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THE YOEKSHIKE 



^rx:]^9^0l0gkal antr Copcrgrapl^kd 



JOURNAL. 



PUBLISHED UNDER THE DIRECTION OF THE COUNCIL 



OF THE 



gorfusliire ^rdjsrologtcal atUr Copgra^ifiical ^iSisodation, 



VOL. XI. 



[ISSUJSD TO MEMBERS ONLY.] 



LONDON : 

PBINTED FOB THE A880CI&TIOK BT 

BBADBT7BY, AGNBW, AND 00. Limd., WHITEFRIABS, E,a 

MDCOCZCL 






LONDON: 
BRADBURY, AQNRW, & CO. LIMD., miNTERS, WHirrfRlARR. 



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PBEFACE. 



The Council have the pleasure of presenting the Eleventh 
Volume of the Journal to the Members of the Association. 
The present Volume brings the Cistercian Statutes to a 
close, and it is believed that these papers will be indispen- 
sable to those who wish to study the system of this reformed 
branch of t!io great Benedictine Order. Paver's Marriage 
Licenses are coming now within the range of most of the 
Church registers, and it is hoped that the annotations will 
increase in interest as they proceed. 

The paper on the Brasses of the Deanery of Doncaster 
is one that is worthy of imitation in other parts of the 
County. A careful reproduction of the Brasses of all 
three Ridings is much to be desired. 

The Osgoldcross notes keep up their interest, and the 
Council have in hand other Wapentakes to follow in due 
course. 



n PREFACE. 

The series of Yorkshire Battles is completed in this 
Volume, and the reader has the result of much reading 
and research placed before him in a convenient and per- 
manent form. 

The writers alone are responsible for the opinions enun- 
ciated in the various papers. 



HtnmwamsLDf 

March, 1891. 



CONTENTS. 



FACE 
V 



Preface 

Contents vii 



AXNALS OF THE HoUSE OF PeUCY . . G. T. ClAUK, F.S.A. . 1 

An Ancient Sculpture at Ckidlino 

Park Richard Holmes . 17 

Wapentake of Osqoldcross (Part IV.) . Ricuard Holmes 30 

Do. do. (PartV.) . Do. . 432 

Ancient Memorial Brasses remaining 
in the Old Deanery of Don- 
caster F. R. Pairbank, M.D., 

P.S.A. . . . 71 

Cistercian Statutes {concluded) . . Rev. J. T. Fowler, 

M.A., P.S.A. . . 95 

The Elland Feud W. Paley Baildon . 128 

The Battle of Stamford Bridge . Alex. D. H. Leadman, 

F.S.A. . . .131 

The Battles of Heathfield and 

WiNwcED Alex. D. H. Leadman, 

F.S.A. . . . 139 

St. Mary's Chapel on Wakefield 

Bridge John W. Walker, 

F.S.A. . . .144 

Memorial Brasses in Howden Church F. R. Fairbank, F.S.A. 171 

Pedes Fintum Ebor.. Tempore Bioardi 

Primi William Brown. . 174 

The Insurrection and Death of Arch- 
bishop Scroop? , and the Battle 

OP Bhamham Moor • . • • Alex. D. H. Leadman, 

F.S.A. . . . 189 



Vlll CONTENTS. 

PAGE 

Notes : — 

XXXVIT.—Bipon Minster Library . J. T. F. . . . 200 

XXXVm.— The Advowson of Eother- 

ham Church . . . Thomas Bbooke, F.S.A. 202 

Edwabd Hailstone, F.S.A 204 

Payer's Mabbiaoe Licenses (Paet 

VII.) Rev. C. B. Nokclitfe, 

M.A 209 

Nicholas Tempest, a Sufferer in the 

PlLGRIMAOE OF GrACE . . . MrS. ArTHTJR CfCIL 

Tempest . .246 

Inventory of the Goods of Sir Cotton 

Gargrave of Nostell in 1o8vS . . J. J. Cartwright, M.A , 

F.S.A. . . . 279 

The Battle of Marston Moor . . Alex. D. H. Leadman, 

F.S.A. . . .287 

The Battle of Wakefield . . . Do. . 348 

HOWDENSHIRE *. ItS EiSE AND EXTEN- 
SION Eev. W. HxrrcuiNsoN, 

M.A. . . .361 

Genealogia Antique Famills Langdalortjm . . . 372 

The Tenth Earl of Northumberland 462 

Additional Notes on the St. Cuth- 

BERT Window in York Minster . Eev. J. T. Fowler, 

M.A., F.S.A. . . 486 



INDEX 503 



Illitslralions. 



PAOK 

AvcxEXT Oboss at Cbidlino Pabk ... . • 25 

AirciEirr Bbasses at Donoaster:— 

Shibld of Swift of Hothbbbam 72 

Bbass of Swift of Bothebham, Botherhah Ghuboh 73 

„ Dabley of Bawmarsh, Bawharsh Chttroh . . 77 

Shield of Darlet, impalxng Moitntfort, Bawicarsh. . 70 

Brasses of Williaic Fitzwiluam, Esquire, aih) Wife, 

Sprotboro', 1474 81 

Brass of Garland, Todwiok Church 85 

„ Lewis of Marr and Wife, Marr Church • . 87 

„ BOBERT DE HaITFELD OF OWSTON AND WiFE, 

OwsTON Church 89 

Brass of Thomas Gascoigne, Esq., Buroh Wallts (? 1554) 93 

Plan of Battle, Stamford Bridge 135 

St. Mary's Chapel: — 

North- West View 145 

Sculpture in Central Compartment of West Front . 156 

North-East View of Chapel in1810 157 

Figure of a Knight at Howden Church, 1480 . .170 

Map of the Campaign of Marsion Moor 290 

Map of the Battle of Marstox Moor . , . to face 303 

Old Cottage at Wilstrop 310 

Pedigree of Langdalb to face 372 

„ , „ (By Glover) . . • • ) 

> to Jace 



•> f> 



of Lanthorpe 



372 



VOL. XI« 



/z/^ 



THE YOEKSHIEE 



^rrl^anbgiral antr Copograpl^kal |aurnal 



ANNALS OF THE HOUSE OF PERCY. 

By EDWARD BARRINOTON DE FONBLANQUE. 
(Privately printed, 1887.) 

The laying open of the Records of the realm to the 
public, and the increased facility of access given to local 
repositories ; the publication of the calendars of the State 
Papers, and the reports of the Record and Historic Cora- 
mission, have led to the compilation of a considerable number 
of family histories and biographies, of which those of the 
Scott, Wemys, and Fraser families by Sir William Fraser are 
excellent examples, and have been followed by the history 
of the House of Percy by Mr. de Fonblanque, who has had 
access to the collections at Alnwick and Syon, and whose 
labours are contained in two very handsome octavos, printed 
at the expense of the reigning Duke. 

How far Mr. de Fonblanque is correct in his dates and 
genealogies, in which he differs materially from Dugdale and 
the compilers of the historic peerages, we cannot take upon 
ourselves to pronounce ; but certainly the editor's work is 
on the whole conscientiously done, his views, though as is 
right, generally favourable to his subjects, are by no means 
those of an indiscriminate panegyrist, and his volumes are 
far superior to that of Cleveland on the Courtenays, to the 
House of Yvery, to that of Lord Braybroke on the 
Nevilles, or to any other English works of the same class 
which are known to the public. It is to be hoped that such 
other families as may be called historic will follow so ex- 
cellent an example, though there are none, save perhaps 
that of Neville, who can vie with the Percies in splendour 
of position, and none, save perhaps the lords of Arundel and 

YOL^ XI. ^ 



2 ANNALS OP THE HOUSE OP PERCY. 

Belvoir, who can produce material so ample, and ascending 
to so early a period as the Percies. 

It may not be that a Yorkshire journal, the exponent of 
a society formed for the revival and preservation of the 
history of our county, should pass by in silence this account 
of probably the most illustrious, and certainly one of the 
most ancient of its historic families ; for the Percies, that is 
the true, as distinguished from the Louvain-Percies, were 
essentially Yorkshire. In Yorkshire lay their most numerous 
manors ; within its bounds stood their oldest castles ; among 
its leading families were contracted their greatest alliances ; 
and Yorkshire was the scene of their earliest military 
triumphs, and of their liberal and free-handed ecclesiastical 
piety. To be a native of the first of English counties, is an 
honour her sons do well to be proud of, but to hold their 
own abreast, if not in advance of, Neville and Warren, 
Marmion, Mowbray and De Ros, is a glory accorded to but 
few, or rather to the House of Percy alone. 

It is true that the Percies of English history, of Border 
ballads, and of the immortal pages of Shakespeare, were 
identified with another county, and with Northumbrian 
rather than with Yorkshire story ; but it must not be for- 
gotten that Percy was a famous name four generations 
before their heiress became the bride of Jocelyn of Louvaine, 
and that Spofforth and Topcliffe were Percy castles when 
Warkworth, Prudhoe, and even Alnwick itself were in other 
hands, and were not as yet associated with the Percy name. 
Moreover, the title of Northumberland, now regarded as the 
exclusive heritage of the Percies, was borne by twelve earls 
before they crossed the T3'ne, and afterwards, during the 
intervals of their attainders or forfeitures, was intruded upon 
by the Nevilles, the Dudleys, and the Fitz Roys. But so 
deep was their hold upon the popular mind, that it would 
seem that upon whatsoever the Percy lion had laid his paw 
was always regarded as his exclusive spoil. 

Nor, when the acquisition of lands and castles beyond the 
Tyne forced them, as guardians of the menaced Border, to 
reside in that perilous district, did the Percies cease to have 
a strong interest in Yorkshire. Wressil, which in the fifteenth 
and sixteenth centuries became the seat of their pride and 
state, and Leckonfield, at one time second only to Wressil in 
splendour, were Yorkshire heritages ; and in comparatively 



ANNALS OP THE HOUSE OP PEROT. 3 

modem times, when the petty jealousy of a stranger to their 
blood alienated two- thirds of their estate, and left them, as 
now, without an acre of Percy land in Yorkshire, its place 
was supplied by a happy marriage, so that the Lord of Aln- 
wick is still a considerable Yorkshire landowner, and owns a 
seat in that county. 

The Percies, including under that name both the original 
stock and the not less vigorous graft of Louvaine, held a 
place among the magnates of England from their arrival 
under William the Conqueror down to their extinction, a 
little before the arrival of WiUiam the Deliverer ; and during 
that period of six centuries, they took part in nearly every 
great battle, and in every great historic transaction, from the 
Conquest to the Restoration, sharing more or less con- 
spicuously in each, and keeping touch, so to speak, with the 
history of the nation during that whole period. They were 
intensely men of action, men of battle ; they were forced by 
their rank and position to take a part, sometimes a dis- 
tinguished part, in civil aflFairs, but at most only two or three 
of their line can be regarded as statesmen. 

William of Perci, the founder of the English family, seems 
to have been a cadet of the lords of the fief of Perci, in 
Lower Normandy, whose pedigree has been loosely recorded. 
The Norman lords, generally, were not careful to record 
their pedigrees in detail, contenting themselves with the 
national descent from the companions of the great Danish 
Viking or pirate who in the ninth century ascended the 
Seine and the Loire, and founded an independent princi- 
pality upon their banks. But whatever consideration William 
may have derived from his family, he must have possessed 
the pei-sonal quahties of bravery and fidelity, since the Duke, 
no mean judge of men, established him as a landowner of 
the first class in a distant and most intensely national part 
of the Conquest. He there married a Saxon heiress, whose 
possessions, it would appear, had already been granted to him. 

The second baron married a grand-niece of the Conqueror, 
and the third a daughter of Ros of Hamlake, both children 
of great Yorkshire lords, whose portions seem to have been 
paid in land. The fourth baron married a daughter of 
Richard of Tonbridge, better known as the powerful Earl of 
Clare. This baron adopted the cause of Stephen and gained 

B 2 



4 ANNALS OP THE HOUSE OF PERCY. 

great distinction at the Battle of the Standard. Of his four 
sons and two daughters but one finally survived to inherit 
her father's lands. She was the well-known Agnes Percy 
who married Jocelyn, a cadet of the sovereign House of 
Louvaine, and half-brother to Adeliza, the widowed queen 
of Henry the First, and the Lord of Petworth. It was the 
custom, even for the sons of royal houses,' on marrying a 
great heiress to assume her name, usually that of her estate. 
So did the son of Louis the Sixth of France on marrying 
the Courtenay heiress ; so did Hamelyn Plantagenet when 
he married the heiress of Warrene, Earl of Surrey ; and so 
it would seem did Jocelyn of Louvaine, or, it may be, his son. 
They however retained for their armorial bearings the azure 
lion of Louvaine, which became, and still remains, the Percy 
blazon. Their son, the sixth baron, by marriage with a 
Bruce of Skelton, acquired the manor of Leckonfield, and left 
William, who was set aside by his active and unscrupulous 
uncle Richard, one of those who forced the great charter 
from King John, and who passed as the seventh baron. On 
his death the title reverted to the true heir, his nephew 
William, who became eighth baron, and married a Baliol. 
His son, the ninth baron, was the first of thirteen successive 
generations who bore the name of Henry, first given, it is 
said, to his grandsire at the font, by his aunt, in memory of 
King Henry the First, her husband. The ninth baron, after 
being long a member of the party opposed to Henry the 
Third, supported him against Simon de Montfort, and was 
taken with him at Lewes. By his wife, a Plantagenet (War- 
ren), he was father to the tenth baron, who had licence to 
fortify Spofforth, Leckonfield, and Petworth. He inherited 
a share of the Baliol lands, as his father had those of Bruce. 
He served in Gascony, Scotland, and Wales, was knighted 
by Edward the First before Berwick, was piesent at Dunbar, 
and when the King went to Flanders was left with Lord 
Clifford to see to the fulfilment of the conditions on which 
the Scots were to be allowed peace. In 1300 he was at the 
siege of Caerlavrock with the azure lion upon his banner. 
Nine years later he acquired by purchase the castle and 
barony of Alnwick, when he rebuilt the outer walls as they 
now stand. Under Edward the Second he took part against 
the King's unworthy favourites, but supported him against 



ANNALS OF THE HOUSE OF PERCY. 5 

external enemies, and was taken prisoner at Bannockboume ; 
shortly after which he died. 

His son and successor, the eleventh baron, accepted with 
his new position the wardenship of the Marches. He com- 
pleted his father's works at Alnwick, and garrisoned and 
held the castle, together with the Yorkshire fortresses of 
Scarborough and Pickering. He acquired and rebuilt Wark- 
worth, assisted Edward the Third while under age, and on 
his accession to power held a command at Halidon Hill, and 
was the main element in the restoration of Baliol to the 
Scottish throne. He next crossed the seas with the King ; 
was present at Vironfosse ; distinguished himself in the naval 
victory of Sluys ; and while the King was occupied at Crec3% 
held a command in the north, and with Zouch, Umphraville, 
and Neville, fought and won the battle of Neville's Cross, in 
which he was thought to have shown as much military skill 
as personal bravery ; and the quaint and high-flown verses 
of his panegyrist, quoted at length by Mr. de Fonblanque, 
reflect, not unequally, the fame and public credit which he 
thus acquired. The Border quieted and the Scottish King 
a prisoner, Percy rejoined the King at Calais, shortly after 
which he died. He was the builder of the casing of the inner 
gate of Alnwick Castle, which remains unaltered, and bears 
the armorial shields of the former lords of the castle, and of 
some of his kinsfolk and friends. By his wife, Idonea Clif- 
ford, he left a large family, of whom Henry, the twelfth 
baron, succeeded. 

This Henry was a man of small stature, but of much 
valour and virtue ; " Fortis, fidelis, et gratus/' and who 
sought not to add to the immense possessions he inherited. 
Whatever his stature, he bore arms in early boyhood, was 
present at Crecy and at the siege of Calais, and with his 
father at Neville's Cross. On his father's death he was 
trusted to negotiate the liberation of David of Scotland, took 
Berwick and Hermitage, was at the siege of Reims in 1359, 
and died at the age of 49, holding an estate rated at 128 
knights' fees. In his time his cousin Walter Percy, of Ruge- 
mont, gave the timber for the rebuilding of York Minster, a 
donation still recorded by his eflBgy and arms upon the west 
front. By his wife, a Plantagenet of the blood both of 
France and England, he was father of a fifth Henry, 
thirteenth baron and first Earl of Northumberland. 



6 ANNALS OP THE HOUSE OP PERCY. 

So far the Percy wars had been of a patriotic character, 
in defence either of the country or of its liberties, and not 
without great personal advantages to themselves. They were 
now to enter upon a period of a more dangerous and far less 
creditable character : a period of civil strife carried on for 
five generations with exceeding cruelty on both sides, greatly 
to the injury of the country, to the brutalisation of its 
manners, and often to the extinction of the families of the 
great nobles. The thirteenth baron, who finally made the 
fatal plunge into the torrent of civil war, was also a man of 
short stature, though of commanding presence. He began 
his military career at the age of 14 years at the battle of 
Poictiers, served also at Najara, supported Edward in his 
claim to the throne of France, and became with his brother 
members of the band of warriors whose deeds are recorded 
with so close a sympathy by Froissart. The earldom was 
conferred by Richard the Second, under whom the Earl held 
various offices, civil and military : ambassador of the council of 
regency ; warden of the Marches ; admiral of the northern 
seas ; a judge ; and a governor of divers fortified towns and 
castles. So far all was prosperous, though a quarrel with 
the Duke of Lancaster, his near kinsman, gave promise of 
future strife. Various expeditions into Scotland, in which the 
Earl took a leading part, were followed by reprisals, and 
finally produced the great Battle of Otterbourne, the theme 
of Border song and legend, at which the Earl was present 
with his son, Hotspur, who was there taken prisoner. In the 
latter part of his life the Earl presided at the well-known 
Scrope and Grosvenor controversy. The weakness of Richard 
the Third threw the whole kingdom into confusion, and the 
Earl, who supported him as long as support was at all pos- 
sible, was accused of having at the last betrayed him. 
However this may have been he became High Constable 
under Henry the Fourth, and his brother, the Earl of Wor- 
cester, and his son Hotspur, were the recipients of large 
grants from that Sovereign. But the victory of Homildon 
won by the Percies over the Scots led to the well-known 
quarrel between Hotspur and the King on the subject of the 
prisoners taken by the former, enhanced by the royal in- 
ability to find payment for the troops, and as a final result 
the Earl, his brother of Worcester, and Hotspur, met the 
royal forces at Shrewsbury, where the Earl and his son fell 



ANNALS OF THE HOUSE OF PERCY. 7 

in the battle, and Worcester, there taken, was soon after- 
wards beheaded. 

Hotspur, who had married a daughter of the Earl of 
March, a granddaughter of Edward the Third, left an infant 
son of 10 years old, the second Earl, who took refuge in 
Scotland, and after thirteen years there spent, was restored 
by Henry the Fifth, though too late for Agincourt, but whom 
he supported loyally until the King's death. He held the 
family office of Warden of the Marches, and was present at 
the Battle of Vernuil in 1424. He filled also various civil 
offices, and built the very singular cruciform keep at Wark- 
worth. Under Henry the Sixth the weakness of the sovereign 
permitted civil war again to break out, and the Earl, as 
was the custom of the family, being in the front of every 
conflict, fell on the field of St. Albans in 1455. His marriage 
with a Neville of llaby, daughter of Ralph, Earl of West- 
moreland, the hereditary rival of his family, did not prevent 
a serious discord between him and his brother-in-law. 

The third Earl, who succeeded at the mature age of 34 
years, was the eldest of four brothers, of whom three fell at 
Northampton, Hedgeley Moor, and Towton. He was born 
and married in the same year with Henry the Sixth and 
knighted on the same day, and the King met with the steady 
support of the whole family, of whom four died in his cause. 
The Earl marned the heiress of Lord Poynings, and through 
her claimed and enjoyed, though on very insufficient grounds, 
the baronies of Fitz Payn and Bryan. The lady also brought 
him large estates in several counties. But the nobles whose 
fathers fell at St. Albans formed a party to avenge their fate, 
and this, notwithstanding the labours of the King to compose 
the strife, led to still greater bitterness of feeling, and finally 
to the battle of Northampton in 1460, in which the Earl's 
brother, Lord Egremont, was done to death, it is said, by the 
hands of Warwick. The reaction led to the victory of Wake- 
field in 1461, to which the Earl largely contributed, but 
which was again followed by the defeat of the Lancastrians 
at Mortimer's Cross, the transient success of the other party 
at Barnet, and finally the deposition of Henry, and the death 
of the Earl at the Battle of Towton. 

The fourth Earl was fifteen yeai-s old at his father's death 
and attainder, and took refuge in Scotland. But the Percy 
name was still felt to be a power, and after twelve years of 



8 ANNALS OP THE HOUSE OP PEROT. 

exile the heir was recalled and restored by Edward IV., 
and, in consequence, the family transferred their allegiance 
to the house of York. The earl took part in the Scottish 
wars, and became Lord High Chamberlain. On Edward's 
death he supported Richard III., but failed to join him at 
Bosworth, and, under suspicious but unexplained circum- 
stances, gave in his allegiance to the Tudor sovereign. He 
held various oflBces under Henry VIL, and took a lead in 
the putting down of the rebellion of Level and Stafford, and 
in the Battle of Stoke, in 1487, against Lambert Simnell. 
He disapproved of Henry's taxation, but as he did not pass 
into opposition, he shared in the royal unpopularity, and was 
murdered by the populace in Yorkshire in 1489. By his 
wife, a daughter of the Earl of Pembroke, Black Will, he had 
the 5th Earl. 

Henry, " the Magnificent," succeeded in his twelfth year, 
and was immediately knighted. Eight years later, he com- 
manded the northern horse at the putting down of Lord 
Audley's rising at Blackheath, and figured in various court 
ceremonies, including the escorting Princess Margaret to her 
wedding with James of Scotland, which, however, did not 
prevent his being fined £10,000 for acting upon a right of 
wardship which the king also claimed. In 1513 he preceded 
Henry VIII. to France, with a retinue of unusual mag- 
nificence, and laid siege to Terouenne and Tournay, during 
which time occurred the Battle of Flodden, in which his 
brother, Sir William, commanded the right wing of Lord 
Surrey's army. But his services, position and wealth, 
inflamed the jealousy of Wolsey and his master, and by way 
of undermining his position he was sent to escort the Queen 
of Scots to England, and soon afterwards was forced to 
incur a still heavier outlay, in attending at the Field of the 
Cloth of Gold. This duty he discharged in a manner suited 
to his reputation for splendour, but he died soon afterwards 
an impoverished man. 

This was the earl whose more than royal state is set down 
in full detail in the often-quoted Northumberland household 
book, long afterwards made public. 

Henry ** the Magnificent " was succeeded by Henry " the 
Unthrifty," the sixth Earl, at 25 years old. His early youth 
had been passed in the household of Wolsey, where he became 
attached to Ann Boleyn, a courtship which offended the 



ANNALS OP THB HOUSE OP PKRCY. 9 

lascivious Heniy, and was, in consequence, put a stop to by 
the Cardinal. A wife was forced upon him by whom he had 
no children, and who proved his bitter foe. As Warden of 
the Marches he achieved some distinction, but though active 
in repressing lawlessness he was more disposed to mercy 
than was approved by the king, who also regarded him with 
suspicion as the head of the old Catholic party in the North. 
But though attached to the faith of his fathers, and looking 
down with contempt upon the new nobility, who were 
enriching themselves by the spoils of that Church which his 
fathers had endowed, he was a loyal subject, and utterly 
refused to join in the insurrection of the Pilgrimage of Grace, 
and thereby incurred great personal danger. His brother's 
attainder and execution led him, out of regard to the future 
fortunes of the family, to bequeath his estates to the king, 
and this he afterwards changed into a donation, hoping thus 
to avert their forfeiture, or at any rate to estabUsh a chance 
of their restoration under more favourable circumstances, as, 
indeed, actually happened. He survived his brother less 
than a month, dying, childless, in 1517. Another brother, 
Ingelram, whose name remains carved on the walls of the 
Beauchamp tower, died a few months later. 

The seventh Earl, the son of Sir Thomas Percy, bore his 
father's name, and thus broke the long chain of Henrys, which 
had extended over 309 years. He succeeded his uncle 
at nine years old, and was thrown, landless, upon the charity 
of his kinsfolk. His restoration to the title and estates was 
eflFected very gradually, though finally it was eflFected. He 
was knighted by Edward VL, and allowed to inherit a small 
annuity, but it was not till the accession of Mary that he was 
actively employed, and, the titles being held to be irrecover- 
ably extinct, he was created to them anew by the old names 
and in the old precedence, as the patent states, "in con- 
sideration of his noble descent, constancy, virtue, and value 
in arms," and thus at the age of thirty he entered upon the 
northern earldom, accompanied by a gift from the Queen of 
a part of his uncle's lands. Although his tastes were of a 
pacific character, he discharged with great credit the military 
duties imposed upon him by his hereditary position, taking 
the command, not only of the local forces, but of a body of 
Grerman mercenaries. But that which recommended him to 
Mary stood against him with Elizabeth, and again broke out 



10 ANNALS OP THE HOUSE OF PERCY. 

the old Tudor disposition to suspect everybody, and to inter- 
fere in everything. Sir Robert Sadler was sent down to 
undermine his authority on the Border, and was made 
governor of Berwick. This, as was no doubt intended, 
produced his resignation, and suspicion naturally produced 
discontent. When Mary of Scotland was invited to England 
the Earl, as governor of the North, claimed to have charge 
of her person, and thereby much augmented the ill-will of 
EHzabeth and her minister. This was again increased by a 
dispute with the Crown concerning minerals, and as his 
power as head of the northern Catholics was regarded as a 
source of danger, an attempt was made to secure his person 
and that of Lord Westmoreland. This in a measure forced 
the two Earls into a rebellion, which failed miserably, from 
want of generalship and of means to support a force. The 
Earls fled to Scotland, where Northumberland was at first 
received, but on the death of the Regent Murray was 
surrendered, or rather sold, to Elizabeth. He died upon the 
scaffold at York, in 1572, with great dignity. " I die," said 
he, " in the communion of the Catholic Church, and I am a 
Percy in life and in death." His countess, by birth a 
Somerset, a high-minded and heroic woman, and a most 
loving wife, long survived her husband, and lived and died 
in exile. Their only son died before his father, and the 
earldom passed to a brother, Henry, who became the eighth 
Earl. 

As Sir Henry Percy he had been in the confidence of 
Mary, and more fortunate or less inflexible than his brother, 
also of her successor, much aided, no doubt, by his desertion 
to the Protestant tenets. He took arms against his brother's 
rebellion, but risked his fortune and his life by a participation 
in a scheme for Queen Mary's liberation, from the con- 
sequences of which he was barely saved by the interest 
of Cecil, with whom he was connected by marriage. He was 
tried, pleaded guilty, and escaped with a heavy fine, and 
finally was summoned to Parliament as Earl of Northumber- 
land, and allowed pai-tial liberty. Subsequently he was again 
sent to the Tower on suspicion of treason, when he was found 
in his bed shot through the heart, whether by his own act to 
escape attainder, or by that of his gaolers, is still undeter- 
mined. His death anticipated and probably prevented an 
attainder, so that the titles and estates fell to his son, the 



ANNALS OP THE HOUSE OF PERCY. 11 

ninth Earl, then just of age. He died much enriched by the 
possessions of his wife, an heiress of Neville, Lord Latimer, 
and holding land in twelve counties. 

The ninth Earl was brought up a Protestant, and so con- 
tinued, though suspected, with very little cause, of leaning 
towards Rome. His education had been of a very high order. 
He was a great reader, an antiquary, a purchaser of pictures, 
a student in chemistry, in those days thought to be allied to the 
black art ; whence in the family roll he is styled the " Wizard 
Earl." He was also fond of horticulture, and laid the founda- 
tion of the noble grounds at Syon. He began by a close, 
and in his family unusual, attention to the condition of his 
estates and of the tenants and labourers upon them. He 
entered into public life by equipping vessels of war at his 
own charges with Drake and Lord Howard, to resist the 
Spaniards, to the great satisfaction of Elizabeth, who gave 
him the government of Tynmouth Castle and the Garter, 
and remitted 5,000 crowns of the fine unpaid by his father. 
This favour was somewhat impaired by a report that he was 
seeking Arabella Stewart for a wife. This however the 
Queen stopped by marrjnng him to a daughter of the first 
Earl of Essex, a lady who proved at first a very vixen, 
though in adversity she showed great if not judicious affec- 
tion. Meantime the Earl's brothers were distinguishing 
themselves in Ireland, and he himself took service in the 
Netherlands with Raleigh and Sidney, under Sir Francis 
Vere, with whom he quarrelled, as with several other officers, 
he being somewhat overbearing and usually in the wrong. 
The Queen's failing health naturally led those about her 
court to consider the question of her successor, and both the 
Earl and Cecil opened separate negotiations with James, the 
miserable condition of the Border leading the Earl strongly 
to desire the union of the two kingdoms. 

On James's entrance into London the Earl rode on his 
right hand, and soon after received from him the remainder of 
his father's lands held by the Crown, and afterwards a grant 
of Syon house, which he had held on lease only. The Earl's 
many Catholic kinsmen, the Powder Plot, and the participa- 
tion in it of his distant kinsman and dependent, Thomas 
Percy, and the Earl's unconcealed arrogance towards the 
hungry Scotch courtiers who surrounded the King, produced 
a very bad eflFect upon James's mind. The Earl was charged 



12 ANNALS OF THE HOUSE OP PERCY. 

with complicity in the Powder Plot and arrested. The 
raain charge utterly broke down, but his support of Thomas 
Percy went against him, and he was committed to the Tower, 
and fined in the monstrous sum of £30,000. The Earl's 
finances were in a very crippled state, and for some time he 
showed no great disposition to raise the money, and though 
he was really anxious to get the fine reduced and to pay it, 
he would not condescend to importune James to set him 
free. He remained in the Tower for 15 years, during 
which time he lived in considerable state, employing himself 
largely in chemical pursuits, in the education of his son, and 
in the company of Raleigh, Harriot the mathematician, 
Hues and Warner, called his three Magi, and others eminent 
in science and literature. 

His liberation, when it came, was saddled with unworthy 
conditions. He was confined to Petworth and not allowed 
to visit the North. On James's death he took his seat in 
Parliament among the Opposition, refusing a subsidy, and 
declining to join in a voluntary loan. He died soon after- 
wards, in 1632, aged 70. 

Algernon, the 10th Earl, his son, succeeded at 30 years 
of age. His education had been conducted by his father 
with extreme care, and under the teaching of the best in- 
structors of the time. He was a proficient in graceful and 
athletic accomplishments, in modern languages and literature, 
and had a taste for the fine arts. He was also a member of 
St. John's College, Cambridge. His general turn of mind 
was independent and original. He thought much for him- 
self, and the family pride, of which he inherited a large 
share, indisposed him to associate with the mushroom nobles 
of the Court. On the accession of Charles he was sum- 
moned to Parliament with the old precedency, and became 
Master of the Horse ; but after a very short experience of 
Court life he returned to the party of Opposition. The 
death of Buckingham brought him more into contact with 
Charles, to whom he became personally attached, and from 
whom he accepted the garter, and his investiture was con- 
ducted with a pomp worthy of the magnificent Earl. His 
administrative abilities were considerable, and on his ap- 
pointment as Admiral and Captain-General of the Fleet and 
Forces, he set to work in earnest to bring both services into 
an eflScient condition. The navy especially was the seat of 



ANNALS OP THE HOUSE OF PERCY. 13 

every kind of peculation and dishonesty, and was utterly 
unable to hold the narrow seas against Holland, France, and 
Spain, powers with whom the country was at peace, but 
whose privateers, combined with those of Turkey and the 
Mediterranean States, preyed heavily upon our commerce, 
and even threatened our maritime towns. His proceedings 
stirred up a host of enemies on all sides, rendering reform 
impracticable, especially when feebly supported or even 
thwarted by the Sovereign. The Admiral himself put to 
sea to check the encroachments of the Dutch fishermen, but 
his active measures were counter-ordered, and Charles was 
too timid to support him. Notwithstanding this opposition, 
his personal character was such that the King selected him 
to command the army about to be dispatched against the 
Scotch. He at once stopped the sale of commissions and 
refused to appoint improper officers from interest alone. He 
drew up a new and strict military code enforcing discipline, 
regulating the supply of provisions, and the disposition of 
the ordnance, and impressing upon the soldiers the duty of 
obedience to the laws of God and man. But though thus 
acting he was himself much opposed to the prosecution of a 
war for which the Parliament had refused to grant supplies. 
As it turned out, a very dangerous illness prevented him 
from taking the command. Even when employed in re- 
modelling the army he was known to have disapproved of 
the violent councils of StraflFord and Laud, but when his 
brother, a strong royalist, was impeached by the Commons, 
he aided his escape to France, and for so doing was much 
blamed by the Parliament. The King also distrusted him 
and accepted his resignation of the command of the fleet. 

When the King declared for open war the Earl sided with 
the Parliament, that is with the moderate or Presbyterian 
party as opposed to the King on the one hand and the 
Independents on the other. The King's younger children 
were committed to his charge at Syon, where they were 
visited by His Majesty, and he took an active part in the 
attempt at a compromise at Oxford, but only to meet with 
the disapproval that just and moderate counsels usually 
encounter when opposed to party strife. On the ascendancy 
of Cromwell and the trial and execution of the King, he 
retired into private life, and occupied himself with architec- 
ture and horticulture, his library, his gallery of pictures, the 



14 ANNALS OF THE HOUSE OP PERCY. 

breeding of horses, and other rural pursuits, but, as with his 
father and his grandfather, his most important occupation 
was the education of his son, in which he received the ap- 
proval and assistance of his friends Evelyn and Temple. 
With his second wife, a daughter of the Earl of Suffolk, he 
obtained, by purchase, Howard House, better known as 
Northumberland House, at Charing Cross. This he em- 
ployed Inigo Jones to rebuild. It long remained the most 
princely private residence in London, and was taken in our 
time by an enforced purchase, and very much indeed against 
the wishes of its owner. 

The Earl supported the Restoration, but strove hard, but 
in vain, to obtain some sufficient security for both private and 
public liberty, and some promise of a general indemnity. 
He acted as High Constable at the Coronation, but con- 
tinued strongly to advocate oblivion for past oflFences, and 
voted against the disinterment of the bodies of the regicides, 
and for the impeachment of Clarendon. In his time Wressil 
was dismantled and reduced to its present state of ruin by the 
Parliament. Alnwick and Warkworth being in a ruinous 
condition were regarded as of no military importance. The 
Earl died at the age of 66, in 1668. Clarendon, who bears 
an unwilling testimony to his merits, calls him " the proudest 
man alive." It was a family attribute, but it was pride of a 
high and ennobling character. Clarendon also admits that he 
was *' a very great man, and had the reputation of a very 
able and wise one." "Parliament," wrote the Earl, in words 
which have been justly quoted for their weight, " is arrayed 
" against the King because of the peril of losing that liberty 
" which free-born subjects should enjoy, and which the laws of 
" the land do allow ; and because those persons who are most 
" powerful with the King do endeavour to bring Parliament 
" to such a condition that they shall only be made instru- 
" ments to execute the commands of the King,'' a sentence 
which explains and more than justifies his conduct through- 
out his life. 

Jocelyn, the eleventh Earl, and la.st male of his race, suc- 
ceeded in his 25th year, and in the opinion of Evelyn and 
Temple had well profited by the education he had received 
from his father. The respect with which men of all parties 
regarded that father seems to have been transferred to the 
son. He married early and happily, but his health was bad^ 



ANNALS OP THE HOUSE OP PERCY. 15 

and of his children the only son and one daughter died in 
infancy. He had scarcely held the earldom a year before 
he left England for his health, with Locke for his friend and 
physician, and his young wife for his companion ; but he 
only reached Turin to die, leaving but one child, a daughter, 
to represent the name of Percy. 

The subsequent marriage of his widow threw the guardian- 
ship of the child into the hands of the Earl's mother, a very 
worldly-minded old lady, who seems to have employed the 
wardship of the great heiress for selfish purposes and in a 
most unscrupulous manner. . While much under a marriage- 
able age she was contracted to a son of Cavendish, Duke of 
Newcastle, and on his early death to Thomas Thynne who, 
according to the well-known epitaph, failed to " lay with the 
woman he married withall," and was assassinated while the 
marriage was still a contract only. The heiress, thus buffeted 
by an adverse, but not altogether an unfortunate, fate, finally 
married Charles, Duke of Somerset, known as the proud 
duke, although of a family far inferior to that of Percy. 
From a petty jealousy of his son he alienated the whole of 
the Yorkshire, Sussex, and Westmoreland estates in favour 
of a daughter who had married Sir Edward Wyndham, 
whose descendants, now extinct, bore the Percy title of 
Egremont. A son, who just lived to inherit the Somerset 
dukedom, and to whom was given, by new creation, the title 
of Earl of Northumberland, had a son and a daughter who, 
during her brother's lifetime, married Sir Hugh Smithson, a 
Yorkshire baronet. 

The son died in youth, so that the daughter, Elizabeth 
Seymour, became the Seymour-Percy heiress, and, by special 
limitation, upon her husband devolved the title of North- 
umberland. Though so great an heiress in blood, she in- 
herited only the wreck of the Percy estates, in fact only the 
Northumbrian land, and two expensive palaces at Syon and 
in London. Fortunately Sir Hugh was no common man. 
Handsome in person, accomplished, of popular manners, 
he was also a good man of business, acquainted with agri- 
culture and rural affairs, and with a strong will which he 
directed to the re-establishment of the Percy name and 
dignity, as represented by his wife and himself. 

He raised the estates from £9,000 to £50,000 per annum ; 
rebuilt the keep of Alnwick ; made Syon House what it now 



16 ANNALS OP THE HOUSE OP PERCY. 

is ; planted the Northumbrian domain ; drained and fenced ; 
rebuilt cottages and farm-houses ; and in short made the 
condition of the tenantry and the income of the estate to 
correspond with his pretensions and those of his wife. 

In public he was also eminently successful. He became a 
great personage in the state, was Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, 
and attained to the rare honour of a Dukedom and of the 
garter. To him and to his Duchess is due the re-establish- 
ment of Alnwick as the ducal seat, and the placing their 
descendants in a position in no respects inferior to that held 
by the proudest Percy of them all. 



AN ANCIENT SCULPTURE AT CRIDLING PARK. 

By RICHARD HOLMES. 

Before the coming of the Normans into England there 
were in Osgoldcross three manors known by the name of 
Stubbs, as being, when the name was given, but recently 
cleared of trees. In the time of King Edward the Confessor 
they were held respectively by Elsi, Archil and Edward. 
But when the great Survey was made, twenty years after- 
wards, although not adjacent, they had been combined into 
one, in the hands of Robert de Ramosville ; though, as their 
topographical relations to each other by no means favoured 
a permanent union, the three soon again separated, and their 
interests, both civil and ecclesiastical, diverged once more to 
a considerable extent. 

The three were named respectively Cridling (that is, Limy 
or Chalky) Stubbs, Walden (or Woody) Stubbs (giving 
subsequent name to a family of Waldings), and Stubbs juxta 
HensalL The last has now disappeared entirely, probably 
absorbed into Hensall or Whitley, as West Chepe was into 
Pontefract,* but Stubbs Walden or Walden Stubbs, for it is 
thus indifferently called, and Cridling Stubbs remain as 
townships to the present day. 

Cridling Stubbs was further divided into Cridling Stubbs 
Manor, of which the manor-house was demolished within 
living memory, and Cridling Park, which has been laid out 
in a series of concentric plots with the Park House, now the 
Far Farm House, as a centre. It is still, however, in part 
bounded by its own Pale Bank, a combined bank, shrubbery 
and ditch, which last is to some extent utilised as a drain for 
the Enottingley township. And the Park itself is yet 
further divided into two long farms, the Far Farm, tenanted 

1 See Yorkshire Archseological Journal, I. 169. 

VOL. XL 



18 AN ANCIENT SCULPTURE AT CRIDLING PARK. 

for the last forty-four years by Mr. William Wilton, and the 
Near (sometimes miscalled the New) Farm, by Mr. MoUett. 

As each of these Stubbses happened to be in the neigh- 
bourhood of a Pre-Norman Church, while neither of them 
had a church within its own bounds when, in the latter half 
of the twelfth century, the parish system was organised and 
the townships which had no churches were combined into 
parishes with those which had, Cridling Park was allotted to 
Darrington ; while Cridling Stubbs and Walden Stubbs 
(separated from each other by the central manor of 
Womersley) were, with Little Smeaton, constituted into the 
parish of Womersley, and Stubbs juxta Hensall became part 
either of the parish of Kellington or of Snaith. Hence arose 
the anomaly that while Cridling Park and Cridling Stubbs 
form one township, they belong to different parishes. 
Civilly they remain one ; ecclesiastically they belong to two 
different units of Church life. 

Cridling Stubbs as a whole (that is, including the Manor 
which retained that name, and what was afterwards the 
Park), reverted very early — at least as early as 1160 — to 
the lords of the fee ; who soon granted out the larger and 
southern portion under the name of the whole, but they 
retained in demesne a compact plot to the north, and did 
not even alienate any of it in monastic gifts. I say "they/' 
but I have little doubt that all this happened in the time of 
Henry de Lacy, 1147-1187; and that his charters to the 
Pontefract monks, granting them a tithe of his huntings 
" both of flesh and of skins,'' are connected with the formation 
of this Park, and the larger one at Pontefract. 

Though each of these Parks had its own Park-keeper with 
his official residence on what might be called the estate, but 
little can be now ascertained of their then condition ; for the 
de Lacies of the 13th century, especially after they had 
obtained the restoration of that third of their possessions 
which had been for three generations alienated, and in the 
hands of three successive Guys de Laval, were able to make 
themselves so nearly independent of the Crown that they 
completely baffled the enquiries of Kirby's Quest, and in the 
case of both Pontefract and Cridling imparked with entire 
independence. 

The first Park-keeper of Pontefract Park whom I can 
trace was Hugh Parcarius, who, about 1220, marrying an 



AN ANCIENT SCULPTURE AT CRIDLING PARK. 19 

heiress at Featherstone, settled there. He was followed, 
perhaps after an interval, by John le Parker, who, towards 
the close of the century, emulated his example, and through 
his wife became possessed of what was afterwards known as 
Huntwick Grange.^ At Cridling Park the earliest Park- 
keeper I can at present name is one Hamerton,^ probably of 
the family at Purston Hall. And it is not till 22 Hen. VI. 
(1442), that the history becomes clear. 

Cridling Park, as one of the ancient possessions of the 
Duchy of Lancaster, had come to the Crown when Henry IV. 
became King ; and it was then the custom to grant it out 
to one of the neighbouring gentry for the life of the grantee^ 
under the title of ** The Park-keeper of Cridling Park.'' In 
the year I have named, 1442, the office was granted by 
letters patent to Henry Vavasour of Hazlewood, and his 
heirs male. His family had, perhaps, some hereditary claim, 
for in 5 Ed. III. (1331) his ancestor and namesake had 
received free warren in Fryston, Stubbs and Cocksford 
(Hazlewood, on the river Cock). But on the accession of 
Edward IV., in 1461, the grant of 1442 was resumed by 
authority of Parliament, the patent of Henry VI. being at 
the same time revoked. It was afterwards renewed in 
14 Henry VIII. (1522) to John Vavasour of Hazlewood, 
a great grandson of the grantee of Henry VI.'s time, and 
the possessions remained in that family for some genera- 
tions, being apparently used as a dower house to Hazlewood, 
or as a residence for a younger branch of the family. 

About the middle of the sixteenth century Cridling Park 
was temporarily possessed, as tenant only, by Wm. Scargill 
of Darrington, who dying at Cridling Park in 1564 (his will, 
made 27 April, and proved 5 Oct. in that year, describes 
him as **of the manor of Cridling Park''), his widow Anna 
continued to hold the property, and married Gabriel Anne 
of the Burghwallis tamily. The second husband also died 
there in 1587-8, and in 1592 the widow, according to her 
testamentary directions, was laid by his side in her parish 
church of Darrington. She must, however, have possessed 
Cridling Park by her right from her first husband, for it does 
not appear that she had any hereditary claim. She was 
the daughter of Ralph Anger or Angier of Reedness and 

^ See Notes on Osgoldoross in the our- ' See also ante, toL x«, p. 872. 
not Part. 

2 



20 AN ANCIENT SCULPTUBE AT CRIDLING PARK. 

Barwick-in-Elmet, whose will, dated 1529, was proved in 
1531, and no mention of Cridling Park is therein made. 

There would have been a change in the house when the 
childless woman — cliildless by both husbands — was followed 
in possession of Cridling Park by a branch of the Vavasours, 
as when that family again held the property they filled the 
old house 

" Full of love, aud the ruddy faces of children." 

Wm. Vavasour had at least five between 1594 and 1601, as 
we have learnt from the Registers still existing. For it is note- 
worthy that though the Vavasours, as did the contemporary 
Holgates, of Stapleton Park, in the same parish, continued, 
through all the ritual changes of the Reformation, to adhere 
to the Roman obedience, they each remained at peace with 
their neighbours and their vicar, and always baptised and 
buried at their parish church. 

Though Scargills, Annes and Vavasours were thus tenants 
or grantees during the latter half of the sixteenth century, 
the Crown had some rights, apparently of ownership ; for 
during the time of the currency of the Vavasour grant, 
I find that in 1557, in the reign of Queen Mary, CridHng 
Lowe Wood is especially named in an order by Queen Mary 
to repair Pontefract Castle, as a place from which wood 
might be obtained for the purpose ; while even so long after- 
wards as in 1633, Francis Oglethorpe, the "Porter" of 
Pontefract Castle, in the course of a sort of "Ways and 
Means " correspondence, is enquiring if it is decided to " pass 
Cridland Park away," which shows that the property still be- 
longed to the Crown as owners, and that it had not then been 
"passed away.'" It was soon after this time that Sidney 
Sussex College (the present owners) acquired it, the purchase 
money being cash left to the college for the purpose of such 
an investment. 

At what time Cridling Park was divided into two farms is 
not clear. The Far Park Farm, and the New or Near Park 
Farm, are each known by the name of Cridling Park ; 
but the former seems to have been the more ancient resi- 
dence. The names of the two are evidently derived from 
their position with respect to the CridHng Park Road, 
or Cridling Park Gate, the road from the lower part of 
Knottingley, and, therefore, from the old ecclesiastical parish 



AN ANCIENT SCULPTURE AT CRIDLTNG PARK. 21 

of Pontefract. This, as I have said, is still separated from 
the Near Park Farm, only by the ancient Pale Bank, which 
doubtless encircled the Park completely when the name of 
Park had a real meaning, and the Park-keeper was more 
than a name. But after the time of the Vavasours it 
becomes difficult to distinguish the tenants of the two 
properties, though it could doubtless be done if access were 
to be obtained to the records of Sidney Sussex College. 

From the Darrington Registers it appears that between 
1614 and 1616 Cridhng Park was held by George Fen wick, 
while in the latter year the name occurs of both Richard 
Bargh and John Smy the, each being described as of Cridling 
Park ; and later in the century there were living there con- 
currently a family of Warde and families of Booth and 
Savile. And, as is evident, the Sidney Sussex influence — 
for that college was primarily intended for the education of 
members of the Puritan party — had then entirely over- 
powered the old Roman Catholic partizanship. Wardes, 
Booths and Saviles were all of good county families, and 
each had a Knottingley interest, while, singularly enough, 
each of the last named ended with the burial of its head 
at St. Botolph's, Knottingley (an indication again that St. 
Botolph's, rather than Darrington, was then favoured by the 
Puritan school). There is no trace of any Booth memorial 
there (George Booth, of Cridling Park, died in 1680), but 
a tablet containing the following inscription to the memory 
of Wm. Savile, who died ten years afterwards, still remains 
in the chancel of the ancient chapel of St. Botolph's, where 
it was placed two hundred years ago : — 

GuLiELMUS Savile 

armiger 

De Criddleing Park in Comit Eboru' 

ultimus familise de Copley Savilonim 

tamen pri'us. 
Obiit 3*^ Sepultus 4« Septembris 1691 
annonim 51. 
Perplurimis lugentibus 
Corpus terra suscepit anima Christo reddita est. 

Ora et abi. 

Greorge Booth, son of John Booth, of Pontefract, and 
Wm. Savile had married two sisters, daughters of Sir Arthur 
Ingram, of Knottingley. 



22 AN ANCIENT SCULPTURE AT CRIDLINO PARK. 

After this time the tenancy passed from families belonging 
to the rank of gentry ; and the Vavasours, the Scargills, the 
Annes, the Wardes, the Booths and the Saviles were suc- 
ceeded by yeoman families, among whom Robert Ellin and 
his son William held the Far Park Farm for some sixty 
years. The family had been long established at Hensall, 
Smeaton and Womersley ; and Robert Ellin, who died at 
Cridling Park on 3rd November, 1745, was buried with his 
ancestors at Womersley, where his son William, who suc- 
ceeded him, placed a tablet to his memory. He died in 
1778, his younger brother Robert (born 1715) having been 
an innholder at York, and Chamberlain of that city. He 
died there in 1784, and a monumental inscription at Acomb 
records the death of his widow in 1817, their daughter 
Isabella, widow of Thomas Plintoft, of Durham, in 1818, 
their son Richard in 1826, their daughter Ann in 1831, and 
their son George in 1834 ; his life and that of his father 
having thus covered nearly 1 20 years. 

While two generations of Ellins thus held the Far Park, 
the Near Park was similarly held by two generations of 
Shackletons. Richard Shackleton, the contemporary of 
Robert Ellin, died two years after him, on 30th October, 
1747 ; William Shackleton, the compeer of William Ellin, 
dying 26th November, 1775, three years before his neigh- 
bour at the Far Park. 

The Ellins had friends and relations towards Smeaton, 
while the Shackletons retained a considerable Knottingley 
connection, and one Goodall, of Knottingley, became the 
executor of William Shackleton, erecting at Darrington a 
memorial to his deceased friend, which for bathos has seldom 
been equalled. It is still to be seen very near the Priests* 
door in the Darrington churchyard. 

lie reposited the remains of 
William Shacklbton of Cridling 

Park who departed this life 

the 26^ day of November 1775 

Aged 76 Years. 

After a long Life spent in rural Cares 
Amongst his Flocks & pastoral Affairs 
The grand Sweeper Death seized on his gray Hairs. 



AN ANCIENT SCULPTURE AT CRIDUNG PARK. 23 

His Farm at Cridling Park was his Delight 
Toiling all Day he sweetly slept at Night. 

Noise & Hurry of Towns he did not love 
But retired chose to supplicate Great Jove. 

His Bams with Com his House with Plenty stow'd 
The kind Blessings which God on him bestowed. 

Yet Mortals being subject to decay, 
When his Creator caird he did obey. 

Cti0 Sbtont 

Erected by Joseph Goodall. 

This glimpse at the history of Cridling Park is preliminary 
to a few remarks upon a very singular sculptured stone that 
is embedded in the inner face of the wall which encloses the 
garden in front of the Far Park House, and separates it 
from the approach-road. 

I say singular ; had I said unique, I should have been 
using no figure of speech, for the stone contains a low-relief 
sculpture of the Crucifixion, which can be little less, if 
not rather more, than seven hundred years old, and which 
possesses, several features of great interest, which I do not 
remember that it holds in common with any other example 
that has ever come under my observation. 

This stone, which, as I have said, is now in the garden- 
wall, though that has evidently not been its original position, 
is 16^ inches long by 12^ broad. It is of good limestone, 
and being now somewhat weatherworn, a glaze has formed 
upon its surface, which helps to continue it in a remarkable 
state of preservation. The cross is 11 inches long, of 
which the figure of the Saviour occupies 9^ inches, and 
the transverse beam to which the outstretched hands are 
fixed is of 7 inches, slightly expanding towards the ex- 
tremities, so as to form an elementary cross pat^e, the 
terminations of which are parallel straight lines. The 
body of the Cross and of the transverse beam is 1^ inches 
broad, of which the figure occupies 1^ inches at the 
broadest. 

But a remarkable feature of this sculpture is that in 
addition to the ordinary transverse beam on which the 
arms are extended, the sculptor has added a second of 
exactly the same character, also slightly expanded towards 



24 AN ANCIENT SCULPTURE AT CRIDLINQ PABK. 

the extremities, but 11 inches long. This addition is one 
of several peculiarities which make the design perfectly 
unique so far as my experience goes. 

The upper transverse beam has for its apparent use to 
receive the outstretched arms of the Saviour ; but His 
body does not appear to be fixed at all to the lower beam, 
whose only possible purpose seems to have been to give the 
semblance of support to, and to raise, the figure ; except, 
indeed, that there may have been some intention to repre- 
sent the attachment to it of a tunic which enfolds the 
centre of the body from the hips to the middle of the 
thighs. But if such were the case all evidence of that 
purpose has now disappeared, and there is no present sign 
of nail, or of extended tunic to receive one. Above the 
whole is a bold semi-circular hood-moulding of some depth, 
the sine of which is 3^ inches. 

Without the second beam, the Cross would have been a 
well-proportioned Latin Cross; without the second beam 
and all below it, we should have had a Greek Cross ; while 
without the additional four inches, two inches at each ex- 
tremity of the lower beam, that is reducing its 11 inches 
to 7, the size of the upper limb, the whole would form a 
double Cross similar to that of the Order of the Holy 
Sepulchre, of good proportion, and of an exceedingly grace- 
ful character. 

With regard to the representation of the Saviour, the 
arms are outstretched, though with a slight droop ; the legs 
are straight and with the feet separated, (not crossed, as 
is the case in modern representations) ; and there is no 
apparent support for them, the body being attached to the 
Cross by four nails in all (as was usual until about 1250), 
and not by three, as since that date and now. 

As the features of the face are much injured, their ex- 
pression cannot be discerned ; but the angle between the 
head and the right shoulder appeai*s larger than that on the 
opposite side, as if the head had been slightly bent towards 
the left ; the right arm appears to be stretched somewhat 
less rigidly than the other ; and each hand appears to be 
at rather a high level. The upper part of the head has, 
however, so utterly perished, apparently through some com- 
paratively recent injury, that it is now, we fear, impossible 
to say whether it was crowned, or indeed whether there 



AN ANCTRNT SCULPTaRE AT CRIDLING PARK. 27 

was any inscription ; while in the whole design there is not 
the slightest appearance of symbolism, other than that we 
have indicated in the drooping position of the head towards 
the right shoulder. 

Not only, however, is there a positive absence of sym- 
bolism, but one peculiar opportunity for illustrating the 
history by its use, has been entirely neglected. There are, 
of course, six spaces between the figure and the two beams, 
three on each side ; that is, two above the upper beam, two 
below the lower beam, and two between the two beams; 
and had there been a wish to introduce any other symbolism 
than that which the sculptor has adopted, a simple addition 
at tha head, at the foot, or in both positions, might have 
enabled the artist to increase this number to seven or eight, 
and thus have permitted the introduction of a symbol of the 
seven wounds, for instance, or of the seven instruments of 
the Passion. This would very possibly have been done had 
the sculpture been of a later date ; but in the case before 
us there was no attempt at even so obvious a piece of 
symbolism, and the great reality of the representation was 
not interfered with by the introduction of such an accessory. 
Each of the six spaces seems to have been occupied by a 
simple ball-flower with four petals, so that the possibility of 
even a symboUcal reference to the Trinity was again care- 
fully overlooked by the sculptor. 

But singularly enough, only the ornament above the right 
arm of the figure is in such good condition as to be recog- 
nisable. Of that particular example, however, there can be 
no doubt ; which being ascertained it can be seen that the 
corresponding one on the other side is of the same design, 
though not quite so perfectly preserved, or even preserved 
so well as to have obtained identification, if considered alone. 
The other four are abraded into mere bosses, all traces of 
sculpture having entirely disappeared. 

As I have implied, I feel warranted in considering this 
unique sculpture as of the date 1180 — 1220 ; or about the 
reign of King Richard I. Had it been earlier, there would 
have been no ball-flower; had it been much later there 
would have been only one nail at the foot of the Cross ; 
while both the predominance of the Greek form in the Cross 
and its similarity to that borne by some of the late twelfth 



28 AN ANCIBNT SCULPTURE AT CRIDUNG PARK. 

century Crusaders, point to the probability of the Crusade 
origin of the design. 

It is difficult to account for the presence of this stone at 
Cridling Park, where I do not think there has ever been a 
religious establishment, and certainly not at the date repre- 
sented by this sculpture, the end of tlie twelfth and beginning 
of the thirteenth century. But it may represent the time at 
which the property was imparked, and the house originally built. 

There was at one time a Chapel at Cobcroft in the New- 
roarch fee, about two hundred yards from the boundary of 
Cridling Park, and it has been suggested that this Sculpture 
might have been brought from thence. I do not, however, 
think such to have been likely, for the buildings were in 
different townships and in different fees ; while as Cobcroft 
early came into the possession of the Pontefract Priory, which 
owned it from before 1240 till the Dissolution (when the 
religious use of the building had been discontinued, though for 
how long I find it impossible to say), the sculpture would 
hardly have passed from the ownership of the monks into 
lay hands and those connected with another lordship. 

There is no record of the foundation of St. Nicholas, Cob- 
croft, but it was an ordinary quadrilateral building of a 
common thirteenth century type, its plan being that of a 
simple parallelogram, with neither chancel, nor aisles, nor 
tower. It is now used as a stable ; or rather two stables 
have been built on the line of its foundations, as was the 
case with St. Ellen's Chapel, Pontefract, where also the long 
building was divided into two, each almost square. 

The only record of an institution to St. Nicholas, Cobcroft, 
that I have been able to discover is that of Fr. Stephen,* who 
was instituted by Abp. Walter Gray, on 5 Ides Nov. 1230, 
on the nomination of Adam de Newmarch. And every 
indication points to the probability that he was the same as 
"Stephen the prior" who made a quit-claim with Tiricus 
Alemannus, the master of Foulsnape ^ in 1235. If so he was 
an active energetic man who in his time did much to advance 
the position of his House, to further the interests and influence 
of the institution of which he was the Head. 

But whether or not be was the incumbent instituted to 

^ See Yorkshire ArchseologicalJourual, ^ See TorkshireArdiSBological Journal, 

X., 870. X., 650. 



AN ANCIENT SCULPTURE AT CRIDLING PARK. 29 

St. Nicholas Cobcroft by Abp. Gray, it is certain that he 
was the recipient of the donation by Adam de Newmarch of 
the Chapel to the Priory. This donation was witnessed, 
among others, by Richard Foliot and Peter de Santon ; and 
the three names occur elsewhere together in a deed concerning 
an exchange of the West Mill of Norton for 27s. 6d. rent, 
when Peter de Santon was styled Seneschal, and William 
de Vavasour is called Constable of the Castle. 

As these two deeds are thus mutually illustrative, I append 
copies of the abridgments which are given in the Lansdowne 
MS. 207a, fo. 646-7. 

Cabta CCCCLXXXI. 

Escambium inter Priorem et Conuentum de Pontefr*, cum Ricardo 
Foliot de West molendino de Norton pro viginti et septem solidis et sex 
denariis aunualis redditus quos diet us d'us Ric'us FoUot percipiat in 
maiori Norton. T. D'no WilPo le Vauasur, tunc constabulario castri 
Pontefr , D'no Ada de Nouo Mercato, Petro de Santon, tunc senescallo 
Pontisfr', D'no Hugone Swinlington, Joh'e de Heton, milite, et multis 
aliis presentibus in plena Curia Pontisfr'. 

Carta Ade de Nouo Mercato. 

Sciant etc quod ego Adam de Nouo Mercato, filius Joh*is de Nouo Mer- 
cato, p salute a'i*e mee et Johanne uxoris mee et patris mei pred' et o'ium 
ant' et her* meor' in futurum, dedi etc deo etc locum beati Nicholas Cobb- 
croft cum o'ibus pert' suis etc in puram et in perp' : 

Tenend' e<c iure perpetuo d'c'o monasterio et mouachis etc, inveniendo 
vnum monachum in dicto loco de Cobbcroft diuina celebrantem p a'i'bus 
supradictorum et omni' fidelium defunctorum. Et si etc inueniendo etc 
deficerunt, licebit mihi et her' meis dictos priorem et conuentum in pred' 
loco de Cowcroft distringere usq: ad satisfactionem plenariam etc, Et 
si dicti Prior et conuentus in posteru' aliquid possint adquirere ve pequi- 
rere in foedo meo in villa et territorio de Wilmersley, licebit eis cum 
uoluntate tum mea et assensu meo et her' meorum. 

Ego vero dictus Adam et her* mei pred' elemosinam etc, warantizabi- 
mus etc, in perp'. 

In cuius rei etc sigillum meum apposui, Hii T., D'no Ricardo Foliot, 
D'no Jordano Foliot, D'no Rob'to de Wibreby, D'no Vmfredo deVesce, militi- 
bus, Petro de Santon, Nicholao de Burton, Petro de Gipton et multis aliisw 

The following is added on folio 647 : — 

Johannes de Nouo Mercato =j= 

. . . - ' 



Adam de Nouo Mercato = Johanna. 



[The photograph from which the engraving has been 
made was taken by W. P. Wilton, the son of the tenant, 
while at home from his school during the Midsummer 
holidays of 1889.] 



D0D8W0RTH YORKSHIRE NOTES. 



THE WAPENTAKE OF OSGOLDCROSS. 



By RICHARD HOLMES. 

(OONTINUKD rROM P. 542, you X.) 



Roger Dodsworth practically spent his life in antiquarian 
study, a very large portion of which was devoted to the 
elucidation of the early history of Yorkshire ; so that his 
collections have, or should have, an eminent attraction for 
all Yorkshiremen or others interested in the subject of his 
enquiries. 

He was born in 1585, the year in which Glover's Visita- 
tion of that great county was completed, and his father 
being Chancellor to several Archbishops successively, the 
records of the diocese were open to a person of his tastes 
in a way that they could be but to few. Having some 
small fortune but no profession, he seems to have given full 
scope to his antiquarian leanings from the earliest age, and 
to have laid a solid foundation for his marvellous collection 
before he had seen his twentieth year. 

So far as is now known, his first performance (which is of 
the year 1605) was a Pedigree of the representatives of 
the co-heirs of Peter de Brus ; but little of his work is dated 
so early, though its course can be determined to a consider- 
able extent by following the sequence of his volumes accord- 
ing to his own numbering. But this sequence, it should be 
remembered and as I have already explained, though really 
a most valuable guide, has been entirely discarded in the 
existing arrangement of the volumes. 

As his experience increased, Dodsworth 's Collections be- 
came less desultory and more systematic ; and in 1632, he 
filled a quarto volume M M. (Vol. 138) with large extracts 
from a Nostell Chartulary then in the possession of Charles 
Fairfax of Menston (the Colonel Fairfax of " The Second 
War" in 1648), but now in the British Museum (Ves- 



WAPENTAKE OF OSGOLDCROSS. 81 

pasian, E. XIX.) and rebound, in such a way, it may be 
added, as to destroy much of its irregular archaic paging, 
the meaning of which the binder evidently failed to grasp. 
How extensive were Dodsworth's selections from this Nostell 
Chartulary may be perceived when it is stated that there 
are in the volume to which I refer (138, according to the 
modern numbering) as many as twenty-one extracts relating 
to the small estate of Huntwick, which the compiler of 800 
considered to deserve transcription, besides others of very 
considerable interest which he overlooked as not helping in 
his particular design ; in other words, the bearing of which 
was not of special interest to him at the moment. The 
twenty-one which he selected, seems a large number to 
concern so small a property, but as they and others were 
extracted by the great antiquary at a time when his infor- 
mation was very complete, and his experience fully ripe, it 
seems only just to suppose that he had a reason for what he 
did, and that there was a thread, perhaps something more 
than a thread, that bound the whole together, the exact 
position of which he knew. 

Whether, however, such was the case or not, the connect- 
ing link is certainly not to be found among the charters 
selected for 800, but must be sought elsewhere. For 
although the bulk of those transcribed by Mr. Tilleyson can 
be readily separated into three groups referring to separate 
properties, and a very little would be required to connect 
the groups with each other, the link is missing ; while a 
few of the documents appear to be quite independent of 
the rest. 

Except that a reference in one of them covers in a very 
interesting manner two generations beyond the grantor it 
will be seen that they .all refer to the thirteenth century, 
and neither of them includes much beyond its commence- 
ment or its close. But to understand their bearing on each 
other it is necessary to go somewhat into the history. 

Featherstone, Purston, Hardwick, and Nostell (which last 
again included also Huntwick and Foulby) had been grouped 
together in the time of Edward the Confessor, under one 
Ligulf. He must have been a powerful Thane, for besides 
Whitwood, Aketon and this large grouped manor, on the south 
side of the Calder, he possessed on its north bank the manor 
of Pairburn, which then and for some subsequent genera- 



32 WAPENTAKE OF OSGOLDCROSS. 

tions (so far as concerns a portion) included Ledsham also. 
He must likewise have been a politic man, since he managed 
to keep terms to some extent with the Norman. And 
although William Pictavus, who had obtained Burg (the 
subsequent Burgwallis), Skellow and Leid, had received out 
of what had formerly been Ligulfs property, a further grant 
of the fertile manor of Ackton, and his younger brother 
Roger, who had already received Altofts (Westerby, as it is 
called in Domesday), was obtaining the adjacent Whitwood 
at the very time that the returns that compose the Domes- 
day Survey were being tabulated, Ligulf managed to retain 
in his own hands, as a substantial fragment of his former 
domain, the picturesque northern manor, which even now so 
well justifies its descriptive name of Fairhnvn. 

The position of the manor which Ligulf thus continued to 
hold, though probably by a lower tenure than formerly, is 
indeed one of the most charming in this part of the country, 
as any one will confess, who in early spring, soft summer, or 
ripening autumn — each has its special charm — will essay to 
follow the route of the eager party who on that bleak Satur- 
day morning, the day previous to the Palm Sunday which 
witnessed the Battle of Towton, were sent from the encamp- 
ment before Pontefract, over Castleford Bridge, to march 
through Fairburn under the shelter of its northern hills in 
order to intercept and cut off the Lancastrian detachment 
which had seized and were threatening to hold the Une of 
communication at Ferrybridge. The view from this charm- 
ing Fairburn, surely one of the brightest manors in Barkston 
Ash, will well repay the traveller. 

Continuing to retain this picturesque holding Ligulf 
utterly lost Ackton, Whitwood, and the four other Osgold- 
cross manors which in his hands had made so large and 
important a group as to possess 1 6 carucates of taxable land, 
as much as there was in Tateshale itself, while the number 
of villanes was even 25 per cent, more than in that manor 
and the bordars almost double the number. William Picta- 
vus obtained Ackton, besides the neighbouring Altofts where 
his descendants long flourished ; his brother Roger had 
Whitwood ; Featherstone was given to Ralph, who appears 
in the Nostell confirmation Charter of 1122 as Ralph 
de Featherstone; and the remainder fell to one Emulphy 
who thenceforward, like Ralph, became known by the name 



WAPENTAKE OF OSOOLDCROSS. SS 

of his estate. And with no other possession tliat can be 
traced, this Ernnlph de Preston managed on such a com- 
paratire fragment of Ligulfs former holding, to found a 
floarishing and famous family. The present paper includes, 
it will be observed, notices of Hardwick and Huntwick, two 
of the five hamlets granted to him. 

The twenty-one Huntwick charters transcribed into 800, — 
Huntwick, as I have said, comprising but a small part of 
Nostell, which, in its totality, was less than two square miles 
in extent, — may be divided into three separate groups, the 
first of which including charters 11, 12 and 19 is concerned 
with three separate properties. But by the aid of those 
three charters I am able to construct the following, the black 
figures referring to the documents in the order in which 
they were copied into 800, and as they appear in the text 
(post, pp. 60-66) : — 

Aschelin de Dai, 

a benefactor to the Canons at their foundation, oir. 
1106. 
Hugh de Dai, 

I who as a leper disappeared from active life, and whose 
I place was thenceforward taken by his son-in-law. 
Peter de Towleston, 11 =?= Eva de Dai, 18, 19. 

Rajner de Aketon. 

With this before us it is interesting to notice that in the 

charter of Nostell which Henry I. confirmed in 1122 as 

chief lord (the Lacy estates being then in his hands by the 

second and final dispossession of Robert de Lacy, as they 

had been in 1106 by his first dispossession) one Robert de 

Dai is named as having been at the foundation (cir. 1106) a 

grantor of two tofts in Aketon which, at the survey, had 

been the fee of William Pictavus ; while " Acelin, his 

brother,'* the grandfather of Eva 12, was the donor of the 

wood " above the pool of St. Oswald," this latter donation 

being from the fee of Ernulph, who himself appears with the 

grant of a bovate from Hardwick. The two were thus, we 

may suppose, tolerably well endowed, though their origin is 

80 entirely unknown. 

For who were these de Dais, whence they came, how they 
derived their name, what were their rights in this district, 
and how they acquired them, are questions as to which it is 
perhaps futile to speculate ; we only know that at Domesday 

VOL. XI. D 



34 WAPENTAKE OF OSaOLDCROSS. 

Aketon had been acquired by William Pictavus, who also 
made a grant out of Skellow, of the usual subscription to 
St. Clement's Chapel, Pontefract ; after which his history 
is a blank. 

On the other hand, although Nostell, Foulby, Hunt wick 
and Hardwick appear to have been, with Purston, granted in 
their entirety to Ernulph, yet in 1106 these Dais were in full 
possession of a substantial portion, if not the whole, whether 
as having married William's heiress, as succeeding to a dis- 
possessed man, or in what other way, there is nothing to 
show. 

And here I must pause to remark (1) that while many 
" authorities '' state this wood to have been the gift of the 
king, the fact is that it was the gift of Aschelin, the king 
only confirming the gift and allowing it to be made from 
land of which he was the chief lord by the dispossession of 
Robert de Lacy ; and (2) that the pool was known by 
the name of St. Oswald before the priory was founded, thus 
evidencing a previous local honour to the Saint, an honour 
thereby proved to have been only continued and not initiated 
by the foundation of the monastery. 

In the Pipe Rolls the De Lacy fee is reported as a 
whole, so that nothing can be gathered from them with 
regard to the undertenants ; but so far as concerns the 
names Dai and Towleston, and their connection, I find from 
Liber Niger that in the second half of the twelfth century 
Henry de Dai and Ralph his brother, with Peter de 
Towleston, held two Knight's fees between them under the 
first Henry de Lacy ; that these had been enfeoflFed of the 
new feoflFment (i.e., during the reign of the usurper Stephen), 
and that those three held them in equal shares at the time 
the returns were made (i.e., shortly after the accession of 
Henry II). Hearne indeed suggests that this Peter de 
Towleston was " vulgb Towton ; '' but there appears on the 
surface no reason for assuming that Towton and Tolleston 
were identical, and Hearne gives none. It is true that there 
is a Peter de Towton, who witnesses one of the Pontefract 
charters in the Monasticon (and the existence of his name in 
that position probably misled the editor ofLiher Niger), but 
this fact really furnishes no argument, since there was not 
only a Towton, but there was a Tolleston, and these were 
neighbouring places each in the fee of Osbern de Arcis. If, 



WAPENTAKE OP 0SG0LDCR0S8. 85 

on the other hand, the two names really belonged to the 
same person, and Towton must be Tolleston or the converse, 
then the balance of evidence is by these Nostell charters 
turned in favour of the Towleston or Tolleston form, especially 
bearing in mind that the frequent mistakes made in the 
latter part of the Monasticon in the names of the witnesses 
to the charters there printed, illustrate the then failing 
powers of Roger Dodsworth, and utterly preclude the 
acceptance of such copy of charter evidence as of absolute 
authority. 

What we learn from these three Huntwick charters, 11, 12 
and 19, is briefly as follows: — Hugh, the eldest son of 
,Aschelin, having the misfortune to become a leper, was 
admitted by the canons as a brother of their establishment — 
under what regulations it is now impossible to say, — and hence- 
forward he disappears from active life ; his younger brothers 
representing the name, and, in conjunction with his daughter 
Eva and her husband, absorbing the interests and fulfilling 
the responsibilities attached to it. For instance, Henry de 
Dai and Ralph, his brother, the two younger brothers, 
witnessed a charter of Jordan Folio t, by which he granted to 
the monks of Pontefract " the West Mill of Norton," that is, 
the Water Mill, near the Priory. This was some time after 
1159, so that their date is fairly well ascertained; and, 
allowing a few years to elapse, during which the whole 
of the Knights' fees passed into the hands of Eva (the 
daughter of the leprous eldest brother) and her husband, 
about 1170 or 1180 may be accepted as the date of her 
grant. 

The transactions referred to in her deeds go back at least 
half a century, to the early part of the reign of Henry I., 
when Aschelin de Dai gave to the canons " the wood cd)Ove 
the pool," as it is described in the confirmation charter of 
Henry I. : " the clearing which is beyond the pool, near 
Foulby," as it is in the charter 12, that of the donor's grand- 
daughter Eva. From a collation of which expressions we 
may gather that the subject of this grant was to the west of 
the pool, and that the canons' buildings were not far distant, 
but on its east side ; while from a charter of Peter, her 
husband, we learn that Hugh, her father, had made the 
canons a donation of ten acres when, on account of his having 
been stricken with leprosy, he became a member of their 

T) 2 



36 WAPENTAKE OP OSOOLDCROSS. 

house. The charter, which will be found appended to 
Note 38, further adds that the clearing was nearer their 
land towards Huntwick. From 11 we further gather that, 
maintaining the family tradition, Peter de Towleston and 
Eva his wife had not only confirmed all previous donations, 
but with the consent of their heirs, had granted another 60 
acres to the Priory, the bulk of which was in hand, though a 
third was let in fee farm. These two charters may be 
referred to the time when Eva's brothers were both dead 
without heirs ; in consequence of which she and her husband 
had come into possession of the whole of the inheritance 
which Liber Niger represents to have been held jointly by 
the three. 

The next group of charters comprises 4, 6, 7, 8, 13, 15 
and 21, and extends throughout the whole of the thirteenth 
century. It commences with Hugh de Towleston, whom 
Dodsworth's genealogy (vol. 138, 46) represents as the son of 
Peter, and brother to Rayner de Aketon, though the necessary 
link is missing from these Huntwick deeds, the place where 
his name should have appeared in No. 14 being repre- 
sented by A provoking blank only. There can be no 
doubt, however, that the " blank " should be filled as Dods- 
worth suggests, and that his genealogy supplies the missing 
name. 

Hugh de Towleston, 18. 



Henry de Huntwick =t= Beatrice 

Robert =p Alice, 8. Alot, 6. 



WiUiam, 4, 7, 15, 21. 
cir. 1300. 



Hugh de Towleston by 13 (cir. 1200) gives to the canons 
of Nostell the land held of him by Ivo Fish, with all the 
adjacent meadow and his common rights (which 3, a sub- 
sequent 13th century deed, implies were in a moor common 
to Huntwick, Featherstone, Aketon and Preston [Purston 
Jaglin], not yet divided among the four townships). The 
next generation, that which witnessed the matrimonial 
connection between the Towlestons and the patrician Hunt- 
wicks, gave nothing to the canons, so far as these charters 
show ; but the third generation amply atoned. In the first 
place, Robert, son of Henry de Huntwick and the Towleston- 



WAPENTAKE OF OSQOLDCBOSS. 87 

de Dai heiress, by the following deed grants to the canons a 
*' clearing " which awkwardly wedged into their holding : — 

Dodsworth, 138, fol. 145. 

Huntewyke. Omnibus Christi fidelibus &c. Robertas filius Henrici de 
Huntewic salutem in domino. 

Nouerit vniuersitas vestra me pro salute anime mee antecessorum et 
successorum meorum dedisse coucessisse et legasse cum corpore meo 
sepeliendo in cimisterio monasterij sancti Osuualdi et hac presenti charta 
mea confirmasse deo et ecclesie eiusdem loci et Cauonicis ibid deo 
seruientibus totam terram meam cum prato sicut iacet integre inter 
publicam stratam versus Huntewic per crucS et fossatum versus 
Shamesto sicut iucluditur ex omni parte per metas terre dictorum 
Canonicorum. 

Tenendum et habendum dictis Canonicis de me et heredibus meis in 
liberam puram et perpetuam elemosinam cum omnibus libertatibus et 
asiaraentis infra villam de Huntewic et extra, reddendo iude annuatim 
heredibus meis octo decem denaria (nc) ad duos auni terminos 
medietaten (sic) ad Pentecosten et aliam medietatem ad festum sancti 
Martini in Hyeme pro omni seruitio sVlari secta curie et Wapentagij et 
demanda. et ego et hercdes mei et successores qualescuuque, totam 
predictam terram cum toto prato dictis Canonicis contra omnes homines 
et dominos feodi et debitores quoscunque warantizabimus et defendemus 
in perpetuam. 

[In cuius rei Testimonium tkc. Fol. 421 (of the Nostell Chartulary)]. 

After which the widowed Allot 6, daughter of the heiress 
on whom the Dai and the Towleston fees had devolved, gave 
all her right in Godfreycroft, that is, apparently, " the land 
which Ivo Fish formerly held,'' and in a rent of 35. which 
her brother Robert de Huntwick still enjoyed, which her 
grandfather Hugh had given to her parents on their mar- 
riage, and to which she had a right of reversion. Later on, 
brother and sister being both dead, the brother's widow 
Alice 8 quitclaims by bargain and sale to Walter in the 
third group (who seems to have been another of the lordly 
Huntwicks, and a relation of the deceased husband — I suggest 
his brother, though he might have been a nephew or a 
cousin only), the common-right which had passed to Robert 
as male descendant of Henry. Subsequently, in the fourth 
generation, William gave (1) a toft to the canons 4, (2) a 
rood and a half to GeoflFrey le Parker 16, and (3) by 7 and 
21, all his remaining lands and tenements to the canons. It 
is the second of these gifts, that to GeoflFrey le Parker, of an 
allotment on the common, which allows an approximate date 
to be fixed to the whole series. For a subsequent exchange 



88 WAPEI^TAKE OF OSGOLDGROSS. 

by him 16 of these lands with Richard de Birstall, prior of 
Nostell, for the land at Foulby, on the opposite side of the 
priory, supplies us with the means of fixing the date, while 
it enabled the canons to consolidate their possessions. 

The list of the priors of Nostell shews that the only head 
of the community who bore the name of Birstall (though 
Hunter and Burton, quoting a common authority, call 
him William), was that able, energetic and politic prior 
who presided over the affairs of the priory from 1291 to 
1312, who had done so much during the best of the 
Edward I. period to strengthen the position of the canons, 
and from whom we should have expected just such an 
arrangement to proceed ; and, therefore, we fix the date of 
this deed as cir. 1300. 

The third group, which comprises Nos. 6, 9, 10 and 17, deals 
with a very important property, consisting of a bovate with, 
if the expression is to be understood literally, the seigniorial 
right of the manor. But Huntwick was certainly not a 
Domesday manor, while as certainly it had become a manor 
at least as early as the troubled times of Henry III., and 
so early as to escape the purview of the enquiries, De Quo 
Warranto. These deeds just enable us to see how, step by 
step, the claim for manorial rights was established. This 
third group of charters begins about a generation later than 
the second, but terminates with the same Geoffrey (cir. 
1300), who was contemporary with William de Huntwick, 
the closing name of the preceding series, and whom we find 
dealing not only with the bovate, but with a separate rood 
and a half. 

Walter de Huntwick, 5, 9 =f= Agnes, 17. 



I r ; 

Peter de Huntwick. John of Richmond =p Margaret. Ralph Bere 

I (afterwards John le 

William, 10 Parker). 

Geoffrey, 16= Bere 



T' 



There were four ways by which in the twelfth and thir- 
teenth centuries a man acquired the territorial name with 
the connecting " de." He might hold the manor and be the 
"squire;" he might hold the living and be the parson 
(rector, or dean, as he would have been called according to 
the number and importance of the manors which combined 
to form the parish) ; he might be simply a resident ; or, as 



WAPENTAKE OF 08GOLDCB08S. 39 

a " native/' attached to and sold with the soil, he might call 
himself after the name of the lord of the manor. These de 
Huntwicks were of the first class ; others of the name whom 
we shall meet presently might have been of the third, but 
still othei's certainly were of the fourth. 

By 9 William de Kinsley had demised a bovate to the 
Walter de Huntwick who heads this table, namely "that 
which Robert of Doncaster and Wymarc his wife, formerly 
held." By 5 Walter and Agnes his wife gave this bovate as 
a marriage portion with their daughter Margaret to " John 
de Richmond, late keeper of the Park of Pontefract," who 
in the next deed in the series is no longer called Richmond, 
but unequivocally John le Parker or John Parker. Besides 
the bovate, they had a capital messuage which may be all 
that was originally intended to be understood by the word 
manor ; but they gradually assumed manorial rights ; while 
when Walter died, Agnes his widow gave by 17 to Parker 
and his wife not only her right in the bovate which had come 
to her father from William de Kinsley, but all its appurte- 
nances. 

Finally, when the canons subsequently acquired this 
property, the grandson William having by 10 ceded any 
claim he might have had to the reversion, they were abso- 
lutely secure in their tenure. But by 17 we had John le 
Parker, late of Pontefract, and his descendants fully installed 
as owners of the manor of Huntwick, and there is nothing 
to show how the monks, or the Aketon branch, subsequently 
acquired it. That they did so acquire it is clear, but the 
chain has a link missing. 

A minor interest of this series of deeds is that it throws 
the existence of Pontefract Park back to before the opening 
of the fourteenth century, in other words, to that portion of 
the reign of Henry HI. when the lords of Pontefract were 
so strong that they Nvere practically able to resist the exer- 
cise of royal prerogatives in their Honour, as they had 
successfully resisted the survey which resulted in the com- 
pilation of the return called Kirkby's Inquest. A further 
reference to this condition of things will be found in the 
article on the Crucifix at Cridling Park, antCy p. 18. 

As was the case at Burghwallis, there is thus in Huntwick 
also, an inordinate number of deeds for so small a property 
(for the whole manor consisted of less than three hundred 



40 WAPENTAKE OP OSGOLDCROSS. 

acres) ; but as we have seen, many of them are of much 
illustrative interest, while the compiler of 800 can by no 
menns be said to have extracted all the interesting informa- 
tion contained in them. 

The following is an instance : — 

Dodsworth, 138, fol. 145 b. 

Huutwyke. Sciant &c, quod ego Rad Bere de Huntewic dedi concessi et 
quietum clamaui inperpetuum de me Galfrido P'iu'gno meo pro seruitio 
Buo illis (sic) teuem^to absq: vHo retenemento quod Johannes Parcarius 
pater ipsius Galfridi cepit in maritagio cum Mariora matre eiusdem GaJfridi 
in Huntewic. Tenendum et habendum dicto Galfrido et heredibus vel 
assignatis suis libere quiete pacifice et integre cum omnibus libertatibus 
et asiamentis ad ipsum tenementum pertinentibus infra villam et extra 
absque omni clamio et inpeticione mei in perpetuum. £t vt hec mea 
donatio concessio et quieta clamatio robore, perpetue firmitatis optineat 
(sic) presens scriptu' sigilli mei impressione roboraui. his testibus <bc. 
[Fol. 421.] 

Now this clearly adds a link to the pedigree,- for it 
Ralph Bere was father-in-law to Geoffrey, and had a right 
in the tenement which John le Parker received as a marriage 
portion, it could only have been because he was himself 
either a son or a son-in-law. Hence we are justified in 
tentatively adding him to the Table, and making William, 
Geoffrey, and his wife to be cousins ; the three descendants 
in the second degree of Walter de Huntwick, through three 
different descendants in the first degree. 



There is, however, one other small group of charters 
which had reference to the human occupier of the soil, 
perhaps more than to the land itself. By these, 1 and 2, 
14 and 20, the service of certain tenants is granted, not only 
in a personal sense, but also in the sense of rent. By 14, 
Hugh de Towleston (whose father is not named, but who was 
the son of Peter, the husband of the heiress of the Dais) 
gave to the canons not only Gilbert, the son of Richard 
Sleth, but his wife and his children and all the land held by 
either of them, a clear example of allodial slavery ; — while 
by 20, his brother, Rayner de Aketon, gave land to John de 
Huntwick, son of Henry Sleith, carpenter. Here is ap- 
parently an example of a native, one of the servile De 



WAPENTAKE OP OSaOLDCROSS. 41 

HuDtwicks (for was he not a son of Henry Sleith, the 
artisan ?) becoming possessed of the land and advancing to 
the status of a yeoman. 

And there is a further item of interest latent in this 
charter ; for as a matter of fact the Aketon family, which, 
as we have seen, acquired that name about 1200, held pos- 
session of the plot in Huntwick during the whole of the 
following century ; and {ante, vii. 401) a fine is on record 
by which the prior of Nostell paid 305. to Wm. de Aykton 
for the manor of Huntwick during the nonage of John his 
son. Thus, in name at least, Huntwick was established as a 
manor, of which the Aketon family retained firm possession 
for above a century. 

But finally, there are two gifts, 1 and 2, which may, how- 
ever, be only of the rents payable by two other members of 
this servile family of de Huntwick. Robert de Boston was 
son of Isoulda de Preston, who must be recognised as a 
descendant of Ernulphus, the Domesday grantee, perhaps 
through one or both of the Adam de Prestons who were so 
influential in the twelfth century, and whose names are con- 
stantly cropping up as witnesses to deeds. This Isoulda was 
probably the heiress of one of the branches of the family, 
and her son, as inheriting through her, gave to the canons 
the service of Thomas, son of Osbert de Huntwick, to the 
value of a silver penny annually ; while Jordan de Insula, an 
owner of land at Pollington, whose heir was his nephew 
Oliver de Vendower (? Wendover), but whose connection 
with Huntwick is not shown, gave by 2 the service of 
Robert, son of Henry de Huntwick, valued at 25 per cent, 
more, for the use of " building the church." 

There is nothing whatever to show the relation which the 
persons concerned in these last gifts bore to each other, but 
from the whole series the following may be gathered as 
probable, the unproved connections being shown by dotted 
lines : — 



Robert. ABcbelin de Dai (ctr. 11C0X 



Insula. Dal. L 

Peter de Towlestou 7 Eva. 



Huffh de ^ Alicia de Henry de Ralph de Wimun- = 
Did, the Insula. Dal. Dai. due. 

leper. | 



Ai 



WAPENTAKE OF OSQOLD0BO8S. 



A 



Walter 7 Agnea. Henry de Huntwick ^ Beatrice. 



Hugh de Towleiton ^ Cecilia de BaynerdeAketon. 

Lede. 



T 



Peter 
William 



T 



Richmond, 
alias John 
le Parker. 



Geoffrey = . . . . Bere 
dr. 1300. 



4- 



de Huntwick. John of =p Mar- Ralph ^ ... Robert de Huntwick ^ Alice = Allot. 

garet. Bere. 



William de Huntwick, 
cir, 1300. 



OtU of the Coucker hooke of the Hospitall of S^ Nicholas of PorUefract 

A. [vol 116] 23 Inquisition taken at Pontefract 3 October 

4 Ed. 4 [1464]. The Jurors say that the Master of 
the Hospitall aforesaid ought to find one Chaplaine to celebrate ther 
4 dayes in a weeke dr* 3 dayes at Fotdmape.^ 



* Ab one result of the inveetigatioDa I 
haye made in order to illustrate these 
papers, I haye now ascertained that Foul- 
snape, the position of which has been 
hitherto unluiown, was within the *' terri- 
tory " of Pontefract, although the site 
shows not the smallest trace of what 
formerly covered it. The church was 
dedicated to St. Michael, and the hospital 
belonged to the Friars Lazarites, an early 
order of Hospitallers, which preceded the 
four great orders of Friars, and the head 
of w£ch in England was at Burton Lazars, 
near Melton Mowbray, being founded, as 
I suspect, by Roger de Mowbray, who 
having been the fighting comrade of the 
second Ilbertde Lacy at the Battle of the 
Standard, married his widow (anU, vol x, 
543). 

' Here is clear evidence that Foulsnape 
existed as a separate establishment as late 
as 1464, but at the time of the Dissolution 
it had absolutely disappeared. There is 
no record of it in any of the enquiries 
concerning religious establishments and 
foundations in the time of Henry VIII., 
nor does it receive mention in any of the 
Suppression Papers, so far as I have been 
able to ascertain. But even as late as 1 507, 
there was a John Bule, who described 
himself as its Master, and whose will 
(dated June 19 ; proved July 16 of that 
year) is in the York Registry (VI. 122) 
as I have shown (ante, vol. x. 583}. The 
wording of the above inquisition might 
lend colour to the supposition that the 
foundation of St. Michael had been ab- 



sorbed by the similar though earlier 
foundation of St. Nicholas ; but had such 
been the case, it seems reasonable to 
suppose that the properties would have 
been dealt with together, at the great 
collapse. Not only, however, did this not 
happen, but they received altogether 
different treatment. The main bulk of 
the estates of St. Nicholas, which had 
been appropriated to St. Oswald, Nostell, 
are still in one and the same hand, while 
those of St. Michael, Foulsnape, small as 
they were, are broken up and scattered. 
It may indeed be that one of the later 
hospitals of Pontefract (either the Bede 
House, or one of the two known as Frank's) 
is only a refoundation of Foulsnape. But 
I offer this as conjecture only ; for, even 
till now, I have not been able to sather 
satisfactory evidence on the subject, 
though I am inclined to think that even- 
tually my conjecture will prove to have 
been correct, and that the Bede House is 
but another name for St. Michael's, Foul- 
snape. My principal reason for that con- 
jecture is that the two foundations are 
never mentioned together. Thus Foul- 
snape occurs in Pope Nicholas's Taxation 
about 1291, but not the Bede House, 
although that foundation was then of some 
years* standing. On the other hand, when 
Mr. Hamerton appealed to Cardinal Pole 
on behalf of Knolles's Hospital (The 
Trinities) in May, 1556 (Domestic Series, 
May, 1556, as quoted in my Sieges of 
Pontefract Castle, p. 851) he enumerated 
the dissolved foundations of Ponte&»ct, 



WAPENTAKE OF OSOOLDCKOSS. 



4S 



[This is probably intended for Firbeok, which is in the Wapentake of 
Strafford. There is an entry referring to it at vol. M. (i.e. 160) 29]. 

(BfoUraU afs (BfouUraU*^ 

Pleat U/ore the King, Mich terme 53 H, Z, finentey 54 incipientey [1269] 

rot. U,et term Mich 52 H, 3. [1268] rot, 12. 

DD. [vol 122] 162 Alan de Keythorp complains [claims Dodatoorth] 

against Robert de Crepings 8 markes 4' 8^ on 
[£5 11 4}] rent in Snaith, Goldale, Hermeshall [Hensall], 6^ 
Hecke, 6^0. 

I 



Alanu8=f= 
Wasthose. 



1 — 
Emma 

B. p. 



J 



* Robert =j= 
Wasthose. | 



laabell 
B.p. 



± 



Emma 
B. p. 



Cecilia =1= 



wmm 

8. p. 



Geoflfrey =f= 



r 



J 



. [voL 126] 66 
Ebor'. 



Alan de Raythorp complain't. 
Out of an Inquisition b H,l [1490]. 



Johannea =^ Alice, 
PortiDgion â– . p. by 
miL â– . p. him. 



Rooert =1= 
Portington 
ob. 26 JuD. 

8H. 7 

[1488]. 



Elizabeth, heire, the Mannr 
of Bamby ypon Done, & 
Lands in Ooldalc nere 
Snaith, k rents in Thurgo 
[qy. Thui^Iand]. 



Thomas Portington died =y= 
before his father. 



J 



John Portington, cousin ss Mary, daughter of Jo. Copley, 
and heire of the said 
Elisabeth, set 9 an. 



bat mentioned neither St. Michael's 
Poulmape, nor the Bede House. The 
omission is made natural and clear by the 
supposition that the foundation of the 
Bede House, by Earl de Lisoy, was but a 
rs-foimdatioQ, involving perhaps a trans- 
plantation of site from country to town, 
and perfai^ also some exchange of pro- 
perties ; and that the reason that Foulsnape 
was not suppresMd at the Reformation was 
that as the " Bede House," it^ with St. 
Nicholas's Hospital, had passed as town 
charities into the hands of the Corporation 
of Pontefraot, and that each thus became 
rliwed as a ciTil foundation, not dedicated 
to â–  upeiBt i ti oiis uses. The solenm award 



of 1464 shows also a connection of some 
kind between the two Hospitals, and raises 
a presumption that they could not have 
been far distant from each other. 

3 Gk)wdale is in the parish of Snaith, 
and is not named in the Domesday Survey. 
It contributed 14s. to the Poll Tax of 1379, 
when the taxpayers numbered 32 ; namely 
29 at id., 2 at tid., and John Knight pay- 
ing iOd. The two at 6d. were a tailor and 
a smith. [It may be noted that the name 
of the neighbouring Qoole, now so im- 
portant a sea-port, does not even occur 
among these collections.] 

* Coll. Top. and Oen. 1. 147 says Rad'us. 
See also Hemingborough, pp. 218, 214. 



44 WAPENTAKE OP OSGOLDCBOSS. 



!. [vol. 130] 137 Lands in Heok, Cowicke j^j^ ^^ == 

& Goldale, <fe rents ther Newton T 

& in other places in Yorkeshire. i ' 

Thomas =f Elizabeth, daughter k heire 



Dawney 
defunct 



r 



15 R. 2 [1891]. 



John Dawney =y= 

I 



John Dawney [18 H. 6 (14i0)] 
for the said lands Yid. infra [to. 147]* 

[This occurs, aw^tf, vol. x. 370, with the name of the heiress (incorrectly) 
as Renton.] 

Fines 18 H. 6 [1440]. 

lili. [vol. 136] 124 John Dawney son of John Dawney, son of 

Thomas Dawney of Escrike, held 8 Mess^ 2 tofts 
5 bovates of land 6^ 30 Acres of medow, 6^ 300 acres of more, with the 
appurtnances in Snaith, Cowicke &* Goldale and viij'^ Rent of Ass». 

EscheaU 29 Ed. 3. [1355]. 

C. [vol. 120 a] 93 The Jur" say that William de Gramary died 

seised in demeasne as of fee (S^'c of 9^ 5* rent with 
the appurtnances in Snaith, Cowicke, GoldalCy Whitley, Hethensall, 
Berley, 6^ Hecke 6^c.^ 

E8chd> Ed. 1 n 11. 

E. [vol. 123] 12 Extent of the Lands of Robert de Crepellinges inter 

alia In Goldale 24 bovates of Land, and 

49» rent. 

[Another reference is CCC (vol. 34) 26, but there is a much older fine 
of 3 H. 3inai.] 

Out of the Collections of Jo : Hanson^ in his red hoolct, 

A. A., [vol. 117] 121 Adam de Hardgate faber 6^ Alice his wife gaue 

to Adam de Hopton the moyety of a Mess" 6^ 
all his part of the lands and Tenements which descended to the said 
Alice by the right of her Inheritance after the decease of Adam de 
Deneby brother of the said Alice, within the Bounders of Mirfield, 
Hopton, &> Esthaghe 6^ the revertion of the third part of the tythes of 
the Lands after the death of Margret, relict of the said Adam de 
Deneby. Wittnesse, Brian de Thornill, John de Fleming, John de 
Caluerley, Knights [William de Nevill 6-c. Dodsworth] Dat. 20 E. 3 
[1346]. 

^ The particulars of this still existing * See also a previous note, under Bst 

GrammaryFee have been already given in Haoh (Vol. X. 529). 
f uU under Cowiok. 



WAPENTAKE OP OSOOLDCROSS. 



45 



Finns in the Treasury 9 R, 1 [1197] Gasc, lib. F, fo. 16. 

G, [vol. 127] 21 Between Robert de Longo campo, Abbot of S* Mary 

of Yorke, comply 6^ Walter son of William de Vseflet, 
tenent of vj Carucates of Land in Vseflet, Haldenhy, Whitgifb &>Ci, 



' Haldenby is not named in Domesday, 
but like Gowdall it appears in the Poll 
Tax of 1378, where it is represented as by 
far the most populous and well-to-do 
township of the parish to which it be- 
longed, contributing 895. from 84 rate- 
payers. These were 75 who paid 4d., 6 who 
paid 6e2. (a smith, two tailors and three 
websters), and the farmer of the manor, 
William de Eftetofte (a manifest clerical 
error for Estoft) who paid \2d. John 
Ludyngton, franklin, paid iOd.^ and 
Robert de Haldenby, attorney, paid as 
much more, being the professional noble, 
the largest payment made in the whole 
parish of Adlingfleet. Among the tax- 
payers were two with names derived from 
those of women, Roger Margerison and 
John Marionson ; and as there is also what 
s^pears to be a correlative Margery Modir, 
there is a probability that Roger was an 
illegitimate son of this last, or of her 
daughter Margery. — Mr. A. S. Elllis, adds: — 

Haldenby, now a farm with a few cot- 
tages, was formerly the residence of a good 
old family and a small vill on the bank of 
the old Don between Eastoft and Fockerby. 
It is a township stilL The family, which 
bore the name of the place and may have 
been descended from that Danish Halfdan 
after whom it was called, first occurs about 
the time of Edward I., when William, 
son of Rey ner de Waterton, gave to Robert, 
son of William de Haldanby and Alice 
his wife, certain land in Waterton (Harl. 
MS. 381, fo. 173 b.). She was probably 
William de Waterton*s daughter. About 
the middle of the next century we meet 
with a Robert Haldenby, of Haldenby, 
also two priests of the name well beneficed 
in the diocese of Norwich, so probably 
related to Bp. Ayremyn. Haldenby was in 
the parish of Snaith, very remote from 
the church, yet with a church (St. Oswald's 
at Luddington) within a mile across the 
river in another county and diocese. 
Whitgift chapel was rebuilt about 1805 
(q. V.) for the benefit amongst others of 
the tenants of 13 oxgangs in Haldenby. 
Robert de Haldenby had, however, a ch'^pel 
of the Blessed Virgin Mary in his * man- 
sum' here, anddesiring to make an endow- 
ment for a chaplain, an Inquest was held 



to ascertain if the Eling or anyone would 
be injured if an alienation in mortmain 
was made of 3 messuages or tofts, a bovate 
and a half of land, 4 acres of moor, and 
100^. rent in Haldenby and Elstoft for the 
purpose (Cal. Inq. iii. 121). This was in 
13 R. II. By the Poll Tax of 1379 we find 
that he was an attorney and rated with 
Margaret his wife at half a mark, and a son 
named Robert 16 or more. It was another 
Robert who made the fortunate match of 
the family, marrying Isabel, youngest 
daughter of his influential and warlike 
neighboiur Sir Qerard de Usflete, sister 
and co-heir of another Sir Qerard who 
died sp. 1421. Robert made his will 4th 
Nov. 1452, and hi:* wife died about the 
same time. Their son John married Isabel, d. 
of Mr. Justice Portington, and had Robert 
and Gerard (ob. 1 Feb., 1480, bu. York 
Minster). The pedigrees in the visitations 
of 1630, 1584 and 1615 are trustworthy ; 
younger sons were pretty numerous. In 
Adlingfleet church is an altar tomb with- 
out inscription to one of the Haldenby s, 
with his effigy in armour, space for his 
lady, 11 sons and 4 daughters round, 
at the end a coat of 8 quarterings, 1. 
Haldenby, 2. on a bend 3 lions passant 
guardant(? Qerard of Fisherton co. Lincoln), 
3. Useflete, 4. Furoivall, 5. a chevron be- 
tween 3 boars* heads, 6. Luddington, 7. a 
fess dancette, in chief 3 fleurs de lis (?8ame 
as Archbishop Corbridge), 8. a chevron 
between 3 leopards' heads within abordure 
engrailed and the older crest, an arm 
vambmced with hand grasping a cup. 
The 6 quarterings in Glover's MS. are in 
this order : 1, 6, 2, 5, 3, 4. They are of 
doubtful authority except 3 and 4, and 
these should have been followed by Love- 
tot, Ledet, Foliotand Reyncourt. Francis 
H^denby, Esq., and his brother Robert 
had a grant of a black swan for a crest 
in 1563. (Harl. MS. 1394 f. 339.) That 
classic impossibility but heraldic conceit 
like a blue lion, yet happens after all to be 
correct to nature even to being beaked 
gules. Francis, who had 9 sons, died in 
1596, 8Bt. 67, and was buried in North 
Ferriby church. A tablet, however, with 
the date 1589 and a quartered coat of arms 
in Adlingfleet church has these lines : — 



46 



WAPENTAKE OP OSGOLDCROSS. 



In a transcript of the writeings concerning the Lands belonging to the 
Scroopes, in the hands of S^ Robert Cotton^ 1614, in the hands 
of Don GuV Howard 1615, /o. 10. 

DD. [vol. 122] 134 Gerrard de Vsflete, K*, gaue to Geflfrey le Scroop 

K^ the Mann' of Hald^enbyy with lands in Estoft 
6^ Vsflete, (Lora late wife of John de Vseflete, mother of the said 
Gerrard), to haue to him dr* his heire& Dat at Haldenby 1331. 

S*^ John de Vseflete, kt. =7= Lore, dame de Swanland, superstes, 
deceased. | 5 Ed. 8 [1331]. 



Gerrard de Vseflete. 

Escheats 1 Ed, 1. tI 11 [1279]. 

AA. [vol. 117] 112 Walter de Vseflete held the day that he died 

liberties in Haldenby &* Vseflete. 

FinesA'b H.&.[U21\ 

XXX. [vol. 106] 9 Between Robert Hastings of Knaresbuigh, <^ 

Richard Chymmey of Knaresburgh, compP, &* 
Richard Hastings K^ &* Thomas Clarrell Esq. dr* Elizabeth his wife, 
defend^ of the mann' of Haldenby with the appurtnances [Recogn. esse, 

" FraDciscus jacet hio Haldanbi heu ! morte peremptus 

Armiger, Etemi servus ubique Dei : 

Corpus terra tenet, sed spiritus Omnipotenti 

In Coelis Domino cantat Hosanna plum 

Qui legis aut cemis versus advisve, Viator. 

Istoe sis anime tu bonus usque meee 

Non petis hie aurum gemmas aut munera magna 

Mente * Pater noster' tu recitato pi& 

Ave nee pigeat Maria- te dicere pro me 

Sic mihi crede, mihi maxima dona dabis 

Hos versus quisquis cupeat abolere malignus 

Is tandem facti prsemia digna ferat." 



His great grandson, Robert Haldenby 
Esq.of Haldenby (set. 12,1612), died6June, 
1630, and an Inquest found that he died 
seised of the manor of Haldenby, 12 cot- 
tages and 400 acres of land, a moiety of 
the manor of Swanland and lands in Estoft. 
John s. ic h. set. 7. This John was suc- 
ceeded by his brother Robert, who was a 
Bufi'erer in the Royal cause, lived at Swan- 
land or Beswick,andwas buried at Kildwick 
on the Wolds, 19 Aug., 1656. His widow 
Katharine (d.of Sir Robert KnoUys) seems 
to have married secondly in 1658 Thomas 
Keightley of Sheriff Button. When the 
family and the estate were severed there 
were several branches in existence, one 
settled in London (see Visit. 1 684 ), and the 
name was of common occurrence in the 
Whitgift Register; but what has become 
of them all 1 The only resident in the 
neighbourhood, the late Robert Haldenby, 
Esq. of Reedness, sometime lord of the 
manor of Whitgift, who died in 1815, was 



descended firom a Stephen t. James I., who 
cannot be affiliated. 

It is clear that the de Usefletes were 
lords of the manor and that their tenants 
the Haldenbys did not succeed in right of 
marrying the co-heir. The manor passed 
as the Fines showtoSir QeofifreyleScrope, 
who married Lora de Fumival, widow of 
Sir John de Usflete, and from him to his 
son, by Ivetta de Roos his second wife, 
Sir Henry whose son Sir John had the two 
daughters named above, married to Hast- 
iugs and Clarell. Sir Richard Fitewilliam 
married the daughter of the latter. 

The inhabitants of Yorkshire £stoft are 
evidently included under the heading 
' Villata de Haldanby ' in the Poll Tax. 
John de Ludyngton, the Franklin, was in 
all probability the father of Sir William 
de Lodington, Justice of the Common 
Heas, who d. 1419, brass in Qunby church, 
Lincolnshire — A. S. E. 



WAPENTAKE OF OSGOLDCROSS. 



47 



Dod$uH>rth] the right of the said Robert &»c.f as that which the said 
Robert and Richard Chymmey had of the guift of the foresaid Richard 
Hastings 6^ Tho : &* Elizabeth. And for this &'o, they granted [et con- 
cess'runt Dodstoorth] to the foresaid Richard Hastings, the said Mann' with 
the appurtnanoes 6^c., dureing the life of the said Richard. And after his 
decease the foresaid Mann' with the appurtnances shall remaine wholly 
to the said Thomas 6^ Elizabeth, 6^ the heires of the body of the said 
Elizabeth &>c. And if Elizabeth die without issue, then after the decease 
of the said Tho : &* Elizabeth, to remaine to John le Scroope K^ &* 
to his heires 6^., by services belonging therevnto for euer. 

Fines 33 If. 6 [1455]. 

XXX. [vol. 106] 79 Between John Sayvile [Sayyell, Dodstoorth] K* 

John Ellis, Gierke, John Pilkington, Esq. 6^ 
William Bradford, comp* And Richard fitz William Esq. &* Elizabeth, 
his wife, defor^ of the Mann' of Haldenbp, with the appurtnances dr*o, of 
12 Mess*, 200 Acres of Land, 30 Acres of medow, &* 6 Acres of wood, 
with the appurtnances in Halderiby, Thribergh, Dalton, Ravenfeld, 
Doncaster &* Bramley. [Recogn. esse, Dodsworth] the right of the 
said EHiz : 

2« Pat, 22 R. 2 [1398]. 

[vol. 54] 152 For the Chantiy of Haldenhy. 



:â– :â– : 



[There is no entry under this heading.^ Hampole and its nunnery 
were in Strafford.] 

Out of the CotuJier booke of the Hospitall of S^ Nicholas of Pontefract, 

A. [vol. 116] 24 In the yeare of o' Lord Grod 1294, it was agreed 

between S' Henry Lacy, thearle of Lincolne, 6^ 
Constable of Chester, 6^ William Nouy Gardein of the Hospitall of S^ 
Nicholas, in Pontefract, on the one p*'®, (> William, Prior of the Kirke 



" Thin was never a separate manor, br.t 
always included within the township 
and manor of Pontefract. Defined boun- 
daries are, however, given to it in an 
eighteenth century map of the township, 
as surveyed by John Hepworth in 1779. 
The district so included was the estate of 
St. Nicholas Hospital, Spittle or Blind 
Hard wick, as it is called; Spittle as belong- 
ing to the Hospital, and Blind as having 
DO township way through it. Though it 
has never been populous within historical 
timea, and though there is even now, 
eicept a few cottages on Ferry (corruptly 
Fairy) Hill, little but the farm house from 
whi^ it takes its name, where dwelt the 
medieval herdsman, and the subsequent 
fiumer of the p ro p er ty ,there are evidences 



that it must have been an early seat of 
population, and that the site of a Roman, 
as of a Saxon settlement, was fixed but 
a few yards away from the Norman farm- 
house. Roman remains are frequently 
found there, and some have been disin- 
terred within the last ten years, while St. 
Ive*s Well even now bears the name of 
the eminent Saxon Abbess Hiva, the pre- 
decessor of St. Hilda, at Whitby, whose 
subsequent lowryorjurisdiction had been 
at Healaiigh, near Tadcaster, and whose 
name has been left upon Ivegate,Bradford. 
and St. Ive's, Bingley, as upon this St. 
Ive's Well, Pontefract. — See ante, note 11, 
and Rev. D. H. Haigh's contributions to 
VoL III. 



48 



WAPENTAKE OF OSOOLDCROSS. 



of S^ John Euangelist of Pontefreit, &> the Covent of the same place on 
the other partie ; that is to say that the said Earle, by the Assent and the 
will of the said William de Nony, Gardein of the Hospitall, aforesaid, 
hath granted, by this writeing indented, to the Prior 6^ Covent of S* 
John in the place afores^ lx» of silver, of an annuall rent to receiue at 
SpiUe Uardiidcke by the hands of the Master of Spittle aforesaid, &» 
their success' 6^ their Attumey, at feasts of Whitsunday dr* S' Martin, 
by eauen portions, in allowance of 12 hoopes of wheat &» 24 hoopes of 
Hauer, [oats] 6* of 13* 4** of money, the which the foresaid prior 6^ Covent 
owe to take by yeare of the hospitall aforesaid For to have 
and to hold to the foresaid Prior &* Covent 6^ their Success' of 
the Kirke aforesaid, in pure 6^ ppetuall Almes, of the said Earle 
and his heires, as freely d^» quietly as any Almes may be granted 
or giuen. And the said Earle woli, 6^ granteth for him and for his 
heires by the assent 6^ [the, DocUzvorth] will of the said Master of S^ 
Nicholas, that the foresaid Prior 6^ Covent &* their Successor" may by 
them or their Servants distreand [distreyne, Dodsworth'] in all the lands 
6^ tenements belonging to Spitle hardwicke, aforesaid, for the foresaid 
Rent 6^ [the, Dodstwrth'] arrearages, if it happen the said rent at euery 
[eny, Dodsivorth'] time to be vnpaid, &* the distresse to chase to their 
howse of Pontefreit, 6^ their withhold them to [till, DodswortJi] the 
rent be paid, without disturbance or Gainsaying of any men. dr* the 
foresaid Henry and his heires the foresaid Rent for to hold 6^ 
receiue in forme aforesaid to the said Prior &* Covent dr* their successors 
shall warrant &* defend in anything against all men. And the said Prior 
or* Covent granteth for them &* their success* that they shall not from 
henceforth anything ashe [aske] claime or haue of the Dying [sic qy 
dymes i.e. tythes] of Pontefreit Parke, nor in none other thing appending 
to the same Spitle, out-takeing the said Ix* by yeare. And the Chappell 
of S* Nicholas * founded in the hospitall aforesaid with the appurtnauces, 
as they had it of the guift of the Earle aforesaid In witbnesse whereof 
er'c, In presence of Monsiere Robert fitz Roger, Mounsire Robert de 
Hertford, Monsire Willâ„¢ le Vavasor, Mo"^ William de Stopham, Mounsire 
Wanelin de Ardeme, Thomas de Fishbume, Robert de Hephale or* 
others], [e autres, Dodsworth], 



^artrtuCdte atjs mit%i ^arUtoicitr. 



10 



^ There were clearly at this time two 
chapels connected with the chief hospital 
in Pontefract, those of St. Nicholas and 
St. Ellen. They had both been given 
eleven years previously, to the monks of 
St. John by Henry de Lacy,- Elarl of Lin- 
coln, by charter dated at Al tofts on 25 Aug. 
1283. It is also recorded (Torks. Archjb. 
Juviii. 355) that a payment was made in 
1295 on behalf of the Earl of iiijs "mona- 
sterio Johannis. pro Liiminari Capellarum 
Sancti Nicholai et sancte Eline, oera pro 
oereo pasoale hoc anno de providencia." 



'° West Hardwick was, in the time of 
Domesday, included in the Featherston 
manorowned by Ligulf. It was afterwards 
assigned to the parish of Wragby, and 
probably because it belonged entirely, or 
almost entirely, to the canons of Nostell, 
it was not represented in the Poll 1'ax of 
1378. Its correlative was East Hardwick ; 
and they were called East and West in 
relation to Ack worth, which was evidently 
at a very early time a great social oentre 
to which the Danes with their half-acre 
system were never able to penetrate. 



WAPENTAKE OP OSGOLDCROSS. 



49 



maxtHuickt atg mixiti ^arlrlottltr.'' 
^artrtutdte atg lEast ^artrtuidtr.'^ 

In the writeings of Tho: Bamby Esq. [8 Dea Dodsworth] 1632. 

NN. [vol. 139] 43 We John Winter, Rector of the church of Ack- 

worth, William Bameby, Thomas Legh d^» James 
Thwaites haue giuen to William Jackson, son of George Jackson and 
Agnes his wife, daughter of Robert Bameby one messuage in Est hard- 
uficke wherein John Roth well dwelleth 6^c. 3 May 3 H. 7. [1488] 
[Inquisition 6^c. RR (vol. 146) 124. Already given ante under Balne.] 

[Other references are CCC (vol. 34) 21, 46]. 

Sout^ l^arlrloicltr, 

vide ante in Esthard. 

Out of Nostell Priory Coucher, pa 6. 

H, 1 [1100-1135]." 

MM. [vol. 138] 1 Henry King of England to Thurstan Archbishop of 

Yorke and Ansclietillus de Bulemer &> all the 
Barons french and english in Yorkeshire greeting. Know ye that I haue 
giuen to S*. Oswald and the Canons of Nostell for the Soule of my father 



^* Blind Hardwick is another name for 
Spittle Hardwick ; perhaps called blind, 
because there is but a blind road to it, and 
no through road ; a branch road from the 
old highway from Castleford to Ponte- 
fract leads direct to the farm, but not be- 
yond. It was never a separate manor or 
township, but was a tithe of the manor of 
Pontefractjthe endowment of St. Nicholas 
Hospital. In Domesday, Pontefract was 
credited with sixteen carucates ; and two 
carucates, evidently what was afterwards 
called Spital Hardwick, were reported as 
being the alms land of the poor. —See also 
note 8. 

** The correlation of this township to 
West Hardwick, and their respective 
pontions with regard to Ackworth, seem 
to indicate that originally they were depen- 
daides on that important Saxon manor. 
But they had been separated long before 
the Domesday Survey, and in the consti- 
iation of the parochial system. East Hard- 
wick was attached to Pontefract, and 
West Hardwick to Wragby. — See also arUCf 
East Hardwick, Vol. X. p. 529. 

" The compiler of 800 has discreetly 
I^aced these charters under Hardwick, 

VOL. XL 



without attempting to define to which 
Hardwick they relate. They all refer to 
West Hardwick. 

" No year of King Henry is given for 
this grant, but it was evidently about the 
middle of his reign. Thurstan, who had 
been the king's chaplain, was made Arch- 
bishop in 1114, and outlived the king. 
Queen Maud, the mother of his children, 
died in 1118, and the coupling of the 
* * children " with ber name suggests that 
the date of the deed was soon after the 
catastrophe of the White Ship in 1 1 20. Ans- 
chetillus de Bulemer is named at the head 
of the Barons, aa if he had been sheriflf in 
the year of the charter, but no Ust of 
sheriff for that period is extant even if 
the office had a definite existence. The 
son or nephew of Aschetil, Bertram de 
Bulemer, heads the list of the sheriffs of 
Yorkshire given in the 31 at Report of the 
Public Kecord office, and one of that name 
m?.kes the vice- com! tal returns in the Pipe 
Rolls with persistent regularity, being 
credited with having been sheriff from 31 
H. 1 (1131 ) to 9 H. 2(1163). But perhaps 
there were two Bertrams, father and son, 
or uncle and nephew. The family gave 

E 



50 



WAPENTAKE OF OSGOLDCROSS. 



&> mother 6^ my brother, William King &* for my Soule 6^ the Soule 
of my wife ^ children the lands and all things that were giuen to God 
&* S^ Oswald 6- the Canons in Almes ; viz. one Carucate of Land which 
Hugh de Muscamp gaue unto them in Burton Flandrens" dr^c. one 
bovate of Land which Emulpbus de Preston " gaue vnto them in Herd- 
wicke 6^'C. 

tbmfo. 243. 

MM. [vol, 138] 40*^ Know p^^sent d- to come: that I, William 

Molige, son of John Porter of S*. Oswald, haue 
giuen 6^c. to Robert son of Thomas de Loncocks, of West bretton, 
Amabilla, his wife, and John son of the said Robert and Amabilla, and 
the heires of the body of the said John, all that messuage with a medow 
adjoyning, with all the appurtnances which I had in Ilardmcke, nere 
S^ Oswalds, of the guift of the said Robert. 

[Then follows in Dodsworth a short account of the descent from the 
said John.] 

ibni 416. 

MM. [vol. 138] 135 To all the sons of the holy mother the Church : 

John, son of John de Mora, of Thomes, greeting : 
Know ye that I haue granted &> by this my present Charter confirmed, 



the prefix to Sheri£f HuttoD, as if the 
appointment was practically hereditary. 
— The gifts were in "Burton Fleming, 
Crofton, Norton, Hardwick, Winterset, 
Eston, and the Chapel in the Wood/' with 
all that belonged to Everard who gave 
them the Chapel. 

^'* Eruulphus, who was the Domesday 
tenant of Purston, was a contributor of two 
garbs to the endowment of St. Clement^s 
Chapel in the Castle of Pontefract, accord- 
ing to a deed published by Dodsworth in 
MoN. Ano.1.660. It was only from acopy in 
the possession of Sir H. Savile^the grantee 
of the properties of St. Clement's, and is 
evidently very corrupt. It names Emul- 
phus as an owner of ** Rowden" also ; for 
which probably " Hardwick " should be 
read. The document is so corrupt that it 
gives the name of the grantor as Herbert 
(for Ilbert the younger) ; but I think that 
the donation of Emulphus de Preston con- 
clusively proves his position with regard 
to Hardwick, and the almost absolute 
certainty that Rowden is a misreading for 
the name of the township we are now con- 
sidering. I shall have occasion to say 
much about this document later on. 

i« MM. (vol. 138), from which these 
three extracts are made, is a quarto 
volume, mainly of extracts from the 
cbartulary of Nostell. In 1632, when 
Dodsworth wrote his volume, the original 
was in the possession of Charles Fairfax 
of Menston, the subsequent Colonel Fair- 
fax who commanded a troop against 



Pontefract Castle in the siege of 1648. It 
is now in the Cottonian collection (Ves- 
pasian E xix) to which so many choice 
specimens gravitated. It is said to have 
been ex dono Christopheri Baron is Hal ton, 
being signed Fairfax in the upper right 
hand corner of the cover. The first folio 
is missing, and is said to have been impice 
dbscisscBj perhaps on accoimt of the incor- 
poration into the title-page of some hand- 
some miniature or monogram of a charac- 
ter superior even to the numerous fine 
illuminated initials which still remain. 
The handwriting is not later than early 
fourteenth century, and the original 
archaic numerals of the pagination appear 
not to have been understood by the binder, 
for many of them have been cut away. 
There is a second paging of later date by 
about two hundred years, being apparently 
not much earlier than the Dissolution. As 
far as fo. 332, the volume is composed of 
copies of charters only. There are then 
some final concords and other memoran- 
dums of a later date, which extend to 
rather more than a hundred folios. The 
last should be 445, but the figures are cut 
away in the binding. Wherever there 
was a short page in the original, the blank 
was utilized for copies of documents of a 
later date, even down to within a short 
time of the Suppression. The ink of these 
last is very poor, and in great contrast to 
that of the original portions of the 
volume. The Cbartulary of Pontefract 
was similarly treated. 



WAPENTAKE OP OSGOLDCROSS. 



51 



to the Prior of S*. Oswald of Nostell, 6^ the Canons there serueing Gpd> 
all the right and claime which I euer had or ought to haue in those 
9 Acres of Land with the appurtnances in j^ teritory of Hardnncke, 
which lately was Thomas son of Gilbert my Vnkle, 6^c. 

Chartce, 36 H, 3 [1252] m, 3. 

C. [vol. 120] 17 The King granted to Nicholas son of Nicholas de 

Wortley free warren in all his lands of Worteley &» 
Hardwicke *^ in the County of Yorke. 

[Another reference is CCC. (vol. 34) 75.] 

[Probably a misreading for Haldenby, but there is no entry under the 
head.] 

ex Gasc. Collections, 

Fines 10 H. 3 [1225]. 

G. [vol. 127] 86 Between Agnes, late wife of Hylard de Hecke, com- 
plainant ; &» John Hecke tenent of Lauds in Hecke 
6- in Pouelington. [fo. 9 DodstoortK]. 

Pleaes before the King 53 £f. 3 ending &> 54 //. 3 [1269] begin ; rot 14, 
Ter Mich; et 52 H. 3 [1268] rot 12, term Mich. 

DD. [vol. 122] 152^° Alan de Key thorp complaines against Robert de 

Crepings 8 markis 4«. M. ob [£5 1 1 4^] rent in 
Snaith, Goldale, Hermeshale [Hensall] &* Hecke as his right. 

Out of this fine this descent [as under Goldale]. 

Escheats 29 Ed, 3 [1356]. 

C. [vol. 120] (an Balnehecke, 800) 93 The Jur" say that William de 

Grammary died seised in de- 
measne as of fee 6^c of 9" 6«. rent with the appurtnances in Snaith, 
Cowicke, Goldale, Whitley, Hethensall, Berley 6^ Hecke \sicm Dodsworth^, 
[Another reference given is CC. 26 (vol. 1206), which should 

be CCC. (vol. 34).] 



^' This, which is one of those named 
in Col. Hot. Chart, p. 7'^, refers to another 
Hardwick, a Hardwick in Wortley, (not 
Hardwick in Aston, which was afterwards 
held by the Wortleys, but had not at this 
time [temp, 'EL, 3] come into the possession 
of that family). 

^ fieck is not mentioned in 1 )omeBday ; 
mnd when the Poll Tax was taken in 1378 
was the least productive township in the 
laige and extensive parish of Snaith, 
which on the whole made a very sub- 



stantial contribution. Heck was taxed at 
lis. 2d., assessed on 26 at id.y 3 (a 
' * camifex," asouter and a smith) at 6(2.,and 
a Marchandde Bestes at I2d. This seems 
to open the unlikely question whether 
there was then a dead-meat trade at lieck. 
There was a second Marchand de Bes in 
Snaith itself, but there was no other ** car- 
nifex" in the whole parish, though Adling- 
fleet and Hensall had each a ** bodher." 

** DD. 152 is already given under Gol- 
dale ; which see. 

E 2 



62 WAPENTAKE OP 0SG0LDCR0S8. 

^tckt great ats &oni^ "^tckt. 

Fines 35 E. 3 [1361]. 

W. [vol. 152] 17^ Between Robert, son of Richard de Northalle, of 

Leeds, compl^, &* Thomas son of Alan de North 
Milford, deP. of the moyety of 12 mess", 8 crofts, 200 acres of Land, dr* 
10 Markes rent with the appurtnances in Trumflete, Snaype [Snayth, 
Dodsworth]^ Thorp, Fenwicke, Heuensall, Thornton, South necke &* 
great Smetheton nere Pontefract, which William de Scargill, senior, K'. 
held for terme of life, the right of Robt. 

Escheats A^ S Ed. I hU [1279]. 

Extent of the lands which was Robert de Crepellinges inter alia. 

P. [should have been E, le. vol. 123] 12 There is in ffecJce 8 Bovates 

of Land 6f I6s. id, rent. 

CarUB 33 if. 3 m 2 [1248]. 

D. [vol. 121] 25 The King granted to the Church of S^ John the 

Apostle 6^ Euangelist of Apleton (inter alia) the 
guift Symon de Kyme 5 pHicatas of more in length, in the more of Hec, 

Out of the Leiger of S* Leonards of Yorkefo, 62. 

CO. [vol. 120] 13 Know p'sent 6r* to come that I Henry de Insula 

haue giuen to the hospitall of S^ Peter of Yorke in 
pure Almes for the soule of my father 6r^ of my Ancestors one Toft in 
ffecke which John Miller (Jo : Molendinarius : Dodsworth) held, free &* 
quiet from all service. Wittnesse 6x. 

ibm fo, 62. 

CC. [vol. 120] 13 William de Insula confirmed to the Hospitall 6^ 

bretheren of S* Peters of Yorke one Bovate of Land 
which Godwin his father gaue them in Heche, wittnesse 6^c. 

ibm fo, 62. 

CC, [vol. 120] 13 Amabillia daughter of William de Insula confirmed 

the foresaid guifb. 

Godwin de Insula =t= 
William de Insula =jp 
Amabilia. 

^ St. GeoTge*8 Visitation of Yorkshire leton,nearPoniefract, an entirely different 

(1612) Qotes this Robert fitz Richard de feimily from those of Wighil]. — Great 

Northalle, Leeds, as being of the younger Smeaton, near Pontefract) should be 

branch of the descendants of Adam fitz Kirk Smeaton. The township near Ponte- 

Asolf, de Birkin and Leeds. William de fract to be distinguished from it is Little 

Scargill, this deforciant, was the husband Smeaton, which is in the parish of 

of the heiress of the Stapletons of Stap- Womersley. 



WAPENTAEB OF 0SQ0LDCS08S. 5S 

[This is not a separate township or manor.] 

Common Fleas, Bill: Terme, 11 jFc?. 3 ro. 2 [1336-7]. 

DD. [vol. 122] 147 John Trauers granted to William son of William 

de Eednesse &* Alice his wife &* the heires which 
William shall beget of the body of the said Alice all his Lands in Row- 
hale, Kellington, Egburgh, Hethensale, Burton, Braiton, Altoftes, Pontfret, 
Brotherton, 6^ Hathelsej in the County of Yorke. remaind' to the said 
John 6^ his heires. 

EE. [voL 124] 50 Inq. 8 July 23 H. 8 [1531] after the death of tlie 

following Margret [already given under Feather- 
stone], 

Inquisition No, 7 A"" 12 H. 8 [1519]. 

[Already given ante, vol. x., 364, under Carleton.] 

W. [vol. 152] 17 Fines 35 E. 3 [1361]. 

[Already given supra, under Great Heck.] 

Inquisition taken at Snaith 27 Ed. 3 [1353]. 

C. [vol. 120] 93 The Jurors say it is not to the Dammage of the lord 

the King if he grant that Henry Gramary K* may 
giue to John Newton of Snaith 6^ Jone his wife dr* William son of the 
said John 5 messuages 5 bovates &* 60 acres of land 6^ 20 acres of 
medow 200 Acres of More 6^ 8" 10" rent with the appurtnances in 
Snaith Goldhale Hethensale Balnehecke litle Hecke Whitley Berley 6^ 
Burton vpon Dime [sic ; see also Vol. X. 360, this may be Bolton- on- 
Deame], which is held of the King in Capite 6^c. 

Escheats 29 K 3 n 55 [1355]. 

C. [voL 120] 93 Inquisition taken at Pontefract after the death of 

WilFm Grammary 6^c. 
[The same entry (a few words excepted) as under Goldale, where 

the reference is E. [vol. 123] 12.] 

Escheats A"" 8 Ed. 1 [1280]. 

GO. [vol 128] 63 Extent of the Lands of Robert de Creppellinges. 
[This is an incorrect reference, but it appears clearly as OtOt, 53 in 800, 

and is repeated in the Index, vol. 23.] 
Inter alia There is in Hethensale 11 bovates &* 22" 5^ ob. rent. 

^ Neither Hensall nor any other town- is, 32 taxpayers were rated at id. each, 

ship of the large parish of Snaith is men- and 3 others (2 smiths and a butcher) 

tioiied in Domesday. In the Poll Tax of at 6d. No one in Hensall paid more than 

1378, Hensall was assessed at 1 2s. 2d. ; that this latter suql 



51 



WAPENTAKE OF OSGOLDCROSS. 



[also Hymsworth and Himaworth,^ 

Chartce 56 ^. 3 m. 4 [1272]. 

C. [vol. 120] 29 The King [ad imtantia JtoUti de Thwenge, Doda- 

worth] granted to Adam de Wanrevile free warren in 
all his demeasne Lands of Uymlesworth ^ in Com' Ebor. 

[Hemsworth is in the Staincross Wapentake.] 



^ Till within the last seven years, 
Hemsworth belonged to the Wapentake of 
Staincross, but it has now been allotted to 
Osgoldcross. The old division between 
the Wapentakes was in this direction very 
arbitrary, there being hardly a natursd 
feature in it. It is therefore no wonder 
that the arranger of the excerpts in 800 
Harl. allowed the above to slip in among 
thotte illustrating the Wapentake of Os- 
goldcross. — What is now the township of 
Hemsworth was originally three manors, 
Hemsworth itself comprising two and 
Kinsley one, and in the Domesday Surrey 
the group of three appear in the hands of 
Gamel at the head of the manors of 
Stiincross. But since the time to which 
written records extend the manor has been 
treated as an undivided entity. It is 
rather above the average size of Vorkshire 
townships, and is both township and 
parish, no other civil township being 
combined with it to form the ecclesiasticid 
parish. Moreover its ecclesiastical pro- 
perties were never appropriated to a 
monastery; and Hemsworth has always 
been a rectory which was for many years 
in the gift of the Wannervilles and the 
Wortleys, the lineal descendants of Qamel, 
the Domesday subinfeudatory owner. 
There is no direct evidence of the fact, 
but from the way his property descended 
it seems as if his co-heiresses respectively 
carried the manors of Birkin and Hems- 
worth to a descendant of Adam FitzAsolf 
and one of Wm. de Wannei-ville respec- 
tively. In any case each was shortly 
afterwards fouud in the possession of the 
Birkius and Wannervilles, and each 
escaped the appropriation which befell all 
the ecclesiastical properties owned by the 
descendants of Swain, the great compeer 
of Gamel. In T. R. E. Uameleswrde 
had been held as two manors by Ulf and 
Siward, who cultivated four carucates 
with three ploughs. It then contributed 
60«. to the royal treasury. But after the 
Conquest settlement, it fell to the share 



of Ilbert, who by the date of the Domes- 
day Survey, had subinfeuded not only the 
two manors which comprised Hemsworth, 
but also that of Kinsley, to Gamel, who, 
from having himself been a very large 
proprietor, was thus reduced somewhat 
to the position of a yeoman in a district 
of which he had not long previously been 
owner, farming some of his own lands, 
and letting ofi another portion. He kept 
in his own hand, land for two ploughB, 
while three villanes and one bordar had 
enough for a third plough. Here were 
four acres of meadow, and a large area of 
uncleared woody pasture half a mile long 
and half a mile broad. There was no 
Domesday church, but Gamel or his im- 
mediate successor erected one and fur- 
nished it with an ample endowment, which 
is still in possession of the rector. For, 
unlike that followed by Swain, the other 
great pre- Norman proprietor of this 
district, who was continued in some of his 
possessions by the Norman lord, it was 
the tradition of the Gamel family to keep 
the advowsons of their churches in hand ; 
while the practice of the Swain fitz 
Ailrics was to grant them to a monastery. 
But this Norman sub-infeudatory not 
only erected a church in Hemsworth, but 
he combined the three manors, hitherto 
separate, into one, which having a church 
at the time of the constitution of the 
parochial system, and beiog sufficiently 
large to constitute a parish, was allowed 
to retain its own parson, or rector, 
or dean, as he was indifferently called. 
Hemsworth and Ackworth are the only 
examples in this wapentake of a parish 
being co-terminous with a township, and 
retaining its individuality from 1089 to 
1889. There is an excellent account of 
the parish and township of Hemsworth in 
S. Yk8. II. 423-435.— At the PoU Tax 
of 1378, Hymmesworth (which must be 
understood as including the Domesday 
Kinsley) contributed 665. %d. There were 
90 taxpayers, of whom the great bulk 84 



^ This Hewelsworth appears in the printed Placita (1818) as Hunlesworth. 



WAPENTAKE OF OSGOLDCROSS. 



56 



Fines in the Treamry 27 U. 6 [1449]. 

G. [voL 127] 39 Between Thomas Chaworth K*, Henry Vavasor jun' 

Willia' Scargill sen, Robert Nevill of Liuersedge 
oomplinant 6^ William Gascoigne K^ and Margret his wife defor^ of the 
manor' of Kolfeld 6^ Broughton, Lands in wentbrig, Thorp Audelin, 
Houghton, Castleford 6^ Escrick. the right of Thomas, Henry, William, 
<5^'C. [fo. 29]. 

Inquisition taken at Sherburne Sept. 6 8^ Caroli 1632, after the death of 

Henry Savile AT* 6^ Baronet 

RS. [vol. 146] 124 The Jurors say that the said Henry Savile died 

seised of all the tyth of the Come growing in 6* 
upon the demeasne Lands of Houghton 6^ water friston lately belonging to 
the p'bend of Theobald de Lues, in the Chappell of S^ Clemens within the 
Castell of Pontefract, 6^c. And of 1 mess" with lands a^ hereditam** in 
Houghton in the County of Yorke, lately purchased of George Shelitoe, 
Esq. &*c, 

Chartce 35 H, 3 m. S [1251]. 
C. [vol. 120] 15 [As before under Castleford.] 



paid id, each, 4 artificers paid 6d., "Walter 
de Birton, the sergeant, paid half a mark ; 
and Elizabeth, widow of Nicholas de 
Wortelay, Knight, contributed 205. The 
four who paid 6d. were 2 smiths, 1 tailor 
and 1 theker or thatcher. Among the 
names were those of Henry Parson cosyn. 
John Gud Ayre (a name which is found 
in the Pontefract Registers as two separate 
words, up to the close of the 16th cen- 
tury), Richard Wortlayman, Agnes Hob- 
sonwyf, and Alice Watwyf. — It is sur- 
prising how persistent the Z was in the 
name of the township of Hemsworth. 
This reminder of the owner whose name 
still adheres to the place, has now, how- 
ever, quite disappeared. — When the above 
charter was in question atthe Placita Quo 
Warranto enquiry in 21 Ed. 111. another 
Adam, the son of this Adam de Warneville 
orWenreville, as he was indififeren tly called, 
was alleged to be in m'ia 2>'plurib; de- 
faliis. He, however, proved his claim in 
this case ; on which the king's attorney, 
driven to his last shift, claimed that an 
enquiry should be made as to whether 
tluB right of free warren thus proved to 
hftve ^en granted had ever been exer- 
daed. As nothing more is heard of the 
matter, probably the owner of Hemsworth 
waa fully able to prove that his rights had 



not fallen into desuetude owing to his 
non-exercise uf them. 

^* This Houghton is the modern Glass 
Houghton, near Pontefract, in the parish 
of Castleford. The township has never 
had a church ; and although it was 
within the parish and rectory of Castle- 
ford, the tithes of Houghton were 
alienated towards the endowment of the 
prebend of Theobold de Luce, in the 
chapel of St. Clement in the Castle. 
But the alienation probably took place 
before the constitution of the parish. 
At the time of the Poll Tax of 1378, 
Houghton was assessed at 17*. lOt?., 
while Castleford produced only 15*. lOd. 
The taxpayers were 43 at id. and 7 at 6d. 
These last were 2 smiths, 2 tailors, 
1 Webster, 1 wright, and 1 undescribed. 
The occupant of the manor house is not 
named. Stevens (App. No. clxxxi.) gives 
the copy of an agreement made between 
John Scot of Calverlaye, and the monks 
of Pontefract, whereby he gave them a 
temporary right of way over his land at 
Halliwell to their turbary, which they 
had of the gift of the Earl of Lincoln. 
The right was to expire in 1288, probably 
on the presumption that by that time 
the turf would all be consumed. 



56 



WAPENTAKE OP 0SG0LDCR08S. 



Ghartcb ^^ 2 i^. 3 71, 69 [1328]. 

C. [vol. 120] 64 [As before under Castleford.] 

Escheats 7 H, S [1515]. 

QQ. [vol. 128] 176 Henry Vavasour of Heslewood held one mess^ 

in Bishophill, d^c [which was worth 13«. 4rf. 
(Dodsworth)'] 6^ allso 10 Mess", 200 Acres of Land, 20 Acres of 
meadow, 6^ 100 acres of pasture, with the appurtnances in Wentbrig, 
Thorp Audlin, Houghton, Castleford 6^ Sutton. John Vavasor son dr' 
heire 21 jeares old. 

[Already copied with the addition after Bishophill. This is followed 
in Dodsworth by a Vavasour pedigree which was not copied into 800.] 



In a transcript of the toriteings of Edmund KigKLey of Goldsbrough, 

temp Eliz. fo, 61. 

Q. [vol. 143] 41-2 John de Haukesworth, Thomas del hill, dr* Adam 

de Gereford, Chaplaines, gaue granted and con- 
firmed to Walter de Caluerley ^ all their lands &* Tenem** which they 
had of the gift of the said Walter 6^ all the services of the free tenants 
there, with all tbe appurtnances in Caluerley, Wodehall, Podesay, 



2& This appears to be the document by 
which the lands at Hall i well canae to the 
Scots of Calverlay. That family had 
even then already been in the neighbour- 
hood fdr Bome generations. The first 
who took the name seems to have been 
Walter, son of Gilbert, son of Hugh of 
Pontefract; and this Walter in 1253 
made an important exchange with the 
monks, which helped them to consolidate 



their properties. On their part they 
relinquished to him an outlying plot 
called Westrode, which even now retains 
the name of Monkroyd, although no 
monk has held it for above six centuries. 
On his part he gave them in exchange 
9| acres in 6 plots, five of which were ad- 
jacent to some piece of land which they 
previously held, viz. : — 



1. Quinque perticatas in crofto de Bondegate, quse jacet 

inter terram Henrici filii Matildis, 
et terram Symoni filii Augeri ; et 

2. Dues acras terrse et dimidiam, quie jacet subtus Heselclif, 

inter terram dictorum monachorum, 
et terram Roger! filii Anabilis; et 
8. Unam acram quae jacet subtus Heselclif 

inter terram eorundem monachorum, 
et terram Ade Foye. 

4. Et tres aoras qusD jacent ante portam Hospital' sa* Nich', 

inter terram d'tor' monachorum et 
regiam tem. 

5. Et tres perticatas super Flaghill, jacentes 

inter terram eorundem monachorum, et 
terram Walteri filii Gilberti filii Hugouis ; 

(that is Walter Scot himself). 

6. Bt quinque perticatas ad portam predict! Hospitalis ex 

altera parte exeunte, quse jacent 

inter terram dictorum monachorum, et 
terram Reginald! de Ferrur. 

The charter was to be made as a Cyro- Walter's seal, was to remain with the 
graph, of which one part^ sealed with monks, and the otlier, sealed with the 



WAPENTAKE OP OSGOLDCROSS. 



57 



Ferselay, Raudon, Hocton, Clayton [Thornton in orig.], Tiersall, Guys- 
lay, Pontefrait, Hogion^ Aliwell, Brakinhill 6^ Altofts 6^c. dated at 
Gereford 1366. 

[This in the original contains also a list of tenants.] 

vid, HuCK. 

Chart<£\\ Ed. 3 n 2 [1337]. 

C. [vol. 120] 72 The King 6^c. we haue seen the letters patents of 

Phillip the Queen in these words : Phillip Queen 
of England granted to the Abbot of S* Mary of Yorke the mann' of 
Whitegift with the appurtnances in the County of Yorke together with 
the members of Vsflet Reddnesse Swynflet Houke ^^ Ayremyne dr* Inkles- 
more, which was S' Geoffrey le Scroops ; dr* which the said Geofirey 
restored into the hands of the Lord the King E., 6^ which the said King 
granted to us for terme of Life, to be holden of the said Abbot for terme 
of Life. 

Out of ilie Leiger booke of Selhy, fo. 137. 

B. [vol. 118] 21 Roger de Huck son of Thomas de Huck K* confirmed 

to the Church of S' German of Selby the guift of his 
father on the more of Huck &* xx pticat of land in Bredth, nere the 
Hermitage as farre as the riuer vse 6^c Wittnesse John de Birkin dr'o. 

In the Chartulary of Ormesby in Lincolnshire, penes (....) Rookehy of 

Skires, 1632, /o. 252. 

L. [vol. 135] 139 To all the faithfull in Christ Roger de Huck 6- 

Margret his wife greeting. Know ye that we haue 
giuen 6^c. To God &* the Covent of Ormesby in pure Almes 6 p ches 
[p*ticatas, should be roods] of more in breadth, with the fee, in the 
teritory of Swynflete, which is nexte to the more of James de Houeden, 
with Common of pasture of the said More.^ 



authentic seal of the monks, was to 
remain with him. The names of the 
witnesses will show the importance 
attached to this deed, which has never 
been published. They were John de 
Hoderode, then seneschal of Poutefract, 
Dom. Robert de Stapleton, Dom. Richard 
Wallis, Dom. Henry his brother, Hugh 
Biseth, William de Fetherstan, William, 
son of Blye, Richard, son of Seman, 
William de Cellario, Thomas Reyner, 
Robert^ son of Mabel, Roger, his brother, 
Reginald de Ferrur, Adam de Batley, 
'^and others." And there is a memo- 
randum attached to the original, noting 
that ihe measurements were with a perch 
of 20 feet. This would make the acre 
to contain a liberal 6400 yards instead of 
4840. There is an abstract of this 
charter (brief, but containing the 
itials, and the names of the witnesses, 



&c.) in Lansd. 207a, and there is what 
professes to be a copy of the whole in 
Dodsworth's vol. 155; but this latter 
being corrupt in two or three places, and 
having two accidental omissions which 
obscured the sense, I have corrected it by 
comparison with the original by the kind 
and courteous permission of its present 
owner. 

^^ Hook is not named in Domesday, 
but in the Poll Tax of 1878, it was assessed 
at 33^. Bd. 80 taxpayers were rated at 
id.j 12 at 6d. (4 tailors, 2 each of smiths, 
walkers, and websters, a fisher and a 
mason). There was also a Marchand de 
Bestes who paid 12d. 

^ This excerpt refers to Swinfleet, and 
seems to have been extracted because the 
subject of the grant was included with 
other moor in a sul sequent charter. It 
has no reference to Hook. 



58 WAPENTAKE OP OSQOLDCROSS, 

ihm 252. 

Li. [vol. 135] 139 Margret wife of Roger de Hucke gaue in her widdow- 

hood to the Couent of the Monks of Ormesby 
halfe a bovate of Land in the teritory of Hucke which I had of the guift 
of Richard son of Lambert with 2 pches of More belonging to the said 
halfe Bovate. 

ibm 253. 

L. [vol. 135] 139 Yuo de Bileham qnitclaime to S' Roger de Hecke &* 

Margret his wife 6>* their heu*es one halfe bovate of 
Land w^^ all the appnrtnances which he held of them in Hucke. 

ilm 253. 

Li. [vol. 135] 139 John son of Roger de Huck confirmed to the Covent 

of Ormesby six pches of more in Bredth with the 
fee in Swynesflete and 6 bovates of Land in Barton 6r* ail the giiiftes 
which they had of the guift of Roger his father and Margret his mother 
in HtLck &* Barton. 

ibm 253. 

L. [vol. 135] 139 S' John de Huck son of S' Roger de Hucke con- 
firmed the p^'mises. 

Out of the Ldger of S* Mary of Yorke, fo, 386. 

Robert son of Walter de Skegnesse K^ gaue to Wydo, sonne of Thomas de 
Braytoste [Braytoft] all his More w*^** he had in the More of Hucke, of 
the guift of S*^ John de Hucke. 

Vide Hucke. 

In the writeings of Robert Rockley, of Rookie j^y in the 

County of Y<yrke, 1632. 

In Wors^ long Box, 

NN. [vol. 139] 8 John de Rockley, junior, sonne of Henry de Rockley, 

quitclaime to Henry his brother of a certaine rent 
of 6" which was holden of him by a writeing made betwixt [the said 
DodsworiK\ Henry and Maud, wife of the said John, for tenements which 
the said Maud had at Holme in the name of her dower [p* . . . . Henr^ 
de Rocekelay viri sui. Test' Rob' de Braddefeld, Dno Robto Tyeis, Johe 
de Rokelay, seniori, DodsuH>rth], 

ibm, 

^olme ntvt <!^t»0ton. 

The litle round Box. 

NN. [vol 139] 15 Robert, son of John de Jretam, [Treton] teneter ac- 

q*etare, [The words, which are quite undecipher- 

^ Holme, near Burgh wallifl, and Hokne township. It is in Owston, not Bui^h- 
near Owston, are the same. Holme was wallis. 
but a hamlet, and neTer became a separate 



WAPENTAKE OP 08G0LDCR0SS. 59 

able, are probably intended for tenetur acquietare. They are written 
over an erasure of dedtt] Henr de Hockley 6^ his heires all the land 
and tenem** which the said Henry had of my feofem* in Holme in y« 
Pish of Owston against the Lord the King 6"c. Dat. 3 Ed. 1 [1274} 

Out of Nostell Prioi*y Coucher, fo, 162. 

MM. [vol. 138] 82 To all whom this p'sent writeiug shall come 

Humphrey de Veylly son &> heire of Robert de 
Veylly, greeting. Know ye that I haue giuen, granted, &» by this my 
p^sent charter confirmed to God df the Church of S* Oswald of Nostell, 
all the Land which Alice de Soton lately held in the Towne &* teritory 
of Holmey nere Owston, as it lieth in the said fields of Holme 6^c. ; and 
allso all that land with the medow which my father, Robert, formerly 
held of John de Treton in the Towne of Holme get [scTt DodsworlK] 12 
Acres &* a halfe of land. 



^orne Castle i% m Staincro00 W&lujj^.^ 

In the vrriteings of Richard Beamond of Whitley K^ &* Baronet, 

K. [voL 121] 146 William Harrington K* gaue &> demised to Robert 

son of Robt de Marten, of Hymsworth, 6^ Isabell 
his wife, daughter of Robert Frankys of Warneford, &* the heires males 
of their bodies begotten, the moyety of the mann' of Hymsworth [and 
the moiety of the advowson of the Chui'ch of Hemsworth (Dodsworth) ] 
with lands which Wittm Scoley holds in Home Castle dr' lands which 
Robert Elys holds in Wodhous 6^c ; remainder to William, brother of the 
said Robert, son of Robert Morton, <5^»o; remainder to Thomas Harington, 
his son &'c; remainder to John Harington, brother of the foresaid Tho: 
Harington 6-c. 

In the tvriteings of Francis Worthy K* 6^ Baronet, 

Y. [vol. 155] 79 In the yeare of Our Lord 1302. Adam de Wenner- 

uile let to ferme to Thomas de Southholme one Toft 
in Home Castle 6^ all the Land which William Bullax held in the same 
Towne &* one Toft with halfe a Bovate of Land in Kinnersley " which the 
said William Hkewise held. Wittnesse John de Flinthill, John de 
Burton, Jordan de Ker, Geffrey de Scolay. 

ibm. 

Y. [vol. 155] 79 In the yeare of o' Lord 1303. Adam de Wannervill 

Lord of Hymelesworth let^ to ferme to John son of 
John de Bretton all his right which he had for the terme of 27 yeares 
next following, in all that tenem* which John de Bretton, father of the 

^ HomcasUe is in the extremity of even a hamlet. 
Hemsworth, bordering on Nostell; but ^ Kinsley, now a hamlet of Hems- 
there is also another Homcastle in tho worth, was in pre-Domesday time a 
adjoining township of Foul by. Neither distinct manor, as we have already seen, 
WM ever a township or a manor; hardly Note to Hbmsworth. 



60 



WAPENTAKE OP OSGOLDCROSS. 



foresaid John, lately held of Nicholua, mother of the foresaid Adam, in 
the towne and teritoiy of ffomecastell ; to hold till the end of 27 yeares. 
Witnesse John de Burton 6^0. 

Hbm 

KKK. [vol. 62] 6 Adam de Wannervill 6^ Alice his wife gaue to 

John, son of John de Bretton, all the lajids 6^ 
Tenem** which John, father of the foresaid John, held of S' Adam Wan- 
nervill K* in Uomecdster nere Kynnersley, for terme of yeares, paying 
17* 6^ yearly. Wittnesse John Byset 6^0. 

ibm 

KEE. [vol. 62] 36 Adam de Wannervill, Lord of Himsworth, gaue 

to John son of John de Bretton, 1 Toft with 
lands in Homecastell for 14 yeares. dat. on the feast of S* Clement Pope 
[and martyr, Dod^oorth] 1316. 

?^tttit,^' vide ?^00itf. 

Fines ^MO John [1209]. 

NNN. [vol 73] 100 Between William [Walter, Dodsworth] son of 

Guner de Haldenilby, compl*, (5r» Roger son of 
Anketell, ten*, of 10 acres of Land w*** the appm*tnances, in Ifuc, the 
right of Robert [Roger, Dodsivorth] and his heires. 

Fines A'' 10 John [1209]. 

KNN. [vol. 73] 112 Between Sauericius de Hue, complain', 6^ Roger, 

son of Anketillus, tenent, of 20 Acres of Land 
with the appurtnances in Jffuck, the right of Roger &' his heires. 

Fi7i€s in the Treasury U Fd. 3 [1337]. 

Q. [vol. 127] 34 Robert le Constable of Flaimburgh, Jone his wife, 

held 2 pts of the Mann^ of Houk. [dote Dodsiv(n*th]. 

Out of Nostell Priory G&ucher^ fo, 420. 1. 

MM. [voL 138] 39 To all the faithfuU in Christ, Robert de Boston 

[Beston, Dodsivorth] son of Ysoulda de Preston '^ 
greeting. Know ye that I haue giuen 6^ granted (5r» by this my 



3^ See ante, note 26, and j>ost, under 
Inklbsmorv. 

^ Huntwick, Foulby, and Nostell were 
combined in Domesday to form Osele 
(in which we may trace an early form of 
Nostell, or Oswald's ley, for St. Oswald's 
memory was venerated on the site before 
St Oswald's monastery was founded, as 
I have already shown), and they are 
still united fur township purposes under 



the name of Foulby. (A similar relation 
has existed between Fery, Fryston and 
Wheldale :— see ante, vol. x. 580.) With 
Featherston, Purston and Hardwick they 
made one manor in the time of Domes- 
day, in the hands of Ligulf, who had Acton 
as a second manor, the two Whitwoods as 
a third, and Fairbum-with-Ledsham in 
Barkston Ash as a fourth. This last he 
was at first allowed to retain, though the 



^ Probably a descendant of the original Domesday grantee, Emulphus. 



WAPENTAKE OP OSGOLDCROSS. 



61 



p^sent writeing confirmed to God cr* the Church of S^ Oswald of Nostell 
to the vse of their Secretary (sic) in free 6r* perpetual I Almes all the 
service of Thomas, son of Osbert de Huntewicke, which he was wont to 
make to me with the homages (5r» Escheats 6r*c [reliefs, custodies, 
Dodsworth] 6r* all other services which he was accustomed to doe for his 
Land which he held of me, viz one [silver, Dodsioorth] peny rent 
yearly &'c. 

ibm 420. 2. 

MM, [vol. 1 38] 39 To all the faithf all in Christ Jordanus de Insula 

greeting. Know ye that I haue giuen 6^ granted, 
&' by this my p'^sent writeing confirmed to God cr* the Church of S^ 
Oswald of Nostell, for the Vse of building the Church, in pure 6r* ppetuall 
Almes, All the service of Robert, son of Henry de Huntwicke, viz of 
15^ p ann. 

ibmfo, 246-7. 3. 

MM. [vol. 138] 42^ To all that shall see or heare this writeing, 

Richard, son of Robert de Fetherston greeting in 



Ledsham half of it at least was quickly in 
the hands of the lord, who added it to the 
foundation of St. John's monastery ; but 
his other manors were subinfeuded into 
different hands, for the early Norman 
policy was to separate such properties. 
Radulph, who had Featherstone, and 
Emulph, who had Purston, Nostell and 
Uardwick, were thenceforward known as 
Ralph de Fetherston e and Emulph de 
Preston. Roger Pictavus had Whit wood, 
and William his brother bad Ackton, which 
last had then a taxable area of three caru- 
cates, capable of employing three ploughs, 
contributing lOs. to the revenue as the 
township haid done in Saxon times. It 
had no mill and no meadow, but there 
was half a square leuga of woody pasture. 
At the time of the Poll Tax of 1378, this 
township bad 1 3 taxpayers who paid id. 
each, and no one of a superior grade. — It 
is remarkable what a strange confusion 
there has always been with regard to the 
registration of these manors of Ligulf. 
In the Domesday Survey, the Whitwoods 
are entered twice : once with a memo- 
randum of Ligulfs possession, once 
without ; while as we have seen, Foulby 
and Huntwick are not named at all. 
During the time that Ligulf 's tenure 
lasted, Featherston, Purston, Hardwick, 
Noetell, Foulby, and Huntwick being 
adjacent and held as one manor, must 
have had some sort of common interest, 
and yet when the tie of a common lord- 
ahip ceased to bind them, the six having 
two churches at Featherstone and 
Nostell, formed two centres ; Feather- 
stone and Purston combining not ouly 
with Whitwood in Osgoldcross, but with 



Ackton in Agbrigg to form an eccle- 
siastical parish, while the Nostell group 
formed a second parish, taking a name, 
Wragby, which belonged to neither 
though it was probably as old if not older 
than either of them. Thus Huntwick, a 
member of the parish of Wragby, and 
Ackton, a member of the parish of 
Featherston (see antCf vol. vi. 426 for 
Ackton ; and anie^ voL vii. 401 for Hunt- 
wick) are in the wapentake of Agbrigg, 
while their churches are each in the 
wapentake of Osgoldcross. Huntwick, of 
which so much appears here, is not 
mentioned in the Poll Tax of 1378. 
Neither is Foulby nor Nostell. Huntwick 
was evidently cleared and cultivated very 
early, but seems uever to have had any 
resident population except at the Orange, 
which while the monastery was in exis- 
tence was probably reckoned as part of 
the monastic buildings. Ackton (which 
appears in Domesday as Aitone, and 
probably by a slip of the pen as Attone) 
is called Haikton in the Poll Tax of 1378, 
which records only 4 taxpayers, and those 
at but id. each. 

** This has already been given {ante, 
vol. vi. 427), but with some slight varia- 
tions. In the Dodsworth vol, after the 
date 1329, is the memorandum '*lt 
seems that Rich. Fetherston was chief 
lo: of the Fish by this deed,'* a note 
that not only embodies a double blunder, 
but ignores the distinction between the 
manor and the parish, which included 
several manors. For the four manors 
were not all in the same parish, as has 
already been explained. 



62 



WAPENTAKE OP OSGOLDCROSS. 



the Lord, whereas dissention was moued between John Prior of S* 
Oswald of Nostell 6^ me for Common of pasture which the said Prior &* 
Couent have in the more of Fetherston, Preston Jackelin, Ayketon, 6^ 
Huntwicke &* they 6r» their predecess" have had time out of mind, I the 
foresaid Richard doe grant for me &> and my heires that they may 
quietly &* peaceably enjoy the foresaid Common of pasture dr'c,^ 

Out of Nostell Priory Coitcher, fo. 423, 4. 

MM. [vol. 138] 44 William son of Robert de Huntwicke gaue to the 

Hospitall one Toft in HurUewvcke which Adam, 
[William, DodswortK] son of Swan, held. Wittnesse Robert de . . . . 

ihm fo. 427. 5. 

MM. [vol. 138] 44 Know p^'sent 6r» to come that I Walter de 

Huntwicke and Agnes my wife haue giuen 6r»c. to 
John de Richmond late keeper of the parke of Pontefracf® in free 
marriage with Margret [alibi Margery, fo. 422, note in the margin"] my 
daughter, one bovate of land with the appurtnances in the Teritory 
of Hunte\oick€y viz that which William de Kyneslay quit claime to vs 
6r» our heires by his writeing 6^ which Robert of Doncaster &* Wyraarc 
his wife lately held of the said Willia'. 

ihm 428. 6. 

MM. [vol. 138] 44 To all &^q, Alot daughter of Beatrice de Hunte- 

wick greeting, Know ye that I in my widowhood 
haue quit claime to the Prior 6^ Couent of S* Oswald of Nostell all my 
right in a certaine toft [in Hunt wick, Dodsworth] called Godfrey croft &* 
in a yearly rent of 3* of Robert de Huntwicke 6r» his heires which said 
Toft &* rent Hugh de Towleston gaue to Henry de Huntwicke in free 
marriage with Beatrice my Mother &* the foresaid Beatrice in her 
widdowhood gaue to me. 

ibm 428. 7. 

MM. [vol. 138] 44 Know p''sent 6r» to come that I William sonne 

of Robert de Huntewicke haue giuen &* quit 
claimed to the Prior &* Covent of Nostell &' their success" all my land 
in Huntewicke without any withholding with the meadow &* wood 
growing there as it is inclosed with Ditches, 6^ lieth in length between 
Adam field on the North side, 6r» Walter rode on the west side 6r» in 



^ When this grant was made, the 
moor or town field was still held jointly 
by the four townships. There is an 
earlier deed as follows, which perhaps 
shows when Richard de Fetherston 
succeeded to his estate. *'Indentura 
inter Ric'm filiu' Rob'ti de Fethirstan ex 
vna p'te, et Fr'em Will'm Abb'em de 
KirkestaU, Fr'em Henricu P'orem de Sc5 
Oswaldo, Will'm filia Hugo'is de Castle- 
ford et oSs trfts tenentes de Preston 
Jakelyn, Herdewyke, Ayketon, Fether- 



stan ex altera, de quadam placea tVe in 
mora de Fetherston. p' dom' Ricm ra*one 
D'nij sui de nouo approval &o. dat. 1822. 
fo. 246." 

^ This is the earliest mention I have 
found of the Park of Pontefract, which 
is apparently the Pontefract portion of a 
"moor," originally held jointly by 
Pontefract, Featherston and Houghton. 
It was never legally emparked. [But see 
an article on the Cridling Park Crucifix, 
in the present Part.] 



WAPENTAKE OP OSGOLDCROSS. 



68 



bredth between Huntwick lane on tbe East side cr' Depker on the west 
side [Et dedi eis quanda' cultura' cu' p't's sicut {blank) inter publicam 
Btratam versus Hiintwic, &^ fossati de Shameston qu' Rob'tus pater 
mens diet* monasterio in corpore sno coutulit] 

Out of NoBtell Priory Coucher, fo. 428. 8. 

MM. [vol. 138] 44 Know 6-0 that I Alice late wife of Robert de 

Huntewicke in my free power haue ginen &* quit 
claimed to Walter de Huntewicke all the right which I had in the land 
which I had in the field of Huntewicke for a certaine summe of money. 

ibm 428. 9. 

[vol. 138] 44 William de Kyniesley gaue one bovate of land in 

Hunteioicke ^ to Walter de Huntewicke, viz that 
which Robert de Donecastria 6- Wymarc his wife lately held, paying 
xv^ yearly. 

Urn fo, 426. 10. 

[vol. 138] 44 To all 6^•c I William son of Peter son of Walter 

de Huntewic of Pontefract haue quitclaimed to 
the Prior of S* Oswald of Nostell all my claime which I had in a Bovate 
of Land with the chiefe Mann^^ of Huntewicke viz that which Walter de 
Huntwicke my Grandfather 6** Agnes his wife did lately giue in marriage 
[of Richard late Parkkeeper of Pontefract, Dod8ivortK\ with Margret 
his wife." 

Um 267. 11. 

[vol. 138] 45 Know all 6-c. that I Peter de Towleston 6- Eva 

my wife by the Consent of our heires haue giuen 
c- granted cr» by this our Charter confirmed to God e- S* Mary 6r» S* 
Oswald of Nostell 6^ the Canons there seruing God Ix acres of Land in 
Hunteioicke which was Gerrards, viz 40 acres in demeasne 6r» 20 acres ^ 
in fee farme, which Galfrid*s son held of them, paying yearly 2" for all 
service.'*® 



S7 This appears to be the property 
called Huntwick Orange, with appurte- 
nant land to the north and west extend- 
ing to the boundary of the township, 
where it adjoins Snydale. 

^ This Richard is elsewhere called 
John. 

» There is another charter of twenty 
acres, perhaps relating to this same pro- 
perty, which was partially quoted in 
Agbrioo (see vol. vii. p. 400) from N N N 
[â–¼ol. 73] 54 ; but I have obtained a much 
fuller copy from this MM [voL 138] 4, 
and a comparison will show how carefully 
the transcriber of 800 denuded his 
extracts of all but their topographical 

interest. 

Dodsworth, 138, fol. 4. 

finis a** 4 Jo. Inter Auiciam filia' 

Bemardipe. etp'orem de S'c'o Oswaldo ten' 

dfl XX acris t're in Huntewic. Avicia 



remisil ius p*ori, p'or concessit A vide 
Corredium unius servientis in p'oratu 
SYi Osioaldi tk 4°' denar q^lib: a" ad 
Pascha ad Sotulares emendos q'mdiu 
ip*a Avicia vixU. pa. 15. 

^^ A parallel illustration is afforded by 
a charter concerning ten acres, which 
was not copied into 800. It is from 
MM. [vol. 138] 46. Peter de Towle- 
ston, with the assent of Eva de Dai, 
his wife, grants to the Canons (I) ten 
acres of land which are in a "culture," 
which is nearer their land towards Hunt- 
wick, with (2) what they had in that 
clearing beyond the pool, which was next 
Foleby. And for this concession they 
received her father, Hugh de Dai, into 
full brotherhood, all the days of his life, 
qui lepra p'cussus ero^.— His having been 
stricken with leprosy would appear from 
this to have deprived him of his civil 



64 



WAPENTAKE OP OSGOLDCROSS. 



ihm 257. 12. 

MM. [vol. 138] 45 Know p'^esent 6r» to come that I Eua de Dai for 

the health of my soule, cr' of my father, 6r* 
mother, 6** of my parents 6^ Ancestors, haue granted 6^ by this my 
p^sent writeing confirmed to God cSt^ the Church of S* Oswald of Nostell 
cr* the Canons there serueing God [illam culturam q' est ultra Vivarium 
canonicorum p'e Folebi ^^ qui Aschelinus de Dai, Avus mens, dedit eisdem 
canonicis; and also Dodsworth] 10 acres of Land which Hugh my 
father gaue vnto them [quando suscep'unt eum in canonicum, DodMoortk] 
in Huntewicke &'c. 

Out of Nostell Priory Couclier^ fo, 257. 13. 

MM. [vol. 138] 46 To all the sonns of the holy mother the Church, 

Hugh de Towleston greeting. Know ye that I 
haue for the health of my Soule 6^ of all my ancestors and success" giuen 
dr' granted 6^ by this my p''sent Charter confirmed to God and the 
Church of S* Oswalds of Nostell 6r» the Canons of the same place, all 
that Land which Yuo Fisch held of me in the Teritory of Huntetmcke, 
with all the meadow adjoyning to the said Land, with all other 
appurtnances, with Common of the said Towne of Huntewicke^ in pure 
&' perpetuall Almes, free and quiet from all service 6^c. 

ibm 258. 14. 

MM. [vol. 138] 47 To all the sonnes of the holy mother the Church. 

Hugh de Touieston son of ^^ of Towleston 

greeting. Know ye that I haue giuen <57^c to the Church of S* Oswald 
of Nostell [Gilbert the son of Richard Sloth with his wife and 
children and Dochworth^^ all that Land which Richard Sleth father of 
Guilbert 6^ the said Guilbert held of me in Huntewicke with all 
the appurtnances o^c. 



rights, as if he had been a lunatic, had it 
not been that a clause in the next charter 
(also uncopied in 800, and which I have 
obtained only by comparison with Dods- 
worth's own vol.) states that he himself 
made the gift when the Canons received 
him into their fraternity. The following 
is the charter : 

Dodsworth, 134, fo. 45. 
Carta Petri de Touieston. 
Huntewic 

O'ibus s*ce mah**s ecc*e filijs tarn cl'icis 
q*m laicis Petrus de Touieston SaVtm. 
Nou'it yniuersitas v'ra me assensu Eue de 
Dai vx'is meeconcessi8se& p' carte attesta- 
tione confirraassedeo &ecc'e S'c'i Osuualdi 
& Ganoids ibm deo servientib: decem 
acras t*re q' sunt in vna cultura q' 
yicinior est eor' t're u*sus Huntewick in 
puram elelam, p'petuo possidendam de 
nobis & de he'dib: n'ris, Ub*e k q'ete ab 
o*i s'c'lari servitio de nobis & de o'ibus 
ho*ibus. Clamauimus etiam ego Petrus et 
Yxor mea Eua & he'des n'ri imp'petuu' 



q'etam calumpniam q*m h'uimus in cultura 
ilia vltra viuariu' ip'orum canonicorum 
q' est iux* FolebL p* hac conceesione re- 
cep'unt p'd'c'i cano'ici Hugonem de Dai in 
plenariu' Fr'em o'ibus dieb : vite sue, qui 
lepra p'cussus erat. Huius rei test. &o. 
fo. 267. 

*^ This seems to have been that part 
of Nostell Park now called Foleby Park. 

^'^ Dodsworth's original also gives this 
a blank, which his genealogical table 
supplies as Peter. 

*^ It is significant that this important 
clause concerning the practice of granting 
the cultivator with the soil, should like 
the leper clause (note 88) have been 
omitted by Mr. Tesseyman when copying 
his materials for 800. it is evident that 
his concern was with the land only, not 
with the ncUim. But the omission 
suggests how much that Dodsworth knew 
to be worthy of record and preservation, 
has been omitted by those who made 
these extracts. 



WAPBNTAKB OF OSGOLDCROSS. 



65 



i(m 442. 15. 

[voL 138] 48 William son of Kobert de Huntewicke gaue to 

Geffrey son of John le Parker of the same, one 
rood of Land &> a halfe in 3 pts lieing in the field of Huntewicke, 

ib. 442. 16. 

[vol. 138] 48 Richard [Geoffrey (Dodsworth) ] son of John le 

Parker gaue the p'^mises to [Brother, (JDods- 
worth) ] Richard de Byrstall, Prior of Nostell dr'c, for 3 roodes of Land 
6^ a halfe in Foleby, in the Teritory of Shameston.^^ 

ibm 422. 17. 

[vol. 138] 48 I, Agnes late wife of Walter de Huntewicke, in my 

widdowhood haue giuen 6^c to Marjory my 
daughter dr* to the heires of the said Margery 6^ John le Parker 
ifisueingy except 2 Acres, viz that Bovate of Land with the capitall 
Mann' &* with the appurtnances which Walter my late husband gaue in 
marriage to the said Mergery as it lieth in Huntewicke, 

Out of Nostell FrU/ry Coucher, fo. 258."** 18. 

MM. [vol. 138] 48 Know p''sent &* to come that I Alan le Franceis 

de Normanton 6r» Ysoulda my wife haue granted 
6* surrendered 6r» quit clame from vs &* our heires and success", all 
that tenem* which we held of them in the Teritory of HuntewickCy viz one 
Messuage, and halfe an- Orchard with the appurtnances in the Towne 
aforesaid &* 3 roodes of Land lieing in Bonderodos, between the land of 
William Admey dr* Henry de Huntewicke 6r»c. 

Ysoulda survived 6^ confirmed the p^'mises, fo. 258. 

ibm 256. 19. 

MM. [vol. 138] 132 The Chai-ter of Eua Day, daughter of Hugh de 

Day, of 60 Acres of Land in Huntewicke, 

ibm 419. 20. 

[voL 138] 136 Know dr'c. That I Raynerus de Ayketon son 

of Peter de Touleston haue giuen, granted, and 
by this my p'sent vrriteing confirmed, to John de Huntwicke, son of 
Henry Sleith, Carpenter, all my land in Huntewick as well in demeasne 
as service &* rents d^G, that is to say that Land which Benel son of 
Thomas de Huntewicke gaue to my father <5r'c.'*® 



^ Sharleston is not named in Domes- 
day, being apparently the bailiwick 
included in tbe Archbishop's manor of 
Warmfield. But the lands on this part 
of the boundaries of Agbrigg and Osgold- 
cross are very much intermixed, and 
perhaps this reference is to a detached 
portion of Foulby " within " Sharlston. 

^ The reason for the transcription of 
this charter is not so clear, unless the 
Tsonlda was Isoulda de Purstoo, and 

VOlh XI. 



that this was a second husband. 

<• There is another charter of Rayner, 
which is not without its interest. 

Dodsworth, 138, fo. U6b. 

Huntewyke. Omnibus Christi fidelibus 
kc. Baynerus de Akton salutem in domino. 
Nouerit vniuersitas vcstra me dedisse 
concessisse et hac presenti charta mea 
confirmasse Johanni Clerkecheind et 
heredibus suis vel cuicunque assignare 
Yoluerit pro homagio et seruitio suo 



66 



WAPENTAKE OF OSGOLDCROSS. 



U>m fo, 428. 21. 

[vol. 138] 46 To all 6-c William son of Robert de Hunte- 

wicke greeting. Know ye that I have granted 
surrendered cr* quitclaimed from me and my heires to the prior 6^ 
Covent of S* Oswald of Nostell all the right and claime which I had 
dr'c in all the lands 6^ Tenem*" in the Towne 6^ teritory of UunU- 
wicke 6r'c.'*^ 

[This is headed Swinflbt in the original.]. [See also Hooke, ante.'\ 

OtU of Drax Couchei^y 2nd vol, fo, 66. 

AAA. [voL 26] 66 [now 62] Know p^'sent 6^ to come that I Anke- 

linus de Houk by the Councell cr* favour 
of my wife and Roger my son and heire, haue giuen granted 6^ by this 
my p'sent Charter confirmed to God &* the Church of S* Nicholas of 
Drax &> the Canons there serueing God 14 [four in the original] perches 
[pticatas, margin of 800] of my more in Inklesmore for turbary viz 14 [four, 
in the original] pches which Gefirey de Saltemarch sometimes held 6- 
10 pches nere to the foresaid 14 [4] perches towards the west in breadth 6^ 
length from the ditch which is betwixt the arable land &* more as the 
foresaid more extendeth towards the South [of my fee, and two perches 
of my arable land, in breadth and length from the aforesaid ditch, even 
to the Ouse, Dodsworth], Witnesse d^'c. 



c'lturam terre in teritorio de Huntewic, 
illam scilicet que yocatur Longelandes 
sicut iacet inter locum qui vocatur 
Rodeyerd ex vna parte et \hlank in MS.] 
ex altera, cum riuulo eidem terre 
adiacente. Tenendum et habendum 
eidem Johanni et heredibus suis vel 
cuicunque et qiiemcunque assignare 
voluerit de me et heredibus meis in 
perpetuum libere quiete integre honorifice 
et pacifice cum omnibus libertatibus & 
asiamentis ad tantum tenementum 
pertinentibuB infra villam de Huntewic 
et extra. Reddendo inde mihi et heredi- 
bus meis annuatim imam roeam infra 
octabas natiuitatis sancti Johannis 
Baptiste pro onmi seruitio s'c'lari sectis 
curiarumquorumcunquefuerintexactioni- 
bus et demandis. Ego vero Baynerus et 
heredes mei dictam terram cum riuulo 
prefato dicto Johanni et heredibus suis 
vel assignatis contra omnes homines 
dotes siue inpignorationes warantiza- 
bimus acquietabimus et defendemus, 
Tbique in perpetuum. Tt autem hec mea 
donatio concessio et confirmatio robore 
firmitatis optineat presenti scripto sigillum 
meum duxi apponendum &c. — & fol. 429. 
*' There are two other charters which 
I may as well add to the collection. 



Dodsworth, 138, fol. 39 b. 

Uuntwike. O'ibus&c. Will's fil* Simonia 
de P'ston sal't'. Nou'itis me concensu & 
voluntate expressa Matildis ux'is mee 
dedisse & ecc'e S'c'i Oswald! de Nostell &c 
dimidia' acra' tVe in Huntewic. Reddendo 
cap'li D'no feod' 1 obulu' &c.— fo. 429. 

Dodsworth, 138, fol. 47. 

Huntewyke. O'ibus hoc scriptu' visur' 
aud', Will' m us de Ayketon, Rector eccrie 
de Berwyke filius & here's Roger! de 
Aluerton manentis in Ayketon defunct! 
sal't'm. Nou*it vniu'sitas v'ra* q'd cu' 
d'c*us Rog'us de Ayketon pater mens 
tenebatur religiosis viris P'ori & con- 
ventui de Nostell .... p'd'um Forem &: 
conventum de o'ibus sei-vitiis sectis & 
exac^o'ibus ad D'n*m Regem spectan'bus 
ra'o'e t'rarum & ten*torum suorum de 
Huntewyke iux» S'c'um Osuualdum, que 
sunt de Feodo de Ayketon. Ego WiU'us 
obigo [sic for obligo] me & He*des & 
assignatos meos ad defendendu' eos de 
p'd'tis servitiis &c, et p' hoc defensione 
dederunt m'i p'd't! P'or & conventus xx' 
p' aueragiis m'i post mortem p'd'ti p'ris 
mei debitis p' defensione p'd'ta no' salutis. 
& 3 sol' argent! annuatim ad fin' S'ti 
Mich'is &c. Fo. 262. 

^ There is no township under this 
name. 



WAPENTAKE OP OSaOLDCROSS. 67 

ibm 67. 

AAA. [vol. 26] 67 [now 64] Know, p'sent 6^ to come that I Roger 

de Houk haue granted 6^ by this my 
p'sent Charter confirmed to God 6^ S' Nicholas 6^ the Prior of Drax 6^ 
the Canons there serueing God 14 Perches of [my] more in Inclesmore 
for turbury which my father gaue to them in pure and ppetuall Almes 
with pasture for 20 [duos in the original] Oxen 6^ one horse with free 
passiage dr'c for carrieing his turfes through the mid of my fathers 
ground to the riuer Ouse free <5r» quiet &'o, Wittnesse, 6^c. 

Fines A' 30 H. 6 [1451]. 

XXX. [vol. 106] 71 Between William Gascoigne K^, Guy Roucliffe, 

Alexander Lound Esq, Henry Gascoigne 6r» Brian 
Rawclifife compP, 6r» Thomas Metham K* &> Mundana his wife, Richard 
Metham Esq dr' Margery his wife, defor* of 3 messuages, one Toft, 16 
Bovates of Land 6^ a halfe, 8 acres 6r» one rood of meadow &* 2 bovates 
of more with the appurtn's in Ingilmore, Snaith, Cowicke nere Snaith, 
Tibthorp nere Burn 6^ Yapham nere Hokelyngton [Pocklington] <5r*c. 
the right of the said Alexander 6^c." 

PaienU 16 ^cf. 3 [1341] p, 1». 
[Duplicate of entry under Estopt {ante^ vol. x. 529).] 

Chartce 11 Ed. 3 [1337] n. 2. 
C. [vol. 120] 72 [Duplicate of entry under Hook {ante, p. 57).] 

Out of the Leiger hooke of Selhy, fo, 10". 

B. [vol. 118] 36 Contention between the Abbot of Selby of the one 

p* dr» John de Lacy Constable of Chester 6^ Thomas 
Polington [and Ralph {Dod^worih)~\ 6r» and other free tenants [homi- 
nibus (Dodsitforih) ] of Snaith 6^0 of the other p*, concemeing the More 
of Inklesmore A"* 1201.*° 

Out of the Leiger ofS* Leonards of Yorke, fo, 205. 

CC. [vol. 120] 40 Roger son of Ankelin de Huckgaue to the Hospitall 

of St Peter of Yorke a certaine p* of his more of 
Inkelmore dr'o next to that p* of the more which Ankelinus his father 
gaue to John de Crigleston with his [mea, Dodsworth'] sister 6^c. 

To this Dodsworth adds the witnesses, and a short but useful 
Hook pedigree which was not copied into 800. The addition is as 
follows : — 

Test. S. Decano k cap'lo S'c*i Petri Eborum Tho. de Laoguad', Joh*e de Crigle- 
ston, Will'o fil' Thome de Reuill &c. fo. 205. 



49 This has already appeared under Lacy did not become Constable of 
CowiCK {arUCf vol. x. 871). Chester until 1211, and was not of age 

** This date is incorrect. John de until 1213. 

F 2 



6S WAPENTAK£ OF OSOOLDOBOSS. 

Ankelinus de =f 

Huuc. I 

I 



Bogerus fil Ankelin =f 

cir, 23 H. 3. -^^5'^^' ^T" » 
Tl 9<lft 1 ^® ^^ confirm =t= 

LlJoo.J donacVem Testes carte Jo. sunt- 



} xiuc cuuuriu -T- 

)iiac'o*em I 
A\ fo. 206. I 



pn 

o6. 13 ^. 1. Thomas filius Joh'is 
n 9.RA. 1 ^® Hyjik. miles con- 

|i-6o*.j gj^, donacVem Testes -I 

Q. Lvol. 1J7J p'dcum 60 H. 8. 
110. [1265]. 

/ WaltVas de Ysefletel 
Jo. de Kayyile 
Alteri carte est'm Thome fiV) KoVtq de_Thomy 



D'no Joh'e de Vseflet. 
Kob'to fil' AugerL 
Rob'to de Bailiol. 



(D'no Waltro de Vseflete ) -y^., 
Joh'e de KayviU 1 '^^' 

^Thoma de Redenes, fo. 106. 

milites. 



Jo. de Huke militis dat' ap'd 
Huk. 53 H. 8. [1268]. 



r smit testes- 



Ric'o de Yesd. 

Tho. de Metham. 

Tho. de Redenes. 

Rob'to de BailioU. 

Walt'ro de Hawksworth. fo. 207. 



Fines A"" 6 John [1203]. 

NNN. [vol. 73] 76 Between Alice Brun Compl*. 6- Robert de S*. 

Paul ten*, of i Bovate of Land with the appurt- 
nances 6r» the third p* of the demeasne of the foresaid Robert in Kere- 
croft &* the third part of a Mill with the appurtnances [in Skelhall 
(Dodsworth)"] which the said Alice claimeth dr'c to be her dower happen- 
ing to her of the free tene'nt which was Robert de Karrecrofb's my late 
husband 6^0. 

Fines in the Treasury 39 Ed. 3 [1365]. 

Q. [vol. 127] 32 Robert de Stainton L^ of the Mann', of Skelbroke 

lands in Pontefi-act, Preston, Ferribrig, Stapleton, 
South Elmesall, Campsall, Bramwith, Burghwalleis, Skelley 6^ Karcroft 
[fo. 20]. 

Fines i6w 21 iT. 6 [1441]. 

Q. [vol. 127] 39 Between William Gascoigne 6^ Margret his wife 

defend*, of the moyety of the Mann'', of Carecroft 
nere Burghwaleis, 60 acres of Land, 100 acres of pasture, 10 acres of 
meadow with the appurtnances in Skellall, Carecroft, Awston, Bui^h, 
[al' Burghwallis], 6^ Athwick. 

Fines A' 29 B. 1 [1300]. 
DD. [vol. 122 ; should be NN. (vol. 139) 138 ; GO. (vol. 128)] 18. 

Between Robert de Bradelby [Bardelby in vol. 128 (Dodsworth)] Gierke 

^* There is no township of this name. Carcroft is a hamlet in the township and 
pariah of Owston. 



WAPENTAKE OP OSOOLDCROSS. 69 

[quer (DodswoHh)] 6^ Edmund [Eudo, note in 800] de S*. Paule &* 
Dionisia his wife defor*. of 4 Acres of Land &* a halfe 6r* one rood of 
meadow 6^ 12^. rent in Skellall, &* Ktrhroft, the right pf Robert.. 

Fine$ A\ 5 Ed. 2 [1311]. 

Q(Q[. [vol. 128] 21 Between Thomas S* Paul 6- Margret his wife 

compl'. 6^ John de Cressacre defor^ of the moyety 
of the Mann' of Kercrof. To haue to the said Thomas <5r» Margret &* 
the heires which the said Thomas shall beget of the body of the said 
Margret a fine by render. 

Out of Nostell Priory Courier , fo, ... 

MM. [vol. 138] 29 Eudo de Langethwait, son of Robert de Lange- 

thwait, of Bramham, gave to the Canons of S*. 
Oswald of Nostell, all his Land which he had in Thomehirst of the guift 
of Robert, his father, with free egresse dr* -regresse to the Common 
within the Towne of Carcrofty 6^ without ; paying yearly to Robert S*. 
Paule 4". 6^ to me &* my heires [to his heires (Dodsworth)'] one Apple 
on the feast of S^ Oswald. 

ihmfo, 359. 

MM. [vol. 138] 81 Know p'sent &* to come, that I Robert de SK 

Paule haue granted <5r» giuen cr* by this my 
p'sent writeing confirmed to Ellas de Langethwaite &* his heires 16 acres 
of Land, in Thomhirst, nere the land which he holdeth of Richard, my 
vnkle, &* Common pasture of my fee of Skellehale &* Kei^ecroft 6r»c 
paying yearly to me 6^ my heires 4". of money [argenti, Lodw)OTtK\, 

Out of Nostell Priory Coucher^ fo, 361. 

MM. [vol. 138] 82 To all dr'c Robert de Langewait of Brameham 

greeting. Enow ye that I haue granted to the 
Prior 6^ Couent of Nostell one rent of 4". with halfe a bovate of Land 
with the Tofts &* Crofts adjoyneing containeing 9 acres of Land with 
the appurtnances in the townes 6^ teritories of Kereacroft 6^ Schelhale 

I. [voL 159] 29 ; 5 H. 2 [1159] Henry de Lascy, son of Robert de 

Lascy &* Maud his wife, gaue dr' 
confirmed to the Church of S^ John the Eiiangelist in Pontefrsict all the 
Church which his father gaue, viz the Church of Dardington, with the 
Chappell of Stapilton, 6^ other the appurtnances, the Church of Ripeis 

*' Eellingley is now apart of the town- 122) in the presence of the Abp. S. Wil- 

ship of Beale or Beaghall, and parish of Ham in 1164 ; and at the subsequent dedi- 

K^iQgton. It was given with well-de- cation or re-dedication in 1159, was 

fined boondaiies to the monks of Ponte- enumerated among the possessions of the 

fracfc (Mon. Aug. Y. Pontefract, No. v. monks (do. No. iv. 121). 



70 



WAPENTAKE OP OSGOLDCUOSS. 



[Kipeis, (Dodsworth)] c^ the CHurch of Ledesham &> the Church of 
Slaitburae with the Chappell [Chapels (JDodsworth)] lands <^ Tythes 6r» 
all there vnto belonging. . And Ledestun dr' the moyety of Ledesham &* 
Withe wdarn (5r» Mara [i,€, Whit wood 6^ Whit wood Mere] 6r» Dodewr- 
dam dr* Kellingley with all their appurtns.*' 



*' This is a very imperfect abstract of 
the deed in Dodsworth, which is a portion 
of the Chartulary of the Priory of Ponte- 
fract. It is No. iv. in the Monasticon, 
voL V^ 122." I am, however, glad to add a 
copy of the original charter of the grant 
of iCellinglej, which was given by Henry 
de Lacey, five years before the above, in 
the presence of Abp. William, during 
the short three weeks* episcopate of that 
Archbishop, who, a nephew ot King 
Stephen's, had passed his Easter at Win- 
Chester with his second uncle, the bishop 
of that see, and came northward to York 
in May. He would have passed along 
the North Boad from Doncaster, through 
Pontefract Parish, and might have re^d 
on the Saturday night at the Pontefract 
Priory in preparation for his triumphal 
entry into his archiepiscopal city on 
Sunday : indeed, only the supposition 
that he did so could have rendered pos- 
sible the fable that it was at Ferrybridge 
the miracle occurred of the Broken 
Bridge. The best authorities, however, 
always place its scene at York, which the 
Archbii^op entered on the Sunday before 
the Ascension. On Trinity Sunday, 
twenty-one days afterwards, he Was seized 
with his mortal illness, and it was during 
these three weeks that the following 
document must have been signed. I do 
not know of another charter of St. Wil- 
liam that has been preserved, and this 
has, I think, never before been printed. 
I therefore seize the present opportunity 
of putting it upon record, together with 
an acknowledgment of my great obliga- 
tion to the owner of the Chartulary for 
the kind access to the volume which he 
has allowed me. By his permission I 
have made considerable progresswith its 
transcription, and have ascertained from 
it^ contents very many points of interest 
which will be made known in due course. 
'* WiLLELMDB del gratia Eborum Archie- 
pisoopua Omnibus sancte ecclesie filiis 
in Ohristo salutem. Sciatis petitionibu9 



filiorum nostrorum A^prioris et mona- 
corum Cluniacensium in Pontefracto, 
virorum bone opinionis, ex debito officii 
nostri nobis incumbit annuere, et eorum 
ciira fovere. Inde est quod eorumdem 
Bustentationi "providere pro intuitu 
volentes presentis scripti munimine eis 
monasterium sancti Johannis Evangeliste 
in quo deo serviunt confirmamus, et 
dccledias omnes quae in nostro archiepis- 
copatu possident.' Scilicet, ecclesiam 
omnium sanctorum in Pontefracto, et 
ecclesiam de Ledeshama ecclesiam de 
Dardingtona, ecclesiam de Sleitebuma* 
ecclesiam de Silkestona cum omnibus 
pertinentiis earum in perpetuum et in- 
violabilia possidendas, dilecti filii nostri 
Henrici de Laceio, presentibus nos ad 
hoc innitantibus. Qui prenominatas 
ecclesias eisdem monachis ab anteces- 
soribus suis donatas in nostra presentia 
devoto et hilari animo ipsis concessit. 
Preterea, rogatu canohicorum nostrorum 
capituli eborum predictis monachis con- 
firinamus medietatem de Ledeshama 
perpetuo tenendam de capitulo eborum 
pro X marcas annuatim solvendas, et 
omnes donationes quas eis fecerint 
rationabillter advocati eorum, Robertus, 
Illebertus, et Henricus de Lasci. In 
ecclesiiB vero predictis cum vacaverint, 
liceat eisdem monachis redditum earum- 
den\ ecclesiat-um rationabillter augere 
pro sua et hospitum sustentatione, et 
clericos libere ad instituendumpresentare. 
Sal vis episcopalibus et sinodalibus. Scilicet 
et villam de Ledestona. alteram medie- 
tatem de Ledeshama, Witewoda, Dode- 
wrda, Bameslaiam, Kellinglaiam cum 
pertinentiis suis omnibus. Qum scilicet 
Kellingley in presentia nostra eis dedit et 
concessit et carta sua confirmavit H, et 
hetedes^ sui ad warantizandum contra 
omnes homines vel dandum eis rationablle 
ezcambium sicut habetiu: in ipsa carta 
ipsius Henrici de Lasci. Testibus B. 
decano, T. Soteva^na^ R. d^ S. Columbat" 



*. • » 



ANCIENT MEMORIAL BRASSES REMAINING IN THE 
OLD DEANERY OF DONCASTER. 

B7 F. R, FAIRS ANK, M.D., F.S.A., Loc. Sec. 

Very few memorial brasses remain in the Deanery of 
Doncaster, as described by Mr. Hunter; and some which he 
mentions have disappeared. In this article I give a description 
and representations in fac simile of rubbings taken specially 
for the purpose, of the brasses now remaining, in the hope 
that all in the whole county may in time be similarly repre- 
sented and perpetuated. The Brasses which I now give are 
from the churches of: — Rotherham,Rawmarsh,Sprotborough, 
Todwick, Marr, Owston, and Burgh Wallis. In a supple- 
mentary article I purpose giving some notes of inscriptions, 
matrices, &c. In the present article I have given illustra- 
tions of the figures, and arms engraved on brass, but the in- 
scriptions for economy I have given in the text, and arms 
engraved in stone I have described. In obtaining the rub- 
bings I have received valuable assistance from my friend 
Mr. E. A. Bentley, which I have pleasure in acknowledging. 



ROTHERHAM, 

ROBERT SWIFT AND FAMILY, ROTHERHAM. 

In the north choir of Rotherham Church is a recessed 
altar tomb against the east wall, bearing in the recess a 
quadrangular plate, engraved with the figures of Robert 
Swift, his wife, two sons and two daughters. A long 
account of this family is given in Hunter's Hallamshire, new 
edition, p, 363-8. On page 364 the editor inserts a tran- 
script pf the will of this Robert Swift in which he expresses 
fi desire " tp be buryed w*in the roode quier in the Church 



72 AtrCIBlTF BBAS3BS IN OLD DBANBBT OP D3NCASTEB. 

of Rotherham." Hia will was proved 2 Dec. 1561 ; he waa 
then 84 years of age. He is represented on the brass in the 
costume of the period kneeling at a desk on which is an open 
book with clasps. His wife — first wife— kneels opposite to him 
at another similar desk with a similar hook open before her. 
His hands are raised together, hers are raised bat separate. 
She wears a head-dress of the "dog-kennel" pattern, and 
her costume is of the period. Between the two desks are 
panels exhibiting representations of a skull, and a skull and 
crossbones ; beneath the latter are the words "Sefpice 
finfi." Issuing from his mouth is a scioll bearing the legend 
" Chrifte is cure lyfe, & deathe is o' adva'tage." Be- 
hind the husband kneel their two sons, " Eobarte " and 



^ 



William, and behind the wife their two daughters, Anne 
and Margaret. The whole rest on a " chessboard " floor. 
Underneath this picture in brass, which is 30 inches long 
and 13^ inches deep, is the following inscription : — 

Here vnder this Tombe are placyd and buried the Bodyea of Robart« 
Swifte Eaquier and Anne hia fyrste wyfe, who lyvyde maiiye yearea in 
thia Towne of Rotherh'm in vertuuB fame grett wellthe, and good woor- 
ehip. They were Pytyfulle to the poore and Relevyd them lyberallye 
and to theyr ffrend uo lea faythfiille, then Bowutyfulle, Trulye they 
ffearyd God, who Pentuualye powryd his BleBsing" vppou thejma, the 
Eayd Anne Dyed in the moneth of June in the yere of o' Lord God 
1539. iu the. 67. year of hur age, and the sayd Robarte Deptyd y" 
viii'i" day of August in the yere of o' Lorde. God 1561. in the. 84. yeare 
of his age. on whose Sowlles withe all Chrystja Sowlles Th' omnipotent 
Lorde haue Marcy Amea 

It will be noticed that although the " pagan and hope- 
less" view of death waa setting in as indicated by the 
embl&ms of mortality, it was not at the date of this brass 



ANCIENT BRASSES IN OLD DEANERY OP DONOASTBR. 75 

thought wicked to express a pious wish for the welfare of 
the soul of the departed ! 

On the tomb are also small brass plates bearing his 
armorial bearings, which were " or, a chevron rair between 
three bucks courant proper." 

The following pedigree will shew the connexions of this 
family. Mary, wife of John Lewis, of Marr, was daughter of 
Robert Swift's daughter Anne, represented on the Swift 
brass, who married Lionell Reresby. This daughter Anne 
is sppken of on her tomb at Thribergh as ^' Celebris pia filia 
Swifti.'^ ^ 

PEDIGREE OF SWIFT OF ROTHERHAM. 



Robert Swift of Rotherham ^ Agnes, d. of ~ Anne of Friekl^y.. 
1. Axme, d. of Wm, Tayler of Shef* ^ Robert Swift =s 2. Agneii, widow of John MoUe, alebrewer 



field. Died 1539, aged 66, bur. 
at Rotherham. 



(Biufls). 



and citizen of London. In hia will 
Robert Swift names his wife Agnes. 



L Robert, d.T.p. 24 ^ Helen, d. and h. of 



Aug. 5-6 Ph. 
A Mary. 



Nicholas Wickers- 
ley. 



2. William 7 Margaret, d. of 
Hugh Wyrrall 
of LovermU. 



Frances s Sir Fras. Leake. 
Mary =: Fras. Wortley. 
Ann =^ Ric. Jessop. 



Anne =ar 
Lionell Reresby of Thiibeig^h, 
d. Maiy a Lewis of Marr, q.v. 

Margaret =3 
Richard Waterton of Wattonl 



1. Bridget, d. and co-h. of Sir Fras. Hastings, ^ Sir Robert Swift ^ 2. Ursula, d. of Stephen 



Knt, of Hatfield. 1 Knt. bom 1' 1650, 

Knighted at 7ork, 
I 1603.* 

I -^ 

Edward Swift, knighted = Elisabeth, d. of «» Sir John Bourchier, 
by James L at Belvoir, 



1603^ died before 1617. 



Edm. Sheffield 
Earl of Mul- 
grave. 



2nd husband. 



Bamham of Lewes, 
Sussex, Esqi^ 



?Bmham Swift, created Yisoount Carlingford 
- in Irelshd, 20 Mar. 1627. 



)io 



Penelope » WiUiiOn^ Visoount Ayre. 



* See an article on Sir Robert Swift in voL iv. of this Journal^ pp. 48 — 55. 






'. V,. 






ir 
1 



76 ANCIBNT BRASSES IN OLD DBANBBY OP D0NCA8TBR. 






RAWMARSH. 

]■•■ JOHN DARLEY, OF KILNHIRST, AND FAMILY. 

Hawmarsh^ 1616. 

At the east end of the church at Rawmarsh, there is a 
brass to the memory of John Darley, of Kilnhirst, Gentleman. 
He is repriesented kneeling bare-headed at one side of a 
desk, with a book open before him ; and his wife is repre- 
sented Jcneeling on the other side, with a book open before 
her also. Three sons kneel behind the husband, and three* 
daughters behind the wife. On the husband's side is also a 
cradle containing an infant, and there is a similar cradle 
containing, an infant on the wife's side also. These two 
children evidently died young. There is a very long in- 
scription on a plate beneath, as follows : — 

Here lieth the body of John Darley of Eilnehirst, gentleman, a yonger 
Sonne of Will. Darley of Buttercrambe, Esq. 

He maryed Alice Mountfprt one of the daughters of Christopher 
Mountfort, Esq*®. She caused this 

'• .monument to be erected iri memory of him and her selfe. They lived 
in mariage xlvii yeares : and 'had iiii 

' sonnes, Thomas, William, Frauncis, and John : and iiii daughters, 
Benedicta, Elizabeth, Anne, and 

Mary« The sonncs died in the life tyme of their sayd father without 
any issue male of any 

of their bodyes : and therefore he did give the Manner of Kilnehirst, 
which he 

bought, to Launceliot Mountfort, esquiere brother to the said Alice and 
all other his 

laiids, after her death to John Ellis sonne of the said Mary his 
daughter, 

being his godsonne and next heire male unto him. he departed this 
worldthfe xxiii â–  

day of March in the year of our Lord m.ccccccxvi and of his age Ixxv. 

His charitie did ofte releeve the poore ; 
And prayers and peace and vnitie implore : 
Nor was he subiect vnto Passions lore. 
But mylde as Moses ; in his dealings ivst ; 
Frendshipp and Faith he held without distrust. 
Whose virtves live, though he retvme to dvst. 
His better parte in endles ioyes doth rest ; 
And thvs ech soule which feares the Lord ys blest 

There is above the picture of the family group, a plate 
bearing the atms of Darley impaling Mountfort {see Fig.). 



ANCIKKT BBAS8ES IN OLD DBANEBY OF DONCASTBR. 7U 

Thus, Darley, six fleur de lis, and a border ermine, impal- 
iog^ MouDtfort, a lion lampant, and orle of cross-crosslets 
Gtchee. Above this are the same arms in stone, on two 
separate shields, dex. Darley, sin. Monntfort, with a horse's 
head, bridled for the crest, placed between them. The arms 
Tor Darley and crest are differenced with a crescenL 

Glover, Foster's edition, p. 87) gives the following : — 

Dablet of Buttbrorahbe. 
Anna. Gules, 6 fleur de lis 3, 3 and I argent, within a border ermine. 
CrmL on a torce, argent and gules, a horee'e head oouped gules, bauded 

irgeut, bridled or, 
Ptr literas patentee ei conceBsos per Williehnum Flower, Norrej, datas 

10 die Aprihs, 15S3 — This confirmation waa only for the crest, 
Bitbrd Dvley of Widow, co. York ^ — d. to — CUpbam of Beanulej. 



tl Dajlsj, of Buttarcrambe. 
Hanied aad iMue. 



2. John Darley â–  
of city of 
York. 



Alice, d. of Chris. Uouat- 

ford of Eilnliurst, co. 
York.ondlBtnifaEtim- 
betb, d. of Tlioa. Bain- 
bridge of PearaUi. 



2. Fnmai, s. uid h. liiing, 
1612 = Lucy, d. of 
John Alwred, of Cbu- 
tarhoiua, nr. Hull 



Ahc8 = Hy. Tophftm, of 
AgIetboTpa,co. 
Yoit 

Ann = GotMit Hewell. 

Uary ^ Beraard Ellia of 
Gray'* Ion. 

Robert. 

Many dauglitera. 
IfouKTPOBD OF EiLNHCBfiT. Glover, p. 218. 

Anns 1 — Ai^ent, a lion rampant azure, betweea 11 croBS crosalots 
goks, a border ermine. 




DAXunr, mrAusa Koeinroiit, BawiuaaB. 



80 ANCIENT BRASSES IN OLD DEANERY OF DONCASTBR. 



SPROTBOROUGH. 

WILLIAM FITZ WILLIAM OF SPROTEBURGH, AND 
ELIZABETH HIS WIFE, 1474. 

The church of Sprotboro', interesting in many ways, con- 
tains several memorials of the Fitzwilliam family, which in 
themselves would prove sufficient for an entire article. The 
subject of this memorial lies buried in the choir of the 
church in front of the steps to the altar. He is covered by 
a " thorough " stone, on which still remain the figures here 
represented, with the following inscription underneath on a 
separate plate of brass : — 

Wt iacenf SHtllts fKf^ 32BtUtam Vn^ it SptofeIiur0$ atmtger et 

uxor tiuB filta Ctome (S^tatoortj^ militm qui qutlrem 929tirin(S o&ttt 

aputi 
il^atfitteas vximo tiit mtnm titttmix a^ Vni millmo cccclxx parto 

tt 
prelitcta (Bli^aittfy lit vxt^m anno Vni millxM 

There have been four shields of arms at the corners of the 
stone, but these have disappeared. William Fitz William is 
clad in armour ; the figure is 2ft. 7in. in length ; his wife 
appears as a widow and her figure is 2ft. 6^in. in length. 

The armour of the male figure represents the pauldrons 
covering the back of the arms as well as the front, the upper 
edge is turned over ; the coutes are large, of uniform size ; 
the hands are bare ; there is a gorget of plate round the 
neck, the lower edge being scalloped, and attached to the 
upper border a mentoniere projects in front of the chin, so 
as to meet the vizor when lowered ; the helmet is a salade 
reaching down behind so as to cover the neck ; Spaulidres 
cover the shoulders ; the breast-plate is globular without 
ridge or groove ; the skirt of taces is very short ; the tuiles 
are long ; the genouillidres have two plates above and 
below ; the sollerets are long and pointed ; the spurs are 
long and curved ; the sword hangs by the left side ; and 
the dagger diagonally across the front of the body. Haines 
(vol. i., cxcv.) figures the upper portion of this armour in 
illustration of the salade. Hunter (South Yorks., vol. i.. 



f * 



ANCIENT BBA8SES IN OLD DEANERY OF DONOASTEB. 88 

p. 345) gives a representation of these two figures, but it is 
very poor indeed, the proportions being quite wrong. 

The will of this William Fitz William is given at length in 
'' Test. Ebor." vol. iii., p. 21 1, of the Surtees Society. After 
a preamble, which was used in common by members of this 
family, he goes on to say : — 

Ego Willelmus FitzWilliam, domiaus de Sproteburgh, arni 

et oorpufl meum sepellendum in choro ecclesiss de Sprotebxirgh : ita quod 
impedimeutum in aliquo non fiat eundo et redeundo ministrantibus circa 

Divina officia in choro prsedicto Volo habere anniverBarium sive 

obitum in ecclesia de Sproteburgh pro^anima mea et salute Elizabethse 
uxoris mesB. Lego ecdesiee de Sproteburgh^ ad quoddam campanile 
ibidem de novo sedificandum, xls. 

One of the chief advantages of memorial slabs over the more 
ambitious altar tomb in alabaster, is spoken of in this will, viz. : 
—that they do not impede movement about the church. This 
will gives the date of the belfi'ey, which is very similar to 
the one in the village of Wadworth, a few miles off, where 
another branch of the family lived, one of whom made a 
donation to the belfrey there. The lady represented in 
this brass, the wife of William FitzWilliam, was daughter of 
Sir Thos. Cha worth, who died 1459 and was buried at 
Launde Priory ; by his second wife Isabella, daughter of 
Sir Thos. Aylesbury, Knt. The Chaworths held property 
at Adwalton and at Alfreton, as well as at Wadworth ; and 
they were reputed " Founders " or " Advocates " of the 
Abbey of Beauchef (Premonstratensian), as the following 
extract from the obituary of that house, which refers to the 
wife of Sir Thos. Chaworth, above named, will shew : — 

Nov. 26. Commemoration of the pious memory of the Lady Isabella 
Chaworth, wife of Sir Thomas Chaworth, our Advocate, and daughter of 
Sir Thomas Aylesbury. 

The subjects of this brass were also commemorated in the 
east window of Emley Church, near Wakefield ; see Dods- 
worth's Yorkshire Notes, vol. vii., p. 129, of this Journal. 

The following pedigree from Glover, page 7, Foster's 
edition, to which 1 have added notes, will shew the con- 
Jiexions of this William FitzWilliam. 

The brass was evidently laid down during the lifetime 
of the widow, for the date of her death has never been 
filled in. 



84 ANOIBfiTT BRASSES IK OLD DEIKARY OF DONCASTER. 

FITZWILLIAM OF SPROTBOROUGH. 
Arms : — Lozengy argent and gules. 

Sir John FitiWilliam of Sprotbro, lord of ^ Margaret, d. of Thomas Clarell, ye elder, widow to 
Emley, died at Bouen. (1421, Test. tiir Wm. Ghiscoigne, and Sir Bobert Waterton. 



Ebor, m. 213.) 



" T 



John Fits- Shr Wm. Fits- =r Elisabeth, d. to Isabella, d. Sir s Sir Wm. s 2. Elinor Fitz- 



William. William of Em- 
ley (Bbabs). 



Sir Thos. Cha- Wm. Gascoyne. ^yther. William. T. K 
worth. D. 1491. B. at ia 817 n. 

Byther. T. E. 
iii. 217 n. 



Isabel » Bich. Went- Sir Wm. Fits- ^ Elisabeth, d. of Sir Juhn Katha- » Sir Jno. Elizabeth. 



worth of William, lord 
West Bret- of Emlev, 
ton. Knt., will 

dated U94. 



Cionyers, Knt., Iq. a* rine. Wortley. Mai^garet 
1478. Exor. with son 
William. T. E. iU. 
218 n. 



John Fits- = Elisabeth, d. to Bic. Bichard. Margaret ^F Thos. Sot- Dorothy ^ Sir Wm. Ck>pley, 



William FitsWilUamof Aide- William. (Margery) 
living warke. Mar. 2nd Thomas. T. E. iiL 

1472. D. Sir Thos. Wortley, T. E iii. 818 n. 

1489, Knt 1492-3. T. 818 n. 

8.p.T.p. B. iii; 218 n. 



hill, of d. and E.T Bart. 

Sothill I 

Hall. PhiUp Copley = d. of Sir 

Brian 
Hastings. 



Elizabeth heir of her mother » Sir Hy. SaTile. 



TODWICK. 

THOMAS GARLAND. 
ToDwiOK, 1609. 

In ifiie church of Todwick, not far from Sheffield, a 
diniinu'tiye brass is let into the floor, to tho memory of 
Thomas Garland. It is a quadrangular plate lO^in. by 
7in., 'with an inscription below. The deceased is represented 
kneeling on a cushion, with one finger pointing to the 
legend. Post tenebras spero Lucem. Beneath the figure 
on a separate plate the inscription runs thus : — Thomas 
Garland, vui. Janvar x 1609. Johanes Garland Posuit. 
This family does not appear in the visitation of S. George. 



AKOTENT BBiSSES IN OLD DEANEBT OF DOKOASTEB. 



86 



In 1664, Elizabeth, wife of Robert Wrighteon, Gent., of 
Gusworth, died aged 27, and is commemorated. She was 
daughter of a later Thomas Garland of Todwick. The 
Garlands lived at Todwick Hall. Hunter gives the follow- 
ing :— 

John Otrtwd of Todwick, Qent. ^ Catherine, d. of Hdph Hatfield of Laugbton-en- 
le-Uortben, GsDt. 

Juhn Qarluid of =f 2. Blii. d. of Wm. Claj-toa of 
Todwick, Ek]'. """--.. -- ^-l- -i-. 

D. B JsD. 1691, 
aged 61. 



I. Huy, d. of Qeorgs Brad- - 
â– luwof Bradihsw.BBq'*. I 
Hv. 11 Sep. 1073. 



Elimbetb, D. 20 Feb. 16S3, aged 6. 



Elimbelji, oa\j nirviTiiig d. k h. 




The arms of this family, three pales and a chief parti per 
pale, in the first a chaplet, in the second a demi lion ram- 
pant, appear in the churcli, and also on some old furniture 
at the Hall. They are the same with those on the seal of 
Augustine Garland, affixed to the warrant for the execution 
of K. Charles I. (South Yorkshire, ii., p. 159). 

This brass is not mentioned bj Haines. 



86 ANCIENT BRASSES IN OLD DEANERY OP DONCASTBR. 

MARR. 

JOHN LEWIS OF MARR, AND MARY HIS WIFE. 

In the floor on the south side of the sacrarium in the 
church of Marr is a large slab with two figures in the centre, 
with a plate beneath with an inscription and two other small 
plates, one bearing the figures of two boys, the other 4 girls. 
The inscription runs thus : — 

Hie jacet Johannes Lewis nuper de Marr Armiger 
defunctus, Alius et haeres Roberti Lewis de eadem gene- 
rofi, legis peritus et unus Jufticiarioru dominae Regins? 
ad pacem et Quorum infra weftreding comitatus Ebora 
ac recordator villse Doncastriss, qui obiit xvij<* die octobris.. 
Anno Regni Elizabethse Reginae xxxi<^, et ano eetatis fuse xlyj-. 
Qui in uxorem duxit Mariam Rerefbye filiam Lionelli Reref- 
bye de Thribargh armigeri defuncti, per qua habuit ezitus. 
Sex liberos videlicet duos filios et quatuor filiaa. 

The brass plates are much injured. 

There are several memorials of this family in the church. 
The Hall where the Lewis family lived in Marr is still in 
good preservation. 

The following pedigree from S. George's visitation, 1612, 
p. 545, Foster's edition, shews the connexions of the family : — 

LEWIS OF LEDSTONE. 

Arms. Sable, a chevron between three trefoils slipped or. 

Crest, out of a ducal coronet or, a plume of ^ve ostrich feathers 

alternately or, and sable, charged with a chevron of the last. 

Granted p Wm. Flower, Norray, to John, son of Eobert Lewis of 
Marr, co. York, recorder of the town of Doncaster, and justice of the 
peace in the said county 22 Oct. 1580. A^ 28 Elizabeth. 

Hobert Lewis =r= Elizabeth, d. of — Hanley. 

I 

John Lewya (Brass) =?= Maxy, d. of Lyonell Reresby of Thribei^h. 

Ricliard = Jane, d. and co-h. of Qervase Brinsley of Brinsley, co. Notts., Esquire. 

Sir John Lewis of Ledstone, Bart. 

Margaret = John Mauleverer of Letwell. 

Thomas, of Marr, living 1648 =t= Jane, d. — Mundy of co. Derby. 

I' 

Thomas Lewis = Elizabeth, d. and co-h. Thomas Talbot of BashalL 

Ellen = John Ramsden of Lassell Hall, par. Eirkheaton. 

Edith = Timothy Bright of Melton. 

Mary = Richard Horslall of Storthes Hall, par. Eirkburton. 

The lady of this brass was daughter of Lionell Reresby, 
and Anne, d. of Robert Swift and Ann his wife; see the 
Swift brass. 

The arms of this couple are over the mantelpiece in the 
wainscotted Dining-room at Marr Hall. 



AKCnSNT BRASSES IN OLD DEANERY OP DQNO ASTER, 91 

^ OWSTON. 

ROBERT DE HAITFELD OF OWSTON AND WIFE, 1417. 

In Owston Church there is a brass memorial to Robert 
de Haitfeld or Hatfield, of Owston, and his wife Ada. The 
brass though commemorating them both was laid down in 
the lifetime of the husband, for the date of his death has 
never been filled in. Beneath the figures is a 4-line inscrip- 
tion in Norman French. It runs as follows : — 

Robrt de Haitfeld gift ycy et Ade fa feme ovefq' lui en droiturel amo' 

foies plein 
dieu d€ loure aames eit moy et y fait a reme'brer q la dite Ade finift 

p'mer en moies de Juin 
le tiers jo* dh en Ian de n're feign* mill ccoc (i& ix et finift aussi ad's 

le dit Roberd 
en ap's en moies de le io et en Ian de n're seign' mill ccoc <fc. 

His will is preserved at York. I give it from an abstract 
taken, and kindly lent to me for the purpose, by Dr. Sykes, 
P.S.A. It is as follows : — 

"In del nomine Amen. Quinto deoimo die mensis octobris anno 
Domini millesimo cocc°^<* xvij™®, Ego Robertas Haitfeld de Ouston, 
compos mentis et sane memorie, condo testamentum meum in huno 
modum : In primis lego animam meam deo celi, beate Marie, omnibus 
Sanctis eius, et corpus meum sepeliendum in CapeUa sancte Marie infra 
ecclesiam omnium sanctorum de Ouston de novo constructa. Item lego 
optimum meum animal nomine principalis meL Item cuilibet capellano 
qui (ad?) exequias meas interfuerit iiij^, cuilibet clerico ij^. Residuum 
vero bonorum meorum do et lego Roberto de Bameby, Willielmo de 
Sutton, et Jobanni filio meo executoribus meis ut ipsi dicta bona mea de 
quorum fidelitate et industria in domino plene confide bene et fideliter 
disponant pro salute anime mee meliori modo quo senserint et voluerint. 
In cuius rei testimonium presentibus sigillum meum in dorso est affixum. 
Datum die et loco supradictis. 

" Memorandum quod secundo die mensis NovembriSi Anno Domini 
millesimo ccco°*<* xvij"^« supradictum apud Cawod probatum." 

From this it appears that he died between October 15 
and November 2, 1417. The Chantry Chapel of S. Mary 
in the Church of All Saints, is spoken of in his will as then 
'' de novo constructa.'^ This chapel appears to have been on 
the north side. It has been taken down, but there is still 
visible, in the north wall of the chancel, an arch, which was 
the entrance to it, and the piscina^ which belonged to it. 



92 ANCIENT BRASSES IK OLD DEANERY OF D0N0A8TBR. 

may be seen on the outside of the church, where the arch 
again appears. The " Valor Eccles '* of Hy. VIIL, vol. v., 
p. 50, gives 

The Chantry of B. M. in the oame (church) 2. 0. 3 dear Robert 
Denton. Cantar. he was also Cantar of the Chantry of S. Jno. 
. Bap. on the south side of the same church. 

The Chantiy founded in the same by Robert Herryson, John Reyne, 
Cant, i incumbent 4. 16. 0. 

This Robert Herryson is thought to have been the same 
person as Robert de Hatfield. 

The figures of this brass are also given in outline from 
my photograph of a rubbing, in " The Reliquary/' vol. i., new 
series. It is worthy of note that the husband and wife wear 
the S.S. collar ; this is unusual 



BURGH WALLIS. 

THOMAS GASCOYNGE, OF BURGH WALYS, ESQ^« 

In the aisle immediately before the beautiful rood-screen 
in Burgh Wallis Church lies a *' thorough " stone bearing 
the efligy of a man in armour in the centre, with the matrix 
of a shield at each corner of the stone, and of a band, which 
probably bore an inscription, round the verge. The eflSgy is 
believed to represent Thomas Gascoigne, Esqre., of Burgh 
Wallis, whose will was proved 1556. The armour is in 
accord with that date. The drawing is exceedingly bad, the 
proportions being all wrong. 

The following abstract of his will, for which I am indebted 
to Dr. Sykes, F.S.A., will no doubt be acceptable. It is from 
the Prerogative Court of Canterbury : — 

Thomas Gasooyuge of burche-waljs Esquier made his will 28 July 
1552, proved 9 July 1556, giving his soul to Almighty God and his body 
to be buried within the church of Burgh Wallis — leaves to Jane his wife 
(daughter of Thomas Reresby of Thribergh) twenty pounds lands during 
her life within the lordship of Burgh wallis, i.e. Rockley Hall and Shirley 
Ac, and after the death of bis father other twenty pounds lands within 
the lordship of Thorpe-in-Balue during her life, with remainder, if he 
die without issue, to his brother-in-law M' Leonard West and " to my 
sister" his wife. Musteres Sainteman M' Weste's doughter. 



CISTERCIAN STATUTES. 

By the Bev. J. T. FOWLER, M.A., F.S.A. 

(OONOLXTDED rROM VOL. 10, P. 522.) 

SiATum OF 1257-38, BEnra Supplemxittabt to those of 1256-7, printed above. 

Anno domini millesimo cc^lvij^ statuta sunt hseo apud Cistercium in a.d. 
Capitulo general!. Cum querela delata sit ad aures Capituli generalis ut 13^7, 
nonnulla statuta ordinis usque adeo versa sint in locis aliquibus in ^* ^ 
abusum, quod personae seculares prope cymiteria et infirmitoria ordinis 
habitare ac ibidem cames comedere, contra honestatem ipsius ordinis per- 
mittiintur, auctoritate qua potest districte prohibet capitulum generale, 
ut a permissione hujusmodi in omnibus abbatiis ordinis in posterum 
caveatur, propriis et patribus abbatibus nihilominus injungendo, ut 
seculares iUos qui juxta infirmitoiia ordinis vel cymiteria nunc habitant, 
quam cito poterunt amoveri faciant, nee infra septa monasterii extra 
infirmitoria, secularis aliquis cames comedat, sicut in usibus continetur. 

Auctoritate qua potest praecipit capitulum generale ut quicunque de 
ordine litteras impetravit, vel etiam de cetero impetraverit, quarum 
auctoritate prseter conscientiam proprii abbatis suae voluntatis arbitrio 
sibi confessorem eligat, abbati proprio reddat instanti ; alioquin pro ex- 
communicato habeatur, et nihilominus careat impetratis, et hoc per 
omnia de monialibus observetur. 

Inhibetur auctoritate capituli generalis ne in sigillis suis vel se 
duarum abbatiarum abbates, seu capellanos domini papae, vel ministros 
pauperum Christi se nominent, sed abbates. 

ioino Domini m^ cc^. Iviij^ statuta sunt haec apud Cistercium in 
Capitulo generali. Cum excessus vocum in cantu dehonestet multi- 
pliciter nostri ordinis honestatem, et id circo provide ab antique per 
sanctos patres fuerit institutum quod mediocritas conservetur in eo, quae 
gravitatem redoleat, et devotionem debeat incitare ; districte praDcipitur 
ordinis imiversi cantoribus, ut hoc ipsi observent et ab aliis diligentissime 
&ciant observari. Si quis vero in cantando modimi gravitatis hujusmodi f. 2v, 
reputuB fuerit excessisse, taliter castigatur quod poena illius ab excessu 
hujusmodi alios retrahat in posterum et compescat Cum efiraenatum 
multitudinem monachorum in multarum abbatiarum ordinis et maxime 
Cistercii matris nostras dispendium et gravamen venire contingat ad 
generale capitulum, contra antiqua et salubria ordinis instituta ; valeus 
idem capitulum huic morbo conpetenti antidote obviare, ordinat et 
diffinit, quod nulliis Abbas ab abbatia sua iter accipieus ad generale 
capitulum, secum ultra primam abbatiam in via capitidi recto itinere 
existentem, vel locum aequedistantem, monachum adducere vel in 
fraudem praemittere, seu etiam ut eum subsequatur, vel ut sibi occurrat, 
concedere presumat ullatenus vel aptemptet. Nullus eciam monachus 



96 CISTERCIAN STATUTES. 

ad dictum capitulum venire, vel ut Tocetur procurare prsesumaty mona- 
chis duntaxat exceptis qui pro negotiis ordinis ad Komanam curiam 
diriguntur, qui usque Divionem licite venire poterunt, ut ibidem, petita 
licencia et obtenta, iter quod ccsperunt prosequantur. Qui yero venire 
presumpserit contra statutum tarn necessarium et salubre, si abbas fuerit 
tribus diebus, uno eorum in pane et aqua poonitentiam peragat levis 
culpae. Si vero monachus eidem poena subjaceat, et nihilominus ultimus 
omnium sit per annum. Excipiuntur iterum Abbates illi ab hac lege, 
quibus a generali capitulo hactenus est concessum ut monachos et plures 
equitaturas adducant ad idem capitulum generale. 

Diffinitioni ad petitionem domini papee de cappis, tunicis et dalmaticis 
^ ^* utendis anno pi^seterito faot«e additur, ut in sollempnitatibus quibus 
abbates oelebrare tenentur diacono et subdiaoono, tunica et dalmatica uti 
liceat, abbatum abscentia non obstante. Et quia novitates restringendse 
' sunt potiiis quam laxandse, auctoritate qua potest prohibet capitulum 
generale ut capis, tunicis et dalmaticis emendis, sen modo quolibet de 
cetero acquii*endis curiositate, preciositate, et varietate notabili adornatis, 
alicui personee ordinis ut liceat quoquomodo. 

Quoniam monachi beati Djonisii in Francia et Sancti Yedasti 
Attrebat«nsis inter ceteros religiosos quadam special! prserogativa 
dilectionis personas ordinis prosecuntur; benigne concedit abbatibus, 
Tolens generale capitulum inter alios religiosos specialius honorare, et 
personis ordinis ut dictorum monasteriorum abbates et monachos 
preesentes pariter et futuros quociens ad eos ipsos venire oontigerit, in 
suis admittant refectoriis si voluerint, auctoritate capituli generalis. 
Quoniam a nullis solebat in dubium revocari quin poena suspensionis 
cum infligitur alicui secundum intentionem ordinis debeat importare : 
quod is qui auctoritate ordinis suspenditur ab altaris olficio solummodo 
intelligatur suspensus, nisi aliud in sentencia expressius habeatur. 

Statuit et ordinat capitulum generale, ut emissi pro manifesto camis 
contagio usque ad decennium minime ad domos proprias revooentur 
asque licentia capituli generalis. DifiBnitione super hoc anno prseterito 
lata penitus expirante. 

Districtissime inhibetur capitulo generali omnibus abbatibus et 
personis ordinis universi, ne de cetero in hospiciis monialium et alibi in 
domibus ordinis in villis vel extra cum eis comedere in eadem mensa 
pra^sumant. Alioquin, si abbates fuerint, omni tj\ feria sint in pane et 
aqua usque sequens capitulum generale, in ipso capitulo super hoc 
veniam petituri. Monachi vero sint ultimi omnium^ et omni Yj^ feria in 
pane et aqua per annum, 
f. 8v. Cum relatione digna didiceret capitulum generale, quod qusedam de 
novo in ordinis in'epsiter corruptela, ut videlicet principum et secularium 
preelatorum, sive alionim etiam magnatorum preces, in antiquse simplici- 
tatis precjudicium ordinis, electionibus interdum dampnabiliter obtinent 
primum locum, inhibet districte capitulum generale, ne hujusmodi preces 
aliquateniis admittantur, vel aliquem quocuuque modo sortiantur effectum, 
quin potius is pro quo preces hujusmodi contigerit impetrari ea vice ibidem 
nuUatenus eligatur, nisi forte cum stare posset legitimis documentis aut 
violentis prKsumptiouibus quod esedem preces ad impediendum alicujufi 
electionem, et in fraudem hujusmodi con stitutionis dolose forerent {tic) ab 
aliquo procuratee. Sed et si quis de ordine talium precaminum extiterit 



CISTERCIAN STATUTES. 97 

pnedioator, ai super hoc couvinci potuerit, de domo propria expellatur, 
non reversurus nisi de licjncia capituli generalis. 

Cum difi&nicio de concessione rasurarum anno prseterito edita propter 
longitudinem seu artationem tempoiis quae quaudoque contingit cor- 
reptione aliqua indigeat, ordinal et statuit capitulum generale ut 
rasuris jam concessis, una super addatur rasura quae fiat ad mensem 
Paschffi. Et ilia quae in Ascensione Domini consueverat, in festo Penthe- 
costis habeatur, aliis ri\suri8 permanentibus, sicut prius fuerat ordina- 
tam. Conversis etiam conceditur ut quandocunque mouachi rasuram 
habuerint, et ipsi rasuram habeant, ut in ordine uniformitas observetur. 

Quoniam frequens querela et assidua et omuimodo tediosa super cmis- f. 4. 
sione monachorum ordinis nostri et etiara convei-sorum auribus capituli 
generalis tediosius innovatur, huic tanto morbo cupiens idem capitulum 
generale congruam adhibere medelam, duxit provide statuendum ut 
qoandocumque aliquis monachus vel conversus, suis exigentibus demeritis 
fuerit emittendus, de consilio prioris, aut quatuor aut quiuque seniorum 
de domo senioris consilii, qui emittendus fuerit emittatur. Cujus culpam, 
et omnium de cetero taliter emittendorum, et etiam sponte sua de ordine 
exeuntium, a Priore diligentius conscribatur. Causas vero emissionis 
eorumdem, lui qui ad consilium fuerint evocati visitatori teneantur 
fideliter intimare. Diffinitio autem super emissionibus anno prajterito 
lata penitus revocatur. Abbates qui ad generale capitulum anno (pra;- 
terito) * non venerunt quo tenentur ubi legitima excusatio ^ intercedat, 
yidelicet gravis et evidens infirmitatis, prout in carta caritatis continetur, 
pro prima transgressione pcenam sustiueant in usibus, v® distinctionis 
capitulo xjo, diffinitam. Si autem anno immediate sequenti non venerint, 
nee prsedicta infirmitatis causa legitime poteruiit se tueri, omni alia 
excusatione cessante, auctoritate capituli generalis a suis visitatoribus 
absque retractatione aliqua deponantiu*. Si vero visitatores in preemissis 
fuerint negligentes, poena plectantur irrefragabiliter antedicta. Et 
quoniam quidam prsetextu paupertatis excusationem prsetendunt, se 
expensis carere ad hoc sufficientibus asserentes, Domino Cist' et quatuor 
primis abbatibus committitur auctoritate capituli generalis, ut de talibus 
abbatiis aliis conjungendis vel omnino ab ordine expirent, pensatis 
qusD secundum dominum et ordinem pensanda sunt, unusquisque in 
generatione sua ordinent pro ut viderit expedire. 

Auctoritate capituli generalis statuitur ut quicunque abbas alicujus f. iv. 
abbatis cedentis et ad ipsum profitendi gratia divertentis professionem 
recipere noluerit, usque ad sequens generale capitulum sic extra stallum 
abbatis et omni vj* feria in pane et aqua, ad quod capitulum venire 
teneatur in ipso super hoc veniam petiturus. Sentencia autem suspensa 
alias contra tales edita penitus revocatur. 

Cum in sentencia de servando silentio in secularium mensis et nostri 
ordinis monachis et conversis continetur, ut verba tamen rara et brevia 
loquerentur, banc brevitatem et raritatem restringit capitulum generale 
at tamen sal, panem, aquam et hujusmodi necessaria ubi signa non 
intelliguntur loquenda eisdem petere liceat, prout fieri consuevit ab 
antiquo. 

Auctoritate capituli generalis injungitur abbatissis, ut earum visita- 



« Underdotted. « Supply " nou " 

VOL. XL tt 



98 CISTERCIAN STATUTES. 

toribus ut capellanos monialium corripiant, et qui missas nollunt 
secundum formam ordinis et consuetudinem celebraie. 

Statuit et ordinat capitulum generale ut in auuiveraaria generali 
episcoporum vel abbatum, omnes qui eadem die celebraverint celebrare 
de anniversario teneantur. 

luhibetur districtius auctoritate capituli geueralis ue abbates in 
adventu visitatorum siiorum seu in ipsis visitationibus sumptucMSOs 
faciant apparatus, sed visitatores et visitati ea in prsemissis sint medio- 
critate contenti quse simplicitatem redoleat ordinis, et etiam paupertatem. 
Ita quod ad plus duo genera tan turn pitancianim tarn hiis quam aliis 
omnibus personis ordinis de cetero ministretur, pueris autem yisitatorum 
f. 5. illam viui portionem pro quolibet duplicatam quam contenti sunt monachi 
et conversi, et unicam pitanciam cum pulmento seu pulmentis de cetero 
statuit capitulum generale ministrari, hoc idem eundo et redeundo in 
graugiis et cellariis domus visitatsB vel etiam visitandee per omnia 
observetur. Et hoc eeque vel parcius circa quoslibet transeuntes abbates 
observare decrevit capitulum generale. Conversi autem seu aliqui de visita- 
torum familia, vestes, caligas, vel utra,' (vel) caligarum novarum valorem 
uUatenus quicquam recipere audeant sine visitatorum speciaU licencia 
et consensu, nee aliqua persona cum dictis visitatorum pueris comedere 
permittatur. Hujus autem statnti tam necessarii transgressionibus 
duxit banc poenam dictum capitulum generale infligendam, sive sit 
visitator sive etiam visitatus, ut videlicet si sic, abbas tribus diebus 
uno eorum in pane (et) aqua, poenam sustineat lev is culpse. Si vero 
monacbus vel con versus eadem peena plectatur, et ultimus omnium sit 
per annum. Sentencia de computationibus in visitationibus faciendis 
quondam edita revocatur. Sentenciam in anno prseterito latam super eu 
quod personse ordinis non nisi per proprios abbates de abbatia in 
abbatiam mitterentur, sic interpretatur capitulum generale quod illi 
abbates ad quos missi fuerint per litteitis suas eos ad alias abbatias 
mittere valeant de propriorum abbatum licencia et mandato. 
AD. Anno Domini m°. cc°. 1®. ix®, statuta sunt apud Cistercium in capi- 
1269. tulo generali. 

In primis statuit et ordinat capitulum generale ut missa quae cum 
duobus ministris de Beata Virgine solet cantari sabbatis, pro officio 
cujuscunque sancti quod cum uno ministro cantari debet, nullatenus 
omittatur, sed alicui id officium injungatur a can tore. 
f' 5v. Quoniam ad aures capituli generalis relatione pervenerit fide digna, 
quod quidam visitatorum ordinacioni violenter in ipsis visitacionibus se 
opponunt, statuit et ordinat capitulum generale, quod quicunque 
monachus vel conversus visitatorum ordinacioui vel processui per se vel 
per interpositam personam contradicere prsedicto modo, vel se opponei-e 
de cetero aptemptaverit, sentencia) conspiratorum per omnia subjaceat, 
omni sibi super hoc venia deneganda. Abbas vero qui modo simili culpa- 
bills inventus fuerit in hoc casu, absque retractatione aliqua deponatur. 

Quoniam in fraudem hospitalitatis personis ordinis exibeudse, quidam 
grangiis et locis suis personas pneficiunt scculares, licet ipsorum locorum 
fructus et emolimeuta perveniant ad eosdem, statuit et ordinat capitu- 
-lum generale, quod abbas in cujus locis preetextu fraudis hujusmodi per- 



' So in the MS. ; the misaDing is not apparent. 



CISTERCIAN STATUTES. 99 

sonae ordinis modo debito receptaG uou fueriiit, omni yj^ feria sit in paue 
et aqua usque ad sequens capitulum geDerale, in eodem super hoc veniam 
petiturus. Sentencia anno prseterito contra abbates qui tempore quo 
tenentur ad generale capitulum nou veneruut edita temperatur in hunc 
modum, quod de Hungaria, de Polonia, et de Livonia Abbates qui propter 
metum Tartarorum non veniunt ut tenentur pro excusatione habeantur, 
dum modo ipsorum visitatore dictum metum generali capitulo insinuent 
esse justum. Anno vero proximo sequeuti teneantur nisi casu consimili 
fuerint inpediti. % Diffinitioni olim editas de fidejussione et custodia 
depositorum undecimae quse sic incipit, Nullus de ordine nostro, additur, 
quod quicunque abbas contravenire presumpserit ipso facto se depositura f. 5. 
noverit) et excommunicatiouis vinculo iunodatum. Illi vero abbates qui 
jam prsedictae diffinitionis transgressores fuerint, teste conscientia ab am- 
ministratione spiritualium et temporalium abstineant donee secum super 
hoc fuerint dispensati. Salva nihilominus patrum abbatum animadver- 
sione cum sibi fuerit manifestum. % Diffinitioni editse de non accipiendo 
ad usuram additur hoc propter multos ti-ansgressores, quod qui contra- 
venerit, sive aliter coutrahendo, seu fraudulenter celando, deponatur. 

Anno Domini xnP cc. sexagesimo statuta sunt hsec apud Cistercium in ad. 
capitulo generali. % Cum ad honorem gloriosse Virgiuis anno prseterito ^260. 
generale capitulum duxerit statuendum, quod missa quae in sabbatis de 
eadem cantari consuevit, pro aliqua missa quae cum uno ministro cantari 
debeat nullatenus omittatur, sic declarat idem capitulum generale, quod 
Bollempnes vigilias quae eveniunt sabbatis et sabbata infra octavis appari- 
tionis et ascensionis, et octavae sanctorum, et officia defunctorum missas 
snas habeant, diffinitioue prius edita non obstante. % Cum non in merito 
super austeritate quorundam abbatum ordiuis, qui ad cessionem suos 
conpellunt filios, litteras super hoc et juramenta iustantissime requireutes, 
damosa insinuatio perveuit ad capitulum generale, volens idem capitulum 
austeritates hujusmodi provide (ordinare) * refraenare, ordinat et diffinit 
quod a patribus abbatibus de cetero hujusmodi litterae seu juramenta nulla- 
tenus requirantur a filiis, et si requisita fuerint filii ipsorum dare minime 
teneantur. Patres vero abbates qui contravenire praesumpserint, gradum 
altaris non ascendant donee litteras reddiderint memoratas. £t filios suos f. 6r. 
a prsBstitis absolverint juramentis. £t nihilominus se recognoscant in 
capitulo generali. Si quae vero litteras jam sint super praemissis, dare 
nullum robur obtineant firmitatis. % Cum sanctissimus pater beatus 
Bemardus Clare vallis ordiuem universum tamquam supemae claritatis 
radius doctrinis peritus et exemplis feliciter edoceat et illustre, statuit et 
ordinat capitulum generale quod per totum ordinem in die sollemp- 
nitatis ipsius de cetero sermo in capitulo habeatur, et conversi nihilominus 
laborabunt. H Pervenit ad audientiam capituli generalis quod quaedam 
personae ordinis contra ipsius ordinis instituta quasdam allegaut consuetu- 
dines, volen tea praetextu ipsarumoriginalibusstatutis ipsius ordiuis obviare. 
Qiiare decrevit idem capitulum generale consuetudines quae sunt contra 
beati Benedict! regulam ac ejusdem ordinis communia instituta, esse 
penitus irritas et inanes. Si quis autem eisdem consuetudinibus pertina- 
dter adbaerere voluerit, si abbas fuerit per xx^^ dies sit extra stallum abbatis 
et omni vj^ feria in pane et aqua, usque ad sequens capitulum generale, 
in quo super boo veniam petens a praBsidente graviter puniatur. Monachi 

* Underdotted, and both word and dots crossed out by red Hdss. 

H 2 



100 CISTERCIAN STATUTES. 

vt>\>^ vol iHxuvoitii iu (HDna couspiratorum a doraibus propriis emittantur. 
(Statuit «»t oi\i)UHt capituluragenemleut moniales ord inis ad minus septies 
iu «uiux sMiu't Aiu cvuumuukmem recipiant, Tel etiam pliiries si eamm visi- 
t^^v^nlm^ vUWn^ e\|»ek.lire.) * % In elect ionibus abbatum de quibos distinc- 
luiu ^1 A cti^»ituK» ^euemli vjuod sint competentis litteraturse, conpetentem 
lklKH>^^umtu ^^^ mter^>n?tatur capitulom generate qnod sciant loqui littera- 
hw^'v ^ wvHijt{.H?b?i»t^r proponew Terbc* l>eL Cum Kererendos pater noster 
Ok^t^iuuii J.* H**'r.^ ssujcti Laurentii in Lodna^ presbiter cardiualis, pro- 
Wv^vr v.vrvhiiifc!s ^t in ^rrafeiarunt et indn^entianmi tmpetratione in curia 
ik>iHUti i^K« i^rvmptu^ ^utor« naper aliqnibus ahbatibos ordinis quen- 
vi^iiu UKkitgtHJ^eikutt ^ ctrWbnktkHiem minorum ordinom indomibns ordinis 
ui^K^<»HV\MHt^ i»tvpetNr deTttandnm scandalum djoceauionm^ generate 
v^HHtuhuit v.><\iitttit et diifinit ad prsesens ut ipsa indolgracA aliquis uti 
y^iivHO ^H>««swiwuc. $ii» Ikentia capituli gencralis. 

\uUu^ v$^ vHxttue notstro pro siliqna persona vel ecclesia quae non sit de 
vH%iiuv' iK»^Kv ti^usdorem se constituat per litteras sen per stgilla, se Tel 
^wktKiata ^tuii obligare prsesumat, nee otinm ab aliquo mntnnm accipiat nt 
;Uu luutuvt. ^i quis autem abbas per so vcl per interpoeitam personam 
vv»uti>ivviure prsiisumpserit, ipso facto'auctoritate surami pontificts ab omni 
tuumiuiis^mttotte spiritualium et temporalium noverit se suspensum. Si 
Wiv^uiimia coutracti mutui sen obligationis xx^> librarum Tnronensinm 
\t4U>ivtu excessent, ipso facto sit deposit us a reginiine abbatise, et nihilomi- 
UU41 CHTv^rt mancipetur usque ad nutum capituli generalis. Monachi Tero 
w'l cv>UYer8i de quorum consilio factum fuerit, a domo propria eliminentur, 
iK>u reversuri donee abbatia indempnitati fuerit restituta. Nee aliquis 
mutu^t pecuuiam alicui qui non sit dc ordine nostro, ultra summam xx^ 
hbrarwm ; abbas qui contrafacere prajsumpserit, veniam petet in capitulo 
If^ii^rali, Quicuuque Tero sine conscieutia abbatis sui tale quid prsesump- 
^irit, omni yj* feria sit in pane et aqua per annum. Deposita Tero in 
\K^mibu8 nostris non suscipiantur, nisi ad minus de consciencia trium 
fhUrum, et hoc adjussum abbatis et sub bono testimonio reddantur. Abbas 
autem proTideat studiose quomodo commissa fideliter custodian tiir. 
Seutentias Tero super hujusmodi materia in distinctione xj* capitulo Tij® 
et Tiij* sanctas penitus reTocamus. 

Anno Domini m" cc** lx<* primo, statuta sunt ba)c apud Cistercium, in 
capitulo generali. 

Cum per statutum anno prreterito factum a capitulo generali, 
abbatibus qui cedunt Tideatur derogari Inmiilitati eo obedienti® mona- 
cbaH, idem capitulum statutum hujusmodi duxit penitus rcTocandum. 
Cum frequenter abbates postulare soleant quod sint ad tempus a 
Busceptione hospitum absoluti, provida deliberatione dictum capitulum 
ordinat et diffinit, quod cum nos teneamur jam plus in ordine existenti- 
bus quam secularibus qui petnnt ordini sociari, in domibus illis quae 
a snsceptione hospitum absolvuntur, quamdiu durabit hujusmodi 
absolutio, novicii non recipiantur il)ideni, nee noTa et sumptuosa (cdificatio 
(sic) non construantur. Sed ruinosa tantummodo reparari concedit dictum 
capitulum generale. Festura beati Bernabrc apostoli si in Tigilia Penthe- 
eostis eTCucrit, usque ad quintam feriam post festum penthecostis 
dift'eratur. Cum de diversis regionibus clamor dcTenerit ad capitulum 
generale quod episcopi et alii ecclesianim pnclati communia priTilegia et in- 

* Crossed out, and •* ii. dr " written in margin. * TiTuli 



ClSTEIiCUN STATUTES. 101 

dulgentias ordinis infringere molliuntur, Btatuit et ordinat capitulum gene- f- 8. 

rale quod in singulis provinciis ubi aliquid tale exortum fuerit, tres abbates 

qui in ilia provincia in ordine priores extiteriut ad instantiam abbatum 

afflictorum, iuquisita prius causa, et cause merito (sic),^ videlicet, si dicti 

afilicti bonam causam habuerint, et communia ordinis privilegia et indul- 

gentise impetantur, uni versos ' abbates ejusdem provinciae per se vel per 

procuratorem ydoneum in ipsa causa procedant pro ut melius et salubrius 

viderint expedire. Commititur autem abbati Morimuudi in prsedictis 

ordinatio provinciee Maguntinse, eo quod spaciosa sit nimis, et lougissima 

videatur. Cum super evagatione monachorum qui abbates proprios prse 

egrediendi licencia inquietant, refrsenationem apponere decrevit capitulum 

generale, ordinat et diffinit quod quicunque monachus vel conversus 

per inquietacionem abbatis licenciam obtinuerit et egressus fuerit, super 

hoc in sequenti visitatione veniam iude petat, ad visitaturis arbitriuni 

puniendus. Cum olim in diffinitionibus ordinis, sit statutum quod tales 

in converses recipiantur qui possint laborem uuius mercenarii compensare, 

ordinat capitulum generale quod quicunque conversus laborem sibi 

iujunctum noluerit ad implere, redigatur ad familiaris habitum usque ad 

nutum visitatoris, et pane vescatur interim grossiori. Kestrictio pitanci- 

arum olim in diffinitionibus edita auctoritate captuli generalis ab omnibus f. Sv. 

inviolabiliter observetur. Transgressores autem si abbates fuerint veniam 

inde petant in capitulo generali. Cum ex perceptione sanguinis Domini, 

quern post sanctam communionem solent accipere pei-sonte ordinis, pericula 

gravia jam evenerint, et possint evenire in posterum graviora, ordinat 

capitulum quod monachi et conversi, et moniales ordinis, exeptis 

ministris altaris, ad calicem more solito non accedant. Cum per divei-sis 

casibus sen necessitatibus frequenter contingere soleat, quod abbates 

grangias in manibus secularium sub annuo censu sive aliis modis commit- 

tant, prsecipitur auctoritate capituli generalis quod in graugiis secularibus 

in quacunque foima, sen quocunque modo traditis et tradendis, semper 

personis ordinis hospitalitatis gratia conservetur. Qusestionem in capitulo 

propositam quoto anno abbates ordinis remittero possint hospites ad se 

missos, sic deterrainat capitulum generale, quod nullus abbas hospitem 

ad se roissum infra annum remittere audeat, nisi in casibus in quibus 

suum proprium ad domum aliam duceret emittendum. 

Anno Domini m" cc« Ix® secuudo, statu ta sunt hsec apud Cistercium in a.d. 
capitulo generali. ^^^^* 

Statuit et ordinat capitulum generale quod cum collectce fiunt in 
ordine, patres abbates inter duos qute ratione filiationis spectant ad 
eo6 Bummam inpositam seu inponendam secundum vires facultatum 
sive reddituum teste conscientia requaliter dividant, nicbil super '• ^• 
addentes. Nichil ad usus proprios retinentes prrcter moderatas ex- 
pensas seu usuras, si aliquas propter hoc solvere oportuerit aliquibiis 
filiis abbatibus ad distributionem hujusmodi convocatis. Ita tamen 
quod ipsi patres Abbates ad solvendum pro rata sua secundum legem 
Buperius inpositam eorum filiis sunt astricti, et possunt et debent dicti 
patres filios suos ad solvendum compellere auctoritate capituli generalis. 
Qui vero fraudulenter contra formam venerint suprascriptam, auctoritate 
ejuadem capituli noverint se suspenses. Item statnit et ordinat idem 
capitalum generale quod nullus pro culpa sua emissus ad petitionem 

«• Read " causa roerita." 7 R^ " up verai," 



102 CISTERCIAN STATUTES. 

Beciilarium ad reversiouis ^ admittatur. Qusebtionem propositam in 
capitulo general! quia deberet vestire hospites in alienis domibus exis- 
tent es, bIc discernit idem capitulum generale, quod si domus in qua 
fuerit hospes vestimenta generaliter non habuerit illo anno abbas 
propriuB eidem in vestibus providere teneatur. Auctoritate capituli 
geueralis inbibetur abbatibus ordinis universi, ne per litteras se obligent 
de aliquo recipiendo in monachum vel conversum, litteras aiitem jam 
super hoc datas, nulliua esse roboris deimntiat capitulum generale. It^m 
ordinat capitulum generale quod ad denuntiationem unius, inquisitio 
nullatenus committatur nisi denuntiator ad talionem se duxerit obligan- 
dum. Item ordinat capitulum generale quod abbas Vallis Magnse in dorao 
secularium ordinis in monte Pessulano studentium eandem jurisdictionem 
et auctoritatem in providendo sen absolvendo habeat quam habet 

f. 9v. dominus abbas Clarevallensis in domo scolarium Parisiensium, maxima 
cum dicta domus sit membrum proprium Vallis Magnae,^ et insuper eisdem 
privilegiis consuetudinibus et indulgentiis omnibus gaudeant quibus dicti 
scolares Parisienses gaudent, et hac tenus sunt gavisi, salva semper 
hospital itatis gratia quae in dicta domo de Monte Pessulano debet 
hospitibus exiberi. Item concedit et indulget capitulum generale quod 
conversi mouialium, cum per abbatias ordinis eos transire oontigerit, 
recipiantur in refectoriis couversorum dum modo conversis ordinis 
conformati sint in habitu et tonsura. Ad venerationem Corporis Jhesa 
Christi et ad securitatem majorem ordinat capitulum generale quod 
Abbates qui voluerint et potuerint aliquod vas ydoneum sibi studeant 
comparare in quo Corpus Dominicum ad communicandum in6rmo6 
securius quam in calice deferatur. Cum quidam Abbates de non 
veuiendo ad generale capitulum ratione paupertatis se excusent, decrevit 
idem capitulum generale excusationem hujusmodi nullum esse, et addit 
quod qui hujusmodi practextu ad generale capitulum eo anno non 
venerint quo tenentur, poenam peragant in usibus const itutam. Item 
statuit et ordinat capitulum generale quod cum aliquis abbas aiicui 
monacho vel con verso suo, aliquam grangiam suam ad firmam concedit, 
soluto censu in quo tenetur, conversus vol monachus abbatia; residuum 
bonorum graugia) sibi commissa' sibi non appropriet, nee preeter ordina- 
tionem abbatis aliquid inde facere audeat vel presumat. Item super 

f. 10. ingressu mulierum in abbatias ordinis, auctoritate papalium litterarum 

ordinat capitulum generale quod diffinicio super hoc olim edita ab 

omnibus observetur. Item festum xi millium virginum cum duabus 

missis fiat per ordinem universani, et conversi laborabunt. 

^•^' Anno Domini m**. cc®. lx°. tercio statuta sunt hcec apud Cistercium 

^"^* in capitulo generali. 

Statuit et ordinat capitulum generale quod principium diffinitionum 
ab omnibus uuiformiter conscribatur in hunc modum ; Anno Domini 
etc. Statuta sunt hsQC apud Cistercium in capitulo generali, 
queestionem proponitam in capitulo generali, videlicet quis absolvere 
debeat illos in quos sentenciee feruntur ex delegatione ipsius capituli 
vel prajcepto, sic determinat idem capitulum generale, quod abbates 
suos absolvant subditos et ipsi a patribus abbatibus beneficium abso- 
lutionis obtineant, si ipsos in hujus sentencias contigerit incidisse. 
Cum contra omnes fugitives ordinis generale capitulum olim poBuas 

^ Read " revenionem." ^ See note 20. 



CrSTBBCIAN STATUTES. 103 

ediderit competentes ad testificandum excessus eoruai multiplices, etiam 
nunc posnis duxit addere memoratis, quod cum ad ordinem redieriiit 
â–¼estimentis novis usque ad tres annos careant, et ad ministmcionem 
aliquo modo spiritualium sive temporalium nullatenus assequantur, et 
quern quidem ex illis su8B salutis prodigi in confusionem ordiuis et 
Bcandalum plurimorum in regulari habitu non yerentur per seculnm 
evagari, ipsos deteriores conditionis esse uostro in merito judicans 
capitulum generale, poenas prsedictas eis statuit iufligendas, et quod non 
equitent in futurum nisi de licentia capituli generalis. Statuit et 
ordinat capitulum generale quod cum super aliquo alicujus excessu 
inquisitio committitur a capitulo general!, inquisitione pendente, pater f. lOv. 
abbas, illo articulo excepto super quo commissi© facta est, juridicionem 
patemam potest in filium iu aliis excercere, ita tameu quod si medio 
tempore ipsius filii non ex causa dicta3 commissiouis suam receperit 
cessionem, causam ipsam exponat in sequenti capitulo generali. Dif- 
finitioni olim editse de usu sive de ministratione carnium addit capitulum 
generale, quod si personse ordinis eundo ad curiam sive redeundo, contra 
diffinitionem venerint memoratam, quacunque impetrata licencia seu 
etiam gratis oblata, sint iu pane et aqua pro singulis vicibus una die. 
Inhibetur districte auctoritate capituli generalis ne abbates vel monachi 
aliquod genus pellium secum deferant ad utendum, quod si forte propter 
eminens segritudinis periculum aliquis transgressus fuerit, monachi tem- 
pore visitationis se in capitulo recognoscant, ad visitatoris arbitrium 
puniendi, abbates vero super hoc veniam petaut in capitulo geuerali, quod 
si facere neglexerint, gradum altaris quousque taliter recoguoverint non 
ascendant ; diffinitio vero superlata anno pra}terito revocatur. Diffinitioni 
olim editse de pueris ordinis apud Divionem vel iu viam capituli rixan- 
tibus et duceutibus choreas, seu aliquid tale facientibus unde scandalum 
ordini oriatur, addit capitulum generale, quod quamdiu abbates tales 
secum retinueriut, a vino abstineant omni die, et abbates ante ingressum 
Divionem in via capituli suis servientibns non negligant banc pcenam 
nuntiare. Cum per domini papse privilegium sit inhibitum, nede confes- f. 11. 
sionibus vel absolutionibus monialium se aliqui intromittere audiant, nisi 
de patris abbatis licencia speciali, auctoritate capituli generalis inhibetur 
abbeitibus ordinis universi ne licenciam hujusmodi alicui personaB quae 
non sit de ordine nostro concedere andean t vel prsesumant. Statuit et 
ordinat capitulum generale ut monachi in abbatiis monialium desistentes 
ibidem de cetero carnes manducare non prsesumant. Item conceditur 
abbati et conventui Athanacen'' quod cum ad domes ordinis nostri 
diverterint, in refectoriis nostris admittentur. Idem conceditur abbati 
et conventui Sancti Germani Parisiensis. Itam de illis qui vadunt ad 
curiam vel mittuntur, statuit et ordinat capitulum generale quod 
diffinitio olim edita super hoc observetur, hoc addito, quod, causis itineris 
expositis patri Abbati, si infra sex dietas poterit inveniro idem, pater causas 
prsedictas domino Cist' per litteras suas significet, nee possit pater abbas 
a via filium prohibere quin vadat ad curiam, secundum quod in diffini- 
tione continetur. 

Anno Domini m°. cc®. Ix®. iiij*®. statuta sunt heec apud Cistercium in a.d. 
capitulo generali. 1264. 

* Atavaoum, Tulgo La place d'Ainay, locus extra Lugdunum olim . . . Hodie 
Monasterium ibi (Hofmann, Lex. 1698). 



104 CI6TBRCIAN STATUTES. 

Statuit et ordinat capitulnm generale quod diffinitio anno praeterito 
edita de puerie abbatum ad capitulum generale venieutibus et Cistereium 
ingredientibus penitus revocatur. Ilia vero diffinitio olim edita quae v* 
distinctione viij**. capitulo coutinetur, ab omnibus inviolabiliter observetur. 
A.D. Anno Domini m°. cc°. Ixvj**. statuit et ordinat capitulum generale, cum 
1266. couversi et servientea ad abbatias et grangias ordinis cum curribus et 
' quadrigis officialibus locorum, et magistris super suo et equorum suonim 
metu existant multipliciter inportuni, volens generale capitulum eorum 
in oportunitatibus congi-uis remediis obviare, duxit proinde statuendum 
quod cum ad loca seu grangias convenerint memoratas, hiis solum modo 
sint contenti, qua) ab officialibus seu grangiarum magistris eis fueriut 
liberaliter ministrata. Dicti autem officiales et magistri ea circa eos 
discrecione ministrando utantur, quod nee ipsos officiales nee magistros 
petencium inoportunitas scaudalizet ministrantium parcitas vel 
tenacitas sit petentibus occasio vel materia conquereudi. Conceditur 
autem adducentibus salmones et sepas ad usum capituli genei*ali8, quod 
eisdem in vecturis provideant qui voluerint, et qui nolueriut minime 
teneantur, nisi forte equi eorum defecerint, et hajc faciant secundum 
communem ordinis caritatem. Et cum eos ab abbatiis discedere con- 
tigerit, panis, caseus, et consimilia pro victualibus pro una tantum 
refectioue eisdem ministretur. Cum super citationibus abbatum clamor 
validus in auribus capituli generalis insouuerit, quod patres abbates seu 
visitatores qui ab eis diriguntur abbates, ad maternas vel ad alias 
quascunque citant abbatias, et huic gravi querimoniae volens medelam 
adhibere, capitulum generale ordinat et diffinit ut nulli patrum seu 
Tisitatorum de cetero ad aliam quam ad abbatiam cui idem abbas 
prcefuerit, citare liceat. Sed in visitationibus pro ut debuerint omnia 
f. 12. compleantur. Si vero contra abbatem deprivationis sentencia danda 
fuerit, et in ipsa domo contra abbatem non possint tute procedere, ipsum 
abbatem ad tutiorem et propinquiorem abbatiam citare poterunt, et in 
citatum prsesentem vel futurum absentem si citatus fuerit et venire 
contempserit ex certa deprivacionis causa ibidem auimadvertere liceat 
si viderint expedire. Statuit et ordinat capitulum generale quod cum 
aliquee commissiones contra aliquas personas ordinis a capitulo generali 
committuntur, in ipsis commissionibus certi exprimantur articuli in ipso 
capitulo compositi, super quos fuerit inquirendum, et de hiisdem articulis 
sigillatis fiat copia tam partibus quam inquisitoribus a capitulo con- 
stitutis, et anno sequenti prsesententur hiidem articuli capitulo generali 
ut ibi liquidee possint, si proccsserint secundum formam sibi traditam, 
nee aliquse litterro nomine capituli generalis sigillantur. Exceptis ques- 
tuosis et orationum litteris, nisi prius coram diffiuitoribus recitentur. 
Cum per apostasy am monachorum et conversonim ordo Isedatur 
enormiter et maxime ex pluralitate vestium quas secum deferunt ad 
seculum multa fiant iucommoda, statuit et ordinat capitulum generale 
lit monachi et conversi quos apostatare contigerit, si plus quam duas 
tunicas et cuculam monachus, conversus vero capam ad seculum 
deportare presumpserit, pro furto residuum habeatur. Ad conserva- 
tionem pacis et remotionem scandalorum quse possent inter ordinem 
nostrum et ordinem Fratnim Minorum et Praedicatonim in posterum 
suboriri, statuit et ordinat capitulum genemle ut nulla persona illorum 
de cetero ad ordinem nostrum recipiatur, nisi de capituli generalis 
licencia speciali, etiam si liabeat litteras commeudaticias, vel suorum 



CISTERCIAN STATUTES. 105 

lioeiitiam prcelatoriim, maxime cum viderimus litteram sanctisBimi patris f* l^v, 
domini ClemeDtis papee inbibicionem hnjusmodi coutinentem. Abbati- 
buB Frisyae conceditiir auctoritate capituli generalis, quod tercio anno 
vicissim yeniant ad ipsum capitulum generale, ita tamen quod duse 
ipsonim ad minus Biugulis annis venire personaliter non omittant. 
Statuit et ordinat capitulum generale quod notai-ii capituli jure jurent 
eo modo quemadmodum a diffinitoribus est statutum. Officium beati 
Nichomedis, quod inpeditur propter octavas Virginis gloriosaj, in alia 
festivitate sua, scilicet prima die mensis Junii plenarie dicatur, sicut in 
gradalibus est statutum, et habeat commemorationem suam in octabis 
beatee Virginis secundum quod hactenus fieri consuevit. Districte prse- 
cipitur auctoritate capituli generalis, ne monachi qui veniunt cum 
abbatibuB, et intrant Cistercium tempore capituli generalis ponantur in 
infirmitorio qui infirmitatem non habent evidentem, sed continue sint 
cum aliis monachis in couventu. Auctoritate capituli generalis 
districtius inhibetur ne de cetero occasione aliqua elemosinarii seu 
pitanciarii seu quocunque nomine censeantur ad faciendas conventui 
pitancias generales se intromittant, sed omues elemosinee ad nutum 
abbatum prout melius judicaverint expendantur. 

Anno Domini m**. cc®. Ix^ vij^ statuta sunt apud Cistercium in capitulo a.d. 
generali. ^267. 

In primis, cum super fugitivorum discussibus et excessibus 
eorumdem clamor devenerit frequenter ad aures capituli generalis, ad 
refrsenandum eorum excessus multiplices, idem generale capitulum duxit 
provide statuendum, quod fugitivi qui secundum regulam usque tercio 
recipiuntur, semel tamen ad familiaris habitum admittantur. Hoc pro- 
viso, quod si familiaris habitum recipere noluerint aut portare, dentur, si f- 13- 
petierint aut maluerint, hiis littei*8e generales. Si vero, suscepto habitu 
familiari, ad seculum egressi fuerint, vel tale quid commiserint pro quo 
monachus meretur emitti, nullus de ordine eidem ulterius providere 
teneatur, sed litteras generales de quibus superius est expressum ; eis 
autem in familiari habitu existentibus ad horas vigiliorum venire in eccle- 
siam extra chorum, et conventus jejunia prosequntur. Item iuspectores 
de ordine quibus committitur a capitulo generali quod ad loca ubi nostri 
ordinis monasteria sunt fundata, sive ordini incorporanda, personaliter 
accedant, de possession ibus, redditibus, proventibus et cedificiis diligenter 
inquirant, et, taxato numero personarum, et diligent i consideratione habita 
de hiis qu8D suflficere per annum ad sustentationem poterunt eorumdem, 
fideliter et non fallaciter super prajmissis dicto capitulo generali referant 
veritatem, et ad hoc faciendum eosdem iuspectores in virtute obedientiee 
constringit ipsum capitulum generale. Statuit et ordinat capitulum 
generale quod ad requisitionem monachorum nulla deinceps a capitulo 
generali inquisitio committatur. Sed vicini Abbates si intellexerint quod 
sdiquis abbas male tractet monachos suos, et pater abbas in dissimula- 
tione pertranseat in prsemissis, tanquam ordinis zelatores denuntient capi- 
tulum generale, et causas seu articulos exprimant in quibus dicti monachi 
male tractati fuerint ab abbate ; pater vero abbas pro dissimulatione hujus- 
modi in capitulo generale proclametur, ad arbitrium ipsius capituli gene- 
ralis puniendus. Statuit et ordinat capitulum generale quod abbates 
qui pro crimine metu poense cedunt vel etiam deponuntur, aut in domibus 
in quibus abbatizaverant de licencia patris abbatis remaneant, aut ad i iZv, 
demos de quibus prius professi fuerant, revertantur. Ita tamen quod 



t06 CISTERCIAN STATUTES. 

nuUus ex eis prompvetur in priorem, subpriorem, cellerarium, vel confes- 
sorem. Item moniales quae pro culpis suis exigeiitibus ad domos alias 
emittuntur, si cum litteris patris abbatis vel visitatoris sui venerint, 
abbatissae ad quas missse fueriiit recipere teneantur, at ad receptionem 
earum per visitatores auctoritate ordiuis conpellantur. Item inhibetiir 
auctoritate capituli generalis abbatibiis ordinis uuiversi ne litteras suas 
super advocatia sua seu custodia abbatiarum suarum aliquibus nobilibus 
dare audeant vel prajsumant. Item cum per abbatem Clarevallensem 
innotuerit capitulum generale quod domiuus papa negotium CalatravisQ 
commiserit capitulo generali, ipsum capitulum generale ordinat et diffinit 
quod monachus quam abbas Morimundi in dome de Calatravia in priorem 
constituerit. Idem confessiones audiat, vel ille seu illi qui dicto priore 
confessores in ilia domo fuerint constituti, et tam dictus prior quam 
instituti ab eo, absolvendi fratres Calatraviae liberam habeant potestatem. 
Item ordinat et diffinit capitulum generale quod abbates qui in tempore 
capituli generalis in Cistercium pueros adducunt, veniam petant in capitulo 
generally ad ipsius capituli arbitrlum puniendi, iliis exceptis qui conversos 
non habent, vel quorum conversi in via capituli infirmi remanebunt. 
Item moniales ordinis quse provisores sues consueverunt appellai*e pree- 
positos, eos ulteiius non praepositos vel priores, sed provisores appellent, 
nee eos ulterius eligant vel affirmant, nisi de visitatoris sui licencia 
speciali. Item cum per frequentes conspiratorum nequicias ordinis fama 
lajdatur enormiter, statuit et ordinat capitulum generale ut abbates qui 
poenam conspiratorum minuere presumpserint vel infringere eisdem ne- 
glexerint, omni vj^feriasint in pane et aqua, et anno sequenti super veniam 
petant in capitulo geuerali. £t patribus abbatibus committitur aucto- 
ritate capituli generalis, ut in suis visitationibus inquirant de conspira- 
torum excessibus, et, si ipsum abbatem remissum invenerint in prtemissis, 
prsefatam penitenciam injungere non omittant. 

A-D. Anno Domini m°. cc**. lx°. viij®. statuta sunt ha)c apud Cistercium in 
^^^®* capitulo generali. In primis, cum super monialium discussibus et exces- 
sibus eorumdem clamor aures capituli generalis inpulsaverit frequenter, 
et, ad refrenand. excessus eorumdem multiplices, idem capitulum generale 
dux it provide statuendum ut moniales quas incorporari de cetero ordine 
nostro contigerit perpetuo quocunque potuerint firmius ante incorpora- 
tionis assensum firmiter includantur. Item, cum ad audientiam capituli 
generalis clamosa pervenerit insinuatio quod quidam in electionibus, 
visitationibus, correptionibus, seculares vel quascunque personas convo- 
cant vel con vocari con sen tiunt, quorum terrore vel malicia, visitatores qute 
Dei sunt et ordinis statuere et corrigere impediuntur, statuit et ordinat 
capitulum generale ut quisque de cetero id apteinptare presumpserit vel 
fieri consenserint, poense conspiratorum subjaceant per omnia si deprehensi 
fuerint vel convicti, nee patres abbates seu quicumque prsedictorum occa- 
sione venerint, quamdiu ibidem tales fuerint, nullatenus officium jam 
inceptum exsequntur. Item deliberatione provida pnecipit capitulum 

14v. generale patribus abbatibus quatinus filiis suis prsecipiant et iujungant 
ut creditoribus suis solvant debita in quibus eis tenentur, et ad hoc ipsos 
compellant auctoritate capituli generalis. Item auctoritate capituli 
generalis inhibetur abbatibus ordinis uuiversi ne de cetero utantur ciphis 
cum pedibuB argenteis in refect orio vel in infirmitorio vel cameris, sed ad 
UBUS tantum hospitum habeantur. Inhibetur abbatibus denuo creatis 
et oonversis noviter ad capitulum venientibus, quod nil preesumant dare 



CI8TEBCIAN STATUTES. 107 

in Divione vel in via ratione novitatis. Item difKnitioni olim editae in 
distinctione vij* quae incipit sic, Abbas deposit us, hoc additiir, quod abbati 
deposito turpi et enormi crimine, de licencia pati-is abbatis in domo in 
qua abbatizavit remanere liceat eidem, autdomumaqua in abbatem illius 
domus assuraptus est revertatur. Ita tamen quod in priorem, cellerarium, 
Bubpriorem, aut confessorem minime promoveatur, nisi de licentia capituli 
generalis ; diffinicio super ho^c edita anno prsDterito revocatur. Item super 
reoepcione fratrum minorum et preBdicatorum habitum nostri ordinis cum 
quibuscunque litteris implorantium, diffinicio super hsec olim edita in- 
violabiliter observetur. Item diffinicioni olim editse anno lx<* j<^ de convo- 
candis abbatibus quse sic incipit, Si contingat quod episcopi vel prselati 
ordinis privilegio infringere moliantur, hoc additur, quod illi tres abbates 
majores illius provincieB vel in diffinitione continetur ad conveniendum et 
oontribuendum ceteros abbates compellant auctoritate capituli generalis. 
Item festum beati Juliani, quod vj<^ Kalendas Februarii fieri solebat, in 
crastino Agnetis ij° fiat, et fiant omnia sicut de beato Remigio, exceptis 
abbatibus illius dyocesis, qui, si volueriut, eadie faciant, qua fit in ecclesia f. 15. 
CathedralL 

Anno Domini m9. cc^ Ix. nono statuta sunt haec apud Cistercium in a.d. 
capitulo generali. 1269. 

In primis, inhibetur districte patribus ordinis universi ne de cetero 
convent us monialium^ vel emittant nisi de licencia petita et obtenta a 
capitulo generali, et taxetur numerus monialium ]jro suarum modulo 
facultatum. Item bono nomini ordinis et utilitati in posterum consu- 
lendo inhibetur districte a capitulo generali, uc qnis abbas sen persona 
ordinis aliquam grangiam, cellarium, sen membrum aliquod, quse ad 
hospitalitatem tenentur et debent personis ordinis ministrare, vendant 
vel distrabant quoquomodo sine speciali licencia petita et obtenta a capi- 
tulo generali, non ol)stantibus diffinitionibus ab ipso capitulo super antea 
diffinitis. Item districtissime inhibetur a capitulo generali ne aliquis 
abbas, monachus, conversus, de cetero utatur almuciis pelliciis vel panninis, 
qui vero usus fuerit, abbates in capitulo generali, monachi vel conversi in 
visitationibus, veniam petant prout de usu pellium fieri consuevit. Item 
statuit et ordinat capitulum generale, quod si aliquando homines alicujus 
monasterii capiuntur occasione monasterii, vel quas a monasterio possidet, 
abbas cujus homines sic capti fuerint vel mandatum ipsius pro ipsis fide- 
jubero poterit in tanto quanto de bonis ipsorum homiimm habebunt in 
propria potestate. Item antiquum statutum de monachis pro culpis 
emissis inviolabiliter observetur, qui vero ipsos retinere noluerint veniam 
inde petant in capitulo generali, ad ipsius capituli arbitrium puniendi. 
Item electionem in domo de VaucelP *° factam canon ice de fratre Guillelmo 
de Gandavo, monacho dictse domus, quam audivit capitulum generale a f. 16r. 
patre abbate fuisse totaliter refutatum injuste, prout est in prsesentia 
diffinitorum per testes legitimos comprobatum, dictam electionem fratris 
Guillelmi prsedicti, capitulum generale comprobat et confirmat. Institu- 
tionem autem alterius, scilicet fratris Johannis monachi Clarevallensis, 
nuUam penitus esse judicando. Committitur abbatibus Caricampi " et 
Balaniciis*^ quod dictum fratrem Guillelmum in stallum abbatis conducant, 

^ Aword omitted, perhaps ^'accipiant." abbatia, in the diocese of CasheL — Jan. 

^° Vauoellee, in the diocese of Cambray. p. 183. 
— Janaiischek. p. 24. ^^ Yallorise, Valloires, de Ballanciis, in 

1^ Arvicampus, Kilcooly, Cari-Campi the diocese of Amiens. ---Jan. p. 52. 



lt)8 CISTEBCIAN 8TATUTES. 

et eidem sigillum cum c*a'^ tribuant, et conventui de Vacell' ut eidem tan- 
qaam abbati suo indiicaut, auctoritate capituli generalis. Item, honestati 
et commoditati ordinis providendo, districte prsecipitur abbatibus ordiuis 
uuiversi quod tarn sibi quam monachis suis a curiositate vestium sum- 
mopere caveant, et quod tarn cuculse quam manicae cucularum nou siut 
nimis longse, sed meusuratsD secundum decretiim nostrse i*egul8e, et quod 
tam abbates quam monachi cuculis albis utautur, in chaustris {sic) et in 
choro horis matutinalibus, et maxime in locis et terris ubi haberi poterunt 
competenter. Item, super excusatione Abbatum qui se excusant per 
litteras de veniendo ad capitulum genemle, statuit idem capitulum 
generale quod duo abbates in p*^" sessioue capituli ab abbate Cist' 
assignentur, qui omnes litteras exequtorias recipiant et examinent, et 
conscribant in rotulo uomina singulorum cum causis exequtoriis pro ut 
brevius poterunt, et scriptum rotulum diffinitoribus cum primo sederint 
reprsesentent. Item diffinitio olim edita a capitulo generali, Distinctio x^ 
capitulo xx^ quse sic incipit, Mulieribus omnibus eta observetur invio- 
labiter melius solito per domos ordinis universL Diffinitioues de esu 

f. 16. carnium in abbatiis editse, Distinctio xiij*. capitulo iij*^. quae sic incipit, 
Episcopis vel aliis etc. hoc additur quod abbates qui in domibus cames 
ministraverint secularibus vel fecerint ministrari, veniam inde petant in 
capitulo generali. Reliqui vero tam ofiiciales quam monachi vel convei-si 
qui secularibus cames ministraverint omni yj*^. feria sint in pane et aqua 
usque ad capitulum generale, prseter quam in hospicio paupei*um et infirmo- 
rum. Exceptis personis in abbatiis assidue commorantibus, si eis ab 
abbate et conventu cames comedere extra terminos sit indultum. Item 
districtius inhibetur a capitulo generali ne qua persona ordinis ad preces 
cujuscunque litteras continentes petitiones hjstoriai'um, anniversariorum, 
festorum, vel missarum procure t, poi*tet, vel deportari faciat ad capitulum 
generale. Qui vero procuraverit, portaverit, vel deportari fecerit, tribus 
diebus sit in levi culpa, uno eorum in pane et aqua. Inquirant autem patres 
abbates diligenter in visitationibus filiarum, et si invenerint historias, 
missas, vel anniversaria seu festa, per aliquem abbatem procurata a capitulo 
generali sine consensu con ventuum,hujusmodi historias missas vel anniver- 
saria seu festa ducant in irritum, et inane. Item cum sanctissimus pater 
noster et dominus bona) memorise Clemens papa nobis scriptis suis reli- 
querit propter honestatem ordinis quod nulli personse nostri ordinis nun- 
quam plusquam duo fercula piscium ministratur, inhibens ne quis 
prsesumat de pluribus, si forte fuerit ministratum ; Capitulum generale 
transgressoribus hujus constitucionis tam sanctse tam necessarite cupiens 
obviare, prsecipit quod abbates transgressor es hujus inhibitionis tam 
prsesumentes quam ministrantes hujusmodi ministratis veniam petant 
in capitulo generali ad prsesidentis arbitrium, puniendi monachi vero qui 

f. 16t;. ministraverint et conversi pro qualibet transgressioue uno die panis et 
aquse poenitenciam sustinebunt. Item verbum illud quod frequenter in 
diffinicionibus continetur, qui fecerit hoc vel illud ipso facto sciat se 
depositum vel sit depositus, modificat taliter capitulum generale et tem- 
perat, quod quilibet abbas pro vero abbate semper habeatur ab omnibus 
donee ab ipso patre vel ab eo cui vices suas commiserit, seu aucturitate 
capituli generalis fuerit depositus nunciatus. Tenebitur autem pater 

1^ Clavibus? According to the existing pelvicula" are dellTered together with the 
Cistercian Rituale "claves monasterii in seal. '* Prima ? 



CISTERCIAN STATUTES. 109 

abbas, vel ille cui vices suas commiserit, nunoiationem hujus depositionis 
general! capitulo per se vel per suas litteras intimare, pro ut est de deposi- 
tionibus constitutum, monachivero qui contra statutum tarn necessariumet 
honestum aliquid fecerint, conspirator um sententias subjaceant in instanti. 
Item diffinitioni olim editse de empcione et vendicione, Distinctio xij* 
capitulo iij*^. quae sic incipit ; Si in aliqua ordine nostri domo vinum, etc. 
hoc add itnr, quod mulieresetlusoresnullatenusadmittantur, transgressores 
vero diffinitioniH tarn commodse quam hones tee ^ ad domum propriam revo- 
centur, et pro qualibet transgressioue tribusdiebus poenani sustineant levis 
culpse, uno eorum in pane et aqua, nee emat aliqua persona ordinis vinum 
ut carius revendatur, nee preesuraat aliqua persona ordinis domum condu- 
cere ut in ipsa faciat vinum veudi, maxime in Parisiensi civitate, in qua 
fons et excellencia totius clericalis scientise residet et regise potestatis, ne 
speculum famosi nostri ordinis in tan tor um oculis macula deformetur. 
Item abbates et monachi, tam directi in via quam in grangiis et cellariis 
commorantes, communia observent jejunia prout in nostra regula contine- 
tnr, nee liceat alicui prselato ordinis super hoc aliquatenus dispensare, nisi 
in locis et casibus ab ordine approbatis. Item contineatur in usibus quod 
paschalis cereus trium librarum quantitatem panis regularis non excedat f. 17. 
sic intelligit et vult intelligeri capitulum generate quod idem cereus 
paschalis quantitatem decem librarum ad pondus Trecensi '*nullatenusnon 
excedat, nee accendantur torticia vel cerei in elevatione hostii salutaris, 
nee plura luminaria circa altaria in soUempnitatibus accendantur nisi quod 
continetur in diffinitionibus, Distinctio i* capitulo ix<*. que sic incipit. 
Cruces pictas etc. Abbates vero in quorum domibus secus prsBceptum ^ 
fuerit, veniam petant in capitulo geiierali. Item volens capitulum generale 
delictorum periculis obviare, inhibet omnibus officialibus, monachis, et con- 
versis ne aliquod mutuum contrahant sive tradant sine abbatis sui licencia 
Bpeciali ; qui autem contravenerit, proprietariorum et furum poBuam et 
punitiam sustinebunt, nee ponat se aliquis abbas obsidem pro aliqua 
persona nostri ordinis vel etiam seculari, quamdiu vero aliquis abbas obses 
fuerit non nisi panem comedat et aquam et jejunet. 

Anno Domini m'' cc^lxx^ Item nomina et setates abbatiarura quae non ^p- 
sunt scripta in tabula anno sequenti deferantur ad capitulum generale, et ^'^'^' 
cantori Cist' praesententur ad petitionem venerabilium patrum nostroi-um 
et dominorum nostrorum et ordinis defensorum domini Johannis 
Portuensis et Sanctce Rufinse episcopi cardinalis, et domini G. TT. sancti 
Liurentii in Lucina presbiteri cardinalis, districte inhibetur a capitulo 
generali, ne aliqua persona ordinis secularibus principibus vel dominis de 
cetero concedatur, pra^cipue cum multa mala provenire per concessiones 
hujusmodi dinoscantur. Item, abbatum de Portugallia, de Galatia, del. Hf. 
Legione, de Navarra, de Catholonia,*^ volens laboribus et expensis pro 
locorum distancia parcere, capitulum generale statuit ut abbates de 
Portugallia et de Galatia anno iiij**, de Legione, de Castella anno iij®, 
de Arrergonia, Navarra, et Catholonia anno ij®, ad capitulum generale 
deimpceps venire teneantur. Item statuit et ordinat capitulum generale 
quod diffinitio facta anno prseterito de Abbate Secretise"* iterum scribatur, 
et ab omnibus observetur. Abbas Secretiae qui de causa commissa a 
capitulo generali neglexit, quid inde auctum sit prsedicto capitulo 

^* Troyweight,i.«.,ofTroje8 in France. all within the bounds of the distant 
'^ The provinces meant are, Portugal, peninsula. 
Gallicia, Leon, Navarre, and Catalonid, ^^ Not identiBed. 



110 CISTERCIAN STATUTES. 

nuriciare pro ut contiuetur iu distinctioiie vj»* c ipitulo xxiij<^ xx^^ diebiis 
sic extra stallum abbatis iu choro suo vel etiam alieno prout contiuetur 
distinctioue cadem, capitulo xx^', circa fineai, et super hoc veniam petat 
in sequenti capitulo general i. Eandcm pcenam sustineaut de cetero 
abbates qui de causis sibi commissis a capitulo genei'ali nunciare 
neglexeriut quid iude auctum sit capitulo generali proximo subsequenti. 
Item ad petitionem domini Metensis electi, inhibetur personis ordinis 
ne contra Metensem Ecclesiam pro maguatibus ministrales se constl- 
tuaut seu ballivos. 
A.D. Anno Domini m® cc° Ixx'' j'' statuta sunt heec apud Cistercium in 

1271. capitulo generali. In primisquaestionem propositara anno prsBterito quid 
importat quando interdicitur mouachis ab abbatibus gradus altaris 
ascensio ob causam aliquam, et in quam poQuam iucidant transgressores^ sic 
intelligit capitulumgenerale, quod transgressores hujusmodiqui se divinis 
ingesserint, poBuam inobedientia) incurrunt, quam interpretat Capitulum 
generale ut tribus diebus poeniteutiam peragant levis culpse. Diffiuitione 
super hoc anno prsBterito edita revocata. Item diffiuitioni olim editse 
de ingressu monachorum iu Cistercium tempore capituli generalis, 
Distinctio v^ Distinctio ** viij* quae sic incipit, Nullus, etc., hoc additur 

f. 18. quod null us monachus ingrediatur Cistercium tempore capituli general is, 
nee aliquis pro aliquo introducendo de cetero intercedat Item cum 
qusestio tediosa super visitacionibus abbatiarum Hjbemise frequenter 
aures capituli generalis pulsaverit, cum visitatores earum ultra tiiduum 
continuum contfa formam Clementinas visitationes suas protelare audeant, 
extra abbatias in civitatibus et in castris dictas visitationes celebrant, 
quauquam auctoritate qua potest prohibet capitulum generale dictis 
visitatoribus ne de cetero pnesumaut autemptare talia, et quibus- 
cimque extra abbatias visitare praesumpserint, nil eis penitus ministretur ; 
transgressores autem xx^^ diebus sint extra stallum abbatis, et si monachi 
fuerint poenitentiam peragant levis culpae, nisi forte causa tam legitima 
fuerit quod per ipsam merito possiut et debeant excusare. Item 
quaBstionem propositam in capitulo generali quid sit faciendum si prior, 
subprior, et cellerarius dissenserint in nomiuationibus electorum, sic 
determinat capitulum generale, quod si unus dissenserit, pater abbas 
inducat si potuerit ut cousentiat, et si forte postea convenire noluerit, 
pater abbas defectum suppleat discordantis. Diffinitioni olim editae 
anno Domini vd9 cc** Ixiij® quae sic incipit, Cum contra fugitivos ordinis, 
et diffinitioni editae anno Domini m® cc® Ix® vj<» quae sic incipit, Cum per 
apostasiani monachorum, hoc additur, quod si recipiendi (sint) ^' fuerint, 
recipiantur ad victum et habitum quod abbas suus decreverit, per annum 
commedant ad terram in refectorib. 
A.D. Anno Domini mP cc® Ixx® ij<* statuta sunt haec apud Cistercium in 

1272. capitulo generale. In primis cum propter diveraas oppressiones et 
multiplica gravamina, quibus olim ordo extitit et ad hue sit ad pnesens 

f. 18«. oppressus multipliciter et gravatus, nee possit tot personas quot sunt 
hodie commode sustentare, et tot poni debent in ecclesiis quot possunt 
de eorum facultatibus sustentari honeste, statuit et ordinat capitulum 
generale quod quacunque fieri poterit a receptione caveatur in postemm 
peraonarum. Item quaestio facta in capitulo generale quando leg! debeat 
littera bonae memoriae domini dementis summi pontificis, ordinat et 

'^ Sic, read 'capitulum.' ^' Uoderdotted. 



CISTERCIAN STATUTES. Ill 

statuit capital um generale quod singulis annis prima die legator in 
ultima sessione, si fieri poterit conpetenter. Item auctoritate capituli 
generalis, abbatibus ordinis universi inhibetur ne de cetero in abbatiis 
Yel extra, sargias*' deferant vel deferri faciant varii et diversi colons lecta 
Btemiis, sed habeaut videlicet sive albas sive nigras, si vero contrafeceriut, 
et in dome Cyst' vel alibi iutulerint^ a ministris auferantur et in 
yestiario reponantur. 

Anno Domini m9, cc°. Ixx^ iij°. statuta sunt hwc apud Cistercium in a.d. 
capitulo generali. In primis quoniam super vij^^"' psalmis singulis sextis 1278. 
feriis per ordinem pro statu sanctse ecclesise dicendis per diversas ordinis 
abbatias diversi modi tenebantur, volens generale capitulum quod 
uniformitas in omnibus et per ordinem conservetur, ordinat et diffinit 
capitulum generale quod dicti vij**^"* psalmi circa claustrum proces- 
sionaliter incedendo dicantur, omissis omnibus ad processionem per- 
tinentibuR excepta sola cruce quae ut moris est pncferatur, et, si abbas 
prsesens faerit, non deferat baculum pastoralem. Item quoniam propter 
multiplicitatem anniversariorum person is pluribus a capitulo generale 
coDcesBorum ordo multipliciter oneratur, statuit et ordinat capitulum 
generale ut in qualibet abbatia ordinis singulis mensibus uuum auui- 
â–¼ersarium celebretur, die vel obdomoda qua abbas quilibet in domo f. 19. 
propria viderit expedire, et pra3fatur in eodem anniversario qurocunque 
persona abbas, quilibet voluerit, adjunctis personis aliis quibus auni- 
Tersarium ab ordine est concessum, et celebrent qui voluerint antiqua 
ordinacione de iiij*^^ prajcipuis anni versa riis observata, et si aliqua auni- 
versaria concessa fuerint istis adjungantur. Item quoniam ad aures 
devenerit capituli generalis clamosa insinuatio super receptione novici- 
orum indiscreta, videlicet quod quidam plures insufficientes scientise 
et setatis, propter quod bona fama ordinis in aliquibus denigratur, et rigor 
antiquus non modicum enervatur, statuit et ordinat capitulum generale 
ut patres abbates auctoritate capituli generalis tauxent in suis visita- 
cionibus numerum persouarum secundum abbatiarum facultatem, et 
tales recipiantur qui sint ydonei et probati in litteratura competenti et 
ffitatis legitimse, secundum quod fuit diffinitum. Item statuit et ordinat 
capitulum generale quod si auctoritate capituli generalis den turjudices 
alicui abbati contra alium abbatem super querimonia aliqua sen querela 
pars qualibus usque ad finem littis ad expensas tenebitur, qua finita tene- 
bitur parti adversse refundere qui in querela succubuerit supradicta De 
inquisitionibus an tern datis contra personas ordinis sic difiinit et ordinat 
capitulum generale, quod ille seu illi contra quos dati fueriut inquisitores 
prsedicti ad solutionem expeusarum teneantur auctoritate capituli gene- 
ralis. Item auctoritate capituli generalis committitur patribus abbatibus 
et visitatoribus universis ut in visitationibus suis diligenter ac sollicite 
inquirant utrum abbates filii seu illi quos visitant debito tempore vene- 
rint ad capitulum generale, et singulis annis respondeant super hoc 
capitulo generali. Item cum super illo pessimo et indicibili vicio clamor f. I9v. 
multiplex et indecens aures capituli generalis pluries propulsaverit, 
cupiens idem capitulum generale super clamore hujusmodi efficaciter 
consilium apponere ad honorem Dei et ordinis honestatem, ordinat et 
diffinit quod illi diffinitioni super hoc edita^anno Domini m®. cc9, Ix®. vj®. 
qu8B sic incipit, Ad detestationem et absolutionem, eta, id additur, Quod 

^ Serge rugs. 



112 CISTERCIAN STATUTES. 

si de cetero aliqua persona ordiais convincta seu pub] ice confessa fuerit 
super illo pessimo vicio laborare, ad dctestandum illud viciuiu eradi- 
candum, et omniao extirpandum, ablato ei babitu, ab ordine penitus 
evellatur, nee dentur illi litterro cujuscunque tenoris, et taliter ejecti in 
quatenio priori conscribantur, ne eoiiim factum possit longitudine tem- 
poris oblivione deleri. Item ne facilitas venise malivolis occasioue prsebeat 
delinquendi, statuit et ordinat capitulum generate quod si quia de capel- 
lanis monialium nostri ordiuis cum raonialibus vel conversis ordinis de- 
preheusus fuerit carnaliter deliquisse, ablato ei babitu ab ordine penitus 
expellatur, uec in eadem abbatia vel alibi in ordine denuo habeat li- 
centiam remanendi. Item cum nunquam in relationibus, inquisitionibus 
et deposit ioni bus, vel aliis litterarum generibus, quae sub sigillis abbatum 
ordinis ad generale capitulum deportantur manifesto, ssepius repertse 
fuerint falsi tates, statuit et ordinat id capitulum generale quod quicunque 
abbas scienter falsum sigillaverit, vel per sigillum aliquod falsum renun- 
tiaverit, capitulo generali deponatur. 
A.D. Anno Domini m®. cc®. Ixx®. iiij<*. statu ta sunt hsec apud Cistercium in 
127i. capitulo generali. In primis diffinitio edita anno prseterito quae sic incipit, 
super illo vicio pessimo, etc., statuit et ordiuat capitulum generale, quod 
f. 20. non tantum futura respiciat sed ad prajterita referatiir, et qui jam pro 
vicio hujusmodi sunt career! mancipati in eodem carcere sicut usque ad 
diem mortis suae. Item auctoritate capituli generalis prsecipitur in virtute 
obediencise ut abbates qui celaut alios qui remanent a capitulo generali 
anno et tempore quo debent venire, poenam peragant in ditfinitione con- 
stitutam. Distinctio v^ capitulo xj®., quae sic incipit, Abbas qui ad capi- 
tulum non venerit, etc., Item diffinitio edita contra illos qui bis exierunt 
ad seculum, sic temperet capitulum generale quod si eligantur vel postu- 
lantur in abbates, sint bonse vitae et couversationis bonestae, cum eis poterit 
capitulum generale dispensare secundum quod viderit expedire, cum pro- 
prius pater dispensationem hujusmodi duxerit postulandam. Item, cum 
bonae memoriae dominus Guide Sancti Laureutii in Lucina, presbiteri Car- 
dinalis, ex gratia speciali concesserit et permiserit quod mulieres in terra 
legaciouis suae domos et claustra mouachorum ordinis nostri inireut pro 
suae libito voluntatis ; Inhibetur auctoritate capituli generalis, ne gratia 
hujusmodi uti audeaut, in terra legationis predictaB. Item cum in praesenti 
tempore ordo multam patiatur penuriam conversorum et ipsos converses 
et honestioribus negotiis deceat occupari, permittitur auctoritate capituli 
generalis, ut qui voluerint in coquinis per servieutes laicos non suspectos 
sed bonae famae et conversacionis sibi faciant deserviri. Item fratribus de 
Cai'melo conceditur auctoritate capituli generalis, ut nullus de ordine 
eorum in nostro ordine recipiatur in posterum quoquomodo. Item auc- 
toritate capituli generalis praecipitur ut abbates qui habuerint duo loca 
ad manendum, ex altero qua maluerint sint contenti, ab illo in posterum 
penitus abstinentes. Item cum olim abbatibus ad capitulum generale 
secum monachos adducentibus poenitentia inflicta fuerit prout in diffini- 
tione edita anno Domini m**. cc'*. lviij<*. quae sic incipit. Cum efFraenatam 
f . 20v. multitudinem, praecipitur auctoritate capituli generalis abbatibus universis 
qui secum hoc anno monachos adduxerunt, vel in posterum adduxerint 
infra quindenam postquam abbatias intraverint, poenitentiam levis culpae 
tribus diebus peragant, uno eorum in pane et aqua, alioquin quousque pere- 
gerint dictam poenitentiam ab officio suspend an tur. Item auctoritate 
capituli generalis permittitur abbatibus ut in grangiis et cellariis 



CISTERCIAN STATUTES. 118 

ordinis suos oonversos et servientes comedere faciant iu prsesentia sua si 
volaerint, diffinitione aliqua in coutrarium edita non obstante. Item cum 
damosa insinuatio aures capituli generalis pulsaverit quod abbatia Bonse- 
vallis " ritum vel morem vivendi sen computandi de receptis et expensis 
et disciplinam ordinis non observet nee observaverit per tempora longiora, 
secundum formam laudabilem hactenus in aliis abbatiis observatam, et 
ex hoc per patrem Abbatem et plures abbates alios capitulo facta fuerit 
plena fides, et propter hoc dicta domus ad tarn miserabilem devenerit 
statum, nee deceat alios visitare, et regere non cognovit, et cum filius non 
possit aliter facere nisi quod viderit patrem facientem, ordinat et diffiuit 
capitulum generate, ut filise immediate subjectss per abbatem Vallis 
Maguse ^ et Mansiadse '' visitentur auctoritate capituli generalis, videlicet 
per quamlibet ipsorum medietas dictarum filiarum, ita quod per hec 
patri abbati nullum in posterum prsejudicium geiieretur, et ipsi rubore 
perfusi ad vivendi formam hactenus observatam redeant et observeut, et 
hoc tamdiu faciant donee de emendatioue Bonse Vallis, de Valle Magna 
et de Mansia de more solito visitet tanquam pater. Item cum statutum 
fuerit ab antiquo, ut nullus post completorium bibere auderet, prsecipitur f. 21. 
auctoritate capituli generalis ne quis post completorium frequeutibus 
potationibus bibere audeat, et si quis in prsemissis excesserit, poenitentiam 
peragat levis culpse, alioquin suspendatur donee poenitentiam peregerit 
supradictam. 

Anno Domini m^ cc® Ixx^ v" statuta sunt heec apud Cistercium in capitulo a.d. 
generali. In primis, cum mota fuerit qusestio in capitulo generali quid ^^'f^^* 
inportat suspencio, ordinat et diflfinit capitulum generate quod quicunque 
suspenditur tantum modo ab officio altaris abstinent, donee cum eo 
fuerit dispensatum sicut in isto capitulo fuit alias ordiuatum. Item cum 
damosa insinuatio et tediosa aures propulsaverit capituli generalis quod 
multi abbates per triennium et amplius ad capitulum generale non 
venerunt, nee se legitime excusaverunt, patribus abbatibus in virtute 
sanctae obediencise pnecipitur, quod ipsi in visitationibus suis diligenter 
inquirant causas pro quibus remanserunt et quorum causas insufficicutes 
invenerint, quos ex tunc deponit capitulum generale ipsos a regimiue 
abbatiarum absolutes denuntient auctoritate capituli generalis, neo 
prsesumat aliquis de cetero accipere veniam pro aliquo couspiratore 
revocando. Item cum quidam abbates super emissione personarum 
ordinis novam formam habeant, videlicet si talem retinere nun poteritis 
vel volueritis ad aliam abbatiam emittatis. Quia talis forma materiam 
prsebet vagandi, inhibetur ne quis sub hac forma de cetero emittatur. 
Item cum propter evagationem monachorum multa legantur monasteriis 
et monachis nostri ordinis evenisse auctoritate capituli generalis, prsecipitur 
districte omnibus abbatibus, prioribus et custodibus nostri ordinis ut nulli 
de cetero egrediendi licentia tribuatur, nisi pro certa necessitate et utili- f. 21r. 
tate domus evidenti, culpabiles autem tam mittentes quam illi qui 
mittuntur tribus diebus poenitentiam peragant levis culpee pro qualibet 
vice. Item, cum mulieres conjugatte dicantur habitare in aliquibus 
abbatiis monialium, cum hoc sit contra ordinis honestatem, inhibetur 
auctoritate capituli generalis omnibus abbatissis ne de cetero aliquas 

*• Bonnevaux, in the diocese of Vienne. of Agde. Jan., p. 188. 
JanauBchek, p. 7. ^^ Mansiada, Mazan, Mansay, in the 

^ S. VaiiA de Valmagne, in the diocese diocese of Vienne. Jan., p. 9. 

VOL. XI. I 



114 CISTERCIAN STATUTES. 

mulieres conjugatas seoum habitare permittant, et, si quae sunt modo 
habitantes, admoneantur in instanti, alioquia quamdiu in abbatiis 
residentiam fecerint personalem, ibidem divina minima celebrentur. 
Item ordinat et diffinit capitulum generale ne aliquis monachus vel 
conversus emittendus pro culpa de cetero ad Ungariam non mittatur, 
nisi ad tales domos ubi conventus sit et possit vivere regulariter et 
secundum ordiuis instituta. Item cun^ quidam abusus inoleverit in 
ordine ut dicitur quod quidam abbates nullos recipiant nisi de gente 
et natione sua, omnibus abbatibus prsecipitur auctoritato capituli 
general is ut omnes dummodo boni sint si indiguerint, et maxime 
indigenos pro indifferenti recipiant, cum aliqua personalis non sit apud 
Domiuum acceptio, et qui teste conscientia seous fecerit, omni yj* feria 
sit in pane et aqua, usque ad capitulum generale super hoc in dicto 
capitulo veniam petiturus. 

A.D. Anno Domini m^ cc° Ixx® vj** statu ta sunt hsec apud Cistercium in capi- 

^276. ^^\q generali. In primis diffinitioni olim editae de mercatoribus, Diatinctio 
vj* quse sic incipit, mercatores nostri ordinis etc. additur ut qui teste 
conscientia res suas vendiderit ad terminum ut pro prorogatione termini 
vendantur carius, tribus diebus sint in levi culpa, uno eorum in pane et 

1 22. ^u^ ^^^^ 6^ ^^^^ "^c proprius abbas possit absolvere donee pcenitentiam 
peregerit memoratam, et qui vilius emerint ut carius vendant, eandem 
pcenitentiam sorciantur, illis tamen rebus exceptis quae sumptibus nostris 
et industria meliorationis recipiunt increment um. Item abbates qui causa 
infirmitatis remanserint a capitulo generali in domibus propriis, respon- 
sales " ydoneos (mittent) sicut in carta caritatis continetur. Qui vero in 
via remanserint, per vicinos abbates et per litteras se excusant, responsales 
autera pnedicti, expletis negociis suis, in continenti de Cistercio exeant, 
et ad propria revertantur. Item statuit et ordinat generale capitulum 
ut visitatores monialium in suis visitationibus inquirant de possessionibus, 
proventibus, et redditibus earundem, si habeant unde vivere possint 
regulariter absque rubore mendicandi, et quid invenerint sequenti anno 
renuncient capitulo generali, ut quibus victus defecerit regularis ab 
ordinis consorcio abscidantur. Item cum diffinitum sit a capitulo 
generale quod in singulis monasteriis nostri ordinis quolibet mense 
unum celebretur anniversarium, statuit ut omnes celebrent qui ea die 
potuerint celebrare. Item statuit capitulum generale ut si quis de 
cetero conventum suum disperserit absque licencia capituli generalis, 
nullos ad se taliter missos recipere teneatur. Item quod in ordinacione 
felicis memorise domini papse^^ continetur quod prior, subprior,et cellerarius 
convenire debeant, de electoribus sicdeclarat capitulum generale, quod de 
consilio seniorum domus et maxime confessoram, electores debeant 
nominari. Item quod in eadem ordinacione continetur quod electus 
ydoneus et sufi&ciens sit loco, sic declarat capitulum generale quod ydoneitas 
pertinet ad vitam et conversationem laudabilem et sufficientia ad 

f. 22v. litteralem scientiam, et experientiam temporalem, et horum omnium 
cognitio et approbatio sive reprobatio ad patrem abbatem dignoscitur 
pertinere. Item dilapidacionem sic intelligit capitulum generale, 
quando monasterium debitis nimiis aggravatur nisi causa rationabilis 
prsetendatur. Item cum persona diutina infamia a grayibus personis 
orthodoxis et etiam fidedignis camalis contagii laboraverit, et per 

^ Messengers ; see Guignard, 81. ^ Clement. See below, p. 124. 



CISTBECIAN STATUTES. 116 

signa preeoedeDtia et pater abbas in conscientia sua vera reputat, 
quod si oporteret verum sub juramento esse cederet, contra ipsam 
potest prooedere, poenam secundum merita iufligendo. Ita quod 
si contra abbatem per depositionem processerit, dictum processum 
tenebitur sequenti anno capitulo nuntiare et jurare in verbo sacerdotis 
causam depositionis esse justam. Item statuit capitulum generale ut si 
quis abbas depositus causa proficendi ad domum unde assumptus est 
reverti voluerit, ipsum pater abbas recipere teneatur, hoc ipsum patres 
abbates facere teneantur per ordinem universum, qui vero recusaverint 
ipso facto sint suspensi usque ad sequens capitulum generale, in ipso 
capitulo super veniam petituri. Item diffiuitio olim edita de lacticiniis 
non ministrandis secularibus hospitibus in domibus ordinis nostri in 
vigiliis sanctorum et iiij®^ temporum revocatur. Item ordinat capitulum 
generale et concedit abbatibus a capitulo generali redeuntibus minusiam^* 
in Divione comedere, quaudo jejunia iiij®"" temporum ipso die occurrerint, 
diffinitione olim edita super hoc non ostante. Item abbatibus et 
monachis ad capitulum generale venientibus sicut inde ingredientibus 
concedit ipsum capitulum generale, ut si prandere voluerint, intrent hora 
prandii refectorium, et facto prandio licite exeant iter suum impleturi. 

Anno Domini m®. cc°. Ixx®. vij®. statuta sunt hsec apud Cistercium in ^'^' 
capitalo generali. In primis diffinitio anno prseterito edita quod monachi ^^'^'^' 
non nisi de quadriennio in quadriennium mitterentur ad visitandum sic f 23. 
temperatur quod secundo anno mitti poterunt, hoc proviso quod tales 
qui verbis et factis se ostendant clari nostri ordinis zelatores, monachi 
vero qui sic missi fuerint, quousque ad domos proprias revertantur, in 
abbates nullatenus eligantur. Item diffinitioni anno prseterito factae de 
anuiversariis qua) solent fieri in abbatiis singulis meusibus, additur quod 
qui oelebraverint pro anniversario celebrent ipsa die. Item, quoniam per 
firequeutes emissiones patrum ordinis clarum nomen ipsius ordinis mul- 
tipliciter denigratur, multaque propter hoc eveuiunt pericula animarum, 
et ordo noster propter emissiones hujusmodi apud religiosos et seculares 
in obprobrium habeatur, volens huic tanto discrimeni, generale capitulum 

remedium adhibere ordinat et diffinit ^ et pro camali contagio 

nollus de cetero emittatur, quicunque vero in carnali contagio deprehen- 
Bos vel convictus fuerit, si monachus, ablato sibi habitu per decennium 
ultimus sit omnium, et etiam noviciorum in ecclesia, capitulo, et alibi, et 
teneatur ad omnes observantias regulares, scapulare curtum cum cappa 
habeat, et post triennium in tali habitu sacrorum ordinum officium poterit 
ezercere. Si vero conversus fuerit, ablato sibi habitu, grossiori pane 
vescatur et ultimus sit omnium, et omnibus capitulis conversorum quibus 
inter erit, recipiet disciplinam per totum terminum supradictum. De- 

prehensi vero in ^* proprietate posnitentiam peragant in diffinitio- 

nibus constitutam, videlicet diffinitione sexta, capitulo xvij**, quod sic incipit, 
monachus vel conversus, etc., et in eadem distiuctione, capitulo xij**, quod 
sic incipit, in singulis Abbatiis, etc. Item in distiuctione anno Domini 
m®. cc°.lxxviij®.(1276 1) contra deprehensos in manifesto camis contagio, hoc f. 23v. 
additur, quo monachi post triennium cum scapulari suo in ordinibus suis 

** MnniBiA, Potionifl species. Comput. siibcellaritim, iiij. soh vij. den. (Ducange). 

MS. Monast. Clareval, an. 1364, fol 2, v^: ^ An erasure in the MS. 

Pro quinque pirUis et chopina Minusiae ^ Erasure as above. 
fro converUu, per lumnum Laurentium 

I 2 



116 CISTERCIAN STATUTES. 

potuerint ministrare, converei vero toto tempore poenitentisB 8u» cappam 
habeant absque capucio et usque ad genua decurtatam, qui vero jam 
pro camis contagio sunt emissi, si ad domos proprias reversi fuerint, re- 
siduum poenitentiae peragant secundum quod superius est expressum. 
Abbates, priores, subpriores et cellerarii qui in infligendis hujusmodi 
poenitentiis negligentes fuerint, gradum altaris non ascendant quo usque 
eis poenitentias indixerint supradictas, et si in tali poeniteutia talia com- 
miserint, totaliter emittantur. Item diflBnitioni olim edit® super confes- 
sione abbatum, Distinctio secunda capitulo vj®. quod sic incipit, Pro 
benedictionibus abbatum, etc., additur quod quicunque contra formam in 
diflBnitionibus positam professionera suo dyocesano fecerit, ipso facto pro 
deposito habeatur. Item cum propter confluentiam multorum merca- 
torum et nunciorum principum et baronum venientium ad capitulum 
geuerale, nimis gravetur nostra Cist' ecclesia, ac impediantur salubria 
ordinis nostri negocia propter eos, et turbentur aliquando multi abbates 
propter prsesentiam eorumdem, statuit et ordinat capitulum generale ut 
abbates quorum occasione tales veniunt, expensas quas in Cistercio 
faciunt refundere teneantur. Item statuit et ordinat capitulum generale 
quod nuUus de ordine nostro super causis motis in ordine vel movendis 
litteras secularium audeat impetrare vel processum judicum impedire; qui 
contra fecerit, si abbas vel monachus fuerit, ipso facto noverit se suspen- 
sum, si conversus, ablato sihi habitu, omni sexta feria sit in pane et aqua 
t 24. usque ad nuptum ^ capituli generalis. Item statuit et ordinat capitulum 
generale, ut quicunque lanas nisi tantum ad unum annum vendiderit, 
si abbas fuerit, a patre abbate deponatur. Cellerarii vero a propriis 
domibus emittantur. Item diffinitio anni Domini m\ cc^ Ixxviij*. 
edita nisi ad annum sic declaratur de lanis non distrahendis, quod licitum 
sit lanas vendere ad terminos longiores, dummodo nullus recipiat nisi 
quantum valuerint uno anno alioquin contraveniens sententiam depo- 
sitionis incurrat, quam ex nunc infligit ei capitulum generale. 
AD. Anno Domini m^ cc^ Ixxviij^ statuta sunt hsec apud Cistercium in 
1278. capitulo generali. In prirais diffinitioni anno prseterito edita contra depre- 
hensos in manifesto carnis contagio, hoc additur, quod monachi post trien- 
nium cum scapulari sua in ordinibus suis poterunt ministrare. Conversi 
vero toto tempore poenitentise suae cappam habeant absque capucio, et 
usque ad genua decurtatam, qui vero jam pro camis contagio sunt 
emissi, si ad domos proprias reversi fuerint, residuum poenitentise peragant 
secundum quod superius est expressum. Item diffinitio anno praeterito 
edita de lanis non distrahendis nisi ad annum, sic declaratur, quod licitum 
sit lanas vendere ad terminos longiores dummodo nullus recipiat nisi 
quantum valuerint uno anno, alioquin contraveniens sententiam depo- 
sitionis incurrat quam ex nunc infligit ei capitulum generale. Item 
diffinitio de distancia grangiarum inter se olim facta propter conser- 
vandam pacem inter religiosos et propter scandalum secularium evi- 
denter penitus revocatur. Item statuit et ordinat capitulum generale 
ut tales personse de cetero gratia studendi mittantur Parisiis, quae com- 
petentis sint cetatis, vitae laudibiles, honestae conversacionis, et ita suffi- 
cieutes in litteratura quod magis proficiant et non deficiant in studendo, 
et si alitor missi fuerint per abbatem Clarevallensem, ad propria remit- 
f. 24v. tantur. Item cum beneficiis non debeat decipi sed juvari, contra ali- 

^ So in MS. for 'nutum.' 



CISTERCIAN STATUTES. 117 

quorum abbatum ingratitudinem statuit et ordinat capital um generale 
quod abbates qui pecuiiiam ab aliis abbatibus mutuo receperunt vel de 
cetero recipient, seu eis alio modo f uerint obligati, nisi infra quadriraestre ** 
tempus ad plenum satisfecenut, creditoribus suis et aliis quibus obligati 
fuerint postquam ab ipsis fuerint requisiti, per patres abbates, sive per 
Buspensionem vel per excommunicaciouem vel per aliam poenam legitimam 
compellantur satisfacere creditoribus suis pro ut viderint expedire. Item 
cam non sit maliciis hominum indulgeudum, sed potius modis omnibus 
obviandum, statuit et ordinat capitulum generale ut abbates et monachi 
et alise qusecunque personse ordinis, si accusationes seu proclamationes 
suas ultra duos aunos postquam prsesentes in monasteriis fuerint, quia ad 
majus scandalum quod nequissimum est presumpserint reservare, sciant 
omnem accusandi vel proclamandi vel etiam testificandi sibi de cetero 
adimi facultatem, et hoc ipsum statuitur de abbatibus existentibus in 
capitulo geuerali. Item statuit et ordinat capitulum generale quod 
litterse sufFragiorum de cetero nisi magnis honorabilibus et honestis per- 
Bonis et devote et humiliter postulantibus concedantur. Item qusestionem 
in generale capitulo propositam utrum videlicet apostatsB celebrantes in 
apostasia sua cum revei'si fuerint^ possint in inferioribus ordinibus 
ministrare, sic declarat idem capitulum generale quod tales in sacris 
ordinibus aliquatenus nequeant ministrare, donee cum eis fuerit per 
generale capitulum misericord iter dispensatum. Item cum multi hac- 
tenus abbates rexerint, qui non norunt gubemare se ipsos, propter quos 
status abbatiarum multarum ad irreperabilis dissolutiouis obprobrium est 
deductus. Unde non immerito tenendum est, ne propter malum regimen 
aliquorum domes contingat totaliter deperire, volens generale capitulum f. 25. 
huic morbo convenienti antidoto subvenire, statuit et ordinat capitulum 
generale quod quicunque abbas domum suam ultra quam valeant pro- 
ventus unius anni prsesumpserit obligare, a patre abbate absque retracta- 
tione aliqua deponatur, nisi causa legitima potuerit se tueri, priores 
vero et celierarii et bursarii amoveantur a suis officiis, et abbati sic 
cedeuti vel deposito non succedant. Item diffinitio olim edita in qua 
cavetur quod monachi qui procurant depositiones abbatum suorum inme- 
diate abbatibus sic depositis succedant sic declarat capitulum generale, 
non obstante diffinitioue prsedicta inmediate possint eligi, dummodo ex 
verissimis indiciis probabiliter appareat quod ad hoc maliciose minime 
processeinint. Item ad refrsenandos excessus multiplices puerorum qui 
cum abbatibus veniunt ad capitulum generale, statuitur ut si tales pueri 
in Divione vel in Cistercio vel in aliis locis ordinis pugnaverint vel inventi 
fuerint in confltctu, abbates ipsos de servicio suo statim expellere tenean- 
t'lr, alioquin, quandiu tales detinuerint, gradum aliter ascendere non prse- 
sumant. Item inhibetur auctoritate capitnli generalis ne si apostatse 
ordinis litteras apostolicas vel poenitentiariorum ejusdem impetraverint 
ut in suis ordinibus postquam ad ordinem reversi fuerint, valeant 
ministrare ipsis aliquatenus non utantur, et qui jam impetraverint 
careant impetratis.^ 

Anno Domini m**. cc°. Ixxix**. De venditione lanarum additur quod a.d. 
poterunt vendi ad terminos longiores et major quant itas pecuniae quam 1279. 
valeant anno uno recipi, dum tamen in aliis usibus quam in solvendis 
debitis a quacunque persona ordinis expendi minime prsesumatur.^ 

38 Four monthfl. ^ Here comes aDother and smaller 

' What follows is by another hand. handwriting. 



118 CISTERCIAN STATUTES. 

f. 25v. Item qusestionem factam in capitulo quid importat quod dicitur per 
censuram ordinis, sic intelligit capitulum geuerale, quod Abbas et omnes 
majores officiales domus possunt suspendi et etiam excommunicari. Item 
diffinitioni olim factse contra conversos in carnali contagio deprehensos, 
additur quod propter deformitatem habitus capae fiant aliquantulum 
longiores. Item qusestionem in generali capitulo propositam quid sit 
agendum, si festum Annunciacionis beatae Yirginis sabbato ante Ramos 
palmarum evenerit, sic determinat capitulum generale, quod in ipso 
sabbato fiat sicut usibus veteribus continetur. Item inhibetur Abbatibus 
ordinis universi ne de cetero reclusis monialium habitum comferant vel 
ipsis aliquatenus munus benedictionis impendant. Item monachi stu- 
dentes in Montepesulano^* abbati Vallis Magnse obedientes existant per 
omnia sicut studentes Parisiis Abbati Clarevallensi tenentur in omnibus 
obedire. Item quando legitur biblia in refectorio pronuncietur capitu- 
lorum numerus a lectore. Item quod monachi vel conversi qui de nocte 
de monasterio egredi convincuntur, tanquam deprehensi in manifesto 
camis . contagio pugnientur. Item qusestionem propositam in generali 
capitulo qualiter se debeant habere monachi qui de dispersione in 
monasterio remanserint, sic declarat capitulum generale, quod in claustro, 
monasterio, dormitorio, refectorio, oratorio silentium more solito teneant, 
et omnes in refectorio comedant, nee comedant pisces emptos, post com- 
pletorium nullus loquatur, missa in conventu cotidie celebretur, pulsetur, 
ad omnes horas canonicas, et in oratorio soUempniter decantentur. Et 
si fuerint xij vel amplius observantias ordinis, prosequi per omnia tene- 
antur. Item diffinitioni olim editae de mutuo non contra[hendo ad 
usuras nee sigillum suum sine consilio patris abbatis aliquatenus obli- 
gare, hoc additur, quod nullus audeat contrahere mutuum ad usuras nisi 
de patris abbatis licentia speciali, et quod monachi vel conversi non reci- 
piantur aliquatenus in abbatiis qui obligati fuerint ad usuras, patres vero 
abbates vel visitatores si invenerint quenquam ad usuras mutuum 
contraxisse, vel post talem aliquam recepisse, eodem anno causam mutu- 
andi et quautitatem mutui et si quam receperint, teneantur nunciare 
diffinitoribus in capitulo generali,** 
^ D Anno Domini m<*. cc®. octogesimo, statuta sunt hsBC apud Cistercium in 
1280. capitulo generali, imprimis ut persona; de ordinibus mendicantibus ad 
f. 26. nostrum ordinem venientes de cetero non promoveantur ad aliquas dig- 
nitates, nisi de licencia capituli generalis. Item prohibet capitulum 
generale ne de cetero aliqua persona ordinis nostri, absque licencia speciali 
dicti generalis capituli, praesumat aliquam vendere personis secularibus 
pro pecunia pensionem, nisi ilia pecunia in emptionem alicujus posses- 
sionis ex qua fructus percipiat qui pecuniam in praesenti tradidit totaliter 
convertatur. Item diffinitioni olim editae Distinctione vij* capitulo xij*». 
quae sic incipit, Qui pro abbatis creatione et ordinatione, etc., hoc aditur 
quod abbates qui contrafecerint eo ipso pro depositis habeantur, quia 
hoc videtur aperte secularibus ordinis secreta revelare. Item auctoritate 
capituli geneitdis inhibetur ne de cetero publico poenitentes pro peragenda 
sua poenitencia in nostris monasteriis ullatenus admittantur; si quicunque 
contrafecerint abbates et priores a divinis abstineat (sic) quamdiu apud 

^^ Montpellier. his capital letters, and adopts a peculiar 

^ From here the second hand comes mode of spelling. 
in. This scribe draws comical faces in 



CISTERCIAN STATUTES. 119 

eo8 tales contigerifc commorari. Item inhibet capitulum generale ne 
aliqua persona ordinis quas pro culpa sua publicam egerit poenitenciam 
ad actus legitimos nullateuus admittantur, quod quidem actus tales 
dicimus quod Don admittantur ad accusationem vel testificationem, et f. 26v. 
non possint eligi vel eligere neo in priorem, subpriorem, vel cellerarium, 
vel etiam confessorem. 

Anno Domini m9, cc°. octogesimo primo statuta sunt hsec apud Cistercium a.d. 
in capitulo generali. In primo qusestionem Qusestionem (sic) in capitulo ^^^-^^ 
general! propositam qui sint illi qui^^ quos ordo noster judicat ab actibus 
legitimis repellandos, sic declarat idem capitulum generale, quod quicun- 
que, culpis suis exigentibus, per superiorum suorum sententiam jam 
fuerunt vel imposterum fuerint privati habitu regulari pro fulto '^ carceri 
mancipati seu eccia *• mancipandi de conspiracione, de incendio, de homi- 
cidio, de falsitate littemrum, de sollempni perjurio publice confessi aut 
legitime convicti, omnes tales tanquam infames ad actus legitimos nulla- 
teuus admittantur. Item statuit et ordinat capitulum generale ut 
abbates qui remanserunt de prsesenti capitulo non mittantes (sic) idoneos 
responsales, vel imposterum remanebunt, aut in via infirmitate impediti, f. 27. 
se per abbates vel per litteras excusare legitime non curarunt vel im- 
posterum non curabunt, omnes poenitentiam peragant levis culpse. Item 
duxit generale capitulum provide statuandum, ut diffinitioni anno Domini 
m°. cc°. Ixxix®. editse de illis qui in ordinate de abbatiis de nocte exeunt, 
hoc additur quod illi qui de grangiis et cellariis simili modo de nocte 
exierint, poenam consimilem sorciantur. Item, quoniam gratia quae ab 
ordine pauperibus et oppressis conceditur in subsidium per nonnullos 
convertitur in albusum, difl&uitioni olim de dispersione conventuum editse, 
ordinat et statuit capitulum generale hoc addendum, quod abbates hujus- 
modi dispergentes omnem provisionem quae in usus dispersorum cederet 
si adessent in evidentem domorum suarum utilitatem convertere tenean- 
tur, et coram suis visitatoribus computare. Item statuit et ordinat capi- 
tulum generale quod quocienscunque festivitas alicujus sancti quae habebat 
in ordine duas missas diebus sabbati occurrerit, si proprium etiam offi- 
cium missae matutinalis intitulatum habeat, prima missa in honorem 
beatissimae ^ virginis Mariae sollempniter celebretur, nisi forte ipso die f- 27v. 
senho in capitulo habeat ur. 

Item abbatibus ordinis universi duxit capitulum generale misericor- 
diter aunuandum, ut quocienscunque electos de ordine cum litteris abso- 
lutoriis seu totaliter dimissos, poenitentia ductos contingent velle ipsis 
abbatibus confiteri, auctoritate dicti capituli generalis possint eos audire 
et a peccatis suis absolvere et injungere poBuitentiam salutarem. Item 
ordinat et statuit capitulum generale quod abbates qui a patribus abba- 
tibus citati fuerint ut accedant ad capitulum veniam super certis exces- 
sibus petituri et facturi quod justicia ordinis suadebit, si venire contemp- 
serint, in ipso generali capitulo deponantur. 

Item praecipit capitulum generale firmiter et districte quod omnes 
abbates qui ad praesens capitulum secum monachos adduxerunt vel de 
cetero adducent, cum ad domos proprias redierint agant poenitentiam 
levis culpse. Item Diffinitioni olim editae de abbatibus qui monachis 

^ The aentenoe is thus in the MS. ^ From here we seem to have two or 

** For f urto ? three different hands. 

* For eciam ? 



1£0 CISTERCIAN STATUTES. 

Yisitatoribus adjunguntur, hocadditur quod abbates hujusmodi renuntiare 
teneantur patri abbati sub sigillis suis statum domiis illius quae fuerit 
â–¼isitata. 

Item statuit et ordinal capitulum generale quod illi abbates quibus 
f. 28. conceditur a capitulo generale liceucia dispergendi convent us suos, extra 
provinciam qua habitant personas emittere non prsesumant. 

Statuit et ordinat capitulum generale quod fratres de ordine Prsemon- 
stratensium cum ad abbatias nostras declinaverint, caritative recipiantur, 
et eisdem liberaliter ministretur. Item statuit et ordinat capitulum gene- 
rale ut quocienscunque conversi monialium pro culpis suis ad abbatias 
monachorum per visitatorem missi fuerint ordinanti ipsos, abbates in 
collegio conversorum admittere teueantui*. 
^.D. Anno Domini m® cc° octogesimo secundo hsec apud Cisterciura in 
1282. capitulo genemli. Imprimis ut mouachi missi ad abbatias gratia 
visitandi, eo quo visitaverint anno in eisdem abbatiis non possint in 
abbates nee debeant promoveri et promoti fuerint deponantur. 

Item generale capitulum ordinat et diffinit quod quicunque monachus 
vel conversus jactando sen comminando dicere prsesumpserit in audientia 
ceterorum se velle ab ordine exire aut habitum deponere regularem, cum 
tale ssepe colloquium corrumpat et iuficiat bonos mores, per custodem or- 
f. 2Sv. dinis in cathenis vinculis, aut carceri retrudatur, tandiu retinendus donee 
ausui temerario poene vexatio prsebeat intellectum ; hoc idem statuit de 
eis qui a seculo revertantes suum sumere recusabunt. Nee aliquis abbas 
aliquem de seculo revertamtem infra abbatiam vel extra permittat 
aliquod officium exercere in habitu seculari. 

Item generale capitulum prsecipit firmiter et injungit personis ordinis 
universi quod quicunque in villi s, oppidis,vel ubi ibi proprias habent domes 
in quibus personse ordinis commorantur et ibi habentur possessiones 
aliquas seu provectus, omnes pauperes ordinis sen pro dispersione sen ex 
causa alia, quamvis pedites incedentes, cum ad eos declinare coutigerit, 
benigne recipere, et honeste tractare et eisdem caritative saltim una die 
ministrare victus necessaria teneatur. 

Statuit et ordinat capitulum generale ue aliquis dare prsesumat alicui 
personse seculari vel alterius religionis litteras de conductu nisi forsan 
pro negocio ordinis mitteretur. Defendit et ordinat capitulum generale 
nc aliquis de cetero sine cuculla audeat equitare, alioquin tribus diebus 
uno eorum in pane et aqua subjaceat poenitentiae levis culpse. Statuit et 
ordinat capitulum generale quod abbates qui de cetero alios celaverint 
tempore quo venire tenentur a capitulo remanentes cum ipsi celando 
videantur in hoc maleficio consentire, infra mensem postquam ad propria 
redierint tribus diebus continuis poenitentiam peragant levis culpae, 
alioquin a divinis abstineant donee poenitentiam peregerint antedictam. 

Item statuit et ordinat generale capitulum quod omnes personse 
£. 29. ordinis quae de cetero processum visitatorum aut judicum a generale 
capitulo concessorum in visitation ibus, correptionibus, electionibus, 
executionibus seu aliis ordinationibus impedierint, aut ista facientibus 
consenserint per se vel per alios, litteras, preces, minas, insidias vel 
auxilia potenciura aut secularium procurandum, in Ramis palmanim 
annis singulis cum illis quos ordo noster consuevit excommunicare, 
sollempniter per singulas domes ordinis universi excommunicationis 
sententia percellantur, et in prolaoione sentencise specialiter oum ceteris 



CISTERCIAN STATUTES. 121 

exprimantur, et quicunque super hoc fiierit confessus publice vel 
convictus, poenana conspiratorum sustineat auctoritate capitiili generalis. 

Item statuit et ordinat capital um generale quod nuUus abbas aut 
monachus de cetero curribus uti audeaiit vel praesumaut, alioquin quam- 
diu usi fuerint in pane et aqua jejunent auctoritate capituli generalis. 

Item auctoritate qua potest prohibet capitulum generale, licet pro- 
hibitum sit a canone longe ante, ne aliquis monachus vel con versus 
prsesumat secum arma defferre, sumere, vel habere, enses vel gladios, 
falciones, siccas aut cultellos acuniinatos aut ceterum annorum genera, 
quae religioni nostra) nou conveniunt puritati ; transgressores, si officiales 
fuerint, ab officiis deponantur, alii autem non habentes officium ultimi 
omnium habeantur. 

Item quoniam datum est intelligi capitulo generali quod quidem 
visitatores in suis visitationibus ut conventus quater in anno carnes come- 
dant et permittent in suis visitationibus de victualibus facere mentionem, 
quod est aperte contra ordinis instituta et murmuracionis intolarabilis 
incentivum, statuit et ordinat capitulum generale ut a talibus prseceptis 
et permissionibus in visitationibus de cetero caveatur. 

Anno domini m** cc° octogesimo tercio statuta sunt hsec apud Cisterciuni f. 29v. 
in capitulo generali. In primis statuit et ordinat capitulum generale 
quod iu horis beata) virgini.s Maria) ille versiculus Maria mater gratiee a.d. 
post alium versiculum Memento salutis actor ^^ de cetero dicatur ab ^^83. 
omnibus per ordinem universum. 

Item generale capitulum duxit provide statuandum quod de chirotecis 
et occreis vandagiis ac sotularibus sive corrigiis non portandis, antiqua 
ordinis constitucio firmiter observetur. Canes etiam venaticos aut aves 
nullus tenere audeat, aut genus aliquud veuacionis aliquatenus exercere ; 
quicunque vero fuerint hujus statu ti vel imposterum fuerint transgres- 
sores, donee poenitentiam sustinuerint a capitulo constitutam, gradum 
altaris non ascendant. 

Item ut emissorum evagaciones et mendicaciones caucius evitentur, 
diffinitioni olim editse de emissis, duxit capitulum generale hoc addendum, 
quod quicunque de cetero monachum emiserit vel conversum de 
conductu certo et fideli usque ad locum ei provideat destinatum, ille 
vero ad quem mittitur ordinate recipere teneatur, receptum autem 
quisquam remittere audeat nisi duntaxat in casibus pro quibus suum 
posset emittere non audeat infra annum, et tunc etiam ei de ductu 
similiter teneatur ; transgressores vero usque ad sequens capitulum 
generale gradum altaris non ascendant. 

Item generale capitulum duxit propensius statuendum quod caritatius 
procuracio personarum et puerorum ordinis tam in abbatiis quam in 
grangiis et cellariis nostris melius observetur, transgressores autem pcBuam ^- 80. 
BUBtineant in usibus, Distinctione v* capitulo primo constitutam, et 
nihilominus patres abbates in suis visitacionibus hoc diligencius faciant 
observarL 

Item generale capitulum discrecius interdicit ne abbates deposit! vel 
cedentes de rebus abbatiarum quibus prsefuerint cuiquam sibi presumant 
sine eorum quorum sunt licentia retinere ; transgressores autem cui res 
hujusmodi alienatas in prsesenti detinent aut imposterum detinebunt 
necnon et abbates quibus postmodum sunt professi, si super hujusmodi 

^ Read ' auctor.' 



122 CISTERCIAN STATUTES. 

Bont oonscii vel remissi, ab altaris sacramento participium suspendantur, 
donee omnia prout debeut fuerint restituta, autem aliter suo fuerit domino 
gatisfactio. 

Item diffinicionem anno prseterito factam de illis qui se opponunt 
visitatoribus suis aut propriis abbatibus, generate capitulum sic declarat, 
quod ad visitatores et patres abbates, judices seu executores a capitulo 
datos et contra illos qui propter vechordiam animi procaciter se opposu- 
erint, eis ilia sentencia solum modo referatur. 

Item generale capitulum inhibet personis ordinis universi ne in 
monasteriis aut domibus monialium carnibus aut pulmentis sanguine vel 
camibus confectis qiiacunque ex causa de ' cetero vesquantur, trans- 
gressores vero donee posnitentiam levis culpse tribus diebus, uno eorum in 
pane et aqua pro qualibet vice in propriis abbatiis fecerint, ab altaris 
officio suspendantur. 

Item diffinitionem anno preeteiito factam de hospitibus in villis et 
cellariis recipiendis, sic elucidat capitulum generale, quod nuUus nisi semel 
f. 80v. id est per diem et noctem in eadem villa tales recipere teneantur, licet 
ibi plures domus ordinis habeantur. 

Item, duxit generale capitulum districtius inhibendum ne in grangiis 
nostris seu infra clausuras earum ubi habitant monachi vel conversi, 
mulieres intrare, habitare, vel pemoctare, ullo tempore permittantur. 
A.D. Anno Domini m°. cc°. octogesimo quarto statuta sunt hsec apud 
1284. Cistercium in capitulo generali supremis ; diffinicioni anno prseterito 
contra venatores editam, sic temperat capitulum generale quod in illis 
locis seu possessionibus in quibus monasteria jus venandi disnoscuntur 
habere, cum modestia quso decet ordinem nostrum venacionis efifectum per 
seculares et converses dum taxat vaieat exerceri. 

Item de abbatibus cedentibus vel deposit is, ut nil de rebus monas- 
teriorum in quibus prsefuerunt secum deferant, statuit et ordinat 
capitulum generale ut illud super hoc observetur quod in antiquis 
diffinicionibus est statutum, diffinicioue super hoc anno praeterito 
revocata. 

Item statuitur ut de patris abbatis consilio emittantur qui de cetero 
causa dispersionis fuerint emittandi, et qui taliter emissi sunt, per patris 
abbatis industriam revocentur. NuUus etiam de cetero monachus vel 
con versus pro culpa preesumat emittere sine consilio patiis abbatis vel 
visitatoris si commode poterit expectari. 

Item statuitur quod de provisione conductus emissorum, teneatur et 
fiat sicut antiquitus fieri consuevit, diffinicione super hoc anno prseterito 
f. 31. edita penitus revocata. 

Item ut studium Parisiense in statu laudabili finaliter perseveret, et 
illic scolares de cetero libencius transmittantur, statuit et ordinat 
capitulum generale quod bursse scolarium nd statum et mensuram 
pecuniae pristinam reducantur, nee provisori liceat de cetero a studio 
aliquem remittere absque abbatis Clarevallensis licencia speciali. 

Item diffinicio qusedam facta de conversis revertantibus de seculo, vide- 
licet quod essent in habitu familiari tempore duplicate, totaliter revocatur, 
Bed quilibet abbas tales revertantes de seculo puguiat sicut viderit 
expedire. 

Item ad petioionem dominse reginse Franciae monialibus ordinis per 
regnum Franoiae constitutis conceditur auctoritate capituli generalis, ut 
fieioiant festa si voluerint Sanctorum Johannis ante portam latinam, et 



CISTERCIAN STATUTES. 123 

Sancti Nichasii, et Sanctse Katerinse, et Margaritce virginis ; habeant quod 
in cantum ymnos lectioues, etc. ad servicium eorura pertineDcia, sicat in 
peticione dominse reginee continetur. 

Anno Domini m^. cc^. octogesimo quinto statu ta sunt hsec apud a.d. 
Cistercium in capitulo generali. In primis statuit et ordinat capitulum ^^^^' 
generale quod de sanctissimo patre nostro beato Bernardo fiat de novo 
propriis hymnis et proprium alleluia, ita quod sequenti anno ad generale 
capitulum deportetur, ibidem omnibus publicanda, et decantanda per 
ordinem universum. 

Item generale capitulum duxit provide statuendum quod de pro- f- 31r. 
prietariis ordinis fiat penitus sicut olim fieri consuevit, diffinicione olim 
edita penitus revocata. 

Item statuit capitulum generale quod omnes ordinis fugitivos per 
seculum evagantes et honestatem ordinis denigrantes, proprii seu alii 
quique abbates ordinis ad expensas proprias capiant vel capi faciant, 
secularis brachii auxilio si necesse fuerit invocato. 

Item quanta potest auctoritate prohibet capitulum generale quod 
nullus pro^sumat in eodem capitulo ignotum sibi abbatem de aliquo 
crimine proclamare, nisi domini Cist' aut iiij^^ primorum abbatum 
consilio et assensu. 

Item diffinitionem anno praiterito editam super pei*sonis ordinis 
emittendis, sic declarat capitulum generale, quod quam ad emittendos 
pro dispersione servetur ilia diffinitio incursa quam ad alios pro culpis 
propriis emittendos fiat prout est hactenus observatum. 

Item statuit et ordinat capitulum generale quod juxta diffinicionem 
antiquam patres abbates in filiabus suis taxent cei*tum uumerum perso- 
Darum, secundum quod viderint suppetere facultates, quem numenim si 
abbates filii, priores, vel cellararii, ceterique ofiiciales excedere presump- 
serint, ab otiiciis deponantur. 

Item acto capituli generalis praecipitur quod abbates et monachi 
cucullas albas deflferant in Cistercium tempore capituli generalis. 

Sub poena excommunicationis duxit capitulum generale monialibus t 32. 
districcius inbibendum ne alicui de ordine mendicancium carnes de 
cetero ministrentur quam qui fecerit ministrari, sed cibi regularis dun- 
taxat eisdem una die tantummodo cum ad ipsas diverterint apponentur, 
ubi autem secus fuerit attentatum, tarn qui ministraverit quam qui fecerit 
ministrari noverint se excommunicationi sententia) subjacere, et locus 
subjaceat interdicto usque ad sequens capitulum generale. 

Item statuit et ordinat capitulum generale quod abbates depositos vel 
cedentes nullus recipere compellatur, sed ubi prsefuerint remaneant, aut ad 
domum unde asumpti sunt revertantur. 

Item statuit et ordinat capitulum generale quod quicunque aliquod 
crimiuosum praBSumpserit in capitulo vel extra defendere, vel quasi tueri, 
tribus diebus sint in pane et aqua, et nihilominus poenam sustineant alias 
in diffinicionibus constitutam. 

Item statuit et ordinat capitulum generale quod nullus abbas, exceptis 
iiij<^ primis, ad capitulum generale veniens vel inde rediens ultra tres equos 
et tres servientes in aliquam abbatiam vel grangiam ordinis uUatenus 
introducat. Quique in monasterio suo vel grangia plures equos Invenerint, 
ipeos accipiant tanquam suos, auctoritate capituli generalis. 

Item statuitur ut nullus abbas de cetero petat judices super posses- 
Bionibns quas alii per zl*^. annos pacifice possederunt. 



124 CISTERCIAN STATUTES. 

Item statuit et oixlinat capitulam generale quod quicuuque monachus 

proprii abbatis refugiens disci pliuam, ad patrem abba tern factam vel verbo 

Bub quacuuque fomia verbonim presumpserit appellare, pcenam suatineat 

contra apf)ellante8 in diffinicionibus constitutam. 

f. Z2v. Anno Domini m®. cc°. octogesimo yj^ statuta sunt hsec apud Cister- 

cium in capitulo generali, Imprimis abbates qui causa infirmitatis 

^•T). remanserint a capitulo generali in domibus propriis, responsales jdoneos 

^^^^' mittant, sicut in carta caritatis continetur. Qui vero in via infirmi 

remanserint, per abbates vicinos et per litteras se excusent. Responsales 

autem praedicti, expletis negociis suis in continent! de Cistercio exeant et 

ad propria revertantur.^ 

Item diffinicioni olim editae undecima distinctione capitulo secundo, 
quae sic incipit, Mercatores nostri ordinis, etc., hoc additur ut qui teste 
consciencia, res suas vendiderit ad terminum ut pro prorogatione yen- 
dantur carins, tribus diebus sint in levi culpa, uno eorum in pane et 
aqua, quos ex tunc uec proprius abbas possit absolvere donee poBuitentiam 
peregerint memoratam, et qui vilius emunt ut carius vendaut, eandam 
poenitentiam sorciantur, hiis tamen rebus exceptis quee sumptibus nostris 
et industria recipiunt incrementum (1276). 

Item statuit et ordinat capitulum generale ut visitatores monialium 
in suis visitationibus de possession ibus proventibus et redditibus earum 
diligentcr inquirant si habeant unde possint vivere regulariter absque 
rubore mendicandi, et quid invenerint sequenti anno renuncient capitulo 
generali, ut (quibus) victus defecerit regularis ab ordinis cousorcio absci- 
dantur (1276). 
f. 33. Item cum diffinitum sit a capitulo generali quod in singulis monasteriis 
ordinis nostri singulis mensibus unura celebretur anniversarium, statuit 
et ordinat capitulum generale quod omnes celebrent qui ea die poteriut 
celebrare (1276). 

Item statuit et ordinat capitulum generale ut quicunque de cetero 
conventus suos disperserint, licencia in capitulo genende non {)etita, quod 
nulli tales ad se missos recipere teneantur (1276). 

Item quod in ordinacione felicis memoriae domini dementis papae con- 
tinetur quod prior, subprior, et cellerarius con venire debeant de electoribus, 
sic declarat capitulum generale quod de consilio seniorum domus et 
maxime confessorum debent electores uominarl Item quod in eadem 
ordinatione continetur quod electus ydoneus et sufficiens sit loco, sic 
declarat idem capitulum, quod ydoneitas pertinet ad vitam et conversa- 
cionem laudabilem, sufiicientia vero ad scientiam litteralem, et experi- 
enciam temporalem, et horum omnium cc»gnicio et approbacio vel repro- 
bacio ad patrem abbatera disnoscitur pertinere (1276). 

Item diffinicio olim edita de lacticiniis non ministrandis hospitibus 
secularibus in domibus nostri ordinis in vigil lis sanctorum et in quatuor 
temporibus, revocatur (1276). 

Item abbatibus revertantibus a capitulo generali liceat in Divione 
minusiam comedere, quando jejunia iiij®' temporum ipso die ocourrerint, 
diffinitione super hoc olim edita non ostente" (1276). 

Item abbatibus et monachis ad capitulum generale veuientibus vel 



** This same reguUtion had been made ^ For "obstante." 

in 1276. See above. 



CISTERCIAN STATUTES. 125 

inde regredientibus, conceditur ut si praudere voluerint hora prandii 
intrent, et facto prandio exeant licite iter coeptum impleturi (1276). 

Anno Domini ra°. cc°. octogesimo septimo statuta sunt heec apud Cis- f« 38v. 
tercium in oapitulo generali, Imprimis diffinicio anno prseterito''® edita quod 
monachi non nisi de quadriennio in quadriennium mittentur ad visitandum, ^*^' 
sic temperatur quod secundo anno mitti poterunt, hoc viso quod tales 
mittantur qui verbis et factis se ostendant clari nostri ordinis zelatores ; 
monachi vero qui sic missi fuerint quousque ad domos proprias rever- 
tantur in abbates nullatenus eligantur. 

Item diffinicioni anno prseterito factam de anniversariis quae solent fieri 
in abbatiis singulis mensibus additur ^' (vide 1277). 

Anno Domini m**. cc°. octogesimo vj<*. statuta sunt hsec apud Cistercium ^- J* 
in capitulo generali. Imprimis capitulum generale ordinat et diffinit 
quod festum nativitatis beatse virginis Marise sicut festum afisumpcionis 
regulari jejunio in ejus vigilia cum lacticiuiis ab universis personis 
observetur. 

Inhibet districtius capitulum generale ne quisquam abbas ordinis aut 
monachus ex infirmitorio extra monasterium dirigat gressus suos, bene- 
dictione quse solet dari in ecclesia non suscepta, alioquin poduitenciam 
panis et aquae ipso die sustineat, nisi evidenti necessitate aut utilitate 
excusetur. 

Item rigorem ordinis diffinitionis anno praeterito editae de ordinibus men- f. 34. 
dicautibus in mouasteriis mouialium non recipieudis, duxit capitulum 
generale taliter mittigandum quod ilia diffinicio in suo robore perseveret, 
poena tamen interdicti ibi apposita penitus revocata. 

Item quanta potest actoritate prohibet capitulum generale personis 
ordinis universi, ne alterius religionis personis certa praebenda aliqua vel 
pensio concedatiu*, et si alicui coucessa fuerit totaliter revocetur. 

Item statuit et ordiuat capitulum generale et diffinit, quod quamdiu 
aliqua domus a suscepcione hospitum absolvitur, nullus interim qua- 
cunque ex causa de ilia domo ad aliam commorandi gratia transmit- 
tatur. 

Generale capitulum inhibet quantum potest, ne in ordine nostro 
aliquis qui defectum paciatur in natalibus promoveatur de cetero in 
priorem, subpriorem, sen ecciam confessorem, sed illi qui promoti sunt 
amoveantur, nisi cum eis fuerit dispensatum. 

Item generale capitulum duxit provide statuendum quod ad Abbatiam 
aliquam de iiij^"" primis, quae prae ceteris domibus ordinis sunt amplius 
honorandae, cum ab ipsis post raatrem nostram domum Cistercii potissime 
pendeat regimen et cura ordinis universi, nullus monachus vel conversus 
commorandi gratia emittatur. 

Item universis abbatibus prohibet capitulum generale ut ad domos 
Clarevallis quae sunt apud Divionem tempore capituli, nullus veniat ante 
sextam. 

Item quaestionem propositam capitulo generali quam poouam intendit 
capitulum generale infigere quando interdicit ascensum gradus altaris, '• 34r. 
dictum capitulum duxit taliter declarandum, quod abbates transgressores 
pro iiij^^ dies continues poeuitentiam sustineant levis culpae, et nichilominus 
patres abbates in visitacionibus citent filios suos quos tales invenerint 
ex parte capituli ad ipsius arbitriufn amplius puniendos, priores vero et 

« A.1X 1277. '•^ A change in the writing foUowt. 



126 CISTERCIAN STATUTES. 

Bubpriores et cellerarii et majores alii per dictum visitacionem ultra illam 
poenam praedictam gravissime pugniantur. 

Item prsecipitur auctoritate capituH generalis universis personis ordinis 
quod omnes denaiios Dei quos de quolibet mercato reoeperint, mittant ad 
generale capitulum ad ecclesiam beati Bemardi Parisiis in honore beatse 
Mariae construendam, et hoc super suis conscienciis facere teneantur.^ 
1 oft7 -A.nno Domini mP, cc°. octogesimo septimo statuta sunt heec in capitulo 
generali. In primis difl&nitio anno prseterito edita de hospitibus ad 
quatuor primas domos non mittendis penitus revocatur. 

Item prohibet capitulum generale ne aliqua persona nostri ordinis 
personis alterius ordinis cujuscunque audeat confiteri ; quicumque vero 
contrarium fecerit, ipso facto excommunicacionis sententiam se noverit 
incurrisse. 

Item permittit capitulum generale quod fratres de ordinibus meudi- 
cantibus possint recipi in monachos nostri ordinis et converses, diffinltione 
olim edita in contrarium non obstante. 

Item diffinitioni olim editao de non remittendis hospitibus ante tempus 
ab ordine constitutum hoc additur, quod illi qui sic remiserint ad se 
f. 35. misaos illis quibus remittunt tantum in pecunia refundere teneantur 
quantum illi remissi in domo remittencium pro rata illius temporis 
expendissent, exceptis illis duntaxat casibus in quibus proprios emittere 
tenerentur. 

Item de monialibus ordinis fugitivis ad ordinem revertentibus, aut in 
carnali contagio deprehensis, statu it et ordinat capitulum generale, quod 
ad patrum abbatum arbitrium juxta demerita punifimtur, de cameris etiam 
quod nulla penitus habeat, exceptis illis pro quibus monasteria sunt 
fundata; et de consecracionibus et de recepcionibus puellarum ante 
decennium non faciendis, et de hiis quae ipsarum puellarum intuitu data 
fuerint monaster iis seu oblata qualiter expediautur patrum abbatum 
disposicioni totaliter committitur auctoritate capituli generalis, et quod 
capellani earum cap is utantur de cetero, non mantellis, Abbatissw vero 
nolentes tales recipere juxta demerita puniantur. 

Item de Abbatibus per domos vel loca ordinis transeuntibus, diflSnit 
capitulum generale quod non graven t domos per quas transierint, nee 
morentur ibidem nisi per diem et duas noctes sine prioris vel conventum 
tenentis licencia et assensu. 

Item statuit et ordinat capitulum generale quod quicunque criminis 
f. 85v. alterius particeps non vocatus in testem nee aTiter compulsus, quasi 
retorquens in alterum crimen, illud publico confitetur, pro convicto 
legitime habeatur, et tamquam actor ex ore suo judical us suam allegans 
turpitudinem puniatur. Item statuit et ordinat capitulum generale 
quod illi qui inventi fuerint falsificasse sigilla permissa in ordine, de cetero 
non admittantur ad officium aliquod seu ad aliquas dignitates, illi autem 
qui jam super hoc excesserunt a patribus abbatibus graviter puniantur, 
diffinitioni olim edita de majorum sigillorum falsariis in suo robore 
permanente. Item inhibetur auctoritate capituli generalis ne de cetero 
in domibuB monialium capellani recipiantur, illi vero qui jam recepti 
â– unt confessiones non audiant, nisi de patrum abbatum licencia et 
assensu. 
A.D. Anno Domini td9 offi octogesimo octavo statuta sunt hsec apnd 

^ ClutDge in writing. 



CISTERCIAN STATUTES. 127 

Cistercium in capitulo generali. In primis concedit generale capitulum 
quod ad missas in majoribus altaribus nostri ordinis quicunque voluerit 
possit accendere luminaria sive torticia in elevacione hostis salutaris. 
Item ut uniformitas observetur in ordiiie uuitatis generale capitulum 
ordinat et diffinit quod rasurse semper fiant per universum ordinem feria 
sexta vel sabbato de tercia in terciam septimanam. Item statuit et 
ordinat capitulum generale de abbatibus sponte cedentibus et in 
domibus quibus prsefuerimt remanentibus, quod eis provideatur in 
medietate de redditibus quos ultra statum in quo regimen assumpserunt 
eorum industria acquisivit, quam sic intelligit dictum capitulum quod 
Ij^ libras Turonenses non excedat. 

Item generale capitulum duxit provide statuendum quod provisor 
studii Parisiensis omnes fugitives ordinis quos ibi reppererit vagabundos 
capiat seu capi faciat ad expensas propriorum abbatum, invocato ad hoc 
si necesse fuerit auxilio brachii secularis; de emissis et pro culpa 
quantum potest districtius interdicit quod intrare civitatem Parisiensem 
non audeant vel prsesumant ; hoc idem statuitur de Monte Persulano et 
Tholosa 

Item de peccunia quam abbates cedentes vel decedentes relinqunt, 
ordinat et statuit capitulum generale quod a nullo nisi de patrum 
abbatum consilio expendantnr, nisi forte in emendis possessionibus aut 
redditibus acquirendis, et de hoc cum contigerit fiat patribus abbatibus 
plena fides. Item ad peticionem et instanciam Reverend! .patris domini 
Johannis Cardinalis Episcopi Tusculani qui nostro generali capitulo 
votivas litteras destinavit, duxit generale capitulum misericorditer 
indulgendum Abbatibus ordinis et monachis equitautibus cum eisdem, 
ac etiam aliis monachis pro diversis ofiSciis assidue equitautibus, ut 
pileiis grisiis utantur, si volueriut, equitando. 

(Here begins the prologuB in carta caritatis,) 



THE ELLAND FEUD. 

By W. PALEY BAILDON. 

The following evidence seeras to prove that the story of 
the Elland Feud is substantially true. The entries are as 
follows (the contractions in the MS. being expanded) : — 

I. 

Deliberatio gaole Castri Ebor. facta ibidem coram Willelmo Basset et 
sociis suis Justiciariis domini Regis de gaolam illam deliberandum 
assignatis die Jovis in festo sancti Jacobi apostoli anno regni Regis 
Edwardi tercii post conquestum Angliae vicesimo septimo et Francias 
quarto decimo. [1353], 

Ebor. Robert us del Both de Holmfrith et Ricardus frater ejus manens 
in Holmfrith Matheus de Hep worth de Hodersfeld Thomas Litster de 
Almanburj et Radulphus de Skelmerthorp capti pro eo quod 
receptaveruut Willelmum de Lokwod et Adam Beaumond qui felonice 
interfecerunt Johannem de Eland Chivaler apud Holmfrith Almanbury 
et Skelmerthorp scientes ipsos feloniam prsedictam fecisse et esse 

utlagatos Edmundus de Flokton captus pro eo quod 

receptavit Adam de Beaumond apud Flokton sciens ipsum esse utlagatum 
pro mortem Johannis de Eland Chivaler felonice interfectum . . . 
. . . Thomas Molot de VVakefeld captus pro eo quod manutenuit 
Thomam filium Thome Lascy qui felonice interfecit Johannem de Eland 
Chivaler et de eo quod dedit eidem Thome filio Thome xl. solidos 
argenti post praedictam feloniam factam sciens ipsum fecisse dictam 

feloniam in manutencione prsedicti Thome filii Thome 

unde coram Milone de Stapelton vicecomite Ebor. indictati sunt 
venerunt per vicecomitem ducti et per Justiciarios singulatim allocuti 
qualiter se veluit de pnemissis sibi impositis acquietare dicunt singulatim 
quod ipsi in nullo sunt culpabiles de feloniis prsedictis et de hoc de bono 
et malo ponunt se super patriam. Juratores ad hoc electi et jurati 
dicunt super sacramentum suum quod praedicti Robertus del Bothe et 
omnes alii in nullo sunt culpabiles de feloniis prsedictis nee unquam 
retraxerunt se occasionibus preedictis Ideo consideratus est quod praedictus 
Robertus del Bothe et omnes alii eant inde quieti. 

This will be found at the Public Record OflSce, at the 

N 
reference Assize Roll, 1^1, membrane 17 in dorso. 

29 



THE ELLAND PECJD. 129 



II. . 



Deliberatio gaole Castri Ebor. facta ibidem coram Thoma de Seton 
Johanne Moubray et Rogero de Blaykeston Justiciariis domini Regis ad 
goalam illam deliberandum assiguatis die Martis proximum post festum 
Sanctse Margaretse virginis anno regni Regis Edwardi tereii post 
conquestum Anglise vicesimo nono. [1355]. 

Ebor. Johannes de Shellay captus per indictamentum factum coram 
Petro de Nuttle nuper vicecomite Ebor. de eo quod ipse 
receptavit apud Brighous Willelmum de Lokwod Adam Beaumond et 
alios qui felonice interfecerunt Johannem de Eland Chivaler post 
prsedictam feloniam factam scienter de felonia venit coram praefatis 
Justiciariis per vicecomitem ducti etc. as before. 

He was found ** not guilty.^' 

The reference to this is Gaol Delivery Roll, Edw. III., 
No. 30, m. 17 in dorso. 

This evidence is quite conclusive on two points, namely, 
that Sir John de Eland was murdered sometime before 
1353, and that his murderers were William de Lockwood, 
Adam de Beaumont and Thomas de Lacy, who were out- 
lawed for their crime. 

Adam of Beaumont there was laid, 

And Lacy with him also, 
And Lockwood who was nought afraid 

To fight against his foe. 

Ballad, v. 53. 

Here we have the tradition confirmed in a most important 
particular, and that being so, I see no reason to doubt its 
general accuracy in the other parts of the story. 

The only question which presents any difficulty is that of 
date. Sir John Eland is said to have died in 1350, and it 
is known that he was Sheriff of Yorkshire in 1341. It is 
expressly stated, moreover, that Eland was Sheriff when he 
slew Robert Beaumont. If this is correct the date given by 
Dodsworth (see Y. A. J., II., 163) is wrong ; he says that it 
was in 24 Edw. III. But if we write 14 Edw. III., instead 
of 24, this will bring us to 1341, when Eland was Sheriff. 
As to the date of Sir John Eland's death, it has been 
objected that Eland, according to the tradition, must have 
been Sheriff in 1356, that is, fifteen years after the death of 
Beaumont, assuming that event to have happened in 1341. 

VOL. XI. K 



180 THE ELLAND FEUD. 

It is nowhere stated, either by Dodsworth or in the Ballad, 
that Eland was Sheriflf when he was murdered. The words 
used are " as he came from keeping the SheriflF's turn." Tlie 
chief mistake of the Ballad seems to be in making fifteen 
years elapse between the two deaths, whereas, on my con- 
tention, it was somewhat under ten years. But surely 
this is only what we might have expected, and really does 
not impugn the general accuracy of the Ballad. At any 
rate the story cannot now be called " merely a poetical 
fiction '' (Y. A. J., VIIL, 503). 



THE BATTLE OF STAMFORD BRIDGK 

By ALEX. D. H. LEADMAN, F.S.A.^ 

" Haeold was a king but forty weeks.'* Such are the 
words of an old writer as he concludes his description of the 
brief but important reign of the last of our Saxon monarchs. 
The sainted king and confessor Edward had " scarce sent his 
stedfast soul to Christ in God's protection/' ere the eccle- 
siastics and nobles who had witnessed his death, passed on 
without delay to the election and coronation of Harold as 
their king. " And soon after Twelfth-day he was consecrated, 
but had little quiet abode therein, the while he wielded the 
realm." Two military events took place, both of momentous 
import : — the first, so decisive as to firmly establish him 
king in the hearts of his people ; the second, involving 
defeat, and a complete change of dynasty. 

Godwine, the most accomplished statesman of his day, 
died in 1053, leaving two sons — Harold, who, by a combi- 
nation of circumstances and many intrigues, had raised 
himself to the proud position of king ; and Tostig, to whom 



^ This contribution is collated from 
the following authorities : — The Anglo- 
Saxon Chronicle ; Chronicon ex chronicis 
auctore Florentii Wigomiensis Monacho ; 
Henrici Archidiaconi Huntendonlensis 
Hifltorise AngUorum ; in Monumenta 
HiBtorica BritanniciyVol. i. London, 1848. 
Chronicon Simeon Monachus de Dunel- 
mensis de gestis Regum ADglorum; 
Abbrevationes Chronicorum auctore 
Radulpho de Diceto; Chronicon 
Johannis Brompton; Chronica Henrici 
de Knighton ; all in Twysden's Decem 
ScriptoreSy London, 1652; Willielmi 
Monachi de Malmesburiensis de gestis 
Reg^m Anglorum ; Roger de Hovendeni 
Aimalium; in Rerum Anglicarum 
Scriptores post Bedam, Frankfort, 1601. 
Flores Historiarum per Matth»imi 
Westmonasteriensem CoUecti, Frankfort, 
1601. Historia Ingulphi de Croyland; 
Chronica de Mailross, in vol. L : Chroni- 



con Thomsd Wikes ; Annales Waver- 
leiensilB ; in vol. ii : Polychronicon 
Ranulphi Higden, in vol. iii — Historiee 
Anglican89 Scriptores in 3 vols. Oale 
and Fell, Oxford, 1684-87-91. Rogeri 
de Wendoveri Flores Historiarum, edited 
by H. 0. Coxe. English Historical 
Society, London, 1841. Chronicon 
Anglise Petriburgiense, edited by J. A. 
Qiles,Caxton Society, London, 1845. Poly- 
dori Vergilii Urbinatis AnglicsB Historic, 
Qandavi (Ghent) 1556. Extracts from 
the '* Scalsd Chronicon," &c., in vols. i. & 
ii. Johannis Lelandi Antiquarii de rebus 
Britannicis Collectanea. An edition in 
8 vols. London, 1774. Casual use is 
made of Holingshead's Chronicles of 
England, in 6 vols., voL i. London, 1807. 
Drake's Eboracum, London, 1736. Also 
local notes and traditions, some having 
been supplied by the Rev. J. H. Wick- 
steed, vicar of Pooklington. 



18Z THE BATTLE OF STAMFORD BRIDGE. 

had been given in 1055 the earldom of Northumbria, on 
the demise of the noble and brave Siward, whose httle son, 
the rightful heir, was thus wickedly deprived of his patri- 
mony. "An inheritance may be gotten hastily at the begin- 
ning/' quoth the wise man, " but the end thereof shall not 
be blessed/' And so it happened with Tostig. He was a 
tyrant, and ten years of galling oppression and rapacity at 
last thoroughly roused the thanes of Yorkshire and North- 
umberland, who burst into open revolt, decreed Tostig an 
outlaw, slew his retainers, and finally drove him out of the 
kingdom. In sullen and angry temper, full of revenge, the 
banished earl, his wife, and a few followers sailed across the 
sea to find a temporary home with his brother-in-law, 
Baldwin, earl of Flanders. Here he remained the greater 
portion of the winter, maturing plans for the invasion of 
England and the dethronement of his brother, for which 
purpose he collected and manned some sixty ships. Suc- 
cessful overtures to obtain the help of Harald Hardrada, 
king of Norway, were also made by the designing Tostig, 
and whilst the Norwegian fleet was getting equipped, he 
very suddenly swooped down on the Isle of Wight, whose 
inhabitants received much cruel treatment at his hands, and 
having laid them under heavy contributions both for food 
and money, he sailed along the south coast, laying waste 
every maritime town as far as Sandwich in Kent. 

Harold was in London when the evil tidings reached his 
ears, but he lost no time in sending off the fleet to pursue 
Tostig, whilst he with his army pushed on rapidly to Sand- 
wich, only to find that his hostile brother, an able and crafty 
soldier, had been informed of all Harold's movements, and had 
sailed away northwards, even escaping the English ships. 

All along the coasts of Norfolk and Lincolnshire did Tostig 
ravage both town and village ! He entered the Humber, and 
continued his piratical excursions into both Yorkshire and 
Lincolnshire, where he devastated the district of Lindsey 
with fire and sword. But patriotism was not wanting. 
Edwin, earl of Northumbria, and Morcar, earl of Mercia, were 
determined to save their country, and having assembled all 
the men-at-arms in the North, they hurried to meet the in- 
vaders, whom they repulsed with much slaughter, and drove 
Tostig with the remainder of his soldiers back to their boats, 
where he soon found many of his seamen had deserted his 



TUB BATTLE OF STAMFORD BBIDGE. 133 

cause. Then as he was leaving the Humber Tostig fell in 
with Harold's fleet (which had now arrived at the Humber 
moufcli), and so terribly did they attack him, that all his 
ships were damaged or destroyed but twelve, and with this 
sorry number he retreated to Scotland, where he spent the 
summer intriguing with Malcolm, king of that country. 

Meanwhile the king of Norway's promised aid was com- 
pleted, and from the many fiords of that rugged coast sailed 
some five hundred^ ships filled with warlike Norsemen chant- 
ing their weird battle-songs. They sailed to the Tyne, and 
in its mouth they anchored, waiting for Tostig, who soon 
joined them, bringing with him some assistance from Scot- 
land and the Orkney Isles. The combined fleets then set 
sail for the Humber, which they entered unmolested, and 
continued their course up the Ouse as far as Riccall, a village 
ten miles to the south of York, where, leaving their boats, 
the allied forces landed and pushed on to that city, which 
they intended to take by storm. On their march thither the 
country-people fled panic-stricken. 

The earls Edwin and Morcar were again on the alert. 
Citizens and men of the surrounding district joined their 
ranks, the garrison of York turned out to help, nay even 
priests armed for the fight, so determined was everyone to 
resist the invaders and defend their dearly loved city. They 
met the Norsemen at Fulford, a village on the northern bank 
of the Ouse, a mile and a half to the south of York. There 
was hard fighting, and fortune, though at first favouring the 
English, later on veered round to their opponents, and then 
the war-song of the Norseman was heard that he was trium- 
phant on that day. Many on both sides perished, but the 
loss on the part of the English was by far the heaviest. 
Numbers were drowned by having been forced back into the 
waters of the Ouse, whilst of priests it is said more than one 
hundred stark corpses were left on that fatal field. This 
calamitous event took place on Wednesday, 20 th September, 
1066, the eve of S. Matthew. 

Paralysed at the success of their enemies, the citizens 
ofiered no resistance to their entry into York, and at the 
command of Tostig furnished them with provisions. Tostig 

3 The number of Harold Hardrada's the Waverley Chronicles, 300; Peter- 
ships varies: Anglo-Saxon Chronicle borough, 860; Hovenden, 500; and 
gires 300 ; Malmesbory, Huntingdon, and Drake from 200 to 1000. 



134 THE BATTLE OP STAMFORD BRIDGE. 

also took five hundred of the inhabitants as hostages, leaving 
one hundred and fifty Norwegians in exchange — a curious 
arrangement. Before he left orders were issued that all his 
followers who had fallen at Fulford should have decent 
burial and funeral services. Then the Norwegians returned 
to their boats, where they placed the hostages under a strong 
guard, commanded by Olave, the king of Norway's son, and 
Paul, earl of the Orkneys. After this an interesting cere- 
mony took place ; the leaders made a solemn compact that 
they would subdue the kingdom, which was ratified by the 
plaudits of the mighty host of men who had followed 
Harald, " the fair-haired,^' from the steppes of Scandinavia. 
But news had arrived that Harold of England was rapidly 
approaching, so Tostig and his Norse allies marched across 
country from Riccall to Stamford Bridge, where they secured 
a very strong position, and forthwith set about to dispose 
their forces on the defensive. 

At this place the river Derwent is about twelve to four- 
teen yards in width, and runs almost due north and south. 
The villsige of Stamford is divided by it into two unequal j)or- 
tions. On the west bank there is a tract of level ground, 
and at some distance from the river arises a gentle slope, 
and when you are standing on the highest ridge of this 
you can see for some distance over a flat country. On 
the east bank in and just behind the village is a continuous 
crest of higher ground, rising at once from the water's edge, 
but when you walk over the edge of the crest there is a dead 
level, and here are the fields still called the " Battle Flats." 
The river at Stamford Bridge is sluggish and not fordable, 
and at the period of the battle was crossed over by a wooden 
bridge about five hundred yards above the present structure. 

The probable disposition of the Norwegians must have 
been — the main body in occupation of the higher ground on 
the east bank of the river, a very strong vanguard on the 
level west of the bridge, with outposts on the ridge above 
the " gentle slope " to give notice, on the enemy being sighted, 
to the vanguard to be in readiness to defend the bridge. The 
situation chosen shows consummate generalship, and it was 
thus that the Norsemen awaited Harold.^ 

Whilst all these troubles wei-e transpiring in the north, 

3 To thoroughly understand this battle the site should be visited. 



THE BiTTLE OP STAMFORD BRIDGE. 135 

the King of England was engaged witli a very large army 
in watching the sontheru coasts, in order to frustrate the 
contemplated attack of William, duke of Normandy, but 
when he heard what terrible misfortunes had befallen his 
northern subjects, he at once left the south to take its chance, 
and travelling day and night by forced and rapid stages, he 
hurried northwards, bent upon driving the enemy out of his 
realm. The news of the landing of Tostig and Harald Har- 
drada at Riccall would reach him first, and as he advanced * 




Fl-UI or filTTLE, Stj 



he heard about the Battle at Fulford, which would hasten 
his speed. On Sunday, the 24th September, he arrived at 
Tadcaster, ten miles from York ; very early the next day he 
was at York, and pushing on without delay found the 
invaders at Stamford Bridge, eight miles to the east of that 
city, thus completing one of the most marvellous marches 
that is on record in our country's history. On Monday, 
25th September, by break of day, at the head of an army 
numbering some sixty thousand of England's bravest war- 
riors, Harold came up " amid a cloud of dust," and without 



< FIoT. of Wotositer, 



186 



THE BATTLE OF STAMFOBD BBIDQB. 



delay attacked the Norwegians, who were about equal in 
number to his own raen.^ 

" A fierce battle took place/' " than which a greater 
has never been." No quarter was given and none was 
asked — to kill was the order of the day. From dawn to 
midday, from seven in the morning until three in the 
afternoon, the battle raged with fatal significance. The first 
fight was on the west bank, when the English made a terrific 
onslaught on the Norwegian vanguard, which after a brave 
stand of some duration was driven backwards to the bridge, 
a narrow wooden structure, which, at that day, crossed the 
Derwent. A powerful Norwegian,^ armed with a ponderous 
battle-axe, had taken possession of it. Though his name 
has not been preserved, his fame has come down to the 
present day, and his valorous deeds on that memorable 
occasion have been clothed with all the glamour of romance. 
To him is given the credit of keeping the English army at 
bay for some hours ^ ; single men tried, groups of men tried 
to dislodge him, but in vain ; no matter the number, they 
recoiled or fell under his blows, and it is recorded that he 
slew forty Englishmen with his own hands. Arrows were 
shot at him, javelins were hurled at him, but his armour 
withstood them all. Invited to surrender with every 
promise of clemency for such great prowess, he simply 
laughed to scorn those who asked him, and taunted them as 
" unable to overcome one man." But the timber-built bridge 
had many holes in it, and whilst the brave Norseman was 
warding off the direct attacks upon him, an English soldier 
quietly entered a flat-bottomed boat, and unobserved rowed 
it beneath the bridge. Thrusting a spear up through one 
of the apertures, he pierced the Norwegian under his coat of 
mail, causing his immediate death. Their hero fallen, the 
Norwegians yielded the bridge and fell back upon their 
main body. Sword in hand the English crossed the bridge 






• 



* A field near the river is called 
" Halifax, " where local tradition main- 
tains the battle first commenced. Mr. 
Wicksteed was told by an old man, 
resident at Stamford Bridge, that its 
original name was " Malefax/' which was 
changed to '^ Halifax," because it had no 
â– sense. Mr. Wicksteed further suggests 
that *^ Malefax " may be from maleficium 
—the field of the "dreadful deed." 

* A Norwegian Chronicle given an 



elaborate account of this hero — in fact of 
the whole battle, but it is very apocry- 
phal, and I have preferred to rely 
entirely on English writers. 

7 The Norwegian is said to have 
hindered the passage of the bridge for 
nine hours. Surely a mistake — one hour 
would seem an enormous time. A loc^l 
tradition says he was no other than 
Harald Hardrada himself. 



THB BATTLE OF STAMFORD BRIDGE. 137 

and also tlie river in a continuous stream, " the living stand- 
ing on the dead " ® whose bodies dammed the water. Bit by 
bit was the main body of the Norwegians dislodged from 
the 'vantage ground which rises on the east bank of the 
river. The struggle was keen indeed, but at last the 
superior generalship of the English Harold asserted itself, 
and the crest of the hill was carried. Yet again the Norse- 
man stood at bay, and a final but terrific struggle took place 
in the fields called the " Battle Flats/' which ended in the 
complete rout of the invading hosts. Though many English 
were killed, the slaughter of the Norsemen was immense, 
but few escaped, and of those many fell in the pursuit which 
followed, some were drowned in the Derwent, and some were 
forced into the Ouse, whilst others perished in some of the 
boats at Riccall in which they had taken refuge, and which 
were set on fire by the English, who had followed them to 
their mooring place. Harald Hardrada, " the fair-haired," 
was slain by an arrow which pierced his neck. The Englisli 
king killed Tostig with his own sword. So terrible had been 
the destruction that thougli five hundred ships had borne 
the Norsemen across the German Ocean, twenty-four were 
ample to carry back the remnant that was left. 

Olave, the king of Norway's son, and Paul, the earl of 
Orkney, were taken prisoners, along with those who guarded 
the ships ; but as they had not been fighting, their lives were 
spared, and Harold generously allowed them to depart with 
their fellow countrymen on condition that they would at 
once liberate the hostages, and promise for ever to '* observe 
peace and friendship with this land." So they sailed home, 
" bearing sorrowful news into their country of the loss of 
their king, and the overthrow of his people." 

Vast booty was found in the Norwegian camp, — *' more 
gold than twelve young men could carry on their shoulders." 
Harold, elated at his splendid success, forgot his friends and 
actually appropriated the whole of the spoil, which so dis- 
gusted many of his soldiers, that some forsook his cause, 
whilst the ardour of others was very greatly cooled. 

The distinguished dead were buried, others were thrown 
into large common pits, whilst the bodies of many of the 
invaders who had fallen lay on the battle-field for years 

' Henry of Hontiiigdoii. 



138 



THE BATTLE OF STAMFORD BBIDGB, 



until their bones had whitened in the sun. Tostig's corpse 
had nearly shared the common fate, but a wart between the 
shoulders led to its identification, when it was removed to 
York and there ignominiously buried.^ 

That same Monday evening Harold rode into York, where, 
some two or three days later in order to celebrate his 
glorious victory, he held a great feast and rejoicing among 
his friends, but like Belshazzar while he ate and drank, the 
hand-writing was on the wall, and the days of his kingdom 
were numbered. A messenger, who had sped on the 
fleetest of horses from the south of England, was ushered 
into his presence to announce the dark news that William of 
Normandy had landed at Pevensey. In all haste he set out 
for the south, and met William on the field of Senlac on 
Friday, 14th October. So the brave and noble Harold 
passed from a great and brilliant victory, which had delivered 
England from a barbaric host, to lose his short-worn crown, 
to meet with a hero's death in defence of his dearly loved 
country, and to be succeeded on his throne by a man who 
was to change the destinies of England. 

Stamford Bridge is the " Pons Belli " of history. It is 
also called Battle-bridge, Stainford Bridge, Standford Bridge 
and Stringfordebrigge. But another name, Stoneford, gives 
the best derivation I know of, viz., the ford of stones, and 
so taking its name from the very primitive way of crossing 
a river by stepping-stones. 

It is easily reached by train, being on the York, Market 
Weighton, and Beverley branch of the North-Eastern Rail- 
way. The " Battle Flats " are now divided into several 
pastures, and are not far from the station. In Drake's time 
(1720-30) pieces of old swords, spears, and small horse- 
shoes were often found about the "Flats." A field at 
the north end of the village yet bears the name of the 
" Danes-garth." 

An annual feast, now greatly decayed, is held in Sep- 



9 Upon Skipwith Common, between 
Skipwith and Riccall, were vestifi^es of an 
encampment and seyeral tumuli, called 
the Darus HUls, One opened in 1754, 
oontained the perfect skeleton of a young 
man, and portions of another skeleton. 
In one case the skull Was laid between 
the knees. Other tumuli contained 
calcined bones, ashes, and corroded frag- 



ments of iron weapons. Tradition says 
the Danes were permitted to eucaaip 
here whilst they interred their dead, and 
until their ships were ready to return to 
Norway. A piece of ground half a mile 
further south is called the ' * King's 
Rudding," and a road near it "Olave's 
Lane.** Burton's Monasticon, pp. 29,30. 



THE BATTLE OF STAMFORD BRIDOB. 



139 



tember,^® when, up to twelve years ago, the inhabitants used 
to make tub-shaped pies, and tradition afl5rms that they 
were to commemorate the Englishman and the vessel used 
by him when he slew the Norwegian from under the bridge, 
and that it was not a boat, but a sivine-tub, that he made 
use of, and so the day was called the " Pear Pie Feast," 
but why this designation I am at a loss to explain. 

The wooden bridge was replaced in 1727 by a high and 
narrow stone structure of three arches, at the cost of the 
county. Ten years ago, when the water in the Derwent 
was very low, the foundations of the stone-piers of the 
ancient and historic bridge were laid bare, and until very 
recently there was preserved at the Manor House in the 
village a Norwegian spear which had been dredged out of 
the river. 



THE BATTLES OF HEATHFIELD AND WINWCED. 

By ALEX. D. H. LEADMAN, F.aA.ii 

Heathfield. 

A CHANGE of religion in any country is not easily effected ; 
old and decaying faiths die hard, so that it is almost 
easier to conquer a kingdom than to alter its ancient creed. 
When Christianity was first introduced into England, its 
progress was not rapid, and it met with many checks. 



10 The finit Sunday after the 19th of 
September rules the Feast Day. 

'1 The authorities for tlus compila- 
tion are as follows:— BsedsB tiistoriso 
Ecclesiasticse Gentis Anglorum ; The 
Anglo-Saxon Chronicle ; Florentii 
Wigomiensis Chronicon ; Henrici 
Huntendunensis Historise Anglorum ; 
L'Bstorise des Engles solum Qeffrei 
(Jaimar: all in Monumenta Historica 
Britannica, vol. i. 1848. Chronicon 



Johannis Bromton Regnum Mercionim ; 
Abbreviationes Chronicon Auctore 
Radulpo de Diceto ; Chronica Pontificum 
Ecclesifld Eboraci, auctore Thoma Stubbs : 
all in Twysden's Decem Scriptores, 
London, 1652. Flores Historiarum per 
Matthseum Westmonasteriensem coUecti, 
Frankfort, 1601. Roger of Wendover's 
Flowers of History, translated bv J. A. 
Giles, London, 1849. Ethelwerd's 
Chronicle: Nennius's History of the 



140 THE .BATTLES OF HEATHFIELD AND WINW(ED. 

Among those whose hostility to it was very keen, Penda, the 
heathen King of Mercia, was most pronounced. He simply 
loathed the Christians, and, having met with a reverse of 
arms in a battle between his forces and those of Cadwallon, 
King of the Britons, he actually entered into an alliance 
with his conquerors to invade the dominions of Edwin, the first 
King of Northumbria who had embraced the new religion. 
They had no diflSculty in combining for such a purpose, for 
Cadwallon naturally hated the Saxons, whilst Penda's dislike 
to the Northumbrians had been intensified by the fact of 
their having become Christians. When Edwin heard of the 
approach of these formidable foes, he lost no time in collecting 
the whole of his available soldiery, and advanced to meet 
them. 

The two armies encountered each other on Heathfield 
Moor^^ — now Hatfield — where a very sharp battle took place 
on the 12th^^ of October, 633. Oflrid, Edwin's son, pierced 
by an arrow, fell dead at his father's feet, which so distracted 
Edwin, that he rushed into the thick of the fight, where he was 
slain, and with him Godbald, King of the Orkneys. Despair 
now took hold of the Northumbrians, who were soon com- 
pletely routed, and Penda, triumphant with victory, wasted 
their country, leaving it in such a miserable condition that 
the inhabitants soon became rent with internal strife, and the 
kingdom was in a deplorable state. 

The immediate result of this battle was a temporary blow 
to Christianity, and forced the retirement of Paulinus, the 
great missionary bishop of the North. Taking with him 
Ethelburga, the widowed queen of Edwin, he sailed to Kent, 
where he was received with great respect by archbishop 
Honorius and King Eadbald. 

The head of King Edwin was brought to York, where it 
was buried in the chapel of St. Gregory, within the minster 
he was building for the service of God. He was forty -eight 
years old when he was killed, and had ruled his kingdom 
with the greatest honour for seventeen years. Florence of 
Worcester describes him as " most renowned." His zeal for 



Britons, trans. Giles, London, 1878. ^^ Nennius writes of this fight as the 

Fasti Eboracenses by the Rev. W. H. " Battle of Meicen." 

Dixon, and the Rev. Canon Paine, ^^ Anglo-Saxon Chronicle gives Hth 

London, 1863. Also a few notes collected October. 

by myself. 



THE BATTLRS OP HRATHFIBLD AND WINWCBD. HI 

the Christian religion since his conversion and baptism in 
627, combined with his suflFerings, obtained for him a place 
in the calendar of our early English Church. Not many 
may be aware that it is to him the beautiful city of Edin- 
burgh owes its foundation. 

At a later period his body was buried in the abbey at 
Whitby. 

Hatfield Moor is seven miles to the north-east of 
Doncaster, and about three miles soutli-west of Stainforth 
station on the Manchester, Sheffield and Lincoln Hallway. 
A short distance from the village of Hatfield is a place called 
** The Lings," where the batfcle is said to have been fought. 
Eastward of Hatfield is a road named Slay Pit Lane, leading 
to the " Slay Pits.'^ Beyond this there is no local tradition 
of any kind. 



WiNWCBD. 

Oswy, King of Northumbria, had but a restless time of it 
with his neighbour Penda, the now hoary-headed King of 
Mercia. The latter was continually harassing the southern 
regions of Oswy's dominions by sudden inraids. Penda's 
reason was to annoy and exterminate the men who professed 
the new Christian religion. He would not forsake Thor and 
Woden, the gods of his forefathers. Heathen to the last, no 
matter who preached or advised, Penda, with a consistence 
worthy of a better cause, ** despised those whom he saw not 
doing the works of the faith they had received." For the 
sake of his subjects, Oswy tried if handsome gifts would 
pacify his troublesome adversary ; but to no purpose. Penda 
had one great desire, and he was determined to gratify it. 
So he gathered together a large army, consisting of thirty 
legions of soldiers, commanded by the same number of 
generals, men of tried service and ability, among whom was 
Ethel wald, son of Oswald, the deceased King of Northumbria, 
and nephew to Oswy. For some reason Egfrid, a son of 
Oswy, was detained as a hostage at the court of the king of 
Mercia. Perhaps he had been acting as an an^bassador 
between the two kings. Anyhow, Penda kept him whilst he 
advanced into Northumbria, marching in the direction of 



142 THE BATTLES OF HEATH FJfiL£ 4ND WINWOU). 

" Loidis-in-Elraete/' in the vicinity of which he pitched his 
camp. 

In the meantime, Oswy and his other son displayed great 
energy in collecting men to defend his kingdom. He im- 
plored the Divine assistance, that he might be deUvered from 
his barbarous and impious foe, and, binding himself by a 
vow, said, '* If the pagan will not accept our gifts, let us oflFer 
them to Him that will, the Lord our Grod.'^ He also added, 
should he come off victorious, that he would devote his 
daughter to the service of Grod, and give twelve pieces of 
land to build and endow houses for His worship. 

He met Penda on the field of Winwced. Oswy was now 
aware that his own men were sadly short in numbers com- 
pared with those arrayed against him, but, putting his firm 
trust in the " Lord of armies and God of battles," he at once 
began the conflict. Ethelwald, with his contingent, deserted 
Penda early in the day, and retired to a situation where he 
could quietly watch how events fell out, and so shape his 
subsequent policy. The battle took place on the 15 th of 
November, 655, and was very severe. It ended in the 
complete defeat of Penda, and he and nearly all his thirty 
generals were left a ghastly ring of corpses on that bloody 
field. Penda was in his seventy-ninth year when he fell. 
Ethelhere, brother and successor to Anna, king of the East 
Angles, also perished with all his soldiers. Some thousands 
of men were killed, many fell in flight, and many were 
drowned in their attempts to escape. " A river " is men- 
tioned by the old writers, " swollen with rains and overflowing 
its banks." There is no stream of importance nearer than 
the river Aire, some five miles distant, and most Ukely this 
was the fatal water. " In Winwced river was avenged the 
blood of Anna, the blood of the Kings Sebert and Egric, 
Oswald and Edwin." 

With the death of Penda the cause of the heathen gods 
was lost for ever, and Oswy, not unmindful of his promise, 
soon afterwards sent his little daughter ^Ethelfleda, scarce 
a year old, to the care of the sainted Hilda, who then 
presided over that monastery where the town of Hartle- 
pool now stands, whilst the land he gave was the means 
whereby a noble abbey crowned the cliff that overlooks 
Whitby. 



THE BATTFiES OF HEATHPIELD AND WINWCED. 113 

Winwced Field/* which is generally alleged to be the site 
where the battle was fought, is now a portion of Whin, or 
Win Moor, " an ample and level common," in the parish of 
Barwick-in-Elmet, about five miles north-east of Leeds, and 
very near Scholes station on the Leeds and Wetherby branch 
of the North-Eastern Railwav. 

The exact site of the battle is unknown, no entrenchments 
exist, and there are no local traditions whatever. 

^* Speed*s Map of Torkshire and Stukeley suggest Kirkstall, but this is not in 
Elmet. 



ST. MARY'S CHAPEL ON WAKEFIELD BRIDGR 

By JOHN W. WALKER. F.8.A. 

A STRANGER passiiig over the bridge of nine arches tliat 
spans the Calder at the southern extremity of the city of 
Wakefield might well ask, " What is the age and history of 
the old chapel standing here?" And he would look in- 
credulous when told that all that can now be seen above the 
roadway was built but little more than two-score years ago. 
Yet such is the case ; the only remaining portions of the four- 
teenth century chapel are the basement and part of the 
stonework forming the niche for the image of the Virgin on 
the south side of the altar. If the visitor were imbued with 
sufficient antiquarian interest, and wished to view the chief 
part of the original building, it would be in his power to do 
so by visiting Kettlethorp Hall, the residence of Mr. Winn, 
which lies some two miles further south along the Barnsley 
highway, where, at the southern end of the ornamental lake 
within the grounds, the west front of the old chapel stands, 
having been carefully removed in 1847, when the present 
edifice took its place. 

The purpose of this paper is to trace the history of the 
chapel from its foundation up to its demolition, as far as can 
be gathered from original documents, contemporary histor3% 
and an architectural study of the building itself ; followed by 
a short notice of the present chapel. 

The idea that the chapel was built after the Battle of 
Wakefield (1460), by Edward IV., that masses might be said 
for the souls of those who fell in the fray, especially for his 
father — the Duke of York — and his brother — the Earl of 
Rutland, — has long held possession of the public mind, but 
the impression is a totally erroneous one. John Leland, who 
visited it while priests still celebrated at its altar, from whom, 
in all probability, his information was obtained, tells us that 
it was " of the fundation of the Townes Men as sum say : but 




F'# 



ST. MARY S CHAPBIi ON WAKEFIELD BRIDGE. 



147 



the dukes of York were taken as founders for obteyning the 
Mortemayn.'* ^ I am of opinion that Leiand was correct in 
both his statements, viz. : — (a) that the chapel was built and 
the chantry founded by the townsmen of Wakefield ; and (b) 
that the Duke of York obtained the mortmain for them. 

We have no knowledge as to when the first bridge was 
built over the Calder at this place, but on February 18th, 
1342^,^ Edward the Third granted to the bailiflFs of the town 
of Wakefield tollage for three years on all goods for sale and 
animals passing over the bridge, "as a help towards the 
repairs and improvements of the said bridge, which is now 
rent and broken. '* In the grant full details as to the amount 
of toll to be levied on different animals and various species of 
merchandise are given, but no allusion is made to any chapel. 
I believe that this deed settles the date of the eastern side of 
the present bridge with its ribbed and pointed arches ; the 
old bridge is spoken of as " dirictus et confractuSy' and the 
architecture of the existing structure proclaims it as belonging 
to the first half of the fourteenth century. Three years 
later the bailiffs of Wakefield compounded with the king for 
forty solidi, so as to have the right of toll over the bridge.^ 

I think it very possible that when the bailiffs of the town 
examined the bridge and applied for help in 1342, they saw 
that a new bridge was required, and that at this time the 
suggestion was first made that a chapel in honour of the 
Blessed Virgin Mary should be erected by the townsfolk, as 
was done on so many other bridges during this century. 
Only thirteen years previously (1329) the men of Wakefield 
had completed the almost entire re-building of their parish 
church, and now they were again called upon to help forward 
the erection of another devotional edifice, and nobly they 
responded to the appeal, for no other bridge-chapel in England 
could compete with this one either in beauty or architectural 
proportions. If my surmise be correct, that it was about this 
time that the plans were first discussed, doubtless the period 
which elapsed before the building was commenced would be 
spent in collecting funds. The construction of the bridge 
would probably be started soon after 1342, when the right of 
tollage was granted to the bailiffs. 



^ Itinerary, vol. i. fol. 44. 

' Pat Bol. 16 Ed. III. p. 1, m. 84. 



3 Originalia Rolls, 19 EcL III. m. 36. 



L 2 



148 ST. Mary's chapel 

There are several proofs showing that the erection and 
endowment of this bridge-chapel were undertaken and com- 
pleted by the townsfolk of Wakefield. If one man had built 
it, doubtless some memorial of him, his arms or initials, would 
have been incorporated in the design on the west front, but 
no trace of heraldry appears ; again, the priests who served 
the chantry offices would have had to pray for the pious 
founder, but Leland heard nothing of this on his visit ;* the 
founder, if there had been only one, would have himself 
applied for the licence in mortmain in 1356-7, whereas it was 
three of the townsmen and two priests who actually did 
obtain the first licence. The very large number of separate 
tenements in diflferent parts of Wakefield and the neigh- 
bouring villages, which belonged to the chantry, were, as a 
rule, each given by different individuals, and this is certain 
proof that the chapel was endowed by the people, not by the 
king, the Duke of York, or any other single person ; from the 
small size of each property it appears that the founders were 
comparatively poor people, that is to say, the ordinary towns- 
people, not the nobility. In the decree of Archbishop John 
Kempe, dated Nov, 20, 1444, it is distinctly stated that the 
chapel was " wholly built of costly stonework by the in- 
habitants and community of Wakefield.''* Thei'e is no proof 
whatever that Edward IV. re-endowed the chantry after the 
Battle of Wakefield ; there were no more chaplains after that 
event than before it, nor were the stipends of the two priests 
increased. 

The guilds of the town probably contributed freely to this 
work, stimulated by the priests who served at the various 
chantry-altars in their parish church, two of whom — William 
Bull and William Kay — were among those who applied for 
the king's licence in 1357. 

The basement of the chapel was undoubtedly built at the 
same time as the bridge, for the masonry of the two is 
bonded together, and the walls of the chapel and the piers of 
the bridge are constructed of the same sandstone. The com- 
pletion of the chapel may have been delayed by the Black 



* Leland states that the Duke of erecting a chapel or founding a chantry ; 

York was taken as founder for obtaining the reason why the Duke of York under- 

the mortmain for the people, and thus took this duty will be stated later on. 

was to be remembered in their prayers, ' Register of Archbishop John Kempe, 

but this was a very different thing to fol. 93-94. 



ON WAKEFI£LD BRIDOE. 140 

Death, whicli raged throughout England during the years 
1349-50. Even if the building was finished before this 
terrible plague broke out, it is clear that nothing was done to 
obtain a licence in mortmain for it at that time. The Black 
Death was the greatest plague ever known in Europe, hardly a 
household was spared from its ravages, and many families were 
entirely cut off; thus, for some time after its violence was spent, 
men had httle spirit for public works, the whole country was 
plunged into mourning, and, probably, it was on this account 
that the licence was not obtained until 1357. 

After the erection of the building, an endowment fund 
would be required to sustain the services of the chapel, and 
to provide the stipends of the two chantry priests who were 
to celebrate at its altar dedicated to our Lady. Land and 
money must have come in quickly, for before 1356 the rents 
arising from this property amounted to £10 per annum (equal 
to about £150 of our money), and the tenements were 
distributed over Wakefield, Stanley, Ossett, Horbury, 
Heckmondwyke, Shafton, Darfield, Warmfield, Pontefract, 
Purston Jacklin and Fryston by the water. William Bull^ 
and William Kay, two priests, seem to have held the moneys 
in trust to pay to the chantry priests, when appointed. The 
writ to hold an enquiry was made out at Winchelsea on 
August I5th, 1355, and the " inquisition ad quod damnum "^ 
was held at York on the eighteenth day of September, 1355, 
before Miles de Stapleton, escheat of the king, and a jury 
composed of the following : John Chamberlain of Potter- 
newton, John Malet, John de Gargrave, William of Bradley, 
Robert Porter, John Ode, John of Bradley, John of Castel* 
ford, Robert of Carleton, John of Slephill, Richard de 
Baildon, and Michael Scot of Castelford ; none of them being 
from the town of Wakefield, so that their opinions would not 
be biased in favour of the foundation. They found, on 
hearing the evidence, that no harm or prejudice to the king 
would arise if the chantry were endowed, and that the 
tenements from which the stipends were derived were held 
indirectly from the king himself. This verdict having been 



* There was a William Bull de Wake- Briton in November, 1361. ThiB was 

feld. Cap. presented to the vicarage of probably the chaplain above alluded to. 

Sandal Magna in May, 1857, by the 7 jnq. ad quod dam. 29 Ed. III. No. 

Dean and College of Westminster; he 10. 
died, and was succeeded by John de 



160 ST. Mary's chapel 

reported to the crown, the licence in mortmain was granted 
on May 13th, 1356 ;® under the statute of mortmain, passed 
in 1279, lands and tenements were forbidden to be made over 
to ecclesiastical corporations without the consent of the king, 
and thus, without this licence it would have been impossible 
for tlie chaplains to have received the rents arising from the 
property which had accrued to the chantry, or from bene- 
factions which might hereafter be bequeathed to it. The 
licence vested the property in William Kay and William Bull 
of Wakefield, chaplains, as trustees, to pay a yearly stipend 
of £10 to the two chantry priests who should be appointed ; 
and it is distinctly stated in the deed that the chapel of the 
Blessed Mary upon the bridge of the town of Wakefield was 
newly built. For this mortmain Robert, son of John, William 
Fery of Wakefield, and Robert of Heath, paid the sum of 
twenty marks (£13 6s, 8d.) into the royal treasury. In the 
Hopkinson MS. there is a copy of a charter dated at Wake- 
field in 1357, confirming the above endowment, to which Sir 
William de 'Norton, Sir Bryan de Thornhill, Sir Henry de 
Soothill, and Sir John de Calverley subscribe their names. 

The necessary legal forms having been now completed, 
the chapel would be ready for the appointment of the 
chaplains. 

For the next forty years we are left in the dark as to the 
management of the chapel and the chantry endowments, but 
it would appear as if matters were carried on in a very 
loose way. There is no record to be found of the 
appointment of any priests, and I am inclined to believe 
that the two chaplains, Kay and Bull, entered into possession 
of the endowments ; if they did, doubtless they served at the 
altar and kept up the daily services. But previous to 1397, 
matters appear to have reached a crisis: the chantry lands 
were held by Robert Bull (was he a nephew of William Bull, 
who originally held the property in trust ?), William Hornyng 
and Alice his wife (the latter may also have been a niece of 
either Kay or Bull ! ) ; if neither of the original trustees 
created fresh ones before their death, their heirs would assume 
the trusteeship of the chantry property. At any rate, at 
this period of the chapel's history, Edmund of Langley, Duke 
of York, Lord of the manor of Wakefield, the fifth son of 

8 Pat. RoU, 30 Ed. III. p. 1, m. 5. 



ON WAKEFIELD BRIDGE. 



151 



Edward III., and uncle of the reigning monarchy Richard II., 
thought fit to interfere.^ 

Was he stimulated to do so by the townsfolk of Wakefield, 
who were discontented with the management of their chapel, 
for which they had done so much, and in consequence thereof, 
appealed to him as lord of the manor ? 

The duke, along with his son, Edward, Earl of Rutland, 
Sir Thomas Gerberg, Knight, Thomas Worston, clerk, Wil- 
liam Galander, clerk, and John Spence, chaplain, purchased 
the chantry endowment from the above Robert Bull, William 
Hornyng and Alice his wife, ^^ and then applied to the King 
for a fresh licence, on the plea that the provisions of the 
previous one granted by Edward the Third had never been 
carried out. 

On May 30th, 1397, the licence was drawn up and signed,^^ 
and states ** that in consideration of the sum of five marks 
which our very dear uncle Edmund, Duke of York, has paid 
into our treasury " the king granted power to the said duke 
and Edward, Earl of Rutland, Thomas Gerberg, Knight, 
Thomas Wroghton, clerk, William Gallander, clerk, and John 



Edward HI., k 1312, d. 1377 =r= Philippa of Hainault. 



Bdward ^ Joan of 
P. of Kent. 
Wales, 
b. 1330, 
d. 1376. 



I 
William 
of Hat- 
field, b. 
1330, d. 
yo\mg. 



Lionel of 7 Elizabeth 
de Burgh, 
heiress of 
Ulster. 



Richard n., b. 1367, ace. 
1377, deposed 1399, d. 
1400. 



Antwerp. 
Duke of 

Clarence, 
b. 1338, 
d.1388. 



John of Gaunt, 
Duke of Lan- 
caster, b. 134U, 
d. 1399. 



Edmund of 7 Isabella 



Langley, 

Duke of 

York, b. 

1341, d. 1402, 

became 

Lord of the 

Manor of 

Wakefield 

in 1362. 



Edmund Mortimer, Earl of ^ Philippa, heiress of Clarence. 
March, d. 1369. J 

Roger Mortimer, Earl of March, ^ Eleanor dau. of Thomas 
killed in Ireland, 1398. J Holland, Earl of Kent. 



of Castile. 



Edmund Mortimer, b. 1388, 
died in Ireland, 1424. 



Anne, heiress of ^ Richard, Earl of 
Mortimer. | Cambrid>»c, 2nd 
sou, beheaded 
1415. 



Edward, Earl of Rut- 
land, Duke of York, 
killed at Agincourt, 
1415. 



Richard, Duke of York, killed at Wake- =f= Cicely NevU, dau. of Ralph, Earl of Westmoreland. 
field, Dec. 30, 1460. 



Edward IV., = Elizabeth 
b. 1441,aca Woodville. 
1461, d. 1483. 



Edmund George, ^ Isabella Nevil, Richard III. — AnneNevil, 

Earl of Rut- duke of dau. of b. 1450, ace. dau. of 

land, killed Clarence. Richard, Earl 1483, d. Richard, 

at Wakefield of Warwick. 1485. Earl of 

Dec. 30,1460. Warwick. 



^ Registen of Archbishop Richard 
Sooope, foL 29-30. 



" Patent BoU, 20 Hie II. p. 8, m. 18. 



152 



ST. MAKY8 CHAPEL 



Spence, chaplain, to pay the annual stipend of £10 to t\90 
chaplains, from the rents of the property acquired by them. 
Having obtained this licence, the Duke of York signed a 
foundation deed on August 20th, 1398, which required the 
chaplains to pray for the health of the duke whilst living 
and after death for his soul ; also for the souls of Robert, son 
of John, William Fery, Robert of Heath, and all other bene- 
factors of the chantry. At the same time he appointed John 
Spence and Henry de Whetelay to be the first chaplains of 
the new foundation. 

This deed was approved and ratified on the 20th of Sep- 
tember following, by the Archbishop of York, who licensed 
the two chaplains to the chantry. ^^ The chaplains were to be 
presented by the Duke of York or his heirs within forty days 
of the vacation of the oflBce, but if they failed to appoint 
within that time the presentation lapsed to the Archbishop 
of York. 

The statement of Leland that *• the dukes of York were 
taken as founders for obteyning the mortemayn'' is thus 
quite correct ; and it was in after ages that the confusion 
arose between Edmund Langley, Duke of York, temp. 
Edward III., and Richard, Duke of York, who was slain at 
the Battle of Wakefield, December 30th, 1460.^^ 



" Reg. Archbishop Scroope, fol. 29-30. 

*' There is one feature of the exterior 
which might be expected to afford some 
xneaDS for dating the chapel, which has 
not, as far as I am aware, been ever 
tested for such a purpose. I refer to the 
sculpture in the middle compartment 
of the west front, where three knights 
are represented ; the military costumes 
would be carved to resemble Uiose in use 
at the time when the work was executed. 
The knights are all clad in similar armour. 
The helmets are of the kind known as the 
sugar-loaf bassinet, with a camail (or 
gorget of chain-mail) terminating in a 
straight edge across the breast ; the lace- 
holes for attaching the camail to the 
helm can be seen, and this distinguishes 
the date of the armour, for in the early 
years of the 14th century the gorget was 
permanently fixed to the helmet and 
could not be unlaced, while in the 15th 
century the bassinet became beaked, 
and the camail was of plate instead of 
ohain-mail. The short, tight-fitting sur- 
coat came into general use about the 



middle of the 14th century, its prede- 
cessor having been a long flowing one, 
and over their chain-mail hauberks these 
warriors wear the later and more fashion- 
able garment. Their legs are entirely 
encased in plate, the chanson, articulated 
knee-piece, greaves and solleret or shoe. 
The arms are defended by the long sleeves 
of the hauberk, with brassards of plate on 
the outer sides of the arms, and roundels 
of steel at the shoulders and elbows, 
whilst plate gauntlets encase the hands. 
The shields are of the small heater- 
shaped variety, which in this century had 
taken the place of the long ones. 
Defences of plate alone did not become 
general until the second half of the 14th 
century ; thus from the evidence of the 
style of the armour, the date of this 
carving must be about the beginning of 
the third quarter of the 14th century, 
and so it corresponds with the date deter- 
mined upon by both an architectural 
and documentary study of the building 
itself. 



ON WAKBFIBLD BRIDGE. 153 

List of the chaplains appointed to this Chantry. 

Date of 
Institution. Name. Presented by. 

Sep. 20, 1398 Dom. Henry Spence Edmund, Duke of York. 

Sep. 20, 1398 Dom. Henry de Whetelay „ „ 

Oliver Furbyshour" 

Aug. 20, 1433 Thomas Dikonson Johanna, Duchess of York. 

Jan. 11, 1445 John Gisburne" Richard, Duke of York. 

July 14, 1453 Thomas Burton „ „ 

May 31, 1463 William Kyngrave Thomas Colt, ar. and Henry 

Sutill, exors. of Richard^ 
Duke of YorL 

June 30, 1463 John Joyes „ „ 

Nov. 3, 1470 Richard Hamthwaite George, Duke of Clarence. 

Aug. 21, 1484 Richard Sykes Archbishop of York, through 

lapse. 

May 26, 1498 William Joyes Henry VII. 

July .6, 1514 Thomas Spinke Henry VIII. 

April 3, 1526 Richard Lister „ „ 

May 27, 1533 WiUiam Kaye 

July 28, 1534 Richard Seale „ „ 

April 10, 1535 Tristram Harton „ „ 

The priests, of whom there were always two at the same 
time, lived in a Httle house, situated on the same side of the 
bridge as the chapel, but on the Wakefield bank of the river. 
This house, shown in many engravings of the chapel, was 
pulled down about 1840, but the foundations could be seen 
until Mr. Clay's private bridge was built, which caused their 
destruction. 

From the date of its second foundation up to the time of 
the dissolution of Chantries we hear little of this chapel. In 
1444, Archbishop John Kempe was called upon to settle "a 
dissension and discord '' between John Preston, vicar of 
Wakefield, and Oliver Furbishour and Thomas Diconson, 
chaplains " of the chapel of the Virgin Mary upon the bridge 
or east side of the bridge over the river commonly called 
Kalder, wholly built of costly stonework by the inhabitants 
or community of the town of Wakefield " ; the matter in 
dispute was about the repairs of the bridge, and the arch- 
bishop decided that the town and parish of Wakefield with 
the rectors and vicars were answerable for the chief repairs, 

14 Will dated June 14, 1455, proved the same town, 6s. Sd; to the chapel of 

July 18. He bequeathed to the fabric of St. Mary Magdalene, 5s. id. 

the paxiah church of Wakefield, 5 marks ; ^^ WUl proved Sep. 2, 1463. 
to the church of St. John the Baptist of 



154 



ST. MARY S CHAPEL 



but the chaplains were not wholly relieved of their re- 
sponsibility.^^ 

During the troublous times of the Wars of the Roses, and 
especially on December 30, 1460, when the battle, which 
proved so disastrous to the Yorkist arms, was fought within 
a mile of its walls, many a stirring scene must have been 
witnessed in this chapel, and when armed men marched over 
the narrow bridge, as they must have often done during all 
those years of internecine strife, many must have entered 
the chapel to beseech " our Lady's '' help. Tradition says that 
near here the young Earl of Rutland, fleeing with his tutor, 
was slain by " boucher Clifford," but Mr. Markham thinks 
that a scion of the royal and ever dauntless race of Planta- 
genet, who had reached his eighteenth year, would not die 
before his enemies had been made to pay dearly for his young 
life. Leland says that the earl " was slayne a little above 
the Barres beyond the Bridge." "At this place is set up a 
Crosse in rei memoriam.'' ^^ 

From time to time donations were made to this Chantry ; 
the earliest of which we have any record, was in 1391, when 
William de Baylay, who was buried at Pontefract, left by will, 
dated August 13th of that year, one hundred shillings " ad 
confirmacionem cantarie in Capella See Marise sup. Pont de 
Wakefeld." ^® In 1454, an estate in Wakefield was left by 
Thomas Beaumont to William Joys, chaplain, Robert Hill, 
Robert Gryce and John Joys, but charged with an annual pay- 
ment of three silver shilUngs to the Chantry or Chapel of the 
Blessed Mary on Wakefield bridge, to be paid at the feasts of 
St. Michael, the purification of the Virgin, and Pentecost, in 
equal portions. In 1522, by will dated October 1, Thomas 
Cote leaves fourpence to this chapel. 

The bridge over the Calder at Wakefield consists of nine 
arches ; the eastern side with its four-ribbed, pointed arches, 



^^ Reg. Archbishop John Kempe, fo. 
93-94. 

*7 Itinerary, vol. i. foL 45. 

A cross existed at the bottom of Kirk- 
gate, not far from the bridge, long before 
the Battle of Wakefield, for in the will of 
Joan de Thorp, dated April 12, 1420, it 
is thus mentioned, * ' Item, I leave to the 
repair of the road between the bridge and 
the high cross at the end of Kirkgate, 
8«. id,'* This shows that the cross was 
at some little distance from the bridge, 



and it was probably near to " the 
barres*' or gate at the end of Kirkgate. 
This cross may have been repaired or even 
rebuilt after the battle ; in Dr. John- 
ston's notes it is stated that the cross was 
erected after the battle, that *'it was 
taken away about 25 years ago, and 
set up in the Monday Market-place, 
but then pulled down and defaced in the 
(civil) wars. The pedestal stands yet 
there. [Add. MSS. 24, 470, fo. 172b]. 
w York Wills, vol. i. fo. 42. 



ON WAKEFIELD BRIDGE. 155 

having been built, as I believe, about 1342 ; the width at 
that time being only about sixteen feet between the parapets. 
The foundations of the chapel were laid on a small island 
in the middle of the river, against and forming part of the 
northern pier of the central arch. The material used in the 
building was sandstone, probably from the quarry in the 
Goody bower, on the north side of the parish church, which 
stone was also used for the alterations of that edifice in the 
fourteenth century. This quarry is mentioned in the Towne- 
ley Mystery Plays. ^^ At a few feet above the foundations 
the building on each side increases in width by means of 
corbel courses, which spring from the lower walls, and on 
which the whole weight of the side walls of the fabric rest. 
The external measurements were, length 50 feet, width 25 
feet, height, up to the top of the battlements, 36 feet. The 
west front terminated at either end in a buttress, between 
which were five compartments or panels, which extended the 
whole height of the edifice, and were separated from each 
other by slender buttresses. The five arches were alike in 
design, with crocketed labels, above which were gabled pedi- 
ments, the tympana and spandrels having been covered with 
tracery. Three of these arches were originally doorways, 
the other two having been filled with tracery to resemble 
blank windows. Below the parapet was a deep weathering, 
surmounted by battlements. The fivefold division of the 
west front was carried through into the parapet, which con- 
sisted of five panels of sculpture, each panel surmounted by a 
canopy of three cinquefoil arches, above which were battle- 
ments. Each of these panels contained a sculptured repre- 
sentation of one of the five glorious mysteries of the 
Rosary. 

1. A representation of the Annunciation to the Virgin by 
the Angel Gabriel. 

2. The Nativity. The Virgin reclining on a couch held her 
Babe on her right arm ; S. Joseph stood at her feet, and in the 
background the ox and ass were feeding at a manger ; above 
hovered a guardian angel. 

3. The Resurrection. Christ was seen rising out of the 
tomb, on eaeh side of which an angel knelt in prayer ; in 

" Where Cayn says, hede,**— Madatio Abel Surtees Soo. 

'* when I am dede, p. 16. 

''Bery me in Gudeboure at the Quarelle 



166 



ST. MAKTS CHAPEL 



front of the tomb three soldiers kept guard, clad ia complete 
armour of the time of Edward III. 

4. The Ascension. Christ was passing up to heaven from 
amidst a group of eleven of hia disciples, who were gazing up- 
wards ; only the lower portion of the divine figure could be 
seen. 

5. The Coronation of the Vii^in. Mary, wearing a royal 
crown, was seated beside the Saviour, on his throne. 

The buttresses at their angles contained near the summit 
two full-length statues in niches with overhanging canopies ; 




these buttresses terminated in lofty crocketed pinnacles, con- 
taining, above the afore-mentioned niches, others within 
which were four smaller statues. 

At each aide of the chapel were three square-headed 
windows, with labels suspended from the cornice above, 
reaching half-way down the window, terminating in carved 
heads. These windows were of three lights with a beautiful 
head of flowing tracery. At the east end of the south side was, 
in addition to and at a higher level than the other windows, 



OV WAKEFIELD BRIDQE. 157 

a small two-light "high side" window, which has been com- 
pletely oyerlooked in the rebuilding of the chapel. It is 
shown in a drawing of the chapel among the Gougli collection 
{vol. 34, fo. 44 b.) in the Bodleian Library, also in an oil- 
painting made at the end of the eighteenth century. 

This window waa probably contemporary with the rest ot 
the building, and waa intended for the exhibition of a light 
at night to travellers approaching the bridge from the south 
side, and would be extremely useful at a time when the land 




there waa unenclosed. Possibly the light which was always 
burning before the image of the Virgin in the niche in the 
east wall served this double purpose, at any rate the position 
of the window would allow of this."' 

The north-east angle contained the staircase to the bell 
turret, which was octagonal in form, the walls finishing in a 
richly panelled parapet ; the turret itself terminated in a 



158 ST. maky's chapel 

crown of flying buttresses, and originally contained two bells. 
The east window was of six lights, not being square-headed 
as all the other windows were, but fitted to the pedimental 
lines of the roof, which was of wood covered with lead. 
Beneath the eastern third of the building was a sacristy 
reached by a stair in continuation of that from the roof, and 
only lighted by small loop windows. 

On entering the chapel in the fifteenth century the way- 
farer would look upon a somewhat different arrangement to 
that which now meets the eye of a visitor. Immediately to 
the left of the central door was a recess in the wall, 
in which was a holy water stock. The sanctuary was only 
raised a single step above the ordinary floor level. Beneath 
the east window stood the stone altar, marked with five 
crosses ; the eye being carried from the rich altar frontal would 
ultimately rest upon the crucifix of precious metal, probably 
studded with gems. During the sacrifice of the Mass the 
plate required for that oflSce might be seen, the chalice, paten 
and cruets of silver, richl}^ chased and ornamented. Within 
a richly-carved niche in the east wall of the chapel, and 
south of the altar, on a raised pedestal stood a figure of our 
Lady, to whom the chapel was dedicated. Above her head 
was a ribbed projecting canopy, terminating in a spire, and 
ornamented with pinnacles and crockets. In all probability, 
the Virgin was represented standing as the happy mother, 
with her Babe on her left arm, and wearing a royal crown, 
made of silver. Before this image a lamp, continually burn- 
ing, would be suspended from the ceiling, and as already 
mentioned would be seen through the high side window. 
The piscina in the south wall was also richly carved, 
but before the so-called restoration (which was in reality re- 
building) only a fragment of it remained, though suflBcient to 
show its beauty. In the north wall, within the sanctuary, 
was a recess, which was probably used as an aumbry and had 
doors, so that the sacred vessels might be locked up when not 
in use. On the north side of the altar a doorway opened 
upon the staircase to the sacristy, which served as a vestry 
for the priests. 

Paintings adorned the walls, traces of which could be seen 
before the demoliiion of the building, but now only in the 
carved work about the niche which contained the figure of 
the Virgin. Doubtless the windows were filled with painted 



ON WAKEFIELD BRIDGE. 159 

glass, which, when the sun shone through them, would pre- 
sent a brilliant aspect, for this was the age of real glass- 
painting. Possibly the east window depicted the annunciation 
with the assumption or coronation of the Virgin, whilst the side 
windows set forth scenes from the mysteries of the Rosary. 

The use of a chapel like this was threefold. Two priests 
were provided by the endowment, who, in addition to the 
daily services in their own chapel, which consisted in saying 
mass and the observance of the canonical hours, had to be 
in the choir of the parish church on Sundays and holy days 
to sing and help in the parochial service ; and they were 
subservient to the vicar of the parish. 

Thus a chantry like this enabled the public worship at the 
church to be conducted in a more fitting manner by provid- 
ing additional priests to help in the services. 

Another use was, that in the quietude of the chapel 
travellers to or from the town might oflFer up a prayer or 
return thanks for a safe journey ; the merchant, also, in send- 
ing off his wares went to the image of the Virgin and begged 
her to look down from above on his goods and their guardian, 
and to have them in her safe keeping, and then oflFered a 
lighted candle to be set before her image. 

The last, but a very important advantage, and one specially 
mentioned in the certificate made out at the dissolution of 
religious houses, was that the chapel should be used in case 
of plague or infectious illness, so that the sick and those 
attending to them might resort thither, and leave the parish 
church free for the rest of the parishioners. 

To these chantry chapels no burial-ground was ever at- 
tached, and the sacraments of baptism and matrimony were 
not allowed to be performed in them. 

Having followed the history of this chapel and chantry to 
the height of their prosperity, we shall now witness the 
change of fortune which befell them in the sixteenth century. 

When, in 1534, Henry the Eighth sent commissioners 
throughout the kingdom to compile the Valor Ecclesiasticus, 
in order that he might know the value of the first-fruits of 
all benefices, the chantry in this chapel was returned as of 
the annual value of £12 8s. lld.y and the two priests, 
Richard Seal and Tristram Harton, had each an income of 
£6 3s. 7d. 

The Act for the dissolution of chantries was passed in the 



160 ST. Mary's chapel 

37th year of the reign of Henry VIII. (1545), and conferred 
on the king the property of all colleges, chantries and guilds ; 
in the following year this chantry was valued at : — annual 
income from rents of lands and houses, £14 15s, 3d. ; the 
ornaments and vestments in the chapel at £l 16s. 2d. ; the 
plate at £4 is. Sc/.^^ 

The death of Henry on January 28, 1547, prevented the 
carrying out of this Act, but in the first year of the next 
reign a Bill was passed, conferring the same privileges on 
Edward the Sixth ; the following commissioners, Robert 
Holgate, Archbishop of York, Robert Chaloner,^^ Thomas 
Gargrave,^ and Hen rye Savyll ^ were appointed to make a 
report as to certain Yorkshire chantries, and, among others, 
the one now under consideration. From this we learn that 
Tristram Harton and Richard Sele,^ the chaplains, were 
respectively 64 and 54 years of age, and were both 
" unlearned " ; that the annual rental of the property had 
risen in value from £14 155. 3d.^ at which it was returned in 
1545, to £15 Is. 8d, at the date of this commission. On the 
other hand, the value of the ornaments and vestments of the 
chapel had fallen from £l 16s. 2d. to £l 2s. lOd., which 
lends colour to the theory that the incumbents or townsfolk, 
anticipating what was coming, had made away with as much 
as they dared, without arousing too great suspicion ; the 
weight of the plate is given at twenty ounces parcell gylte. 

The report made in 1546 is a very complete one as to 
the possessions of this chantry, giving the description and 
locality of each property, with the tenant's name and the 
annual rental. From it we find that the lands and tenements 
were chiefly situated at the Ings and Burmantofts^^ in 
Wakefield, at Alverthorpe, Pontefract, Horbury, Shafton, 
Heath and Ossett, and were mostly in small lots. 

On June 2nd, 1548, Sir Walter Myldemaye, knight, and 
Robert Keylwaye, esquire, assigned a pension of £5 per 
annum to each of the chaplains, with the proviso that if 
either of them be promoted to any dignity or living of the 
same yearly value, then the grant to be void ; the letters 



2» Chantry Certificates, Roll 66, No. « Of Lupset. 

53. ** Chauntry Certificates, Torkahire, 

M Of Stanley. Roll 64. 

^ Of North Elmsall, afterwards of ^ Now corrupted into Bumeytopo, in 

Nostell Priory. West Parade . 



ON WAKEFIELD BRIDGE. 161 

patent confirming the grant were dated September 21 of the 
same year.^^ 

For the half-year from Easter to Michaelmas, 1548, 
Leonard Bates of Lupset was appointed collector of the 
revenues of this chantry, among others, for the king, and in 
the next year Henry Savile made a valuation of the chapel 
itself and all the property belonging to the chantry, as 
Edward Warner, Silvester Leigh of Pontefract and Leonard 
Bates wished to acquire it from the king. In this estimate 
it is stated that the chapel was built of free hewn stone 
covered with lead, having two bells in the roof weighing six 
hundred and twenty-one pounds ; the lead was valued at £7, 
the bells at £6 is. id. ; to the certificate a note is appended, 
stating that it was " necessary to be provided in the saile 
therof that the said chappell be not defaiced nor pulled 
downe for that it is builded upon the myddlemoste arche of 
the said bridge of Wakefelde beinge no smalle strengthe 
therunto." ^ The value was declared at five shillings a year, 
which, as it was to be sold on an eleven years' purchase, 
would be equivalent to fifty-five shillings. By letters patent, 
under the great seal of England, dated June 17, 1549, 
Edward Warner, Silvester Leigh and Leonard Bates were 
granted '* all the building and the site of the late chapel of 
St. Mary, situated and founded in the middle of the bridge 
of the town of Wakefield, and all the bells, and all the lead, 
with everything belonging to the said chapel," in addition to 
a large portion of the chantry property ; ^^ and on the first 
day of August, 1550, Silvester Leigh and Leonard Bates 
received a grant of another portion of the estates of this 
chantry.*^ Sir Thomas Gargrave, of Nostell Priory, and 
Thomas Darley must have purchased from the above grantees 
some of this property along with the chapel, for at a Manor 
Court held at Wakefield, May 3, 3 Ed. VL, they were ad- 
mitted to a messuage called the "chauntre house," and 
several cottages and fields lately belonging to the chantry of 
the Blessed Virgin Mary on Wakefield bridge. 

Soon afterwards Sir Thomas Gargrave and Thomas Darley 
surrendered a messuage called "le chauntre house,*' with 
other property, " one moiety to Henry Saivell, his heirs and 

^ Exch. Q. R. ADcient Miscellanea ^. » Pat. Roll. 3 Ed. VI. p. 3, m. 16. 

» Particulars for Grants, 28 March, » Pat. Roll. 4 Ed. VI. p. 4, m. 12. 

8 Ed. VI. Sec. 2. 

VOL. XI. M 



162 ST. MARYS CHAPEL 

assigns for ever, and the other to Richard Seele (formerly 
one incumbent of the said chantry) and his assigns for life, 
with remainder to Henry Saivell, his heirs and assigns for 
ever." 

The old religion revived again on the accession of Queen 
Mary in 1553, and the owner of this chapel seems to have 
fallen in with the royal creed, and allowed the building to 
revert to its true use ; the priests again celebrated at its 
altar, and the dailv services were recommenced. This we 
learn from the declaration of Henry Savile (the owner), who 
was Crown Surveyor for the jewels, plate, ornaments, 
goods, lead and bells lately belonging to the colleges, 
chantries, &c., in the West Riding, which, dated Nov. 28, 
1555, states that in the chapel upon the bridge there were 
two bolls and one fodder three quarters of lead, also that the two 
" belles '' lately belonging to the chapel of St. Swithin had been 
taken into the chapel upon Wakefield bridge, " wherein 
Goddes service is daylie mayntayned." ^^ In 1558, when 
Elizabeth came to the throne, the priests were finally driven 
from their sanctuary. 

By his will, dated January 1, 1568, Henry Savill, of 
Lupset, esquire, bequeathed his house at Wakefield bridge 
end, called the chantry house, valued at 265. per annum, and 
the messuage over against it valued at 245. per annum, and 
all his cottages adjacent to them, and certain closes or pingles 
lying near to Thornsfield. Also another messuage of 20d. 
per annum in Wakefield (all which lately belonged to the 
chantry of our Lady in Wakefield) to Sir William Cordall, Kt., 
Maister of ye Rolls, and Leonard Bate, gent., and other his 
extors. to the Intent that they should with the lands and 
tenements make and direct an Hospital at the Bridge end at 
Wakefeld in the name of him the said testator and of 
Dorothy his wife, for 6 poor people continually for ever. 
And towards the building of the said Hospital he gave £10 
in money, and charged George Savill, his son and heir, to 
agree to the same foundation, and to make assurance of the 
premises. 

These instructions were never fully carried out, but the 
chapel and the above property were conveyed to the trustees 
of the general poor of Wakefield, now known as the 

3^ Land Revenue, Church Gk>od8, No. *f . 



ON WAKEFIBLD BRIDGE. 16-3 

governors of the charities ; but the deed making it over to 
them was probably lost when the Parliamentarian soldiers 
under Sir Thomas Fairfax broke into the room over the 
south porch of the parish church, after the capture of 
Wakefield on Whit-Sunday morning, May 21st, 1643, and 
destroyed many of the papers kept there by the governors. 

On a tablet still existing in Wakefield Cathedral Mr. Savile 
is mentioned as having given £6 per annum to the poor of 
the town. 

The trustees of the general poor of Wakefield let oflF the 
chapel to various tenants, and from many sources we obtain 
information of the uses to which the building was put, and of 
the alterations and repairs of the fabric itself. On April 3, 
1638, the county magistrates, sitting at Pontefract, were 
informed of the " great ruyne and decay of the stone bridge 
at Wakefield, standing over the river of Calder, and the 
Chappell adjoyneing unto the said bridge, which is a great 
staye and helpe to the same," and that they had been viewed 
by Sir William Savile, bart. and Sir John Savile, who 
certified that the work required to be done for their repair 
would cost £80 ; this was allowed out of the West Riding, 
and it was added that " the said Chappell be hereafter kept 
decentlye and that noe persons whatsoever be suflFred to 
inhabite therein." ^^ 

It was probably previous to this date that a door had been 
broken through the east wall of the crypt, to give access to 
the strip of ground around the basement ; and a sepia 
drawing of the chapel in the Add. MS. (15, 548 Kaye's Col- 
lections) gives a good idea of the appearance of the building 
about this period. It shows the three windows on the north side 
blocked up, though their tracery can be partly distinguished ; 
the most easterly window on this side shows only a small 
hole through the wall near its centre, but the two western 
ones contain small square windows, filled with panes of glass. 
The parapet has entirely gone on the north side, the turret 
parapet is much broken, as is also that of the west front. 
Only two doorways are shown, the north one open to the pave- 
ment level, the southern one approached by a step ; the lower 
half of the front, between the doorways, has been broken 
away and filled up with rough stonework. 

^ West Riding Sessions Rolls. Order Book A, p. 4. 

M 2 



164 



ST. MARYS CHAPEL 



On July 23, 1696, the trustees of the poor leased it for 
twenty-one years to a person named Bever ; ^^ and in 1727 
the building was used as a warehouse for goods.^* One 
Adamson had a lease of it granted for a term of seven years 
on November 28, 1 754,^^ and was succeeded by an old clothes- 
dealer, " who was in the habit of hanging on the precious 
traceries, his filthy ware " ; ^^ this worthy disappeared before 
1784, when the building reverted to its former use as a 
warehouse,^^ and it served the same purpose in 1798^® and 
1801.^^ On April 24th, 1797, an order was made at the 
Pontefract quarter sessions that the chapel should be leased 
from the governors of the charities for twenty-one years 
at an annual rental of sixpence, the justices to keep 
the building in repair during the term ; this was done that 
the magistrates might have the management of the chapel 
in their own hands, as its stability was considered essential 
to the safety of the bridge, which they were bound to look 
after ; and on May 1 7th of the following year, Mr. Went- 
worth,Mr.Wood,and Mr. Dixon were appointed as a committee 
to direct the surveyor to repair the chapel. At the same time 
the roadway was widened and raised in height, which was 
eflFected by building new round-headed arches on the west 
side of the old pointed ones, which gives the bridge a curious 
appearance when viewed at some distance off on the west. 
The old blocked-up windows with their fragments of tracery 
were pulled out, and their place taken by windows with cross- 
headed muUions ; the buttresses of the west front were 
propped up with short round pillars, " four little short round 
laughable things all in a row." *^ With this alteration in its 
appearance there came an improvement in the tenants of the 
chapel, for now it rose to the dignity of a library,*^ which 
position it held for many years, for in 1829 it is still chronicled 
as being a news-room.*^ The magistrates, having spent so 
much money upon its ^restoration,' charged a rental of £10 



^ Account Books of the Qoveruors of 
the WakeGeld Charities. 

^ A Tour through the Island of Qreat 
Britain, hy Daniel Defoe, 1727. 

^ Account Books of the Qovemors of 
the Wakefield Charities. 

^ Sketch of a Tour into Derbyshire 
and Yorkshire, by William Bray, 1783. 

37 New British Traveller, by G. A. 
Walpole, 1784. 



** History of Knaresbrough, by E. 
Hargrove, 1798. 

^ Tour through the Northern Counties, 
Rev. Ric. Warner, 1801. 

*** Topographical Dictionary of York- 
shire, Thos. Langdale, 1822. 

**^ Picturesque Tour in Yorkshire, E. 
Dayes, 1803. 

*2 Pateraou's Koatis in England, 1829. 



ON WAKEFIELD BRIDGE. 165 

per annum, although they only paid the sura of sixpence to 
the governors of the charities. 

It has been said that the Roman Catholics of the neigh- 
bourhood contemplated re-opening the chapel as a place of 
worship in the year 1824/^ but if such was actually the case 
nothing came of the proposition. 

Later on the building was used as a cheese-cake shop, then 
the late Mr. Tootal occupied it for some time as a corn -factor's 
oflBce, and the last tenant was a tailor, who gave up possession 
in order that the chapel might again revert to that purpose 
for which it was originally built, namely the worship of God. 

The Rebuilding op the Chapel. 

The Rev. Samuel Sharp, vicar of Wakefield, originated the 
scheme for the recovery of this chapel for religious purposes, 
and in his ettbrt to do so was ably seconded by the Yorkshire 
Architectural Society. The building at the time belonged 
to the Governors of the Wakefield Charities, acting as trus- 
tees for the poor of the town, but had for many years been 
leased to the county magistrates, who had kept it in some 
sort of repair, and had let it oflF to under-tenants. 

The vicar of Wakefield, as one, and on behalf of the 
governors, applied to the magistrates to give up possession of the 
building to their body, and the following order was made: — 

" Leeds Sessions, 19/^ Oct., 1842. 

" The Rev. Samuel Sharp, having applied on behalf of the Governors 
of the Wakefield Charities, for possession of the Chapel on Wakefield 
Bridge, now in lease to the magistrates of the Riding at the yearly rent 
of sixpence, ordered that the Clerk of the Peace give immediate notice 
to the under-tenants to quit the premises, in order that possession may 
be given to the (Governors as soon as possible. 

"E. Lascelles, ChairmanJ* 

Mr. Sharp next persuaded his fellow -governors to hand 
over the chapel to the Commissioners for building additional 
churches, and the following resolution is entered on the 
minutes of their meeting held on Oct. 24, 1842 : — 

" That the Chapel on the Bridge be conveyed to her Majesty's Com- 
missioners, for building and promoting the building of additional 
churches in populous parishes, according to the provisions of the 3rd 
Geo. IV. chap. 72." 

* Histoiy of Wakefield, J. Hewitt. Wakefield and Halifax Journal, Jan. 9, 1824. 



166 ST. Mary's chapel 

Several gentlemen in the county now came forward with 
subscriptions towards the cost of restoring the building, and 
the superintendence of the work was undertaken by the 
Yorkshire Architectural Society, who advertised for designs 
for this purpose to be sent to York, where they were publicly 
exhibited in March, 1843, and after some discussion, the plan 
suggested by Mr. G. G. Scott was adopted. 

I have headed this part the rehuilding of the chapel, 
because the whole of the old building above the basement was 
pulled down. The Hon. George Chappie Norton in 1847 
bought the west front and erected it at one corner of the 
artificial lake at Kettlethorpe Hall, where it serves as the 
front of a boathouse. On October 25th, 1859, this building 
was used as a mortuary chapel for the remains of Fletcher 
Cavendish Charles Conyers Norton, one of the Secretaries of 
Her Majesty's Legation at Athens, which were placed there 
to lie in state until the time of interment. The building was 
hung with black cloth, and lighted candles were placed 
around the corpse. Two days later the burial service of the 
Roman Catholic Church was conducted in the extempore 
chapel, and the body was interred in Sandal churchyard. 

The new fabric that rose was a copy of what the original 
was supposed to have been in the height of its prosperity, but 
unfortunately Bath and Caen stone were used in the sculpture 
of the west front, which has so perished that the old work at 
Kettlethorpe is in as good if not a better state of preservation 
than the carvings of rather more than forty years ago. 

The only real change in the sculpture of the two build- 
ings was in the fifth panel of the west parapet, where the 
original representation of the Coronation of the Virgin was 
discarded, and the Descent of the Holy Ghost substituted 
for it. 

In later years Sir Gilbert Scott saw the mistake that had 
been made by rehuilding instead of only restoring the chapel, 
and, as Mr. Fowler has pointed out to me, thus wrote in the 
" Ecclesiologist " : — *' It was in an evil hour," he says, that 
he yielded, and allowed **a new front in Caen stone in place 
of the weather-beaten old one .... I never repented it but 
once, and that has been ever since. ... I think of this with 
the utmost shame and chagrin." Sir Gilbert Scott, some 
years before his death, was so anxious to have the old front 
replaced in its original position that he oflFered to contribute 



ON WAKEFIELD BRIDGE. 167 

freely towards this object if he could persuade the Yorkshire 
people to help him, but nothing further was done. 

The roof of the new chapel is supported by two main cross 
beams, richly carved, the oak ceiling between them being 
panelled. The canopied niche for the Virgin (untenanted) 
has been reproduced, as much of the old carved stone being 
used up as could be found, and a new piscina was placed on 
the south of the altar, where the old one had been. The re- 
cess in the west wall for the holy water stock was utilized in 
the restored building for the reception of a font. The east 
window and those north and south of the altar were an 
anonymous gift; they are composed of gorgeous, bright- 
coloured glass of very poor design, not worth describing, 
beyond that the scenes in the middle window are chiefly 
taken from the mysteries of the Rosary, and those in the side 
windows from the life of our Lord. The middle window on 
the south side was filled in with coloured glass by Wailes of 
Newcastle soon after the opening of the chapel, which took 
place on Easter Sunday, April 22, 1848. It was added to 
the district parish of St. Mary as a chapel of ease, and the 
ministrations were undertaken by the then incumbent, now 
the Rev. Father Parkinson, of the Society of Jesus, who joined 
the Roman Catholic Church in 1851, when he resigned 
his living at Wakefield, and was succeeded by the Rev. 
Joseph Senior, LL.D., the present Cambden lecturer at the 
Cathedral, who left St. Mary's in 1872; the succeeding 
chaplains have been : — 

Rev. Amos William Pitcher from 1872 to 1874. 
Rev. Joseph Dunne, 1874-81. 

Rev. Plenry Griffin Parrish, M.A., the present Vicar 
of St. Mary's, who in 1888 restored the parapets on the north 
and south sides, which had decayed away or fallen down ; 
and in the following year placed an organ at the west end, 
and a warming apparatus in the basement ; the windows, 
which -were much broken, were also repaired, and at the 
present time the bell turret and east end are undergoing 
restoration. 

The prints or drawings of the chapel which I have seen 
are : — 

(a) A drawing of the west front and south side in Gough's 
prints and drawings in the Bodleian Library, vol. 34, 



168 ST. Mary's chapel on wakrpield bridge. 

fol. 446, showing the high-side window, early 18th 
century. 

(b) A sketch in the British Museum, Add. MS. 15, 548 

Kaye's Collections, showing the west front and north 
side, of about the same date as (a). 

(c) A drawing of the west front and north side of the 

chapel, with the bridge, by Geo. Fleming, engraved 
by W.H. Toms, 1743. 

(d) An oil painting, in my possession, showing the narrow 

bridge, east end and south side of the chapel, the 
priests' house, and a view of Wakefield in the distance, 
end of the 18th century. 

(e) An oil painting, somewhat similar to the last one, of 

about the same date, showing the high-side window 
blocked up and the priests' house. 

(f) A woodcut in Scatcherd's "Dissertation ou Ancient 

Bridges and Bridge Chapels," 1828, showing the 
north side and east end, with the door in the base- 
ment of the lattei-, and a low building at the north- 
east corner. 

(g) Engraving, showing the west front and north side, 

drawn by John Cawthorn, engraved by William 

Byrne, 1800. 
(h) An engraving of the same date, by the same artist, 

showing the east end, south side and the bridge, 
(i) An engraving of the west front in Whitaker's " Loidis 

et Elmete," 1816. 
(j) Several prints in Buckler's " Remarks upon Wayside 

Chapels," 1843. 
(k) Lithograph, by C. J. Greenwood, of the south-west 

view, 1848. 
(1) Lithograph of the same date, by the same artist, of 

the interior, 
(m) Lithograph, by Joseph Marsden, of the north-west 

view, 1848. 
(n) Several prints in various local works. 



MEMORIAL BRASSES IN HOWDEN CHURCH. 

By F. B. PAIRBANK, M.P., F.8.A.. D0NCA8TER 

Nailed against the inside of the west wall of Howden 
Church, on the right on entrance, are three brasses, placed 
one above the other. They were for a long time loose in a 
cupboard in the vestry, until fixed in their present position 
by the Vicar, Rev. W. Hutchinson, for safety. They are as 
follows : — 

1. A Portion of a Canopy. 

The upperraost of the three is a mere fragment, a portion 
of a canopy. Haines speaks of it as bearing part of an 
inscription on the back. This fragment is 12 inches by 6 
inches. 

2. Figure of a Knight, c. 1480. 

As a work of art this is the most important of the three. 
The Knight is nameless, but the costume is of the date 
c. 1480. He is bareheaded, with his hair cut short and 
brushed up ; the face is close shaved. The breast-plate is 
of globular form, with a curved groove on each side, and an 
escalloped line across the centre. There is a standard of 
mail round the neck. The left pauldron is larger than the 
right, the upper edge is recurved for convenience of move- 
ment. The right pauldron is smaller and quite plain. The 
coutes are large and of uniform size and shape. A gusset 
of mail is visible in the right ai mpit. The hands are bare 
and raised together. The skirt of taces is short, with longi- 
tudinal and transverse grooves. Two large tuiles ai*e 
attached to the skirt of taces in front, with a smaller one on 
each side. An escalloped skirt of mail appears between 



172 



MEMORIAL BRASSES IN HOWDEN CHURCH. 



them. The sword is suspended at the left side, and the 
dagger at the right, both of them hang diagonally across 
the back of the figure. The genouiUiferes have plates above 
and below them, and also others projecting behind the 
knees. It will be noticed that the outline of the uppermost 
plate above the left knee has never been completed. The 
sollerets are long and pointed. The spurs are long and 
straight. The figure stands on a ground with flowers 
growing, and is 35;^ inches high. Haines considers this 
brass to be a local production. 

3. Inscription, 1621. 

The lowermost of the three is a quadrangular plate, 
15 inches by 5 inches, bearing an inscription. This is a 
" palimpsest " ; it has formed part of the figure of a civilian, 
a portion being engraved on the back. This inscription 
has nothing to do with the figure of the knight, and it 
would be well if it were placed at the side and not under- 
neath. The inscription is as follows : — 

HERE LYETH THE BODY OF PETER DOLMAN OF KIL- 
-PIN ESQUIER COUNSELLER AT LAW WHO MARIED 
ELIZABETH DAVGHTER TO RICHARD REMINGTON 
CLERKE ARCHDEACON OF THE EAST RIDING IN THE 
COUNTY OF YORK DECEASED BY WHOM HE LEFT 
YSSVE THRE SONNES VIZ. RICHARD, PHILLIP AND 
TIMOTHY DOLMAN WHO DEPARTED OUT OF 
THIS TRANSITORY WORLD THE XIII DAY OF DE- 
CEMBER. ANNO DM. 1621. 

This Peter Dolman was fourth son of Thomas Dolman, 
Esq., of Pocklington, by Elizabeth, daughter of John 
Vavasour, Esq. His wife Elizabeth was granddaughter 
to Matthew Hutton, Archbishop of York, on her mother's 
side. The following explains his connexions (see Foster's 
Yorkshire Families) : — 



ThomaB Dolman of Pocklington 
Esq'*, aged 23. 38 Hen. VIII. 
(Inq. p.m.), J. P. 1584. Bur. at 
Pocklington, 31 Mar. 1689. Mural 
inscription. Will dated 25 Mar. 
1589, and proved at York. 



r- 



Elizabeth, daughter of John Vavasour, and 
sister and sole heir to Peter Vavasour of 
Spaldington Esq'*. Eur. at Pocklington, 10 
Feb. 1616-17 (Inq. p.m.), will dated 19 Nov. 
1614, proved at York 24 Mar. 1616, named 
in a deed made by son Marmaduke in 1618. 



MEMORIAL BRASSES IN HOWDEN CHURCH. 



178 



I 
4. Peter Dolman of Kilpin, co. York, and of Gray's 
Inn, 1584. Inq. p.m. of Peter Dolman of Kil- 
pin is in '* The Wards and Liveries Inquisitions 
of James I. and Chas. I." Bund 37, No. 79. 
It is there stated that he died in 21 Jas. I. and 
that he held property at Kilpin, Pocklington, 
and Pickering Lythe ; that his son and heir 
was Richard Dolman, who was 7 years of age 
on death of his father. 



1. Richard Dolman, aged = Barbara Plaxton at Hay- 
7 at Father's Death. ton, 25 Jan. 1638-4. 



Elizabeth, d. of Richard Rem- 
ington, D.D.,* of Locking- 
ton, and widow of Rev**. 
John Watson, Vicar of Hut- 
ton BushelL She married 
3rd to William Hungate of 
North Dalton. 



2. Phillip. 3. Timothy. 



REVERSE. 

At the back of this plate, as before said, is engraved a 
portion of a figure of a civilian c. 1520. This appropriation 
appears to have been a robbery, and not the use of a 
" spoiled '' brass, as has been supposed in some instances. 
The plate was 100 years old when used for Peter Dolman's 
inscription. I am indebted to G. Dunn, Esq., for the rub- 
bing from which this plate is taken. 



» Rev. E. Richard Remington, S.T. P., 
died 1615. He was Archdeacon of Cleve- 
land, June 8, 1582. He resigned for the 
Archdeaconry of the East Riding, 1585. 
He was also Prebendary of North New- 
bald, Feb. 11, 1585, which he held untU 



his death. He married Elizabeth, daughter 
of Matthew Hutton, Archbishop of York. 
He was descended from Richard Reming- 
ton of Raskelfe in the Forest of Oal tress, 
CO. York, Gentleman of the Horse to 
Henry FitzRoy, Duke of Richmond. 



PEDES FINIUM EBOR., TEMPORE RICARDI PRIMIJ 



Communicated by WILLI A.M BROWN. 



2 Rixi. L {Sept. 3rd, ll^OSept, 2nd, 1191). 

I. 

Afud Northamtoniam die Jouis post Octabas S. Illarii proxima, 
Inter Pbiorem et Conuentum db Lewes, per Mainonera Camerarium 
de Lewes loco illorum positum, et Willelmum de Warenne filium 
Reginald I de Warenne, de aduocatione ecclesie de Herthille. Vnde 
placitum fuit inter eos in Curia Domini Regis, scilicet quod predictus 
Willelmus quietam clamat de se et heredibus suis predictis Priori et 
Conuentui, aduocationem prefate ecclesie de Herthille in perpetuam 
elemosinam, ut ad earn personam present ent quam uoluerint ; et similiter 
quietum clamat eis vnum masagium in eadem uilla quod Bemardus 
Ragedale tenuit ; et masagium, quod Robertus Clericus tenuit, remanet 
prefato Willelmo et her. suis finabiliter, cum gardino eiusdem masagii 



^ These Fines are taken from two 
Bundles in the Record Office, the one 
being Feet of Fines for Yorkshire during 
the reign of Richard I., all of which are 
printed ; and the other, Feet of Fines for 
Divers Counties during the same period, 
out of which only those relating to 
County of York have been taken. In 
the years 1835 and 1844 the Rev. Joseph 
Hunter published, for the then Record 
Commission, two volumes of Fines, ex- 
tending over the years 1195-1214, for 
the Counties of Beds, Berks, Bucks, Cam- 
bridge, Cornwall, Cumberland, Derby, 
Devon, and Dorset; but the series has 
never been continued. As a fine has 
not formed part of practical law since 
1888, it will not be improper to give a 
brief account of its nature. A Fine is an 
assurance by matter of record, founded 
on a supposed previously existing right. 
In every fine, which was the compromise 
of a fictitious suit and resembled the 
trantaetio of the Romans, there was a 
suit supposed, in which the person who 
was to recover the thing was called the 
plaintiff, conusee, or recognisee ; and the 



person who parted with the thing the 
(tenant), deforceant, conusor, or re- 
cognisor. It was termed a fine for its 
worthiness and the peace and quiet 
it brought with it. There were five 
essential parts to the levying of a fine : — 

(1) The original writ of right, usually 
of covenant, issued out of the Common 
Pleas against the conusor ; and the 
praecipe, which was a summary of the 
>vrit, and upon which the fine was levied ; 

(2) the royal license {licentia concordaiidi) 
for the levying of the fine, for which the 
Crown was paid a sum of money called 
king's silver, which was the podt-6ne, as 
distinguished from the prse-fine, which 
was due on the writ ; (3) the conusance, 
or concord itself, which was the agree- 
ment expressing the terms of the assur- 
ance, and was indeed the conveyance ; (4) 
the note of the fine, which was an abstract 
of the original contract or concoid ; (5) 
the foot of the fine, or the last part of 
it, which contained all the matter, the 
day, year, and place, and before what 
justices it had been levied. (Wharton's 
Law Lexicon, s. v. Fine). 



PEDES PINIUM EBOR., TEMPORE RICARDl PRIMI. 175 

uersus orientalem partem ecclesie de Herthille iuxta cimiterium. £t pro 
hac Concordia predicti Prior et Conueutus quietam clamauerunt predicto 
Willelmo et her. Buis in perpetuum aduocationem ecclesie de Porteslade,' 
ut ad earn (personam) presentent quam uoluerint, ita quod persona quam 
prefatus Willelmus uel lieredes sui ad prefatam ecclesiam de Porteslade 
presentauerint, reddet prefatis Priori et Conuentui annuatim quadraginta 
solidos in perpetuam elemosinam. (Divers Counties, Ric. I., No. 3.) 



4 Ric. I, {Sept. 'Srd, 1192— Sept. 2nd, 1193). 

II. 

Apud Eborum die Dominica proxima post festum S. Clementis, Inter 
Waltebum de Hamby petentem, et Johannem de GoutoS tenentem, de 
dimidia carrucata terre cum pert, in HoTOfJ.^ Vndfi placitum fuit inter 
eos in prefata Curia per breue de recto, scilicet quod predictus Johannes 
recognouit totam predictam terram cum pert, esse ius et hereditatem pre- 
dicti Walteri. Et pro hac recognicione, fine, et concordia, predictus 
Walterus concessit predicto Johanni totam predictam dimidiam carru- 
catam terre cimi pert., tenendam ipsi Johanni et her. suis de predicts 
Waltero et her. suis, faciendo inde forinsecum seruicium quantum ad 
tantum terre pertinet, vnde x. caiTucate terre faciunt feodum vnius 
militis, pro omni seruicio in perpetuum. Et inde homagium ^ suum 
recepit. (Yorkshire, Ric. I., No. 22.) 



7 Ric. I. (Sept 3rd, 1195— ^^^ 2fid, 1196). 

III. 

Apud Westmonasterium die Martis proxima ante festum S. Luce 
Ewangeliste, Inter Petrum Luuelle, et Bertram de MuNEKETOfS-, et 
RoBEBTUir FiLiuM Petri, et Matillem matrem eiusdem Robebti, 
petentes, et Pbiobissam et Conuentum de MuNEKETof)^ tenentes, de 
rationabili parte* bosci Petri Luuelle, et Bertram de Muneketon, et 
Roberti Luuelle filii Petri, et Matillis matris eiusdem Roberti, de 
MuNEKETOf)^.* Vnde placitum fuit inter eos in Curia prefata, scilicet 
quod pre&ta Priorissa et Conuentus de Moneketon reddiderunt et quietum 
clamauerunt in perpetuum de eis et earum successoribus predictis Petro 

^ Portolade, in Sussex, about four tenement ouly holden for a term no oath 

miles west of Brighton. of homage could be paid, but the oath of 

' Button Kudby in the North Riding. fealty was due. 

* This word is not to be confounded * JDe rationabiH parte was an old writ 

with fealty or fUUlUtu. Homage is the of right for lands, &c. 

acknowledgment of tenure, and fealty, ^ Nun Monkton near York, 
the vassal oath of fidelity. Also for a 



176 PEDES FINIUIC EBOR., 

Luuelle, et Bertram, et Roberto, et Matilli, et eorum her. septem per- 
catas predict! bosci, scilicet illas que iacent propinquiores bosco pre- 
dictorum Petri, et Bertram, et Roberti filii Petri, et Matillis, uersuR 
orientem. Et pro ista quieta clamantia, et fine, et concordia, idem Petrus, 
et Bertram, et Robertas, et Matillis quietum clamauerunt in perpetuum 
de eis et her. eorum totum ius et clamium suum quod habuerunt in 
residua parte predicti bosci de Muneketon, pro v^°^ marcis argenti quas 
eadem Priorissa et Conuentus dederunt predictis Petro Lunelle, et Ber- 
tram, et Roberto filio Petri, et Matilli matri eiusdem Roberti. (Divers 
Counties, No. 8.) 



IV. 

Ibid, die Sabbati proximo post festum S. Luce, Inter Axketillum 
MONA.CHUM, PosiTUM LOCO ABBA.TIS DE QEREUALLE ad lucrandum ucl per- 
dendum, petentem, et Rogerum pilium Radulfi tenentem, de viginti 
acris terre in CRiSTjgscROFT^ cum pert., quas Guemarus frater suus dedit 
cum corpore suo Abbacie de Gereualle in puram et perpetuam elemosinam. 
Vnde placitum fuit inter eos in prefata Curia, scilicet quod predictus 
Rogerus filius Radulfi de Torinton concessit predicte Abbacie de Gereualle 
viginti aciTiS terre, et eas ei guarantizabit contra omnes homines. Et si 
eas guarantizare non poterit, rationabile escambium ad ualenciam illius 
terre in eadem uilla predicte Abbacie faciet. (Divers Counties, No. 10.) 



V. 

Ibid, die Sabbati proxima ante festum S. Dunstani, Inter Henricum 
CLERicuM DE GNAREBURC® pcteutcm, ct Alanum DE Stanleie tcneutem, 
de dimidia car. terre cum pert, et triginta sex acris terre in Stanleie.' 
Vnde placitum fuit inter eos in prefata Curia, scilicet quod predictus 
Henricus recognouit totam predictam (terram) esse ius et hereditatem 
ipsius Alani, et terram illam quietam clamauit a se et her. suis predicto 
Alano et her. suis in perpetuum. Et pro hac recognicione et quieto 
clamio, predictus Alanns dedit predicto Henrico vnam bouatam terre in 
Stanleie quam Bernulfus tenuit, et sex acras terre de dominico ipsius 
Alani, vnde due iacent in cultura de Huluesweit, et alie due in Brunes- 
dale, et alie due in cultura de Keldespringe : et banc bouatam terre 
cum eisdem sex acris tenebunt Henricus et heredes sui de predicto Alano 
et her. suis, reddendo inde annuatim pro omni seruicio, saluo forinseco 
seruicio, quatuor denarios, scilicet duos ad Pascha floridum^^ et alios 
duos den. ad festum S. Michaelia (Yorkshire, No. 19.) 

7 I am unable to identify Cmtescroft. brother's gift. 

Notice the substitution of ffu for w ^ Knaresborough. 

in Ouemarus and guararUizabU. It is ' North Stainley near Ripon. 

to be observed that no consideration is ^^ Palm Sunday, 
stated for Roger's confirmation of his 



TEMFOBB RIGABOI PRIMI. 



177 



VI. 

Ibid, die S. Dunstani, Inter Matillidem Camin" petentem, et Jo- 
HANNEM DE Mehus *^ fiUum eiusdem Matillidis tenentem, de quatuor 
carucatis teiTe in SBTOf^ *^ cum pert., et de tota uilla de Willardebi 
cum omnibus pert, et de decem bouatis terre in MiTo5i^, et de rationabQi 
parte dotis ipsius MatQlidis quam ei contingeret de terra Roberti patris 
ipsius JoHANNis. Vnde placitum fuit inter eos in prefata Curia, scilicet 
quod predicta Mat il lis concessit predicto Johanni, et ei quietas clamauit 
et her. suis omnes predictas terras cum pert, de se. Et pro hac fine et 
Concordia et qiiieto clamio, predictus Johannes dedit predicte Matillidi 
duas marcatas redditus, tenendas ad totam uitam suam, scilicet" xviij 
solidatas de redditu in uilla de B(e)uerle, et duas libras et dimidiam piperis 
de redditu in eadem uilla, et quadraginta denariatas de duabus bouatis 
terre in Acolhum " quas Ricardus Rex tenuit de patre predicti Johannis, et 
quatuor solidatas et quatuor denariatas de temi quam Willelmus filius 
Bernardi tenuit in Bewic. Et preterea idem Johannes fecit eidem Matillidi 
plenariam dotem suam quam ei contingeret de terra patris sui, ita quod 
satis ei fecit, scilicet de vna car. terre in Bewic cum pert., et de seruiciis 
istorum hominum, scilicet Johannis filii presbiterii et Thome de Greinesbi, 
scilicet de illo seruicio quod faciunt pro vna car. terre quam tenent in 
Wakinktoii,** scilicet seruicium quadni(ge)sime octane partis feodi vnius 
militis, et de vna dimidia car. ten'e in eadem uilla quam ipsa Matillis 
tenet in dominico suo, et de decem solidatis de redditu de Alano de Dane- 
torp' et de quodam tofto in Beuerle quod Herbertus Medicus tenuit, 
et de duodecim acris prati in Setou. Et sub hac fine et concordia re- 
roanet ipsi Matillidi uilla de Lepenton cum pert., que est eius hereditas, 
libera et qui eta ad totam uitam eius, et post eius decessum reuertetur 
uilla ilia de Lepenton cum pert., libera et quieta, prefato Johanni uel her. 
suis. (Yorkshire, No. 15.) 



VII. 

Ibid, die Dominica prox. post festum S. Dunstani, Inter Radulfhum 
Haroud' petentem, et Adam de SettoiJ et Mahault de Turp *^ uxorem 
suam teuentes, per ipsum Adam positum loco ipsius Mahault ad lucrandum 
uel perdendum in prefata curia, de duabus bouatis in Lurrofi^. Vnde 
placitum fuit inter eos in Curia domini Regis, scilicet quod idem Radul- 
phus Hareng quietum clamauit totum ius et clamium suum quod habuit 
in ilia terra, pro se et her. suis predictis Ade et Mahault et her. eoriun 
imperpetuum. Et pro hac quieta clamancia dederunt predicti Adam et 



** Widow of Robert de Meaux. 

*' A form of the name Meaux or Melsa. 

^3 Seaton and Willerby are in the 
neighbourhood of Hull. Miton, which 
was in the same district, and is mentioned 
in Domesday and as late as 1302-3, is no 
longer to be identified. 

** This is the property out of which 
the rent of two marcs was to be taken. 

1' Aoklam in the Kast Riding. 

VOL. XI. 



** Unknown (Kirkby's Inquest, 76). 

^ ' A dam de Setona and Matildis his wife, 
daughter and heiress of William del Turp 
confirmed to the Canons of Ouisbrough 
the gifts which William del Turp had 
made to them in the vill of Edene, soil. 
Castle Eden. (Dodsworth, vii. 55.) The 
identity of the names Matildis and Ma- 
hault is worth notice. 



178 



PEDES PINIUM EBOR, 



Mahatjlt vj raarcas et vuum runcinum^' predicto Radulpho Harold. (Ibid., 
No. 20.) 



VIII. 

Ibid, in Octabis S. Dunstani, Inter Huooneh de Faukimgbero pe- 
tentem, et Johanneh de Rimeuille^' et Radulfhum de Rimeuille 
tenentes, de duabus car. terre cum pert, in Rishume.^ Vnde placitum 
fuit inter eos in prefata Curia, scilicet quod pred ictus Hugo quietum 
clamauit totum ius et clamiura quod habuit in predicta terra cum pert., 
a se et her. suis prefatis Johanni et Radulpho et "her. eorum imper- 
petuum. Et pro hac fine, et concordia, et quieto clamio, predicti 
Johannes et Radulphus dederunt eidem Hugonl viginti marcas argenti. 
(Ibid., No. 18.) 



IX. 

Ibid, die Yeneris proxima post festum Omnium Sanctorum, Int^r Ehme 
(iic) uxoREM RoGERi DE Saucheusemara '^ per Rogerum predictum 
positum loco predicte Emme tenentis (iic) ad lucrandum uel perdendum, 
et RoBERTUM Canberleno tenentem, de tercia parte unius carr. terre cum 
pert, in Merstoj^. Quam ten*am prefata Emma clamauit uersus pre- 
fatum Robertum ut dotem suam : viz. quod prefatus Robertus concessit 
prefatam terram tenendam prefate Emme, liberam et quietam ut dotem 
suam omnibus diebus uite sue. Et pro hac concessione dedit prefata 
Emma predicto Roberto tres marchas argenti. (Divers Counties, 
No. 23.) 



X. 

Ibid, die Veneris proxima post Conuersionem S. Pauli Apostoli, Inter 
Ernolfum de Magneuille et Matillidem de Louetot ^ uxorem ipsius 
Ernolfi petentes, per ipsum Ernolfum positum loco ipsius Matillidis ad 
lucrandum uel perdendum, et Robertum Britonem tenentem, de con- 



18 In the time of Chaucer the word 
rouncy meant a hackney :— 

A Schipman was ther, wonyng far by- 

weste: 
For ought I woot, he was of Dertemouthe. 
He rode upon a rouncy, as he couthe, 
In a gowne of faldyng to the kne. 

Canterbury Tales, Prologue, 390. 

Rosinante, Don Quixote's horse, got its 
name from the same root. Runein^ 
meaning a pack-horse, occurs in the song 
of Roland (line 758), which was written 
before 1100. 

^* It is doubtful whether this name 
may not be Runeuille. 

^ Rise in Holdemess, the chief seat of 
the Fauconbergs. Towards the end of 
the 13th century Walter de Fauconbeig 



by his marriage with Agnes, sister and co- 
heiress of Peter de Briis III., inherited 
Skelton in Cleveland, which afterwards 
became the principal residence of the 
family. 

" In Hilary Term, A John (1203), 
Eustace de Vesci brought an action 
against Ralph de Oilli, whom Gaufrid de 
Sancensemar* and Matilda his wife had 
called to warranty, about the vill of Ru- 
denham in Yorkshire, *' unde Eustacius 
filius Johannis avi predicti Eustacii fuit 
saiaitus ut de feudo tempore Regis H. avi, 
&c., et de ipso Eustacio Willelmo 61io suo, 
et de ipso Willelmo Eustacio filio suo.*' 
(Abbreviatio Placitorum, 38.) 

^ She afterwards married Gerard de 
Fumival, and was living as late aa 1249. 



TEMPOUB KICARDI PRIMI. 179 

Buetudinibus quas idem £rnolfus et Matillis exigebant ab codem Roberto v;t 
dotem ipsiuB Matillidis, scilicet homines ipsius Roberti de WizestaS^ ^ una 
uice iu anno arare in terram suam de Wizestafi; et una nice in anno ibidem 
metere blada sua, et consuetudinarie ire molere ad molendinum suum de 
Wizestau, et a(u)xiliari ad reficiendum stagnum eiusdem molendim. 
Ynde placitum fuit inter eos in prefata Curia, scilicet quod idem Emolfus 
et Matillis remiserunt et quietum clamauerunt totum ius et clamium 
quod habuerunt in predictis consuetudinibus, de se ipsi Roberto et her. 
suis et suis hominibus predictis et her. eorum. £t pro hac remissione et 
quieta clamancia, fine et concordia, dedit idem Robertus ipsis Emolfo et 
Matillidi nouem marcas argenti. (Yorkshire, No. 21.) 



XI. 

. Ibid, die Dominica proxima post Purificationem S. Marie, Inter 
Alanum de Egroteuille petentem, et Amandum de Sudto^^ '^ tenentem, 
de duabus carr. et dimidia terre cum pert, in Gagenestede.^ Unde 
placitum fuit inter eos in eadem Curia, scilicet quod idem Alanus remisit 
^t quietum clamauit totum ius et clamium quod habuit in predictis 
duabus carr. et dimidia terre cum pert., de se et her. suis ipsi Amando et 
her. suis in perpetuum. Et pro hac remissione et quieta clamancia, fine 
et Concordia, ipse Amandus dedit predicto Alano triginta ^ marcas argenti. 
(Ibid., No. 17.) 



XII. 
Ibid, die Martis proxima post festum Apostolorum Petri et Pauli, Inter 

ROQEBDM FILIUM RoBERTI DE KoiNERS pctCntcm, Ct ROOERUM DE 

KoiKERs auunculum suum tenentem, de terra de HouTOf^ ^ cum pert., et 
terra de NoRTofJ^ cum pert., et terra de Dineshale, scilicet ij car. terre 
cum pert. Ynde placitum fuit inter eos in Curia domini Regis, scilicet 
quod idem Rogerus auunculus predicti Rogori quietum clamauit totum 
ius et clamium suum quod habuit in predicta terra, de se et her. suis 
ipsi Rogero nepoti suo et her. suis : salua dote Domine Basilic uxoris 
Roger! de Koiners, que tenet Norton cum pert, in uita sua. Preterea 
idem Rogerus auunculus predicti Rogeri quietum clamauit Rogero nepoti 
suo seruicium Alani Bruncoste in Holm,^ et seruicium Gileberti de 
Arches de duabus car. terre in Hougraue.'^ Et pro hac quieta clamancia, 
fine, et concordia, concessit et quietum clamauit prenominatus Rogerus 
filius Roberti prefato Rogero auunculo suo, totum ius et clamium quod 
habuit in uilla de Bisopeston ^ cum pert., et villa de Sokebume cum pert., 

^ Whiston in Strafforth, which appears ^ trigiiieta. 

in Dome«day under the varying formp, ^ Hutton Conyers and Norton Con- 

.Widestan, Widestham, and Witestan. yers near Ripon, and Over Dinndale on 

^ Some account of the family of the Tees in the parish of Sockbum. 

SoitoQ will be found in the Yorkshire ^ Holme in the parish of Pickhill. 

ArehaoL and Top. Journal, vi. 113. ^ Sutton Howgrave in the parish of 

* Th« Oagenestad of Domesday, now Kirklington. 

Oaoatead in IfoMeniesii. ^ Bishopton in Durham. 



180 



PEDES FIKIUH EBOR., 



^ in uilla de Grisebi '* et Stuntofi'' cum pert., de se et her. suis illi et 
her. 8uis imperpetuum ; Balua dote Domine Mabilie uxoris Roberti de 
Koisneres, que tenet Grisebi et Stainton cum pert., eodem Beruicio quo 
tenuit amita sua ; ealuo seruicio Hugonis de flamraauille quod remanet 
Rogero auunculo predicti Rogeri. Preterea conuenit inter eos quod de 
omnibus adquisitionibus suis et terris de hereditate sua quas adquirere 
poterunt, partientur per medium inter eos in terris et in eistamentis. £t 
sciendum est quod dos cuiuscumque domine (que) prius obierit, per medium 
partietur inter eos usque dum alia mortua fuerit, et tunc villa de Grisebi 
et de Stainton remanebunt Rogero auunculo ipsius Rogeri et her. suis, et 
uilla de Norton Rogero nepoti suo et her. suis cum omnibus pert. £t 
sciendum est quod Rogerus de Eoisneres auunculus ipsius Rogeri et 
heredes sui tenebunt omnia tenementa sua de Episcopo Dunelmensi in 
capite; et Rogerus et he (redes sui), nepos predicti Rogeri similiter. 
Eborum et Haliwaresfolch. (Ibid., No. 16)." 



« Girsby. 

'^ Stainton in Durham. 

^ The following Fine carries on the 
Conyers pedigree for another generation. 
" Apud Westoionaaterium in Crastino Pu- 
nfioacioniB beate Marie 28 Hen. III. 
(Feb. 8rd, 1239), Inter Johaimem de 
Coyners querentem, et Hobertum de 
Coynera deforciantem, de manerio de 
Grisby et vna oar. terre cum pert in 
Dytneshale ; vnde idem Johannes questus 
fuit quod predictus Robertus non tenuit 
ei finem factum in Curia domini Regis 
apud Westmonasterium iuter Rogerum 
patrem eiusdem Roberti, cuius heres 
ipse est, petentem, et Rogerum auun- 
culum predicti Johannis, cuius heres 
ipse est, tenentem. Et unde placitum 
finis facti summonitum fuit inter eos in 
eadem curia, scilicet quod predictus 
Johannes recognouit predictum mane- 
rium et predictam car. terre cum pert, 
esse iuB ipsius Roberti. Et preterea idem 
Johannes concessit predicto Roberto ma- 
nerium de fifyningeham cum aduocacione 
Ecclesie eiusdem manerii et omnibus 
aliis pert, in Ck>m. Suffolciensi, et illud 
remisit et quietum olamauit de se et her. 
Buis eidem Roberto et her. suis imper- 
petuum. Et pro hac recognicione, remis- 
sione, quietaclamancia, fine, et concordia, 
idem Robertus concessit predicto Jo- 
hanni predictum manerium de Grisby, et 
medietatem predicte car. terre cum pert, 
in Dytineshale, scilicet duas bouatas terre 
quas Ricardus filius Hulf tenuit, et vnam 
bouatam terre quam Ricardus filius Re- 
ginaldi tenuit, et ynam bouatam terre 
cum pert, quam Hugo de MideltoB tenuit. 
Habend. et tenend. eidem Johanni et her. 
suis de predicto Roberto et her. suis in 
perpetuum, £E&ciendo inde forinsecum ser- 
uicium quantum pertinet ad quatuor car. 
terre et dimidiam oum pert., ubi tres- 
decim car. terre &ciunt seruicium feodi 



Tnius militiB, pro omni seruicio et ex- 
accione. Et idem Robertus et heredes 
Bui warantizabunt eidem Johanni et her. 
suis predictum manerium de Grisby et 
dimidiam car. terre cum pert, in Dit- 
neshale per predictum seruicium oontrm 
omnes homines in perpetuum. Et idem 
Robertus remisit et quietum clamauit de 
se et her. suis eidem Johanni et her. suis, 
totum ius et olamium quod habuit in 
maneriis de Bissopestofi, Steintofi, Socce- 
bume, et Aclent (St. Helen's Auckland) 
in Episcopatu Dunelmie, et Rungetoti 
(West Rounton), et vna car. terre cum 
pert, quam idem Johannes prius tenuit 
in predicta uilla de Diteneshale in Com. 
Eborum in perpetuum. Et preterea pre- 
dicti Robertus et Johannes conceaserunt 
pro Re et her. ipsorum quod omnia per- 
quiaita que adquirere poterunt de here- 
ditate que fuit Rogeri de Coynera aui 
predicti Johannis ad custum eorum per- 
quirentur, et omnia inde perquisita per 
ipsos uel heredes ipsorum equaliter 
inter eos uel heredes ipsorum dimidia- 
buntur. Ita tamen quod predictus 
Johannes et heredes sui tenebunt medie- 
tatem perquisitonim, que eis remanebit, 
de predicto Roberto et her. suis, faciendo 
inde seruicium quod ad predictam me- 
dietatem debeat pertinere. Endorsed: — 
Appoeitum est clamium pro Episcopatu 
Dunolm. vacante sede, Ita quod si aliqnid 
fiat in preiudicium Ecclesie Dunolm. 
irritetur. (Feet of Fines, Divers Coun- 
ties, temp. Hen. III., Ko. 146.) Notwith- 
standing this second fine, Roger, son 
and heir of the above-mentioned Robert 
de Coyners, had to bring an action in Nov., 
1259, against Umfrid brother and heir of 
the said John de Cloyners, for not keeping 
the agreement about the manor of Griseby 
and the carucate at Dinsdale. (Placita de 
Banco, Hen. 111., No. 15, fo. 54.) 



TEMPORE RICARDI PRIMI. 181 



8 Etc I. {Sept 3rd, 1196— ^J^^. 2nd, 1197). 

XIII. 

Ibid, die Mariis proxiraa post Conuersionem S. Pauli, Inter Ra- 
DULPHUM FiLiUM Alani peteutem, et Gilebertum de Norto5^ tenentem, 
de j car. ten'e cum pert, in SiLKETofi^. Vnde placitum fuit inter eos in 
prefata Curia, scilicet quod predictus Radulphus remisit et quietum 
clamauit predicto Gileberto, totum ius et clamium suum quod habuit in 
predicta terra cum pert, in Silkestun, de se et her. suis sibi et her. suis 
imperpetuum. Et pro hoc fine, et concordia, et qmeto clamio, predictus 
Gilebertus dedit prenominato JEladulpho filio Alani xj marcas aigenti et 
dimidiam. Dissonet. (Ibid., No. 13.) 



XIV. 

Ibid, die S. Marci Ewangeliste, Inter Willelicum de Coleuille, et 
Stephanum de Mabhaic et Aliciam uxorem suah, et Nicholaum de 
Stoteuillb et Gonnoram uxorem suam,^ petentes, et Willelmum de 
AuBENi tenentem, de terra que fuit Radulphi de Albeni, scilicet de 
feodis quindecim militum cum pert, in Aburne,^ et in Binnebroc, et in 
DaltoS, et in Naburne super Usam, et in Feribi. Vnde placitum 
fuit inter eos in prefata Curia, scilicet quod predictus Willelmus de Al- 
beni recognouit et reddidit prefato Willelmo de Coleuille, cuius homagium 
oepit quasi de antenato, et prefatis Stepbano de Marham et Alicie uxori 
sue, et Nicholao de Stuteuille et Gunnore uxori sue, totam predictam 
terram sicut ius et hereditatem illorum, saluo seruicio suo. Pro hao 
autem recognicione dederunt predicti Willelmus de Coleuille, et Ste- 
phanus de Marham et Alicia uxor eius, et Nicholaus de Stuteuille et 
Gunnilda uxor eius, Odonello filio "Willelmi de Albeni quartam partem 
tocius predicte terre, tenendam de eis in feodo et hereditate per serui- 
ciiun feodi trium lAilitum et dimidie et quarte partis feodi j militis; 
scilicet capitale masUagium de Dalton, et totam medietatem illius uille, 
et preterea duas bouatas terre et dimidiam in eadem uilla de uilenagio, 
et quartam partem tocius uille de Binnebroc cum omnibus pert suis, et 
seruicium feodi trium militum in Leuberc et in Bisilingtorp de feodo 
Radulfi de Clere, et feodum quod Walterus de Belebi tenuit in Turgri- 
mebi, et semicium duarum bouatarum in Binnebroc, pro seruicio dimidii 
militis, quas Willelmus filius Roberti tenuit, et seruicium j bouate terre 
in Binnebroc quam Robertus Brito tenuit, et seruicium Jolani de Ferebi. 
Pro hac uero donacione quietum clamauit releuium quod ei debebant de 
eadem terra^ scilicet c et xij marcas et dimidiam. Hec autem conuencio 

^ In 1200, Gumora wife of Nicholas Beisin only in right of Avicia his wife, 

de Stuteyille held the vill of Sautebi in grandmother of Maurice Fitz fiobert, 

Leicestershire in dower, as of the gift of (Rotuli de Oblatis et Finibus, 61. ) - 
Bobert Gant, formerly her husband; of ** Auboum, Binbrooke, Buslingthorpe 

which Till Robert was eaid to have had and Thorganbj in Lincolnshire. 



182 



iPEDES PiNltM fiBOR., 



facta est salua dote racionabili Sibille de Waluines,^ quoad uixerit. 
(Divers Counties, No. 51.) 



XV. 

Ibid, die Mercurii secundi post Octabas Pasche, Inter Benedictum de 
ScuLEKOTBS petentem per Phylippum filium smim, positum loco suo ad 
lucrandum uel perdendum, et Walterum de Caretorp et Maysant 
vxoREM eius tenentes, de v bouatis terre cum pert, in BuRToiJ^.^®* Vnde 
placitum fuit inter eos in prefata Curia, scilicet quod Walterus et 
Maysant vxor eius recognouerunt predictas v bouatas terre cum pert, in 
Burton esse ius et hereditatem ipsius Benedicti. Et pro hac recog- 
nicione predictus Benedictus concessit prefatis Waltero et Maysant et 
her. eorum, tenere de se et her. suis iure hereditario, predictas v bouatas 
terre cum pert, in Burton per seruicium v bouatarum, vnde xij carr. 
faciunt seruicium vnius militis. Et pro hac concessione, et fine, et 
Concordia, predict! Walterus et Maysant dederunt predicto Benedicto 
c solidos argenti. (Yorkshire, No. 14.) 



9 Rk. I. {ISept 3rd, 1197— Sept. 2nd, 1198.) 

XVI. 

Ibid, tercia die tmnslationis S. Edwardi, Inter Radulphum de Nor- 
MANUiLLE petentem, et Eltam de Normanuille fratrem suum tenentem, 
de j car. terre cum pert, in DAUTOfS^.^^ Vnde placitum fuit inter eos in 
prefata Curia, scilicet quod predictus Elias recognouit prenominato 
Radulpho et her. suis predictam terram esse ius et hereditatem suara, et 
ei reddidit ut ius suum. Et predictus Radulphus dimisit prenominato 
Elie prenominatam car. terre cum pert, in Dautofi, Tenendam ad firmam 
in uita sua per liberum seruicium ij solidorum per annum pro omui 
seruicio, saluo forinseco seruicio, reddendorum aimuatim ipsi Radulpho et 
her. suis ad festum S. Martini : et post decessum ipsius Elie tota 



^ Better known as Sibilla de Valoniis 
or Valognes. The following settlement 
made on her marriage with Robert de 
Stuteuill is not uninteresting, and, I 
believe, unknown. " Uniuersis Sancte 
Matris Kcclesie filiis Philippus de Va- 
loniis salutem. Sciant presentes et 
futuri me dedisse et carta mea confir- 
masse Roberto de Stuteuil et Sibille filie 
mee, et her. quos predictun Robertus 
habebit de predicta Sibilla sponsa sua, 
villam da Torpenhou (Torpenhow in 
Cumberland) in maritagium, per rectas 
diuisas euas cum omnibus â–  iustis pert, 
suis, et in ecclesia, et in molendino, et 
in omnibus aliis iustis pert, suis ; illis et 
predictis her. quos habebit de predicta 
Sibilla sponsa sua, Tenend. de me et her. 
meis, ita libere, quiete, plenarie, integre. 



et honorifice, sicut predictam terram 
melius, plenius, et quietius teuui, die 
qua predictam Sibillam filiam meam 
duxit in uxorem. Hiis testibus, Ra- 
dulpho Abbate de Jedgewrth (Jedburgh), 
Roberto Archidiacono Glascuensis (sic), 
Willelmo Gifiart, Roberto de Landeles, 
Roberto de S. Michaele, Bernardo de 
Hawdane, Johanne de Wiltune, Simone 
de Hawic, Alano de Ruele, Hugone de 
Ruwerford, Gilleberto de Maltalent, Ra- 
dulpho de Alneto, Anketino filio Durandi, 
Radulpho de la Ferte, Willelmo de Solum. 
(Dodsworth, vii. 216.) 

5** Bishop or Souch Burton. 

^7 Probably Dalton in the parish of 
Rotherham, where Adam de Norman- 
vUle held land in 1302-3. (Kirkby's 
Inquest, 280). 



TEMPORE RICABDI PRLML 



183 



predicta terra, scilicet j car. terre cum pert in Dauton, redibit ipsi 
Radulpho et her. Buis quieta de her. Buis in perpetuum. (Ibid., No. 8.) 



XVII. 

Eisdem loco et die, Inter Ceciliam de NoRDiCTu5i^ petentem, et 
Agatham Trussebut tenentem per Bernard um Senescallum suum 
positum loco Buo, <kc., de ij can*, terre cum pert, in Neuhusum.'* Vnde 
placitum fuit inter eas in prefata Curia, scilicet quod predicta Agatha 
remisit et quietum clamauit prenominate Cecilie et her. suis, totum ius 
et clamium suum quod habuit in predictis carr. terre cum pert, in 
Neuhusum, de se et her. suis in perpetuum. Et pro hoc fine, et Con- 
cordia, et quieto clamio, predicta Cecilia dedit prenominate Agathe xx 
marcas ai^enti. (Ibid., No. 11.) 



XVIII. 

Ibid, ad Scacarium festi S. Michaelis, die Jouis proxima ante festum 
Omnium Sanctorum, Inter Simonem de Muhalt tenentem, et Gwarinum 
FiLiUM Geroldi '® petentem, et positum loco Alicib de Curzi vxoris sue 
in curia Domini Regis ad lucrandum et perdendum, de octo carr. terre 
cum pert in Wika *^ et Kisewik. Vnde placitum fuit inter eos in curia 
domini Regis, et vnde idem Simon posuit se in magna assisa domini 
Regis apud Windlesorum,ad recognoscendum utrum ipse mains ius haberet 
tenendi totam predictam terram de predict© Gwarino filio Geroldi et 
Alicia de Curzi vxore sua, quam idem Gwariuus et Alicia in dominico ; 
scilicet quod predicti Gwarinus filius Geroldi et Alicia vxor sua recog- 
nouerunt totam prenominatam terram esse ius prefati Simonis, et 
concesserunt eam illi et her. suis, tenendam de illis et her. eorum in 
feodo et hereditate, libere et quiete et finabiliter, per seruicium feodi 
dimidii militis, pro omni seruicio quod ad eundem Gwarinum filium 
Geroldi et Aliciam vxorem suam, uel ad heredes eorum pertineat Et 
inde cepit Gwarinus filius Geroldi homagium predicti Simonis de Muhalt. 
£t pro hac concessione et hac finali concordia sepedictus Simon dedit 
prefato Gwarino filio Geroldi quadraginta marcas argenti, et Alicie yxori 
sue quinque marcas argenti (Ibid., No. 9.) 



* Temple Newsom. 

'' Qwarinus or Warinus Fitzgerold was 
a man of considerable importance in his- 
tory, tie was Chamberlain to Henry II. 
between 1152-1158, when he was suc- 
ceeded by his brother Henry. (Eyton's 
Itinerary of Henry II. ) In 1205 he gave 
King John two hundred fowls {capones) 
to have free warren in all in his land in 
Yorkshire (Rotuli de Oblatis, 254); and 
in 1206 he gave two palfreys to the 
tame king for a market once a week, 



and a fair to last two days at Win * ♦ * ♦ 
in Yorkshire (IHd. 363). In the next 
year he gave a ruby (rubetum) of the 
value of twenty marcs to have a peram- 
bulation made by twelve knights of 
Langewud' between the wood of the 
monks of Kirkestal in Berdeseie and his 
own wood in Harewud' {Ibid. 889). Hii 
daughter and heiress married Falkes de 
Breaut^. (Ezoerpta d Rotulis Finium, 
11). 
« Wike and Efitt Keswick in Skyraok, 



184 P£D£S FINIUM EBOB., 



XIX. 

Ibid, die Martis proxima ante festum S. Erkenwaldi, Inter Robertum 
DE LAMABE peteiitem, et Willelmum de Brettbville tenentem, de 
aduocacione octaue paitis ecclesib de Jafobde/^ et de molendino de 
Jaforde cum pert., et de pastura eiusdem insule ubi Castellum fuit de 
Jaford, et de prato iuxta insulam ubi castellum fuit cum pert. Vnde 
placitum fuit inter eos in prefata Curia^ scilicet quod predictus Robertus 
de Mara remisit et quietum clamauit predicto VVillelmo et her. suis, 
totum ius et clamium quod habuit in aduocacione octaue partis predicte 
ecclesie, et in predicto molendino, et in pastura, et in prato, de se et her. 
suis in perpetuum. Et pro hoc fine et concordia et quieto clamio pre- 
dictus Willelmus dedit predicto Roberto quatuor acras terre in exitu 
ville de Jaforde, inter viam de Rikemunde et viam de Danebi, et totum 
pratum suum inter pratum Roberti de la Mare et pratum de Andrebi, 
tenendas de eo et de her. suis per seruicium iiij den. per annum pro omni 
seruicio, reddendorum ad ij^ terminos anni, scilicet ad Pentecosten ij 
denarios, et ad festum S. Martini ij denarios. (Ibid., No. 12.) 



XX. 

Ibid, in die S. Erkenwaldi, Inter Robertum de Longo Campo Abbatem 
S. Marie Eborum et Conuentum dusdem loci petentes, et Walterum 
FiLiuM WiLLELMi DE VsEFLET tcncntcm, de yj car. terre cum pert, in 
VsEFLBT, et de xiij^^â„¢ bouatis terre cum pert, in Haldanebi, et de c 
acris terre cum pert, in Witegipt. Vnde placitum fuit inter eos 
in prefata Curia, scilicet quod predictus Robertus Abbas Eborum et 
Conuentus eiusdem loci concesserunt predicto Waltero et her. suis, 
totam predictam terram cum pert., tenendam de se et succ. suis 
in perpetuum, per xx marcas argenti reddendas annuatim pre- 
nominato Abbati et Conuentui et succ. suis, pro omni seruicio quod 
ad eos pertinet, ad duos terminos anni, scilicet ad festum apostolorum 
Petri et Pauli x marcas, et ad festum S. Michaelis x marcas. (Ibid., 
No. 7.) 



XXI. 

Ibid, die Veneris proxima post xv dies Pasche, Inter Robertum le 
Vauasur petentem, et Abbatem de Salle tenentem, de conuencione 
facta inter eos super terra de Cirnesco,^^ et super warrantizacione carte 
predicti Abbatis quam predictus Robertus habet de predicta terra cum 
pert, in Cirnesco. Vnde placitum fuit inter eos in prefata Curia, scilicet 
quod predictus Abbas terram iUam in manu sua tenebit. Et si ad 
firmam alicui dimittere uoluerit, nulli alii nisi predicto Roberto ad 
firmam dimittere poterit. Et sciendum quod Abbas de Rupe qui pre- 
dictam terram de Abbate de Salle ad firmam habuit, per Reginaldum 
monachum suum, positum loco suo ad lucrandum uel perdendum, in 
predicta Curia quietam clamauit (Ibid., No. 10.) 

*^ Yafforth near NorthallertoD. ^ Thumscoe. 



TfiMPOKE BICAEDI PKIMI. 185 



10 Btc. I. {Sept. 3rd, 1198— April Gth, 1199.) 

XXII. 

Ibid, die Veneris proxima ante festum S. Luce Euaungeliste, Inter 
Radulfum de Lenham petentem, et Radulfum de MoletoS et Abbatem 
DE Eglbstoj^ tenentes, de tota terra de Eglesto^ quam predictus 
Radulfus de Moletoii tenuit de predicto Radulfo de Lenham. Vnde 
placitum fuit inter eos in prefata Curia, scilicet quod predictus Radulfus 
de Lenham, per donum predicti Radulfi de Mole ton, remisit et concessit 
predicto Abbati de Eglestoii et successoribus suis totam predictam terram 
de Egle(s)ton, tenendam in perpetuum de eodem Radulfo de Lenham et 
her. suis, reddendo inde annuatim predicto Radulfo de Lenham uel her. 
suis sex marcas argenti die S. Botulphi uel in crastino, in domo Senescalli 
de Richem(unde) apud Hoilande ; et per seruicium sexte partis feodi 
unius militis, pro omni seruicio. Et pro hac remissione et concessione, 
predictus Radulfus de Moletoii dedit predicto Radulfo de Lenham 
quindecim marcas argenti. (Ibid., No. 6.) 



XXIIL 

Ibid, die dominica proxima post Conuersionem S. Pauli, Inter 
Philippum Donolm. episcopum petentem, et Jordanum Abbatem db 
ToRUNTUN ^ tenentem, per Ricardum Canonicum suum positum loco suo 
etc., de dimidia carr. terre cum pert, in faxflet.'" Vnde placitum fuit inter 
eos in prefata Curia, scilicet quod predictus Philippus Episcopus remisit et 
quietum clamauit, totum ius et clamium quod habuit in tota predicta terra 
de Faxflet, de se et succ. suis predicto Abbati et succ. suis in perpetuum ; 
scilicet totam terram que est inter fossatum molendini quod ipse Abbas 
de Torunton et Canonici eiusdem loci, licencia Hugonis de Pusat Episcopi,^* 
ibi fecerunt inter rectas diuisas vicinorum suorum de Faxflet, et diuisam 
terre quam predictus Hugo illis prius dederat cum molendino in escambium 
uille de Cotenesse, vsque ad nemus eiusdem Episcopi. Tenendam et 
habendam in perpetuum de predicto Episcopo et suca suis, ad faciendum 
de predicta terra proficuum suum sicut disposuerint, Reddendo inde 
singulis annis prefato Episcopo et succ. suis iiij marcas argenti pro omni 
seruicio. Et pro hac fine et concordia et quieto clamio, predictus 
Abbas dedit prefato Episcopo xl marcas argenti. (Ibid., No. 2.) 



XXIV. 

Eisdem loco et die, Inter Philippum Dunolm. Episcopum petentem, 
per magistrum Gregorium et Leonem de Hericia positos loco suo, etc., 
et Pbtrum D£ Birlande tenentem, de tota terra quam idem Petrus ad- 

* Thornton Abbey in LincoliiBbire. in Howdenahire. 

^ The places mentioned in this and ^ Bishop of Durham, 115S-1194. 

the four following Fines are all situated 



186 . PEDES PINIUM EBOR., 

qnisiuit de wasto et maresco^ scilicet inter EiLPii)^ et LAXiNGETuf^ extra 
Tranedic uersus aquilonem circa Balohol^, et de tota terra quam per 
fossatum suum preocupauit, et de vij acris terre et iij acris prati cum 
pert, in Skeltu5)^. Vnde placitum fuit inter eos in prefata Curia, scilicet 
quod predictus Episcopus remisit et quietum clamauit de se et succ. stds 
predict© Petro et her. suis, totum ius et clamium quod habuit in predictis 
terra et prato in perpetuum. Et prefati Petrus et heredes sui reddent 
inde singulis annis eidem Episcopo et succ. suis xxiiij solidos, et viij 
denarios, et j porcum de precio xvj den, quando pastus fuerit in bosco 
de Houedenesire, pro pannagio porcorum suorum et porcorum hominum 
suorum. Et pro hoc fine et concordia et quieto clamio, idem Petrus 
dedit prefato Episcopo xx marcas argenti. (Ibid., No. 5.) 



XXV. 

Ibid, die Lune proxima post Conuersionem S. Pauli, Inter Philippum 
(Du)nolm. EPiscoPUM petentem per eosdem, et Roqebum de HouEDEf^ 
tenentem de sexagenta acris terre in marisco inter territorium 
de AiSTRiNTUfJ-, et fossatum quod Hugo de Puteaco Dunolm. Episco- 
pus fieri fecit de campis de Aistrinton vsque in Vsam ; et de duobus 
mesagiis cum pert, in .... vsque ad ueterem aquam, et de pis- 
charia eiusdem uille in Vsa. Vnde placitum fuit inter eos in prefata 
Curia, scilicet quod prefatus Episcopus remisit et quietum (clamauit de 
se et succ.) suis prefato Rogero et her. suis, totum ius et clamium 
quod habuit in predictis terris, mesagiis, et pischaria in perpetuum. Et 
idem Rogerus et heredes sui reddent inde singulis annis eidem Episcopo 
et succ. suis ij solidos et j porcum, uel xvj denarios, pro pannagio por- 
corum suorum et porcorum hominum suorum, quando pastus fuerit in 
bosco de Houedensire pro omni seruicio, consuetudine, et auxilio. Et 
preterea idem Rogerus et heredes sui reddent singulis annis hospitali 
S. Petri de Eboracho septem solidos scil .... pischaria prenomiuatis. 
Et pro hoc fine et concordia et quieto clamio, prefatus Rogerus dedit 
predicto Episcopo xv marcas argenti. (Ibid., No. 1.) 



XXVI. 

Ibid, in die S. Blasii, Inter Philippum Episcopum Donelme petentem, 
per Leonem de Herud* et Magistrum Gregorium positos loco suo etc., 
et Johannem de Warewik tenentem, de tota Cultura inter fossatum 
de Blakbtofte, et fossatum de Greneic, et terram Roberti de Lamare, 
et terram de Huiokefletb,*'' et de iiii^"" toftis et dimidio cum pert, in 
HouEDEf^. Vnde placitum fuit inter eos in prefata Curia, scilicit quod 
predictus Episcopus concessit predicto Johanni et her. suis totam pre- 
dictam Culturam cum iiij®' toftis et dimidio cum pert, tenendam de se 
et succ. suis inperpetuum, per liberum seruicium vj solidorum et trium 
den. per annum, pro omni seruicio, et j porcum xvj denariorum, uel xvj 
denarios, pro pannagio porcorum suorum et porcorum hominum suorum, 

^« Yokefleet. 



TEMt>OHK BICARDI t>IMMI. 



187 



quando pastus fuerit in Neraore de Houedeuesire. Et pro hac fine et 
Concordia et coucessione, predictus Johannes dedit predicto Episcopo x 
marcas argenti. (Ibid., No. 3.) 



XXVII. 

Ibid, die Sabbati proxima post festum S. Blasii, Inter Philippum Dunolme 
Episcopo M petentem per eosdem, et Johannem de Criglesto55^ tenentem, 
de j tofto et j crofto cum pert, in Houeden, et de vno tofto prope domum 
Buam, scilicet super fletum^' ad in troitum uille versus orientem, et 
duobus toftis iuxta forum, et v toftis in Hale de libero burgagio, et iiij acris 
;)rati iuxta SouedeS^ uersus occidentem inter fossatum moleudini . . . . 
et Bemhill, et de vj acris terre uersus aquilonem de Houede5}^, et xxij*>"" 
acris terre et dimidia sub bosco de Houede^Jt super fletum de Thorpe 
preoccupatis fossato, et de tribus aciis terre inter , . . . et molendi- 
num de flat, et vna bouata terre in flat, et ij^"* bouatis et tribus 
toftis cum pert, in Bellebi, et decern acris terre adquisitis de waste et 
marescho inter Bellebi et KiLPifJ, et xv acris ten-e in Stokebrige, et 
quatuor acris et dimidia subtus Kilpix iuxta Stokebrige, et de xxvj acris 
terre de Marisco iuxta KilpiS uersus Balcholme, et septem bouatis 
terre in Kilpin, et xv acris in Gaira, et sexcies viginti acris terre iuxta 
terram Mareschalli inter fossatum Gilberti Hau(n)sarde et fossatum de 
Grenaic, et inter ternim Petri de Ketelbi et terram Mareschalli, et 
iuxta Tranedic uersus austrum xl quatuor acris terre, et de sexaginta et 
XV acris terre cum pert, extra Trakedic uersus aquilonem, inter Vtghano' 
JoHANNis DE Laxingto5^ et Vtghang* de SkeltuS iuxta terram Walteri 
f urn . . . ot; et in . . . j tofto et vno crofto de v acris teiTc, et de vna perticata terre, 
et de xij acris terre iuxta terram Johannis de Laxington extra Askescroft 
uersus Pinelthorpe. Vnde placitum fuit inter eos in prefata Curia, 
scilicet quod predictus Episcopus concessit has predictas terras prefato 
Johanni et her. suis, Tenendas de ipso et succ. suis per liberum serui- 
cium septem marcarum argenti et duorum den. per annum pro omni 
seruicio. Preterea vero idem Johannes et heredes sui dabunt singulis 
annis ipsi Episcopo et succ. suis tres porcos, duos de . . . . denariis 
uel xxxij denarios, et tercium de xij den. uel xij denarios, pro pannagio 
porchorum suorum et porcorum hominum suorum, quando pastus fuerit 
in boscho de Houedeniisire. Et pro hoc fine et concordia et quiet(o 
clamio), predictus Johannes dedit prefato Episcopo Ix marcas. (Ibid., 
No. 4.) 



^7 The word fleet signifies a chaDnel, 
an arm of the sea, or watercourse. On 
the coasts of Norfolk and Suffolk, where 
the name is common, it properly, ac- 
cording to Forby, though not invariably, 
implies a channel filled by the tide, and 
loft at low water very shallow and narrow. 
The grant of the possessions of the Gild of 
the Holy Trinity, Lynn, by Edward VI., 
A.D. 1548, alludes to rents laid out in 
*' repairing of banks, walls, fletes, and 



water-courses in Lenn." Blomfield, iv. 398 
— (Promptorium Parvulorum, Note s. v. 
Fleet). The learned Editor goes on to 
quote the foUowins^ passage from the 
Cleveland Lyke-wake Dirge, to show the 
use of the word with the meaning 
water : — 

*' This a nighte, this a nighte 
Every night and alle ; 
Fire and Jlcel and candle-light, 
And Christe receive thy saule." 



188 PEDES FINIUM EBOB., TEMPORE RIOABDI PRIMI. 



XXVIIL 

Apud Ebor. die Martis proxima post festum S. Yalentini, Inter Iuetam 
FiLiAH RoBERTi peteutem, et Henrioum filium Willelmi, et Beatrioiam 
MATREM 8UAM, et Serlonbm db Helingthorpe et Matildam vxorem 
8UAH, et WiLLELMUM BiNOT*, et Ilriam VXOREM SUAM, tenentes, de 
quatuor car. terre in Eskilbt cum pert. Vnde recognicio Bum(m)onita 
fait inter eos in Curia prefata, per breue de morte antecessorum, scilicit 
quod predicta lueta quietum clamauit de ee et de her. suis, totum ius et 
dameum quod habuit in predictis quatuor car. terre cum omnibus pert. 
Buis, predictis tenentibus et her. suis in perpetumn. Et pro hao quieta 
clamacione fine et concordia, predicti tenentes dederunt predicte luete 
tres mai'cas et dimidiam argenti. (Divers Counties^ No. 65.) 



THE INSURRECTION AND DEATH OF ARCHBISHOP 
SCROOPE, AND THE BATTLE OF BRAMHAM MOOR.> 

By ALEX. D. H. LEADMAN, F.S.A, 

Though Henry IV. had been placed upon the throne of 
England by the Archbishops of Canterbury and York, with 
the full consent of Parliament, yet the people of the 
northern counties looked upon the proceedings with jealous 
eyes, and for many years they regarded the new king as 
simply usurping the rights of Richard II. The imprison- 
ment and suspicious death of that unfortunate monarch in 
Pontefract Castle intensified the distrust, which a powerful 
faction of nobles soon wrought into open rebellion. Led by 
the Earl of Northumberland and Thomas Mowbray, earl 
marshal of England, the standard was reared, and the 
populace flocked around it. The lords Bardolph, Hastings, 
Falconbridge, Sir William Plumpton, with many other 
knights and gentlemen, all mortal enemies of Henry, 
joined the movement, and as the spirit of perturbation ever 
seems to spread, a still more exalted personage became in- 
fected — Richard Scroope, Archbishop of York, and brother 
to the late Earl of Wiltshire, who had been beheaded at 
Bristol. He preached a stirring sermon in York Minster in 
support of the cause, and appealed for help, asking the 



' Authorities : — Chronica et Annales 
Regnaniibus Henrico tertio, Edwardo 
primo, Edwardo Secundo, Ricardo 
Secundo, et Henrico quarto ; Rolls Series. 
Thomse Walsiogham Historia Anglicana, 
â–¼ol. ii. ; Rolls Series. Historians of the 
Church of York and its Archbishops, 
vol. ii. ; Rolls Series. Wilhelmi 
Wyrcester Annales Rerum Anglicarum, 
in voL iL pt. iL of Letters and Papers 
iilastratiye of the Wars of the English in 
fVanoe during the reign of Henry VL 
Boils Series. An English Chronicle of 
the reigns of fiichard II., Henry iV., 



Henry V. and Henry VI., edited by the 
Rev. John S. Davies. Camden Society, 
] 856. Ex paralipomensis sive derelectio 
ab auctore EulogU; Peter College 
Chronique (by a former master); 
Johannis Lelandi AntiquarU de rebus 
Britannicis Collectanea, in vol. ii., an 
edition in 8 vols. : London, 1774. The 
Chronicle of the Londe of Englonde by 
Qerarde de Leew; Antwerp, 1498. 
Hollingshead's Chronicles of inland, in 
6 vols.,* voL ii. London, 1807. Drake's 
Eboracum, London, 1786. Testament* 
Eboracensia, voL L Surtees Society. 



190 THE INSDRRBCTlOy AND DEATH OP ABCHBI3H0P SCBOOPE, 

people to seal it with their blood, promising forgiveness of 
sins to all who fell in battle, and bestowing upon them his 
solemn benediction. The sermon made a profound impres- 
sion and produced the desired effect. A series of nine 
articles was then drawn up by him, written in English. 
This manifesto was sent to every church and monastery in 
Yorkshire to be nailed to the principal doors, and numerous 
copies found their way into the adjoining counties, Henry's 
government was impeached and the king himself accused of 
treason. What with the offences daily committed against 
the Church and the State, the confinement of Richard at 
Flint, his subsequent removal to London, his being forced to 
re9ign his crown in favour of Henry, and Richard's murder 
at Pontefract, — surely these were enough to arouse the 
indignation of the people. But no ! the indictment went 
further. Henry was reminded of his perfidy. He had 
been banished the realm in consequence of a duel between" 
the Duke of Norfolk and himself, and yet he had returned 
contrary to the oath he had sworn. Royal castles had been 
seized, laymen and clerics had been arrested without just 
cause, captured foes were cruelly treated, and gross insults 
had been offered to the corpses of fallen heroes, and 
especially to the dead body of Hotspur. Henry was also 
twitted with his hostility to the see of Rome, and was 
plainly told that his government of the whole country was 
wretched. To restore the rightful heir of that king to whom 
they had so often sworn allegiance, to abolish imposts and 
establish peace, were their objects ; and if prevented from 
getting redress in this world, the archbishop with eloquence 
urged, they would do so in the world to come. 

Vast numbers of people read these notices, and the im- 
port of their contents spread like wildfire. Knights and 
their men-at-arms, soldiers of every degree, citizens and 
rustics flocked from all parts of the north, and met at York. 
The Earl of Northumberland volunteered to bring some 
Scottish troops, and the other leaders agreed that when he 
arrived he should be their chief commander, but, as events 
happened, he and his promised aid never reached York. As 
for the archbishop, he merely intended to collect men and 
then return home, but unfortunately other counsels pre- 
vailed, and at the head of twenty thousand men, with his 
banner bearing ** the five wounds of Christ " flying aloft, he 



AXD THE BATTLE OF BRAMRAM MOOR. 191 

left York, and mai*ched to Shipton Moor, where he encamped 
on a plain in the Forest of Galtres. 

Henry was going to Wales when he heard of this for- 
midable rebellion, but he at once altered his plans and 
proceeded northwards in order to check it. In the mean- 
while Ralph Neville, Earl of Westmoreland ; John of 
Lancaster, the king's son ; the lords Henry Fitzhugh, 
Ralph Evers, and Robert Umfraville, had combined to raise 
what help they could enlist to meet the archbishop. Some 
twenty thousand men answered to their call, and with these 
Westmoreland marched to where the rebels had encamped, 
but finding their position difficult to attack, and doubting if 
he could dislodge them, he pitched his tents on the opposite 
side of the plain, and forthwith determined to circumvent 
the archbishop by treachery. A special messenger was 
dispatched to ask the prelate why he was in arms against 
the king's peace, and the reply was that the steps taken 
were really to preserve the whole realm. With the answer 
was a scroll containing the articles, which the earl read, 
and with which he appeared very much pleased, openly 
praising the archbishop and suggesting a conference, which 
was soon agreed to, though somewhat against Mowbray's 
inclinations. And so the two leaders met midway between 
the camps, each being provided with an equal number of 
supporters. The charter of articles was examined, thoroughly 
discussed, Westmoreland gave his full assent to them all, and 
to all appearance the result was satisfactory. Hands were 
heartily shaken, wine was called for, and pledges upon 
pledges freely reciprocated. "Behold, father and lord," 
quoth the earl, " the end of our labours, since we have con- 
sented to your views we will therefore drink, all looking on, 
that your men may know that we agree, and that we are 
the same in all things." Then Westmoreland suggested 
to the archbishop that their differences having been ad- 
justed, there was no further need for him to detain his 
soldiers, many of whom were in business and had their 
shops to look after, and to further blind the archbishop he 
declared he would dismiss his own men also. But the rebels 
were uncertain upon the receipt of the order what to do, 
for owing to some rising ground preventing them from seeing 
their leader, they were dubious as to his assent At length 
they were prevailed upon to return to York, and simul- 



192 THE INSUEBBCTION AND DEATH OP ARCHBISHOP SOKOOPB, 

taneously the earl's troops retired some distance to a pre- 
concerted position, from whence, by a given sign, they could 
easily be recalled. 

Feasting was now the order of the day, and as more wine 
was drunk and every one made merry, the fatal signal was 
given, Westmoreland's troops re-advanced, surrounded the 
archbishop, unobserved by him or by any of his party, when 
suddenly the earl arrested Scroope, Mowbray, and the others, 
accusing them of high treason and open rebellion, at the 
same time however promising to save the archbishop's life. 

A strong band of the royalists now set oflF in pursuit of 
the rebels, who were on the way to York, and overtaking 
them, slaughtered a great number, and those who were not 
killed they robbed of everything they had. 

Scroope, Mowbray, and the rest were taken forthwith to 
Pontefract, where Henry had stayed on his way to York. 
The archbishop implored the king for an interview, which 
was bluntly refused, and as a further insult his pastoral cross 
was rudely wrested out of his hands and carried to Henry, 
who ordered the prisoners back to York, where they were 
imprisoned in the Palace at Bishopthorpe, to await the king's 
arrival on Monday, the 8th of June, 1405. It is recorded 
that the Archbishop of Canterbury interceded with the 
king on behalf of his brother prelate, and addressed him 
thus ; — " Sire, I am your ghostly father, and the second 
person of the realm, and you should accept no man's coun- 
sel sooner than mine if it be good ; I counsel you that if the 
Archbishop of York has trespassed against you so much as 
has been said, reserve him to the Pope's judgment, and he 
will so ordain that ye shall be pleased ; and if ye will not 
do so, I counsel you to let him be reserved to the judgment 
of parliament, and keep your hands undefiled from his 
blood." The king's answer was : " I may not for rumour 
of the people." So grieved was His Grace of Canterbury at 
Henry's dissimulation that he requested a notary to write 
down the unsatisfactory reply to be presented to the Pope 
when it should be required. The trial was a hurried one. 
Sir William Gascoigne, then Lord Chief Justice of England, 
was ordered to conduct it, but to his honour and credit he 
declined, much to the annoyance and vexation of the king — 
" Neither you my liege the king, or any liegeman of yours 
in your name, can legally according to the rights of the 



AND THE BATTLE OF BRAMHAM MOOB. J 93 

kingdom, adjudge any bishop to death." His firraness was 
highly commended, and he is described by contemporaries 
as " a merciful man, which found favour in the sight of all 
flesh, whose memory be blessed throughout all ages. Amen." 

At last a more accommodating person was found — Sir 
William Fulthorpe, a knight and not a judge, who with Earl 
Arundel and Lord Thomas Beaufort, formed the court, 
before which, mounted on a high stage erected in his own 
hall, the archbishop stood bareheaded. No defence whatever 
was permitted, and the sentence was soon pronounced : 
" We adjudge thee, Richard, traitor to the king, and by his 
command do order thee to be beheaded." To which the 
archbishop replied : " The just and true God knows that I 
never designed any ill against the person of the king, now 
Henry the IV." ; and turning about him several times, he 
said, " Pray that God may not avenge my death on the 
king or his." 

His execution was not long delayed. Seated on a wretched 
horse not worth forty pLe, 'without saddle, with his 
face turned to the tail, and mockingly clad in a loose blue 
garment with purple hood, he declared "he never rade a 
horse he liked better in all his life." He also addressed 
words of consolation to his companion in trouble, the Earl 
Marshal, who had likewise been condemned to die, and who 
was much the archbishop's junior in age. He bade him be 
of good courage, for he was about to suffer death, not only 
unjustly, but in the cause of patriotism, and that his soul, 
scarce delivered from the burden of the flesh, would at once 
be translated to glory. Like St. Stephen, the venerable 
prelate prayed for his murderers all along the road until the 
field was reached where his life's journey was to end. 
" Almighty God, I offer up myself, and the cause for which 
I suffer, and beg pardon and forgiveness of Thee for all I 
have committed or omitted." He then laid his gown and 
hood upon the ground, and turning to Thomas AUman, the 
executioner, said, " My son, God forgive thee for my death. 
I forgive thee, but I beg thou wilt with thy sword give me 
jive wounds in my neck, which I desire to bear for the love 
of my Lord Jesus Christ, who being for us obedient to His 
Father until death, bore jive principal wounds in his body." 
Kissing the executioner thrice he kneeled down, saying, 
" Into thy hands, most sweet Jesu, I commend my spirit.^' 



VOL. XI, 



194 THE INSURBEOTION AND DEATH OP ARCHBISHOP BCROOPB, 

He crossed his breast, and then giving the signal by 
stretching out his hand, Thomas AUman gave the strokes he 
had requested, and at the fifth his head fell to the earth, his 
body on to its right side, and all was over ! 

This tragedy took place in a field ^ between Bishopthorpe 
and York, which had been sown with barley. It was much 
trampled down by the crowd of spectators on foot and horse- 
back, yet in spite of this the crop in the immediate harvest 
was enormous, and at that time was regarded as a miracle. 

So ended the life of Richard Scroope, on Monday, the 8th 
of June, 1405, being the feast of St. William the Confessor. 
He was a man of high and noble character, great learning, 
benevolence, piety and prayer, a frequent and excellent 
preacher, greatly beloved by all his people, " whose memory 
be blessed for ever and ever." He and his brother William, 
the Earl of Wiltshire and treasurer of England, were sons of 
Richard Scroope, knight, who had been Lord Chancellor of 
England in Richard II. 's reign, which fact accounts for the 
archbishop's opinions. Their father had taken every care 
that his two sons should have a splendid education. Richard 
Scroope was a bachelor of arts of Oxford, and a doctor of 
divinity of Cambridge, and by his own merit was chosen to 
fill the see of Coventry and Litchfield, to which he was con- 
secrated by Pope Urban VI., 19 August,^ 1386. He was 
translated to York in 1398, and installed archbishop by the 
then precentor, William de Kexby, on the 10th of July in 
the same year. Yet his eminent position was not regarded 
by Henry, and even the earnest supplications of his brother 
archbishop failed to help him, and thus the dire prophecy of 
the sickly canon of Bridlington came to pass : — 

They shall treat for peace, but shall reap under fraud ; 
For by no price shall that archbishop be saved. 

Besides the archbishop there fell by the axe, at the same 
time and place, the Earl Marshal who met his death 
bravely. Sir William Plumpton, Sir John Lamplugh, and 
many others. 

The features of the slain prelate are said to have been 
wonderfully calm and wearing a pleasant smile. He was 

^ The Bite of the field is lost, being now Calendar), 10th after Pentecost (Roman 
covered by houses and streets. Calendar). 

3 9th Sunday after Trinity (Anglican 



AND THE BATTLE OF BRAMHAM MOOR. 



195 



buried in the Minster between two pillars at the very eastern 
end of the choir, in the Lad} e Chapel, and at a later date 
an altar tomb of freestone covered with a slab of black 
variegated marble* was erected to his memory.^ It bore 
no inscription. For a great number of years he was held 
in great veneration, regarded as a martyr, and often called 
a saint ; ^ miracles are recorded to have taken place at his 
grave, and numbers visited it, until they were forbidden by 
royal mandate to do so, and orders were given that it should 
be covered over with heavy logs.^ 

Earl Mowbray's body was buried in the Church of the 
Friar Minors at York ; but his head, fixed on a stake, was 
placed upon the city walls, though after a time it was taken 
down and buried with the body. Walsingham says that it 
was taken to London. He was likewise looked upon as a 
martyr, especially by Yorkshiremen. Sir John Grenecorn- 
wail was very much overcome at his premature death, and 
bewailed him for many months, and a cup, left by the earl 
to Richard Burgh, was again bequeathed ® by the latter to his 
famil}^ to be kept for ever as an heirloom. 

For policy's sake reasons justifying the execution of Scroope 
were issued. He had urged Henry to repent of his perjury 
to Richard ; to restore the rightful heir, and behave pro- 
perly to the Church ; that peers should be judged by their 
fellow-peers ; proper counsellors should be appointed and 
sheriffs duly elected ; and above all, to permit free action to 
rule in parliament — things admitted to be perfectly right in 
themselves, but not then convenient. 

When the Pope heard of Scroope's death he was very 
angry, and cursed and excommunicated all who had aided 
in slaying him. Henry had to obtain a special pardon, while 
the ambassadors he sent to Rome were so terrified at their 



* In the grounds of Boroughbridge Hall 
there ia now standing some perpendicular 
stonework which formerly was part of 
the parapet work of York Minster, 
damaged by fire caused by the incendiary 
Jonathan Martin in 1829. It has been 
thought to have belonged to Archbishop 
Scroope's tomb, but nothing of the kind 
is shown in Drake's Eboracum (1736), 
where there is an engraving of the tomb. 

* Stephen le Scrop, Archdeacon of 
Richmond, wills 24 August, 1418, his 
body to be buried near his Lord Arch- 
bishop of York, from whom he had 



received many benefits and whose prayers 
he now desires. Test. Ebor. vol. i. 

« Test. Ebor. vol. i. (1409). 

' The third night i^ter his execution 
the Archbishop appeared to one John 
Sibson in his house at Roecliffe warning 
liimto do penance for an intended murder. 
He was to offer a candle at the tomb of 
the late prelate and to remove the logs 
laid upon it. These logs seem to have 
been often removed and as often replaced 
for some years. 

s Will dated 6th Dec. 1407. Test. 
Ebor. vol. i. pp. 347-48. 

2 



] 9fl THE INSURRFXTION AND DEATH OP ARCHBISHOP BCBOOPB, 

reception by the Pope, that they returned home very much 
humbled and frightfully dejected. They were commissioned 
to tell Henry to build three new monasteries, but this he 
never did, or even offered to do. 

The citizens of York who had sided with the rebels 
suffered severely. A writ, dated Pontefract, 3rd of June, 
1405, and directed to the sheriffs, mayor, bailiffs, and other 
officers, ordered offenders to be arrested and put into prison. 
On the king's arrival, though the citizens humiliated them- 
selves before him, coming out to meet him barefooted and 
bareheaded, ungirt, with halters round their necks, imploring 
for mercy, he punished and fined all those who had been in 
arms against him, leaving the inhabitants of York in a state 
of the utmost consternation. He set off for Durham, and it 
is recorded that on the day of the executions he was struck 
with leprosy (?).^ He passed a night at Green Hammerton, 
a village eleven miles from York, where his sufferings were 
excruciating. George Plumpton, son of the knight of that 
name who had been beheaded, saw the sores on his face, 
and Stephen Cotingham (vel Palmer) told a similar story to 
Dr. Thomas Gascoyne. Henry went on to Ripon, where he 
stopped seven days, and it was at this place that wiser 
counsels prevailed. His advisers told him plainly, that, as 
he was so very unpopular in the North, the fewer enemies he 
made the better, so he sent writs of free pardon to all the 
York prisoners. 

On his arrival at Durham he caused the lords Hastings 
and Falconbridge, Sir John Colville of the Dale, and Sir 
John Griffiths, to be beheaded forthwith. He then pushed 
forward to Warkworth in pursuit of the earl of Northumber- 
land, but that noble and Lord Bardolph had fled into Scot- 
land, where David, Lord Fleeming, received them, and where 
for some time they remained, a source of anxiety to the 
English throne. Henry easily reduced Warkworth, Alnwick, 
and other castles of the Percys, whilst the lands and office 
of the late Earl Marshal were given to the Earl of West- 
moreland. 

Drake says that a bowl given by Archbishop Scroope to 
the Guild of Corpus Christi, York, in 1398, called a " Mazeur 
Bowl," edged about and double gilt with silver, on three feet, 

' The " leprosy " was most likely a crop of "boils " which would bo paiuful enough 



AKD THE BATTLE OF BRAMHAM MOOR. 197 

with cherubs' heads, was kept by the Cordwainers' Company. 
On the rim of one side runs this legend : ** ISit^WCHt atcfjt 

Jesdjope Strops fifrant : onto all tfjo tl)at trrinltis of 

tl^tS tope XL" tragiS to partron/' On the other side : 
" Robert Gubson, Beschope, musin grant : in same forme 
aforesaide XL" dayis to pardon. Robert Strensall.^' Every 
feast-day after dinner it was filled with spiced ale, and, accord- 
ing to ancient custom, was handed round for all to drink — in 
short, a loving-cup. An additional silver lining was added 
in 1669, with the arms of the Company engraved thereon. 
At the dissolution of the Cordwainers' Company in 1808 it 
was given by the members to Mr. Sheriff W. Hornby, who 
soon afterwards presented it to York Minster, where it is still 
preserved and exhibited in the vestry.^*^ 

The next year, 1406, the Earl of Northumberland and Lord 
Bardolph left Scotland and took refuge in Wales, for they 
had heard that the Scotch were desirous to surrender them 
to the English king, so their host urged them to fly, which 
event getting known the Lord Fleeming was slaughtered by 
some of his own people. But later on these two conspirators 
again returned to Scotland, and in 1408 hatched another 
plot to dethrone Henry. They entered England with a large 
body of Scotch, gathering on their march many miscellaneous 
supporters, spoihng the country and doing much mischief 
until they reached Thirsk. Here they halted, and issued a 
proclamation to the effect " that they had come to comfort 
the nation, relieve the kingdom, and that all who loved their 
country should come well armed to assist them." They 
enlisted a number of townsmen and rustics, who came in 
many instances ill prepared for warfare ; yet still they persisted 
and moved southwards. Henry heard of their progress and set 
off to meet them, but Sir Thomas Rokeby, then High Sheriff 
of Yorkshire, had summoned all the soldiers of his county, 
and had taken possession of the bridge at Knaresborough 
determined to resist the rebels, who were fast advancing to 
obtain that very position. But Northumberland, learning 
that Knaresborough was occupied, turned off in the direction 
of Wetherby, and thence to Bramham Moor, near Hazlewood, 

^ A very good desoription of thii Church Plate " in the Journal, vol. vlii, 
'^Maser" bowl U given in the ''York pp. 311^12. 



198 THE INSUBRBCTION AND DEATH OF ARCHBISHOP SCROOPB, 

where he placed his men so that they might be " ready for 
battle/' He had not to wait long, for Sir Thomas Rokeby, 
bearing the banner of St. George, was quietly following, and 
on his way the gentry with many others turned out to swell 
his ranks. 

The battle commenced as soon as the hostile forces met, 
and, though not of long duration, it was sharp, furious, and 
bloody. Both sides fought hard, but the raw and ill-armed 
troops of the earl soon gave way before the trained yeomanry 
the High SheriflF commanded. Northumberland was killed. 
Lord Bardolph was taken prisoner, but so badly was he 
wounded that he expired on the field. Very many were slain 
and numbers were captured. The earl's head, full of silver 
hoary hairs, was cut off, fixed upon a hedge-stake, and carried 
with mock processions through various towns to London, 
where it was set upon the bridge " as a monument of Divine 
justice.'' He had lived to see the Percy family all but 
extinct, thus fulfilling an ancient evil prediction, — " Percy's 
root shall perish in a complete ruin." Popular among his 
own people, they grieved not a little over his death, and as 
they wept, thought of the song of Lucan : " But neither the 
blood, nor the many wounds of our old man affected us so 
much as his head, all mutilated and fixed upon a spike, when 
we saw it carried through the city." Bardolph's head and 
one of his quarters were also sent to London, Sixteen others 
were beheaded and quartered, and when Henry arrived at 
York many more were condemned to death, and many 
heavily fined. The bishop of Bangor was taken prisoner, 
but being found without armour or arms he was Uberated. 
Not so fortunate was the abbot of Hailes. He was arrested 
armed to the hilt, and so got hanged. This battle, which is 
also known as the Battle of H'azlewood, took place on Sun- 
day, the 19th of February, 1408. The site is three and a 
half miles from Tadcaster, on the Leeds road, and where it 
is crossed by the Bramham and Aberford road. Turning 
up the Bramham road the traveller will cross Bramham 
Moor, at one time an unenclosed common. A little further 
on IS Camp Hill, where an entrenchment formerly existed, 
but of which the plough has destroyed all traces. Bullets ^^ 

" Gunpowder was not unknown at the only a surmise of mine that some of the 
period, and catapults (catapulse, balistao, country gentry may have had firearms. 
icCf kc.) were in frequent use. It is 



AND THE BATTLE OF BRAMHAM MOOR. 199 

have been occasionally found here. There is nothing re- 
markable in the position chosen for this battle. All is 
now a pastoral and peaceful scene, and where the awful 
clash of arms mingled with the wails of the wounded once 
prevailed, the passer-by will hear nothing save the lowing 
of cattle and the cry of the pewit. 



[The Council have decided to reserve a small space in each Number of the Journal 
for notices of Finds and other discoveries ; it is hoped that Members will assist 
in making this a record of all the matters of archaeological interest which may 
from time to time be brought to light in this large county.] 



XXXVII. 

RIPON MINSTER LIBRARY. 

The two " Ballets " here printed were discovered in Ripon 
Minster Library, written with three-part music on blank 
leaves in Gerson de Consolatione Theologiae (Colon. 1488), 
and were sung by the choir to their original music, July 21, 
1874, before the Meeting of the Royal Archaeological 
Society. They were printed at the time on a loose sheet, 
but it seems desirable that they should be preserved in a 
more permanent form. They are mentioned in the account 
of Ripon Minster Library in the Journal^ II., 384. 

J. T. F. 

MS. Ballads^ temp. Hen, Fill. 

2. A ballet of y^ deth of y^ Cardynall.' 

By a forest as I can passe 
I herd a voce rewfully co'plane 
Now may I mowm for my tryspase 
ffor all my Jowell' er fro* mo gane 
And eu' y^ voce co'planyd yus 

Miserere mei deus. 

Som tyme in yngland lorde y* I wasse 
Chef of yc spyrytualte and drede ou* all 
for my gret pryde now may I say alasse 
My suttell dyssate hath brojt me to yis fall 
Wherfor my song it may be yus 

Miserere mei deus 

» Cardinal Wolsey died, Nov. 28, 1530. 



NOTES. 201 

I rewlyd and remytted all at myn awn wyll 
But myn estate full Ijrtill did I knawe 
I oppressyd y« pepyll and y* to no skyll 
therfor my heyd lyeth now full lawe 
Wherfor my song it may be yus 

Miserere mei deus. 

The pepyll w* vengeance did curse me full fast 
W* treson untrew my ded' wer attaynt 
I pylled y« oom*ynalte and from Joe (sic) yera cast 
Therefore now my body doth lye pale <fe faynt 
And eu* y^ voce co'plauyd yus 

Miserere mei deus. 



2. A lytyll ballet mayde of y^ yong duk' g^ce.^ 

Solus I g*ce honor and p'spyrite 

p'mVs I helth in welth & tranquylyte 

fro' domage and captyvite 

to our co'fbrth and only Joy ij tym' 

gud lorde p's've henry fyzt roy Chor' 2'ndj[ 

SVdus flfrom sorrow 

v'sus . . . . e, and lorde hy' send 

euer . . * • • . 

all Joy 

fyjt henry to haue most valyant 



Vsus 



In it may spy gret gyft ' 

. g'ace 
thanks be to god yen for hy* o' Joy 
And long to p'sVe hy* henry fyzt roy. 

iiij v*sus Gud lorde grant vs yis our petycion 
Yat henry y* is kyng of yis regyon 
both he <fe hys vnto thy tuycion 
May cu' to be in et'nall Joy 
And long to p's've hym and henry fyzt roy. 

finis. 

^ Henry Fitzroy was a natural son of Somerset in 1526. He was married to 

Henry YIII. by Lady Elizabeth Talbois, Mary, daughter of the Duke of Norfolk, 

widow of Sir Gilbert Talbois, and in 1533, being only fourteen years old, 

daughter of Sir John Blunt. He was and died, at &e age of seventeen, July 

bom in 1519, and created Earl of Not- 22, 1536. [J. H. Blunt, Hist. Ref., I., 

tingham and Dnke of Richmond and 109, 110, and reff. there.] 



202 NOTES. 



XXXVIII. 
THE ADVOWSON OF ROTHERHAM CHURCH. 

In the " History of Rotherham " (p. 24) Mr. Guest gives 
an account of the enfeoflfment by John de Lexington of the 
Abbey of RuflFord in the Manor of Rotherham. He notes, 
however, that the Monks of Clervaux had obtained half of 
the Church, and that they lield it until the end of the Xlllth 
century, when it was released by them in consideration of 
an annual payment to them from the Monks of RuflFord of 
£20. 

The following extracts from the recently published volume 
of the Chartulary of the University of Paris illustrate the 
transaction : — 

1254, Feby. 28, Lateran. 

Innocentius [IV] episcopiis, servus servorum Dei, dilectis filiis .... 
provisori et monachis loci qui dicitur Beati Bemardi in Cardiueto Parisi- 
ensi Cistercieusis ordinis. 

Affectu sincero sic vestri ordinis decus et decorem diligimus, quod super 
omnibus spectantibus ad ipsius honorem et comodum nos benignos et 
benivolos exhibemus. 

Sane, sicut .... vesti-a petitio continebat, dilectus filius nobilis vir 
Johannes de Lexington, dominus de Eston, j us patronatus, quod inmedie- 
tate ecclesie de Roderham Ebor. dioc. obtinebat, .... vobis et per vos 
loco vestro contulit .... Nos itaque .... id auctoritate apostolica 
confirm am us, .... defectum, quod .... archiepiscopi . . . . et Capi- 
tuli Eboracensis non intervenit assensus, supplentes de plenitudine 
potestatis — etc., etc. 

1256, April 5, Lateran. 

Alexander [IV] Episcopus etc. . . abbati et conventui monasterii 
Clarevallis . . . salutem et apostolicam benedictionem. 

Salubri consideratione dilectus filius nobilis J. de Lexington etc. . . . 
intelligens in loco vestro B. Bemardi in Cardineto Parisiensi talentum 
sacre pagine ad decorem Sponse Christi et illustrationem fidei dispensari, 
vobis pro hujusmodi Dei opere exequendo jus patronatus, quod in medie- 
tate Ecc.de Koderham Ebor. dioc. obtinebat, liberaliternoscitur concessisse. 

Ut igitur ipsius nobilis oblatio .... fructuosa reddatur, nos 

concedimus ut medietatem ipsam .... usibus fratrum vestri ordinis in 
predicto loco theologice facultatis studio iusistentium ciun omnibus . . . 
pertinentiis applicare .... valeatis, episcopi diocesani et Capituli 



NOTES. 203 

Eboracensis vel loci archidiaconi seu ciijuscumque alterius assensu niini- 
me requisito. Proviso tamen quod ydoneo Capellano in eadem ecclesia 
Domino perpetuo servituro competens per vos .... portio .... 
assignetur, etc., etc. 

A notification by Archbishop Thoresby (in my possession), 
dated Aug. 13, 1357, states that the Abbot and Convent of 
Rufford have proved their title to hold Rotherham Church, 
one moiety whereof is appropriated to them and the 
other moiety held in perpetual farm of the Abbey of 
Clairvaux. 

The archiepiscopal seal is still attached to this notification. 

T. Brooke. 



A VICE-PBBSIDENT OF THE YORKSHIRE ARCHiEOLOGICAL AND 

TOPOGRAPHICAL ASSOCIATION. 

Born, 17 February, 1818. Died, 24 March, 1890. 



By the death of Mr. Hailstone, the Association has lost 
one of its staunchest friends, and Yorkshire has lost the 
man who, probably, knew more of its history, whether per- 
sonal, political, or religious, than any other living antiquary. 

Any one whose privilege it may have been to enjoy his 
hospitality at Walton must have been struck with the 
peculiar congruity which existed between Mr. Hailstone 
and his surroundings. The picturesque and massive figure 
of the host seemed but a part of the wonderful collections 
which the house contained, and harmonized well with the 
carved oak, the armour, the Venetian glass, and other 
objects which filled to overflowing every room in the house. 
But Mr. Hailstone was at his best in the library, which 
occupied the whole of the upper floor of the house, and 
commanded a beautiful view of the lake. Here, surrounded 
by his unrivalled Yorkshire collection, his civil war tracts, 
his pamphlets, his broadsides, &c., all of which he knew so 
well, he would give an anecdote about this person, a fact 
about that, drawn from his inexhaustible store, which was 
always ready and which never failed him. 

It is unfortunate that Mr. Hailstone did not contribute 
more to the literature of the county, his chief work being 
his Yorkshire Worthies Gallery, which was a result of the 
Leeds Exhibition in 1868, but his help was always at the 
service of anyone wishing to make a study of any subject 



EDWARD HAILSTONE, F.SA. 805 

connected with Yorkshire, and he thus indirectly contributed 
more to our knowledge than would at first appear. 

The writer of this notice, more than most persons, owes 
a great debt to Mr. Hailstone for valuable aid and advice 
connected with the publication of the Journal of the Associa- 
tion. At this period of the year, bright with the prospect 
of spring, it has often been his good fortune to visit Walton, 
and he never came away without having learned something 
useful, some curious fact or some piece of out-of-the-way 
information, and the world seems less bright when he 
remembers that those visits have had their end, and that 
the mortal remains of Edward Hailstone now lie in Crofton 
Churchyard. 

G. W. T. 



The announcement that Mr. Hailstone has directed in his 
will that his Yorkshire collections should be kept together 
and placed in the library of the Dean and Chapter of York, 
with the title of 'The Hailstone Yorkshire Library,' is a 
matter of much congratulation to Yorkshire Antiquaries. 
The forming of these collections was one of the chief 
pleasures of Mr. Hailstone's life. So long ago as 1858 he 
printed, for private distribution among his friends, a list of 
his Yorkshire books, which is now exceedingly rare. A few 
extracts from the Preface may be given, as they possess at 
the present time a biographical interest. The writer says : — 

' For many years past, it has been one of the objects of my antiquarian 
pursuits to make as complete a collection as possible of all Histories, 
Local Guides, and Handbooks relating to the many interesting places 
with which the county abounds. In this, I believe, a tolerable success 
has been gained, as there are not many works of a topographical or 
historical nature omitted from the ensuing catalogue.' 

* Great diflBculty has been experienced in forming a basis of arrange- 
ment ; after attempting to ground it on subjects, its abandonment 
became necessary, and the catalogue has been ultimately divided into 
the broad distinctions of Yorkshire, City of Yo^k, and the Three Eidings, 
these again being sub-divided according to locality.' 

* Having completed the work so far, attention was turned to a collec- 
tion of Civil War Tracts already made. A great portion of these Tracts 
referred to the operations of Sir Thomas Fairfax and his armies.' 



206 EDWARD HAILSTONE, F.S.A. 

*A number of sermons, chiefly preached during the Civil Wars, 
appeared too interesting to omit. The chief poi-tion of these belonged 
to the Rev. Thomas Sharp.' 

* An endeavour has also been made to complete a series of Almanacks 
and other publications in the local dialects of Yorkshire.' 

* In addition to the list of Printed Works and Manuscripts, I possess 
several cases filled not only with original deeds of the 13th, 14th, and 
15th centuries, but with transcripts and extracts from records, and other 
old deeds and papers interesting to the topographer and genealogist ; 
besides a collection of about 3,000 prints, woodcuts, and maps, with 
many original drawings of great merit, which will serve at a future 
period to illustrate a County History.' 

These are the salient points in the Preface to the Cata- 
logue, which runs to 77 pages. Since that time the Collec- 
tion has been very largely increased, amounting to 5,000 
volumes in 1883. Mr. Hailstone's zeal never flagged. 
He had agents in London who sent down, or reported 
to him, every book that he might wish to possess, and 
he was also a very industrious reader of catalogues, 
beginning always at the end, where the Yorkshire books 
would most probably be found. If he missed any, it w^as 
through his ignorance of the fact that such and such a 
writer was a Yorkshireman, a kind of minute knowledge 
which cannot always be maintained. As soon as ever an 
acquisition was made, Mr. Hailstone's first thought was to 
send the news to one or more of his literary friends who 
were always glad to hear from him. He then took care to 
put the book into a new dress, if it required one, as he could 
not bear to see anything neglected or dirty. It is easy to 
see that so enthusiastic a search, extended over a great 
number of years, would gather together a Collection of 
remarkable interest. The individual value of the books, 
etc., themselves cannot be large, but, in the aggregate, they 
constitute a Yorkshire library which can never be equalled. 
The Dean and Chapter of York possessed previously a large 
number of books and MSS. relating to the county, the Torre 
MSS., for instance, the Walbran MSS., and the old York 
books collected by the late Robert Davies, F.S.A., with 
many others, some of which are not to be found in the 
Hailstone collection itself. It is easy to see that the Minster 
library will be for the future the great treasure-house of 
Yorkshire history* Of all Free Libraries, and so called 
Subscription Libraries, Mr. Hailstone had always the 



EDWARD HAILSTONE, F.S.A. 207 

greatest dread. It was the conviction that his books would 
be properly cared for and judiciously used in York, without 
being thumbed and destroyed by gas and dirt, that decided 
him to send them there. By the terms of the bequest the 
Dean and Chapter must maintain, that is, add to the library, 
as well as preserve it, which they will gladly do. It 
was a great comfort to Mr. Hailstone to know that his 
collection would also be under the charge of an old 
friend, who knew his mind, and to whom the books, 
etc., for which he had so great a love would themselves 
be friends. 

J. R. 



/" 



y 



PAYEE'S MAEEIAGE LICENSES. 

Part VII. 

(COKTINUKD FBOM TOL. 10, P. 460.) 

With Notw by tho Rot. C. B. NORCLIFFE, M.A., 

1604. 

Abraham Barroclougb, of Halifax, and Agnes Bayner, of Hart:»bead at either 
plaoe. 

James King and Elizabeth Hemingway, of Hali£u — at Halifax. 

John Coyerdale and Margaret Clerk, of Slingsby—at Slingsby. 

Henry Haigh and Judith Crowther, of Sowerby — at Halifax. 

Henry Ramsden, of Hull, and Susan Fletcher, of Hull Bank — ^at Cottingham, 

William Scott, of Fishlake, and Jane Kirkman, of Holy Trinity, Hull, Wid. — at Holy 
Trinity, HuU. 

Bartholomew Harwood and Margaret Hichardson, of Holy Trinity, Hull— at Holy 
Trinity, Hull. 

Ilobert Cock, jun^ son of Robert C, sen', and Dorothy Hartshorn, of Beverley Park 
— at St. John's, Beverley. 

William Harton and Jane Barker, of Brompton — at Brompton« 



1605. 

George Ingram, of Leckenfield, and Margaret Elwood, of Ayke, Par. St. John's, 
Beverley, Wid. — at St. John's, Beverley. 

Jo. Duckett and Mary Enaggs, of Ligthe, Wid. — at Lig^he. 

John Northend, son of John N., late of Weeton, Par. Rowley, and Elizabeth Cole, 
dau' of Anthony C, Alder" of Hull, now of Brantingham — at Rowley, Branting- 
ham, or Holy Trinity, Hull. 

Philip Saltmar8he,22 of Saltmarsh, Esq., and Mary Stanley, of EUerton— at Ellerton. 

Dennis Hayforth, son of John H., of Ferrybridge, and Agnes Smith, dau' of 
Thomas S., of Horsforth, Par. Guiseley — at Water Fryston, or Guiseley. 

« Took place. See Dugdale, p. 94. 
TOL. xr. P 



810 paveb's marriage licenses. 

1605. 

John Pymont and Margery Whitfield, of Warmfield, Wid.— at Warmfield, or 
Crofton. 

Vincent Busfield,^ of York, draper, and Elizabeth Thompson, of New Malton, Wid. 
— at St. Michael' B, New Malton. 

Thomas Laoy,^^ and Elizabeth Francis, of Beverley ^at St. Mary's, or St. John's, 
Beverley. 

Ambrose Greenwood and Elizabeth Feather, of Haworth — at Haworth. 

Francis Pearson, of Ugglebumby, and Ellen Metcalfe, of Lith — at either place. 

William«Goodricke and Jane Browne, of Fishlake— at Fishlnke. 

Thomas Ashley, of Barlby, Gent., and Frances Middleton, of Whitcliff, Par. Riponj 
Wid. — at Ripon, or Heningbrough. 

Thomas Robinson and Frances Swayne, of Ripon — at Ripon. 

Edward Umpleby, now of St. John*s, Micklegate, York, and Jane Settle, of Hamps- 
thwaite, Wid. —at either place. 

Robert Straker, of Murton, Par. Osbaldwick, and Ann Hard wick, servant to Robert 
Gibson, Gent., of Bishopthorpe — at Osbaldwick, or Bishopthorpe. 

Bryan Barton and Janet Bailey, of Cantley — at Cantley. 

William Watson, son of Anthony W., of Staindrop, co. Dm-ham, and Ann Newcome, 
dau' of Elizabeth Dale, alias N., of Forcett [Dioc. Chester] — at either place 
[Dioo. Durham, Dioc. Chester.] 

John Walls and Ann Deighton, of Stillingfleet— at Stillingfleet. 

John Bunisall and Alice Lard, Wid. — at St. Mary's, Hull. 

Henry MeynuU and Elizabeth Horsley, of Cropton— at Cropton. 

Michael Scarr-* and Ann Exelbj", of York, Wid.— at St. Micbatl's, Spurriergate, 
York. 

Roger Wightman and Ann Welles, of St. Dennis', York —at St. Dennis', York. 

Richard Acaster, of Kelfield, and Jane Lepington, of St. Mary's, Castlegato, York — 
at St. Mary's, Castlegate, York. 

W^illiam Cottam and Audrey Wykeham, of Aughton, Wid. — at A ugh ton. 

Christopher Turner, of Wragby, and Ellen Rawson, of Northallerton —at either 
place. 

Francis Leming and Margaret Brearey, of Pannall — at Pannall. 

Thomas Harrison, of York, Gent., and Elizabeth Atkinson, dau' of Henry A., of Cattell, 
Par. Whixley, Gent.— at Whixley. 

John Wilkinson,^ Clk., M.A., and Jane Haldenby, of Fostonon-Wolds— at Foston-on- 
Wolds. 

M IIo"abled"a8 Master Draper, 30 January, »♦ Took place IC April, IMS, at St. Mary's, 

1500-1600. One Vincent Busficld, *'lmbr.>- Beverley. See Dugdalo, p. 20U. 

thcrer," lived in the parish of St. Murtin'.'*, « Took place 13 May, 1005. 

Coney Street, and had issue Martyn, baptized ** Was he Vicar of Swine Irom 20 March, 

8 i February, 1630-31, Thomas, and Anthony. 1599-1600, to 1625 ? 



payee's mabeiage licenses. 211 

1605. 

William Cooksoa ?, Coos'm (sie)^ of Karkington, and Ellen Bowling, dau' of George B., 
of Egton, now of St. Martin's, Micklegate, York— at Kipley, or St. Maitin's, Mickle- 
gate, York. 

John Wilson, of Ilkley, and Margaret Hollings, dau*^ of John H., of Weardley, Par. 
Harwood — ^at Ilkley, or Harwood. 

Edward Browne, of Hullbrig, Par. St. John's Beverley, and Alice Weddell, of Homsey 
— at St. John's Beverley. 

Nicholas High, of North Cave, and Elizabeth Eden, of St John's, Beverley— at St. 
John's, Beverley. 

James Hargravcs and Ellen Barcroft, of Colne — at Colne. 

William Lambton,^ of Sawley, and Frances Sheppard, alias Malthouse, of Warsell 
[Worsall]— at Bipon. 

Henry Crosley. of Langfield, Par. Heptonstall, and Grace Farrer, of Luddingden, Par. 
Halifax, Wid. — at Halifax, or Heptonstall. 

Thomas Smithies, of St. Michael's, York, and Beatrice Weddell,^ of Dio. York— at 
Holy Trinity, Hull. 

Richard Aldburgh,^ of Aldborough, Esq., and Ann Darley, of Poutefract, Wid. — 
at Pontefract. 

William Kerry, Vicar of Kirk Ella, and Eleanor Rysom, [late] wife of Robert R., of 
Willerby-at Kirk Ella. 

Richard Sharpe, of Bamby Marsh, and Margaret Houseman, of Augl^ton — ^at Aughton 

Roger Williman, of Rothwell, and Frances Appleyard, of Ardsley — at Ardsley, alias 
Woodkirk. 

Gilbert Dowe and Isabel Otley, of Hutton Cranswick, Wid. — at Hutton Cranswick. 

Sir Ralph Constable,^ Knt., and Jane Badclifife, sister of Sir John R., Knt., of Blague- 
bum Dis. Chester — at Blaguebum [Blackburn, co. Lane.]. 

Thomas Squire and Janet Walker, of Ilkley, Wid. — at Ilkley. 

Thomas Wood, Rector of Badsworth, and Susan Turvin, of Tickhill — at either place. 

Thomas Molyneux, of West Darby, co. Lancaster, and Isabel Saville, dau** of Nicholas 
S., deed., of Selby — at Cawood, or Wistow. 

Gabriel Horsman, of Holme-on-Spalding, and Ann Killingbeck, of Eastrington— at 
either place. 

Thomas Holden and Isabel Holden, dau' of George H., of Slaidburn — at Slaidbum. 

Christopher Deighton and Mary Yewart, of Tickhill — at Tickhill. 

Herbert St. Quintin,^^ of Harpham, and Averel Lacy, of Folkton — at Harpham, Burton 
Agnes, or Folkton. 

John Holgate^ and Janet Bateson, of Pontefract^ Wid. — at Pontefract, or Darrington. 
Arthur Parker and Ellen Bood, of Aldwark, Par. Alne — at Alne. 

Francis Thompson and Jane Owram, dau' of Thomas 0., of Farnham — at Knaresbro', 
or FambanL 

Kinian Grange ^ and Elizabeth Fale, of Ripon — at Ripon. 

s' Wm. Langton and Francisca Blande, 25 October, 1627. 
June, 1605. '^ Foster, p. 163. 

* S JcJy, 1605. ** Not at Pomfret 
» Kot at Fontefoaot. » Not at Ripon 

* Foster, p. 58. Slain at the Lde de Rhe, 29 

»4 



m 



PAVER 3 MARRIAGE LICENSES. 



1605. 

Laurence Birks, of Silkston, and Isabel Rhodes, of Barnsley, Wid. — at either place. 

George Dalby, of Leven, Gent,, and Ann Taylor, of Hornsea, Wid. — at either pLice. 

Christopher Hobson, of Lastingham, and Susan Etherington, of Crambe — at either 
place. 

Robert Cripling and Ann Wood, of York — at St. Martin's, Coney Street, or St. 
Michael-le-Belfrey, York. 

William Stones ^ and Elizabeth Pawson, dau' of John P., of Egglesfield — at EgglcE- 
field [Ecclesficld]. 

AVilliam Fenwickj'^of Gray's Inn, Esq., and Elizabeth Gargrave, dau' of Lady Ann 
[? Agnes] G., of Kinsley — at W>agby. 

Robert Hoope and Ann Johnson, of Brotton, Par. Skelton, Wid. — at Brotton. 

Arthur Rawson, of Bingley, and Elizabeth Hird, of Keighley, Wid. — at either place. 

Arthur Blakey, of Kildwick, and Cicely Wright, now of Ilkley, late of Maltby, Wid. 
—at Kildwick, Ilkley, or Maltby. 

John Kirk, of Hull, and Cicely Bell, of Cottingham— at Holy Trinity, Hull or Cot- 
tingham. 

John Aske and Ann Roundell, dau' of William R., of Plumpton— at Spofforth. 

Edmund Kaye, of Almondbury, and Ann Saville, of Thomhill, Wid. — at either 
place. 

Francis Stibby and Margaret Boulby, of Helmsley, Wid. — at Helmsley. 

William Benwell, of Crambe, and Elizabeth White, of Marton — at Marton. 

Anthony Eltofts,** son of Edward [? Edmond] E., late of Kildwick, Gent., deed., and 
Agnes Rawson, dau' of Agnes R., Wid., of Bayldon, deed. — at either place. 

John Gower. son of Nicholas G., of Stainsby, Gent., and Mary Yoward, dau' of 
Robert Y., Gent., deed,, now of Newton, Par. Stonegrave — at Stanegrave. 

Richard Skipton, of Pontefract,^^ and Margaret Skelton, of St. Michael's-le-Belfrey, 
York — at either place. 

Walter Grindall and Margaret Burdon, of Sinnington, Wid. — at Sinnington. 

John Burton and Ann Lambert — at North Newbold or Holrae-onSpaldiug. 

William Norton and Susan Turner— at Whitkirk, or Barwick, in Elmet. 

Brian Dodaworth, of Aisgarth, and Isabel Atkinson, of Middlehara— at Middleham, 
Aisgarth, or Askrigg. 

Francis Carter, of Newton-on-Ouse, and Frances Webster, of Hunsingore — at either 
place. 

William Warcup and Alice Yorke, of Bempton — at Bempton. 

John Ledgitt, of Whenby, and Margaret Shipton, dau' of John S., of Thornton, Par. 
Foston— at Whenby or Foston. 

GeoTfre Holroyd, of Lightcliflfe, and Mary Bell, dau' of Gilbert B., of Northouram— at 
Halifax or Ealand. 

William Morton, jun'.,^ of Holy Trinity, Kinsf's Court, York, and Margaret Hall, dau' 
of Henry H., Aldermai), of York — at All Saints Pavement, York. 

Ralph Lendom, of Weston, and Frances Saltmarshe, of Cottingwirth — at Cottingw irth, 
or Wheldrake. 

Francis Eelhouse, of Nowsome, Par. Whitkirk, nnd Bartheliman Wilkinson, dau' of 
Peter \V.,of Towthorpe — at Huntington. 

Peter Dickenson, of Holy Trinity, Hull, and Mary Halsey, of Cottingham— at either 
place. 

Christopher Ileeles, of Addle, and Isabel Fletcher, of Leeds— at either place. 



»» Took place 24 July, ir.05. 

M Foster, p. 09. Ecclesficld, p. 32. 

»• Foster, p. 801. Dugdalo, p. 327. 



»7 Not at Pomfret, 

» Took place 3 September, lf05. 



paver's marriage licenses. 213 

1605. 

Robert Summerscales, Gent, son of Robert S., of Newton, Par. Long^ Preston, and 
Priscilla Clayton, dau' of Richard C, Gent., of Wakefield, now of Bramham — at 
Long Preston, Wakefield, or Bramham. 

George Fox, of St. Nicholas, Nottingham, and Alice Ryder, dau' of Ralph R., late of 
Thurgarton— at St Nicholas, Nottingham. 

Samuel Wade, of Kirby Misperton, and Alice Maude, of Kirby Misperton — at Kirby 
Mispertou. 

Thomas Heblethwaite,® of New Malton, Gent., and Ann Hildyard, of Butterwick— at 
Butterwick. 

Sir Richard Trevor, of Trevale, co. Denbigh, Knt., and Lady Ann Mauleverer, 
Wid., of Allerton, Mauleverer — at Allerton, Mauleverer. 

John Cotton, of Thribergh, and Elizabeth Herdson, of Mexbro'— at either place. 

Robert Pannett, of York, Draper, and Mary Laycock, of Fewston — at Fewston. 

Thomas Hebden,** of Ripon, 'and Elizabeth Criplin, of North Stainley, Wid. — at 
Ripon. 

Abraham Atkinson,"*^ of Ripon, and Mary Robinson, of Ripon — at Ripon or Thornton. 

Alexander Wilson, of Grimston, and Ann Newlove, of Barton-le-Street — at Barton-le- 
Street. 

Joseph Booth, of St. Crux, York, and Mai^ret Wightman, of St. Margaret's, York, 
Wid.— at either place. 

Richard Smithies, of Gisbum, and Mary Hodgson, of Malton — at either place. 

William Hartley, of Gisbum, and Margaret Mitton, of Newchurch, Wid.— at 
Gisbum, Whalley, Newchurch, or Pendie. 

John Hebburne and Elizabeth Ratcliflf, of Selby — at Selby. 

Charles Atkinson, of Whixley, and Jane Thwaytes, dau' of Mary T., Wid. of 
Marston — at either place. 

John Fishwick, of Gowsner, and Jane Mercer, of Clitheroe, Par. Whalley — at Clitheroe 
[Dioc. Chester]. 

Edward Thornhill and Ann Marbhall, of Lieth, Wid. — at Lieth [Lythe]. 

W^illiam Binney, of Swinton, Par. Wath, and Mary Whittaker, of S win ton, Par. Mex- 
borough— at Wath, or Mexborough. 

William Thompson, of Newton Kyme, and Emote Armitt. of Newton Kyme— at 
Newton Kyme. 

William Poole and Helen Wescoe, of Kirkby Overblows — at Kirkby Overblows. 

William Johnson, of Ruston, and Frances Jackson, of Harpham — at Harpham or Low- 
thorpe. • 

Richard Banister, of Slaidburn, and Frances Edmonson, of Tatham— at either place. 

John Hopkinson and Susau Maude, of So werby bridge— at Halifax or Sowerbybridge. 

William Fawcett, of Bishopshill, sen', York, and Gertrude Ladley, of St. Michaers, 
York, Wid.— at either place. 

James Watkinson and Elizabeth Osbaldeston, of Hull — at Sculcoats. 

Brian Smith, of Fenton, and Mercy Ball, of Cawood — at Cawood. 

John Shaw and Jane Taylor, of Ludingden — at Halifax or Ludingden. 

Henry Jowett, of Whitkirk, and Elizabeth Cowpon, of Leeds '*^ — at either place. 

John Binks, of Leake, and Alice Browne, of Cowsby, Wid.— at St. Sampson's, York. 

William Brownells, of St. Sampson's, York, and Margaret Wawoe, of St. Michael's-le- 
Belfrey, York — at either place. 

• Dugdale's Visitation, p. 205. Where two band at Norton, 27 March, 1C47; Foster, p. 240. 
daut^htars arc omitted, Uoruthy and Jane, who «> 17 Sep., l«io5. 

died youuif. Mrs. Mebblethwaite was buried at *^ Not at Ripon. 

St. Michael's, Malum, 5 October, 1(509 ; her huA* «* At Leeds, 24 Oct., 1036. 



214 Paver's marriage licenses. 

1606. 

Anthony Thorold and Elizabeth Molyneux, of Feversall— at Feversall [Notts], 

Thomas Mason ^ and Jane Thornton, of Pudaey, Par. Calverley— at Calverley. 

George Robinson and Catherine Burton, of Whitkirk — at Whitkirk. 

William Varvill, of Bain ton, and Agnes Lessey, of Driffield — at either place. 

Simon Lofthouse, of Skelton in Cleveland, and Elizabeth Potter, of Ingleby, Wid. — 
at Skelton in Cleveland, Ingleby, or Greenhow. 

Francis Rountliwaite, of Patrick Brompton, and Ursula Davile, of Coxwold — at 
Coxwold. 

Henry Akeroyd, of Folkerthorpe, Gent. [Foggathorpe], and Ellen Stavelcy, dau' of 
Richard S., Gent., of Thoimanby — at Thormanby. 

Richard Husband and Agnes Shaw, of Giggleswick — at Gigglcswick. 

William Dixon and Emma Place, of Danby Forest — at Danby Forest. 

Henry Ness, of Newton, and Ann Crane, of St Sampson's, York — at St. Sampson's 
York. 

William Child, of Darfield, and Jane Watson, of Bolton-in-Dearn — at either place. 

John Dearlove and Elizabeth Bullock, of Knaresbro* — at Panuall. 

John Mowthorpe and Elizabeth Hardy— at Burlington or Boyuton. 

John Dyneley, of Swillington, and Judith Wasteneys, of Aston — at either place. 

Richard Lilly, of Calverlyy and Elizabeth Dawson, of Bradford, Wid. — at either place 

Peter Howgill and Dorothy Danson, of Pateley Bridge— at Pateley Bridge. 

Leonard Dickson, of Sandall, and Frances Stephenson, of Thornhill^at either place. 

Thomas Smith and Grace Scott, of Haworth — ^at Haworth. 

Richard Mosey and Isabel Oliver, of Skirpenbeck— at Skirpenbeck. 

William Saville and Alice Barroclough, of Halifax, Wid. — at Halifax. 

Christopher Appleby, of Beningbolme, and Ann Stephenson, dau' of Thomas S., of 
JSkirley, Par. Sv\ine — at Swine. 

Abraham Helliwell and Susau Sunderland, widow of John S.. of Halifcix — at Halifax. 

Richard Dickenson, junr., of Staveley, and Margaret Dickenson, of Burton Leonard — 
at either place. 

Christopher Dickenson/^ of York, and Joan Robinson, of Hull — at Holy Trinity, 
Hull. 

Thomas Middleton, of St. Martin's. Cong-street, York, and Ann Saville, of Wood- 
house, Par. Keighley — at Keighley. 

Christopher Sowerby, of Helms'ley, and Dprm ? [? Dorinda] Clapham, of Bolton 

Chauons — at Bolton Chanons. 

Edward Binks and Margaret Walker — at All Saints Pavement, or St. Michael'r lo- 
Belfrey, York. 

Robert Foster, of Famham, and Ellen IlaiTington, of Farnham — at Farnham. 

Philip Rousby and Elizabeth Taylor, dau*" of Marmaduke T., of Sledmere— at Sled- 
mere. 

Edward Vevers and Alice Farmer, cf Bray ton — at Bray ton, or Selby. 

Francis Midgley and Grace Midgley, of Brearey, Par. Addle — at Addle. 

Henry Smith, son of John S., and Mercy Waterhouse, dau' of Ellen W., of Sowerby 
Deane — at Halifax. 

William Pearson, of Hembrogborough, and Elizabeth Hirstwood, of Holy Trinity 
York— at Holy Trinity, York. 

Henry Puller, of Normanton-on-Trent, and Cassandra Stow, of Normanton-on-Trent — 
at Normanton-on-Trent [Notts], 

« Took place 8 Xov., 16 5. ♦♦ 15 Jany.j l(H)5-6. 



paver's marriage licenses. 215 

1605. 

William Bramhall, of Cawthome, and Alice Nutt, of Rotherbam — at either place. 

Robert Conlaton anil Dorothy Moore, of Hom?ey — at Horasey. 

William Bailey and Ann Fletcher, dau' of Richard F., of East Retford— at East 
Retford. 

Richard Godson, of Water [House], Par. Wheldrake, — at 

Wheldrake. 

Willinm Topham, of St. Michaers-le-Bclfrey, York, and Ann Nelson, of St. Micbacrs- 
le-Delfrey, York— at St. Micbael's-le-Belfrey, York. 

James Robinson, of St. John's, Micklegate, York, and Mary Clarkson, of St. Nicholas, 
Walmgate Har, Wid. — at St. John's, Micklegate, York. 

John Warde, of St. Crux, York, and Elizabeth Dealtry, of Full Sutton— at Full Sutton. 

Thomas Grame, of Lonsborough, and Ann Willimot, of Shipton, Par. Weighton — at 
Lonsborough, Weighton, or Shipton. 

Richard King, of Castle Clitheroe, and Margaret Battersby, of Slaidburn— at either 
place. 

Francis Hudson and Elizabeth Coldcole, of Leeds— at Leeds.*** 

Oswald Turley and Jane Hill, of Marston— at Marston. 

William Priest, alias Priestley, and Janet Fletcher, of Harwood — at Harwood. 

William Consett and Jane Gibson, of Lofbhouse — at Eothwell, or WakeBeld. 

Original Bellamy,** Gent., of Stainton, and Mary Chantrell, dau' of William C. — at 
Sandall Parva, or Kirk Sandall. 

Thomas Dickenson and Mary Otter, of Bilton — at Bilton. 

Robert Booth, of Ledsham, and Alice Leaper, of Bray ton, Wid. — at Leddham. 

James Bame, of Aldborough, and Alice Richardson, of Riston — at either place. 

John Gayton,''^ of Kirk Ella^ and Margaret Blakeston, dau' of William B., of Etton— at 
either place. 

Thomas Stead, of Oswald Kirk, and Ellen Orrey, of Ampleford — at either place. 

Francis Fletcher, Clk. V.D.P., Vicar of Tickhill, and Margaret Galland, of Tickhill, 
Wid.— at Tickhill. 

Christopher Tenant and Elisabeth Ryder, of Beggermonds [Beckurmunds], Par. 
Amcliffe — at Amcliffe, or Hoobaru [HubberholmeJ. 

Roger Catterall,*** of HoUym, Gent., and Mary Harrison, dau*" of John H., of Holy 
Trinity, Micklegate, York, Gent. — at Holy Trinity, Micklegate, York. 

Robert Harrison,*' Clk. , Vicar of Felis Kirk, and Judith Gilmin, dau' of Robert G., 
Clk., Rector of Kirby Underdale. 

Roger Ljchman and Mary Barnes, of All Saints, North-street, York, Wid. — at All 
J^aints, North-street, York. 

Thomas Atkinson and Janet Hall, of Leeds — at Leeds.^ 

Thomas Browne, of Cocklett, Par. Giggleswick, and Thomasin Edleston, of Hard* 
head, Par. Long Preston— at Giggleswick, or Long Preston. 

Thomas Saville, of Barton, and Jane Rishworth, of Normanton— at either place. 

Robert Laycock, of Kirk Leatham, and Jane Crawe, of Kirk Leatham— at Kirk 
Leatham. 

William Vescy, of Todwick, and Margery Bunting, of Rotherham — at either place. 

Miles Leyland ^^ and Grace Robinson, of Leeds, Wid. — at Leeds, or Rothwell. 

William Legard, of Bishop Burton, and Frances Blenkame, of St. 01ave*s, York — at 
St. Obve's, York. 

« 28 Deer., 1605. ** Took place 19 January, 1605-6, at Holy 

*• 1«8«. If arch 81, " Origlnall Bellamy." pri- Trinity, Micklegate, York. 

Moer, was buried at 8t. Mary's, Castlcgate, ^ 22 January, 1605-6, at Kirkby Underdale. 

York. ^ 4 Feby., 1606-6. 

*! Took place 22 June, 1606, at Etton. «i Not at Loed«. 



216 paver's mabriage licenses. 

1606. . 

Tliomaa Johnson, of Rotherham, and Catherine Swift, of Silkston— at either place. 

Robert Thompson, of BishopshiU, junr., York, and Max^garet Sisson, of Acombe— at 
either place. 

Christopher Richmond and Margaret Richmond, of Ripon — at Ripon.** 

John Nelson and Jane Singleton, dau' of John S., of Quisbum— at Guisbum. 

John Storr, Clk., of New Malton, and Elizabeth Mattison, of BishopshiU, senr., York— 
at BishopshiU, senr., York. 

George Ainley, of Halifax, and Janet Butterfield, of Bradford— at either place. 

Thomas Linley, of Almondbury, and Jane Mitchell, of Penistone — at Penistone. 

Henry Jepson, of Everton [or Marton], and Elizabeth Thompson, of Everton [or 
Marton] — at Everton [or Marton], [co. of Notts.] 

George* Hardcastle, of Batley,and Sybil Braithwaite, of Halifax — at either place. 

Thomas Jenkinson, of Loversall, and Elizabeth ChappeU, of Bamsley — at either 
place. 

Leonard Wallock, of Eirkby Malham, and Margaret Hey, of BraceweU — at either 
place. 

John Richardson, of Skeme, and Barbara Farley, of Filey, Wid.— at Filey. 

John Lound, of Hull, and Jane Tanfield, of St. Michaers, York— at St. Michael's, 
York. 

John Pearson, of St. Michaers, York, and AUce .Calverley, of Over Poppleton — at 
eitlier place. 

Thomas Herbert, Alderman, of York, and Alice Newark, of York — at St. Crux, or St. 
Sampson's, York. 

Brian Greenside, of Holy Trinity, King^s Court, York, and Mary Browne, of Cundall 
— at either place. 

Matthew Usher, of Stainforth, Par. Hatfield, and Alice Briggs, of Kirk Deighton — at 
Kirk Deighton. 

Simon Lye, of Hampsthwaite, and Mabel Myer, of Hampsthwaite — at Hampsthwaite. 

Robert Wood, of Bardsey, and Ann Smith, of Addle — at either place. 

Ralph Richardson^ and Margery Browne, of Egglesfield, Wid. — at Eggles6eld, 
Ecclesfield. 

Leonard Anthony and Isabel Hoope, of Skipsey — at Skipsey. 

William Clark, of Oswaldkirk, and Elizabeth Sowerby, of Helmsley — at either place. 

Miles Middleton, of Hull, and Edith Fell, of St. Dennis, York — at St. Dennis, York. 

John Hargraves, of Long Preston, and Ellen Procter, of Linton — at either place. 

"William Wilkinson, son of Richard W., of Gisbum, and Mary Parker, dau' of Dorothy 
Townley, alias P. , of Clitheroe — at either place. 

John Turner, of Duax, and Isabel Wardmau, of Harwood — at Harwood. 

Christopher Greaves and Mary Rich, of Penistone — at Penistone. 

William Laycock and Ann Edeson, of Saxton — at Saxton. 

Thomas Brooke, of Huddersfield, and Grace Gibson, dau' of Richard Q., of Hcpton- 
stall — at Heptonstall. 

Robert Porter, of Pontefract, and Isabel Clayton, of Arksey, Wid.-~at either place. 

Thomas Whitney and Ann Tattersall, of York, Wid. — at Saviour's, or AU Saints 
Pavement, York. 

Thomas Cross, of Dunington, Par. Bedford, and Ann Coslewood ? {sic), of Nunkeoliug 
— at Dunington, or Nunkeeling. 

WiUiam Swack ? (sic) [Swale] *^ and Aon Barker, of Kayingham— at Kayingham. 

Robert Peele, of Marfleet, and Ann Lawson, of Waghen — at Marfleet. 

M 6 Dec, 1605. »* There was a Chantry Priest in HoldernffM, 

w Took pLice tb Feby, 1005. called ' bwark." 



payer's marriage licenses. 217 



1606. 

John Wirdman, Clk., M.A., Vicar of Sutton Forest, and Jane Ball, of Sutton Forest 
— at Sutton Forest. 

John Gray and Ann Gargrave, of Wragby — ^at Wragby. 

Gervas Denton, of Sandall Magna, and Elizabeth Wilton, of Darfield— at either 
place. 

Jeremiah Eowcock and Isabel Riley, of Halifax — at Halifax. 

Robert Horton, of Bradford, and Edith Barroclough, of Halifax — at either place. 

Geoige Lockwood and Alice Gurdon, Wid. — at Holy Trinity, Hull. 

William Sharpe and Elizabeth Roper, of Keighley — at Keighley. 

# 

Lionel Roberts, of Sheffield, and Ann Poynton, of Dronfield — at Sheffield. 

William Thornton and Ann Geldard, of Sherburn — at Sherburn. 

Sir Roger Davile, Knt , of Angram Grange, Par. Coxwold, and Grace Gresn, of Filey 
Wid.— at Filey, or Scarbro*. 

Richard Bunting and Frances Longley, of Rotherham — at Rotherham. 

Robert Smith and Grace Robinson, of Leeds— at Leeds.^ 

Mathew Kaye, of Easingwold, and Agnes Bradford, of Brotherlon, Wid. — at either 
place. 

Richard Sugden, of Bingley, and Ann Beanland, of Keighley, Wid. — at Keighley. 

Gabriel Redmayne," of Crathome, and Mary Walker, of Hutton Rudby, Wid. — at 
either place. 

Richard Burgess, of Hull, and Ann Carleil, of Burlington— at Burlington. 

James Silliman, of St. Michael's, Spurriergate, York, and Janet Kent, dau' of John 
K., of St. Mary's, Castlegate, York — at St. Mary's, Custlegate, York. 

Henry Birkbeck, of Hornby, Par. Brougham, Gent. [co. Weston], and Ann Hutton 
of Hunwick, Par. Southchurch, Dioc. Durham, Wid. — at Southchurch. 

Richard Kildale and Jane Cockerell, of North Frodingham, Wid. — at North Eroding 
ham. 

Edmund Oxley, of Clayton, and Elizabeth Moore, of Dewsbury — at Dewsbury. 

Henry Castle, of Leeds, and Isabel Dickson, of Harstshead — at either place. 

Thomas Beck with, of Catton, Gent., and Jane Daniell, of Kiln wick — at either place. 

Lewis West,^^ of Rotherham, and Grace Torr, of Doncaster — at either place. 

John Milton and Isabel Rusby, of Pontefract — at Pontefract. 

Edmund Walker and Ann Honeybum, of Wakefield, Wid. — at Wakefield, or Horbury. 

Marmaduke Bullock and Mary Johnson, of Sandall Magna — at Sandall Magna, or 
Chapelthorpe. 

Reynold Allan, of Kettle well, and Alice Hogg, of Halifax — at Halifax. 

Francis Hobson and Elizabeth Greaves, of Penistone— at Egglesfield, or Penistone. 

Thomas Lockwood, of Almondbury, and Janet Binns, of Hudderafield, Wid. — at 
either place. 

John Holdsworth, of Mirfield, and Agnes Rayner, of Biratall — at Birstall. 

Thomas Hemsworth, son of Mathew H., of Whitkirk, and Mary Shillito, dau' of 
John S., of Leeds — at either place. 

Robert Tadcastle (qu. Hardcastle), of Holy Trinity, Goodramgate, York, and Ann 
Pinkney, of Skelton-in-Cleveland — at Skelton. 



*• 21 Mar., 1605-6. Sir William Ooscoigne, and Mary Scarffill, 

>• Porbiips the fifth Son of William Red- (iiurtees). 
inayne, of Harewood, by Isabel, daughter of '7 Huuter's Doncaster, ii., p. 18. 



218 PAVERS MARKIAGE LICENSES. 

1606. 

Ralph Charleaworth, of Barnsley, and Elizabeth Keresforth, of Cumberworth — at 
either place. 

John Clark and Agnes Lakeland, of Giggleswick — at Qiggleswick. 

William Sykes, of Leathley, and Catherine England, of Otley, WiJ. — at Leathley. 

Thomas Bray, of Wath, and Elizabeth Sinks, of Royston — at either place. 

Thomas Condon ^ and Ann Catterall, of Hollym — at Hollym. 

William Wood, of Holy Trinity, Goodramgate, York, and Isabel Levett, of Biilton 
Pel cy — at either place. 

William Rooke, of Bamsley, and Ann Rhodes, of DarSeld— at either place. 

Robert Portington.'i* of Tudworth, Par. Hatfield, and Isabel Darley, of Aldby, Par. 
Bossall — at Bossall. 

William Fisher and Ann Leake, of St. John's, Beverley — at St. John's, Beverley. 

Abraham Hinchclifife and Eleanor Bosville, of Ardsley — at Ardsley. 

Robert Rlakeston,^ of Holmo-on- Wolds, and Elisabeth Stephenson, of St. Mary's, 
Beverley — at either place. 

Michael Whitwood, of Brotherton, and Ann Smith, of Kellington, Wid. — at either 
place. 

Arthur Gray and Elizabeth Gainson ? {sic), of Gringley Hill, at Gringley Hill [co. 
Notts]. 

Robert Bentley, of Ripen, end Margaret Yates, of Topcliffe — ^at Topcliffe. 

Thomas Driver and Mary Pearson, of Ha worth — at Ha worth. 

Richard Blanchard and Mary Easingwood, of Seaton — at Seaton. 

John Bumsall,^^ of Hull, and Margaret Norman, dau' of George N., Gent, of Burton 
Salmon— at Holy Trinity, Hull, or Monk Fryston. 

Anthony Wilson, of Little Ouseburn, and Janet Clarke, of Aldborough — at either 
place. 

Gawin Pollard, of Snainton, and Mary Blacklock, of Sewerby, Par. Bridlington — at 
Bridlington, or Snainton. 

Leonard Foster and Cliristobella Butterfield, of Holy Trinity, King's Court, York — 
at Holy Trinity, King's Court, York. 

Ralph Hall, of Kirk Levington, and Dorothy Simm, of Northallerton —at either 
place. 

George Llacker, of Thornhill, and Ann Siddall, of Wakefield — at either place. 

Jenkin Scarr and Jone Scarr, of Askrigg— at Asgarih or Askrigg. 

William Armitstead and Janet Radcliffe, of Gisburn — at Gisburn. 

John Binks. of St. Michael's, Spurriergate, Yoik, and Beatrice Mortimer, of All 
Saints Pavtment, Yoik, Wid.— at either place. 

Francirt Hall, •'^ of All Sain's, North-street, York, and Joan Payne, of Holy Tiinity, 
Micklegate, York — at either place. 

Adam Preston, of Kirby Malham, and Jane Somerscales, of Preston — at Preston. 

Laurence Ibbotson and Ellen West, of Linton— at Linton. 

John Noble, son of William N., and Elizabeth Moone, dau' of Richard M., dec**., 
of Whitby— at Whitby. 

Robert Greaves and Elizabeth Hattersley, of Bradfield- at Bradfield. 

John Deighton and Ann Copley, of South Kirby — at South Kirby. 

Thomas Dawson and Ann Hussey, of St. Crux, York — at St. Crux, York. 

M Foftor, p. 507. «^ Poster, p. 568. 

>• Foster, pp. 87, 562. ^ Took place at All Saints, North street, 

«> Took place at Holme- on-tbo- Wolds, CO May, York, 20 Juno, 1 000. 
1600. 



paver's marriage licenses. 219 

1606. 

Thomaa Clerk, of Holy Trinity, Hull, and Agneg Keth, of Hutton Cushel^at either 
place. 

William Squire, of Ilkley, and Ann Smith, of Otiey — at t ither place. 

Miles Moody and Elizabeth Fawcett, of Ripon — ^at Kipou.^ 

John Colby,** of Blythbnrgh, co. Suflf., E-q., and Blary Calverley, of Beeaton, Par 
I eeds— at Leeds,'* or Bees' on. 

Henry Booth, of Colne, and Margaret Shepley, of Halifax — at either place. 

John Woody of Rither, and Jane Cowper, of Kirby Wharfe — at Rither. 

Abraham Hill and Rosamund Maude, of Halifax — at Halifax. 

Robert Pollanl, of High Hoy land, and Margeiy Cockerham, of Worswortb, oo. Ce:by 
— at High Hoyland. 

Richard Halstead, of Burnley, and Alice Mitchell, of Heptonstull — at either place. 

Richard Nicholson and Isabel Kettlewell, of Topcli£f— at Topcliff. 

Thomaa DoUiff and Marg iret Pease, of Castleford — at Castleford. 

William Deane,** son of Richard D., of Halifax, and Sarali Royse,*^ dau' of Thomas 
K., of Leeds — at either place.*^ 

Oeorge Hall, of St. Olave's, York, and Ann Robinson, of Sigston, Wid. — at St. OLvea, 
York. 

WiUiam Webster, son of W. W., of Foston, and Mary Mellow ? («c), of Hovingham, 
dau' of Thomas M., of Foston— at either place. 

John Mason, of Ripon, and Catherine Hodge, of Kirby Knowle, at either place.*' 

John Sharpe, of St. Helen's, Stonegato, York, and Catherine Carlcil, of Coxwold — at 
either place. 

Oeorge Marton,'^^ of Marton-in-Craven, and Mary Pearson, of Overton— at either place. 

James Denton and Frances Cud worth, of Darton— at Darton. 

Robert Dawson, of St. John's, Micklegate, York, and Barbara Cooke, of Nabum— at 
Nabum. 

Abraham Cawdrey, of Halifax, and Isabel Gledhill, of Ealand — at Ealand. 

William Boyse, of Welton, and Sybil Killingbeck, of H olden— at either place. 

Giles Oamson, of Tickhill, and Rosamund Gladwin, of Doncaster— at Doncaster. 

Christopher Robinson *^ and Elizabeth Browne, of St. Crux, York — at St. Crux, York. 

Henry Foster, of Harthill, and Ann Power, of Adwalton, Wid.— at either place. 

William Scroope, of Prov., York, Geot., and Ann Dyneley, dau' of William D., Esq., 
of Swillington — at iSwillington. 

Richard Scholeaeld and Isabel Bradley, of Darfield— at Darfield. 

Robert Cartledge, of Sheffield, and Ann Shaie, of Topcliff— at either place. 

Robert Cockson, of Aberford, and Agnes Mitchell, of Cawood, Wid. —at either place. 

Mathew Ingle and Elizabeth Totty, of Leeds— at Leeds. ?" 

Richard Simpson, of St. Michaers, New Malton, and Ellen Etherington, of Great Drif- 
field— at either place. 

John Oyerton,'' of Fasington, and Joan Snawsell, of Ellerton— at either place. 

John Sheppard and Elizabeth Cookson, of Hutton Pagnel— at Hutton Pagn L 

Robert Stell ? (He) and Ann Laycop ? (sic)^ of Whenby— at Whenby. 

Christopher Wayte and Alice Ellis, of Bamoldswick — at Barnoldswick. 

• f4 July. 1606. • Not at Ripon. 
•* Mr. Jo. Coulbie. ^ Poster, p. 287. 

• At Laeds, 8 July. 1606. 7i Took place 25 August, 1606. 
« DmpM. 7S M nep.^ 1606. 

« Bra. ^ Faster, p. 95. Poulaou'i* Uoldcmess, il., p. 

• At Lewis, SS July, 1606. 377. 



220 paver's marriage licenses. 

1606. 

CHristopher Stubley, of Birstall, and Agnes Qarbutt, of Bradford— at either place. 

John Noble and Ellicia Russell, of Whitby — at Whitby. 

James Gower,7^ of Stainton, in Cleveland, Gent., and Frances Paget, of Birkin, Wid. 
— at either place. 

John Hargraves and Margaret Blakey, alias Askham, of Colne — at Colne [Dioc. 

Chester]. 

Roger Creswick, of Egglesfield, and Margaret Barnes, of SheflSeld — at either place. 

Roger Spavin, son of Thomas S., and Elizabeth Boyes, of Appleton-le-Street — at 
Appleton-le-Street. 

Samuel Percival, son of Richard P., of S. Reckling, and Rachel Bellingham, dau' of 
Nicholas B., of Skeffliog— at either place. 

Joseph Fish, of Scarborough, and Margery Watson, of Scawby — at either place. 

William Clint, of Pannall, and Jane Cowper, of Kirkby Overblows — at either place. 

Richard Bume, of Sandhutton, and Grace Nelson, of Bowthrope, Par. Hemingborough 
— at Sandhutton, or Bossall. 

John Hed worth, of Chester Street, co. Durham, and Ann Graves, of Skelton, Wid. — 
at Skelton. 

Thomas Breres, of Thorn ton-in- Craven, Gent., and Bridget Barston, of St. Martinis, 
Micklegate, York — at St. Martin's, Micklegate, York. 

Cyprian Godfrey, of Gainsborough, co. Lincoln, and Margaret Beverley, of St. John's, 
Beverley— at St. John's, Beverley. 

Edmund Hayton, of Bramwith, and Mary Moore, dau' of Francis M., of Campsall— at 
either place. 

William Vale, of St. Nicholas, York, and Isabel Sheppard, of Sherbum — at either 
place. 

Robert Lee, of Colne, and Alice AkeroyJ, of Burnley — at Colne [Dioc. Chester]. 

Mathew Dun well.'* Clk., and Elizibeth Carville, of Moor Monkton — at Spofforth. 

W^illiam Wad worth, of [Meaux] Muse, Par. Waghen, and Ann Harrison, of St. Crux, 
York — at St. Crux, Yorit. 

John Goodyeare, ( f Arksey, and Elizabeth Williamson, dau' of Christopher W., of 
Bardsey — at either place. 

Robert Brass, '^ of Xorthallerton, and Catherine Meynell, dau"" of R. M., of Northaller- 
ton — at Northallerton. 

Brian Hirdson ? (sic), of Settle, and Ann Hamerton, of Long Preston— at Giggles wick, 
or Long Preston. 

Benjamin ? Hirdson, of Settle, and Ann Hamerton, of Long Preston — at Giggles- 
wick, or Long Preston. 

William Denham, of Bramwith, and Catherine More, dau' of Francis M., of 
Stillingfleet — at Bramwirth. 

Richard Deane, of Kilkenny, Ireland, and Jane Saville, dau' of William S., Esq., of 
Bingley — at Bingley. 

George Redhead, of Howden, and Dorothy Grimston, of Whitgift— at Whitgift. 

Timothy Wilson,' 7 of Fairburn, and Margaret Harbred, of Barnby Don., Wid. — at 
Ledsham, or Barnby Don. 

Ralph Fretwell,'^ of Hellaby, and Ellen Dawson, of Todwick, Wid.— at Stainton, or 
Todwick. 



9* Ti'ostcr, p. 267. liis wife, 1 August, K^O, to my ancestor, Sir 

7» I SCO, in my own Tltlo Deeds, tbnt on 25 Thomas Norcliffo, knight 

Juno. 1617, ho bought some land in Langton, 76 Took place 6 November, 1607. 

lfi.R.Y., being described as of Wetherby. On 77 Foster, p. 5*J7. 

19 Aug., 16*24, as of CoUingham, W.R.Y. This 78 Perhaps a second wife ; set Hunter, 1., p. 

land he passed by Fine, joined by Lucauna, 260. Foster, p. 619. 



paver's marriage licenses. 221 

1606. 

William Caverd and Sarah Willan, of Hull 79— at St. Mary's. 

John Banks and Alison Avison, of Holland Forest — at Bolton by Bowland. 

John Robinson,^ of All Saints Pavement, York, and Alice Jackson, of St. Dennis, 
York — at either place. 

Henry Noble and Elizabeth AUanson, of Whitby — at Whitby. 

Nicholas Rudston, of St. Lawrence*s, York, and Dorotliy Robinson, of St. Sampson*s, 
York, Wid. — at either place. 

Thomas Read and Isabel White, of Levesham, Wid. — at Levesham. 

Jo. Marton, of Leeds, and Margaret Brewerton, of Rodwell— at Leeds.^i 

Robert Seaman, of Ferriby, and Ann Hay ton, dau' of Philip H., of Hessle — at 
Bessie. 

Lawrence Pearson, of York, and Margery Thompson, of Kirklington— at Kirkling- 
ton [Dioc. Chester]. 

William Starke and Agnes Swale ? {sic), of Ottringham — at Ottringham. 

Gregory Richardson, of Burnby, and Jane Darcy? {sic), of Burnby, Wid. — at 
Bumby. 

John Richmond and Ann Wood, of Dringhouses — at Holy Trinity, Micklegate, York. 

John Smith, of Wakefield, and Ann Cowper, of Leeds — at either place.® 

Richard Wilson and Margaret Wood, of St. Michael's, Spurriergate, York, "Wid. — at 
St. Michael's, Spurriergate, York. 

Ambrose Townley, of Townley, and Ann Duckworth, of Burnley — at Burnley 
[Dioc. Chester J. 

John Settle, of Coniston, and Margaret Frere, of Kirkby Malzeard — at Coniston, or 
Bumsall. 

Robert Crawshaw and Alice Barugh, of Arksey, Wid. — at Arksey. 

Jo. Horaley, of Weaverthorpe, and Lucy Issons, of Holy Trinity, Micklegate, York — 
at Holy Trinity, Micklegate, York. 

Henry Blackburn, of Kirby-in- Cleveland, and Ann Kilvington, of Stokesley, Wid.— 
at Stokesley. 

Thomas Peele, of Bolton-by-Bowland, and Grace Duxbury, of Gisbum — at either 
place. 

Nicholas Hargraves, of Colne, and Margaret Manknowles, of Burnley — at either 
place [Dioc. Chester]. 

Herbert Davy,^ of York, Mercer, and Beatrice Hansby, dau' of John H., Gent., of 
New Malton — at St. Michael's, New Malton. 

William Moore,** of St. Mary's, Beverley, and Margaret Martin, of All Saints Pave- 
ment, York — at either place. 

William Popple, of Hull, and Elizabeth Hunter, of Thomton-in-Pickering-Lythe— at 
Thornton- in-Pickering-Lythe. 

Richard Tempest, of Leeds, and Ann Pigott, of Gisbum — at Gisbum. 

Geoi^e Cobb, of Full Sutton, and Margaret Northerby, of Skipwirth— at either 
place. 

Anthony Hopps, of Richmond, and Jane Nelson, of Ripon, Wid. — at Ripon.^ 

Richard Wilkinson, of Colne, and Sybil Killingbeck, of Leeds— at either placets 

Stephen Oxenard, of Brougbton-in-Craven, and Mary Wyrell, of Thorner— at either 
place. 

Thomas Ferrie, of Sk. Leonard's, New Malton, and Jane Birks, of BridlinHon Wii. 
— at either place. 

?» 34 Nov., 1606. « Took place 9 Dec, 1606. 

•• Tbok place 14 Nov., 1606. . «* Took place 15 Dec. 1G0«. 

" 85 Nov., 1606. M 11 Dec, 1606. 

« At Leeds, 9 Dec, 1606. m Is'ot at Leeds. 



_-i»_ ■'.' 



222 payee's mabhiaqe licenses. 

1606. 

William Thompson and Ann Strangwayeg, of Whorleton — at Whorleion, or Hutton 
liudby. 

Iiobert Nay lor and Mary Harrison, of St. Crux, York — ^at Sfc. Crux, York. 

John Forth and Margaret Fenton, of Askham Bryan — at Askham Bryan. 

William BaintoDi of Leeds, Qent., and Mary Qreenwood, of Woodkirk — ^at either 
place. *7 

Thomas Assendale and Ann Calvert, of Marton-in-Cleveland, Wid. — at Marton-io- 
Cleveland. 

John Lawson and Jane Swift, of Fishlake, Wid. — at Fishlake. 

Bobert Wharton, of Ruffbrth, and Jano Wright, dau' of Thomas W., of A combo-— at 
either place. 

Henry More and Dorothy Piokard, of Blithe— at Blithe [co. Notts]. 

Bichard Hewson, of Settrington, and Dorothy Birch, of Flambro* — at either place. 

Biohard Clarke, of Hull, and Ann Spencer, of Fangfoss— at Holy Trinity, Hull, or 
Fangfoss. 

Bichard Hewes,^ of Newton Kyme, and Grace Oglethorpe, dau' of William 0., Esq., 
of Northallerton — at either place. 

William Hoggard, of Filey, and Alice Russell, of Willerby — at either place. 

Harmaduke Aislaby, of Ugglebamby, and Ann Lealam, of Whitby, Wid.— at either 
place. 

John Hammond, of South Milford, Gent., and Elizabeth Gascoigne, dau' of Henry G., 
of Moorhouses, Par. Garforth, Gent. — at Sherburn-in-£lmet, or Garforth. 

James Stephenson, of Scrayingham, and Ann Beverley, of Brantingham — ^at either 
place. 

George West and Gertrude White, of Rotherham — at Rotherham. 

Brian Butler, son of Christopher B., of Wetherby, and Mary Stokeham, servant to 
the said Christopher— at Spofforth. 

John Metfurth, of Homsey, and Mary Hopper, of Sigglesthome— at either place. 

Bartholomew Linsdale, of Wakefield, and Catherine Hewitt, of Featherstone— at 
either place. 

Ralph Catlin, of Drypool, and Jane Potter, of Holy Trinity, Hull — at either place. 

Thomas Holcrof t, ^ son of Sir Thomas H., Knt. , and Mary Talbot, dau' of Lady 
Elizabeth Holcroft, alias T., of Kiunalton — at Kinnalton [co. Notts]. 

John Johnson, of St. John's, Beverley, and Ellen Gray, Wid.— at St. John's Beverley, 
or South Cave. 

John Wood, son of Anthony W., of Copmanthorpe, Gent., and Dorothy Wentworth, 
dau'of Michael W., of Wolley, Esq. — at WoUey. 

William Ralay, of St. Crux, York, and Gertrude Farmery, of St. Crux, York — at 
St. Crux, York. 

Alexander Hartley and Alice Barcrof t, of Colne — at Colne [Dice. Chester]. 

Thomas Belwood, Clk., Vicar of Bilton, and Margaret Emerson, of Sherbum— at 
either place. 

Richard Dickenson and Mary Pearson, of Leeds— at Lceds.^ 

Robert Hinks and Mary Bonner, of Burton Agnes, Wid. — at Burton Agnes. 

Christopher Barnard, of Lithe, and Agnes Marshall, of Ebberston — at cither place. 



w Kot at Leeds. of Henry Talbot, of Basball, who died 1570, 

» Not in '* Ingledow's Northallerton." having married SJilicent, daughter of Sir Jolin 

B9 He was son of Sir Thomas Holcroft, who Holcroft, of Holcroft ; Whitaker's Craven, 1812 

sold Vale Royal Abbey, Cheshire, by Elizabeth, p. 2^. 

daughter of Sir Edward Fitton. See Visi- *> 24 Jan., 160^-7. 

tation of Lancashire, 1613. She was daughter 



pavkk's aiauriage licenses. 223 

1606. 

Richard Poynton, of Dransfield, and Ann Shillito, of Went worth —at Wentwoith, or 
Wath. 

Christopher Dighton,'^ of St. Saviom'd, York, and Jane Browne, of All Saints, North 
Street, York — at either place. 

Edward Blocklej, of York Castle, and Jane Eudd, of Milforth — at Sherhum in 
£lmet 

Alverey Vevers, of Barwiok in Elmet, and Helen Rayner, of Batley — at Batley. 

John Birks, and Ann Austen, of Darficld— at Darfield. 

Edmund Smith, of Campsall, and Catherine Hodgson, of Womersley, Wid.— at either 
plaoe. 

Nicholas Townley, Esq., and Isabel Woodroflte, dau' of John W,, of Burnley, co. 
Lancaster — at Burnley [Dioc. Chester]. 

William Bawson, of Sherbum in Elmet, and Isabel Anlaby, dau' of Thomas A., Esq., 
of Etton — at either place. 

William Cullingworth, of Eirkby Overblows, and Jane Atkinson, of Ilkley — at either 
place. 

William Rymer,'^of Northallerton, and Biirbara Marshall, of Ainderby Steeple, 
Wid, — at Ainderby Steeple. 

George Dyson and Mary Webster, Wid. — at St. Michaers-le-Bclfrey, York. 

llalph Hick, of Walton, near York, and Catherine Wilson, of Kilvingbon, Wid. — at 
either place. 

Francis Thomhill and Mary North, dau' of Edward N. , of Cantley — at Cantley. 

Roger Leighton, of Moscroft, and Jane Harrison, of Broomfleet — at St. John's 
Beyerley, or South Cave. 

Robert Nottingham, of Askham Bryan, and Isabel Labum, of Copmanthorpe — at 
Ask ham Bryan, or Bishopshill, junr., York. 

Francis Hardy, of St. Crux, York, and Ann Foster, of St. Dennis, York, Wid. — at 
St. Dennis, York. 

William Outhwaite, and Jane Thornton,'^ of Hull— at Holy Trinity, Hull. 

Michael Metcalfe,^ of St. Michael's, Spurriergate, York and Frances Tancred, of 
BishopshiU, junr., York— at either place. 

Juhn Hotham, son and heir of John H., of Scarbro', Esq., and Catherine Rhodes 
[Rodesl, dau' of Sir John R., Knt., in house of Catherine Moore, Wid, in 
Blake Street-at St. Michael's-le-Belfrey, York.»- 

Oliver Markham and Isabel Bell, of Holy Trinity, Hull— at Holy Trinity, HulL«« 

Thomas Wilson, of St. Crux, York, and Margaret Lee, dau' of Henry L., of All 
Saints Pavement, York — at All Saints I'avement, York. 

John Stanfieldand Frances Ward, of Kirby Moorside — at Kirby Moorside. 

Richard Haigh, of Bradford, and Mary Wilson, of CoxwolJ — at either place. 

John Phillips and Alice Holdsworth, of Halifax — at Halifax. 

James Wilcock, of Elolack, and Jane Wright, of Bank Newton, Wid. — at Broughton, 
or Gargrave. 

Roger Wigglesworth, of Stainton, and Jane Wright, of Elalack— at Broughton, or 
Qargrave. 

Jasper Higgin, of Bradford, and Grace Cosin, of Farley — at Bradford, or Cawerley. 

Richard Lyon and Mary Homd,^*^ of Ripon— at Ripon.*^ 

« Took place 27 Jan., 1606-7, at All Saints « Took place 16 Feb., 160^7, at St. Michael- 
Pavement. le-Belfroy, York. 

« Not In " Inarledew'a Northallerton." « 15 Feb., 1606-7. 

« 1« Feb., 160fr-7. w Holmes. 

•• Took phwo IS Feb., 1606-7, at Bishopshill, » 7 April, 1607. 

Junior. 



ZZi paver's marriage licenses. 



1607. 

Nicholas Ball, of Sb. Mioliaers, York, and Elizabeth Kayo, of St. Mary'g, Castlegate, 
York — at either place. 

Richard Hcd worth, of Nowcastle-on-Tyne, and Margaret Waldby, dau' of William W. 
of Elloughton — at Elloughton. 

Edmund Roberts, of Kirkburton, and Rosamund Hall, of Mirfield — at either place. 

Thomas Rawson, of Bingley, and Mary Green of Burnley, Wid.— at either place. 

Thomas Stephenson, of Ogbaldwiok, and Susan Whitwell, of St. Olave's,' York— at 
either place. 

John Milner, of Sutton-in-Holdemess, and Margaret Burton, of Holy Trinity, Mickl6« 
gate, York — at Holy Trinity, Mlcklegate, York. 

Thomas Hyde and Ann Weddell, of Elvington— at Elvington. 

Richard Eaye and Grace Jackson, of Cowthorpe — at Cowthorpe. 

Marmaduke Murton and Margaret Bowes, of Appleton Wisk — at Appleton Wisk. 

William Atkinson, of Everingham, and Janet Reme ? {sic)^ of Lund, Par. Hembro' — 
at EveriBgham. 

Boniface Lud ? (sic), of Hull, and Margaret Brigham ? {sic), of Pocklington — at Holy 
Trinity, Hull, or Pockliogton. 

Rmulf Crewe, Esq., and Lady Julian Hesketh, Wid.'^ — at GoldsborougK 

Robert Pepper, of South Cowton, and Margaret Witham, of Lynton, Par. Spofiforth, 
Gent. — at South Cowton, or Spofforth. 

William Richardson and Elizabeth Nelson, of Bagby— atBagby, or Kirby Knowlc. 

John Pearson, of Holmpton, and Frances Gale, of Winestead, Wid. — at either place. 

Peter Pearson,^"® of St. Helen's, Stonegate, York, and Mary Thomlinson, dau' of 
John T., of Bifchop'hill, junr., York — at either place. 

Marraaduke Bolton, of PannaU, and Clara Plompton, of Spofiforth — at either place. 

Robert Brearclifife and Mary Rigby, of Buruley — at Burnley. 

Robert Roadhouse. of Wragby, and Dorothy Clarke, dau' of John C, of Kirkthorpe, 
alias Warmfield — at Wragby. 

John Warton, alias Walton, and Ann Sagar, dau' of William S., of Colne — at Colne, 
[Dioo. Chester]. 

John Lund, of Kellington, and Frances Hippon, of Brotherton — at Kellington. 

William Baikaton and Ann Holland, of Fenton — at Fenton. 

John Duncalfe ^ and Margaret Hall, dau' of Humphrey H., Clk., Rector of Pattring- 
ton — at Pattrington. 

Anthony Emondscn and Isabel Middlebrooke, of Carlton in Craven, Wid. — at Carlton 
in Craven. 

Lancelot Taylor (or Lawrence), of Carlton, and Isabel Squire, of Bumsall — at cither 
place. 

Robert Venice and Frances Osborne, of Lofthouse — at Lofthouse. 

Thomas Wynn, of Selby, and Jane Wilkinson, of Hembro' — at either place. 

Christopher Fug ill, of Hessle, and Mary Shillitoe, of Syudale, Par. Normanton— at 
Hedsle, or Normanton. 

w Widow of Sir Thomas Hcakoth, knight, first husband. Her family name was not 

Attorney of the Courts of Wunls and Liveries ; known to Colonel Fishwick, F.S.A., the author 

M.P. for liAncastev, 15'j7. He was the first of " Goosuar^'h," etc. 

EurchaKerofUaslingtonlfall, near York, which '«> Took place 19 April, 1G07, at Bishophill, 

y will d«ted 29 September, 15!.'9 (ho being then Junior. 
Rgcd 51), proved 1 Septemlwr, 1000, ho left to ^ Seo Foster's Visitation of 1585, p. 141 ; 

his brother, Cuthbcrt lleskcth, Attorney-at- Visitation of Cheshire, 1580, Uarloian Hocietv, 

Law, who died in 1029, His son Thomas had p 87; Poulson's Uolderness, il., pp. 446, 448, 

a licence to naarry. Lady Julian Crowe erected 450. 
the monument in Westminster Abbey to her 



PAVEu'a MARRIAGE LICENSES. 225 

1607. 

llicha 1 Fawke?. of Woodall, Gent., and Catherine Newark,^ of York — at St 
•Saiupson's, York. 

Robert Banks, of Pocklington, and Margaret Bateman, of AUerthorpe — at either place. 

William Darby, of Helperby, and Mary Chambers, of Thornton Briggs — at Brafferton. 

George Acklam, of Nunkeeling, and Ann Fenwick, dau' of George F., of Attenwick — 
at either place [AtwickJ. 

Robert Watson, of With em wick, and Margaret Witt, dau' of Mathew W., of Aldbro 
— at either place. 

Thomas Foster and Ann Smith, of Leeds — at Leeds.^ 

Robert Craggs and Agnes Webster, of Wressle- -at Wressle. 

Christopher Askwith, son of Thomas A., Gent., of St. Crux, York, and Julian Briggs, 
of St. Cuthbert'a, York — at either place. 

John Tennyson, son of Marmaduke T., of Riston, and Ann Hewerdyne, of Nafferton 
— at NafTerton. 

John Keresfortb, of Barnsley, and Ma'-giret Cudwortb, now of Wakefield — at either 
place. 

Allan Dunn and Elizabeth Meggison, of Reednesa — at Whitgift. 

George H Itnn, of Ashton, and Margery Smith, of Manchester — at Manchester, 
[Dioc. Chester]. 

Rdward Portington^ and Elizabeth Cook, of Ecclesfield — at Ecclesfield. 

Thomas Cook^on and Ellen Lodge, of St. Mar>'d Beverley, Wid. — at St. Mark's, 
Be\erley. 

Edward Waterhouse, son of George W., of Idle, and Ellen Slater, of Hillhouse, Par. 
Leeds — at Leeds. ^ 

Dennis Bainbrigg, of Scotton, Gent., and Joan Sal vine, of Birdsall— at Birdsall. 

John Banks and Bridget Brockden, of Slaidburu — at Slaidbum. 

Thomas Belwood,'' M.A., Vicar of Bilton, and Margaret Baynes, of St. Michaers, 
Spurriergate, York — at either place. 

William Vescy, of Tadcaster, and Ann Yeadon, of Colton, Wid. — at Bolton Percy, or 
Tadcaster. 

William Carruthers, of Ripon, and Margaret Hustler, of Kildwick — at either place.7 

Thomas Cawton, of Kilvington, and Dorothy Ross, dau' of Bryan R., of Carlton, 
Husthwaite — at either place. 

Bartholomew Hodgson, of Bridlington, and Elizabeth Buinton, of Muston — at either 
place. 

Thomas Simpson, of York, and Elizabeth Bulmer, of Kirkdale — at Kirkdale. 

William Glover and Helen Gemme f (sic), of Wakefield — at Wakefield. 

Edmund Clough, of Whitkirk, Gent, and Frances Vavasour, dau' of Sir Major V., 
Knt, of Weston— at either place. 

Henry Maslay, son of Thomas M., and Jane Lambert, dau' of Richard L., of Long 
Preston — at liOng Preston. 

Peter Marshall, of Marton in Holderness, and Ellicia Gibbon, of Flambro', Wid. — at 
either place. 

John Mayer, of Catwick, and Dionysia Overton, of Fitling, Wid.— at Catwick, or 
Humbleton. 

Arthur Beatson and Catherine Blacklock — at Holtby, or St. MichaelVle-Belfroy, 
York. 

• Daughter of Peter Newark, of A comb ; * Not In Gatty. 

Footer, pp. t»2, 100. Vint wife died 8. p. He * 1 Juno, ltJ07. 

died 26 August, 1647, aged 64, and wiw buried * Took place 21 May, 1C07, at St Mich lel's, 

the 26t]i, at 81 Mary's, Castlegate, York. Spurriergate. 

» 7 April, 1607. ' Not at Uipon. 

VOL. XI. Q 



226 



PAVERS MARRIAGE LICENSES. 



1607. 

Michael Prestwoofl, and Jane Scales, dau'" of Laurence S., of ITull—at Hessle, or St. 
Mary*8, Hull. 

"William Butterfiold, of Woodhouse, Par. Slaidburn, and Maud Geldart, dau*" of 
Thomas G., of Tosside — at Bolton by Rowland, Long Preston, or Slaidburn. 

George Osborne and Elizabeth Carleil, dau' of John C, of Snainton— at Brompton, or 
Snainton. 

Mathew Morland, and Margaret Morland, of Winton, Par. Kirkby Stephen, Wid. — 
at Kirkby Stephen. 

Richard Banks, of Bromfleet, and Alice Butler, of Stonogi-ave, Wid. — at either place. 

John Scales,^ of Beverley Park, and Ann Constable, of Great Hatfield — at St. John's, 
Beverley. 

Ralph Burton (as asserted), of Salton, and Margaret Stonehouse, dau' of Richard S., 
of Lastingham — at either place. 

Hugh Carter and Joan Shaw, of Huddersfield — at Huddersfield. 

PhUip Stapletoa,^ of Milford, Gent., and Dorothy Hill, dau' of Ann H., Wid., of 
PannaJl — at Sherburn in Elmet, or Pannall. 

Clement Shepley, of Hartshead, and Grace Pellington ? {sic), of Halifax, Wid.— at 
either place. 

Thomas Kitchiu, of Cracoe, Par. Rilston, and Ann Sponce, of Kettlewell — at Rilston, 
or Kettlewell. 

Tristram Taylor, Clk., Vicar of Hutton Wandesley, and Jane Morehouse, dau' of 
M., Gent., deed., of Hutton Wandesley— at Hutton Wandesley. 

Henry Brooke,'° of York, Merchant, and Frances Stephenson, dau' of John S., Gent., 
deed., of St. Martin's, Coney Street, York — at St. Martin's, Coney Street, York. 

Anthony Watt, of St. Michael's-le-Belfrey, York, and Ann Layton, dau' of Francis L., 
of Helmsley — at cither place. 

Alan Prickett, of Hawes, Par. Kirkby Kendal, Gent., and Ann Chambers,^' of St, 
Michael' s-le-Belfrey, York — at Beford. 

William Atkinson, of St. John's, Beverley, and Elizabeth Stancliflfe, of Skirlaugh — at 
either place. 

Ralph Copley, of Sprotbro*, Gent., and Janet Johnson, of Conisbro' — at Conisbro*. 

Richard Hepworth, of Almondbury, and Ann Bingley, of Kirkburton — at either 
place. 

John Holmes *- and Margaret Milnersou, of York, Wid.— at St. Michaers Spurriergate, 
York. 

Daniel Bynnion, of Holy Trinity, King's Court, York, and Jane Rudles, of Holy 
Trinity, King's Court, York — at Holy Trinity, King's Court, York. 

William Watter, son of Lawrence W., and Dorothy Whitelock, of Ripon — at 
Ripon.^3 

R. Browne, of Wawne, and Elizabeth Jackson, dau' of Roger J., of Wakefield — at 
Waghen or Wakefield. 

Ralph Dolman,^'' Clk., Rector of Everingham, and Ann Watson, dau' of John W., 
Clk., Vicar of Hutton Bushel — at Hutton Bushel. 



8 Took place 2 Jan., 1607-8. On my notes 
I find " Henry Skales et Anna Ccnstible, 
Genorosa/' 

* Philip Stapleton was uncle of Sir Philip, 
of Warter-onthe-Wold. 8eo Dugdale's Viei- 
tation, p. 226, and Foster's Yorkshire Ped?- 
grcea. He had a daughter, Dorothy, of the 
btapletons. •' Yorkshire Archfeological Jour- 
nal," p. 148. 

10 Took place 22 June, 1607. 

i» Probably daughter of Alan Chamber, aged 
16, 1581, by Ann, daughter of John Carleton, of 
Beeford, by Alice dau. of Walter Sti'ickland, of 



Sizergh, co. Westm. Possibly his widow ; 
whose grandmother was second wife of Sir 
Thomas Boyuton of Barmston. 

^^ Took place 26 June, 1607. She is called 
Millersou. 

»=» 15 Aug., 1607. 

1* Ralph Dolman was baptized 7 Jan., 
1570-1, Jit Pocklington, and buried 16 Dec., 
1618. His wife's mother was Elizabeth, 
daughter of Richard Remington, D.D. His 
only child, Mary, married Marmaduke Nor- 
cliffe, of Oswaldklrk, J.P. 



PAVEU'S MAllIUAGE LICENSES. 227 

1607. 

Richard Coafcea, of Swinton, Par. Appleton, and Mary Heslerton, dau<^ of Jo. H., of 
New Malton — at New Mai ton. 

James Smith and Eleanor Sayer, dau' of Francis S., Gent. — at Norton. 

Thomas Bowes,*^ of Appleton Wisk, and Isabel Tockets, dau' of George T., of Gis- 
burgh — at Appleton Wisk. 

Pobert Williamson, of Hull, Merchnnt, and Alice Howie, now of St. Michael's 
Spurriergate, York — ^at Holy Trinity, Hull, or St. Michael's Spurriergate, York. 

Godfrey Petty, of York, and Janet Knaggs, of Otloy — at Otley. 

Mark Snowdon, of Leeds, and Ann Carey ? («/c), of St. Martin's, Micklegate, York, 
Wid. — at either place.^^ 

Bartholomew Swainson and Margaret Hudson, of Campsall — ^at Campsall. « 

Richard Kidd, of Leeds, and Mabel Banks, of Burnsall — at either place.'' 

James Levett, of Askham, Bryan, and Helen Hill, of Monk Fryston — at Frieston. 

Richard Wilson, of Colne, and Elizabeth Ridehalgh, of Colne, Wid. — at Colne 
[Dioc. Chester]. 

William Dale, of Scamston, and Rebecca Bossall, dau' of Jo. B., Clk., Rector of 
Thwing — at Rillington, Thwing, or Scamston. 

Philip Ryson and Catherine Woodmansey, of Kirkella, Wid. — at Eirkella. 

Edward Armytage,^** of Kirklees, Gent., and Elizabeth Hanson, dau' of Edward H., 
of Almondbury — at Almondbury, or Hartshead. 

William Carr and Margaret Winn, of Bolton-by-Bowland — at Bolton-by-Bowland. 

Peter Marshall and Jane Beeston, of Hkley— at Ilkley, or Addingham. 

Robert Mirfyn, of' , and Elovinor Biinsley, of Markham Magna — at 

, or Markham Magna. 

Thomas Watlington, of Giggleswick, and Helen Moores, Wid. — at Giggloswick. 

William Kaye, of Dio. York, and Alice Boyes, of Leeds, Wid. — at Leeds.'^ 

Stephen Snell, of Winterburn, and Agnes Pnlleyne, of Fewston — at Gargrave or 
Fewston. 

Jo. Empson, of Hubie, and Jane Harper, dau' of William H., of Sutton — at either 
place. 

Percival Hobson, of Silkston, and Ann Norfolk, of Sheffield — at either place. 

Richard Airton, of Long Preston, and Janet Hargraves, of Colne — at either place. 

William Wirley, of St. Michael's-le-Belfrey, York, and Dorothy Lee, of Rothwell— at 
St. Michaers-le-Belfrey, York. 

Arthur Dunning, of St. Michaers-le-Belfrey, York, and Barbara Hall, of Holy Trinity, 
King's Court, York — at St. Michael's-le-Belfrey, York. 

George Kitching, of Snaith, and Elizabeth Freares, of Selby — at Selby. 

Thomas Knight and Catherine Woodall, Wid. — at Selby. 

Samuel Wilkinson, of Ledsham, and Elizabeth Hirst, dau'* of Henry H., of Ealand — at 
either place. 

Francis Norton, of Topcliffe, and Julian Hay ley, of Ripon, Wid. — at either place.^^ 

William Milner, of Royston, and Douglas Postlethwaite, wife {sic) of Henry P., Clk. of 
Armthorpe^ — at Armthorpe. 

Anthony Middleton and Alice Grange, of Ripon — at Ripon.^ 

James Oxenard. of Broughton, and Elizabeth Clayton, d&n' of Henry C, of Colne — 
at either place. 

M This marriage is not in Dugdalo's Visita- =' Not .it Ripon. 

tion, p. 320. 2j Uonry Postlethwaite became rector of 

w Not at Leeds. Armthorpo 23 May, 1574, and died 1617. For 

w At Leeds, 1« July, 1607. •• wife " read " daughter." 

»• Took place 22 Oct., 1607. " Not at Ripon. 
«>23Jufr,1607. 

Q2 



228 pavkr's marriage licenses. 

1607. 

Charles Elaley, of Ripon, and Jane Haywood, dau' of Fabian H., of Kirkby Malzoard 
— at either place.*-^ 

John Copley,^ son of Michael C, of Hotham, and Catherine Pollard, of Qrimston, 
Par. Kirkby Underdale — at Kirkby Underdale. 

Roger Cottam, of Holy Trinity, GooJramgate, York, and Susan Bryan, of St. Helen's, 
Stonegate, York — at Holy Trinity, Goodramgate, York. 

Simon Sutton, of Skirtenbeck, and Mary Richardson, of Bishopshill, senr., York - at 
BlBhopshill, senr., York. 

William Blackman, of Rawmarsh, and Jane Foljamb, of Silkston — at either place. 

Henry Bate,^ Clk., M.A., Rector of Aston, and Ellen Hardstaff, of Aston. 

Edmund Smith, of London, Gent., and Bridget Swale, dau' of William S., of Wetherby 
— at Spofforth, or Wetherby. 

Jo. Walker, of Birstall, and Sybil Chamley, of Bradford — at either place. 

William Aldersley, of Bradford, and Helen Haworth, of Buruley— at Burnley. 

Francis Grantham, of Langton, co. Lincoln, Esq., and Jane Hut'^hinson, of RadclifTe- 
on-Soar, dau' of Thomas H., of Owthorpe, dec** — at Radcliffe-onSoar, co. Notte. 

Michael Waterhouse, of Breadgates, Par. Halifax, aud Mary Sharpe, of Horton, Par. 
Bradford — at Halifax. 

William Lawson, of Spoflforth, Gent., and Helen Batty, of Knaresbro' — at Spofforth. 

Robert Nettleton, of Sheriff Hutton, and Frances Gower, of Sheriff Hutton— at 
Sheriff Hutton. 

Robert Foster, of Royston, and Isabel Taylor, of Kirkthorpe — at Royston. 

Edmund Wilson and Isabel Tennie, dau*" of Thomas T., of Sibthorpe — at Kirkbam. 

William Power, of Newcastle-on-Tyne, and Ann Smith, of Aldfield — at Ripon, or 
AldEeld. 

Anthony Lister, of Gisburn, and Elizabeth Parker, of Slaidbum— at either place. 

liroughwell Lloyd and Honour Procter, dau' of Sir Stephen P., Knt. — at Ripon. 

Edward Copley, of Thomhill, and Mary Dymond, of Wakefield— at either place. 

Robert Hargraves, son of Robert H., and Mary Binns, dau' of John B., of Hipper- 
holme — at Halifax. 

Nicholas Boville, of Holy Trinity, Goodramgate, York, and Mary Thompson, of St. 
Michaers-le-Belfrey, York, Wid. — at Holy Trinity, Goodramgatj, York. 

George Birks,*^ and Margaret Jepson? (^ic), of Ecclesfield, Wid.— at Ecclesfield. 

Ralph Humfrey and Catherine Rymer, dau' of William R., of Northallerton— at 
Northallerton. 

William Newby, of Saxton, son of Edward N., of Biggin, Par. Fenton, Gent., and 
Troth Cordeux, of Hatfield— at Saxton, Fenton, or Hatfield. 

Thomas Cutler,^ of Silkston, and Jane Popley, of Wolley — at WoUey. 

Josiah May, of North Feriby, and Susan Wawne,of St. Mary's, Hull, Wid. — at North 
Feriby, or St. Mary's, H uU. 

Thomas Maahley, of Cottingham, and Margaret Hudson, of Kirkbum, Wid.— at Cot- 
tingham. 

Henry Weare, of Easingwold, and Mary Dealtry, dau' of William D., of Full Sutton 
—at Full Sutton. 

John Wray,3" Esq., son and heir of Sir William W., Knt., and Grissell Bethell, dau' 
of Sir Hugh b., Knt., of Kllerton — at Ellerton. 

** Not at Ripon. 7 September, 1627 (M.I.). 

^ Took place 17 Aug., 1607. Blie was *» T<*ok pLico 13 Jan., 1607-S (ReffiRters). 

daughter of John Bourcuier. Foster's Visita- » Hunter's DuncasUr, ii., p. 'itJO; Foster's 

turns, p. 508. Visitation, 1612, p. 510. 

26 Henry Bat«, M. A., was instituted to the «» Xook place 26 Sept., 1007. Ha w s 

Rectory of Aston 17 Oct., 1605, and died baptized 27 Nov., 1586, knighted 7 Juno 



PAVERS MARRIAGE LICENSES. 



220 



-, of Lastingham, 



1607. 

Christopher Tucker, of Thomton-in-Pickering, and Emote 

Wid. — ai Lastingham. 

James Oddy, of Runin^ton, and Sybil Hird, of Chatburn, Par. Dowuham, Wid. — at 
Giaburn, or Downham. 

Edward Hemingway and Mary Booth, dau' of John B., of Halifax — a*: HalifaiL. 

James Pape, of St. Nicholas, Holmechurch, and Ann Coulson, dau' of William C, of 
St. Mary's, Beverley — at St. Nicholas, Holmechurch. 

Thomas Burton, of Easby, and Elizabeth Pinkney, of Richmond — at Easby. 

Stephen Hammerton,^^ Qent., and Mary Lister, dau** of Lawrence L., of Thomton-in- 
Craven — at Thomton-in-Craven. 

John Bayne and Isabel Thompson, of Spofiforth — at Spofforth. 

John Hemingway and Elizabeth Woodhouse, of Mouk Fryston, Wid. — at Monk 
Pryston. 

Michael Hopkinson, of Shibden Hall, and Susan Oate?, of Halifax — at Halifax. 

Christopher Williamson, of Bardsey, Gent., and Priscilla Barker ? (^), of Sandall 
Magna — at either place. 

Philip Constable, 3^ Gent., son and heir of Marmaduke C, of Wasand, Esq., and Mary 
Moore, dau*" of Ralph M., Gent., of Bewick, Par. Aldburgh — at Sigglesthome, 
or Aldburgh. 

Edward Newton, son of Leonard N., and Helen Wilson, of Whitby — at Whitby. 

Edward Gall and Ann Buck, dau*^ of George B., of Patrington — at PauU. 

Thomas Darby and Margaret Coulson, of Paull, Wid. — at PaulL 

Thomas Ferryor ? {sic),^ and Alice Cowper, of Hull,** — at St. Mary's, Hull. 

Thomas Howson, of Horton, and Rosamund Skelton, dau** of Richard S., of Addle — at 
either place. 

Ralph Pollard, son of Gawin P., and Catherine Blaoklock, of Brompton — at Brompton. 

Henry Batman, of Copmanthorpe, and Mary Deighton, of Hutton, Wandesley, Wid. 
— at Marston, or Copmanthorpe. 

Dakixis Constable,^ of Sherbum, Gent, and Elisabeth Stables, dau*" of George S., of 
Wheldrake— at Wheldrake. 

Thomas Launde,^ son of Robert L., dec*" and Grace Dalby, dau"" of George D. dec'' 
of St. Lawrence's, York — ^at St. Lawrence's, York. 

Edward Currer, Clk. and Susan Harvey, dau' of Christopher H., Clk. of Skipworth — 
at Skipworth. 

John Coppendale, of Eastrop, and Jane Lowthorpe, of Elton, Wid. — at Elton. 

Robert Smith, son of Edmund S., and Jane Smith, dau' of Edmund S., of Nun-Burn- 
holme — at Bumholme. 

Robert Laybume, of Methley, and Elizabeth Goodricke, of Oulton, Par. Rothwell — at 
Methley or Rothwell. 

Christopher Lamplugh, son of Thomas L., Gent, of Ru8t:)n, and Ann Ro]:er,^7 of 
Thwing — at Ruston or Thwing. 



(Sept), 1612. Created a baronot 13 Aug., 
1617 ; M. P. for co. Lincoln. Buried 31 
Dec, 16.W, at Olentworth, where his wife 
was buried, 26 Jan., 1653-4. 

»» Took place 6 Oct., 1607. 

» He was baptized 6 Jan., 1503-4, at St. 
Michael-le-Belfrey, York ; married 21 Oct., 1607, 
at Ooxhill, E.R., where he waa buried 16 May, 
1618, having been killed in a duel on the 16th 
by Us wife's first cousin, Mr. Edward Percy, 
baptLced at St. Mary's, Beverley, 26 Oct., 10U4 : 
died 27 Aug., 1680 (M.I.X at Put worth. 
See the Henud and Geneali^gist. voL viii, pp. 
O04-507. This yoimg couple remarried at 8t. 
Michael-le-Belirey, York, 21 April, 1622. The 



widow bad a license to marry again 18 Jan., 
161l»-20, bore eleven children to her second 
huaband, John Constible, of Catefuss, and was 
buried 12 May, 1678, at Thormauby. 

** Ferrier. 

••»♦ 3 Nov., 1607. 

** T«>ok place 2 October, 1607. 

^ Took place 29 Octolx>r, 1607. Ho became 
al.iorman 17 March, 1523-4; resigned lji8. 
They had Matthew, Barnard, Thomas, Grace, 
and ([ believe) George. I belie vu he was buried 
at Whenby, N.U., 2.S July, 1544. 

•*' 8eo Foster's Visitntion, 1585, p. 165, where 
she is called daughter and co-heir of Thom.u» 
llopcr (if Ucton. 



230 tAVER*s makhiace licenses. 

1607. 

Thomas Watliugton, of Giggleswick, and Helen Moorcs, of Padiam, Par. Whalley, 
Wid. — at either place. 

William Strickland, of Burlington, and Lucy Wilkinson, of Burlington (or Huttou on 
Derwcnt) — at either place. 

Robert Qedney,*' of Elstemwick, and Isabel Hudson, of St. Martin's Coney strejt, 
York — at St. Martin's Coneystreet, York. 

Robert Nightingale, son of Robert N., of Whitby, and Cicely Armstrong, dau' of 
Lancelot A., of Thornton in Pickering — at either place. 

Thui-stan West, of Firbeck, Gent., and Sarah Frankish, dau' of John F., of Tickhill, 
dec** — at either place. 

Richard Metcalfe, son of John ^I., dec** of Kilburn, and Helen Tiplady, dau' of Simoa 
T., of Coxwold, dec** — at either place. 

Christopher Laycock,**® of St. Michael's-le-Belfrey, York, and Edith Ballaud, of St. 
Olave's, York — at either place. 

Jo. Waterhouse and Grace Armytage, of Almondbury— at Almondbury. 

Richard Bennington, of Myton, Par. Hull, and Elizabeth Wetherell/^ dau*" of John 
W. of Beverley — at Holy Trinity or St. Mary's, Hull. 

RiUph Robinson and Beatrice Cayley, dau*" of John C. of Attenwick in Holderuesa — 
at Attenwick in Holderness. 

James Burton, of Skipton, and Ellen OldGeld, of Gargrave — at either place 

Thomas Croft, of Easington, and Mary Alne, of Burrell, Par. Bedall — at Bedall. 

Richard Gray, of Leeds, Gent., and Mary Killingbeck, [of Leeds — at Kippax, or 
Leeds.^^ 

William Hewlot ? Ulietson ? (a/c), and Margaret Kelsey, of Ottringham —at Otti iug- 
ham. 

Leonard Dixon, of Thonihill, and Frances Stephenson, of All Saints', Pavement, 
York — at AH Saints', Pavement, York. 

Walter Carleton, of Bedford, and Jane Gibbon, of Horusey — at Homsey. 

Alexander Aspinall and Susan Banister, of Clitheroe— at Clitheroe [Dioc. Cheater]. 

Richard Wasse,^- of Cowesby, and Ann Sayer, of Kearby — at Kearby, Cold Kirkby. 

William Thornaby and Janet Thompson, of West Runkton, Wid. — at West Runkton. 

W^illiam Stubba, of Snainton, and Mary Nesficld, of Kirby Underdale — at Kirby 
Underdale. 

George Allan, of Burythorpe, and Elizabeth Cooke, of Dringhouses, Wid. — at Holy 
Trinity, Micklegate, York. 

Christopher Newton, of Malton, Gent., and Ann Stockall, of New Malton, Wid. — 
at New Malton. 

James Blacklock and Ann Wilson, of Holy Trinity, Hull— at Holy Trinity, HuU.^' 

James Wilcock, of Thornton, and Margaret Hargraves, of Bracewell — at either place. 

Robert Palmer, of Bridlington, and Jane Harrison, of Birdsall— at either place. 

Ralph Marshall,^^ of St. Michaern, Spurrier Gate, York, and Margaret Busfield, of All 
Saints', Pavement, York — at either place. 

Richard Oglethorpe, of Guiseley, and Sarah Oldfield, of Harewood, at either jjlace. 

Christopher Pcrcehay, of Stokesley, and Margery Blackburn, of Kirkby in Cleveland 
— at Stokesley. 

Thomas Hardwick, of Marton, Par. of Sinnington, and Elizabeth Skelton, dau' of 
William S., of Marton, Par. of Sinnington — at Sinnington. 

8* Took place G November, 1607. Saints, Pavomciit. 

«» Took place 9 November, 1007, at St. « 25 Nov., 160 r. 

Olave's. ♦* Richard Oglethorpe tiiarriod Frances 

*o 12 Nov., 1C07. Jackson at St. Olave's, York, 14 November, 

*» At Leeds, 2 Deer., 1007. 1000 ; sco Fost«r's Vialtations, p. 815. 

*« Took place 2'J November, 1G07, at All 



paveu^s marriage licenses. 231 

1607. 

Edward Neltborpe,^^ of Beverley, Gent., an I Elizabeth Freeman, dau' ol Ra'ih F., 
deed., of Beverley —at St. John's, Beverley. 

John Westoby,"*® of St. Martin's, Coney Street, York, and Margery Whitelock, of 
Holy Trinity, York — at either place. 

Richard Dyneley, of Swillington, and Elizabeth Wilkinson, of Kippax— at Swilling- 
ton. 

Jo. Sca^lethorpe, of Huby, and Frances Watkinson, of Marten, daa' of William 
W. — at Marton or Sutton Forest. 

John Robinson, of Brafierton, and Juliana Richmond, of Ripon, Wid. — at either 
place.** 

I'homas Day, and Jane Cliflfe, of A ugh too, Wid. — at Aughton. 

Thomas Wilkinson, of Elland, and Sarah Scholefield, of Birstall — at either place. 

Williana Gibson, of St. Sampson's, York, and Emote Langton, of Holy Trinity, King's 
Court, York — at either place. 

Edward Smith, of St. Crux, York, and Ann Swearde, dan"" of Thomas S., of Holy 
Trinity, Micklegate, York — at Holy Trinity, Micklegate, York. 

William Smith and Jane Porter, of Hatfield — at Hatfield. 

Jo. Heaton, of South Kirby, and Mary Eastfield, of Taukersley— at either place. 

William Greave, of Guiseley, and Catherine Ward, dau*" of William W., of Fewston 
— at Fewston. 

John Hunter, of Guiseley, and Isabel Green, of Leeds — at either place. '•^ 

Thomas More, of Hull, and Catherine Norton, of Whitkirk — at Whitkirk. 

Thomas Carr and Ann Ainsworth, of Halifax — at Halifax. 

Thomas Horner and Elizabeth Hartfurth, dau' of William H. — at Leeds.** 

Thomas Homer and Mary Hartfurth, Wid. — at Leeds. 

Thomas Topham, of Patelybridge, and Faith Hardcastle, of Patelybridge — at Pately- 
bridge. 

James Harwood, of St. Nicholas, Newcastle, and Joan Western, of Rawmarsh — at 
either place. 

Bobert Fowbery,^^ of Hull, and Ann Glentham, of St. John's, Beverley— at St. 
John's, Beverley. 

John Coventry, Gent., and Elizabeth Gower, of Sheriflf Hutton — at Sheriff Hutton. 

John Ickringill, of Kildwick, and Mary Wood, of Aberford — at Aberford. 

James Philips, of Adwick-le-Street, Gent., and Maud Rye, of Doncaster — at Adwlck- 
le-Street. 

Thomas Agar,"**- of Huntington, Gent., and Jane Wadsworth, of Huntington — at All 
Saints', Pavement, York. 

Bobert Dewhirst, of Marton-in-Craven, and Jane Silverwoocl, of Long Preston— at 
either place. 

John Lister, of York, Gent., and Catherine Burrell, of St. Saviour's, York — at St. 
Saviour's, York. 

George Laycock, of Otley, and Grace Dodo ? {sic) Qu. Dade ? — at Otley. 

Robert Lowthorpe, of Etton, and Ann Pattison, of Cheriburton— at Etton. 

John Constable,*^ son of Joseph C, Esq., and Margaret Creswell, of Nunkeeling — 
at Nunkeeling. 

« Took place .1 May, 1608. Fowberio, Kiiisratoiiionsls Ludimagiatcr, et 

<* Took place 6 December, 1007, at St. Mar- Anna Glcntiin." 

tins, Coneystroet. ** Took place 12 January, 1607-S. 

** Ripon, 16 Dec, 1607. ** The marriage register begins only in 165t>. 

<* Kot at Leeds. Katherino, daughter of John Constable, was 

» .SO Deer., Id07. baptiaed at Nunkeeling, 29 Dooembor, 1008. 

»> Took place 1007-K, Januarj' P. •* lli»bcrtu» 



232 PAVEli's MARRIAGE LICENSES. 

1607. 

George Ferraud, of Bingley, and Margaret Leach, of Otley— at either {lace. 

Mathew Thompson, of Bolton, and Isabel Risley, of Sheriff Hatton— at Bolton. 

Thomas Jackson, of Campsall, and Isabel Buckle, of Campsall— at Campsal!. 

John White aud Ann Preston, of Hull— at Holy Trinity, Hull." 

Thomas Tempest, of Leeds, and Mary Oglethorpe, of Oglethorpe — at Bramham. 

Mathew Thompson, of BrothertoD, and Elizabeth Thornhill, of Sherburn — at e ther 
place. 

Thomas Carke, of Hornby, and Joan Jackson, of Hornby — at Hornby. 

Robert Keild, of Headon, and Ellen Martin, of Holmpton — at Holmpton. 

Francis Thomlinson and Ann Goodgion ? (sw), of Skipton — at Skipton. 

Hugh Bower, of SheflBeld, and Elizabeth Stones, of Thurnscoe — at Thumsco'*. 

Edward Cook, of Campsall, and Dorothy Wilson, of Snaith, Wid, — at Campsall. 

Christopher Lindley, of Ham Hearne, and Beatrice Logan, of Lockington, Wid. — 
at Lockington. 

Thomas Marsley and Margaret Smith, duu*^ of Henry S., of Long Preston, d^c** — at 
r Long PrestoD. 

Roger Barton, of Drax, and Ann Wightman, of St. Paul's, Heslington — at St. Paul's, 
Heslington. 

William Browne and Susan Varley, of Horton, Wid. — at Qisburn, 

John Abbott, of Usflett, and Isabel Pattison, of Wressle — at Wressle. 

Humphrey Brabiner and Jane Milnes, of Foston — at Sutton or Foston. 

William Horocastle and Janet Frisby, of Holy Trinity, Hull — at Holy Trinity, 
' Hull." 

Josiah Johnson and Janet Potter,^^ of Hull — at Holy Trinity, Hull. 

Alexander Holden, Vicar of Bardsey, and Bridget Barker, of Thomer — at Thorner. 

Lawrence Langhorne,*'^ of St. Helen's, Stonegate, York, and Ann Robinfeon, of 
St. Helen's, Stonegate, York — at St. Helen's, Stonegate, York. 

Thomas Fawkes,^ of St. Martin's, Coneyptreet, York, and Jane Fawkes, of St. 
Martin's, Coneystreet, York — at St. Martin's, Coneystreet, York. 

Robert Parkinson, of Cowthorpe, and Elizabeth Jackman, of Cowthorpe— at Cow- 
thorpe. 

Edward Micklefield, of Bolton, and Grace Wood, of York —at St. Michael'ij {sic). 

Robert Brigham,^^ of York, and Dorothy Mewbum — at St. Mai-garet's, York, or Holme - 
on-Spaldingmore. 

Thomas Key, of Wetherby, and Ellen Fowles, of Wetherby — at Wetherby. 

Oswald Chambers, of Rither, aud Faith Teale, of Kexby — at Catton. 

William Brocklebank and Ann Horncastle, of Hull— at St. Mary's, Hull.** 

Thomas Micklethwaite,*'^ and Mary Maxfield, of St. John's, Beverley— at St. John's, 
Beverley. 

Richard Green, of Amsnm ?(.v/c) and A vice Bentley, of Pannall— at Pannall. 

Ldward Green, of Cawthoin, Gent., and Mary Burdett, dau' of Richard B., of Pcni- 
stone — at either place. 

Thomas Squire, of llkley, Cordwainer, and Margaret Hudson, of Ilkley— at llkley. 

Thomas Raikes and Mary"- Sugcr, of Ilull-at Holy Trinity, Hull." 

w 3 Febv., 10^7 8. SjvildlngTnorc.*' 

« 31 Juiiy., 1607-8. «" 7 Feb., Ih07 8. 

^« :n Jany., l(K)7-8. *' Took place 11 Fcbrn.iry, 1007-8. He is 

'7 Took place 31 January, 1007 8. On my fty led "Coiicianator." Scu •* The Genealogist," 

notes I find " Lancelot," iuxtead of** I^wicuuo." by G. W. Marshall, LL.D., 1K77, vol. i., p. 248. 

» Took place 31 January, 1607-8. " Marie. 

M» Took place 1607-8, at St. Maigaret'H, York. « 7 Feby., 1607 8. 

She is called " Dorothy Maf^'burn, of Holtue iu 



PAVEli's MAKKIAGE LICENSES. 'Z-^S 

1607. 

CbrUtopher Seclg6eld, of Sheffield, and Mary Aldam, of Sheffield — at Sheffield. 

Alexander Cowper, of Leeds, and Elizabeth Hopkinson, of Leeds, Wid. — at Leeds. "^ 

Dennis Dickson and Susan Gibson, of Sherbum — at Sherbum. 

James Emmot, of Colne, and Ann Swayne, of Colne — at Colne [Diocese Chester]. 

Jo. Jackson, of Easingwold, and Mary Steel, of Easingwold — at Easingwold. 

Christopher Crosby, of Bulmer, and Ursula Fitchet, of Bulmer — at Bulmer. 

^Nicholas Smith, of Warter, and Dorothy lUcharddon, of St. Mary's, Beverley — at 
St. Mary's, Beverley. 

John Browne, of Aldwork, Par. Holy Trinity, Qoodramgate, York, and Alice Meyuell, 
of St. Saviour's, York — at St. Saviour's, York. 

William Eske, of Hundell, Par. Ackworth, and Emote Huntingdon, dau' of Henry H., 
of Ackworth — at Ackworth. 

John Cliffe, of Doncaster, and Jane Austwick, of Hatfield, Wid. — at either place. 

Thomas Bilbrough and Helen Beckett — at Spoffi^rth, or Brotherton. 

'J'homas Bawmer ® and Judith Taylor, of Bull, Wid.— at Holy Trinity, Hull. 

William Arthington,*^^ son of Cyril A., Esq., of Addle, and Ann Tancred, dau' of 
Thomas T., Gent — at Addle. 

William ^laxwell, of Hull, and Julian Jefferson, of Skiteby— at Holy Trinity, Hull. 

George Swann, of St. Mary's Hull, and Elizabeth Spence,^' of St. Mary's, Hull — 
at St. Mary's, Hull. 

Edward Long, of York, and Catherine Cooke, of Santon — at Santon. 

Thomas White, Clk., Rector of Melsonby, and Agues Bent, of Topcliffe— at either 
place. 

Thomas Rodley, of Dewsbury, and Martha Broadley, of Halifax — at either place. 

James Easton, of Leesam, and Jane Marshall, of Egton — at Egtou. 

George Hoyle, of Sowerby, and Susan Dobson, of Sowerby — at Halifax. 



1608. 

William Palmer, of Carlton, and Elizabeth Paget, of Darrington— at either place. 

James Robinson and Agnes Robinson, of Hull — at St. Mary's, Hull. 

Henry Braithwaite, of Kirby Underdale, and Ann France, of Strensall — at StrensalL 

Richard Wylie, of Wyke, Par. Bardsey, and Elizabeth Gibson, of Wyke, Par. Bardsey 
— at Harewood. 

John Raper, of St. Helen's, Stonegate, York, and Ann Kaye, of St. Helen's, Stone- 
gate, York, Wid. — at St. Crux, York. 

Robert Masterman, and Margaret Dickenson, of St. Margaret's, York -at All Saintd', 
Pavement, or St. Margaret's, York. 

John Daniell and Mary Gomer, of Sherbum — at Saxtun, or Sherbum. 

John Everard, of Doncaster, and Frances Rye, of Doncaster — at Doncaster. 

William Browne, of Sessay, and Alice Thomlinson, of Sessay— at Sessay. 

Robert Hardy, •^ of Bainton, and Sithe Daniell (Dyneley), of St. Saviour's, York— at 
either place. 

Valentine Story, of St. Michael's-le-Belfrey, York, and Isabel Watson, of Thornton in 
Pickering— at Thornton in Pickering. 

«♦ 7 Feb., 1007 8. Witness. Gcorg-i Tljwcngo, lliomas Pcckett 

« 27 Feby., 10M7-8. John Wells, William Wolis, Edmund Wood 

« Took place 12 Mui'ch, 1G07-8. und Thomas Ibson, Junior. I have her name 

•7 29 March, 1608. as Dynclcy. 
** Took place at St. Saviour's, 7 April, 1608. 



iJ3i 



PAVERS MARIUAOB LICENSES. 



1608. 

Heniy Wray, of Hull, and Margaret Redhead, of Hull—at St. Mary'jj, Hull. 

Roger Lambert, of Huttou Crans wick, and Joan Spencer, of Hutton Cranswick— at 
Hutton Cranswick. 

Thomas Craven, of Kirby Underdalo, and Gertrude Wildon, of Hovingham— at 
Hovingham. 

John Belwood,^'' of Holy Trinity, King's Court, York, and Margaret Mountain, of St. 
Crux, York — at either place. 

Robert Atkinson, of St. Crux, York, and Elizabeth Wade, of St. Mary's, Beverley — 
at St. Mary's, Beverley. 

Christopher Crosby, of Sheriflf Hutton, and Ursula Fetchett, of Sheriff Huttou — at 
Sheriff Hutton. 

Robert Broadley, of Cole, and Susan Crowther, of Halifax — at Cole. 

Christopher Hellard,^*' of Ruston Parva, and Ann Palmer, of Bridlington — at Brid- 
lington. 

William Scott, of Bolton by Rowland, and Elizabeth Whitehead, of Clitheroe. 

Vinn {sic) Wilson, of Heslington, and Margaret Lepington, of Heslingtou — at St. 
Lawrence's, York. 

Henry Barton, of Lockington, and Margaret Hudson, of Southbum— at Lockington. 

William Kendall, (? Rendall), of Leeds, and Joan Richardson, of Skerne — at Skeme. 

Thomas Parke, of Wakefield, and Frances Gledhill, of Wakefield— at Wakefield. 

Francis Poole, Gent., of Skirlaugh (or Swine), and Constance Thompson, of Skirlaugh 
(or Swine)— at either place. 

William Eyre, of Brumton, and Ann Harton, of Brumton— at Brumton. 

Richard Browne, of Pontefract, and Mary Ware, of Pontcfract — at Pontefract. 

Edward Dal ton, of Aldbro', and Dorothy Robinson, of Aldbro* — at Aldbro'. 

John Lambert, of Leeds, and Dorothy ShiUito, of Leeds, Wid. — at Leeds.''. 

William Emondson, of Barnoldswick, and Elizabeth Rushworth, of Cohie, Wid. — at 
Bamoldswick. 

Michael Atkinson, of Ripon, and Frances Watson, alius Tancred,"- of Ripon — at Ripon.'^ 

William Soudtield, or Somerfield (s/o), of Hull, and Ann Jordan, of Hull — at St. 
Mary's, Hull. 

Clement Teasdale, of Great Broughton, and Elizabeth Layton, of Kildale— at Kildale. 

Robert Foster, of Nunkeeling, and Alice Robson ? (sic), of Nunkeeling— at Nunkeeling. 

Henry Wells,'* of St. Michael's-le-Belfrey, York (or St. Helen's, Stonegate, York), 
and Elizabeth Conyers, of St. Michael'sle-Belfrey, York (or St. Helen's, Stone- 
gate, York)— at either place. 

Lancelot or Lawrence {sic) Cawthome, and Mary Broomhead, of Wakefield — at Wake- 
field. 

John Nicholson, of Rooksby, and Frances Dunnington, of Whitby, Wid.— at Whitby. 

Thomas Browne, of Leeds, and Susan Kitching, of Leeds, Wid. — at Leeds. 

Richard Davie, of St. Mary's, Beverley, and Ann Wright, of Holme in Beverley — at 
St. Mary's, Beverley. 

John Smith, of Gargrave, and Elizabeth Whittakcr, of Gargrave — at Gargrave. 

Mathcw Stowcliffe, of Filing, and Elizabeth Huntroyds, of Filing— at Filing. 

Anthony Foster, of Kirby Malham, and Margaret Cooks on, of Giggles wick — at either 
place. 

Edward Adamson, of Doncaster, and Dorothy Rhodes, of Doncastei- — at Doncaster. 



60 Took place 12 April, 1608, at St. Cru.x. 
70 See Foster's VisitationB, p. 631, 
7> A July, H>08. 



'2 Lockavc. 

?=» 10 May, 1008. 

7* Took place Hi May, 1608, at St. Helen's. 



paver's makriaqe licenses. 235 

ieo8. 

"William Blakey, of BiDgley, and Mary Kitching, of Bradford — at Bradford. 

John Hall, of Strensall, and Jane Cannis, of Bockcliflf— at either place. 

Thomas Wormall, of Dewsbui-y, and Margaret Ap Thomas, of Hesley, Par. Wragb}', 
Wid. — at Wragby. 

John Shaw, of Bracewell, and Margaret Dickon, of Bracewell — at Bracewell or Oa- 
wanlnwick ? (sic). 

Robert Oliver and EUicia Conn, llowsby — at Rougebic (or Bowsby) or Danby. 

Thomas Midgley, of Halifax, and Mary Waterhouse, of Heptonstall— at Halifax. 

Richard Rookes and Elizabeth Gant — at Bradford or Birstall. 

Thomas Harrison, of York, and Joan Hopperton, of Gelstrop — at Whixley. 

Christopher Lockwood, of Swillington, and Margaret Hilton, of Swillington— at 
Swiilington. 

John Dawney, of Sherbum, and Elizabeth Knowsley,'^ of East Heslerton, Wid.— at 
either place. 

William Deane, of Halifax, and Mary Holds worth, of Calverley — at either place. 

William Frobisher,'" of Aukley, Par, Finningley, and Jane Hammond, dau' of William 
H., of Aukley, Par. Finningley — at Finningley. 

Richard Frankland, of Bolton-by-Bowland, and Ann Walker, of Slaidbum — at either 
place. 

Thomas Simpson, sen*", of Thwing, and Isabel Woodall, of Thwing — at Thwing. 

Wilstropp Redmayne, late of Newton, Par. Lithe, now of York Castle, and Grace 
Leadbeater, of Leeds — at St. Mary's, Castlegate, York. 

Timothy Hall, of Swillington, and Margaret Lockwood, of Dewsbury — at Dewsbury. 

Anthony Dodsworth, of Stranton, and Helen Dodsworth, of Watlass — at Watlass. 

John Tanfield, of Eastrop, Par. Qoodmanham, and Isabel Monkton, of Weighton — at 
Qoodmanham or Weighton. 

Ralph Cocker, of Giabum, and Jilargaret Cower, of Bolton*by-Bowland — at Bolton-by- 
Bowlaod. 

George Browne, of Willam, Par. Clareborough, and Ursula Heme, of Oringley— at 
Clareborough, [Co. Notts.] 

Robert Tyndall, of Beverley, and Margaret Rudston, dau' of John R., of Bridlington — 
at Bridlington. 

Christopher Barker, of Sharlston, and Mary Lee, of Caithrope — at Wragby. 

Robert Waterhouse and Elizabeth Tempest, Wid. — at Birstall or Bradford. 

William Wade, of Sandall Magna, and Egliocana Barden ? {sic), of Sandall Magna— at 
Sandall Magna. 

Christopher Ellerton, of Foxholes, and Ann Peacock, of Scarbro' — at Foxholes. 

Thomas Rhodes, of Thomhill, and Ann Smith, of Kirkburton — at either place. 

William Hird, of Clitheroo, and Jane Clarke, dau"^ of John C, of Clitheroc — at 
Clitheroe. 

John Bingley, of Thomhill, and Agnes Audslcy, of Dewsbury — at Dewsbury. 

William Browne, of Humbleton, and Frances Mayer, dau' of Abraham ^I. , of Swino 
— at Humbleton. 

William Cooke, of Campsall, and Margaret EUand, of Batley— at either place. 

Thomas Barret, of St. Crux, York, and Margaret Slingsby, of Redhouse — at Moor 
Monkton. 

^ She waa, I b«licVo, dfiugbter of William 81. He was son of Ctitbbert Dawnay of 

Constable of Sherb\ini, and widow of William Kacrick, by Ursula Thwenffe. 

Knowsley (son of Richard Knowaloy and "^ According to Hunter (vol. L, p. 38), ho was 

Elisabeth Vavasour). Foster's Visitations, p. baptised at Doncaster 1 March, 10t)9 7u. 



236 PAVEli's MAKRIAGE LICENSES. 

1608. 

lUcbard Green, eon of Richard G., of Bradford, and Marcaret Lister, of Dradford, 
Wid.— at Bradford. 

John Hobman, of Northburton, and Alice Doflfinby, of Killingraves — at KortUburton. 

John Burnett, of Gilling, and Ann Dicksun of Spenintbome — at either place. 

John Brooke, of Birstall, and Grace Cosin, of Bawtry— at Birstall. 

Thomas Whalley, of Blackburn, and Isabel Sbires, of Mitton — at either place. 

Mariuaduke Gardham, of Londsborough, and Margaret Hesslewood, of Seaton — at 
Seaton. 

John Foxcroft, of Halifax, and Elizabeth Firth, of Ealand — at Ealand. 

'J homas Johnson, of Skipwith. and Ann Chapman, of St. Mary's, Castlegate, York — 
at St. Mary's, Castlegate. York. 

William Carter, of Aston, and Alice Newark, alias Hatchet, of Newaik — at either 
place. 

Henry Harrison, Clk., of Holmeton, and Ann Julian, of Holmeton — at Holmeton. 

Hubert Burton, of St. Margaret's, York, and Alice Clarkson, of Grinton— at either place. 

William Taylor, of Skirpenbeck, and Margaret Hatsley? {sic), of Skirpenbeck — at 
Skirpenbeck. 

Michael Kirke, of Addle, and Margaret Thackray, of Kiikby Oyerblows— at either 
place. 

John Wibsey and Frances Ransley, dau' of Edward R., of Hartehead— at Hartshead. 

William Hargill, jun', of Thornton, and Margaret Tyudall, of WUberfoss — at Wilber- 
foss. 

John Chaytor, of Thornton, Par. Ripon, and Jane Leming, of Wensley—at either 
place. 

William White, of Doncaster, and Margaret Cutchley, of Bradford, Wid. — at Bradford. 

William Allan, of Sheffield, and Ann Hoyle, dau' of Thomas H., of Sheffield — at 
Sheffield. 

John Wood, of Wetherby, Gent., and Alice Smithson, of Bardsey, Wid. — at Bardsey. 

Leonard Acklam,'^ of Moorby, and Ann Greenbury, of Moorby — at Stillingfleet. 

Thomas Crowle, of Burstall, and Dorothy Bairstow, of Burstall, Wid. — at Burstall. 

Francid Palmer, of Bridlington, and Ann Watson, of Barmston — at Bridlington. 

Christopher Preston and Elizabeth Fletcher, of Kirkby Malham — at Kirkby Malham. 

William Ellis, of Acrop, Par. Addle, and Margaret Scatcherd, of Otley, Wid.— at 
Otley. 

Rowland Hill and Frances Clarke, of Kippax, Wid. — at Kippaz. 

J'oniface Hyde and Catherine Jowsey, at Poutefract — at Pontefract. 

William Hudson, of Normanby, and Ann Smith, of Newbro', Wid. — at Coxwold. 

Richard Saunderson, of East Erd8ley,and Agnes Newcome, of Horbury — at Horbury. 

William Drifrield,^*-' of Easingwold, and Mary Rose, of St. Sampson's, York — at St. 
Sampson's, York. 

George Waud,'*' of Hull, and Mary Parkinson, of St. John's, Beverley — nt St. John's, 
Beverley. 

J» hn N orris, of Beverley, and Mary Morlcy, of Snydale— at St. John's, Beverley, or 
Norman ton. 

Robert Hey ? or Harrison? (*/c), of Slaidburn, and Frances Helmc, of Chippax \sk)-- 
at Slaidburn. 



"» IHs niuue docs not iccur In the Pcdi^Tcc ^ Diigdnlc's Vl8ltati<in, p. 384, 

of Avd« m of Moreby. Iruetei'a Viaitatioi.B, p. ^ Took place, 7 August, 16uS. 

109. 



paver's marriage licenses. . 237 

1608. 

ThomaB Bainton, of Brigham, and Elizabeth Harrison, dau' of Robert H., of Brig- 
ham — at Foston. 

John Trimingham,^^ of Fishlake, and Ann Poole, of Greisley— at Greisley. 

Robert Todd, of Kirby Knowie, and Mary "Winde, of Over Silton— at either place. 

Hugh Ramsden, of Halifax, and Martha Rigg, of Heptonstall — at either place. 

Robert James, of Humbleton, and Rosamund Elwood, of Leckenfield— at either 
place. 

Marmaduke Otley ^ and Christiana Hoil^son, of Bainton, WiJ. — at Bainton. 

Edmund Smith and Lucy Parrit, of Holy Trinity, Hull — at Holy Trinity, HuU.^ 

Edmund Loome, of Booth Town, Par. Halifax, and Mary Nether wood, dau' of Philip 
N., of Booth Town, Par. Halifax — at Halifax. 

Henry Butterfield, of Gisbum, and Janet Walmsley, of Waddington — at either 
place. 

Samuel Saltonstall,*" of Huntwick,Par. Wragby,and Elizabeth Armine, of Holy Trinity* 
Hull, Wid.~at Holy Trinity, Hull* 

Thomas Boyes, of Ainderby Mires, and Mary Smelt, of Fulforth — at Hornby or 
Fulforth. 

Robert Watson, of Danby, and Margaret Forro, of Danby — at Danby. 

Thomas Beard, of Doncaster, and Thomasin Bladworth, of Campsall— at Camp5uill. 

James Barley, of Bury, Dio. Chester, and Jane Marecroft, of Bradford — ^at either 
place. 

Gabriel Emonson, of Broughton, and Elizabeth Brockden, of Gisbum — at either 
place. 

Richard Swire, of Eland, and Ellen Brigg, of Halifax — at Halifax. 

Robert Chapnun, of Billingham, and Jane Taylor, of St. Olave's, York — at St. Olave's, 
York. 

John Sparrow, of Goodmanham, and Margaret Hunter, of Bossall — at either place. 

Thomas Clarke and Sarah Birkhead — at St. Michaers-le-Belfrey, York. 

Geryab Scholey, of Wakefield, and Susan Catterall, of Wakefield— at Wakefield. 

Richard Ellis, of Leeds, and Cicely Hassell, of Horton — at Horton. 

Robert Butler^ and Catherine Shepperd, dau*" of John S., of Stonegrave— at Stone- 
gppave. 

Robert Comer, of Acklam, and Margaret Comer, of Crathome, Wid. — at Crathora^. 

Gilbert Horsman, Clk., Vicar of Kirkby Malzeard, and Mary Askwith, of Kilburn — 
at Kilbum. 

William Wood and Ann Booth, of Roth well— at Roth well. 

Francis Bunney,*' of Normanton, and Mary Cartwriglit, of Roth well — at Roth well. 

Edward Walsh, of Kildwick, and Bridget Banister, of Kildwick — at Kildwick or 
Bamoldswick. 

Richard Kirke, of Ottringham, and Jane Shepperd, of Kilnsey — at Ottringham. 

George Gibson, of Walton, and Ellen Thompson, of Follifoot,* Par. Wighill 

at Walton or Wighill. 

. « He was buried 27 December, 1(522. ary, 1611-12, at Uainton. 

•'Richard, son o£ John TryminghAm, gentle- " 17 Augt, 1(K)8. 

man, was baptized at FUhlake, 13 January, ^ Not given in Foster's Visitations, p 570 

](>I0-11. Exactly the same entry appears <^ 6 Sepr., lOOii. 

under 18 Aprd, 1602. His wife Bridget was «« Took place 1 September, 1608. She was 

buried 1 January, 1604-6. William Burgon buried 13 August. 1617. 

and Joau Trymingham were married 26 Sep- •«7 He was living 7 April, 1666, acred 82 Diijr- 

tember. 1581 ; William Trimingham, gentle- dale, p. 279. His fourth son, Edmund wa-i 

man, was buried 28 October, 1635 ; Francis baptized 1 October, 1018, at at Martin's, Coney- 

Tnmingham, gentleman, buried 1 Novr., 1641. street, York. 

M Marmaduke, son of Marmaduke Ottley, w Follifoot is iu the parish of SpofTorth 
baptized 20 iteptember, 1611 ; buried 14 Janu- 



238 



PAVEUS MARRIAGE LICENSES. 



1608. 

William Ellis and Elizabeth Render, of Gieburn — ak Gieburn. 

Ralph Blacklock, of Sowerby, Par. Bridlington, and Ann Mawger, dau' of Robert M., 
of Flamborough — at Flamborough. 

Richard Homcastle, of Badsworth, and Alice Moore, dau' of William M., of Dorring- 
ton — at Darrington. 

Westropp Laycock, of IJrompton, and Elizabeth Ness, of Kirby Misperton — at Kirby 
Misporton. 

Thotrag Parker, of Kilburn, and Emote Kitchingman, of Kilbum — at Kilburn or 
Carlton Hurthwaite. 

Richard Thompson, of Burnsall, and Margaret Thompson, of Kirby Malham, Wid. — 
at Kirby Malham. 

Gregory Fish,^^ of Scarbro', and Catherine Otby, of Foston — at either place. 

John Mitley and Grace Siddall, of Kippax — at Kippax. 

John Lacy, of Eland, and Mary'Gascoigne, of Hartshead — at cither plac?. 

Tbomas Clarkct, of Water Fryston, and Isabel Usher, of Featherstone — at either place. 

William Pudsey,** of Bolton, Esq., Elizabeth Banister, dau'^ of John B., of Wakefield 
— at Wakefield. 

Wiliam Harrison, of Risby, Par. Rowley, and Jane Lurasdale, of Haldenprice, Par. 
Kirkella — at Eirkella. 

Thomas Lew) ns,®^ of St. Lawrence's, York, and Ann Beverley, dau*" of Thomas B., 
of Selby — at St. Lawrence's York. 

John Collier, of Feliskirk, and Rachael Bell, of Thirsk — ^at either place. 

Hector Okingham, of South Kirby, and Elizabeth Smith, of Badsworth — at 
Kadsworth. 

Hillary Beverley, of Rillington, and Ann Wilson, of Crambe, Cramburn — at Crambuni. 

John Holmes,^ of St. Martin's Coneystreet, York, and Ann Constable, of Prov. 
York — at St. Martin's, Coneystreet, York. 

Allan Ruddock '-^ and Catherine Fletcher, of St. Leon vrd's, Now Malton — at St. 
Leonard's, New Malton. 

Robert Hepworth, of Kirkburton, and Elizabeth Iloyle, of Huddersfield — at either 
place. 

John Flower and Jane Shann, of Medley — at Medley or Sherbum. 

William Barcroft and Isabel Sagar, of Bradford, Wid. — at Bradford. 

Henry Robinson and Florence Semmer (sic), of Linton in Craven — at Linton in 
Craven. 

Robert Winterbum, of Bolton Commons, and Ann Favill, of Thornton — at either 
place. 

Thomas Mawson, of Weston, and Ellen Jeffrey, dau' of William J., of Fuiston— at 
either place. 

Henry Saxton,^ Clk., M.A., of ShefiQeld, and Sarah Postlethwaite, of Armthorpe— at 
Armthorpe. 



89 Took place at Foston, 18 October. 160?. 

90 Whitiikcr's Craven, London, 1812, p. 110, 
says she was buried 17 March. 1(K»1. Like 
some persons who now (a.d. 1890) rush into 
print, Dr. Whittiker could not read ccrtjiin old 
hands. Ho has too many imitators. ' * More's the 
pity ! " A man much thought of, and a F.S. A. , 
too»c 1572 for 1512 ; and was, till his death, 
"wise in his own conceit." What is the abso- 
lute vnlue of any statement made by such 
itfnorant people? " Minus infinity," an appre- 
ciable mathematical quantity. 

91 If the xtersoD name<l in Dug^dale, p. 330, he 
is there said to have married Anne, daughter 



of Vincent Beverley. If so, she mtwt have 
))een very young, as her father died in 16;i4 ; 
DuBrdale, p. 35. And her brother was bom in 
1(518. Numerous erroi-s must occur in the copy 
of a transcript, the wilter of which probably 
never 8;iw the origuml. 

92 Took place 19 September, ICOS. •• Mr. 
John Ilolmes and Mrs. Ann Coristable." 

9s Took place 4 October, 1608. 

9* He died Vic>ir of Conisboroufirh, 21 April, 
1605, aged 84. (Hunter's South Yorkshire, i., 
p. 122.) His wife was probably a daughter of 
the Vicar of Armthorpe, mentioned s^ipm. 



paver's markiagb licenses. 239 

1608. 

Christopher Neile, of East AughtoD, and Agnea Doveforth, of Paull, Wid. — at Paull. 

Francig Pearson and Elizabeth Postgate, of Filingdalea — at Filingdales. 

Richard Newby, of St. Michael's-le-Belfrey, York (or St. Olave's, York), and 
Elizabeth Dawson, of St. Olave's, York — at either place. 

Robert Spencer, of Hull, and Margaret Wood, of Bridlington — at Holy Trinity, Hull 
or Bridlington. 

Robert Rudd and Jane Wharton, dau"" of John W., of St. Sampson's, York — at 
Sampson's, York. 

John Titley, of Selby, and Joan Cowpor, of St. Sampson's, York — at St. Sampson's, 
York, 

Robert Pearson, of Kirk Leatham, and Elizabeth Stanger, of Danby — at Danby. 

William Moore, of Terrington, and Elizabeth Scoresby, of Terrington — at Terriugton. 

Henry Bessacle,'^ of Fishlake, and Mary Briggs, of Fishlake— at St. Mary's, Castlegate, 
York. 

Edward PuUeyne, of York, and Elizabeth Power, of Halifax— at Halifax. 

Thomas Pilley,^*' of Qisborough, and Mary Pennyman, of Croft — at either place. 

John Kaye, of Huddersfield, and Ann Hall, of Mirfield — at either place. 

William Carleil, of Elloughton, and Ann Wilson, of Cottingham, Wid. — at either 
place. 

William PopplewelP^ (as asserted), of St. Saviour's, York, and Ann Butterick, of 
Ormeaby — at St Saviour's, York. 

Walter Wood and Jane Wilson, of Harum — at Harum. 

Judah Hopkinson, Clk., and Agnes Bentley, of Halifax — at Halifax. 

Richard Scott and Catherine Wilkinson, of Rillington — at Rillington. 

William Robinson and Elizabeth Rod well, of Pontefract— at Pontefract. 

Philip White, of Stokesley, or Ripon, and Margaret Thompson, of Stokesley, or Ripon 
— at either place. 

John Rawnsley, of Elland, and Martha Qodley, of EUand — ^at Elland. 

Richard Wightman, of Kearby, and Jane Emerson, of Kilbum — at Kilburn, or 
Kearby. 

Thomas Tyndale and Alice Norton — at Brotherton, or Dishforth. 

Robert White ^^ and Frances Talboys — at Stonegrave. 

Richard Thompson, of Holy Trinity, Hull, and Ann Browne, of Holy Trinity, Hull — 
at Holy Trinity, Hull^ 

Henry Watson, of Sutton-in-Holderness, and Margaret Peacock,^*'^ of Holy Trinity, 
Hull — at either place. ^ 

James Ayrton, of Bolton-by-Bowland, and Alice Wilcock, of Qisbum, Wid. — at 
Qisbum. , 

Thomas Jowland and Jane Parke, of Snaith — at Snaith. 

Valentine Blacker, of Normanton, and Judith Hinchliffe, of Leeds — ^at Leeds." 

Dennis Hayfurth,^ of Water Fryston, and Margaret Burrell, of St. Saviour's, York 
— at either place. 

John Lumberd, of Fraisthorp, and Joan Todd, of Hovingham — at Hovingham. 

John Reveley,"* of St. John's, Micklegate, York, and Margaret Topham, of St. 
Sampson's, York — at St. Sampsou's, York. 

w Took place 20 October, 1C08. i 15 Dec, 1008. 

** lie is described as of Skeldorskew, in tbo * Not at Leeds, 

palish of Qisborough. s Took place i:i November, 16C8. 

w Took place 27 October, 1608. * 8t. John's Burial Register says "161 ''-IS 

•» Took place 6 November, 1608. March 8, Dorothy, wife of John Kcveley' 

" * Nov., 1608. baker, who, through extreme sickness, drowned 

>» H. Trin., Hull. herself." 



240 paver's marriage licenses. 

1608. 

William Qjirbutt^ and Isabel BeestoD, of St. Michaers-le-Belfrey, York — at St 
Michael's-le-Belfrey, York. 

Robert Sandy and Isabel Bowcock, of Skipton — at Skipton. 

William Bvwater, of Sberburn, and Ann Langdale, of Sberburn — at Sherburn. 

AVilliam Brown and Elizabeth Wrightaon, of Newton -on-O use — at Newton-on-Ouse. 

John Gibson and Ann Mitchell, of Heptonstall — at Heptonstall. 

AVilliam Bailey, of Leeds, and Jane Hewes, of Addle — at Addle. 

John Eyre, of Walkington, and Susan Ellerton, of Foxholes— at Foxholes. 

William Kirkby, of Helperthorpe, and Alice Raper, of Thwing — at Thwing. 

Robert Hamlett, of Rothwell, and Alice Sim, alias Fletcher, of Methley, Wid.— at 
either place. 

William Jackson and Ann Johnson, of Newton-on-Ouse — ^at Newton-on-Ouse. 

Peter Mawde,^ of Ribston, and Janet Ellison, of St John's, Micklegate, York — it 
St John's, Micklegate, York. 

Richard Sayer, of Brotton, and Beatrice Chapman, of Kirby Misperton — at Kirby 
Misperton. 

John Lazenby, of Marton in -Cleveland, and Ann Wilson, of Qisbro'— at either place. 

John Fif'ld, of Spofforth, or Kirkby Overblows, and Jane Bilbrough, of Spofforth, or 
Kirkby Overblows — at either place. 

William Ombler, of Preston-in-Holderneas, and Margery Gibbon ? {sic), of ITomsey— 
at Hornsey. 

Christopher Lambert, of Leeds, and Elizabeth Calbeck, of Leeds — at Leeds.^ 

Robei-t Roberts^ and Ann Birkby, of Pontefract, Wid.— at Pontefract 

Christopher Aspden. alias Cowper, of Newchurch (or Pendle), and Mary Robinson, 
ali(t3 W otfenden, of Newchurch (or Pendle)— at either place. 

William Wilcock, of South Kirkby, and Jane Steele, of Darfield — at either place. 

William Marton, of Slaidburn, and Elizabeth Slater, of Clitheroe— at Slaidburn. 

John Holdsworth, of Calverley, and Jane Walker, of Birstall— at Birsta'l. 

Ralph Harrington' and Margaret Ridsdale, of Sowerby — at Sowerby. 

Robert Hompton, of Nunkeeling^, and Margaret Harrison, of Preston in-Holderness— 
at Preston-in-Holdeiness. 

William More, of Spofforth, and Margaret Foster, of Spofforth— at Spoffoith. 

Hercy Denton, cf Silkston, and Margaret Holt, of Silkston — at Silkston. 

John Aubrey, of Cawthorne, and Aun Marcroft, of Silkston — at Silkston. 

Henry Neville and Ann Westoby, dau"" of John W., of Sancton — at Sancton. 

John Creakhill, of Campsall, and Elizabeth Heaton, of Bramwith — ^at Kirk Erami^ith. 

John Seaman, of Kirk Ella, and Sarah Armytage, of Kirk Ella— at HuddersSeld. 

Stephen Smith, of Kirby Grindalyth, Schoolmaster, and Isabel Bridnall, of Sledmer, 
^Vitl.— at Kirby Grindalyth. 

John Bowes, ^0 of London, and Elizabeth Davile, of Coxwold— at Coxwold. 

Henry Rayner, of Doncaster, and Abigail Crewe, of Doncaster — at Doncaster. 

Thomas Beckwith, of Wragby, and Frances Gill, of Sandall Magna— at Sandall 
Magna. 

s Ourbut (or Garbet). Took place 19 Novem- in the neighbouring ptirisb of Felisklrk. Hm 
Ijcr 1608. Father Foley, ''Records of the Englifth Pro- 



« Took pUice 24 November, 1 008. vince of the Society of Jesus," 1878, Kriet 

7 1() Jan., 1008-9. v.-viii., p. 670. 

•• Took place 22 Dec., 1608. 
» There was a Roman Catholic branch of this 
most ancient family settled at Mount St. John, 



10 Jan., louo-v. ».-*in., y. uiw. 

Took place 2'J Dec., 1608. '" See Foster's Visitationp, p. 215, and volume 

« There was a Roman Catholic branch of this x. of this Journal, p. ll>6. 



paver's MARKIAGfi LICENSES. £41 

1608. 

Chmtopher Warde, of Stainley, and Mu^ret Owram, of Stainley— at Stunley. 

Robert Savage, of Holy Trinity, Hull, and Suaan Almond, of Holy Trinity, Hull — 
Holy Trinity, Hull." 

William Scott and Ann Mellin, of Amcliffe — at Anicli£fe. 

Thomas Shepperd, of New Malton, and Qrace HarriBon, of Rudston — at Rudston. 

Thomas Nalson, of Altofts, and Catherine Jenkinson, of Featherstone — at Feather* 
stone. 

George Denby, of Pontefraot, and Elizabeth Speck, of Holy Trinity, Hull, Wid.— a 
Holy Trinity, Hull.»^ 

Christopher Fenton, of Crake, and Ann Hodgson, of Holme-on-Spalding — at Holme- 
on-^palding. 

Alexander Milnes and Grace Ramsden, of Ealand — at Elland. 

John Hall, of Mapleton, and Elizabeth Gibbon, of Homsey— at either place. 

John Rayley and Catherine Taylor, ^^ of St. Mary's, Hull— at St. Mary's, Hull. 

Edward Johnson, of Mueton, and Cicely Coulaon, of Filey — at Filey. 

Robert Cowper, of Middleton, and Amy Church, of Sainton — at Bainton. 

Thomas Bradshaw and Elizabeth Marshall, of St. Michaers, Spurriergate, York, Wid. 
— at St. Michael's, Spurriergate, York. 

Thomas Brooke, of Birstall, and Isabel Wood, of Tong — at either place. 

Thomas Wray, of Newby, and Jane Herring, of Dio. York — at Thirsk. 

Thomas Hitchiog,!^ of Hull, and Elizabeth Chapman, of WakeBeld— at Wakefield. 

William Dawson and Jane Pasketts ? (sic), of Settrington — at Settrington. 

Thomas Wastell, of Skipton, and Unica Liveley, of Middleton, Proy. York— [Dioc. 
Chester]. 

Thomas Robinson, of Pa^rington, and Ann Mason, of Bridlington, Wid. — at either 
place. 

William Akeied ? (nc.), of Bradford, and Susan Feamley, of Bradford — at Bradford. 

William Haddlesey, of Holy Trinity, Hull," and Joan Barnard, of Holy Trinity, Hull 
—at Holy Trinity, Hull. 

John Wilson, of Cawood, and Mary Dodgson, of Selby — at either place. 

Francis Merrey and Dorothy Harden, of Hawnby, Wid. — at Hawnby. 

John Dalton, of Skipsey, and Margaret Kewte, of Riston — at either place. 

l^mund Armytage and Elizabeth Taylor, of Almondbury — at Almondbury. 

2Sachariah Evans, of Hatfield, and Elizabeth Denham, of Bramwith — at Bramwith. 

John Wightman, of Scawton, and Clara Kettlewell, of Bishopshill, sen., York — at 
either place. 

William King, of Bumsall, and Margaret Hulley, of Kettlewell — at Bumsall. 

Thomas Scholey, of Rothwell, and Mercy Flower, of Medley — at Methley. 

Eaekiel" Bernard, of St. Mary's, Hull, and Elizabeth Huggan,»^ of St. Mail's, Hull, 
—at St. Mary's, Hull. 

Mathew Cooke, of Danby, and Ann Stringer, of Danby — at Danby. 

Robert Fox and Dorothy Swayne, of Stillingfleet— at Stillingfleet. 

Benjamin Roberts and Mary Greenwood, of Heptonstoll — at Heptonstall. 

WUliam Rodmell, of Wawne, and Isabel Trusby, of Wawne— at St John's, Beverley. 

u 14 Dee., ICOS, the writer of these notes, and also of William 

>• 18 June, 1608. Wordsworth, the lato Poet LauxiaU. 
» 18 Dte., law. " 4 Feb., 1608-». 

>• On Dugdale'a Visitation, p. 18, she is ^* Ueuskiah. 

vrangly called Anne, bhe wse ancestress of ^ 80 Jan., 1608-0. 

TOL. XI. K 



242 payer's marriage licenses. 

» 

1608. 

Francis Simpson, ^^ and Jane Simpson, of Ripon— at Ripon. 

Robert Procter, of Linton, and Florence Simm, of Linton— at Linton. 

Lancelot Rodmell, of St. Cuthbert's, York, and Joan Qilmyn, of St. Michael'a-le- 
Belfrey, York— at St. Cuthbert's, York. 

John Jackson, of Brafferton, and Helen Barmby, of Alne— at Brafiferton. 

Roger Bayne, of FeUskirk, and Ellen Holtby, of Hovingham — at Hovingham. 

Josiah H()bart,»9 of St. Mary's, Hull, and Dorothy Sheffield, of St. Mary's, Hul 
—at St. Mary's, Hull.20 

William Flesher, of Sutton, and Jane Taylor, of Foston — at Foston. 

Philemon Speight, of Dewsbury, and Ann Flower, of Medley — at Medley. 

Robert Cooke, of Cottingham, and Isabel Truslove, of Wawne — at Cottingham. 

William Foxley, of Holy Trinity, Hull, and Mary Blacklock," of Holy Trinity, Hull 
—at Holy Trinity, Hull. 

William Oglethorpe,^ of Oglethorppe, and Susan Sutton, of Aram — at Averham [co 
Notts]. 

Richard Harrison, of Ripon, and Elizabeth Coates, of Wath — at Wath. 

Thomas Wray, of St. Mary's, Hull, and Susan Harrison, of St. Mary*s, Hull — at St. 
Mary's, HulL'-^ 

Ralph Bell, of Topcliffe, and Cicely Tunstall, of Humster ? («c)— at Topcliffe. 

Heury Wilkinson and Ann Witton, of Slaidbum — at Slaidburn. 

Thomas Cundall, of Easingwold, and Bridget Dealtry, of Full Sutton — at Easing- 
wold. 

Thomas Lawley, of Wighill, and Alice Wetherell, of Holy Trinity, Goodramgate, 
York — at Holy Trinity, Goodramgate, York. 

Roger Jackson, of St. Michael's, York, and Margery Gibson, of St. Michael's, York — 
at St. Michael's, York. 

Ralph Beckwith, of Pateley Bridge, and Janet Rhodes, of Hampsthwaite — at Pateley 
Bridge. 

William Cant, of East Heslerton, and Mabel Dobson, of West Heslerton — at either 
place. 

Juhn Feather, of Ha worth, and Susan Lowe, of Heptonstall— at either place. 

George Wilkes, of Kirkby Overblows, and Mary Breakes, of Harwood — at Harwood. 

William Atkinson, of Stainburn, and Mary Dixon, of Otley, Wid. — at Otley, or 
Kirkby Overblows. 

Francis Goodlad, and Elizabeth Wetherell, of Holy Trinity, Goodramgate, York— at 
Holy Trinity, Goodramgate, York. 

William Lindley, of Leathley, and Frances Buckle, of Famham — at either place. 

John Moore, of Brayton, and Elizabeth Denham, of Brawith — at either place. 

Robert Appleton, of Goodm.inham, and Elizabeth Sparrow, of Gk>odmanham — at 
Goodmauham. 

Henry Wilkinson, of Bolton-by-Bowland, and Rachel Haughton, of Slaidburn— at 
either place. 

Jklichael Hardy, 2-* of Kirkburn, and Ann Headley, of Kirkbum — at Kirkbum. 

Andrew Potter, and Isabel Halliley, of Sherbum — at Sherburn. 

Anthony Bainbridge, of Giggles wick, and Elizabeth Lawson, of Giggleswick — at 

Giggles wick. 



»« 22 Jan., 1608. » Foster s Visitations, p. 275. 

»» Hubbarte. » 19 Feb., 1608-9. 

«> 13 M.tr., 160S-9. »♦ See DugdfUe's Visitation, p. C8. His elder 

»i 20 Feb., lti08-9. brother died about 1641. 



PAVERS MAURIAGE LICENSES. 



213 



1608. 

Abraham Atkinson and Alice Markenfield, of RIpon, Wid. — at Uipon. 

Thomas Ellis, and Mary Hanley, of Pontefract, Wid. — at Pontefract.^* 

Thomas Hunter, of St. Saviour's, York, and Alice Stephenson, of Gatehelmsley — at 
St. Saviuur^s, York. 

James Sparling, of Crake, and Mary Peckett, of Marion — at Marton. 

Robert Shaw, of Thomton-in-Pickering, and Elizabeth Westwood, of Farmanby — at 
either place. 

William Dobson, of St. Mary's, Hull, and Elizabeth Thornton, of St. Mary's, Hull — 
at St. Mary's, Hull.^* 

Thomas Parker and Edburay f {sic) Green, of Rodwell — at Rodwell. 

Simon Bolland, of Kettlewell, and Margaret Slinger, (»f Coniston — at either place. 

James Darwin, of Sheffield, and Ann Oxspring, of Sheffield— at Sheffield. 

Christopher Levet,^ of St. Michael's-le-Belfrey, York, and Mercy More, of Quiseley — 
at Guiseley. 

Anthony Armitstead, of Kirk Deighton, and Frances Thompson, of Kirk Deighton — 
at Kirk Deighton. 

George Metcalfe, of Dio. York, and Mary Trotter, of Skelton — at Skelton. 

Robert Bristow, of Gramton, co. Lincoln, and Catherine Harrison, of Rotherham — 
at Rotherham. 

Christopher Clarke, '^ of Fishlake, and Dorothy Mirfield, of Hatfield— at Fishlake. 

William Emerson, of Ripley, and Alice Robinson, of Hipley — at Ripley. 

William Edward, of Holy Trinity, Hull, and Martha ?(«/c) Erratt, of SL Mary's, Hull 
—at St. Mary's, Hull.2» 

Richard Gill, of Colne, and Isabel Wilson, of Kildwick, Wid. — at Kildwick. 

Thomas Harrison, of Tadcaster, and Dorothy Bullock (as asserted), of St. Martin's, 
Coney Street, York— at St. Martin's, Coney Street, York. 

John Wad worth and Frances Heron, of Ottringham, Wid. — at Ottringham. 

William Kitson and Margaret Hobson, of Darton— at Darton. 

Mathew Hunsley, of Howden, and Ellen Gathome, of Hooke— at Hooke. 

Mormaduke Lister, of Kirkby Malzeard, and Isabel Radcliffe, of Ripon — at Kirkby 
Malzeard. 

Philip Newsome, of Willerby, and Jane May, of Seamer — at either place. 

Thomas Tessimond, of Bointon, and Amy Grange, of ITgglebamby — at Ugglebarnby. 

Miles Storey and Alice Storr, of Selby — at Selby. 



1609. 

Thomas Blome, of Featherstone, and Dorothy Hall, of Svvillington — at Swillington. 

John Bindloss,** of Prov. York, and Janet Playne, of Ripon— at Ripon." 

Christopher Bell, of Thirsk, and Jane Squire, of Thirsk— at Thirsk. 

Richard Rossiter,'^ of Scromby f. co. Lincoln, Gent., and Elizabeth Bower ? Bowker ? 
Bowser? (sic), of Kirby Underdale — at Kirby Unde.dale. 



» Took place 28 Feb., 1608-9. 
M 30 March, 1609. 

*7 Took place 17 April, 1609 (Samuel Mar- 
geriaon). 

• Took place 27 January, 1608-9. 
» SO May, 1609. 

• Bindlowe. 

« 11 May, 1609. 

n ** 1S09, May 15. Master Richard Rossiter 
and Mrs. Elimbeth Boursher, daughter to Mr. 
John Boursher, of Orimaton." Kirkby Under- 
dala Regiaier. The name is more generally 



spelt " Bourchier." She was baptized 25 
March, 1&9:{. Uer father was kDighted 11 
November, 1619, and f i om her aunt, Katherine, 
wife of Sir Richard Mauleverer, of Allerton 
Mauleverer, knight, *'Dubbodatthe LordLum- 
ley's house on the Tower Hill the 9 of January, 
1683" (W. Metcalfe's Book of Knights, 1885, p. 
135). High Shenfl of Yorkshire in 1588. I 
have the honour to descend. That makes 
two forefathers of mine, besides cousins, judges 
of Charles Stuart, some time king of li^land, 
and I am proud of them both.— C.B.N. 



244 payer's MAHBIAGE LICENSES. 

1609. 

Leonard Metcalfe, of Seaton, and Elizabeth Croft, of Middleham — at Seaton. 

Edward Sawley, of Klrkby Malham, and Elizabeth Lawson, of Qiggleawick — at either 
place. 

John Hancock, M.A., of Sheffield, and Alice Fanahaw, of Sheffield — at Sheffield. 

Thomas Green and Alice Webster, of Sheffield, Wid. — at Sheffield. 

Richard Hewitt, of Gisbum, and Hester Topham, of Giggleswiok — at Giggles wick. 

Richard Hornby, of Nunkeeling, and Ann Hodgson, of Swine — at Swine. 

Michael Robinson, of Whitkirk, and Catherine Hirdson, of Whitkirk — at Whitkirk. 

Richard Roper, of Keighley, and Susan Hanson, of Eeigbley— at Keighley. 

Sir Gilfrid Slingsby,^ of Moor Monkton, and Margaret Watter, of Moor Monkton— at 
St. Nicholas, York. 

Richard Woodcock, of Appleton, and Emote Leighton, Wid., or Amotherby— at 
Appleton. 

Ralph Clarionet ? (sic)^ [qy. Clarionatt] of Settrington, and Alice Skepper, of Settrington 
— at Settrington. 

John Hadgill, of Slaidburn, and Susan Shires, of Slaidbum — at Slaidbum. 

Michael Pattison and Margaret Phillips, of Wressle— at Wressle. 

Roger Settle ^ and Catherine Wright, of Ripon — at Ripon. 

John Harrison and Ann Nicholson, of Kirkbum^at Kirkburn. 

Robert Raper, of Coxwold, and Agnes Smallwood, of Harsley — at either place. 

James Travis, of Middleton, and Debora Holt, of Horbury — at Hoibury, or Wake- 
field. 

John Nowell, of Calverley, and Ann Butterworth, of Rossingdale — at either place. 

John Clarebrough, of Rothwell, and Elizabeth Horncastle, of Bads worth— at Bads- 
worth. 

Ralph Hayton, of Cramb, and Joan Grange, of Welbury — at Cramb. 

John Storey,^ of All Saints, North Street, York, and Jane Lobley, of All Saiuts, North 
Street, York — at All Saints, North Street, York. 

John Massam and EfiEamief (sic) Powton, of St. Mary's, Beverley — at St. Marj's, 
Beverley. 

Robert Pratt, alias Boes, of Easington, and Elizabeth Duck, of Marsk — at either 
place. 

Marmaduke Nelson, cdias Wainmau, of Bainton, and Joan Terrington, of St. John's, 
Beverley, Wid. — at Bainton. 

Robert Frankland, of Bolton-by-Bowland, and Isabel Howden, of Gisburn — at either 
place. 

William Humfrey,=« Clk., Rector of Sproatley, and Ellen Gill, of Holy Trinity, Hull 
—at Holy Trinity, Hull. 

Richard Sutton and Isabel Scruton, of Aldborough — at Aldborough. 

George Todd, of St. Mary's, Hull, and Sarah Stephenson, of St. Mary's, Hull — at St. 
Mary's, Hull. 

Ralph Stubb8,37 of Nunmonkton, and Margery Bel wood, of St Crux, York — at St 
Crux, York. 

Christopher Render, of Carlton Husthwaite^ and Lucy Frankland of Elilbum — at 
Kilbum. 

3S Sir Guilford Slingsby baptized 7 October, daughter of Thomas Aulaby, of Etton. They 

1565, at Knaresborougb, was knighted at had eight sons and four daughters. 
Whitehall 23 July, 1608. Sir Henry Slingsby's »* 25 May, 1609. 

Diary, (Rd. Daniel Parsons, M.A., Ixtndon, ^ Took place SO May, 1609. 

183t$, p. 405). His wife wan daughter of Willinm ^ Instituted 25 September. 1607, died 1626. 

Watter, Lord Mayor uf York, 1020, by Anne, ^ Took place 8 June, 1609. 



PAVERS MARRIAGE LICENSES. 



245 



1609. 

William Daggltb, of Ripon. and Ursula Kawer, of Kirkby Malzeard — at either place. 

Thomas Fewler and Elizabeth Taylor, of York— at Holy Trinity, Hicklegate, or All 
Saints, North Street, York. 

William Harland, of Danby, and Elizabeth Robinson, of Hutton Hole — at Danby. 

Richard Smith, of Doncaster, and Alice Foster, of Hooke — at either place. 

John Spencer, of Bamoldswick, and Isabel Yipin, of Bamoldswiok — at Barnoldswick. 

John Birtwistle and Margery Calverley, of Qisbum — at Gisbum. 

Thomas Foster, of Doncaster, and Mary Middleton, of Womersley — at Womersley. 

Biyan Frankland, of Kilbum, and Catherine Aldworth, of Kilburn — at Eilbum. 

William Oglethorpe,^ of Upton, co. Notts, and Eleanor Oglethorpe, of Bramham — 
at either place. 

Richard Hewitt, of Humbleton, and Mary Gartham, of Humbleton — at Humbleton. 

Richard Cotterell, of Gisborough, and Susan Long, of Gisborough — at Oisborough. 

William Gledstone, of Skipton, and Ann Squire, dau' of Roger S., of Gargrave — at 
either place. 

James Swayne, Clk., Yicar of Hollym, and Barbara Hall, of Pattrington — ^at Pat- 
trington. 

Henry Browne, of St. Michael's, Spurriergate, York, and Beatrice Middleton, of St. 
Michaers, Spurriergate, York — at St. Michael's, Spurriergate, York. 

William Yeates, of Topcliffe, and Joan Marton, of Carlton Husthwaite— at either 
place. 

John Vavasour, of Homsey, and Bridget Maior, of Homsey, Wid. — at Homsey. 

John Langton, of Tadcaster, and Elizabeth Scaife, of Tadcaster — at Tadcaster. 

Thomas Marshall, of Bolton Percy, and Alice Turner, of Bolton Percy — at Bolton 
Percy. 

. . . . Usher and .... Webster, 

John Ellill, of Bolton-by- Rowland, and Elizabeth Woodward, of Slaidbum^at either 
place. 

John Pearson, of Kirk Leatham, and Margery Gowland, of Wilton — at either place. 

Richard Hutchinson, of Newton Kyne, and Ann Marshall, of Tadcaster — at either 
place. 

James Witton, of Bolton-by-Bowland, and Elizabeth Feazer, of Bolton-by-Bowland — 
at Bolton-by-Bowland. 

Henry Doughty, of Campsall, and Ursula Middleton, of Bramwith — at either place. 

Thomas Shillito, of Sherburn, and Susan Thomhill, of Sherbum — at Sherbum. 

James Cayley," of Thormanhy, and Mary Bell, of Sowerby — at either place. 

Thomas Hamilton, of Colne, and Isabel Whittaker, of Thomton-in -Craven — at 
Thomton-in-Craven. 

William Procter, of Slaidburn, and Jane Carr, of Clapham—at either place. 

William Firbank, of Thirkleby, and Jane Warton, of Thirkleby— at Thirkleby, or 
lliomton W atlas. 



** Their «eeond son, Martin, citisen of Lon- 
don, waa buried at Upton, near Southwell, 1673, 
Aflred 69. Bee Throaby's Edition of Thoroton'a 
NottiniTbamiibire, 1797, vol. iii., p. 101. He 
may bAva been iou of Michael Oglethorpe, of 
Tliomar, by Ann Stillington, in which case he 
married hia fourth oouain. Eleanor (called Helen 
& p. 314 of Foster's Visitations) was daughter 



of William Oglethorpe, by Anne, daughter of 
Robert 8otheby, of Pocklington, married there 
16 October. 1580. 

* I ventu'e to suggest these Christian names, 
because such a marriage did take place ; and 
the four sons, Rdwiird, Richard, Peter. John, 
all died on the field of honour, in the cause of 
King Charles the First 



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NICHOLAS TEMPEST, 

A SUFFERER IN THE PILGRIMAGE OF GRACE. 
With bomb Account of his Descendants. 

By Mrs. ARTHUR CECIL TEMPEST. 

Among the names of Yorkshire gentlemen who suffered 
death in 1537 for their participation in the rising known as 
the Pilgrimage of Grace, occurs that of Nichohis Tempest. 
Of him we now propose to give some account. 

Certain genealogists ^ have represented him as son of Sir 
Richard Tempest by his wife Rosamund Boiling, and de- 
scribed him as " of Bracewell," whereas he was a younger 
brother of this Sir Richard, being the third son of Nicholas 
Tempest, who was the third son of Sir John Tempest of 
Bracewell and Waddington, co. York, and of Belraper, in 
Gosberton, co. Lincoln ; the mother of the Nicholas Tempest 
of whom we treat, being described in Tonge's Visitation of 
Yorkshire in 1530 as "daughter of John Pilkington,*' ^ but 
of what family it is not yet clear. Nicholas Tempest (the 
father) and his wife are named in the will of Sir John 
Pilkington, of Pilkington Hall near Wakefield, dated at 
Skipton, 28th June, 1478, but unfortunately there is nothing 
to explain in what relationship they stood to the testator. 
The legend " Orate pro aiabz Nicholai Tempest et Margarete 
uxoris sue" noted by Dodsworth in March, 1645,^ as re- 
maining in one of the windows in Bracewell Church, 
doubtless refers to Nicholas (the father) and his Pilkington 
spouse. 

Dodsworth, in one of his pedigrees of the Tempest famil}^ 
states that Nicholas Tempest, the husband of Margaret 
Pilkington, died at Bracewell in 1483,* in which case his 
three sons Richard (born 1480^), Thomas and Nicholas, 

1 Foster's W. R. York pedigrees sub ^ Dodsworth MSS. vol. Ixxxviii, fo. 31. 
Tempest and York Record Series, vol. ill. * Ibid. vol. vi. fo. 54 and vol. Ixxiz. 
p. 72, note. to. 106. 

2 Tonge's Visit, of Yorks. vol. xlL * Chancery Inq. p. m. 23 Hen. 7, No. 
Surtees Soc. p. 84. 6 of Sir Thomas Tempest. 



248 NICHOLAS TEMPEST. 

were probably left to the guardianship of their uncle, Sir 
Thomas Tempest of Bracewell, and when the eldest of these 
boys arrived at a marriageable age, a suitable wife was found 
for him in the person of Rosamund, the only daughter and 
legitimate heir of Tristram Boiling, of Boiling (or Bowling) 
near Bradford ; Sir Thomas by deed dated 13th July, 1497 
(12 Hen. 7), settling his estates on the three nephews, 
Richard, Thomas, and Nicholas Tempest successively in tail 
male.^ Young Nicholas Tempest, who would be about 
twenty years of age, being appointed, in conjunction with 
his brother Richard, executor to the will of Tristram Boiling 
in April, 1502.^ 

In the will of Sir Thomas Tempest, dated the 4th 
October, 1506, Nicholas is remembered by his uncle in these 
words : — " To Thomas and Nicholas Tempest all my shapyng 
close in Bealraper and owder of them iij^* vj' viij*^ yerly 
duryng thayr lyffes ; the wych my broder thair fader had." ® 

Nicholas Tempest appears to have speculated in wardships 
if we may judge from various entries found amongst the 
Public Records relating to wards and escheats : — 



Item. — Nicholas Tempest, Robert Worsley, ^ 
James Grenehalgh and Balph Ascue 
er bounden in iiij oblig : to pay xli, 
at Candett : next commynge and f xj die Nov. a® vi 
xx/i. marc at Halotide after Duringe I hlu^ 

iiij yeares for the warde of Banastre. ^ 



sot. xU. primo die Feb. : 
a® ij — sot. xxvj7i. x». iiij</. 



The Banaster for whose wardship the fifty pounds was 
paid was undoubtedly Nicholas the son and heir of Richard 
Banaster of Altham, born at that place 28th February, 
1500-1.^° Nicholas Tempest marrying Elizabeth or Isabel, 
the widow of this Richard Banaster after his death in 1510. 
In February, 1511-12, Nicholas Tempest prosecuted Gilbert 
Southworth of Houghton, and others, for trespass in certain 
closes at Altham, and for removing therefrom two bullocks 
and two cows worth four marks/^ a proceeding he may have 
taken either in right of his guardianship or of his marriage, 
as his wife held dower in Altham by virtue of a grant dated 

• Inq. p. m. in Virtute OflBcii Hen. 8, *® Duchy of Lane. Proof of age, Inq. 

Pt 1, No. 77, Sir Thomas Tempest vol. v. No. 47. 

7 Testa Ebor. vol. iv. p. 204. >» Lane. Plea Roll, No. 113, Assiimp. 

« Ibid. p. 251. Ro. 14. 
» Chapter Ho. Book A. {^ p. 667. 



NICHOLAS TEMPEST. 249 

16th June, 1509, when Richard Banaster enfeoffed John 
Nowell, Thomas Grimshagh of Clayton, John Sellars, Vicar 
of Wliallej, and Robert Boiling, Chaplain of three mes- 
suages in Altham, which they, on the 12th of the same 
mouth, granted to Isabel, the wife of Richard Banaster, for 
her life, with remainder to Nicholas, Richard s son and heirJ* 

In July, 1515, Nicholas Tempest, with Laurence Starkie, 
purchased the wardship of those lands in Little Mitton, 
Clitheroe, and elsewhere in the county of Lancaster, which 
had been in the King's hands since the death of Roger 
Nowell (the brother to Tempest's wife), to hold during the 
minority of NowelFs two daughters and heirs, Grace and 
Anne, with their marriage,*^ they being of the tender age of 
six and four years respectively when their father died in 
September, 1507.^* 

Again at Trinity Term, 1516, Tempest and Starkie pur- 
chased another wardship, being bound in an obligation to 
pay at Pentecost ensuing (28th April, 1517) sixty-six 
shillings and eight-pence for the wardship of Dorothy 
Nevell.^^ 

In 1515 Nicholas Tempest was, with Nicholas Ellis, 
Richard Banaster, and Sir Richard Tempest, Knt., a defen- 
dant in a suit brought by Roger Tempest, of Broughton-in- 
Craven, Esq., to recover damages for tlie removal of Ihirty 
oxen, and twenty-five cows from a field of his called " East 
fieM," in Broughton, on Monday after St. Michael's Day, 
1514. The defence which Nicholas Tempest and his col- 
leagues offered was that they acted in the matter as bailiffs 
to Thomas Tempest, who. in right of his wife Margaret, 
claimed a rent of forty shillings a year from Roger Tempest 
for half of his manor of Broughton, which moiety had been 
granted by Sir Richard Tempest, the great-grandfather to 
Sir Thomas Tempest, whose sole heir Margaret was, to his 
son Roger Tempest, the great-grandfather of the plaintiff 
Roger, and by which rent the half of the manor was held, 
though Roger had omitted to pay it since Sir Thomas's 
death, seven years previous. Nicholas Tempest was also 
summoned in another suit as to caption of cattle from 

^ Ducbj of Lane. Inq. p. m. vol. viii. " Duchy of Lane. Inq. p. m. vol. iiu 

No. SI of NichoUa Banaster. No. 22. 

» Z9Hk Report Dep. Keeper Public ,s r,u ^ « « t. * ^ «^« 

Eeoorda, p. 667. Chapter Houao Booki A. j^ p. 693. 



250 NICHOI.AS TEMPEST. 

Broughton, acting for his brother, Sir Richard, in tlie Hilary 
term preceding.^^ At the end of May, 1523, he, with 
Laurence Starkie (the under sheriff of Lancashire and 
receiver of the Duchy of Lancaster), was employed by Lord 
Darcy on behalf of the Crown to take charge of the 
escheated estates of Lord Mouteagle, whose son and heir 
was a minor. Starkie, in a letter dated from Hornby Castle, 
2nd June, 1523, to Lord Darcy, thus explains Tempest's 
position in the matter : — ** * * * * by^ ii^^^ master Robert 
Chaloner on Monday next after came thider and in your 
lordship's name he shewed amonges the householde that 
your pleasure and commandment is that Nicholas Tempest 
and Richard Banke shall have the charge of the house at 
Horneby and receyve and take in to their handes all my 
seid lorde's goodes that were seised and sequestered for the 
Kinge. And also the Revenuez of my said late lorde's 
landes." ^^ This appointment by Lord Darcy (whose wife 
Doucebella was cousin to Nicholas) was doubtless profitable, 
and one to which certain perquisites were attached. 

By the marriage covenants of his nephew, Henry Tempest 
(youngest son of Sir Richard), with Ellen Mirfield, dated 
20th March, 18th Henry 8th (1526-7), it was agreed that 
he as '* Nicholas Tempest the elder Esqr.," should be one of 
the feoffees of the Mirfield's manor of Tong, &c., for the 
use of the young couple.^® 

In 1529 Nicholas Tempest, with Sir John Townley and 
Richard Banaster, acted as commissioner for enclosing the 
town fields of Padiham, near Whalley ;^^ and in 1533 he 
arbitrated, with others, in a matter concerning the Abbot of 
Whalley. An indenture made the 13th December, 25th 
Henry 8th, ''upon dissension and controversy of divers 
covenants bargains &c. j-et depending'' between John 
abbot of Whalley of the one party, and John Deyne of 
Tonworth of the other party, shows that the disputants 
agreed to submit their differences to the award and judg- 
ment of " us Nicolesse Tempest, Charles Townley squyers, 
Ranulph Lyney monk proctor of Blackborne and Nicholasse 



18 De Banco Rolls, Trinity Term, 7 H. ^^ Original deed penes Sir R. Tempest 

8, m. 314, and Hil. Term, 6 H. 8, m. 649, Tempest, Bart, of Tong 1890. 

and Michs. Term, 6 H. 8, m. 412. »» Whitaker's Hist, of Whalley, Ist Ed. 

*' Cal. State Papers, Hen. 8, vol. iii. p. 254. 
No. 3070. 



MCHOLAS TEMPEST. 251 

Talbot gentylman;" upon which the arbitrators decided 
that this John Deyne was entitled to a pension of twenty- 
three shillings and fourpence a year, which the Abbot was 
forthwith to settle, which sum he received until the 11th 
November, 1536,^^ when the Monastery was dissolved, and 
Deyne, losing his annuity, petitioned the Crown for its con- 
tinuance, thus giving us this passing notice of our subject. 

About this date Nicholas Tempest was granted by the 
Exchequer, a lease of the Cloth Seal for Yorkshire, by which 
as King's Aulnager he received a small fee for every piece of 
cloth he passed and set his seal to, which in the great 
Yorkshire markets must have produced considerable sums. 
The lease has not j'et been discovered in the Patent Itolls 
and it is only through the petition of Robert Fourness, 
servant to Sir Henry Savile, begging for the remainder of the 
lease of sixteen years, of which he says six have expired,^* 
after Tempest's attainder in 1537 that we are able to trace 
the appointment. 

The next notice we have of Nicholas is in connection 
with the "^Igrimage of Grace " and we think we cannot do 
better than quote his statement, when possible, in giving the 
account of the transactions which led him to his death. 

"Nicholas Tempest of Craven, gentleman, sworne and 
examined (on the 23rd April, 29tli Henry 8th) by the right 
worshipful Mr. Doctor Layton, Mr. Doctor Tregonwell, Mr. 
Doctor Legh and Mi\ Doctor Peter in the presence of Mr. 
John Ap. llice, saith that Apon a Saturday next after saint 
Luke's day last passed (21st October, 1536), John Catherall, 
Anthony Talbot, Kichard Hamerton, John .... men and 
divers othei*s of the Communs amounting to the nombre of 
M* men came to this examinate's house of B[ashall] in 
Bolland, he being [absent] and there spoyled this examinates 
goods to the value of C'^ which ho never had agen. And 
took a Sonne of his called John with theym and sware hym 
forthwith and bade hym that he should send worde to this 
examinate his father that he shulde come in to theym within 
jj houres after or els they wolde strike oflF the said John's 
hedde. Whereupon this examinate havyng the same worde 
brought hym from theym, came in the same night and when 



* Augmentation Miscell. Took P. R. ^^ Cal. State Papers, Hen. 8, vol. 

0. No. 287, foL 3. xii., No. 1228. 



2b Z KICHOLAS TEMPEST. 

there, John Catherall toke this examinate by the hande and 
toke promise of hym to be trewe to the commons. And 
on the morrowe by appoyntment this examinate was 
with theym at Manabent where Syr Stephyn Hamurton 
was" . . . .^ 

- Sir Stephen Hamerton, whose statement we will next 
follow, narrates how he was at " Manybent " or " Manabent" 
— called Monubent on the Ordnance maps of to-day and lying 
about 9 miles N.E. from Bashall — " environed by about 300 
persons who took him and by some of them he was sworne 
and then sent with others to the lord Cumberland who bade 
them go home. Than they saide ^ nai my lord but this will 
not serve us.' Than said he, • I defye you, and do your 
worste for I will not meddle with you.' And when ther 
messingers retorned to Manybent the place appointed, they, 
the commons were not there but were gone to take Nicholas 
Tempest, and as this examinate harde say, they toke of the 
same Nycholas's goodes till they had taken hym. And as 
they were cummyng from thence this examinate and the 
said messingers mett them betwixt Bolton (in BoUand) and 
Sallay. And there they reaported what aunswere they had 
of my lorde of Cumberland. And they heryng that, sayde 
they wolde have hym or els they wolde die for yt, and there 
they shewed this examinate that they had taken Nicholas 
Tempest. On the morowe they mett all at Manybent and 
so went home.'' ^ 

From Tempest's narrative it is evident that the approach 
of the commons filled him with apprehension and drove him 
from his home as it did lord Scrope of Bolton, who wrote on 
the 12th October that hearing they (the commons) would 
be at his house at Bolton " this day either to sware him or 
to take him" left his wife and house that day and went 
abroad " till he knew what their purpose was ; " ^^ tactics 
which Tempest pursued though their threats towards his son 
John soon explained to him their "purpose." By these and 
many other letters and depositions proof is afforded that 
however greatly the gentry of Yorkshire disapproved of the 
King's measures with regard to the dissolution of the 

^ Tempest's Statement. State Papers, Chapter House Books, A -^ pp. 55 & 27. 

"owAVT^ nnrro£i.u T. '* Cal. State Papers, Hen. 8, voL ii. 

P. R. 0. Dom. 29 H. 8, first box—' ^^ ggy ^ * 

-' Sir Steph. Hamerton's Statement, 



NICHOLAS TEMPEST. 253 

Monasteries, they did not willingly join in rebellion. The 
tenets held by the commons were intolerant to their superiors 
for we find that it was agreed that " all the commons in 
every township should rise on pain of death and take all 

lords and gentlemen and make them swear If any 

lord or gentleman do deny to take this oath, then put them 
to death and put the next of his blood in his place. And if 
he deny, put him to death in Uke sort, so one after another 
until one of the blood take the oath." ^ 

Nicholas Tempest in his deposition declares that when the 
commons were assembled at Manybent they — "there by 
counsail determyned that the same Sir Stephen (Hamerton) 
shulde go to Colne and Burneley and this examinate to 
Whalley in Lancashire to fetch the commons therein to theym 
and to sweare theym. And on Monedaye following (23rd 
October) this examinate with thre or foure hundreth men 
went to Whalley abbey where being kept out upon ij houres, 
at the last were lett in for feare of burnyng their barnes and 
corne, and there this examinate sware the Abbot and upon 
(upwards of) an eight of his brethern according to Aske's 
othe. And Sir Stephyn went to thother two places (Colne 
and Burnley) and sware theym there and in their roo[m] 
mett together bothe the same Monedaye in the evening and 
[related] either to the other what they had done." ^^ Sir 
Stephen makes no reference to his visit to Colne and 
Burnley. 

Before these events had taken place in Craven, an order 
had been issued by Aske, while the commons or pilgrims 
were in York (viz. 16th or I7th October) for the restitution of 
monasteries to their abbots and monks, the decree being 
affixed to the Minster doors, and within the following week 
the King's tenants of Church lands were universally expelled, 
at least in such cases as the monks or nuns appeared to 
claim their own, as happened at Salley abbey, which lord 
Darcy had purchased the previous May. 

On the return of the exiled Cistercians to their deserted 
convent they found themselves destitute of the necessaries of 
life, and were absolutely dependent for food on the bounty 
of their neighbours amongst whom they counted Nicholas 



^ Qaaquet's Henry 8, and Engliah original. 
Manaataiiety toL IL p. 105, note quoting ^ Tempest's Statement. 



254» NICHOLAS TEMPEST. 

Tempest whose family had ever been their benefactora. He 
thus describes what he did in the matter. "And examined 
touching the suppUcation sent from the abbote of Salley to 
Sir Thomas Percy, saith upon his othe and allegiance tliat lie 
nether was privey to the sending foorthe or devysing of tli^ 
same supplication nor to th' answere brought again of tlie 
same, but he saithe that when the commons had putt in 
the Abbote and monks at Sallay this exarainate gave them 
a fat oxe, one mutton, and ij or iij ghees, as other of his 
ney hours did, and more ayde, comfort nor counsaill by word 
or deed or writin^x he never gave them otherwise than 
is above deposed." ^^ 

This "supplication '' sent from Salley to Sir Thomas Percy 
on which so much stress was laid both in Sir Thomas's caso 
as well as in that of the monks and Tempest appears a 
harmless begging letter addressed to their " honourable, and 
most especiall good maister, Sir Thomas Percye Knt. in most 
humble wise." In the letter the monks explained their 
present need which they declare to be due alone to the 
.suppression of their house and they look to him as a descen- 
dant of their abbey's founder to grant them succour. They 
tell him how the whole county sides with them, but they feel 
grave misgivings as to the prudence of accepting the advice 
of the commons to remain where they are, but the gist of 
their letter is undoubtedly a petition for alms and wimls up 
with : — "And that for the bett[er majyntenaunce and 
secour of your bede house which hath been heretofore 
[w]ell stayed and helped by the right worshipful Sir Stephen 
Hamerton knight, your assured lover and friend, and 
[Nijcholas Tempest esquire unto whom ....[? we are] 
not liable to deserve ne requite of their great goodness 
[but o]nly by prayer except it wold please [? your good 
mastership] to minister unto them condigne [? assistance 
and] Nvitli your [? help] further them and us." ^® The 
ori":inal of this letter is so much daman;ed that in some 
parts its meaning can only be guessed at, but that it was 
used as a formidable piece of evidence against Tempest, 
Hamerton and Percy is proved by the persistent manner in 
which it is alluded to in various crown memoranda ; though 



27 Tempeat'B Statement. ' No. 785. 

^ Cal. State Papers, Hen. 8, vol. zL 



NICHOLAS TEMPEST. 255 

as Hamerton in his examination, pointed out, the abbot when 
condemned to die, begged his forgiveness for having named 
Iiim in the letter and declared that no one was privy to the 
devising of it except the monk Eastgate and the two brothers 
Bradforde and Parishe.^^ Also Eastgate both before and 
after his condemnation could never be persuaded to say any- 
thing except that at the first Nicholas Tempest was one of 
their great favourers.^® 

Besides the accusation that Tempest had given the monks 
of Salley the cattle and geese, which was construed into 
'* maintaining " the abbot against the king, one Walter Talbot 
told how he had accepted the loan of a horse from the abbot 
of Whalley, a fact which was used against both Nicholas and 
the abbot. 

In the draft of a letter to be sent from the king to the 
earl of Derby, dated the 19th October 1536, occur these 
directions : — " Having since heard of an insurrection 
attempted about the abbey of Salley in Lancashire, where 
the abbot and monks have been restored by the traitors, 
we now desire you immediately to repress it, to apprehend 
the captains and either have them immediately executed as 
traitors, or sent up to us ... . You are to take the said 
abbots and monks forth with vwkfice, and have them 
hanged without delay in their monk s apparel." ^^ From 
the tenor of this letter, which was accompanied by a com- 
mission for authority to act under the great Seal, it is evident 
that little mercy was intended for either the monks, who 
after all only claimed their own, or for their supporters. 

It is highly probable that the contents of the king's letter 
were communicated to the commons by Thomas Stanley, a 
priest who, writing to lord Darcy tells how lord Derby had 
proudly shown him the king's commission of October the 
twentieth ordering a levy of Lancashire men to quell the 
rising, and it is not unlikely he saw the letter accompanying 
the commission at the same time. The rumour once 
whispered, the orders swelled in strength and virulence with 
discussion until, as related by Sir Stephen Hamerton : — 
•' within a while after, letters came from Salley [to] all the 
country reaportyng that the lorde of Darby would cum and 



» Ibid. Tol. xii. No. 1034. « Ibid. voL xl No. 783. 

> Ibid. No. 69£. 



256 NICHOLAS TEMPEST. 

poole [down] Whalley, Syr Richard Tempest's house " (either 
Waddington which is four miles from Whalley or Bracewell 
which is six from Sallcy) '* and this examinate's " (Wiggles- 
worth which is seven miles from Salley). "And thereupon 
they appointed to mete alle ageyne at Manybent. And 
there determyned that one parte of them (whereof this 
examinate was) shulde take one syde of Kibley and the 
other parte wherof Nicholas Tempest was, shulde go on 
the other part of the same, And go to Whalley, And in the 
waye to reyse the country alonge and to mete bothe parties 
agayne upon a more two myles besydes Whalley thei*e to 
mete my lorde of Derbie and to stoppe hym of his said 
purpose. And other then or before alle the said ComnienH 
devysed a letter to be sent to Atkynson and other of 
Kendalle syde to cumme and ayde them. And whether 
this examinate subscribed to the same he notes not. And 
saithe he never sent lettres nor message to Strikeland. 
And when they cam to the said hill (Monubent) there they 
had worde broughte them that the lord of Derby had 
worde from my lorde of Norfolk by an herolde that he 
shulde stay and not go forwarde, for an uptake that was 
made at Doncaster. And so every man excepte a fewe 
gentyhnene that went to Whalley that night retorned 
home." ^^ 

Tempest describes those few days' proceedings thus: — 
" This examinate, Sir Stephen Ilanieiton and other, liering 
saye that n)y lorde of Derby had reysed the countrey and 
fearing least he wolde sett upon theym or els come and 
rescue my lorde of Cumberland egenst theym '* — Cumberland 
being besieged in Skipton Castle, whence on October the 
31st he despatched plaintive letters to the king — "wrote, or 
sent worde to Mr. Strikeland that he wolde come to theym 
with all that he might bring to rescue theym and [whethjir 
he sent theym any answere agein he weteth not .... they 
stired not there, as he saieth, to come towards theym. 

And that after that, they of Craven and abouts 

that and of Lancashire kept every man his owne honse reJy 
to be up and come together at an houres w^arnyng."^*' It is 
noticeable that Tempest makes no mention of the rumour 
that Derby had orders to destroy Sir Richard Tempests 

^' Hamerton's Statement, pp. 27 k 28. ^ Tempest^s Statement 



KICHOLAS TEMPEST, 257 

liouse ; he probably felt sure the king would never have 
directed the demolition of the property of a man so highly 
esteemed by himself, but lately made a Commissioner of 
array, and for whom on the 17th of October he had 
advised Shrewsbury, upon his advance into Yorkshire, to 
send : and of whom further he daily received satisfactory 
•iccounts, as for example, when the Duke of Norfolk on the 
23rd October wrote to the king reporting that Sir Richard 
Tempest had taken one of the rebel captains, **a tall man, 
late Darcy's servant," prisoner.^*^ 

The movements of the earl of Derby, which caused so 
much uneasiness in the pilgrim's camp appear to have been 
somewhat hesitatingly carried out in spite of the pride he 
had evinced on receiving his commission, declaring to the 
priest, Thomas Stanley, that " no ancestor of his had ever 
liad the like."^ He probably only received his letters of 
the 20th on the 23rd or 24th, as his reply to the king is 
dated from Lathom on the latter day — being Tuesday — that 
he had consulted with the gentlemen of the Shire, and they 
had finally agreed " to set out for Salley, where the monks 
and abbot yet remain on Saturday next " (28th October) to 
execute the king's command. This letter to Henry is 
endorsed as being received on the 28th, showing that it took 
about four days in transmission from Lancashire to Windsor. 
On Wednesday, lord Derby wrote to the abbot of Whalley, 
warning him — a prudent step if really anxious to overtake 
the rebels — that he intended being at the abbey on Monday 
night (the 30th), and desired him " to provide for me and 
my company to do the king's service." There were doubts 
abroad as to the earl's loyalty in the matter, as appears from 
an unsigned letter to Cromwell of this date, which reads 
thus : — *• in my last letter I wrote that my lord of Derby 
was true to the king, and so I think he is yet * * * I hear 
light words among his servants." ^^ 

On the_28th the king reiterates his directions concerning 
the treatment to be meted out to the insurgents, namely, 
that " if on your coming to Sauley you find the abbot and 
monks or canons restored again, of which they must have 
been authors or abettors, you shall at once cause the abbot 
and certain of the chief monks to be hanged on long pieces 

** Ckl. state Papers, Hen. 8, vol. xi. » Ibid. Ko. 807. 

Koa. 688, 747 k 846. » Ibid. Noa. 866; 872, 859. 

TOL. ZI. « 



25 S NICHOLAS TEMPEST. 

of timber, or otherwise, out of the steeple, and the rest to be 
executed in such places as you think fit * ''*" * You must 
have special regard to the apprehension of all such captains 
and let none escape." ^^ The orders to the duke of SuflFolk 
with regard to the ** Gentlemen who have notably oflFended " 
was, that " you shall spare the execution of them and either 
send them to us or detain them in ward." ^^ 

While Derby was collecting his ^* gentlemen of the shire " 
to march against the pilgrims, they on their part were 
preparing to resist him to the best of their abihty, as both 
Tempest and Hamerton acknowledge. The commons issued 
proclamations declaring that none were to aid the earl of 
Derby, or anyone else, not sworn to the commonwealth, and 
that all males over sixteen years of age were to be at 
Clitheroe Moor on Monday, after the feafit of SS. Simon and 
Jude, viz., the 30th of October, the day on which Derby had 
signified to abbot Paslewe his intention of visiting Whalley. 
Fortunately for the lives — and perhaps honour — of lord 
Derby's Lancashire troops, on the day on which they were 
preparing to march against the Yorkshiremen, the duke of 
Norfolk, with lords Shrewsbury, Rutland and Huntingdon, 
was interviewing Aske and his band of followers at Doncaster, 
with the result so well known, that the pilgrims trusted 
themselves to the mercy and justice of a king who under- 
stood neither quality, and an armistice was proclaimed until 
the negotiations on either side should be fully discussed 
and declared. Derby had advanced as far as Preston only 
by Sunday night, and on the following morning, at nine 
o'clock, came Berwyke, the herald-at-arms, wearing the 
king's coat armour, and delivered to the earl a letter from 
the lords Shrewsbury, Rutland and Huntingdon,^^ dated the 
28th October, in which they made known the fact that " my 
lord of Norfolk and we here (at Doncaster) have stayed the 
commons of Yorkshire and every man is sparpled " {i.e., dis- 
parpled — scattered abroad) " and retired home * **'" ^^ and as 
we hear from lord Darcy that you, with your retinue, are to 
be on Monday next at Whalley abbey, we cliarge you in the 
king's name to sparple your company without molesting the 
said commons." ^^ Much relieved, no doubt, by this order, 



37 Ibid. No. 894. 39 Ibid. No. 947. 

^ Ibid. 764. « Ibid. No. 901. 



NICHOLAS TEMPEST. 259 

Derby did ** sparplo " his troops, and departed homewards, 
writing from Lathom " about 4 p.m. on All Saints Day 
(Wednesday, November 1st) to inform the king of his 
proceedings, relating also how the commons of the borders 
of Yorkshire and Lancashire, near Salley, had assembled and 
taken Whalley abbey, but on hearing of the truce had 
dispersed the same day. The earl proceeds to add that, 
had not the herald arrived on the Monday morning, " though 
the roads to Whalley and Salley are very difficult," he and 
his company would have risked all to have executed the 
king s command ; '' and no doubt though there would have 
been a great fray, the traitors would have been over- 
thrown.'**^ Safe boasting this, when the danger had passed, 
and the Yorkshiremen dispersed ! 

It has been necessary to follow lord Derby's movements 
somewhat closely in order to understand the various state- 
ments in Tempest's and Hamer ton's depositions. Hamerton 
relates that when "they" — himself and Nicholas with the 
commons — " cam to the said hille '* (the moor two miles 
from Whalley which would be Clitheroo moor) " there they 
liad worde broughte them tliat the lorde of Derby had word 
from my lord of Norfolk by an heralJe that he shauld stay 
and not go forward, for an uptake that was made at Don- 
caster. And so every man except a fewe gentylmene that 
went to Whalley that nighte retorned home.""*^ How 
thankfully must these " gentlemen " have turned to leave the 
coarse and wilful rabble to pause at Whalley, and there dis- 
cuss the events of the last few weeks, i)erhaps rejoicing 
with the monks over the apparent victory in the firm con- 
viction that, by their efforts, and those of their friends, they 
had saved to their church and country the monastic institu- 
tions they loved so well ; that the king would retract his 
claim to being head of the church, that Cromwell and Rich 
should suflFer for their unjust deeds, Drs. Legh and 
Layton receive condign punishment for their extortions in 
their visitations and other abominable acts, that certain 
parliamentary rights and others would be restored, in fact 
that all grievances would be removed. 

They little knew that Norfolk had written to the king 
from Welbeck at midnight on the 25 th saying " I beg you 

«i Ibid. No. 947. *^ Hamerton's Statement 



260 NICHOLAS TEMPEST. 

take in good part whatever I may promise the rebels ; for 
surely I shall obseive no part thereof/' ^^ Tempest does not 
mention the fact that he was one of those who thus stayed 
at Whalley, but as he was at the gathering on Clitheroc 
Moor on the 80th when the truce was announced, for it was 
there he had been directed to return with the party he 
escorted to perambulate the banks of the Kibble to arrest 
lord Derby's march, it is probable he was. He does not 
appear, however, to have had much faith in the results of the 
negotiations, seeing that he tells how, after the proclamations 
of the truce, " the Craven men kept every man his own 
house ready to be up and come together at an hours 
warning." 

While Henry, playing the diplomatist with fair words and 
promises, won over to his side many trustworthy men, the 
Commons in Yorkshire were waxing impatient ; their 
tempers possibly not improved by the " explanations " the 
king had directed his heralds to travel about and make, 
especially as many of these consisted in vituperations against 
the monks who, as a rule, there can be no doubt were the 
true and kind friends of the lower orders. Henry congratu- 
lated Korfolk on the "discreet" manner in which "you 
paint those persons that call themselves religious in the 
colours of their hypocrisy." ^"^ The armistice agreed upon at 
Doncaster had not been kept, and Aske's followers were 
accused, amongst other breaches of the truce, of keeping 
lord Cumberland a prihioner within his castle of Skipton, 
and of having a large body of men ready to oppose lord 
Derby ; which last accusation is borne out by Tempest's 
statement. 

Feeling the temper of his followers and suspicious at the 
delay in the return of Ellerker and Bowes — the pilgrims' 
ambassadors to the king — Aske considered it advisable to 
convoke a meeting at York to be held on the 11th of 
November, which, however, did not take place until the 
20tli, Aske writing on the 19th from Templehurst desiring 
Hamerton to attend *^ despatching probably at the same 
time a letter to the same effect to Tempest as he relates : — 
"this examinate and Sir Stephen Hamerton were com- 



♦» Cal. State Papers, vol. xi. No. 864. « Ibid. vol. xi. No. 1115. 

** Ibid. vol. xii. No. 479, 



NICHOLAS TEMPEST. 261 

manded from Aske and the otlier gentlemen nt York to 
come to York betweene the tymes of both meetings at 
Doncaster (28th October and 29th November). And 
thether cam a chaplein of the abbot of Salley to speke witli 
the Captaiu and there spake with this examinate and 
desired his counsaill touching the house. And this 
examinate counsailled him that seeing there shulde be 
another meting shortly after at Poniefrate wherein many 
things shulde be ordered, he shulde make some frends to 
speke for the cause there. And being there at York cam a 
rumor to theym that tlieir countrey was up agein. And 
thereupon this examinate and the said Sir Stephyn after 
the conclusion taken at York retourned home and founde 
the country quiete at their comyng."*^ Hamerton says 
that after the dispersion on Clitheroe Moor he "went homo 
and never stirred after as he saitlie till he was com- 
maunded to come to Yorke. And there beynge, upon 
worde broughte thither from thabbot of Salley that the 
countrey aforesaid was upp agayne, this examinate and 
Nycholas Tempest were commaunded to go home and ryse 
the countrey to resiste the lorde of Derbye if he had cummc. 
And by that tyme they cam home the countree had been 
up before and ben up at Salley and were cum home 
ageyne." *^ And at home as Bowbearer of Bolland we next 
hear of Tempest. 

William Sengleton, servant to Sir Richard Houghton, 
Knt, deposed in February, 1536-7, that "on the morrow^ 
after St. Andrew's Even " (30th November) he with Henry 
Sengleton, Ewan Brown and Henry Banaster, the keeper of 
Bolland forest, went together and met Nicholas Tempest 
about a mile from Banaster's house, " and so, as they weio 
going towards their game to hunt they had like conversation 
with the said Nicholas of the said matters. And then like- 
wise when the said Deponant had shewed unto the said 
Nichohis in what good arredines his said master and Sir 
Thomas Southeworth were in and other of the cuntrey to 
have donn the kings highness service against the said com- 
mons Hebells as afore, the same Nicholas first declared howe 
that at the first he was mynded to have withstodde them to 
thuttermost and nevertheles afterwards within three houres 

^ Tempest's Statement. *^ HamertoQ*8 Statement. 



262 NICHOLAS ITiiiMPEST. 

was clerely turned and was ernest in the Commons causes 
after he had takyn his othe. And further answered and 
sayde that thair (Houghton and Southeworth) purposes wold 
have Httle availled them for my lord of Derbye had writteyn 
such a lettre to the lord Darcy that he knewe the said lord 
of Derbye wold do litle to the matter when it shuld come to 
the point, so that the said Sir Richard Houghton and Sir 
Thomas had been disseyed of their trust in hym. And then 
the said Nicholas shewed them howe his goods and sub- 
stances were first spoyled by the Commons whereby he was 
constreyned to be sworn unto them. And said also that if 
the Commons had proceeded, tliair said Master and the said 
Sir Thomas South worth wold have ben fayn to have fallen 
in unto them or ells thair houses wold have been pulled 
Down and thair goods spoyled as others were/' ^® 

At the conference at York on November the 24th, certain 
" orders '^ were prepared for the arrangement of the forth- 
coming meeting between the representatives of the pilgrims 
and the king. Amongst these orders we find Nicholas 
Tempest, his brother Sir Richard — who had joined Lord 
Darcy after the surrender of Pontefract — and Sir Stephen 
Hamerton a|)pointed as commanders for the West Riding 
division, while Sir Thomas Tempest (of Holmeside, whose 
only daughter and heir married Sir Ralph Bulmer) was 
amongst those for the bishopric of Durham, though that this 
latter Tempest ever did have anything to do with the 
insurgents is more than doubtful, as he was one of Norfolk's 
right-hand men during the trials in May. Preserved in the 
Public Record Office is another list endorsed in the duke of 
Norfolk's handwriting, " Names of certain towns and gentle- 
men in the north,'' wherein we find the names of Sir Richard 
Tempest and Grice — Thomas Grice was lord Darcy's agent 
or steward — connected with Wakefield ; Sir Thomas Tempest 
and Lassy — son and son-in-law of Sir Richard — with Hali- 
fax ; Sir Thomas Tempest (of Holmeside ?) and the Mayor, 
with Newcastle-on-Tync ; and ** therl of Cumberland or his 
son, and Sir Stephen Hamerton" with Skipton.'*® It is 
difficult to suggest what this Hst meant, unless they were 
the persons Norfolk considered best qualified to represent 
the opposing sides at the forthcoming meeting. 

*^ Letten and Papers, Foreign and ^^ Cal. of State Papers, toL xl Ko. 

Domestic, Uen. 8, toL xii. Ko. 518. 1155. 



NICHOLAS TEMPEST. 263 

Before the gathering of Pilgrims dispersed from York, it 
was agreed to meet the king's representatives " on St. 
Nicholas even on this side Donca^ter, and hold an assembly 
at Pontefract on the Saturday before '^ (2nd December). The 
latter of these meetings Tempest attended, as he states : — 
" this examinate and Sir Stephen cam to the last meting at 
Pomefrete, allways it hath ben so as they were commanded." 
Sir Stephen further explaining that "upon commaundment 
of the Rulers at York this examinate and Nycholas Tempest 
went to Pomfret to the last metynge there where the king's 
pardon was proclaymed and accepted " the 12th December. 
From these statements we may conclude that Tempest and 
Hamerton did not join in that theatrical scene at Doncaster 
on the Tuesday when the king's pardon — dated at Richmond 
three days before, namely, on the 9th of December — was 
proclaimed, and Aske with some of his followers in the 
presence of Norfolk and Shrewsbury tore off " the badges 
and crosses with five wounds '' as a token their " pilgrimage " 
was ended, exclaiming, " we will wear no badge nor figure 
but the badge of our sovereign lord.'' ^^ 

Henry leaving his promises unredeemed, the malcontents 
felt they had every excuse for fresh insurrection, and pro- 
ceeded to agitate and plot. Amongst those who were 
accused of joining in the new rising was Nicholas Tempest, 
though he distinctly denies having moved in the matter since 
the pardon of December. In a memorandum at the Public 
Record Office it is stated that Nicholas Tempest was a 
" setter forth of the first musters and principal doer in the 
second insurrection, that he procured the late abbot of Salley 
to raise the king's people in harness in defence of his 
traitorous possession of the said abbey " and upon the 
pardon the said Tempest and other traitors continued 
and maintained the said late abbot against the king both by 
giving the fat ox, &c., and by the letter sent from Salley to 
Sir Thomas Percy.^^ 

Sussex and Derby writing the 11th March to Norfolk 
relate that it is said that Nicholas Tempest, Edmund Lowde, 
William Smythister and Richard Core, servants to Sir 
Richard Tempest, were the first captains that came into 



^ Froude*8 Hist, of England, vol. ii. ^^ Cal. State Papers, Hen. 8, vol. ziL 

Chap. 13, p. 591. No 1020. 



iei KICHOLAS TEMPEST. 

Ijancaslure, and further, that as far as they can gather Sir 
Richard " was neither good first nor last, and might, if he 
would, have stayed his brother Nicholas." *^ 

In his indictment Nicholas Tempest — with his fellow- 
prisoners — is charged with conspiring as a false traitor at 
Shirburne in the county of York, "and imagining^' ou the 
10th of October, 1536, io deprive the king of his royal 
dignity, viz., of being on earth Supreme head of the Church 
of England, of endeavouring to compel the king to hold a 
parliament, and of committing various rebellions and insur- 
rections, &c., at Pontefract on divers days and times before 
the said 1 0th day of October. And further that he, with 
others, had assembled at Doncaster on the 20th <iay of 
October, 1536, and conspired to levy war against the king. 
And that although the king had graciously pardoned him 
the said Nicholas Tempest (with the others named in the 
indictment) of all offences committed from the beginning of 
the rebellion to the 10th of December, 28th Henry 8th, 
"nevertheless they the said lord Darcy * * » * Nicholas 
Tempest, &c., persevering and continuing in their treasons 
did subsequently to such pardon, viz., on the 17th of 
January, 28th Heniy 8th, at Sedryngton, Tempyl Hynst, 
Flambourghe and Beverley compass and imagine to deprive 
the king of his royal dignity viz., of being on earth Supreme 
head of the Church of England, and to compel the king to 
hold a parliament and convocation of the clergy of the 
kingdom, and to annul divers good laws made for the com- 
mon weal of the people of England, and to depose and 
deprive the king of his royal power, liberty, state, and 
dignity by force and danger of death." Further, that on 
the 28th of January, 1536-7, various letters and corre- 
spondence were mutually despatched to each other from 
Templehurst and elsewhere.^^ 

With regard to that portion of the indictment which 
charges Tempest with conspiring as early as October the 
10th, we know from his own statement, confirmed by 
Hamerton and others, that his connection with the insur- 
gents did not commence until the 2lst. As to the accusa- 
tions made against him for conspiring after the pardon was 



w Ibid. No. 632. Recorda, p. 248. 

" 3rd lieport Dep. Keeper Public 



NICHOLAS TEMPEST. 265 

proclaimed and accepted, he declares solemnly that " never 
syns'' — the last meeting at Pontefract — was he "present 
consentinge or weting to any other commotion hi those 
parties or elsewhere as he saith. And as touching any 
other conference with lord Darcy, Sir llobert Constable or 
Kobert Aske b y word, lettres or message, he saith precisely 
^eTiadTione with any of them, Nor yet Nvith Bygod."^* 

The date of Tempest's arrest has not yet been ascer- 
tained, but that it occurred after the 31st of March is 
certain, for Norfolk wrote on that day to Cromwell that he 
thought Sir Stephen Hamerton, Nicholas Tempest and the 
prior of Bridlington would go up to London if privy seals 
be sent for them "for they are in no fear"^^ which plainly 
indicates how innocent Tempest must have felt of any 
wrong doing. He may still have been at liberty, indeed 
probably was, on the 9th of April when Sussex wrote to 
him, charging him in the king's name to restoie a chalice 
belonging to the chapel of Our Lady without the monastery 
of Whalley which the parishioners of Billington and Din- 
keley haobought and which the abbot had entrusted to his 

ire.®^ This last letter may have been a ruse to ascertain 
hiswhereabouts, as we find him safely lodged in the Tower 
by the 23rd, his deposition being taken that day before 
Legh, Lay ton, Ti-egonwell and Petre. liis statement is not 
so diffuse as some made by other prisoners, but he tells, as 
it seems, simply and truthfully his share in the rising, which, 
though he doubtless sympathised in the spirit that prompted 
it, was coerced into joining. No record appears in any of 
the depositions, so far discovered, to implicate him in the 
second rising ; in fact though the real charge against him 
was his support of the monks of Salley by gifts of food, that, 
even the authorities must have felt was but a poor excuse to 
hang a man for, as we find among the State papers relating 
to this rising memoranda for prosecutions in which the 
names of Sir Stephen Hamerton and Nicholas Tempest are 
bracketed with the note, — " The petition made to Thomas 
Percy by the abbot of Salley, wherein is no apparent matter 
against them but afore the pardoUj" ®^— _so that we are forced 
to conclude that Nicholas suffered through some hidden 

** Tempeat'8 Stotement. ^ Ibid. No. 879. 

» CaL of State Papers, vol. xii. No. *7 Ibid. No. 1088. 

777. 



266 NICHOLAS (TEMPfiST. 

spite, or perhaps to act as a warning to some of his friends 
who had been " true with the lips but false with the heart " 
to the king. 

A special commission for receiving indictments of all 
treasons and offences was addressed in April, 1537, to 
Thomas, duke of Norfolk, Sir Thomas Tempest, Knt. — this 
would be Sir Thomas of Holmeside, the serjeant-at-law 
knighted between 1524 and 1529 and not the brother of 
Nicholas who was knighted after the taking of Jedburgh in 
1523 on the recommendations of Norfolk, then lord Surrey — 
Sir William Euro, Knt, Sir Marmaduke Constable, the elder, 
knight and others ; and on the 3rd of May following, a 
precept was addressed to the Sheriff of Yorkshire command- 
ing him to return a Grand Jury of fifty gentlemen, each 
owning a freehold worth £5 yearly, to assemble at York 
Castle on May the 9th foUowin^^® When Norfolk received 
the king's and Cromwell's letters and instructions he thus 
writes to the latter from " Shryfhoton the viij of May " 
acknowledging the receipt of the lists of the gentlemen to be 
indicted and of those to be empanelled to try them, and 
remarks *' forasmoche as ther is twoo billes of one effecte I 
do thinke, and so do all that be of counsaill here with me, 
that ye meane to have twoo diverse inquestes ; wich, if ye so 
doo, I thinke ye do well, for they being so kepte that one of 
them shall not knowe what another doothe, shall make 
them the more quicke to fynde the matier : and I have so 
provided that we shall lacke no nomber, if I wold have iiij 
inquestes "^' '''' '" ^'' Doubte ye not, my lord, but the matier 
shalbe found according to the khi^'s pleasure/' ^^_^ And to 
the king on the 10th he writes, that the day before, he had 
appointed "two quests, 20 of the one, and 21 of the other,*' 
and after declaring his mind to them, made them go to 
several places, with the result that they shortly returned 
having found true bills on the indictments without adding a 
word. And he adds, " they " (those serving on the quests) 
" have shown themselves true subjects, and have deserved 
the king's thanks. If I had known the gentlemen of these 
parts as well when Levenyng and others were acquitted as 
I do now, and had named those inquests as I did this, 
Levenyng had not been uqw in life." ^° 

«® 3rd Report Dep. Keeper Public ii. p. clxij. 
Reconls, p. 2i7. ^ Cal. State Papers, vol. xii. No. 1172. 

'^^ Surteea Soc, Hexham Priory, vol, 



NICHOLAS TEMPEST. 26? 

The panel Jbr the _Jai:ajid Jury, whicli as shown was 
divided into two bodies one having Sir Christopher Danby 
for foreman, and the other Sir James Strangways, is as 
follows : — Sir Christopher Dauby, Sir John Dawney, Sir 
Edward Gower, Sir Thomas Johnson, Sir Roger Chamley, 
Sir Thomas Metham, Sir Nicholas Fairefax, Sir Robert 
Nevell, Sir Oswald Wyllesthrop, and Sir William Knollcs, 
knights, Henry Ryther, John Aske, George Thwenge, 
Christopher Fenton, Ralph Hundgate, William Percy e, 
Edward Rosse, Thomas Grimston, John Peke, Marmaduke 
Thwaites, Edward Saltmarshe, Henry Ardyngton, Robert 
Maleverey, Robert Conyers, and John Basfurthe, esquires. 
Of these all were sworn but Percy, Grimston, Maleverey, 
and Basfurth, making up the twenty-one jurors. The other 
panel contains the names of Sir James Strangwicke, Sir 
Henry Savell, Sir George Conyers, Sir William Coplay, Sir 
John Constable, senior. Sir Christopher Hyllyard, Sir Wil- 
liam Mallory, Sir Henry Everingham, knights, Roger Lassells, 
Thomas Dalever, John Barton, Richard Redeman, Matthew 
Boynton, Nicholas Ruddeston, William Thwaites of Marston, 
Richard Vyncent, Christopher Thomlynson, William Thorpe, 
Anthony Awmond, Robert Crayke, George Bowes, John 
Norton, John Eland, Thomas Gower and Gregory Conyers, 
esquires. Of these, Thwaites, Vyncent, Crayke, Bowes, and 
Ela nd ^^ did not serve which left the twenty indicated by 
Cromwell. 

Jlost, if not all of those named on the panel were in some 
way connected with the prisoners they were called upon to 
condemn — it is mockery to call it judge — and that the 
duEe of Norfolk knew and intended such should be the case 
is proved by his own letter to Cromwell already cited when 
he declared " And I am at this tyme of such acquayntaunce 
with the gentlemen, that I dar well adventure to put diverse 
uppon the questes that some hath raaryed with the lord 
Darce's sonnes dowghters and some with Sir Robert Con- 
stable's : and I woll put John Aske thereupon who is eldest 
brother to Robert Aske/' So confident was he that the 
" matier " would be found according to the king's pleasure, 
which meant, of course, against the prisoners, that ho adds ; 
"If ye be mynded to precede to th'arraynments on 

*> Bigi d« Secretifl King's Bench (Crown Side), Pouoh X. Bundle 2, m. 21. 



26vS NICHOLAS TEMPEST. 

Monda}'c or TewesJaie, put all your tliinges there in order 
against that tyme accordinglie, for I am owte of doubte of 
the fyndyng here. * * "' My good lord, I woU not spare to 
put the best frendes thiese men have upon one of the 
inquestcs, to prove their affections whether they well rather 
serve his majestic trewlie and franklie in this matier, or els 
to favour their frendes : and if they woll not fynd, then 
they may have thankes acording to their cankered hertes. 
And, as for th'other inquest, 1 woll appoynte such that I 
shall no more doubte then of myself.** ^^ The relationship 
cf some of the jurymen to Bigod, Bulmer, Constable ami 
])arcy, is given in a note in Norfolk's handwriting,^^ but 
there is no mention made of Tempest's kinship, but we must 
remember his cousin, Doucabella Tempest, was lord Darcv's 
wife, Sir Thomas Metham's grandmother was a Tempest, 
and Sir Henry Savile was Sir llichard's sworne and bitter foe. 
On Wednesday, May the 9th, 1537, the prisoners. Sir 
Thomas Darcy, late of " Temple Hyrst," co. York, knt, "lord 
Darcy, otherwise Thomas Darcy, lord Darcy, late of Tempyl 
Hyrst, knt.," Sir Robert Constable, late of Flamborough, 
knt., Sir Francis Bygott, otherwise Bygod, late of " Se<l- 
ryngton," CO. York, knt.. Sir Thomas Percy, late of *'Sey- 
mure," knt., Sir John Bulmer, late of Wilton, knt. ; " Margaret 
Choyne, wife of William Clieyne, late of London, Esq." 
(Lady Bulmer), Sir Stephen Hamerton, hite of"Wyggyls- 
worth/' knt., Geoige Lumley, late of " Thwynge," Esq. ; 
Kalph Bulmer, late of London, son and heir apparent of the 
said Sir John Buhner, knt., llobert Aske, late of" Aughton,'' 
gentleman, James Cokerell, late of Lythe, in the said 
county of York, clerk, rector of the paiish church there, 
formerly Prior of '* Gysborough," Nicholas Temj)cst, late of 
'* BaschchalV Esq., William Wood, late prior of Bridlington, 
John l^ykeryng, late of lAthe, clerk, John Pickering, late of 
Bridlington, a brother of the order of Preaching friars, 
Adam Sedbar, abbot of "Jcrvaulx,'' and William Thriske, 
otherwise Triske, clerk, late abbot of Fountains, were charged 
at York Castle before the commissioners, Norfolk, Sir 
Thomas Tempest, and others, with the treasonable and 
rebellious deeds already quoted in Tempest's indictment.^ 

^' Hexham Priory, vol. ii. p. 164. ^* 3rd Report Dep. Keeper Public 

" Cal. State Papers, Hen. 8, vol. Records, p. 247, &c. 
x:i. No. 1172(2). 



NICHOLAS TEMPEST. 269 

We have quoted theiiiike's own_\vords, showing how well 
the friends and relations of the accused understood the 
thanks Henry would have given their "cankered hearts" 
liad they found anything but a true bill, and on that finding 
Nicholas Tempest and his companions were hurried to 
London for further trial. They were loJged in the Tower, 
the constable there being directed, on the 14th of May, to 
have "lordDarcy ^'' ^^ *^'' Nicholas Tempest, late of Basche- 
hall, CO. York, Esq.,'* and the other prisoners brought before 
lord chancellor Sir Thomas Audley and his fellows, on 
Wednesday the 16th of May at Westmin ster.^^ Sir Brian 
Hastings, the high sherifi* of Yorkshire was ordered to send 
to Westminster by Thursday, Ma}^ the l7th, twenty-four 
gentlemen " of the visne of Templyherst, Brydlyngton, 
Flamborough, Aughton, Baschehall and Wilton, co. York," 
who had no aflSnity to James Cockerall, of Lythe, clerk, 
Nicholas Tempest, Esq., William Wood, prior of Bridlington, 
John Pickering, clerk, John Pickering, of the order of 
Preaching friars, Adam Sedbar, abbot of Jervaux, and 
William Thriske, abbot of Fountains, to act as jurors in the 
action of the king against the above-named persons. The 
following were returned to try Tempest— Sir Edward 
liedyngfeld, Sir John Byrom, Sir William Pykering, Sir 
Henry Gascoigne, Sir William Musgrave, Sir George 
Gryffyth, knights, Henry Knevet, Richard Fryston, Thomas 
Edgar, Edmund Wright, Anthony Dryland, Thomas 
Wyndhani, John Candyshe, John Eland, Thomas Holcroft, 
esquires, Oliver Wentworth, Robert Furness, William 
Maunsel, John Deyghton, Robert Kymsey, Edward Hyrst, 
John Banastre, Robert Godeale and Nicholas Trygot, 
gentlemen. From this panel the twelve jurymen were sworn, 
taking the first thirteen on the list, but omitting Sir William 
Musgrave.^^ A separate jury from a diflerent panel was 
sworn to try Sir Robert Constable, &c., consisting of Sir 
Arthur Hopton, Sir Thomas Butler, Sir William Sydney, Sir 
Grifiith Done, Sir William Newenham, Sir William Fairefax, 
Sir John Nevill, Sir William Gascoigne, junior, Sir Thomas 
Russhe, knights, William Parr, Edmund Knevett, and 
William Vavasour, esquires.^^ 



» Ibid. p. 248. 3, m. 7. 

^ Baga de Secretis, Pouch X., Bundle ^ Ibid. m. 8. 



270 NICHOLAS TEMPEST. 

In obedience to the various writs, &c., Wednesday the 
16tli of May was the day on which the final trial at West- 
minster commenced, when Chancellor Audley delivered into 
Court a record of the — hardly just — inquisition taken at 
York Castle before the duke of Norfolk and other commis- 
sioners, on the 9th instant, as to the guilt of ^Tempest and 
his companions;^® and the prisoner standing at the bar 
that May morning must have known that for them there wjw 
little hope of ever seeing their Yorkshire homes again. At 
fiist Constable, Bygod, Percy, Sir John and Lady Bulmer 
(•Mai'garet Cheyne), Hamerton, Lumley, Ralph Bulmer, and 
Aske pleaded " not guilty," but before the jury returned 
into court from considering their verdict, Percy, Hamerton, 
and Sir John and Lady Bulmer changed their minds, and 
pleaded guilty. Nicholas Tempest, with the abbots of 
Fountains and Jerveaux, the priors of Bridlington and 
Guisborough, Dr. John Pickering, and the friar of the same 
name, when arraigned, declared themselves "not guilty,'* but 
of course to no purpose, and on the following day the jury, 
being returned into court and charged, found the verdict 
they were expected to, of *' guilty" against Tempest and his 
clerical companions, though on what exact charge as regards 
Nicholas does not appear, their senteiice being that they 
were to be drawn, hanged, and quartered at Tyburn.^^ 

The cruel sentence, by which Tempest was bound on his 
back to a hurdle and drawn through the uneven and filthy 
streets from the Tower to Tyburn, and there hanged and 
quartered — the last often before death had taken place — 
was carried out on Friday, the twenty-fifth of May, 1537. 
For the information as to the exact date of his death we are 
indebted to an interesting letter from Dr. Robert Holdes- 
worth, the vicar of Halifax, to his friend and patron, Sir 
Henry Savile, of " Soyttylhall," dated London, Trinity even, 
1537 (26th May), in which he says:— "On Friday in 
Whitsun week Sir John Bomer (Bulmer), Sir Stephen 
Hamerton, Nicholas Tempest, the abbot of Gerves (Jer- 
veaux) the abbot quondam of Fontaunce and Bryddylton 
were drawn to Tyborne and there executed ; and the lady 
the wife of Sir John Bomer at that time with them was 

<^ Coreru Kege 33, Hen. 8, Easter m. 13 doi-so, and 8rd Report Dep. Keeper 
IJoll. 9. Public llecords, p. 251. 

«» Controlment Roll, No. 13,29, Hen. 8, 



NICHOLAS TEMPEST. 271 

drawn without Newgate and thence to Smyth Feld and 
there burned. The ^ing came to Westminster on Thursday 
last and returns to Hampton Court on Trinity even."^^ 
Could this journey of the king's have been on purpose to 
witness the sufferings of his foes ? 

Nicholas Tempest being safely convicted, and sentenced 
to death, the next step his enemies would require was to 
discover what of his possessions could be confiscated for the 
crown. A letter to the duke of Norfolk, dated the 22nd of 
May, runs >—" The king's hignes also desireth your lord- 
ship that ye woU make Due serche of suche lands, oflSces, 
fees, fermes and all other things as were in the hands and 
possession of the Jord Darcy, Sir Robert Constable * ^^ ^^ 
Nicholas Tempest * * "''• and all the persons of those parties 
lately atteynited here, and certifye the same to his grace to 
th'entent the same may conferre them to the persons worthy 
accordingly, and likewise cause a perfecte inventory of their 
lands and premises to be made and sent up with convenient 
spede as shall agpertajn/^^L 

After an inquisition taken on the possessions of those 
attainted persons, Richard Pollard, one of the surveyors- 
general of the king's lands, declares that neither Nicholas 
Tempest nor Robert Aske were seised of any possessions or 
lands on the day of perpetrating treason, which Tristram 
Teshe, the receiver-general for Yorkshire and Lancashire, 
confirms in his accounts for the years commencing Michaelmas, 
28th, and ending the same time 29th year of Henry 8th,^^ 

If Nicholas Tempest died leaving neither land nor pos- 
sessions — except his lease of the Cloth Seal, which Robert 
Fournes, Sir Henry Savile's " servant *' begged — for the king 
to confer on " persons worthy," ho certainly left some debts 
which are recorded in the Q. R. Miscellanae in the Public 
Eecord Office as follows : — 

The dettes which Nicholas Tempest did owe at the tyrae of his Dethe. 
M^ that Nicholas Tempest did ow unto William Dawncer of Gysborne, 
Clothier, these somes following : — 

Imprimis, for one whole pece of tawney, price of every yerde xviijcf. the 
pece conteynyng xviij yerdes . . . xxvij*. 

^ CaL State Papers, Hen. 8, vol. zii. 1257. 

No. 1285. ^ Augmentation, MiniBters' Accounts, 

^ « . « , *•„ 1 T ^ Q ^„ , No. 209, on dorao of M. 9 from the end. 

71 SUte Papert, 1537, 1 j-V- 3, and a similar entiy found in the Bdinisters' 

QO. SUte Papers, Hea 8, vol. xil No. Accounte for the next year. 



27-2 NICHOLAS TEMPEST. 

Item for xij of another pece, price the jerde 

XYJJ. ....... xvj». 

Item for x yerdes of another pece, price the 

yerde xviijc/. xv«. 

Item for too paire of hoisecloth (hose) white . iiij«. viij</. 
Item for a cote clothe for Dynlcy of tawney . x«. 

Item for a tawney gowne clothe for Sir Rafe 

(query was he a priest) .... x«. 

Sumna iiijV/. ij.?. viijV/. 
M'^ that Nicholas Tempest did owe to William Banastre for fyve yeres 

wages and a half after xwjs. v'u}cL by the yere . vii/i. vjs. viijk 
M*^ that the same Nicholas Tempest did owe to the same William 
Banastre for stuff of him bought as it Doith appere by his billes 
thereof ........ xliiij«. iiijr/. 

M"* that Nicholas Tempest did ow to John Sedall for his wages for cert^ihi 

worke by him done vj«. viijrf. 

M^ that Nicholas Tempest did owe to his seiTunts for their wages as it 

Doith appere by ther byll particularly . . . xix/i. xviij«. \\(L 
'Si^ that the same Nicholas Tempest did owe to the same Will : 
Banastre for that he had laid fourth for him at his commandment. 

XX8, 

M'' that the same Nicholas Tempest did owe to Anthony Watson 
which he lenned unto him at Christmas last passed without bill 

liij«. nija. 
M** that the same Nicholas Tempest did owe to Roger Knolles for 
clothe and other [goods which] were delivered to him as it Doith 
appere by his byll ...... xvij^. iij(/. 

Item he owithe to the same which he lenned to him at 
Christmas last passed .... xliJ^ 

A memorandum which shows that althoudi the kinir's 
inquisitors could find nothing to claim for the crown, 
Nicholas Tempest must have been in affluent circumstances 
to have left debts amounting to what in those days repre- 
sents a considerable sum. Though described in his indict- 
ment " of Bashall or Baschehall," Nicholas can onl}' have 
been so by tenancy, probably holding some farm under his 
kinsmen the Talbots, or he may have purchased the ward- 
ship of young Thomas Talbot whose father died in 1520 
leaving him an infant. 

As already stated, Nicholas Tempest married Isabel or 
Elizabeth, the widow of Richard Banaster of Altham holdins: 
in right of her some land in Altham in 1512 ; and we 
believe her to have been the daughter of Roger Nowell of 
Arkesley, co. York, who, making his will the 14th of June, 
1486, mentions the churches of Wakefield — the Pilkingtons, 

^ Exchequer Q. R. Miscellanss ^^ 7, pp. B k i. 



NICHOLAS TEMPEST. 273 

Nicholas's mother's family, are supposed to have been of 
Wakefield — and Whalley, and names his daughters Elizabeth, 
Isabel, Anne, Margaret and Grace ; Richard Banaster being 
a witness to the testament.^* At the Lent assizes at 
Lancaster, 1541, Isabel who was the wife of Nicholas 
Tempest late wife of Richard Banaster (she is also called 
Elizabeth in the same roll) demanded against Richard 
£(anaster, her grandson, her thirds out of ] 8 messuages, 300 
acres of land, 400 of pasture, 30 of meadow, 10 of wood and 
60 of moss with twelve shillings rent in Altham as her 
dower bv the endowment of her former husband Richard 
Banaster : verdict being given her (as Elizabeth) on 
the 7th September, 1541, the jury finding that Banaster 
Lad been fully seised of the premises when he endowed her 
with the jointure.^^ 

In a suit which was tried in 1549, Isabel or Elizabeth 
Tempest widow, comes before us as a witness. Henry 
Dyneley — who married Grace, daughter to Nicholas Tempest 
— let his capital messuage of Downham Hall in the parish of 
Whalley for four years to Isabel Tempest at £10 a year rent. 
Afterwards, namely on the 13th August, 1545, he conveyed 
the same to Ralph Greenacre with possession at the end of 
Mrs. Tempest's lease. Greenacre in 1549 brought an action 
to obtain entry, which he declared was denied him, through 
no fault, however, on the part of Isabel Tempest, who in her 
reply states she gave up possession at the end of her term, 
but that further " being of such great age cannot perfectly re- 
member.^' ^^ When the case was renewed the following year 
(4 Ed. 6) the interrogatories are to be administered to 
Isabel Tempest and Henry Dyneley, which latter in his 
reply states he let Downham to Elizabeth Tempest, and her 
answer is of " Elizabeth Tempest of My tton in the co. of 
Lancaster wydowe of the age of seventy yeares or there- 
abouts, sworne and examined at Westminster the 16 th of 
May, 4 Edw. 6, 1550.'' ^^ Being aged seventy years in 1550, 
suggests that she was born in 1480, therefore aged six when 
her father Roger No well made his will in 1486, married to 
Banaster about 1499 (her son Nicholas Banaster was born 

'^ Testa. Ebor. vol. iv. p. 18, Surtees '*^ Duchy of Lane. Plead. 3 Ed. 6, vol. 

Soc. iv. No. 6, G. 

'» Lane. Plea Rolls, No. 170, Lent. 32, ~ Ibid. 4 Ed. 6, vol. viii. No. 3, G. 
Hen. 8, Roll 12 dorso. 

VOL. XI. '^ 



£74 NICHOLAS TEMPEST. 

in 1500), and she would be about three years older th^n liei^ 
second husband Tempest. Nicholas Tempest appears to 
have left five children, Richard, John, Elizabeth, Margaret 
and Grace. 

Richard, the eldest son, probably practised at the bar, as a 
Richard Tempest was admitted to Gray's Inn in 1544, when 
according to our theory that his father married about 1510, 
he would be about thirty years of age. He married 
Thomasine, the daughter of Nicholas Parker of Horrock- 
forth in Clitheroe, her brother, Bryan P«arker, being also a 
member of Gray's Inn. Sir Thomas Chfford, knt., by virtue 
of a lease he had from the crown demised on the 10th of 
October, 1538, to Richard Tempest a pasture ground called 
" Gradale Highoke Hill," otherwise " Highoke," in Bolland 
Forest in the parish of Mitton, for twenty-nine years ; '^^ and 
on the 12th of February 1548-9, Richard obtained from the 
Duchy of Lancaster the lease of a fulling-mill in Catlowe for 
divers years at a rent of thirteen shillings and four-pence 
yearly.^^ 

He made his will on the 15th of December, 1552, de- 
scribing himself " of Catlowe in the parishe of Sladburne 
within the county of Yorke gentylman." In this document 
he directs that his goods be divided into three parts ; one 
being for his wife Thomasine, with the option of receiving 
100 marks and forty shillings yearly ; the second share to 
be between his children " Nycholes, John, Elsabethe, Mar- 
garete and Grayce ;" the third part was to pay his debts, 
legacies, and funeral expenses, with the residue to his son 
Nicholas " towards renuing of my leases and tacks." The 
goods, i,e,, stock which was left to his children, he de- 
sired should remain " upon the grounde holie together unto 
such tymes as my sonne Nicholas shalbe at lawfuU ayge for 
the most profett and advantage of the said children." His 
son Nicholas was also made his "assigne of a\\ my tacks 
and leases, as well of my my hies as of other bargannes," 
but the profits, until the lad was of age, were to be divided 
between him, his brother and his sisters. In failure of his 
own sons, the leases, &c., were to pass and " remayne to 
John Tempest my Brother." "Myrighte trusty Brother- 
in-law Mr. Thomas Catterall Esqr, and Giles Parker of 

7» Ibid. 7 Eliz. vol. xxxv. No. 7, T. ^ Ibid. 9 Eliz. vol. xxxiv. No. 8, T. 



NICHOLAS TEMPEST. 273 

IIoiTOcks furthe my Brother-in-lawe " were appointed his 
executors. The will being witnessed by, amongst others, 
John Catterall, John Tempest, Edmund Catterall, Giles 
Parker, and Miles FaiTand, it was proved at York the 19th 
of January, 1552-3. Richard Tempest died at Mitton, 
leaving his sou and heir Nicholas aged eight years.®^ 

Of Nicholas Tempest's second son, John, we have not 
discovered much. When the commons came to Bashall oi 
tlio memorable 21st of October, 1536, they took "a sonne 
of his (Nicholas) called John with theym and sware hym 
furthwith," and then sent him as messenger to his father to 
como to them " or els they wolde strike of the said John's 
lie<ldo.'' We have seen him mentioned in his brother's will 
iu 1552, which he witnessed, but then we lose sight of him. 

Nicholas's daughter Margaret— named after grandmother 
Margaret Pilkington — was the wife of Thomas Catterall, of 
Mitton, her father being described in Flowers' Visitation of 
Lancashire, 1567, as ''of Basshall co. Ebor. gent."®^ On 
tlio 12th of January, 1580-1, Margaret Catterall, widow, with 
her daughter Jane, released certain premises in Pulton and 
(Joosnagh, co. Lancaster, to Henry Townley and Anne his 
vrife (tlie elder daughter of Margaret) on the Townleys 
undertaking to pay to Margaret and Jane Catterall a yearly 
rent of £6 13^. 4c?. for their lives. ®^ She was buried at 
Colne the 28th of January, 28th Elizabeth. (1585-6.) 

Grace Tempest, another daughter, doubtless named after 
one of the Nowells, married Henry Dyneley, of Downham,®^ 
as already stated. Amongst the debts owed by Nicholas 
Tempest to the Gisburn tailor, it may be remembered, was 
ten shillings for a "tawney coat-clothe for Dynley." 

The third daughter Elizabeth — named after her mother — 
appears to have been the wife of Stephen Pudsey, of Arn- 
forth. In the entry of the marriage of this Stephen Pudsey 
in Glovers Visitation of Yorkshire, 1585 (Foster's Edition), 
she is described as " Elizabeth, daughter of Nicholas Tempest 
of Bracewell, 2nd brother to Sir Richard,'' Bashall having 
been evidently erroneously read Bracewell. In Flowers' 
Visitation^ 1564, her father is described as brother to Sir 
Thomas Tempest, which of course he was also. 

» Duchy of Lane. Plead. 7 Eliz. vol. « Add. MSS. (B. M.) 32, 104, fol. 123, 

XXT. No. 7, T. Townley MSS. 

« Cheltham Society, vol. xxxix. p. 81. *» Whitaker's Whdlleyj Ist. Ed. p. 288. 



276 KICHOLAS TEMPEST. 

The eldest son of Richard Tempest of Catlowe, Nicholas, 
was under the guardianship of his two uncles, Thomas Cat- 
terall and Giles Parker. On attaining his majority he 
experienced some difficulties over his lease of the pasture at 
Graddell or Gradale, as during his infancy, directly after 
the death of his father, one Ralph Greenacres, a great 
speculator in church lands, had obtained from the Crown a 
grant of the reversion of the pasturage and the other pre- 
mises, and procured a new lease, which caused the under- 
tenants, of whom Tempest was one (holding under a lease 
granted by Henry the Eighth to Sir Thomas Clifford), to 
fear exactions ; therefore he petitioned the Court of the 
Duchy of Lancaster in 1565 that Greenacres should be 
bound over not to molest any tenant during his term.®* 
Some trouble had also been felt over the fulling-mill at 
Catlowe ; as after Richard Tempest^s death, Thomas Cat- 
terall and Giles Parker as " next friends " to Nicholas the 
heir entered into the mill to take the profits for their ward, 
when a month afterwards, one Christopher Escam, accom- 
panied by some ten riotous persons, ejected Catterall and 
Parker by force, and as Tempest in 1567 complained, this 
Escam or Escombe retained possession of the mill and its 
profits ever since.^ 

Like his father, Nicholas Tempest was a member of Gra}''s 
Inn, being admitted in 1572 when he was twenty-eight years 
of age. He acted as trustee for his aunt Margaret Catterall 
and her daughter Jane, being on the 10th of January, 1578-9 
enfeoffed, with another, by Thomas Catterall, of Parva Mitton, 
of certain premises for their use, and is described in the deed 
as "de Graddell-in-Bowland cum Ebor generoso/' ®^ In 
1566 wo also find him employed in the affairs of Sir John 
Atherton (whose wife was a Catterall), being vouchee in a 
recovery of the manors of Atherton and Lostock and acting 
as Sir Johns attorney soon after.®^ His mother-in-law, 
Alice Swindlehurst, appointed him executor to her will dated 
the loth of July, 1576, and his uncle Bryan Parker, of 
Clitheroe, the barrister, left him a " standinge cup of silver 
with a cover to cost £8^' by his will dated the 19th of 
February, 1589-90, naming him also executor. 

^ Duchy of Lane. Plead. 7 Eliz. vol. Townley MS. 
XXV. ^o. 7, T. '^7 Mr. Charles Stonors, Lostock Dccds^ 

"^ Ibid. 9 Eliz. vol. xxxiv. No. 8. T. No. 36. 

^' Add. y.bs. (15. M.) ;j2, 104, fo\ vn, 



NICHOLAS TEMPEST. 277 

Nicholas Tempest married Jane, the daughter of Robert 
Swindlehurst, of Farrick House, by Alice, daughter of 
Alexander Parker, of Radholme ; consequently a relation 
through his mother. He died the 20th of September, 1608, 
administration of his goods being granted to his widow, Jane 
Tempest, on the 17th of October, 1609, at York, he being 
described " of Catleyin the parish ofSlaidburn gent." 

His widow made her will the 1st of August, 1626, and 
desired to be buried in the parish church ofSlaidburn in the 
chancel or choir near where her late husband, Nicholas 
Tempest, was interred. She makes no mention of any 
Tempest and leaves the residue of her goods to the Swindle- 
hurst family. That this last Nicholas Tempest died without 
having issue is proved by an extract from the Slaidburn 
Court Rolls for the 6th of October, 1617, wherein it is de- 
clared that Nicholas Tempest gent, died seised of two messu- 
ages and other buildings &c. lield of the manor and that 
Henry Squyer, gent., and Margaret Butterfield are his 
" cosens '' and next heirs being of full age.®^ 

John Tempest, tho only brother of Nicholas, must have 
died before 1608 or, according to their father's will, he would 
have inherited the leases &c. 

Of the three sisters, Elizabeth, Margaret and Grace, 
named in Richard Tempests will in 1552, we have found no 
further trace unless the Margaret Butterfield, called cousin 
in the Slaidburn Court Roll was one, and the mother of 
Henry Squire another. 

By this sketch we trust we liave traced in a satisfactory 
manner to our readers the career of the Nicholas Tempest 
"who suffered death for his defence of religion and friends, 
and have shown him to be a distinct person from Nicholas 
Tempest, of Bracewell, who, born about 1504, married first 
before June, 1516, Beatrice, daughter and co-heir of John 
Bradford, of Hethe,®^ and secondly (before 1552), Isabel the 
widow of Henry Keighley, of Inskipp, co. Lancaster,^^ and 
who on the death of his elder brother Sir John Tempest, in 
November, 1565, was found to be his heir to Bracewell, 
Waddington, Bowling, and the other family estates, living 
to make his will on the 25th of December, 1570, and 

» Dachy of Lane, Court Rolls, No. ^ Duchv of Lane. Plead. 5 Ed. 6, vol. 

197S, Bundle 129, fol. 5. x. No. 7, t. 

•• T«U. Ebor. vol. v. p. 284. 



278 NICHOLAS TEMPEST. 

leaving a son to succeed him in the family honours ami 
estates named Richard, aged thirty-six years and more,** 
whose brother and heir, Robert, was the continuator of tbe 
Bracewell Hne. 



Note. It is to Mr. John A. C. Vincent, so well known for 
his familiarity with the Public Records, that I am 
indebted for the extracts from those valuable stores of 
information employed in this paper. 

E. B. T. 

'* Chancery Inq. p. m. Nicb. Tempest, 18 Eliz. No. 51. 



INVENTORY OF THE GOODS OF SIR COTTON GARGRAVE, 

OF NOSTELL, IN 1588. 

Communicated by J. J. CARTWRIOHT, P.S.A. 

From the wording of a commission preserved among tlic 
Duchy of Lancaster Records issued by Queen Elizabetli on 
Nov. 29, in the thirty-first year of her reign (1538) we learn 
that Sir Cotton Gargrave, .at the time of his death in June 
previous, stood indebted to the Crown for the sum of £2,000 
or thereabouts, due from him as leceiver of the Queen's 
revenues in the Honors of Pontefract, Knaresborough, and 
Tickhill, and other possessions of the Duchy of Lancaster ; 
and that " Martyne Byrkette, esquire, our Attorney in the 
North partes," Henry Shngsby, Esq., Gargrave's successor 
in the office of receiver, William Wentworth, Esq., and 
Steven Harvie, gent, were empowered to make seizure to tlie 
Queen's use of such goods, chattels, plate, jewels, and money 
whereof the said Sir Cotton was possessed at the time 
of his death as should amount to the value of £2,000 at 
the leasi, before the same were purloined or '* imbeaceled," 
conveyed or made away in prejudice of the claim, " although 
we right well know that no such matter was ever meant or 
intended by the said Sir Cotton.'' Attached to the Commis- 
sion is an Inventory taken within a month of Gargrave's 
death of the goods alleged to belong to his children at 
Nostell, and at his house at Upton, in Hadsworth parish, with 
other documents relating to the matter. Among the latter 
is an account of the examination at Nostell of ** Ladie Agnes 
Gargrave, late wyfe of Sir Cotton Gargrave," who said upon 
her oath that there was a deed of gift made by her husband 
between Michaelmas and Christmas, 1587, of divers goods 
and chattels to his five daughters by her (who was his second 
wife and a daughter of Thomas Waterton), named Anne, 
Mary, Elizabeth, Priscilla, and Frances. Edward Beckwith, Sir 
Cotton's servant, also deposed to the truth of this, having 



280 INVENTORY OF THE GOODS 01' SIR COTTON GARGRAVB. 

himself written out the deed, which had been perused by 
Mr. Robert Waterhouse, counsellor in the law, after it 
was first drawn and delivered into his (Waterhouse's) 
keeping by Sir Cotton, in the presence of the deponent 
and others. How the matter was ultimately settled 
does not appear, but its chief interest for us now-a-days is 
derived from the inventory of the goods in dispute, of which 
the following is an exact copy : — 

A note of the goods of the children of S' Cotton Gargrave valued by 
Leon'd Reasby, Jo: Mearinge, W"* Awmond, gent., Jo: Robinson, 
Henry Watkinson, Richard Clayton, the viij*^ day of Julie, 1588. 

[ NOSTELL. ] 

In tlie newe great cliamher. 

One stand bedd \r*** the teaster vallance curtaines of greene silke, one 
fetherbed, j boulster, j mattres, ij fustion blauketts, j quilt of greene 
taifetie sarcenet, ij pillowes, ij blanketts, j Irishe rugge, viij greene 
saie curteuns, xj iron rodds for the curtenns, one cubbard . xvij/*. 

The seelinge in the chamber ....... vj/t. 

The next inner cliamber, 

A standinge bedd & a trundle bedd, a teaster of satten in brigges, 
a feather bedd, a boulster, one paire of blanketts and cov'lettes, j 
matte .......... xxxijx. iiij</. 

In the next inner rhamher, 

A standing bedd, one teaster of dornix, j lowe bedd, j feather bedd, 
j boulster, j paire of blanketts and a cov'lett, iij iron cui-teiu rodds tt 
one paire of tonges . ....... xxxiijs. iiij</. 

In ike gallorie. 

The seelinge in the gallery not praysed. 

The mappes there xxs. 

One presse . • . . . . . . . xiij.?. iiij</. 

In tlie matte chamber. 

One Bedstock, j teaster of wrought velvet, iij tafletie curtenns, iij 
iron roddes, j featherbedd, j boulster, ij pillowes, j paire of blanketts, 
one coveringe, a pallet, j bedd, a boulster, a payre of blanketts, j 
cov*lett, j chare, j stoole, j cubbart, one blewe cubbert cloth, ij longe 
quishions, iiij"^ hanginges of arras worke ..... \\IL 

In tJie f>ainted cliamber. 

A stand bedd, iij iron roddes, v curtenns, j fether'bedd, j boulster, 
j paire of blanketts, j cov*inge, ij palletts, ij fetherbedds, ij boulstei-s, 
j paire of blankets, ij cov'letts vj/i. 



INVENTORY OP THE GOODS OF SIR COTTON GARGRAVB. 281 

In the north cliamber. 

One stand bedd, j teaster <fc v curtenns of orridge tawnie, j bedd, 
j boulster, j paire of blanketts, one paire of pillowes, one coveringe, a 
pallet, j bedd, one bolster, one paire of blanketts, j cov'lett, j cubbert, 
j cubbert cloth & j stoole & v peeces of hangings of arras worke . xij/t. 

In the hrolcen chamber, 
ij ould hangings of arras worke , . x«. 

In the high gallory cliamher, 

j stand bedd, j fether bedd, j boulster, j paire of blanketts, j pillowe, 
ij cov'letts, j cubbart, j fourme and one ould chai-e . . . xxx5. 

In tlie upper gallorie, 

ij beddstocks, ij fetherbedds, ij boulsters, ij ould coverings, iij 
blanketts ........... xl«. 

In tlie nurcery. 

iij standinge bedds, j trundle bedd, j teaster of damaske, v taffetie 
cur tens blew <k yellowe, j canipie, j other tester grene & red cloth, 
V greeue sooye curteyns, iij fether bedds, iij boulsters, iij paire of blanketts, 
ij tapstrie coverings & one redd coveringe, ij cubberts, j chaire, j chest 
<k iiij**' curten rods <k the seelinge xv/t. 

In the inner nurcerie. 

A teaster, a stand bedd <k ij trundle bedds, iij curtenns of redd, iij 
fether bedds, iij paire of blanketts, j pillowe, iij read covVings, j cace 
of daggs, ij great chists, certen bookes C«. 

In the great cliamher, 

ij longe tables, ij frames, iij formes, j dozen of high buffit stooles, 
vj little buffit stooles, j little square table, one cubbert, iij chaires, 
ij table clothes k j cubbert cloth, x quesshings, vij peces of hangings <& 
the seelinge vj/i. 

In the little neice cliamher nere to the great cliamher, 

j framed table, ij furmes & ij other formes joyned to the seel- 
inge (sic) xxs. 

In tJie Hall, 
The high table <k j cubbert <k a forme .... xiij*. iiijc/. 

In the little nurcery, . 

A standinge bedd, j trundle bedd, a tester, iiij hangings, ij fether- 
bedds, ij boulsters, ij payre of blankets, ij coverings, j table, ij halbarts, 
the seelinge .......... Ixx9. 



282 INVENTORY OF THE GOODS OP SIR COTTON OARGRaVE. 

The jyresse chamber. 

The great prcsse , . xs 

X paire of linnen sheeies, xvj paire medlinge sheetes, xx paire of corse 
sheetes, x paire of harden sheetes, x paire of pillo^vberes, vj ljv*ie 
towells, vj daniaske napkins, yj cubbert clothes, x square clothes, 
vj dozen of napkins, vj hall clothes xvj/i. ix«. 

In the kitchinge, 

Brase ix potls & one posnet, ij chafindishes, j scumber,' j brasen 
morter, j pettell, iiij spittes, ij clevers, ij iron ranges, ij paire of iron 
rackes, ij drippinge pannes, j lead, ij kettles, a fryinge pann, pothokes, 
fjre shovels vjli. xiij». \u\cl. 

In the wasshinge Iuxwh. 
A lead pann, iij wasshinge tubbes xiij«. iiije/. 

In tlie Brewe howse. 

One lead, iij great tubbes, j keeler, iij soes, with all other the hous- 
lends x/i. 

In the lowe parlor, 

j table, j foiirrae, ij great kettles, j panne, j posenet, ij skeeles, 
X wodden traies, vj milkinge kittes, iiij pewter candlestick es, w^ other 
howselends ........... xU. 

In the chamber over Anthonies chamber, 
A bedd, a boulster, j blankett & one cov'lett • . . . xx«. 

In th^armorie, 

Calyver barrells unstocked xiiij, ould callyvers stocked Ixij, dilaunce 
staves ij, pikes & light horsemens staves by estimac'on xl^', iij shefes of 
arrowes steles wi*^ hedes, iij old flaskes & iij skulls . . . xiiij/i. 

In the second vant to th^ armory, 

iij armors for dimilaunces k iij hede peeees w*^ bevera, one curate* for 
a dimilauuce w^^out furniture, iij corselettes, j curate wherof, ij fur- 
nished, vj jacks, j male cote, iij old head peeees, w*^ cei-ten other 
broken peeees of armore ...... vj/t. xiij/». iiijt/. 

In tlie second vaut on the south side of the gallory, 

Corselettes w^^ thcire furniture ix . . . . xiij/t. xvj^. viijr/. 
Pjkes xxvj xlvj*. y\\]d, 

1 Scumiiier, a fire*Bhovel. Yorks, (Halli well's Dictionary.) 
- A cuirass. 



INVENTORY OP THE GOODS OF SIR COTTON GARGRAVE. 283 

In the iij^ vaut xm the north side of the gallory. 

Murious ' xlv . . . iiij/t. x«. 

Burgonetes ij aud dy v'se other parcells of armor • • x*. 



Upton. 

In the howse. 

All the goodes in the howse w*^ certen walnut tre tymber . . ils, 
ij bound waines & j unbound, lij plowes, viij yokes, vij iron teames, 
vij stand heckes w*^ all other furniture thereto belonginge . . vij/i. 
Oxen xij xlyj/». 



XX 



Kien iij 

Sheepe x score & xij . 

Barley on the ground xxxiij acres 

Pease & otes xlij acres 

Sheepe barres xl . • . 

Swyne x«** 

In halleley closes stores there iiij 

Wyndmilfield stores iiij** . 

Kyen xxiij 

ij kyeen more put forth 

Hefers vij, j stirke, iij elder quies <fc iiij°' bu 

At Nostell (sic). 

Barley xxij acres .... 

In hornecastell hill wheat xxx aci^ 

In Swalerodes otes xY acres 

Nostell draught Oxen xx* . 

Kinsley parke fatt wethers Ix 

Lambes and other shepe put to fcde xxx 



xlvj7t. 

xxx/t. 

xiij/t. vj«. viijrf. 

xxs. 

C«. 

CCxiij/t. vj». viijrf. 

Cxxxiij/t. vj«. viijff. 

xliiij/t. 



locks xxli. 



xxvj/i. xiij«. iiijJ. 

xlvti, 

xxvj/t. xiij«. iiijf/. 

nij"a. 

xxv/t. 

lxxuj«. iiija. 



In tJte great chamber t/ieir [Upton ?]. 

A new bedd steade, iiij fethcr beds, iiij boulsters, iiij pillowes, one 
pare of fuston (?) blanketts, ij paire of woollen blanketts, iij taffitie 
curtiugs, j yallow tester, fyve curtings, one read & grene tester, v 
cnrtings, and iij grene curtiugs xxli, 

A longe turkey karpitt clotlie, j cubborde clothe, j new longe tapstrie 
quishion, ij other tapstris cubborde clothes, ij turkey cubord clothes, 
iiij silke quishions, ij little quisshious, one chaire, one cuborde, and one 
ovOie •••.•...••.. xijct. 

A paire of virginals •. x\s. 



In the next cJutmeber to the great cliameher, 
A cuborde and iij peces of hangings of arras worke . 



xij/f. 



' Morion, a kind of helmet* 



284 INVENTORY OP THE GOODS OF SIR COTTON GARGRAVB. 

In the Wardropp. 

A great chist and ij p'sts (sicY xxvj». viij</. 

In the m^ chafneber iij pare of fyne lynn6n shetes, iij pare of pillow- 
beres, ij palre of course shetes of iij bredthes, vj paire of lynnen shettes 
of ij bredthes, and j iron bounde chiste . . . xij/i. vj*. viijt/. 

A longe table clothe, a cuborde cloth and one towell of Imegerie xl*. 

A table cloth, j towell, j cubord cloth of daroaske of flowers . xl«. 

iiij table clothes of damaske worke & dyaper, ij cuborde clothes and 
ij towells vj/t. xiij«. iiijrf. 

A table clothe, j cubert cloth, j towell of diaper . . . xl«. 

ij arminge towells of diaper v». 

xviij diaper & damaske napkins xxx«. 

iiij longe table clothes, iiij longe towels, iiij dozan of napkins, iij 
cuborde clothes, and iij short towells ..... iiij/t. x«. 

A flaunders chist & j feilde bedde xx«. 

In Winner cltameher, 
ij lowe bedd steads, j cubborde, & j chist . • . . xxs. 

In the dyninge parler, 

A longe table w*^ a fraime, a swaire (sic)* table, j cuborde, j forme, vj 
heighe stoles, iiij little stoles, and ix w^out covers, ij grene table 
clothes and one cuborde cloth xxxs. 

Pewter vesselL 

1 dozan weighing xlij/t., j other dozan weighinge xxxlL, j other 
weighinge xliiij/i., & j other weighing xvj/i, j other weighing xij/t., 
j other weigiiing viij/t., xx platters weighing xv/i., j other dozan weigh- 
ing xij/t'., ij other platters weighinge v/t., «fe ij chargers weighinge 
viiij/t. in all ........ iiij//. vj«. xrf. 

Plaites, pottingers and sawsers 

vj candlesticks ...... 

iiij chameber pottes ...... 

V basens and ij ewers & one odd dishe 

ij pewder potts ...... 

In the Jcitchinge, 

j iron range, j paire of rackes, iij gallipots, vij speates, one beif 
leade ........... liijs. iiijc/. 

ij brasinge mortere, j pestell, ij brase pottes, j posnett, iij bmse 
pannes, ij skelletts w**' covers, j fryinge panne, ij dripping panns, 
j gire iron, j shredinge knife, ij choppinge knifes, j coper owen and the 
shelfes v/i. 

In the brew Itoitse, 

The leade w^^^all the brewinge vessell their .... iiij/t. 
The goods in the backhouse & bolting house .... x\s, 

* Presses. ^ Square. 



vij.?. 

iiij*. 
iijs. nija. 

XYS. 
X.«. 



INVENTORY OF THE GOODS OF SIR COTTON GARQRAVE. 283 

NOSTELL. 

In the kitchinge, 

xij new dishes, xij platters, xij little sawcers, xij little dishes weigh- 
ing \ji\li • xxx«. 

xvj old dishes, viij old platters, ij groat chargers weighing Xwli, 

X2ij«. xcf. 

In the huUHe, 

ij pewder potts, ij basings, ij ewers, a white candle sticke, v*' reade 
candlesticks, ij pewder saltes, j voider, iij little pewder potts, iij hand 
basings, and iiij chamber potts xxxs. 

Horses. 

j stoned colt vj/t. 

j white graie mare ylL 

j blacke gelding \li, 

graie pitt liij«. iiijc^. 

vj worke horses viij/i. 

ij milne horses liij^. iiijc/. 

ij little nagges . lx«. 

j graie geldinge vj/t. 

j little colt foale xx«. 

NoSTELL. 

iiij iron bounde waines, iiij bair waines furaished . . xli, 

xvj yokes furnished w*** irons and iiij paire of iron teames xxv«. 

xj moe iron teames. ....... xx«. 

ij oxen harrowes w*^ iron tethe x«. 

yj pair of horse harrowes furnished xxiiij*. 

Tenne stave heckes xxvj«. 

j iron bounde carte v«. 

j brewinge leade in the laith yard . . . . . xij& 
Swine : — 

of the greatest sort xx viij/i. 

of the lesser sort xij ...... . xlviij«. 

Pigges xxvj lij«. 

Come at Nostell d; Kymley, 

Wheat threshed & unthreshed xxx qrs xxiiij/i. 

Mault vj" quarters , Ixxij/t. 

Pease xv qmu-ters vij/t. 

Wolle. 
Stones of wolle xl x/t. 

In tlCM nurcerie. 
A beddy a bolster, a pare of blanketts, j cuborde & a rang xxxii^«. vu\dL« 



286 INVENTORY OF TIIK GOODS OF SIR COTTON OARGRAVE. 

In the cloke cluxmcher, 
A bedd, a mattres, j bolster, ij oov'letts . . . xiij*. iiij</. 

In AntJionie cluimeher, 

' A bedd, a bolster, a paire of blanketts, and ij coverlitts . . xb. 
Plait :— 

White plait at is, 6d, oz. 726 oz Ciij*'^ iij/t. vijs. 

parcell guilt e at is. 8c?. oz. 103 oz. . . . . xxiiij/t. viijr/. 

Guilt plait at G«. oz. 304 . . . . . . Ixxxxj/i. iiij«. 

282 18«. id. 
(Signed) 

Leoparde Reasbie. 

Wiirin Hawmounde. Totall 181 9/t. 5s. Sd. 

John Mearinge. 

Henrie Watkinson 

Rychard Clayton. 

John Robinson. To^» m DCCCxix/t. vs. \i\yl. 

Additions upon my La : confession 
of goodes omitted in this Inventorie. 

A cbayne of goulde estimated at xl/i. 

]j coche horses, the coch & a litter . . ... . xx/i. 

Certaine bokes estimated at C«. 

Debte by ij obligations dew by Mr. Wentworth & paid at the death 
of S'. Cotton Dai. 

The tith come of Friston over besides the rent resyved . . xxxli. 

Sm. DCiiij** xvli. 
Total* m m CCxiiij/i. vs. viijc?. 

M*^ that one Fraunces Corker standeth indebted upon a morgajje for 
land in the somme of CCCCli. 

Also that one Ambrose Halleley standeth indebtted for a morgage for 
terme of yeres of certen closes called halliley closes in the some of . Cli. 



THE BATTLE OF MARSTON MOOR. 

By ALEX. D. H. LEADMAN, F.8.A. 

blessed Peace ! 
To thy soft arms through death itself we flee ; 
Battles, and camps, and fields, and viotorie 
Are but the rugged steps that lead to thee. (Looelaec) 

Therb are but few chapters in our English history which 
appeal more strongly to the sympathies of the reader than 
tlicse which cover the epoch known as the Great Civil War, 
and perchance the reason is, that it is nearer our own times, 
and also that the thrilling events whicli then happened hare 
not as yet wholly lost their influence over our present daily 
habits and customs. 

The long pent-up storm had at last burst, and as it rolled 
along gathered greater strength, until raging with the fury 
of a whirl-wind, it swept everything before it. It was indeed 
a dark and cruel day in the annals of England when Charles 
I. unfurled his Royal Standard, at Nottingham, on Sunday, 
the 22nd of August, 1642. It was the commencement of a 
struggle between himself and, at first, an unwilling Parlia- 
ment and people ; a struggle between regal autocracy and 
constitutional government, in which a great nation was 
striving for that priceless treasure — ^liberty ; and yet a 
struggle fraught with nothing but trouble and disaster to 
himself and his friends. 

Warfare had been carried on for nearly two years with 
raried success, when in the April of 1644, a large body of 
troops commanded by Ferdinando, Lord Fairfax, united 
with the Scottish army* led by Alexander Leslie, Lord 
Leven, and appeared before the walls of York. That city, 
however, was vei-y ably garrisoned by Sir Thomas Olemham, 
the governor, and also by the Marquis of Newcastle, who 
was possessed of some very powerful regiments of cavalry by 

* Rushwortb gires full particulars of its composition, pp. 604, 5. 



288 THE BATTLE OP MARSTON MOOB. 

which he was enabled to keep the bridge over the Ouse, so 
that the invaders could only invest two sides of York, and 
did not venture to divide their forces. Fairfax and Leven 
knew that if they did, Newcastle would attack them to their 
great disadvantage. Feeling their position a diflBcult one 
they wrote a pressing letter to the Earl of Manchester, 
imploring him to come to their aid, to which he promptly 
replied, and came at the head of a large army of both horse 
and foot soldiers. So the city wa3 now blockaded on all 
sides, provisions were getting scarce within its walls, the 
garrison and citizens were face to face with famine, whilst 
outside, the country for miles round had been so well 
foraged, that the besiegers fared very little better than the 
besieged. 

But on Friday, the 28th of June, a startling message was 
delivered to the three generals that Prince Rupert, " the 
second Nimrod, the mighty Plunderer, the beginning of 
whose kingdom is confusion," was fast advancing with ten 
thousand horse ^ and eight thousand foot to the relief of 
York. At once a council was held. It was decided to wait 
two days longer to allow time for the auxiliaries from 
Cheshire and the Midland counties to arrive. These troops 
were led by the Earl of Denbigh and Sir John Meldruni, 
who wrote to the three generals that they could not possibly 
reach Wakefield before Thursday, the 4th of July, ** where- 
upon conceiving themselves unable to keep the siege and 
fight him (Rupert) also, and supposing it safest to fight with 
their whole strength united," it\vas agreed that York should 
be abandoned. 

Orders were at once issued and the greater portion of the 
Parliamentarian army was drawn off, and marched *' to a 
moor close by Long Marston." ^ On Sunday evening, the 
30th of June, further news came that Rupert was quartered 
at Boroughbridge, and very early on Monday morning they 
got word that he was rapidly moving straight towards 
York, and that he intended to fight the next day, *' nay, 
their Goliath himself is advancing with men not to be 
numbered, blood-hounds attending them, all more ravenous 
than wolves, fiercer than tigers thirsting for blood." '* But," 

2 \Vatson says Rupert's army on Mars- Newcastle's 6C00 would make it 24,000. 
t^m M«»or itself was 25,000 in number. •* Letter A. 

Stewart gives 20,000. 18,0(0 added to 



THE BATTLE OP MARSTON MOOK. 289 

sa3'S Mr. Asli, who was chaplain to tlie Earl of Manchester, 
"our eyes are towards heaven from whence cometh our help, 
and we will pray and wait upon the God of our salvation 
and mercies/' So the remaining troops drew away from 
York, "the enemy making small skirmishes all the while 
with us, and we with our forlorn hope of horse drawn up for 
that purpose still repulsing them." And early on Monday 
morning the siege of York was raised. " You will easily 
believe that there was much joy and many manifestations 
thereof in the city upon removing the forces which had so 
long begirt it on every side." * The besiegers had finally 
retired in such haste that when the Marquis of Newcastle 
with his guards issued from York to enter their camp they 
found '* mortar pieces, ammunition, war and other carriages, 
together with four thousand pairs of boots and shoes." The 
Parliamentarians united their forces on Marston and Hessay 
Moors. Here during the afternoon they were drawn up in 
battle array with the intention of intercepting Rupert, 
*• having been again assured by their scouts that he would 
pass that way," and thus prevent his junction with New- 
castle. But Rupert was more than a match for them. 
" The vigilant enemy, like his father the compassing roaring 
lion, had knowledge of the besiegers rising, being quickly 
informed by a way not suspected," and so got into York ; 
** and verrie sad they were '' to find they were disappointed 
of a battle. 

But we must turn to Rupert. He was actively engaged 
commanding the Royalist forces in Lancashire and Cheshire, 
where he had achieved a series of brilliant successes. A 
fciU man of four and twenty summers, well proportioned, 
graceful in bearing, with a noble fiice, beardless, and not even 
wearing a moustache, but beautiful and long flowing tresses 
which fell over his shoulders. Vigorous in mind as well as 
in body, it was a grand picture to behold him riding at the 
head of his chosen regiment of cavalry, picked and valorous 
men who never as yet had known defeat. On the 1st of 
June he was at Lathorn House, at which place he was joined 
by General Goring with five thousand horse and eight 
hundred foot. From thence he went to Wigan, reaching 
that place on the 5th, and Liverpool on the 7th. Soon after 

< Asb. 
VOL. XI. u 



290 



THE BATTLE Of MARSTOS MOOB. 



tliia he received a letter^ from Sir Thomas Glemliam iii wliicli 
lie learned tlic critical situation tliat the garrison andcitizem 
of York were placed in. Knowing the importance of York 



THE CAMPAIGN OF MARSTOH MOOR. 




EUUUJdJ 



to tlic Kinp, ho detoniiincd that it must not be lost, if it 
were possible to save it. Forthwith lie marched over the 
hills into Yorkshire, recruits joining his ranks wherever he 
wont. Coming by way of Skipton, Denton, and Otley, he 
reached Knaresborough on the 30th of June, from which 



' LotUr B. 



THE BATTLE OP MAHSTON MOOB. 291 

place he sent a flying squadron by way of Allerton and 
Kirkhammerton to cover Skip Bridge, where it crosses the 
Nidd. Instead of making direct for York himself, he pushed 
on to Boroughbridge where he stayed a short time, and 
according to a local tradition used the old church as a store- 
house for arms. Here he crossed the Ure, thence to 
Thornton Bridge^ over the Swale, through Braflferton, 
Helperby, and Tollerton — the district known as the " Forest 
of Galtres," and so along the northern bank of the Ouse to 
Overton, a village opposite Poppleton, where he seized a 
bridge of boats which had been thrown over the river by 
Manchester's men, some of whose dragoons had been left to 
guard it. But so suddenly did Rupert approach, they were 
surprised and driven away, and he pressed on to York un- 
molested. His foot, ordnance, and part of his cavalry were 
left encamped about five miles to the north-west of York, 
whilst he rode on at the head of 2,000 horse, and three 
miles from the city he was met by ** persons of quality" 
who had been especially sent by the Marquis of Newcastle 
to attend the Prince, " and invite him to his presence/' 

Amid the great rejoicing of both garrison and citizens 
Rupert rode into York. Bonfires were lighted and cannons 
were fired, while the church bells rung out merry peals for 
very joy at the prospect of deliverance. 

Several conferences took place in York,^ but things did 
not work as smoothly as they ought. The Marquis was a 
very self-important man, who had worked hard and spent 
much money in his royal master's cause, and, having arrived 
at the age of fifty-two, he scarcely relished the idea of this 
young German upstart, so much his junior, being placed in 
superior command, even though he was own nephew to the 
king he loved. Moreover time was wanted so that Rupert's 
forces could be united with the garrison and Newcastle's 
army. The Marquis urged Rupert not to fight as he had 
intelligence (which afterwards turned out to be true), that 
so much discontent prevailed among their foes, that he fully 
expected they would quarrel and separate without fighting. 
Besides he (Newcastle) hourly expected Colonel Clavering 
with over 3,000 men, and further reinforcements of fully 

* EnareBborough to Boroughbridge 7 ' Newcastle's Life, True Relation, Aaby 

miles, thence to Thornton Bridge 4} More Exact Relation, kc, 
vuhdB, and from there to York 17 miles. 

V S 



292 THE BATTLE OP MARSTON MOOR. 

2,000 more from various northern garrisons. At an early 
hour tlie next day they met again in council, and the 
^Marquis still advocated delay, but the proud Rupert answered 
that he had a letter® from the King commanding liim 16 
give battle, and though he had it in his pocket he did not 
produce it at the time, nor was it ever seen during Rupert's 
life. This was his first mistake. Had he shown the letter 
and allowed its contents to be thoroughly discussed, time 
would have been gained, and a different result might have 
been attained. The Marquis replied " that he was ready 
and willing for his part to obey His Highness, no otherwise 
than if His Majesty waji there in person himself."^ Several 
of Newcastle's friends who were present at this interview 
tried their utmost to dissuade him, seeing that he had been 
superseded in command, and it was said that Rupert and 
he came to very angry words and even blows, but to so 
bitter a pitch did polemical feeling run on both royalist and 
parliamentarian sides, that exaggeration and falsehood were 
not only rife, but seemed to flourish like a green bay-tree. 
It is hard to believe that at a crisis like this two men of 
such high rank would forget their position, and I think the 
Marquis's final answer completely dispels any such ideas. 
It was a loyal one and ran thus : — " That happen what 
would, he would not shun to fight, for he had no other 
ambition but to live and die a loyal subject to His Majesty." 
To give battle was then resolved upon, orders were at once 
given to marshal all the forces, and the Prince remarked : — 
" My Lord, I hope we shall have a glorious day ! " 

Now let us return to Marston Moor. We left the Parlia- 
mentarians intensely disgusted that they could not engage 
with their foes, nor was it lessened when they knew that 
their " watchful enemy Rupert " had entered York. Night 
was drawing on, so the foot soldiers were marched into Long 
Marston village, where only a few obtained food or shelter. 
The horses were turned loose on the moor-land, the cavalry 
slept in the open air, and all suffered from hunger and 
intense thirst, the wells were drunk dry, and even the 
muddy waters of the pools and ditches, "puddle waters" as 
Mr. Ash calls them, were freely used. This is how the 
night between Monday and Tuesday was spent. The 

« Letter C. » Newcaatle's Life. 



THK BATTLE OP MARSTON MOOR. 



293 



generals and chief officers, however, met in long and earnest 
debate. Opinions were divided among them, and even the 
soldiers were far from being unanimous. How was it 
possible indeed, when tlie leaders failed to agree, that the 
rank and file could 1 The English simply hated the Scotch, 
the Independents disliked the Presbyterians, Cromwell dis- 
trusted Lawrence Crawford, domineered over his leader the 
Earl of Manchester, and was rude in the extreme to the 
Earl of Leven, while Sir David Leslie was equally obnoxious 
and overbearing. To keep such an army of English, Scotch, 
Presbyterians, Independents, and Zealots together was 
exceedingly difficult, and in addition financial ways and 
means were getting most embarrassing.'® Another fault, 
which, as we go on, will become more and more apparent — 
there were too many generals. 

The English contingent of the council wanted to fight at 
once, for, they said, the Prince's army was increasing. The 
Scotch, as well became their national character, were very 
cautious and favoured retreat in order to gain time and to 
secure a better vantage ground. The advice of the latter 
prevailed, and very early on Tuesday morning the position 
was evacuated, the Parliamentarians setting oflf in full march 
towards Tadcaster. " The Scotch led the van, marching in 
so much haste, as if they meant to march clear away." 
They were followed by the English foot and all the artillery, 
whilst Fairfax, David Leslie, and Cromwell brought up the 
rear with 3,000 horse and all the dragoons. ]3ut as the 
rear-guard was arranging to start they were surprised to 
see a body of the Royalist horse ride on to the moor at 
9 o'clock in the morning, suddenly pull up, face them, and 
then as sharply wheel round and gallop away out of sight. 
This puzzled them, and they at once got the idea that it was 
a stratagem of Kupert's to cover the march of his main body 
to Tadcaster, and thence southward to Lincolnshire and the 



>® In a letter from Ferdinando, Lord 
Fairfax to the Committee of both King- 
doms, dated "Leaguer before York," 
June 18, 4 a.m.: — he asks for a speedy 
supply of gunpowder, match, and bullets 
•*for my own men and the Scotch armies 
in Tery large proportions, otherwise the 
seirices of these armies will be very 
much retarded." Also for muskets, 
pistols^ and carbinen, "concerning which I 



have often written." He also presses for 
money as bis men "are like to mutiny," 
aud many have run away. Manchester's 
army, he complains, were well paid, and 
the Scotch also. The pay of his army 
alone came to £15,000 a month, and fur 
four months he was in arrears. " I 
beseech you what it is to have an army, 
and nothing to give them, while joined 
to other armies that are well paid." 



294 (THE BATTLfi 09 MARSTOK MOOR. 

Midland counties, to defeat which the Parliamentarians by 
also going south thought they might fall in Avith the Earl of 
Denbigh and Sir John Meldrura, and so prevent Rupert's 
intentions. If this could only be accomplished they would 
then be able to re-establish communication with both sides 
of the river by means of a bridge of boats to be thrown 
across near Cawood, and thus hinder provisions being 
supplied to York. 

The Scotch had proceeded by way of Wighill and Hea- 
laugh, and were within a mile of Tadcaster, Manchester's 
foot were nearly three miles away from Marston, and Sir 
Thomas Fairfax with his cavalry had only just left the 
moor, and was crossing the rising ground towards Biltoii, 
when he discovered that the northern part of the moor was 
rapidly filling with Royalist troops. 

Rupert and Newcastle had evidently got news from some 
spy that the Parliamentarians intended to retreat, and under 
cover of the night, a large portion of Rupert's army had 
crossed the Ouse at Poppleton by the bridge of boats and 
by a ford near it. The rest followed in the early morning 
and between ten and eleven o'clock 5,000 horse and 
dragoons entered the moor near Marston village, later on 
cnme more cavalry, man;y regiments of foot, and all the 
artillery, leaving Colonel 13ellasis's regiment, the York City 
regiment under Sir Henry Slingsby, Sir Thomas Glemham's 
garrison, and some of Newcastle's men in York. 

Fairfax at once saw an attack upon their rear was 
imminent, and if it happened resistance would be useless, 
and they would be routed. Like the able general that he 
was, he at once despatched messengers on the fleetest horses 
he could find with the urgent command — " a very hot alarm,'' 
says Mr. Ash, that they all must return immediately as a 
battle was impending. 

And where was Rupert to miss this splendid opportunity ? 
Evidently not on the field 1 Had he caught this chance he 
might have smitten " his enemies in the hinder part, and 
put them to a perpetual shame." 

" Hope of a battle," says Mr. Ash, " moved our soldiers to 
return merrily, which also administered comfort unto all 
who belonged to the army." So they instantly began to 
retrace their steps, " and between two and three they had 
all returned." 



I^HE BAln'LE OF MARSTON MOOft. 295 

Marston Moor is seven miles from York, and is i-eached 
from Mareton Station on the York and Knaresborough 
branch of the North Eastern Railway, from which it is a 
distance of two miles. It was enclosed about 1767, previous 
to which, and at the time when this battle was fought, it 
was a large tract of open moorland, covered with whin- 
bushes, the soil being part marshy and part sandy. It is 
bounded on the north by the river Nidd, Wilstrop Moor and 
Wood, — a thick forest of tall trees then extending over more 
acres than it does at present. On the south by Bilton, and 
the village of Long Marston. On the east by Hessay Moor 
and the Atterwith Lane, which being the road from the 
station to Marston is now much better known as Station 
Lane. Just before it enters the village it crosses the centre 
of the site where the Royalist Left Wing was placed. On the 
west lies the township of Tockwith with its jadjacent Moor. 
The road leading from Marston to Tockwith is called 
Marston Lane. It is nearly two miles in length, and crosses 
the centre of the battle-field. Almost parallel ran " a great 
Ditoh^^ about three to four hundred yards to the north of 
this Marston Lane. It connected the Syke Beck, which 
runs by the eastern side of Tockwith, with the Atterwith 
Dyke, hard by the lane bearing the same name, and which 
it joined some two hundred and sixty yards to the north of 
Long Marston. This ditch, long since filled up, seems to 
have contained very little or no water, and appears to have 
been of varying depth, as in some places it was for a short 
time defended, whilst in others it was easily passed. 
Captain Stewart speaks of this Ditch, but adds, " only 
between the Earl of Manchester's foot and the enemy there 
was a great plain.^' This was a very weak point. On the 
southern side of the ditch there was one continuous hedge 
of strong brushwood, which in several places can still be 
traced, and in my opinion this hedge was a far greater 
difficulty to the opposing armies than the ditch. Close by 
Tockwith, and about two hundred yards northward of its 
eastern end, was a slightly rising ground, called the Rye 
Hill, and not far from here running north from Marston 
Lane to Wilstrop Moor is Kendall Lane, which crosses the 
centre of the ground occupied by the Royalist Right Wing. 
Also running somewhat to the north-east out of Marston 



2?6 THE BATTLR OF MARSTON MOOR. 

Lane, about four hundred yards fiom Marston village, is 
Moor Lane, to which the entrance when the battle was 
fought was very narrow, most likely by a rough foot-bridge 
over the ditch ; and " on one side of Moor Lane there was 
a hedge and on the other a ditch/' Three-quarters of a 
mile down this lane is where the " Four Lanes " meet, and 
that turning to the left leads directly to the White Syke 
Close, now a large square pasture-field, where very many of 
those slain in this great battle were buried, though no 
vestiges of tumuli or pits are now visible. All that were in 
existence have long since been destroyed by the ever-level- 
ling plough. Local tradition says that it was to this 
enclosure that Newcastle's Whitecoats retired for their 
historic death-struggle. The lane to the left leads to a 
plantation bearing the name of "The Worlds End 
Nursery." The other lane opposite the end of the Moor 
Lane leads direct to the Wilstrop Wood, on the western 
side of which was the bean-field where Rupert hid himself, 
and on the eastern side close by the end of the wood stood 
the gate where a girl was killed. Further on are several 
very old houses, which by their very style and appearance 
date anterior to 1644. One of them, of which an illustration 
is given, unless looked to, will soon become a complete ruin. 
Neither can Moor Lane itself be much altered. It is still a 
road of very primitive style with many bushes and old 
gnarled trees along its sides. 

The northern portion of the moor where the Royalists 
were placed is very flat, but south of the Ditch, right away 
back to Bilton Bream and Marston Hill, there is a gradual 
rise. All of this was arable, and went by the name of 
Marston Fields. It was covered with corn and rye, which, 
at that period of the year, would be well up. This rising 
ground was occupied by the Parliamentarian camp, and at 
the top of Marston Hill there was a clump of trees, the last 
of which was blown down in 1839. It is still called Clump 
Hill, and is pointed out by local tradition as the head-quarters 
of the Parliamentarian leaders, and if so they should never 
have vacated it. To do so was a seiious error, as it was a 
place from whence every manceuvre could have been seen. 

Long Marston village does not belie its name. Both it 
andTockwith are lengthy and somewhat straggling, and many 



THE BATTLE OF MARSTON MOOK. 297 

houses are still standing that were in existence when the 
battle was fought. Marston Hall stands in the middle of 
its village, and is the house where Ciomwell stayed for a 
portion of the night before the battle. A spacious bedroom 
where he slept is still shown, and is said to have undergone 
no material alteration since he reposed in it. At Tockwith, 
near the east end of the village, there is an ancient timber 
and plaster cottage, and for nigh two hundred and fifty years 
the tradition has been handed down from tenant to tenant, 
that Cromwell retired to this very house to have his wound 
dressed, and while he was thus absent his Ironsides 
shattered Rupert's guards. Cromwell Gap, now filled by a 
gate, is also pointed out. Local tradition says that after 
their final defeat, the Royalists rushed through it, hotly 
pursued by Cromwell, and that nothing would grow there 
since, no matter how carefully planted. At the northern 
end of Marston village, a small parcel of land is railed off 
and filled with trees. Here a cottage formerly stood, which 
in 1644 was occupied by a farmer, named Gill. On the day 
when the battle was fought his wife was baking, and a 
cannon-ball, bursting into the oven, completely demolished 
the bread. 

Long Marston, Tockwith, and Wilstrop Wood form the 
three points of a triangle witliin which the battle took place. 
In modern warfare they would have been made keys of the 
position and taken over and over again, but both sides then 
preferred to face each other, and fight in the open. It is 
best known as the Battle of Marston Moor. It has also been 
called the Battle of Mersham, Hessam, Hesham and Hessay 
Moor ; the Fight in York Field ; Marston Field, and Mars- 
ton Fight. 

So here — where the entire scene is now pastoral, with an 
ever-reigning air of tranquillity, " far from the madding 
crowd " — is the place where two rival armies stood face to 
face with each other, angered with all the bitter hostility 
that ever befalls that frightful scourge to a nation, — civil 
warfare. 

" Would'st hear the tale ?— On Marston Heath 
Met, front to front, the ranks of death ; 
Flourished the trumpets fierce, and now 
Fired was each eye, and flushed each brow ; 



298 ME BATTLE OP MARSTOK MOOR. 

On either side loud claraoui's ring, 

* God and the Cause ! ' * God and the King ! ' 

Right English all they rushed to blows, 

With naught to win and all to lose/' ^^ 
• • • • • • • 

'* And the Raven whets his beak o'er the field of Marston Moor." ^^ 

Morning and afternoon were spent by both sides in bring- 
ing up their respective troops, and marshalling them into tlie 
best positions. The Royahsts were otherwise known as 
Cavaliers, whilst the supporters of the cause of the Parlia- 
ment were nicknamed Round-heads. In the rest of this 
account I shall speak of the contending parties as Royalists 
and Puritans. In both there were many good and patriotic 
men, who earnestly believed they were acting for their 
country's weal, and the impartial histoi'ian can only regret 
that here on Tuesday, the 2nd of July, 1644,^^ they met to 
settle by force of arms diflBculties raised by an unteachable 
King, born of a father who never understood the English 
temper, and who, by his advocacy of the " divine right of 
kings to govern wrong." had so far divided the nation against 
itself " that now the sword must determine that which a 
hundred years policy and dispute could not do." 

The disposal of the Royahst army was superintended by 
Rupert himself The Right Wing was under his own com- 
mand,^* and laid towards Tockwith. It consisted of 7200 well- 
chosen cavalry drawn up in twelve divisions of one hundred 
troops^^ in each. The Newark horse and the Irish Catholics 
under Lord Byron. Rupert's own regiment of cavalry, and 
his life guards, '' old soldiers all, gentlemen who had seen 
much service in France and Spain." Behind these were 
several regiments of horse led by Lord Grandison. 

The Main Body or centre occupied the Moor, extending 
from the right wing to a little beyond Moor Lane. It was 
entirely composed of infantry. In front were the divisions 
under Major-general Porter and Colonel J. Russell. Behind 
were the Irish Foot under Major-general Tillyard, and the 

" Rokeby, Canto I. 12. people is the king's honour ; but in tlie 
^2 Praed. want of people is the destruction of the 
1'' June 30, 1644, was the 2nd Sunday prince." 
after Trinity. In the Ist lesson for liven- ^^ Scout-master Watson. Rupert's Chap- 
song on July 2, according to the Old lain, Slingsby, Rushworth, Mr. liutchiu- 
Lectionary, occurs this significant verse, son and others. 
Proverbs xiv. 28. '* In the multitude of ** Sixty men to a troop. 



THE BATTLE OF MARSTON MOOR. 



299 



regiments of Colonel Bellasis, whilst in the rear was a body 
of foot in reserve called the Blue Regiment. 

On the right of the centre was Rupert's foot under Colonel 
O'Neile. 

On the left of the centre were Newcastle's favourite Lambs 
or White-coals, whose nominal commander was Sir Charles 
Cavendish, the marquis's brother, a man of insignificant ap- 
pearance and stature. They were a body of infantry 
numbering 3000 valiant and faithful men, born and bred on 
the far-off moors of the northern counties, ever ready to die 
rather than yield. When first enlisted the red cloth for their 
tunics had run short, so the Marquis had been obliged to use 
white, asking them to be content with it until he could get 
it dyed, but they requested that they might be 'allowed to 
retain it and dye it for themselves in the blood of their 
enemies — and hence their name of White-coats. All the 
centre was placed under the command of Lieutenant-general 
James King, now Lord Ethyn, or Eythin. 

The Left Wing rested on some broken ground covered 
with gorse, on both sides of the Atterwith Lane and near 
Marston village. It consisted of about 4000 men with 
reserves. Its right division near the White-coats, and also 
the central division were made up of Newcastle's cavalry 
under Sir Charles Lucas, while 1200 of the King's Old 
Horse, led by the renegade Sir John Urry, formed the 
division on the extreme left. The troopers of this last-named 
regiment always charged in a body and distrusted every 
other way. The front ranks were lined with musketeers, 
while behind were the reserves, and the entire left wing was 
entrusted to the command of George Goring,^^ the general of 
Newcastle's cavalry. 

The hedge of the " great ditch,'' and both the hedge and 
ditch in Moor Lane were well Hned with musketeers ; whilst 
the ordnance, which consisted of 28 pieces,'^ drakes and 
demiculverines,*® was ranged along the ditch and particularly 



about the wings. 

1* Colonel George Goring was the 
eldest son of Sir George Goring, who in 
1682 had been created Baron Goring, and 
in 1604 was raised to the Earldom of 
Norwich for senrices rendered to Charles I. 
Gokmel Qoring had seen much service in 
Spain, and had made a great reputation in 
the Civil Wars. He was promoted to the 



rank of General, but predeceased his 
father. 

'7 Mercurius Aulicus. 

^^ Ancient cannon consisted of field- 
pieces and siege-pieces. These last were 
the heavy guns, as field-pieces hud to bo 
moved quickly about and often changed 
in poeition. They fired «\io\. ^«v\g:^ffi% 



300 



THE BATTLE OF MARSTON MOOB. 



All told the Royalists numbered 14,000 foot and 10,000 
horse, giving a total of 24,000. But Rupert's arrangement 
found no favour in the eyes of Eythin, who was astonished 
at the ground Rupert had chosen to occupy so near the 
ditch. He arrived about 4 o'clock*^ with 3000 of Newcastle's 
foot. Rupert showed him a sketch of the field, asking him 
at the same time how he liked it. " By God, sir," replied 
Eythin, " it is very fine in the paper, but there is no such 
thing in the field 1 " Rupert was eager to attack, but Eythin 
.said it was too late, and severely criticised the positions of the 
men so near tlie enemy. " They may be drawn to a further 
distance," said Rupert. " No, sir,'' replied Eythin, " it is too 
late/' Perhaps it was Eythin who told Rupert about the 
trouble Newcastle was having with some of the soldiers re- 
maining behind in York concerning their payment, and 
if so this would be the time when Rupert rode away to 
that city, as we shall next hear of him there. The distance 
is only seven miles, and a fleet horse would soon carry him 
thither. 

Meanwhile the Puritans were being disposed by their 
three generals, who hurried from place to place to see thafc 
all was in due order. The Earl of Leven was most energetic, 
*'and witli unwearied activity and industry, even to tlie 
satisfaction of all who beheld him." The pioneers too 

from 3 to 12 pounds. A li»t of old ord- fancied resemblances to birds and rep- 
nance iii given. They are named from tiles. 



Cannon Royal or Carthoun 


weighed 


90 cwt., 


and shot 


a 40-pnunder. 


Bastard or Three quarters Carthoun 


)) 




79 „ 


t. 


»» 


36 




Half Carthoun 


»f 




2b 


*t 


it 


24 




Basilisk 


)) 




85 ., 


»t 


»» 


4S 




Syren 


ft 




81 „ 


>» 


>» 


60 




"Whole Culverine 


>> 




60 


»i 


ti 


18 




Demi-culverine 


ff 




30 


>» 


i» 


9 




Falcon 


>» 




25 


a 


»> 


6 




Sacker or Sacre (a Lawk) 


»» 


13, 


15,&18 „ 


»i 


»» 


5&6 




Ser])entine 


»» 




8 „ 


»» 


a 


4 




A 8) tic 


)i 




7 


)» 


>» 


2 




Drake, Draco, or Dragon 


»» 




12 „ 


It 


i» 


6 




Falconet 


?> 


5, 


30, &15 „ 


)» 


„ 1 


, 2, & 3 




M oyen 












12 ounces. 


IJabinet 












16 , 


1 « 



The portable fire-arms were the arque- 
bus, musket, short carbine, and pistol. 
Other weapons were the long sword, the 
Uindelier. pike, lance and dagger. 

'• Clarendon MS. The conversation 
which took place is taken from Sir Hugh 
Cholmley's **Memoriahi touching the 
Lattle of York." Jt has been printed for 



the first time in the April number of the 
English Historical Review for 1890. Sir 
Hugh drew up this account in 1649, jive 
years after the €t'€nt{\) and for the benefit 
of Clarendon, the historian. It is a 
curious account of the battle from a 
Hoyalist point of vietv, and not 
lucid. 



THE BATTLE OF MARSTON MOOR. SOI 

worked hard to extend the ground for their right and left 
wings, but found the task very difficult. " Our soldiers," 
says Mr. Ash, " could not assault them without very great 
prejudice. We were corapelled to draw up our army, and to 
place it in battalia in a large field of rye, where the height of 
the corn, together with the showers of rain which then fell, 
proved no small inconvenience to our soldiers, — yet being on 
a hill we had the double advantage of ground and wind." 

Their Kight Wing was placed near Long Marston, the 
village being on the right hand, and the soldiers looking 
towards the east. It was composed of 4800 cavalry, drawn 
up into eighty troops of sixty men in each. In front the 
English horse, "his faithful troops," led by Sir Thomas 
Fairfax, and fifty-three troops of raw recruits under Colonel 
Lambert. Behind these were three regiments of Scotch 
horse : — the Ayrshire Lancers under the Earl of Eglinton ; 
another under William, Earl of Dalhousie ; and another led 
by Lord Balgonie, Leven's eldest son. On the left of all 
this cavalry was Lord Fairfax's English foot, 3000 men 
enlisted in Yorkshire and other northern counties and com- 
manded by Sir William Fairfax of Steeton, with Colonels 
John Bright, Needham, and Forbes under him. These were 
opposed to Newcastle's White-coats. Behind them was the 
reserve — two brigades of Scotch foot, the Edinburgh regiment 
under Colonel James Rae ; and the men of Tweed-dale, led 
by the Earl of Buccleuch. Lord Ferdinando Fairfax had full 
charge of the right wing. 

The Main Body, or Centre, was formed of nine regiments 
of the Earl of Leven's Scotch foot — each containing twenty 
companies, in all 9000 men, under the command of his 
Lieutenant-general John Baillee. The van of the centre was 
composed of the Fifeshire regiment, which was on the ex- 
treme right under the Earl of Lindesay ; next came the men 
of Midlothian, under the Elarl of Maitland ; then the Kyle 
and Carrick regiment, under John Kennedy, Earl of Casselis ; 
and on the extreme left, the men of Niddersdale and Annan- 
dale with William Douglass, of KelheaJ, as their leader. 
Behind all these was the resei-ve under General Lumsdaine. 
The Loudon and Glasgow regiment, under the Earl of 
Loudon on the right ; another Fife regiment, under the Earl 
of Dunfermline in the centre ; and on the left of this, the men 
of Strathearn, under James Elphinstone, Lord of the Abbey 



302 THE BATTLE OP MARSTON MOOR. 

of Cupar-in-Angus ; and still further back were two brigades 
of Manchester's foot — the entire centre being in charge of 
the Earl of Leven himself. 

The Puritan Left Wing was near Tockwith. Its right 
division was made up of three brigades of Manchester's foot, 
3000 men, led b}' Colonels Russell, Pickering, and Montague, 
under the superior command of Major-general Lawrence 
Crawford. Left of these were Manchester's cavalry, thirty- 
eight troops of horse, — in all 2280, drawn up in five bodies 
under Lieutenant-general Cromwell, and comprising his own 
regiment, better known as " The Ironsides." These were 
armed with head-pieces, breast and back plates, and were a 
body of men inured to danger, animated by zeal, and con- 
trolled by the most rigid discipline. Supporting them were 
three regiments of Scottish horse, divided into twenty-four 
troops, and under Major-General David Leslie. Beyond 
these on the extreme left, near a cross ditch close upon 
Tockwith, were eight troops of Scotch dragoons, called the 
Berwickshire regiment, and led by Colonel Frizeall witli 
whom was associated Lieutenant-colonel Skeldon Crawford.^® 
Thus the left wing contained 4200 horse, and 3000 foot- 
soldiers, and was under the general command of the Earl of 
Manchester. 

Above all on the rising ground towards Marston Whin 
twenty-five pieces of artillery were placed in charge of Sir 
Alexander Hamilton, the general of the Scotch ordnance, 
and better known in his own country as " Deare Sandie." 
Around the clump of trees the waggons, carts, and baggage 
were drawn up, and so arranged the Puritan hosts awaited 
battle, and all told numbered about 27,000. They reached 
from Marston to Tockwith, whilst the Royalists extended 
somewhat further on both sides, and Marston Moor was 
occupied close up to the ditch, while Marston Field was 
also filled with warlike men to within two hundred paces 
of it. 

An incident occurred during the earlier portion of the 
day which must have influenced Rupert. A chance 
prisoner was brought before him, and when questioned as 
to who were the leaders on the Puritan side replied : — 



^ Colonel William Crawford of Nether Major of Lord Montgomerie^B horse. He 
Skeldon in Ayrshire. In 1642 he was died in 1646. 



THE BATTLE OP MARSTON MOOR. 803 

"General Leveii, my Lord Fairfax, and Sir Thomas 
Fairfax ! " '' Is Cromwell there ? '' asked Rupert. 
'' Yes ! he is," was the answer. '' Will they fight ? '' 
inquired Rupert. "If they will, they shall have fighting 
enough ! '' Then he ordered the man to be released. The 
latter returned to his own army, and related to the three 
generals all that had passed, and also informed Cromwell 
that the Prince had asked for him in particular, and had 
said they should have plenty of fighting. " And,'' exclaimed 
Cromwell, " if it please God so shall he ! " Rupert had 
heard of the military genius of Cromwell, his power of 
organization, and likewise of the prowess of his valiant 
Ironsides, and learning from the captive that Cromwell was 
in the Puritan left wing, he nobly determined to take 
charge of the Royalist right wing himself, so that he might 
measure swords with a foeman worthy of his own steel and 
courage. 

On the Royalist side there was much cursing and swearing, 
and many of those manifestations which the free and high- 
born are sadly too apt to bestow upon those whose lot it is 
to be of plebeian origin. This was well known to Rupert, 
who was often shocked at the ungodliness of those around 
him. He remonstrated, but to little use, and by way of 
rebuke, and to bring the serious aspect of affairs more 
directly home to them, he ordered his chaplain to preach 
before himself and the army. The reverend gentleman 
took for his text Joshua xxii. 22 — " The Lord God of Gods, 
the Lord God of Gods, he knoweth and Israel shall know ; 
if it be in rebellion, or if in transgression against the Lord 
(save us not this day)." News about the sermon reaching 
the ears of the Puritans, they simply regarded it as a hollow 
mockery on Rupert's part, — " jingUng Machiavelian that he 



was." 



The Puritans on the other hand were men of firm 
determination, Bible readers and Bible students. Scarce a 
soldier but carried one in his pocket or wallet. It was 
indeed in that day the one well-read EngUsh book. They 
found solace for themselves and gave vent to their feeUno-s 
in the supplications and the denunciations of the Hebrew 
Psalms. To them a God of mighty vengeance was about to 
punish their enemies, and their spirits were aroused by 
preachers whose fanatic zeal far overcame their discretion. 



804 THE BATTLE OP MAUSTON MOOK. 

Tliey prayed and sang, — " Yea, tliey were known to the 
King's cursed and cursing cormorants by singing psalms." 

But the sky grows dark. Rain had fallen several times 
during the day, and now a storm of thunder and lightning 
disturbs the elements. It seemed as if tlie very heavens 
were shedding bitter tears because brother had fallen out 
with brother, father with son, and whole kith with kindred. 
Yet to the stern and gloomy mind of the Puritan it was 
" the voice of God, mighty in operation,'' and a harbinger 
of good fortune. The wrath of God was turned against 
these sons of Belial, "and the Royalists imprecating a 
curse upon themselves wore accordingly answered by the 
Lord." 

It was about two o'clock when the hist of Rupert's foot 
liad crossed the Ouse, and were nearing the Moor, but the 
Royalist forces were not yet complete as will be seen later 
on. With the Puritans things liad fared better, for by this 
time their arrangements were completed. 

The great ordnance on both sides began to play at throe 
o'clock, but to very little purpose. " The first shot killed a 
son of Sir Gilbert Haughton that was a captain in the 
Prince's army, but this," says Sir Henry Slingsby, " was 
only a shewing their teeth, for after four shots made they 
gave over, and, in Marston cornfields, fell to singing psalms/' 

Until four o'clock there was general silence, although the 
Royalists were in play of their enemies' cannon. Each 
seemed to expect the other would make the first charge, — 
no matter who made it the ditch with its awkward hed^re 
must be passed. It was a difficult point — hence the hesita- 
tion on both sides. " How goodly a sight," writes Mr. Ash, 
"was this to behold, when two mighty armies, each of 
which consisted of above 20,000 horse and foot, did, with 
flying colours prepared for the battle, look each other in the 
face,." "You cannot imagine," writes another eye-witness, 
" the courage, spirit, and resolution that was taken up on 
hoth sides, for we looked, and no doubt they also, upon this 
fight as the losing or gaining the garland. And, sir, 
consider the height of difference in spirits ; in their army 
the cream of all the papists in England ; and in ours a 
collection of all the corners of England and Scotland of such 
as had the greatest antipathy to popery and tyranny ; these 
equally thirsting (for) the extirpation of each other ;".... 



The Battle of marston mooii. 305 

*^aiid thus wo came against each other witli undaunted 
courage and fury, not inferior to lions." " And surely,'' 
says Scout-master Watson, "had two such armies drawn up 
so close one to the other,, being on both wings within 
musket-shot, departed without fighting, I think it would 
liave been as great a wonder as hath been seen in England." 
In order to distinguish the two parties the Royalists liad no 
scarves or bands, and their watchword was " God, and the 
King I " The Puritans wore a white paper or handker- 
chief in their hats, and their watch-word was " God with us ! " 

Meanwhile where was the valiant Rupert ? And where 
was the Marquis of Newcastle ? Where had they loitered ? 
Alas ! Newcastle was money-bound in York — no uncommon 
occurrence in those days, and Rupert had hastened thither 
to help him out of his difficulties. The garrison and some 
of Newcastle's soldiers were in a raging mutiny for their 
pay, and openly declared they would not leave the city 
without it. But Rupert and the Marquis "played the 
orators '' to them, and after many and oft-repeated promises 
that they should be paid, at last they yielded, and about five 
o'clock,^^ though " with much unwillingness " they marched 
out of York, Rupert riding in the rear, closely followed by 
Newcastle in his state coach drawn by six horses. When 
near the Moor the Marquis asked Rupert if he intended to 
fight that night, to which the Prince gave answer : — " We 
will charge them to-morrow morning," and further informed 
the Marquis that he might rest. Upon hearing this the 
latter, who had drawn up his coach a very short distance 
from the moor, returned to it, lit a pipe and, making himself 
very comfortable, fell fast asleep. Not so the restless 
Rupert. No sooner had he returned to the field than a 
weak place at the Tockwith end of the ditch, " the Rye-hill," 
was suddenly seized by a regiment of Royalist " red coats 
and a party of horse," but a sharp charge of Frizeall's 
dragoons drove them quickly back, and Frizeall considering 
it to be " a place of great advantage " remained in posses- 
sion. 

Then Rupert ordered a battery to be erected opposite the 



-* Arthur Trevor. They would have tween York and Marston, as they were 
plenty of time to cover the ground be- horse-eoldiers. 

Vol. XI. X 



306 THE BATTLE OF MAESTOK MOOR. 

Puritan left ^vlng, and it was perhaps a shot from this 
battery which struck Cromweirs nephew, Captain Walton,^^ 
breaking his thigh and killing his horse. Cromwell had 
already lost a son in these wars, and this was his own loved 
sister's boy, so that when he either saw or heard of his 
misfortune it would put him on his mettle. Anyhow be 
ordered two drakes to be sent forward from off the hill to 
oppose Rupert's battery, and two regiments of foot went in 
front to guard them. These were at once attacked by the 
Royalist musketeers who fired thick and fast upon them 
from the ditch. This was the commencement of the real 
battle. Between six and seven the whole of the Puritan 
line was advanced some two hundred yards, whilst the 
ordnance was brought lower down the hill and placed where 
it could be of most service. Late though it was at half-past 
seven there was a general engagement all along the line — 
*' but a summer's evening is as a winter's day," — remarks 
our old friend Fuller. So the order went forth, and the 
Puritan left wing charged the Royalist right — '* Cromwell 
with his five bodies of horse coming off the coney-warren by 
Bilton Bream.'' ^ " And now," says Mr. Ash, " you might 
have seen the bravest sight in the world, for they moved 
down the hill like so many thick clouds, in brigades of 800, 
1,000, 1,200, and 1,500 each, whilst each brigade of horse 
consisted of three and some of four troops." Some of the 
pioneers reported that the ** enemy was amazed and daunted 
at our approach, expecting no fighting until morning." 
" We came down the hill," says Watson, who was witli 
Cromwell's horse, " in bravest order and with tlic greatest 
resolution that ever was seen. The Earl of Manchester's 
foot advanced in running march, and began the charge 
against some of the bravest of Newcastle's and Rupert's 
foot. Colonel Frizeall and his dragoons acting their parts 
admirably and driving before them the musketeers in the 
ditch." 

This sudden attack, nfter a short firing on both sides, 
caused the Royalists to abandon the ditch, where they left 

" Colonel Valentine Walton of Great Sir F. Russell, liurt. Ten years la(»'r 

Staugbton, Hunts, was M.P. for Hiintn. Henry Cromwell married Fmnk KuaseU'd 

He married Margaret, younger sister daughter, 

to Oliver Cromwell. Frank Russell, ^ Slingsby. 
now a colonel, was the eldest son to 



THE BATTLE OF MARSTON MOOR. 



307 



behind them four drakes. Lord Byron ^* with the Newark 
horse dashed furiously over the ditch in hope of retrieving 
the lost position, but he met with such stubborn resistance 
that his men were disorganised and immediately driven 
back. " The Scotch foot," under Lawrence Crawford, 
" passed the barrier with little opposition." " In a moment," 
says Watson, *'we were passed the ditch on to the moor 
upon equal terms with the enemy, our men going in a 
running march. Our front division charged their front, 
Cromwell's own division of 300 horse, in which he himself 
loas in 2^crsony charging the first division of Prince Rupert's, 
of which himself tvas in 2^^^'^on, in which all were gallant 
men, they (i.e., Rupert's soldiers) being resolved if they 
could scatter Cromwell all were their own. The rest of our 
horse, backed up by Leslie's three troops, charged other 
divisions of theirs, and with such admirable valour as to 
astonish all the old soldiers of the army." 

But in spite of all this testimony from the Puritan side 
the right wing of the Royalists made a desperate resistance. 
It must be remembered that two picked bodies of men were 
pitted against each other. If the ditch was earned, as yet 
the moor was not. Cromwell's own division was hotly 
charged in front and flank by Rupert's cavalry and driven 
back, and, though they returned to the attack, again they 
were repulsed by Rupert's own life-guards ; but the Iron- 
sides and their fellow-men pressed hard and Rupert's soldiers 
were forced apart, when Grandison with his horse appeared 
in the gap and once more severe fighting ensued. The 
struggle at this point was simply awful. The troopers on 
both sides first discharged • their pistols, and then flinging 
them at each other's heads, fell to it with their swords. 
Cromwell himself got a wound in the neck which startled 
his men. " A miss is as good as a mile " he was heard to 
say, and onwards he rode. It has hitherto been said that he 



** Lord Byron in an early poem **0n 
leaving Kewstead Abbey," has the fol- 
lowing verse : — 

*• At Marston with Rupert 'gainst traitors con- 
tending. 
Four bruthcrs cmiched with iboir blood tho 
bloak field ; 
For the rights of a monarch their country do- 
fending. 
Till death their attachment to royalty 
fealod." 



Sir Richard and his brother Lord Byr; n 
fought on the King's side at Marston 
Moor, and were very courageous. Sir 
Philip Byron, a younger brother, was 
killed during the siege of York on 
Trinity Sunday, June the 16th, and 
was buried the day following in the 
Minster. 



X 2 



ao8 



THE BATTLE OP MAUSTOX MOOB. 



was grazed by a pistol-shot, but it waa a a\Yor»l-rWound 
which he received and it was inflicted by the hand of Mr. 
Mark Trevor.^ Though nt first (vromwell treated it with 
contempt, blood began to flow so freely that he fell sick nud 
halted, and some one led him off the field to a house in 
Tockwith, where the bleeding was stanched and his wound 
dressed, and where it would seem he rested awhile.^^ While 
thus absent important events were taking place. He left 
tlio contending wings fighting with all their might, standing 
at the sword's point and hacking at one another as sharply 
as they could. This went on Tor over an hour, when 8ir 
David LesHe attacked the lloyalista in their flank with 
some of his hor^e, and being thus hemmed in Eupert's 
cavalry were at last broken and fled, — '*' Cromwell," triumpli- 
antly, says Watson, *' scattering them before him like a little 
dust." And llupert fled with them ! •* The Prince of 
Plunderers, invincible heretofore, first tasted the steel of 
Oliver's Ironsides, and did not in the least like it." The 
Irish horse — those papist '^sons of B^HaJ-' were annihilate<l, 
being slain or taken prisoners to a man. The other divisions 
fared very little better, and those who escaped the sword 
fled. ** The Royalist right wing is defeated," and as for 
tliose that survive, see " they fly along by Wilstit)p Wood- 
side as thick and fast as could be." And as they neared 
the end of the wood, a young girl, looking out of a cottage 
window, saw them coming and hurried out to open a gate, 
so that they might pass with greater facility. But in the 
general stampede they neither saw nor heeded her, and 
before she could retire to a place of safety, she was knocked 
down and killed, and in a few minutes nothing remained of 
this rustic lass but a disfigured and horribly mangled corpse. 
This is perhaps the most touching incident which local 
tradition has preserved of the battle.^^ Leslie sent a party 



^'' This Mark Trevor was of the family 
of Trevor of Brinkynall, eacpiirea, and 
he was createtl by Charlea IF. Viscount of 
Dungannon and Baron of Kose I'revor in 
Ireland, as a reward for his services at 
the Battle of Marston Moor. Harleian 
MSS. 4. 181-58 i.—ful. 20. 

'^' The local tradition settles a long 
und much disp\ited point. Crouiwull wa;* 
not only wounded but left th« fit>ld. The 
ht)U8u would be very convenieut fur him 
to retire to, and when his wound was 



dressed, he very probably got an urgent 
message that his Ironsides were givinjj 
way, which caused him to hurry off to 
find hia own wing victorious and tie 
ground vacated. 

-' The tradition about the girl who was 
killed was told to Mr. John Daniel, St. 
Paul's Square, York, who takes a great 
interest in Marston Moor, and got the 
story from the Easbys, whom he knew. 
The family of Kasby is no longer re- 
maining at Mar.-^ton. Some are dead, 



THIS BiTfLE OF MARSTON MOOR. 



311 



ill hot pursuit of the retreating llo3vaHsts, and in so doing 
comniittccl an error. They cliased tlie Royalists for fully 
three miles towards York, whilst he with his weakened 
remainder came back to the field. 

Manchester's foot under Crawford were opposed to 
Rupert's foot under O'Neil. Between these two bodies 
" there was a great plain," over which Crawford led them, 
and they attacked the Royalists with great vigour, dispersing 
tliem as fast as they charged them and " cutting them 
down," — " and so," says Watson, " we carried the whole of 
the field before us thinking the victory ours and nothing to 
be done^ but to kill and take prisoners." The brigades of 



whilst those who suiTive are seeking their 
fortunes in America. For a copy of the 
following affidavit I am indebted to the 
kindness of Mr. Haughton, the Librarian 
of the York Subscription Library. 

I, Richard Easby, of Upper Popple- 
ton, in the Ainsty of the City of York, 
farmer, do declare that I am now at the 
age of sixty-one years and upwards, and 
am the son of lUchard Easby, late of 
Wilstrop in the same County, farmer, 
that 1 have seen the painting in the pos- 
session of Mr. John Daniel of Holgate 
l^ane, in the suburbs of the City of 
York, gentleman, which is a faithful 
representation of the Old Cottage at 
Wilstrop, which upwards of four hundred 
years ago was in the occupation of my 
ancestors, and so continued until about 
one hundred years ago, when a new farm- 
house at present occupied by John Firby 
was erected about two hundred yards off 
the Old Cottage, and to the south of the 
said Old Cottage ; and which new farm- 
house was occupied by my family until 
Lady Day, eighteen hundred and seventy- 
seven, when my brother George Easby, 
who was up to his death teuant of the 
new farm-house, died there. That I 
have understood from and had told me 
by my late father and grandfather, who 
themselves had had the same handed down 
to them from father to son, tiiat a general 
of cavalry of the Parliamentary army 
slept in the said Old Cottage on the night 
preceding the Battle of Marston Moor. 
And also that there was a gateway about 
four hundred yards south of the said Old 
Cottage, and near to the north-ea^t comer 
of Wilstrop Wood, being about twenty 
yards east of an old thatched cottage 
long in the occupation of William Hudson, 
gamekeeper, and known locally by the 
name of the gamekeeper's house, and 



which gateway would then lead from the 
old iuclosure on to the Moor, and then, 
and at i)resent forms the bridge over the 
ditchf which is the boundary between the 
townships of Wilstrop and Moor Monk- 
ton. A servant girl ran out from the 
back door of the gamekeeper's house to 
open the gate in the said gateway for 
some troopers forming, it is believed, 
according to the best authorities, a por- 
tion of the right wing of Rupert's 
cavalry flying from the cavalry of the 
left wing of the Parliamentary Army, 
the said servant girl, in the head-long 
haste of the troopers, being run over and 
there killed. In witness whereof I have 
hereunto set my hand this sixth day of 
Augu<it, eighteen hundred and seventy- 
nine. 

KicHAUD Easby. 
Witness to the signature of \ 
the said Richard Easby J 
Clifton R. Garwood, 
Solicitor, 
York. 
William Hewick, who died in 1888, was 
the last occupant of this old cottage. 
He well remembered a very old farm- 
house (long since demolished) where he 
lived servant in his youth. He also re- 
membered his brother digging up some 
fine teeth when making a drain. He 
brought them home, but their presence 
in the house so disturbed the other 
members of the family that the teeth 
were thrown out, lest the dead man 
should come during the night to demand 
them. 

-*^ No wonder the Puritan left and the 
Royalist ri*;ht wings did not know what 
their other wings were doing. They were 
two miles apart and had no "aides-de- 
campe." 



312 THE BATTLE OP MARSTON MOOK. 

Colonels Montague, Russell, and Pickering, stood, when 
charged, '* like a wall of brass, and let fly small shot like 
hail " amongst their foes, " yet not a man of their brigades 
was slain/' There was violent fighting all over the field, 
shooting and shouting, the noise was deafening and the 
smoke blinding — light only seemed to come from the guns, 
and "for a while no quarter was given/' 

Such a shout was there 
As if men fought on middle earth 

And fiends in upper air ! 
! life and death were in that shout, 
Recoil and rally, charge and rout, 

And triumph, and despair. 

It was this *' great noise of thunder and shooting " which 
awoke the Marquis of Newcastle and gave hira notice that 
the armies were engaged. He at once armed himself and 
mounted his horse, but no sooner bad he accomplished this, 
than he beheld a dismal sight — " all the horse and foot of 
the King's right wing in full flight." Though he made them 
halt for a few minutes, and tried to rally them, they again 
ran away, and even killed those of their own party who en- 
deavoured to stop them. 

But in every other part of the field the result was very 
different. Between the Puritan right wing and the Royalist 
left wing " there was no passage across the ditch except at a 
narrow lane (Moor Lane) where they could not march above 
three or four in front, and upon one side of the lane was a 
ditch and on the other a hedge, both of which were lined 
with lloyalist musketeers." The whin-bushes too were very 
immerous, and though at first Sir Thomas Fairfax's horse suc- 
cessfull}^ beat off the lloyalists from the Marston end of the 
ditch — '* driving them from their camion, being two drakes 
and a demiculverine,'' yet, in attempting to reach the main 
body of the Royalist left, they were thrown into great 
disorder ** by the furzes and ditches hard to pass over.'' 
Sir Thomas Fairfax, however, with 4,000 horse charged the 
extreme portion of the Royalist horse under Urry with 
great gallantry, and for a long time the struggle was 
sharp, the Royalists keeping well together, and defend- 
ing themselves most ably, and to some purpose too, for 
Fairfax's troops were unable to dislodge them. " We were 



THE BATTLE OF MARSTON MOOR. 813 

a long time engaged with one another/' writes Fairfax 
lumself. In this charge Sir Thomas was unhorsed, and 
flung to the ground. He received a sword- wound on his 
head, and another deep cut across the left cheek, the scar of 
which he carried to his dying day.^^ He would have been 
killed but was rescued and brought off by one of his own 
soldiers. His horse was killed, and so was Colonel 
Lambert's. Major Fairfax (the major of his regiment) was 
mortally wounded, and his brother, Sir Charles Fairfax, 
being deserted by his men, was wounded unto death. The 
troop captain was shot in the arm, his cornet had both 
hands cut ofi^, and Captain Micklethwaite, " an honest stout 
gentleman, was slain." "In this charge," says Fairfax, 
" many of my officers were hurt and slain, as many as in 
the whole army besides, and there was scarce an officer but 
received a hurt." Yet in the heat of the contest he was 
heard calling out to his officers and soldiers to spare the 
common men for they had been seduced, but to show no 
mercy to the Irish papists, buflF-coats, or feathers, for they 
indeed were the cause of all their present troubles. Sir 
Thomas was not well on that day, exposure and overwork 
had worn him out, " but," says Mr. Ash, " his heart con- 
tinued stout and undaunted like the heart of a lion." 

Sir William Fairfax, who led the Yorkshire foot, drove 
the Royalists before him as he crossed the ditch, but on 
entering the Moor Lane he had to pass through a terrible 
cross-fire, galhng to bear, and when the moor itself was 
reached his men were received with such murderous volleys 
from Newcastle's Whitecoats " they wavered." In spite of 
the efibrts of Lieutenant-colonel Needham, " who did man- 
fully in his place " to rally them, they were furiously driven 
back, thinned in numbers and completely demoralised. 

Three distinct charges were made by the Puritan horse 
on the cavalry of the Royalist left wing, and three distinct 
times did Goring, Lucas and Urry valiantly repel them. 
Goring himself, an able soldier who had seen much service 
abroad, though sadly addicted to drunkenness and riot, on 
that day more than half redeemed his vices by his valour, 
whilst Sir Charles Lucas was equally brave. 



» A portrait of Sir Thomas Fairfax is Walker, and showing the scar on the left 
to be seen at Newton Kyme, painted by cheek. 



SU THE BATTLE OP MARSTON MOOR. 

In one of these charges Sir Thomas Fairfax managed to get 
together about five troops of horse (400), and made such a 
furious onslaught upon a portion of the Royalist cavahy 
that he broke through, routed, and pursued them for some 
distance towards York, l^etnviniifr h}j himself ^^ lie hastened 
to lead the rest of his men, but it was too late, the battle on 
that side had been lost. He then disguised himself and 
passed through liis enemies unliurt. "I must not forget to 
remember with thankfulness," are his own words, " God's 
goodness to me this day, for on returning back I got in 
among the enemy, who stood up and down the field in 
several bodies of horse. So, taking the signal out of my 
hat, I passed through them for one of their own commanders, 
and got to my Lord of Manchesters horse in the other 
wmo:. 

Whilst Fairfax was absent from the field, Goring and 
Lucas had seized their opportunity, and finding that the 
Puritan horse were getting thrown into ccmfusion, they 
charged them with great spirit, cr3nng out at the same time, 
" See I they run in the rear ! '' And then with terrific force 
falling upon the newly-levied regiments in the Puritan van, 
who were no match for the King's Old Horse, " veterans of 
hard service and fame,'' they recoiled and wheeled round, 
thi'owing into utter confusion the rank and file behind them, 
and then all this retreating mass colliding with the defeated 
infantry pouring out of the Moor Lane, produced a state of 
chaos almost beyond description. Two squadrons of Bal- 
gonie's remained firm, and one, the Ayrshire Lancers, 
managed to cut through a regiment of the lloyalist foot, and 
joined the Puritan left wing as it was returning from the 
chase. The other after much trouble rallied and followed, 
but in achieving this their lieutenant-colonel, Hugh Mont- 
gomery, and their major, liobert Montgomery, got severely 
wounded. As for the Earl of Eglinton's regiments they 
maintained their ground for some time, fighting well but 
with great loss, including the Earl's son who was mortally 
wounded, but hard pressed by the lloyalists at length they 
were swept away in the general flight of the Puritan right 
wing. And in this awful stampede many a soldier was 
trampled underfoot even by his own comrades. Away went 

^ *' Myselfe only." Fairfax's Short Memorial. 



THE BATTLE OP MARSTON MOOR. 315 

the Puritan cavalry and infantry hotly pursued by a portion 
of the Royalist horse, who followed them too far to be 
recalled, — a fatal mistake. Another portion of the Royalists 
dashed through the broken masses to the top of the hill, 
where the carriages, baggage, and two or three of their 
enemies' guns were placed. The terrified waggoners and 
guards were killed, though a few escaped, but here the 
victors made another mistake, and instead of defending the 
newly-gained point of vantage by manning the guns, they 
fell to plundering the waggons. Thus two important matters 
were overlooked, all through not having on the Royalist side 
one and only one commander-in-chief, and these two points 
lost them the battle. 

Goring and Lucas then rallied the rest of the Royalist 
horse, and fell with deadly effect on the flank of the Puritan 
main body, attacking the Scotch foot. 

Between the two centres, main bodies, or " battles,'' as 
they are often called, the struggle had been very fierce, and 
so far without much result. The van had been able to dis- 
lodge the Royalist musketeers, and some of Crawford's foot 
made an attack on the flank of the Royalist centre, and this 
enabled the Scotch foot to cross the ditch, when " they gave 
fire so expertl}', it seemed as if the very element itself had 
been on fire." But they had yet to reckon with Newcastle's 
Whitecoats. 

It was while the struggle was undecided in this quarter, 
and the confusion was at its height, that the Marquis of 
Newcastle appeared on the field, accompanied by his brother 
Sir Charles Cavendish, Major Scott, Captain Mazine, and 
his page. Naturally he hastened to see how his favourite 
Whitecoats fared. On his way he met with a troop of 
gentleman volunteers, who had formerly chosen him for 
their captain, and to whom he called out : — '* Gentlemen, 
you have done me the honour to choose me for your captain, 
and now is the fittest time that I may do you service, 
wherefore if you will follow me I shall lead you on the best 
I can, and show you the way to your own honour." Much 
pleased with his offer they followed him with the greatest 
courage, passing between two bodies of foot engaged at less 
than forty yards distance, and, marvellous to relate, received 
no hurt in spite of the rapid cross-firing. Then they 
attacked a regiment of Scotch foot, which they put to the 



316 THE BATTLE OP MARSTON MOOR. 

rout, the Marquis killing three men with his page's half- 
leaden sword, for he had lost his own and point-blank 
declined to take another though raany of his friends proffered 
theirs. After dashing through this regiment of foot, the 
whole troop of gentlemen were brought to a stand-still by a 
resolute pikeman (!), who, though charged by the Marquis 
himself two or three times, resolutely kept his ground, until 
over-powered by numbers he was cut down and desp.atchcd. 
And in all these encounters the Marquis received no hurt, 
though many of his men fell around him." ^°* 

And it was faring badly with the Puritaii centre. The 
Whitecoats, Major-general Porter's division, and afterwards 
Tillyard's men pressed hard upon their van, and now Goring 
and Lucafl were harassing them on their flank. Bravely 
they resisted for over an hour. Lining their musketeers 
with pikemen twice did they make the Royalists give ground 
Baillee and Lumsdaine observing that Lindsay and Mait- 
land's soldiers on the right of the centre were being worsted, 
sent up reserves to their assistance, but the Royalist horse 
came thundering on in a third charge, the Scotch line was 
broken, and the men fled in every direction ; Lumsdaine, 
the Earl of Lindsay, Lieutenant-colonel Pitscottie (colonel of 
Maitland's regiment), with a mere handful of troops alone 
standing their ground. In vain did the Earl of Leven, who 
fully realised the disastrous situation, in vain did he hasten 
from one part of the line to the other, endeavouring by 
words and blows to keep the soldiers in the field : — *' Though 
you run from your enemies, yet leave not your general ; 
though you fly from them, yet forsake not me," but his 
efforts were futile, and Leven, thinking all was lost, and 
witnessing every one hurrying away in the direction of 
Tadcaster and Cawood, was at last persuaded by his own 
attendants to retire and await better fortune. He did so, 
and turning sharp to the right towards Wetherby, never 
drew bridle until he had reached Leeds, about 20 miles off, 
having ridden all night with a cloak of ** drap-de-herrie'^ ^^ 
around him belonging to Sir James Turner, a gentleman 
then in his retinue. He was accompanied by many officers 
of good quality. 

Manchester also fled but not so far, and by very great 

â– '* NewcaBtle'8 Life. ^* A particular kind of cloth. 



THE BATTLE OF MARSTON MOOl^. 317 

exertions having rallied some 500 of the fugitives ho 
returned to the battle-field and remained there. As for old 
Lord Fairfax he retired to Cawood Castle, giving up all for 
lost, and as there was neither fire nor candle in the house 
he very wisely went to bed. 

But at midnight came news of the victory, so he arose, 
and after some trouble obtained paper, ink and a candle, 
when he penned letters to Hull, London, and other large 
towns, informing them of the great success, after which he 
v»'ent to sleep. Thus it fell out that all the three Puritan 
generals sought safety in flight.^^ The extraordinary 
appearance of the battle-field at this time is graphically 
described by Mr. Arthur Trevor, who was riding to York 
on the day, in a letter to the Marquis of Ormonde : — " I 
could not meet the Prince until after the battle was joined ; 
and in fire, smoke, and confusion of the day, I knew not for 
my soul whither to incline. The runaways on both sides 
were so many, so breathless, so speechless, so full of fear.s, 
that I should not have taken them for men but by their 
motion which still served them very well, not a man of 
them being able to give me the least hope where the Prince 
was to be found, both armies being mingled, both horse and 
foot, no side keeping their own posts. In this terrible dis- 
traction did I scour the country here meeting with a shoal 
of Scots crying out : — * Wae's us ! wae's us ! we're a' 
undone ! ' and so full of lamentation and mourning, as if 
the day of doom had overtaken them, and from which they 
knew not whither to fly. And, anon, I met with a ragged 
troop, reduced to four and the cornet ; bye and bye a little 
foot officer without a hat, band, or anything but feet, and so 
much tongue as would serve to inquire the way to the next 
garrison, which, to say truth, were well filled with stragglers 
on both sides within a few hours, though they lay distant 
from the place of fight twenty or thirty miles.'' 

" It was a sad sight," writes Mr. Ash, ** to behold many 
thousands posting away amazed with panic fears." Many 
fled without striking a blow, and multitudes of spectators, 
who had just come to see what the battle was like, ran 
away in the greatest fright. Some of the horse fled to 
liiucoln, some to Hull, others to Halifax and Wakefield, 

^ ** All «ix generals took to their heela contained in a letter to Principal BaiJlee 
»^thU to you alone** — a very true remark dated July 12, 1644. 



318 



THE BATTLE OF MARSTON MOOR. 



spreading ever3'where the news of the utter rout of the 
Parliament's army. 

" And many a bonny Scot aghast, 
Spurring his palfrey northward past. 
Cursing the day when zeal or meed 
First lured their Lesley o'er the Tweed." ^ 

" I passing towards Hull-ward for relief of my wearisom- 
ness," writes a contemporary correspondent, "found all the 
places possest of the noise of the total overthrow of the 
Parliaments forces." At Tickhill, five miles to the south of 
Doncaster, the Royalist governor had heard of it, and at 
once had transmitted the news to Newark, whence it was 
forwarded by an express messenger to Oxford. At both 
these places and at Banbury bells were rung, bonfires were 
lighted, and fireworks let oflf amid great rejoicings in honour 
of the victory, whilst the news travelling westward gladdened 
the hearts of Charles and his friends. **Our enemies at 
Oxford are as impudent as the devil, cind if possible more 
so," wrote the Puritan newsmen, "they would drown our 
victories with the hideous noise ot ridiculous lying reports, 
but a lying tongue is but for a moment.'' Alas ! the 
joy of tlie Royalists was only transient, for sooner than 
they expected "bays were turned into willows," and "a 
day of trouble, and of rebuke, and of blasphemy " was at 
hand. 

But we must return to the battle-field. The victorious 
left wing of the Puritans had been joined by Cromwell as 
soon as his wound permitted,^^ and having ceased the pur- 
suit of Rupert's cavalry, made their way to that part of the 
moor which the Royalist left wing had occupied. There 
they met with Sir Thomas Fairfax and Colonel Lambert, 
Avho told them of the disaster to their own right wing, while 
from the Earl of Manchester they heard of the mishaps which 
had befallen their main body. Cromwell united all the 



33 llokeby. Canto I. 19. 

3^ M y own idea is tliat Cromwell rode 
after his men along Wilstrop Wood until 
he met aome of them returning from tlie 
pursuit. Joined by Fairfax and Lam- 
bert, who told their bad news, ihey 
would look on the battle from about the 
Wood-end of the Moor Lane. This was 
the time that Cromwell took the lead, 



and finding things were getting as bad as 
they could be, determined to make a 
final effort to retrieve the fortunes of the 
day. Had Cromwell not ret urned Mai-ston 
Moor would have been a Royalist victory. 
This action of his alone turned the scale. 
The Court Mercuric, 8th July, 1644, 
strongly asFcrts this. 



THE BATTLE OF MARSTON MOOR. 319 

forces and with Sir David Leslie made a determined attack 
on the RoyaUsts that were in the field, and who were in pos- 
session of the Puritan waggons and baggage. Both sides 
were much chagrined to find the battle had to be renewed. 
Moreover, the face of this second battle was exactly counter- 
changed, there being a total reverse of the original positions, 
but the fighting though sharp was not long. " And here 
came the business of the day,'* saj'^s Watson, "nay almost 
of the kingdom to be disputed upon this second charge. 
The enemy seeing us come in such a gallant posture to 
charge them, left all thoughts of pursuit, and began to think 
that they must fight again for that victory, which they 
thought had been already got. They marching down the 
hill upon us from our carriages, so that they fought upon 
the same ground that our right wing had before stood to 
receive their charge, and we stood upon the same ground, 
and with the same front which they had when they began 
their charge." 

The Royalists marched bravely down the hill, and were 
soon met, says Mr. Ash, " by ours who were very valorous, 
for the strength of our God was in them." ** Our three 
brigades of foot of the Eai-l of Manchester's being upon our 
right hand on we went with great resolution charging them 
home, one while their horse and then again their foot, and 
our foot and horse seconding each other with much valour, 
with such sound charges that away they fled, not being able 
to endure the sight of us, so that it was hard to say which 
did the better, our horse or foot. Major-general Sir David 
Leslie seeing us thus pluck a victory out of the enemy's hands 
could not too much commend us, and professed Europe had 
no better soldiers ! " 

Oromwell and Leslie carried all before them in this second 
fight, until they came to the Whitecoats, who had retreated 
into an enclosure, having got " a small piece of ground 
ditched in, and not easy of access for a horse," — probably 
the White Syke Close. From this position they poured a 
galling fire, and drove Cromweirs Ironsides stoutly back 
with their pikes. Not an inch would these gallant White- 
coats yield. The fighting was simply desperate. It was 
here that the Puritan horse received their greatest loss, and 
a stop for some time was put to their hoped for victory. 
When the Whitecoats had cxpenrled their ammunition they 



3^0 



THB BATTLE 0^ MARSTON MOOR. 



fell to with the butt end of their muskets, and those of them 
that were wounded and unable to rise gored the horses 
terribly with their pikes as they attempted to enter the en- 
closure. For fully an hour they kept their foes at bay, yea 
" they stood like a wall, but they were mowed down like a 
meadow/' Frizeall's dragoons were sent round to attack 
their flank, and an opening having at last been madeintlieir 
ranks, an entry was effected. Tliirty were taken prisoners, 
while the rest refusing quarter every man fell in the same 
order and rank in which he at first stood. Truly enou^^h 
" they brought their winding sheets about them into the 
field.^' Captain Camby, a trooper of Cromweirs and formerly 
an actor, who was the third or fourth man to enter the en- 
closure, said he never saw such brave fellows or whom he 
pitied so much. He saved two or three much against their 
wishes. 

The Whitecoats conquered, and well-nigh annihilated, 
Cromwell charged a brigade of Greencoats, and cutting down 
a great number, put the rest to flight. Then he made a 
furious onslaught upon the Kings Old Horse. Goring lost 
his horse, got hemmed in, and was taken prisoner. Sir 
Charles Lucas had his horse killed under him and met with 
a similar fate, and the last of the great Royalist army fly 
through ** Cromwell Gap " knowing well that their lot h 
utter defeat, and that 

" Stout Cromwell has redeemed the day." 

Every party that lingered, whether great or small, was 
driven off" the field, and as the clock struck ten jNIarston 
Moor was cleared of lloyalist soldiers and the hated sons of 
Belial.^' Victory at the finish was for the Parliament, and 



3'^ In the Monckton Papers is the fol- 
lowing curious extract : — *' At the battle 
of Hessay Moor I (Sir Philip Monckton) 
had my horae shot under me as I caracold 
at the head of the body I commanded, 
and 80 near the enemies that I could not 
be mounted again, but charged on foot 
and beat Sir Hugh Bethel's Regiment of 
Horse, who was wounded and dismounted 
liud my servant brought me his horse. 
When I was mounted upon him, the 
wind driving the smoke so as I could not 
gee what became of the body that 1 com- 
manded which weut in pursuit ci the 



enemy, I retired over the sloia where I 
saw a body of some 2000 horse that were 
broken, which I endeavoured to rail}'. I 
saw Sir John Hurry come gallcpin;; 
through the slow. I rode to him and 
told him that there was none in that 
great body but they knew either himself 
or me, and tliat if he would help me to 
put them in order we might regain tho 
field. He told me broken horse would 
not fight, and galloped from me towards 
York. 1 returned to that body, (but) by 
this time it was night, and Sir ^larmaduke 
Langdale, having had those bodies he 



THE BATTLE OF MARSTON MOOR. 321 

as it had been " really got by a small number," it Tvas once 
more a proof that " the race is not to the swift, nor the battle 
to the strong/' ^ '' We followed the chase of them," says 
Watson, " to within a mile of York, cutting them down, so 
that their bodies lay for three miles in length,'' — " the moon 
with her light helping somewhat the darkness of the night," 
and *' we should have gone further but the hedges were lined 
with musketeers/' And what a scene took place that niglit 
at Micklegate Bar and under the walls of York. proud 
historic city of the north, what startling events have taken 
place within and without thy hoary walls ! But were ever 
such heartrending appeals heard as upon that awful July 
night ? All up the street to the bar was thronged with 
wounded and lame people who made a pitiful cry, — " yet 
none were admitted but those who belonged to York 
city/' 

Rupert lost his hat and horse during the battle, and would 
have been taken prisoner, but contrived to hide himself in 
a bean-field until it was dark, when by good luck he got " a 
very swift horse," and quickly galloped to York. The 
Marquis of Newcastle, according to his own accent, was the 
last in the field, and seeing all was lost, and that all the 
Royalists were escaping as best they could, " he being more- 
over inquired after by several of his who had all a great 
love and respect for hira/'^^ also fled to York late at night, 
leaving his coach and papers behind him. He was accom- 
panied by his brother Sir Charles Cavendish, and several of 
his servants. General King, Lord Eythin also escaped, but 
seems to have organised such of the fugitives as he came 
across, and by that means retreated in decent order. So the 
three Royalist commanders met that night at York. Rupert 
eagerly inquired how things were, Avhen the marquis informed 
him " all was lost, and gone on their side/' Said Rupert, 
** I am sure ray men fought well, and I know no reason of 
our rout but this, because the devil did help his servants.'' 
Said Eythin — " What will you do 1 " — to which the Prince 
replied — " I will rally my men ; " then turning to the 

commanded broken, came to me and we Slow = a bog, miry, or marshy place. 

staid in the fields until 12 at midnight, ^^ Kcclesiasticus, Ix. 2. 

that Sir John Miissey came by order of '^ The Eurl of Crawfurd gave tweoty 

the Prince to command us to retire to shillings, "all that he had in his pocket," 

York." (pp. 17, 18, 19.) Caracole = an to know if his friend Newcastle was 

oblique tread traced out in semi-rounds. alive. 

vou x:. Y 



322 THE BATTLE OP MARSTON MOOR. 

marquis, — " Now, you, what will Lord Newcastle do 1 " The 
marquis answered, " I will go into Holland, for I look upon 
all as lost." Rupert urged him to reci-uit his forces. " No," 
was the rejoinder, ** I will not endure the laughter of the 
court." And Eythin said he would go with him. High 
words passed between Newcastle and Rupert. The prince 
twitted the marquis and told him ho had been of precious 
little use, mutual recriminations passed, both got into a rage 
and came to blows,^ and it is even said that Newcastle 
attempted to stab Rupert but was prevented, and a- recon- 
ciliation took place. The marquis spent the night in York 
in moody temper, and vexed beyond measure at the defeat. 
All his men were gone, his ammunition lost, and his money 
spent. He complained bitterly of treachery in his own arm}*, 
and said if help had come earlier when he was besieged in 
York, or if Marston fight had been delayed three days 
longer, there would have been very different results. And 
though he was leaving the kingdom at any rate ho begged 
of Rupert to speak well of him to His Majesty, " that he 
had behaved himself like an honest man, a gentleman, and a 
loyal subject," which the Prince promised he would do. 

Next morning Rupert, who was made of sterner stuff, took 
all the soldiers who could possibly be spared from York, and 
rode out by Monk Bar northwards. He fell in with Colonel 
Clavering's regiments who joined him, and marching by 
Thirsk and Richmond, they made their way over the hills 
into Lancashire with a noble determination to retrieve if pos- 
sible this horrid calamity. 

The courtly Marquis of Newcastle, who was much more at 
home in a drawing-room than on a battle-field, after having 
been proclaimed a traitor by Sir Thomas Glemham, also left 
York escorted by a troop of horse, and another of dragoons, 
and went to Scarborough "where revolting Cholmley hath a 
garrison," with whom he stayed two days, when he embarked 
in two ships, one of which had been furnished by Sir Hugh 
Cholmley, and sailed to Hamburgh which he reached on 
July the 8th. In one ship was Newcastle himself with his 
two sons, Charles, Viscount Mansfield, and Lord Henry 
Cavendish, now Lord of Ogle. Also his brother Sir Charles 

•^ ** Rupert when he came into York a whirlwind would take him and his 
swore like the profanent Devill in hell, compHny and drive them uU to hell.* ' 
and, VNith ftarful execrutiuns, wished that (2ScuttiMh Dove.) 



THE BATTLE OP MARSTON MOOR. 323 

Cavendish ; Dr. Bramhall, Bishop of Londonderry ; Lord 
Falconbridge ; Lord Widdrington ; Sir William Carnaby, 
who died at Paris ; Mr. Francis Carnaby, his brother, who 
later on returned home and was slain at Sherburne-in-Elmet ; 
with many of Newcastle's servants. In the other shi|f sailed 
Lord Eythin ; Lord Cornworth ; Colonel Bassett ; Colonel 
Mazine ; Sir William Vavasour ; Major-general Sir Francis 
Mackworth, and about eighty other gentlemen, " royalists of 
prime quality, who bid ' Good-bye to England ' " — proving 
the devotion to a king and cause they said they had at heart 
by showing the white feather, so that " henceforward tli^ 
king's affairs in the north were in a languishing condition,^ 
and York was left in care of Sir Thomas Glemham to man- 
age as he best could with a much diminished garrison to 
defend its ancient walls ; and as for Marston Moor, which 
might easily have been a Royalist victory, it was indeed 
"the fatal battle of Cannae to the loyal cavaliers." Had 
llupert only been content to relieve York without fighting, 
** he would have caused his army to increase like the rolling 
of a snowball." ^^ 

To return to the Moor. The Puritans were searching the 
battle-field, when some of them found a hamper or aumpter 
in a wood with a small picket in chaige of it. The guards 
narrowly escaped capture, and were heard to exclaim, ** God 
damn them, they had like to have been taken by the Par- 
liament Roundheads I " The hamper turned out to have 
belonged to Rupert. " The Prince of PIunderland,*®he that 
by daylight plundered others, had his rich sumpter plundered 
by moon-light, for till twelve at night our soldiers had the 
slaughter of the enemy in woods, lanes, and fields. Our 
soldiers do not love to tell you what was in it ; only they 
say some papers with C. R. that he should fight whatever 
came of it.'* 

In the Marquis of Newcastle's cabinet, which he had left 
behind him, was found his commission signed Charles Rex, 
constituting him general of all the forces raised, or to be 
raised, north of the Trent, and in the seven eastern counties, 
empowering him to confer knighthood upon those he thought 
worthy of it, and which he had done, for he had already made 



» Fuller. 

^ Eupert had been created Duke of Cumberland.. 24tli January, 1644. 

Y 2 



824 THE BATTLE OP MARSTON MOOE. 

twelve. He was to coin money whenever he saw fit. Letters 
were also found from Sir John Hotham " whereby it is clearly 
made known that he intended to betray Hull to the 
enemy/' These and others were all carefully transmitted to 
the Parliament. 

Manchester's army, we are told by a Royalist authority, 
satisfied with victory, left others of meaner dispositions to 
plunder the dead and dying of their conquered enemies. 
The Earl himself, "a sweet meek man,'' says Mr. Ash, 
" after the Royalists had been beaten out of the field, about 
eleven at night did ride about to the soldiers, both horse 
and foot, giving many of them thanks for the exceeding 
good service which they had done for the Kingdom ; and 
he earnestly exhorted them to give the honour of their 
victory to God alone. He also further told them that he 
could not possibly that night make provision for them 
according to their deserts and necessities, yet he would 
without fail endeavour their satisfaction in that kind in the 
morning." The soldiers unanimously "gave the Lord of 
Hosts all the glory of this victory and great deliverance, 
and even some of the prisoners acknowledged the finger and 
hand of God in it. Moreover they told his Lordship that 
" though they had long fasted and were faint, yet they 
would willingly wait three days longer than give off the 
service or leave him." And this was no mere talk, for 
having drained the wells to the mud, they were obliged to 
drink the water out of the ditches and stagnant pools, and 
even the places puddled with the horses' feet, very few of 
the common soldiers had eaten above the quantity of a 
penny loaf from Tuesday evening to the Saturda}' morning 
following, nor had they any beer whatever, " and they were 
very weary." 

** That night they kept the field and the bodies of the 
dead were stripped. In the morning there was a mortifying 
object to behold, when the naked bodies of thousands lay 
upon the ground and many not quite dead," but groaning 
and gasping their last. The smooth white skins of many 
gave reason to think they had been men of gentle birth, and 
that they might have more honourable burial than the rest, 
if their friends so pleased. Sir Charles Lucas was desired 
to view the corpses, and choose those he thought proper, 
but he couKl not be induced to recognise one of them, 



THE BATTLE OF MARSTON MOOR. 323 

evidently not wishing the great loss the King had sustained 
should become known. He did, however, single out thie 
body of one gentleman, who had a bracelet of hair about 
his wrist, which Sir Charles desired might be taken off, as 
he knew an honourable lady who would be thankful to have 
it. As he passed along the silent ranks, 

Stark and stiff, and drenched with gore, 

he exclaimed in the presence of those walking with him : — 
" Alas ! for King Charles ! Unhappy King Charles ! '' 

The countrymen who were commanded to bury the dead 
made the greater portion of the graves in and close to the 
White Syke Close, and along Wilstrop Wood-side. They 
" reported that 4,550 dead bodies were buried at Marstou 
Moor,'' of whom, they said, 3,000 had belonged to the 
Royalist army, and of these fully two-thirds were gentlemen. 
Yes indeed, many a home was darkened that day, many a 
wife found herself a widow, and many a child fatherless, 
whilst the bleeding corpses of these they loved were 

*' Reddening Maraton's swarthy breast." 

Among the slain were Colonel William Evers, nephew 
to Lord Evers, buried in York Minster, on July 7th ; 
Lionel, Lord Carey, eldest son to the Earl of Monmouth ; 
Colonel Roper, brother to Lord Baltinglass; Sir William 
Wentworth, brother to the late Earl of Stafford ; Sir 
Francis Dacres, cousin to Lord Dacres ; Sir William Lamb- 
ton, of an ancient Durham family ; Colonel Charles Slingsby, 
son to Sir William Slingsby, — his head and helmet were 
cleft in twain by the stroke of a battle-axe — he was buried 
in York Minster, on July 7th ; Sir Marmaduke Louddon ; 
Sir Thomas Metliam, captain of Yorkshire Volunteers ; Sir 
Richard Gledon or Gledhill, who had been knighted by the 
Marquis of Newcastle, — he was buried at St. Martin's Church, 
Micklegate, York, on July 8 ; Master Dewhirst ; Lieutenant- 
colonel Lisle, an officer who had seen much good service in 
Holland ; Colonel Houghton, son to Sir Gilbert Houghton ; 
Colonel John Penwick, eldest son to Sir John Fenwick, and 
nephew to Sir Henry SUngsby — the Colonel was Member of 
Parliament for Morpeth — his dead body was never recovered ; 
Sir Jordan Prideaux ; Colonel Prideaux, son to Dr. John 



826 



THE BATTLE OF iMAKSTON MOOR. 



Prideaux,^^ Bishop of Worcester ; Monsieur Saint Paula, a 
French gentleman ; Lieutenant-colonel Atkins, an oflBcer of 
Newcastle's array ; Lieutenant-colonel Stoneywood, a com- 
mander in the late wars in Ireland ; Master Townley, of 
Townley, in Lancashire, a papist oflBicer ; Colonel Sir 
Charles Fairfax, brother of Sir Thomas Fairfax, was so 
severely wounded that he " died that day seven-night,'' and 
was buried at Marston, at the early age of 23 years ; Major 
Fairfax, " who received 28 wounds, lies dangerously ill, but 
yet there are hopes of bis recovery " — he soon after died at 
York ; Captain Pugh ; Captain Roe ; Captain Mickle- 
thwaite, and many others. Colonel Stapleton died of his 
wounds. Sir William D'Avenant, the poet, who was Lieu- 
tenant-general of Newcastle's Ordnance, "a loose lived 
gentleman," was accounted as killed, but he got away in a 
dexterous manner, and lived to enjoy prosperous days under 
the Restoration. Sir Marmaduke Langdale was reported 
missing and " conceived to be slain," but he had escaped.*^* 
There was also killed on the Puritan side, a Scotch lord 
— Baron Didhope, whose body was taken by special licence 
to Scotland, and there buried in the ancestral vault. When 
King Charles was told of his death he said "ho hardly 
remembered that he had such a lord in Scotland," to which 
the somewhat sharp retort came, " that the lord had wholly 
forgotten that he had such a king in England." *^ 



^* Mr. Prideaux had a diamond buckle 
in his hat. He -was . son to Bishop 
Prideaux of Worcester (164Z-50). flis 
estate was ruined by raising and main- 
taining a regiment at his own charge on 
behalf of the king. He is said to have 
killed 14 or 15 of the enemy with his 
own hand before he bled to death. Sir 
Jordan was slain whilst commanding a 
troop of horse. (Stukeley's Jitters.) 

*^* See note ^. 

â– *- Bilton Church Registers furnish the 
following interesting entries : — * ' On the 
3rd July, ld44, the day following that on 
which the battle of Marston Moor wjis 
fought, Captain John (/armichael was 
buried here." In another hand by the 
side — **0n the King's side under the 
Karl of Bedford, 60 Troop of Horse." 
[John Carmichael was a lieutenant in the 
ioth Troop of Horse under the command 
of William, Karl of Bedford. ' Round- 
heads and Cavaliers."] " Also one Wil- 
liam Shepherd was buried the same day.'* 

"On the 5th July Captain David 
Ashton.^' ** Miles Ashton was in Lord 



Rochford*s Regfment" [Miles was a lieu- 
tenant in that regiment and wa^ on the 
Round-head side. " Round -heads and cava- 
liers "]. They were most probably mem- 
bers of the A&sheton family of Middleton 
in Lancashire. 

In the Register of Burials in York 
Minster are these entries but with no 
remarks : — 

*' Colonel Steward bur. ye second of 
July, 1644." 

" Captaine Stanhope bur. ye third of 
July, 1644." 

In the Registers of St. Mary's Church 
at Beverley there is the remarkable 
entry : — 

*' Slaine Essansfield 2 July 1614." 

The Regititers at Marston commence in 
1648, there are a few earlier entries but 
they are illegible. Alarston Uaa other 
names — it is alias Wannesley, alias Hut- 
ton Waunesley, alias Long Mereston. 

'* Thomas tiinde a souldier was buried 
Julie 9, 1644. [Aldborough Church 
Registers. ] 



THE BATTJ.K OF MAKSTON MOOR. 



327 



Captain Walton, a nepliew of CromweH's, had his horse 
killed under him, and his thigli badly broken by a cannon- 
shot early in the evening. The poor fellow bore his suffer- 
ings with the greatest fortitude, seeing that he would be 
without food or water until the battle was over. The 
daraage to his leg necessitated amputation, whereof he died. 
When laid on the ground he bade them " open to the right 
and left that he might see the rogues run," and greatly 
regretted " that God had not suffered him to be any more 
the executioner of His enemies."^^ 

Algernon Sidne}', the Earl ot Leicester's son, was 
wounded,*^ " but none were mortal : — These wounds cured 
will be scars of honour.'* He afterwards went to London to 
be under the surgeons there. Sir Reginald Graham, covered 
with twenty-six wounds, galloped across the country homo 
to Norton Conyers, where it was said he rode upstairs to 
bcd.*^ Lord Grandison was severely wounded in ten places, 
and remained in York to get cured. He is said to have 
remarked : — " that he had received ten wounds on his body 
in this battle ; one wound for the breach of every com- 
mandment in the Decalogue." Some twenty or more sub- 
alterns were wounded, more or less severely. 

And among other discoveries Wcos found the dead body of 
Prince Rupert's favourite dog ** Boy," " which was killed by 



1644. 



>> 
»• 

9t 



July .3. Lenard Tliompson, a soldier, was buried at St. Cruxes, York. 

4. (^aptain Menell waa buried at St. Cutbbert^s, York. 

6. William Pi^, sol licr under Colonell Qoring ] , . , 4.111 

18. Sir Richard Dakers, Colonel f %JJ"®^ *^Vi ^^ 

18. OeorKe Brand, a Surgeon j S^S Y^^k. 



t) 



»> 



ft 
t» 
>» 
•» 
}f 



22. Mr. Randall Fenicke 



}': ^pto": DriS } »>"ri'^ »» St MarUn-B. Miokl»gate. York. 
31. Captain Heury Chomally (Cholmley) was buried at St. Sampson's, 
York. 



For this list of burials at York I am 
indebted to a paper on '' Burials of Sol- 
dier* at York durini? the Civil War," by 
the Kev. C. B. Norcliflfe, AI. A.,and which 
M printed in Vol. 3 of the Uenealogist, 
1879, pp. 822-26. It ia very probable 
that some if not all of these were 
wounded at Marston and came to die in 
York. 

« Letter D. 

** When Colonel Sydney was wounded 
be fell within the KoyalLit ranks. One 
of Cromweirs regiment immediately 
went to his rescue, and, at some con* 
sidenUe risk, brought him off. Crom- 



well saw this and ui*gently desired to 
have the name of the man who had be- 
haved so nobly, but the hero would not 
let it transpire, not witfhing for any re- 
ward. 

*** At Norton Conyers Hall there is to 
be seen in the present staircase a portion 
of an old step, and on it is the distiuct 
mark of a horse's shoe, which is said to 
have been made when Sir Richard rode 
upstairs to die. He however got quite 
well and lived until 1653, when he died 
and was buried at Wath on the 11 th of 
February. 



323 THE BATTLE OF MARSTON MOOR. 

a valliant (1) soldier, who had skill in necromancy." The 
affectionate animal had followed his master on to the fatal 
field. It was a white poodle-dog, " more prized," says Mr. 
Ash, "by his master than creatures of much more worth." 
And justly so, for it had been the sole companion of Rupert's 
solitude, when he was immured in the gloomy castle of 
Lintz. The fanatical superstition of the period declared this 
dog to be an imp, a dog-fiend, ** a verie downright devill . . . 
once by nature a handsome white ladye, but now by art a 
handsome white dogge." ^ 

Sir Peter Middleton, Sir Henry Slingsby, Sir William 
Ingilby, Sir Richard Tankard [Tancredj, Sir Richard 
llutton, and other persons of quality were reported as " fled 
to other garrisons.^' 

The prisoners taken were numerous, including over a 
hundred officers. Among them were :— Sir Charles Lucas, 
Lieutenant-general of the Royal Horse ; Major-general 
Porter ; Major-general Tillyard, " a very stout and able 
soldier, who came from Ireland '' ; Sir George Goring ; 
Colonel Lamplough ; Lieutenant-colonel Maude ; Lieutenant- 
colonel Hamond ; Majors Cartwright, Lane, and Wise ; 
Captains Dawson, Mucklow, Ewbanck, Disney, Burridge, 
Fowler, Oyle, Henry Wren ; Hodgson, Dikes, Mundaj^ 
Ogleby, Lodam, Manwaring, Grines, and Winn ; Lieutenants 
Washington, Goodwin, Chambers, Poole, Dobson, Suddick, 
Osborne, Foster, Blackman, Cooles, and Plunckit ; Ensigns 
Wheeler, Hedworth, Foster, and Dykes. Mr. Coule, a 
servant to the Marquis of Newcastle ; and Mr. Edward 
Errick, Master-gunner to His Majesty ; and from fifteen 
hundred to two thousand common soldiers. Also all tlie 
ordnance, being twenty-eight cannon, foity waggons, twenty 
carts of cheese, one hundred and thirty barrels of gun- 
powder, three tons of great and small bullets, two waggons 
tilled with carbines and pistols ; about ten thousand arms, 
chiefly swords, pikes, and bandeliers, and some thousands of 
pounds in gold and silver money. A number of barrels 
containing powder had been blown up by the common 



« A very scarce tract, printed in 1644, .. g^a Cavalier., Rupert invites you aU 

called A Dogg s Elegy or Kupert's I'eares That do survive to his Dog's funeral : 

for hifl late defeat at Marston Moor," re- ^^"se rnouruers are the Witch, the Pope, the 

presenta poor Boy lying on his back with Tharmuch lament your lato befaUen evil." 
8 four legB jn the an, aiid this verge: — 



THE BATTLE OF MARSTON MOOB. 329 

soldiers, who had also torn many of the banners into shreds 
to wear in their hats ere the proclamation was issued that 
things must be left alone. Over one hundred colours were 
taken, which, " had they been white, would have made sur- 
plices for all the cathedrals in England." " It is credibly 
reported," says a contemporary newspaper, " that General 
Cromwell took eighty with his own hands/' Alas ! how 
many a fair maiden's fingers had wrought hard to embroider 
these banners, proudly hoping that they might fly on a field 
of victory. 

Where is that banner now ? — its pride 
Lies whelm'd in Ouse's sullen tide ; 
Where are those warriors ? in their gore 
They cumber Marston's dismal moor. 

Those that were saved were sent up to the Parliament in 
care of Captain Stewart.*^ 

The following is a list dated *' At the Leaguer at York, 
July 9, at ten at night.*' 

A White Cornet of Dragoons with a blue and white fringe, in the 
midst whereof is painted a roundhead's face, and on its top the letter P 
(which is conceived to signifie a Puritan) with a sword in hand reached 
from a cloud, with this motto, — Fiat Justitia. 

A Black Comet, with a black and yellow fringe and a sword reached 
from a cloud, with this motto, — Terriblis ut acies ordinata. 

A Blue, and on it a crown towards the top with a mitre beneath the 
crown, and the Parliament painted on one side, and this motto, — Nolite 
tangere Christos meos — (to wit — the Crown and the Mitre). 

A Black with a black fringe, and in the middle three crowns gilded 
with this motto, — Quarta perennis erit. 

A Blue with a silver fringe. 

A Willow-green, with the portraiture of a man, holding in one hand 
a sword, and in the other a knot, with the motto, — This shall untie it. 

A Yellow and in the middle a stooping Lion, at whose breech lyeth 
snatching a mastiff dog, with this word as it were proceeding from his 
mouth " Kimbolton,*' and at his feet several little beagles, before whose 
mouths were written " Pym, Pym, Pym," with these words proceeding 
from the lion's mouth, — Quosque tandem abutere patientia nostra t 
(That is : — How long will you abuse our patience ?) 

A Blue with a motto that cannot be read. 

Another coloured red, with a face and this motto : — ^Aut mors aut vita 
decora. 

A White with a blue and white fringe^ and a red cross in the middle. 

A Red with a white cross, and this motto, — Pro rege et regno. 

*f Captain William Stewart was one of General Leslie's offioen. 



830 THE BATTLE OF MARSTON MOOK. 

A Black with a black and yellow fringe, and a red and white cross in 
the middle, and a yellow streamer sloping down from the cross. 

A Red with a red fringe. 

A Red with a silver fringe. 

A Blue with a blue fringe. 

Another of the same. 

A Red with a red and gold fringe. 

A White with a red and white fringe. 

A Red with a black fringe. 

A Black with a black and white fringe. 

A flesh-coloured comet. 

Some others torn. 

Prince Rupert's Standard, nearly five yards square, with the arras of 
the Palatinate, and a red cross in the middle. 

Three Green Ensigns, whereof two have a red cross upon white, and 
four or five little crosses sloping downwards. 

Six Yellow Ensigns with red crosses, and one with a red cross and 
three black roses, the rest only yellow. 

Four White Ensigns with red crosses, whereof one has five black 
streamers. 

Eleven Red Ensigns with white crosses. 

A Blue Ensign with a red and white cross. 

One of the Puritan generals, Sir Thomas Fairfax, is 
worthy of the highest praise for In's humane endeavours. 
It is told of him that after all was over, he rode up and 
down the field to prevent any of the wounded from being 
slain out-right, ** Spare the poor deluded countrymen ! " he 
cried, " spare them who are misled and know not what 
they do ! " 

An express sent by Sir David Leslie, reached the Earl of 
Leven at 12 o'clock on the next day. Old Fuller quaintly 
remarks that " General Leslie with his Scottish ran more 
than a Yorkshire mile, and a wee bit/' to Leeds, nigh twenty 
miles away, " where he was arrested by the parish con- 
stable." Anyhow, tired out with the arduous efforts of the 
day, the worry and the long night journey, on his arrival he 
had thrown himself upon a bed to rest, and was fast asleep 
when the messenger entering the room, awoke him. Leven 
called out : — " Lieutenant-colonel, what news ? " " All is 
safe, may it please your Excellence," was the answer, " the 
Parliament's army has obtained a great victory," at the 
same time handing him a letter. Leven knocked himself 
reproachfully upon the breast, exclaiming " I would to God 
I had died upon the place ! " He then opened the letter 
which confirmed the news, bidding him speedily return, 
which he did the next day, getting ** evil thought of by the 



THE BATTLE OF MARSTOX MOOK. 331 

English for this day's service/' in fact all the runaway 
soldiers weie so soundly rated by their respective ministers 
that '* they were made thoroughly ashamed of themselves," 
quoth Mr. Ash. News reached Hull on Wednesday, the 
3rd of July, whilst the people were assembled in church to 
keep a day of humiliation for the success of their army, 
when, during the service, a letter arrived for the Mayor, and 
he, quickly perusing its contents, handed it to the preacher 
who read it aloud from the pulpit. 

" 2nd Jiily 1 644. Mr. Mayor. After a dark cloud it hath pleased God 
" to show the sunshine of His glory in victory over his enemies, who are 
** driven into the walls of York, many of their chief officers slain, and all 
** their ordnance and ammunition taken with small loss (I praise God) on 
" our side. This is all I can now write ; 

Resting Your Assured 

Fbrdixando Fairfax." 

This letter "caused such tears for joy as is not to be 
believed, if I should express it.*' The Mayor at once trans- 
mitted a copy of it to the Commissioners of both kingdoms 
at London, which reached them on Friday, July 5th. The 
royalist section of the populace, especially those in prison, 
swore it was a forgery. 

On Saturday another letter was received, dated Marston,*^ 
July 3rd, from the Earl of Manchester to a great personage, 
confirming the news, — " but still the malignants would not 
believe.'' 

Thanks were voted by the Parliament to Leven, Manchester, 
and Fairfax, and under an order, dated Monday, the 8th of 
July, 1644, it was proclaimed that Thursday the 18th of July 
should be the Day of Thanksgiving for the Victory at Mars- 
ton Moor, and that it was to be kept as such in London, 
Westminster, and other parts of the kingdom. 

Meanwhile the siege of York was resumed on the 4th of 
July, and was continued until the 16th, when articles of sur- 
render were signed, and Sir Thomas Glemham with the 
remaining garrison were allowed to march out with flying 
colours and all the honours of war in acknowledgment of 
thoir bravery, after resisting a siege of thirteen weeks' dura- 
tion, in which the city had sustained twenty-two assaults 
upon its walls. After this event the Puritan forces divided, 

^ See Letters E and F. 



832 



THE BATTLE OP MABSTON MOOB. 



and Manchester, Cromwell, and Crawford returned to 
Lincolnshire. 

Great disputes arose as to the comparative merits of the 
several divisions who were engaged in this battle. Major 
Harrison got to London first with the Earl of Manchester's 
dispatches, and he told *' with what courage undaunted 
Cromwell fought and all his honest blades, and what service 
they had done for the kingdom of England towards the 
settling of religion and liberties/* Then Captain Stewart 
arrived next and told the Scotch version of the story, besides 
which a vast amount of information was also picked up from 
" many wearied oflScers after the hard service/' All admitted 
with but one exception,*^ that Cromwell fought with un- 
daunted courage, and deserved the highest praise for that 
day's work. To Fairfax and David Leslie an equal meed 
of praise was due, and to both Generals Baillee and Lums- 
daine much honourable mention, while on the other hand, 
the Scotch fell under heavy obloquy for the flight of their 
centre under Leven. 

On Thursday, the 18th of July, the solemn thanksgiving 
was kept as ordered by Parliament. ** The acknowledge- 
ment, oblation, and due thanks to God for His mercy and 
goodness to us, was in every parish church and chapel with- 



'*5 The story of Cromwell's cowardice 
rest^ entirely on the authority of Scotch- 
men, and apparently was an afterthought, 
hred of the mutual jealousies which arose 
through each of the factions trying to 
magnify their part of the valour displayed 
on the day of battle. Baillee's Letters 
inform us that '* Mr. Ashe is highly 
lauded, but gives more to Cromwell than 

we are informed is his due We 

were both grieved and angry that your 
Independents there should have sent up 
Major Harrison to trumpett over all the 
city their own praises, to our prejudice, 
making all believe, that Ciomwell alone 
with his unspeakably valorous regiments, 
had done all that service, that most of us 

fled and those who stayed did 

nothing much and we are vexed 

at the reports. But Lindesay's Letters 
and Captain Stuart with his colours will 
alter their ideas. See by this inclosed if 
the whole victory both in the right and 
left wings be not ascribed to Cromwell, 
and not a word of David Lesley, who in 
all places that day was his leader. If 
his reports of Marston be true, you know 
the flight of some is worse and more 



shameful than death." 

In another letter, dated 23rd of July, 
the Independents are spoken of as obsti- 
nate, swaggering about their service at 
York battle, but it is *'all grounded oii 
false lies." Then again in a letter, dated 
lOt^ of August, we are told that the 
Anabaptists and others were striving to 
glorify Cromwell, and ascribe the victory 
of Marston Moor to him, but most un- 
justly, for Lord Humbie ^Sir Adam 
Hepburn, lord of Humbie, Treasurer and 
Commissioner-general to the Scottish 
army) "assures us, that Prince llui>ert 
first charged and falling on him did 
humble him so, that if David Leslie had 
not supported him, he had fled. Skcldon 
Crawford, who had a regiment of dra- 
goons in that wing, on oath assured me, 
that at the beginning of the fight Crom- 
well got a little wound on his craige (i. e. 
neck) which made him retire, so that he 
was not so much as present at the fight, 
but his troopers were led on by David 
Lesley." And all this because Cromwell 
was wounded. Two or three years after 
these statements were confessed to be 
fabrications. 



THE BATTLE OP MARSTON MOOR. 333 

in the jurisdiction and power of the Parliament humbly 
offered ; the minister of every such parish that day serving 
the cure, relating some certainties (by way of encouragement 
and stirring up our devotions) of the undoubted victory/' 

Mr. Alexander Henderson, the celebrated Scotch minister, 
preached before both Houses of Parliament in St. Margaret's 
Church, at Westminster. His text was Mattliew xiv. 31. 
" And immediately Jesus stretched forth his hand, and caught 
him, and said unto him, thou of Uttle faith, wherefore didst 
tliou doubt ? " In the course of an eloquent sermon, he 
said that the tempest, which tossed the ship about in which 
the disciples were, was only an emblem of the troubled con- 
dition of the Church in those times. Yet the same Lord, 
who had calmed the waters, was the same Lord of armies 
and the God of battles that had now given them deUverance. 
In the depth of their distress they had cried like the sinking 
Peter " Lord save us,'' the hand of help had indeed been 
outstretched, but there was a rebuke with it, " thou of 
little faith, wherefore dost thou doubt I " The deliverance 
from the enemy was nothing less than divine, just such 
another as from the Armada or Powder-treason. It was 
both opportune and seasonable, for *' the enemy had exalted 
himself to the top of his pride, and had designed like Bel- 
shazzar and his nobles to make merry with the spoils of the 
people of God." Again the hand of God had been mani- 
fested, and the Lord had answered the prayers of his 
people, but in spite of victory, they must '' take heed to 
emulation and beware of envy, for it was a monster of many 
heads, to defeat which true religion should be rightly 
embraced and the covenant remembered by which they 
were joined to Jesus Christ. For His was the right sceptre, 
and He alone was the King of the church, therefore they 
must not do that which seemed good in their own eyes but 
obey His voice. Much more might be said,'' continued 
the preacher, but " I shall only desire that the recent proof 
of the mercy of God in our deliverance may be added to 
your calendar of former deliverances to make your experi- 
ence the stronger, that your hope and confidence may be the 
stronger for all time to come." 

Mr. Richard Vines, another celebrated divine, "minister 
of God's Word at Weddington," also preached the same day 
at St. Margaret's " before the Right Honourable Lords and 



334 THE BATTLE OF MARSTON MOOR. 

Commons," taking for his text Isaiah Ixiii. 8. " For he 
said, surely they are my people, children that will not lie : 
so he was their Saviour." In comparing the victory to 
that memorable conquest of Hannibal by Scipio, which 
closed the second great Punic war, he said, that, like 
the Komans of old, neither they nor their fathers had 
seen a greater da3\ The first summer of the war, the 
Almighty had written himself their God in great letters 
at Edge-hill ; the second, in still greater character at 
Newberry ; but the third, in order that he might be legible 
to such as hitherto would not see, He had written himself 
Immanuel in a text letter, — "and Hannibal (z'.e., Rupert) is 
routed neere the walls of his own Carthnge " (York) .... 
'tlie lying bonfires of the enemy will not blaze long and 
their lying bells will soon alter tlieir changes,'' — in spite of 
eflForts to lead us back to the flesh-pots of Egypt, to induce us 
to dance before golden calves, truth ever wins at the last, and 
they would find in all their troubles, that God was their 
Saviour. He referred with triumph to the captured banners, 
and drew lessons from their mottoes turning the tables on 
the vanquished Royalists. In conclusion he appealed to his 
hearers in common-sense language, to drop the war as soon 
as the object for which they fought was attained, ever bear- 
ing in mind that '* famous Dictator of Rome that was fetclit 
from the Plough, routed the enemy, and returned to his 
Plough again." 

A vote of thanks was passed by both Houses of ParHa- 
ment on Friday, the 19tli of July, and was ordered to be pre- 
sented to Mr. Henderson and Mr. Vines " for the great pains 
they took with their sermons." 

The Rev. Joshua Whitton preached at Kingston-upon- 
Hull from Ezra ix. 13, 14. "And hast given us such 
deliverance as tliis ; Should we again break thy command- 
ments, and join in affinity with the peojyle of these ahomina' 
tionSy wouldst thou not he angry with us till thou hadst con- 
sumed us, so that there should be no remnant nor escaping ? " 
In his address, which is very strongly imbued with the ex- 
treme Puritan polemics of the period, he complains bitterly 
jibout the destruction of their homes, the looting of their 
cattle, and the theft of their very wearing apparel. Above all, 
whole libraries of their precious books, the very wealth of 
their callings, had been burnt, torn in pieces, taken to light 



THE BATTLE OP MARSTON MOOR. 335 

tobacco-pipes with, and put to other foul uses. Yea, veril3% 
the land has been trampled down and food destroyed. 
" Lord ! into what manner of times are we fallen ? '' Surely 
" the enemy hath stretched out his hand over all our pleasant 
things, whilst the furies say, Let us devour it,"' but God will 
be avenged and stop them. Their recent deliverance might 
be compared to the return of the Isi-aelites with Ezra from 
Babylon. Their enemies had found Hessam a harder country 
than they expected, more iron, steel, and smoke, awaited 
their welcome than they cared for, and God was pleased to 
give us the honour of the day. Pray what sort of men were 
their foes ? Did they not rejoice in " excess of wine, in 
revelling, banqueting, lasciviousness and lawless lusts 1 Have 
they not ravished women, defiled virgins, and afterwards 
pistolled them, and then boasted of it ? Are they not 
papistical idolaters, bowing down to graven images and 
pictures, and praying to saints and angels ? " While as to 
swearing, it was awful to think about. ''Lord," — exclaimed 
the preacher, " how many oaths have been sworn in one town 
on a single market day ? Joshua won far more battles with 
fewer oaths :— to join hideed with such as these God would 
justly be angry with us, and consume us — so that there 
should be no remnant nor escaping.'' 

Morning service being over, " from every fort about the 
cities of London and Westminster was heard the big voice 
of the cannon echoing in the air ; the bells kept their time 
and tune as partners in our joy ; and upon Paul's steeple 
was seen one of the colours brought from the enemy bravely 
displayed. The night afforded us the pleasures of bonfires 
builded by the cost and aflfection of the lovers of religion 
and goodness. Thus to the utter disheartening of all the 
malignant crew, we measured out our time and joy with the 
truth of the conquest." For " the cloud that hath so much 
obscured the North is now dissipated, and our God hath 
given his servants a glorious victory over the enemies of 
their Religion and Liberty." *® 

Discoveries of relics have been very numerous, but many 
have been taken away from the locality. Remains too have 
been disturbed by the plough. Many were found at the 
bottom of tho Atterwith Lane. A large cannon-ball, found 

*° Old Newspaper. 



S36 THE BATTLE OP MARSTON MOOR. 

about sixty years ago in a field near the White Syke Close, 
was until lately preserved at the Swan Inn at Long Marston. 
The White Syke Ditch was cleared out about the year 1800, 
when numbers of old-fashioned horse-shoes, cannon-balls of 
various sizes, bullets, sword-blades and bones were discovered, 
some of which are still preserved at the Rectory. Swords, 
Ijats, helmets, skulls with bullet-holes in them are to be seen 
in the Museum of the Philosophical Society at York. At 
Farnley Hall, near Otley, the sword that Sir Thomas Fair- 
fax used at Marston Moor is kept. It is a straight one with 
a basket-hilt, inlaid with silver. The hat which Oliver Crom- 
well wore on the day is also to be seen at Farnley. Many 
other relics of his, such as his saddle, bridle, and holster- 
pistols, spurs and watch are shown at Newburgh Priory. 

In 1780, numerous trees were felled on one side of Mars- 
ton Moor, which then belonged to the Lord Petre, and 
when cut up the sawyers found many bullets embedded in 
them. 

The Rev. Dr. Crigan, rector of Long Marston from the 
29th of January, 1821, to the 14th of July, 1826, and after- 
wards rector of Escrick, used to relate that, early in this 
century, a very old barn which stood in the parish of 
Marston was pulled down. There were loopholes in its 
walls for the purpose of ventilation. In one not easy to 
reach was found an old worm-eaten leather bag, containing 
a number of coins all dating previous to 1644. It had no 
doubt been placed there for security by some one vei^ much 
scared at the awful fight so near their home-stead.^ ^ 

At Naburn Hall a solid gold ring is preserved, bearing 
the crest of the Palmes family : — " A hand holding a palm 
branch proper," — with ihe motto, *'Ut palma Justus." it 
was ploughed up some years ago by a farmer at Marston 
Moor, and soon after was restored to the late Mr. Palmes. It 
must have belonged to some member of the family who was 
slain at Marston. They were staunch Royalists, and three 
brothers — Thomas, William, and John, fell at the Battle of 
Worcester in 1651, whilst fighting for the royal cause.^^ 

Local or other traditions are by no means so plentiful as 
we might expect, seeing the event occurred only two hundred 
and fifty years ago. In the neighbouring villages but little 

SI Communicated by Mr. T. Carter ^' Communicated by the'IUv. Jamea 

Mitchell, r.s.A.. Topcliffe. Palmes, M.A., Rector of Escrick. 



THE BATTLE OP MARSTON MOOR. 837 

is known, save that " won'st a graate battle wur foughten 
theer." The Moor Lane is sniJ to be haunted at nights by 
lieadless horse-men, and at the beginning of this century the 
country people could not be induced to traverse it after 
dark. Marston Moor is within four miles of Bramham Moor, 
where our great Yorkshire seeress. Mother Shipton, once 
foretold " there would be a great battle/' 

A Mr. Acomb was constable of Marston in 1644. His 
oxen were pressed into service by both sides to drag the 
cannon. While in the act of pulling a gun into its place, 
one of the cattle was killed by a passing shot. Those in 
charge wanted to stop and extricate the dead animal, but 
the peremptory order came : — " Push forward ! " 

The following story will illustrate how very little was 
known of the political situation, especially in remote places. 
An officer, who had been sent forward to reconnoitre, riding 
through Marston village, met a labourer, of whom he 
demanded in stentorian tones : — " If he had seen any of the 
King's soldiers, and whom he was for ? — King or Parlia- 
ment 1 '' " Whaat ! be them two fall n out then 1 '' was the 
naive and curt reply. 

At Healaugh the church door still bears the marks of 
bullet shots. Local tradition says that a dragoon hastening 
to Marston Moor cast a shoe, so he stopped at the village 
smithy to get another shoe put on, and behaved in a most 
hectoring manner, saying that if the blacksmith did not 
make haste " he would burn his house over his head '^ on 
his return; or otherwise harm him. The smith calmly 
answered that perhaps he would not have a chance, upon 
which the blustering soldier discharged the contents of his 
carbine at the church door.*^ 

Sir Robert Hildyard, of Winestead, is said to have shown 
such bravery in fighting on the Royalist side, that, 
when the Restoration came about, he was made a knight- 
banneret. 

Mr. John Dolben fought as a private on the King's side 
at Marston, and was severely wounded in the defence of 
York. At a later period he was ordained by the Bishop of 
Chester, became Dean of Westminster, in 1666, was con- 
secrated Bishop of Rochester, and in 1683 was raised to 

" Communicated by the Rer. R. H. Cooke, B.D., Yioar of Healaugh. 

VOI^ XI. z 



388 THE BATTLE Ot* MAUfiTOK MOOK. 

the See of York, which he held until his death, which took 
place in 1688. 

Mrs. Alice Thornton in her Diary tells a very interesting 
story. She describes the times as a period of " horrid dis- 
tractions and fears of ours, and the church's enemies." Her 
family had removed from Kirklington to York, where her 
brother, Christopher Wandesford, a boy of sixteen yeai-s, in 
1644, was at a school, not solely for education, but to be 
near his physician for the cure of epileptic fits. These had 
been brought on when attending his father's funeral at 
Christ Church, Dublin, and caused by fright " on hearing 
the great and dreadful cry the Irish made," On the 2nd of 
July, in company with other boys, he rode to the Moor 
"just to see the battle." His brother George who had 
arrived at York on that day, went after and rescued him, 
bringing him into York by a back way, and reaching home 
at midnight, to the great delight of an anxious mother, who 
writes that by this stratagem " they were preserved, blessed 
be God, and not murdered." For this kind action the uncle 
was accused later on of having fought against the Parlia- 
ment, w^as publicly proclaimed a traitor in Kirklington 
church,^* his estates were forfeited, while he took refuge in 
the wild parts of Swaledale, disguised as a common 
labourer, until the time came when a Royalist could hold 
up his head, and the sun shone on the King's side of the 
hedge. 

As further proofs of the disturbed times there was no 
court held for the Manor of Aldborough from 1643 to 1646 ; 
the registers at the church of Kirkby-on-the-Moor have a 
complete gap, whilst from 1654 to 1660 those at Ald- 
borough Church have been supplemented at a later 
period by the Rev. Edward Morris, "out of a Register 
appointed to the church by one of his (Cromwell's) wise 
justices." 

The following stories are personally connected with 
Cromwell. " Mary, the daughter of Sir Francis Trappes, 
married Charles Towneley, of Towneley, in Lancasliire, 



*•• Mrs. Thornton in her Dhry. Sur- nephew, got mixed up in it, for he re- 

tcea Society, No. 62, pp. 41-44. Her turned to York with his cousin Edward 

brother George Wandesfoi-d seems to Norton's troop, and hence his subsequent 

have come from Kirklington quite un- trouble, 
aware of any battle, and, seeking for his 



THE BATTLE OF MARSTON MOOR. 839 

esquiie, who was killed at the battle of Marston Moor. 
During the engagement she was with her father at Knares- 
borough, where she heard of her husband's fate, and came 
upon the field the next morning in order to search for his 
body, while the attendants of the camp were stripping and 
burying the dead. Here she was accosted by a general 
ofiicer to whom she told her melancholy story. He heard 
her with great tenderness, but earnestly desired her to leave 
a place, where, besides the distress of witnessing such a 
scene, she might probably be insulted. She complied and 
he called a trooper, who took her en croupe. On her way 
back to Knaresborough she enquired of the man the name 
of the oflScer to whose civility she had been indebted, and 
learned that it was Lieutenant-general Cromwell." *^ 

After Marston Moor Cromwell, returning from the pursuit 
of a party of Royalists, stopped at Ripley Castle, the seat of 
Sir William Ingilby, and as he had an ofl&cer in his troop, a 
relation of Sir WilHam's, he sent him forward to announce 
his arrival. Lady Ingilby at first boldly refused him 
admission, declaring that " she could defend herself and the 
house against all rebels." At last, however, she was per- 
suaded to admit him, which she did and received Cromwell 
at the gate in person, but armed with a pair of loaded 
pistols stuck in her apron strings, and told Cromwell that 
he and his men had better look to themselves and behave 
properly. So these two extraordinary persons, equally 
jealous of each other, passed the whole night in the same 
room, sitting on couches placed on opposite sides of the 
apartment. Next day after Cromwell and his troopers had 
gone, she said, had he misbehaved himself in any way he 
would not have left that house alive. 

The Rev. H. T. Inman, Woolston Rectory, Bucks, kindly 
sent me the following note about one of his ancestors. He 
copied it from a manuscript family pedigree. 

" Michael Inman, of Bowthwaite Grange, in Nidderdale, 
raised a troop for King Charles and fought at Marston 

** This lady survived a widow till her clifiTe's Correspondence, by the then re- 
death in 1690, which took place at Town- presentative of the family when he was 
]ey. She was 91 years of age, and was in his 78th year, who said he got it from 
buried in the family chapel at Burnley. his ancestress Ursula Towneley (a Fermor 
The above anecdote was told to Dr. of Tusmore), who had often heard it 
Whitaker, the editor of Sir George Rad- from the lady herself. 

Z 2 



840 THE BATTLE OP MARSTON MOOR. 

Moor ; six brothers fought with him ; several were killed in 
the battle, and the others fled their country. Michael was 
taken prisoner and carried into Scotland where he was 
kept upwards of five years, and then released through the 
petition and interest of Owen Darnbrooke, of Bewerley 
(near Pateley Bridge), whose daughter and sole heiress, 
Elizabeth, he married on July 1st, 1656." 

Dr. Richard Wood, of Driffield, very kindly communicated 
this family tradition. He says his late father, who was born 
at Poppleton in 1794, used to relate that a maternal ancestor, 
— a Mr. William Prince, watched the progress of the Royalist 
troops from York, and followed them as far as he deemed it 
prudent to go. To secure a better view of the proceedings 
he climbed into an oak tree and from that elevated perch he 
listened for some time to the firing of guns, heard the tramp 
of horsemen, and saw many other signs of active warfare. 
While his attention was almost riveted to the spot, a cannon- 
ball struck off a large branch close to where he was sitting. 
Not caring to be shot he made a hasty descent, and beat a 
speedy retreat, probably being of Falstaff's opinion that 
" the better part of valour is — discretion." And so he lived 
to narrate to his friends the particulars of his dangerous 
adventure. For many years the tree was known as " Prince's 
Oak." 

Another relative of Dr. Wood, who at one time farmed a 
portion of Marston Moor, had in his possession a variety of 
relics, such as spurs, swords, broken helmets, guns, &c., 
which he had dng up from time to time. They were 
arranged over his mantel-piece, and were preserved to the 
end of his life with pious care. After his death these articles 
unfortunately got dispersed. 

In the winter of 1858-5.9 part of Marston Moor was so 
water-logged that draining operations were undertaken, and 
certain tumuli then indicated on local maps, and legendary 
sites of sepulture were cut into. The workmen struck upon 
huge pits, depositories of innumerable bones, and ** summat 
*at locikd loike slit," — not slimy, but damp. A cuttin<»- 
twelve yards long and eight in width left one vast sepulchre 
unexhausted. About four feet deep, corpses were found 
huddled together in all conceivable positions, one over the 
other, lying straight, distorted, feet upwards, &c. Many of 



THE BATTLE OP MABSTON MOOR. 341 

the bones crumbled to dust on exposure to the air, and " a 
cloud of nauseous vapour burst from the open tomb/' It is 
not surprising to learn that the men sickened at the horrors 
of this charnel house, and it was some time before they could 
be induced to resume work.^^ 



Letter A. 

To the Right Honourable, the Earl of Manchester. 

These humbly present. 
My Lord, 

Our intelligence from divers places, agreeing that the enemy's 
foot did advance this day from Otley, and quarter there and the town 
abouts this night, hath occasioned us to draw all our horse of both 
nations upon a moor close by Long Marston, within five miles of York, 
where we now are expecting what further orders we shall receive from 
your lordship and the other generals. My Lord, I humbly ofier these, 
that exact orders might be sent to my lord Fairfax's troops that are in 
general parts of this county to march up either to us or to you, that they 
may not by their absence be made useless. The Lieutenant-general 
commanded me to send this express to your lordship, being in expecta- 
tion to hear your lordship's further resolution. 

My Lord, I am 

Your Lordship's most humble servant 

Leon Watson. 

Long Marston, this 30th of June 1644. 
Between one and two in the morning. 
The enemy's whole body is about 15,000. 



Letter B. 

May it please Your Highness. 

This afternoon about one of the clock, the enemy's van marched 
from their quarter at Long Marston to Middlethorpe, the rest of their 
army follows. The three generals have sent a letter directed to me and 
my Lord Mayor to deliver them up the town in six hours, or else I must 
expect all extremities of war. I shall not obey their summons, but keep 
it for the King as long as possibly I can. I thought it my duty to 
acquaint Your Highness with it, not doubting but Your Highness will 
take us into your consideration for the relief of 

Your Highness's most affectionate and humble servant, 

Thomas Glemham. 

York, the 4th of June, 1644, at five in the afternoon. 

* Leeds Intelligencer, February 19, 1859. 



342 THE BATTLE OP MAKSTON MOOR. 

Letter C. 

The King to Prince Rupert. Tickenhall, near Bewdley. 

14th June, 1G44. 
Nephueu. 

Ist. I must congratulate you for your good successes, assuring 
you that the things themselves are no more welcome to me than that you 
are the means. I know the importance of supplying you with powder 
for which I have taken all possible ways, having sent both to Ireland and 
Bristol. As for Oxford this bearer is well satisfied that it is impossible 
to have any at present, but if he tell you that I can spare them from 
hence, I leave you to judge having but 36 left ; But what I can get from 
Bristol (of which there is not much certainty — it being threatened to be 
besieged) you shall have. But now I must give you the tine state of my 
affairs which if their condition be such as enforces me to give you more 
peremptory commands than I willingly would do, you must not take it 
ill. If York be lost, I sliall esteem my crotvn little eUe, unless supported 
by your sudden march to me, and a miraculous conquest in the south 
before the effects of the northern power can be found here. But if York 
be relieved and you beat the rebel armies of both kingdoms which are 
before it, then (but not otherwise) I may possibly make a shift (upon the 
defensive) to spin out time until you come to assist me. Wherefore I 
command and conjure you by the duty and affection which I know you 
bear me, that all new (enterprises laid aside, you immediately raaix^h 
according to pour first intention with all your forced to the relief of York. 
But if that be either lost or have freed themselves from the besiegers, or 
that for want of powder you cannot undertake that work, that you imme- 
diately march with your whole strength directly to Worcester to assist 
me and my army ; without which, or your having relieved York by 
beating the Scots, all the successes you can afterwards have most infal- 
libly will be useless unto me. You may believe that nothing but an 
extreme necessity could make me thus write unto you, wherefore in this 
case I can no ways doubt of your punctual compliance with 

Your loving Uncle and most faithful friend, 

CHARLES R. 

I command this bearer to speak to you concerning Vavasour. 

This letter was written by Lord Digby, but signed by the 
King. Rnpert carried it about with him to his dying day, but 
he never would show it to anyone during his lifetime. 

Letter D. 

To my loving Brother Colonel Valentine Walton. These. 

Dear Sir, Leaguer before York, 5th July, 1644. 

It is our duty to sympathise in all mercies, and to praise the 
Lord together in chastisements or trials, that so we may sorrow together. 
Truly England and the Chiu'ch of God hath had a great fever from the Lord 
in this great victory given unto us, such as the like never was since this 
war began. It had all the evidences of an absolute victory obtained by 
the Lord's blessing upon the Godly Party principally. We never charged 



THE BATTLE OP MARSTON MOOB. 343 

but wo routed the euemy. The Left wing which I commanded being our 
own hoi-se, saving a few ^' Scots in our rear, beat all the prince's horse. God 
made them as stubble to our swords. We charged their regiments of 
foot with our horse, and routed all we charged. The particulars I can- 
not relate now, but I believe of 20,000, the Prince hath not 4000 left ! 
Give glory, all the glory, to God. Sir, God hath taken away your eldest 
son by a cannon shot. It brake his leg. We were necessitated to have 
it cut off, whereof he died. Sir, you know my own trials in this way, 
but the Lord supported me with this. That the Lord took him into the 
happiness we all pant for and live for. There is your precious child full 
of glory, never to know sin or sorrow any any more. He was a gallant 
young man, exceeding gi*acious, God give you His comfort. Before his 
death he was so full of comfort that to Frank Russell and myself he 
could not express it. '^ It was so great above his pain.** This he said to 
us. Indeed it was admirable. A little after he said one thing lay upon 
his spirit. I asked him what it was ? He told ma it was '* that God 
had not suffered him to be any more the executioner of His enemies.'* 
At his fall, his horse being killed by a bullet and as I was informed three 
horses more, I am told he bade them open to the right and left that he 
might see the rogues run. Truly he was exceedingly beloved in the 
army of all that knew him. But few knew him, for he was a precious 
young man fit for God. You have cause to bless the Lord. He is a 
glorious saint in heaven, wherein you ought exceedingly to rejoice. Let 
til is drink up your sorrow seeing these are not feigned words to comfort 
you, but the thing is so real and undoubted a truth. You may do all 
things by the strength of Christ. Seek that and you will easily bear 
your trial. Let this public mercy to the Church of God make you to 
forget your private son'ow. The Lord be your strength — so prays 

Your truly faithful and loving Brother, 

Oliver Cromwell. 

Letter E. 
My Lord, 

I know your lordship will be glad to hear the good news of the 
great victory, which God bath given us over the forces of Prince Rupert ; 
the particulars are drawing up and shall be sent to the Committee. I 
shall only in general certify your lordship that we beat the Prince, both 
horse and foot out of the field. He saved himself by the goodness of his 
horse. We took all his ordnance, ammunition and baggage. We took 
about 6000 arms and I believe there are some thousands left in the 
woods. We have taken great numbers of prisoners, Sir Charles Lucas is 
taken, also Major-general Porter, Major-general Tillier, many other 
colonels and officers taken, besides divers persons of quality taken or 
slain. The number of the dead are about 3000. I bless God our loss 
is very little : divers we have wounded, among whom it much troubleth 
me to tell you of my cousin Sidney, second son to the Earl of Leicester, 
but yet he is very hearty. The Prince has left York ; we shall not be 
wanting to do our duty, we began our fight on Tuesday last, and it was 
very hot for two hours. We have taken colours in great numbers. 
Marston, 3 July, 1644. Manchester. 

'7 A few Scots, indeed I 1920 men out of 4200 ! I ! Not very accurate, Mr. 0. C. ? 



844 THE BATTLE OP MARSTON MOOR. 

Letter F. 

For my dear wife the Lady Frances Fairfax at her house near 

Charingcross — this. 
My dear Hart, — I know when you hear of our great battle with 
Prince Rupert you will be very fearfull of me ; therefore I write to satisfie 
tliee that God hath allso, at this time, preserved me from any hurt at- 
all. We have beaten Prince Rupert to some tune, and routed all his 
army and taken his ordnance. We have killed above a thousand of his 
men, but whatt prisoners I know nott yet, but there is very many. The 
battle was fought in Marston Fields, not far from Quinton Ludston's 
house, the hour at five o'clock in the afternoon. I cannot stay the 
messenger, so that you must excuse me to all my friends, and tell them 
I had not any paper but this, and itt was a piece of a letter. Sir 
Thomas Fairfax is wounded in the face, but not much worse. Collonell 
Lambert is very well, but most of his officers killed and hurtt. My ser- 
vice to my Lady Sheffield, and my wife, Lambertt, and all the rest of my 
friends. Tom Smith is slain, so I rest thy dear husband 

Will Fairfax. 

From Marston the 13th (sic!) of July, 1644. 

the day after the battle. 
My cousin Charles Fairfax is very sore wounded. 

This letter, which was written on a vacant half-a-shcet of 
another letter, is probably the only one extant which was 
written on the field. 



LIST OF AUTHORITIES. 

A True Relation of tbe late Fight. Published by Authority. London. July 8, 
1644. 
Another Letter written the Third day after the Fight. July 5th, 1644. 

A Relation of the good successe of the Parliameut^s forces at Hesham- 

Moore on Tuesday, July 2, 1644. Sent by way of a letter from a Captain there 
present to a friend in London (and signed vV. H.). Printed by W. F. 1644. 

A continuation of true Intelligence from the 16th of June to VN'edne^day, 

the 10th of July, 1644 by Sim. Ash, Chaplaine to the Earle of Manchester, 

and one of the Ministers of the Assembly. Allowed of by Authoritie and entered 
according to order. London. Printed for Thomas Underhill at the Bible in Wood- 
street. 1644. 

A true lielation of the Fight from Mr. Ash, his own hand-writing. From the 
Leaguer before York. July 19th, 1G44, and signed SYM* ASH. 

A more exact Relation of the late l^ttell near York signed Lion Watson. 

London. Printed by M. Simmons for H. Overton. 1644. 

The Kingdomes Weekly Intelligencer sent abroad to prevent misinformation; from 
Tuesday the 2 of Julie to Tuesday the 9 of Julie. 1644. Printed according to 
order for Robert White. 

The same from Tuesday 9 of July to Tuesday 16 July, 1644. 

The Parliament Scout communicating his Intelligence tu the Kingdome; from 
Thursday the 18 of July to Thursday the 25 Jul>. 1644. Printed accordmg to 
order for Robert White. 

The same from Thursday the 4 of July to Thursday the 11 of July. 1644. 



TUB BATTLE OP MARSTON MOOR. 845 

Mercurius Britanicus from Monday 1 July to Monday 8 July. 1644. 

The same from Monday 8 July to Monday 15 July. 1644. 

The same from Monday 22 July to Monday 29 July. 1644. 

A Continuation of true Intelligence from the Armies in the North from the 10 
to the 27 July. 1644. By Sim. Ash. 

A Full Relation of the late Victory together with a List of the Comets 

and Ensignes sent by the three Generals to the Parliament. By Captain 

STEWAKT. Signed "at the Leaguer neere York, July , at ten at night." Pub- 
lished by Authority. London. Printed by J. F. for L. Blaiklock. July 11. 1644. 

A Petition to the King's Majesty, also a glorious Victory certified in a briefe Re- 
lation, dated July 5. 1644. London. Printed for F. L. July the 6th 1644. 

A Particular List of divers of the Commanders and Officers taken prisoners at 

Marston Moore also a Relation of some Remarkable Passages in the Fight 

sent iu a letter from Hull, dated 6 July 1644 and signed T. M. London. 
Printed for Ralph Rounthwaite. 1644. 

A Continuation of certain Special and Remarkable passages from Wednes- 
day the 3 of July till Wednesday the 10 of July. 1644. Printed by F. L. for 
F. Coles, and are to be sold in the Old Baly. 

The Court Mercurie. From Wednesday the 2 of July to Wednesday the 10. 
1644. Printed according to Order. Tho. Forest. 

Mercurius Civicus. London's Intelligencer or Truth impaiiiially related from 
thence to the whole Kingdome to prevent misinformation. From Thursday July 4 
to Thursday July 11. 1644. 

The Weekly Account from Wednesday the 4 of July to Wednesday the 11 of 
the same 1644. London. Printed by Bernard Alsop. 

The Scottish Dove. Sent out and returning bringing Intelligence from the Armies 
and makes some Relations of other observable Fasuages of both Kingdoms for 
information and instruction. From Friday the 5 of July to Saturday the 13 of 
July, 1644. It has the figure of a dove with this motto, **Holy inocency is 
blessed/* with the following very curious epitome of news. 

" Rupert and Newcastle wholly routed 
Rupert and Newcastle's jarres undoubted ; 
Newcastle fled to Soa, Rupert to the King 
Give God the glory, heavenly praises sing. 
A day of thanks ; the FarliAment hath set. 
Lord Gray with some of Hastings' Troopes hath met. 
From Oswestree Hiddleton the siege did raise. 
And Barstables defence doth Essex praise. 
The Queen Pendennis Castle liketh best 
The King uncertaine where to take his rest. 
Be wise as Serpents, innocent as Doves." 

The contents of another letter, sent from one in the Earle of Manchester's Army 
to a friend in London, and signed Robert Grifen. 

Mercurius Aulicus, communicating the Intelligence and affidres of the Court to the 
rest of the Kingdome. The 28 Weeke ending July 18. 1644. (This was a Royalist 
paper.) 

All the above are in the British Museum, and are contained in the series called 
" The King^s Pamphlets/* but indexed and better known as " The Thomason Collec- 
tion of Pamphlets.' The two following are from the Bumey Collection : — 

A Perfect Diumall. Saturday July 6, 1644. No. 49. 

A Perfect Diumall of some Passages in Parliament from Munday the 8 of July 
till Munday the 15 of July. 1644. 

Note. — I have had verbatim transcripts made of all the above so that I might 
read them carefully and weigh the evidence they contain. Unfortunately they are all 
Puritan, ssve one. yet at the same time they give numerous instances of the Royalists* 
courage and bravery, and show very plainly that Marston Moor was no easily-attained 
victory. The following extracts will illustrate this : — '* The Prince seated himself in 
a place of advantage, out of which for some time he could not be stirred. During 
which time gaining of the day seemed very doubtful, and the Rupertainians fought 
very furiously.** 

** The clutfge which the enemy gave was so fierce, that every one of the three 
generals passed through some difficulty and hazard to their persons.** ** They fought 
with a bravery and courage wonderfiil to see in so bad a cause." " In a word we 
were hardly put to it.** &c., &c. 

The Slingsby Diary, ed. Parsons. London, 1836. 



346 THE BATTLE OF MAHSTON MOOR. 

Short Memorials of Thomas, Lord Fairfax. London, 1699. And in Journal 
Vol. VIIL 

Life of William Cavendish, Duke of Newcastle. Written by Margaret, Duchess of 
Newcastle. London. 1667. 

Calendar of State Papers. Domestic, 1644. ed. W. D. Hamilton — Public Record 
Office, 1888. 

Harleian MS. 4181. 

Clarendon MS. 1805. 

Marston Moor. A Latin Poem, by Payne Fisher. London, 1650. 

Historical Collections. John RuHhworbh. 1692. 

Drake's Eboraoum. London, 1736. 

God's Arke overtopping the World's Wares, or The Third Part of the Parliamentary 
Chronicle. John Vicars. London, 1640. 

The History of the Rebellion, by Edward, Earl of Clarendon. Oxford, 1819., 

Life of Clarendon, in 3 vols. T. H. Lister. London, 1836-38. 

Fairfax Correspondence, in 2 vols. ed. G. VV. Johnson. London, 1848. 

Fairfax Correspondence, in 2 vols. ed. Robert Bell. London, 1849. 

Life of James, Duke of Ormonde, by Thomas Carte, in 3 vols. London, 1735-36. 

Diary of John Evelyn, F.R 8., in 4 vols. ed. W. Bray. London, 1854. 

Heath's Chronicle. London, 1676. 

Roundheads and Cavaliers. Edward Peacock, Esq., F.S.A. 

The Monkton Papers, ed. by Edward Peacock, Esq., F.S.a!. Privately printed. 

Cholmley's Memoirs of his Life. Privately printed. 1787. 

Autobiography and Correspondence of Sir Simonds D'Ewes, Bart. ed. J. O. 
Halliwell. London, 1845. 

Memoirs of Colonel Hutchinson. London, 1808. 

Memoirs of Edward Ludlow, Esq., in 2 vols. Vivay. Switzerland. 169S. 

Memoires of the reigne of King Charles L by Sir Philip Warwick, knight. 
London, 1701. 

Worthies of England. Thomas Fuller, D.D., ed. P. A. Nuttall, in 3 vols. 
London, 1840. 

Memorials of English Affairs. Whitelock. London, 1732. 

Troubles in Scotland. John Spalding. Aberdeen, 1830. 

Oliver CromweU's Letters and Speeches, ed. Thomas Carlyle. London, 1845. 

Sandford's ** Great Rebellion." London, 1858. 

Letters and Journals of Robert Baillee, in 3 vols., ed. David Laing. Edinburgh. 
1841. 

Lilly's " Life and Times." Reprinted. London, 1822. 

Life of Captain Hodgson, ed. J. Horsefall Turner. Brighouse, 1882. 

History of Knaresborough. Hargrove, York, 1798. 

The Nicholas Papers. 

Memoirs of Prince Rupert, in 3 vols., by Eliot Warburton. liondon, 1849. 

Stukeley's Letters, ed. Rev. W. C. Lukis, F.S.A. Surtees Society, 1832-87. 

Life of Mrs. Thornton. Sui*tees Society, 1875. 

Memoiie of the Somervilles, being a History of the Baronial House of Soraervillc, 
by James, Eleventh Lord Somerville. London, 1815. 

History of the Great Civil War, Vol. I. 1644. S. R. Gardiner, London, 1886. 

Life of Robert Fairfax of Steeton, by Clements R. Markham, F.R.S., F.S.A. 
London, 1885. 

Life of the Great Lord Fairfax, by Clements R. Markham, F.R.S., F.S.A. London. 

A Sermon preached before Parliament at St. Margaret'd Church in Westminster 
upon Thursday, the 18 day of July, 1644. "It being the day of Publick Thanks- 
giving for the great mercie of God in the happie Succeise of the Forces of both 
Kingdoms near York, against the enemies of the King and Parliament.** By 
Alexander Henderson, minister at Edinburgh. Published by Urder of both Honse.^, 
London. Printed for Richard Bostock, dwelling in Paul's Churchyard at the signe of 
the King's Head. 1644. 

Magnalia Dei ab Aquilone : set forth in a Sermon Preached before The Right 
Honourable the Lords and Commons at St. Margaret's, Westminster, upon Thursday 
July 18, 1644, being the day of publicke Thanksgiving for the great Victory obtainetl 
aj^ainst Prince Rupert and the Earle of Newcastle's Forces ncare Yorke. By Richaid 
Vines, Minister of God's Word at Wcddiiujtxm^ in the county of Warwick, and a 
Member of the Assembly of Divines. Published by Order of both Houses. London. 
Printed by G. M. for Abel Roper at the signe of the Sunne over against S. Dunstan'a 
Church in Fleet-street. 1644. 



THE BATTLE OF MARSTON MOOR. 347 

A Sermon preached at Kingston-iipon-HuU upon the Day of Tliankes-Giving after 
the Kittell, and tliat marvaiious Victory at Hessani Mooru near York. By .T. W., 
KD. London. Pnnted by T. Badger for Matthew Walbank, and are to be sold nt 
his shop at Qrayes-Inn-Gate. 1044. [This vraa Joshua Whitton ejected from 
UhomhUl in Yorkshire. He was chaplain to Lord Fairfax.] 

Life of the Duke and Duchess of Newcastle, ed. C. H. Firth, M. A. London, 188C. 

Royalist authorities are few in number, which is not to be wondered at» for they 
would not care to talk about such a crushing defeat, and the victors would crow, 
while the vanquished remained silent. 

in addition to these authorities I have collected all the local and family traditions 
I could, and my beat thanks are due to those gentlemen who so kindly replied to my 
published requests. On three different occasions I have carefully examined the 
ground to ensure accuracy of topographical details. The Plan illustrates the position 
of troops just before the battle commenced. There is an old map of Marston Moor 
extant, made by Sir B. D. Qomme, early in the reign of Charles IL His real title 
was Baron de Gomez, and hegwas chief enidneer to Charles L A copy was very 
kindly made for me by my friend Mr. J. W. Walker. F.S.A., of Boyncliffe, Wake- 
field, from one then in the possession of the late Mr. Edward Hailstone, F.S.A., 
Walton Hall, near Wnkefield. The evidences of eye-witnesses and records of tho 
battle drawn up directly after the event do not bear out the way Gomme has placed 
the troops. According to Gomme : — *'the front of the Parliament's and the Scot*s 
army consisting of about 27,000 men,** was made up as follows, — " Right Wing, 
Ijiucers, Earl of^Eglinton's Regt, Earl of Dalhousie's Re^t., Sir Thos. Fairfax's 
Kegt.," with six other corps not named ; Main Body, — **£arl of Loudon*s Regt, 
Karl of Lindsay'it Regt, Lord Maitland's Regt., Kilhead's Regt, Earl of Manchester's 
Ke^t, General Armstrong's Regt., witli ten unnamed corps ; Left Wing, Crawford's 
Horse, Manchester's Horse, Cromwell a Ironsides, and Leslie's Cavalry," with another 
nameless body of troo( s, completed the Roundhead forces, between which and the Cava- 
liers was *'a descending ground from the hill to the hedge. This hedge was lined with 
musqueteers. Hie Majesty's army consisting of 17,500 Horse and Foot drawn up in 
this Plain." Here all the troops are named. ** The Left Wing 11.000 Horse and 500 
musqueteers. Mr. Porter's troop. Col. Camaby 200 Horse, Sir Charles Lucas's 
Brigade, Col. Ayers' Regt , Col. Fritzville's Regt," and behind them " 800 horse, 
the Reserve Commanded by Sir Richd. Dacker's." The front of the Main Body was 
composed of regiments commanded by " Col. Tillier, Cols. Emby and Gibson, Col. 
Broughton, Sir Tho. Tilsty, and Col. Waring;" behind these were — "Col. Chisnall, 
Col. Cheater, and 3 divisions of Lord Newcastle's Regt. of Foot from York ; behind 
these Sir. Wm. Blakestone's Brigade ; behind these, 4 divisions of Lord Newcastle's 
Regt. of Foot from York," and still further back, *' Sir Edward Wedrington's Brigade, 
and Prince Rupert's Troop. " "The Right wing 1 100 {sic) horse and 800 musqueteers " 
was made up of regiments commanded by Col. Trevor, Sir Wm. Vaughan, Col. Hurry, 
and Lord Biron's Regt. of Horse " in the front. '' Col. Tucko 200 horse " at the 
east end, near Tockwith ; and '' Prince Rupert's Regt. of Horse " close to the centre, 
with *' 800 horse, the Reserve, Commanded by the Lord Molineaux," and led by 
*' Col. Leveson, Col. Tilsley, and Lord Molineaux " himself. Close by the hedge were 
placed "Lord Biron's Regt. of Foot, and Prince Rupert's Regt of Foot." At tlie 
bottom of the map is written : — " Order of his Majesty's Army of 11,000 foot (sk) 
and 6500 horse (»ic) with IC pieces of Ordinance (^), as they were drawn into several 
bodies at the Battle of Marston Moor, the 2nd of July, 1644, commanded by his 
Highness Prince Rupert, against the Scots and the Parliament's army in the relieving 
of the Siege of the City of York." I place no reliance on Qomme's map, and its 
only value is in preserving the names of loyal men who fought on the King's side. 



THE BATTLE OF WAKEFIELD. 



By ALEX. D. H. LEADMAN, F.S.A.! 



When Henry V. had breathed his last, " amid all the 
glorious pomp and circumstance of war," he left a splendid 
inheritance to his only son, then an infant nine months old, 
whose subsequent occupation of the English throne, for a 
period of nearly forty years, was most disastrous to that grand " 
kingdom, which it had once been the pride of his father to up- 
hold and extend. " Woe to thee, Land, when thy king is a 
child," are words never more applicable to our country's history 
than during the reign of Henry VJ. ; a time of confusion and 
misfortune, both at home and abroad, in which we lost 
France and became embroiled in a civil war. In very truth 
'* the age was as fierce as a lion." 

It was during the year 1431, that the inhabitants of the 
old Normandy town of Rouen witnessed a scene, which even 
at the present day excites our sympath)^ Through its 
streets, amid the most cruel taunts and insults, that heroine 
of France, the sainted Joan of Arc, was led to her martyr- 



^ This compilation is collated from the 
following authorities:— Wilhelmi VVyr- 
cester Annales lierum Anglicarum, in 
Vol. II. Pt. 2, of Letters and Papers 
illustrative of the Wars of the Iilngliah in 
France during the reign of Henry VI., 
edited by the Rev. Joseph Stephenson. 
Rolls Series — Registrnra Abbatioo .Johan- 
nis Wethamstede, Vol. I., edited by 
H. T. Riley. Rolls Series -Political 
Poems and JSongs from Edward III. to 
Richard III., Vol. II. Rolls Series— 
•» On the Civil Wars/' by John de Wet- 
hamstede of St. Albans. Historioe Croy- 
landis Continuatio— in Rerum Angli- 
carum Scriptorum Vetenim. Alia His- 
toria Croylandia Continuatio, ibid, in 
3 vols. Vol. I., Gale and Fell, Oxford, 
1681-87-91. Polydore VergiFs English 
History, edited by Sir Henry Ellis, Cam- 
den Society, London, 1844. An English 
Chronicle from 1377-1461, edited by the 



Rev. J. S. Davies, Camden Society, Lon- 
don, 1856. The Itinerary of John 
Leland, in 9 vols., published by Mr. 
Thomas Heame, Oxford, 1770, VoL I. 
The Peter College Chronique in Vol. II. 
Johannis Lelandi Antiquarii de Rebus 
Britannicis Collectanea: an editiim 
planted in 8 vols., London, 1774. The 
Chronicle of the Londe of Englonde, by 
Gerarde de Leew, Antwerp, 1493. 'J'lio 
Paston Letters, edited by James Gaird- 
ner, in 3 vols.. Vols. I. and II., London, 
1872-4-5. Holingahead's Chronicles of 
England, in 6 vols. Vol. HI., London, 
18U7. Camden's Britannia, in 2 vols., 
edited by Gibson. Vol. II., London, 
1807. Drake's Eboracum, London, 
1736. 'Ihe introductory part is con- 
densed from Green's History of the Eng- 
lish People, Smith's History of England, 
&c., &c. 



THE BATTLE OP WAKEFIELD. 349 

dom. The tide of popularity had turned against the brave 
Maid of Orleans, and in the market-place of that quaint old 
city she was burnt as a sorceress. Yet to the very last her 
faith did not fail her. " Yes ! ray voices were of God, they 
have never deceived me ! " she exclaimed as the flames 
reached her, and with the sacred name of " Jesus ^' on her 
lips, she yielded up her spirit to Him who gave it. As the 
crowd of spectators dispersed, an English soldier, unable any 
longer to control his feelings, was heard to say, " We are 
lost ! we have burned a Saint ! ^' And so it came to pass. 
In a few years the splendid possessions won from the French 
by the martial prowess of Henry V., one by one slipped 
away in a series of defeats which finally resulted in driving 
the English out of France. An effort to stem the torrent of 
misfortunes was made in 1455, when Henry VL, who was 
then in his twenty-third year, effected a diplomatic marriage 
with Margaret of Anjou, the beautiful and accomplished 
daughter of King Ren^. But all to no purpose, and 
Margaret discovered too late that she was tied to a man 
of weak mind, over whom she was forced into an ascendancy, 
which she was compelled to maintain throughout the rest of 
his life. Disappointment and chagrin so embittered her 
noble and spirited nature, that her actions caused the title 
" she-wolf of France,'* since bestowed upon her by Shake- 
speare, to be fully merited. 

Dire disgrace abroad ; at home, the fierce persecution of 
the Lollards, the disfranchisement of the county voter, 
vexatious interference with the borough elections, a heavy 
national debt, excessive taxation, the unpopularity of war, 
combined with the king's utter incapacity, all these indeed 
were strong causes to produce, not only disgust, but intense 
mistrust throughout the kingdom, so that when Richard, 
Duke of York, set forth his claims to the crown as rightful 
heir, the people of England were fast veering round to the 
opinion that the House of Lancaster ought to be dethroned, 
and the dynasty of York restored in its place. But it was 
not to be accomplished without a tremendous struggle. Day 
by day the nation became like a house divided against itself. 
The strife even entered into the family — the father took part 
against his son, and brother became estranged from brother. 
No wonder then that civil war commenced, a horrid war which 
rent the kingdom for thirty years, delnyed freedom and 



350 THE fiATTLt) OF WAfcBFlELD. 

liberty for over a century, in which twelve pitched battles 
were fought and the old nobility of the realm almost 
annihilated.^ Such indeed were the " Wars of the Roses.*' 
That the sweetest and most lovely of England's flowers 
should have its name associated with an age of hatred and 
malice, bloodshed and ruthless executions, comes from the 
Yorkists having for their badge the white rose, whilst the 
Lancastrians chose the red. Shakespeare^ thus alludes to the 
choice : — 

Plaxtagenet. Since you are tongue-tied, and so loath to speak, 

In dumb significants proclaim your thoughts : 
Let him that is a true born gentleman. 
And stands upon the honour of his birth. 
If he suppose that I have pleaded truth 
From this briar pluck a white rose with me. 
Somerset. Let him that is no coward nor no flatterer, 
But dare maintain the party of the truth 
Pluck a red rose from off this thorn with me. 

Edward III. had eight sons : — (1) Edward, the Black 
Prince, who married Joan of Kent and died in 1376, and 
whose son succeeded his grandfather as Richard II. ; (2) 
William of Hatfield, who died in youth, 1335 ; (3) Lionel, 
Duke of Clarence, who died 1368 ; (4) John of Gaunt, Duke 
of Lancaster, who died 1399 ; (5) Edmund of Langley, 
Duke of York, who died 1402; (6) Thomas of Woodstock, 
Duke of Gloucester, who died 1397 ; (7) William of 
Windsor ; and (8) another son who both died in infancy. 
He had also five daughters. 

When Richard II. was dethroned in 1399, the claims of 
the descendants of Lionel, the third son, were ignored, and 
Henry IV., the son of John of Gaunt, seized the throne, 
many people strongly holding the opinion that he was a 
usurper. 

Lionel left a daughter, PhiUppa, who was married to 
Edmund Mortimer, Earl of March, and their son Roger, w^ho 
died in 1398, left a son, Edmund, whose right to the crown 
after Richard was indisputable. There was also a daughter, 
Ann, through whom the House of York claimed the throne. 

Edmund of Langley, the fifth sou of Edward III., died 

* The wills at York aro very scarce estates were either confiscated, or in the 
during the Wars of the Koses. So many hands of widows or young people, 
heads of families were killetl, and their ^ Henry VI., Pt. 1., Act 2, Scene 4. 



THE Battle of vVAKt;fiELD. 351 

1402, leaving two sons :— Edward, Duke of York, who died 
1415, without issue ; and Richard, Duke of Cambridge, who 
was executed the same year for conspiracy against Henry V. 
He had married Ann Mortimer, and their son Richard, the now 
famous Duke of York, thus united in his person the lines of 
Lionel and Edmund, — the third and fifth sons of Edward HI. 
Heir of the royal houses of Clarence, March, and York, in- 
heriting vast wealth, naturally endowed with great ability 
and valour, Richard, Duke of York, stood boldly out among 
the men of his time as a leader, yet he was gentle and 
prudent. His wife. Cicely, was the daughter of Ralph 
Neville, Earl of Westmorland, who, with his son the Earl 
of Shrewsbury, and his grandson the Earl of Warwick — 
" the great king-maker," — were the most influential nobles in 
England at that period. As governor-general in France, 
York had won laurels. He was recalled in 1447, but two 
years later hewasappointedLord-Lieutenantof Ireland, where 
his popularity became unbounded. Returning from Ireland 
in 1451, the following year he took up arms to enforce the 
dismissal of Somerset, who for some time past had been at 
the head of affaire, but now no longer retained the confidence 
of the people. 

On Saturday, the 13th of October, 1453, a son was born 
to Henry VL, to whom the name of Edward was given, 
perchance because his natal day was the Feast of the Trans- 
lation of Edward the Confessor, and in the hope that Henry 
might have better luck, but from that very hour the king's 
fortunes waned, " as the splendour of the sun from noontide 
of the day recedes before the night." Henry sickened, 
Somerset was committed to the Tower of London for treason, 
and York, whose claim was increasing from day to day in 
popular opinion, was appointed by parliament " Protector of 
the Realm." The king's illness was of short duration, and 
next year York got his dismissal, while Somerset was 
restored, strongly supported by the queen. Again Yoik 
was in arms, and with 3000 men advanced upon St. Albans, 
where he obtained an easy victory over the royal troops on 
the 23rd May, 1455. Henry was taken prisoner, and Somerset 
was killed. The White Rose was dyed " in a bloody red," 
and the Red Rose " looked pale with fear." 

A parliament met in July, and proclaimed a general 
pardon. Again the king fell ill, and York was once more 



352 THE BATTLE OP WAKEFIELD. 

made Protector. On Henry's recovery, a brief reconciliation 
took place between the rival factions, soon to be broken, for 
York raised his standard at Ludlow, where he was joined by 
the Earls of Salisbury and Warwick. An engagement at 
Bloreheath resulted in Salisbuiy's favour, but Henry advanced 
on the insurgents, the Yorkists deserted in wholesale 
numbers, the Duke himself fled to Ireland, where he was 
joyously received ; the earls hurried away to France, and a 
parliament which met at Coventry, 20th November, 1459, 
attainted them, and all their followers, as guilty of high 
treason. But the earls, who had been longing to return to 
their native country, sailed the midsummer following from 
France, and as they had been informed by Lord Falcon- 
bridge of the kindly feeling in Kent towards them, they 
landed at Sandwich, and with about 2000 men proceeded to 
Canterbury, enhsting numerous recruits on their march, so 
tliat when they reached Blackheath their army was over 
20,000 in number.* Amid loud and hearty expressions of 
welcome they entered London, whose citizens were devotedly 
attached to the House of York. A terrible battle took 
place at Northampton on the 10 th of July, Henry was 
defeated and captured, whilst Margaret and her son, the 
3'outhful Prince of Wales, fled in haste to take refuge in 
Scotland. 

On receipt of this news York hastened from Ireland in 
October, took up his residence in the royal palace, and on 
his own authority convened both Houses of Parliament. To 
this assembly he came with five hundred men at his back 
" as a retinue" ! Over and over again he pressed his own 
claims to the crown, but Parliament, whilst refusing to 
dethrone Henry, to whom they had sworn allegiance, and 
declining to acknowledge fealty to his son Edward, agreed 
that, when Henry died, York should be appointed king. To 
terms like these Margaret would not for a moment listen, so 
Parliament adjourned in December, and ere long open 
hostilities followed. The great towns and manufacturing 
districts of the country cast in their lot with the cause of 
the White Rose, whikt in the north of England was found 
the stronghold of the Red Rose, and where the influence of 
the queen was most potent. 

* 40,000, Wethaiiistede. 



THE BATTLE OP WAKEFIELD. 353 

The Earl of Northumberland, the Lords Clifford, Dacre 
and Gillesland, and Neville, raised their standard at York 
and did much daniage to the tenantry of both the Duke of 
York and the Earl of Salisbury, many of whom they put to 
the sword. From Wales and the western counties the new 
Duke of Somerset, the Duke of Exeter, and the Earl of 
Devonshire brought 8,000 men to join Northumberland's 
forces. So the army of the Red Rose was completed, and 
all told numbered some 20,000 fighting men. 

When York was told how his tenants were being harassed 
and his lands turned into a wilderness, he very soon hasted 
northward, accompanied by his son, Edmund, Duke of Rut- 
land, and the Earl of Salisbury, with as many soldiers as they 
could gather quickly while they marched. Their first mis- 
hap was at Worksop, where an advanced guard of the 
Yorkists was surprised and cut to pieces by some of 
Somerset's soldiers. But in nowise daunted York pushed on 
and reached Wakefield on Sunday the 21st of December, 
1460, taking up his quarters at Sandal Castle, of which he 
was both lord and owner, having become possessed of it in 
1446, on the death of the Countess of Cambridge. It was 
here that he spent his last Christmas day. His other son 
Edward, Earl of March (who so soon after became Edward 
IV.), was a guest in the house of the Friar Preachers at 
Shrewsbury, King Henry remaining at the Bishop of 
London's palace. 

The troops mustered by York at Sandal at the utmost 
numbered only some 5,000 men, but their leader was a 
brave and determined man, entirely free from cowardice, and 
not at all discouraged. 

Of Sandal Castle, once the magnificent home of the proud 
"Lords of Wakefield,'* only a few traces remain. All 
vestiges of its ancient splendour have gone but one — its 
commanding position. A wide tract of country can be 
viewed from its site. Towards the north the land slopes 
gently down to the banks of the river Calder, and north- 
west of the castle lies the city of Wakefield. At the time 
of the battle all this space would be unenclosed, and was 
called " Wakefield Green," being " the south fields by the 
bridge." 

The Lancastrians were posted some eight or nine miles 
oflF in the vicinity of Pontefract. Provisions must have run 

VOL. XI. A A 



354 



THE BATTliE OJ^ WAKKinELD. 



short at Sandal, for a foraging party was sent out on Monday, 
the 29th,^ in quest of fresh supplies, and whilst incautiously 
scouring the country, they ventured too near the enemy, aud 
being sighted by some Lancastrians, an alarm was raised, 
and the Yorkists, being hotly chased, were forced to i-etire 
within the walls of Sandal. After this episode the main 
body of Lancastrians advanced upon the castle, and so very 
carefully did their leaders arrange their troops that the 
greater portion of them lay in ambush. The castle was 
therefore completely environed, whilst the duke remained in 
utter ignorance of his enemies' tactics, and thus imknowingly 
was led into a trap. Vexed at want of success on the part 
of his foragers, and hunger staring him in the face, York 
decided to give battle to the pursuers. This step was taken 
against the advice of Sir David Hall, who strongly urged 
him to await help from the Earl of March. But no ! York 
would have his own way ! So on Tuesday, the 30th of 
December, 1460,^ the gates of Sandal Castle were suddenly 
thrown wide open, and York, leading his men in good order, 
passed down the hill on to the level ground, where he at once 
charged the Lancastrians with terrific force, and a short, 
very sharp, and decisive battle took place. The Yorkists 
fought well and hard, when suddenly the ambuscades, which 
lay behind the castle on both sides, issued simultaneously 
from the woods that had hidden them — the light horse led 
by Lord Rosse, and the light-armed foot under the Earl of 
Wiltshire. Both fell to work with deadly effect on the 
flanks of the Yorkists, who, after severe and gallant fighting, 
found they were hemmed in " like unto fish in a net," and 
being overpowered, surrendered. The duke defended him- 
self most valiantly, yet within half an hour of leaving his 
castle he was slain, Wakefield Green was covered with 
wounded and dying men and mangled corpses,'^ and the 
victory remained with the followers of the lied Hose. 



^ Wyrcceter. 

^ **Dec. 30. Belluin Wakefield." Ex- 
tract from a Roman Breviary in York 
Minster Library. Teat. Kbor. Vol. IV., 
p. 90, note. "This yere (1460) the 
Tcioisday aftir Chrismas were slayne 
Richard Duke of Yorke, Richard Erie of 
Salisbury and Edmond Erie of Rut- 
cloude." Extract from ** The Maire of 
Bristowe is Kalendar." By Robert 



Ricart, Town Clerk of Bristol, 18 Ed- 
ward IV. (Camden Society, 1872). Ricart 
was Parish Regiistrar of Bristol in 14t)7, 
and became Town Clerk in 1479, and so 
remained till about 1508. — See also foot- 
note 10. 

7 Variously computed at 2,200 — Eng- 
lish Chronicle; 2,000— Wyrceator; 2,8u0 
— Hall and others. 



THE BATTLE OF WAKEFIELD. 355 

Sir Thomas Harrington was so severely wounded that he 
died the next day. Amongst the dead® were Sir Thomas 
Neville (a), son of the Earl of Salisbury ; Sir John Harring- 
ton (a), son of Sir Thomas Harrington ; Sir William Parr (a), 
Sir Edward Bouchier (a), Sir Jacob Pickering (a), Sir 
Henry Rathford (a), Sir John Mortimer (6), Sir Hugh 
Mortimer (h), Sir David Hall, Sir Hugh Hastings (h), Sir 
llichard Limbricke (c), Sir John Gedding (c), Sir Eustace 
Wentworth (c), and the brave captains, James FitzJames (c), 
Ralph Hastings (c), John Baume (c), and Rowland Digby (c) ; 
also Thomas Colt (d), Sir James Strangeways (d), and Sir 
Thomas Pykeryng {d), Richard Neville, the Earl of Salis- 
bury and Lord of Middleham, was taken prisoner at mid- 
night by Sir Andrew Trollope, and John Harrow, a mercer 
of London, shared a similar fate. They were led by the 
Duke of Somerset to Pontefract, where they were both be- 
headed. Salisbury's life was to have been spared provided 
he paid a very heavy ransom, but " the common people, 
which loved him not,'' took him by violence out of prison 
and •* smote oflf his head." A knight of the name of Love- 
lace was also captured, yet on swearing an oath, that he 
would never oppose the Lancastrians again, he saved his 
life. Li the chronicle which bears the name of John 
Wethamstede, which, however, was not written entirely by 
him, but was the work of several hands, the Duke of York 
is stated to have been first taken prisoner, and made to stand 
upon an ant-hill with a crown of wet grass upon his head, 
whilst his captors shouted with scorn '' Hail ! King, without 
a kingdom ! Hail ! King, without estate I Hail I leader and 
chief, without people or possessions 1 " " Then they beheaded 
him.'' Though there are many instances of cruel treatment 
of great leaders when they have fallen into the hands of 
their enemies, I think the evidence points strongly to the 
fact that York died sword in hand. He was fifty years old 
when he fell, a worthy man, dearly beloved by his people, 
and of blameless life. Truly a melancholy end to such a 
noble career. 

Clifford is said to have cut off the duke's head with his 
own hand, and to have borne it, crowned with paper, on a 
pole to Margaret, saying " Madam, your war is done ; here 

" {a) Wyrcester. (/») Uulingshead. (c) Polydore Vergil, {d) Paston Letters. 

A A 2 



856 THE BATTLE OF WAKEFIELD. 

is your king's ransom." It must be remembered that 
Margaret Avas in Scotland, and did not return to York until 
ajter the Battle of Wakefield, so that CliflFord's ghastly 
present is most likely to have been given her on her entry 
into that city. 

** York himself, before his castle gate 
Mangled with wounds, on his own earth lay dead ; 
Upon whose body Clifford down him sate, 
Stabbing the corpse and cutting off" the head, 
Crowned it with paper, and to wreake his teene 
Presents it so to his victorious queene." 

There is another story always told in connection with the 
Battle of Wakefield. As already stated the young Earl of 
llutland was at Sandal when the event occurred. He was 
then in his eighteenth ^ year, and Hall, whose grandfather 
fell at Wakefield, distinctly tells us that he was "a fair 
gentleman and a maiden-like person." With him was Sir 
Itobert Apsall, his chaplain and tutor. They stood at some 
distance watching the battle, and the tutor, seeing that the 
Yorkists were getting worsted, was quietly withdrawing his 
charge to a place of safety, when the Lord Clifford espied 
and quickly overtook them. He fiercely demanded to know 
who the young lad was. **Save him," cried the anxious and 
terror-stricken chaplain, falling on his knees, " save him, for 
he is a king's son, and peradventure may do you good here- 

^ Uicliard, Duke of York, married given by William Wyrcester, who some' 

Cicely, daughter of llalph, Earl of West- how has got the week-daya wrong. The 

morelaud (born 3 May, 1415). list has been corrected by the Sundaj 

The birthdays of their children are letter. 

^"of^ExetTr*^^ I ^^^"^ ^^ Fotheringay between 5 & a.m. Monday, August 10, 1439 

Henry ,, Hatfield 5 a.m. Friday, February 10, 1441 

Edward, Earl of] 

March, after- ,, Rouen, 2 A.M. Saturday, April 28, 1442 

wards Ed. IV. 1 
Edmund, Earl of ) „ .. , , . , ^^ ^*r ^,^n 

Rutland j " " ' ''•^- ^»i^%» ^fay 17, 1143 

Elizabeth ,, ,. 2 a.m. Wednesday, April 2-2. 1414 

Margaret ,, Fotheringay 'I'uesday, May 3, 144t5 

William „ „ Friday, July 7, 1447 

John ,, Neyte Thursday, November 7, 1148 

^^^^aari^ce^ °^ I " ^" Ireland noon Tuesday, October 21, 1449 

^o^Gbu^ter } " Fotheringay Monday, October 2, 1452 

Ursula „ I Sunday, July 20, 1455 



THE BATTLE OF WAKEFIELD. 357 

after." The youth was also on his knees imploring mercy, 
but Clifford, to whom 

The sight of any of the House of York 
Was as a fury to torment his soul, 

spurning the lad's entreaties, with an oath plunged the dagger 
he held into Rutland's heart, exclaiming " By God's blood thy 
father slew mine, and so will I do to thee and all thy kin." 
Then in fiendish triumph he bade the distracted tutor go 
and tell the young earl's mother what had happened. For 
this, and " for the killing of men," Clifford was called " The 
Butcher." He was still better known as the " Black-faced 
Clifford," and his hatred of the House of York was only 
excelled by a thirst for human blood but rarely equalled. 

Ruthless lord ! 
Thou didst not shudder when the sword 
Here on the young its fury spent, 
The helpless and the innocent. 

Leland^ who would visit Wakefield about 1544, eighty- 
four years after the battle, records that the place where 
young Rutland was slain was "a little above the Barres, 
beyond the bridge, going up into the town of Wakefield, 
that standeth full fairly upon a clyning ground," and he adds 
that " the common saying is that the earl would have taken 
a poor woman's house for succour, but she shut the door, 
and straight the earl was killed." This proves that Rutland 
did not make very much resistance ; but quailed before 
Clifford. The site w^as formerly pointed out as close to an 
ancient six-gabled house, with three gables in front and 
three behind, called the *' Six Chimneys," and yet standing 
in Kirkgate. It, however, is lower down, near the bottom 
of Kirkgate and just where Park Street joins it. A cross 
was set up in memory of the sad event. 

The severed heads of the Earls of Salisbury and Rutland, 
Sir Richard Limbricke, Sir Ralph Stanley, Sir Thomas 
Neville, Sir Edward Bouchier, Sir Thomas Harrington of 
London, Sir William Parr, Sir Jacob Pykeryng, John 
Harrow, John Hanson, and others, were placed upon the 
walls of York. Between the heads of Salisbury and Harrow, 
Margaret ordered that room should be left for the heads of 
the Earls of March and Warwick. The Duke of York's 



358 THE BATTLE OP WAKEFIELD. 

liead, surmounted with a crown of paper in mockery of his 
royal aspirations, was stuck over Mickle-gate Bar, the face 
being turned towards the city " for a spectacle to the people 
and as a terror to adversaries/* and also 

" That York may overlook the town of York.'' 

His body and that of. his son were very quietly buried at 
Pontefract. 

Camden writes " that on the right hand of the higliway 
leading from Wakefield to Sandal is a small square plot of 
ground," hedged in from a close, where a cross iti ivi 
niemoriam stood which marked the place where the Duke 
of York fell, and which the owners are obliged by tenure of 
the land to keep fenced. It is about four hundred yards 
from the castle, close to the old road from Wakefield to 
Barnsley, now known as the " Cock and Bottle Lane." The 
cross was demolished during the Civil Wars, A very slight 
trace of the inclosure still remains (November 8, 1889). 
Near it for a number of years stood Many-gates Toll Bar, 
which has now disappeared. A large ring was found near 
this place, and later on was deposited in Mr. Thoresby's 
Museum at Leeds. On it were engraved in effigy the 
Blessed Virgin with two other saints. Within was the 
motto " Pour bon amour." Three ancient willow-trees, 
now cut down, formerly flourished near this enclosure, and 
were held in much veneration, for local tradition says they 
were there at the time when the battle was fought, and a 
thorough Yorkshire warning in reference to them existed 
until very recent times — ** Mind tli' Duke o' York, without 
his head, doesn't git hod o' th', as th' gans by th' willo' tree." 

At Wakefield the river Calder is spanned by a handsome 
bridge of nine arches, erected during the reign of Edward 
III. On its eastern side is a very unique chapel in the 
richest style of Gothic architecture, and dedicated to Our 
Lady, the carved work on the front being both elaborate 
and beautiful. The structure is ten yards in breadth by six 
in length. It was founded by William Ferry of Wakefield, 
and Ilobert of Heath in 1356-57, who endowed the chantry 
with two priests. Afterwards Edward IV. has often been 
said to have further enriched it in memory of his father and 
brother who were slain so nigh to it, but there is not the 
slightest evidence left to prove this, and perchance at the 



THK BATTLE OF WAKEFIELD. 



359 



most ho merely paid for some masses for the repose of their 
souls. 

Wakefield Green is now enclosed, and some portions 
are covered with houses. Whilst excavating in several 
places, bones, broken swords, fragments of armour, spurs, 
and other relics, have from time to time been found. 

The victory at Wakefield so intoxicated the Lancastrians, 
that on their march southward to rescue Henry, they gave 
themselves up to all kinds of misconduct, no persons, lay or 
cleric, escaping. Sanctuaries were violated, sacred vessels 
were stolen, the Blessed Sacrament was shaken out of the 
pyxes — " yea, they were like unto locusts covering the face 
of the whole country, even to the walls of London.'' But 
their glory was only short-lived ; in less than three months 
the Yorkists carried all before them on the hard-fought and 
bloody field of Towton, the young Duke of York ascended 
the throne as Edward IV., and bills of attainder ^° were 
passed by parliament, but few indeed escaping their penalties 
who had been adherents of the Red Rose. 

Edward caused the heads of his father and brother to be 



^° The following extract from the Act 
of Attainder is useful, as it gives a list of 
those who took part in the Battle of 
AVokefield :— 

**For asmoch also as Henry Due of 
Somerset, purposyiiig, ymagiuyng and 
compassying of extreme and insaciate 
malice and violence to destroy the right 
noble and famous Prynce of wurthy 
memorie Richard late Due of York, Fader 
to oure Liege and Soverayne Lord Kyng 
Kdward the fourth, and in his lyf verrey 
Kyng in right of the Keome of Englond, 
singuler Protectour Lover and Defen- 
sour of the good governaunce, pollicie, 
commyn wele, peas and tranquillite 
thereof; and also Thomas Courteney 
late Erie of Devonshire, Henry late 
Krle of Northumberlond, Thomas Lord 
Koos, John late Lord Nevill, John Welp- 
dale late of Lychefeld Clerk, Philip Lowes 
late of Thouresby in the counte of Lin- 
coln Clerk, Bawdewyn Fufforth Knyght, 
Alexander Hody Knyght, Nicholas Laty- 
mer Knyght, Thomas Fyndem Knyght, 
Henry Lewes Knyght, John Heron of 
thrt Forde Knyght, Richard Tunstall 
Knyght, Henry Belyngeham Knyght, 
Robert Whitynghnm Knyght, William 
Orymmesby late of London late Squier, 
Thomas Timstall late of Thurland in the 
shire of Lancastr* Squier, Symond 



Hamomes Knyght, Thomas Dalton late of 
Lilboume in the counte of Northumber- 
lond Oontilman, James Dalton late of the 
snme Gentilman, George Dalton lato of 
the same Gentilman, John Clapam late of 
Skiptoii in Craven in Yorkshire Yoman, 
Andrew Trollop late of Guysnes Squier, 
Antony Notehill Knyght, John Botiller 
late of Howke in the counte of Dorset 
Squier, Gawcn Lampleugh late of Warke- 
worth in the shire of Northumberlond 
Gentilman, Kdmund Fyesh late of York 
Taylleour, Thomas Frysell late of the 
same Smyth, John Smothyng late of the 
same Yoman, John Caterall late of Bray- 
ton in the counte of York Gentilman, 
Thomas Barton late of Helmesley in the 
counte of York Gentilman, William 
Fyppes late of Southduffield in the counte 
of Yoike Yoman, Henry Clylf the elder 
late of Lokyngton in the counte of 
York Yoman, Robert Tomlynson late of 
Helagh in the counte of York Yoman, 
and Thomas Barton late of York Mason ; 
at Wakefield in the shire of York on 
Tywesday the XXX day of Decembr' 
last past, with grtte despite and cruell 
violence, horrible and unmanly tyrannye 
murdered the seid right noble Prynce 
Due of York." Rot. Pari. Ist Edward IV. 
(1461), vol. V. p. 477. 



360 THE BATTLE OP WAKEFIELD. 

taken down and brought to Pontefract, where they were 
placed with their respective bodies. All the remains were 
then removed with magnificent funeral pomp to the collegiate 
church of St. Mary and All Saints at Fotheringay, where 
they were buried on the north side of the high altar amid 
imposing surroundings, and with the most impressive services 
that the medieval church could produce. 

Then mass was sung, and pra3*er8 were said," 

And solemn requiem for the dead ; 

And bells told out their mighty peal 

For the departed spirits' weal ; 

And ever in the office close 

The hymn of intercession rose ; 

And far the echoing aisles prolong 

The awful burthen of the song — 

Dies ir^, dies illa 

SOLVET 8-ffiCLUM IN FAVILLA ; 

Teste David cum Sybilla. 

Pie Jesu Doiiine, 
Dona eis requiem. 

" Scott's Lay of the Laat Minstrel, Canto 6, XXX. 



HOWDENSHIRE: ITS RISE AND EXTENSION. 

Op late, both in the civil and ecclesiastical sphere, there 
has been a shifting of boundaries in the divisions of the land. 
The last that has affected the district to which the name that 
stands at the head of this paper has for centuries been 
applied, has extended its area at least fourfold. I allude to 
the Parliamentary division formed under the Act of 1885. 
Before then, Howdenshire comprised merely the demesnes 
granted to the Bishop of Durham by William the Norman, 
with some minor additions made under his successors. The 
ending " Shire " takes us back to an age when it was by no 
means equivalent to what in after years was designated a 
County. 

Modern research has done much to clear up our notions as 
to the meaning of this and other terms denoting territorial 
partitions in the early days of our English forefathers. 

Kemble, in his " Saxons in England," among the first to 
enter into this field of home antiquities with any critical in- 
sight and patient labour, brought much to light on the mode 
of settling on the land adopted by the various families and 
tribes who took possession of the soil. His remarks on the 
" Mark " and " Gau " are invaluable ; but when he proceeds 
to assimilate the " Shire '* to the latter, they become obscure 
and inconclusive. One thing crops up pretty clearly, that 
" Shires" were numerous as minor subdivisions in every petty 
kingdom before England stands before us as one united whole. 
Further enquiry leads to further advance in the same direc- 
tion, until Bishop Stubbs in his " Constitutional History," in 
speaking of the small '* Shires" of Yorkshire, such as Rich- 
mondshire, Hallamshire, and others, observes '^ It may seem 
not impossible that the original name of the sub-division 
immediately abovo the township was * scir ' or * shire,* a term 
of various application." ^ 

1 "CoiiBtituUonal Hiatory of England/' VoL I. p. ICO. 



362 IIOWDENSHIUE ; ITS RISE AND EXTENSION. 

From this generalised view of the use of the term, we 
might suppose that it was simply expressive of its original 
sense, that of a division. This could only have taken place 
in a few localities. 

A more distinctive meaning we can discern belonging to 
it, at all events in the North. Simoon of Durham gives us 
examples of " Shires " in the possessions of the Bishop of 
Durham, such as South Wearmouth, granted by Athelstan, 
belonging to which were eleven townships ; and Sadberg, 
which had the privilege of a sheriff's court, and where the 
Bishop held the Lordship as Count of Sadberg. Here wo 
again find clustering around the Manor, which gave its 
name to the Shire, Eleven Vills or townships. Among the 
various applications of the term to which Bishop Stublva 
alludes, by the gradual stages we have passed through, we 
meet with one at last which is closely parallel with its use in 
our own case of Howden. Our Shire of Howden extends 
over a wider area, and includes, according to Domesday, 
seventeen townships. With this enlarged territory, as was 
natural, the episcopal jurisdiction assumed a greater import- 
ance and dignity. To the Bishop's Curia were brought cases 
to be tried of every degree of magnitude, both of legal ami 
criminal procedure. Not only had he the gaol for the incar- 
ceration of common offenders, but he had also erected in 
Howden gallows for carrying out the extreme penalty of the 
law. From the above examples it is not difficult to recognize 
certain distinctive common features which give them their 
special mark as ** Shires/' as dificring from the larger divi- 
sion, the County. They have all a territorial compactness, 
enclosing a number of townships in what we might call a 
ring-fence, they arc all under the exclusive power and juris- 
diction of the Lord of the soil. The current of life in its 
most important aspects pursues its course over a narrow 
field, without flowing into the broader stream which circulates 
through the nation. 

Having endeavoured to give a fair outhne of what we 
may understand by the ending of our word Howdenshire let 
us go back into its history. Before the Norman William 
could give it away, it must have been his tie give. We have 
no knowledge of its being then marked of5F with the exact 
boundaries of his grant. Indeed his possessions extended to 
lands beyond those boundaries in the neighbourhood, and 



howdenshire: its rise and extension. 363 

were given to others of his followers. Before him they were 
in the hands of King Harold, to whom they had fallen as an 
inheritance from Edward the Confessor. A large portion of 
Howdenshire had, however, come to Edward through strange 
vicissitudes. It was my good fortune a few years ago to 
meet with a list of names of places in Kemble's Cod. Dip., 
which, in the precise order in which they were written, 
agreed with those with which I had been long familiar. 
They occurred in an appendix to Charter No. CCCCLXXX. 
To my surprise all these places were assigned in the Index 
to Northamptonshire. It was too plain to admit of a doubt 
that the learned compiler in this case had eiTed. The Charter 
was of a grant from King Eadgar, a.d. 959, of the lands re- 
ferred to above, and ran in words which may be thus trans- 
lated. " In the uncertain changes of active life, its end, as 
witnessed by the declaration of sacred authority, is discerned 
to be fast hastening, for as the veritable decree announces, 
* Nation shall rise against nation, and kingdom against 
kingdom,' etc. For all estates of the present life are for- 
saken in the uncertain destinies of our successors, and all the 
glory of the world, when the term of death comes on, falls 
away in turn to nothing. Therefore, seeing that the small 
possessions of these fleeting things are ever relapsing, we 
should much rather endeavour, under the protection of the 
]\Iost High, to acquire eternal things, by gaining the rewards 
of the celestial country. Wherefore, I, Eadgar, Governor and 
Kuler of the whole province of Mercia and also of other races 
dwelling around, moved favourably by devotion (prona annuo- 
dum devotione) have granted in perpetual inheritance to a 
certain matron very faithful to me who is named by her 
acquaintance in distinction Queen, a certain parcel of land 
by estimation it may be ... . cassati severed in two parts 
which in common speech is called by the inhabitants of this 
province at Heafuddene and at Ealdedrege, that she may, 
according to her wish (voti compos) happily enjoy the same 
with all belonging to it, viz., meadows, pastures, and woods, 
and after the terra of her life may leave it free to whomsoever 
allotted she shall will. Moreover, let the aforesaid land, 
w^hich I, with the consent of my Witan, have granted to the 
aforesaid matron be free from every burden of land-service, 
these three excepted, viz., military service, the repair of 
bridges and fortresses. But if anyone, impelled by a diabolic 



364 HOWDENSHIRE: ITS BISE AND EXTENSION. 

spirit shall presumptuously attempt to violate or change this 
grant, unless, as a guilty one before his death he shall repent, 
giving due satisfaction, may he, cast with Judas the betrayer 
of Christ into the everlasting fires of the pit, be punished in 
eternal woe." (The description of the land follows in 
old English, which in modern form is as follows) : — 

" These are the land boundaries to Hoveden. From the 
Ouse up to Wilbaldes fleet, from Wilbaldes fleet to the dyke, 
along the dyke to the Derwent, from the Derwent to the 
right to Cserholm, from Cserholm along the dyke all about the 
wood to the Foulney, along the Foulney to the old Derwent, 
along the old Derwent again to the Ouse. 

" These are the towns which belong to Hoveden with sac 
and with socn, KnedUngton, Barnhill, Cavill, Thorp, Hive, 
Eastrington, Belby, Kilpin. These are the land boundaries 
to Old Drax. From the Aire to Rhodlafes holm, from 
Rhodlafes holm to the mere to Sigeres oak, from Sigeres oak 
to the Ouse, along the Ouse up again to the Aire/' 

" This Charter was written in the year of our Lord's in- 
carnation, DCCCCLVnn, the witnesses whose names are 
signed below consenting." 

" >b Ego Eadgar rex indeclinabiliter concessi. 

*' >j4 EgoOskytelEboracensisecclesiaearchiepiscopusfirmavi. 

" ^J^ Ego Dunstan Londoniensis cecclesige prsDsul consensi. 

" >J< Ego Cynesige pontifex signum crucis impressi. 

" iit Ego Athulf antistes consensi et subscripsi. 

" ^t Ealdred episcopus confirmavi. 

" >b Ego JElphere dux. 

" ^ Ego iEthelstan dux. . 

" ^ iEthelwold dux. 

" Pin Byrtnoth dux. 

" tit Ego Loot dux. 

" it Oskytel dux. 

" in ^Ifwinne minister. 

" in Sigulf in JSthelferth. 

" in iEIfwold in Wulthelm. 

"^ Wulfsige^Ulfkytel. 

" in Bold in Draguel in Sigeferth. 

" in Thurferth ^ Thurkytel ministri." ^ 

2 The original Charter was presented numbered LX of the *' Liber niger 
to the Society of Antiquaries, London, Monasterii S. Petri de Burgo." It 
by the Earl of Exeter in 1778, and is also appears in Kemble Cod. Dip., 



HOWDENSHIRE : ITS BISE AND EXTENSION. 



865 



The boundaries here described are exceedingly well 
defined, consisting almost wholly of rivers, dykes, and a deep 
watercourse, the Foulney. Setting aside the small corner of 
land to the south of the Ouse and lying in the angle between 
that river and the Aire, now the Parish of Drax, we have a 
considerable portion of Howdenshire presented to us. With- 
out an atom of doubt, we may regard it as the nucleus of the 
" Shire " which afterwards by Royal Charter came into pos- 
session of the Bishops of Durham. There are two or three 
points in it, which, to an antiquary, must be of singular 
interest. First of all the Grantee is named " Queen " (" by her 
acquaintance," I have said in the copy : the original, 
"a peritis note'* is much stronger, meaning apparently 
" well-known by the people who knew all about her as 
Queen ")• This withholding of the name itself naturally 
provokes one's curiosity. After a good deal of searching 
through chronicles and writings referring to the period, I am 
strongly of opinion that she was iElfwen, the wife of iEthel- 
stan, the Half-king, as he was called, and once the actual 



VoL III. p. 454. In comparing the 
two, I found two or three errors 
in the copy. The corrected form is 
below. "Eadgar 959 de Hovedene 
Vacillante practicse vitse statu, ejus finis 
nimium, teste divins auctoritatis eloquio, 
accelerare dinoscitur. Surgit enim, ut 
Teridica promulgat sententia, gens con- 
tra gentem et regnum adversus regnum, 
etc. Nam universa instantis yitse patri- 
monia incertis successorum cleronomiis 
deseruntur, et omnis mundi gloria, ap- 
propinquante lethi termino, ad nihilum 
reciproca fatiscit. Iccirco recidivis cadu- 
carum possessiunculis rerum setema 
Bupemse patrias emolumenta lucrando, 
altithrono patrocinante, adipisci magno- 
pere satagamus. Quamobrem ego Eadgar, 
totius Mercijc provincioo nee non et alia- 
rum gentium in circuitu persistentium 
gubemator et rector, cuidam matron^e 
mihi valde fideli, quse a peritis noto 
Quen] nuncupatur onomate, quandam 
ruris particulam sub scstimatione scilicet 
.... cassatorum binis in locis direptam, 
qui ab hujus provinctse solicolis set 
Heafuddene et set Ealdedrege usitato 
nuncupatur vocabulo, prona annuodum 
devotione, sotema largitus sum hseredi- 
tate; quatinus ipso cum omnibus uten- 
silibus, pratis yidelioet, pascuis. silvia, 
hilsuriter voti compos perfruatur, et post 
TitsD 8U9D terminum quibuscumque vo* 



luerit cleronomiis immunem derelinquat 
bit autem pncdicta tellus, quam ego cum 
consensu optimatum meorum prssfateo 
largitus sum matronsc, ab omnl terpens) 
servitutis jugo libera, tribus ezceptis his, 
rata videlicet expeditione, pontis, arcisve 
restauratione. Si quis autem larvarico 
instinctus spiritu hoc donum violare, 
immntareve prsesumptuosus temptaverit, 
nisi digna satisfactione ante obitum suum 
reus psenituerit, setemis baratri prostra- 
tus incendiis cum Juda Christi proditore 
aetermaliter lugubris puniatur." 

** Dis sind "Sa land gemsere 16 hseifud- 
dene ; of Usan tip on Wilbaldes fleot; of 
Wilbaldes fleote on iS& die ; andlang 
dices on Deorwentan ; of Deorwentan on 
gerihtne on Cserholme, of Cserholme and- 
lang dices eal orbiitan "Sane wuda on 
ftilane& ; andlang ftilaned on ealdan 
Deorwentan ; andlang ealde Deorwentau 
^i»t eft on Usan. Da sind eo "Sa tunas 
iSa. bsera'5 16 heafoddene mid sac and mid 
86cne. Cnyllingattin, Beomhyll, Cafeld, 
Dorp, Hy«e, E&tringattin, Belleby, Cel- 
pene. Dis sindon %a landgem^re set 
Ealdedrege. Of Yr on Hrddidfes holm ; 
of HnSdlafes holme to se msere on 
Sigeres &c ; of Sigeres ^c on Usam; and 
lang Usam "Sset eft tip on Yr." 

Then follow attestations as in the 
text. 



366 howdekshihe: its rise and extension. 

ruler, and then alderman of East Anglia. In his infancy 
Eadgar had been entrusted to her (iElfwen) as her foster- 
child.^ This iEthelstan was grandson of Guthrum, the noted 
Viking of that name, who signed the treaty of Wedmore with 
King Alfred, and on his being immediately baptized, received 
the name iEthelstan. A son of iElfwen, ^thelwine, was on 
his gravestone called ** cognatus Eadgari.'' * 

From the frequent changes in the government in Nortli- 
nmbria, the restless condition of the Danes, and other causes, 
historians of this period are agreed that contemporary narra- 
tives are in the utmost confusion. Party feeling in Church 
and State ran high ; and, as usual, in such a condition of 
things, it is hard to come at the truth. Nevertheless there 
are a few facts scattered here and there, which may serve to 
strengthen the conjecture I have made. In the first place, 
Eadgar was but a youth of sixteen when he ascended the 
throne. At the early age of three years both his parents 
were dead. He was placed, as I have said, most likely at 
this age, under the care of iElfwen, with whom he remained 
until he became King of Mercia and Northumberland. The 
whole family of his foster-mother was strictly religious, the 
father jEthelstan spending his last years from a.d. 956 as a 
monk in the Abbey of Glastonbury, whose head at that time 
was the renowned Dunstan.' yElfwen's youngest son, iEthel- 
win, in a later time, a.d. 991, founded Eamsey Abbey in 
memory of his mother of which he became the first Abbot.^ 
The great party contention in religious affairs, which had 
then indeed a controlling influence in decisions of earthly 
dominion, was a contention between regular and secular 
priests. S. Dunstan was, as is well known, the bold, unflinch- 
ing, persevering upholder and promoter of the former. Ho 
was, what is much more in such disjointed times, a keen, 
far-seeing, experienced statesman. Dian Hook says of him : 
" His position is in the first rank of ecclesiastical statesmen, 
such as Becket, Wolsey, Laud, Richelieu, and Mazarin." ^ 

3 "Ilmc inclytum Regem yEdgarnm, Qorm." " Danes and Northmen," p. 138. 

tenerum adhuc in cunis pucnim, sedu- ^ Lappeuberg's "Hist, of England 

litate materna uutrivii et educavit." under the A.-S. Kings," Vol. I., p. 130. 

Hist. Rames., edit. Gale, p. 387. Worsaaj, ^Robertson's ''Historical Essays, 

without naming his authority, tells us, p. 168. 

"Edgar was educated among the Danes **' " Flor. Wigorn.," Vol. I., p. 149. 

in E. Anglia, under the care of his re- ' ''Archbishopsof Canterbury," Vol. I. 

lative Alfwena, dowager Queen of the p. 403. 
converted Viking, King Gudrum, or 



HOWDENSllIllE : ITS KlSE AND EXTENSION. 367 

He had held high consideration in the courts of two of 
Eadgar's ancestors. But Edwy, Eadgar's brother, whoso 
sympathies and feelings were embittered by the conduct of 
Dunstan in a personal matter, had banished the Abbot from 
court and country, and had warmly espoused the side of the 
secular party. From this cause apparently in great part, if 
not altogether, a revolt occurred in Mercia which ended in 
raising Eadgar to its throne and the return of Dunstan from 
exile. The highest honours soon rewarded the patriotic Abbot. 
In the very year of his restoration, perhaps within a few 
weeks, he affixed his name to our Charter a.d. 959. And 
now what more natural shall we say on the part of the 
youthful King in grateful affection for her who had piously 
and quasi-maternally tended him from his infancy than, 
in one of his first royal acts, to present her with an estate 
of no mean extent in free and full possession ? Such an act 
is in special harmony with two phrases in the Charter, and 
helps to explain them : — " prona annuodum devotione,'' 
moved favourably by "devotion," or it may be "affection ;" 
and "cuidam matronse mihi valde fideli." 

I am aware that the terra "fidelis" is not uncommon in 
charters of this period, but here it must be taken in con- 
nection with " Queen." An undoubted grant of the Vill of 
Weston by Eadgar to iElfwen of an after date is referred to 
in the " Historia Ramesiensis," where the phrase occurs, 
" nutricis suae acceptis beneficiis non ingratus." ® In a general 
view of the situation, we nmst reckon the position which 
Dunstan held in regard to all persons concerned. He was 
the young King's right hand, his prime minister, the very 
soul of all the leading movements of the time. From what 
I have already said, we may be quite sure that he was on 
terms of closest intimacy with the Half-king, the East- 
Anglian Alderman. If we cannot say that he first proposed 
to the King the considerate act of rewarding his foster- 
mother on leaving her beloved roof, yet we may well beUeve 
that he would forcibly second and encourage it. 

We now come to a factor of another order, which has no 
small bearing on the solution of our problem. It is commonly 
agreed that Eadgar did more than any former King to fuse 
and weld together the various races, Angles, Saxons and 

^ " Hist BameueD.;' p. 387. 



368 howdenshire: its rise and extension. 

Danes into one united nation. His conciliatory action, from 
the beginning to the end of his reign, so far took this turn 
that scarcely any battles between Danes and English, 
hitherto without end, are recorded. His standing name is 
" Eadgar the peaceful." This favourable disposition towards 
the Danes must have been deeply and persistently impressed 
upon him in the family of the Dane, Athelstan. 

The land he gave away on Ouse and Derwentwas mainly, 
if not entirely, a Danish settlement. The place-names still 
existing, as they appear under a slight change of form in 
the Charter, carry this testimony beyond dispute. What 
more congenial to the mind and feelings of iElfwen, the wife 
of the Danish Half-king, and what more conducive to peace- 
ful and happy relations towards her on the part of the 
cultivators and workers of the soil, when racial jealousies 
were so easily excited, can be conceived ! Again, to look a 
little forward. We learn from Hugo Candidus that in the 
days of turbulence during -^thelbert's flight into Normandy, 
A.D. 1013, Howden, with other possessions in Yorkshire, was 
wrested from the Abbey of Peterborough.^ Now the 
question arises, how came Howden into the hands of the 
Monks of Peterborough 1 No documents, no charters that 
speak of its conveyance are forthcoming. But if we assume 
iElfwen, the pious wife of the cloistered Athelstan at Glas- 
tonbury, the mother of the founder of Ramsey, as the 
Benefactress who bequeathed her first Regal gift to the 
great Abbey of S. Peter, our assumption wears a high degree 
of probability. If, indeed, she lived beyond a.d. 972, the 
year when Eadgar raised the foundation of Peterborough 
from its ashes, as there is reason to believe she did, then 
in throwing in her gift to its treasury she would only be 
carried along the stream which so profusely flowed in from 
all quarters of England. Forty monasteries did the King 
aid in constructing or restoring, but in his whole realm was 
none so wealthy in endowments as this. Enthusiasm in its 
enrichment seized all hearts — Prince, Noble, and People, so 
that it then received the famous name of " Golden borough." 
Such are the probabilities which I bring forward in support 
of my conjecture that iElfwen is the Matron Queen to whom 
the lands which formed the first Shire of Howden were 

» " Hugo Canrl.," p. 4a 



HOWDENSHIRE : ITS RISE AND EXTENSION. 369 

granted. Severally they may contribute but slight weight, 
but accumulatively they bear a force sufficient, in the 
absence of direct proof, to supply a foundation for an opinion 
of their correctness, both reasonable and credible- 

Another point worlhy of attention in the Charter is the line 
taken by the boundaries. We have the Ouse on the south, from 
which it strikes towards the north by Wilbaldes fleet, thence to 
the dyke, along the dyke to the Derwent. We come upon 
terms here which have been subjected to much discussion by 
students of our early tongue. Fleet and dyke are two ot 
these, but I suppose I may take it as now generally agreed 
upon that "fleet" sometimes means **a creek'' in a tidal 
river, or more frequently, as Canon Taylor defines it, **a 
place where vessels can float," then simply "a channel." 
As for " dyke," both in Danish and English, it is used for 
" a trench," a foss, or " a mound," the earth, i.e.y dug out, 
either in the form of an isolated mound or continued in the 
form of an embankment. This latter meaning will suit it 
in the two places in which it is used in the grant. 

Leaving the Ouse as its farthest point on the west, after 
passing N.E. through a marshy swamp of slight elevation, 
we have a running stream, the Foulney, broader doubtless 
at that time than now, as the northern, and in part, S.E. 
border. Finally it enters the old Derwent, which forms its 
eastern border, until in its southerly course it again reaches 
the Ouse. Altogether I should calculate the area enclosed 
by these boundaries, t,e.^ the original Shire, to be about five 
miles north and south and four miles east and west. The 
mention of the Derwent finding its outlet at some distance 
to the east of Howden is of wide significance. It points to 
a time when that river instelad of discharging its water in a 
full single stream, as it now does, at Barmby, four miles to 
the west, carved out for itself most probably, like other 
sluggish streams in level countries, two or three channels 
through which it carried its expanded waters to the more 
rapid Ouse. And yet the epithet " old " seems to intimate 
that the main, the deepest bed of the river had, at this early 
period, effected a junction with the Ouse (we may suppose 
artificially) at its higher part. On the strength of the con- 
clusions arrived at by authors who have given this subject 
long and assiduous labour, and from the very nature of the 
country itself, evidenced by the marshes, sleights or levels, 

VOL. XI. f i; u 



370 HOWDENSHIRE : ITS RISE AND EXTENSION. 

bottoms, "carrs*' and "flatts" which meet us on all sides, we 
may be quite sure that in the tenth century neither Derwent 
nor Ouse was embanked. Should Ruy of my readers hesitate 
to accept this statement, I would refer them to works such as 
** Elton's Origins of English History," *'' Green's Making of 
England," or, still more exhaustively worked out, " The 
Fenland, by Miller and Skertchly." Such being the case we 
may form some conception of the physical state of the dis- 
trict if we picture it as inundated in general during every 
winter season. Here and there where the land was raised 
only a few feet, it might be for one or for fifty acres or more, 
the houses, the farmsteads, the cattle, and the inhabitants 
would be settled. The surface of the soil, in the broader 
low-lying parts, bears marks of the far-reaching muddy 
deposits or warp which swept over it from the Ouse, while 
the slight eminences are, for the most part, covered with 
layers of an earlier deposit of sand and loam. And who 
were better fitted to contend with such severe conditions of 
nature than the hardy men who came from the Danish 
peninsula, or from the numerous little islands just raising 
their heads above the Baltic waves on its eastern coast ? 
One of those islands, Bornholm, forcibly reminds us of 
Hoveden itself, since its earlier name was Bornhoved, which 
the historian Meursius tells us had for its adjectival form 
" Bornhovedensis," the latter part of which in many a docu- 
ment is the very form given to Howden. Its meaning ot 
" head " is its leading characteristic, a meaning still retained 
in the modern Danish tongue. In its complete form it may 
be either " head island " or " head plain," as oea or " denu '' 
is taken for its affix. If the first settlers migrated from the 
western coast of Denmark, the conditions of their homes 
would still better adapt them for the oozy swamps and 
morasses at the mouth of the Ouse and the Aire, as the 
men from that quarter had known how to reclaim many a 
square mile from the sea after the fashion of their near kins- 
men in Holland. It reminds us of the vast undertakings, on 
a larger scale, accomplished in the 17th century in Hatfield 
chace and the Bedford level by the great Dutch engineer 
Vermuyden. Anyway, to these Danes we are indebted as 
pioneers in cutting, clearing, levelling, laying out and other- 
wise shaping and preparing the soil which in no long time 
was to fall to the lot of the Matron Queen (iElfwen surely). 



HOWDENSHIRE : ITS RISE AND EXTENSION. 371 

who had been " very faithful " to King Eadgar. x^nd her 
share or shire has from that time grown and expanded until 
its name, though shorn of the glory it once possessed under 
the dominion of the princely Bishop of Durham, serves as a 
designation for one of those constituent divisions which 
return members to the Commons House of the Parliament of 
this realm. May we express our hope that, with this new 
extension, higher distinction in the future before us awaits 
the ancient shire of Howden. 



r n 2 



GENEALOGIA ANTIQUE FAMILI^ LANGDALORUM, 

Olim de Etton, Houton, Santon, et Eastthorpe ; nunc de Lang- 
THORPE et North Dalton, in Comitatu Eboracensi. 

A Patricio do Langedale, qui floruit apud Ettoo, temporibus Edwardi 2*'^ et 
Edwardi 3'' Regum Anglise, continuata serie masculino, usque in pnesentem annum 
Domini 1641 deducta, unacum indubitatis testimoniia veritatem ejusdem GenealogiiO 
probantibus, et authenticis chartis, evidenciis, Inquisitionibus post mortem, aliisqua 
protocoUis et munimentis venerandse antiquitatis in custodia Willelmi Langdale 
Armigeri, apud Lanthorpe, Anno Dn' 1641, remanentibus summa fidelitat« depromp* 
tis et in hunc librum redactis. 

Arma Gentilitia Langdalorum subscripta transcribuntur ex libro Intrationis, com- 
posite tempore Visitationis Comitatus Ebor, annis Domini 1584 et 1585, per Robertm 
Glover (alias) Somersett, Ueraldum Armorum, sub hoc titulo sequenti (viz^), * Nomina 
et Arma illorum Equitum de Comitatu Eboracensi, qui cum Rege Edwardo Primo 
stipendia merebantur in Scotia et alibi.* (inter al.) 

A BOOK OF TRANSCRIPTS, 

And Extracts of Deeds and Evidences proving the Genealogie of the Ancient Family 
of the Langdales, sometime of Etton, Houton, Santon, and Esthrop, now of Lanthrop 
and North Dalton, in the Countie of York, faithfully transcribed and collected out of 
the evidences and deeds themselves remaining at Lanthrop, in the custody of William 
Langdale, Esq", A° Dni 1641. 

Patricius de Langdale et Amanda filia Laurentii 

DE Etton Uxor ejus. 

A 1. Sciant prscsentes et futuri quod Ego Willelmus filius 
Thomse de North Dalton, capellanus de Killingwicke, dedi 
&c. Patricio de Langedal hseredibus et assignatis suis 
unum toftum cum croft o, et uuum molendinum ventriti- 
cum cum situ ejusdem moleudiui ct cum omnibus suis 
pertinentiis in Etton <fec. In cujus <fec. Hiis testibus 
Dominis Johanne de Hotham seniore, Johaune juniore de 
Scorburg, Warino de Cornubia Militibus, Kogero Ingelberd, 

A" 5*» Ed. 3, Nicholao de Etton tkc. Dat. apud diem sabbati prox. 

1331. post festum Sancti Sanct Michaelis Archangeli Anno M** 

CCC® tricesimo primo. 

A 2. Pateat universis per prsesentes quod Ego Thomas 

de Kokeby vicecomes Ebor assignavi et loco meo posui 

Johannem Goldyf subbalivum raeum Wapentachii do 

Patrick Langdale Herthill ad habere faciendum Patricio de Langedale et 

and Amanda his AmandoB uiori ejus plenariam seisinam suis de duobus 

^ ®* toftis cum pertinentiis in Etton quse prsedictus Patricius 



OENEALOGIA ANTlQUiE PAMILLfi LANQDALOEUM. 373 

et Amanda per consideracionem curiae domiai Regis coram 
ipso Rege recuperaverunt versus Johannem filium et 
heredem Laurentii filii Roberti de Etton <fec. In cujus rei 
testimonium sigillum officii mei prsesentibus apposui. Dat. A*» 9 Edw. 3, 
apud Eboracum die Mercurii in vigilia Sancti Andreas ^^^^* 
Apostoli Anno Regni Regis Ed. tertii a conquoestu 
nono. 

Noveriut univerai quod nos, Willelmus Ormesby et Petrus 

de Duresme, capellani, concessimus et sursum reddidimus 

Patricio de Langdale et Amandae uxori ejus jus suum (?) 

in toto illo clauso quod vocatur Lawrence-park, cum suis 

pertinentiis in Etton. Ita quod nee nos nee «fec. In cujus 

rei (fee. Iliis testibus Dominis Willelmo Twenge, Johanne 

de Hotham Seniore, Johanne de Hotham Juniore, Warino 

de Cornubia, militibus, «fec. Dat. apud Etton die Dominica A° 34 Edw. 3, 

proximo post festum Ascensionis Domini Anno Domini ^360. 

millesimo, tricentesimo sexto. 

Sciant 6io. quod ego Lawrentius de Etton dedi, concessit «S:c. Lawrence Etton 

Amanda) filia) mese totum clausum meum quod vocatur and Amanda his 

Parous mens in Etton, tam boscum, pratum et pasturam, ^"8*»*«'^' 

quam terram arabilem, prout includitur fossatis <lrc. 

Tenendum et habendum <fec. prcedictse Amandse et 

heredibus suis &c. imperpetuum <fec. In cujus rei &c. 

Hiis testibus Domino Johanne Hothura, Domino Herberto 

Sutton, militibus, Ricardo de Burton, Jacobo Jordan, 

Rogero Ughtred, Roberto de Melton, Ada de Boulton, 

Johanne de Messinghara, et aliis. Dat. apud Etton die A*» 10 Ed. 2, 

Dominica proximo post clausum Paschee Anno Domini ^^^^' 

millesimo, CCC° decimo septimo. 



Patricius de Langdale et Amanda Uxor ejus. 

A 5. Omnibus ad quos kc, Johannes filius Lawrentii de John, son of 

Etton salutem in Domino sempiteruam. Noveritis me con- Lawrence of 

cessisse et sursum reddidisse Patricio de Langdale et E^^^i- 

Amandse uxori ejus et heredibus ipsius Amanda) totum 

jus &c. in tribus acris prati cum pertinentiis in Etton, 

jaceutibus in uno loco qui vocatur Lawrence Parke tkc. : 

tenendum et habendum prsedictis Patricio et Amandse ut PatrickLangdaJe 

rovercionem ipsius post decessum Nicholai de Etton, eo *^^ Amanda his 

quod dictus Nicholaus obiit sine herede de corpore suo 

procreato, sicut in indenturis de pnedictis tribus acris 

prati, et de toto residuo Parci prsedicti inter Laurentium 

de Etton et prsedictam Amaudam inde confectis plenius 

continetur. Ita quod <kc. Hiis testibus Johanne de 

Messinghara, Johanne Scot, Johanne de Clay, Willelmo 

Ward, <fec. Dat apud Etton die Dominica proximo post A*» 9 Ed. 3, 

festum Sancti Andrece Apostoli Anno Regni Regis Edwardi 1335. 

tertii a conqusestu nono. 



374 GENEALOGIA ANTIQUE FAMILIJi; LANGDALOKUM. 



Lawrence of 
Btton, Thomas 
and Nicholas his 
sons, Isabele, 
Amanda, and 
Margaret his 
dan^ten. 



A 6. Sciant omnes qiiod ego, Lawrentius de Etton, 
dedi, <fec., Thomse filio meo et heredibus de corpore meo 
legitime procreatis totum cdpitale messuagium meum de 
Etton, simul cum crofto ; tenendum et habendum «kc. 
Et si dictus Thomas filius mens sine herede &c. obierit, 
Tolo quod tunc capitale messuagium simul cum crofto 
Nicholao filio meo remaneat. Et si dictus Nicholaus 
sine herede de corpore suo legitime procreato obierit, volo 
quod <fec. Isabellse filice mese et heredibus de corpore meo 
legitime procreatis remaneat ; et si prsedicta Isabella sine 
herede de corpore suo legitime procreato obierit, volo 
et concedo quod totum messuagium meum praedictum 
simul cum crofto <fec. Amandse filia) mese et heredibus de 
corpore suo legitime procreatis remaneat. Et si praedicta 
Amanda sine herede de corpore suo legitime procreato 
obierit, volo et concedo quod totum capitale messuagium 
meum prsedictum simul cum crofto et omnibus pertinentiis 
suis MargaretsB filia) meto et rectis heredibus suis 
remaneat iuppetuum. Et ego &c, contra omnes homines 
Warrantizabimus &c. In cujus rei &c. Hiis testibus 
Domino Johe de Hothum milite. Domino Galfrido de 
Hothum milite, Domino Alexandro de Cave milite, Waltero 
de Kelk, ^gero Ughtred, Ada de Bolton, Stephano Roe, 
Roberto de Melton, Hogero Ingelberd, Johanne de Messing- 
ham <& alijs. 



Laurence of Etton=^Cecllia. 

I 



A' 11 Ed. 3, 
1317. 



A. 7. A 7. Omnibus hoc Scriptuminden- 

tatum visuris et & audituris Amanda 
filia Laurentii de Etton <fec. Noveritis 
me dedisse iic Laurentio de Etton 
Thomas. Nich'oias. Amaida. patrimeoetCecilisB uxoriejusomnia 

& singula terras, prata, boscum, 
pasturam <kc. quaecunque fuerint 
infra clausum quod dicitur le park in campo de Etton &c. 
Tenendum tfec. prajfatis Laurentio et Cecilise in totara vitam 
eorundem et alterius eorum qui diutius vixerit de me <k 
heredibus meis &c. Et post decessum dictoruni Laurentii 
et Cecilise <fec. remaneant Thoma) filio Laurencii de Etton 
fratri meo etc. et heredibus de corpore ipsius Thoma) *fec. 
Et si contingat dictum Thomara sine herede de corpore 
suo decedere, omnia & singula tenementa «fcc. remaneant 
Nicholao filio Laurencii de Etton, fratri meo, et heredibus 
suis de corpore suo legitime procreatis. Et si dictus 
Nicholaus obierit sine herede de corpore suo legitime 
procreato, omnia et singula prsedicta tenementa cum 
pertinentiis mihi et heredibus meis integre revertantur «tc. 
In cujus rei testimonium <tc. Hiis testibus Waltero de 
Kelk, Rogero Ughtred, Roberto dc Melton, Ada de 
Bolton, Hugone de Clay, Johanne de Messingham et alijs. 
Dat. apud Etton, die Martis in festo Sancti Lucae 
Evanglista? Anno Domini M® CCC*"** septimo decimo. 



GENBALOGIA ANTlQUiE FAMILI^ LANGDALORUM. 375 



lam 



A 8. Omnibus hoc Scriptum iS:c. Johannes filius Laurence of EUon -f^ 

Laurentii de Etton salutem <fec. Noveritis mo ' 

concessisse, remississe, relaxasse, &c. et quietum jo^. Amanda. 

clamasse Amandse sororis mete et heredibus et 

assignatis suis omno jus et clamium &c, in quodam 

clauso in territorio de Etton quod dicitur le Park &o, 

quod quidem clausum &c. prsedicta Amanda habuit ex 

dono et feoffamento prsedicti Laur. patris mei &c. In 

cujus rei &c, Hiis testibus Dominis Johanne de Hothum, 

Johanne filio suo, militibus, Johanne de Messingham, Ada 

de Boulton &c & alijs, Dat apud Etton in festo Sancti 11 Bd. 3, A« 

Wilfridi Episcopi Anno Domini MCCC« xvij«. 1317. 

A 9. Heclndenturatestaf quod Ego Patricius Patrick Langdaie=F 

de Langdale dedi &c. Patricio filio meo unum ^ 

toftum quod Beatrix de la Green tenuitet unum Patrick. John. Willi 

molendinum ventriticum quod vocatur novum 

molendinum cum scitu ejusdem <&c. iu Etton : tenendum 

& habendum omnia prsedicta &c, dicto Patricio filio meo 

& heredibus de corpore suo <fec. Volo «fe concedo quod si 

dictus Patricius filius mens obierit sine herede de corpore 

suo &c. omnia prsedicta tenementa Johanni fratri suo et 

heredibus de corpore suo &c. Et si dictus Johannes obierit 

sine herede de corpore suo &c, quod omnia &c. remaneant 

Willelmo fratri suo & heredibus de corpore suo legitime 

procreatis &c Hiis testibus Johanne Ughtred, Johanne 

de Kelk, Willelmo de Wighton, Roberto Tole, Thoma 

filio Hicardi & alijs. Dat. apud Etton die Lunse proxima 

ante festum Nativitatis Sancti Johannis Baptistee Anno ^^o 24 Kd. 3 

Domini millesimo CCC® quadragesimo nono. 1349. 

A 10. Sciant prsesentes et futuri quod nos Patrick LangdaleyAmanda. 

Hugo Dacey et Isabella uxor mea dedimus &c. 1 

Patricio de Langdal et Amandse uxori ejus et Patrick. JoL. wiu-. 
Willelmo filio eoruradem Patricii et Amandse 
et heredibus dicti Willelmi de corpore suo legitime pro- 
creatis unum toftum cum crofto <fec. in Etton <fec. Volo et 
concedo quod si dictus Willelmus obierit sine herede de 
corpore suo legitime procreato quod ex tunc dictum 
toftum cum crofto remaneat Johanni fratri suo et 
heredibus de corpore &c, Et si dictus Johannes obierit 
sine herede de corpore suo «fec. quod extunc dictum 
toftum cum crofto remaneat Patricio fratri prsedicti 
Johannis et heredibus de corpore suo legitime procreatis 
&c. Et si dictus Patricius obierit sine herede de corpore 
suo (fee. quod extunc dictum toftum &c. heredibus dicti 
Patricii senioris remaneat imperpetuum <fec. In cujus rei 
testimonium <fec. Hiis testibus Johanne de Kelk, Johanne 
Ughtred, Hugone de Clay, Johanne de Messingham <fec. 
Data apud Etton die Jovis, proxima ante festum Con- A* 23 Ed. 3, 
versionis Sancti Pauli, anno Domini Millesimo trecentesimo 1348- 
quadragesimo octavo. 



376 OENEALOGIA ANTIQUE FAMILI^ LANGDALORUM. 

Patrick Longdaie. A 11. Haec Indeiitura testatur quod Ego 

! Patricius de Langedale dedi <kc. Johanni filio 

III 
ratrick. John. William. ^1^0 duo tofta cum suis pertiuentUs in Etton 

quae Dominus Johannes de Binine capellanus 

et Johannes Luft tenent ex dimissione mea, ad yolun- 

tatem. Tenendum et habendum praedicta duo tofta dicto 

Johanni et heredibus de corpore suo legitime procreatis 

dec. Et si contingat quod dictus Johannes obierit sine 

herede de coi-pore suo quod extunc dicta duo tofta 

remaneant Willelmo fratri suo <fec. Et si contingat quod 

dictus Willelmus obierit sine heredibus de corpore suo 

legitime procreatis quod extunc dicta duo tofta ckc 

remaneant Patricio fratri suo et heredibus de corpore suo 

legitime procreatis <kc. Et si dictus Patricius obierit 

sine heredibus de corpore suo legitime procreatis <kc. 

pra3dicta duo tofta cum pertinentiis mihi integre rever- 

tant &c. In cujus rei &c, Hiis testibus Johanne de Kelk, 

Johanne Wchtred, Hugone de Clay, Johanne de Messing- 

ham &o. Dat. apud Etton, die Dominica proxima ante 

A" 23 Ed. 3, festum Sancti Thomse Martiris Anno Domini M® CCC® 

1^4^- quadragesimo nono. 

Patricius de Laxgedale filius & heres Patricii 
DE Langdale et Elena de Houton uxor ejus. 

B 1. Universis ad quos pra38ens scriptum pervenerit 

lilancia Wake Domina de Liddel Salutem in Domino 

Nuverit universitas vestra nos tradidisse, concessisse, et hoc 

prtescnti scrip to nostro confirniasse Willehno 

Patrick Laiigdaicy ^\^^ Houtou custodiam terras et heredis 

I Patricii de Langedale, videlicet Patricii, filii et 

Patrick L!in>rduie, son heredis prucdicti Patricii de Langdale una 

cum maritagio ejusdem Patricii filii Patricii, 
et dc omnibus terris et tenementis de quibus pnedictus 
Patricius de Lungdalo fait seisitus in dominico suo ut de 
feodo die quo obiit in villa de Etton et alibi in Comitatu 
Eboracensi ; quam quideni custodium habuimus ex cou- 
cessione illustrissimi llegia Edwardi tertii Pegis nostri 
Angliie. Habendum & tenendum dictum custodiam cum 
omnibns terris et tenementis pnedictis praidicto Willelmo, 
exccutoribus vel assignatis suis, usque ad legitimam 
jetatem prredicti Patricii filii Patricii cum omnibus 
proficuis inde medio tempore provenientibus omni jure 
in custodia i)ra3dicta prajdicto Willelmo renunciavimus 
ct relaxavimus per pra^sentes. In cnjus rei testimonium 
A°24Ed. 3 pnTScnti cartie sigillum nostrum fecimus apponi. Dat. 

1350. apud Hertford die Sabbati proxima post festum Sancti 

Georgii martjris A^ Regni Regis Ed>Yardi supradicti post 
conqurcstum vicesimo quarto. 

Patrick Lanf^dule ^ 2. Hajc Indentura testatur quod Ego Patricius de 
of Etton. Langdale de Etton dedi <fcc. Elenie qu^e fuit uxor Ed- 



GENEALOGIA ANTIQUE FAMILl^ LANQDALORUM. 377 

raundi de Houton quendam anuuum redditum decern Ellen, widow of 

librarum argenti annuatim exeuntem de omnibus terris Edmund Houton. 

et ten. meis <kc. infra com. Ebor. videlicet Etton, Houton, 

Warter, Ellerker, Suardby, Beverle, Clyf, et Wyton, <kc. 

In cujus <fec. Hiis testibus Roberto de Bolton de Yas- 

thorp, Johanue Constable de Holme, Willelmo de Burton, 

Petro de Santon, Jobe Cardoyl et alijs, Dat. apud a? 43 Ed. 3, 

Houton die Veneris prox. post festum Sancti Hillarii 1369. 

Anno Domini Milesimo CCC"*® Sexagesimo nono. 

B 3. Sciant prceseutes <kc. quod nos Bobertus perpetuus 

Vicarius ecclesie de Newbald & Petrus Webster de eadem 

capellanus dedimus &c. Laeticiee relictse Jobaunis de Letice, widow of 

Meaux de Houton omnia <fe singula terras et ten. redditus ^^^^ of Meaux. 

<fc servicia <fec. qute habuimus ex dono <kc. prfledictse 

LaQticiee &c. in villa de Houton juxta Santou, Etton, 

Wartre, Ellerker, & Suwardby (fee. Habend. <kc. prajfatse 

LseticisB ad totam vitam, suam (fee. Et post decessum 

praedictco Lseticiae omnia & singula terrse <fe ten. redditus 

et servitia (fee. simul cum revercionibus in villis prsedictis 

cum accedcrint remaneant Patricio Langdale de Etton & 

Elense uxori suae et heredibus de corporibus eorum 

legitime procreatis (fee. Hiis testibus Domiuis Marma- 

duco le Constable et Simone de Heslarton militibus, 

Willelmo de Burton, Johanne Conestable de Holme, 

Jobanne Toth (fee. Dat. apud Houton, die Martis prox. A* 43 Ed. 3, 

post festum Apostolorum Sjnionis et Judae Anno Domini 1869. 

Millcsimo Triccntesimo sexagesimo nono. 

• 

B 4. Omib5 (fee. Johannes Darcy filius Hugonis Darcy 

de Willardeby saliitem (fee. Noveritis me remississe Patrick Langdale 

Patricio de Langdale de Etton heredibus et assignatis of Etton. 

suis totum jus et clameum quod habeo in una bovata 

terra) <fec. in Etton quce vocatur Wellon Oxganges. Ita 

(fee. In cujus (fee. Hiis testibus Johanne despaygne, Petro 

de Santon, Johanne Cardoyl, Willelmo Jakelyn, Willelmo 

Scot (fc alijs. Dat. apud Etton die Jovis prox. post A" 46 Edw. 3, 

festum Assumptionis Beata) Marise Virginis Anno Domini 1372. 

M® CCC*^ septuagesimo secundo. 

B 6. Sciant prsesentes (fee. quod ego Elena de Langedalle Elene Langdale, 
de Etton dedi ic. Johanni Langedall & Roberto Lange- J^h^'^Lf^^dile 
dale filiis meis quendam annuum redditum centum ^^^ Robert 
solidorum exeuntem et percipiendum post decessum i^ingdale her 
meum ad totam vitam eoruudem Johaunis et Roberti sons, 
vel alterius eorum diuti\i3 viventisde omnibus et singulis 
terris (fee. quse habeo jure aliquali in villis et territoriis de 
Houton, Wartyre, Wyghton, Ellerker, Etton, et Beverley, 
Willardby, Merton, et Hilderthorpe, (fee. In cujus (fee. 
Hiis testibus Roberto Conestable domino de Flayne- 
burgh, Johanne de Sancto Quintino, militibus, Ed'o de 
Hothume, Willelmo Jakelyn, (fee. Dat. apud Etton die 



Johes = Katerine, 
nouton, filia Juhis 
s.p. Ludington. 



378 GENEALOGIA ANTIQUiE FAMILliE LANGDALORUM. 

A* 19 Ric*. 2, dominica prox. post festum Sancti Mathiso Apostoli 
^' Anno regni regis Kicardi Secuudi post couqusBstum Angliae 

decimo nono. 

B 6. Hsec Indentura facta inter Lseticiam de Meaux 

de Houeton ex una parte et Elenam de 

WiUma de Houeton=|= Langedale de Etton ex altera testatur quod 

cum Willelmus de Houton, pater earumdem 
Lsetitise et Elense, dedit & concessit et per 
cartam suam confirmavit Johanni filio suo et 

Kateriuse uxori bu» filiro Johannis de Lud- 

Loticu. Eilna. Margireta. y»gton et horcdibus de corporibus eorumdem 

Johannis et Katerinae legitime procreatis 
omnia terras et tenementa, redditus, possessiones et 
servitia cum suis pert in. in villis et territoriis de Hugat, 
Hilderthorp, Bubwith, Whelitoft, et Hith, Tenend. <fec 
qui quidem Johannes et Katerina obieruDt sine herede 
masculo inter se legitime procreato ; quae quidem terrse 
et ten. redditus, possessiones cum suis pertin. in yillis <& 
territorijs prsedictis post mortem praedictorum Johannis et 
Katerinso infrascriptis Elenae & Margaretse sorori suee 
et rectis heredibus ipsius Willelmi Tirtute concessionis 
prsedictsB auto diem confectionis prtesentium integre 
revertantur. Tenendum eisdeni Elena3 et Margarets, 
heredibus et assignatis suis de capitalibus dominis feed- 
onim per servitia inde debita et de jure consueta im- 
perpetuum. Qusb quidem Margareta medietatem omnium 
terrariim et tenementorum, reddituura, possessionum, et 
servitiorum cum suis pertinentiis in villis et territoriis 
prajdictis ad dictani Margaretam coutingentem dedit et 
concessit et per cartam suam confirmavit Lseticise Meux 
de Houeton infrascripta, heredibus et assignatis suis im- 
perpetuum : tenendum &c. virtutc. Virtute cujus doui 
pnedicta Margareta seisita fuit de terris, tenementis, 
redditibus, pcssessionibus, et servitiiscum suis pertinentiis 
in villis et territoritiis prsedictis. lam convenit inter 
easdem Lajtitiam et Elenam quod prtedicta Lajtitia 
habebit et tenebit pro participatione sua virtute juris 
Margarette prsedicta) eidem Lreticite per dictam Mar- 
garetam concessi omuia terras et tenementa, redditus, 
possessiones, et servitia cum suis pertineutiis in villis et 
territoriis de Bubwith, Welitoft, et Hyth ; tenendum et 
habendum prcefatse Lseticise ad terminum vita? sua? de 
capitalibus dominis feodorum illorum per servitia inde 
debita et de jure consueta. Et pra)dicta Klena habebit 
et tenebit pro participatione sua omnia terras et tene- 
menta, redditus, possessiones, et servitia cum suis per- 
tinentiis in villis et territoriis de Hugat, et Hilderthorp, 
tenendum et habendum prsefataj Elena?, heredibus et 
assignatis suis de capitalibus dominis feodorum illorum 
per servitia inde debita et de jure consueta imperpetuum ; 
et praeterea in emendationem participationis dictse 



GENEALOGIA ANTIQUE) FJiMUAM LANGDALOKUM. 879 

Lscticise prsefata Elena dat et concedit per prsesentes 
prsefatse Lseticise ad to tain yitaxn ipsius Lsetitise quemdain 
annuuxn redditum sex solidorum et octo deDariorum 
exeuntem* et percipiendum annuatixn de omnibus tenis et 
tenementis suis in Hilder thorp &c. In cujus rei testi- 
monium &C. Hiis testibus Ed'o de Hothum, Willelmo 
Jakelyn, Willelmo Scot, Ricardo Lelome, Roberto de Cave, 
at alijs. Dat. apud Etton in festo natalis Domini Anno a<* 19 Ric. 2, 
Regni Regis Ricardi Secundi post conqusestum Anglise 1395. 
decimo nono. 

B 7. Sciant prsescntes &c. quod Ego Willelmus de 

Houton dedi &c. Johanni de Houton filio meo et Kater- 

insQ filise Johannis de Ludyngton et heredibus masculis 

de corporibus ipsorum Johannis et Katerinae exeuntibus 

qunique bovatas teiTse cum pertin. in Hugat &c, duo 

messuagia et quinque bovatas terrse &c, in Hilderthoi'pe 

tfec. unum messuagium et tres bovatas terrae in Wyluth- 

tolt <fc unum toftum, duas bovatas terrse, xxxj^ et quatuor 

denariatas redd it us cum pertin. in Etton <S:c. omnia et 

singula terras & tenementa mea in Bubwith &c. sex 

solidatas et octo denariatas redditus cum pertin. in Hythe 

habend. et tenend. &c. prsefatis Johanni iilio meo et 

Katerinse et heredibus masculis de corporibus eorumdem 

Johannis et Katerinse exeuntibus <ba In cujus &o. Hiis 

testibus Domino Johanne Toumay Milite, Roberto 

Danyell, Ricardo de Santon, Johanne de Beverlaco, 

Johanne de Aremyne, & alijs. Data apud Houton die A<» 20 Edw. S, 

Martis prox. post Dominicam in Ramis Palmarum An® l^*^* 

Regni Regis Edwardi tertii a conquaestu vicesimo, et regni 

Francis septimo. 

B 8. Sciant prsesentes &c, quod Ego Margareta relicta 
Henrici de Coupmanthorp dedi &c, Lseticise qua) fuit 
uxor Johannis de Melsa sorori meae omnia terras et 
tenementa, redditus, et servitia liberorum tenentium et 
nativorum, videlicet in Houton, Santon, Wighton, 
Hellerker, Etton, Wart re, Beverley, et Suarby quae 
michi descendebant jure hereditario post mortem 
Edmundi filij et heredis Willelmi de Howton fratris mei 
ifec. Habend. et tenend. omnia praidicta terras tene- 
menta <i:c. projfatte La^ticise hered. et assign, suis &c. 
imperpetuum <fec. In cujus rei . <fec. Hiis testibus 
Willelmo de Burton, Thoma Attehall de Southcliff, 
Johne Stumiy de Wighton, Petro de Santon, Rico de 
Lellum, AVnltero do Etton, et alijs. Dat. apud Howton, die x© 44 j^^.^ 3 
Lunse prox. ante festum Sancti Lucse Evangelistse Anno 1369. 
Domini Millesimo CCC° Sexagesimo nono. 



8 GENBALOGIA ANTIQUE PAMILI-fi LANGDALOBUM. 

Patricius de Langedale de Etton et Ellena uxor 

EJUS FILIA WiLLELMI DE HoUTOK ET HERES EdMUNDI 
DE HOUTON NePOTIS SUI 

B 9. Sciant pracsentes et futuri quod ego Lseticia de 
Houton dedi, concessi &c. Patricio de Langdale de Etton 
omnia terras et tenemeDta, mea, redditus et servitia, cum 
omnibus suis pertin. in villa de Houton exceptis omnibus 
illis terris et ten. <S:c. de quibus seisita fui die obitus 
Edmundi filii et heredis Willelmi de Houton fmtris mei 
in eadem villa de Houton quae Elena quae fuit uxor dicti 
Edmundi tenet in dotem <kc. In cujus rei &c. Hiis 
testibus Willelmo de Burton, Petro de Santon, John 
Conestable de Holme, Roberto de Raventhorp, Ricardo, 
vQ^ni^^' ^' ^® Lelome, et alijs. Dat. apud Houton, die Mercui'ii prox. 

post festum Sancti Hillarii A^ Domini Millesimo CCC"*® 
Septuagesimo. 



1870—1. 



B 10. Sciant prossentcs <S^c. quod Ego Lseticia relicta 
Joliannis de Meaux de Houton dedi, concessi &c. Roberto 
perpetuo vicaris ecclesia) de Newbald, et Domino Petro 
Webster de eadem capellano omnia & singula terras et 
ten. reddit &c, meovum quae fuerunt Willelmi de Houton 
patris mei &c. in villa de Houton juxta Santon, Etton, 
Wartre, Ellerker, Suardby, Beverley, Welyghtoft, Hythe, 
Hugat, et Wighton, habend. et tenend. omnia et singula 
praidictas terras <tc. pracnominatis Roberto tk Petro, hered. 
et assign, suis <tc. imperpetiium etc. In cujus rei testi- 
monium, ttc. Hiistestibus Dominis Marmaduco Ic Cones- 
table, et Syraone de Hessiltarton militibus, Willelmo de 
Burton, Johanne Conestable de Holme, Johanne Tothe de 
Midleton, Roberto de Lillyng, Thoma de Halle de South 
Clyff, Johanne filio Galfridi de Houton, et aliis. Dat. apud 
Houton, die Mercurii prox. ante festum translaticuois 
? 1369. Sancti Johannis Beverlaci, Anno Domini Millesimo. . . . 

B 11. Sciant pracsentes et futuri quod nos Robert us 
perpetuus Yicarius Ecclcsiao de Newbald, et Petrus 
Webster de eadem capellanus dcdimius coucessimus <tc 
Laeticia) rclictfc Johannis de Meaux de Houton omnia et 
singula terras et tenementa, redditus <k scrvitia ttc. quae 
habuimus ex dono et flfeoffamcnto . . . et in villis de Houton 
juxta Santon, Etton, Wartre, Ellerker, Suardby, Bubwith, 
Wilightoft, Hyth, Hugat et Hildcrthorj), cum Santon, 
simul cum omnibus reversionibus d:c. Habend. & tenend. 
omnia & singula terras et ten. redditus et servitia ttc. in 
villis pracnominatis pracfatac Laeticiae ad totani vitam suara 
de capitalibus dominis ttc. Et post decessum praedictro 
LaetieijD omnia et singula terras et tenementa, redditus et 
servitia etc. remaneant Patrici:^ de Langdal de Etton et 
Elenae uxori suae et hered ibus de corporibus eorumdem 
legitime procrcatis. Habend et tenend. de capitalibus 



OBNEALOGIA ANTIQUiB FAMILIJJ LANGDALORUM. 381 

Dominis imperpetuum. Et si contingat dictos Patricium et 

Elenam sine heredibus de corporibus eorumdem legitime 

procreatis discedere, omnia et singula terras &g, rectis 

heredibus Willelmi de Houton patris prsBdictse Lsetitise in- 

tegre remaneaut <fec. imperpetuum. In cujus rei «fec. Hiis 

testibus Dominis Marmaduco le Conestable, Sjmone de 

Hesilarton militibus, Willelmo de Burton, Johanne Conest- 

able de Holme, Johanne Tothe de Midleton, Koberto de 

Lilling, Thoma de Halle de Sontclyff, Johanne fil Galfridi 

de Houton, et aliis. Dat. apud Houton, die Martis prox. A° 42 Edw. 3, 

post festum Apostolorum Symonis et Judse A** Domini ^369. 

Millesimo trecentesimo sexagesimo nono. 

B 12. Omnibus hoc script um indentatum visuris vel 

audituris Elena de Langdale salutem. Noveritis me re- 

misslsse, relaxasse, & omniuo pro me et heredibus meis 

quietum olamasse Margaretse sorori mese de tota vita sua 

totum jus et clameum qu£)e habeo, habui, vel quovismodo 

habere potero in omnibus terris et tenementis, reddit et 

possessionibus quibuscuque cum suis pertin. in villis et 

territoriis de Bubwith et Weletoft, quse et quas dicta Wilightoffc, now 

Margareta habet ex dono Lseticise de Houton sororis mea3 Willitoft. 

in villis et territoriis praedictis, ita quod post decessum 

dieted Margaretse prsedicta terrse reddit us et tenementa, 

cum suis pertin. praedictae Elenee et heredibus suis integre 

remaneant, ita quod nee ego Elena, nee heredes mei, 

aliquod jus vel clameum in prcedictis terris et ten. amodo 

exigere vel vindicare poterimus, sed omnino simus ex- 

clusi durante vita ipsius Margaretse per presentes. In 

cujus rei &c, partes infrascriptse sigilla sua apposuerunt. 

Hiis testibus Edmundo de Hothom, Willelmo Jacklyn, 

Willelmo Scot, Thoma Gunnas, et aliis. Dat. apud Etton, A° Ric, 2, 

die dominica prox. post festum Sancti Mattheei Apostoli 1377. 

A** regni regis Ricardi Secundi. 

Proofs of the Descent of Houghton. 

B b 1. Sciant prsesentes <!^. quod Ego Nicholaus de Cliff Dns Thome de 
concessi &c. Domino Thomse de Houeton & heredibus Houghton, 
suis annuum redditum trium solidorum et sex denar. de 
tenemento Holeyeskip jacent. juxta domum Gilbert! Holye- 
skip versus boream &c. Hiis testibus Elya de Blenleueny, 
Roberto de Franketon de Wichton, Thoma de Hundegate 
de eadem, Hugone de Sancton, Willelmo Hallebar, <fe 
aliis. 

B b 2. Hoc Bcriptum testatur quod Willelmus filius Dns Thomas de 
Jordani de Holm dedi <ko. domino Thomte de Houton et Houeton et 
Matildi uxori suae totum tenementum meum in villa et ^**"" ^^^^ 
territorio de Northcliffe <kc. Hiis testibus Johanne iilio 
Ricardi de Holm, Ricardo Briddemaun de Houeton, 
Willelmo filio Julianae de eadem, Willelmo Haleburne de 



382 OENBALOQIA ANTIQUE! PAMILIfi LANGDALORUM, 



Sancton, Oodefrido de Trankelan de Wichton, Thonna de 
A^^21 Kd. 1, Hundegate de eadem, &c. Dat. apud Houeton die Mer- 

curii in festo Sancti Martini in hyeme, A° Domini MCC 
Nonagesimo tertio. 



1293. 



B b 3. Anno Domini M° CC*^ Octogesimo quarto ad 

festiim Sancti Micbaelis facta fuit hsec conventio inter 

Dns Thomas de Dominam Thomam de Houton Militem ex una parte ct 

Ronton, Miles. Adam de Boltom burgensem Beverlaci et Jsabellam 

uxorem ejus ex atera, videlicet quod dictus dominus 
Thomas concessit et ad termiuum dimisit dictis Adse et 
IsabellsD duas bovatas ten-a; arrabilis in campis de Etton 
&c. Habendum &c. ad terminum xij annorum prox. se- 
A« 13 E, 1, quentium <fec. Hiis testibus Domino Jacobo de Trevill, 

1284. Laurentio de Etton, Stephano de Frydathorp, &c. 

Thomas, filins & B b 4. Hoc Scriptum testatur quod Ego Thomas filius 
heres Domini ^^ heres Domini Thoma) de Houton concede et pro me 
^tSme ®* heredibus meis confirmo Elnardo filio meo omnes 

redditus et tenementa cu eorum pertinentiis quae vel 
quas habet de done & feolfamento prsedictio Dmini Thomse 
quondam patris mei sibi & heredibus suis legitime de 
corpore suo procreatis in Etton, Belby, Portington, «fe in 
le Hy the ; Tenend et hend prsedicto Elnardo et heredibus 
suis, ut priedictum est, de capitalibus dominis illorum 
feodorum per servicia quse ad praedicta tenementa per- 
tinent. Ego vero prsedictus Thomas & heredes mei praj- 
dicto Elnardo et heredibus redditus et tenementa cum 
pertin. in prsedictis villis \varranti5abmu8, acquietabimus, 
et contra omnes homines imperpetuum defendemus pro 
serviter qute mihi et heredibus meis debentur prout cartse 
feoffamenti quas habet de douo patris mei proponunt <fc 
testantur. In cujus rei testimonium prsesenti scripto 
sigillum meum est appensum. Hiis testibus Ricardo de 
Benteley, Peter Becard militibus, Gerardo Salvayn, Alex, 
de Cave, et Thom de Portington, et alijs. Dat. apud 
A® 22 Ed. 1, Houeton die Veneris prox. ante festum Sancti Trinitatis, 
1294. Anno gratia) Domini M°CC Nonagesimo quarto, regni 

regis E. filii regis Henrici xx secundo. 

Thomas de Houton. Miles B b 4. Sciant prffisentes (kc.quod Ego Thomas 
=Y de Houton miles dedi &c. Elnardo filio Thonife 

Thomas do Houton. filii mei unum anuuum redditum uniiis marca? et 
y unius oboli percipiendum de Thoma Cornewalays 

Ehiardus. ^q^ Tenend. Ac. habend. prrodictum annuum red- 

ditum Ac. prajdicto Elnardo <fe heredibus suis de corpore 
suo legitime procreatis <fec. In cujus rei etc. Hiis testibus 
Laur. de Etton, Thoma Scott de eadem, Stephano de 
Fridaythorp de eadem, Godefrido Frankelan de Wichton, 
Nicholao clerico de eadem, Willelmo filio Julean de Houton, 
Ricardo Bridman de eadem, et multis aliis. 



GBNEALOaiA ANTIQUJB PAMILTJ! LANQDALORUM. 883 

B b 6. Sciant prscsentes &c. quod Ego Andreas filiiis 

Rogeri de Southclif dedi <fec. Thorase de Houton et Laeticise Thomas dc 

uxori suae ununi tofturn et bovatam terrse cu suis pertin. Houghton & 

in Houeton &c. Habend. et tenend. prsedictum tenemetum ^*i*»a«xor«J«8- 

prsedictis Thomse et Laeticise et heredibus suis masculis de 

corporibus suis legitime procreatis &c. et si prsedictus 

Thomas et Leeticia decedent sine heredibus masculis &a 

prsedictus Andreas concedit <fec. quod prsed. ten. re- 

maneatrectis heredibus prsedictiThomse utprcedictum est 

iraperpetuum &c. In cujus rei (fee. Hiis testibus Ricardo 

de Bentelay, Willelmo Estabiliar, Johanne de Houm, 

Petro Bekard militibus, Nicholao de Clif, Johanne de Holme 

in Clef, Nicholao dicto clerico de Wicton. 

B b 6* Sciant <fec. quod Ego Robei*tus le Constable 
Rector EcclesiflB de Foston dedi <fec. Thomse de Houton et Thomas de 
Lseticise uxori suss totum messuagium meum et quinque Houghton & 
bovatas terrsD &c. in Houton quas habui ex dono prsedicti Leticia uxor ejus. 
Thomse (fee. Tenend. omnia prjedicta tenementa &c. prse- 
dictis ThomsB et LseticisB et heredibus suis masculis de 
corporibus suis legitime procreatis <fec. Et si praedicti 
Thomas et Laeticia decedent sine heredibus masculis 
legitimis ex eorum corporibus (fee. remaneant rectis 
heredibus pnedicti Thomre (fee. Hiis testibus Ricardo de 
Bentele, Gerardo Salvayn, Petro Beckard, Willelmo 
Sturmy, Nicholao de Clifif, Nicholao de Hothum, Johanne 
Squier de Holm, <fec. 

B b 6. Pateat uuiversis quod Ego Mariota quae fui uxor Mariota qnon- 
Willelmi Darel de Queldrick mea viduitato concessi d*™» °*®'" ^^^^ 

TVm II Al* * 

remisi (fee. totum jus meum quod habeo vel habere potero ^^™» f*^"ia 
in omnibus illis terris et tenementis quae aliquando fuerunt Thomas de 
Alisiae matris meao in Houton et SantoneThomce de Houton Houton frater 
fi-atri meo et LaeticisB uxori suae et heredibus praedicti ej*. 
ThomaD quietum clamavi : ita videlicet quod nee ego nee 
heredes mei (fee. Hiis testibus Thoma de Portingtone, 
Johanne Watskot, Nicholao de Clyf, Johanne de Holme 
de eadem, Radulfo filio Henrici de Houtone, Johanne Pay 
de eadem, Nicholao dicto clerico de Wyhton, Johanne de 
Lakinghith et alijs. 

B b 7. Omnibus banc cartam (fee. Willelmus filius (k Willms, filius & 

haeres Thomae de Houghton salutem (fee. Noveritis me heres Thomie de 

dedisse <fee. Johanni Thurkelby et Gervasio do Beverlaco Houton. 

capellano, capitale messuagium meum cum pertinenciis 

in Houton quod quondam domina Matilda avia mea 

tenuit ad terminum vitae suae, duo gardina in eadem villa, 

(fee., unum croftum (fee, et xiii. bovatas terrae quje dicta 

Matilda avia mea tenuit in eadem villa, et illam terram 

quae dicitur forland cum prato ad illam pertinente, quae 

mihi descendebaut jure hereditatis, totam illam moram 

quae vocatur le Sutthe more quae similiter mihi descende- 



S8t GENEALOQIA AKTIQUJ; FAMlLIifi LANGDALORUM. 

bat post mortem patris mei cum dominio cjusdcm villaB 
de Houton sicut in manu mea existit, et cum servicio 
et redditu Johannis Pay &c, habend. &c. prsedictis Johanni 
et Gervacio <kc. in perpetuum. Dat. apud Houton die Jovis 
proximo ante Festum Sancti Dionisii anno regni regis 
A" 15 Edw. 2 Edwardi filii regis Edwardi 15®. Hiis testibus Thoma de 
1321. * Bruneby, Ricardo Sturmy, Ricardo de Santon, Ricardo 

filio Ymaniee de Houton, Ricardo Place, <fec. 

B b 8. Omnibus banc cartem indentatam visuris vel 
audituris Johannes de Thurkelby et Gervacius de Bever- 
laco capellanus salutem &c. Noveritis nos dedisse &c, 
WilTmusde Willelmo de Houton et Margarete uxori ejus capitale 
Hoaton ct Mar- messuagium cum pertinenciis in Houton quod quondam 
garcta uxor ejus Matilda avia dicti Willelmi tenuit ad terrainum vitro 
MatUd ayia dci. ^^^^^ ^^^^ gardina in eadem villa &c. unum croftum <kc. 

in eadem villa tresdecim bovatas terree quas dicta domina 
Matilda avia dicti Willelmi quondam tenuit in eadem 
villa; et illam terram qua) dicitur forland cum prato ad 
illam pertinente quae dicto Willelmo descendebat jure 
hereditario in dicta villa ; totam illam moram quse vocatur 
Suthmore qu£e similiter dicto Willelmo descendebat post 
mortem patris sui cum dominio ejusdem villa) (fee. cum 
servicio et redditu Johannis Pay de uno tofto et duabus 
acris terras cum pertin. in Houton &c. Habend. et 
tenend. preedicta tenementa <kc. praedictis Willelmo et 
Margareta) et hered. do corporibus eorum exeuntibus «fec. 
in perpetuum ; et si contingat quod dicti Willelmus et 
Margareta uxor ejus obierint sine heredibus de corporibus 
suis procreatis, tunc post mortem dictoruni Willelmi 
et Margaretse omnia dicta tenementa rectis heredibus 
dicti Willelmi remaneant in perpetuum etc. In cujus «tc. 
Hiis testibus Johanne de Brunneby, Ricardo Sturmy, 
Ricardo de Santon, Ricardo filio Ymaniae de Houton, 
Ricardo de Place, Thoma do Cayton, et Will" de Sutton, 
Aoi'Ki 5 et multis aliis. Dat. apud Thirkelby, die Veneris prox. 
2321^ ' * ante festum Sancti Martini A° regni regis Edwardi fil. 

regis Edwardi quinto decimo. 

Wills de = Johanna, filia Dni B b 9. OmuibuS llOC SCriptum tfcc. WillelmUS 

Houghton. Gj^i^rid|^de 8io. ^^ Houtou saliitcm in Domino sempiternam. 

Noveritis me ad ostium ecclcsiae dotasse 
Johannam filiam Domini Galfridi de Sancto Quintino 
uxorem meam de uno messuagio et v bovatis terris ttc. 
in Wigthon, imo tofto & v bovatis terrao <fcc. in Housrat, 
et toft, cum croftis, iij bovatis et dim. et duabus acris 
teiTae in Wartre, i tofto et vi bovat terrae in Reppling- 
ham, i tofto et duabus bovatis terra) in Beleby, i mess, 
cum quodam columbari in Snnton, ii toftis et mediet. 
unius bovata) terrae in Bubwith, et redditum vj* 
et viij'^ in Hygthe, ttc. habend. tk tenend. <kc. pra^dictro 
Johanna) uxori mecc nomine dotis. Et Ego Willelmus de 



GENEALOGTA ANTIQUiB FAMILIiB LANGDALORUM. 385 

Houton coucedo quod heredes mei post mortem meum 

warren tizent et defendant contra omnes homines omnia 

et singula messuagia <fcc. prsedictce Johannae uxori 

me8e, si contingat me mori ante dictam Johannam 

uxorem meam. In cujus rei &g. Hijs testibus Dominis 

Roberto le Conestable de Fleynburgh, Willo Brouys, 

Kogero Grjmston militibus, Ricardo de Santon, Thoma 

de Hundgat de Brumby. Dat. apud Pykeringe, die Lunae A* 6 Edw. 3, 

proxima post festum Sancti Petri quod dicitur ad vincula, 1333. 

anno regni regis Edwardi tercii post conqusestum sexto. 

B b 9. Sciant praesentes et futuri quod nos Thomas 

Dysny de Fosham in Holdemesse et Willelmus Young- Poulson's Hol- 

smith capellanns dedimus, concessimus, et hac praesenti d«ro«ss, II. 26. 

carta nostra confirmavimus Willelmo filio Willelmi de wuim' filius 

Houghton omnia terras et tenementa, redditus, rever- WiUmi de 

siones, et servicia cum pertinent, cum corporibus omnium Houton. 

nativorum et eorum sequelis procreatis et procreandis, 

cum omnibus terris et catallis suis quae et quas habemus 

in villis de Houton, Ellerker, Ryplyngham, Sywardby, 

Wartre, et Marton, habend. et tenend. omnia prsedicta 

terras et tenementa, redditus, reversiones, et servicia 

cu pertin. cum corporibus omnium nativorum cum 

terris et eorum sequelis, lit praedictum est, praedicto 

Willelmo filio Willelmi de Houton et heredibus suis et 

suis assignatis de capitalibus dominis feodi illius per 

servicia inde debita et consueta impei'petuum. In 

cujus rei &c. huic praesenti cartaesigilla nostra apposuimus. 

Hiis testibus Marmaduco Conestable, Gerardo Salvayn, 

militibus, Johanne de Meaux de Houton, Stephano de 

Sywardby, Nicholao de Cliff, Nicholao dc Ettou, et aliis. 

Dat. apud Houton, de Lunae in festo Invencionis Sanctae 35 VaXw. G, 

Crucis anno Domini millesimo CCC°*** sexagesimo primo. 1361. 

B b 10. Sciant praesentes &c. quod Ego Patricius de Johftna q^ndam 

Langdale dedi, coucessi, et hac praesenti carta mea con- ^^^ ^^m^* 

firraavi Johanni de Thurkalby capitale messuagium meum q^^^j^ j^ 

et quinque bovatas terrae cum omnibus suis pertin. in villa Edmundi de 

et territorio de Houton, ac etiam omnia terras et tenementa Hontoa defuncti. 

mea, redditus et servicia cum suis pertin. qu89 habui ex dono 

et concessione Elenae de Honton quae illas tenuit in dotem 

post mortem Edmundi de Houton, quondam viri sui, in 

eadem villa, ita integre sicut Johanna de Houton illas 

tenuit post mortem Willelmi de Houton quondam viri 

Bui in eadem villa, habend. et tenend. pncdict. capitale 

messuagium et quinque bovatas terras cum omnibus suis 

pertin. ac etiam omnia terras et tenementa, redditus et 

servicia quao dicta Elena tenuit in dotem post mortem 

Edmundi de Houton quondam viri sui in eadem villa ita 

integre ut supradictum est praedicto Johanni de Thurkelby 

heredibus et assignatis suis de capitalibus dominis feodi 

per servicia inde debita et de jure consueta imper- 

voL. XI. i; c 



886 OENBALOGIA ANTIQUiB FAMlLliB LANGDALORUM. 

Patriciui de petuum. Et ego vero prcedictus Patricias de Langdale et 

lAngdale. heredes mei prasdicta capitale raessuagium raeiim et 

quinque bovatas terras cum omnibus suis pertin. et 
omnia terras et ten. reddit. et servicia cum suis pertin. 
qu8Q dicta Elena tenuit in dotem, ita integre sicut dicta 
Johanna ilia tenuit in dotem, ut supradictum est, pree- 
dicto Johanni de Thurkelby, heredibus et assignatis suis, 
contra omnes gentes warranti5abimu8 et defendemus 
imperpetuum^ In cujus rei testimonium huic prsesenti 
caritsB meae sigillum meum apposui. Hiis testibus Petro 
de Santon, Roberto de Raventhorp, Ricardo de Leluni, 
Thoma atte hall de Clif, Domino Willelmo de Huude- 
manby perpetuo vicario ecclesise de Santon, Willelmo de 
Burton et aliis. Dat. apud Houton de Jovis prox. post 
festum Purif. Beatae M arise Virginis A° Domini Millesimo 
45 Ed. 8, trecentesimo septuagesimo, et anno regni regis Edwardi 

1370. tercii a couq. Anglise quadragesimo quinto. 

et J*151mi* ^^^^i***** B b 11, Sciaut praesentes et futuri quod 
• uxor ejus ^^^ Johannes de Thurkelby dedi <fec. Patricio 

I de Langdale capitale messuagium meum et 

Edmundusde Houton quiuque bovatas terrse cum omnibus suis pertin. 

et SlenA uxor ejus. . -i\ a. j. •. - j m . ,.• 

m Villa et terntorio de Houton, ac etiam omnia 
terras et tenementa,reddituset serviciacumsuis pertin. qua) 
pra)d ictus Patricius dudum habuit ex dono et concessione 
Elense de Houton qua) ilia tenuit in dotem post mortem 
Edmundi de Houton quondam viri sui in eadem villa et 
alibi, ita integre sicut Johanna de Houton ilia tenuit 
in dotem post mortem Willelmi de Houton quondam viri 
sui in omnibus, habend. et tenend. pnudict. capitale 
messuagium et quinque bovatas terne cum omnibus suis 
pertin. et etiam omnia teiras et tenementa, redditus et 
servicia cum suis pertin. qua) dicta Elena tenuit in dotem 
post mortem Edmundi de Houton quondam viri sui in 
Patricius de eadem villa, itaintegre, ut supradictum est, praidicto Patricio 

Langdale. ^^^ terminum vitie sua) de capitalibus dominis feodorum 

illorum per servicia iude debita et de jure consueta, led- 
dendo inde annuatim prtodictiu Elena) ad terminum vita^ 
sua) novem marcas argenti ad festa Pentecostes et Sancti 
Martini in Yeme per a)quales portioues, ita quod post 
decessum pnedicti Patricii prajdicta capitale messuagium 
et quinque bovata) terrse sicut ju-iedicta Jolianna de 
Houton ilia tenuit in dotem remaneant Lteticia) de Mews 
de Houton ad terminum vita) sua) tenend. de capitalibus 
dominis feodi illius per servicia inde debita et de jure con- 
sueta; reddendo inde annuatim pra)dicta) Elena) novem 
marcas argenti ad festa Pentecostes et Sancti Martini in 
Yeme per a)quales porciones ; Et quod post decessum 
pra)dicta)La)ticia) prsedicta capitale messuagium et quinque 
bovattc terra), ac etiam omnia pra)dicta terne et tenementa, 
redditus et servicia, cum onuiibus suis pertin. ita integre, 
sicut dicta Johanna qufc fuit uxor Will, do Houton ilia 



OENEALOGIA ANTIQUiE FAMILIiB LANGDALORUM. 387 

tenuit ill dotem in eadem villa, rectis Iieredibus dicti 

Patricii de Langdale remaneant iraperpetuum, tenend. de 

capitalibus dominis feodi illius per servicia inde debita 

et do jure consueta, reddendo inde annuatim prsedictaj 

Elenre ad terminum vita) sudd novem marcas argenti 

ad festa supradicta per sequales porciones. In cujus 

&c. huic cartee indentatoe partes alteniatim sigilla sua 

apposuerunt. Hiis testibus Petro de Santon, Roberto 

de Raventborp, Ricardo de Lelum, Thoma atte hall de 

Cliff, Domino Willelmo de Humandeby perpetuo vicario 

ecclesia) de Santon, Willelmo de Burton, et aliis. Dat. 

apud Ho\iton die Martis prox. post octavas Purificationis 

Beatce Mariae Virgin is A^ millesimo trecentesimo septua- 45 Edw«i 3, 

gesimo, et anno regni regis Edwardi tercii a conqurestu 1370. 

Angliae quadragesimo quinto. 

B b 12. Omnibus hoc scriptum indentatum visuris vel Elena de Lang- 
audituris Elena de Langdale salutera. Novcritis me ^^®» Margarcta 
remississe, relaxasse, et omnino pro me et heredibus meis jl^^'^-^^^T' 
quietum clamasse Margaretae sorori meae ad totam vitam Houton soror 
suam totum jus et clameum qn£e habeo, habui, sen Ea"*. 
qovismodo habere potero in omnibus terris, tenementis, 
redditibus, et possessionibus quibuscunque cum suis 
pertin. in villis et territ. de Bubwyth et Bele, quae et quas 
dicta Margareta habet ex dono Laeticiae de Houton sororis 
nostrae in villis et teritoriis prsedictis, ita quod post 
decessum dictse Margaretae omnia terrae, redditus et tene- 
menta cum suis pertin. praedictac Elenae et heredibus suis 
integre remaneant ; ita quod nee ego Elena nee heredes 
mei aliquod jus vel clameum in praedictis terris et tene- 
mentis amodo exigere vel vendicare poterimus, sed 
omnino simus exclnsi durante vita ipsius Margaretae per 
praesentes. In cujus rei testimonium partes infrascriptae 
sigilla sua apposuerunt. Hiis testibus Edmuudo de 
Hotham, Willelmo Jaklyn, Will<> Scott, Thoma Gunas, 
et alijs. Data apud Etton die Dominica prox. post festum ? 1377. 
Sancti Matthaei Apostoli anno regni regis Ricardi 
Secundi. 

WiLLELMUs Langdale db Etton. 

C 1. Omnibus <fec. Johannes Sturmy de Wighton 
salutem in Domino. Noveritis me remississe <kc. Willelmo 
de Langdale de Etton heredibus et assignatis suis totum 
jus in quodam auuuo redditu duorum denariorum percipiend. 
de tribus acris teiTSB in territorio de Wighton <fec. Hiis 
testibus Ricardo de Cliff, Ricardo Lelum de Holme, &c 
Dat. &c. anno regni regis Ricardi Secundi post Con- 
quaestum Angliao 

Sciant praesentes et futuri quod Ego Ricardus Lelham de 
Holme in Spaldingmore dedi &c. Willelmo de Langedale 
de Etton & Ceciliac uxori ejus omnia terras (S:c. quo? 

c c 2 



888 GENEALOQIA ANTlQUiE FAMILI^ LAKGDALOBUM. 

habeo in villa de Houton, habend. <k tenend. tkc. pnedictis 
Willelmo et Cecilia et heredibus de corporibus eoruradem 
procreatis, itaquod si contingat prscdictuni Willelmum &c. 
Hiis testibus Dn** Roberto Conestable, Domino Gerardo 
Salvayu militib*, Johanne More et alijs. In cujus rei 
A* 7 Ric 2 ^^' ^^^ apud JEtton xxvi die Junii, anno regui regis 

1383. Eicardi Secnndi post couqusestum septimo. 

C 3. Sciant praesentes et futuri quod nos Jobes atte 
brigges capellanus CantarisB de Etton et Patricias Scot 
perpetuus vicarius ecclesise de Santondedimus (be. Willelmo 
de Langdale de Etton et Cecilise uxor! su&d omnia et 
singula terras et tenementa nostra, redditus, possessiones, 
et servitia «kc. in villis et territoriis de Houton et Wyghton, 
quae et quas habuimus ex dono et feoffamento ejusdem 
Willelmi in villis prsedictis tSrc. Ita quod si contingat prsc- 
dictos Willelmum et Ceciliam sine heredibus de corporibus 
eorumdem legitime procreatis obire, quod tunc omnia et 
singula terrsB, et ten., redditus et servitia &c, in villis et 
territoriis prasdictis post eorum obitum integre remaneant 
rectis heredibus ipsius Willelmi imperpetuum &c. In cujus 
rei <kc. Testibus Roberto Constable milite, Johanne del 
More de Myddelton, Johanne de Cave, Ricardo de Clyflf, 
Petro de Santon de Southcave, et alijs. Dat. apud Houton, 
A" 7 lUchJ 2, die Lunae prox. ante festum Saucti Michaelis Archangeli, 
1383. anno regni regis Ricardi Secundi post conquaestum Anglico 

septimo. 

C 4. Sciant praesentes <S:c. quod nos Thomas Py de Mid- 
dleton et Elena uxor mea dedimus &c. Will^ Langdale de 
Etton et hered. suis unam placeam cum aedificijs super- 
positis, duas bovatas terras cum pertin. in villa et territorio 
A* 9 R. 2, de Santon, «fec. In cujus rei &c. Dat. apud Santon juxta 

1386. Houton in crastino Annunciacionis Beatao Mariae, anno 

regni regis Ricardi Secundi post conquaestum nono. Hiis 
testibus Dno Johanne de Briggs vicario de Santon, Ricardo 
Bagotby, Willelmo de Santon, et aliis. 

WiLLELMUS DE LaNGDALE DE EtTON ET CeCILIA 

UXOR EJUS. 

C 4. Omnibus hoc scriptum &c. AVillelmus de Lang- 
dale de Etton salutem <fec. Cum Laetitia quondam relicta 
Johannis de Meaux, et Elena quondam relicta Patricii de 
Langdale in viduitatibus earumdem per diversa scripta 
sua singillatim dederint Priori de Marton <fec. quosdam 
annuos redditus quadraginta solidorum, videlicet, utraque 
earum viginti solidos per scriptum dictae Elenae in villis 
de Houton, Wyton, <k Ellerker, et per scriptum dictae 
Laeticiae in omnibus terris et ten. suis in com Ebor. per- 
cipiend. ad totam vitam Roberti de Houton canonici ejus- 
dem Prioratus <fec. Noveritis me pnedictum Willelmum 



GENEALOGIA ANTIQUE: FAMILI^ LAKGDALOKUM. 3S9 

pro me et heredibus meis ratificasse per prsesentes literas 
meas et confirmasse prsedicta duo scripta simul cum 
redditu prcedicto ad termiuum vitae dicti Roberti adeo 
pure et integre per istas litems meas quo modo melius 
potuissem ad utilitatem dicti Roberti. In enjus Jcc. Dat. A* 14 R. 2, 
apud Etton vicesimo die Aprilis, anno regni regis Ricardi ^^^^* 
Secundi post conqusestum Augliee quarto decimo. 

C 6. Hsec Indentura testatur quod Cecilia quondam 
uxor Willelmi de Langedale de Etton in pura viduitate 
sua concessit et ad iirmam dimisit Willelmo Hercy de 
Etton et JohannsB uxori ejus unum messungium cum 
crofto adjacente in medio villic de Etton &c. Hiis tes- 
tibus Willelmo Jakeljn, Roberto Loyolf, Willelmo Scot, 
Roberto Coke, et aliis. Dat. die Lunse prox. ante festum 
Sancti Martini in Yeme A® Domini Millesimo CCC"<^ 
Donagesimo secundo. 

Hsec Indentura tripartita facta inter Priorem de Marton 
in unam pailem, k Willelmum Bekard, Willelmum Las- 
cells, Marmaducum Theweng, et Johannem del More de 
Middleton in secundam partem, et Ceciliam quondam uxorem 
Willelmi Langdale in tertiam partem, testatur &c Cum 
qusedam Lsetitia relic ta Johannis de Meaux per script um 
concesserit prsedicto Priori quendam annuum redditum 
viginti solidorum in haec verba &c. Cum scilicet quidam 
Johannes Vyle et Willelmus Lone capellani 6:0, conces- 
serint Lseticise Meaux certas terras &c. iu Crome juxta 
Sledmere, habend. et tenend. «kc. eisdem Willelmo Bekard, 
Willelmo Lascelles, Marmaduco Tiieweng, et Johanni del 
More de Middleton ad totam vitam naturalcm Roberti 
Houton Canonici professi in Prioratu de Marton inCaltris 
ad sufttentationem et proBcuum dicti Roberti de Houton 
^c. Ita quod post decessum naturalem dicti Roberti omnia 
prsedicta terree ten., redditus et servitia &c, integie renia- 
neant prsedicto Willelmo de Langdale et Cecilia) uxori 
ejus ac heredibus inter prajfatos Willelmum et Ceciliam 
legitime procreatis ; ita quod deficiente inter eos exitu 
omnia prsedicta terrfe ten., redditus et serritia 6ic. integre 
remaneant rectis heredibus ipsius Willelmi Langedale im- 
perpetuum &c. In cujus rei &c. Tamen ego prtefatus 
Prior <fec. et etiam nos praedicti Willelmus Bekard, Will' 
Lascells, Marmaducus Tweng, et Johaimes del More de 
Middleton concedimus per praesentes quod quandocunque 
contigerit eundem Robertum de Howton &c. ad aliquod 
beneficium valoris decem librarum annuatim modo quo 
supra promo veri, quod ex tunc incontinenter status noster 
in terris et ten. prcedictis post mortem dicto) Lseticice 
remanens omnino cesserit et ilium relinquimus ut im- 
mediate crescat prsefatse Ceciliae et heredibus de cor|>oribus 
dictorum Willelmi de Langedale et Cecilice procreatis. 
Ita quod licet prsefati Willelmus Bekard, Willelmus Lascells, 
Mann. Theweng, et Johannes del More, &c Nichilominus 



390 GENEALOGIA ANT1QUJ5 PAMILIiE LANGDALORUM. 

bene liceat prsefatce Cecilice et heredibus eorum Willelmi 
Langdale et Cecilise legitime procreatis, promoto pnefato 
Roberto de Howtou modo antedicto, praefatos Willelmuin 
Bekard, Willelmum Lascells, Marm. Thweng, et Jobannem 
del More ejicere de terris et ten. praedictis cum suis 
pertin. et ea secundum formara talliae prsedictse tenere 
imperpetuum. In cujus rei &c. Dat. apud Crome, quinto 

A* 16 Eic. 2 die Novembris, anno regni regis Ricardi Secundi post con- 

1892. qusestum Sextodecimo. 

Thomas Langdale filius k heres Willelmi Langdale 

DE Etton. 

D 1. Esmond de Holaud Conte de Kent et seigneur 
de Wake a notre bien ame feodar John Ingeland en le 
Conte d'euerwick saluS- Poin ce qe Thomas Langedale 
a este deus nous fai5sant homage pour les terres k 
tenementes quil tient de notre seignorie de Etton en le 
dit conte, mandant5 et chargeantz que nous ne luy face5 
plus distraindre pour le dit homage, relaissm* a luy sa 
distresse si nolle soit par celle cause de luy presse. Don 
par tesmoignance de notre seal deins notre manoir de 
A* 6 H' 4, Cottyngham, le primer jour de Decembre, Tan de regne 
1*0*' du notre s'^ le Roy Henry quart puis le conquest 

D 2. Hsec Indentura testatur quod nos Elena Langdale 
de Etton et Thomas Langdale filius et heres Willelmi 
Langdale de Etton concessimus et dimisimus ad firmam 
Johanni de Langdale de Houton et heredibus et assignatis 
suis omnia terras et ten. nostra, redditus, possessiones et 
servicia cum omnib5 suis pertiu. in villa et campis de 
Houton, quae et quas dictus Johaimes tenuit ad firmam de 
Lajticia de Houton ; tencnd. et habend, dicto Johanni 
heredibus et assignatis suis kc. a festo Sancti Martini post 
datum prajsentium proxim. futuro usque ad finem quatuor 
annorum proxim. sequentium et plenarie completorum, 
reddendo inde annuatim prfedictje Elena3 et heredibus 
suis septem marcas ad duos anni termiuos, scilicet ad 
festa Pentecostes et Sancti Martini in hyeme per ajquales 
porciones <kc. In cujus rei &c. Data apud Etton die 
A° 9 H. 4, Jovis prox. ante festum Sancti Michaelis Archangeli 

l'*^^- anno regni regis Henrici quarti post conquoestum 

Anglia) nono. 

D 3. Haic Indentura facta inter Thomam Langdale 
(le Etton ex una parte et Johannem Richardson et 
Ricardum filium suuni de Wetwang ex altera parte testatur 
quod pra)dictu8 Thomas Langedale concessit et ad firmam 
dimisit pra^dicto Johanni Richardson et Ricardo filio sue 
manerium suum de Etton — quindeeim bovatas terra?, 
triginta acras prati et triginta acras pasture infra 
teiTitorium de Etton— habend. et tenend. preedicta 



GENEALOGIA ANTIQU>E FAMILIiE LANGDALORUM. 391 

maneriiimquindecim bovatas teniae triginta acras pastura* 

cum pertiii. suis prsefatis Johanni Richardson et Ricardo 

filio suo et assignatis suis a festo Pentecostes prox. future 

post datam prsesenciuni, usque ad finem et terininum 

novem annorum ex tunc prox. sequencium et plenarie 

annuatim completorum : reddendo inde annuatim praedicto 

Tiioma? Langedale, heredibus et assign, suis, duodecim 

marcas sterlingorum ad festa, Pentecostes et Sancti Martini 

in Yeme per sequales porciones, videlicet ad quemlibet 

terminum sex marcas &c. In quorum omnium testimonium 

et singulorm pra^missorum partes prsedictse prsesentibus 

indenturis sigilla sua alternatim apposuerunt. Hiis 

testibus Johanne de Wharrom de Lund, Johanne de Gar- 

tham de Buttercrumb, Thoma Smith de Etton et alijs. 

Dat Beverlaci vicesimo die Januarii anno r. r. Henrici A" 14 H. 4, 

quarti post conquest um Anglise quarto decimo. ^^^^ — ^• 

D 4. Hsec Indeutura testatur quod ego Elena de Lang- 
dale de Etton concessi et ad firmam dimisi Thomte de 
Langdale de Etton heredibus vel assignatis suis omnia 
terras et tenemeuta mea, redditus, possessiones, et 
servicia cum omnibus suis pertin. in villa et territoriis de 
Houton, qusD et quas Johannes de Langdale quondam 
a me tenuit ; tenendum et habendum dicto Thomse heredi- 
bus vel assignatis suis a festo Sancti Martini in Yeme 
usque ad terminum sex annorum prox. subsequenciuni 
anno Domini M CCC™<* X"'®, et plenarie completorum, 
primo termino soluciouis incipiente ad festum Pente- 
costes ; reddendo inde annuatim prsedictse Elense vel 
assignatis suis octo marcas sterlingorum bonse moneta) 
ad duos anni terminos, scilicet ad festa Pentecostes et 
Sancti Martini in Yeme per ajquales porciones <fec. In 
cujus rei testimonium hiis indenturis sigilla nostra alterna- 
tim sunt appensa. Datum apud Etton die Veneris prox. 
ante festum Palmarum anno r. r. Henrici quarti post A*» 10 Hen. 4, 
conquaestum Anglise decimo. ^*" • 

WiLLELMUS LaNGDALL ArMIGER. 

E 1, Omnibus Christi fidelibus &c, ac ballivis Henrici 
Bromflete militis de Wighton Willelmus Langdale salutem 
(fee. Cum Dominus noster Rex per breve suum clausum 
mandavit ballivis prajdictis ad recipiendum attorn, pro 
secta mea in curia prsedicti Henrici de Wyghtou facienda, 
quam ego per litteras meas patentes eisdem ballivis 
certificarem, sciatis me praefatum Willelmum attomasse 
et loco meo posuisse dilectum mihi in Christo Ricardum 
Smyth de Wyghton verum et legitimum attornatum meum 
ad lucrandum vel perdendum et ad faciendum sectam 
nomine meo in curia prajdictii per prcesentes prout ego 
ipse ibidem pcraonaliter interessem. In cujus rei testi- 
monium hiis litteris patentibus sigillum meum apposui. 



892 GBNEALOGIA ANTIQUES FAMILI^ LANODALORUM. 

A»13 Hen. 6, Dat. apud Etton in comitatu Ebor. primo die Augusti, 
^^3^- anno r. r. Henrici Sexti post conqusestum Anglise tertio 

decimo. 

E 2. Omnibus hoc scriptum &c. Willelmus Langdale 
Armiger salutem in Domino. Noveritis me dedisse &c. 
Nicholao Fitz William, Thoma Goldesburgh, Cristofero 
Dransfeld, Radulpho Beeston armigeris, et Willelmo 
Nayleson clerico omnia terras et tenementa mea, redditus 
et servicia «fec. qu» habeo in Wjghton, Howton, Santon, 
Wartre, Beverley, Hyeth, Hugate in com. Ebor. Habend. 
et tenend. omnia praedicta terras &c prsefatis Nicholao, 
Thomse, Cristofero, Radulpho et Willelmo Nayleson &c, Et 
ego vero prasdictus Willelmus Langdale «fec. contra omnes 
gentes warrantizabmus &c. In cujus rei &c, Hiis testibus 
Johanne Conestable, Willelmo Normanvile militibus, Petro 
Arden serviente ad legem, Christofero Spenser, Willelmo 
A» 22 H. 6, Haterbargh, et multis alijs. Dat. ultimo die Maii anno 

1444. regni regis Henrici sexti post conqua)stura Anglise 

vicesimo secundo. 

E 3. Noverint universi <kc. me Willelmum Langdale 
Armigerum assignasse et loco meo possuisse &c Rogerum 
Clerk de Walton et Robertum Spenser attornatos meos, 
coiijunctim et divisim, ad intrandum nomine meo in uuo 
tofto et duabus bovatis terrce in Ellerker, et in dimidia 
bovata terra} in Wyghton, et in uno messuagio et qiiiuque 
bovatis ternc etprati in Hilderthorp, et in duabus bovatis 
terra) cum clausuris in Sewardby et Marten, et in xiij 
bovatis terra) in Sewardby «fe Marton, et in sex bovatis 
terra) in Honton, et in qnatuor bovatis terra) in Koutou 
proedicta; et ulterins ad deliberandum plenam et pacificam 
seisinam Willelmo Fayrefax, Cristofero Dransfeld, Guidoni 
Fa3Tefax Armigeris, et Roberto Lyndesjay de et in omnibus 
terris et ten. prtedictis secundum formam (fee. In cnjns ifec. 
T^^ii" ^' Dat. nono die mensis Maii anno regni regis Henrici Sexti 

post conquajstum Angliaj vicesimo secundo. 

E 4. To all Cristen men yat yis writing sees or heres 
Henry Hartelyugton and Isabell Hartelington my wife 
sendez greeting <fec. Yat where William Langdale Squyer, 
sone of me ye said Isabell, base graunted (fee. to William 
Fairfax, Cristofer Dransfeld, Guy Fayrefax Squyers, and 
Robert Lyndeszay (fee. certain lande5 and ten5 yat I ye 
said Isabell haldez terme of my life of y® heritage of ye 
said Willâ„¢ Langdale in Houton (fee. Know yhe us ye 
foresaid Henry (k Isabel have attorned be a peny to ye 
said William Fairfax, Cristofer, Guye, and Robert Lyndes- 
zay (fee. 

E 6. Omnibus (fee. Willelmus Langdale Armiger Salu- 
tem in Domino. Noveritis me dedisse (fee. Willelmo 



GENEALOGIA ANTIQUES FAMILIJJ LANGDALORUM. 893 

Fayrefax, Cristofero Dransfeld, Guidoni Fayrefax Armi- 

geris, et Roberto Ljndeszay unum toftum et duas bovatas 

terrsB et prati iu Ellerker, dimid. bovatam terrae kc, in 

Wyghton, unum raessuagium et quinque bovatas terrse et 

prati <fec. in Sewardby et Marton, et vj bovatas terras <fec. 

in Howton, et quatuor bovatas terrse &c, in eadem villa 

de Howton &c, Concessi etiam per prsesentes reversionem 

post mortem Isabellee Hertlynton, matris mese, &c. in 

Howton prsedicta et quae dicta Isabella tenet ad terminum 

vitse suae de hereditate mea in com £bor. habend. et 

tenend. omnia prsedicta terras <kc. praefatis Willelmo 

Fayrefax, Cristofero, Guidoni, et Roberto Lyndezay, here- 

dibus et assignatis suis &c. Incujus&c. Hiis testibus 

Willelmo Normanville milite, Cristofero Spenser, Roberto 

Rudstane, Thoma Day veil, Willelmo Haterbargb, et multis 

aliis. Dat decimo nono die meusis Maii, anno r. r. Henrici A* 22 H. 0, 

Sexti post conquaestum Anglite vicesimo secundo. lAii, 



Johannes Langdale filius et heres Willelmi Lang- 
dale Armigeri et Elizabeth 1* Uxor ejus filia 
GuiDONis Fairfax Armigeri. 

F 1. Omnibus banc cartam &c. Willelmus Fayrefax, 
Cristoferus Dransfeld, Guido Fairefax Armigeri, et 
Robertus Lyndeszay saliitem in Domino. Noveritis nos 
deodisse & confirmasse Johanni Langdale filio et heredi 
Willelmi Langdale Armigeri et Eli5 Fairfax filiae Guidonis 
Fairfax unum toftum et duas bovatas terras et prati in 
Ellercar, dimid. bovat. terrao tkc. in Wygbton, unum mes- 
suagium et quinque bovatixs terras et prati &c. in Hilder- 
tliorp, duas bovatas cum clausur. <fec. in Sewardby et 
Marton, et tresdecim bovatas terrae <fec. in Sewardby & 
Marton ($:c., quae habuimus ex dono et ffeoffamento prse- 
dicti Willelmi Langdale. Concessimus etiam &c, praefatis 
Johanni et Elizabethae reversionem post mortem Isabellae 
Hartlynton, matris dicti Willelmi limgdale .... unius 
messuagii et quatuor bovat. terrae &c, in Houton, mes- 
suag. et crofti <fec. iu Houton praedicta «fec. Habend. et 
tenend. omnia praedicta terras &c., ac reversionem prae- 
dictam cum accideret praefatis Johanni Langdale et Eliza- 
bethae Fairefax et heredibus suis de corporibus suis legi- 
time procreatis &c, Ita quod si contingat praedictos 
Johannem Langdale et Elizabetham obire sine heredibus 
de corporibus suis <fec., tunc omnia praedicta <kc. integre 
remaneant rectis heredibus dicti Willelmi Langdale et 
heredibus suis imperpetuum <fec. In cujus rei dec. Hiis 
testibus Willelmo Norraanvile milite, Roberto Elys, 
Cristofero Spencer, Waltero Rudstane, Edmundo Portyng- 
ton et multis aliis. Dat. sexto decimo die Julii anno 
regni regis Henrici Sexti post conquaestum Angliae A* 22 H. 6, 
vicesimo secundo. HA^ 



394 OENEALOQIA ANTIQUE FAMILI^ LANGDALORUM. 

F 2. NoveriDt nnivcrsi" <!i:c. nos Johannem Longdale 
filiuni et hercdem Willelmi Langdale Amiigeri et Klisa- 
betheo Fairfax iili83 Guidoniis Fairfax assignasae ke, 
dilectos nobis in Christo Rogerum Clerk at Willelmnm 
Hartcrbargh attornatos nostros ikc. ad percipiendam 
nomine nostro plenam et pacificain sesinam de WiUelm<> 
Fairfax, Cristofero Dransfeld, Guidone Fairfax Armigeris et 
Roberto Lindeszaj de et in uno tofto et duabus bovatis 
terrsB et prati in Ellercar <ku. In cujus rei &c. Dat. xrj 

X* 22 Ilcn. 6. Julii anno r. r. Henrici Sexti post conqua^stum Anglic 

^^^^' vicesimo secundo. 

F 3. Omnibus banc cartam indentatam visuris Tel 
audituris Willelmus Fairfax, Cristoferus Dransfeld, Gaido 
Fairfax Arm igeriet Robertns Lindeszaj sal u tern in Domino. 
Noveritis nos tradidisse, dimississe &c Willelmo Langdale 
Armigero sex bovatas terra) <fec. in Howton, et quatuor 
bovatas terree &c. in eadem villa de Houton cum suis 
pertin. quas nuper liabuimus inter alia ex dono et ffeofik- 
mento prajdicti Willelmi Langdale, babend. et tenend. 
prrefat. bovatas terr£e cum suis pertin. prsefato Willelmo 
Langdale ad terminum vita? Isabella) Hartljngton matris 
dicti Willelmi Langdale 6lc, Ita quod post mortem 
prsedicto) Isabella) prsedicta) bovata) terrse cum suis pertin. 
remaneant Johanni Langdale filio et beredi pnedicti Will- 
elmi Langdale et Eli5 Langdale uxori sua) filiae Gui- 
donis Fairfiix et heredibus de corjioribus suis legitime 
procreatis «kc. Et si contingat pncdictos Willclmum et 
l^Ilizabethani uxorem suam obire sine heredibus de corpori- 
biis suis ifcc. tunc praifata) bovatie teme ifec. integre 
remaneant rectis heredibus praedicti Willelmi Langdale et 
heredibussuis iniperpctuum etc. In cujus rei «tc. Hiis 
testibus Willehno Normanvile milite, Roberto Eljs, 
Cristofero Spenser, Walter© Rudstane, Kdmundo Portjn- 
A** 22 Hen. 6, ton, et multis aliis. Dat. vi die August A^ r. r. Henrici 
^^^^' Sexti post conqurestum vicesimi secundo. 

Johannes Langdale fili^ et iieres Willelmi Langdale 
Armigeri et Anna 2*^" Uxor ktus filia Thome Gare 
Aldermanni Ebor. 

F 4. Sciant priesentes et futuri quod Ego Johannes 
Langdale filius et heres Willelmi Langdale Armigeri 
dedi, concessi, <fcc. Roberto Eweiy Armigero et Johauni 
(Jare sex bovatas ten*a' cum uno vasto S:c. in Houton, 
qiuituor bovatas tcrrro itc. in eadeni, unuin niessuagium et 
ties bovatas terne iVrc. in eadoin, ac luuim niessnagium cum 
crofto iVrc. in eadem, et unum messunj^ium cum crofto «tc. 
in eadeni quaj Isabella Hartlyngton ])roava mea tenuit de 
hereditate mea <fcc. Dedi etiam pnefatis Roberto Ewerv et 
Johanni Gare unumvastumet ij bovatas terrfein Ellerker, 
dimidiam bovatam terra' cum suis pertin. in Wighton «i:a, 



GENEALOGIA ANTIQUiE PAMILI2E LANGDALORUM. 895 

ac unum messuagium et quinqne bovatas terrsB et prati &c, 
in Hildertborp, duas bovatas ten-se cum clausur. &c. in 
Sewardbj et Marton, et tresdecim bovatas terras <S:c. in 
Sewardby et Marton pradictis in com, Ebor., qua) ego 
prsedictus Johannes Langdale simul cum Elizabetha uxore 
mea defuncta nuper conjunctim habuiraus ex dono et 
feoffamento Willelmi Fairefax, Cristoferi Dransfeld, Gui- 
donis Fairefax, et Eoberti Lyndeszay, et qua; idem 
Willehuus Fairfax, Cristoferus, Guido, et Robertus Lynde- 
szay inter alia nuper conjunctim habuerunt ex dono et 
feoffamento Willelmi Langdale patris mei prsedicti Johannis 
Langdale, habeud. et tenend. ac annuatim percipiend. 
Dmnia pra^dicta vast, terras tenementa dzc, pnefatis 
Roberto Ewery et Johanni Care heredibus et assignatis 
suis imperpetuum &c. In cujus Sic. Hiis testibus Johanne 
Hothum milite, Roberto Constable, Roberto Elys, Cristo- 
fero Spenser, Alexandro Lounde armigeris, et aliis. Dat. 
vicesimo quarto die Martii anno regni regis Henrici A» 87 H. 6, 
iSexti post couquaestum Angliaj tricesimo septimo. 1458— y. 

P 6. Sciant pracsentes et futuri quod nos Robertus 
Kuery Armiger et Johannes Gare dedimus <fcc. Johanni 
Langdale filio et heredi Willelmi Langdale Armigeri et 
Annse uxori ejusdem Johannis Langdale filial Thom® 
Gare civis et Aldermanni Civitatis Ebor., sex bovatas 
terrsB cum uno vasto cum suis pertin. <kc. in Howton, iiij 
bovatas nuper in tenura «fec. in eadem villa, unum 
messuagium et iiij bovatas terra) &c, in eadem, unum 
messuagium cum crofto &c. in eadem, et unum messua- 
gium cum crofto in eadem, cum omnibus suis pertin. 
necnon unum vastum et ij bovatas terrae cum suis pertin. 
in Ellerker, dimid. bovata) terree in Wighton, et qnendam 
annualem redditum iiij" &.c. in Wighton, ac unum mes- 
suagium et quinque bovatas terra? et prati cum suis pertin. 
&c. in Hilderthorp, duas bovatas terra) Sec. in Sewardby 
et Marton, et tresdecim bovatas terne <fec. in Sewardby et 
Marton prsedictis in Com Ebor., quae quidem vasta, terrte 
ten. <kc. nuper habuimus ex dono et ff'eofamento pnedicti 
Johannis Langedale ; habend. et tenend. ac annuatim 
percipiend. omnia pncdicta vasta, terras, tenementa &c. 
prajfatis Johanni Langdale et Anna) uxori sua) et 
heredibus de eorum corporibus legitime procreatis kc, Et 
si contingat prsedictum Johannem Langdale et Annam 
uxorem suam obirc sine herede de corporibus eorum 
legitime procreatis, quod absit, extunc omnia pnedicta 
vasta, terra), tenementa, etc. integi'e remaneant rectis 
heredibus prsedicti Johannis Langdale et assignatis suis 
imperpetuum JL-c. Li cujus rei ifcc. Hiis testibus Johanne 
Hotham milite, Roberto Constable, Roberto Elys, Cris- 
tofero Spenser, Alexandro Lownd armigeris, et alijs. Dat. 
pcnultimo die Martii, anno r. r. Henrici sexti post A" 37 lien. 6, 
ronqasestuni Anglio; tricesimo aeptimo. 1459. 



396 GENEALOGIA AKTlQUifi FAMILIES LANGDALORUM. 

G 1. Anthony Langdale son and heir of John 
Langdalb and Elizabeth Daughter of 
Edmund Thwaytes first wife of the said 
Anthony. 

This Indenture made the vi*^ day of October the 
xvith yere of the reign of King Edward the iiij*** betwixt 
Herry Thwaytes & Edmund son to the said Herry on 
the ton parte, & John Burgh Esquyer of the other parte, 
witnesseth that the said parteie5 above said er agred in 
maner ensuying, that is to say, that the said John Burgh 
shall deliver to the said Herry & Edmund, Anthony Lang- 
dale son & heir to John Langdale and Anne late wife to 
the said John Langdale and now wife to the said John 
Burgh, before the feast of Purification of our Lady next 
following, to the cntent to wed and take to wife Elizabeth 
daughter to the said Edmund, if the said Elizabeth 
thereto will agree ; And the said John Burgh by these 
presents granteth to deliver to the said Herry and Edmund 
lande5 and tent5 of the yearly value of x^ in Etton and 
Wartre over all charges & reprizes, before the feast of Pasch 
next for to com. And to suffer the said Herry & Edmund 
to occupy the said landes and tent5 &c. And also the said 
John Burgh shall make or cause a sufficient & lawful 
estate to be made to the said John Burgh (S: Anne his 
wife in and of all the lauds and tent5 which tiie said 
John and Anne his wife or any to the use of the said 
Anne which by inheritance is fallen to the said Anne, all 
the lands and tent5 in Newland besyde Kstryiigtou and 
Calice beyond the sea only except, to have & to hold all 
the said landes and tent5, except afore except, to the said 
John Burgh and Anne his wife for terme of ther two 
lives, without impeachment of waste tfcc, the remaynder 
to the said Anthony Langdale and to tlie heirs of his l.ody 
lawfully begotten ; and for default of isshu of his body 
lawfully begotten, all the landes and teut5, except as 
before except, to remayn to the said Anne, moder to the 
said Antony, and to the heirs of her body begottyn ; And in 
defalt of isshu of her body lawfully begotten, to remayn to 
the right heires of the said Anne : this estate to be made 
in the maner and forme aforesaid within half a year after 
the said Antony being of full age have released to the said 
John Burgh and Anne his wife all manor acciones as 
hereafter foloweth. And the said Herry and P^dmund by 
this p'sent5 granteth to pay unto the said John Burgh fur 
the marriage and p'misse5 aforesaid C marc &c. Also tlio 
said John Burgh granteth that if it happen, as God defend, 
that the said Elizabeth dye before xxj years, noon isshu had 
being on lyve by the said Anthony, (the said John) shall se 
for the said Herry and Edmund to occupy the lande5 and 
tent5 in Wartre and Etton aforesaid in maner and forme 
aforesaid. And said John Burgh is agreed that the said 



GENEALOGIA ANTIQUiB PAMILIJ! LANGDALOBUM. 397 

Antony shall have & take the isshuej and profits of such 
lands & tent5, the which William Langdale graiinsir to the 
said Antony, or the fad' of the said Antony was seized of 
at the time of their deth or any to their use the joynter 
and the ffeofFraent of Anne his mother, «k landes <k tent5 
to the yearly value of xl beforesaid in Wartre and Ettou 
aforesaid to the said Herry and Edmund to be delyvered 
oonly except the year next after his full age. To all these 
condicones <fec. the said Herry & Edmund byndeth them- 
selves and owther of them, to the said Herry and Edmund 
in CL And «fec. The said John Burgh byndeth them to 
the said HeiTy and Edmund in CI <fec. In witness whereof 
owther party enterchangeably to this present wrytyng 
hath put to their scales. Gyven at Wyghton the day (fe A* 16 Edw* 4, 
year above said. 1^77. 

O 2. Sciant prsBsentes et futuri quod Ego Antonius 

Langdale dedi <fec. Edmundo Thwaytes et Roberto Per- 

kynson omnia terms et tenementa mea <Jbc. in villis et 

territoriis de Etton et Wartre excepto capitali messuagio 

meo in Etton pro^dicta tl^c, Habendum et tenend. omnia 

prsedicta ten-as et tenementa, redditus <fec. exceptis prae- 

exceptis prsefato Edmundo et Roberto &c ad iutencionem 

et effectum quod dicti Edmundus et Robertus infra unum 

annum immediate post datam praesentium ffeoffabunt 

me praefatum Antouium et Elizabetham uxorem meam 

de et in omnibus et singulis terris et tenementis &o, 

exceptis pra;exceptis, habend. et tenend. nobis et here- 

dibus masculis de corporibus nostris legitime procreatis, 

remanere inde rectis heredibus mei praofati Aiitooii <fec. 

In cujus rei <fec. Dat. vicesimo primo die Mail anno X^ 22 Edw. 4, 

regni regis Edwardi quart! vicesimo secundo. 1483. 

O 3. This Indenture made the xij day of Octob' in ye 

yer of our Lord Mcccclxxxiij witnesseth that Antony 

Langdale, son and heir of John Langdale, hath content & 

payd unto Margaret Lady Clifford \S, in full payment & 

contentacon for his relief to the said lady due for all such 

lande and tenemets as the same Anton holds of ye said 

lady in sokage of the manner of High Hall in Wyghton 

in Houton. In Witnesse wherof to the won part of this 

Indentur remayning with the same Anton the said Lady 

Clyfford hath set to her scale the yer & daye above A* 1*^ Ricbaid 8 

sayde. 1483. 

Antony L^lnodalb Esquier and Alice daughter of 
John Middleton, second Wife of the said Antony. 

G 4. This Indenture made the second day of December 
the v^ yere of King Harrye vij eftir ye conquest of Eng- 
land, betwixt Agnes Helyard, sometyme wife of John 
Middleton Merchant of the staple of Gales of yat one 



398 OENBALOGIA ANTIQUiE FAMILI^ LANGDALOKUJiL 

party, and Autony Langdale Esquer of the other partie, 
Witnesseth, y* it is agreed betwixt the said parties yat 
ye said Antony by ye grace of God shall wede and take to 
wife Alice, doghtyrto the said John Middleton and Agnes 
Helyard, and y* before ye feast of our Lady Seynt Mary ye 
Virgin next after ye date of yis Indenture ; And y* ye 
said Alice be ye same grace shall wede and take to hus- 
band ye said Antony before ye same feast. Also it is 
covnandid and agreed betwixt ye said partieS yat ye said 
Antony, before ye day of ye said roariage to be solemnized, 
shall cause to be mad a suer and sufficient and lawful 
estate of landes and tent5 in Holton, Bubwith, Beilby, 
Sledmer, Crome, Sewardby, Marton, Wighton, and Hilder- 
thorp in ye County of York to ye yearly value of 
xiij^ vi» viij*^ over all i-eprises and charges, to ye said 
Antony and Alice and to the heires of the said Antony ; 
for which marriage and estate to be made as is aforesaid 
ye said Agnes Hilyard shall pay or make to be payd to 
the said Antony CC m'c of lawful money of England y* k 
to say at ye day of ye said astate delivered. C marc, 
L marc at ye feast of Seynt Martyn in Winter yen next 
folowing, if ye said Alice be yen on lyve and maryed to 
ye said Antony ; And L marc, residue of ye said CC marc, 
at ye feast of ye Purification of our Lady yen next follow- 
ing, if ye said Alice be yen on lyfe and married to the 
said Antony. And for more siierty tkc. the said Agnes 
byndes her, hir heires and executors, to ye said Antony 
in CC^ of lawful money by yis p'sent indenture. In 
witness whereof v*^ partes of vos Indentures inter- 
A"5, H. 7, 1489. changeably base set y'" tjeale5. Yeven days and yerc 

above written. 

Anthonye Lang- Q 5. In Dei nomine Amen, xxx'"" die mensis Marcii, 
'^*^^ wn^'^^fcoi* ^""^ l^omini Millesimo CCCCC"'« secundo, Ego, Antonius 
lated with the ^^^^g^^^O'^c armiger, de Holton, compos mentis et sanse 
original copy at menioriie, condo et ordino testameutuni meum in hunc 
York]. modum hoc modo (sic) In primisdo et lego aniinam meam 

Deo Omnipotenti, et Beat^x Maritc Virgini, et omnihus 
coeli Sanctis, corpusque meuni sepcliendum in ecclesia 
mea parochiali de Santon. Item clo et lego procuratori de 
Santon pro decimis oblitis x''. Item do et lego omnia terras 
et tenementa mea in Holton, Newland, Sheriburtou, 
Elerker, Sewardby, Marton, Beylby, Bubwyth, Hithe, Crome, 
Wyghton, Stokhame, et Heldyrthorp quto sunt in feoffa- 
mento adimplero meam ultimam voluntatem ad usuni 
Alicia) uxoris mea3 pro termino vitas sua). Item do ct 
lego post decessum uxoris meie meis filiis et filiabus 
pro termino xxj annorum Newland, Sherburtou, CVorae, 
Sewardby, Beylby, Ellerker et Hylderthorp cum omnibus 
et singulis pertiuentiis in prajdiotis locis durante dicto 
termino xxj annorum, et i)ostoa meis vere heredibus et 
suis. Item do et lego ecclesia? parochiali de Santon ununi 



GENEALOGIA ANTIQUiB FAMILIiB LANGDALORUM. 399 

Missale de lez prynted precii x**. Item lego ad ecclesise 
(usum ?) unum par candelabronim precii v^ Item lego 
unum par lez sensers precii iij*. iiij**. Item lego tres albas 
pro pueris portantibus eandelabras precii v". Item lego 
ad tumbam Sancti Johauuis Beverlaci unum monile 
aureum precii vj* viij*^. Item do et lego ecclesiae Sancti 
Petri cathedralis Ebor. xx*^. Item lego ecclesiee cathedral! 
Sancti Wylfredi de Ripon xx*^. Item lego ecclesise cathe- 
dral! Sanctae Maria) de Sothwell xx^. Item Fratribus 
Prsedicatoribus in Beverlaco xij'^. Item lego Fratribus 
Minorum (sic) de eadem xij^. Item lego Fratribus 
Augustinencium (sic) in villa de Hull xij*^. Item Fratribus 
Carmelitasum (sic) de eadem xij^. Item lego iiij domibus 
de lez Massyndewes in Beverlaco ij* viij*^. sequaliter 
dividendos. Item uni domu! Leprosorum in eadem villa 
viij^. Item lego Willelmo Richardson capellauo meo vj* 
viij^. Item lego Isabellse Plummer vidua) v*. Item lego 
Thomse Langdell viij^. Item lego Johanni Pei*8on viij*. 
Item lego Thomse Waldbe vj^. Item Johanni Kydall 
viij"!. Item Johanni Toll viij^. Item Ricardo Walker vj*. 
Item do et lego residuum omnium bonorum meorum, 
mobilia et immobilia, Alicia) uxori meae, habendum et dis- 
ponendum sicut ei placeat, meis debitis bene et fideliter 
persolutis. Item inde ordino, facio, et constituo Aliciam 
meam uxorem et meam executricera. In cujus rei testi- 
monium huic prajseuti testamento meo sigillum meum 
apposui, anno Domini et die mensis supradictis. Hiis 
testibus Domino Roberto Cownstable milite, Johanni Snayr 
capellauo, Nicholao Langdell, et Henrico Cooke, et aliis. a* 18 ll$n. 7, 



1502. 



John Langdalb sonne and heir of Anthony Langdale 

dyed sans yssub. 

Sibor ) Inquisicio indentata capta apud Cotingham in 
H I. J Com. Ebor. 4^® die Decembris A^ r, r. 

Henrici VII. 22*^° <fec. post mortem Johannis Langdale 
Armigeri &c, per sacrameutum Johannis Sancti Johannis, 
Willelmi Smyth, «kc. Qui dicunt super sacramentum 
suum quod priedictus Johannes Langdale in dicto brevi 
nominatus diu ante obitum suum fuit seisitus de manerio 
de Etton cum pertin. in com., praidicto iu dominico suo 
ut de feodo et de tallia obiit seisitus. Et quod idem 
Johannes fuit seisitus in dominico suo ut de feodo de 
tribus mesuagiis et quater viginti acris teiTte cum pertin. in 
villa de Warter in com. praedicto ; Et sic inde seisitus 
obiit. Ac etiam dicunt Jur. praedicti quod prsedictum 
manerium de Etton tenetur de excellentissiraa Principissa 
Margareta comitissa Richmond et Derbise matre pra)dicti 
domini regis ut de manerio suo de Cottynham per 
servicium militare, et valet per annum in omnibus exitibus 
ulta reprisas duodecim libras ; Et quod prsedicta messuagia 
et terrse cum pertin. tenentur de Domino Roos sed per 



400 OENBALOGFA ANTIQUJ! PAMFLIiE LANODALORUM. 

quod servicium Jur. prsedicti penitus ignorant. Et valet per 

annum in omnibus exitibus ultra reprisas septem niarcas. 

£t quod praedictus Johannes Langdale non habuit neque 

tenuit aliquaalia slve plura terras seu ten. die quo obiit in 

com. pnedicto ; et quod dictus Johannes Langdale obiit 

nono die Septembris ultimo prceterito ; Etquod Anthonius 

Langdale est frater & propinquior heres ejusdem Johaunis 

et est setatis tresdecim annorum et amplius. In cujiis 

A* 22 Hen. 7, rei testimonium. 
1506. 

Anthony Langdale sone op Anthony Langdale by 
Alice his Wife and Brothir and heir of John. 

H I. Noverint universi per prsesentes me Willelmum 
Langdale de Newbald remisisse, relaxasse, &c, Thoraaa 
Neville et Alicise uxor! ejus ac Antonio Langdale, heredibus 
et assignatis suis, totum jus <fec. qiiee et quas habui, 
habeo, seu quovis modo habere potero in futuro in omnibus 
terris et ten. redditibus revercionibus, et serviciis cum 
suis pertin. quae fuerunt Antonii Langdale, patris prsedicti 
Antonii in vita sua, necnon in omnibus ill is terris et 
tenementis redditibus revercionibus et serviciis cum suis 
pertin. in Com. Ebor. et alibi quae fuerunt dicti Antonii 
patris sive Johis fratris prjedicti Antonii filii, in Com, 
Civitatis Ebor. ita quod ego praedictus Willelmus Lang- 
dale nee heredes mei, nee aliquis alius per nos <fec. 
aliquamdiu &c. in praedictis terris &c. de cetero exigere 
clamare, vel vendicare poterimus in futunim ttc, sed ab 
omni actiono «tc. inde simus exclusi per praesente.-^. Et 
ego vero praedictus Willelmus Langdale et hteredes mei 
omnia praedicta terras et ten., redditus ttc. cum suis per- 
tin. praefatis Thomae, Aliciae et Antonio filio heredibus et 
assignatis suis contra omnes geutes waiTauti5abimus im- 
perpetuum. Et insuper noveritis me praefatum Willelmum 
Langdale remississe, relaxasse, et omnino pro me et 
heredibus meis imperpetuum quietum clamasse ])ra?fatis 
Thomac, Alicice et Antonio filio, heredibus, et assignatis 
suis omnimodas actiones <fec. quae vel quas versus eosdem 
Thomam, Aliciam, et Antouium filium seu versus eorum 
aliquem habui, habeo, <fec. ratione cujuscunque ante 
datam praesentium. In cujus rei testimonium &c. Dat. 
vicesimo die mensis Julii, anno regni regis Henrici 

A» 23 H. 7, Septimi vicesimo tercio. 

1508. ^ 

Anthony Langdale sone of Anthony Langdale by 
Alice Midilton his Wife and Brother and heir 
OF John Langdale, married Agnes daughter of 
Philip Constable Esq"". 

H 2. Omibus Christi fidelibus &c. Thomas Nevile Armiger 
Salutem ike. Cum Margareta Comitissa Richmund et 
Derbie concessisset michi pracfato Thomnc Neville custo- 



GENEALOGIA ANTIQUE PAMILIJS LANGDALORUM. 401 

diam et maritagium Antonii Langdale fratris et heredis 
Johannis Langdale, ac custodiam omnium maneriorum 
<kc. per scriptura suum cui tenor sequitur in haeo verba. 

Margareta mater illustrissimi principis ac potentissimi 
Domini Regis nunc Henrici Septimi ac Comitissa Rich- 
mond et Derbie omnibus ad quos Sic, Sciatis nos 
praefatam comitissam &c. vendidisse, dedisse &c. dilecto 
nobis Thomae Nevile de Houghton Armigero in Com. 
Ebor. custodiam et maritagium Antonii Langdale, heredis 
Johannis Langdale fratris dicti Antonii, ac custodiam 
omnium maneriorum terrarum tenementorum reddituum 
&c. cum pertin. qu£B nuper fuerunt prsedicti Johannis 
defuncti, et quae de nobis tenuit per servicium militare die 
quo obiit, et quse vel post mortem praedicti Johannis 
racione minoris cetatis dicti Antonii fratris et heredis 
ejusdera Johannis devenerunt sen devenire debuerunt una 
cum maritagio Antonii absque disparagacione, habend. et 
tenend. prsefato Thomae, execut. vel assign, suis &c. ab hac 
die usque ad plenaai et legitimam aetatem praedicti An- 
tonii &c, Et si contingat praefatum Antonium antequam 
ad suam plenam aetatem pervenerit obire, tunc volumus 
et coucedimus quod praedictus Thomas et assignati sui 
habeant custodiam omnium et singulorum praemissorum 
cum pertin. usque ad plenam et legitimam aetatem unius 
heredis sic infra aetatem existentis una cum maritagio 
ejusdem heredis. et sicde herede in heredem quousque &c. 
In cujus rei testimonium sigillum meum apponi fecimus. 
Data apud Hatfeld, vicesimo quinto die Novembris, A** r. 
r. Henrici Septimi vicesimo secundo. 

Sciatis me praefatum Thomam vendidisse <fec. Philippo 
Constable custodiam et maritagium praedicti Antonii, ac 
custodiam omnium praedictorum maneriorum, terrarum, 
tenementorum, reddituum, &c, habend. et tenend. cus- 
todiam praedictam praefato Philippo et assignatis suis 
usque ad plenam aetatem praedicti Antonii. £t si con- 
tingat praefatum Antonium antequam ad suam plenam 
aetatem pervenerit obire herede suo infra aetatem existente 
«fec. In cujus rei testimonium huic scripto sigillum meum 
apposui. Dat. primo die Augusti, anno regni regis Henrici a« 8 Hen. 8*^, 
Octavi post conquaestum tertio. 1511. 

TT 3. This Indenture made the firat day of August in 
y« third zer of the reign of Kyng Henry the viij, between 
Thomas Neville of Howton Esq"^ on the on partio, and 
Philipp Constable Esquier of y® oy' partie, witnesseth 
that wher Margaret late Couutesse of Richmond and 
Derbie, grandmother to o^ sov'aign Lord the King y* now 
is, by her writing graunteth y^ custody of all, both landes 
& tenemente5, as John Langdale held of her in Etton by 
knight's service, which came to her hand after the death 
of the said John, by reason of nonage of Antony brother 
and heir of y* said John, with the marriage of the sivid 

VOL, XI, p D 



402 QENEALOOIA ANTIQUE FAMlLIiE LANGDALORUM, 

Antony, as more at large appeareth in the said graunt, 

the said Thomas Neville covenandith <fc gmuntith by 

these presentes y^ he shall make a graunt to the said 

Phelip of the said custodye & marriage in as larire 

maner as he hath in the same of the graunt of the said 

Countesse &c. And the said Philip covenandith & 

grauntith that he shall cause the said Antony to marry 

and take to wyffe Agnes daughter of the said Phelip 

before the feast of S* Michaell the archangel next comyiig, 

for which graunt of the said custody & marriage to be 

had, tkc. made as is above said, the said Philip grauntetli 

by these presents to content & pay to the said Thomas 

Neville sex score marce5 of lawful money in manner «fc 

forme folowing &c. Also the said Thomas Nevile grauntith 

yt ye said Antony w^^'in twelmonth therafter y^ he shall 

come to his fall age, shall make or cause to be made a 

sufficient estat of lands & tent5 to the yerly value of 

twenty marce3 in Etton to serten psone5 in fee symplo to 

y*5 use of y^ said Anthony and Agnes his wyfFe dogter of 

the said Phelip and the heires of y® said Antony for ever, 

which landes in Etton aforesaid y® said Philip shall 

have during the nonage of the said Antony e ; and the 

said Antonye <fe Phelip not mel with no oy*" landes during 

the nonage of y® said Antonye ; and the said Phili[» 

graunteth to the said Thomas Neville y^ y^ said Antonye 

shall not treble nor interup y^ said Thomas Nevile, nor 

Alice his wyffe, mother to y^ said Antony, of any such 

landes it teuenients as she is scasid of in y*^ name of her 

joint' tk dower, y^ is for to say of lie lands db tont5 in 

Howton, Newland, Wyghton, Chercburton, Bubwith, 13eil- 

by, Ive, Crome, Hilderthorpe, Siierby, tk Ellercar, nor 

y^ the said Antone shall not troblc y*^ said Thomas Sz 

Alice for ony wast done upon the said landes before this 

day etc. And for performance of all their articles ikc., the 

said Thomas shal be bound by this oblii-acon to v*' said 

Philip in y^' some of a huudretli pound. And in lyk wyse 

the said Phelip shall bo bound by his obligacon to the 

said Thomas in a hundreth pound, to kepe and per funn 

al ct singlar articles above specifyed of this partie to 

A° 3 Hen. 8, be kept & performed. In witness hereof y^ partie5 above 

1511. said to theis Indents eutrechangeably hatli set y'" scales 

y*^ day &, zer abovesaid. 

H h. 4. Sciant pr«ncsentes ac futuri quod ego Antoniiis 
Langdalc, filius et heres Antonii Langdale nuper do How- 
ton in Com. Ebor. armigeri defuncti, dedi, concessi, et liac 
prtesenti carta mea indentata (lonfirmavi Roberto Con- 
stable militi, Marmaduco Constable filio et hercdi dicti 
Roberti, Marmaduco Constable de Everingliani militi, 
Koberto Constable filio et heredi dicti .Marmaduci, et 
Roberto Smvth clerico, manerium meum sive dominium 
meum de Etton in Com. Ebor. ; nccuoii omnia messuagia, 



GEI^EALOGIA ANTIQUES FAMILIES LANGDALORUM. 403 

terras et tenementa mea, prata, pascua, pasturas, boscos, 

moras, redditus, reveraiones, hereditamenta et servicia cum 

omnibus suis pertin. in Etton pra)dicta, habend. et tenend. 

prsedictum manerium sive dominium, ac omnia prsedicta 

raessuagia, terms, tenementa et cetera prcemissa cum suis 

pertin. prajfatis Roberto, Marmaduco, Marmaduco, Roberto, 

et Roberto, hseredibus et assignatis suis, ad usum mei prse- 

dicti Antonii junioris et Agnetis uxoris mere heredum et 

assignatorum meorum de capitalibus dominis feodi illius 

per servicia inde debita et de jure consueta. Et ego vero 

prsedictus Antonius jun. et heredes mei prsedicti manerium 

sive dominium meum et cetera prcemissa cum suis pertin. 

prsefatis Roberto, Marmaduco, Marmaduco, Roberto, 

et Roberto, heredibus et assignatis suis ad usum supra- 

dictum contra omnes gentes waiTanti5abimus etc. In cujus 

rei testimonium huic prajsenti cartse mese indentata) 

sigillum meum apposui. Dat. apud — prsedicto octavo die A** 7 Hen. 8, 

Novembris, anno regni regis Henrici Octavi post conquees- ■^^^^• 

turn Anglise septimo. 

H 4. Omnibus Christi fidelibus Antonius Langdale Ar- 

miger <fec. Sciatis me prsefatum Antonium Langdale Armi- 

gerum per prsesentesdedisse tkc. Willelmo Newton generoso 

duo tofta et sex crofta &c. in Etton in com. Ebor. <fec. In 

cujus rei &c. sigillum apposui. Dat. vicesimo sexto die A" 16 Hen. 8*^ 

mensis Aprilis, anno regni regis Henrici Octavi sexto -^^24. 

decimo. 

H 5. This Indenture made vj^^ day of Decern^ in the 

xx^ yere of the reign of our Sov'aign Lord Henry VII I^^, 

betwixt Anthony Langdale of Howton in the County of 

York Esq''^ of ye one partye, <k Myles Newton of the City 

of York Gentylman of the other partye, Witnesseth that 

the said Anthony «kc. hath bargayned & sold <kc. unto the 

said Myles and his heirs for evermore one tenement with 

the appurtenances sett, lying <k being in Conynstreet of 

the said City of York &c. In witnesseth whereof yeven A» 20 Hen. 8, 

the day & year above written. 1628. 

AxTONT Langdale op Santon Esq"'. 

H 6. Omnibus Christi fidelibus ad quos &c. Jacobus Con- 
stable de NorthclyfF in Com, Ebor. Armiger salutem <fea 
Noveritis me (fee. pro summa vj.** xiij." iiij.^ &C. per 
Antonium Langdaill de Santon in Com. prsedicto Armi- 
genim michi <fec. pacatis, persolutis et satisfactis dedisse, 
concessisse tkc. prsefato Antonio Langdayll unum cotagium, 
uuum croftum et unum parvum clausum in Santon prsD- 
dicta in com Ebor. &c. In cujus rei <fec. Dat. decimo die A* 33 Hen. 8, 
Octobris, anno regni regis Henrici Octavi &c. tricesimo l^^l* 
tercio. 

D D 2 



404 GENBALOGIA ANTIQUE FAMILIJl LAKGDALORUM. 

H 7. Omnibus Christi fidelibus <fec. Johannes Todd de 
Santon in Com. Ebor.Yeaman Salutem. Noveritis me prsD- 
fatum Johaunera Todd in coraplementum covencionum et 
aggreamentorum ex mea parte perficiend. pro maritago 
habendo inter Petrum Todd filiuni meum et heredeni ap- 
parentem ex una parte et Francescam Langdall uuam 
tiliarum Antonii Langdayll de Santon prsedicta ex altera 
parte <fec., dedisse <fec. prsefato Petro Todd filio meo et 
heredi apparenti et Franc€sca3 Langdall filias prsefati 
Antonii Langdall Armigeri quam Deo dante idem Petrus 
ducet in uxorem, unum cottagium, quatuor bovatas terrse 
et unum clausum cum suis pertin. in Cheryburton in Com. 
Ebor. ; habend. et tenend. &c. In cujus rei testimonium 
A" 36 Hen. 8, <fec. Dat. quarto die Octobris, anno regni dicti domini 
1545. regis nunc Henrici Octavi tricesimo sexto. • 

H h. 6. This Indenture made the xxij^^ day of January 
in the sixth year of the reign of our Sov*aign Lord Edwai'd 
the Sext by the Grace of God King of England France <fe 
Ireland &g. betwixt Anthony Langdall of Santon in the 
county of York Esquire, John Langdall <fe Edmund Lang- 
dall, younger sons of the said Anthony, of thone partee, 
and Thomas Langdall of Santon aforesaid, sone and heir 
apparent of the said Anthony Langdall, of the other partie ; 
witnesseth that the said Anthony, John <b Edmond for & 
in considemtion and recompence of the grant of certaiu 
enclosures in Houtone in the Countie of York, that is to 
say Estmoisebriges, Westmoisebriges, Prestholme, New 
close (fe More close, to be made from the said Thomas to 
the said Antony John <fe Edmund for the terme of their 
natural lives, hath given, granted, bargained and sold <i;c. 
unto the said Thomas Langdall all those there landea 
and tent5, meadowes, pastures, rents, revercons, & services 
&c. in Wartre, Sewerby, and Martone within the Countie 
of York <kc. To have, hold, occupie ifc enjoy all the said 
landes, tent5, meadows, pastures, rents, rev'cones, and 
services, and all other the hereditaments with thappurte- 
nances unto the said Thomas Langdall <fe his heirs for 
ever &c. In witness whereof the parties abovesaid to 

A» 6 Edw. 6, thcis present indenture interchangeably have set their 

}552— 3, the scales, the day <k year above written by me. 

seal of this deed TlIOM AS LaNGDAILL. 

IS broken and 

lost. 

THOiMAS LaNGDALE SON & HEIR OF AnTHONY LaXGDALE 

MARRIED Ann daughter of Sir Peter Vayasouu 
Knight. 

H 8. Sciant prsesentes et futuri quod Ego Antonius 
Langdale armiger dedi, concessi, et hac pr£esenti c^rta 
mea confirmavi Roberto Constable, Willelmo Hungate de 
North Dalton, Thomse Middilton, Johanni Gascoign de 
Lassyngcroft, et Johanni Ellerker de Ellerker armigeris 



GENEALOaiA ANTIQUiE FAMILI^E LANGDALOHUM. 405 

omnia maneria, terras, tenementa, redditus, revercione et 
servicia mea cum pertin. in Com. Ebor. et alibi infra 
reguiim Angliso, exceptis terris et tenementis in Newland 
juxta Hoiieden, Wighton, & Crome, qure per aliam cartam 
meam dedi praefatis Roberto Constable, Willelmo Hungate, 
Thomse Middilton, Johanni Gascoigne, et Johanni Eller- 
ker ; habend. et tenend. omnia prsedicta maneria, terras 
ten. et cetera prsemissa cum pertin. exceptis prseexceptis 
prsefatis Roberto, Willelmo, Thomee, Johanni, et Johanni 
heredibus et assignatis suis ad usum specificatum et 
limitatum in quibusdam indent uris inter me et Petrum 
Vavasour militem confectis maritagium Thomse Langdall 
filii mei et Anuse filias prajdicti Petri concernentibus de 
capitalibus dominis feodi illius per servicia inde debita et 
de jure consueta. Et ego vero praedictus Antonius et 
lieredes mei prsedicta maneria, teiTas, ten. et cetera 
prsemissa cum pertin. exceptis pneexceptis prsefatis 
Roberto, Willelmo, Thomso, Johanni et Johanni heredibus 
et assignatis suis contra omnes gentes warranti5abimus 
et imperpetuum defendemus <fcc. In cujus rei testi- 
monium huic cartSB mese indentatse sigillum meum apposui. 
Dat. tertio die Septembris, A® r. r. Henrici Octavi post -A^" \7 Hen. 8, 
conqusestum Anglise septimodecimo. 

Thomas Langdale op Santon Esquier. 

I 1. This Indenture of Covenants of bargein and sayll 

made the vj day of June in the second year of y« reign 

of our Sovereign Lord King Edward the sixth <fec. 

betwixt Thomas Langdale of Santon in the County of York 

gentleman upon thone party, and Thomas Barker of 

Holme in Spaldingmore in the said County Yeoman upon 

the other party, witnesseth that the said Thomas 

Langdayll hath bargained and sold «fec. to the said 

Thomas Barker, his heirs and assigns, one cottage (kc. A« 2 Ed. 6, 

in Wighton <kc. In witness <kc. ^^^^' 

I 2. Omnibus Christi fidelibus ckc. Johannes Dodington 
de London & Willelmus Dodington de London generosi, 
salutem. Cum excellentissimus Dominus Edwardus Sextus 
&c. Sciatis nos prsefatos Johannem Dodington et W^illelmum 
Dodington in consideracione summse £158 7* 8^ per 
Thomam Langdale de Santon in Com. Ebor. Armigerum 
Ac, solut, <fec. dedisse concessisse, <kc. eidem Thomse 
Langdale omnia et singula prsedicta messuagia tenementa, 
cottagia, terras, prata &c. cum pertin. scituata jacentia 
et existentia in Northcliff et Southcliff <kc. in dicto Com. 
Ebor. <fec. habend. et tenend. omnia et singula prsedicta 
messuagia <fec. prsefato Thomse Langdale, heredibus et 
assignatis suis, <S:c. imperpetuum <fec. In cujus rei testi- 



406 GEKEALOGIA Al^TlQUJ: PAMILI^ LANGDALORUM. 

A" 6 Ed. 6 moniura &c. Dat. decimo quinto die mensis Januarii 

1562—3. anno regni Domini nostri Regis Edwardi Sexti sexto. 

Irrotulatur in Rotulis 

Clausis Cane. Domini Regis 

infrascript. Mense Martii 

anno r. r. Edwardi Sextis 

scripto infra. 

I 3. Omnibus Christi fidelibus &c. Johannes Wright de 
London generosus et Thomas Holmes de London preedicta 
generosus salutem &c, Sciatis quod nos praefati Johannes 
Wright & Thomas Holme pro quadam pecuniae surama 
nobis per Thomam Langdale de Santon in Com. Ebor. 
generosnm bene et lideliter persoluta &c. vendidimus, 
barganizavimus, &c. prrefato Thomas Langdale totum 
illud cotaginm nostrum et unum parvum clausum terrae 
nostrae &c. jacentia et existentia in Northcliff in Com. 
Ebor. &c. necnon duas bovatas terrae cum pertin. 
jacen. et existen. &c. ac totum illud messuagium nostrum 
<kc. jacen. et existen. in Brumby als Bumby in dicto 
Com. Ebor. nuper collegio de Nether Acastre dissolute 
dudum spectantia (fee. Habend. tenend. et gaudend. 
praedicta messuagia terras &c. praefato Thomae Langdayle, 
heredibus et assignatis suis imperpetuum. In cujus rei 
A» 7 Ed. 6, testimonium (fee. Dat. sexto die Julii anno regui regis 

1653. Edwardi Sexti (fee. septimo. 

Irrotulatur in Rotulis 
clausis Cauc. Domini Re- 
gis infrascript i anno, mense, 
et die infrascriptis. 

I 4. This Indenture made the x day of Aprill in the first 
year of the Reign of our Soferayn Lady Mary by the 
Grace of God of England, France and Ireland Queen (fee. 
betwyxt Thomas Langdale of Santon in the County of 
York Squyr of the on partie, <fe Elizabeth AVright of 
Ellerker late Wyff of John Wright Sqwycr deceased, Rob^ 
Constable of Hotham, and William Grymston of Cottyng- 
ham in the said Countye Squyers, and James Coates of 
Cottyngham in the same county gent, of the other party, 
witnesseth that the said Thomas Langdale, for diverse 
and sundry good consideracions declared in this present 
Indenture, hath given, graunted, bargayned, alyened,tfe sold 
(fee. unto the said Elizabeth AVright, Robert Constable, 
William Grvmston tfe James ('oates all those his nianer 
messuages Arc. sett lying tfe being in the town cfec. of 
Northclyff in the said County of York, which late were 
A" 1 Mary, ^^7 P^^'^ or parcell of the posessions ttc. to the late dis- 

1554. solved College of Acaster (fee. In witness whereof (fee. 

I 5. This Indenture made the xxiiij*^* day of July in the 



GENBALOQIA ANTIQUE FAMILIES LANGDALORUM. 407 

thyrd & fourth yeres of the reigne of our Sovereign Lord 

and Lady Philip & Mary &c. between Thomas Langdayl 

of Santon in the County of York Esquyer on the one 

partye, and Isabel Seyntquyntyn of Santon aforesaid 

"widow on the other partie, wituesseth that the said 

Thomas Langdaill for that the said Isabell <fec. hath given^ 

graunted <fec. unto the said Isabell Seynt Quyntyu one 

yearly rent or annuty of sex pounds going out of his 

manor of South CiyfFe <fec. in the said County of York, to A°3 &4 P.&M. 

have, hold, perceive <kc. In witness whereof ckc. ^^^^* 

Anthony Langdale sone & heir of Thomas. 

K 1. This Bill made the vi day of October in the first 

year of y^ reign of our Soverain Lady Queen Elizabeth 

and in yere of our lord God MDLIX, witnesseth that I 

John Myddylton of the City of Yorke, merchant, have had 

«k received the day t)f the date hereof of Anthony Lang- 

dail, sone & heir of Thomas Langdaill Esquyre deceysed, 

the some of one hundredth & fifty pounds, and certen bills 

of debt in contentacon, satisfaction &> payment of one 

hundredth <k four score pounds, for which clxxx^ the said 

Thomas Langdaill his father, by deed indented bearing , 

date the ix^^ day of October in the fourth & fifth yeres 

of the reign of the late Kyug Philipp and Queen Maiy, 

infeffed me the said John in the manor of Southcliffe and 

all his laudes in Santon late in the tenure of Anthony 

Langdaill his father, upon condicon y^ if the said Thomas 

Langdaill or his heira did pay or cause to be payd to me 

the said John myn heirs or executors the said some of 

clxxx^ at y° fest of y^ Nativity of o^ Lord God now next 

comying, that then the said Thomas or his heires might 

reenter into ye premisses and the said fefim' to be void : 

of which sayd some of clxxx^* I do acknowledge myself 

fully satysfied, contented Sl payd, so as the said Anthony 

may lawfully reenter into the said p'misses and the same 

Antony and the said Thomas Langdale exec"^ and ad- 

minist^ thereof discharged & acquitted by these presentes. 

In witness whereof to this my presente writing I have A® 1 Eliz. 1559. 

sette my hand & scale, the day & yere first above writtyn. 

P' me John Mydleton. 

K 2. Omnibus Christi fidelibus ad quos prsesens scriptum 
pervenerit Johannes Myddylton de Civitate Ebor. Mer- 
cator salutem in Domino sempiternam. Noveritis me prse- 
fatum Johannem Myddylton pro et in consideracione 
centum et octoginta librarura &c. michi prsB manibus 
Bolutarum per Antonium Langdale filium et heredem 
Thoma) Langdaill A"* nuper defuncti dedisse, concessisse 
<S:c. prsefato Antonio Langdaill totum illud manerium 



408 GENEALOGIA ANTIQUE FAMILIJ! LAKGDALORUH. 

meum de South Cliff in Com. Ebor. quod nuper babul ex 
douo et fifeoffamento prsedicti Thome LangdalU patris 
prsefatl Antonii ; habend. et tenend. et gaudend. dictum 
manerium et omnia et singula prsemissa cum omnibus et 
singulis suis pertin. prsefato Antonio Langdaill heredibus 
A* 1 Klii***, . et assignatis suis imperpetuum <fec. In cujus rei testimo- 

nium huic prsesenti scripto meo sigillum meum appcsui. 
Dat. sexto die Octobris anno regni Elizabethse Dei gratia 
Anglise, FrancisQ et Hibernie Reginse, fidei defensoris <fec. 
prime. 

Per me John Myddlton. 

Ai.ihonius L«ngdaie,=^ K 3. Omnibus Chrlsti Sic. Johannes Myddyl- 
ar. defunct. I ton dc civitato li^bor. Mercator salutem ic. 

•^ Noveritis me prajfatum Johannem Myddylton 

Thomas Lanjfdaiii,=F remississe, relaxasse &c. Antonio Langdale, filio 

ar. e unt | ^^ heredi Thomee Langdall armigeri defiincti et 

T heredibus suis imperpetuum totum jus, clameum 

fiu^etherea^ome. ct interesso qua9 uuquam habui &c. de et in 

manerio meo de South Clyffe «fcc. ac et in omni- 
bus illis terris et tenementis in Santonin dictocom. nuper 
in tenura Antonii Langdall Armigeri defuncti patris prse- 
dicti Thomse, ac de et in omnibus et singulis terris, 
tenementis et hereditamentis quibuscunque quae unquam 
habui ex dono et ffeofamento Thome Langdaill patris 
prsedicti Anthonii &c., ac etiam omnimodas actiones 
sectas curiae et demandas quajcunque a principio mundi 
usque ad diem confectionis prajsentium ; habend. et 
tenend. etc. Ita quod <fcc. In cujus rei testimonium etc. 
A" 1 Eliz ^^^' sexto die Octobris anno Regni domina; Elizabethse 

1559. Dei gratia Anglice, Fraucise et Hibernie Ileginae fidei de- 

fensoris tkc. primo. 

Anthony Langdale of Santon Esq""^ and Jane nis 
Wife dauC* of Thomas Vavasor of Copinthorp. 

K 4. Omnibus Christi fidelibus ad quos hoc prasens 
Bartholomeus. scriptura pervenerit Bartholomeus Abbot de Bellaziz gen. 

salutem &c. Sciatis me pra?fatum Bartholomeum in com- 
plementum quarundum Indenturarum dedisse, concessisse 
ttc. Anthonio Langdaill de Santon totum illud messuagium 
itc. ac duas bovatas terrse cum pertin. in South Clitfe iu 
Com. Ebor. <fec. In cujus rei Sic. Dat. primo die Julii 
AMO Eliz. Anno Regni Due nostra) Elizabethse Dei gratia Angliae 

Francise et Hibernie regime fidei defensoris 6ic. decimo. 

K 4. To all Christian people <kc. Percyvale Russell <k 
Frances his wife one of y« daughters & heyres of Isabell 
S^ Quyntyn widow deceased send gi-eeting. Know ye us 
ye said Percivale & Frances, in consideracon of certain 
Bomes of money to us before hand payd by Anthony 



1568. 



GENEALOGIA ANTIQUE FAMILI^ LANGDALORUM. 409 

Langdayll of San ton sone & heir of Thomas Langdaill 

deceased <fec., to have released, acquyted, remised, and 

quit claymed to the said Antony, his heirs & assigns for 

ever, all our right, title iko. in or unto the said Manor of 

South Cliffe. In witness <fec. we have sette our hande, -A." 10 Eliz. 

«fc seale the therd day of December, in the 10th year of *' 

the reign of our soveraign lady Queen Elizabeth, in the 

year of our Lord God 1567. 

K 5. Noverint universi per prcesentes Jonam Langdale 
de Santon in Com. Ebor. viduam teneri Marmaduco 
Langdale de# le South Skirlaw in Holderness in com. 
prsedicto generoso in dc^* <fec. Dat. xiiij° die Julii A° Regni 
dominse mese Eliz. Angliae, Franciee, HibemiaB reginee 
fidei defensoris <fec. decimo nono. This Condicion is 
such that if the above bounden Jane Langdale of 
herself or by her friends can by any lawful waies or 
means now present or at any tyme or tymes here- 
after come by or get the nonage, wardship or guardian- 
ship of her sonne Richard Langdale, being sonne «k heir 
of Anthony Langdale her late husband late of Santou 
in the County of York Esq""® deceased, & the wardship, 
guardianship or tutorship of Peter Langdale <k Mar- 
maduke Langdale sonnes unto the said Anthony, or the 
moiety or moieties of them or any of them, then if she 
the said Jane Langdale, her execut" administratoi-s <k 
assigns, to the utermost of her & their power, use & oc- 
cupy all the landes, tenements «fe hereditament* &c. & 
now due or hereafter to be due unto the said Richard, 
Peter & Marmaduke, or to any of them,. and the wardship, 
marriage, goods, cattaills <k hereditam*" of them or any 
of them for the use & uses «fe to the most comodity & 
profit of the same Richard Peter <fe Marmaduke y* pos- 
sibly she or thei can or may, and be accomptant, & yield 
& make true accompt & of & upon all the premisses unto 
the said Richard Langdale & Marmaduke Langdale &c. 
as often as she the said Jane &c shall be thereunto 
reasonably required, &c. But if default be made in any j^o 19 e^^^ 
of the said p'mises, that then this present obligacon to 1576. 
stand kc. in his full strength, power <fe vertue. 

Richard Langdale sonb & heir op Anthony Lang- 
dale Esq" married Joice one of the daughters & 
HEIRS OP Marmaduke Thirkeld Esq' 



wRK 



li 1. This Indent"^ made the xx day of June in the 
eleventh year of the reign of our Sovereign Lady Eliza- 
beth An® Domini 1569 betwene Marmaduke Thirkeld of 
Estropp Esqu"^® of thone partie & Anthony Langdaill of 
Santon Esq"^® of y'^ other partie, witnesseth that it is 
agreed between the said parties, & each of them cove- 



410 GBNBALOaiA ANTIQUE FAMILI^ LANGDALORUM. 

nanteth to and with the other, that Richard Langdaill, 
son & heir of the said Anthony, & Joice Thirlkeld, 
daughter of tiie said Marmaduke, shall marry together, if 
God & his laws so permit and assent. And the said 
Marmaduke Thirlkeld doth further covenant & grant 
for him, his heirs & assigns, to and with the said 
Anthony his heirs & executors, by these presentes that 
he the said Marmaduke, his heirs & assigns, shall before 
the fest of Ester next assure by fyne and otherwayse, as shall 
be devised by the said Anthony Kichard or their learned 
counsell, all those his lands & tenements in Estropp, 
Towthorp, Lownsborough & Northcave, & all oyer his 
tenements, landes <fe hereditaments in the County of 
York to S"^ Marmaduke Constable Knight, Peter Vava- 
sor Esq^*^, Mychell Constable, & Christopofer Monkton gent, 
their heirs & assigns for ever, to the use of him the same 
Marmaduke Thirlkeld for the term of his lyffc naturall, 
the remainder after his decease to the use of the said 
llichard & Joice <fe the heirs of the body of the said 
Joice by the said Richard begotten, upon condicion that 
if the said Marmaduke Thirlkeld have issue male of his 
body lawfully begotten, that then, upon the paym* of 
three hundreth pounds well & truely to be contented & 
payed to the said Richard his heirs of the body of the 
said Joice begotten, within one year next following after 
the full age of the same issue male, the said assurance 
then & from thenceforth shall be to the use of the same 
issue male & the heirs of his body lawfully begotten, dis- 
charged of all former bargaines, charges & incumbrances, 
except one lease for the term of xxj yeares next following 
Martynmes next to the use of Elizabeth, now wife of the 
said Marmaduke, yf she so long do lyve, of y^ premisses 
in Estropp & Towthropp, the said rent being reserved, 
and y* tow lesses made to Balic Ediington, and on 
anewitty of viij^ yearly granted to Christofer Thirlkeld. 
And also in consideration of 1' by the said Anthony paid 
to Marmaduke his brother, and the deliverie & can- 
celling of such writings as his said brother had of an 
annuiety of viij^> yerly granted by the said ^larmaduke 
Thirlkeld, that the said Marmaduke shall make like 
assurance of his landes & tenements in North Cave, Lous- 
brough, & on tenement & nine oxgangs of land with 
thapp^'temices in Estrop, being all of the ycrly value of x\ 
before the feast of Ester next, to the said Sir Marmaduke 
Constable, Peter Michell, and Christofei", to the use of the 
said Richard Langdaill for and diu-ing his life naturall, 
and after his decease to the use of tlic said Joice durinjr 
her Ivfie naturcl, with remainder over as is above limitted. 
upon condicion of the said issue male of the body of the 
said Marmaduke Thirlkeld lawfully begotten to pay to 
the said Richai'd Langdaill, within one year next after the 



GENEALOGIA ANTIQUE PAMILI^ LANGDALORUM. 411 

full age of the same issue male, the some of 1^ over the 
said ccc'^, then & from thenceforth this latter assurance 
for Ijffe to be void & cease. And further if it happen 
the said Richard Langdaille to die before he have married 
& had car nail coppulacion with the said Joice, that then 
the said Marmaduke Thirlkeld, his heirs or execut", shall 
repay unto the said Anthony, his executors or assigns, the 
said fiftie pounds within one yeare next after the said 
Richard's death. And the said Anthony Langdaill doth 
covenant & grant to & with the said Marmaduke Thirl- 
keld & his executors that he shall assure to the said 
Richard Langdaill & the heires of his body, after the 
decease of the said Antony, all his lands & tenements in 
Howton. And also at the end of tene yeare a feoffment 
to the said Joice, yf she & the said Richard marry <fe lye 
together & have carnall coppulacon together according 
to the laws of Holy Church, of lands & tents in Houton 
to the yearly value of xx marks or grant her a rent 
charge of xx^^ marks out of Howton aforesaid, for & in 
the name of her jointure of all the said Anthonys lands ; 

and the said parties are contented & do each 

with other to do & suffer all reasonable acts that shall 

be devised for the assurance & p fiting of the p'misses. 

In witness whereof the parties above said to this pre- a© n Elia. 

sent indenters have interchangeably sette their hands 1569. 

and seales, the day & year above written. 

Marmaduke Thiblked. 



li 2. Omnib5 Christi fidelibus ad quos prsesens scriptum 
pervenerit Marmaduke Thyrkell do Estrop Ar., salutem. 
Sciatis nos prsefatum Marmaducum in consideracione 
quiuquaginta librarum michi prse manibus solutarum per 
Ricardum Langdaill fili Anthonii Langdaill Armigeri 
in complemeutum quorundam articulorum convencionum 
et agrementorum contentorum ac specificatorum in qui- 
busdam Indenturis factis inter me prsefatum Marma- 
ducum ex una parte ac dictum Anthonium ex altera 
parte gerentibus dat. xx die Julii ult. praeterit. dedisse, 
concessisse, et hac prajsenti scrip to meo confirmasse 
prsefato Ricardo Langdaill omnia ilia terras et ten. mea 
quaocunque cum suis pertin. jacen. vel existen. in North- 
cave et Lonsbrougii in Com. Eijor. ac totum illud tene- 
raentum meum ac novem bovatas terrse cum suis pertin. in 
Estrop in dicto com. nunc in tenura Johannis Baldwyn; 
habend. et tenend. omnia et singula prajmissa cum 
omnibus et singulis suis pertin. universis prsefato Ricardo 
Langdaill pro et durante vita sua naturali ; rem. inde 
post ejus decessum Joyce Thyrkell filiae mei praefati 
Marmaduci, et heredibus de corpore ipsius Joyce per dict- 
um Ricardum legitime pi'ocrcatis j rcui. iu'J.c icctis licrcdi- 



412 GENBALOGIA ANTIQUE FAMILIES LANGDALORUM. 

bus ipsius Joyce imperpetuum sub talibus coudicionibus 
ac tali modo et forma prout in dictis iudenturis inter me et 
dictum Anthonium factis continental* et specificantur. Et 
ego vero prsefatus Marraaducus et heredes raei omnia et 
singula pro^missa cum omnibus et singulis suis pert in. 
universis prsefatis Ricardo Langdaill et Joyce et heredi- 
bus prsefatfiB Joyce procreatis contra omnes gentes warranti- 
5abimus et imperpetuum defendemus per prsesentes. In 
cujus rei testimonium iiuic prsesenti scripto meo sigillum 
A° 11 Eliz. meum apposui. Dat. xx^ die Septembris anno regni 

1^69. dominsB nostrse Elizabeth Reginse Anglian, Francifle et 

HibemifiB, fidei defensoris <fec. imdecimo 1569. 

Marmaduke Thyrkell. 



Richard Langdale & Joice Thirkeld his Wife. 

li 3, Omnibus Christi fidelibus ad quos hoc prsesens 
scriptum pervenerit Marmaducus Thyrkeld de Estrop 
Armiger salutem. Sciatis me prajfatum Marmaducum 
ex una parte ac Anthonium Langdale ex altera parte 
***** gerent. dat. xx° die Junii ult. prceterit. dedisse 
concessisse et hoc prcesenti scripto meo confirmasse 
Michael Constable et Christofero Mouckton gen. omnia ilia 
terras et tenementa mea qusecunque cumpertin.in Estrop, 
Towthrop, Lonsborough, et Northcave in Com. Ebor., ac 
omnia terras et ten. mea ac hereditamenta cum