fail to defend it, but they ex
asperate and embitter a society in which
the rich get richer and the poor poorer.
There are also liberal and radical dis
cursive writers: they are on Shelley's
side and he approves of them, but being
only the other half of the argumentative
disciplines, the amount of good they can

do is limited. The works of imagination,
by contrast, cannot be refuted: poetry is
the dialectic of love, which treats every
thing it encounters as another form of
itself, and never attacks, only absorbs.

This view of poetry cannot be affected
by the notion that Peacock pretends to
accept, that mankind progresses through
reason to greater enlightenment, and that
poetry, like the less interesting types of
religion, is committed to the values of
an outworn past. The metaphor of crea
tion, if it is a metaphor, is not new with
the Romantics, and most of the better
Elizabethan critics understood what is
meant by "creative" very well. But in
Sidney's day it was accepted that the
models of creation were established by
God: the city, the garden, the code of
law, the essential myths themselves, were
part of a divine revelation. For Shelley,
man has made his own civilization and is
responsible for it, and at the centre of his
creation are the poets, whose work pro
vides the models of human society. Thus
poetry once again, as in primitive times,
becomes mythopoeic, but this time its
myths embody and express man's crea
tion of his own culture, and not his re
ception of it from a divine source.

Shelley says that poetry is "that to
which all science must be referred."
There is a reality out there, a reality
which is given and has in itself no moral
significance, which science studies, and
there is the reality which does not exist
to begin with, but is brought into being
through a certain kind of creative activ
ity. This latter kind of created reality
does have moral significance, and enters
into everything that, since Shelley's time,
we have learned to call concern: into
man's questions about his destiny and
situation, the meaning of his life and
death, his relation to past and future, to
God and to society. The articulating of
concern cannot base itself on science or
any discursive discipline, nor can it any
longer echo or support what they say.

14

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

The mythical confronts the logical, eval
uates it and assimilates it to the con
cerns of human existence. If it encoun
ters an important scientific conception,
like evolution, it can neither argue with
it nor expound it: it can only throw up
a mythical analogy to it, as Bernard
Shaw does, or a mythical repudiation of
it, as D. H. Lawrence does.

Consequently it is no good attaching a
pejorative meaning to the word "primi
tive." Poetry which is not primitive is
of no use to anybody: every genuine
work of the imagination comes out of
the most primitive depths of human con
cern. I say "depths" because of all the
subterranean and oracular imagery in
Shelley. Poetry for him comes from an
area which, though superior to con
sciousness, is metaphorically hidden and
underneath, in what we now call the sub
conscious. Because this oracular power
has assumed the authority formerly as
cribed to God's revelation, it is sur
rounded with a good deal of resonant
rhetoric about "that imperial faculty,
whose throne is curtained within the in
visible nature of man." Such a formula
tion may tend, in later Romantics, to
lead to a certain amount of displaced
racism and an unhealthy emphasis on
the immense difference between those
few who are born geniuses and the rest
of us mediocrities. The implications in
Shelley, despite the rhetoric, are more
interesting.

Shelley says that our perception of
given reality, the world out there, tends
to become habitual, hence a pernicious
mental habit develops of regarding the
unchanging as the unchangeable, and of
assimilating human life to a conception
of predictable order. But poetry, says
Shelley, "creates anew the universe, after
it has been annihilated in our minds by
the recurrence of impressions blunted by
reiteration." Hence the poetic and the
revolutionary impulses are interdepend
ent. No genuine change in society can

take place except through realizing that
the imagination, which conceives the form
of society, is the source of the power of
change. This conception of poetry as es
sentially and primarily revolutionary is,
of course, inconsistent with the Marxist
view of revolution. Marxism returned to
the view of Sidney, that poetry's social
function is to echo and support the more
accurate and less emotional approaches
to truth made by the discursive verbal
disciplines. The bourgeois culture of
Shelley's day took the same view, in a
much more naive form. Hence Shelley's
phrase "unacknowledged legislators." The
poet's function is still his primitive oral
function of defining and illustrating the
nature of the society that man is pro
ducing; but nobody realizes it.

Every great poem is a product of its
time, and is consequently subject to the
anxieties of its time. It is an implicit
part of Shelley's argument that an au
thentic reading of poetry reads it by its
imaginative "underbought" and not by
its explicit conformity to contemporary
prejudice, or what he calls, in connexion
with Calderon, "the rigidly-defined and
ever-repeated idealisms of a distorted
superstition." If, for instance, we read
Dante's Inferno as a poem conforming
to or coming to terms with anxieties
about a life of unending torment after
death awaiting most of those who do not
make an acceptable deal with the Church,
then, from Shelley's normal point of
view, writing such a poem would be an
act of treachery to the human race far
lower than anything done by Dante's
three traitors, Brutus, Cassius, and Judas
Iscariot, all of whom must have acted
from better motives. But, of course, we
read the Inferno through its imagery and
action, as a representation of the actual
life of man. Reading all poems in terms
of their presented or illustrated meaning,
we come to realize that there are no dead
ideas in literature. The imagination op
erates in a counter-historical direction

MYTHOS AND LOGOS

15

it redeems time, to use a phrase which
is Shelleyan as well as Biblical, if in a
different context and literature exists
totally in the present tense as a total
form of verbal imagination. Shelley
speaks of this total form as "that great
poem, which all poets, like the co
operating thoughts of one great mind,
have built up since the beginning of the
world."

The post-Platonic or allegorical con
ception of poetic meaning, according to
which poetry is aligned by its meaning
to something outside itself, has pro
duced a strong critical reaction in our
time. Meaning is centripetal as well as
centrifugal: words in a poem are to be
understood by their function in that
poem as well as by their conventional
or dictionary meanings. Hence a strong
emphasis on the importance of centripe
tal meaning, in short, on explication.
But the words used in a poem are used
in other poems as well as in nonliterary
structures, and not only words but im
ages and metaphors and rhythmical pat
terns and conventions and genres. This
leads us to a conception of poetic mean
ing which is not allegorical, taking us
outside literature, but archetypal, plac
ing the poem in its literary context, and
completing our understanding of its
structure by relating it to the rest of our
literary experience. The lightning flash
of Shelley's phrase illuminates the con
temporary critic's pons asinorum, the
bridge leading from the secure routines
of explication over to the other shore of
criticism.

Ever since Plato the question has been
raised: in what sense does the poet know
what he is talking about? The poet
seems to have some educational function
without being himself necessarily an edu
cator. He knows what he is doing, but
qua poet can say nothing beyond his
poem. Hence the need for the education
al aspect of his function to be taken over
by someone else. In oral days he had

only the rhapsode, who, as Socrates
demonstrates in the Ion, really knows
nothing at all. With the rise of writing
and more sequential forms of thinking
the critic appears as the social comple
ment of the poet. In Sidney's view of
poetry the critic retains his traditional
role as judge, as a spokesman for so
ciety's response to poetry. But Shelley's
conception of it makes the critic rather a
student of mythology. The whole subject
of which criticism forms part, then, on
this view, is the study of how society
produces, responds to, and uses its myths,
or structures of concern, in which the
poetic structures are central. This sub
ject has not yet been defined, but it
embraces large segments of psychology,
anthropology, philosophy, history, and
comparative religion as well as criticism.
We still habitually read poetry through
its indirect or illustrated meaning, and
critics have developed very subtle tech
niques of doing so. Something has to be
allowed here for the influence of the film,
with its vivid emphasis on symbolic de
tail. We tend also to assume, with
Auden, that if a poet seems to be "silly
like us," God pardons all poets who can
write well. This situation has not
changed much since Shelley's time, and it
would be premature to attempt a third
defence. But the cultural changes of the
last two decades or so make it obvious
that we are beginning to move into a dif
ferent cultural orbit, and one which is
recapturing many of the qualities of pre-
literate culture. The revival of oral po
etry is the most obvious of these new fac
tors: poetry read or recited to groups
which is close to improvisation, usually
has some kind of musical accompaniment
or background, and often takes the form
of commentary on a current social issue.
When we think of contemporary poetry
we think not so much of a small group
of great poets as of a kind of diffused
creative energy, much of which takes
fairly ephemeral forms. It used to be

16

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

assumed that every creative effort worthy
the name was aiming at permanence, and
so was really addressed to posterity, but
this notion does not have the prestige it
once had.

This situation is so new that the criti
cal values it implies are not yet ab
sorbed. Of the poets of the previous gen
eration, perhaps Wallace Stevens, with
his studiously oblique avoidance of direct
statement, is the most widely respected
today: in the last year I had five gradu
ate students proposing to write doctoral
dissertations on him, and managed to
talk only three of them out of it. In con
trast, Vachel Lindsay seems to be a
neglected and patronized figure; yet the
spirit of a great deal of poetic activity
today is closer to Lindsay than to
Stevens. Poetry which addresses a visible
audience must win the sympathy of that
audience, and hence a surface of explicit
statement, embodying social attitudes
that the audience can share, comes back
into poetry. Of the characteristics of an
oral culture that are once again with us,
one is what Wyndham Lewis recognized
and deplored, as the "dithyrambic spec
tator." Such poetry demands a consolida
tion of social opinion. We shall not, I
hope, go so far as to retribalize our cul
ture around formulaic units, as China is
now doing with the thoughts of Chairman
Mao. But a similar oral context, and a
similar appeal to immediate emotional
response, is obviously reappearing in our
literature.

Our society appears to be in a revolu
tionary phase in which the revolutionary
side of the movement has been more
successful than the Marxist movement
of thirty years ago was in capturing the
loyalties of creative and articulate peo
ple. The revolution of our time is not,
like Marxism, directed at the centres of
economic power: it is rather a psycho
logically based revolution, a movement
of protest directed at the anxieties of
privilege. It does not fight for the work

ers against the exploiters: it attacks and
ridicules the work ethic itself. It does
not see Negro segregation or the Viet
nam war merely as by-products of a
class struggle: it sees the fears and
prejudices involved in these issues as
primary, and the insecurity that inspires
them as the real enemy. A revolutionary
movement of this kind is one in which the
arts can play a central and functional
role. A Marxist writer who finds his
enemy in capitalism has to construct a
literary analogue or illustration to a
philosophy, like Sidney's poet. But in
the situation around us the artist has an
enemy that he can recognize and deal
with in his own terms: the enemy of
anti-art, the psychological defences of
advertising and propaganda which oc
cupy the place of the arts if they are not
dislodged. The author of a play designed
to shock or outrage us with, say, the
Vietnam war is engaged in a direct
moral struggle with the newspaper pho
tograph or the political speech that is de
signed to accustom us to it, A militant
art of this kind can never find itself in
the position of a Marxist artist after the
revolution takes place, suddenly required
to turn from protest to panegyric. The
revolution it fights for can never "take
place." It is permanent revolution in the
strictest sense, society engaged in a per
petual critique of itself, reforming and
reclarifying its own mythology, its own
troubled and inconsistent but still crusad
ing vision of what it might be.

All kinds of people are involved in
this situation: I am saying only that the
social function of the artist in it is get
ting a little easier to see. Some issues
which a generation ago were largely lit
erary conventions have now become ex
panded and clarified as social issues.
Take, for example, the conception of the
obscene expression. The celebrated four-
letter words raise few eyebrows today,
because the taboo on them never was
based on much more than reflex. The

MYTHOS AND LOGOS

17

real obscenities of our time, the words
that no self-respecting person would se
riously use, are the words that express
hatred or contempt for people of differ
ent nationality, religion, or skin color,
and the taboo on them is founded on a
more solid idea of what is socially
dangerous.

Every new movement in its turn has its
attendant dangers, and the dangers of a
revived oral culture are the dangers of
mob rule, a confusion of sincerity with
prejudice, and a tendency to rationalized
destructiveness which is endemic in the
boredom of an affluent society. One ob
vious result of the revival of oral poetry
is an increase of anti-intellectualism. Po
etry can never be as abstracted from con
cern as music, and while a separation of
music into classical and popular is so
cially accepted, a similar separation of
poetry would be, I think, disastrous.
There are both mythical and logical
habits of mind in the world now, the cul
tural presuppositions of an oral as well
as of a writing culture, and the critic
has to understand both and neglect
neither. It is fashionable to speak of the
lineal habit of mind derived from writ
ing as something no longer with it, but,
left to itself, this tendency would go
in the direction of the "think with your
blood" exhortations of the Nazis a gen
eration ago.

The critic's social context, therefore,
is not merely the social context of poetry:
he has also an obligation to work for all
forms of a sympathetic public response
to literature. I have suggested that the
revolutionary attitude of our time is di
rected primarily against the anxieties of
a privileged society. Its main impetus
derives from the resentment of the un
derprivileged, with a supporting move
ment from the self-criticism or disillu
sionment of the already privileged. Ours
is an age where a revolutionary drawing
of lines may occur at any time for any
reason. But such events are the crises

and not the ordinary process of history,
and, of course, not all anxieties are reac
tionary ones. There is much that is
action and much that is only activism,
genuine issues and phony issues, protests
aiming at reform and protests aiming
only at protest. These matters are com
plex, and I am not competent to pro
nounce on them. But I have a suspicion
that one sign of the phony issue is a
tendency to attach itself to a mental atti
tude similar to those underlying the at
tacks on poetry that Sidney and Shelley
resisted. The anxieties of privilege are
usually thought to be centered on the
past, and to take the form of a dread of
change. But this feeling, when it exists,
may be a disguise for a deeper fear
which is future-directed.

I said that Sidney's case for the poet
depended on a body of socially accepted
values. Shelley's defence assumes a so
ciety in which accepted values are con
tinually being re-examined and recreated.
All genuine work in society helps to do
this, and the value of poetry is partly
that it shows most clearly how genuine
social work is focussed on the present
moment. All forms of study and educa
tion increase the significance of the pres
ent moment, but for the experience of the
creative arts the present moment must
be not merely significant but also pleas
urable. There are also in society, how
ever, those who are victims of the anxiety
caused by the lack of solid or permanent
values. This anxiety can no longer look
back to the past, but is forced into a
view of progress, assuming that genuine
social work is directed toward reaching
such values in the near future. Science
and technology progress and develop, and
so help to create the sense of a rational
order that is just about to become clear.
Such a feeling has of course nothing to
do with either science or technology, but
is a social mirage, like flying saucers.

There is thus a collision between two
social attitudes. One sees the significant

18

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

and pleasurable moment as, at best, a
distraction from the future-directed work
of society. We require from our public
leaders the abstracted gaze of the car
driver, looking forward to the imminent.
This attitude often comes to us in a
donkey*s-carrot form: we can attend to
the significant moment as soon as some
particular social hurdle is got over first.
The appeal seems plausible until we start
noticing that there is a series of hurdles,
and that the series never comes to an
end. The Puritans were more realistic
in seeing that the temporary hurdle could
only be life itself, and could only be
surmounted by death. In the society of
our day the unhappiest people are those
who, in Sir Charles Snow's phrase, have
the future in their bones: who convince
themselves, every night, that Godot will
infallibly come tomorrow. They are the
predestined victims for any popular po
litical or intellectual leader who employs
the sales pitch that anyone following
him is peering into the future, and that
everyone else is condemned to stare
gloomily at the past.

The opposed view is that the signifi
cant and pleasurable moment is the

centre of real activity, and the activity
which postpones this moment the real
distraction. There is thus some truth in
the conception of the poet as an obstacle
to progress, in Peacock's ironic sense of
the word. The energy with which litera
ture devotes itself today to techniques
of absurdity, fantasy and the dissolving
of identity is part of its fight against the
hallucination of a coming order, and it is
a very curious critical illiteracy that
makes us speak of such techniques as
"avant-garde."

The centre of the anxiety of privilege,
as we keep searching for it, seems to be
first a fear of the significant moment,
then a fear of pleasure itself, and then,
perhaps, a fear of taking the privilege
which is ours by right, and is not gained
at someone else's expense. We can prob
ably never define so elusive a phantom,
but what it is trying to hide from our
view is what Sidney calls the golden
world that poetry offers us for nature's
brazen one, and what Shelley calls the
common universe of which we are
portions and percipients.

University of Toronto

19

Claudia Guillen

ON THE OBJECT OF LITERARY CHANGE

One often hopes that theory might
benefit from the imminence of practice.
The theoretical questions that are posed
by the organization of literary history
are seldom simple and never superficial.
Today we are reminded of these ques
tions by the "History of European Liter
ature" which the Hungarian Academy
of Sciences is planning in cooperation
with the International Comparative Lit
erature Association. This project fully
deserves the support and collaboration
of comparatists everywhere. In the in
itial stages, our support may well take
the form of theoretical discussions con
cerning the basic problems of literary
history. 1

The leading role that is being assumed
by the Hungarian Academy is a fortu
nate circumstance. The very remarkable
contribution of Hungarian scientists, hu
manists, and artists to the intellectual
life of this century is evident to all.
Hungary's central position in Europe,
its contacts with the most varied trends
of thought, its independence from those
chauvinistic or ethnocentric instincts
that weigh so heavily in the balance
when either Western or Eastern Euro
peans contemplate their past, are all
conditions that augur well for the future
of this enterprise.

Two general features of the plan are
most attractive. The first is very obvi
ous, and the other slightly less so. We
are promised a genuinely comparative
history of European literature, first of
all, in the sense that the readers will
not be provided merely with a row of
so-called national literatures, neatly con
tiguous, with the addition of remarks
on influences, borrowings and transla
tions. What is at stake is the kind of
historical category or strategy that could
generate an overall view of European
literature. Secondly, it seems that the
principal instrument of historical organ
ization across national boundaries will
not be the notion of literary period. This
could initiate a salutary reaction against
the widespread tendency in comparative
studies to replace the traditional em
phasis on national literatures, as they
appear "horizontally" or diachronically,
with a renewed stress on the synchrony,
or rather the pseudo-synchrony, of in
ternational periods, eras or epochs. 3 We
have been told that the proposed History
of European Literature will be based on
"courants litteraires" or "literary move
ments." These terms, as Tudor Vianu
pointed out in the 1962 Budapest con
ference, 8 are very much in need of clari
fication. Nevertheless, they imply an

20

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

awareness of the fact that currents or
movements coexist and clash within a
single section of time. They suggest a
sensitive perception of historical becom
ing, that is to say, of the processes and
confrontations of the past.

We have also been told that a sub
stantial question remains unanswered:
that of the limits of what is meant by
European literature. The problem, it is
suggested, is not so much temporal as
it is spatial or "geographical": 4 should
one include all literatures or significant
literary works written in European lan
guages across the world, from Manila
eastwards to Vladivostok? Some who
answer this question in the affirmative
go so far as to maintain, with Mihaly
Babits, 8 that European literature, in the
broadest sense, ought to be defined typo-
logically. A literary class or set of
classes would constitute its real identity.

I am inclined to support the position
of the "little Europeans." The proposed
field of study should be qualified and
circumscribed for the following reasons.
A typological definition may be the final
product of a survey, but it does not
coincide with it. The survey itself, the
narrative of European literature in the
making, unfolds a sequence of events,
not a class beyond time. Keeping in
mind that we are dealing with a process
of change, the fundamental question that
arises is that of the relationship be
tween the narrative of literary events
and the itinerary of the peoples and so
cieties from which these events emerged.
Who were the agents of such a history?
Who made the events possible? To whom
did they happen? Such queries can
scarcely be avoided, and it would seem
odd for the literary critic to appoint
himself a historian while showing an
utter disregard for the identity of his
historical subject. This does not mean
that I am prejudging the nature of the
relationship between what the Russian
formalists call the "literary series" and

the "historical series." Though the two
series may be far from equivalent, or
even parallel, an unequivocal connection
should exist between the spatio-temporal
limits of the one and the corresponding
limits of the other. And we are thus led
to rely on how the concept of Europe
itself is isolated by the social or the
political historian.

With this purpose in mind, I am sub
stantially persuaded by the conclusions
of Oscar Halecki in The Limits and Divi
sions of European History (1950). Euro
pean civilization, with its basic
Germanic, Scandinavian and Slavic com
ponents, develops in an area and in a
section of time that are distinct from
those of its Greco-Roman predecessor,
whose center was the Mediterranean.
Ernst Robert Curtius' bias in his Euro-
pdische Literatur und lateinisches Mit-
telalter is that, while stressing the con
tinuity of a literary series, he neglects
the profound changes that took place in
the historical series from one civilization
to another. This passage takes the form
not of a transition from "period" to
"period," but of a thousand-year long
process of cultural change. It coincides
with Christianization, and it begins much
before the fall of the Roman Empire.
As Alfons Dopsch and Christopher Daw-
son have shown, it continues till at least
the year 1000 or perhaps, till the con
version of the Lithuanians in 1387, or of
the Spanish New Christians during the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The
imposition of Christian unity on the
Iberian peninsula represents, for good
or ill, the final Europeanization of Spain
and Portugal, while making possible at
the same time, through the creations of
Cervantes and other Spanish artists, the
injection of Semitic-oriental elements
into the bloodstream of European civili
zation. 7 The example of Spain is meth
odologically central because it visibly
indicates that history is composed not

ON THE OBJECT OF LITERARY CHANGE

21

of a sequence of periods but of the co
existence and confrontation of processes.

While Europeanization was still tak
ing place in the Iberian peninsula, the
discovery and conquest of America
marked the beginning of the most cre
ative of all processes of dissolution.
Europe as a self -centered, distinct civili
zation ceases to exist even as it expands
and begets and exports itself across the
planet. I suspect that these observations
apply also to the limits and configura
tions of European literature, which can
be distinguished from a broader "West
ern literature." The transformation of
Europe into a Western or an Atlantic
community may be reaching its crucial
stages today, even though the themes
and the procedures of Greco-Roman
poetry can reappear in Manila or in
Vladivostok. It could be pointed out that
there is usually a time-lag between the
temporal boundaries of a civilization and
that of its literature, as continuity and
"conservatism" are such strong factors
in the literary field. But ultimately one
is led to recognize that Europe does not
coincide with the West, and that its
proper dimensions have been much
smaller the coordinates of differentia
tion that made us so aware of the dis
tinctions between Florentines and Nea
politans, Czechs and Slovaks, Catalans
and Andalusians. To restrict Europe in
space and time is to stress this essential
texture, and to perceive how different it
is from the dimensions of Western civi
lization today.

Yet there are even larger questions
that call for preliminary discussion. Had
we no longer any doubts concerning the
"practical" limits of our topic, certain
decisions would still have to be made
with regard to not only the character
but the very objectives of literary his
tory. For the basic principles of lit
erary history as an intellectual discipline
continue to appear, to say the truth,
unclear. Surely, the same does not apply

to literary criticism. The efforts and
procedures of criticism, at the very least,
tend to converge on individual objects.
These objects are works of art. It is
always possible for the critic to rely on
the unity or "form" of the literary
work, and to expect that his own re
sponses will evidence a minimum of in
tegrity. But what holds a particular
history of literature together? No his
torian limits himself to holding up a
mirror to a past "reality" that has been
previously sorted out and arranged for
him; today we know that historiography
is unavoidably "constructive." As the
student of literature moves away from
the single work of art and approaches
the wider expanses of historiography,
the choice of a "constructive" principle
becomes increasingly necessary.

There can be no objective without an
object, no history without a core that
may serve as the protagonist of the
historian's narrative, or at least as an
occasion for the perception of change.
A row of single poems, stories and plays
arranged against the background and
the drama of political or social history,
like a string of corks bobbing on the
ocean, does not offer us a picture of the
change and therefore the history of
literature. It is not the predicates but
the subjects of the historian's discourse
that stand in need of initial clarification.
"No science is possible which does not
have its distinct object," writes Rene
Wellek (A History of Modern Criticism:
1750-1950, I, 230) concerning Kant's
identification of an "aesthetic realm" in
the Critique of Judgment. The main
question concerning the "science" of
literary history is what the nature of its
object is.

The concept of Europe will not come
to our rescue now, as it did a moment
ago when spatial boundaries were being
discussed. The question remains, vis-a
vis such a broad area, of what the prov
ince of the literary historian actually is.

22

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

What is the object of his investigations,
and how does it differ from that of
other historians? We know, to be sure,
that to ask a question, to identify a
problem, constitutes the beginning of an
approach toward the field under study.
It may be that the guileless question
I have just raised implies such an ap
proach: the attempt to regard the stu
dent of literature, from the start, as a
historian among historians.

A negative check might confirm this
point. Let us notice in passing what is
not being asked: the age-old question
as to the relationship between "litera
ture" and "history." Aristotle laid down
a famous distinction between the two in
his Poetics (1451b) : history presents
what has happened, literature (or po
etry) what may happen; literature
tends to express the universal, history
the particular, etc. Aristotle's topic was
the nature of poetry, and its different
species (these two, the nature of poetry
and the division into species, being
closely interconnected) ; so that he nat
urally found it useful to emphasize the
contrast between the achievement of the
poet and that of the historian. His con
cern was not with the theory or with
the various kinds of history (though he
began to practice literary history in
the Poetics: 1448b, etc.) ; the modern
theorist's is, for his task begins where
the aesthetician's ends or where the
"philosopher of poetry" is replaced by
the philosopher of history. We do not
doubt that an authentic corpus of poetry
exists for example, a number of six
teenth-century Spanish poems. We as
sume that these poems have already
"happened," and have already been dif
ferentiated from the accomplishment of
those other sixteenth-century Spaniards
who conducted scientific experiments,
carved statues of saints, waged wars,
built cities, destroyed civilizations. The
question concerning the connections that
could have existed between the efforts

of these men and the works of the poets
is not that of the relationship between
"literature" and "history": it is entirely
dependent, instead, on the skills of the
modern historian, and the ways in which
he organizes the scattered data that he
possesses military, social, political, etc.
We are dealing basically with the rela
tions between literary history itself and
social history t political history, economic
history , etc.

The theory of history that one might
support, then, would postulate (as Aris
totle did with regard to literature in
the Poetics) that there are several "spe
cies" of history. Literary history would
exhibit, whatever its aim or its charac
ter, some measure of "specificity." Now,
I quite understand that autonomy and
specificity are two very different things,
and I am not suggesting for an instant
that the history of literature be con
sidered in glorious isolation from that of
societies, economies, or dominant values.
I am so much concerned with historicity,
in fact, that I assume that literature is
not exempt from it. I assume that it is
not fruitful to continue to speak about
"literature" in a purely aesthetic, rheto
rical, non-historical manner, on the one
hand, and on the other, of "history,"
and, after having severed the two so
neatly, to struggle for meaningful "rela
tions" between them. It is preferable to
discuss the connections between litera
ture and either society or language from
a radically historical point of view, that
is, while regarding each of these sys
tems as intrinsically (at least in part)
diachronic and changeable. Thus our
question seeks to identify the goal which
makes of the discipline under considera
tion both a "specific" enterprise and a
genuine province of history. This means,
most probably, that the object of literary
history must itself admit of change. The
working hypothesis of the historian is
that historical change does not flow
around his topic; but that, rather, the

ON THE OBJECT OF LITERARY CHANGE

23

careers of society, language, and litera
ture all compose processes flowing, as
it were, simultaneously and side by side,
though with different speeds or rhythms.
Surely as far as historical discourse is
concerned, one is likely to accept A. N.
Whitehead's idea that the notions of
process and existence, or of process and
individuality, presuppose each other. As
Whitehead writes in Modes of Thought:
"Process and individuality require each
other. In separation all meaning evapo
rates. The form of process . . . derives
its character from the individuals in
volved, and the characters of the individ
uals can only be understood in terms of
the process in which they are impli
cated." 8 With regard to the study of
literature in historical time, "specificity"
and "historicity" are two inseparable
requirements. And their union reflects
within our discipline the interlocking of
what Whitehead calls in his metaphysics
"process" and "individuality."

I should add that I do not propose to
confuse these "individuals" of literary
history (the specific objects of literary
change) with the isolated works of art.
Critics have often tried to link entire
historical periods, in the broad sense,
with single literary works. Stylisticians
have gone further: having analyzed a
particular style, an effort would be made
for example, by Leo Spitzer to iden
tify in a single verbal device the micro
cosm of contemporary Geistesgeschichte.
From a historian's point of view, these
are implausible endeavors. Let us sup
pose for a moment that the opposite
were being attempted. Let us return to
those sixteenth-century men I mentioned
a while ago Spaniards who waged
wars, conquered civilizations, built
churches and cities. One would pick a
singular action: the construction, say,
of one of the three hundred and sixty-
five churches in Cholula and its vicin
ity. What would, the analogous pro
cedure be? One would go on to show a

satisfactory and sufficient relationship
between this individual occurrence and
the entire design of Siglo de Oro Span
ish literature. Doubtless no sane scholar
would waste his time on such a hypo
thesis. It would be disingenuous to pre
tend that even the building of all the
churches in Mexico could be discussed
seriously without the previous insertion
of these actions into the appropriate eco
nomic, political, or religious frameworks.

Where historical facts of this sort are
concerned, one does not ordinarily sup
pose that an isolated event is fully rep
resentative, "emblematic," or "symbol
ical," of entire economic conjunctures or
processes of social change. Yet a similar
notion, to go back to the individual
poetic work, can be accepted by the
literary critic. The reason for this is
that the verbal work of art has long
been regarded as essentially emblematic
or symbolical and artistic "form," or ex
pressive form, as a kind of mediation
between the One and the Many. In Aris
totle's opinion, literature tended to ex
press the universal, while history related
the particular. Among the Romantics,
especially, it was believed that the poet,
like a prophet or a seer, was a pursuer
of the absolute. Schelling affirmed that
only symbolism in art, as distinguished
from abstract thought or allegory,
was capable of presenting the general
through the particular. Coleridge found
in the Imagination the means to "make
the changeful God be felt in the river,
the lion and the flame . . ." (Wellek, A
History of Modern Criticism: 1750-1950,
II, 76, 163) etc. An interesting instance,
because of its apparently structural
terminology, is one of Friedrich
Schlegel's longer aphorisms from the
Athendum. Schlegel praises the ancient
Greek poets' feeling for both "individ
uals" and "systems," and asks whether
any systems, or "real unities," exist that
are not historical:

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

Kann man etwas andres charakteri-
sieren als Indiyiduen? 1st, was sich
auf einem gewissen gegebnen Stand-
punkte nicht welter multiplizieren
lasst, nicht ebenso gut eine historische
Einheit, als was sich nicht weiter divi-
dieren lasst? Sind nicht alle Systeme
Individuen, wie alle Individuen auch
wenigstens im Keime und der Tendenz
nach Systeme? 1st nicht alle reale
Einheit historisch? Gibt es nicht In
dividuen, die ganze Systeme von In
dividuen in sich enthalten? (Charak-
teristiken und Kritiken, I, No. 242,
p. 205)

It would be possible to show that these
Romantic ideas underlie Benedetto
Croce's well-known invitation to discover
in the individual work of art a concen
trated, meaningful expression of "his
tory/* Insofar as universal history un
folds, in post-Hegelian terms, the career
of the Spirit, one can find no better ac
cess to this necessary evolution than the
appreciation of art. The single work of
art, Croce writes in a 1917 essay, "La
riforma della storia artistica e letter-
aria," encloses the entire world and all
of history in a single form, "tutto 1'uni-
verso e tutta la storia in una forma
singola" (Nuom saggi di estetica, 4th
ed., p. 177). This form can be grasped
only by the kind of literary criticism
which is oriented toward the "individual"
(critica individualizzante) ; and literary
history must therefore consist of a series
of monographs or single essays. These
ideas were well received by some of the
more distinguished critics in Italy. Fran
cesco Flora has stated that the history
of literature "absorbs" all the other ma
terials of history, which only art can
transform into "content." 9 Luigi Russo
exacerbates Croce's thought and goes so
far as to write that literary history is a
task for "retarded minds" ("una fatica
di menti arretrate") . 10 Apropos of Karl
Vossler's study of the Divina Commedia,
Russo writes that world history has
become "incarnated" in the great poet's
spiritual vision.

Bisogna giungere al concetto che la
poesia e, si, fantasma, sogno, lirica
visione; ma fantasma, sogno, lirica
visione che nacse nella storia. Non
nella storia presa nella sua esistenza
obiettiva, come qualche cosa che esista
li, di fronte al poeta, e con la quale
egli debba fare i conti, ma nella storia
che si e incarnata, si e contratta in lui,
e in cui consiste e di cui irrequieta-
mente si fa tutto il suo- spirito . . .
Cos! si puo dire che 1'artista, generando
la sua poesia, genera al tempo stesso
tutta una storia del mondo, da cui pur
quella poesia nasce. Ebbene: indagare
quella storia del mondo contratta in
lui, e da lui attualmente generata,
val quanto spiegare il nascimento della
poesia stessa. (La critica letteraria
contemporanea, p. 254).

The obvious circularity of this notion
is difficult to counter: a rebuttal would
require a thoroughgoing discussion of
the postulates that are involved. For
example, I have assumed that there are
several "species" of history, whereas
Russo implies that there is only one. But
if even such questions were to be left
aside, the following difficulty would re
main: that historians cannot dispense
with time. The product or culmination
of history which Russo perceives in an
isolated poem cannot possibly coincide
with the process, the sequence, the nar
rative, of history itself. The historian
arranges diachronically a series of "par
ticulars," to use the Aristotelian term
whatever the scope of the particulars
may be. Even though Russo's ideal critic
may deal with the genesis of the poem
(as in the poetics of Walter Binni), he
goes on to focus on the ways in which
a narrative of events "contracts" into
timelessness. He is, in short, a spurious
historian. To be sure, it cannot be
denied that it has been fruitful to define
the "spiritual unity" of singular his
torical periods or epochs, like the Middle
Ages and the Renaissance. But the Ren
aissance is not "tutta la storia in una
forma singola." In this sense, as a

ON THE OBJECT OF LITERARY CHANGE

25

"particular" of history, it is comparable
to the concept of national literature.
Croce argued most persuasively that the
unitary idea of national literature as
when certain critics spoke of the "gen
ius," the "character," or the "sense," of
Italian literature is not a valid critical
category. (Cf. "Storie nazionalistiche
e modernististiche della letteratura,"
Nuovi saggi di estetica, p. 181ff). Luigi
Russo followed suit in a long essay en
titled "Ritorni ed esaurimento di vecchie
ideologie romantiche" (La critica let-
teria contemporaries, p. 376-392). Croce's
point was that art expresses both the
individual and the generally human, but
not that half-way house called the na
tion "essendo 1'arte in quanto arte
sempre individuale e sempre universale,
e percio sempre sopranazionale" (Nuovi
saggi di estetica, p. 271). National liter
atures, that is, are neither particulars
nor universals. The same applies to
whatever portion of history a single
poem may symbolize.

We saw earlier that the diachronic
study of literature implied two require
ments: "historicity" and "specificity."
A third requirement, then, would be
"structure," or "system," or "integra
tion." I shall soon return to these terms,
with which the linguist and the social
scientist are familiar. Essentially, the
literary historian cannot be satisfied
with an atomistic approach to litera
ture (though the critic may). Insofar
as history demands interpretation, and
interpretation rests upon constructive
principles, it is not sufficient to enumer
ate to arrange a row of individual ob
jects. This seems evident enough when
the subject is European literature. But
even if the topic were less ambitious,
literary history would still presuppose
the existence of extensive processes and
configurations rather than of merely
partial or isolated events. In practice,
this is what the better literary histori
ans have achieved. In theory, there is

much that remains to be done, and it
is generally thought today that the most
useful analogies can be drawn from lin
guistics and the social sciences espe
cially from the latter.

In his essay "An Introduction to Lin
guistics" (1937) (Essais linguistiques,
p. 18-20), Louis Hjelmslev discussed the
differences between the broad view of
linguistic systems and the regional study
of linguistic change : the latter he called
"idiodiachrony," as opposed to "pandia-
chrony." Similarly, the concern of the
historian of European literature is with
"pandiachronic" objects of study, such as
movements and currents. At the same
time, the peculiar "complexity" of his
task is such that the relationships be
tween these different currents or proc
esses, on the one hand, and, on the other,
between literary history and what I
have been calling the other "species"
of history, are continuing problems.
These problems, as far as I know, are
comparable to those which the anthro
pologist is called upon to confront. The
limits of "language" i.e., what lan
guage is not are much clearer than the
contours of the social scientist's "cul
ture." Language, consequently, pro
vides us with the better structural model
though at the expense of the inter-
systematic considerations that arise
when the different levels or parts of
complex cultures are being differentiated.
Forty years ago, Edward Sapir regarded
this as an advantage: "Linguistics
would seem to have a very peculiar value
for configurative studies" he wrote,
with reference to configurative or Gestalt
psychology "because the patterning of
language is to a very appreciable extent
self-contained and not significantly at
the mercy of inter-crossing patterns of a
non-linguistic type." 31 Today, it is the
inter-crossing of patterns that attracts
our attention. A culture embraces a
plurality of levels or orders (material
practices, group values, religion, etc.)

26

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

which, are roughly the counterparts of
the various species of history. Now,
there is obviously more than a difference
of degree between an investigation of
blanket-weaving among the Navahos and
a study of their social organization as a
totality.

It has been one of the principal tasks
of anthropological theory during the last
thirty years to refine the terms which
make possible a total or "holistic" inter
pretation of cultures. "Societies," Pierre
van den Berghe summed up recently,
"must be looked at holistically as sys
tems of interrelated parts." 12 In order to
describe this congruity among the parts
of a society, a number of terms have
been used. "Values," or "grammars of
values," are examples. In their study of
The Navaho (1947), Clyde Kluckhohn
and Dorothea Leighton singled out nine
"basic convictions*' or "premises"; ear
lier, Ruth Benedict had studied "psycho
logical sets" and "patterns"; A.-R. Rad-
cliffe-Brown, a "system of sentiments,"
with regard to the Andaman islanders;
Ralph Linton, "universals," "specialties,"
and "alternatives"; Morris Opler,
"themes"; John Gillin, "objectives"; J.
A. Barnes, apropos of complex societies,
"networks," 18 etc. Of course, these vari
ous terms respond to different criteria
and stresses. I shall discuss presently
the need to distinguish between "domina
tion models" and "interaction models"
with respect to the structural study of
history. For the moment, I should re
iterate that literary history as a genu
ine "species" or "genre" of history im
plies a structural or systematic object
of study. The essential choice is between
chronological or serial enumeration,
based on the principles of construction
which the other genres of history have
supplied, and a systematic description
postulating that the literary scholar is
capable of making his own contribution
to historical knowledge. This last point

has been forcefully expressed by Louis
Hjelmslev:

Toute description scientifique presup
pose que 1'objet de la description soit
concu comme une structure (done, an
alyse selon une methode structurale
qui permet de reconnaitre des rap
ports entre les parties qui le con
stituent) ou comme faisant partie
d'une structure (done, synthetise avec
d'autres objets avec lesquels il con-
tracte des rapports qui rendent pos
sible d'etablir et de reconnaitre un
objet plus etendu dont ces objets, avec
Tobjet consider^, sont des parties) . 14

In the literary field, I have been say
ing that the historical view (necessarily
comprehensive and constructive) re
quires a systematic object of study. I
have been speaking, like Hjelmslev, of
structures and systems, and should clar
ify my uses of these terms. Doubtless
they both denote sets of constituent units
in which the interrelations between the
units are meaningful. Beyond this, the
scope of each term varies, and should re
main flexible. Within the context of this
essay, that is to say, of the problem of
literary history, the following distinc
tions are, I think, advisable. Structures
and systems are, to begin with, historical
occurrences. Many linguists and anthro
pologists today would interpret them,
probably, as "surface structures" or one
time "manifestations." To recall Aris
totle once more: history arranges "par
ticulars" (or sets of particulars), while
poetry expresses universals; and in our
day, Claude Levi-Strauss adds: history
deals with "contingents," anthropology
with universals. With respect to either
thinker, literary systems and structures
are, to be sure, "contingents" and "par
ticulars."

Let us suppose that the shape of a
certain succession of events appears to
have been "contingent," and to make
very little "sense": it then is the duty
of the historian to show an understand
ing for contingency rather than a nos
talgia for sense. This does not mean

ON THE OBJECT OF LITERARY CHANGE

27

that a system does not include "poten
tial" components. A literary structure
may very well have been a historical
occurrence, and, at the same time, a
theory such as a theory of genres. A
theory of genres published in 1795 was
both one of the events of that year and
a potential framework for the creative
writer. Historians will study, and view
as one of their subjects, the passage
from theory to accomplishment, precisely
because this passage was a "contingent"
development. They may call such a de
velopment an "influence," and show at
what point the impact of Boileau's
theories, or of Schiller's, or of Belin-
sky's, became generally visible.

Secondly, there is a traditional dis
tinction between "structure" and "sys
tem" that we might wish to retain.
"Structures" designate especially the in
terrelations (of mutual and meaning
ful dependence) between constituent
units. "System" denotes either the set
which is held together by these relations
or the larger configuration which em
braces one set after another in historical
time. Among social scientists, A.-R.
Radcliffe-Brown conceived a structure to
be "the set of actually existing rela
tions, at a given moment in time, which
link together certain human beings.""
A system always encloses a structure,
but the opposite is not true, as Lein
Geschiere points out with regard to
language. A single sentence, responding
to an individual situation, does not
coincide with the broader system or sub
system. In "je 1'ai vue hier," hier be
longs to the sub-system hier-aujourd'hui-
demain, which is a triad, and the other
words to other sub-systems belonging to
a larger linguistic system. Geschiere
suggests an analogy with the regulation
of traffic through red, orange and green
lights: as a system, this arrangement
is intended to meet certain needs and
contingencies, while the exact relations

between the various lights at a given
moment constitute the structures. 16

In the context of literary history, I
should repeat that a system is mean
ingful only when it is known to have
lasted over a certain period of time,
and to have made individual occurrences
possible. The system "poetry-prose-prose
poem" was effective in France for sev
eral decades after Aloysius Bertrand
and Baudelaire; it indicated a passage
from a binary structure based on a
"conflict model" (poetry versus prose)
to the more complex triad, which has
often evidenced in the history of poetics
a structure (a "reconciliation model")
more akin to "culture" than to "nature."
(On this point, see my essay "Poetics as
System," to be published shortly in
Comparative Literature.) In cases such
as this, the concern of the historian is
with the fact that these structures,
seemingly elementary or supra-temporal,
did actually last or endure for a con
siderable number of years.

Let us now pause for an instant and
glance back at some of the ground we
have covered. In the main, we have ob
served three of the essential qualities
of literary history. Ideally, the object of
literary history is: 1. "specific"; 2. "his
torical" (in the internal sense) ; 3. "sys
tematic." But the theory and the prac
tice of literary history are, of course,
two very different things. The "model"
that I have started to delineate is
markedly distinct from some of the prin
cipal procedures which have been fol
lowed in the past. I shall offer some
comments on four of these types of lit
erary history.

A common procedure, first of all, con
sists in presenting one exercise in in
dividual literary criticism after another
a succession, that is, of relatively
short critical monographs held together
by either chronology alone or a combina-

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

tion of chronology with occasional refer
ences to social, political or intellectual
history. As history, this is an ens aft
alio: it seeks a principle of coherence
beyond the poetic works themselves, as
well as beyond styles, genres, etc. In
some cases, an internal evolutionary
principle is shown to be operative, even
though its tenor may be blurred when
more than one form or theme is being
studied. Croce once thought that a
chronological sequence of critical essays,
brought together by the history of non-
art, was not literary history, and I of
course agree though Croce meant it as
a compliment. Basically, the reader is
provided with a diachronic collage of
critical readings. These readings are
projected or superimposed on a film of
social and political history. Of the three
conditions I have just stressed, this type
of history fulfills only the first that the
object be specifically literary; otherwise,
its goals are neither intrinsically his
torical nor systematic; and it thus fails
to render forcefully either continuity or
change. Moreover, this type of literary
history reveals still another failing,
which deserves some comment. One no
tices that the so-called historian of liter
ature often considers the proper object
of his study to be a series of new works.
This is profoundly characteristic of our
discipline. (Even the formalist Yuriy
Tynyanov, in the most challenging
theoretical essay that I know on the
problem of literary history, elaborates
a serial conception of literature.) 17 The
"literary series" which the historian de
scribes becomes a succession of "dis
coveries" and freshly written works, a
tale of modernity in the making and of
artistic originality at work. Unfortun
ately, the itinerary of literature in his
torical time is a much more complicated
affair. As Rene" Wellek firmly states:
"we must conceive rather of literature
as a whole system of works which is,
with the accretion of new ones, con

stantly changing its relationships, grow
ing as a changing whole" (Theory of
Literature, p. 255). This is the process
of cultural development that a social
scientist like Julian H. Steward would
call "additive" or "accumulative," rather
than merely "substitutive." 18

As far as literature is concerned, the
historian must always be alert to the
interplay between the "already living,"
in Eliot's words, and the new struggling
to live or between the need for each
generation to "start anew" (which is
not the same as to innovate) and the
essential continuity of the written word.
Each period, moment, or conjuncture,
is marked by the places which are oc
cupied in the more significant contempo
rary systems by the old together with
the recent; and I allude not only to writ
ers but to conventions, genres, theories,
etc. The situation of the theater in
Madrid in 1960 would have to be por
trayed in terms of the new plays that
were written and also of the classics
that were not produced. The situation
of poetry in Paris at the same time would
be in terms not only of Char, Ponge and
Bonnefoy, but of the Baroque poets who
had just been rediscovered and re-edited.
(In this connection, the bibliographer
and the historian of the book have im
portant contributions to make.) The
situation of poetry and poetic systems
in eighteenth-century Paris could be
defined through the status of the ode
or of the lyric genres in general as
well as of Villon and Du Bellay in
the neo-classical treatises of the day.
This notion, I suspect, is most persua
sive when one thinks of architecture
and the fine arts. There one can speak
not of "imaginary" but of real museums,
and, especially, of cities. A city such
as Paris or Seville represents the most
visible and palpable of artistic "sys
tems" or "structures," in which the
various styles of the past are blended
and continue to come to life. The first

ON THE OBJECT OF LITERARY CHANGE

29

of the great Baroque cities doubtless was
Rome. But Rubens, Velazquez and Pous-
sin did not visit Rome in order to admire
exclusively the so-called Mannerist and
Baroque artists. In a sense, the idea of
literary system, which I have begun to
outline, may be regarded as a verbal
equivalent of the authentic, living, grow
ing city?

Secondly, histories of national litera
tures come to mind, which could appear
to meet all three of the requirements
mentioned above. Actually, they do not
and for a curious reason: because the
extensive object whose career they delin
eate is a spurious institution. Literary
works are rooted in language and ex
perience, not in nations (or races). Lit
erary history and cultural nationalism
were both products of the nineteenth
century. Consequently, the concept of
national literature as a specifically
literary category became a retroactive
illusion which nineteenth-century critics
foisted on the writers of the Middle Ages
and the Renaissance. On some occasions,
it has led to determinism, ethnomania,
and various reactionary attitudes. On
others, it has been a notoriously ef
fective and fruitful concept. Even the
Russian formalists used it, for reasons
that I ignore, though one notices that
they dealt with poets and novelists of a
period, the nineteenth century, when
national literatures were genuinely op
erative frames of reference. My point
is that this is a notion which should
itself be approached historically. Its
origins are obviously not literary. How
one should wish to ask did the
"myth" of national literature fulfill cer
tain social or political functions? In
the hands of a number of governments
during the nineteenth and twentieth
centuries, classroom study of the great
national authors was one of the main
instruments employed to shape the young
citizen in the oflicial image of the com
munity. (This could not quite happen

in the United States, whose national lan
guage was not exclusively its own:
was this a favorable condition for the
development of literary criticism in
America?) In what ways, besides, did
the "myth" of national literature com
pensate in the psychological sense of
the term for injured pride, for the
oppression of the individual, for the
submission of the intellectual to the
state? In Europe, the idea of a national
literature first arose in Italy, from the
days of P. S. Quadrio and Giacinto
Gimma (Idea delta Storia deWItalia let
ter ata, 1723) to those of Paolo Emiliani
Guidici and Luigi Settembrini. To what
extent did this respond to the economic
and political decline of the Italian
states? Questions such as these would
deserve, I think, careful study. The
rise of national canons of systems of
authors, generally valued and recom
mended as authorities should be fully
described and accounted for, in the man
ner so splendidly outlined by Ernst Rob
ert Curtius. 20

In the case of Spain, where such
research has scarcely begun, I should
propose this working hypothesis: Span
ish literature will have been a valid
system for approximately two hundred
years between sometime in the eight
eenth century and sometime in the
twentieth. It is only after 1750, grosso
modo, that the tendency to liberate po
etry from the domination of unitary,
unchanging norms (from an "absolute"
poetics) , and to place it under the tute
lage of history, gained wide momentum,
Before this, one could encounter, to
be sure, much pride in the Spanish
poets. It was understood that there were
worthy representatives of Spain on
Mount Parnassus. But there was, so
to speak, only one Parnassus. As the
sixteenth century drew to a close, Fer
nando de Herrera sang the praises of
Garcilaso, who had proved not only his
mastery of the eclogue but his ability

30

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

to rival with the arrogant Italian poets.
But Herrera was every inch the human
ist always mindful of the Latin origins
of his native Seville. It could not cross
his mind that there was such a thing
as Spanish poetry ; or that Garcilaso had
cultivated a Spanish /orm, a Spanish
genre, or a Spanish style. These notions,
which were in conflict with classical po
etics, would arise much later. Their
emergence can be studied in connection
with the publication of the first national
anthologies: from the nine-volume Par-
naso espanol by Lopez de Sedano (1768-
79) to Quintana's Tesoro del Parnaso
espanol (Perpignan, 1817), the other col
lections published in France by emigres
like Pablo Mendibil and the Abate Mar-
chena (1819, 1820), don Alberto Lista's
Coleccion de trozos escogidos de los
mejores hablistas castellanos (1821), etc.
An interesting aspect of this develop
ment was the gradual emancipation of
anthologies from the schemes of poetics
and especially of rhetoric i.e., from the
display of the kinds of "eloquence" to be
imitated by the readers, as in Mendibil's
Biblioteca selecta de Literatura Espan-
old, o Modelos de Elocuenda y Poesia
(Bordeaux, 1819) and, at the same
time, the elaboration of historical selec
tions arranged serially and chronologic
ally. Now, as far as the present is con
cerned, I will risk this comment. Since
1950, approximately, it has been notice
able that the idea of Spanish literature,
as an enveloping situation and an opera
tive framework for the writer, has begun
to be dislodged by two other categories:
by an increasing interest in all literary
works written in Spanish, be it in
Europe or in America; and by a quick
ened awareness of the fact that Spain,
as a state, is "pluricultural" and en
closes at least three literary languages,
Castilian, Catalan, and Galician. The
roots of the Catalan language have
proved to be profound. Will Catalan
writing continue to flourish in the fu

ture? Will the die-hard chauvinists and
theologians permit what one might view
as a belated but auspicious revival of the
original pluriculturalism of Spain? I
doubt very much that events of this
nature can be foreseen or predicted. But
on a European scale, the direction of
change can be discerned. Personally, I
like to visualize the temporal profile of
European literature in the shape of an
hour-glass: broad and unitary from the
Middle Ages to the seventeenth century,
slimming down to the idea of literary
nationality in the eighteenth and the
nineteenth, and broadening out again, in
the form of increasingly complex sys
tems, during the nineteenth and particu
larly the twentieth centuries.

There is little need, thirdly, to com
ment at length upon the kind of literary
history whose purpose is to interpret
the itinerary of a single genre (like
comedy, or a lyric form, or the historical
novel) , of a mode (like irony or satire) ,
of a theme, of an aspect of rhetoric or
a device of style. By and large, this has
been the most satisfactory kind. Within
the terms of this paper, its validity
from a theoretical standpoint (I am not
dealing with success or failure in prac
tice) is due to the fact that it meets
not only the first of the conditions I
mentioned earlier literary specificity
but the second as well, the historicity of
an object admitting of change. It is the
continuity of the object of study, of
course, that allows the perception of
change. This is a story, as it were, with
a growing hero and a developing point
of view. In this context, the title of one
of the more recent histories is very ap
propriate: Roy Harvey Pearce's The
Continuity of American Poetry (1961).
The reader is given a clear and powerful
principle of construction. But what of
our third condition? Is it not implicit
in the other two? Do these studies
renounce offering an integrated picture
of literary history? In some cases, they

ON THE OBJECT OF LITERARY CHANGE

31

do. But in others they do not, and the
dividing line cannot be drawn too
sharply. The object of study may be
regarded as a sign, a model, a heuristic
phase of an open-ended process of in
quiry. How legitimate is the compara
tive "perspective" Pearce wonders as
he starts when we have scarcely begun
to ask what American poetry "actually
is"? And he adds:

There is yet a larger reason for hold
ing in abeyance such comparatist ques
tions. We have not yet sufficiently
realized the degree to which the his
tory of American poetry is a sort of
model, an initial if not initiating test-
case, for the recent history of all
Anglo-European poetry. Almost from
the beginning, the American poet's
world has been the one we know
everywhere around us: where the
very role and function of poetry as
a valid human act is in question;
where the creative sensibility strug
gles not just to express itself, assured
that such expression has a place, some
place, in the world, but merely^ to
survive (The Continuity of American
Poetry, p. 8) .

It is society, then, that isolates the
poet; and this situation is itself a socio-
historical circumstance. But one won
ders too: does the critic, in turn, isolate
the poet from other writers, artists, in
tellectuals? Theoretically speaking, the
problem is the extent to which the critic
wishes to recognize that a genre belongs
to a structure of genres, and beyond it,
to a system of literary options. Though
the poetic series may be presented as a
dialogue with society at large, the fact
remains that we are being provided, as
far as literature itself is concerned, with
a kind of synecdoche, and that the part
may be symbolical of the whole (as we
said apropos of Luigi Russo) but not
representative of the historical struc
ture which is basically relational. Other
stages in the complex inquiry of the
literary historian could be described as
the attempt to test and extend the in
sights derived from the interpretation

of genres and modes, by means of a deci
sive passage from the literary compon
ent to the literary system, and conse
quently, to a further understanding of
the relationships of mutual dependence
existing between "cultural" systems and
social or economic configurations.

Some schools of criticism maintain,
fourthly, that the evolution of society,
which economic or social history de
scribes, supplies the student of literature
with a sufficient principle of construc
tion. The career of literature is viewed
as an aspect of the total history of
man, and the activity of the poetic im
agination, as a response to that history.
This monistic approach curiously
enough, like the attitudes of certain
formalists and idealists implies the im
mediate dissolution of literary history as
an intelligible process. It fails to ac
count for any of the particular require
ments I singled out earlier. (It does not
grant specificity to the itinerary of liter
ature, nor any historical content of its
own; and it does not pretend to- dis
cover relevant structures beyond the
pale of social and economic systems.)
Such an approach seems most distant,
therefore, from our "model." And yet it
presents a real challenge, which, I sus
pect, one cannot meet without examining
certain assumptions and postulates that
do not lie within the purview of this
discussion. I shall outline, if not elabo
rate, my own position i.e., the hypothe
sis underlying our working model as
briefly as I can.

To be sure, it is absurd to conceive of
the history of literature as a kind of
separate "current," while social insti
tutions and economic conditions run
their own "parallel" but distinct courses.
The impact of the latter on the workings
of the poetic imagination is constant as
well as crucial. On the other hand, it is
equally absurd to overlook the extra
ordinary continuity of literary forms
to assume that every year poetry is

32

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

reborn, like Phoenix, from its ashes.
(This essential continuity, as I said
earlier, is what a history of new works
only, instead of systems, fails to render
impressively enough.) A writer's re
sponse to his social experiences and
origins, which I do not underestimate,
but which I assume implies a contact
between intelligible processes, may take
the form of the revolutionary use of an
inherited medium such as the novel,
and thus be simultaneously Robbe-Gril-
let is a good example an answer to
fresh social conditions and a link within
the internal history of the literary sys
tem to which the novel belongs. As
Madame de Stael suggested long ago,
and Harry Levin has decisively shown
for us, a literature is an "institution."
This does not mean that it should be
confused with other institutions. The
very opposite is intended and left-wing
critics can ill afford to forget that litera
ture has been one of the most formida
ble, durable and self-perpetuating of all
historical institutions. It has been, of
course, a central component of European
pedagogy for more than two thousand
years. Personally, as a child in European
schools, I was introduced at an early
age to the traditions of Spanish and
French literatures, even as I was to
other institutions. I did not turn away
from the social or the external world,
I did not flee "reality," as I learned
poems by heart for the classroom or
began to read longer novels I was
being exposed to a singularly well-
formed arrangement of experience. I
had entered an ancient "city," an order
of signs, as forceful as any other, for it
proffered meanings, enthusiasms, values,
even privileged moments of happiness
and faith. In short: as we study liter
ary history we are confronted with an
unceasing interplay between evolving
orders and institutions. Consequently,
our theoretical problems are comparable
to the social scientist's, though with a

special stress on process and historical
time.

"Integration," or "cultural integra
tion," is a characteristic term which
some anthropologists use in order to
designate the forces working for order
and coherence in a culture otherwise
based on a certain structural differentia
tion. It has the merit of implying the
passage of time. Though "pattern," for
example, is a merely structural term,
integration has the added meaning of
"process behind structure." 22 These are
instructive concepts for us, insofar as
our task consists, I think, in retaining
recent advances in the idea of structure
while rewinding, so to speak, the clock
of historical time. Our ideal literary
historian, like the student of cultures,
is a "structural diachronicist." 28 This
being said, the further and arduous
question arises of whether structural re
lations are, as it were, reciprocal; or as
I suggested earlier, of whether we have
in mind for literary history a "domina
tion model" or an "interaction model."

Marxist literary critics, for example,
who often are structural diachronicists
these days, may postulate that all cor
relations between economic or techno
logical structures and literary structures
follow the same direction, and thus
manifest a kind of docility on the part of
the verbal imagination. This is a pure
instance of the domination model. On
the other hand, Marxists are also in
terested in "ideology," in the disparity
between theory and practice, values and
behavior, etc* They show that these dis
parities can be acknowledged, "healed"
or contradicted by the artist, so that a
process of clarification or even of libera
tion may begin, through the constraints
of artistic form. 2 * As a militant old
liberal, Georg Brandes, said a century
ago, "a nation has a literature in order
that its horizon may be widened and its
theories of life confronted with life"
(Main Currents in Nineteenth Century

OK THE OBJECT OF LITERARY CHANGE

33

Literature, I, 101). I have tried to show
elsewhere that the literary imagination
is able to contradict history and social
fact, to challenge our complacency and
force us to recognize the distance sepa
rating values from acts. 25 For the social
scientist or the philosopher, none of this
is surprising. The former is familiar
with the interplay between the different
parts or levels of cultures ideals and
material conditions, challenges and com
pensations, offsets, antidotes, etc. , with
internal conflicts and incongruities.
Though societies exhibit a tendency
toward stability and consensus, they
"simultaneously generate within them
selves the opposites of these." 28 The
participation of people in a common
cultural system can take the form of
fulfilling separate, inimical and yet in
terlocking functions such as "the rela
tionship between mathematics, engineer
ing, and mechanical skills that makes a
factory possible." 37 In a synthetic article,
Fred W. Voget points out that anthropol
ogy has passed from a homogeneous con
cept of culture and of its evolution
(functionalism, evolution by interaction
among cultures, etc.) to a looser con
ception of culture as itself being con
stant interaction. This principle of in
teraction, he affirms, is now paramount
in our sense of reality. 28 And Eric R.
Wolf agrees with this conclusion in his
survey of current anthropological theory:

For the first time in the history of
anthropology, as in the development of
human thought about man, we stand
upon the threshold of a scientifically
informed conception of the human
career as a universal process. It dif
fers from previous formulations in
its understanding that the universal

human process is not unitary, but an
articulation of many diverse parts
and forces, which are yet intercon
nected and directional. (Anthropology,
p. 94).

As far as philosophy is concerned, the
question is whether a "total" reality
exists with which a "total historiogra
phy" may deal. My own assumptions
and general assumptions do underlie
theoretical models are akin to Alfred
North Whitehead's in a passage of
Modes of Thought which I should like to
quote:

Epoch gives way to epoch. If we
insist on construing the new epoch
in terms of the forms of order in its
predecessor we see mere confusion.
Also there is no sharp division. There
are always forms of order partially
dominant, and partially frustrated.
Order is never complete; frustration
is never complete . . . The essence
of life is to be found in the frustra
tions of established order. The uni
verse refuses the deadening influence
of complete conformity. And yet in
its refusal, it passes towards novel
order as a primary requisite for im
portant experience.

The literary historian, as a "structural
diachronicist" whose goal is the itinerary
of poetic systems, makes a significant
contribution to our understanding of the
human process as an "articulation" of
diverse parts or forces, and as the un
ending creation of "order." Should there
exist, beyond this, an ultimate structure,
structurarum, it would seem most fruit
ful to consider the object of literary
change as one of its terms.

University of California
San Diego

1 The core of this paper was read at the third
meeting of the American Comparative Literature
Association, held in Bloomington, Indiana, on April
18-20, 1968. The topic of the panel discussion for

which it was written was "A Literary History of
Europe: Approaches and Problems."

a I refer to the conception of literary periods as a
sequence of time sections. Cf. my objections in

34

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

"Second Thoughts on Currents and Periods," in The
Disciplines of Criticism: Essays . . . Honoring Rene
Wellek on the Occasion of his Sixty-fifth Birthday,
ed. P. Demetz, T. Greene, and L. Nelson, Jr. (New
Haven and London, 1968), pp. 477-509.

Cf. T. Vianu, "Formation et transformation des
tennes litteraires," in La LittSrature Comparee en
Europe Orientals (Budapest Conference, October
26-29, 1962), ed. I. Soter (Budapest, 1963), pp.
59-60.

* Cf. the 1967 "Report on the Project for a His
tory of Literature in European Languages" (mimeo
graphed and circulated to members of the I.C.L.A.
before the Sth Congress in Belgrade), pp. 7-10.

B Cf. M. Babits, As evrdpai irodalom tdrtenete,
1760-1925 (Budapest, 1934), 2 vols. I have seen
the translation Geschichte der europaischen Liter-
atur (Zurich, 1949). Babits' aristocratic position is
such that he equates European literature with Welt-
literatur, while he scorns "die orientalisch-exotischen
Kulturen" (p. 5).

8 An alternative consists in dealing with litera
tures "written in European languages." This is a
retreat from the historical problem I am discussing,
rather than a solution. I do not underestimate the
uses of language as a possible unitary principle for
the organization of literary studies. In fact, it is a
more satisfactory principle than nationality. But a
plurality of languages (i.e., a multiplicity of media)
makes little sense. It brings us right back to the
need for a definition of the adjective "European,"
and of the spatial and temporal limits of Europe
itself, which I mention below.

7 I accept, and deeply admire, the main trend of
Americo Castro's interpretation in La realidad
histMca de Espana, 3rd ed. (Mexico, 1962).
Castro has gathered the facts to prove his ideas
such as the need to stress the "pluricultural" and
profoundly Semitic nature of Spanish civilization and
history. On the Semitic aspects of Cervantes' "dis
covery" of the novel, cf. particularly "La palabra
escrita y el 'Quijote,' " in Castro's Hacia Cervantes
(Madrid, 1957), pp. 267-299. My point is that
though the peculiarity of Spanish civilization is un
deniable, its impact on European history is irrefut
able too, so that no definitions of European civiliza
tion and, especially, of European literature, are at
aH viable that exclude Spain or fail to take into
account the impact of Islamic and Hebrew history
on Europe. Perhaps an analogy could be made with
the impossibility of drawing absolute frontiers be
tween neighboring languages. Cf. Louis Hjelmslev,
"The Content Form of Language as a Social Factor,*'
in Essais linguistiques (Copenhagen, 1959), p. 93:
"it has long been realized that however widely lan
guages may differ, they may come to resemble each
other if there is cultural communication between
them. Kristian Sanfeld has shown how the Balkan
languages, which are of widely different origin,
have drawn very close to each other . . . Cases
of this kind are known to linguists as linguistic
associations: thus there is a Balkan linguistic asso
ciation, and a European or more specially a West
European association." (The reference is to Sprach-
bunde, as discussed by R. Jakobson and N. Trubetz-
koy, cf. Hjelmslev, p. 16, n. 1.)

8 Alfred North Whitehead, An Anthology, ed.
F.S.C. Northrop and Mason W. Gross (New York,

1953), p. 869. Cf. Ivor Leclerc, Whitehead' 's Meta
physics (London-New York, 1958), pp. 63-80.

9 Cf. Francesco Flora, "Storia letteraria," in 'Oc
casion! e apperture," Letterature Modeme, XI
(1961), 434: "una storia delle lettere assorbe tutta
Paltra storia che, di versa da quella, o materia da
cui soltanto 1'arte potra formare un contenuto, la
cinge per 1'ora presente e per la evocata memoria
del passato. Non c'e altro storicismo."

10 Cf. "II Croce e la storia della letteratura," in
La critica letteraria contemporanea, nuova edizione
(Firenze, 1967), p. 157: "ma una Storia, se non
nella forma del manuale scolastico, come lavoro
strettamente scientifico appare a tutti gli intende-
menti una fatica di menti arretrate."

^ "The Status of Linguistics as a Science," in
Culture, Language and Personality, ed. David G.
Mandelbaum (Berkeley and Los Angeles, 1956), p.

32 "Dialectic and Functionalism : Toward a Theo
retical Synthesis," American Sociological Review
XXVIII (1963), 696.

u Cf. Morris E. Opler, "Some Recently Developed
Concepts Relating to Culture," Southwestern Journal
of Anthropology, IV (1948), 107-122; Robert L.
Carneiro, "The Culture Process," in Essays in the
Science of Culture. In Honor of Leslie A. White,
ed. Gertrude E. Dale and R. L. Carneiro (New
York, 1960), pp. 145-161; and S. N. Eisenstadt,
"Anthropological Studies of Complex Societies,"
Current Anthropology, II (1961), 201-222.

""Pour une se"mantique structurale" (1957), in
Essais linguistiques, p. 101. Hjelmslev's point of
departure in this context is the thought of Rudolph
Carnap in Der logische Aufbau der Welt (1928),
cf. p. 32.

15 Meyer Fortes, "Time and Social Structure : An
Ashanti Case Study," in Social Structure. Studies
presented to A.-R. Radcliffe-Brown, ed. M. Fortes
(New York, 1963), p. 54. For a social scientist's
definition of system, cf. Robert L. Carneiro, "The
Culture Process," in Essays in the Science of Cul
ture, p. 146: "we may define a system as a set of
structurally and functionally related elements articu
lated into a working whole."

M Cf. Geschiere, "Fonction des structures de la
phrase franchise," in Sem Dresden, Lein Geschiere
and Bernard Bray, La notion de structure (The
Hague, 1961), pp. 12-13.

17 1 have read the translation by Tzvetan Todorov,
"De 1'evolution Htteraire" (1927), in Theorie de la
litterature (Paris, 1965), pp. 120-137.

M Cf. Julian H. Steward, "Evolution and Proc
ess," in Anthropology Today, ed. A. L. Kroeber
(Chicago, 1953), p. 314.

^ ** Literary systems, of course, are not only addi
tive but selective; certain authors and forms will be
omitted by each, etc. May this be comparable to
what is neglected and left unseen in a city? It is
not difficult to imagine what Boileau must have felt,
or rather, failed to feel, as he walked in the vicinity
of Notre Dame.

30 Cf. Europaische Literatur und lateinisches Mit-
telalter ^Bern, 1948), Chapter 14, pp. 267-274; and
the section "Franzfisisches und spanisches Literatur-
system," in Gesammelte Aufsdtze sur romanischen
PhUologie (Bern and Munchen, 1960), pp. 20-22.

21 Cf. Harry Levin, The Gates of Horn (New

ON THE OBJECT OF LITERARY CHANGE

35

York, 1963), pp. 16-23. In article form, "Litera
ture as Institution" first appeared in Accent, VI
(1946), 159-168.

33 Cf. Elizabeth E. Hoyt, "Integration of Culture:
a Review of Concepts," Current Anthropology, II
(1961), 407-426.

23 The term is used by Andre Martinet, "Struc
tural Linguistics," in Anthropology Today, ed. A. L.
Kroeber (Chicago, 1953), pp. 574-586.

3* C. Herbert Marcuse, "Repressive Tolerance,**
in Robert Paul Wolff, Harrington Moore, Jr., and
Marcuse, A Critique of Pure Tolerance (Boston,
1965), p. 89: "art stands against history, withstands
history which has been the history of oppression, for
art subjects reality to laws other than the estab

lished ones: to the laws of the Form which creates
a different reality negation of the established one
even where art depicts the established reality.**

25 Cf. my article "Individu y ejemplaridad en el
Abencerraje," Collected Studies in Honour of
America Castro's 80th Year, ed. M. P. Hornik
(Oxford, 1965), pp. 175-197.

28 P. L. van den Berghe, art. cit., 697.

27 David F. Aberle, "The Influence of Linguistics
on Early Culture and Personality Theory," in Es
says in the Science of Culture. In Honor of Leslie
A. White, p. 15.

ssCf. Fred W. Voget, "Man and Culture: An
Essay in Changing Anthropological Interpretation,"
American Anthropologist. LXII (1960), 943-965.

Siegfried Mews

FOREIGN LITERATURE IN GERMAN MAGAZINES, 1870-1890

In Germany the late seventies of the
nineteenth century and particularly the
decade between 1880 and 1890 witnessed
the turbulent emergence of a new liter
ary movement Naturalism. The new
movement gained its chief impetus from
abroad: Zola contributed his scientific,
deterministic, and mechanistic theory
as well as the naturalistic novel par ex
cellence, the cycle Les Rougon-Macquart
(1871-1893). Ibsen's social criticism, im
plicit in the dramas of his middle period,
was considered a main characteristic of
Naturalism. Zola, Ibsen, Tolstoi and
Dostoevsky the latter two were then
regarded as Naturalists were the criti
cally decried, pointedly ignored, or en
thusiastically received harbingers of new
literary developments in Germany. In
order to understand the turmoil they
caused among critics and readers alike
amply reflected in the periodicals of the
time it seems necessary to recall that
the theory and practice of the Natural
ists were, in effect, a radical departure
from the literary standard of the day.
Naturalism violated the hitherto un
questioned creed that literature should
represent the Good, the True, and the
Beautiful. How severely the moral and
aesthetic sensibilities of the older gen

eration of critics and writers were
affected is evident from the following
testimony. In one of his frequent vitu
perative attacks on French Naturalism
the influential, conservative critic Rudolf
von Gottschall condemned both "das
moralische Schmuzwasser . . . [und] das
asthetische Taufwasser, das von der
Seine heriiberspritzt" ( BflU [July-Dec.,
1880], p. 786). *

Because of the lack of German Nat
uralists comparable in stature to a Zola
or an Ibsen, the critical attention of both
adherents and opponents of Naturalism
was focused primarily on foreign repre
sentatives who were to provide strong
impulses for a new direction of German
letters. The significance of Zola's, Ib
sen's, Tolstoi's, and Dostoevsky's impact
on German literature has been duly
recognized by several studies devoted to
the respective authors' reception in
Germany. 3 Hardly any scholarly investi
gations exist, however, which discuss a
concurrent, though not entirely novel,
phenomenon: the remarkably large body
of foreign literary works by lesser
known authors available to German
readers both in the original and in
translation. These works, a far cry in
deed from the Naturalists' goals and

FOREIGN' LITERATURE IN GERMAN MAGAZINES, 1870-1890

37

accomplishments, continued to exercise
their appeal and remained apparently
unaffected by the gradual transforma
tion of literature and the concomitant
change in the reading public's taste.

The publication of periodicals which
offered almost nothing but works by
foreign authors is an indication of the
widespread interest in non-German let
ters. Between 1881 and 1894 Illustrirte
Romane. Unterhaltungsblatter fur Je-
dermann was published, an enterprise
which exploited the demand for enter
taining literary fare from other coun
tries. Illustrirte Romane, however, had
been preceded by other magazines spe
cializing in foreign letters, notably
Roman-Magazin des Auslandes (1867-
1880) and the English-language Hall-
berger's Illustrated Magazine (1875-
1880). Roman-Magazin, issued by the
Janke publishing company in Berlin,
grandiloquently claimed to offer "eine
vollstandige ttbersicht der hervorragen-
den modernen Romanliteratur des Aus
landes" (RMdA, IV, 4 [1872], 717).
Actually, the names of the contemporary
prose writers, Miss Braddon, Mrs. Wood,
Ouida (Mme. de la Ramee), Adolphe
Belot, Octave Feret, Emile Gaboriau,
Dumas pere, and Erckmann-Chatrian,
attest to the magazine's success in at
tracting "die neuesten Erscheinungen
auslandischer renommirter Roman-
schriftsteller" (RMdA, IV, 4 [1872],
717) . To be sure, none of the authors men
tioned merits a place of distinction in
literary history; yet, their popularity
among their contemporaries cannot be
debated, as the frequent translations of
their works prove. In general, the liter
ary fare of Roman-Magazin rarely tran
scended the level of mere entertainment;
more often it approached the trivial and
sensational. The readers of the maga
zine must be sought among the public
of the lending libraries, with which the
periodical competed. The reasons why
Roman-Magazin ceased publication are

not known. At any rate, there was suffi
cient interest in foreign prose narra
tives, aiming to "delight" the reader, to
sustain a periodical oriented completely
towards non-German fiction.

The second magazine which may be
considered a predecessor of Illustrirte
Romane, Hallberger's Illustrated Maga
zine, was an audacious venture in the
field of periodical publishing, since its
launching represented an attempt to
create for German and continental
readers a family magazine written en
tirely in English. There were several
factors, however, which tended to lessen
the risk of publishing a foreign-language
magazine. First of all, the publisher,
Eduard Eallberger of Stuttgart, had
proved himself as a man of sound busi
ness acumen. Recognizing the vogue of
illustrated family magazines by far the
most popular reading matter in the
second half of the nineteenth century
he began publishing two periodicals, Il
lustrirte Welt (1853-1902) and Vber
Land und Meer (1858-1923). Both fam
ily magazines were extremely successful
and were surpassed in popularity only
by Die Gtirtenlaube* Second, there was
a strong probability that the public
would receive an English-language peri
odical as warmly as it had welcomed
Collection of British and American
Authors, published by Tauchnitz in Leip
zig. Third, Hallberger hired as editors
the well-known poet, discerning critic of
English and American letters, and com
petent translator, Ferdinand Freili-
grath, and, after Freiligrath's death in
1876, the minor American novelist,
Blanche Willis Howard. The familiarity
of both editors with the literatures of
the two most prominent English-speak
ing countries could not but be beneficial
to Hallberger's enterprise.

The efforts of the publisher and his
editors were, it seems, fairly successful.
Hallberger'8 Illustrated Magazine ex
panded from fewer than 500 pages in

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

1875, the first year of its publication,
to more than 1,000 pages in 1880, the
last year of its publication. A leading-
literary review emphasized the need
for, and the desirability of, an English-
language journal in Germany because
there had always been "warmer Anteil
... an Sprache und Literatur unserer
britischen Stammvettern" (Magazin,
LXXXIX [1876], 90), and another re
viewer hoped that Hallberger's Illus
trated Magazine would help dam the
flood of English "Sensationsromane" in
German translation by offering literary
fare which, following the ancient precept
of "prodesse et delectare," was both
"amusant und sittlichwirkend" (Die
Gegenwart, XIV [1878], 223).

Actually, Hallberger's Illustrated
Magazine sought to provide "light read
ing for leisure hours" as indicated on
the title-page for the German "family
circle as well as ... the travelling
public" (HIM [1876], p. 795).

The unique position of Hallberger's
Illustrated Magazine as the only Eng
lish-language periodical on the Continent
resulted in a reading public which in
cluded, if we are to believe the editorial
statements and the frequent letters to
the editor from abroad, readers "in Rus
sia, Italy, Austria, Hungary, and
France, and even in America (HIM
[1879], p. 997). Despite its interna
tional reading public, Hallberger's Illus
trated Magazine catered primarily to
Germans who wanted entertainment and
instruction in achieving greater com
petency in, and better familiarity with,
the English language and English and
American literature. Sociologically, the
readers of Hallberger's magazine be
longed to the educated members of the
middle and upper bourgeoisie. The lan
guage barrier would have proved an in
surmountable obstacle for the socially
and educationally underprivileged, even
if, in the fashion of the family maga
zines, the reading matter did not make

great intellectual demands. In fact, the
affinity of Hallberger's Illustrated Maga
zine to the family magazines can hardly
be overlooked; their moral code was
echoed by the publisher and editors, who
wished to expose the reading public to
"den Geist achter Sittlichkeit, der der
englischen Literatur ihr Geprage ver-
leiht" (HIM [1879], p. 1037). Novels,
prose narratives, poems, brief essays,
and notes on literary, geographical, sci
entific, artistic, and other subjects, a
"humorous portfolio" which concluded
each issue, and above all, abundant illus
trations, offered "Unterhaltung und
Belehrung in anziehender und beleh-
render Weise" (HIM [1879], p. 1037).

With the major exception of the lead
ing serial in each volume, practically all
contributions to Hallberger's Illustrated
Magazine were extracted from a wide
variety of British and American peri
odicals. The frequent selections from
Belgravia, a London fiction magazine
"appealing primarily to a genteel, mid
dle-class, lady public of low to fair edu
cational standard,"* and from a host of
similar British magazines are indicative
of the class of reading public Hallberg
er's Illustrated Magazine sought to at
tract. Extracts from qualitatively better
magazines and reviews like Blackwood's
Magazine, Comhill Magazine, Macmil-
lan's Magazine, and Nineteenth Century
were comparatively few. Among the
American magazines which were less
well represented in Hallberger's periodi
cal than British journals were The
Atlantic Monthly, Harper's Weekly, and
Scribner's Monthly.

Significantly, practically all the au
thors who were given a more prominent
place in Hallberger's Illustrated Maga
zine were not completely unknown in
Germany. Since much of the success of
the periodical depended on the right
choice of the leading serial for each
volume, the names of the predominantly
British novelists chosen to appear at the

FOREIGN LITERATURE IN GERMAN MAGAZINES, 1870-1890

39

beginning of each issue are revealing
with regard to the reading public's liter
ary taste. William Black, although less
than heartily welcomed by the critics, but
who achieved a modest degree of popular
ity in Germany, if judged by publica
tion figures; 5 the enormously popular
Miss Braddon, whom many readers con
sidered a brilliant writer of fiction
again in contradistinction to the majority
of critics; Amelia B. Edwards and E.
Lynn Linton, both of whom were only
known to an English-reading public since
none of their works appeared independ
ently in translation; and Bertha Thomas,
almost entirely unknown in Germany.
These authors represented a trickle of
the stream which flooded the English
book market every year "ein Strom, der
wohl breit, aber durchaus nicht tief ist"
(Magazin, CXVIII [1890], 464). All in
all, these English writers William
Black was the only male author among
his female colleagues provided for the
German and continental reader, as well
as for his English and American count
erpart, pleasant and undemanding enter
tainment.

Novels were, in the words of Blanche
Willis Howard, "the sweets of litera
ture" (HIM [1878], p. 140), designed,
in general, by females for other delicate
females. Occasional fictional lapses in
taste could be condoned as long as poetic
justice prevailed in the end. Thus Miss
Howard replied to a reader, who com
plained about the unladylike and flirta
tious behavior of the heroine in Bertha
Thomas' novel Cressida, that the depic
tion of a female character so far re
moved from the ideal could be justified
by the fact that "she was punished for
her misdeeds" (HIM [1878], p. 764).
True, Miss Braddon, to name only one
conspicuous example, employed melodra
matic and sensational effects in her
novels which teemed with members of
high society. Conversely, Ouida (Mme.
de la Ramee) who, like Miss Braddon,

depicted fashionable society but, in addi
tion, criticized conventional Victorian
prudishness, was thought "scarcely
adapted [sic] for general family read
ing" (HIM [1878], p. 1), and was repre
sented by only two sketches on Italian
life.

The essayist and novelist, James Payn,
whose works were frequently published
in the Tauchnitz edition, contributed
nine prose narratives, which included
literary recollections as well as sus-
penseful stories in the manner of Wilkie
Collins; the prolific writer George Man-
ville Fenn was represented more fre
quently; and the then famous Wilkie
Collins, whose mystery stories were con
sidered "ein kunstlerischer Abweg"
(BflU [July-Dec., 1876], p. 533), al
though they attracted a large number of
readers, may be mentioned as further
representatives of the type of prose fic
tion offered in Hallberger*s Illustrated
Magazine. With the exception of An
thony Trollope and, possibly, Wilkie Col
lins, the only English prose writers pub
lished in Hallberger*s periodical whose
fame outlasted the Victorian era, no
major Victorian novelist was to be found
in the magazine. The often artistically
deficient depictions of English life, espe
cially that of the aristocracy, served as a
setting for plots which relied on stark
contrasts in the delineation of character
rather than on psychological subtleties.
This apparently satisfied the hunger for
literary entertainment of those German
readers who were capable of perusing
belles-lettres written in English.

A different fictional world was offered
by the American prose writers. Bret
Harte, who in 1872' had been introduced
to the German reading public by Ferdi
nand Freiligrath in Paul Lindau's Die
Gegenwart, conjured up adventurous
scenes of life in the West in his novel
Gabriel Conroy. Thomas Bailey Aldrich,
Mark Twain, William Dean Howells, and
Charles Dudley Warner all provided

40

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

humorous sketches. Various facets of
American life -were portrayed by Louisa
May Alcott, Hjalmar Ejorth Boyesen,
and Harriet Beecher Stowe.

The selection of American authors
followed conventional lines. Most of the
prose writers mentioned enjoyed an es
tablished reputation in Europe. Republi-
cation of their works, therefore, could not
help but he beneficial from a financial
point of view. As befitted a family maga
zine, controversial subjects and authors
were avoided. Like the Tauchnitz series
accused by some critics of giving pref
erence to insignificant authors and
neglecting artists like Henry James and
William Dean Howells Hallberger's
Illustrated Magazine emphasized the
merely entertaining rather than the ar
tistically and intellectually challenging.
Thus Henry James' Daisy Miller was
excluded because it was "too dangerously
enigmatic" (HIM [1879], p. 239) and
possibly damaging to the reputation of
American womanhood.

The very few prose extracts from
literatures other than English and
American were like the narratives by
Daudet and Turgenev of good quality.
With reservations the same can be said
of the numerous poems many of them
by anonymous poets which adorned the
pages of Hallberger's Illustrated Maga
zine. Lyrics by one of the favorite for
eign poets of the German reading public,
Henry Wadsworth Longfellow, were pub
lished more frequently than those of
other poets. Thomas Bailey Aldrich,
Oliver Wendell Holmes, Blanche Willis
Howard, James Russell Lowell, Edmund
Clarence Stedman, Bayard Taylor, Bret
Harte, and John Greenleaf Whittier rep
resented a fairly complete panorama of
contemporary American poets Whit
man being the major exception. Apart
from a number of poems by versifiers
which were extracted, for the most part,
from George Manville Fenn's anthology
A Book of Fair Women, Hallberger's

Illustrated Magazine published lyrics of
universal appeal. Poetic passages from
Shakespeare, embroidered by illustra
tions, and the few poems by Keats, Shel
ley, Wordsworth, and Tennyson were of
more than ephemeral value. The fre
quently published poems of Julia God-
dard, a writer of children's books, corre
sponded more closely to the majority of
poetic contributions, however.

The editors also took cognizance of
poets affiliated with the Pre-Raphaelites
and Aesthetes by publishing poems by
Austin Dobson, John Addington Sym-
onds, and Charles Algernon Swinburne.
Again, the family magazine bias as
serted itself in the critical pronounce
ments on these poetic opponents of
Victorianism.

In several articles reprinted from the
respectable CornhUl Magazine and Mac-
millan's Magazine, the Aesthetes' nega
tion of the close interrelationship be
tween art and morals was condemned.
One critic summed up his extreme revul
sion in this manner,

Very certainly there is more hope for
a nation in thorough but loving ignor
ance of art-caring . . . than in a
state of knowledge of which the only
result is a sick indifference to the
things of ^our own time, and a spuri
ous devotion to whatever is foreign,
eccentric, archaic, or grotesque (HIM
[1880], p. 864).

William Morris and Austin Dobson, poet
of polished and graceful vers de societe,
were judged less harshly in essays de
voted to them.

In the literary essays which were, next
to prose fiction and poetry, one of the
major features of Hallberger's Illus
trated Magazine, practically all the
major figures of nineteenth-century
English and American literature were
treated. Chaucer, Spenser, Shakespeare,
and Sheridan were the only representa
tives of pre-nineteenth-century litera
ture. In general, the literary essays
were not of high quality. They remained

FOREIGN LITERATURE IN GERMAN MAGAZINES, 1870-1890

41

either purely biographical, or sought to
convey to the reader the domestic bliss
of literary celebrities, or paraphrased
the contents of a literary work of art.
The frequent selections from John Fran
cis Waller's illustrated Pictures from
English Literature are indicative of the
general tendency in Hallberger's Illus
trated Magazine to favor the entertain
ing and easily intelligible and to dis
regard incisive literary criticism.

There were both essays on non-English
writing authors and translations of Ger
man and other non-English poems. These
articles and lyrics were quantitatively
insignificant, however, when compared to
the great number of contributions from,
and on, English and American writers.

It is difficult to assess the circulation
figures of Hallberger's Illustrated Maga
zine. Without doubt, the exclusive use
of English in the periodical tended to
limit the reading public. Conversely, the
unqualified success of the Tauchnitz edi
tions, which offered, for the most part,
the same authors, proves that the lan
guage barrier was no insurmountable
obstacle. Despite the caution with which
self-congratulatory editorial statements
must be read, one may assume that the
repeated reports about the "increased
prosperity" (HIM [1879], p. 120) of the
magazine had some foundation in fact.
The constantly growing number of pages
and illustrations seems to point towards
success rather than failure. Moreover,
the longer period of publication of the
French pendant of Hallberger's Illus
trated Magazine, Le Roman des Families
(Berlin, 1880-1890), proves that a for
eign-language journal could be published
over an extended period of time. It
seems unlikely, therefore, that financial
reasons caused the discontinuation of the
English-language magazine. We may
assume then that either the death in
1880 of Eduard Hallberger caused his
successors to embark on Illustrirte Ro-
mane alter Nationen or that Hallberger

himself had planned to continue Hall
berger's Illustrated Magazine, a continu
ation, however, which would not be lim
ited to the educated, English-reading
members of the bourgeois family.

Hallberger's firm, which became a
stockholding company after his death
and was renamed "Deutsche Verlagsan-
stalt," began issuing Illustrirte Romane
in 1881. Some of the basic ingredients
a heavy dose of prose fiction and the re
liance on pictorial adornment were
again encountered in this new periodical.
The literary fare was based on trans
lations like that of the now defunct
Roman-Mag azin. Significantly, Illus
trirte Romane was called "Unterhal-
tungsblatter fur Jedermann." Even a
less than proficient reader could find his
way through the richly illustrated and
fundamentally repetitious plots of the
prose fiction. The restrictions which the
editors of Hallberger's Illustrated Maga
zine had imposed upon themselves by
attempting to make the periodical "a
welcome guest in the family circles"
(HIM [1876], p. 795) were eliminated
in lUustrirte Romane; "Jedermann" was
not dependent on the institution of the
bourgeois family as the collective arbiter
in matters of literary taste. Therefore,
a type of prose fiction different from
that which was offered in the family
magazines prevailed in Illustrirte
Romane.

The literary entertainment provided
by the two most frequently published
authors, the French romanciers Xavier
de Montepin and Emile Bichebourg, is
indicative of the reading matter to be
found in lUustrirte Romane. Works by
Montepin (1824-1902) had been trans
lated into German as early as the fifties;
during the years 1874-1877 his illus
trated Ausgewaklte Romane were is
sued in sixty-five volumes by Hartteben
in Vienna. Further novels were pub
lished both in translation and in the
original French during the seventies.

42

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

The rather impressive number of books
by Montepin available in the decade
following' the Franco-Prussian War
suggests that the French author had an
established reputation among a certain
segment of the German reading public
which Illustrirte Romane attempted to
turn into monetary profit in the eighties
by printing "authorized" translations of
his novels.

The popularity of the French author
was by no means matched by the criti
cal assessments he received. Insofar as
serious literary critics deigned to re
view Montepin at all, his works were
condemned in the strongest possible
terms. The translation of Les tragedies
de Paris (Vienna, 1876) was character
ized in the reputable Blatter fur litera-
rische Unterhaltung as "aufregend und
monoton," as filled with an "ungeheuer-
liche Haufung von Schandtaten; Ver-
fiihrungen, Mord, Raub, Erpressungen,
etc.,*' and as contemptuously omitting
less spectacular crimes like theft "als zu
einfach" (BflU [Jan.-June, 1877], p.
348). The artistic qualities of this
"modernste Sensationsliteratur" were
negligible; any discernible structure was
missing, and the characters were pup
pets taken from the "Marionettenthea-
ter" (BflU [Jan.-June, 1877], p. 348).

The review of Die rothe Hexe (Vi
enna, 1877), another of MontSpin's prod
ucts, is revealing with regard to the
class of readers which preferred "Sen
sationsliteratur" and informative as to
the distribution of that type of litera
ture: "Dieser Roman wird in den
Leihbibliotheken unzweif elhaft ein
gesuchter Artikel und die Wonne aller
schauerlustigen Ladenmamsells werden"
(BflU [July-Dec., 1877], p. 620). What
constituted Montepin's serious shortcom
ings as an artist in the eyes of the crit
ics was counted a blessing as far as
Illustrirte Romane was concerned. The
novel "Die Tochter des Siidens" was ad
vertised as "Perle des modernen Sensa-

tionsromans" (1R 9 I [1881], 828, and
the mysterious lure of Paris was em
ployed to attract ill-educated readers
whose appetite for literary entertain
ment was continuously whetted by the
serialized work of a romancier whose
"Erfindungskraft, ... die uns durch
tausend sich kreuzende Intriguen, die
auf dem abenteuerlichen Boden von
Paris spielen und uns kaum zu Athem
kommen lassen, unwiderstehlich fesselt"
(1R, II [1882], 828).

The skillful advertiser who empha
sized the elements of adventure, mystery,
suspense, and the appeal of the foreign,
and who pretended to be as much struck
with the breathtaking plot as the pros
pective reader, was probably thoroughly
familiar with the mentality of a reading
public which needed the stimuli of gross
effects. The very titles of some of
MontSpin's novels published in Illu-
strite Romance, "Der Kampf urn Mil-
lionen," "Rache um Rache," "Das Ge-
heimniss des 'Titan,'" were a promise
of plots filled both with suspense and
excitement.

Emile Richebourg (1833-1898) was,
like Montepin, a representative of the
"roman feuilleton." Although his novels
had "grand succes a 1'epoque" (Grand
Larousse encyclopdique, IX, [Paris,
1964]), he was not as well known as
Montepin. It is quite possible that the
doubtful merit of having made Riche
bourg familiar to the German reading
public belongs to the Hallberger publish
ing company, since independent trans
lations do not appear until 1887, some
years after Richebourg's first serialized
novels had been published in the family
magazine Illustrirte Welt and Illustrirte
Romane. Richebourg's works belonged to
the genre of "Sensationsliteratur," a fact
which was emphatically advertised. Life
in the metropolis, Paris, was presented
as a glaring contrast of briUiant lights
and dark shadows, as a spectacle that

FOREIGN LITERATURE IN GERMAN MAGAZINES, 1870-1890

43

caused both admiration and aversion in
the beholder,

[Es] spielt auch diese grossartige
Schopfung [Richebourg's novel "Jora-
mie's Millionen"] auf dem an unheim-
lichen Schatten und schimmerndem
Ldcht iiberreichen Boden von Paris,
und werden die Leser von der ersten
Seite dieser genialen Weltstadterzah-
jung bis zur letzten gefesselt sein und
in athemlpser Spannung dem wunder-
baren Fiihrer in die Irrgange des
Pariser Lebens folgen (IR, V [1885],
828).

The stereotyped phrase "athemlose
Spannung" clearly points towards one
of the chief principles according to which
most of the novels in Illustrirte Romane
were constructed. Most of the other
French romanciers who contributed from
their works to the periodical followed in
subject matter and manner of presenta
tion the precedents set by Richebourg
and Montepin. From the beginning of
the eighties, when the informative ar
ticles on French Naturalism began to be
published more frequently in German
periodicals, to the end of the eighties,
when Naturalism in Germany had ac
quired its first influential organ in Freie
Buhne fur modernes Leben, Illustrirte
Romane remained aloof from new liter
ary developments. Social problems were
nonexistent for the authors of the il
lustrated magazine; the gap between
rich and poor "der vornehmen Welt
einerseits und der Welt adelnder Arbeit
andererseits" (IR, II [1882], 828)
was bridged by involving both social
groups in criminal or mysterious hap
penings "im Hause des Bauern wie im
Grafenschlosse geht eine ungesuhnte
Schuld urn" (IR, III [1883], 828). Need
less to say, the world depicted in these
prose narratives was largely the prod
uct of the authors' imagination, with
only a tenuous relationship to actual
social conditions. Despite the sensational
aspects of most of the prose fiction of
fered in Illustrirte Romane, one basic
tenet to which practically all magazines

adhered, the final victory of the virtuous
and the good over the powers of evil and
crime, was followed. They all professed
to be dedicated to the aesthetic doctrine
which permitted only the presentation
of "Das Gute, Wahre, Schone" in litera
ture. Even Illustrirte Romane pretended
not to deviate from the literary norm
which determined the literary taste of
a large segment of the reading- public in
the seventies and eighties. In a typical
advertisement, the foreign novels to be
published were described as follows,

Romane des Auslandes . . ., die bei
ausserordentlichem Reiz und den in-
teressantesten Scenen dennoch von
so gediegener und edler Haltung
sind, dass sie auch tief auf das
Gemut wirken und den Leser, indem
sie ihn wie bei unseren bisherigen
Romanen in grpsste Spannung verset-
zen, doch dabei hochst wohltuend be-
riihren, und, obgleich die Nachtseiten
des Lebens in den handlungsreichen
Romanen ihre Beriicksichtigung finden
miissen, auf der Grundlage der Moral,
dem Sieg des Guten, Wahren und
Schonen in der Welt, aufgebaut sind
(IR f VIII [1888], 828).

A truly remarkable program; moral
edification was to be had as a reward for
the agony of following a suspenseful
plot, which, in the final analysis, con
firmed the readers' belief in the ultimate
victory of the Good, the True, and the
Beautiful. Although Illustrirte Romane
was, without doubt, primarily a commer
cial enterprise which attempted to capi
talize on the relative popularity of
"Sensationsliteratur," one should not
overlook that, after all, the literary fare
offered in Illustrirte Romane had, if de
prived of its sensational aspects, much
more in common with the sentimental
prose fiction of family magazines such as
Die Gartenlaube than with the harshly
realistic literature of French Natural
ism. Two of the editors of Illustrirte
Romane, Edmund Zoller (editor until
1885) and Hugo Rosenthal-Bonin (edi
tor from 1886 to 1889) were actually
simultaneously affiliated with both the

44

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

last-named periodical and the "Familien-
zeitschrift," Uber Land und Meer. Even
the chief translator of Illustrirte Ro-
mane, Emil Mario Vacano, who himself
indulged in the creation of sensational
belles-lettres, preserved a somewhat ten
uous association with family magazines
by contributing occasionally to them.
Yet the inevitable final victory of the
Good and the True was hardly sufficient
to reconcile the discerning reader and,
least of all, the critics to the violently
distorted world view and artistic short
comings of the French prosateurs col
laborating with Illustrirte Romane.

English authors as a group were most
frequently represented in Illustrirte
Romane, although no individual novelist
proved to be as successful in this peri
odical as Riehebourg and Montepin. In
general, the sensational aspects of the
English literary contributions were less
obvious, and their proximity to the liter
ary standard fare of the "Familien-
zeitschriften" was more pronounced.
From the viewpoint of contemporary
popularity, Miss Braddon's two novels
were the most valuable acquisitions of
Illustrirte Romane. The periodical
proudly advertised the fact that it was
able to publish works "von der beruhm-
testen neuern Romanschriftstellerin
Englands" (IR, VI [1883], 828). The
publication figures of Miss Braddon's
works are indeed impressive; 6 and re
views of her works were, quite in con
trast to the critics' hostility towards
Montepin, rather favorable. Her novel
Zwei Freunde was recommended to the
attention of readers who liked to peruse,

ein Buch, das uns das innerste Wesen
des Menschen zu schildern versucht,
das vor den Folgen der ungebandigten
Leidenschaften warnt, das zu vielen
anregenden Gedanken und Betrach-
tungen tiber unser eigenes Seelenleben
Veranlassung gibt (BflU [Jan.-June,
1873], p. 344).

Another of Miss Braddon's works was
characterized by the epithets, "pikant,

witzig, geistvoll" (BflU [Jan.-June,
1888], p. 138), although hardly any
critic was inclined to grant the English
authoress a higher status than that of
Unterhaltunffsschriftstellerin. Despite
the sensational overtones which pervade
her work, Miss Braddon found accept
ance by the audience of family maga
zines, as the publication of her works
as well as those of many similar English
contributors in Hallberger's Illustrated
Magazine proves.

None of the other British authors rep
resented in Illustrirte Romane could
match Miss Braddon's popularity in
Germany in the seventies and eighties.
On the basis of publication figures we
may assume that David Christie Mur
ray, to whom Blatter fur literarische
Unterhaltung attributed "bedeutende
Begabung" and even "gewisse Ahnlich-
keit mit Dickens" (BflU [July-Dec.,
1881], p. 831), was known and read in
Germany to a certain extent. The fre
quent publications by other British
authors, ranging from the known to the
obscure, underline the fact that Britain
provided a generous share of light enter
tainment for the German reading public.
One may assume that a few well-known
writers of fiction were used by the peri
odical to attract attention; the obscure
contributors served to fill the necessary
number of pages for each weekly issue.
Moreover, it was more economical to ac
quire the rights for translation from an
author with no reputation than from
celebrities like Montepin and Miss Brad
don. Once a sufficiently large segment of
the^ reading public had accepted Illu
strirte Romane, this periodical could af
ford to have lesser producers of sensa
tional novels publish their works too.

Certainly, there was no lack of excit
ing prose fiction, which counted many
women among its producers. Like their
better known colleagues, the obscure
authors indulged in various kinds of
"Ungeheuerlichkeiten, Unwahrschein-

FOREIGN LITERATURE IN GERMAN MAGAZINES, 1870-1890

45

lichkeiten und tfbertreibungen der
schlimmsten Sorte" (Magazin, LXXXVI
[1874], 624). Since authoresses pre
ferred to deal with protagonists of their
own sex, the tribulations of the heroines
were depicted, to a certain extent, within
the framework of the family. In a typi
cal advertisement, which makes skillful
use of adjectives suggesting strange and
gripping happenings, appeals to the lure
of foreign lands, promises the customary
suspense, and adds the irresistible in
ducement of a "true" story, the merits
of George Greyson's novel Vber Jahr und
Tag are depicted in the following
manner,

Hier entrollt sich vor uns ein Fami-
lienbild, das England und Sibirien
zum Schauplatz hat und ausserordent-
lich fesselt durch die eigenartigen
Verhaltnisse, wie auch durch die Per-
sonen, welche auf das tiefste unsere
Teilnahme erregen, und eine ergrei-
fende Handlung, die in uberraschender
Weise die merkwiirdige Verwicklung,
welche vollig auf Wahrheit beruht,
lost (IE, VIII [1888], 828).

Detective stories, which were occa
sionally offered by British authors, were
the main contribution of the relatively
few American prose writers represented
in Illustrirte Romane. None of them was
very well known in Germany, with the
possible exception of Julian Hawthorne,
translations of whose works began to be
published more frequently in the nineties.
The detective stories followed the basic
pattern of the final victory of the Good,
the True, and the Beautiful. The moral
istic title of one of the detective stories,
"Es kommt doch an die Sonnen," sums
up the simple message of many of the
prose fiction contributions in Illustrirte
Romane crime does not pay. Before
this conclusion can be reached, however,
the reader has to undergo an emotional
turmoil which will only subside after the
last page has been read. In the last-
mentioned detective story, fratricide,
bigamy, and insurance fraud connected

with mass murder are committed before
the villain finally commits suicide and
justice prevails.

The comparatively few contributions
from literatures other than the English,
French, and American were, in part, of
a somewhat higher quality than the
essentially sensational and trivial prod
ucts from these three literatures. One
of the initiators of modern Flemish
belles-lettres, Hendrik Conscience, who
was well received by serious critics; the
Italian Vittorio Bersezio; and the Czech
Alois Jirasek, who was extremely popu
lar among his fellow countrymen and
contributed "ein herrliches Stuck sla-
wischen Humors und kostlichen Klein-
stadttreibens" (IR, V [1885], 828),
should be mentioned here. Apart from
the hardly sensational depiction of con
temporary or near-contemporary life by
the last-mentioned authors, the historical
novel was represented by the Russians
Salias and Kukolnik, and by Jirasek.
The few qualitatively higher ranking
literary contributors cannot obliterate
the impression, however, that Illustrirte
Romane offered predominantly substand
ard literary fare to a reading public of
the ill-educated lower classes.

In marked contrast to its both thrill
ing and sentimental prose fiction, Illu
strirte Romane published short lyrics
which comprised a remarkable body of
"Weltliteratur." Even if one can reason
ably doubt that the poems had any effect
whatsoever in determining the periodi
cal's appeal to its readers, the fact
remains that, for whatever reason, there
was an abundance of often exquisite
lyrics in good translation available for
perusal. The term "Albumblatter," used
as a synonym for poems, suggests that,
despite the emotional upheavals caused
by sensational novels, literature in gen
eral and poetry in particular were con
sidered to be an embellishment of life
which should be treasured in order to
lend more beauty to it. These "Album-

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

blatter" were gathered from the wealth
of "world literature in German transla
tion; we find poetic renderings of lyrics
by the Hungarian Petofi, the Spaniards
Becquer and Campoamor, the Norwe
gians Ibsen and Bj0rnson, the Ameri
cans Longfellow and Stedman, and the
Englishmen Thomas Moore and Robert
Burns, to mention only the most fre
quently represented poets. Many of the
translators were distinguished members
of their profession: among others, Fer
dinand Freiligrath, Paul Heyse, Emanuel
Geibel, and Friedrich Bodenstedt.

After Edmund Zoller had resigned the
editorship in 1885, "Albumblatter" be
came scarce and, finally, disappeared al
together. They were replaced by the
so-called "Mosaik" which offered literary
material that was not in such glaring
contrast to the standard fare of the
periodical as the "Albumblatter" had
been. "Mosaik" offered, in the tradition
of the "Familienblatt," very brief
sketches on sports, foreign lands and
customs, on nature and the like, the
main attraction of which was their
novelty.

In 1890, when Wilhelm Wetter became
editor of Illustrirte Romane, another
minor change took place. "Mosaik" was
replaced by "Bunte Blatter," merely a
euphemism for jokes. A much more
valuable addition was "Gedichte mit
Illustrationen," which in contrast to
the exclusively non-German "Album-
blatter" offered lyrics by German poets,
many of whom could lay claim to a much
higher literary ranking than the novel
ists of Illustrirte Romane. For the first
time, insignificant German writers were
published in the periodical, and in 1893,
one year before its expiration, Illustrirte
Romane changed its title to Aus Heimat
und Fremde. Illustrirte Romane aller
Nationen, thus acknowledging the grow
ing number of contributions by German
authors.

There are no circulation figures avail

able for Illustrirte Romane. Such self-
congratulatory statements as "Der
grosse Erfolg der Illustrirten Romane ,
deren Leserkreis von Jahr zu Jahr sich
machtig ausbreitete . . ." (IR, V [1885],
828) should not be accepted credulously.
It seems certain, however, that in the
first years of its existence the periodical
was indeed successful. The editors re
peatedly informed their subscribers that
the issues of the second volume of the
periodical had been completely sold out,
and that only incomplete sets of the re
maining first five volumes were available.
Without doubt, Illustrirte Romane
satisfied a demand for literary entertain
ment of highly questionable value, pri
marily drawn from English and French
sources. The socially and culturally de
prived, for whom Illustrirte Romane "was
mainly intended, could not often afford
to buy books, but were in a much better
position to acquire the cheap weekly
serialized novel that offered them escape
into a dream world of violence and fan
tastic happenings in which, however,
Good always triumphed over Evil. The
claim that none but true events were
depicted served, in the final analysis, to
give the illusion of the best of all worlds
in which everything depended on the
individual's innate goodness, regardless
of social conditions.

It is evident that the change of liter
ary taste which came about in the late
eighties and early nineties must have
affected, to some extent, even the readers
depending on the subliterary fare in
Illustrirte Romane. Newly-founded peri
odicals, specializing in foreign belles-
lettres, took cognizance of the increas
ing importance of good contemporary
"Weltliteratur." The publishers of Illu
strirte Romane realized that the demands
of the reading public had changed and
embarked upon a new course by issuing
Aus fremden Zungen (Stuttgart, 1891-
1910), a periodical which printed trans
lations of works by Zola, Daudet, Bour-

FOREIGN LITERATURE IN GERMAN MAGAZINES, 1870-1890

47

get, Loti, Maupassant, Kipling, Wallace,
Tolstoi, Gorki, Orzesko, Pontoppidan,
and others. For a few years Illustrirte
Romane could, in the face of such strong
competition, continue publication; in
1894 it succumbed, leaving the field of
periodical literary entertainment to its

successor, a magazine in which "prod-
esse" and "delectare" were more har
moniously balanced than in Illustrirte
Romane.

University of North Carolina
at Chapel Hill

^The following abbreviations will be used for
references given in the text: Blatter fiir literarische
Unterhaltung : BflU; Roman-Magazin des Aus-
landes: RMdA; Magaifin fur die Literatur des
Auslandes (also published under slightly different
titles): Magazin; Hallberger's Illustrated Magazine:
HIM; Illustrirte Romane: IR.

a Among the studies dealing with the reception of
Zola, Ibsen, Tolstoi, and Dostoevsky in Germany,
the following should be mentioned: Fe"lix Bertaux,
"L* Influence de Zola en Allemagna," Revue de Lit-
terature Comparee, IV (1924), 73-91. Winthrop H.
Root, German Criticism of Zola (New York, 1931).
William Henry Eller, Ibsen in Germany, 1870-1900
(Boston, 1918). Siegfried Fischer, "Die Aufnahme
des naturalistischen Theaters in der deutschen Zeit-
schriftenpresse" (unpubl. diss. Berlin, 1953). [On
Ibsen]. Herbert A. Frenzel, "Ibsen's 'Puppenheim*
in Deutschland. Die Geschichte einer literarischen
Sensation" (unpubl. diss. Berlin, 1942). Fritz
Meyen, Ibsen-Bibliographie. Mit einer Einfiihrung
"Ibsen und Deutschland" von Dr. Werner Mdhring,
Nordische Bibliographie, Reihe 1, Heft 1 (Braun
schweig, 1928). Philipp Stein, Henrik Ibsen. Zur
Buhnengeschichte seiner Dichtungen (Berlin, 1901).
Ernst Hauswedell, "Die Kenntnis von Dostojewsky

und seinem Werke im deutschen Naturalismus und
der Einfluss seines *Raskohiikoff* auf die Epoche
von 1880-1895" (unpubl. diss. Munich, 1924). Theo-
derich Kampmann, Dostojewski in Deutschland
(diss. Munster, 1931). Gerhard Kersteu, Gerhard
Hauptmann und Lev Nikolajevic Tolstoj. Studien
ur WirkungsgescMchte in Deutschland 1885-1910,
Frankfurter Abhandlungen zur Slawistik, III
(Wiesbaden, 1966).

8 The following circulation figures for the year
1880 are supplied by Magazin fur die Literatur des
Auslandes, XCVII (1880), 218: Illustrirte Welt,
107,000; Vber Land und Meer t 136,000; Die Garten-
laube t 350,000.

* Alvar Ellegird, The Readership of the Periodical
Press in Mid-Victorian Britain, A eta Universitatis
Gothoburgensis, LXIII, 3 (G5teborg, 1957), p. 32.

5 According to Kayser, Vollstandiges Bucherlexi-
kon, 5 of William Black's novels in translation and
24 in the original English were published in Ger
many during the period from 1871 to 1890.

6 During the sixties, seventies, and eighties ap
proximately one hundred volumes were published in
translation; in addition, an almost equal number of
volumes was printed in the original English. See
Kayser, Vollstandiges Biicherlexikon.

48

Jack Weiner

RUSSIAN AND SOVIET CRITICISM OF THE SPANISH COMEDIA

Russian criticism of the comedia has
consistently emphasized its popular qual
ities, nwrodnostf (national character),
hate of despotism, and is a means of
determining the intellectual and spirit
ual climate of Russia at any given time.
In Tsarist Russia both the liberals and
conservatives found in the comedia
inspiration and justification for their
political, social, and intellectual ideas.
In Russia, both Tsarist and Soviet, much
criticism of the comedia reflected the
belief that a work of literature must
first and foremost be a document of
social protest and progress. Therefore,
few Russian writers and critics have been
interested in studying Calderon and
other Spanish Golden Age playwrights
as religious thinkers.

In this essay I shall discuss the come
dia, in Russian criticism only, and not
include its influence on Russian writers
nor comment on performances of Span
ish Golden Age plays on the Russian
stage.

Despite the differences in language,
customs, ethos, and the great distances
which separate Spain from Russia, both
nations have had similar national ex
periences which facilitated the arrival
and reception of Spain's classical the

ater, the comedia, in Tsarist Russia.
Both nations are on the borders of Eu
rope, a situation which engendered a feel
ing of psychological estrangement from
the main currents of Western develop
ment and simultaneously generated an
attraction for things European.

Invasions by non-Christian peoples
strengthened Christianity in Spain and
Russia, giving their religion a unique
quality and creating a feeling that both
were alone in their struggle against the
infidel. Russia and Spain also struggled
against Western enemies. In the six
teenth century, Spain resisted the Re
formation and closed its doors to West
ern political and religious ideas. Russia
defended its Orthodoxy against Roman
Catholicism, and only during the reign
of Peter the Great did any serious West
ernization take place. In both countries,
the Enlightenment came late and was
imposed from above, by the elite, on a
people that was not receptive to new
ideas. This very traditionalistic atmos
phere helped to create two of the
world's richest oral traditions of music
and poetry, prevalent to this day.

Few nations ever had a stronger bond
of unity between king and people. In
both countries, the king was a father

RUSSIAN AND SOVIET CRITICISM OF THE SPANISH COMEDIA

49

and hero who rarely failed to aid the
people. He was the source of hope, com
fort, and protection, against foreign in
vaders as well as despotic nationals.

The feeling of individual freedom and
independence is part of the Spanish and
Russian intellectual tradition, but in
Europe few peoples have been so de
void of democratic traditions as the re
bellious Spaniards and Russians, so that
all attempts at true liberalization and
relaxation of the State's grip on the
people have conspicuously failed.

Russia's sporadic contacts with Spain
were, until the eighteenth century, solely
commercial and political. During the
first quarter of the eighteenth century,
Peter the Great (1689-1725) improved
diplomatic relations with Spain, and
commerce between the two countries be
came more firmly established. Commer
cial contacts between Spain and Russia
figured largely in Peter's long-range
plans for his country's progress. After
Peter's death, diplomatic and economic
relations between the two countries
languished until the reign of Catherine
the Great, who, like Peter, hoped to
establish economic ties with Spain and
her colonies. In Russia the increasing
contacts with Spain paralleled the proc
ess of Westernization, and a part of
this Westernization was the establish
ment of a theater. The founding of the
Russian theater itself, during the reign
of Aleksej Mixajlovic (1645-1676), grew
out of Russia's increasing contacts with
Western culture and her absorption of
Western ideas.

Spanish Golden Age plays first ap
peared in Russia during the reign of
Peter the Great. After passing through
translations and adaptations in France
and Germany, two Spanish plays were
performed on the Russian stage at the
beginning of the eighteenth century,
and one in 1785. That a work of litera

ture should pass through two, or even
three, languages before becoming known
to a people presented seemingly insur
mountable obstacles. Notwithstanding,
Russia's intellectuals became acquainted
with Spain's Golden Age drama in the
eighteenth century.

During Catherine's reign (1762-1796)
the opinions of Voltaire and the French
philosophers were sacrosanct to Russia's
intellectuals, who, like their French
counterparts, considered Spain a coun
try of ignorance and religious fanati
cism. Nikolaj I. Novikov (1744-1818)
expressed the opinion of many when he
wrote that Spain was a country where
the clergy "gorge themselves on the best
fruits and mystic celebrations dim the
minds of the state."

Russian producers avid imitators of
the French took a similar deprecating
view of the Spanish drama. Other
genres of Spanish literature were highly
regarded, on the other hand, and were,
in fact, much better known to the Rus
sian reader. There was usually but a
very brief interval between the appear
ance of a Spanish work in France and
its appearance in Russia. Although the
Russians were acquainted with Cer
vantes' prose fiction, the author of Don
Quixote was unknown as a dramatist
until the nineteenth century.

Despite this tendency to ignore the
Spanish theater, Russian neoclassicists
occasionally mention Spanish play
wrights. Lope de Vega's name appears
in Russia for the first time in 1735.
Vasilij K. Trediakovskij (1703-1769), in
his Novyj i kratkij sposob k slozeniju
rossijskix stixov (New and Brief Guide
for the Construction of Russian Verses) ,
includes Lope among the foremost poets
of Europe. Aleksandr P. Sumarokov
(1718-1777), in his Epistola II (Epistle
[1747]) refers to Lope and rhymes his
name with Pope: "There is Tasso and
Ariosto and Camoens and Lope/Vondel
and Giinther and the clever Pope."

50

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

Sumarokov then remarks, "Lope, a
glorious Spanish, dramatist, died on
August 24, 1635, at the age of 72. He
was a knight of Malta and composed
three hundred comedies."

In 1792, the Moscow journal dtenie
dlja vkusa razwma i cuvstvovanii (Read
ing for Taste, Wit and Feeling) pub
lished a Russian translation of Francois
Arnaud's essay, "Lettre sur le Theatre
Espagnol" which had appeared in
Varietes litteraires twenty-two years be
fore. Arnaud's essay states the neoclas-
sicist opposition to the Spanish Golden
Age theater, and the essay's appearance
in this Moscow journal mirrors Russia's
attitude toward, and limited knowledge
of, the Spanish comedia. The Russian
editors added a comment which indi
cates that by the end of the eighteenth
century the Russian reader, with his
limited knowledge about Spain, had not
been very interested in learning about
her theater:

We have heard much about Spanish
customs and authors, but is much
really known about them? We know
little about that distant people, ex
cept that their pride and laziness have
become legendary. But in general we
know little about Spanish literature,
and therefore hope, especially for the
friends of the theater, that our short
work will not have been a waste of
time.

During the first half of the nineteenth
century the reigns of Alexander I
(1801-1825) and Nicholas I (1825-1855)
the tsars were haunted with fears
stemming from the Napoleonic War and
the Decembrist uprising of 1825. The
Polish revolt of 1831 and the revolutions
of 1848 served to confirm Nicholas' ap
prehensions. As a result, censorship,
long knit into the fabric of Russian life,
became more severe. In 1826 Admiral
Aleksandr S. Siskov (1754-1841), Nich
olas' arch-conservative Minister of Edu
cation, codified the so-called "iron-clad"
censorship laws, in which theatrical cen
sorship received particular attention.

By Nicholas' standards, the monarch
and religion were to be treated with par
ticular respect. Religion was not to be
discussed in plays, no members of the
clergy were to be portrayed on the
stage; nor were religious images to be
used in the theater. Like Philip II of
Spain, Nicholas did not care to see the
figure of the monarch shown on the
stage. From time to time, he did permit
foreign sovereigns to be represented if
the plays showed them in a favorable
light. His own concept of the dignity of
the monarch thus prevented many plays
from being presented because one of the
characters was a Russian or foreign
king. Similarly, the censors did not
tolerate social criticism of any kind, and
they permitted no mention of serfdom
on the stage, so that a play that dealt
with social unrest or lacked decorum
did not receive their stamp of approval.

Stringent controls and a taste for
moralizing affected theatrical perform
ances in Russia during the reign of
Nicholas I. Thus while Spanish Golden
Age drama was becoming known in Rus
sia through books and articles, both the
publication and performance of plays
were subject to the limitations of tsarist
censorship. The religious proscriptions
in the censorship laws precluded the pro
duction of a great number of Calderon's
major works, while censorship against
social protest and the violation of au
thority excluded from the Russian stage
such Spanish plays as La vida es sueno,
El alcalde de Zalamea, Fuenteovejuna,
El purgatorio de San Patricia, El mejor
alcalde, el rey, and many others, which
in subsequent years, with the relaxing
of censorship, were performed for the
Russian public.

The Peninsular War (1808-1814) cre
ated a new image of Spain and altered
Russia's attitude toward her literature
and culture. Locked in combat with
Napoleon, the Spain which the men of
the Enlightenment had scorned as a

RUSSIAN AND SOVIET CRITICISM OF THE SPANISH COMEDIA

51

country of ignorance and superstition
became a symbol of loyalty and heroic
courage. The Russian press published
reports of the Peninsular War so that
Spain now became the object of sym
pathy, admiration, and respect. Praise
and prayers for the Spanish struggle
intermingled as the Russians came to
look upon Spain as a nation true to
its king, church, and homeland con
cepts which Nicholas' Minister of Edu
cation, Sergej S. Uvarov (1786-1855),
transformed into the rigid tsarist policy
of "autocracy, orthodoxy, and nation
ality."

The Peninsular War drew the atten
tion of Russian intellectuals to Spain.
Petr A. Korsakov (1790-1844), later a
censor for the Crown, traveled abroad
in his youth and was living in Amster
dam between 1806 and 1809. He recalled
that "the admiration which was every
where aroused by the heroism of the
Spaniard, the knight-defenders of the
royal prisoner of Bayonne, gave me, a
nineteen-year-old enthusiast, a great de
sire to become acqainted with the lan
guage of those Western heroes." In the
introduction to his "Anakreon Ispanii,
Don Esteban Manuel de Villegas"
(1840), Korsakov tells us that his in
terest, once he knew the language,
quickly turned to Spain's great authors,
and soon he was reading Cervantes,
Lope, and Calderon.

Russia's writers and journalists
praised Spain lavishly during the Penin
sular War and in the decade that fol
lowed. They also published studies com
paring Spanish and Russian virtues. In
articles published in journals they de
manded a revaluation of Spain's con
tribution to world thought. The poet
Gavrila R. Derzavin (1743-1816) sati
rized the French army in Spain. Denis
V. Davydov (1781-1839), the poet and
partisan leader of the Russian forces
against Napoleon, credited Spanish
guerrillero tactics against the French

with having aided Russia in repulsing
Napoleon.

In 1812' Vestnik Evropy (European
Herald) published an article which con
trasted Spain's past with her present:

French writers of the eighteenth cen
tury had little respect for Spanish
letters, because Spain had for a very
long time failed to participate in any
intellectual development and had fallen
into oblivion. Nations from which she
had completely cut herself off had long
forgotten the monuments to her glory.
But now they are asking what Spanish
letters are like, how they differ from
others, what the Spanish might be
proud of, and in what way they merit
the respect of other nations.

Russian travelers and diplomats left
reports of their stay in Spain. Dmitrij
I. Dolgorukov (1797-1867), a member of
the Russian Embassy staff in Madrid,
became well-versed in Spanish culture.
Although he knew no Spanish on arriv
ing, he undertook at once to study the
language and soon after wrote his
brother Mixail that he was "assiduously
learning Spanish and beginning to read
Calderon and Lope." Dolgorukov's cor
respondence from Madrid reflects his
great enthusiasm for Spain, his knowl
edge of the Spanish way of life, and his
love for Calderon and Lope, whose works
he found to be "remarkably beautiful."

The events in Spain affected still an
other aspect of Russian thought, that
of the intellectual revolutionary, and the
Riego rebellion of 1820 gave a new
direction to Hispano-Russian relations.
In 1812, during Napoleon's occupation of
much of Spain, the Cortes of Cadiz pro
claimed a constitution which gave
greater freedom and civil liberties to the
Spanish people. When Ferdinand re
turned to Spain from his detention in
France in 1814, he suspended this consti
tution, and a period of political repres
sion began. On January 1, 1820, a revolt
against Ferdinand erupted. Two of its
most important leaders were Rafael de
Riego, a colonel, and General Antonio

52

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

Quiroga. This uprising, although ini
tially successful, was later suppressed
and, though Quiroga escaped with his
life by fleeing temporarily from Spain,
Riego was captured and hanged on Octo
ber 16, 1823.

The enlightened and progressive ele
ments among the Russian intellectuals
considered the rebellion a struggle
against despotism and tyranny and re
garded it as analogous to their own
struggle. Consequently, both Riego and
Quiroga became heroic figures among
these progressive Russians.

As a result of the Riego rebellion, the
Russian intellectual revolutionary took
an even keener interest in Spanish liter
ature. Literature became the vehicle for
expressing political beliefs, and the
Spain that was forbidden as a topic for
political discussion became a topic for
literary debate. The development of
Russian interest in the Spanish theater
from this period onward must be viewed
against the background of the nine
teenth-century socio-political struggle on
the one hand and in the ambiance of
German romanticism on the other.

Russian interest in the Spanish Golden
Age theater during the early nineteenth
century is related to the ideas of the
German romantics, especially the
Schlegel brothers, August Wilhelm
(1767-1845) and Friedrich (1772-1829).
By the 1820's they had reversed the
general literary attitude toward Spain's
classical theater. Consequently, the
nineteenth century, in contrast to the
eighteenth, was well disposed toward
Spain's great seventeenth-century
dramatists.

A. W. Schlegel's writings on the Span
ish theater influenced many Russian
writers, critics, and university profes
sors. At Moscow University Professor
Ivan I. Davydov (1794-1868) gave a
series of lectures on the history of the

Spanish theater based on Schlegel's
works. Nikolai A. Polevoj (1796-1846),
the playwright and historian, whose lib
eral journal, Moskovskij Telegraf (Mos
cow Telegraph), did much to foster
Romanticism in Russia, likened the
Spanish theater to that of the Greeks in
its immeasurable wealth, and accused the
Italians, French, and English of using
Spanish works without acknowledging
their sources. Orest Somov, the roman
tic critic, declared: "The Spaniards, it
seems, were the founders of romantic
taste in dramatic poetry. Lope de Vega,
Calderon de la Barca and other poets
adhered to neither tradition nor rules."
One of the first Russian writers to
follow the German lead in extolling
Calderon was Faddej V. Bulgarin (1789-
1859). A Pole by birth and a soldier of
fortune by temperament, he claimed that
he fought in Napoleon's army in Spain
and, in 1821, published part of his recol
lections of the campaign (the veracity of
which has been questioned by several
important scholars). In the same year
he published a work on Spanish litera
ture. Like Professor Ivan Davydov, he
was influenced by the Schlegel Lectures
and praised the German contribution
highly:

Since the fall of Spain's national
glory and power, that is, since the
end of Charles V's reign, learned Eu
rope did not study Spanish literature
at all. Nothing more than a few
novels and ballads translated into for
eign languages proves that it exists.
But now at last the Germans have
lifted the curtain hiding the beauties
of Spanish letters, and by erudite
criticism have freshened the withering
laurels of Spain's great writers. . . .

Bulgarin admires Calderon's genius
and creativity and declares: "One can
not but be amazed at the daring thought
and greatness of Calderon in such works
as The Physician of His Honor [El
medico de su honra], The Revolt of the
Alpujarras [Amor despues de lamuerte]
and The Constant Prince \El principe

RUSSIAN AND SOVIET CRITICISM OF THE SPANISH COMEDIA

53

constante]" Speaking as a progressive
liberal, however, he could not refrain
from adding:

False morality based on blood-thirsty
fanaticism . . . distorts Calderon's
marvelous compositions. The spirit of
the Inquisition is palpable and obvi
ously governs the grandiloquent genius
of the poet. Such was the spirit of the
times, and Calderon had neither the
firmness of soul nor the strength of
mind to rise above the prejudices of
his times.

Of Lope, Bulgarin held a slightly dif
ferent view. Following the lead of
Schlegel, while praising him as a prodi
gious writer with an inimitable imagina
tion, he points out that Lope's verse is
"sometimes heavy, bombastic, and care
less" and that the "fanaticism, inhu
manity, and perverted morality which
marked the horrible reign of Philip II
are everywhere mixed with the poetic
beauty of [his] compositions." In Bul-
garin's view, Lope's theatrical composi
tions all lacked an orderly plan and
could not serve as models for any type
of composition, their principal virtues
being the "customs presented in the
most vivid colors."

The poet and dramatist Aleksandr S.
Puskin (1799-1837) was attracted by the
strong element of national identification
which characterized German Romanti
cism. "There is a way of thinking and
feeling," he wrote in 1826, "there is a
host of customs, beliefs, and habits which
belong to a given people. Climate, form
of government, religion, give each nation
its special appearance and are more or
less reflected in the mirror of its poetry."
He called this national character
narodnost', and detected it especially in
Spanish Golden Age literature. In his
essay "0 narodnoj drame; drame Mar fa
Posadnica" ("On Popular Drama and
the Drama, Martha the Governor"
[Mixail P. Pogodin, 1800-1875]) (1830),
Puskin points out that no matter what
theme the great dramatic writers choose,

national characteristics appear in their
works; thus we have Roman consuls
who retain the traits of London alder
men in Shakespeare or of Spanish noble
men in Calderon.

The outstanding literary figure of his
day, Puskin had, in fact, an extensive
knowledge of Spain, and he knew her
theater, which he considered "lyrical,
realistic and replete with narodnost'."
The critic Nikolaj G. Cernysevskij (1828-
1889) said that it was Puskin's great
interest in Russian narodnost' in litera
ture which led to his interest in foreign
works that embodied this quality, among
them those of Calderon. Spain's play
wrights occupy a very prominent role
in Puskin's views on world literature,
and he discusses them at length in sev
eral of his critical writings. To Cal
deron, however, he assigns a place of
enviable eminence, shared only by Shake
speare and Racine, "at an inaccessible
height, and their works comprise an
eternal subject for our study and
delight."

While some Russians, influenced by
the German Romantics, were attracted
by the aesthetic qualities of Calderon's
plays, certain members of the revolu
tionary Decembrist groups discovered in
his works a message of social protest
which served to further their progres
sive ideas. Virgel'm K. Kjuxel'beker
(1797-1846), a Decembrist writer and
poet, took a special interest in Calderon.
In 1823, apparently using a French
translation, he collaborated with the
composer Aleksej N. Verstovskij (1797-
1862) in writing an opera, Ljubov* do
groba Hi grenadskie mavry (Love until
the Grave, or The Moors of Granada),
based on Calderon's Amor despues de la
muerte. Calderon's play depicts the
morisco uprising near Granada in 1568
which was brutally put down the fol
lowing year by Don Juan de Austria.
In his play, Calderon is very sympa
thetic toward the moriscos because Philip

54

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

II had deprived them of their rights
and liberties, converting them to Catholi
cism and forcing them to give up their
language and customs. The moriscos in
the Spanish play are brave and have a
very high sense of both personal and
national honor.

KjuxelHbeker also speaks of Calderon's
religiousness and other traits which the
Spaniard, in his opinion, shared with the
Russian classicist Prince Serge j A.
Sirinskij-Sixmatov (1802-1846). In a
commentary on the latter's epic poem
Petr Velikij (Peter the Great), Kjuxel'-
beker states:

In both we encounter the same strict,
constant lay wit and devotion to the
faith of their forefathers; in both the
same knowledge of religion, the sacra
ments, and ecclesiastical ritual; both
souls are nourished by the Bible and
the Holy Fathers, Their flowery lan
guage bears the same stamp of East
ern luxury, their colors are flaming,
their thoughts are refined . . . like
the poets of Asia, both love to play
with words.

These words evoked a rebuttal from
Nikolaj M. Jazykov (1803-1846), the
young poet and future Slavophile. In a
letter to his brother of September 12,
1825, he writes from Dorpat University:

I am extremely fond of Calderon. But
the more I read him the more I am
convinced that Kjuxel'beker never
read him saying that Sixmatov has
much in common with him. Calderon
has a unique and all-embracing imagi
nation. He is concise and profuse
simultaneously. Each thought is ex
pressed briefly while he is a sea of
thoughts. ... I do not see any of that
devotion to his forefathers' religion
that KjuxeFbeker mentions.

Although Calderon occupied an impor
tant position among the Russian Roman
tics, Lope also had his followers, who
were concerned because so few schol
ars were aware of his contribution to
world theater. They also liked Lope
because he was more interested in every
day life and people, characteristics

which they did not attribute to Cal
deron's theater.

In 1829 Lope was praised in an article
on the Spanish theater which appeared
in Atenej (Atheneum) :

With Lope de Vega a great genius
appeared who, like Shakespeare,
helped establish a national theater.
. . . Lope had greater influence on
foreign nations; and France, more
obligated to him than the others,
should repeat with Lord Holland that
just praise: without Lope de Vega
perhaps the fine creations of Corneille
and Moliere would not exist and Lope
would be considered the greatest dra
matist in Europe.

Pavel A. Katenin (1792-1853), a
Decembrist who was well acquainted
with Spanish literature and had trans
lated Herder's version of the Spanish
ballads of the Cid into Russian, ex
pressed his preference for Lope. In his
essay "0 poezii ispanskoj i portugal'-
skoj" ("On Spanish and Portuguese
Poetry"), published in 1830, he protests
against the Calderon vogue launched by
the German Romantics. Not satisfied
with what the critics had to say about
Calderon, Katenin decided to read him,
but saw little merit in his plays when
compared with those of Lope.

The conservatives as well as the revo
lutionaries approached Spanish themes
by way of their interest in German
Romanticism, and in the ideas of Schlegel
and Herder on the development of in
dividual, racial, and national character
istics. Siskov praised the Spaniards for
precisely these traits. Schlegel, too, had
written: "If a feeling of religion, loyal
heroism, honor, and love be the founda
tion of romantic poetry, it could not fail
to attain its highest development in
Spain." Indeed, Uvarov's trinity of
autocracy, orthodoxy, and nationalism
embodied, in the Russians' opinion, the
basic characteristics of Spain as por
trayed in the Spanish Golden Age
theater. The conservatives could, there
fore, quite freely interpret many aspects

RUSSIAN AND SOVIET CRITICISM OF THE SPANISH COM.EDIA

55

of Calderon's work as an embodiment of
their own aims.

Two of the staunchest supporters of
official nationalism at this time were
Mixail P. Pogodin (1800-1875) and
Stepan P. Sevyrev (1806-1865). These
future Slavophiles both taught at Mos
cow University and jointly founded and
edited the conservative journal Mosk-
vitjanin (The Moscovite) and the pro-
German Romantic journal Moskovskij
Vestnik (The Moscow Herald [1827-
1830] ). They saw the Romantic move
ment as a model for the development of
Russian nationalist consciousness and
wanted to adapt the idealistic philosophy
and Romantic aesthetics of the Germans
to the intellectual needs of Russian so
ciety. During the early days of its
publication, Moskovskij Vestnik an
nounced that Johann Georg Keil's 1827-
1830 Leipzig edition of Las comedias
de Don Pedro Calderon de la Barca in
Spanish was appearing and that the first
of four volumes had already been re
ceived by the editors. This comment
accompanied the announcement: "One
must recall that in Russia Calderon is
known by few, and even then by name
only. The editors would like to try to
acquaint the Russian reading public with
Calderon as soon as possible through
the works of Schlegel."

Aleksandr I. Gercen (1812-1870), the
well-known Russian intellectual and
political thinker, was very much im
pressed with the Spanish concept of
justice. Having read a French transla
tion of Calderon's El alcalde de Zalamea
a few years before his exile, he noted in
his diary on July 9, 1844: "The Spanish
peasant is great if in him exists such a
concept of justice, an element which is
not at all developed in us, either among
our peasantry or among any of us. In
Russia, one either bears an injury like a
slave or avenges it like a mutinous serf."

Ivan S. Turgenev (1818-1883) became
interested in Spain and her literature
early in his career and maintained this
interest throughout most of his life.
This was first indicated by his short
play entitled Neostoroznost 9 (Indiscre
tion, 1843), which dealt with Spanish
customs and was written in the manner
of Prosper Merimee's Theatre de Clara
Gazul (1825).

During a hunt near St. Petersburg on
October 28, 1843, the twenty-five-year-
old Turgenev was introduced to Louis
Viardot, the noted Hispanist and trans
lator of Cervantes. A few days later he
met Viardot's young wife, Paulina Gar
cia, a leading singer with the Italian
Opera of Paris, on tour in Russia. Later,
while in Paris, he entered the Garcia-
Viardot circle, where new horizons
opened for his interest in Spain and her
culture. Paulina Garcia- Viardot was the
daughter of the famous Spanish tenor
Manuel Garcia, whose family had taken
up residence in Paris. The Spanish
community of Paris and the Garcia-Viar-
dot library greatly enhanced Turgenev's
knowledge of Spanish. From among
Spain's writers Turgenev showed a
marked preference for Calderon and
Cervantes. During one of his trips to
Paris, Turgenev undertook to learn the
Spanish language and wrote to Madame
Viardot on October 19, 1847, "J'ai deja
pris un maitre d'espagnol: el seiior
Castelar." In another letter to her on
November 26, 1847, he promised that he
would speak Spanish exclusively, and the
next day he assured her that his Spanish
was coming along very well. On Decem
ber 19, he spoke to her of his fascination
for Calderon's La devotion de la cruz,
which he read in the original Spanish.
In this letter Turgenev contrasted Cal
deron with Shakespeare, "c'est le plus
grand poete dramatique catholique
qu'il y ait eu, comme Shakespeare, le
plus humain, le plus antichretien."

Within the next few days, Turgenev

56

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

had read La vida es sueno and parts of
El widgico prodigioso, which is termed,
"the Spanish Faust." On December 25,
in another letter to Madame Viardot he

Despuis la derniere lettre que je vous
ai ecrite, j'ai encore lu un drame de
Calderon, La vida es sueno. C'est une
des conceptions dramatiques les plus
grandioses que je connaisse. II y
regne une energie sauvage, un dedain
sombre et profonde de la vie, une
hardiesse de pensees etonnante, a c6t6
du fanatisme catholique le plus in
flexible. Le Sigismond de Calderon (le
personnage principal), c'est le Ham
let espagnol, avec toute la difference
qu'il y a entre le Midi et le Nord.
Hamlet est plus reflechi, plus subtil,
plus philosophique; le caractere de
Sigismond est simple, nu et penetrant
comme un epee; Fun n'agit pas a force
d'irresolution, de doute et de reflex
ions; 1'autre agit car son sang meri
dional le pousse mais tout en agis-
sant, il sait bien que la vie n'est
qu'un songe.

Je viens de commencer maintenant
le "Faust" espagnol, El Mdgico prodi-
gioso; je suis tout encalderonise. En
lisant ces belles productions, on sent
qu'elles ont pousse naturellement sur
un sol fertile et vigoureux; leur gout,
leur parfum est simple; le graillon
litteraire ne s'y fait pas sentir. Le
drame en Espagne a ete la derniere
et la plus belle expression du catholic-
isme naif et de la societe qu'il avait
f ormee a son image.

With its defeat in the Crimean War,
the Russian nation was more than ever
aware of the need for change, for
"reform from above," as Alexander II
put it; and the second half of the nine
teenth century saw basic and rapid
changes in the structure of the old Rus
sian state. In the years between 1856
and 1870, there was some easing of con
ditions in the country's internal and
political life.

The intellectual and political group
that helped to establish the sodo-literary
trend during these years were the

raznocincy, or men from the non-noble
class who had a university education.
Their prime interest was the emancipa
tion of the serfs and the many problems
which ensued. This new stratum of so
ciety, which influenced all the arts, came
into being by the emergence of educated
men and women from all classes. From
their ranks came many of Russia's scien
tists, technicians, professionals, artists,
and revolutionaries. Holding that art
had to serve a social rather than purely
aesthetic function, they therefore pre
ferred the literature which Gogol estab
lished in his school of naturalism and
which the literary critic Belinskij
praised so highly.

The existence of the raznocincy
helped to alter the nature of the theater
audience. No longer did the stage belong
exclusively to the aristocratic elite which
had been content with the romanticism
and formal aestheticism of the past. The
new social stratum required a literature
which best depicted the Russian people's
plight and its struggle for political
rights and human dignity. The razno
cincy emerged as a generation in conflict
with their parents and consequently re
fused to accept their socio-economic
status quo and concepts they considered
sacred and inviolable. The classic ex
ample of this struggle in Russian litera
ture is Ivan Turgenev's novel Fathers
and Sons. These new progressives strove
for freedom of action and expression,
which they found in the Spanish Golden
Age Theater.

With the easing of censorship it was
now possible to produce plays in which
monarchs not only appeared on the stage
but were portrayed with some attempt
at historical accuracy. This easing of
theatrical censorship freed the theater
for the production of such works as
Lope's Fuenteovejuna and El mejor al
calde, el rey; Calderon's El alcalde de
Zalamea; and the anonymous La Estrella
de Sevilla, which the Russians, as well

RUSSIAN AND SOVIET CRITICISM OF THE SPANISH COMEDIA

57

as most Western Hispanists, attributed
to Lope.

At this time, the dramatic stage had
two important Imperial theaters at its
disposal, the Malyj (Little) Theater in
Moscow, which was established in 1808,
and the Aleksandrijskij Theater in St.
Petersburg (1832). The Malyj was away
from high society, away from the pres
sure of foreign noblemen with whom St.
Petersburg teemed, and above all, far
from the direct influence of the French
theater, which had found a second home
land in St. Petersburg. It presented for
the first time works by controversial
Russian writers such as Griboedov,
Gogol', and Ostrovskij, as well as many
outstanding European playwrights.

The Malyj group particularly esteemed
Alexander N. Bazenov, the man respon
sible for introducing the cycle of Spanish
Golden Age plays to Moscow during
Alexander II's reign. A lover of the
theater from early childhood, Bazenov
sought to raise the aesthetic and cul
tural level of the theater. He began by
writing reviews of stage performances
for Moscow's journals and newspapers,
and in 1861 helped to form the Kruzok
Ljubitelej Dramaticeskogo Iskusstva,
"The Amateur Dramatic Art Circle," an
organization dedicated essentially to the
performance of Western classical plays
and the best Russian works. Aleksandr
Ostrovskij, the best-known Russian
playwright of this period, was a member
of the circle, and its troupe produced
many of his plays for the first time.

In January of 1864, Bazenov founded
the theatrical journal Antrakt. In it
he followed the development of the
theater, in Russia as well as the West.
Due to the lack of Russian plays of
quality and the unlimited possibilities
available in Western drama, his interest
focused on the Western classical theater,
and it was essentially because of this
that the plays of Shakespeare, Moliere,
and Calderon all but broke the hegemony

of French melodrama on the Russian
stage. In issue after issue Bazenov took
contemporary Russian writers to task
for the quality of their work and praised
such Western writers as Moliere and
Lope de Vega. In viewing the Euro
pean theater of his day, he suggested
that the only means of saving it from
total eclipse was a return to the "eter
nally beautiful models of her classic
theater." For a true understanding of
the theater, Bazenov advised his readers
to "study the great masters: Shake
speare, Schiller, Moliere, Goethe, Cal
deron, and Lope." In 1866 he wrote,
"Honey I gather from everyone/ First
from the Greeks/ Then from Goethe,
Shakespeare . . . and Calderon."

In the years that followed, the Maly
Theater continued to maintain its seri
ous and classical repertoire. The didactic
role of art continued to be emphasized,
as well as its enormous social force and
ideological content. But with the pass
ing of Bazenov in 1867, there was no
one sufficiently interested in the Spanish
plays themselves to continue the prece
dent set by him, until a decade later,
when the translator of several Spanish
Golden Age plays, Sergej A. Jur'ev
(1821-1888), revived this interest.

As a young man, Jur'ev was interested
in mathematics and astronomy, but
trouble with his eyes led him to aban
don science. In addition to his work
at Moscow University, he studied abroad,
attending lectures on the literature and
drama of the West at various universi
ties. For the remainder of his life he
devoted himself to literature and drama
tic art and counted among his friends
such literary giants as Leo Tolstoj,
Dostoevski j, and Saltykov-Scedrin.

Jur'ev founded and edited the Slavo
phile journal Russkaja Mysl* (Russian
Thought), was the editor of both Beseda
(The Visit) and Artist, and served as
the chairman of the Obscestvo Ljubitelej
Rossijskoj Slovesnosti. (The Society of

58

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

Friends of Russian Letters) . The group
published many literary translations, in
cluding those of Spanish plays, and was
composed of truly enlightened intellec
tuals.

Jur'ev regarded the theater as the
lecture hall of the people. "We shall
speak of the most powerful force acting
on the human consciousness," he wrote,
"the dramatic stage: the superior crea
tion of poetry which speaks not only to
the mind but to the whole spirit." In
the Spanish playwrights he found a
reflection of his own idealized concept
of art. He was attracted by the role
of the people, by the mass movements,
by the moral and social ideals of Lope,
and by the penetrating psychology of
Calderon, and resolved to bring them to
the Russian stage. Between 1865 and
1877, he translated nearly a score of
dramatic works from Shakespeare, Tirso,
Calderon, Lope and others, including La
Estrella de Sevilla; El castigo sin ven-
ganza; A secreto agravio, secreta ven-
ganza; Marta la piadosa; and Fuent-
eovejuna. Of Lope he wrote:

Lope de Vega loved the simple people
with an ardent flame and defended
their great importance and moral
virtue. In powerful artistic images,
he revealed their spiritual beauty,
inner force, and noble pride. He has
many dramas in which the main char
acters are taken from the peasantry,
depicting with unusual force their
pride in their way of life, vying with
kings in moral virtue while bowing in
respect before the royal person. In
Lope's historical dramas, we are
aware that the master of historical
events is the people, that its desire
and will, covertly or overtly, control
these events, and that in many of
these dramas the collective personality
has the prime position.

In 1871 Jur'ev's translation of Cal-
deron's A secreto agravio, secreta ven-
ganza was published. In his introduc
tion, Jur'ev refers to Calderon as:

A powerful and independent thinker,
who wrote many dramas in which

there unfolds before the reader a true
picture of human life. In these plays
he is a penetrating psychologist, a
sober thinker who protests class preju
dice and many other prejudices which
are still with us today, a mighty
champion of the rights of man and
the inviolability of his person. In this
sense, the great Spanish poet belongs
to our own time.

Although Jur'ev translated and pro
duced other Spanish Golden Age plays,
Fuenteovejuna best reflected his own
concept of the role of the people in a
state. He believed that a people should
be free and educated, and that using
force to correct injustice was justifiable.
He was far from agreeing with Leo
Tolstoj on the matter of passive resist
ance. At one of their Saturday evening
literary gatherings, Jur'ev, recalling the
heroine of Fuenteovejuna, Laurencia,
asked Tolstoj what he would do if
someone attempted to rape his daughter.
Would he not use force to defend her?
Tolstoj replied that he would appeal
to the man's conscience, but Jur'ev could
in no way agree with Tolstoj 's argu
ment. He had certainly not produced
Fuenteovejuna to show that one should
appeal to the conscience of a rapist.

A friend and colleague of Jur'ev,
Ostrovskij was Russia's most important
living playwright. He was greatly
interested in the popular element in
literature, which Puskin had defined as
narodnost'. In his youth he traveled
extensively through the Volga region,
collecting information about the popu
lace with the idea of writing plays. A
member of Pogodin's Slavophile group,
he shared their ardent love of folkways,
their interest in the observation and
study of folkloric poetry, custom, and
ritual. Ostrovskij was particularly in
terested in Russia's popular theaters
and sought to establish a broader base
for public entertainment.

Like his friend Jur'ev, Ostrovskij was
widely read in Spanish Golden Age

RUSSIAN AND SOVIET CRITICISM OF THE SPANISH COMEDIA

59

drama. On July 10, 1885, lie suggested
to the actor and playwright Mixail P.
Sadovskij that he consult Lope's Arte
nuevo de hacer comedias en. este tiempo
for techniques of suspense and intrigue
in the actor's new play Dusa-Potemki.
His artistic aim was to create a truly
Russian theater, as he felt the Spanish
Golden Age dramatists had created for
Spain; for he was convinced that "the
only plays which have survived the cen
turies are those which were truly na
tional to their own homeland." And this
he succeeded in doing. "In the world
tradition of the theater/' the Soviet
critic Danilov writes, "the dramatic ex
pression most akin to Ostrovskij was
the theater of Lope de Vega."

Ostrovskij translated all of Cervantes'
Entremeses, four of which appeared in
print during his lifetime, published by
Peter I. Vejnberg in his Izjascnaja Lit-
eratura (Journal of Fine Literature).
The correspondence between the two
men leading up to the publication of the
Entremeses illustrates something of the
interest of the Russian intellectual in
foreign classics. In 1883, Vejnberg wrote
to Ostrovskij, pleading for "at least
one scene from Cervantes." Vejnberg
published El juez de los divorcios in
1883, and La guarda cuidadosa in 1884,
and wrote again to Ostrovskij, asking
for a third translation and reminding
him that "the subscribers insistently
request Cervantes." El retablo de las
maravillas, also published by Vejnberg
in 1884, was the last entremGs published,
though the playwright translated them
all before his death in 1886. The re
mainder were published posthumously
in the year of his death. Vejnberg wrote
to Ostrovskij, expressing his hope that
all the Entremeses would be published.
In a letter to him, the playwright ex
plained the delay: "All is now ready,
but I am conscientious and afraid to
appear before the public until I am cer
tain of two things: that my translation

is completely faithful to the original
work, and that all the words and phrases
in the Russian language selected by me
to express all Cervantes' shades of
meaning leave nothing to be desired,"

In Russian literature the period from
1886 to 1917 is one of transition between
the ages of realism and symbolism; and
although the Spanish plays performed
during this time were relatively un
exciting comedies of manners, through
them the Russian symbolists became in
terested in Tirso de Molina's El burlador
de Sevilla and Calderon's more serious
religious dramas.

Two currents in literary thought
emerged during this period. Nonaca-
demic or subjective criticism was written
by Symbolists such as Dmitrij S. Merez-
kovskij (1865-1941) and Konstantin D.
Bal'mont (1867-1943); while original
scholarship on the Spanish classical
theater in Russia first appeared in the
writings of the learned jurist Maksim
M. Kovalevskij (1851-1916) and the His-
panist Dmitrij K. Petrov (1872-1925).

Conditions in the country at large,
and uninspired leadership in the theater
after the death of such men as Jur'ev
and Ostrovskij, brought about a general
decline in the artistic and intellectual
quality of theatrical performances in
Russia. At a time when serious Russian
scholarship was making steady progress
in virtually all fields, when an experi
mental avant-garde was beginning to
focus on symbolic meaning in imagina
tive literature, the classical repertoire
was giving way to farce, light melo
drama, and comedies of manners.

The first original study of Lope's
drama was written in 1889 by Maksim
Kovalevskij, an outstanding jurist and
professor of law, who, in 1886 had pub
lished a study on Russian slaves, in
medieval Spain. In preparation for this
work he had examined documents in

60

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

Gerona, Barcelona, Palma de Mallorca,
and Valencia. In 1889, as a memorial
to his late friend, Sergej Jur'ev, Kova
levskij wrote an essay entitled "Narod v
drame Lope de Vegy, Ovecij Istocnik"
("The people in Lope de Vega's Drama,
Fuenteovejuna") . He analyzes this play
with a legalist's mind, observing that
Lope's technique lays before the audi
ence an accurate portrait of the political
and social structure of Spain in the late
fifteenth century. In a relatively brief
but well-documented history of Spain,
Kovalevskij points out that various ar
ticles of the Spanish legal code had, by
the end of the fifteenth century, pro
hibited the free movement of the peas
antry, a former liberty they had enjoyed
before the feudal system curtailed their
freedom of movement and of land use.
With feudalism firmly established, the
Spanish peasantry were no longer able
to leave the land to which they were
attached. And as the country moved
from a feudal structure to absolutism,
the sufferings of the peasantry, in Kova
levskij 's argument, were the direct re
sult of dissension and factionalism
among the ruling classes and the mili
tary orders. On the basis of this argu
ment, Kovalevskij analyzes Lope's
Fuenteovejuna, citing many passages to
support his thesis.

Kovalevskij concluded that only when
a people is faced with the certain knowl
edge that it has no other recourse
against repression does the idea of rebel
lion take root in its mind. In showing
the increasing awareness of Lope's peo
ple, faced with such a knowledge, Kova
levskij points to the genius of the play
wright in having endowed his characters
with great dignity and a sense of honor,
a characteristic of Spanish drama which
had so impressed Gercen and Jur'ev.
Kovalevskij 's documentation provides an
interesting insight into the wide range
of Spanish material available to the
Russian scholar of his day, apart from

the fact that his work is the first origi
nal study of Lope as a social historian.
A few years later this same theme was
considerably enlarged upon by the His-
panist Dmitri j K. Petrov, a professor of
philology at St. Petersburg University,
who was the first Russian to write a
doctoral thesis on the Spanish theater.

As a student, Petrov was encouraged
in his choice by the comparatist Aleksan-
dr Veselovskij, who helped him obtain
a travel grant to study abroad. Petrov
studied Spanish literature in France,
under Morel-Fatio and Gaston Paris,
and under Menendez Pelayo in Spain.
While still a graduate student, Petrov
translated and wrote important commen
taries on several of Calderon's works.
For his master's thesis he chose to ex
amine the theater of Lope, setting forth
the premise that his theater of manners
was a true reflection of his time. He
regarded it as important not only for
its moral and aesthetic qualities, but for
its social reflections as well.

Published in 1902', and entitled Ocerki
bytovogo teatra Lope de Vegy (Studies
on Lope de Vega's Comedies of Man
ners), his thesis examines scores of
plays written during the first two dec
ades of the seventeenth century and
dealing with Lope's Spain. Petrov
divided his work into three sections:
"The Family in the Love Comedies of
Lope de Vega," "Dramas of Honor,"
and "Virtuous Women." He examines
these aspects of Lope's plays for their
sociological content, comparing and cor
relating them with numerous other
sources, mainly memoirs of Spaniards
and foreign travelers during Lope's
time. These documents further con
firmed Petrov's opinion on how closely
Lope's plays reflected the realities of
his own social structure. He concluded
that they could, in fact, be regarded as
social chronicles.

Beginning with an analysis of the
family structure, Petrov studied the in-

RUSSIAN AND SOVIET CRITICISM OF THE SPANISH COMEDIA

61

ferior position of the Spanish woman,
constantly subjected to the watchful
eye of her male relatives. He sees
honor as the driving 1 force of Lope's
comedies of manners, a concept directly
related to the matter of chastity in the
maiden and fidelity in the wife. Until a
girl is married, her father, brother, or
other kinsman is charged with the re
sponsibility of guarding her chastity, a
responsibility which passes on to her hus
band thereafter. Petrov also notes the
blood-letting involved when a woman has
been dishonored in any way that violates
her sexual purity: the spilling of her
blood to satisfy the outward forms de
manded by the Spanish seventeenth-cen
tury honor code. In particular, he ex
amined this aspect of Spanish reality
as reflected in Los milagros del despredo
and El maestro de danzar.

The question of the husband as a
many-eyed Argus is taken up in the next
section when Petrov examines the honor
theme in husband-wife relationships in
Lope's plays. Citing, among others, La
vitoria de la honra and El sufrimiento
del honor, Petrov concludes that the
Spaniard was by no means surprised to
see a man kill his wife, on the stage or
off, if he merely suspected her of in
fidelity. Dedicating his closing remarks
to plays about the virtuous women of
Spain, Petrov points out that Lope
sought to show that there were indeed
virtuous wives, and that they remained
so despite long absences of their hus
bands and repeated efforts by other men
to seduce them. Lope also depicts women
who were virtuous despite their hus
bands' faithlessness, and women who
chose to marry poor but good men in
stead of rich and evil suitors. Among
the plays studied for this aspect of
Lope's theater, Petrov points in particu
lar to La bella mal maridada, Los
hidalgos de la aldea, and La muda,
casada y doncella.

Petrov's essay is a carefully docu

mented work and ranks among the most
erudite studies ever done on the Spanish
Golden Age theater. It was one of the
first works, as the American Hispanist
George Irving Dale has suggested, to
study the honor code in Lope and its
relation to Spanish life.

In 1907 Petrov published his doctoral
dissertation, entitled "Zametki po staroj
ispanskoj komedii" ("Comments on the
Spanish Classical Comedy"). The dis
sertation consists of the text of the
previously unpublished Lope play, Lo
que pasa en una tarde, from the manu
script in the Biblioteca Nacional in
Madrid, and Petrov's analysis as well as
critical commentaries on this and other
works. This dissertation reveals a
knowledge of Spain and her culture
which few scholars of his age possessed,
as he deals with the multiple and com
plex components of Spanish life as seen
in this play. Spain's holidays, the
amusements indulged in by her people,
the position of the hidalgo in society,
and the important role of Seville and
Madrid in her cultural and historical
development are also assessed with re
markable acuity. Two chapters of the
dissertation are devoted to a thoroughly
documented history of the Golden Age
theater, from the early sixteenth century
until the death of Lope.

Elaborating on Lope's own life and
love affairs, as he felt them to be
mirrored in his dramatic works, and
analyzing his technique as a playwright,
Petrov arrives at certain broad conclu
sions concerning Lope's art. For him,
Lope's plays constituted his Ars
Amandi; he considered his heroes to be
passionate and jealous, his heroines
haughty and disdainful, and found that
his ability to portray women far ex
celled his ability to depict men, his
heroines being far more dynamic and
viable than his heroes. Petrov concluded
that Lope was, in fact, the world's
greatest portrayer of women. He re-

62

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

garded love as the most powerful force
in Lope's work and pointed to the
playwright's masterful understanding of
all the shades of emotion that may be
experienced in love, ranging from jeal
ous rages to complete indifference, from
tenderness to disdain. He concluded that
the most salient feature of love in Lope
is that his lovers usually consummate
their love physically in marriage, and
not before.

Petrov's contribution to Spanish
scholarship in Russia was a great one.
He brought to his work that dispas
sionate judgment and critical analysis
which are the hallmarks of the careful
scholar. He also was a man caught up
in the personal joys and intellectual fas
cination of teaching and research; his
thoroughness and enthusiasm in both
became legendary in Russia. Petrov's
love for the Spanish theater was com
municated to his students; and one of
them, a poet, Vladimir Pjast, subse
quently became the translator of many
Spanish plays.

Another current in literary thought
in Russia at this time derived from the
Symbolist movement in literature. In
the closing years of the nineteenth cen
tury, caught up to some extent in the
personal malaise which accompanied the
Russian intellectual of the times and
the social malaise which the times surely
justified, a number of Russian writers
sought escape in the literature of the
Western Symbolists, especially from
France.

Many of the Symbolists relied on "art
for art's sake," and the movement flour
ished at a period when Russian civic
instincts had been stifled by government
repression. Aestheticism was substitut
ing beauty for duty, and individualism
emancipated man from all social obliga
tions. Many of the Russian Symbolists
were men of the highest intellectual
level, very much influenced by writers
such as Dostoevskij, Nietzsche, and

Vladimir Solov'ev (1853-1900). The
Symbolist movement in Russia produced
a renaissance of poetry second only to
the age of Puskin, and a period of pro
digious research into the plastic arts,
the theater, music, and the ballet. In
much the same manner as the Spanish
mystics had grown in number and inten
sity as a reaction against early Pro
testantism, many Russians reacted
against the positivism of the age in a
vigorous renewal of religious affirmation.
Calderon had a message for these men.
His view of earthly existence in La vida
es sueno, or the portrayal of the self-
willed individual who subjugated himself
only to God in La devotion de la cruz,
were views that the Russian Symbolists
readily accepted. These same ideas were
expressed by A. L. Volynskij (1865-
1926), who wrote under the name of
Akim Flekser. In 1896 he published an
article entitled "Religija i sovremennaja
literatura" ("Religion and Contempo
rary Literature") in which he said:

Religion brings into our view a
mysterious law, inexplicable by any
instrument of human knowledge. No
discovery of science, no idea of any
kind casts light on the mystery of
human existence. Our life is a dream
which only death will awaken. In
dividualism, in essence, consists of the
destruction of the terrestrial and the
subjugation of the individual to a
divine force, from which individuality
comes, and to which it returns.

The extremities of individualism, as
exemplified by Eusebio in La devotion de
la cruz, or Tirso's Don Juan, amount to
what Flekser called "demonism." In his
view, demonism freed the human mind
from its restraints and aroused the de
sire to declare war on the world's basic
virtues. Conversely, he believed that no
matter to what lengths a man might
carry individualism in his attempt to
impose his own will, he must eventually
submit himself to God's will.

These tenets of Symbolism were basic
to the thought of Dmitrij Merezkovskij,

RUSSIAN AND SOVIET CRITICISM OF THE SPANISH CO MEDIA

63

who was strongly drawn to the religious
aspects of life. In his youth, Merezkov-
skij had found in Calderon, Cervantes,
and the Spanish mystic poets a literary
expression for his philosophic and re
ligious convictions. He believed that
man is helpless in the presence of God,
and that although as an individualist he
can assault the basic laws of society,
freedom as embodied in such lawlessness
can ultimately find happiness only in
communion with God.

Between 1886 and 1887, Merezkovskij
wrote a play in which he employed the
basic theme of Calderon's La vida es
sueno. Zinaida Gippius, the poetess,
relates that before her marriage to
Merezkovskij he was writing "a long
poem from Spanish life called Silvio,
Hi vozvrascenie k prirode (Silvio, or The
Return to Nature), based on Calderon's
La vida es sueno."

In 1891 Merezkovskij published an
essay entitled "Kal'deron v svoei drame,
Poklonenie krestu" ("Calderon in His
Drama, La devocion de la cruz") , which
consists of three parts: Calderon as a
mirror of the Spanish people, the plot
summary of the play, and a discussion
of the symbols in La devocion de la cruz.
This essay emphasizes one of Symbol
ism's most important aspects, the adora
tion of the self-willed man and his
power and desire to impose his will upon
others.

In the first part of his essay, Merez
kovskij describes Calderon as Spain's
most representative dramatist and an
individual who did not resemble the
rationalistic man of nineteenth-century
Europe. What most characterizes Cal
deron's heroes is their strong will and
passion, traits which Merezkovskij also
saw in a portrait of Calderon attached
to one of Calderon's earliest editions. In
Merezkovskij 's opinion, Calderon had the
bravery and strong will of a warrior, the
meditation of a poet, and the abstinence
of a monk. Part three is the heart of

the essay. In it Merezkovskij defends
Calderon against an attack by the Ger
man philosopher Moritz Carriere, who
had said that Calderon's intention was
to show that even the most horrible
crime should be pardoned in the eyes of
God if the criminal truly loved God.
The German had objected to Eusebio's
salvation despite his crimes.

Answering this criticism, Merezkov
skij stated that Calderon's play is not
based on a fetish for the cross, but
rather on the essence of Christianity,
i.e., that faith in God means a love for
God and that, therefore, without faith
there can be no love for God. It is this
power of love for God which saves
Eusebio and Julia. Since they are of
a dual nature (good and evil), they are
typical of man in general. They are
torn between sin and virtue, and between
complete liberty and complete submis
sion. They cannot be saved through
their nature, which is partly evil, but
only through their will. Eusebio and
Julia are saved only through their love
for God, who is represented symbolically
by the cross; their love for God is far
greater than their sins. Merezkovskij
believes that man must love God first
and above all other things. Only then
comes man's love for man.

Merezkovskij asked his contemporaries
to cast aside their prejudices against
things Catholic and to appreciate those
works of art which Catholicism inspired.
His essay is a call for intellectuals to
reevaluate Calderon, to try to understand
and appreciate him as a literary giant
and a man representative of his native
culture and time.

Konstantin D. Bal'mont (1867-1943),
the critic, poet, and translator, was also
interested in Spain's classical theater
and supplemented this interest with
trips to the Iberian peninsula early in
his career. His first undertaking relat
ing to the Spanish theater was the pub
lication in 1900 and 1912 of a three-

64

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

volume edition of several Calderon plays
with essays and notes:

I chose for the first translation El
purgatorio de San Patricw not only
because this drama immediately gives
an image of Calderon's literary style,
but because of its motif of repentance
which links Russian and Spanish liter
ature. As strange as it may seem,
Dostoevskij and Leo Tolstoj are the
northern brothers of Tirso, the author
of El condenado per desconfiado, and
of Calderon, the author of El pwrga-
torio de San Patricia and La devotion
de la cruz. No one has ever used the
psychological theme of repentance like
the Russian and the Spaniard. Only,
with the Spaniard the approach is
limited to Roman Catholicism, while in
the Russian it is universal.

In the extensive introduction to El
purgatorio de San Patrieio (iii-cxiii),
using Western sources, BaPmont pre
sents a well-documented essay on Cal
deron, Cervantes, and Lope. Like the
romantics, he considered Lope inferior
to Calderon, and in his analysis of El
medico de su honra he traces parallels
between Don Guitierre and Othello. Like
many students of the comedia, Bal'mont
considered La vida es sueno Calderon's
unsurpassed masterpiece and states:

In this philosophical drama, which,
like a mirror, focuses all of light's
rays, we see the complete symboliza-
tion of all that is earthly. The hero,
the Polish prince Segismundo, is the
artistic symbol of the human being
with all his passions and spiritual con
tradictions. The only consolation for
man's woes is embodied in the play's
title.

In 19Q4 Bal'mont published a book of
essays entitled Gornye Versiny (Moun
tain Tops), which included essays on the
Spanish Golden Age theater, Francisco
Goya, and translations of Spanish folk
songs based on Rodriguez Mann's Cantos
populares espanoles. These essays were
originally delivered as lectures at Ox
ford, The Moscow Historical Museum,
and The Free Russian University in
Paris. In the first essay on the comedia,

"Cuvstvo licnosti v poezii" ("The Pres
ence of the Personality in Poetry"),
Bal'mont raises several questions: Is it
better to be the object of someone's will
or to be the projector of that will? Is
it better to be the vanquisher or the
vanquished? Is it better to be the
master or the slave? Is it better to
have one's freedom held in check or
to be absolutely free? Bal'mont revered
those men "who rule their own destinies,
and are not afraid to take destiny by
the throat, for they are their own
rulers."

In the second of these essays, "Tip
Don Xuana v mirovoj literature" ("Don
Juan in World Literature"), Bal'mont
states that Don Juan has captured the
imagination of more writers than any
other literary character because of his
indomitable will to achieve his amorous
aims. Tirso's Don Juan "will stop at
nothing to achieve his aim." In his
opinion Don Juan "defies the elements
and has no fear of Judgment Day."
Thus it is Don Juan's demonic individ
ualism and fearlessness which drew the
Russian Symbolists to Tirso's master
piece.

Between 1910 and 1917 two anti-
Stanislavskij Russian innovators of the
symbolist theater who produced several
Spanish Golden Age plays, Vsevolod D.
Mejerxol'd and Nikolaj N. Evreinov,
made illuminating commentaries on the
comedia. In his quest for symbolism
on the stage, Mejerxol'd turned to folk
and religious drama as well as to the
theater of convention, i.e., the symbolized
use of props and scenery. One of the
national theaters in which Mejerxol'd
found these elements was the comedia.

The nature of the Spanish Golden Age
repertoire also interested Mejerxol'd.
One of his few comments on this matter
appeared in a letter, dated July, 1911,
to the English specialist on the Russian
theater, George Calderon. Mejerxol'd
speaks of the Spanish theater as con-

RUSSIAN AND SOVIET CRITICISM OF THE SPANISH COM EDI A

65

taining a feeling of national force, a
religious undercurrent, and, oddly
enough, an inspiration to free the in
dividual from Medieval scholasticism.
Concerning its dramatic forms, he points
out the quickly developed action concen
trated on the plot, and "in addition the
Spanish Theater is not afraid to break
the harmony of the highest level of
tragic pathos by introducing the comic
grotesque which reaches a clear and
unique caricature."

In preparation for performances of
Spanish Golden Age plays by the
Starinnyj Teatr (The Old Theater)
[1911-1912], Evreinov and two other of
the group's directors, Nikolaj V. Drizen
and M. K. Miklasevskij, presented schol
arly papers on the comedia to the actors.
These papers were to help them have
an authentic conception of Spain's clas
sical drama and were published in a
booklet entitled Ispanskij Teatr, XVI-
XVII (The Spanish Theater in the Six
teenth and Seventeenth Centuries).

On September 15, 1911, Drizen ex
plained the group's aims to the partici
pants. He said that if old art had been
distorted by the playing of harpsichord
compositions on a concert grand, and
the retouching and modernizing of old
canvases and frescoes, the art of per
forming old plays had suffered the same
fate. Even if the texts themselves had
not been altered, the original tech
niques of performing them had been
lost. Consequently the ideal rebirth of
the classic stage was possible only if its
original techniques were also revived
with the aid of scholarly research into
the theater's past.

Drizen stated that the Spanish theater,
along with the Greek theater and Shake
speare's, was one of the world's great
theaters. In his opinion it was charac
terized by ecstatic religiousness, un
usual force of national ideals, a special
concept of honor, great mirth, and the
Spaniard's love of dance and music. In

addition, the Spanish Golden Age Thea
ter appealed to all levels of seventeenth-
century Spanish society.

Miklasevskij discussed the different
stages in use during Lope de Vega's
time: the corral or municipal stage, the
Royal theater in the Buen Retiro, the
stage used by itinerant actors, as well as
a three-tiered stage used for Autos
Sacramentales*

Evreinov, in his talk, attempted to
answer questions dealing with the Span
ish Golden Age actor. He wanted to
know what demands were made on that
actor by the public and by the play
wright, and which actors were able to
ignore the audience's whims and tastes.
Evreinov studied the actor's life and
the level of development the Spanish
Golden Age theater had reached in the
sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. He
had the personal assistance of D. K.
Petrov, and his scholarly sources in
cluded works by Hugo Rennert and the
memoirs of Spanish seventeenth-century
theater-goers as well as Agustin de
Rojas' El viaje entretenido.

Evreinov was interested in the comedia
because of teatral'nost' ("theatricality")
which he defined as a theatrical instinct
inherent in all living creatures, savage
or civilized, which brings the theater
into daily life. It is a means by which
man or an audience can transform them
selves into whatever or whomever they
may want to be. Teatral'nost' applies as
well to the actor who would really like
to be the character he is portraying on
the stage.

Because of teatral'nost 9 , both man and
animal live a life of spontaneous and
daily theater. The cat and mouse act
out a little play before the former
devours the latter. Children use their
theatrical imagination in playing games.
Savage man wears the skins of animals
and the feathers of birds in his the
atrically religious rituals because he

66

YEARBOOK OP COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

wants to acquire the traits of these
creatures. Evreinov concluded that each
period in history had its own theatrical
characteristics which allowed man to
participate in and experience vicariously
the spectacle before him. Seventeenth-
century Spain was one such period:

She set at that epoch an exception
ally high example of historic stage
management: Inquisition-tribunal
with masked judges and hellish stage
craft of torture, huge autos-da-fe,
where executioner and martyr rivalled
each other in the strict adherence to
their parts, the brilliance of sinister
costumes all was harmonized and
stylized. There was the duelling ritual
which enabled masters of fencing to
glory in the part of gallant gentlemen
who, even dying from wounds, never
failed to drop some complimentary re
mark about their beloved ones. The
vulgar butchery was then transformed
into the refined spectacle of the bull
fight, and the affected speech of Gon-
gora with its tempting unnaturalness
supplanted the natural idiom of the
nation.

Add to this endless and purely
operatic processions of various kinds,
religious, royal, military, criminal
("walking" the criminals through the
streets), wedding and carnival (the
processions of Tarask [sic]). The
theatrical "filling" penetrated into
every part of the "pie of life" baked
by the ecclesiastics with thin, acrid
oil, and it became impossible to dis
tinguish the "filling" from the "crust,"
the religious form of a ceremony from
its theatrical contents. The best actors
gave up the stage and entered the
monasteries, while the most ascetic
monks left their cells and entered the
actors' guilds. The greatest play
wrights of the seventeenth century
were the monks Lope de Vega, Carplo
[sic] and Calderon, while the most
sainted nun (at whose death, legend
has it, the church-bells began of them
selves to toll her passing) was the
actress Baltasara. Is it possible that
renunciation of the world by a monk
is also dictated to him by the instinct
of transformation, which is nothing
but theatricality in disguise? The
history of the ultra-theatrical Spain
furnished sufficient ground for such
an assumption.

Following in both Petrov's and
Merezkovskij's footsteps was Sergej M.
Botkin, who died in 1918 at the age
of 30. He was the nephew of V. P.
Botkin, a friend of Turgenev and author
of a very important series of essays on
nineteenth-century Spanish political life
entitled Pis'ma ob Ispanii (Letters About
Spain) [1847-1849],

Like his teacher Petrov, Sergej Botkin
studied with Morel Fatio and Menendez
y Pelayo after finishing his studies at
St. Petersburg University in 1911. From
Petrov he acquired training in research
techniques, while he followed Merezkov-
skij in his interest in mysticism and the
supernatural. Botkin's triumph was an
unusual combination of objective exami
nation of subjective material. Among
his unpublished works are studies of
Santa Teresa de Jesus, Quevedo, Suarez
de Figueroa, and La Celestina (to the
best of my knowledge the first of its
kind in Russia).

In 1916 Botkin published an article
on Calderon entitled "Dramaturg-Mis-
tik" (The Mystic Playwright), in Vest-
nik Evropy of December, 1916, pp. 153-
177. The following year, in line with his
interest in the supernatural, he pub
lished a scholarly analysis of Alarcon's
La cueva de Salamanca entitled "K
istorii magii v Ispanii XVII veka" (On
the History of Magic in Seventeenth-
century Spain) (zurnal ministerstva
narodnoffo prcsvescenija, of February
1917, p-p. 204-233), in which he demon
strated the Spaniard's indebtedness to
works on magic by Cornelius Agrippa
(De Occulta Philosophw, 1533) and
Giambattista della Porta's Magiae Nat-
uralis, 1589.

In a study which reflects Petrov's pre
occupation with the Spanish comedy of
manners, Botkin compares and contrasts
Corneille's Le Menteur and Alarcon's La
verdad sophechosa ("P'er Kornel'i Ruis
de Alarkon" in Zapiski neofilologiceskogo
ob&estva, Vypusk VIII [1915], 44-51).

RUSSIAN AND SOVIET CRITICISM OF THE SPANISH COMEDIA

67

Soviet scholars and critics have writ
ten hundreds of studies, of varying qual
ity, on many aspects of Spanish culture,
history, and literature. Soviet criticism
tends to examine the comedia very much
in the way Puskin, Jur'ev, Ostrovskij,
and Kovalevskij did, but often de-
emphasizes the close ties between the
Spanish people and its king. This is
especially true in studies on Fuenteove-
juna. After Lope de Vega, Tirso de
Molina and Cervantes receive the great
est attention, while Alarcon receives less
and Calderon as a religious writer
almost none.

Soviet comediantes have been severely
handicapped by not having easy access to
Western archives and libraries and have
therefore been deprived of basic sources
of new materials. Therefore, it should
not surprise us that among the very
finest Soviet studies on the comedia are
bibliographic essays and in the area of
Hispano-Russian literary and cultural
relations.

Mixail P. Alekseev has made invalu
able contributions to this field, especially
in his very well documented study Ocerki
istorii ispano-russkix literatumyx otno-
senij XVI-XIX vekov (Essays on His
pano-Russian Literary Relations from
the XVI to the XIX Centuries [1963]).
The essays collected in this work had
appeared previously in other publica
tions, including a book, Kul'tura Ispanii
(The Culture of Spain [1940]). KuVtura
Ispanii contains many fine articles by
other Russian Hispanists, including B.
V. Krezevskij's "Tvorcestvo Lope de
Vega" ("The Art of Lope de Vega" [pp.
190-221]). Alekseev's essay entitled "Iz
istorii ispano-russkix literaturnyx otno-
senij XVI-nacala XIX vekov" ("From
the History of Hispano-Russian Literary
Relations of the 16th to the 19th Cen
turies") provides an excellent descrip
tion of the influence of Spanish litera
ture on Russian culture until the early
1840's.

In 1962 the Hispanist Zaxarij L Plav-
skin published an exhaustive biblio
graphic essay on Lope de Vega entitled
Lope de Vega Bibliografija russkix
perevodov i kriticeskoj liter atury na
russkom jazyke 1785-1961 (Lope de
Vega A Bibliography of Russian Trans
lations and Criticism in Russian 1785-
1961). In this essay Plavskin also
included detailed studies on the perform
ances of Lope de Vega on the Tsarist
and Soviet stages. Another excellent
bibliographic essay with an equally fine
introduction is Alisa D. Umikian's MigeV
de Servantes Saavedra Bibliografija
russkix perevodov i kriticeskoj litera-
tury na russkom jazyke 1768-1957
(Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra Bibli
ography of Russian Translations and
Criticism 1763-1957). This is the only
reliable bibliographic essay on Cervantes
in Russia.

Until the Spanish Civil War there was
no Soviet history of the Spanish
Golden Age Theater, and Sergej Igna-
tov's Ispanskij Teatr XVI-XVII vekov
(The Spanish Theater of the 16th and
17th Centuries [1939]) was the first
Soviet book on this subject. Ignatov,
in fact, lamented that there had not been
any original Russian studies on the
comedia since Petrov's. And his sole
purpose in this book was to create an
interest in this field among Russian
scholars. Ignatov provides for his read
ers a fine and succinct exposition on the
history of the Spanish Theater from its
beginnings to the end of the seventeenth
century. Without any claim to original
ity, Ignatov analyzes the life and works
of Spain's great playwrights, but his
most lucid and informative writing deals
with the physical stage from Lope de
Rueda to the Royal theaters in Buen
Retiro. One of the work's unique fea
tures is Ignatov's objective description
of the Church's relationship with, and
the importance of religious elements in,
Spain's theater.

68

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

In 1947 Leningrad University pub
lished a volume of Hispanic essays on a
wide range of topics written by its
faculty (Naucnyj Bjulleterf, No. 14-15).
One of the most informative articles is a
survey of Hispanic studies at the Uni
versity, on which I do not comment for
lack of space.

Plavskin is also the author of many
works on the Spanish Golden Age Thea
ter. His book Lope de Vega (1960),
which was not intended for the special
ist, discusses Lope's plays as a descrip
tion of the class struggle between the
oppressed and the oppressors. In 1948,
in a volume of essays by several Soviet
scholars dedicated to Cervantes (Ser-
vantes, stat'i i materialy [Cervantes,
Articles and Materials]), Plavskin pub
lished an erudite study of La Numancia
in which he examines the possible his
torical sources of this tragedy. Plavskin
shows that Cervantes wove these his
torical facts into a manifesto of love for
freedom and hate for the dictator. In
doing so, Cervantes created a mass pro
tagonist who has become a universal
symbol of heroic collective resistance in
the face of enemy encirclement.

N. I. Balasov, a comediante, has pub
lished several well-documented scholarly
studies on the comedia as well as His-
pano-Russian literary relations. In his
"Lope de Vega i problematika ispan-
skoj dramy XVII veka na vostocnoslav-
janskie temy" (Lope de Vega and
comedias on East Slavic Themes), (Iz-
vestija Akademii Nauk SSSR, Otdelenie
literatury i jazyka XXII [1963], 3-18),
Balasov states that Lope was interested
in Russian and other East European
themes because these countries had also
struggled against non-Christian invad
ers in their own Reconquista. Balasov
states in his detailed analysis of Lope's
El gran duque de Moscovia, a play based
on the Boris Godunov theme, that the
Spanish playwright was not interested
so much in the religious strife between

Rome and Moscow. In the true Renais
sance tradition, Lope lashes out against
the despot by means of his characteriza
tion of Ivan and justifies Dmitri j's right
to the throne usurped by Boris. Lope
also shows that Dmitrij will be a wise
and just ruler because he mixes with the
lower classes (especially the peasantry) ,
which he meets during his exile in
Poland.

The following year, Balasov published
an article based on unpublished censor
ship copies of two comedias, El gran
duque de Moscovia and an anonymous
work entitled Hados y lados hacen
dichosos y desdichado, el parecido de
Rusia; "Rukopisi ispanskix dram o Rusi
i gumanisticeskaja tradicija literatury
Ispanii XVII veka" (Spanish Drama
Manuscripts on Russia and the Human
istic Tradition of Spanish Seventeenth-
Century Literature), (Izvestija Aka
demii Nauk SSSR, Serija literatury i
jazyka XXIII [1964], 1834). After
comparing the manuscript of Lope's play
with the 1617 edition, Balasov points
out scribes' errors in place-names as
well as numerous censorship changes.
One of the censor's objections was the
scene in which Ivan kills his own son.
In Balasov's opinion, Lope was forced
to soften these lines because it reminded
the Spanish public of Philip IPs killing
of his son Don Carlos. In the second
play the censor removed passages which
attacked the despotic actions of the Rus
sian ruler Sophia (1682-1689).

In 1966 Vidas Siliunas published an
abstract from his dissertation entitled
Problema cesti v tragedijax Lope de
Vega (The Problem of Honor in the
Tragedies of Lope de Vega) in Teatr,
X (1966), 132-137. Siliunas' thesis is
that all of Lope's tragedies are honor
tragedies, and that the cleansing of the
protagonist's honor causes him great
personal suffering. Among the plays he
analyzes are El castigo sin venganza,
Fuenteovejuna, and La Estrella de Se-

RUSSIAN AND SOVIET CRITICISM OF THE SPANISH CO MEDIA

69

villa (which many Western scholars
do not ascribe to Lope) .

The first Soviet study dealing with
Calderon as a religious writer appeared
in 1967 (Istorija zarubeznoj liter atury
XVII-XVIH [History of Western Euro
pean Literature of the Seventeenth and
Eighteenth Centuries}) pp. 76-90). As a
general rule, Soviet criticism tends to
treat Calderon as a writer of revolution
ary plays and comedies of manners,
often comparing him with Lope de Vega.
On the other hand, Russian and Soviet
criticism has always had difficulty in
dealing with his religious drama. Tsarist
officials were particularly reluctant to
present his religious plays because they
feared Catholic dogma, but at least some
articles on Calderon's religious works
appeared.

To the best of my knowledge, no
Soviet translation of his religious works
has been published, and I do not know
of an underground attempt to do so.
Nevertheless, I am aware that many
Soviet readers; realize that he is not
only the author of El alcalde de Zalamea.
A mere reading of Turgenev's commen
taries on Calderon would attract any
one to read La vida es sueno or La
devocion de la cruz.

The essay in Istorija zarubeznoj lit-
eratury XVI-XVII vekov presents Cal
deron in the light of Spanish religious
fanaticism, which includes ignorance,
the horrors of the Inquisition, and the
unity of Church and State, all of which
Calderon defended and justified by his
religious writings. S. D. Artamonov,
the author of the essay, describes Cal
deron as inflexible in his religious faith,
pessimistic about life on earth, which he

believes to be unimportant. Man suffers
on earth, but if he follows the tenets of
Catholic dogma he will reach paradise
and God will forgive the criminal for his
inhumanity to man as long as he has
faith in Him. The Soviet critic attacks
Calderon's belief in the concept of
Heaven and Hell as a means of frighten
ing people into obedience. For these and
other similar reasons, Calderon's religi
ous works are absolutely incompatible
with Soviet criticism, and I am therefore
convinced that they will not be trans
lated or performed in the Soviet Union.

So protean and diverse is the comedia
that it has reflected the many and com
plex ideologies of the Russian reader
and critic for more than two centuries.
In Tsarist Russia both the conservatives
and liberals found in the comedia sup
port for their convictions. Writers such
as Puskin, Ostrovskij, and Petrov saw
in it a mirror of national character and
a reflection of Spanish reality. Merez-
kovskij, BaTmont, and other symbolists
interpreted several comedias by Cal
deron and other playwrights to show
that the revolutionary and mutinous
spirit in man ultimately submits to the
will of God.

Soviet criticism of the comedia gen
erally follows the directions of Belin-
skij, Nekrasov, and Jur'ev in that litera
ture and literary criticism are made to
serve social and material progress and
that there should be no literature for
literature's sake. This aim in Soviet
criticism is clear in the extraordinary
number of articles on the comedia deal
ing with plays whose theme is social
progress and revolt against tyranny.

The University of Kansas

70

Charles R. Larson

AFRICAN LITERATURE AND COMPARATIVE LITERATURE

The study of African literature in
American universities (and in most
other universities throughout the world,
including Africa itself) is of fairly re
cent development at most six to ten
years old. Indeed, so recent is this field
of study that the term "African litera
ture" is in no way fully understood or
agreed upon. It is not the word "litera
ture" which presents the difficulty here,
but "African," when it is used as an
adjective before that other, more fa
miliar word. The usual reaction to the
term is the question, Is there any African
literature? Or, Are Africans creating a
literature of their own? We are living
at a time when many people still have a
tendency to think of Africa as one
country, with one language, and, at
most if there is such a thing one
literature.

These common misconceptions con
cerning the African continent itself have
led to the disparity within the teaching
of African literature courses. In Amer
ican universities, courses referred to as
African literature are currently being
taught in English, French, and anthro
pology departments, and at some insti
tutions, in schools of "foreign affairs,"
under the catch-all term, "area studies."

This discrepancy is certainly due, in
large part, to the lack of recognition of
African literature as "literature" by
certain language departments at a num
ber of institutions. Fortunately, how
ever, the federal government has been
influential in convincing other depart
ments (non-literary, non-linguistic) of
the vital nature of studying foreign cul
tures through their literatures; hence,
the prevalence of anthropology and area
study courses in African literature. The
weakness of these approaches, however,
is that African literature is studied as
something other than literature.

A more logical solution to the problem
of where such courses belong may be
found if African literature is studied
as comparative literature. Looking at
the terminology used to define compara
tive literature by a number of scholars
within the field, the comparative ap
proach to African writing seems the
most logical and the most rewarding.

According to Rene Wellek in the
Theory of Literature, comparative lit
erature is "the study of relationships
between two or more literatures"; and,
as expanded by Henry H. H. Remak
in his essay "Comparative Literature,
Its Definition and Function" in Com-

AFRICAN LITERATURE AND COMPARATIVE LITERATURE

71

parative Literature: Method and Per
spective, it is "the study of literature
beyond the confines of one particular
country . . . beyond national boundaries."
These basic definitions, accepted by most
scholars, provide the methodology for
studying the totality of African litera
ture, no matter where or in what lan
guage it is being written.

A number of institutions have tried to
solve the problem of African literature
simply by breaking up their offerings
into English and French literature
courses, since a great amount of what
is commonly referred to as contempo
rary African literature is being writ
ten in these two "colonial" languages.
(For a further discussion of the lan
guage problems confronting African
writers, see my article, "Speaking of
Books: In Tropical Africa," The New
York Times Book Review, May 4, 1968,
p. 2, 50-51.) This linguistic classi
fication no doubt assumes that Africans
writing in English in Nigeria and South
Africa, for example, use English in the
same way, while the opposite may be
true. Thus, this solution creates new
problems.

Mixing African writing in English
and French (i.e., from the two main
colonial areas) in one course, then, would
conform to our basic comparative litera
ture definition, but such a solution would
be too simple and hardly fair to those
Africans who are writing in the vernac
ular languages. Besides English and
French (and the more infrequent use of
Portuguese and Afrikaans) , there is also
an increasing amount of indigenous
African writing using dozens of the
several hundred languages and dialects
spoken on the continent. Many people
currently engaged in the study of "Afri
can literature" are familiar with one or
more of these indigenous tongues, and
because of an increasing amount of
translation from these languages into
English and French, courses in African

literature frequently include works from
half a dozen or more European and
African languages.

Within a given nation what with so
many languages and tribes compara
tive literature might be re-defined as the
study of relationships between the lit
erature of two or more ethnic groups.
One country where there are several
thriving indigenous literary languages
(due in part to the increased literacy
of its people) is Nigeria, where English,
Ibo, Yoruba, and, to a lesser extent,
Hausa, are competing with each other
in a quasi-Renaissance. It should also
be noted that even within a given lan
guage, it is possible to approach African
literature on a comparative basis. Since
so many African writers use European
languages as their second language, as
might be expected, their handling of this
second language differs considerably be
cause of the inevitable vernacular in
fluences. An Ibo writer of English
handles the language somewhat differ
ently than a Yoruba writer of English;
therefore, it is possible to study the
vernacular speech patterns which have
been retained in the transference into
English. It is further possible to think
of a literary oddity such as Amos Tutu-
ola (Yoruba, "Western Nigeria) in the
light of a recently proposed periodical,
Comparative Literature in English. Not
quite in Pidgen English, but rather, in
a language entirely his own, Amos
Tutuola's famous novel, The Palm-Wine
Drinkard (the first of six) begins as
follows:

I was a palm-wine drinkard since
I was a boy of ten years of age. I had
no other work more than to drink
palm-wine in my life. In those days
we did not know other money, except
COWRIES, so that everything was
very cheap, and my father was the
richest man in our town.

My father got eight children and I
was the eldest among them, all of the
rest were hard workers, but I myself
was an expert palm-wine drinkard. I

72

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

was drinking palm-wine from morning
till night and from night till morning.
By that time, I could not drink ^ ordi
nary water at all except palm-wine.

But when my father noticed that I
could not do any work more than to
drink, he engaged an expert palm-
wine tapster for me; he had no other
work more than to tap palm-wine
every day.

The comparative approach to African
literature, however, should not be con
fined to linguistic studies. In the preface
to Marius Francois Guyard's La litt-
erature comparee, Jean-Marie Carre
extends the definition of comparative
literature given above by stressing the
importance of the relationship "entre les
oeuvres, les inspirations, voire les vies
d'ecrivains appartenant a plusieurs litt-
eratures." Especially important for Carre
are the "transformations que chaque na
tion, chaque auteur fait subir a ses
emprunts." Both Carre and Guyard re
gard voyages and trips certain writers
have made and the influences other writ
ers (presumably in other cultures) have
made on their writing as suitable com
parative subjects. Since so many African
writers have received their advanced
education in European and American
schools, the possibilities for analyzing
African literature using comparative
methodology are almost unlimited. A log
ical point of departure is the earliest
school of contemporary African poetry
Negritude, which began in Paris in the
1930's among black students living in
exile, forced to assimilate into French
culture, and compelled to believe that
their own traditional cultures contained
nothing of value.

In the seminal piece of African lit
erary criticism, "Orphee Noir," Jean-
Paul Sartre explains the origins of the
Negritude movement and attempts to
justify the use of French as the lan
guage of these writers: "les noirs n'ont
pas de langue qui leur soit commune.
. . . C'est le frangais qui fournira au

chantre noir la plus largue audience
parmi les noirs. . . ." Consequently,
"Fame noire est une Afrique dont le
negre est exile au milieu des froids
buildings de la culture et de la tech
nique blanches." The Negritude move
ment, in its affirmation of traditional
African life, of blackness, and of all
things distinctly African in nature,
could only have begun outside of Africa.
As Gerald Moore has said in Seven
African Writers (London, 1962, p. 10) :

The black man living in a continent of
black men, embedded in his own so
ciety, does not need constantly to
trumpet and proclaim his blackness.
But the black man who finds himself
in the bottom stratum of a society
dominated by colour gradations; with
out a language, a culture or even a
name distinctly his own; separated
three thousand miles and a couple of
centuries from his origins; that man
will wish to justify and exalt his
blackness. . . .

The French policy of assimilation
clearly acted as a kind of negative
catalyst or "transformation" to which
African writers had to submit because
of their travels and studies exposing
them to the Western world and Western
literature. According to Kennedy and
Trout, Negritude, and its relationship to
Surrealism, was in one sense an attempt
to change French literature into a new
literature which "would find its sources
in what these students thought of as the
Negro's 'special' sensibility, his feeling
for rhythms, myth, nature, the erotic
and emotional life, and group solidar
ity," ("The Roots of Negritude," Africa
Report, XI [May 1966], 61).

Negritude, then, is almost too perfect
an example of one literature growing
directly out of another culture and its
literature, be it, as they were, negative
influences: exile, assimilation, and re
jection of French culture by African
students living in France between the
two world wars.

There are many additional examples

72

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

was drinking palm-wine from morning
till night and from night till morning.
By that time, I could not drink ordi
nary water at all except palm-wine.

But when my father noticed that I
could not do any work more than to
drink, he engaged an expert palm-
wine tapster for me; he had no other
work more than to tap palm-wine
every day.

The comparative approach to African
literature, however, should not be con
fined to linguistic studies. In the preface
to Marius Francois Guyard's La litt
er ature comparee, Jean-Marie Carre
extends the definition of comparative
literature given above by stressing the
importance of the relationship "entre les
oeuvres, les inspirations, voire les vies
d'ecrivains appartenant a plusieurs litt-
eratures." Especially important for Carre
are the "transformations que chaque na
tion, chaque auteur fait subir a ses
emprunts." Both Carre and Guyard re
gard voyages and trips certain writers
have made and the influences other writ
ers (presumably in other cultures) have
made on their writing as suitable com
parative subjects. Since so many African
writers have received their advanced
education in European and American
schools, the possibilities for analyzing
African literature using comparative
methodology are almost unlimited. A log
ical point of departure is the earliest
school of contemporary African poetry
Negritude, which began in Paris in the
1930's among black students living in
exile, forced to assimilate into French
culture, and compelled to believe that
their own traditional cultures contained
nothing of value.

In the seminal piece of African lit
erary criticism, "Orphee Noir," Jean-
Paul Sartre explains the origins of the
Negritude movement and attempts to
justify the use of French as the lan
guage of these writers: 'les noirs n'ont
pas de langue qui leur soit commune.
. . . C'est le franc, ais qui fournira au

chantre noir la plus largue audience
parmi les noirs. . . ." Consequently,
"Fame noire est une Afrique dont le
negre est exile au milieu des froids
buildings de la culture et de la tech
nique blanches." The Negritude move
ment, in its affirmation of traditional
African life, of blackness, and of all
things distinctly African in nature,
could only have begun outside of Africa.
As Gerald Moore has said in Seven
African Writers (London, 1962, p. 10) :

The black man living in a continent of
black men, embedded in his own so
ciety, does not need constantly to
trumpet and proclaim his blackness.
But the black man who finds himself
in the bottom stratum of a society
dominated by colour gradations; with
out a language, a culture or even a
name distinctly his own; separated
three thousand miles and a couple of
centuries from his origins; that man
will wish to justify and exalt his
blackness. . . .

The French policy of assimilation
clearly acted as a kind of negative
catalyst or "transformation" to which
African writers had to submit because
of their travels and studies exposing
them to the Western world and Western
literature. According to Kennedy and
Trout, Negritude, and its relationship to
Surrealism, was in one sense an attempt
to change French literature into a new
literature which "would find its sources
in what these students thought of as the
Negro's 'special' sensibility, his feeling
for rhythms, myth, nature, the erotic
and emotional life, and group solidar
ity," ("The Roots of Negritude," Africa
Report, XI [May 1966], 61).

Negritude, then, is almost too perfect
an example of one literature growing
directly out of another culture and its
literature, be it, as they were, negative
influences: exile, assimilation, and re
jection of French culture by African
students living in France between the
two world wars.

There are many additional examples

AFRICAN LITERATURE AND COMPARATIVE LITERATURE

73

that could be adduced for what Carre
and Guyard refer to as transformations
to which nations and authors have sub
mitted, undergoing and revealing in the
process that all-important term "influ
ence." The brilliant Guinean novelist
Camara Laye, for example, who also
began his writing career in France, ad
mits the influence Franz Kafka has had
on his work. A cursory reading of his
novel, Le Regard du roi, clearly demon
strates the influences of The Trial and
The Castle. Another example can be
found in Amos Tutuola, who attended
English mission schools for six years
and, as one critic has pointed out, gives
the impression of having undergone a
crash course in world mythology. Other
critics have illustrated the influences of
two of Tutuola's school books, the Bible
and Pilgrim's Progress, on his writing.

At least one study illustrating the
influence of the Victorian novel on West
African novels written in English has
been made. Until the last two or three
years, the Victorian novel was standard
fare for introducing the novel to stu
dents in West African English-speaking
schools. Wole Soyinka, the Nigerian
playwright, has been influenced (besides
by his own traditional Yoruba drama)
by such disparate inspirations as Shake
speare and the Theatre of the Absurd,
in part, no doubt, because of his intern
ship at the Royal Court Theatre in Lon
don. The South African novelist, Peter
Abrahams, admits his indebtedness to
several black American writers: W. E.
B. DuBois, Langston Hughes, Countee
Cullen, etc. If we are bothered by the
fact that in most of these cases the
African author writes in the same lan
guage which has influenced him, we need
only remember that almost all of these
writers use English or French as a
second language in large part to help
bridge some of the cultural barriers. In
stead of always looking for the Euro
pean influences, it might be more im

portant to ask what has been retained
from the vernacular languages. Indeed,
the field of influence studies (albeit
Africa appears to have been on the re
ceiving end) is ripe for comparative
studies on these and a host of other
writers. Even on the continent itself,
influence studies are also possible since
the East African novel clearly shows
evidence of a number of borrowings
from the West African novel.

The study of genres, their migrations
and transformations, offers an exciting
challenge to the student of African lit
erature. As one would expect, and as
has already been pointed out with the
Negritude poets, African writers have
not been content simply to imitate the
literature of other cultures, nations, and
languages. Here, again, Amos Tutuola
needs to be mentioned for his unique
ness, for his "novels" are not novels at
all in the traditional sense, unless one
wants to think of them as a future direc
tion toward which the novel might be
moving. Rather, they conform more
closely to the medieval romance, the
quest, with all its stages of search, ini
tiation, conquest, and reward. They
have been deeply influenced by the tra
dition of story-telling in Yoruba life
and the Yoruba novelist, Chief D. 0.
Fagunwa. It is here that another quo
tation from Wellek's definition of com
parative literature is especially applica
ble, for Wellek notes the importance of
"oral tradition, especially of folk tale
themes and their migration; and how
and when they have entered 'higher,'
'artistic' literature." Not surprisingly,
Tutuola's tales have been referred to as
a missing link between oral literature
and the Western novel.

"Novel" is perhaps the wrong word
here, at least as far as Africa is con
cerned. In writing of the African
"novel," more than one critic has stated
that the novel itself is a non-African
form, but few have ventured to say what

74

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

they mean by this, I will not go so far
as to deny Africans the privilege of
writing in any form they choose, but I
will admit that the novel in Africa fre
quently differs from the Western con
cept. I have had particular success with
my own students by letting them dis
cover what the major differences be
tween the African and the Western
novel are. It is perhaps for this com
parative reason too that so many courses
in African literature include "African"
novels by Europeans and Americans:
Joseph Conrad, Joyce Gary, Graham
Greene, Saul Bellow, etc., or the South
African writers (who present a differ
ent point of view also) : Alan Paton,
Nadine Gordimer, Doris Lessing, etc.

What are these differences? The West
African novel in English stresses (as
does Negritude poetry) the community
over the individual, and the typical plot
of an African novel is oriented toward
a situation rather than toward a char
acter or characters. Barely is a char
acter developed to any significance,
rarely is character interaction of any
importance. Instead, the communal ex
perience is much more significant. The
result is that African novels in English
are not novels of character analysis, but
novels of event and the ramifications
of that event for an entire group of
people, a village, a tribe, a nation.
(These generalizations usually do not
apply to the French African novel which
is much more closely aligned to the
European novel.) Since so many African
writers have had to rely on a reading
audience outside of Africa, the African
novel in English has tended to be an
thropological somewhat equivalent to
"local color" in our own literature.
Even something as basic as description
is treated quite differently in most
African novels than it is in Western
ones. Description is almost always func

tional (like African plastic arts) ; rarely
is it used to create atmosphere or mood
as in, say, a Thomas Hardy novel. In
addition to the purely technical differ
ences, the content or subject of African
fiction is widely different too. For ex
ample, there are very few "love" stories.
Because we in the West know so little
about Africa and even less about Afri
cans themselves, courses in African lit
erature in the past have tended to be
introductory courses in African culture,
art, history, political science, sociology.
In this larger context, it is perfectly
logical to refer to Professor Remak's
definition of comparative literature once
again: "the study of literature beyond
the confines of one particular country,
and the study of relationships between
literature on the one hand and other
areas of knowledge and belief, such as
the arts, . . . philosophy, history, the
social sciences, ... the sciences, religion,
etc., on the other." The study of African
literature lends itself naturally to all
these related fields and should remind
us of what Guyard says a study of
comparative literature could teach the
French about the English: "Une telle
etude amene a comprendre comment nous
voyons les Anglais et pourquoi nous les
voyons ainsi; ... la litterature com-
paree peut aider deux pays a operer une
sorts de psychanalyse nationale: en
connaissant mieux la source de leurs
prejeges mutuels, chacun se connaitre
mieux et sera plus indulgent pour Tautre
qui a nourri des preventions analogues
aux siennes." Clearly the comparative ap
proach to African literature is the rich
est way of studying the literature itself,
and the most logical way of aiding
Africa and the West in gaming a mutual
understanding of each other.

Indiana University

Anthony Thorlby

75

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE*

There has been much uncertainty and
disagreement about what Comparative
Literature is supposed to be, not least
among those who regard it as their
subject. Perhaps its most striking char
acteristic, when it is seen alongside the
other "literatures" which are studied at
schools and universities, is a negative
one: Comparative Literature is not at
tached to any national concept. It sug
gests something different from English
Literature, or French Literature, or Ger
man Literature, namely, a type of liter
ary study which ranges across national
frontiers. This suggestion of something
international in its scope and purpose
can have the effect of making the sub
ject imaginatively attractive to a student
even before he knows at all what he
might be expected to read and think
about. Doubtless, like other kinds of in
ternational enthusiasm, that aroused by
Comparative Literature will not b easy
to realize in any very concrete form and
is most likely to be disappointed. Never
theless, the impetus which the subject
evidently receives simply by virtue of

* Reproduced with slight changes from The Times
Literary Supplement of July 25, 1968, by permis
sion.

its not accepting national limits may
have some significance. Such interest is
in itself lightweight, a straw in the
wind; but the forces which are compel
ling western attitudes toward nationality
generally to change are powerful, and
academic conventions will also feel their
pressure.

The more conventional view of literary
studies is that the body of material which
constitutes a degree course in a national
literature forms a natural whole, com
plete in itself; and that it should there
fore be studied systematically from be
ginning to end. That this view is no
more than a convention, and perhaps
ultimately a self-defeating convention,
is likely to become clearer with time.
The sheer accumulation of books of crit
icism and other secondary material,
together with the new creative writing
which is more slowly added to the na
tional heritage, already forces students
of literature to become more and more
selective within their chosen field. Other
obvious factors combine to make the con
ventions of knowledge stand out more
sharply and look increasingly fragile.
There is, on the one hand, the large in
crease in the number of scholars who
concern themselves with literature; on

76

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

the other hand, the field for research
tends to appear exhausted. At the same
time that more material becomes avail
able than anyone can manage to master,
it seems increasingly difficult to find
anything that has not already been

mastered.

* * *

The presence of such paradoxes in
the modern "production" of knowledge
is likely to show, of course, in other fields
besides literature. Literary studies may
simply be more sensitive to them, be
cause their primary raison d'etre is a
mysterious and essentially personal ex
perience: an intuition, an interest, an
involvement in something which aesthetic
theory rather inadequately defines as
beauty. This experience provides a kind
of permanent touchstone as to what is,
and what is not, worth knowing. Knowl
edge which is not inspired by, and does
not inspire, any sense of personal par
ticipation may, with regard to the study
of literature, justifiably be regarded as
pointless. In no field is it more apparent
that truth must mean something more
than factual knowledge. Here, no one
can for long insist that, to learn the
recorded findings of other scholars, once
alive with the breath of new insight
but now fossilized as fact, is to ensure
a proper grasp of the subject.

It would be absurd to imagine that
Comparative Literature automatically
offers any solution to the problems be
setting the academic study of literature.
Indeed, the form in which the subject
has often made itself academically ac
ceptable, particularly in France, con
stitutes only a minor variation of
conventional literary history, and one
which suggests a largely secondhand in
terest in original authors and works.
This is the study of so-called "interna
tional" influences, that is, the reception
and reputation of an author in some
country other than his own. While great
scholars like Baldensperger or Wellek

can make a book of this kind an occasion
for exceptional insights into the mind
both of the writer whose reputation is
being considered, and of those he in
fluenced, such subjects readily turn into
rather artificial surveys, where the in
terest of what is established is minimal
by comparison with the labour of re
search.

Lest anyone accept that this is, in
fact, the unwritten rule by which uni
versities prescribe the subject of gradu
ate dissertations, it may be as well to
point out the ideological assumptions on
which this kind of research rests. The
first is that an author's reception and
reputation in one country constitutes a
natural unit of knowledge, circumscribed
and complete in itself. The second is
that in this way the essentially factual
basis of literature's international im
portance is established. The concept of
country and the concept of fact that are
involved here are characteristic of a cer
tain late nineteenth-century attitude of
mind to which it does not seem necessary
to tie Comparative Literature for all
time. There is not even anything particu
larly "comparative" about it. It is sig
nificant that Professor Wellek has sub
sequently often made it plain that he
does not believe Comparative Literature
should restrict itself to this type of
enquiry.

* * *

Various influences have been at work
in the present century to give Compara
tive Literature much fuller opportunities.
One of these is Marxist ideology in the
broadest rather than politically doctri
naire sense. (Comparative Literature was
in fact banned under Stalin, but follow
ing the "Thaw" has developed again in
all East European countries, where three
international conferences on the subject
have been held since 1960.) The idea
that cultural values are the product of
social and economic conditions inevitably
places questions of individual genius and

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE

77

national tradition in a new light. Op
ponents of this view hold that it also
distorts or neglects the truly literary
qualities of a work. Every thing de
pends on the intelligence of the critic,
of course; in itself this approach merely
offers the possibility of making poten
tially (though not necessarily) illumin
ating comparisons with works produced
in what are held to be comparable social
conditions elsewhere. It thereby satisfies
a fundamental desire of the comparatist:
which is to discover a basis of compari
son between writers working in different
countries and sometimes also in different
epochs.

About the virtue of general compari
sons for the understanding of art some
thing will be said later; at this point,
it may be more appropriate to mention
another of the influences which helps
to foster this comparative desire, even
though it does not in itself imply any
particular formula for satisfying it. This
is the cultural displacement of the Euro
pean nations from their imagined posi
tion at the centre of civilization, and
with it the first signs of a genuine
diminishing of national attitudes. Here
the inheritance by North America of
Europe's cultural tradition has provided
a standpoint which invites a supra
national view of European literature;
it is not surprising that Comparative
Studies have flourished most at Ameri
can universities, sometimes under the
name of Comparative Literature, but
also in many other new approaches to
the study of literature on a non-national
basis.

The course titles commonly used in
American universities, such as "World
Literature," "General Literature," or
simply "Literature" (besides "Compara
tive Literature," in which it is possible
to obtain a degree, and not only an
M.A. or Ph.D. but also a B.A.), have
generally not been adopted in British
universities. This does not mean that

nothing similar is ever taught there.
Most modern language faculties offer
joint degree courses in two literatures,
and this presents opportunities for some
comparative teaching, which at various
times and places among other universi
ties, at Southampton and Edinburgh
particular scholars have taken up in
accordance with their own research in
terests. Again, English literature has
obvious points of contact with European
literatures, for instance, with Italian
during the Renaissance period and an
individual professor of English, like
Professor Gordon at Reading, may be
as expert as any comparatist in this field
without ever calling himself one.

Indeed, there has been almost a tradi
tion among professors of English in this
country, and still more so in Scotland,
that some of them should extend their
scholarly knowledge and writing beyond
what strictly speaking was their depart
ment. It is necessary only to call to
mind a few names to realize how com
mon this practice has been: G. Saints-
bury, H. Grierson, G. L. Bickersteth, C.
S. Lewis, G. Wilson Knight, B. Willey,
F. L. Lucas, F. Kermode, D. Davie. . . .
Nor need the list be confined to depart
ments of English; among scholars at
Oxford who have written on the subject
of Romanticism in European literature
and thought, one has been an historian,
one a professor of politics, and another
(originally) a classicist. It would be a
lengthy and invidious task even to con
template making such lists complete, and
anyway superfluous, in order simply to
establish the point that, though Com
parative Literature as a concept has been
rather frowned upon in Britain, many
distinguished books by English scholars
contain material which elsewhere would
be regarded as "comparative."

As a result, a research student in
this country may well include some

78

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

comparative work in his dissertation,
provided that his professor is sympa
thetic; but his degree and the title of
his thesis will be regarded as belong
ing among the conventional literary dis
ciplines. The place where Comparative
Literature is generally excluded is from
the B.A. Final Degree examination; and
since the departmental structure of Brit
ish universities is largely designed to
meet the requirements of this degree, it
follows that the subject remains outside
the official teaching programme, how
ever much it may interest individual
scholars privately. Students may study
French and German Literature concur
rently or switch from Classics in the
first half of their course to English in
the second, but each examination they
take will be on a single national topic.

There are occasional exceptions. In
the Cambridge English Tripos, for in
stance, the courses on "Tragedy," "The
Novel" and "The English Moralists"
carry a wide range of possible reading
in foreign literatures; there is even one
specifically comparative option on "Pe-
trarchism." Further, in the new univer
sities comparative literary studies have
begun to receive some recognition as
suitable for undergraduate teaching. The
"Foundation Year" at Keele, in present
ing a survey of the evolution of Euro
pean culture, draws literary examples
from various national backgrounds. In
the first year at Kent, topics like realism
and naturalism are handled in a com
parative manner, and even less depart
mentalized topics like "The Evolution
of the City" may use literature as evi
dence. At Sussex, not only are there
courses on "Tragedy" based on a variety
of European texts, both ancient and mod
ern, but also joint topics in literature
and history, a "Foundations" course (on
Plato, Virgil, and Dante) and a course
combining the study of modern sociologi
cal, psychological, philosophical, and lit
erary texts in a broadly European

context. Only at East Anglia has the
actual term "Comparative Literature"
been adopted for an undergraduate de
gree course, which is to begin next
October; the comparative element will
be built around the theme of realism in
fiction, with reference to Dickens, George
Eliot, Flaubert, Fontane, and Chekhov.
Both East Anglia and Sussex offer an
M.A. in Comparative Literature.

One objection often raised against
Comparative Literature is that it seeks
to impose patterns of similarity on
widely different works of literature and
thus encourages insensitivity to the
finer detail which is the true mark of
artistic quality. Now, admittedly, any
method of studying literature can be
followed clumsily: but Comparative Lit
erature does not in itself commit one to
any other principle than that compari
son is a most useful technique for ana
lysing words of art, and that instead
of confining comparison to writings in
the same language, one may usefully
choose points of comparison in other
languages. No one, surely, can ever have
proposed to study "identical literature"!
When the idea of studying "modern," as
opposed to classical languages and liter
atures, was born some 200 years ago, a
comparative method soon came to be
adopted in philology; (courses in Com
parative Philology, which have long been
in existence at British universities, some
times lead to a comparative study of
literary texts) . The comparative method
was only occasionally adumbrated, how
ever, with regard to literature, albeit
by some of the greatest scholars, like the
brothers Schlegel and Sismondi.

The word "comparative" originally
had scientific connotations, as in the case
of comparative anatomy; comparison
was expected to bring out both the dif
ferences between languages, or between
animals, at the same time that it re-

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE

79

vealed deeper organic relationships and
kinships. It was probably this scientific
expectation which made the application
of a comparative method to literature
seem problematical. To many scholars it
seemed more scientifically sound to stick
to non-comparative literary history, since
this could be based on fact. Even among
the more recent school of critics who
have succeeded the literary historians
and turned to examine "the text itself,"
there is a lingering positivist belief that
in this way the factual basis of beauty
will be pinned down. The comparatist
has the possibility of passing beyond this
belief, and also beyond the recurrent dis
pute as to whether philology or literary
history or textual criticism should form
the proper foundation of a literary edu
cation. The comparatist need only ac
cept one self-evident principle of aes
thetic awareness, which is valid in all
the arts: that to see one poem, or one
picture, or one building is to have little
feeling for its qualities. To see another
example of the "same" thing, which
being another work of art is of course
not the same but only "comparable," is
to take the first step towards recogniz
ing what is in each case good, original,
difficult, intended. There need be no
factual connexion between the two ex
amples, but the comparatist must know
how to juxtapose them. If he goes far
afield for his comparisons, this is not
in order to prove any thesis of universal
philology or historical evolution or struc
tural aesthetics, but primarily for the
pleasure of the thing, to broaden the
basis of his experience, as an adventure.

This is not to say that Comparative
Literature has not developed conventions
of its own, which guide comparatists in
their choice of comparisons. These con
ventions might be likened to experi
mental exhibitions of art works; the
theme of the exhibition may be some

what arbitrary, but the result of show
ing these works together in this way is
to bring out qualities in them which
might not otherwise be seen. At least
such a picture of the subject is less mis
leading than the image, which critics of
Comparative Literature try to pin on it,
of a monster pseudo-science that seeks
to make dogmatic generalizations about
all literature. Some of the earliest
themes, invented by the first Romantic
generations of scholars, were based on
ideas of the comparability of literary
works, and indeed of whole literatures,
on the grounds of a common "spirit" or
attitude of life which they were felt to
share: a Christian as opposed to a
pagan spirit, a Northern as opposed to a
Mediterranean one, a reflective and sen
timental cast of mind as opposed to a
naive and spontaneous one. These broad
concepts were refined with the growth of
more detailed understanding of Europe's
cultural evolution. Research in the his
tory of ideas and in the history of art
led to narrower definitions of literary
periods, such as "baroque," "neo-classi
cal," "pre-romantic," and so on.

The fact that it is impossible to estab
lish the character of such periods with
the precision of a law which applies
exactly to all the literature of each pe
riod, has prompted some scholars to chal
lenge the meaningfulness of this ap
proach. They are perhaps wrong chiefly
in supposing that only Comparative Lit
erature is vulnerable here. It is just as
difficult to prove what a literary period
is within one national literature or even
within one writer's work. What is at
issue here is the relationship of ideas
generally to things. The relationship is
potentially uncertain in every moment of
our mental life, but convention merci
fully allows this uncertainty to be
glossed over. Art, on the other hand,
tends to unsettle every convenient gen
eralization which is made about it. Not
to have experienced the fragility and in-

80

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

adequacy of all conventionally knowledge
able statements about it, is not to have
experienced something of its essential
power. Similarly, the same pedantic
criticism can be levelled at another of
the comparatist's conventions as can be
made against historical theories of pe
riod. For Comparative Literature also
busies itself with studies of techniques
and genres of writing. But what exactly
constitutes symbolism or tragedy? To
morrow a new work may be written
which we shall recognize as symbolic or
tragic in a sense comparable with the
examples which we already know, even
though these examples do not enable us
to predict or regulate what the new
work will be like.

A comparative scholar must be the first
to recognize, then, that the knowledge
he acquires may not be equated with
factual certainty. He knows that the
facts of philology and history and
textual observation will be interesting or
not, according to the context of ideas in
which he places them. Doubtless all
ideas are mercurial, unreliable, elusive
things, part of the intangible suggestion
of meaning and beauty which we can
point to in experience or in a book but
never properly get hold of. Unfortun
ately, the processes of teaching and ex
amining, particularly on a large scale,
tend to put a premium on certainty of
information and to reduce ideas to a con
venient factual form. But without ideas
the life of the mind is not worth living
and education becomes a grinding bore.

Comparative Literature must in the
end be able to justify itself on some
more positive grounds than that it does
not adhere to a national tradition. Its
negative freedom from one convention
should ideally provide an opportunity for
a creative openness to new ideas. More
over, these new ideas may very likely not
derive primarily from the international

character of the subject; simply to learn
the lessons of one national literature in
two, three, four or however many other
cases does not necessarily add very much
to one's understanding besides bulk. The
really suggestive points of contact may
be found less in other literatures than in
other disciplines, i.e. other areas of
human experience and inquiry. An in
ternational attitude to "literature"
should be important mainly as providing
a richer storehouse of examples. The
examples themselves, which literature
generally provides, do not have to be
studied solely as examples of technique,
for the sake of their specifically artistic
quality. That is to say, it may not al
ways be fruitful to try to isolate this
quality; the more exclusively the mind
tries to focus on the purely aesthetic
character of art, the more rarified this
tends to appear. The most valuable im
plication contained in the concept of
Comparative Literature may be that lit
erature should be compared with some
thing beyond itself.

Literature speaks to us immediately
about things other than beauty: about
religious and social attitudes, about
moral and emotional values, and not
about these things in the abstract, but
about what they feel like in practice,
in the experience of people. It is the
variety of this experience on subjects
like fear and freedom and forgiveness
which may in the end form the basis of
comparative studies, in conjunction with
non-literary materials bearing on the
same questions, as they have been under
stood by philosophers, say, or soci
ologists, psychologists, historians. The
contrary view is often asserted, of
course, that if you treat literature in
this way you get only secondhand ideas
or such other diluted information as
compares badly with what the appropri
ate specialist has to say, and that you
obviously have no feeling then for the
literature "as literature." Surely, this

COMPARATIVE LITERATURE .

ol

old cliche could be challenged at last. in literature: which is certainly not that

It concedes too much importance to it is remote from truth, but rather that

knowledge in the abstract and claims it makes other statements of truth seem

too little for literature. Precisely this remote from experience,
kind of comparison is capable of throw
ing into high relief what is distinctive The University of Sussex

82

REVIEWS OF RECENT TRANSLATIONS

Roy Arthur Swanson

Homer /The Odyssey: A New Verse
Translation, tr. Albert Cook (New
York: W. W. Norton & Co., 1967,
xii -j- 340 pp.).

The appearance of Albert Cook's
Homer occasions the observation that
teachers of the Odyssey in translation
now have four recent poetic versions
from which to choose. Cook's loosely
rendered and lightly annotated work
offers a challenge to Ennis Rees's 1960
translation (Modern Library); but Rob
ert Fitzgerald's 1961 translation
(Doubleday) and Richmond Lattimore's
1965 translation (Harper) ought not to
suffer from the competition. The respec
tive merits of Fitzgerald's and Latti
more's versions result in a balance of
attractions: Fitzgerald's translation is
the more poetic and the more readable,
Lattimore's, the more accurate and
scholarly. Cook's translation, like Rees's,
has no distinctive virtues. Chiefly, it is
indistinct in idiom, as it wavers between
modern and either archaic or obsolescent
English.

A translator of Lucretius must give
evidence of the Roman poet's deliberate
archaisms. A translator of Catullus must

reproduce that poet's melange of formal
and colloquial diction. Pindar challenges
his translator to blend a relatively
simple vocabulary into majestically com
plex thematic sequences. Hesiod mixes
the epic and didactic modes. And in his
Metamorphoses Ovid manipulates a va
riety of modes. Malgre Cook, there are
no such mixtures in the Odyssey, to
which the clearly struck and straight
forward idioms of Fitzgerald and Latti-
more are consistently loyal.

Cook translates smerdaUos d* auteisi
phdne kekakome'nos hdlmei (6.137) as
"Frightfully begrimed with brine did he
appear to them/' His mixture of trans
lation English, archaic inversion, and
bad English ("begrimed with brine")
has no antecedent in the Odyssey. Fitz
gerald has "Streaked with brine, and
swollen, he terrified them." The word
"swollen" is extracontextual, but it
helps to render the subtle assonance of
the Greek without corrupting the con
text, Lattimore's somewhat prosaic "he
appeared terrifying to them, all crusted
with dry spray" is impeccably precise;
Rees puts it much the same way but not
quite so concisely: "And to them/He
appeared very terrible indeed, all en
crusted with brine/As he was."

REVIEWS OF RECENT TRANSLATIONS

83

The Odyssey begins with the one word
which defines its theme, dndra (man).
Odysseus, by his reactions to every con
ceivable challenge of life and by his
survival of the dangers inherent in these
challenges, represents in epic scale the
self -fulfilled human being. The poem
opens with a humanistic manifesto:
Odysseus' choice of humanity and
human action over the divine but pas
sive existence offered to him by Calypso.
A translator should retain the Homeric
emphasis on "man" by beginning his
translation of the Odyssey with the
word on which that poem begins and
hinges. Fitzgerald relegates the word
to the second line of his translation.
Rees, Lattimore and Cook include the
word postpositively in their respective
first lines. E. V. Rieu is to be applauded
for beginning his 1946 prose translation
(Penguin Books) of the Odyssey with
"The hero" even though herds has some
connotations that are not in common
with those of oner.

Rieu is also superior to the four verse
translators in rendering spheUreisin
atasthalieisin by "their own sin." Fitz
gerald, Lattimore and Cook all appro
priate the lexical entry "recklessness"
to their translations of the word atas
thalieisin; while Rees uses the unten
able phrase "thoughtless greed." The
Greek word denotes "conscious wrong
doing" and differs from ate (blindness
which predisposes to wrongdoing), Ao-
martia (indeliberate wrongdoing), and
hubris (wrongdoing manifest in pre
sumption). "Recklessness" is more in
keeping with any of the other three
words than with atasthalia, unless it is
qualified by some such word as "will-
ful." This is not always the case, but it
holds true with respect to the atasthalia
of Odysseus' men, who at the urging of
Eurylochus (12.339-365) consciously and
willfully choose to slaughter and con
sume the cattle of the Sun and to risk
the consequences of their acts. In the

Odyssey their actions are presented as
a matter, not of recklessness, but of
reckoned choice arrived at from the ap
parent alternative of starvation.

The differing merits of the four verse
translations are immediately discernible
in their respective opening lines. And
all four, in my opinion, must defer to
the serviceability of Rieu's prose. For
1.13-15 Cook has "Yet he alone, longing
for his wife and for a return, /Was held
back in a hollowed cave by the queenly
nymph Calypso,/The divine goddess,
who was eager for him to be her hus
band." The indefinite article before
"return" destroys the Homeric parallel
ism of "wife" and "return." "Hollowed
cave" is as redundant as "deep caverns"
(spe'ssi glaphyrofai) is correct. "Queenly
nymph" is archaic. "Divine goddess" is
redundant.

Rees's version of this initial passage
is as follows: "Odysseus alone, full of
longing for wife and friends,/Was kept
from returning by that beautiful nymph
Calypso,/The powerful goddess who
hoped to make him her husband." Rees
avoids redundancy; but he disregards
spessi and interpolates the uncalled-for
"friends."

Fitzgerald has "while he alone still
hungered /for home and wife. Her lady
ship Kalypso/clung to him in her sea-
hollowed caves /a nymph, immortal
and most beautiful, /who craved him for
her own." His slight inadequacies are
both determined and offset by the music
of his lines. "Ladyship" is obtrusive but
its assonance with "Kalypso" at least
echoes the reduplication in "potni' Srufce
JMypso." "Sea-hollowed" properly and
without redundancy exploits the onoma
topoeia of "hollowed."

Lattimore's version runs: "This one
alone, longing for his wife and his home-
coming,/was detained by the queenly
nymph Kalypso, bright among god-
desses,/in her hollowed caverns, desiring
that he should be her husband," His.

84

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

"queenly nymph" and "hollowed cav
erns" anticipate the faults in Cook's
translation; but Lattimore's "prose" (it
is verse only because it is divided into
verse-length line units) is literally true
to its model. It retains "goddesses" and
"caverns," where Cook's "goddess" and
"cave" assume a synecdoche that is not
justified by the Homeric syntax.

Fitzgerald's "immortal" puts Calypso
on a par with goddesses and distin
guishes her among women. Lattimore's
"bright among goddesses" makes Ca
lypso stand out among her divine peers;
and the phrase is a literal equivalent of
dia thedon. Rees's "powerful goddess" is
a much less effective phrase than Latti-
more's; but it can intimate distinction
among peers. Cook's redundancy makes
Calypso's deity static, and his singular
number deprives Calypso of any dis
tinction, whether as a very special
woman or as a very special goddess.
Rieu preceded Rees in using the phrase
"powerful goddess"; creditably, he at
tributes plurality to "cave" by using
the graphic adjective 'Vaulted" for
glaphyroisi. I think that his version is
generally preferable to the other ver
sions: "Odysseus alone was prevented
from returning to the home and wife
he longed for by that powerful goddess,
the Nymph Calypso, who wished him to
marry her, and kept him in her vaulted
cave." Rieu's simplicity and Fitzgerald's
music would be admirably complement
ary in a single translation of the

The translator who wants to bring
the Odyssey (or any work) to his reader
ought not to neglect needed annotation
and commentary, especially if his pub
lication is to be required for a litera-
ture-in-translation course. Fitzgerald's
1962 "postscript," appended to the An
chor Books edition of his work, is
edifying in its presentation of the prob
lems of translating the Odyssey and in
its reverent explication of the Greek

poet's art. Lattimore's introduction and
glossary are invaluable to the student
reading the Odyssey for the first time.
Rees's short introduction is much too
general; and in it he states that "the
Greek text of this version is, with few
exceptions, that most generally ac
cepted by modern editors." Which text,
one wonders, would that be? Cook's
brief preface is a pointless apologia;
his sparse footnotes are helpful but just
fail in being gratuitous; his glossary,
with its 111 items (as compared with
Lattimore's 450-item glossary) is far
from adequate.

Cook's verse translation, inferior to
those by Fitzgerald and Lattimore, is
perhaps slightly better than the one
by Ennis Rees, not because Cook's Eng
lish is the more idiomatic or truer to
the Greek, but because Rees glosses
over difficulties. For example, Rees's
solution to sp6ssi fflapkyroisi is to elimi
nate it. In so doing he destroys the bal
ance of two important images (despite
his emphasis in the introduction upon
imagery and symbolism: "symbolic im
port," "universal images"). The images
are the caverns of Calypso's residence
and the halls of Odysseus' palace (e.g.,
24.416). Rees is alone in this neglect;
but none of the translators mentioned
here including Rieu, who translates
domon by "gate" honors the polytrop-
ism of Calypso's cave and Odysseus'
house in semantic association with that
of the dner poltftropos. The versatile
author of the Odyssey continues to con
found those who, unaware of its sea
marks, would change his manifold poem
into something old and familiar.

University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee

L. R. Lind

Oviffs Amores, tr. Guy Lee, with Latin

text (New York: Viking Press,

1968, 209 pp.).

The translator of Ovid's Amores must
always invite comparison with Mar-

REVIEWS OF RECENT TRANSLATIONS

85

lowe's incomparable version. The results
are bound to be disappointing. Marlowe
knew his Ovid thoroughly and was an
accomplished poet while none of his
successors has been as gifted as he.
The heroic couplet in which he wrote
has been, on the whole, a serviceable
measure for the translation of Latin
elegiac poetry; A. E. Watts, for
example, used it recently in a very read
able Penguin Propertius. Even the Eng
lish elegiac couplet, a frank imitation
and approximation, has been used to
good effect by Rolfe Humphries for the
Amores, although he varied his ap
proach with ballad meter in rhyme. The
case for no recognizable meter for trans
lating Ovid has yet to be made. Mr.
Lee attempts to make it by choosing
free verse. He rejects the heroic couplet
because "it lacks the variety of the
elegiacs and is haunted by the ghosts
of Dryden and Pope not to mention
the Pantomime Good Fairy." (He is
careful not to mention Marlowe.)
Among other possibilities he lists an
alexandrine plus a pentameter, or two
pentameters (the first with a feminine
ending); but these are obviously de
signed to make his free verse look
more attractive, for neither has yet
been thoroughly exploited by anyone,
least of all for Ovid.

Lee's solution is to plump for mean
ing and to abandon all consistent
rhythm, although he occasionally em
ploys the alexandrine he mentions and
the pentameter. The chief concession
he has made to the elegiac form is to
print his handsome book in two-line
units spaced apart at the suggestion
of Dr. Walter Marg. He has also
amended the Latin text in a number of
places and thus made a distinct philo
logical contribution worthy of notice by
Latin scholars. The result is surpris
ingly effective. He brings out not only
the essential meaning of Ovid much in
the manner Ezra Pound used for his re-

markable translation of Sophocles'
Women of Trackis (I can offer no
higher compliment than this) , but, what
is quite as essential, Ovid's humor. For
example: "Aestus erat, mediamque dies
exegerat horam,/adposui medio membra
levanda toro." (I, v, 1-2) comes out
thus: "Siesta time in sultry summer,/!
lay relaxed on the divan," which is just
about all that Ovid says. This sort of
thing is repeated over and over with
the same skill, making this reader at
least wonder exactly how compact Latin
is, after all, if Lee can so consistently
make it even more compact.

Mr. Lee's English has an epigram
matic quality, another distinctive fea
ture of Ovid's style; he is always try
ing for rhetorical point and polish. "I
pity the man whose idea of bliss /is
eight hours' sleep." (II, ixb, 15-16)
Ovid's humor, sophisticated and sar
donic, appears in "I know your hus
band's senile, but why should my love
suffer? /Did I arrange your marriage?"
(I, xiii, 39-40) or "I admire a girl in
make-up for what she is /and a girl
without for what she could be." (II, iv,
37-38) In one poem (III, ix) the free
verse becomes even briefer and the
spaced couplets merge into "If Thetis
and Aurora/ Shed tears for their dead
sons,/If goddesses feel grief,/Loosen
your hair and weep, /Gentle Elegia,"
ironically enough, in the very elegy in
which Ovid addresses his verse-form
(as Goethe addresses it also in Roman
Elegies XX), a sad tribute to Tibullus.
I have recently translated all of
Goethe's Roman Elegies and Venetian
Epigrams, and I found that I needed
all the syllables of the pentameter verse
to hold his meaning; free verse will not
do for Goethe.

The risk one runs with free verse and
the extreme modernity it usually im
plies is to fall into slang or bad taste.
I am glad to report that Mr. Lee, even
at his most free, is always in good

86

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

taste. "God, what a lovely girl! But I
just gazed and dung/Close as a bras
siere to her breasts." (Ill, vii, 71-72) To
import subjective extraneities into the
translation is also another danger with
this kind of version. Here too Mr. Lee
must receive high marks; there is
nothing in his streamlined English that
does not belong there.

It is only what is not there that may
give one pause. Was it possible, given
Mr. Lee's convictions about technique,
to preserve more of the elegiac rhythm
than he has? Could he have used a
many-syllabled pentameter (not an alex
andrine, which is entirely French and
not Latin in its associations) for Ovid's
hexameter and a more Miltonian penta
meter for the second line of the distich
and thus gotten more music across to
the reader? Monotony is of course to
be avoided in any meter; but Ovid's dis-
tichs are not monotonous and a closer
approximation to them in English might
have had its rewards. Perhaps, again,
<f half is more than all," the motto Mr.
Lee has followed. Certainly, what he
has given us is lively, accurate, humor
ous, epigrammatic, and Ovidian; one
can hardly say more than that for a
very successful translation.

The University of Kansas

M. Byron Raizis

Kostes Palamas, The King's Flute, tr.
with an Introduction by Frederic
Will (Lincoln: University of Ne
braska Press, 1967, xxxviii + 226
PP-).

Kostes Palamas, The Twelve Words of
the Gypsy, tr. with an Introduction
by Frederic Will (Lincoln: Uni
versity of Nebraska Press, 1964,
xxi -f- 205 pp.).

Kostes Palamas (1859-1943) remains
one of modern Greece's most popular
and respected poets. The title of Na
tional Poet (or Laureate) was de

servedly given to him, and several
critics have tried to make his work
known outside the narrow confines of
Greece. But Palamas' poetry has ob
stinately refused to yield to the de
termined efforts of many translators
into English, French, and other lan
guages. The reasons for this failure
are quite simple, for Palamas has
created a highly poetic language which
draws on elements from Homeric or
Byzantine Greek, from peasant dialects
and formal expressions, from folk song
and contemporary Athenian idiom. The
style of Palamas, especially in his
longer compositions, is often rhetorical
and even verbose. He likes compound
words and makes up his own adjectives,
which he piles up on nouns with a skill
reminiscent of Homer's. His subject-
matter and imagery usually derive from
the inexhaustible cultural tradition of
classical Hellas, Byzantium, and modern
Greece. Accordingly the non-Greek
readers who are capable of appreciating
him are mostly Byzantinologists and
historians. The numerous volumes of
verse written by Palamas exhibit his
ability to compose couplets, quatrains,
sonnets, verse dramas, poems in rhym
ing and unrhyming fifteen-syllable lines,
a variety of other conventional stanzaic
forms and meters, and even free verse.

It is not surprising, then, that no
translator thus far has been able to
successfully render Palamas' verse into
another language. The Greek historical,
cultural, and linguistic tradition omi
nously looms on the translator's hori
zon. Attempts, however, have been
made. Some simply translated Palamas
into prose. But Palamas though a seri
ous and, at times, rather profound writer
was neither a systematic philosopher
nor an original sage. He was a lyrical
poet, and his thoughts and feelings be
come great poetry only when expressed
via a richly adorned, musical, impressive
and connotative diction. The simple

REVIEWS OF RECENT TRANSLATIONS

87

prose or prosaic translations of this
kind of poetry by admirers of the poet
(Eugene Clement in France; A. Phou-
trides, D. Michalaros, R. Dalvin and
others in this country) have failed to
convince readers that Palamas is a poet,
let alone a great poet.

The same is, unfortunately, true of
the translations made by Frederic Will.
Professor Will, who readily admits that
he is not a Neo-Hellenic scholar and
uses Clement's French prose version
as a kind of "control," must be com
mended for his will and courage in
translating the more than eight thou
sand lines of Palamas' lyical epics The
Twelve Words of the Gypsy (1907) and
The King's Flute (1910). Mr. Will pro
vides interesting introductions to both
volumes and discusses style, plots,
themes, structure, and historical back
ground adequately. But the poetic
flavor and amazing diction of Palamas
let alone his fast flowing rhythms and
melody have rarely been caught in
this version. Thus The Twelve Words
(Cantos) of the Gypsy in which Pal
amas utilized an impressive variety of
stanzaic and rhyming patterns, internal
rhymes, ellipses, and other late Victor
ian technical devices has been ren
dered into prosaic free verse. For in
stance, Mr. Will's stanza "I with no
theologies /who bend not to any gods /
you are my fidelity and truth! /I took
the churches one by one" (p. 41), in
the original is a very musical quatrain
rhyming a, b, c, b; with seven to eight
syllables per line; with four stresses on
alternate lines (1 and 3), and three
stresses on the others (2 and 4).

The popular dekapentasyllabos (a
fifteen-syllable line, very common in
modern Greek balladry or sophisticated
verse, the closest equivalent to the Eng
lish blank verse) with occasional
rhymes of The King's Flute has been
rendered into a much greater number
of lines of equally stiff free verse. For

example, the four-line passage "Who is
the son of the widow, who, the/musk-
nursed prince,/desire of an entire
people, idol;/ and if Kroutagos holds
him, what evil will follow?" is Mr.
Will's version of just three perfectly
metered and accented musical fifteen-
syllable lines of the Greek.

Mr. Will persuasively argues about
the tremendous difficulties involved in
the translation of these two Neo-Hel
lenic literary monuments, but he also
admits that he has willfully overlooked
much good advice. When one considers,
however, that Kimon Friar succeeded
in translating 33,333 Greek seventeen-
syllable lines into the same number of
English consistently metered and ac
cented lines throughout Kazantzakis'
Odyssey, then Mr. Will's arguments lose
much of their strength. If these two
long translations were literally correct,
the two volumes could at least be read
by readers who are interested and curi
ous to see what this poet had to say
about Gypsies, Kings, and Flutes.

In The Twelve Words of the Gypsy,
Palamas presents the Gypsy as the indi
viduated representative of his race, and
as a dynamic symbol of restlessness and
freedom from tradition and responsi
bility. This persona, then, in some re
spects is not unlike the Greek; both
value their individuality and race more
than anything else. But this manly at
titude has ominous implications for the
cosmopolitan and multiracial Empire of
Constantinople. The Emperor, in his pur
suit of pleasure, is indifferent to the
steady rise of the Turks (c.1350 AD.).
The Gypsy experiences the two forms
of Hellenism pagan and Christian
and senses their eventual fusion into
one. Thus he prophesies death and a
future resurrection. In this particular
function the poet seems to identify and
merge with the persona he has created.

All this and much more is synthe
sized by Palamas' compelling imagina-

88

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

tion into a kind of artistic expression
(by means of lyrical philosophizing) of
his anxiety vis a vis the historical reali
ty and destiny of modern Greece.

By contrast The King's Flute, a story
within a story, is less vague and fuzzy,
and seems bound to historical detail. Its
hero is the Emperor Basil II (957-1025)
who travels, accompanied by his army,
from Constantinople through Greece to
Athens on a pilgrimage to worship the
Virgin Mary in the Parthenon, which
had been converted to a Christian Ca
thedral. The nature of this epic is more
narrative than philosophical. Basil's
journey constitutes a symbolic tribute
to the unbroken unity of Hellenism.
Athene and her Parthenon are con
tinued, or transformed, into Mary and
the Church. Byzantium with its splen
dor and culture is, it seems, the his
torical and physical continuation and
development of classical Hellas. And
contemporary Greece is the nationalist
poet implies just another link in this
chain of glorious tradition, despite all
its recent misfortunes and hardships.

These two lyrical epics should be
considered companion pieces. The first
is concerned with feelings and thoughts
aroused by the inevitable loss of worldly
empire and glory. The second helps
the poet (and the Greek reader) to
recover from the impact of that loss
through an examination of the great
past and the recognition of Hellenism's
dynamic and uninterrupted historical
continuity.

A general idea of Palamas' achieve
ment can be derived from these two
translations. But the texts are studded
with numerous and unwarranted devia
tions from the exact expression of the
poet, and not a few mistakes in mean
ing. Some of these alterations might be
excused if the translator had attempted
a faithful imitation of style, meter,
form, and rhyme. But since Mr. Will did
not do that and did not have to change

words and diction in order to "force"
the original meter or rhyme into Eng
lish most of his changes are arbitrary
and unfortunate. For instance, in The
Twelve Words of the Gypsy, "Word
Five" Palamas writes, "it is as if they
are waiting for expensive cargoes." Mr.
Will changes adjective and verb, "it is
as if they carry /priceless cargoes" (p.
54). In "Word Seven" the adjective
harokopa (fun-loving, gay and un-
thoughtful) becomes "lovely" (p. 89);
its plural, however, is rendered in
another line as "hedonists" (p. 114).
The noun to planema (wandering here
and there) becomes "course" (p. 89). In
"Word Eight" ton parastratemenon
(the wayward; those who went astray)
is translated literally as "men who lost
the way" (p. 114). Further down the
translator has "whores" (p. 126) where
Palamas has written pornovoskoi
(pimps, panders ) .

In The King's Flute, errors are more
abundant. In "Prologue'* Palamas
writes, "Extinguished all creative fires
in the land." The translator alters it
to "Darkened all creative lights in the
land" (p. 1), thus eliminating the con
notation of fire as creative passion or
inspiration (cf. Prometheus). On page
2 he abides by this translation, but on
page 3 the same Greek phrase is cor
rectly rendered as "creative flames."
Palamas continues, "Everywhere, in the
castle, in the heart, embers and ashes."
Mr. Will extends for no apparent reason
this one line into two and a half lines:
"Everywhere/in the castle and in the
heart,/half burnt fragments, ashes."
The translation of the "Third Word"
begins awkwardly, to say the least:
"Triple streets, and quadruple streets,
and paths" (p. 52). If one turns to the
original, it can be seen that Palamas is
referring to crossroads of various kinds
by tristrata kai tetrastrata. In the be
ginning of the "Tenth Word" Palamas'
Greek to bios (property, possessions)

REVIEWS OF RECENT TRANSLATIONS

89

is rendered as "strength" (p. 184). The
poet concludes his epic by referring
to what happened to "the musical
Flute," which the translator generously
calls "the flute of the Muses" (p. 224).
And so on. These are only instances
picked at random.

In conclusion, one must stress the
fact that George Seferis found his capa
ble translators in the persons of Ed
mund Keeley, Philip Sherrard, and
others; Nikos Kazantzakis spoke to us
forcefully through Kimon Friar; but
despite his good intentions and efforts,

Mr. Will's Kostes Palamas remains an
obscure and dull poet. Mr. Will's con
tribution to modern Greek letters, how
ever, should not be judged solely on the
basis of the scholarly and artistic suc
cess or failure of his Palamas versions.
With this pioneer effort, he has actually
cut a trail into the virgin territory
called Palamas' lyrical epics. Now it is
up to better equipped scholars and bards
to follow the trail and do this great
poet justice.

Southern Illinois University

90

REVIEWS OF PROFESSIONAL WORKS

Ralph E. Matlaw

Andre von Gronicka, The Russian
Image of Goethe; Goethe in Rus
sian Literature of the First Half of
the Nineteenth Century (Philadel-
phia: University of Pennsylvania
Press, 1968, 304 pp.).

This book is aptly named: it traces
the reception of Goethe's work in Russia
and the reaction to the man as well as
the work by a number of outstanding
Russian writers, intellectuals, and think
ers. It does not attempt to deal with
Goethe's "influence" or his importance
in the formation of any particular writ
er; nor does it cover the period after
1850. The book thus essentially follows
the first five chapters of Zhirmunsky's
Goethe in Russian Literature (1937),
but places greater emphasis on Goethe
the man by introducing many excerpts
from diaries and letters recounting visits
paid to Goethe and reports of rather
insipid discussions of his work in various
social situations by Pushkin and others,
to illustrate the high esteem in which the
man and his work was held. Unfortu
nately it omits some figures, notably
Turgenev, for whom Goethe played an
enormous role, and by arbitrarily stop

ping at mid-century, without summary,
conclusion, or indication of subsequent
developments, it avoids dealing with the
vagaries of Goethe's reputation in the
second half of the century, the crucial
revaluation of Goethe by Russian sym
bolists, and more recent translations and
critical studies. Nevertheless, the book
performs a useful service for those who
cannot read Russian or do not have ac
cess to certain rare texts, for it focuses
on distortions of Goethe rather than
his contributions to the development of
Russian literature as a whole.

Professor von Gronicka holds Goethe
this side of idolatry, and, despite his
rather old-fashioned approach and style
( [Venevitinov] ..." fails to transmit
the heartfelt simplicity, the naive ten
derness of [Gretchen's] 'Lied.' There
is in the Russian version a certain arti-
ness, not to say artificiality, a certain
theatricality." p. 118), demonstrates
keen and balanced appreciation for
Goethe's work. He repeatedly indicates
the corruption of Goethe's "classical"
verse by translators who expand or
romanticize or in other ways obscure
the pellucid original, and the faults of
critical articles, particularly Shevyrev's,
that distort Faust and other works. But

REVIEWS OF PROFESSIONAL WORKS

91

Professor von Gronicka does not ade
quately deal either with the difficulties
and pitfalls of translation in its theoreti
cal as well as practical phases, nor with
the literary, cultural, and personal milieu
that accounts for some of the changes. In
short, he taxes Eussian writers for their
failure to understand Goethe's texts as
they might be understood today, rather
than analyzing the specific relevance of
early nineteenth century interpretations
of Goethe. Problems of versification are
hardly touched upon, though they deter
mine the limits of translating from Ger
man to Russian. At still another level,
Professor von Gronicka laments not only
the Russians' failure to have a total pic
ture of Goethe's creative work but even
(with the exception of Herzen) to pay
attention to Goethe's scientific work, that
is, to have a scholar's view of Goethe.
Frequently there are translations from
Russian back into German to show the
discrepancies from the original.

The book contains much useful infor
mation and many perceptive analyses of
Russian versions of Goethe (Lermontov's
Gornye vershiny "Ueber alien Gipfeln")
that indicate what has been preserved
and what lost. The introductory chap
ters trace the fortunes of Werther in
Russia, where it was repeatedly trans
lated and read as a sentimental novel
(though this does not differ from other
countries) and the relative unfamiliarity
with Goethe's verse until Zhukovsky's
translations. When Professor von
Gronicka deals with historic material, he
frequently merely repeats Zhirmunsky,
as he does in several of his fleeting
remarks on single poems (Zhukovsky's
"Der Fischer" [p. 52] and others), with
out, frequently, drawing significant con
clusions. We are thus left, for the most
part, with a compendium of individuals'
reactions to Goethe rather than any dis
cussion of his seminal influence. The
point may be illustrated in the discussion
of Batyushkov, who is presented as

knowing only the "sentimental" Werther
(p. 16). Yet one of Batyushkov's most
important and best known poems is "The
Dying Tasso," which is clearly relevant
to the subject. There are other indica
tions that Russian literature has not
been sufficiently examined to develop
a more meaningful view of "Goethe's
Image," and indeed there are pecu
liar lapses, as in calling Karamzin's
"Poor Liza" a novel (p. 12), Soloviev
"Tyutchev's biographer" (p. 164) or
Herzen's From the Other Shore "col
lected essays" (p. 237). Yet the book
contains a wealth of material that will
prove useful to students of Goethe and
to those who wish to pursue other lines
of inquiry in comparative literature.

University of Chicago

John R. Frey

Peter AndrS Bloch, Schiller und die
franzosische klassische Tragodie
(Diisseldorf : Padagogischer Verlag
Schwann, 1968, 341 pp.).

One of the unalterable facts about
Schiller's development as a dramatist is
his compelling preoccupation throughout
his creative life with French classical
tragedy. If the latter domain included
for him a Voltaire and a Crebillon, his
immediate concern was predominantly
with Corneille and Racine. The lively
stream of his commentary which mostly
pejorative, at times professionally objec
tive, and in rare instances laudatory
most directly attests to this preoccupa
tion, started with the two prefaces to his
first play, Die Rauber. In the original
and prudently suppressed version, the
youthful rebel against convention berated
Corneille for his unnaturalness and false
rhetoric, while in the printed one he
lashed out at the tyranny of the three
unities. To do so was indeed the well
established fashion by this time, but
interestingly enough, even the late,
"classical" Schiller struck the same note

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

again when he wrote his programmatic
preface to the drama Die Braut von
Messina. It goes without saying that, in
its totality, the commentary in between
takes in a considerable range of points
pertaining to the drama*

Similarly extensive is the easily detect
able variety of elements in Schiller's
plays most conspicuously Maria Stuart
that one finds "reminiscent" of corre
sponding ones in Corneille and Racine.
Further, Schiller's uncommonly percep
tive rendition of Phedre, undertaken
shortly before his death as the last of
his translations from the French, may
be regarded as bespeaking a deeper
affinity to what he more frequently felt
called upon to attack than he would ever
have been willing to admit. However
unconscious on Schiller's part the process
of assimilation may have been, it was at
work; its indications are too numerous
and telling to be overlooked as a vital
constituent of his never-ending search
for a happy synthesis, in his own dra
mas, of the classical French (plus
Greek) and the Shakespearean mode of
dramatic creation. The negative tenor
of Schiller's commentary could indeed
not deter Wieland to single out the
most illustrious contemporary critic
from accusing him of being guilty of
some of the very faults that he scorned
in the works of the French classicists.
And Schiller's most vitriolic critic in the
nineteenth century, Otto Ludwig, scath
ingly spoke of the "detrimental French
influence" in Schiller's works.

With this constellation of facts and
factors here sketched in its barest min
imum only characterizing the picture
of Schiller's relation to French classical
tragedy, interested scholars understand
ably have tempered their approach and
treatment with caution, especially toward
the danger of undue influence chasing.
On the other hand, the force of Schiller's
largely unflattering pronouncements on
the French was apt to engender some

less salutory results, as Bloch rightly
points out, by stifling the incentive to
come to a full recognition and genuine
appreciation of the kinship between the
German poet and the French classicists,
e.g. uncritical acceptance of Schiller's
theoretical judgments as valid guideposts
to his own creative intents, dogmatic
overrating of Schiller's achievements at
the expense of the French, and depre
cating those features in Schiller's plays
that most forcibly reflect the French
models, even though the deeper relation
ship governing the style of both was
keenly recognized, as in the case of
Hermann Schneider. But regardless of
the degree of blemish in the perspective
of earlier investigators, the subject could
certainly not be said to have been
neglected. Rather the opposite is true,
in so far as a goodly number of Ph.D.
candidates as well as seasoned scholars
contributed to its elucidation. Neverthe
less, one has good and ample reason to
welcome Bloch's rather voluminous pres
entation, which is based on the dis
sertation he did under Walter Muschg
at Basel.

Let it first be stated that after perus
ing this study one is sufficiently im
pressed by the competence and maturity
displayed in it to understand readily
why so relatively young a scholar as
Bloch should enjoy the honor of
being a collaborator on the prestigious
Schiller-Nationalausgabe. This is not to
suggest that one may not have a few
slight misgivings, as for instance when
faced with formulations that smack of
glib cliches because of the lack of appro
priate substantiation; such as Wieland's
"Rokoko-tJbersetzung" of Shakespeare
or Schiller's "Hang zur franzosierend-
tndelnden Rokokolyrik." But these
weigh lightly in the highly meritorious
overall picture and against such effective
phrases as "tragisches Denken und
satirischer Wille." Not only does Bloch
ably synthesize the findings of the older

REVIEWS OF PROFESSIONAL WORKS

93

explorations into his subject, but he
appreciably enhances our knowledge of
it by broadening, deepening and refining
its substance. Equally well versed in the
French and German area encompassed
by his study, and equipped with the
fruitful guidelines provided by his
mentor Muschg in form of his concept of
Dichtertypen and its application to
Schiller, Bloch manages to reach a high
degree of that objectivity which he set
out to attain. That signifies, of course,
that his treatment is distinguished by a
valuable corrective function, pointed at
the same time at establishing a more
accurate and thus unbiased picture of
the manifestations of Schiller's spiritual
kinship with French classical tragedy
and the typological pecularities of Schil
ler's poetic genius per se. The essential
question is, in other words, that of a
"geistige Wesensart" which transcends
national boundaries and tune, and its
analogous manifestations in the works,
but not through influence which Bloch
plays down.

It is eminently satisfying to watch
Bloch develop his argument He does it
unobtrusively and convincingly within
a rich, organically constructed pattern
of pertinent materials, fortified with per
ceptive text analyses. Notwithstanding
the modest designation "Versuch eines
Vergleichs" in the foreword and the apol
ogy offered in the conclusion for a cer
tain onesidedness and gaps in the cov
erage of additional relevant aspects, we
are inclined to consider Bloch's study
authoritative and comparative in the best
sense of the word.

University of Illinois

Konrad Bieber

Proceedings of the Fourth Congress of
the International Comparative Lit-
erature Association, Fribourg, 1964>
edited by Francois Jost (The Hague,
1966, 2 vols., 1459 pp.).

These Proceedings, renewing the pub
lishing feat of the Second Congress of
the LC.L.A. held at Chapel Hill, North
Carolina, in 1958, give the complete
papers as read at the Congress, thereby
affording the reader a unique oppor
tunity: to see reunited in two big vol
umes a wealth of erudite and informative
material, almost impossible to come by
without such a congress. The editor is
to be commended on the high standards
of presentation, and the publishers for a
good and handsome set.

For the reviewer, however, the assign
ment is f rustrating. Being unable to give
a full account (which would be well
warranted by the quality of the papers)
he will have to offer an impressionistic
response. Consequently the review may
come dangerously close to the picture
gathered by a casual convention-goer
who, wisely, limits himself to the few lec
tures he can expect to absorb out of a
wealth of simultaneously held sessions.
Thus it should be understood that many
excellent articles will go unmentioned,
not because they lack substance or
appeal, but simply because the necessar
ily rapid and severely limited glance of
the observer failed to include them.

It goes without saying that the con
tributions of Rene Wellek, M. F. Guyard,
Claude Pichois, Carlo Pellegrini, Lien-
hard Bergel, Jean Seznec, Odette de
Mourgues, and Zbigniew Folejewski to
name but a few among the impressive
number of luminaries are extremely
valuable and, in some cases, genuine
landmarks in the charting of the course
for comparative literature. What may
be less obvious is the unique opportunity
to hear the voices of scholars from all
over the world. Space permits mention
of but a few of these highlights.

In a symposium as rich and as large
as this one, a certain amount of overlap
proves both inevitable and profitable.
For even if the various categories into
which the general themes of the Fri-

94

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

bourg congress were divided were
sharply drawn, the actual treatment
could not always remain confined to the
specific topics. As a result, we get a
rewarding and many-sided view of a
great number of the most urgent prob
lems confronting not only comparatists
but students of literary history in gen
eral. As the editor's preface aptly
states:

. . . two volumes of equal importance
[are here presented]. Two principal
themes were treated at the Fribourg
congress: literary nationalism and cos
mopolitanism and, on the other hand,
definition and exemplification of terms
pertaining to the notions of imagination,
originality, and influence.

Perfect homogeneity of views could not,
of course, be achieved, as the editor fur
ther points out, at a meeting where 174
specialists addressed themselves to the
given problems. Papers were grouped,
therefore, according to certain affinities,
just as the program of the congress had
attempted to achieve a certain organic
unity.

The first volume is devoted to "Na
tionalism and Cosmopolitanism in litera
ture." At the outset, Rene Etiemble
argues: "Faut-il reviser la notion de
Weltliteraturr' Etiemble wants the
term of world literature to become more
inclusive. In his opinion, there now still
reigns an "abusive Europeo-centrism,"
an omission of most that is important in
non-European literatures. But Etiemble
also finds Japanese and Egyptian schol
arly endeavors suffering from substan
tial blanks, notably in their neglect of
Indian literature. He suggests syste
matic analyses of vast areas of litera
ture, so as to make world literature
worthy of its name.

While the first section of volume I is
devoted to the theme of literary cos
mopolitanism, the second one is reserved
for "literary nationalism." Again, the
division is clear and sharp, however, by
the very nature of the subject, and owing

to the criteria inherent in comparative
methods, the lines cannot be drawn quite
so exactly. At the beginning of this sec
tion, T. Klaniczay (Budapest), in "Que
faut-il entendre par litterature nation-
ale?" outlines a definition of "national
literature": neither linguistic nor geo
graphic facts determine national liter
ature, but rather a combination of his
torical and psychological factors.

Robert Escarpit considers "Les cadres
de ITiistoire littraire." In evaluating cat
egories of national writing, he refutes
the language criterion, since, e.g., French
is used by many different nationalities
and writers of greatly varying national,
geographic, and racial diversity. Kafka,
also cited by T. Klaniczay, serves as an
example of the impossibility of trying to
establish a nationality for certain writ
ers. Escarpit also warns us of imminent
changes in the structure of the literary
scene:

. . . il y a cent ans, six grandes lit-
tlratures produisaient les neuf dixiemes
des livres paraissant dans le monde. II
y a quinze ans, elles etaient dix qui en
produisaient les trois quarts. Maintenant
elles ^en produisent a peine plus de la
moitie. Le moment n'est pas loin oft
Tessentiel nous echappera si nous nous en
tenons a la frequentation des membres
de ce club ferme. Nous n'avons meme
plus la ressource d'ouvrir les portes du
club a de nouyeaux membres. Ce sont
toutes nos habitudes qu'il faut changer.

It is perhaps significant that two
Frenchmen sound such an alarm; just as
Etiemble cautions against an exclusive
attitude, favoring Western literature, at
the expense of missing out on what the
Orient has to contribute, so Escarpit
wants us to get used to an ever-widening
horizon of cultural exchange, with the
inherent necessity of opening the minds
of readers to newly discovered litera
tures, to "developing" cultures. Escarpit's
formula deserves being stated because
of its simple appeal:

Comme de remarque 1'ecrivain mexi-
cain Octavio Paz, pour la premiere fois

REVIEWS OF PROFESSIONAL WORKS

95

'nous sommes contemporains de tous les
hommes.' Contemporains au sens litteral
du mot, c'est-a-dire que nous vivons en
meme temps que tous les hommes, non
forcement au meme rythme, mais pr6-
sents au monde en meme temps qu'eux
et conscients de 1'etre. Depuis cent ans,
et cela fait tout juste depuis la formation
de la Premiere Internationale, les hom
mes ne cessent de decouvrir les solidari-
tes qui brisent le vieux cadre des nations.

Hugo Dyserinck, in "La pensee nation-
ale chez les auteurs flamands d'expres-
sion francaise de la generation de 1880"
disputes the fundamental validity of
Taine's theory, driven to its extreme in
racism, as regards the national charac
teristics of Flemish literature. Mr.
Dyserinck points out Maeterlinck's and
Verhaeren's revulsion before the ugly
exaggerations of Flemish nationalism.
Eekhoud was the only exception among
Flemish writers to favor nationalism.
To be sure, as the author reminds us,
Maeterlinck as well as Verhaeren were
expatriates, cosmopolitans, and the
French-writing Flemish authors lived in
isolation, realizing that the movement
toward nationalism was irresistible.

A vigorous analysis by Wilfred G. 0.
Cartey demonstrates "The African Pres
ence and Nationalism." Mr. Cartey shows
the various strands in the renewed tra
dition of African poetry and prose. He
points out that

. . . the myths, legends and proverbs
which always formed the basis of tra
ditional oral and vernacular literature
now become abundant sources for mod
ern African authors, who will thereby
establish the continuum between the
African past and present, and make
evident the richness of Africa's heritage.

Hassan El Nouty, in "Les ecrivains
maghrebins d'expression f rangaise initia-
teurs ou deracineV' adds another power
ful illustration to Mr. Escarpit's thesis.
The French language has had different
functions and effected different attitudes
in Arab writers in a number of coun
tries. El Nouty affirms certain North
African authors declared that, far from

assimilating them, French culture had
stimulated their thirst for freedom, for
originality; one was able to be an
Algerian nationalist and at the same
time a French writer. Through local
reality, one could reach universal pre
occupations, thanks to the ideal vehicle:
French. Others were of the opinion that
one had to resort to Arabic in order to
express original thoughts, and quite a
few expressed their regret not to be able
to write in their own idiom, and actually
voiced a cultural hatred in French
over the lasting effects of colonialism.
Mr. El Nouty outlines a goal for North
African authors:

Non plus contrefaire 1'Europe, mais
elargir les horizons de sa civilisation, y
infuser un sang nouveau, y repandre le
genie de leur race et de leur culture et
batir, si j'ose dire, une sorte de
"Frankistan" litteraire.

"The impact of Cosmopolitanism and
Nationalism on Comparative Literature"
was one of the themes of the congress.
Because of its vast proportions, the sub
ject was divided between two speakers.
J. C. Brandt Corstius tackles it from the
beginnings to 1880, and Henry H. H.
Remak from the 1880's to the post-
World War II period. By the nature of
the division of labors, Mr. Brandt
Corstius is called upon to use both a
theoretical and a practical approach,
tracing the impact of cosmopolitanism
and nationalism in literary works and
in critical writings that are typical of
the times. Similarly Mr. Remak at
tempts an historical and critical syn
thesis of wide scope. It is to be wished
that these two essays, so rich in their
different approaches, may be reunited
some day as a guideline, much in the
way Mr. Brandt Corstius' Introduction
to the Study of Comparative Literature
quite different again in its method
presents the essentials of critical
evaluation.

In its compact form, Hans Rheinfeld-
er's "Nationalisms und Kosmopolitismus

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YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

in Nerk Dantes" is a lucid, cogent con
tribution to knowledge. It forcefully re
calls the stature of the poet and draws
a human parallel with kindred spirits : a
beautiful and enriching essay that will
long be remembered.

In "Perspectival Change of Literary
Phenomena Viewed from a National or
an International Angle," Gyorgy Mihaly
Vajda (Budapest) gives an informative,
graceful study of the comparative for
tunes of some poets, once very popular
in their time, such as Beranger or
Gessner, as compared with others, worthy
of notice, but less known, such as Endre
Ady or Janos Arany.

In "Nationalism and Cosmopolitanism
in Literature: Indian outlook," R. S.
Mugali (Sangli, India) demonstrates
that classical Indian literature did not
know the concept of nation; therefore
nationalism did not apply. Only due to
colonial rule and the awakening of a
national spirit during the nineteenth cen
tury was there an awareness, eventually
leading to emancipation, of national
spirit. The author shows how the var
ious Indian literatures adopted Western
literary genres, and today often use the
vehicle of literature for the expression
of national aspirations, while some of the
greatest Indian writers always empha
sized a universal humanist disposition.

Volume II deals with "Literary Terms
and Notions: Imitation, Influence, Origi
nality." The volume opens with a bril
liant study by Bernard Weinberg,
"Limitation au XVIe et XVIIe siScles,"
in which the author, among other strik
ing observations, develops an excellent
psychology of literary imitation. In "The
Concept of Imitation in Modern Criti
cism," Haskell Block, showing imitation
to be now esteemed, now despised, fur
nishes a thorough, forceful condensation
of the subject from the seventeenth to
the twentieth century. In "The Con
cepts of Originality and Imitation
in Plato and Aristotle," Seymour

M. Pitcher (S.U.N.Y., Binghampton)
proves that to Plato and Aristotle these
concepts, as such, did not exist. Instead,
both philosophers sought truth and
beauty above all else. Alain Renoir, in
"Originality, Influence, Imitation: Two
Mediaeval Phases," quotes a strikingly
similar situation in Shakespeare's Henry
V and Alexandre Dumas' Les Quarante-
Cinq, but discounts imitation, holding
the similarity to be fortuitous. His ap
proach, refreshingly unconventional, de
mands that influence be construed on
more solid grounds. Manzoni, according
to Olga Ragusa ("Imitation and Origi
nality in Manzoni's Romantic Theory"),
says that "as far as he had been able to
ascertain, the Romantics condemned the
imitation but not the study of the
classics." The more one reads about the
different interpretations of these con
cepts, particularly that of imitation,
through the centuries, the more one
realizes that absolute originality is
hardly ever to be found and that the
varying degrees of imitation imitation
first of nature, then of other writers
amount to a new kind of creativity
where it becomes increasingly unimpor
tant whether the artist "imitated," so
long as he did not copy slavishly.

Ulrich Weisstein's contribution, "Par
ody, Travesty, and Burlesque: Imitation
with a Vengeance," is written with a
view towards definitions to be used in
the projected Dictionary of Literary
Terms. Mr. Weisstein, with great clarity,
establishes the historical and critical
value of the terms under examination.
In precise language, Liviu Rusu (Cluj,
Rumania) shows ("La Perspective de
la Profondeur dans 1'Etude des Influ
ences litteraires et de 1'Originalite illus-
tree par le rapport entre le Poete Emi-
nescu et Schopenhauer") that while
Eminescu's theoretical considerations are
strongly influenced by Schopenhauer's
pessimism, wherever he is at his original
best and strongest in his poetry, he tends

REVIEWS OF PROFESSIONAL WORKS

97

to assert quite different values, nowhere
near the negative views of his German
philosophical model. When writing the
oretically of women, for example, the
Rumanian poet espouses Schopenhauer's
haughty viewpoint; however, Eminescu's
love poetry exalts the role of women,
stating that "woman is called on to
kindle the light of love on earth." Also,
Rusu calls Eminescu's attitude toward
Nature decisive, naming him one of the
greatest bards of Nature. His love of
Nature makes him a decided optimist.
Thus, contrary to the superficial impres
sion of Eminescu as a pessimist, he
emerges as an enthusiastic poet.

In less than five pages the long title
of his essay notwithstanding Mr. Rusu
gives a clear-cut presentation of his case.
Although not allotted much more space
ten pages Ruth Gilg-Ludwig (Rif-
ferswil, Zurich) seems to have consid
erable difficulty in encompassing her
subject ("Medea und Phaedra, Semiramis
und Kleopatra in ihrer literarischen
Ueberlieferung"), within the framework
of the symposium. While giving evi
dence of genuine archeological and his
torical erudition, the author does not, on
occasion, avoid a sketchy treatment of
certain authors (e.g. Anouilh's Medea.
gets a bit short-changed). The paper
suffers from the enforced limitation. Its
scope calls for book-length treatment,
amply warranted by the wealth of mate
rial, and Gilg-Ludwig's obviously pro
found familiarity with little-known
subject matter. Indeed, in view of the
striking points relating, e.g., the his
torical to the literary Semiramis, it is
all the more surprising to note the large
number of German Cleopatra variations
mentioned in the essay and the absence
of any reference to Jodelle, Crebillon,
Voltaire, to name only a few.

Many of the finest contributions have
to go unmentioned in this cursory review.
The two volumes of the Proceedings are
a must for every library, because they

contain a rare combination of studies
more often than not distinct from one
another in closely related fields. Not
only the comparatist, but the general
reader as well will find this an invalu
able compendium, or rather a handbook
of Comparative Literature. At the same
time, as is well illustrated by the last
section of volume II, "Far Eastern Lit
eratures and their Relation to Western
Literatures," there is a unifying spirit
that pervades these pages.

State University of New York
Stony Brook

Andr Reszler

Frangois Jost, Essais de Littfratwre
comparSe. II. Europeana. Premiere
serie. (Fribourg-Urbana: Editions
Universitaires University of Illinois
Press, 1968, 430 pp.).

Each of the four long essays of this
volume has been written with the aim of
illustrating one of the main approaches
to the discipline of Comparative Litera
ture: "Thomas a Becket" is the study
of a theme; "Le roman Spistolaire," that
of a "faux genre"; "La lee. on d'un mot"
stands for the study of movements and
tendencies; and "Jalons d'une decou-
verte" reaffirms faith in the classical
analyses of literary relationships.

Francois Jost's fascination with lit
erary techniques may well be the domi
nant feature of the volume: the analysis
of the novelist's method is a key to the
understanding of the work itself, a reve
lation of its inner significance. This
fascination is perhaps most evident in
the second essay, "Le roman epistolaire."
The epistolary technique, often and erro
neously considered as a genre, appears
in these pages as an agent of cultural
change, as an invitation to the writer to
bring literary reality into closer touch
with human reality. By its virtue, it
tends to substitute "un certain art
d'observer" for "un certain art d'imag-

98

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

iner" and can thus be considered as a
gateway to modernity.

The opening monograph, "Thomas a
Becket," is the study of a theme. It is
also an investigation into the nature of
historical fiction and into the problems
of literary creation. The four works
analyzed in detail Thomas, a Novel of
the Life, Passion, and Miracles of
Becket, by Shelley Mydans; Der Heilige,
by the Swiss Conrad-Ferdinand Meyer;
Becket, ou I'honneur de Dieu, by Jean
Anouilh; and Murder in the Cathedral,
by T. S. Eliot have in common a theme,
and more remotely, the largely contem
poraneous rise of the historical novel
and of historicism. The theme is em
bedded in history and has been shaped
by many a myth. The four works, con
sequently, bear the burden of history.
("L'auteur d'un drame historique, d'un
roman historique, doit assumer une
hypotheque, 1'histoire." p. 54). History,
and in a still more binding way, myth
and legend, circumscribe the artistic
freedom of the poet. Jost establishes the
unwritten code of the writer of historical
fiction and judges the value of his lit
erary work by his faithfulness to the
laws and rules of conduct of the genre.

But what is the "hypotheque" of his
tory and what constitutes the freedom
of the artist? First of all, the artist
must create an atmosphere, evoke faith
fully the age and reconstitute "un etat
precis de civilisation, un stade bien defini
de 1'evolution sociale, politique, cultu-
relle." (p. 17) His creative power is
"circonscrite dans un domaine determine
par certains faits precis. Le poete ne
saurait a son gre jeter son leste, les
donnees de Thistoire, qui le lient & une
certaine epoque et a certains faits."
The thread of the novel, of the drama,
must fit into the chronological cadre
given by tradition. Time lags between
the events of the work of fiction and
recorded events, as well as the accumu
lation of anachronisms, must be care

fully avoided. The novelist does not
"create" the story, but "re-creates" past
figures and events: "Des lors, au lieu de
creer, ici il s'agit de recreer. Loin
d'imaginer un heros, il faut le modeler
sur Timage que les temps ont fixee."
(P. 84)

The artist's freedom consists in his
capacity to organize the historical mate
rial in view of esthetic or dramatic
effects. He can choose his accents and
establish counterpoints. He can also dis
cover in the structure defined by facts
and by the character of historical figures
"un motif, un ressort essentiel de la
trame, conferant ainsi a une destmee
particuliere une valeur de symbole. . . ,
Ces motifs et ces themes, qui pourraient
fausser la perspective de 1'historien,
guident et rectifient a tout instant celle
du poete, du romancier dont 1'oeuvre, en
ce sens, doit de"passer Phistoire." (p. 85)

Starting with the same material, the
same documentary evidence, Shelley
Mydans writes an historical novel, and
Meyer, a "fictionalized" historical short
story ("une nouvelle historique ro-
mancee"). Anouilh creates a historical
drama, and Eliot, a mystery play ("ein
geistliches Spiel"). As it allows for var
ious genres, a "theme" or historical
fiction allows for an astonishing diver
gence of motives. A political-religious
conflict dominates Shelley Mydans'
broad historical fresco, while the theme
of vengeance and of blood fatality takes
precedence in the carefully chiseled por
trait by Meyer. Anouilh's drama is or
ganized around the motive of broken
friendship; the concern of Eliot's play
is the "fatality of theology."

Respect, or disrespect, for the laws of
historical fiction leads Jost to clear and
soundly balanced value judgments. Much
credit is given to Shelley Mydans for
her meticulous evocation of the at
mosphere of the age in her Thomas.
Meyer, who projects the torments of his
personality into the psychological void

REVIEWS OF PROFESSIONAL WORKS

99

of the half-historical, half-mythical fig
ure of Becket, saves his work only by
creating a figure, the logic of whose
character fits into the logic of the
twelfth century ("une figure historique
virtuelle"). Poor in historical detail,
Murder in the Cathedral is based on a
thorough familiarity with the relevant
chapter of British history: its under
standing presupposes the reader's knowl
edge of historical facts. Much of the
failure of the French dramatist comes
from his disrespect for historical evolu
tion and the succession of cultures:
"Anouilh environne 1'action d'un climat
spirituel, intellectuel ou social etranger
au temps d'Henri Plantagenet, impropre
aussi au theme meme qu'il veut traiter."
(p. 57) "Anouilh plaga des personnages
historiques en dehors de Thistoire. II
suppose chez les spectateurs 1'ignorance,
exige de lui 1'oubli." (p. 51) The irritat
ing accumulation of anachronisms deals
the last, and perhaps fatal, blow to
Becket, ou I'honneur de Dieu.

Frangois Jost does not build up a
theory of historical fiction, but his
numerous remarks scattered throughout
the essay form the nucleus of a solid
doctrine. He proves, in a convincing
manner, that the writer's attempt to
fill in the void, the ontological emptiness
in tradition history or myth can suc
ceed only if he submits himself to the
existing structures. A "joyous" assump
tion of the burden of history will estab
lish a harmonious balance between the
acts of "creation" and of "re-creation."

The Epilogue, entitled "La litterature
comparee, une philosophic des lettres,"
explains the inner motivation of the
essays. Considered as a fight against
the "specialisation a outrance" of con
temporary literary studies, comparative
literature is also an "antidote ... des
nationalismes . . . sur le plan culturel
. . ." (p. 317). It tends toward a revalua
tion in reality, a devaluation of na
tional literatures and, by making a

maximum use of its freedom, toward
the creation of an authentic philosophy
of literature "valuable pour 1'humanite
entiere." Jost's motto is, in effect:
"N'etre liee, ni bornee, ni retenue." (p.
318)

Although Francois Jost joins Rene
Wellek and Henry Remak in their broad
definitions of comparatisme, the essays
themselves constitute a mediation be
tween the French and the American
schools of comparative literature. Tak
ing his leave from the cradle of the
discipline, and casting his eyes upon the
New Continent of unlimited freedom,
Jost seems to have composed these
essays on board a fast-moving steamer,
somewhere between Cherbourg and New
York, faithful, after all, only to himself.

Indiana University

Ronald T. Swigger

Comparatists at Work: Studies in Com
parative Literature, ed. Stephen G.
Nichols, Jr., and Richard B. Vowles
(Waltham, Mass.: Blaisdell, 1968,
246 pp.).

The editors' aim in compiling this
"sampler" was to indicate the "broad
range of questions actively being ex
plored by some of the leading scholars
in the field." The essays deal with the
variety of topics indicated by the edi
tors' introductory description of com
parative literature as a discipline con
cerned with literary criticism, literary
theory, and literary history, the "inter
action of literature and the other arts,"
and with "the role of literature in the
development of the great ideas that
have motivated societies and individuals
throughout history" (p. v).

The first of the ten essays in the
anthology is, appropriately, Rene Wel-
lek's "The Name and Nature of Com
parative Literature." After dealing with
the lexicographical history of the terms
"comparative," "literature," and "com-

100

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

parative literature," and their analogues
in other languages, the author once
again explains his dissatisfaction with
various definitions of "comparative lit
erature." Wellek has continually empha
sized the crucial importance of the
"spirit and perspective" associated with
comparative literature rather than any
special "comparative" methodology.
Here he reiterates his view that the
discipline will flourish "only if it shakes
off artificial limitations and becomes
simply the study of literature" (p. 13).
The perspective he advocates is, of
course, an international one; the "spirit"
involves that "consciousness of the
unity of all literary creation and ex
perience" (p. 13) which has character
ized the best of comparative literature.
In the second half of the essay Wellek
gives a brief account of the history of
comparative studies, which he concludes
by once more calling for the rejection
of "factualism" in favor of "true criti
cism" (p. 22). The essay is a concise
and useful survey of some of the history
of comparative literature, and it is of
special value for its succinct reaffirma-
tion of Wellek's ideals and standards of
literary study.

Wellek's views are complemented by
other essays in the anthology which deal
with critical theory and the history of
comparative studies. Harry Levin elo
quently defends comparative literature
in his contribution, "Shakespeare in the
Light of Comparative Literature." Le
vin's essay provides a cross-section of
comparative literature by considering
some of the subjects comparatists are
concerned with: structure and genre,
sources, themes, influence, translations,
and "refractions." Levin defends "rele
vant comparison" as an "instrument of
analysis" and a possible criterion of
evaluation (p. 199), and he emphasizes
the importance of studying the inter
relationships with which comparative
literature is concerned. Haskell Block's

essay, "The Alleged Parallel of Meta
physical and Symbolist Poetry," shows
that comparison as a method of evalua
tion can lead to misunderstanding, when
important differences are obscured in
order to demonstrate similarities. The
case he describes is an instructive one.

The longest essay in the collection,
"On the Concept and Metaphor of Per
spective," by Claudio Guillen, analyzes
the history and significance of a concept
which is certainly important for com
parative literature. Guillen's interest in
perspective and perspectivism is based
on the proposals of Wellek and War
ren's Theory of Literature and the ideas
of Ortega y Gasset. Ranging through
painting, science, philosophy, literature,
and literary theory, Guillen explains the
ways in which metaphors related to the
concept of perspective have been used
in the past and suggests possibilities for
the proper understanding of the impli
cations and ramifications of perspectiv
ism in modern art and aesthetics.

Other articles indicate further areas
of comparative studies. Jean Hagstrum's
article, "The Sister Arts: From Neo-
classic to Romantic," shows some of
the relationships which can be discerned
between romantic poetry and eighteenth
century painting. (This article and Guil
len's are well illustrated.) An example
of work in the history of ideas is pro
vided by Wolfgang Fleischmann's
"Christ and Epicurus," a study of
Renaissance attitudes to Epicureanism.
Joseph Szili has contributed a useful
survey, "Recent Trends of Marxist Criti
cism in the Countries of Eastern Eu
rope," but comparative literature activi
ties are dealt with only briefly.

There are three essays on the novel,
though only one is indicative of the
international perspective which distin
guishes comparative literature. George
Gibian proposes extending his examina
tion of "The Forms of Discontent in
Dostoevsky and Tolstoy" to include Bal-

REVIEWS 07 PROFESSIONAL WORKS

101

zac and Flaubert, but his essay is con
fined to the two Russians. Neal Oxen-
handler's defense of Balzac, "Character
and Emotion in Balzac's Novels," is
carried out completely within the frame
work of French literary history and crit
icism. These two essays, though excel
lent in themselves, seem slightly out of
place in this collection. Theodore Ziol-
kowski's speculative essay, "The Crisis
of the Thirty-Year-Old in Modern Fic
tion: Toward a Phenomenology of the
Novel," describes, with appropriate res
ervations but in a lively manner, a
"characteristic structure" to be found in
novels by Rilke, Kafka, Sartre, Bernanos,
Grass, and others.

It would be difficult to represent all
of the current types of activity in com
parative literature in an anthology; for
example, this one scarcely mentions
Oriental literature. On the whole,
though, this anthology is an excellent
one, and will be useful to readers new
to comparative literature, while those
already familiar with the challenges of
the discipline will appreciate its theo
retical essays.

University of Maryland

BOOKS RECEIVED

American Civilization: An Introduction,
ed. A. N. J. den Hollander and Sigmund
Skard (London: Longmans, Green and
Co., 1968). The outcome of a project
sponsored by the European Association
for American Studies and supported by
the American Council for Learned
Studies. It comprises seventeen articles,
most of which are by European scholars,
specifically written to present European
readers with a lively and coherent intro
duction to modern American civilization.
The contributors describe the political,
social and economic structure of the
USA and cover all aspects of American
culture and the much debated "Ameri
can way of life."

Anna Balakian. The Symbolist Move
ment (New York: Random House,
1967). This study offers a provocative
appraisal of Symbolism from its ori
gins in French literature to its influence
on the literature of late nineteenth and
early twentieth century Europe. A suc
cinct guide to the study of Symbolism
from the comparativist point of view,
it traces the development of Symbolism
as a style and as a universally ac
claimed poetic position in literature.

Marcia L. Colish. The Mirror of Lan
guage: A Study in the Medieval Theory
of Knowledge (New Haven: Yale U. P.,
1968.) This is the first interpretation
to root medieval symbolism in a verbal
theory of signs derived from Biblical
and classical sources. The emphasis on
words as the principal medium of reli
gious knowledge was a consequence of
the stress which theology laid on Christ
the Word as mediator between God and
man. The author supports her argu
ment by tracing the development of sign
theory from its initial formulation in
the mode of rhetoric by Augustine,
through its association with grammar
and dialectic in Anselm and Aquinas, to
its ultimate reintegration with rhetoric
in the poetic theory and practice of
Dante.

John Philip Couch. George Eliot in
France (Chapel Hill: U. of North Carol
ina P., 1967). In most histories of
French literature George Eliot usually
rates no more than one or two lines
linking her to Brunetiere and the anti-
Naturalist polemics of the 1880's. In
reality, the situation was very different.
Among her admirers, either at that
time or much later, one may count some
of France's most talented writers and
thinkers; when their names are as
sembled in one list, the proof is im
pressive that George Eliot's prestige in
France has been more important than

102

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

most critics would have us believe. This
book goes a long way to correct the
balance.

Mai I. Gephardt Old Men of the Sea
(Amsterdam: Polak & Van G-ennep,
1967). This study traces the survival of
those humble divinities whom the
Greeks designated, collectively, as "the
Old Men of the Sea" Proteus the
shape-shifter, Nereus the soothsayer,
and their kin and who, as water-
spirits, haunted the inland rivers and
springs. After the ruin of the Greco-
Roman pantheon, they persisted in
medieval belief as neptuni; in old
French texts, they crop up as nuitons
or luitons, supernatural (water-) crea
tures, benevolent or demonic as the case
may be.

Jahrbuch der Deutschen Schillergesell-
schaft, Band XII, eds. Fritz Martini,
Walter Muller-Seidel, and Bernhard Zel-
ler (Stuttgart: Alfred Kroner Verlag,
1968). This volume is a collection of
German literary and critical essays
from Goethe to Brecht, and includes
previously unpublished material from
Schlegel, Dehmel, Lotz, and Kafka. The
collection also offers other articles on
Schiller, Goethe, Klopstock, Lessing,
Fontane, Benn, Brecht, etc.

Joseph and Potiphar's Wife, ed. John D.
Yohannan (New York: New Directions,
1968). The selections in this anthol
ogy are all part of the "Joseph-Phaedra
Legend." Examples can be traced from
ancient Egypt of 1400 B. C. to modern
Europe from pagan, Judaic, Christian,
Moslem, and Buddhist civilizations. In
all these literatures there are traditional
tales of the Lustful Stepmother who
propositions a Chaste Youth. This chal
lenge of desire and morality has oc
curred in a broad range of cultures and
times. Reactions, of course, vary accord
ing to the moral climate of the time and
the religions of the main characters.

W. Lamarr Kopp. German Literature in
The United States 1945-1960 (Chapel
Hill: U. of North Carolina P.,
1967). Vol. Ill of Anglo-German and
American-German Crosscurrents, ed.
Philip A. Shelley and Arthur 0. Lewis,
Jr. This work represents a departure
from the plan of the preceding volumes
in the series in that instead of being a
collection of studies by several authors
it is a unified work of a single indi
vidual. Like its predecessors, however,
it is a product of the Penn State Project
of Anglo-German and American-German
Literary and Cultural Relations.

Yvonne Rodax. The Real and the Ideal
in the Novella of Italy, France, and
England (Chapel Hill: U. of North
Carolina P., 1968). This work considers
four centuries of change in the Boccac-
cian tale beginning with the world of
Chaucer. The criteria of comparison are
qualitative and the beginning of the
changes in the novella can be clearly seen
in Boccaccio.

Nancy Wilson Ross. Three Ways of
Asian Wisdom (New York: Simon &
Schuster, 1968). This paperback pro
vides a clear, undistorted, and interest
ing introduction to Oriental philosophy
for the reasonably intelligent reader who
has no previous knowledge of the sub
ject. It covers Hinduism, Buddhism, and
Zen and their significance for the West.

Elida Maria Szarota. Kunstler, Grubler
und Eebellen (Bern: Francke Verlag,
1967). This book treats the Martyrer-
dramen of such writers as Bidermann,
Lope de Vega, Calderon, Corneille and
Vondel, Gryphius and Lohenstein. The
author treats one of the most famous
but least studied forms of the drama
of the 17th century. The comparative
approach is used to reveal the different
characterizations of the martyr, a cate
gory Szarota divides into three basic

REVIEWS OF PROFESSIONAL WORKS 103

variations: artists, complainers and of European literature with the empha-

rebels. sis on Hungarian literature and com
parative literature. The most striking

Jozef Waldapfel. A Tr avers Siecles et problems of five centuries of Hungarian

Frontier es (Budapest: Akademiai Ki- literature are represented in these

ado, 1968). The reader is invited on a seventeen studies.
voyage across centuries and frontiers

104

Gerhard H. W. Zuther, editor

LIST OP TRANSLATIONS: 1968

This bibliography lists American
translations of foreign literature. It also
includes translations issued for the first
time in the United States, all newly col
lected, revised or enlarged editions of
former translations, and reprints which
appeared in a new publishing series. En
tries marked with an asterisk (*) are
reprints. Original titles are given only
where they differ significantly from the
title of the translation; if a volume con
tains six or fewer individual titles, these
are also listed. Place of publication has
been omitted for all items published in
New York or by a university press. Ex
cept for novels, a genre classification is
given. The index is divided into sections
alphabetically by language of origin,
followed by a category of "Other Lan
guages" under which single entries of
minor languages are listed, and finally
by "International Collections." Within
each language, general anthologies are
listed at the end of the section.

In 1968 a total of 447 translations
were located; this registers a slight in
crease over the preceding year. The
number of translations from the French
increased, German remained exactly the
same, and Eussian decreased slightly.
The sum entries for 1968 are: Armenian,

2; Chinese, 7; Czech, 4; Danish, 4; Eng
lish, 5; French, 132; Greek, 20; Hebrew,
11; Icelandic, 2; Italian, 26; Japanese,
10; Latin, 11; Lithuanian, 2; Norwegian,
4; Persian, 2; Polish, 7; Portuguese, 4;
Russian, 39; Sanskrit, 5; Spanish, 32;
Swedish, 10; Yiddish, 6; Other Lan
guages, 16; International Collections, 33.

Armenian

The Armenian Folk Epic in our Cycles. Tr. Artin

K. Shalian, Ohio U. P. 10.50.
Apples of Immortality. Comp. Leon Surmelian.

U. of California P. 7.95. Folk tales.

Chinese

*Chin P'ing Me. The Adventurous History of Hsi

Men and His Six Wives. Ed. Arthur Waley.

G. P. Putnam. 3.45.

Chin, Tsao Hsueh. The Dream of the Red Cham
ber. Tr. Florence and Isabel McHugh. Universal

Library. 3.45.
Mao, Tse-tung. Ten More Poems of Mao Tse-

tung. San Francisco: China Periodicals. 1.25.

Bilingual.
*Shih, Ching. The Book of Poetry. Tr. James

Legge. Paragon. 10.00. Bilingual.
Wang, Shih-fu. The Romance of the Western

Chamber. Tr. S. I. Hsiung. Columbia U. P.

10.00. 2.75.
One Hundred and One Chinese Poems. Tr., ed.

Shih Shun Liu. Oxford U. P. 5.00. Bilingual.
*Poems of the Hundred Names. Tr. Henry H.

Hart. Greenwood. 9.50.

Czech

Capek, Karel. War With the Newts. G. P. Put
nam. 0.75.

LIST OF TRANSLATIONS: 1968

105

Fuks, Ladislav. Mr. Theodore Mundstock. Tr.
Iris Urwin. Orion. 4.95.

Havel, Vaclav. The Memorandum. Tr. Vera Black-
well. Grove. 1.50.

Hrabal, Bohumil. Closely Watched Trains. Tr.
Edith Pargeter. Grove, 0.95.

Danish

Kristensen, Tom. Havoc. Tr. Carl Malmberg,
Wisconsin U. P. 6.95.

*Panduro, Leif. One of Our Millionaires Is Miss
ing. Tr. Carl Malmberg. Grove. 0.95.

*Petersen, Bine Strange. Anything Goes. Tr. Hall-
berg Hallmundsson. Grove. 0.95.

The Medieval Popular Ballad. Tr. Edward God
frey Cox. Ed. Johannes Steenstrup. U. of
Washington P. 2.95.

English

Beowulf. Tr. Kevin Crossley-Holland. Farrar,

S.95. 1.95.
The Chief Middle English Poets. Tr., ed. Jessie

L. Weston. Phaeton. 8.50.
From Age to Age. Ed. Bernice Grohskopf. Athen-

eum. 5.95. Poems and Prose from Old English.
Old English Poetry. Tr. John D. E. Spaeth. Gord-

ian. 7.50. Verse Translation.
The Pearl. Tr. Sara deFord. Appleton. 0.50.

Poem. Verse Translation.

French

Accoce, Pierre and Pierre Quet. A Man Called

Lucy. Berkley. 0.95.
Apollinaire, Guillaume. The Poet Assassinated.

Tr. Ron Padgett. Holt. 9.95.
Arley, Catherine. A Matter of Opportunity. Tr.

Lowell Bair. Putnam. 4.50.
Bataille, Michael. City of Fools. Tr. Arthur Train,

Jr. Crown. 5.95.

Beauvoir, Siraone de. Les belles Images. Tr. Pat
rick O'Brian. Putnam. 4.95.
Berg, Pierre, Sonia by Night. Tr. Andre Gilbert.

N. Hollywood, Calif.: Brandon House. 1.75.
Bergonzo, Jean Louis. The Spanish Inn. Tr. Helen

R. Lane. Grove. 3.95.

Beyle, Marie Henri (i.e. Stendhal). The Charter
house of Parma. Tr. Margaret R. B. Shaw.

Baltimore: Penguin. 1.95.
. The Life of Henry Brulard. Tr. Jean

Steward, B.C.J.G. Knight. Funk & Wagnalls.

6.95. 2.50.
Blais, Marie-Claire. A Season in the Life of

Emmanuel. Tr. Derek Coltman. Grosset &

Dunlap. 3.45. Romance.
*Boileau, Pierre. Choice Cuts (Et mon Tou est

un homme). Tr. Brian Rawson. Bantam. 0.75,
Bonnefoy, Yves. On the Motion and Immobility

of Douve. Tr. Galway KinnelL Ohio U. P.

5.50. Poems. Bilingual.
Borel, Jacques. The Bond (U Adoration). Tr.

Norman Denny. Doubleday. 6.95.
Boulle, Pierre. The Photographer. Tr. Xan Field
ing. Vanguard. 4.95.
Cabanis, Jose". The Battle of Toulouse. Tr. Herma

Briffault. Coward-McCann. 4.00.
Casanova de Seingalt, Giacomo. History of My

Life, vols. 5 & 6. Tr. Willard R. Trask. Har-

court Brace. 7.50.

. The Memoirs of Casanova. Tr. Lowell

Bair. Bantam. 1.25. Abridged.
Celine, Louis-Ferdinand. Castle to Castle. Tr. R.

Manheim. Delacorte. 6.95.
Cendrars, Blaise. To the End of the World. Tr.

Alan Brown. Grove. 5.00.
Charles-Roux, Edmonde. To Forget Palermo

Tr. H. Eustis. Delacorte. 5.95.
Chateaubriand, Francois-Rene de. Atala and Rene.

Tr. Irving Putter. U. of California P. 1.85.
Chretien de Troyes. Ywain: The Knight of the

Lion. Tr. Robert W. Ackermann, Frederick W.

Locke. Ungar. 0.80.
Couteaux, Andre". My Father's Keeper (UEnfant

a femmes). Tr. Barbara Wright. Boston: Hough-
ton Mifflin. 4.95.
*Daumal, Rene. Mount Analogue. Tr. Roger Shat-

tuck. San Francisco: City Light. 2.00.
Debray, Regis. The Border and A Young Man in

the Know. Tr. Helen R. Lang. Grove 1.45.
Diderot, Denis. The Nun. Tr. Eileen B. Hennessy.

Los Angeles: Hollo way House. 1.25.
Dubillard, Roland. Naives Hirondelles. Tr. Mel

Howard. Grove. 1.50.
*Dumas, Alexandre. The Count of Monte Cristo.

Airraont 0.95.
. The Count of Monte Cristo. Platt

and Munk. 2.95.

The Man in the Iron Mask. Air-

mont. 0.75.
Dumitriu, Petru. The Sardinian Smile. Tr. Peter

Green. Holt. 4.50.
Dumoulin, Edmond. The Cult of Pain. Tr. Paul

Anhalt. Hollywood, Calif.: Brandon House.

1.75.

Duras, Marguerite. L'Amante wglaise. Tr. Bar
bara Bray. Grove. 3.95.
Escarpit, Robert. Open Letter to God. Tr. Joseph

M. Bernstein. Heineman. 2.25.
*Flaubert, Gustave. November. Tr. Frank Jellinek.

Pocket Books. 0.95.
. Salambo. Tr. E. Powys Mathew. G.

P. Putnam. 0.75.
*Forest, Jean-Ckude. Barbarella. Tr. Richard

Seaver. Grove. 1.50.
Gabrielli, Ange. Dames People Play. Tr. Lowell

Bair. Berkley. 0.75.
. Make My Bed for Three. Tr. LoweH

Bair. Berkley. 0.75.
Gary, Romain. The Dance of Genghis Cohn. Tr.

Remain Gary, with the assistance of Camilla

Sykes. Cleveland: World. 5.00.
*Genet, Jean. Miracle of the Rose. Tr. Bernard

Frechtman. Grove. 1.25.
Gheorghiu, Constantin. The Death of Kyralessa.

Tr. Marika Mihalyi. Chicago: Regnery. 5.95.
Giraudoux, Jean. Judith. Tr. Christopher Fry.

Dramatists Play Service. 1.25.
Colon, Anne. The Countess Angelique. Tr. Mar
guerite Barnett Putnam. 6.95.
Groult, Benoite. Feminine Plural. Tr. Walter B.

Michaels, June Wilson. Englewood Cliffs, N. J.:

Prentice Hall. 5.95.
Guillevic, Eugene. Guillevic. Tr. Teo Savory. Santa

Barbara, Calif. : Unicorn. 3.00, 1.25. Poems.
*Hugo, Victor Marie. The Hunchback of Notre-

Dame. Airmont. 0.75.

. Les MisSrables. Ed. James K. Robin
son. Fawcett. .075. Abridged.
* . The Man Who Laughs. NBI Press.

5.95.

106

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

lonesco, Eugene. A Stroll in the Air; Frenzy for

Two, or More. Tr. Donald Watson. Grove. 3.95,

1.95.
Kessel, Joseph. The Horsemen. Tr. Patrick O'Brian.

Farrar. 6.95.
Labiche, Eugene. The Italian Straw Hat and

The Spelling Mistakes. Tr. and adapted by

Frederick Da vies. Theatre. 1.65.
*La Fontaine, Jean de. Selected Fables. Tr. Eunice

Clark. Dover. 1.25.
Le Breton, Auguste. Rififi in New York. Tr. Peter

Leslie. Stein and Day. 5.95.
Le Clezio, J. M. G. The Flood. Tr. Peter Green.

Atheneum. 5.95.
*Leduc, Violette. The Woman with the Little Fox.

Tr. Derek Coltman. Dell. 0.75. Includes "The

Old Maid and the Dead Man," "The Golden

Buttons."
Lherr, Kriss. Diary of a Bastard, Tr. L. E. La

Ban. N. Hollywood, Calif.: Brandon House. 1.95.
Loriot, Noelle. Short Circuit. Tr. W. G. Corp.

Cleveland: World. 3.95.
Mallarme, Stephane. Dice Thrown Never Will

Annul Chance. Tr. Brian Coffey. Chester Springs,

Pa.: Dufour. 3.95. Poem.

Selected Poems. Tr. C. F.

. The Best Plays of Racine. Tr. Lacy

Lockert. Princeton U. P. 2.95.

-. Complete Plays. Tr. Samuel Solomon.

U. of California P. 3.50, 1.50. Bilingual.
*Malraux, Andre. Man's Fate. Tr. Haakon M.
Chevalier. Random House. 4.95.

- - . Man's Hope. Tr. Stuart Gilbert,

Alastair Macdonald. Bantam. 1.25.
Martvaux. Seven Comedies. Tr., ed. Oscar

Mandel, and Adrienne S. MandeL Cornell U. P.

10.00.
Maupassant, Guy de. The Best Short Stories. Air-

mont. 0.50.
Mauriac, Francois. A Mauriac Reader. Tr. Gerard

Hopkins. Farrar. 7.95.

- . Woman of the Pharisees. Tr. Gerard
Hopkins. Doubleday. 0.95.

Maurois, Andre". The Chelsea Way, A Proustian
Parody. Tr. George D. Painter. Heineman. 3.95.

Michaux, Henri. Poems. Tr. Teo Savory. Santa
Barbara, Calif.: Unicorn. 1.25. Bilingual.

- . Selected Writings; The Space Within.
Tr. Richard Ellmann. New Directions. 2.75.

Moliere, Jean Baptiste Poquelin. The Misanthrope.
Tr. Henri Van Laun. French & European Pubs.
1.50. Play. Bilingual.

- . Six Prose, Comedies. Tr. George
Gravely. Oxford U. P. 2.00. Includes "Coxcombs
in Petticoats," "Don Juan," "The Reluctant
Doctor," "The Miser," "The Self-made Gentle
man," "Scapin the Scamp."

- - . Tartuffe. Tr. Richard Wilbur. Har-

court Brace. 0.95.

- . Le Tartuffe. Tr. Henri Van Laun.
French & European Pubs. 1.50. Bilingual.

Montherlant, Henry de. Chaos and Night. Tr.

Terence Kilmartin. Grosset & Dunlap. 2.45.
Oyono, Ferdinand. Houseboy. Tr. John Reed.

Humanities. 1.00.
Perec, Georges. Les Chases: A Story of the Sixties.

Tr. Helen R. Lane. Grove. 3.95.
Pieyre de Mandiargues, Andre. The Girl Beneath

the Lion. Tr. Richard Howard. Grove. 0.95.
Quoirez, Francois. The Heart-Keeper. Tr. Robert

Westhoff. Dutton.
Racine, Jean Baptiste. Andromache, Britannicus,

Berenice. Tr. John Cairncross. Baltimore: Pen

guin. 1.45.

Random House, set. 20.00. Verse Translation.

Ramuz, Charles Ferdinand. Terror on the Moun
tain. Tr. Milton Stansbury. Harcourt Brace.
4.50.

*Robbe-Grillet, Alain. The Erasers. Tr. Richard
Howard. Grove. 1.25.

* . La Maison de rendezvous. Tr.

Richard Howard. Grove. 1.25.

Rossi, Jean-Baptiste. Awakening. Berkley.

Rousseau, Jean Jacques. La Nouvelle Heloise. Tr.
Judith H. McDowell. Pennsylvania State U. P.
8.95.

Sabbagh, Pierre. Fanina. Tr. Lowell Bair. Ban
tam. 0.95.

Sade, Donatian Alphonse Frangois. Juliette. Tr.
Austryn Wainhouse. Grove. 17.50.

* . Justine, or The Misfortunes of Vir
tue. Tr. Helen Weaver. G. P. Putnam. 0.95.

Sanavio, Piero. The Broken Tower. Tr. Raymond
Rosenthal. Indianapolis: Bobbs MerrilL 6.95.

Sarrazin, Albertine. Astragal. Tr. Patsy Southgate.
Grove. 4.50.

. The Runaway. Tr. C. L. Markman.

Grove. 7.50.

*Sartre, Jean-Paul. Intimacy. G. P. Putnam. 0.95.

* . The Reprieve. Tr. Eric Sutton. Ran
dom. 2.45.

Schwaller de Lubicz, Isha. Her-bak: Egyptian
Initiate. Tr. Ronald Fraser. Mystic, Conn.:
Verry. 7.00.

Simenon, Georges. The Confessional. Tr. Jean
Stewart. Harcourt Brace. 4.50.

. Maigret and the Headless Corpse. Tr.

Eileen Ellenbogen. Harcourt Brace. 3.95.

. Maigret's Pickpocket. Tr. Nibel Ryan.

Harcourt Brace. 3.95.

. The Move. Tr. Christopher Sinclair-
Stevenson. Harcourt Brace. 4.50.

* f The Premier. Tr. Daphne Woodward.

Pocket Books. 0.60.

The Train. Tr. Robert Baldick.

Pocket Books. 0.60.
Simon, Claude. Histoire. Tr. Richard Howard.

Braziller. 5.95.
Supervielle, Jules. Poems. Tr. Teo Savory. Santa

Barbara, Calif.: Unicorn. 1.25. Bilingual.
Troyat, Henri. An Extreme Friendship. Tr. Eugene

Paul. Phaedra Pub. 4.95.
Vatery, Paul. Collected Works, vol. 9. Tr. M.

Turnell. Princeton. U. P. 6.50.
* Verne, Jules. Around the World in Eighty Days.

Lancer. 0.60.
* . T ne Begum's Fortune. Tr. I. O.

Evans. Ace. 0.60.

-. Carpathian Castle. Ed. I. O. Evans.

Ace. 0.60.
. The City in the Sahara. Tr. I. O.

Evans Ace. 0.60.
. Into the Niger Bend. Tr. I. O.

Evans Ace. 0.60.
. A Journey to the Center of the

Earth. Lancer. 0.60.
. 20,000 Leagues Under the Sea.

Lancer. 0.75.
. The Village in the Treetops. Tr. I. O.

Evans. Ace. 0.60.
. Yesterday and Tomorrow. Tr. I. O.

Evans. Ace. 0.60.

LIST OF TRANSLATIONS: 1968

107

Vian, Boris. The Knacker's ABC (UEquarrissage

pour tons). Tr. Simon Watson Taylor. Grove.

1.95. Play.
Villon, Francois. Poems. Tr. B. Sh. Saklatvala.

Dutton. 2.45.
Voltaire, Francois Marie. The Portable Voltaire.

Ed. Ben Ray Redman. Viking. 1.85.
*Zola, mile. The Masterpiece. Tr. Thomas Walton.

Michigan U. P. 2.95.
Zorine, Anne. A Courtesan's Caresses. Tr. L. E.

La Ban. N. Hollywood, Calif.: Brandon House.

1.95.
"Aucassin and Nicolette" and Other Medieval

Romances and Legends. Ed. Eugene Mason.

Dutton. 1.25. 16 tales.
A Book of African Verse. Tr., ed. John Reed, Clive

Wake. Humanities. 1.00.
Four Contemporary French Plays. Ed. Ruby Cohn.

Random House. 2.45. Includes "Antigone," by

J. Anouilh; "No Exit," by J. Sartre; "Caligula,"

by A. Camus; "The Madwoman of Chaillot," by

J. Giraudoux.
French Symbolist Poetry. Tr. C. F. Maclntyre. U.

of California P. 1.50. Bilingual.
The Love Sect. Tr. Andre Gilbert. N. Hollywood,

Calif.: Brandom House. 1.95.
More Plays by Rivals of Corneille. Tr., comp.

Lacy Lockert. Vanderbilt U. P. 8.95. Verse

Translation.
^Nineteenth Century French Tales. Ed. Angel

Flores. Ungar. 5.75., 2.45.
The Penguin Book of French Short Stories. Comp.

Edward Marielle. Baltimore: Penguin. 1.25.
Seventeenth Century French Drama. Ed. Jacques

Guicharnaud. Random. 2.45. Includes: "The

Cid," by Corneille; "The Precious Damsels," by

Moli&re; "Tartuffe," by Moliere; "The Would-

be Gentleman," by Moliere; "Phaedra," by

Racine; "Athaliah," by Racine.
Thtrese & Angelica. Tr. Paul Anhalt; N. Holly
wood, Calif.: Brandon House. 1.75.
Uninhibited. Tr. Paul Anhalt. N. Hollywood,

Calif.: Brandon House. 1.95.

German

Bartos-Hoppner, Barbara. Storm Over the Caucasus.
Tr. Anthea Bell. Walck. 4.50.

Biermann, Wolf. The Wire Harp. Tr. Eric Bent-
ley. Harcourt Brace. 1.65. Poems.

Blecher, Wilfried. No End of Nonsense: Humorous
Verse. Tr. Jack Prelutsky. Macmillan. 3.95.

Boll, Heinrich. End of a Mission. Tr. Leila Ven-
newitz. McGraw Hill. 5.95.

Enzensberger, Hans Magnus. Poems for People
Who Don't Read Poems. Tr. Michael Ham
burger, Jerome Rothenberg, and the author.
Atheneum. 5.95, 2.95. Bilingual.

Fries, Fritz Rudolf. The Road to Oobliadooh. Tr.
Leila Vennewitz. McGraw Hill. 6.95.

"Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von. Cots von Berlich-
ingen. Tr. Charles E. Passage Ungar. 1.45.

. Torquato Tasso. Tr. Charles E. Pas
sage. Ungar. 4.50, 1.45.

*Grabbe, Christian Dietrich. Jest, Satire, Irony
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Ungar. 1.45. Bilingual.

*Grass, Gunter. Four Plays. Harcourt Brace. 2.45.
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*Grimmelshausen, Hans Jacob Christoffel von.

Courage, The Adventures, & The False Mes
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Peter Will Chester Springs, Pa.: Dufour. Part

of a seven-volume set. 65.00.
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Dell. 0.95.
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Michael Bullock. Popular Library. 0.95.
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Stories.
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Roloff. Farrar. 4.95.
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Rosner. Farrar. 5.95.

Narcissus and Goldmund. Tr. Ursule

Molinaro. Farrar. 5.95.
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Hofmann, Gert. The Burgomaster. Tr. Donald

Watson in collaboration with the author. Grove.

1.50.
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Edwin Muir. Schocken. 4.50, 1.95.
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1.50. Bilingual.
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3.50
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U. of California P. 1.25. Bilingual.
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*Schiller, Friedrich von. "The Bride of Messina";

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Delacorte. 5.95.
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*Aeschylus. Complete Plays. Tr. Gilbert Murray.

Oxford U. P. 4.00. Eight Plays. Verse Trans
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William Arrowsmith. Michigan U. P. 7.90.
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Zotos. Orion.
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Nebraska U. P. 3.95, 1.95.
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Yale U. P. set. 37.50.
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Homer Didn't Tell. Tr. Frederick M. Compbel-

lack. Oklahoma U. P. 5.95.
Sahtouris, Miltos. With Face to the Wall: Selected

Poems. Tr. Kimon Friar. Washington: The

Charioteer P.
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U. of California P. 1.25. Poems.

Vassilikos, Vassilis. Z (a novel). Tr. Marilyn

Calmann. Farrar.
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Fenton. Rinehart, Winston, & Holt.
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Homestead, Fla.: Olivant P. 6.95.
Anthologia Graeca: The Greek Anthology. Ed.

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45.00.
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Hebrew

*Agnon, Samuel Joseph. The Bridal Canopy. Tr.

I. M. Lask. Schocken. 2.45.
. A Guest for the Night. Tr. Misha

Louvish. Schocken. 6.95.
Amichal, Yehuda. Not of This Time t Not of This

Place. Tr. Schlomo Kate. Harper. 6.95.
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Rinehart, Winston & Holt. 4.95.
Gun, Haim. The Chocolate Deal. Tr. Seymour

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Kaniuk, Yoram. Himmo, King of Jerusalem. Tr.

Yosef Shachter. Atheneum. 5.75.
Kishon, Ephraim. Unfair to Goliath. Tr. Yohanan

Goldman. Atheneum. 5.95.
An Anthology of Modern Hebrew Poetry. Comp.

Abraham Birman. Abelard. 7.50.
Israel Argosy. Yoseloff. 5.95.
*Modern Hebrew Poetry. Tr., ed. Ruth Mintz.

U. of California P. 2.50. Bilingual.
Poems and Poets of Israel: Selected Masterpieces.

Rev. ed. Comp., ed., arr. by Esor Winer Ben-

Sorek. Boston: Boston Bookstores. 4.50.

Icelandic

Fire and Ice. Tr., ed. Einar Haugen. Wisconsin
U. P. 5.95. Three Plays. Includes "The Wish,"
by Johann Sigurjonsson; "The Golden Gate,"
by David Stefdnsson; "Atoms and Madams," by
Agnar Thordarson,

Gautrek's Saga and Other Medieval Tales. Tr.
Paul Edwards, Hermann Palsson. New York
U. P. 5.00.

Italian

Alberti, Rafael Selected Poems. Tr., ed. Ben Belitt.

U. of California P. 6.50, 1.75.
Annunzio, Gabriele d\ Tales of My Native Town.

Tr. Rafael MantelHni. Greenwood. 12.50.
Berto, Giuseppe. Antonio in Love. Tr. William

Weaver. Knopf. 5.95.
Boccaccio, Giovanni. The Fates of Illustrious Men.

Tr. Louis Brewer Hall. Ungar. 1.75. Abridged.
Calvino, Italo. Cosmicomics. Tr. William Weaver.

Harcourt. 2.50. Stories.
Campana, Dino. Orphic Songs. Tr. I. L. Salomon.

October House. 5.50, 2.95. Bilingual.
Capelknus, Andreas. The Art of Courtly Love.

Tr. John Jay Perry, ed. Frederick W. Locke.

Ungar. 0.95.

LIST OF TRANSLATIONS: 1968

109

Castiglione, Baldassare. The Book of the Courtier.

Tr. Friench Simpson. Ungar. 0.95. Abridged.
Chiara, Piero. A Man of Parts. Tr. Julia Martines.

Boston: Little Brown. 4.95.
*Dante Alighieri. The Divine Comedy. Tr. Louis

Biancolli. Washington Square. 1.45. Verse

Translation.
. Inferno. Ed. Terrence Tiller. Schocken.

5.95. Bilingual
Guareschi, Giovanni. Duncan & Clotilda. Tr. L. K.

Conrad. Farrar. 4.95.
Lussu, Emilio. Sardinian Brigade. Tr. Marion

Rawson. Harrisburg, Pa.: Giniger Bk. 5.95.
Malerba, Luigi. The Serpent. Tr. William Weaver.

Farrar. 4.95.
Ongaro, Alberto. Excelsior. Tr. Gilles Cremonesi.

Chicago: Regnery. 4.95.
Pasolini, Pier Paolo. The Ragazzi. Tr. Emile

Copouya. Grove. 6.95.
*Pavese, Cesare. The House on The Hill. Tr.

W. J. Strachan. Grosset & Dunlap. 2.25.
. Selected Works. Tr. R W. Fling.

Farrar. 6.95. Includes "The Beach," "The

House on the Hill," "Among Women Only,"

"The Devil in the Hills."
*Pincherle, Alberto. The Wayward Wife, and

Other Stories. Tr. Angus Davidson. Ace. 0.75.

* . The Woman of Rome. Dell. 0.95.

Pirandello, Luigi. Naked Masks: Five Plays, Ed.

Eric Bentley. Dutton. 1.85. Includes "Liola,"

"It Is So! (If you Think So)," "Henry IV,"

"Six Characters in Search of an Author." "Each

in His Own Way."
Poggio Bracciolini, Giovanni F. The Facetiae. Tr.

Bernhardt J. Hurwood. Award Books. 0.95.
Pratolini, Vasco. Metello. Tr. Raymond Rosenthal.

Boston: Little Brown. 5.95.
Sciascia, Leonardo. A Man's Blessing. Tr. Adri-

enne Foulke. Harper. 4.95.
Vignale, Antonio. The Love Academy. Tr. Rudolph

Schliefer. N. Hollywood, Calif.: Brandon House.

1.75.

Japanese

Kawabata, Yasunari. Snow Country. Berkley.
0.75.

Matshuo, Basho. Back Roads to Far Towns. Tr.
Cid Gorman, Kamaike Susumu. Grossman. 8,50.
Poems. Bilingual.

. The Narrow Road To The Deep

North. Tr. Nobuyuki Yuasa. Baltimore: Pen
guin. 1.75.

Mishima, Yukio. Forbidden Colors. Tr. Alfred H.
Marks. Knopf. .95.

Oe, Kenzaburo, A Personal Matter. Grove. 5.00.
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Morris. Columbia U. P. voL 1, 9.00; vol. 2,

12.50; set, 20.00.
Soseki, Natsume. The Wayfarer. Tr. Beongcheon

Yu. Wayne State U. P. 8.95.
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E. R. Miner, Robert H. Brower. Stanford U, P.

6.00, 1.95.
The Seasons of Time: Tanka Poetry of Ancient

Japan. Comp. Virginia Olsen Baron. Dial. 4.50.
Tales of Ise: Lyrical Episodes from Tenth-Century

Japan. Tr. Helen Craig McCullough. Stanford

U. P. 7.50. Over 200 poems.

Latin

Juvenal. The Sixteen Satires. Tr. Peter Green.
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Martial. Poems after Martial, by Philip Murray.
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. Selected Epigrams. Tr. Ralph Marcel-
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Pkutus. Epidicus. Tr. Benny R. Reece. Greenville,
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. Three Plays. Tr. Paul Roche. New

American Library. 1.25. Includes "Amphitryon,"
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Terentius Afer, Publius. Phormio and Other Plays.
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Roman Readings; Translations from Latin Prose
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guin. 1.45.

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Andriekus, Leonardas. Amens in Amber. Tr. Demie

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Ralphael Sealey. Manyland. 5.00.

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Falkberger, Johan. The Fourth Night Watch. Tr.

Ronald G. PopperwelL Wisconsin U. P. 6.95.
*Ibsen, Henrik. Brand. Tr. G. M. Gathorne-Hardy.

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Omar Khayyam. The Original Rubaiyyat of Omar
Khayaam. Tr. Robert Graves, Omar AU-Shah.
Doubleday. 5.00 Poems.

Sa'di. The Gulistan. Tr. Edward Rehatsek. G. P.
Putnam. 1.25.

Polish

Gombrowicz, Witold. Ferdydurke, Tr. Eric Mos-

bacher. Grove. 2.45.
Herbert, Zbigniew. Selected Poems. Tr. Czeslaw

Milosz, Peter Dale Scott. Baltimore: Penguin.

1.25.
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Leach. Doubleday. 5.95.
Sienkiewicz, Henryk. Pan Michael. Tr. Jeremiah

Curtin. Greenwood. 19.00.
Witkiewicz, Stanislaw. The Madman and the

Nun, and Other Plays. Tr., ed. Daniel C.

Gerould, C. S. Durer. U. of Washington P.

12.50, 3.95.

110

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Polish Writing Today. Comp. Celina Wieniewska.

Baltimore: Penguin. 1.45.
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Portuguese

Andrade, Mario de. Hallucinated City. Tr. Jack

E. Tomlins. Vanderbilt U. P. 5.00. Bilingual.
Corcao, Gustavo. Who If I Cry Out (Licoes de

abismo). Tr. Clotilde Wilson. Texas U. P.

6.00.
Machado de Assis, J M. The Psychiatrist and

Other Stories. Tr. Helen Caldwell, William L.

Grossman. U. of California P. 5.00, 1.95.
Rosa, Joao Guimaraes. The Third Bank of the

River, and Other Stories. Tr. Barbara Shelby.

Knopf. 5.95.

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Bulgakov, Mikhail. Black Snow. Tr. Michael
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. The Heart of a Dog. Tr. Michael

Glenny. Harcourt Brace. 1.45.

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*Chukovsky, Kornei. From Two to Five. Rev. ed.
Tr., ed. Miriam Morton. U. of California P.
4.50, 1.50.

Dostoevski], Fedor M. Crime and Punishment.
Tr. Sidney Monas. New American Library.
0.75.

. Great Short Works. Ed. Ronald Hing
ley. Harper. 1.95. Eight Stories.

. The Notebooks for "The Idiot." Tr.

Katherine Strelsky. Chicago U. P. 6.95.

. Poor People, and A Little Hero. Tr.

David Magarshack. Anchor. 1.25.

Dumbadze, Nodar Vladimirovich. The Sunny
Night. Tr. George Nakashidse. Washington
Square. 5.95.

Frolov, Vadim Grigor'evich. What It's All About.
Tr. Joseph Barnes. Doubleday. 3.95.

Goncharov, Ivan. Oblomov. Tr. Natalie Dudding-
ton. Dutton. 2.25.

Leskov, Nikolai. Satirical Stories. Tr. William B.
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Mayakovsky, Vladimir. The Complete Plays. Tr.
Guy Daniels. Washington Square. 6.95. "Mys-
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Ostrovsky, Alexander. Five Plays. Tr., ed. Eugene
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a Family Affair," "We'll Settle It Ourselves,"
"The Poor Bride," "The Storm," "The Scoun
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Pilnyak, Boris. Mother Earth, and Other Stories.
Tr., ed. Vera T. Reck, Michael Green. Praeger.
6.95.

*Pushkin, Aleksandr S. The Complete Prose Tales

Tr. Gillon R. Aitken. Norton. 2.95.
Semin, Vitalii Nikolaevich. Seven in One House.

Tr. Michael Glenny. Dutton. 4.50.

Solzhenitsyn, Aleksandr. The Cancer Ward. Tr.

Rebecca Frank. Dial. 8.50.
. The First Circle. Tr. Thomas P.

Whitney. Harper. 10.00.
Sukhovo-Kobylin, Alexander. The Trilogy. Tr. B.

Segel. Dutton. 2.75. Plays. Includes "Krechin-

sky's Wedding," "The Case," "The Death of

Tarelkin."
Tarsis, Valerii. The Pleasure Factory. Tr. Michael

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* . Ward 7. Dutton. 1.25.

Tolstoy, Lev N. War and Peace. Tr. Ann Dun-

nigan. New American Library. 1.95.
Vogau, Boris Andreevich. Mother Earth. Tr., ed.

Vera T. Reck, Michael Green. Praeger. 6.95.

Eight stories.
Voznesendsky, Andrei. Antiworlds. and The Fifth

Ace. Ed. Patricia Blake, Max Hayward. Basic

Books. 7.95. Bilingual.
*Zamyatin, Yevgeny. The Dragon: Fifteen Stories.

Tr. Mirra Ginsburg. Knopf. 1.95.
Contemporary Russian Drama. Tr., ed. Franklin

Reeve. Pegasus. 7.50. 2.95. Includes Shyarts'

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Pogodin's "A Petrarchian Sonnet;" Panova's

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*The Fatal Eggs and Other Soviet Satire. Tr., ed.

Mirra Ginsburg. Grove. 2.95.
The Girl from Moscow, and Other Stories. Tr.,

ed. by Lila Pargment. Ungar. 5.50.
Last Door to Aiya: A Selection of the Best New

Science Fiction from the Soviet Union. Tr., ed.

Mirra Ginsburg. S. G. Phillips. 4.95.
* Modern Russian Poetry. Tr., ed. Babette

Deutsch, Avrahm Yarmolinsky. Harcourt Brace.

8.50.
*The New Writing in Russia. Tr., ed. Thomas P.

Whitney. Michigan U. P. 4.95.
Path Into the Unknown: The Best of Soviet Sci
ence Fiction. Ed. Judith Merrill. Delacorte. 4.95.

Eight stories.
*Path Into the Unknown: The Best of Soviet

Science Fiction. Ed. Judith Merrill. Dell. 0.60.

Eight stories.

Russian Science Fiction. Comp., ed. Robert Magi-
doff; Tr. Helen Jacobson. New York U. P. 6.50.

Thirteen stories.
Treasure of Russian Short Stories. Tr., comp.

Selig O. Wassner. Fell. 6.95.

Sanskrit

Kalidasa. "Shakuntala" and other Writings. Tr.
Arthur W. Ryder. Dutton. 1.35.

Poems from the Sanskrit. Tr. John Brough. Balti
more: Penguin. 1.25.

The Quest for Sita. Retold by Maurice Collis.
G. P. Putnam. 1.45.

Sanskrit Poetry, from Vidyakara's Treasury. Tr.
Daniel H. H. Ingalls. Cambridge, Mass.: Bel-
knap P. 6.95.

Two Plays of Ancient India. Tr. J. A. B. van
Buitenen. Columbia. U. P. 7.50. Includes "The
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Spanish

*Asturias, Miguel Angel. Mulata. Tr. Gregory Ra-
bassa. Dell. 1.95.

. Strong Wind. Tr. G. Rabassa. Dela
corte. 7.95.

LIST OF TRANSLATIONS: 1968

111

Azuela, Mariano. Two Novels of Mexico: "The

Flies" and "The Bosses/' Tr. Lesley Byrd

Simpson. U. of California P. 1.25.
*Borges, Jorge Louis. A Personal Anthology. Ed.

Anthony Kerrigan. Grove. 1.95. Poems and

prose.
Cela, Camilo Jose. Mrs. Caldwell Speaks to Her

Son. Tr. J. S. Bernstein. Cornell U. P. 5.95.
*Cervantes, Miguel de. Don Quixote. Revision of

the tr. of Peter Motteuz. Airmont. p. 1.25.
Cortazar, Julio. Blow-Up, and Other Stories. Tr.

Paul Blackburn. Collier. 1.50.
Fuentes, Carlos. A Change of Skin. Tr. Sam Hile-

man. Farrar. 6.95.
Garcia Marquez, Gabriel. No One Writes to the

Colonel. Tr. J. S. Bernstein. Harper. 5.95. Nine

stones.
Gongora y Argote, Luis de. The Solitudes. Tr.

Gilbert F. Cunningham. Johns Hopkins U. P.

4.95. Poems.
Guillen, Jorge. Affirmation. Tr. Julian Palley.

Oklahoma U. P. 5.95. Poems. Bilingual.
Hernandez, Jose". The Gaucho Martin Fierro. Tr.

E. C. Ward. New York U. P. 10.00.

Nargas Llosa, Mario. The Green House. Tr. Greg
ory Rabassa. Harper. 6.95.
Neruda, Pablo. Twenty Poems. Tr. James Wright,

Robert Bly. Madison, Minnesota: Sixties Press.

2.00. 1.00. Bilingual.
. We Are Many. Tr. Alastair Reid.

Grossman 2.50. Poems. Bilingual.
Prado, Pedro. Country Judge: A Novel of Chile.

Tr., ed. Lesley Byrd Simpson. California U. P.

4.95.
Rojas, Fernando de. Celestina. Tr. Mack Hen-

dricks Singleton. Wisconsin U. P. 1.95.
. The Celestina, A Novel in Dialogue.

Tr. Lesley Byrd Simpson. U. of California P.

3.50. 1.25.
Ruiz, Juan. The Book of Good Love. Tr. Elisha

Kent Kane. North Carolina U. P. 10.00.
Rulfo, Juan. The Burning Plain and Other

Stories. Tr. George D. Schade. Texas U. P.

5.00.
Sainz, Gustavo. Gasapo. Tr. Hardie St. Martin.

Farrar. 4.95.
San Juan de la Cruz. The Poems of Saint John

of the Cross. English versions by Willis Barn-
stone, Indiana U. P. 5.75. Bilingual.
* . The Poems of St. John of the Cross.

Rev. ed. Tr. John Frederick Nims. Grove. 1.95.
Sender, Ramon J. The King and the Queen. Tr.

Mary Low. Grosset & Dunlap. 2.45.
Suassuna, Ariano. The Rogues' Trial. Tr. Dillwyn

F. Ratcliff. U. of California P. 3.50. 1.50.
Valdelomar, Abraham. Our Children of the Sun:

A Suite of Inca Legends from Peru. Tr. Merritt

Moore Thompson, Southern Illinois U. P. 5.95.
Vallejo, Cesar Abraham. Poemas humanos. Tr.

Clayton Eshleman. Grove. 8.50.
The Literature of Spanish America, vol. 2. Ed.

Angel Flores. Las Americas. 8.00.
Modern Spanish Theatre. Ed. Michael Benedikt,

George E. Wellwarth. Dutton. 7.50. Eight plays.
The Poem of the Cid. Tr. Lesley Byrd Simpson.

U. of California P. 1.50.
Some Spanish-American Poets. Ed. Alice Stone

BlackwelL Greenwood. 19.50.
Writers in the New Cuba: An Anthology. Tr., ed.

J. M. Cohen, others. Baltimore: Penguin. 1.25.

Poems.

Swedish

Aurell, Tage. Rose of Jericho and Other Stories.

Tr. Martin S. Allwood. Wisconsin U. P. 4.00.
Hartman, Olov. On That Day. Tr. Brita Stendahl.

Philadelphia: Fortress. 0.95.
Hassel, Sven. The Legion of the Damned. Tr.

Maurice Michael. Lancer. 0.75.
Johannesson, Olof. The Tale of the Big Computer.

Tr. Naomi Walford. Coward. 4.00.
Karlen, Barbro. Man on Earth. Tr. Patricia

Schonander. Kenedy. 3.50. Poems and essays.
Kullman, Harry. Under Secret Orders. Tr. L. W.

Kingsland. Harcourt Brace. 3.50.
Lagerkvist, Pr Fabian. Herod and Mariamne-

Tr. Naomi Walford. Knopf. 4.95.
Sjowall, Maj. The Man on the Balcony. Tr. Alan

Blair. Pantheon. 4.50.
Strindberg, August. Inferno, Alone, and Other

Writings. Ed. Evert Sprinchorn. Doubleday-

Anchor. p. 1.75.
* . The Natives of Hemso and The

Scapegoat. Tr. Arvid Paulson. Bantam, p. 1.25.

Yiddish

Bryys, RachmiL Ghetto Factory 76. Tr. Theodor

Primack, Eugen Kullman. Bloch. 3.95. Poem.

Bilingual.
Opatoshu, Joseph. A Day in Regensburg. Tr.

Jacob Sloan. Philadelphia: Jewish Pubn. Soc.

4.50. Eighteen stories.
*Sholom Aleichem. Inside Kasrilevke. Tr. Isidore

Goldstick. Schocken. 1.95.
. Salvation. Tr. Willa and Edwin

Muir. Schocken. 7.50. 2.45.
Singer, Isaac Bashevis. The Seance, and Other

Stories. Tr. Roger H. Klein. Farrar. 5.95. Six
teen stories.
A Treasury of Yiddish Stories. Ed. Irving Howe,

Eliezer GreenberL Greenwich, Conn.: Fawcett.

0.95. Abridge.

Other Languages

Andri6, Ivo. The Pasha's Concubine and Other
Tales. Tr. Joseph Hitrec. Knopf. 6.95. [Serbo-
Croatian]

Balewa, Sir Abubaker Tafawa. Shaihu Umar. Tr.
Mervyn Hiskett. Humanities. 1.00. [Ebo]

Donchev, Anton. Time of Parting. Tr. Marguerite
Alexieva. Morrow. 5.95. [Bulgarian]

*Gibran, Kahlil. The. Broken Wings. Tr. Anthony
R. Ferris. Bantam. 0.75. [Arabic]

Hasani Bin Ismail. The Medicine Man. Tr., ed.
Peter Lienhardt. Oxford U. P. 6.75. Poems.
[Swahili] Bilingual.

Hikmet, Nazim. Selected Poems. Tr. Taner Bay-
bars. Humanities. 9.00. [Turkish]

Ijimere, Obotunde. The Imprisonment of Obatala
and Other Plays. Tr. Ulli Beier. Humanities.
1.00. Verse translation. [Yoruba]

Lengyel, Jozsef. From Beginning to End. Tr.
Ilona Duczynska. Prentice Hall. 4.95. [Hungar
ian]

Leroux, Etienne. One For the Devil. Tr. Charles
Eglington. Boston: Houghton Mifflin. 4.95.
[Afrikaans]

Mrabet, Mohammed. Love With a Few Hairs.
Ed Paul Bowles. Braziller. 4.50. [Moghrebi]

112

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

Rebreanu, Liviti. Ion. Ed. Ralph M. Adennan.

Twayne. 5.95. [Rumanian]
Revius, Jacobus. Selected Poems. Tr. Henrietta

Ten Harmsd. Wayne State U. P. 7.95. Poems.

[Dutch] Bilingual.
Tagore, Sir Rabindranath. Chaturanga. Tr. Asok

Mitra. Mystic, Conn.: Verny. 2.50. [Bengali]
* Anthology of Modern Indonesian Poetry. Ed.

Burton Raffell. New York U. P. 1.45. [Indo
nesian]
Contemporary Indian Short Stories. Ed. Akademi

Sahitya. Mystic, Conn.: Vemy. 3.50. [Indie]
Isibongo: Zulu Praise-Poems. Comp. James Stuart,

tr. Daniel Malcolm, ed. Trevor Cope. Oxford

U. P. 8.00. [Zulu] Bilingual.

International Collections

Ancient Poetry from China, Japan & India. Tr.

comp. Henry W. Wells. South Carolina U. P.

10.00. Verse translation.
Best Short Plays of the World Theatre 1958-

1967. Ed. Stanley Richards. Crown. 6.50.
The Best Short Stories of the Modern Age. Faw-

cett. 0.95.
Contexts of the Drama. Comp. Richard Henry

Goldstone. McGraw-Hill. 4.95. Twelve plays.
Continental Literature, 2 vols. Ed. Dorothy Van

Ghent, Joseph S. Brown. Philadelphia: Lippin-

cott. 5.75.
The Discovery of Drama. Comp. Thomas E.

Sanders. Glenview, 111.: Scott. 4.75.
Drama and Tradition: The Major Genres. Comp.

Henry F. Salerno, Conny E. Nelson. American

Book. 5.50. Seventeen plays.
Drama in the Western World. Comp. Samuel A.

Weiss. Boston: Heath. 4.95. Fifteen plays.
Drama in the Western World. Comp. Samuel A.

Weiss. Boston: Heath. 3.95. Nine plays.
The Drama: Traditional and Modern. Ed. Mark

Goldman. Boston: Allyn & Bacon. 5.50. Ten

plays.
Gomringer, Eugen. The Book of Hours, and

Constellations. Something Else P. 4.50. Transla
tions from French, German, Spanish.
Joseph and Potiphar's Wife. Ed. John D. Yohan-

nan. New Directions. 8.50. 2.95.
The Literature of Comedy. Ed. Theodore A.

Stroud. Boston: Gtnn. 7.64.
Lyric Poems. Comp. Coralie Howard. Watts. 2.65.

Masterworks of World Drama, 6 vols. Comp.

Anthony Caputi. Boston: Heath, set. 17.50.
Medea: Myth and Dramatic Form. Ed. James L.
Sanderson, Everett Zimmerman. Boston: Hough-
ton. 2.75.
Medieval Lyrics of Europe. Tr. Willard R. Trask.

Cleveland: World. 2.45.

Moderns and Contemporaries. Comp., ed. Jonathan
Baumbach, Arthur Edelstein. Random. 2.95.
Nine short stories.
The New Theatre of Europe: Contemporary Plays

from the European Stage. Dell. 2.25.
Oedipus: Myth and Drama. Tr., ed. Martin Kal-
lich, Andrew MacLeish, Gertrude Schoenbonn.
Odyssey. 2.65. Includes "Oedipus the King,"
Sophocles; "Oedipus and the Sphinx," Hugo
von Hofmannsthal.

Oedipus: Myth and Dramatic Form. Ed. James
L. Sanderson, Everett Zimmerman. Boston:
Houghton. 2.75.

Once Again. Ed. J. F Bory. New Directions. 4.50.
1.50. Includes work of 54 poets from 10
countries.

Our Seneca. Ed. Clarence Mendell. Hamden,
Conn: Archon. 8.00. Includes a verse tr., of
"Oedipus Tyrannus," of Sophocles "Oedipus
Rex" of Seneca.

The Origin of Life and Death: A Collection of
Creation Myths from Africa. Ed. Ulli Beier.
Humanities. 1.00.

Out of the Earth I Sing; Poetry and Songs of
Primitive Peoples of the World. Comp. Richard
Lewis. Norton. 3.95.

Plays by Four Tragedians. Ed. Louis Glorfeld,
Tom E. Kakonis, James C. Wilcox. Columbus,
Ohio: Merrill. 4.50. Eight plays.
*Studies in Drama. 2nd ed. Ed. Blaze Odell Bo-

nazza. Harper. 4.95. Twelve plays.
Ten Great One Act Plays. Comp. Morris Sweet-
kind. Bantam. 0.75.

Times Four: The Short Story in Depth. Ed. Don
ald S. Heines. Prentice Hall. 3.95.
Tragedy and Comedy. Comp. Sylvan Barnet. Bos
ton: Little Brown. 4.50. Nine plays.
Tragedy, History and Romance. Comp. John Gass-
ner, Morris Sweetking. Holt, 3.40. Includes
"Oedipus the King," by Sophocles "Cyrano de
Bergerac," by E. Rostand.
Various Fables from Various Places. Ed. Diane

Di Prima. G. P. Putnam. 1.15.
The World's Love Poetry. Ed. Michael Rheta
Martin. Bantam. 1.25.

113

ANNUAL BIBLIOGRAPHY: 1968

In the introduction to the Annual
Bibliography for 1967, we announced
that we were about to enter a transi
tional phase, pending completion of the
reorganization planned by the PMLA
bibliographers. Indeed, by arrangement
with Professor Meserole, all entries in
the list that follows have been culled
from the MLA International Bibliogra
phies for 1967 and 1968. Our bibliogra
phical committee having been dissolved,
no additional material has been col
lected, and our only contribution was the
selection of relevant entries and their
rearrangement according to the princi
ples stated in volume X of our Year-
book and reprinted annually thereafter.
This time, we wish to thank Mr. Michael
Moriarty and Mrs. Hilda Yoder for
having assisted in that task.

I. COMPARATIVE, WORLD AND GENERAL
LITERATURE

This section corresponds to Book One, Part One
of Baldensperger/Friederich (B/F).

II. TRANSLATIONS, TRANSLATORS, CORRE
SPONDENTS, TRAVELERS, AND OTHER
INTERMEDIARIES

This section corresponds to Book One, Part Four
of B/F. It consists of two parts, first dealing
with general articles on translation and the
second with articles devoted to individual trans
lators.

III. THEMES, MOTIFS, AND TOPOI

This section corresponds to Book One, Part Six
of B/F.

IV. LITERARY GENRES, TYPES, FORMS,
AND TECHNIQUES

This section corresponds to Book One, Part
Seven of B/F.

V. EPOCHS, CURRENTS, PERIODS AND
MOVEMENTS

This section corresponds to Book Three, Part
Two of B/F.

VI. BIBLE AND CLASSICAL ANTIQUITY;
LARGER GEOGRAPHICAL AND LIN
GUISTIC UNITS

This section consists of three subdivisions. It
roughly corresponds to Book Two, Parts Two to
Five, and Book Three, Part Three of B/F.

VII. INDIVIDUAL COUNTRIES

VIII. INDIVIDUAL AUTHORS

See Yearbook X (1960) for a gen
eral statement concerning the organi
zation of the bibliography. The abbre
viations are identical with those used
in the annual PMLA bibliography.
But note the following abbreviations
(see also the abbreviations listed in the
preceding volumes of the Yearbook) :

AC: American Contributions to the
Fifth International Congress of
Slavists. Sofia, September 1968. Den
Haag: Mouton, 1963.

114

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

APvL: Aktuelle Probleme der ver-
gleichenden Literaturforschung, ed.
G. Ziegengeist Berlin: Akademie-
Verlag.

CDH: Anderson, M. J., ed. Classical
Drama and Its Influence: Essays
Presented to H. D. F. Kitto. Lon
don: Methuen, 1965.

DAE: Dante Alighieri: E studios re-
unidos en commemoracion del VII
centenario de su nacimiento (1265-
1821). La Plata: U. nacional de la
Plata, 1966.

Europdische Aufkldrung: Friedrich, H.
and F. Schalk, eds. Europdische
Aufkldrung : Herbert Dieckmann
zum 60. Geburtstag. Miinchen; W.
Fink, 1967.

Friendship: Gabrieli, V., ed. Friend
ship's Garland: Essays Presented
to Mario Praz on His Seventieth
Birthday. Roma: Edizioni di Storia
e Letteratura, 1966.

UAB: L'Ann^e Balzacienne, 1967.
Paris: Garnier, 1967.

Lebende Antike: Meller, H. and H. J.
Zimmerman, eds. Lebende Antike:
Symposion fur Rudolf Siihnel. Ber
lin: E. Schmidt, 1967.

Lsds: Literaturnye svjazi drevnyx slav-
jan, ed. D. S. Lixacev. Leningrad:
Nauka.

Pirandelliani: Atti del congresso inter-
nazionale di studi pirandelliani. Ve-
nezia 2-5 ottobre 1961. Firenze: Le
Monnier, 1967.

PPNC: Baldner, R. W., ed. Proceedings,

Pacific Northwest Conference on
Foreign Languages. Victoria, B. C.,
Canada: U. of Victoria, 1967.

Proceedings: Jost, F., ed. Proceedings
of the IVth Congress of the Inter
national Comparative Literature
Association. Den Haag: Mouton,
1966.

Russko: Russko-evropejskie literaturyne
svjazi: Sbornik state j k 70-letiju
so dnja rozdenija akademika M. P.
Alekseeva. Moscow, Leningrad:
Nauka, 1966.

Slawistische Beitrdge: Slawistische
Beitrdge aus der Deutschen Demo-
kratischen Republik, ed. H. H. Biel-
feldt, et al. Berlin: Akademie-Ver-
lag, 1967.

Studi danteschi: Atti del congresso in-
temazionale di studi danteschi. Fir-
enze-Verona-Ravenna, 20-27 aprile
1965. Firenze: Sansoni, 1965-66.
Vol. II.

SzG: Studien zur Geschichte der rus-
sischen Literatur des 18. Jahrhun-
derts, eds. H. Grasshoff and U. Leh-
mann. Berlin: Akademie-Verlag.

TYT: Citroen, I. J., ed. Ten Years of
Translation: Proceedings of the
Fourth Congress of the Interna
tional Federation of Translators
(FIT), Dubrovnik 1968. Oxford and
New York: Pergamon, 1967.

VeO: Venezia e VOriente fra tardo
Medwevo e Rinascimento, ed. A.
Pertusi. Firenze: Sansoni, 1966.

I : Comparative, World, and General
Literature

Aldridge, A. O. et al. "International and New
Periodicals in Comparative Literature." YCGL,
xvii, 122-135.

Block, H. M. et al. "Bibliographical Problems in
Comparative Literature." YCGL, xvii, 99-111.

Carter, P. J., and G. K. Smart, eds. Literature

and Society, 1961-1965: A Selective Bibliogra
phy. U. of Miami P., 1967.

Chmel, R. "Svetovi literatiira a integranodi-
ferenciacne" tendencie." SlovLit, xiv (1967),
585-588. [World lit. and integr. of diff.
tendencies.]

Crane, R. S. The Idea of the Humanities and
Other Essays, Critical and Historical. 2 Vols,
U, of Chicago P., 1967,

ANNUAL BIBLIOGRAPHY: 1968

115

Dima, A. "Der Begriff der Weltliteratur." WZUB,
xiv (1965), 421-426.

Dimaras, C. T. "Les coincidences dans 1'histoire
des lettres et dans 1'histoire des idees" in Pro
ceedings, 1226-31.

Dimic, M. "Nationaler und ubernationaler Stand-
punkt im literarischen Werturteil: Die verglei-
chende Literaturgeschichte und die wissenschaft-
liche Erforschung von literarischen Werturteilen"
in Proceedings, 637-643.

Dolansky, J. "Der sogenannte literarische 'Ein-
fluss* und die kunstlerische Originalitat als
unerlassliche Voraussetzung fur jede Entwick-
lung und Gemeinsamkeit aller Literaturen der
Welt" in Proceedings, 1283-88.

Durisin, D. Problemy literarnej komparatistiky.
Bratislava: SAV, 1967.

Eaton, T. The Semantics of Literature. Den
Haag: Mouton, 1966.

Einsiedel, W., et al. eds. Kindlers Liter atur
Lexikon, Vols. 1-4. Zurich: Kindler, 1966-68.

Einsiedel, W. von. "Die Weltliteratur und ihre
Provinzen." Merkur, xxii, 85-100.

Fleischmann, W. B., ed. Encyclopedia of World
Literature in the 20th Century. Vol. /: A-F.
New York: Ungar, 1967.

Gross, H. "History as Metaphysical Pathos: Mod
ern Literature and the Idea of History." UDQ,
i/3 (1966), 1-22.

Hankiss, E. "Literary Influence: Action or Inter
action" in Proceedings, 1221-25.

Herbert, S. A. "Literature and the State." EDH,
xxxiv (1966), 106-123.

Holthusen, H. E. "Kunst und Revolution." GuG,
xi (1966), 7-44.

Hosillos, L. V. "Comparative Literature and Gen
eral Education." Gen. Educ. Jour., xi (1967),
150-162.

Jones H. M. "The Nature of Literary History."
JHI, xxviii (1967), 147-160.

Jost, F., et al. "A Literary History of Europe:
Approaches and Problems." YCGL, xvii, 85-98.

Kantorowitsch, W. "Soziologie und Literatur."
KuL, xvi, 594-616.

Kardos, B. T. "Wholeness: A Synthesis of Indi
vidualism, Patriotism (Not Nationalism), and
Universalism (Not Cosmopolitanism)" in Pro
ceedings, 667-674.

Klaniczay, T. "Que faut-il entendre par litterature
nationale?" in Proceedings, 187-194.

Kruger, P., ed. Studier i komparativ Litteratur.
Copenhagen: Gyldendal.

Kunitz, S. J., and V. Colby, eds. European Au
thors, 1000-1900: A Biographical Dictionary of
European Literature. New York: H. W. Wil
son, 1967.

Levin, H. "Comparing the Literature." YCGL,
xvii, 5-16.

Linner, S. "The Structure and Functions of Lit
erary Comparison." JAAC, xxvi (1967), 169-179.

Markiewicz, H. "Entwicklungsprobleme und Ergeb-
nisse der vergleichenden Literaturforschung in
Polen" in APvL, 128-139.

Noland, R. W. "Psychoanalysis and Literature."
BuR, xiv/3 (1966), 110-123.

Poli, F. M. Letteratura italiana e letterature com-
parate: Saggi critici. Milano-Varese: 1st. edi-
toriale Cisalpino, 1966.

Rosenbaum, K. "Entwicklungslinien der slowaki-

schen vergleichenden Literaturforschung" in

APvL, 118-127.
Rosenmeyer, T. C., et al. "Symposium: Classical

Studies and the Comparative Method." YCGL,

xvii, 73-84.
Sackett, S. J. "Master's Theses in Literature,

Presented at American Colleges and Universities,

July 1, 1965-August 31, 1966." LIT, viii/2

(1967), 45-174.
Svejkovsky, F. "Nove cesty ve studiich o stars!

literature." L, xv (1967), 83-85. [New ways of

studying old lit.]
Torre, G. de. Al pie de las letras. Buenos Aires:

Losada, 1967.
Vajda, G. M. "Perspectival Change of Literary

Phenomena Viewed from a National or an Inter
national Angle" in Proceedings, 675-679.
Valcev, G. "Entwicklungstendenzen der ver
gleichenden Literaturforschung in Bulgarien" in

APvL, 140-144.
Weisstein, U. Einfuhrung in die Vergleichende

Literaturwissenschaft Stuttgart: Kohlhammer.
Wellek, R. "Definizione e natura della letteratura

comparata." Belfagor, xxii (1967), 125-151.
. "The Poet as Critic, the Critic as

Poet, the Poet-Critic" in The Poet as Critic,

ed. F. P. W. McDowell (Northwestern U. P.,

1967), 92-107.
Wollman, F. "Typologicnost v srovnavaci Kter-

arnivede." Slavia, xxxvi (1967), 280-290.
Wollman, S. "tJberblick uber die Entwicklung der

tschechischen vergleichenden Literaturforschung"

in APvL, 100-117.
Wrenn, C. L. The Idea of Comparative Literature.

Cambridge: M.H.R.A. 22pp.
Yourgrau, W. "On the New Physics and Modern

Literature." UDQ, i/1 (1966), 29-41.
Zyla, W. T., ed. Proceedings of the Comparative

Literature Symposium, April 22, 23, and 24,

1968. Lubbock: Texas Tech. Coll.

II : Translation, Translators, Corre
spondents, Travelers, and Other In
termediaries

Ahokas, J. "Les difficultes qu'eprouvent les petites
nations a faire connaitre leur litterature a
1'etranger" in TYT, 75-78.

Andri6, D. "Das tJbersetzen moderner Buhnen-
werke und einige Ansichten iiber das schop-
ferische ttbersetzen im allgemeinen" in TYT,
79-82.

Andrid, I. "L'auteur et la traduction de son
ceuvre" in TYT, 61-65.

Antokolskij, P. "Quelques observations sur la
traduction" in TYT, 83-85.

Barrows, H., ed. Observations and Reflections
Made in the Course o-f a Journey Through
France, Italy, and Germany. U. of Mich. P.,
1967.

Bataillon, M. "Remarques sur la litterature de
voyages" in Etudes de literatures etrangere et
comparee. Connaissance de l f etranger. Melanges
offerts a la memoire de Jean-Marie Carr6 (Paris:
Didier, 1964), 51-63.

Caille, P. F. "Rapport sur Babel" in TYT, 150-
153.

116

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

Carroll, J. B. "An Experiment in Evaluating the
Quality of Translations." MT t ix/3, 4 (1966),
53-56.

Cawley, R. R. Unpathed Waters: Studies in the
Influence of the Voyagers on Elizabethan Liter
ature. New York: Octagon, 1967.

. The Voyagers and Elizabethan

Drama. New York: Kraus, 1966.

Citroen, I. J. "The Myth of the Two Professions:
Literary and Non-Literary Translation." Babel,
xii (1966), 181-188.

. "Ten Years of Translation: Intro
duction to the Proceedings of the Congress" in
TYT, 33-58.

Citroen, I. J., ed. Ten Years of Translation: Pro-
ceedings of the Fourth Congress of the Interna
tional Federation of Translators (FIT), Dubrov-
nik 1963. Oxford, New York: Pergamon, 1967.

Ebel, J. E. "A Numerical Survey of Elizabethan
Translations." Library, xxii (1967), 104-127.

Escarpit, R. "La vision de 1'etranger comme pro-
cede' d'humour." N.C. Folklore, xiii/1-3 (1965),
240-246.

Flamand, P. "Le traducteur et l'e"diteur" in TYT t
66-74.

Flashar, H. "Formen der Aneignung griechischer
Literatur durch ttbersetzung." Arcadia, Hi,
133-156.

Frantz, R. W. The English Traveller and the
Movement of Ideas 1660-1732. U. of Neb. P.,
1967.

Frerk, C. W. "Report of the Committee on Trans
lator Training" TYT, 185-194.

Gachechiladze, G. R. "Realism and Dialectics in
the Art of Translation." Babel, xiii (1967),
87-91.

Gravier, M. "Peut-on former des traducteurs tech
niques?" Babel, xiii (1967), 73-76.

Hamel, G. A. "The European Translations Cen
tre" in TYT, 311-314.

Italiaander, R. "Entwickhtngslander und tJber-
setzer" in TYT, 297-310.

Izzo, C. "Responsabilita del traduttore" in Friend
ship, 361-80.

Jessen, H. "Kritische Betrachtungen zu den ttber-
setzungen aus dem Nor den." Ausblick, xvii
(1966), 57-64.

Kirchner, P. "Zur Erforschung der deutsch-
ukrainischen Hterarischen Kontaktbeziehungen in
den zwanziger und dreissiger Jahren: Eine
Bestandaufnahme der "Obersetzungen" in Slawis-
tische Beitrage, 83-105.

Lewanski, R. C., et ai The Literatures of the
World in English Translation: A Bibliography,
Vol. II: The Slavic Literatures. New York:
Pub. Lib. & F. Ungar, 1967.

Lupan, R. "La traduction litte*raire: Art et inter
pretation critique." Babel, xiii (1967), 85-86, 91.

Machwe, P. "The Problem of Translation from
and into Hindi." IndL, x/1 (1967), 68-81.

Markovi6, B. "La Charte du traducteur" in TYT,
261-266.

Mendeloff, H. "On Translating La Celestina into
French and Italian." Hispania, li, 111-115.

Morgan, E. "Poetry and Translation." NHQ,
xxv (1967), 27-30.

Mouter, E. W. "Calvinists in Turbans." BHR,
xxix (1967), 443-445.

Radc", G. "Az ember trage*diija a vilag nyelvein.
IV." FK t xiv, 75-111. [Trs. of Madach's The

Tragedy of Man into Eng., Esperanto, Hebr.,
Finn., and Yiddish.]

Restaino, K. M. "The Troubled Streams of Trans
lation: A Study of Translation in the Eighteenth
Century." Diss. (Fordham), DA, xxvii (1967),
2507A-08A.

Schondorf, K. E. Die Tradition der deutschen
Psalmenubersetsung: Untersuchungen zur Ver-
wandtschaft und Vbersetzungstradition der
Psalmenverdeutschung zwischen Notker und
Luther. Koln: Bohlau, 1967.

Sdun, W. Probleme und Theorien des Ubersetsens
in Deutschland vom 18 bis sum 20 Jahrhumdert.
Munchen: Hueber, 1967.

Simons, L. "De kunst van het vertalen." DWB,
cxii (1967), 519-523. [The art of translating.]

"Union des Ecrivains de la Republique Popu-
laire Roumaine, Section de Traducteurs: Les
traductions dans la Republique Populaire
Romaine" in FIT, 242-247.

Weinbrot, H. D. "Translation and Parody:
Towards the Genealogy of the Augustan Imita
tion." ELH, xxxiii (1966), 434-447.

Zaleski, Z. L. "La psychologic du voyage et la
vocation du comparatiste." N.C. Folklore
xiii/1-3 (1965), 108-116.

Spillebeen, W. "Twee grote vertalers: Bertus
AAFJES Homeros Odyssee, Anton Van Wild-
erode Vergilius Aeneis." OnsE, x/1 (1966),

Morris, W. J. "J. Q. ADAMS' Verse Transla

tions of C. F. Gellert's Fables" in Helen Adolf

Festschrift, ed. S. Z. Buehne, et al. (New

York: Ungar), 138-165.
Faivre, J. P. "Les ideologues de 1'an VIII et le

voyage de Nicolas BAUDIN en Australie

(1800-1804)." AJFS, iii (1966), 3-15.
Voisine, J. "Voyageur ou plagiaire? BLAZE DE

BURY au pays de Jean-Paul." N.C. Folklore,

xiii/1, 2 (1965), 515-524.
Richter, R. "Konstantin Simonovs *2di menja* und

seine deutsche Nachdichtung durch BLUM." ZS

xii (1967), 364-372.
Pluckebaum, G. "Von der erforderten Genauigkeit

beym Ueberstetzen : Ein Beitrag BODMERs

zur tftersetzungstheorie im XVIII. Jahrhun-

dert." Arcadia, i (1966), 210-212.
BOERIU, M. "Come ho tradotto la Divina corn-

media." CN, xxvii (1967), 136-151.
Kruger, P., ed. Correspondance de Ceorg

BRANDES. I: La France et I'ltalie; II:

UAngleterre et la. Russie; HI: L'Allemagne;

IV: Notes et references. Copenhagen: Rosen-

Hide og Bagger, 1952-66.

Neubauer, J. "Dr. John BROWN (1735-88) and

'SI. xxviii

,

Beaglehole, J. C., ed. The Journals of Captain
James COOK on His Voyages of Discovery, III:
The Voyage of the Resolution and Discovery
1776-1780. Cambridge, Eng.: Cambridge U. P.,

Anthony, M. M. "Some Translations of Henri
COULETTE." WHR, xxi (1967), 67-71.

Stevens, L. C. "The Theory and Practice of
Translation According to Etienne DOLET "
RenP 9 1966, 49-55.

Johnson, Q. G. "Gavin DOUGLAS as Poet-

ANNUAL BIBLIOGRAPHY: 1968

117

Translator: Eneados and Aeneid IV" Diss.
(Ore.), DA, xxix, 230A.

Markiewicz, Z. "Charles EDMOND interme'diaire
entre le monde slave et la France." CSP, ix
(1967), 122-130.

. "Charles Edmond, voyageur et

comparatiste oublie*." N.C. Folklore, xiii/1-3
(1965), 292-300.

Heuzenroeder, J. "Havelock ELLIS's Australian
Idyll" ALS, iii (1967), 3-17.

Edwards, P., ed. EQUIANO's Travels: The In
teresting Narrative of the Life of Olaudah
Equiano or Gustavus Vassa the African. Lon
don: Heinemann, 1967; New York: Praeger,
1967.

Stone, G. W., Jr. "David GARRICK and the
German Stage: A Filtered Influence?" in Wert
und Wort: Festschrift fur Else M. Fleissner
1965, ed. M. Sonnenfeld et al. (Wells College,
1965), 96-106.

Dickstein, M. "GIELGUD's Ivanov, or Chekov
Without Tears." Salmagundi, ii/1 (1967),
88-93.

GRAVES, R. "Translating the Rubaiyat." Com
mentary, xlvi/1, 66-71.

Kluge, R. D. "Johannes von GUENTHER als
ttbersetzer und Vermittler russischer Literatur."
WSl, xii (1967), 77-96.

Salinas, E. "Guillaume GUfiROULT traducteur
des Psaumes," RHL, Ixvii (1967), 705-725.

Bell, G. "Henry von HEISELER as a Translator
of English Poetry." Monatshefte, Ix, 379-393.

Beck, R. "Hans HYLEN: A Pioneer Norwegian
Translator of Icelandic Poetry" in Nordica et
Anglica. Studies in Honor of Stefdn Einarsson,
ed. A. H. Orrick (Den Haag, Paris: Mouton),
168-174.

Korospataki, Kiss, S. "Jan KOTT e*s a korszeru
Moliere-jatek." Kritika, vi/11, 63^64.

Hirshberg, E. W. "G. H. LEWES and A. W.
Schlegel: An Important Critical Relationship."
LangQ, v/3-4 (1967), 37-40.

Rees, R. A. "James Russell LOWELL in Spain
and England: New Letters." ESQ, xlvii
(1967), 7-13.

Bluhm, H. Martin LUTHER: Creative Trans
lator. St. Louis: Concordia, 1965.

Schiro, G. "Missione umanistica di Massimo
MARGUNIO a Venezia" in VeQ, 214-265.

Harding, J. N. "Paul Elmer MORE and Celtic
Literature." U. of Wales Rev., Summer
(1965), 20-22.

Orwen, N. P. "Matthew Arnold and Some Suc
cessors." Diss. (Toronto), DA, xxviii (1967),
689A. [Pater, Frederic MYERS, and Irving
Babbitt.]

Scovazzi, M. "II viaggio in Italia del monaco
islandes NIKOLAS." NRS, U (1967), 358-362.

Wytrzens, G. "Bemerkungen zur neuen deutschen
Igorlied-tJbersetzung Harald RAABs und zu
ihrer altrussischen Textgrundlage." WSJ, xiii
(1966), 106-113.

Lutyens, M. Young Mrs. RUSKIN in Venice:
Unpublished Letters of Mrs. John Ruskin Writ
ten from Venice Between 1849-1852. New
York: Vanguard, 1967.

Pennington, A. E. "A Sixteenth-century English
Slavist." MLR, Ixii (1967), 680-86. [William

STEPHEN and Christopher Borough's voyage to
Russia.]

Onciulescu, T. "Giovenale VEGEZZI-RUSCAL-
LA, traduttore e cultore della letteratura porto-
ghese." AION-SR, ix (1967), 283-304.

Ill : Themes, Motifs and Topoi

Steadman, J. M. "ACHILLES and Renaissance
Epic" in Lebende Antike, 139-154.

Busst, A. J. "The Image of ANDROGYNE in
the Nineteenth Century" in Romantic Mythol
ogies, ed. I. Fletcher (London: Routledge and
K. Paul, 1967; New York: Barnes and Noble,
1967), 1-95.

Davidson, G., ed. A Dictionary of ANGELS, In
cluding the Fallen Angels. New York: Free
Press, 1967.

Calarco, N. J. "Tragic Being: APOLLO AND
DIONYSUS in Western Drama." Diss.
(Minn.), DA, xxviii, 3805A-06A.

La Soctete" Internationale ARTHURIENNE. "Bib-
Hographie pour 1965." BBSIA, xviii (1966),
1-113.

Hayter, A. "Thomas a BECKET and the Dram
atists." EDH, xxxiv (1966), 90-105.

Sullivan, R. E. "Backward to BYZANTIUM."
L&P, xvii (1967), 13-18.

Sholod, B. CHARLEMAGNE m Spain: The Cul
tural Legacy of Roncesvalles. Geneve: Droz,
1967.

Allen, M. J. "The CHASE: The Development of
a Renaissance Theme." CL, xx, 301-312.

Feuerlicht, I. "CHRIST Figures in Literature."
Person, xlviii (1967), 461-472.

Goetinck, G. W. "La DEMOISELE HIDEUSE
in Peredur, Perceval and Parzival." ZCP, xxx
(1965), 354-361.

Angrist, S. W., and L. G. Hepler. "DEMONS,
Poetry and Life: A Thermodynamic View."
TQ, x/1 (1967), 26-35.

Souvirdn, J. M. El principe de esie siglo: La
literatura moderna y el Demonic. Madrid:
Cultura Hispanica, 1967.

Anderson, M. "DIONYSUS and the Cultured
Policeman." TDR, xi/4 (1967), 99-104.

Calarco, N. J. "Tragic Being: Apollo and
Dionysus in Western Drama." Diss. (Minn.),
DA, xxxviii, 3805A-06A.

Arnold, W. "ENNUI spleen nausee tristesse:
Vier Formen literarischen Ungenugens an der
Welt." NS, xv (1966), 159-173.

Schachter, Z. M. "EROS in Homiletics and Lit
erature." Mosaic, i/2, 16-26.

Briggs, K. The FAIRIES in Tradition and Liter
ature. London: Routledge and K. Paul, 1967.

Touttain, P. A. "Le dossier de la litterature
FANTASTIQUE." NL, xxii/Aug. -7.

Weiss, A. "Propos sur la litterature fantastique."
ESec, xlvi (1967), 44-51.

Brtfndsted, M. "The Transformations of the Con
cept of FATE in Literature" in Fatalistic
Beliefs in Religion, Folklore, and Literature:
Papers Read at the Symposium on Fatalistic
Beliefs Held at Abo on the 7th-9th of Septem
ber, 1964, ed. H. Ringgren (Stockholm:
Almqvist & Wiksell, 1967), 172-178.

Ting, N. "The HOLY MAN AND THE
SNAKE-WOMAN: A Study of a Lamia Story

118

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

in Asian and European Literature." Fabula,
viii (1967), 145-191.

Rudiger, H. "Gottin GELEGENHEIT: Gestalt-
wandel einer Allegoric." Arcadia-, i (1966),
121-166.

Mann, M. "Die feindlichen Briider." [HOSTILE
BROTHERS] GRM, xviii, 226-246.

Viereck, P. "The Muse and the Machine: Impact
of INDUSTRIALISM on Poets and on Hu
manity." EA, xx (1967), 38-46.

Blumenthal, L. "IPHIGENIE von der Antike bis
zur Moderne" in Natur und Idee: Andreas
Bruno Wachsmuth zugeeignet, ed. H. Holtz-
hauer (Weimar: Bohlau, 1966), 9-40.

Moorman, C. A Knyght There Was: The Evolu
tion of the KNIGHT in Literature. U. of Ky.
P., 1967.

Slizinski, J. "Zum LENORENmotiv in den
westslawsischen Literaturen." WZUB, xvi
(1967), 749-753.

Frazer, W. D. LOVE AS DEATH in "The Ice
man Cometh?' A Modern Treatment of an
Ancient Theme. U. of Fla. P., 1967.

Keates, L. W. "Mysterious Miraculous MAN
DARIN." RLC, xl (1966), 497-525. [The
meanings attached to "mandarin" in lit.; ref. to
Chateaubriand, Balzac, BarojaJ

Funten, W. aus der. MARIA MAGDALEN A. in
der Lyrik des Mittelalters. Dusseldorf : Schwann,
1966.

Kerenyi, K. "MD:6 personnage magique et
tragique." CRB, Ix (1967), 3-19.

Rostand, C. "La carrier e musical e du personnage
de Medee." ORB, Ix (1967), 20-24.

Reiss, E. "NATIONALISM and Cosmopolitanism
as Subject and Theme in Medieval Narratives"
in Proceedings, 619-627.

Weisgerber, J. "Examen critique de la notion de
nationalisme et de quelques problemes qu'elle
souleve en histoire litte'raire" in Proceedings,
218-228.

Arnold, W. "EnnuirspleenNA UStEtristes-
see: Vier Formen literarischen Ungenugens an
der Welt." NS, xv (1966), 159-173.

Richard, J. "La Vogue de 1'ORIENT dans la
litterature occidentale du moyen age" in
Melanges offerts a RenS Crosert d I' occasion de
son soixante-dixieme anniversaire, ed. P. Gallais
(Poitiers: Societe d'Etudes Medievales, 1966),
I, 557-561.

Rondet, H. "Le pe~che" originel [ORIGINAL
SIN] dans la tradition." BLE, Ixviii (1967),
20-43.

Seller, M. PHILEMON UND BAUCIS * der

europaischen Liter atur: Stoffgeschichte und

Analyse. Heidelberg: Winter, 1967.
Tillich, P. "The Decline and the Validity of the

Idea of PROGRESS." OUR, viii (1966), 5-22.
Goblot, J. J. "Le mythe de PROMTHE dans la

litterature et la pensee modernes." Pensee,

cxxxii (1967), 71-82.

Varty, K. "The Death and Resurrection of

REYNARD in Mediaeval Literature and Art."

NMS, x (1966), 70-93.
Van Raemdonck, A. Le theme du SACRA dans

quelques romans africains de langue franfaise.

Liege, 1967.
Decaudin, M. "Un mythe 'fin de siecle':

SALOME." CLS, iv (1967), 109-117.

Goodheart, E. The Cult of the Ego: The SELF in
Modern Literature. U. Chicago Press.

Gruenter, R. "Das Schiff: [SHIP] Ein Beitrag
zur historischen Metaphorik" in Tradition und
Ursprunglichkeit, eds., W. Kohlschmidt and
H. Meyer (Bern: Francke, 1966), 86-101.

Kinter, W. L., and J. R. KeUer. The SIBYL:
Prophetess of Antiquity and Medieval Fay.
Philadelphia: Dorrance, 1967.

Arnold, W. "Ennui SPLEEN nausee tristesse :
Vier Formen literarischen Ungenugens an der
Welt." NS f xv (1966), 159-173.

Jonard, N. "Le theme du temps [TIME] dans la
poesie baroque." SSe, vii (1966), 19-34.

Lindsay, J. "Time in Modern Literature" in Fest
schrift sum achtsigsten Geburtstag von Georg
Lvkdcs, ed. F. Benseler (Neuwied: Luchter-
hand, 1965), 491-501.

Arnold, W. "Ennui spleen uausee TRIS
TESSE: Vier Formen literarischen Ungenugens
an der Welt." NS, xv (1966), 159-173.

Stanford, W. B. The ULYSSES Theme: A Study
in the Adaptability of a Traditional Hero. U.
of Mich. Press.

Meyer, M. de. "De Parabel van de Wijse en de
Dwaze Maagden in de kunst en in de litera-
tuur." HZM, xxi (1967), 235-247. [Parabel of
WISE AND FOOLISH VIRGINS.]

IV : Literary Genres, Types, Forms and
Techniques

Nist, J. "The Three Major Modes of Literary
Art: Comedy, Tragedy, Pathedy." SHR, ii,
70-88.

Wellek, R. "Genre Theory, The Lyric, and
'Erlebnis' " in Festschrift fur Richard Alewyn,
eds. H. Singer and B. von Wiese (Koln:
Bohlau, 1967), 392-412.

Adelman, L, and R. Dworkin, eds. Modern
DRAMA: A Checklist of Critical Literature on
20th Century Plays. Metuchen, N. J.: Scare
crow.

Dietrich, M. Europ'dische Dramaturgic: Der
Wandel ihres Menschenbildes von der Antike bis
zur Goetheseit. Koln: Bohlau, 1967.

Emeljanow, V. "The Concept of Rank in Trag
edy." Komos, i (1967), 19-23.

Freedman, M. The Moral Impulse: Modern
Drama from Ibsen to the Present. So. 111.
U. P., 1967.

Gram Holmstrom, K. Monodrama, Attitudes,
Tableaux I'ivants: Studies on Some Trends of
Theatrical Fashion 1770-1815. Stockholm:
Almqvist & Wiksell.

Hardison, O. B., Jr. Christian Rite and Chris
tian Drama in the Middle Ages: Essays in the
Origin and Early History of Modern Drama.
Baltimore: Johns Hopkins P., 1965.

Hartnoll, P., ed. The Oxford Companion to the
Theatre. London : Oxford U. P., 1967.

Heilman, R. B. Tragedy and Melodrama: Ver
sions of Experience. U. of Wash. Press.

Hurlimann, M., ed. Das Atlantisbuch des Thea
ters. Zurich: Atlantis, 1966. [Hist, of world's
drama and theater arts.]

ANNUAL BIBLIOGRAPHY: 1968

119

Kern, E. "Concretization of Metaphor in the

Commedia dell'Arte and the Modern Theatre" in

Proceedings, 1232-42.
Lumley, F. New Trends in 20th Century Drama;

A Survey Since Ibsen and Shaw. Oxford U. P.,
1967.
Nicoll, A. The Development of the Theatre: A

Study of Theatrical Art from the Beginnings to

the Present Day. New York: Harcourt, Brace

and World, 1967.
Prang, H. Geschichte des Lustspiels: Von der

Antike bis gur Gegenwart. Stuttgart: Kroner.
Pronko, L. C. Theater East and West: Perspec
tives Towards a Total Theater. U. of Calif. P.,

1967.

Rosenberg, M. "Tragedy: Departures from Aris
totelian Imitation" in Proceedings, 730-736.
Shimer, D. B. "Asian Drama via Aristotle."

WHR, xxi (1967), 37-46.
Taylor, J. R. The Penguin Dictionary of the

Theatre. Baltimore, Md.: Penguin, 1966.
Knappert, J. "The EPIC in Africa." JFI, iv

(1967), 171-190.
Rozen, E. J. "Renaissance Motifs in Epic Theory

and Poetry in the Romance Languages." Diss.

(N.Y.U.), DA, xxvii (1966), 1792A-93A.
Sen, N. "Comparative Studies in Oral Epic

Poetry and The Valmlki Ram&yana: A Report

on the Balakanda. JAOS, Ixxxvi (1966), 397-

409.
AlbeVes, R. M. "Renaissance du roman [NOVEL]

picaresque." RdP, Ixxv/Feb., 46-53.
Colovi6, J. "Da li novi roman donosi nova resen-

ja." Delo, xiii (1967), 1180-92. [On the New

Novel.]
Felix, J. O svctovom rotn&ne. Bratislava: VSAV,

1967. [The novel in contemp. lits.]
Kearney, E. I. and L, S. Fitzgerald. The Con
tinental Novel: A Checklist of Criticism, in

English, 1900-1966. Metuchen, N. J.: Scarecrow.
Kermode, F. The Sense of an Ending: Studies in

the Theory of Fiction. Oxford U. P., 1967.
Kordi6, R. "Psihoanaliza i moderni roman." Delo,

xiii (1967), 347-360.
Koskimies, R. Theorie des Romans. Darmstadt:

Wissenschaftl. Buchgesellschaft, 1966.
Loukides, P. "Some Notes on the Novel of the

Absurd." CEA t xxx/4, 8, 13.
Madden, D. "Form and Life in the Novel:

Toward a Freer Approach to an Elastic Genre."

JAAC, xxv (1967), 323-333.
Moeller, C. "Art et travail dans le roman euro-

peen du XXe siecle." RevN, xlv (1967), 358-

369.
Pcarce, R. H. Experience in the Novel. Columbia

U. P.
Raleigh, J. H. Time, Place and Idea: Essays on

the Novel. So. III. U. P.
Serrano Poncela, S. "Las formas narrativas."

RNC, clxxix (1967), 6-16.
Stevick, P. ed. The Theory of the Novel. New

York: Free Press, 1967.

Warfel, H. R. "The Author's Neutrality in Real
istic Fiction." FQ, i (1967), 23-29.
Baker, S. "The Crowned Knot of Fire: A Study

of the Influence of Medieval Symbolism on

Modern POETRY." Diss. (Minn.), DA f xxvii

(1967), 4214A.
Gary, J. B., Jr. "The Theory and Practice of the

Vague: A Study in a Mode of Nineteenth Cen

tury Lyric Poetry." Diss. (N. Y. U.) DA

xxvii (1966), 1362A.
Coleman, E. "Poetry and Prose: The Prose

Poem." UDR, iv/1 (1967), 7-21.
Krieger, M. "Ekphrasis and the Still Movement

of Poetry, or Laokoon Revisited" in The Poet

as Critic, ed. F. P. W. McDowell (North-

western U. P., 1967), 3-26.

Lehmann, G. K. Phantasie und kunstlerische Ar
beit: Betrachtungen zv,r poetischen Phantasie.

Berlin: Aufbau, 1966.
Rozen, E. J. "Renaissance Motifs in Epic Theory

and Poetry in the Romance Languages." Diss.

(N.Y.U.), DA, xxvii (1966), 1793A.

Milic, L. T. Style and Stylistics: An Analytical

Bibliography. New York: Free Press, 1967.
Wegener, A. H. "The ABSURD in Modern Lit
erature." BA, xli (1967), 150-156.
Beichner, P. E., C.S.C. "The ALLEGORICAL
Interpretation of Medieval Literature." PMLA,
Ixxxii (1967), 33-38.

Dunlap, R. "The Allegorical Interpretation of
Renaissance Literature." PMLA, Ixxxii (1967),
89-43.
Silverstein, T. "Allegory and Literary Form."

PMLA, Ixxxii (1967), 28-32.

Foster, L. "Conventional Safety Valves: ALBA,
PASTOURELLE, and EPITHALAMIUM" in
Lebende Antike, 120-138.

Misch, G. Geschichte der AUTOBIOGRAPHIE,
IV, I. Halfte: Geschichte der Autobiographie
im Mittelalter. Frankfurt: Schulte-Bulmke,
1967.

Nygard, H. "Popular BALLAD and Medieval Ro
mance" in Folklore International: Essays in
Traditional Literature, Belief, and Custom in
Honor of Way land Debs Hand, Professor of
German and Folklore, University of California,
Los Angeles, D. K. Wilgus, ed. (Hatboro, Pa.:
Folklore Associates Inc., 1967), 161-173.
Bulfinch, T. The Age of FABLE. New York:

Harper & Row, 1966.

Gehrts, H. Das Mdrchen und das Opfer: [FAIRY
TALE] Untersuchungen sum europdlschen Bru-
dermdrchen. Bonn: Bouvier, 1967.
Richardson, R. D., Jr. "Visual Literacy: Litera
ture and the FILM." UDQ, i/2 (1966), 24-36.
Richter, B. L. "Genesis and Fortunes of the
Term 'COULEUR LOCALE': A Review Arti
cle." CLS, iii (1966), 299-308.
Flaherty, M. G. "In Defense of OPERA: A Sur
vey of German Critical Writings on Opera
from 1678-1770." Diss. (Johns Hopkins), DA,
xxviii (1967), 675A.

Markiewicz, H. "PARODIA a inne gatunki lit-
erackie: Problemy terminologiczne." DialogW,
xii/11 (1967), 68-75.

Martin, J. H. "The Problem of Parody and Three
Courtly Lovers: Aucassin, Troilus, and Calisto."
Diss. (Emory), DA, xxviii, 4136A-37A.
Bentley, J. "SATIRE and the Rhetoric of Sad
ism." CentR, xi (1967), 387-404.
O'Connor, G. W. "Historical Criticism of Satire."

SNL, vi/1, 9-12.

Williams, J. S. "Towards a Definition of Menip-
pean Satire." Diss. (Vanderbilt), DA, xxvii
(1966), 1350A-51A.

120

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Brittain, V. "Literary TESTAMENTS." EDH,

xxxiv (1966), 19-35.
Roddier, H. "De quelques voyageurs observateurs

des inoeurs: Naissance d'une forme et d'une

mode litteraires." [TRAVEL literature] N.C.

Folklore, xiii/1-2 (1965), 440-451.

V : Epochs, Currents, Periods and
Movements

Baur-Heinold, M. Theater des BAROCK: Fest-

liches B&hnenspiel im 17. und 18. Jahrhundert.

Munchen: Callwey, 1966.
Hamada, M. Od baroka ku klasicismu: Prtspevok

k vyskumu liter&rneho baroka, najma s hi

'adiska vztahv, umelej literatury a I'udovej slove-

snosti. Bratislava: VSAV, 1967.
Keil, A. Rev. art. on Albrecht SchSne, Das

Zeitalter des Barock, Herbert Singer, Der

devtsche Roman swischen Barock und Rokoko,

and Paul Hanfcamer, Deutsche Gegenreformation

und Deutsches Barock. Neophil, li (1967), 86-

91.
Szyrocki, M. "Zur Differenzierung des Barockbe-

griffs." KN, xiii (1965), 133-149.
Trueblood, A. S. "The Baroque: Premises and

Problems. A Review Article." HR, xxxv

(1967), 355-363.
Viola, I. Tre studi sulla letteratura barocca.

Torino: SEI, 1966.
Rymkiewicz, J. M. Cxym jest klasycyzm? Mani-

festy poctyckie. Warsaw: PIW, 1967. [What

is CLASSICISM? Poetic manifestos.]
Prosenc, M. Die DADAisten in Zurich. Bonn:

Bouvier, 1967.
Belozubov, L. "UEurope Savante (1718-20):

Etude et analyse." [ENLIGHTENMENT] Diss.

(U. C. L. A.), DA, xxvii (1966), 1779A.
Friedrich, H., and F. Schalk, eds. Europaische

Aufklarung: Herbert Dieckmann sum 60. Ge-

burtstag. Munchen: W. Fink, 1967.
Gay, P. The Enlightenment: An Interpretation;

The Rise of Modern Paganism. New York:

Knopf, 1966.
Turaev, S. V. "Istoriceskij urok prosvetitelej."

FAT, x/3 (1967), 97-106. [Infl. of Enlighten
ment authors on Russ. Lit.]
Nedoschiwin, G. "Das Problem des EXPRES-

SIONISMUS." KuL, xvi, 73-90.
Svennung, J. Zur Geschichte des GOTICISMUS

Stockholm: Almqvist & WikseU; Wiesbaden:

Harrassowitz, 1967.

Benamou, M., et al. "Symposium on Literary
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Clark, J. "Les notions d'originalit^, d'influence et
de cosmopolitisme chez les critiques impression-
nistes frangais" in Proceedings, 1296-1303.

Weissteiu, U. "A Bibliography of Critical Writ-
ings Concerned with Literary Impressionsism "
YCGL, xvii, 69-72.

Yuill, W. E. "Literary Pot-Holing: Some Reflec
tions on Curtius, Hocke and Marianne Thal-
mann." GL&L, xix (1966), 279-286. [MAN
NERISM]

Ita, J. M. "NEGRITUDE: Some Popular Mis
conceptions." NigM, xcvii, 116-120.

Jeanpierre, W. A. "African Negritude Black
American Soul." AT, xiv/6 (1967), 10-11.

Le Baron, B. "Negritude: A Pan-African Ideal."

Ethics, Ixxvi (1966), 267-276.
Senghor, L. S. "Negritude and Arabism." A A W,

i, 20-25.
Steijn, H.A.P. "De negritude. Een korte schets

over het ontstaan en de achtergronden van een

Afrikaanse culturele beweging." Africa, xxi

(1967), 128-131.
Brodzka, A. O kryteriach realismu w badaniach

literackich. Warsaw: PIW, 1967. [The criteria

of REALISM in lit. studies.]
Cargill, 0. "A Confusion of Major Critical

Terms." OUR, ix (196), 31-38. ["Realism,"

"Naturalism," "Idealism."]
Kolozsvari Grandpierre, E. "Utazas a valosag

kSrul." Kritika, vi/6, 10-26. [On realism.]
Levin, H. "On the Dissemination of Realism."

TriQ, xi, 163-178.
Rjurikow, B. "Realismus und Modernitat." KuL,

xvi, 659-687.
Archambault, P. "The Analogy of the 'Body* in

RENAISSANCE Political Literature." BHR,

xxix (1967), 21-53.
Artz, F. B. Renaissance Humanism 1300-1550.

Kent State U.P.
Donovan, D. G. "Literature of the Renaissance in

1966: General Works." SP, Ixiv (1967), 217-

227.

Seigel, J. E. Rhetoric and Philosophy in Renais
sance Humanism. Princeton U. P.
Stolowitsch, L. "Der Humanismus der Schonheit

und die Schonheit des Humanismus: Das Prob
lem des Schonen und das gesellschaftliche Ideal

in der Asthetik der Renaissance." KuL. xv

(1967), 227-239.
Weinberg, B. "Limitation au XVIe et au

XVIIe siecles" in Proceedings, 697-703.
Wells, W. "Literature of the Renaissance in 1965:

General." SP, Ixiii (1966), 209-219.
Behler, E. "The Origins of the ROMANTIC Lit
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Buchen, I. H. "The Modern Visionary Tradition

and Romanticism." WHR, xxi (1967), 21-29.
Buck, A. "Vorromantik und Ruckkehr zur Antike

in der europaischen Literatur des xviii. Jahr-

hunderts." Arcadia, i (1966), 5-17,
Erdman, D. V., ed. "The Romantic Movement: A

Selective and Critical Bibliography for 1966."

ELN, v/1 (1967), 1-136.
Immoos, T. "Das Chinabild der Romantik." DB,

xxxvii (1966), 49-58.
Krejci, K. "Preromantikus tendenciak a 18. e"s

19. szazadi nemzeti felujulas irodalmaban."

Helikon, xiv, 275-281. [Pre-romanticism in 18th

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Reizov, B. G. "V istokov romanticeskoj estetiki.
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308-320.

Remak, H. "A Key to West European Romanti
cism?" CollG, ii, 37-46.

Riese, T. A. "Ober den literaturgeschichtlichen
BegriflF Romantic" in Versdichtung der eng-
lischen Romantik: Interpretationen, eds. T. A.
Teut and D. Riesner (Berlin: E. Schmidt), 9-24.

Talmon, J. L. Romanticism and Revolt: Europe
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Weisstein, U. "Romanticism: Transcendentalist
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ste'?" CollG, ii, 47-69.

ANNUAL BIBLIOGRAPHY: 1968

121

Colin, R. G. "The Assault on SYMBOLISM."

CLS, v, 69-75.
Freedman, R. "Symbol as Terminus: Some Notes

on Symbolist Narrative." CLS, iv (1967), 135-

143.
Moreau, P. "De la symbolique religieuse a la

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Hoffman, F. J. "Symbolisme and Modern Poetry

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Barclay, G. O. "The Rebirth of SURREALISM:

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VI : Bible and Classical Antiquity;
Larger Geographical and Linguis
tic Units

See also: Asturias, Baggesen, Balzac, Blake, Boc
caccio, Brecht, Bredero, Bremensko, Camus,
Cervantes, Chapman, Chaucer, Chocavo, Ch'i-
tang, Claudel, Clemens, Corneille, D'Alembert,
D'Annunzio, Dante, D'Argental, De Dottoris,
Diderot, Doblin, Dryden, DuBeUay, Enckell,
Gabirol, Gaminet, Gamier, Gobineau, Goethe,
Golding, Gower, Gryphius, Hafiz, Hamann,
Heine, Holderlin, Hroswitha, Iqbal, Johnson,
Joyce, Kafka, Kantemir, Keats, La Fontaine,
Lamartine, Larbaud, Malherbe, Marana, Mar-
veil, Merime'e, Mickiewicz, Milton, Montaigne,
Montagu, O'Neill, Poe, Pope, Powys, Quevedo,
Rabelais, Racine, Ramuz, Renan, Renou, Schil
ler, Schlegel, Shakespeare, Shelley, Soseko,
Strindberg, Swift, Tagore, Thoreau, Voltaire,
Whitman, Xavier, Yeats, Zola.

Allen, D. C. and H. T. Rowell, eds. The Poetic
Tradition: Essays on Greek, Latin, and English
Poetry. Johns Hopkins Press.

Ayo, N. "A Checklist of the Principal Book-
length Studies in the Field of English and
American Literature Devoted to a Single Au
thor's Use of the Bible." BB, xxv (1966), 7-8.

Berry, D. L. "Scripture and Imaginative Litera
ture: Focus on Job." JGE, ixx (1967), 119-131.

Downing M. D. "The Influence of the Liturgy
on the English Cycle Plays." Diss. (Yale), DA,
xxvii (1967), 3424A.

Hytier, J. "The Classicism of the Classics." YFS,
No. 37 (1967), 5-17.

Kvapil, J. "Systemes de versification et les contre-
coups de la civilisation dans les langues ro-
manes" in Omagiu lui Alexandra Rosetti la 70
de ani (Bucharest: Editura Academiei Repub-
licii Socialiste Romania, 1965), 461-466.

Lessenich, R. P. Dichtungsgeschmack und althe-
braische Bibelpoesie im IB. Jahrhundert: Zur
Geschichte der englischen Literaturkritik. Koln:
Bohlau, 1967. f f _...

MacGregor, G. A Literary History of the Bible:
From the Middle Ages to the Present Day.
Nashville, Tenn.: Abingdon.

McLaren, J. C. "Identical Contexts: Greek Myth,
Modern French Drama." Renascence, xxi, 32-40.

Persaud, P. D. "French Tragedy and the Greek
Legends." Diss. (111.), DA, xxix, 906A.

Warburg, A. La rinascitd del paganesimo antico:
Contributo alia storia della cultura. Firenze:
Nuova, 1967.

Asmussen, J. P. "Classical New Persian Litera
ture in Jewish-Persian Versions." SBB, viii, 44-
53.

Behler, E. "Ideas of the 'State of Nature' and
'Natural Man* in the Arabic Tradition of the
Middle Ages and Their Entrance into Western
Thought." Arcadia, iii, 1-26.

Benediktsson, J. "Traces of Latin Prose-rhythm
in Old Norse Literature" in The Fifth Viking
Congress. Tdrshavn, July 1965, ed. B. Niclasen
(T6rshavn: Fjrfroya Landsstyri, T6rshavnar
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Billeskov Jansen, F. J. "Nordische Vergangenheit
und europaische Stromungen in der skandinavi-
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Brench, A. C. "The Novelist's Background in
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Cerna, Z., et al. "On the Paths of Asian Litera
tures to Modernity." NOB, vi (1967), 1-6, 33-
37, 65-71, 114-120.

Ciocchini, H. "Papel de las elites en el fen6meno
pan-europeo" in Proceedings, 158-168.

Deroy, G. "Presence Africaine" et christianisme
africain. Louvain, 1966.

Domingues, J. D. G. "Horaens celebres de Lisboa
na epoca arabe." ORsipo, xxx (1967), 91-106.
[Arab poets in Lisbon: Al-Coraixi, Ibne Mu-
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Duran, M., and M. Nimetz. "Spain and Spanish
America." BA, xxxxi (1967), 23-25.

El-Sebai, Y. "The Role of Afro-Asian Literature
and the National Liberation Movements." AAW,

i S-12

Ivanov, V. V. "Zametki po sravnitel'no-istoriceskoj
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Jahn, J. A History of Neo-African Literature:
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Jensen, A. E. Studier over europcsisk drama
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Johnson, W., et al. "American-Scandinavian Bibli
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Raeff. M. "Les Slaves, les Allemands et les *Lu-
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Rosenberg, J. "European Influences" in American
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Sofer J "Die Bedeutung der romanischen Litera-
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Stebleva, I. B. "Arabo-persidskaja teorija rifmy i
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122

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

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Izd. Nauka, 1966), 246-254.

Sziklay, L. "Zum Projekt einer Geschichte der
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Ward, R. J. "Europe in American Fiction: The
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Widgery, R. N. "Survey of Asian Plays Pro
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Wing, G. "Influence and Tradition: The Literary
Influence as Illustrated by Arab and African
Writers: Some Developments in African Litera
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VH : Individual Countries

See also: Dante, Shakespeare (Argentina) ; Piran
dello (Belgium); Marinetti, Pirandello, Shake
speare (Brazil); Boccaccio, Gorky, Pirandello
(Bulgaria); Mauriac (Canada); Franklin (Chile);
Apollinaire, Boccaccio, Buck, Malraux, O'Neill,
Peguy, Pound (China); Alain de Lille, Breton,
Goldoni, Heyse, Morris, Pirandello, Shakespeare,
Unamuno (Czechoslovakia) ; Carrel (Denmark) ;
Balzac, Baroja, Baudelaire, Beaumarchais, Brecht,
Cervantes, Chevrillon, Claudel, Croce, Dante, Du
Bartas, Erasmus, Farkas, George, Goldoni, G6n-
gora, Heinsius, Holderlin, Horace, Majakowsky,
Moliere, Pascal, Petrarch, Pirandello, Pound, Ra
belais, Saint-Evremond, Sartre, Seneca, Stendhal,
Teocritus, Voltaire, Williams, Zamjatin, Zola
(England); Shakespeare (Finland); Ady, Agudiez,
Albee, Beecher-Stowe Brecht, Butor, Cardan,
Carillo, Cervantes, Chaucer, Chekhov, Conrad,
Croce, D'Annunzio, Dante, Dario, Dostoievski,
Eliot, Goethe, Heine, Ibdfiez, Jacobsen, James,
Johnson, J6kai, Joyce, Junger, Kierkegaard, Lit-
inov, Marinetti, Milton, Petrarch, Pica, Piran
dello, Schiller, Schlegel, Shakespeare, Sophocles,
Storm, Strindberg, Thomson, Turgenev, Una
muno, Urueta, Verga, Whitman, Zweig (France);
Claudel, Croce, Dante, De Forest, Dostoievski,
Baldkov, Gorky, Homer, Hroswitha, Ibsen, 'Iwasz-
kiewicz, Joyce, Kasprowicz, Lamonosov, Majakow-
ski, Marmier, Montesquieu, Mrozek, Noot, Piran
dello, Pound, Pushkin, Renan, Robinson, Rousseau,
Seneca, Shakespeare, Simonov, Stendhal,
Thoreau, Tolstoy, Turgenev, Yeats, Zola (Ger
many); Pirandello (Greece); Dante, Goethe, Lope
de Vega, Shakespeare (Hungary) ; Anderson,
Frederic (Iceland); Emerson, Gorky, Poe, Rol-
laud (India); Chekhov (Ireland); Thoreau
(Israel); Apollinaire, Brantome, Chaucer, Cipariu,
Constant, Cooper, Dario, Dele"cluze, Du Bellay,
Emerson, Flaubert, Gobineau, Goethe, Goldsmith,
Gracian, Heinse, Iqbal, James, Lamartine, Law
rence, Thomas, Mann, Milton, Montaigne, Ra
belais, Renan, Shakespeare, Storm, Unamuno,
d'Urfe, Voltaire, Williams (Italy); Brecht, Dante,
Emerson, George, Goethe, Hemingway, Ibsen,
Montaigne, Pound, Storm (Japan) ; Voltaire
(Netherlands) ; Baudelaire, Dante (Peru) ; Alain
de Lille, Brecht, Calderon, Dante, Heine, Hugo,
Krleza, Opitz, Petrach, Pirandello, Sartre, de
Stael, Unamuno, Zola (Poland); Pirandello (Por
tugal); Andersen, Dante, lonesco, Shakespeare
(Rumania); Apuleius, Baudelaire, Brantome, Bu

tor, Chateaubriand, Chaucer, Clements, Croce,
Dante, France, Irving, Kipling, Lessing, Niet
zsche, Orwell, Pope, Rilke, Shakespeare, Sien-
kiewicz, de Stael, Stendhal, Ticknor (Spain);
Arosell, Chaucer (Sweden); Dante, Foscolo (Swit
zerland) ; Aleykhem, Arnold, Baudelaire, Byron,
Casas, D'Annunzio, Dante, Dodsley, Goethe,
Heyse, Ibsen, Irving, Jagic, Kinglake, Lamartine,
Manzoni, Peguy, Pirandello, Rilke, Scott, Shaw,
Svevo, Swit, Wieland (U.S.S.R.); Andersen, Bau
delaire, Casona, Cervantes, Claudel, Croce, Dante,
Duhamel, Flaubert, Garcia Lorca, Goethe, Gorky,
Hronov, Johanson, Kafka, Majakowsky, Mon
taigne, Ortega y Gasset, Pirandello, Rilke, Ruiz,
Shakespeare, Stevenson, Storm, Strindberg, Thack
eray, Turgenev, Unamuno, Vittorini, Walpole,
Wilde (U.S. A.); Gorky, Pirandello (Yugoslavia).

Gallup, D. "Le theme de la violence dans le
roman ALGERIEN d'expression francaise,
1950-1962." AfrA, i/2, 26-31, 75-77.

Chisholm, A. R. "The Changing Image of Europe
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Gilson, M. and J. Zubrzycki. The Foreign Lan
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Bourgeois, J. E. "Le nationalisme et le cosmopoli-
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Janichen, M. "Zur Spezifik der tschechisch-deut-
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Chivite, F. M. "Breve introducci6n al teatro
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Sager, J. C. "A Brazilian Poet's Approach to the
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Baruch, J. Bibliographic des traductions franyaises
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Galik, M. "On the Influence of Foreign Ideas on
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Langlois, W. G. "The Dream of the Red Cham
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Sidorov, J. "Xunvejbiny rassuzdajut o sovetskoj
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Yang, D. S. P. "Chinese Plays in English Trans
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Anon. "La Pl&ade du CONGO." Butt. Action
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VIII : Individual Authors

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De Litto, V. "Le debuts de Pirandello en France:
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Dort, B. "Pirandello et la dramaturgic fran-
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Bonfantini, M. "De Sanctis et Zola." RLMC, xix

(1966), 183-188.
Brown, D. F. "Germinal's Progeny: Changing

Views of the Strike among Latin American

Literary Descendents of Zola." Hispania, li,

424-432.
Colburn, W. E. ''Victorian Translations of Zola."

SLitI, i/2, 23-32.
Kulezycka-Saloni, J. "Emile Zola en Pologne."

CNat, xxxii (1966), 145-159.
Livansky, K. "Zola en Boheme de 1880 a 1890."

Europe, No. 468, 219-222.
Lockspeiser, E. "Zola et le Wagnerisme de son

epoque." Europe, No. 468, 324-328.
Osborne, J. "Zola, Ibsen and the Development of

the Naturalist Movement in Germany." Arcadia,

ii (1967), 196-203.
Schober, R. "L'actualite* de Zola en R.D.A."

[Republique democrat! que d'Allemagne] Europe,

No. 468, 222-231.
Sirmunskij, V. M. "Stix i perevod: Iz istorii

romanticeskoj poemy" in Russko, 423-433. [Pus-
kin, Byron and ZUKOVSKIJ.]
Dumont, R. Stefan ZWEIG et la France. Paris:

Didier, 1967.

165

NEWS AND NOTES

WILLIAM RILEY PARKER (1906-
68) found the time to serve on the Edi
torial Committee of the Yearbook ever
since it moved to Indiana University
in 1960-61. He was an unswerving sup
porter of our enterprise and always
offered advice of the highest quality.
What the editorial staff of the Year
book, both as colleagues and as indi
viduals, owes to this man, we cannot
even begin to say. We are grateful to
his longtime associate, Don Walsh, for
consenting to write the following trib
ute:

William Riley Parker was many peo
ple. One of them was a warm and
friendly human being, a cherished com
panion, a fellow of infinite jest, a lover
of puns and whimsey all this despite
a great shyness that he overcame with
such success that few of his acquaint
ances suspected its existence.

Bill was a person of enormous and
absolute integrity, as a scholar, as a
teacher, and as an administrator. What
ever he undertook, he fulfilled. Indeed,
whatever he undertook was so well car
ried out that its utility and significance
far exceeded the sometimes modest goal
that he had set for himself. So The
National Interest and Foreign Lan

guages, which he wrote in 1954 at the
request of UNESCO to serve as a work-
paper for citizens' consultations on the
importance of foreign-language study
for twentieth-century America, became
the most authoritative and widely-read
statement on this subject and the best
summation of the history of foreign-
language teaching in the United States.
His MLA Style Sheet, a booklet pre
pared in 1951 as a guide for authors
of articles to be submitted to scholarly
journals, went through twenty print
ings and nearly a million copies to be
come the standard for academic writing
in the fields of language and literature.

Though I never attended a class of
Bill's, I have heard his speeches and
read his writings so often that I know
that his dedication as a scholar, the
conviction with which he stated his
creed, his passion for excellence in
others, all would make him a rare
teacher; a token of this eminence was
his appointment in 1958 as Distinguished
Professor of English at Indiana Univer
sity.

Bill was an unusually good speaker,
and not by accident. He appreciated
the effectiveness of the dramatic pause
and he knew that an audience that is

166

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

being asked to stretch its mind should
not at the same time be asked to strain
its hearing. It was a never-ending satis
faction to his hearers that what he
enunciated so clearly was worthy of
the enunciation. He wrote as well as
he spoke. And, not surprisingly, he was
a very good listener.

Bill was a Milton scholar; his mag
num opus was a biography at which he
worked for many, many years, years
interrupted by service to the profession,
"by his devotion to foreign-language
teaching, by his directorship of the
Language Development Branch of the
United States Office of Education, a
tour of duty that forced him to com
mute weekly from Indiana to Washing
ton and, most recently, by the heavy
demands of the chairmanship of the
Indiana University English Department.
Despite all the interruptions and
counter-demands, he did finish the Mil
ton biography and it appeared in two
stout volumes of 1489 pages, of which,
with characteristic Parker thorough
ness, 823 pages were devoted to com
mentary, notes, index, and a finding list
for the 666-page Life. The volumes were
published by the Clarendon Press in
time for Bill to see them (but not to
see them reviewed in this country) be
fore he died.

Despite his eminence as a Milton
scholar, as a teacher of English, and
as the Editor of PLMA from 1948 to
1956, Bill's greatest impact on educa
tion in this century was his creation
of the Foreign Language Program in
1952, while he was Executive Secretary
of the Modern Language Association.
The program has had an incalculable
effect on members of the foreign-lan
guage profession, greatly increasing
their self-respect, bringing them greater
understanding of the nature of lan
guage, urging them to insist on longer
sequences of language learning, and to
broaden their teaching to cover the four

fundamental language skills. The Pro
gram was financed by two successive
grants from the Rockefeller Foundation
(1952-58). By the time the foundation
support ended, the National Defense
Education Act had been enacted and,
thanks to the persuasive testimony of
Bill and his associates in the Foreign
Language Program, modern foreign
languages were included (with mathe
matics and science) as areas of special
concern to the national interests of the
United States.

Even though much of the thrust of
the FL Program and of the NDEA
has been upon language learning in the
elementary and secondary schools, the
Executive Council of the Modern Lan
guage Association had so much faith
in Bill Parker and his work that it
declared that the FL Program, with or
without foundation support or govern
ment subsidy, is a permanent concern
of the ML A. And it has so remained,
to the creation in 1967 of the American
Council on the Teaching of Foreign
Languages, the first membership or
ganization in this country open to all
teachers of all foreign languages at all
educational levels.

Milton scholars, the UNESCO, the
U. S. Office of Education, the whole lan
guage-teaching profession, we all owe
so much to Bill Parker.

Donald D. Walsh

The Yearbook suffered, only a few
weeks after the death of Bill Parker,
another painful loss when Professor
JOSEPH K. YAMAGIWA (1906-68) of
the University of Michigan succumbed
to a heart seizure last winter. He had
been a member of the Advisory Com
mittee of the Yearbook since 1961. We
thank Professor Emeritus Hide Sho-
hara of the University of Michigan for
the encomium which follows:

Professor Joseph K. Yamagiwa,
scholar and educator, passed away on

NEWS AND NOTES

167

December 10, 1968. Son of Heiyemon
and Kesano Yamagiwa, he was born in
Seattle, Washington, on September 9,
1906. He was graduated from high
school in that city in 1924. He received
his A.B. degree from Bates College
(Maine) in 1928, his M.A. and Ph.D.
from the University of Michigan in
1930 and 1942 respectively. He mar
ried Hanako Hoshino in 1932 and is
survived by his wife, his daughter Mrs.
Gustavo (Rosanna) Alfaro, his grand
daughter Anna Elisa of Stanford, Cali
fornia, two brothers and a sister. From
1930 to 1937, Professor Yamagiwa
served on the staff of the Early Modern
English Dictionary project at the Uni
versity of Michigan. The discipline he
acquired through this project was mani
fest in his meticulous habits as an
author and editor in later years.

Professor Yamagiwa's accomplish
ments in the academic world are too
numerous to mention in this limited
space. In 1937 he joined the Oriental
Department of the University of Michi
gan as an instructor in Japanese, pio
neering the instruction of that language
in the University. He was bilingual in
the true sense of the word. Upon the
establishment of the Department of Far
Eastern Languages and Literatures in
1947, he was made chairman of that
Department, a post he held for the fol
lowing sixteen years. During his tenure
as chairman, the program in Chinese
and Japanese made steady progress
toward becoming a first-class depart
ment.

During World War II, when there
was an acute need for Japanese-speak
ing Americans, Joseph Yamagiwa was
appointed by the Army as Educational
Director of the U. S. Army Japanese
Language School (1943-1946) at the
University of Michigan. Only those who
worked closely with him knew how de
manding, both physically and mentally,
the work of the director was, but he

conducted the school with great aca
demic acuity and administrative skill.
In 1945, Professor Yamagiwa spent a
few months in Japan as research ana
lyst for the U. S. Strategic Bombing
Survey. The interest he generated
among the soldier-students in Japanese
studies inspired many to return to their
study of Japanese language, literature,
and related disciplines in various gradu
ate schools after the war.

Professor Yamagiwa held member
ships in many professional organiza
tions and served on major committees.
Various grants took him to Japan for
research. He was also a Fulbright lec
turer at Oxford University in 1958 and
served as a delegate to U. S.-Japanese
conferences.

His many publications won respect
in the academic world. These include,
in addition to many research articles,
Translations from Early Japanese Lit
erature (with E. 0. Reischauer, Har
vard U. P., 1951) and Okagami: A
Japanese Historical Tale (London,
1967). In recent years, noting the criti
cal need for Japanese reading materials
felt by advanced students in the humani
ties and social sciences, he organized a
team of collaborators, including Japa-
ese scholars, for producing materials
aiming at the development of rapid
reading knowledge of Japanese in vari
ous fields. This project resulted in texts
with detailed annotations. They include
Readings in Japanese Literature, 1965;
Readings in Japanese Political Science,
1965; Readings in Japanese Language
and Linguistics, 1965; Readings in Jap
anese History, 1966; and Readings in
Japanese Anthropology and Sociology,
1966.

From 1962 until his death, Professor
Yamagiwa was first the chairman and
later the coordinator of the CIC (Com
mittee on Institutional Cooperation) Far
Eastern Language Program which he in
itiated and ably directed through seven

168

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

summer institutes generously supported
by grants from the Ford Foundation
and the U. S. Office of Education. The
cooperative Institutes of the Big Eleven
Universities became the prototype of
several intensive language institutes.

His untimely death interrupted his
productive years, but the inspiration he
left with his students and colleagues
will long endure. We shall remember
Joe Yamagiwa with high esteem and
affection.

Hide Shohara

The Comparative Literature Program
of the University of Southern Cali
fornia, under the able and engaging
leadership of David H. Malone, has
sponsored a yearly Conference on Com
parative Literature since 1967. The pro
ceedings of at least some of the confer
ences will be published; the first volume

was released as the "University of
Southern California Studies in Com
parative Literature, No. 1" in 1968,
bearing the title: Medieval Epic to the
'Epic Theatre* of Brecht, Essays in
Comparative Literature. It is edited by
Rosato P. Armato and John M. Spalek
of USC, has 252 pages including an
index of names, costs $5.75, and may
be obtained from Reginald Hennessey
& Co., 8325 Campion Drive, Los An
geles, California, 90045. The second
Conference took place in June of 1968
and centered on the concept of genre.
The third conference was held in April
of 1969 under the title "The Frontiers
of Literary Criticism," featured such
stellar speakers and discussants as Don
ald Davie, Ihab Hassan, Ralph Freed-
man, Peter Demetz, Victor Lange, Egon
Schwarz, Rene Wellek, Rene Girard,
Michael Riffaterre, Edward J. Brown

REPRINTS
Volumes I (1952) to XI (1962) of the

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

containing biographical sketches of outstanding comparatists, reviews of
professional books and recent translations, annual bibliographies of Com
parative Literature, basically important articles on the scope and meth
odology of Comparative Literature in America (by Rene Wellek, Henri
Peyre, Calvin Brown, David Malone, Harry Levin, Werner Friederich, G.
L. Anderson, Horst Frenz, Haskell Block, Stith Thompson, H. Remak, et
al.), France (J. M. Carre, Charles Dedeyan, R. Escarpit, et al.), Russia
(Gleb Stnive), India (B. Bose), Japan (K. Hayashi, S. Ota), Poland, Hol
land, Rumania, etc., and descriptive listings of the various Comparative
Literature curricula in the United States.

Each volume c.180 pages, clotUbound $7.50

RUSSELL & RUSSELL, PUBLISHERS
122 East 42nd Street, New York, N.Y. 10017

NEWS AND NOTES

169

Helmut Kreuzer

Die Boheme

Beitrage zu ihrer Beschreibung

1968. XVI, 435 Seiten. Leinen DM 36.

Die Boheme 1st im 19Jahrhundert als Randgruppe der
okonomisch-industriellen Eatwickluag in Erscheinung
getreten, ist seitdem immer wieder einmal totgesagt worden,
hat sich aber bis hin zu den Beatniks und Hippies immer
wieder neu gebildet ein Komplemenurphanomen zu den
angepassten Mittelschichten in fast alien modernen
Industxiegesellschaften. Helmut Kreuzer beschreibt diese
"Subkultur von Intellektuellen" an Hand zahlreicher Texte
aus verschiedenen Zeiten, Landern und Literaturen. Nach
einer begriffsgeschichtlichen und begriffstoritischen Einlei-
tung wird zunachst die Darstellung der Boheme in der
errahlenden Literatur untersucht, danach werden die
typischen Einstellungen und Verhaltensweisen in der
Boheme entwickelt: Lebensgewohnheiten und Auftreten des
Bohemiens ebenso wie beispielsweise das Verhaltnis zur
stadtisch-industriellenZivilisation,zu biirgerlicher Arbeit und
Geldwirtschaft, zum Kunstwerk als Ware und besonders
aktuell ^zur Politik

J. B. Metelersche

Verlags-

buchhandlung

Stuttgart

Postfach 529

170

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

and Edward Wasiolek, and will appear
as volume III of the aforementioned

senes.

A new "Journal of Interdisciplinary
Criticism," Hartford Studies in Litera
ture, to be published triennially, Janu
ary, May, October, is about to be (or
has just been) born. It is destined for
"readers who want to keep abreast of
literary criticism as informed by any
other art, science, or related scholarly
discipline," with the emphasis on lit
erature and no restrictions as to period,
nationality, genre, or the extra-literary
discipline involved. Its General Editor
is Leonard P. Manheim and its associ
ate editor Melvin Goldstein, both of the
University of Hartford. Four of the
seventeen members of the editorial
committee confess to comparative lit
erature as their first love; the other
members' specialties include English,
American, and French literature, pro
fessional writing, mathematics, com
puter science, sociology, personality
evaluation, and musicology.

Annual subscription for the three is
sues (over 200 pages) will be $3.50,
with a special $2.50 introductory rate
for the first year. The first issue is
devoted to the film. The address: Hart
ford Studies in Literature, 200 Bloom-
field Avenue, West Hartford, Conn.,
06117 (for subscriptions); 302 Univer
sity Hall, University of Hartford (for
contributions) .

From the Brown Alumni Monthly, De
cember 1968, page 2:

"An anonymous donor will give the
University 2.5 million in the form of
a challenge gift to raise four academic
departments to the highest levels of
excellence in the next five years.
Labeled "Project Preeminence," the gift
will be used to develop the academic

areas of comparative literature, history,
solid state physics, and the fields of
electrical and material sciences in the
engineering division.

"The challenge aspect of the gift is
that the money will not be used for
endowed funds but will be spent princi
pally for salaries for new faculty mem
bers in the four areas selected. . . .

"In comparative literature, it is be
lieved that the program will involve all
of the modern languages and the de
partment of English utilizing the clus
ter effect of interdisciplinary study."

In the February, 1969, issue of the
same magazine, pp. 16-17, Professor
Juan Lopez-Morillas, chairman of the
Brown comparative literature depart
ment, presently in its third year of
existence, outlines plans for the use of
the grant.

Editorial planning on the ICLA's
"Comparative History of European Lit
erature" is proceeding apace. The Edi
torial Committee met again in Budapest
in the last days of October 1968. In
addition to the host country, Yugoslavia,
Czechoslovakia, France, Holland, the
United States, and Canada were repre
sented at the meeting. A progress re
port was given to the meeting of the
ICLA Bureau in Paris early in 1969.
The Sorbonne has established a research
center which is expected to produce a
volume dealing with the problems of
the transition between the Enlightenment
and Romanticism. A meeting of inter
ested parties was held in Paris in June
of 1969. Further research centers are
in the evolving stage. The Editorial
Committee is to meet again in Utrecht
in mid-November 1969. The report of
the Secretary and of the Editorial Com
mittee to the Bordeaux congress in
1970 should be able to furnish news of
substantial advances in the planning of
this major enterprise.

NEWS AND NOTES

The Interdepartmental Committee on
Comparative Literature of Texas Tech
nological College in Lubbock, Texas,
chaired by Wolodymyr T, Zyla and rep
resenting the departments of English,
Classical and Romance, and Germanic
and Slavonic Languages, sponsored its
first Comparative Literature Sympo
sium held on the Lubbock campus from
April 22 to April 24, 1968. Themes such
as Don Quixote (T. Earle Hamilton),
Russian influences on English literature
(Floyd E. Eddleman), and reciprocal
influences of German and French litera
ture (Carl Hammer, Jr.) were treated
and published as volume 1, Proceedings
of the Comparative Literature Sympo
sium (W. T. Zyla, ed.), Special Report
No. 8 of the International Center for
Arid and Semi-Arid Land Studies at
Texas Tech (1968), 70 pp. The three
sessions were attended by a total of 339

people. The second annual symposium,
on "James Joyce: His Place in World
Literature," was held on February 7 and
8, 1969, and attended by 620 participants
from eighteen institutions. The pro
ceedings of the second symposium have
just been published. The third sympo
sium, devoted to the theme "From Sur
realism to the Absurd," will be held on
January 29-30, 1970.

At the initiative of Professor Walter
A. Behrendson, the Institute of Ger
man Literature at the University of
Stockholm has issued the third in a
series of surveys focusing on the pres
ent state of research in the study of
German emigre literature. On 148
mimeographed pages, the list offers
brief descriptions of relevant collections
and reports, in some detail, on special

ASIA and the HUMANITIES

Papers by James Baird, David Y. Chen, Howard

Hibbett, Kurt F. Leidecker, Chun-Jo Liu,

Alfred Marks, Y. P. Mei, Charles Moore,

Dr. Nugroho, Saburo Ota, and others

At a special price of $2.00

Address orders to:
Comparative Literature Office

402 Ballantine Hall
Indiana University, Bloomington, Indiana

172

YEARBOOK OF COMPARATIVE AND GENERAL LITERATURE

efforts now being made by individuals
and institutions all over the world to
study and evaluate this rich and largely
untapped source of information on Ger
man literature between 1933 and 1945.
The present installment was issued in
advance of a conference which took
place in Stockholm between September
19-21, 1969.

of the "Deutsche Gesellschaft f iir Allge-
meine und Verglelchende Literaturwis-
senschaft" which will be affiliated with
the International Comparative Litera
ture Association. It is the aim of the
society to promote the study of and re
search in comparative and general litera
ture in Germany. Horst Riidiger was
elected chairman of the new organiza
tion.

The Vlth Congress of the Interna
tional Comparative Literature Associa
tion will be held at the University of
Bordeaux from August 31 to September
5, 1970. The organizing committee is
headed by Robert Escarpit. The two
principal topics of the congress are 1)
Literature and Society: Problems of
structure and communication, and 2)
Literatures of the Mediterranean
World: Inheritance and Renewal. There
will also be two symposia on literary
connections between Europe and Africa,
and between the Orient and the West.
Registration forms -and other informa
tion may be obtained from the Secre
tariate of the Vlth Congress of the
ICLA, Faculte" des Lettres, Section de
Litterature Comparee, Domaine Uni-
versitaire de Talence, 33 Talence,
France.

Comparative Literature got an early
start in nineteenth century Germany,
but has been lagging as a recognized uni
versity discipline there throughout the
twentieth century. In recent years it has
made perceptible though not spectacular
progress in several universities. The ex
cellent comparative literature journal,
Arcadia, launched in 1966 under the
editorship of Horst Riidiger (Bonn), has
strengthened it further, and now (June
1969) a further shot in the arm has
been administered to it by the foundation

The Comparative Literature Program
at the University of Illinois in Urbana-
Champaign and the Hispanic Society of
America co-sponsored a conference on
the Ibero-American Enlightenment,
which took place on the Urbana campus
May 9 and 10, 1969. It is likely that the
proceedings will be published by the
University of Illinois Press under the
title: The Ibero-American Enlighten
ment: A Collection of Essays. A "So
ciety for the Ibero-American Enlighten
ment" was organized at the meeting.
Additional information may be obtained
from the conference chairman, Profes
sor A. Owen Aldridge.

The first issue of Hasifrut, "the first
periodical in Hebrew devoted to the
scholarly study of literature," appeared
in the spring of 1968. Its editor is
Benjamin Hrushovski, Head of the De
partment of Poetics and Comparative
Literature of Tel- Aviv University,
who has announced that articles
will deal with both Hebrew and Com
parative Literature and that special at
tention will be paid to the theory of
literature, to poetics, and to the study
of translations. Extensive summaries of
each article in English appear in each
issue. There will be brief book reviews
as well as summaries and reviews of
important articles in journals of literary
criticism outside Israel.

NEWS AND NOTES 173

In spite of our appeal to the readers, Editor. We repeat our invitation for the
issued in last year's "News and Notes," 1970 Yearbook. Letters should be in our
we have not received any letters to the hands by April 15, 1970.

THE SCHOOL OF LETTERS

INDIANA UNIVERSITY
Summer Session/Fall and Spring Semesters

Courses on the graduate level in the theory and practice of

Literary Criticism

including work toward advanced degrees in
Criticism, English Literature, and Comparative Literature

SENIOR FELLOWS

John Crowe Ransom Austin Warren

Lionel Trilling Philip Rahv Allen Tate

R. W. B. Lewis Francis Fergusson

Address inquiries concerning

admission and scholarship aid to

THE SCHOOL OF LETTERS

Indiana University, 208 S. Indiana Ave.

Bloomington, Indiana

102769