THE LIBRARY
OF
THE UNIVERSITY
OF CALIFORNIA
RIVERSIDE
IN MEMORY OF
Professor Henry J. Quayle
PRESENTED BY
Mrs Fannie Q.
Mrs Annie Q. Hadley
Mrs Elizabeth Q. Flowers
THE YOUTH
DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
BY
IMBERT DE SAINT-AMAND
\\ »
TRANSLATED BY
ELIZABETH GILBERT MARTIN
WITH PORTRAIT
NEW YORK
CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS
1892
PC 1 57. 2-
COPYRIGHT, 1892, BY
CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS.
CONTENTS
PAGK
INTRODUCTION . . 1
FIRST PART
THE CAPTIVITY
CHAPTER
I. THE TEMPLE TOWER 45
II. MADAME ELISABETH , 52
III. THE DEATH OF MADAME ELISABETH 68
IV. SOLITUDE 78
V. THE LAST DAYS OF Louis XVII 90
VI. THE MITIGATION OF CAPTIVITY 110
VII. NEW SEVERITIES. 135
VIII. THE NEGOTIATION WITH AUSTRIA 142
IX. THE DEPARTURE FROM THE TEMPLE 149
SECOND PART
THE EXILE
I. THE JOURNEY TO THE FRONTIER 157
II. BASEL 164
III. VIENNA 170
IV. Louis XVIII 183
v
CONTENTS
CHAPTER PAGB
V. THE EMIGRES 192
VI. MITTAU 202
VII. THE ARRIVAL OF MARIE THERESE 215
VIII. THE MARRIAGE 223
IX. THE END OF THE SOJOURN AT MITTAU 236
X. THE DEPARTURE FROM MITTAU 247
XI. THE SOJOURN IN PRUSSIA AND POLAND 254
XII. THE SECOND SOJOURN AT MITTAU 268
XIII. HARTWELL 272
XIV. THE END OF THE EXILE . . 287
THE YOUTH
DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
THE YOUTH OF THE DUCHESS OF
ANGOULEME
INTRODUCTION
IF there are nations which have not glory enough,
there are others which, as an offset, have too
much. It may be said of French annals that in this
respect they sin by excess. Our illustrious country
has three legends, all of which — the legend of roy-
alty, the republican legend, and the imperial legend
— occupy many grand pages — pages which, how-
ever, contradict each other and deprive our nation
of that character of unity which is as essential to the
life of nations as to that of individuals. The adage,
"Happy are the nations that have no history,"
should not be taken literally. But the fact must
be recognized that nations which have too much his-
tory are not happy.
It is the misfortune of France that she has been
divided against herself. United, she would have
been able, as in the days of Louis XIV., to defy all
Europe and repel every invasion. It is singular to
1
THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
note how successfully the smallest countries, pro-
viding that all hearts beat in unison, resist the most
powerful forces. Switzerland has been able to make
itself respected by all conquerors. The Sun-King
was never able to subjugate Holland. With the
troops that he had been obliged to leave in Vendee,
Napoleon might have been able to win the battle of
Waterloo. If account be taken of our internal dis-
sensions, it may be said that France has more than
once been vanquished not so much by foreigners as
by itself.
When one passes from the study of the first
Empire to that of the Restoration, a new nation
seems to have come into existence. Neither the
flag nor the ideas, neither the passions nor the mem-
ories, are the same. Two men of different countries
are less unlike than an imperialist and a legitimist.
What community of principle could exist between a
volunteer of 1792 and a Chouan, between a grenadier
of the Imperial Guard and a soldier of Conde's
army ? To one Napoleon is a hero ; to the other he
is a monster. To one Waterloo is a disaster; to the
other, a victory. To one the Revolution is a deliver-
ance; to the other it is the abomination of desolation.
The same words do not mean the same things.
What one calls fidelity the other calls treason. The
selfsame act is characterized as virtuous or as crimi-
nal, according as one looks at it from the point of
view of one camp or the other. Between contradic-
tions so violent as these the historian feels in some
INTRODUCTION
degree those anxieties which, during the Hundred
Days, tormented Marshal Ney, the bravest of the
brave ; he needs a strict conscience and great calm-
ness if he would preserve in his judgments that
absolute impartiality in the absence of which history
would be but a discredited pamphlet, like every-
thing else that bases itself on purely partisan spirit.
These reflections occur to us as soon as we begin
the third series of "The Women of the Tuileries."
It will perhaps be said that we are inclined to
attach an exaggerated importance to women. In
our opinion they have too often been neglected in
history. Without deep study of the character and
life of Marie Antoinette it is impossible to under-
stand the Old Regime or the Revolution ; and yet it
is only within the last twenty years that history has
become seriously interested in this most touching
and interesting figure. M. Thiers gave hardly any
pages to the Empress Josephine. Nevertheless, we
think that, without that woman, Bonaparte would
never have been the Commander-in-Chief of the
Army of Italy, First Consul, or Emperor. As to
Marie Louise, feeble as her image seems at the first
glance, we believe that her career illustrates both
the culminating point and the decline of Napoleon
better than any of the commentaries.
In later times history has made great progress.
From science it has borrowed the processes of
analysis and synthesis; from art, the feeling for
the picturesque and local color. Michelet said:
THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
"History is a resurrection," and this motto has
become the watch-word of his disciples. They have
undertaken to revivify not only things, but persons;
not only bodies, but souls. "In history," said Mgr.
Dupanloup, " it is souls only that are interesting to
me. Facts, common occurrences, riots, battles,
victories, defeats, treaties, and all that sort of thing
one is obliged to know, but all this amounts to little
without the history of souls. It is really only the
history of souls that touches and illumines." The
developments of psychology ought, indeed, to inten-
sify our application to the study of feminine char-
acters. The new historic school, inaugurated by
men of genius whose obscure disciple we are, has
employed the methods of philosophy, painting, and
the dramatic art. Considering that the life of peo-
ples is a series of grandiose dramas, now brilliant
and now dismal, it has undertaken to dispose the
scenery and light up the stage, to bring to life again,
not merely the principal actors, but the secondary
ones and even the supernumeraries, and is persuaded
that if local color is faithfully preserved, if descrip-
tions are exact, if monuments and places where
events took place appear plainly before the reader,
if, especially, characters are studied conscientiously,
an historical work, while adhering scrupulously to
truth, may yet be made as attractive as a play, an
historical romance, or a novel.
The period we are about to study might inspire
an artist or a poet as well as an historian. We
INTRODUCTION
open our recital in the Prison of the Temple on the
day when Marie Antoinette, leaving her daughter,
her son, and her sister-in-law behind her, departed
from it to the Conciergerie ; we shall end the tale at
Goritz, in the chapel of the Franciscans, on the day
when the Count of Chambord, buried at the side of
Charles X. and the Duke and Duchess of Angouleme,
bore the white flag like a shroud into his tomb.
There are captivities, exiles, revolutions, and assas-
sinations in this history; dramas in which the
characters are courtiers, soldiers, and the people;
adventures that recall the heroines of Walter Scott ;
tragedies in the manner of ^Eschylus and Sophocles ;
hosannas and anathemas; smiles, tears, splendid
fetes, and sombre scenes ; contrasts to describe which
would require the powers of a Shakespeare, and
lessons which would have been worthy of the elo-
quence of a Bossuet.
The two principal heroines of this period are the
Duchess of Angouleme and the Duchess of Berry.
We shall try to group around these two princesses
the persons who play a part — either with the Bour-
bons in exile, or the Bourbons on the throne. One
cannot well understand the Restoration unless he
identifies himself for a moment with the ideas, ha-
treds, and prejudices that existed at the time. One
needs to ask himself: "What should I have thought
if my relatives had been guillotined; if I had fought
in the ranks of the Vende*an army or that of Conde* ;
if the education I received at my mother's knee, and
THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULV.MK
the religious and political principles imbibed in
infancy, if ray interests, my passions, and those of
my family and friends, and my entire surroundings
had inspired me with a horror of the French Revo-
lution and the Empire which was its continuation?"
To the £migr£s the conqueror at Austerlitz was but
a crowned Jacobin — a Robespierre on horseback. It
was he who had prevented repentant France from cast-
ing herself into the arms of her rightful sovereign.
It was he, the friend of Barras, who had prevented
the Convention from going down under the weight
of public contempt and indignation. It was he who,
on the 13th Vende"miaire, had trained his guns upon
the honest people of Paris from the steps of Saint
Roch; who had fought beside former Septembrists
and the gendarmes of Fouquier-Tinville. It was he
who had sent Auger eau, the author of the hateful
coup d'etat of the 18th Fructidor to the Directory.
To him were due those transportations to Cayenne
in iron cages, those horrible proscriptions, described
as dull guillotines, which were worse than death
itself. It was he who had assassinated the Duke
d'Enghien. It was he who, through his insensate
ambition, had roused all Europe and left France far
smaller than when he became its master. It was he
who had brought upon the country the indignity of
invasion, which it had not known for ages.
On the contrary, in the belief of legitimists, roy-
alty was a paternal, tutelary, civilizing, and repar-
ative government. In 1792, they said perfect free-
INTRODUCTION
dom had been granted by Louis XVI., and all that
had been done since the time of the martyr-king
had been not merely useless, but disastrous. If one
wants to know what the legitimists thought in 1814
of the Emperor and the Empire, let him re-read
Chateaubriand's famous brochure, Buonaparte and
the Bourbons. If persons who had received favors
from Napoleon could express themselves about him
as Madame de Re*musat has done, what must those
have thought and said who, like certain of the
emigres, had always been his implacable enemies?
What, in respect to him, must have been the ideas
of the orphan of the Temple, the daughter of Louis
XVI. and Marie Antoinette, the Duchess of Angou-
leme? We take sides with no regime and are
equally averse to the White and the Red Terror;
our aim is absolute impartiality; but we try to repro-
duce faithfully the circumstances which surrounded
the heroines whose lives and character we wish to
retrace.
The Duchess of Angouleme and the Duchess of
Berry are two types which offer a singular contrast.
The first is always austere ; the other, often frivolous.
But each had generous aspirations and patriotic
sentiments. The heroism of the one is grave and
religious; that of the other has something pagan
about it : the first is like a saint ; the second like an
amazon ; but as regards presence of mind and perfect
coolness they are equally worthy of their ancestor,
Henry IV. The two princesses represent legitimist
8 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
France, — one on its grandiose and the other on its
gracious side. As a living symbol, the first personi-
fies the sorrows and catastrophes of royalty: at the
courts of Louis XVIII. and Charles X., the other
means youth and the future, radiance and the dawn.
A perfectly consistent character, free from incon-
sequence and contradictions, as well as from the
levity and fickleness of her sex, possessing a just
mind, an intrepid heart, and a soul without fear and
without reproach; guiltless of a single bad action or
wicked thought; counting among her seventy-two
years, three of semi-captivity in the Tuileries, three
years and four months of captivity and unutterable
anguish in the Temple, and more than forty spent
in exile, the daughter of Louis XVI. is assuredly
one of the most majestic and pathetic figures in all
history. As Chateaubriand has said: "A weak and
suffering woman has often borne as heavy a load as
the strongest one. There is no heart that is not
moved when it remembers her. Her sufferings
reached such a height that they have become one of
the grandeurs of France." The just man of whom
Horace speaks has no more energy and moral force
than this woman. One might say of her: Impavi-
dam ferient ruince.
The orphan of the Temple pardons, but she does
not forget. The tortures that crucified her youth
have cast a black veil over her whole life. The
Tuileries appears to her only as a fatal spot which
recalls the mournful days between the 20th of June
INTRODUCTION
and the 10th of August. During the entire Restora-
tion she refuses to pass Place Louis XV., the square
of crime, on which were erected the scaffolds of her
father, her mother, and her aunt, the incomparable
Madame Elisabeth. In her manners and turn of
mind the Duchess of Angouleme resembles Louis
XVI. rather than Marie Antoinette. Her character,
like that of her father, is a mixture of goodness and
rusticity. She has not her mother's elegant instincts
and feminine charm. The society of the Little
Trianon would have distressed her beyond measure.
She thinks that the crown should not be an ornament,
but a burden. She cares nothing for theatres, orna-
ments, and fetes. Her voice is somewhat harsh.
Piety is the foundation of her soul. Nothing equals
her faith unless it be her courage. Her feelings are
deep, but not sentimental. The romantic side of
suffering offends her. Annoyed by hearing herself
called the modern Antigone, she mistrusts what
might be called literary tears and emotions made to
order. Taught in the school of misfortune and
versed in all the palinodes of courtiers by hard expe-
rience, she dislikes to make a spectacle of her griefs.
She hides them in the depths of her heart as in an
impenetrable sanctuary, and confides her regrets and
troubles to God alone. She thinks that a grief like
hers needs neither comment nor publication. Noth-
ing is affected in the Duchess of Angouleme, nothing
theatrical, nothing factitious. All is sincere, all is
austere, and all is true. This is what gives that
10 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOUL&ME
grandiose figure, more worthy than attractive, more
rude than gracious, a something truly noble and
imposing.
The Duchess of Berry presents herself under a
different aspect. By her romantic disposition and
taste for the arts, she recalls the heroines of the
court of the later Valois. She is a woman of the
Renaissance rather than of the nineteenth century.
A worthy descendant of the Be"arnais, she has his
good-humor and his valor, his gaiety and grace.
Amiable, good, and charitable, unaffected and not
conceited, unprejudiced and not spiteful, fond of
room and liberty and sunlight, half Neapolitan, half
French, she patronizes men of letters, painters, and
musicians. She prevents the Tuileries from resem-
bling a barracks or a prison. The court is brightened
by her smile. Louvel's poniard interrupts her
career of joy and pleasure. On the dismal night of
February 13, 1820, she is sublime in her sorrow
and despair. This widow of twenty-one years
excites universal sympathy. She is flattered and
exalted to the skies when, in the course of the same
year, she gives birth to the son whom courtiers call
the child of Europe, the child of miracle.
The catastrophe of 1830 comes. The Duchess
of Berry is not disheartened. In spite of Charles
X. and the Duke and Duchess of Angouleme, she
plunges without hesitation into the most daring
adventures. A reader of Walter Scott, one would
say she wanted to add a chapter to the Jacobite
INTRODUCTION 11
exploits of Diana Vernon, Alice Lee, and Flora
Maclvor. She is reproached with having put faith
too readily in the promises of her partisans; but
how many oaths had been taken to her and her son !
Is an imaginative, an emotional woman inexcusable
for thinking she is still in the age of knights and
troubadours ? The legend of the Duchess of Angou-
leme is the Temple, and that of the Duchess of
Berry is La Vendee. The daughter of Louis XVI.
all alone, sweeping her own room, mending her only
gown, escaping as by miracle from a band of jailers
and tormentors; and the mother of the Count of
Chambord, disguising herself as a servant, walking
barefoot through a crowd of spies and gendarmes,
crouching for sixteen consecutive hours without
eating and almost without breathing in the nar-
row hiding-place of the house of the Demoiselles
Duguigny, at Nantes, both affect the heart with
tenderness and pity.
To the end of their lives the Duchess of Angou-
leme and the Duchess of Berry retained their char-
acteristics and ways of doing things. In her latest
exiles, the daughter of Louis XVI. was what she
had been in the Temple and the Tuileries, an august
princess, a noble Christian, a saint. The mother of
the Count of Chambord never ceased for an instant,
either before or after her misfortunes, to be a lovable
and attractive woman. Catastrophes under whose
weight so many other princesses might have suc-
cumbed, could not break the springs of her spirit.
12
Like Homer's Andromache, she smiled even amid
her tears. When, toward the end of her career, so
fertile in vicissitudes of every kind, one saw her
entertain with such affability and grace, or was
present at the banquets, balls, concerts, and private
theatricals she gave at her palace in Venice, her wit,
her good humor, and gaiety caused surprise. Nobody
could imagine himself in the presence of a woman
who had gone through so many trials, exiles, and
revolutions — of a wife whose husband had been
assassinated, and a mother whose son had been
deprived of his heritage. No princess in prosperity,
no sovereign on the throne, displayed more amenity,
more charm, or more enjoyment than this proscribed
woman.
Before beginning the study we are now approach-
ing, let us cast a rapid and comprehensive glance at
the career of the two women who are its principal
heroines.
II
The daughter of Louis XVI. was born at Ver-
sailles, December 19, 1778. Her birth nearly cost
her mother's life. "Poor little girl," said Marie
Antoinette, " you were not wished for, but you shall
not be less dear. A son would have belonged more
particularly to the State. You will be mine; you
shall have all my care, you shall share my happiness
and lighten my griefs." On the day when the
young Princess made her first communion, her father
INTRODUCTION 13
addressed her these words which she was never to
forget: "Remember, my daughter, that religion is
the source of happiness, and our support in the
troubles of life. Do not believe that you will be
sheltered from them. You are very young, but you
have already seen your father more than once
afflicted." Trials had come very early to the future
orphan of the Temple. In June, 1789, she lost her
brother, the first Dauphin, who died of consumption,
like the monarchy. During the terrible night of
October 5-6, she awoke, all in a tremble, at the
moment when her mother was escaping, half-dressed,
from her chamber, while the populace were rushing
into it and thrusting their bloody pikes into the
royal couch. In the morning she was at Marie
Antoinette's side when the Queen was forced to
make her appearance on the great balcony of the
chateau of Versailles, in obedience to the orders of an
infuriated multitude. "No children," shouted the
mob. No children, . . . as if the madmen dreaded
lest the sight of innocence might lessen their fury.
A few minutes later, the poor little Princess, in the
same carriage with her father and mother, that car-
riage preceded by pikemen carrying the heads of the
murdered body-guards, made the fatal journey from
Versailles to the Tuileries, vestibule of the prison
and the scaffold. She accompanied her parents at
the time of the flight to Varennes. She saw the
heroic Dampierre fall, crying as he died, "Long
live the King ! " After June 20, 1792, when the
14 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
populace had invaded the royal residence, a National
Guard said to the Queen, pointing to the young
Princess as he did so: "How old is Mademoiselle?"
Marie Antoinette replied : " She is at an age when
such scenes cause only too much horror." On
August 10, the poor child left the Tuileries, cling-
ing to her mother's hand; and in the narrow box of
the Logographe, only eight feet square by ten feet
high, for sixteen hours together, in suffocating heat,
lacking air and lacking food, she witnessed the
death-struggle of royalty. When she was confined
in the Temple she was not yet fourteen. She
entered it with her family, August 13, 1792. She
remained there until December 18, 1795. Deprived,
one after another, of her father, her brother, her
mother, and her aunt, she was at last left alone in
her prison. Subjected in a place of anguish and
torture to the rigors of solitary confinement, a pun- '
ishment not then inflicted on the greatest criminals,
she escaped the fate of the unfortunate Louis XVII.
only by a miracle of moral force and physical energy.
However, the hardships of her captivity were les-
sened at the close of 1795. Some friendly persons
were allowed to enter the dungeon of the Temple.
But the young Princess remained inconsolable. " It
would have been better for me to share the fate of
my relatives, " she said, "than to be condemned to
weep for them." She regretted that she too had not
ascended the scaffold. It was decided to exchange
her for the Conventionists whom Dumouriez had
INTRODUCTION 15
delivered up to Austria. But exile seemed to her
no sweeter than captivity. "I would prefer," she
said, "the smallest house in France to the honors
which everywhere else await a princess so unhappy
as I." Some one said to her just as she was cross-
ing the frontier: "Madame, France ends here."
Her eyes filled with tears. "I leave France with
regret," she exclaimed, "for I shall never cease to
regard it as my country."
She arrived in Vienna January 9, 1796. She had
just completed her seventeenth year. Her beauty,
sanctified by misfortune, possessed a touching charm
which inspired respectful admiration. She lived for
nearly three years and a half in the Austrian capital,
where she was not really free. She wanted to rejoin
her uncle, Louis XVIII. She wanted to marry her
cousin, the Duke of Angouleme, in accordance with
the last wishes of her father and mother, while the
court of Vienna proposed to give her to the Arch-
duke Charles. Their object was to detain her as a
sort of hostage, and use her marriage with an Aus-
trian prince as a means of promoting the dismember-
ment of France. She defeated all these combinations
by her presence of mind, firmness, and patriotism.
In May, 1799, she was finally permitted to rejoin
her uncle, Louis XVIII., at Mittau, in Courland,
and in the following month she was married there
to the Duke of Angouleme. A caprice of the Czar
Paul drove her and her uncle from this asylum
where she had found comparative repose, and which
16 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
she left in January, 1801. She crossed Lithuania
during a wintry storm, amidst a driving snow. It
was then that people began to call her the French
Antigone. "Nothing extorts a complaint from
her," wrote Count d'Avaray at this period. "She
is an angel of consolation to our master and a model
of courage to us all. Ah ! how well the daughter of
Louis XVI. and Marie Antoinette has profited by
the lessons and examples of her childhood!" This
was an eventful journey for the exiles : after Mittau,
Memel, Koenigsberg, and Warsaw; back to Mittau
again, and then, in England, Godsfield Hall and
Hartwell. In 1814, a gleam of light appeared in
this sombre destiny. On Annunciation Day, March
25, the Duchess of Angouleme, who was then at
Hartwell, learned that her husband had made a
triumphal entry into Bordeaux. On April 24, she
landed with Louis XVIII. at Calais. Her long
exile was at an end. She arrived at Paris with the
King on May 3, in an open carriage drawn by eight
white horses; the streets were strewn with flowers
and the houses hung with verdure. Indescribable
enthusiasm and universal emotion were shown as
she passed by. When she crossed the threshold of
the Tuileries, that fatal palace which she had never
seen since August 10, 1792, two hundred women
dressed in white and adorned with lilies, kneeled
before her, saying: "Daughter of Louis XVI., give
us your blessing!" Overcome by emotion, she
fainted away.
INTRODUCTION 17
This pathetic scene drew tears from every eye.
We are men before we are royalists, imperialists, or
republicans. Pity belongs to no party. Napoleon
used to say: "Imagination rules the world." It is
certain that the Duchess of Angouleme's presence
beside her uncle exerted a moral force and influence
of the greatest value to that Prince. The conqueror
of Austerlitz had shown France the majesty of glory.
That of misfortune made its appearance with the
daughter of Louis XVI. and Marie Antoinette. Of
all the persons belonging to the royal family, this
holy woman most impressed the crowd, because,
unlike Louis XVIII. and the Count of Artois, who
had been abroad during the death-struggle of mon-
archy, she had shared all the anguish of the martyred
King and Queen, at the Tuileries, Varennes, and in
the dungeon of the Temple.
The Duchess of Angouleme was already a legend-
ary figure. She was at Bordeaux when the first
Restoration came to grief; perhaps, had she been
with her uncle, she might have prevented Napoleon's
re-entry into Paris. At Bordeaux she made the
most energetic efforts to defend the royal cause, and
even the imperial troops admired her firmness and
her courage. Nevertheless, she was obliged to go
into a new exile, which lasted only three months.
On July 27, 1815, she returned to the Tuileries, but
this time with a feeling of profound sadness. March
20 had robbed her of many illusions. The recanta-
tions that went on during and after the Hundred
18 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
Days showed her human nature under a discourag-
ing aspect. A Frenchwoman, she was humiliated by
the foreign occupation; a royalist, she considered
the presence of a regicide in the councils of Louis
XVIII. as a disgrace to royalty.
February 13, 1820, she was at the bedside of the
Duke of Berry, who had been stabbed. "Courage,
brother," she said to him; "but if God calls you to
Himself, ask my father to pray for France and for
us." On the day after the birth of the Duke of
Bordeaux, which had been a great consolation to her
afflicted spirit, one of her household said to her:
"Your Royal Highness was very happy yesterday."
"Yes, very happy yesterday," she answered in a
melancholy tone, " but to-day I have been reflecting
on the destiny of this child." In 1823, her hus-
band's successes in the Spanish campaign gave her
pleasure, but in thinking of the deliverance of
Ferdinand VII., her mind reverted to the sad fate
of Louis XVI. One of her letters ends with the
touching exclamation: "It is proved, then, that an
unfortunate king may be rescued."
The Duchess of Angouleme had foreseen the revo-
lution of 1830. When Charles X. parted with M.
de Villdle, she had said : " It is true, then, that you
are allowing Ville'le to leave you. My father, to-day
you are taking the first step down from the throne."
She was travelling when the King signed the orders
which were the cause of his fall. She was unable to
rejoin him until after the three days of July. In
INTRODUCTION 19
1830 as in 1815, fate had removed the only woman
who might have saved the royal cause.
A new and final series of exiles then began for
the unfortunate Princess which was not to end with
her life, for she is exiled even in her grave. At
Lullworth, Holyrood, Prague, Kirchberg, and Goritz,
she remained what she had always been, a model of
resignation and dignity. Chateaubriand has said:
" The most precious moments of our life were those
which Madame the Dauphiness permitted us to
spend near her. Heaven had deposited a treasure
of magnanimity and religion in the depths of that
soul which even the prodigalities of misfortune
could not exhaust. For once, then, we met a soul
sufficiently lofty to permit us to express, without
fear of wounding it, what we think concerning the
future of society. One could talk about the fate
of empires to the Dauphiness, because she could,
without regret, see all the kingdoms of earth pass
away at the feet of her virtue, as many of them had
dwindled into nothingness at the feet of her race."
The Duchess of Angouleme lost her husband June
1, 1844. The Count of Chambord induced her to
remain with him. He was more attached to her
than to his own mother. As her husband, after the
abdication of Charles X. had found himself King for
a moment before abdicating himself, she was never
addressed except as Queen. Men of all parties held
her in profound esteem. Some time after the revo-
lution of February 24, 1848, she received a visit
20 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
from M. Charles Didier, a republican. "Madame,"
said the traveller, "you cannot possibly have failed
to see the finger of God in the downfall of Louis
Philippe." "It is in everything," she answered.
Her interlocutor was struck with the patriotic senti-
ments she displayed. "One might have supposed,"
he has written, "that after suffering so much in
France and at the hands of Frenchmen, she must
hold the country and its inhabitants in aversion;
but nothing of the kind. Strange phenomenon!
The more she has suffered in France and by France,
the more she is attached to it. She will permit no
one to assail it in her presence ; she never speaks of
it herself but with love and regret. Her last wish,
as she often says, is to be buried in France. Surely
a more ardent patriotism was never seen; such a
passion for one's native land recalls that of Foscari,
who adored Venice in the midst of the tortures that
Venice inflicted on him." The death of the daughter
of Louis XVI. was as saintly as her life had been.
She breathed her last sigh at Frohsdorff, October 18,
1851, aged seventy-two years and ten months. She
was buried at Goritz, in the Franciscan chapel, at
the side of Charles X. and the Duke of Angouleme.
This inscription was placed on her sepulchral stone :
" 0 vos omnes qui transitis per viam, attendite, et
videte si est dolor sieut dolor meus ! " — O, all ye that
pass by, attend and see whether any sorrow is like
unto my sorrow !
We have just summarized the career of the
INTRODUCTION 21
Duchess of AngoulSme. Let us briefly examine that
of the Duchess of Berry.
Ill
Marie Caroline Ferdinande Louise came into the
world at Naples, September 5, 1798. Her grand-
father was the King of the Two Sicilies, and her
grandmother, Marie Caroline, sister of Marie Antoi-
nette, Queen of France. Her father, the brother
of the Princess Marie Ame'lie, afterwards to be
Queen of the French, was Francois Xavier Joseph,
who was Prince Royal of Naples at the time of
her birth, and became King of the Two Sicilies
in 1825. Her mother was the Austrian Archduch-
ess Marie Clementine, daughter of the Emperor
Leopold II., and aunt to the Archduchess Marie
Louise, the future wife of the Emperor Napoleon.
The infancy of the Duchess of Berry was marked
by revolutions and catastrophes. At two years old
the little Princess had already crossed the sea
twice, flying with her family and returning with
them to Naples. In 1806, she departed again for
Palermo. Her grandfather was then reigning in
Sicily only. After the events of 1815, he regained
possession of his double sceptre. The destiny of
the Princess shone at this time with the most vivid
lustre. In 1816, she espoused the Duke of Berry,
second son of Monsieur, who was to reign under the
title of Charles X., and nephew of Louis XVI. and
22 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
Louis XVIII. The Bourbons of France and Naples
thrilled with joy.
On May 30, the young and charming Princess
made her triumphal entry into the harbor of Mar-
seilles in a gilded barque, manned by twenty-four
rowers dressed in white satin, with blue and gold
scarfs, sitting upon a crimson velvet dais. The
same woman will be tracked like a wild beast six-
teen years later, and will make her escape in the
disguise of a servant. The boat advances through
a forest of other vessels covered with verdure. All
the windows are adorned with women, flags, and
garlands. Cannons roar, bells peal, the whole city
rings with acclamations. Marseilles rivals Italy in
enthusiasm and sunshine. The Duchess, whose
progress across France has been a series of ovations,
arrives at the picturesque and poetic forest of Fon-
tainebleau on June 15. There she finds the royal
family at the crossroads of La Croix and Saint
He"rem. It is a day of enchantments and illusions.
The next day, Corpus Christi, the impatiently
expected Princess makes her solemn entry into
Paris. She passes through streets strewn with
flowers, where she sees temporary altars, triumphal
arches, and memorials both religious and monarchi-
cal. The prefect of the Seine addresses her in these
words, to which the future will give an ironical
contradiction: "August Princess, issue of the same
blood as our own Princes, tried like them by afflic-
tion, triumphant like them over the vicissitudes
INTRODUCTION 23
which have desolated the world, new pledge of their
lawful rights and of a return to principle, behold
the intoxicating joy of a whole people whose desires
and hopes invoke a succession of princes, doubly
issuing through you from an adored race. Increase
the happiness of an august family whom we long to
see flourish, even at the expense of our lives. These
walls were the cradle of your noble ancestors. May
they offer you nothing but pleasure and happiness,
as they will never cease to present the image of love
and devotion to their sovereigns ! "
The marriage is celebrated at Notre Dame, June
17. Perhaps the ancient metropolitan church has
never been so resplendent. Paris is enchanted with
the Princess. The Princess is enchanted with Paris.
She and her husband install themselves at the
Elyse'e, a more agreeable, commodious, and gayer
abode than the Tuileries. There she leads a happy
life and looks confidently toward the future. She
does not meddle with politics, but dances, amuses
herself, visits the studios, the theatres, and the
court, troubles herself very little about etiquette,
and seems more like a private person than a prin-
cess. But gloomy presentiments very soon trouble
her youthful, almost infantine, gaiety. July 13,
1817, she is delivered of a daughter who dies the
next day; September 13, 1818, of a son prematurely
born, who lives but two hours. This date of the
13th is to reappear in her destiny.
Paris is at the height of the carnival on February
24 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
13, 1820. It is the last Sunday before Lent. For
several days balls and spectacles have succeeded each
other with extraordinary animation. The Duke and
Duchess of Berry go to the Opera. They receive a
most cordial welcome. The representation is very
brilliant, but the Duchess, slightly fatigued in con-
sequence of a ball she had attended the previous
evening, leaves before it is over. The Duke goes
with her to her carriage, but just as he is about to
re-enter the hall, he is stabbed with a poniard. The
Duchess hears her husband's agonizing cry. Her
carriage is still before the door. She hastily descends
from it, at the moment when the Duke, drawing the
weapon from his wound, gives it to M. de Me*snard,
exclaiming: "I am a dead man. A priest! . . .
Come, my wife, let me die in your arms ! " The
Princess is covered with her husband's blood. She
is at first taken to the small salon belonging to her
box. The crime has been so quickly done that the
news of it has not yet reached the body of the theatre.
The second act of a ballet is going on. Through a
pane of glass which looked into the box from the
salon, the dances could still be seen. Joyous music
was sounding while the victim lay dying. The
King does not arrive until five o'clock in the morn-
ing. "Pardon the man who stabbed me!" says the
Duke to him. " Holy Virgin, intercede for me. . . .
O my country ! . . . Unhappy France ! " An hour
later he renders his last sigh. He was born Janu-
ary 24, 1778.
INTRODUCTION 25
Pregnant with an infant who will be the Duke of
Bordeaux, the widow of twenty-one years in her long
mourning veil excites universal sympathy and pity.
Persuaded that it is her mission to give France a
king, and religious after the Italian fashion, she
believes herself especially protected by Saint Louis.
She has seen in a dream this ancestor of whom the
Bourbon family is so proud, and he has promised her
a son.
The Child of Europe, the Child of Miracle, as
the newly born was called, came into the world at
the palace of the Tuileries, September 29, 1820.
Royalist France experienced a delirium of joy. All
the poets, with Victor Hugo and Lamartine at their
head, composed enthusiastic odes that resemble
hymns of thanksgiving. On all sides the Duchess
of Berry is treated as a heroine, as a providential
being who holds a rank midway between a woman
and an angel. The chivalrous and sentimental
rhetoric of the period passes all bounds in its hyper-
boles of praise. During the last ten years of the
Restoration, the popularity of the Princess is im-
mense. People say that a more amiable woman was
never seen. Her daughter and her son, two inter-
esting and beautiful children, form her double
coronet. The Orleans family show her a respectful
tenderness. She is the movement, life, and anima-
tion of the court. Thanks to her, the Marsan Pavil-
ion at the Tuileries becomes an enchanting residence.
The little court, as her narrow circle of personal
26 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
adherents is called, is the most agreeable and brill-
iant of social centres. She sets the fashion. She
protects commerce and the arts. She saves the
Gymnase theatre by permitting it to be called the
theatre of Madame. She rides in the first omnibus
that comes along. She makes the coast of Dieppe a
fashionable resort. She is a beneficent fairy whose
wand of gold and diamonds brings good fortune to
all whom it touches. This Princess who seems as
if she were made to preside at tournaments and to
inspire the chroniclers of the Renaissance, and yet
who is modern by the eclecticism of her ideas, her
scorn of etiquette, her kindly familiarity, her bour-
geois gaiety, and her simple tastes and habits, smiles
equally on imperial and royalist celebrities. If
any woman could disarm the hatreds and rancors of
the most implacable enemies of the monarchy, it
would be she.
In 1828, the fascinating Duchess makes a tri-
umphal journey in Vende'e. The defenders of throne
and altar greet her with acclamations. Old relics of
Catholic and royal armies, standards riddled with
balls and worn by battles, cemeteries where the
white flag drapes the tombs of those who died for
the King in the battle of giants, as Napoleon called
that formidable struggle whose Be're'sina was the
passage of the Loire, bells ringing in every parish,
frenzied cries of joy, incessantly renewed ovations,
all excite the imagination of the Princess, who
passes through the region on horseback. The peas-
INTRODUCTION 27
ants, seeing how fearlessly she manages her horse in
the midst of the discharges of musketry which salute
her as she passes, cry : " Ah ! the brave little woman !
that one isn't afraid ! " She considers every peasant
a knight-errant, who, if need were, would shed the
last drop of his blood for her, and she promises the
Vende'ans that if fortune ever should forsake her,
she will come back to seek an asylum and confide to
them the royal cause. Her journey in 1828 will be
the germ of her expedition in 1832.
The Duchess of Berry is valor itself. When she
sees Charles X., whom old age had rendered dull
and heavy, yield so readily to the revolution, she
becomes irritated and indignant. On July 29, 1830,
she is in the upper story of the palace of Saint Cloud,
looking through a spyglass toward Paris, whose
monuments define themselves in the distance against
a cloudless sky. All at once, she no longer sees the
white flag on the roof of the Tuileries. Another
standard has replaced it. "Ah! my God!" she
cries, " I perceive the tricolored flag ! " At Saint
Cloud, as at Rambouillet, she entreats Charles X. to
let her start for Paris with her son. The old King
obstinately refuses. "Very well," says she, "I will
not take Henri; I will go alone." All her entreaties
are in vain. The}r keep her back by force. The
cause of the elder branch of the Bourbons is forever
lost!
On arriving in Scotland, the Duchess is unable to
endure exile beneath that misty and gloomy sky.
28 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
The castle of Holyrood, the melancholy abode of the
Stuarts, inspires her with profound repugnance.
Moreover, she is unwilling that the Bourbons of the
elder branch should end like the descendants of
Charles I. and James II. Prudent counsels seem to
her marks of weakness and cowardice. She quits
the society gathered around Charles X., because it
is out of harmony with her ardent soul, and goes
to prepare, under the brilliant skies of Italy, a
kind of romantic imitation of the return from Elba.
The most sensible of the legitimists vainly seek to
dissuade her from her enterprise. She listens only
to lovers of adventure, to hot heads, to officers who
have resigned from the royal guard and who fret at
their enforced inaction, to penniless nobles. They
tell her that the monarchy of July is dying in its
cradle, and that the mother of Henri V. would have
but to touch the soil of France to be able to say, like
Caesar: Veni, vidi, vici. She believes it. The
mirage of the emigration has deceived her. She
naively imagines that she is going to be the greatest
heroine of modern times; that she will surpass the
glories of Jeanne d' Arc and Jeanne Hachette; that
she will be able to reconquer the most beautiful crown
in the universe for her son, and thus justify all the
adulations of which she had been the object in her
prosperous days. Joyous and full of confidence, she
sets out on her adventurous expedition as if it were
a hunting-party, and impatiently awaits the danger
which has charms for a nature so nervous and
desirous of emotions.
INTRODUCTION 29
April 26, 1832, at three o'clock in the morning,
she embarks near Massa on the Carlo Alberto, a ship
which she has chartered. In the night of April
28-29, she arrives in the straits of Planier, in Pro-
vence. But what a difference since the day, sixteen
years before, when she entered the harbor of Mar-
seilles in such majestic pomp! But this contrast
only stimulates her. She finds nothing discourag-
ing. The rising prepared by the Marseilles voyagers
is a failure. She is entreated to leave France; she
refuses, and by night and on foot, walking silently
under a moonless and starless sky, she starts for
Vendee, where she intends to fight. All her pro-
jects come to nought. Instead of a general armed
rising, there are only partial movements which the
troops of King Louis Philippe easily repress. A
fugitive, hunted by the police, obliged to disguise
herself as a peasant and soil her hands with dust
lest their whiteness should betray her, she enters
Nantes on a market day, June 9, 1832, with only
one companion, Mademoiselle Eulalie de Kersabiec,
disguised like herself, and takes refuge in the house
of the Demoiselles Duguigny, rue Haute-du-Chateau.
She will live there five months, in a garret on the
third story, using a folding-chair by way of a bed,
never stirring out of doors, and fearing to be dis-
covered at every minute.
At six in the evening of November 7, 1832, as the
Princess is looking at an unclouded sky through the
dormer window of her garret, she hears the noise of
80 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
many footsteps. They are those of troops coming
to surround the house. It happens to have, and it
was on that account the Duchess had chosen it as a
refuge, a secret hiding-place, an old relic of the
Terror of 1793, which during the judicial drownings
at Nantes had more than once offered an asylum to
fugitive or proscribed persons. It is contrived in
one of the garrets of the third story. The wall of a
chimney built in one of the corners of the garret
closes it in front, and at the back is the exterior wall
of the house, on which rest the rafters that form the
upper part of the hiding-place. The back of the chim-
ney, which may be opened at will, gives access to it.
This retreat is about eighteen inches wide at one of
its extremities, and from eight to ten at the other,
and from three to three and a half feet long. The
height goes on decreasing toward its narrowest
extremity, so that a man could hardly stand erect at
that part even by putting his head between the
rafters. It is here that the Duchess crouches down
with three other persons, — Count de Mesnard, M.
Guibourg, and Mademoiselle Stylite de Kersabiec.
She has but just entered it when the garret is invaded
by soldiers and police commissioners. The whole house
is searched. Sappers and masons sound the walls
and floors with great blows of hatchets and hammers.
They strike so hard that pieces of plaster loosen and
fall on the Duchess in the hiding-place, where she
listens to the oaths of the men, who are tired and
furious over their futile search. " We are going to
INTRODUCTION 31
be torn to pieces," she says in a whisper to her com-
panions in this close captivity; "all is over. Ah!
my poor children ! And yet it is on my account that
you are in this frightful position." The search re-
laxes. It is believed that the Duchess has escaped.
Even she hopes she will be saved. But an unex-
pected incident ruins all. The weather is cold.
The gendarmes who remain in the garret kindle a
large fire in the chimney which forms part of the
hiding-place. Presently the wall becomes too hot
to be touched by the hand. The back is reddened
by the flames. The prisoners are threatened with
suffocation or burning alive.
Already the gown of the Duchess has taken fire
twice. She has extinguished it with her hands,
without complaining of the burns, whose scars she
bears for a long time. It catches fire again. She puts
it out. But the back of the chimney creaks. "Who
is there?" says a gendarme. Mademoiselle Stylite
de Kersabiec responds: "We surrender; we are
going to open the back of the chimney; put out the
fire." It is half -past nine in the morning. The
prisoners have been without food and almost with-
out air, and suffering unspeakable agonies for sixteen
hours. A few seconds longer, and they would have
died. The gendarmes kick the faggots aside, and the
Duchess comes out first, touching perforce the still
scorching hearth.
Behold this elegant, admired, and adulated Prin-
cess, this enchantress who has passed under so many
32 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
triumphal arches and been so often buried under an
avalanche of flowers, this graceful magician, this
good fairy who has presided at such magnificent
and brilliant f£tes at the Elyse'e and the Tuileries,
at Compiegne and Fontainebleau ; behold the heir-
ess of Saint Louis, Henri IV., and Louis XIV.,
the Regent of France, stepping from her hiding-
place on still burning cinders, her dress in rags,
her hands and feet all blistered; behold her a pris-
oner, delivered up, sold for a little gold by the
most infamous of traitors, by a man whom she had
loaded with benefits, by Deutz, that new Judas, to
whom Victor Hugo has addressed this avenging apos-
trophe : —
" O wretch ! did nothing in thy soul then say
That to be banned is reverend for aye ;
That breasts at which we once have nourished been
We may not smite : the valet of a queen
May sell her not to other wretch at will :
That, queen no more, she is a woman still ! "
The thing is done ; the bargain concluded by M.
Thiers with this traitor is consummated. The Duch-
ess loses neither her self-possession nor her dignity
in this fatal moment. Sixteen hours of torture have
not been able to exhaust her courage. She sends
for General Damoncourt. He enters: "General,"
she says calmly, " I have done what a mother could
to reconquer the inheritance of her son." He offers
his arm to conduct her to the chateau of Nantes,
where she is to be incarcerated. "Ah! general,"
INTRODUCTION
she exclaims, giving a final glance at the back of the
fatal chimney before quitting the house, " if you had
not made war on me in the Saint Lawrence style,
which was rather ungenerous in a soldier, by the
way, you wouldn't have me under your arm at this
moment."
From the chateau of Nantes the prisoner is taken
to the citadel of Blaye. The story of her touching
captivity there will be narrated by one of her physi-
cians, the witty Doctor Me"nie*re. Nothing gives a
better idea of the Duchess than the journal kept by
this physician, a sagacious observer, but benevolent
and at times even affected by his illustrious and
always amiable patient. Among her jailers, if such
a name may ever be applied to heroes, there were a
general and a young officer, both of whom afterwards
became marshals of France. One of them was to be
the victor of Isly, and the other of the Alma. Each
of them has. given an account in his letters of the
captivity of the Duchess and her psychological con-
dition, with its alternations of anger and gaiety, of
groans and smiles. Her situation becomes more
complicated through an incident which no one had
foreseen and in which her enemies find their account.
The government learns that she is pregnant, and
decrees that the child shall be born in the citadel of
Blaye. At Paris, the ministers of Louis Philippe
have decided that the accouchement shall be verified
by their functionaries. They fancy it will be a
triumph for the monarchy of July.
34 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
The Duchess of Berry is in despair. But how is
she to deny the evidence ? She is obliged to submit.
Then she owns that she has contracted a secret mar-
riage with a Neapolitan diplomat, Count Lucchesi
Palli, and on May 10, 1833, she is delivered of a
daughter in the citadel of Blaye. She leaves her
prison, at last, on June 8, and embarks for Sicily.
After so many sufferings she is free. But Charles
X. has a grudge against her. It is not easy to bring
about a reconciliation between her and the old mon-
arch. Chateaubriand undertakes this delicate nego-
tiation: "Yes," he writes, "I will depart on the last
and most glorious of my embassies ; I will go, on the
part of the prisoner of Blaye, to find the prisoner of
the Temple; I will go to negotiate a new family
compact, to bear the embraces of a captive mother to
her exiled children, and to present the letters by
which courage and misfortune have accredited me to
innocence and virtue."
Poor mother ! Even her own family were not very
grateful for all she had endured on behalf of her
son's cause. Princesses are certainly unfortunate
in the France of the nineteenth century. If they do
not resist revolutions, they are accused of weakness ;
if they struggle, their resistance is accounted folly.
Charles X., .who had been so timid in 1830, regarded
the energy of a woman as an indirect criticism of his
own conduct, and the austere Duchess of Angoul^me,
who understood the Vende'an expedition, and admired
the courage of the heroine, could not comprehend
INTRODUCTION 35
the feminine weakness of which so cruel an advan-
tage had been taken by the ministers of Louis
Philippe. However, the little court of the exiled
monarch adopted a milder view. The reconciliation
took place, but it was more official than actual.
The political career of the Duchess of Berry was
ended. She no longer saw her son except at long
intervals, a few days in a year, while the Prince
never quitted, we might say, the Duchess of Angou-
leme, who was like a second mother to him, more
influential and more regarded than the real one.
The Duchess of Berry passed in comparative tran-
quillity the last years of a life whose beginnings and
whose prime had been so stormy. She lived very
happily with Count Lucchesi Palli, by whom she
had several children, and who regarded her with all
the deferential esteem of a prince-consort. But in
Styria, where she owned the chateau of Brunse'e,
near Gratz; and in Venice, where in 1843 she
bought the fine Vendramini palace, on the Grand
Canal, she received with extreme affability, and the
elegance of her entertainments recalled the epoch
when she inhabited the Elyse*e and the Pavilion of
Marsan. In 1847, she gave private theatricals at
Venice, and among the actors and spectators were
twenty-seven persons belonging to imperial or royal
families. Generous beyond her means, she expended
a great deal, but her son paid the debts she had con-
tracted through excessive charity. In her place, a
woman of severe character would have lived in per-
36 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
petual mourning; a vindictive woman would have
conceived a horror of human nature. The Duchess
of Berry, on the contrary, after so many catastrophes,
sorrows, and deceptions, lost not one of those gra-
cious and attractive qualities which had caused her
success in France. She continued to love literature
and the arts, society and the world. Up to the very
end she preserved that benevolence, indulgence, and
amenity which characterize veritable great ladies.
A princess from head to foot, she always played her
part with exquisite distinction, as well in exile as on
the steps of the throne. She had found out that
grievances are not well-bred. A complaint against
destiny seemed unworthy of a race so noble as hers.
In the latter years of her life, nevertheless, she
was subjected to trials no less painful than those of
her youth. March 26, 1854, the Duke of Parma,
the husband of the Princess Louise, her daughter by
the Duke of Berry, was mortally wounded by the
stiletto of an assassin. Louvel's crime was thus
repeated after an interval of thirty-four years. The
husband and the son-in-law of the Duchess of Berry-
passed through the same majestic and pious death-
agony. After having blessed his four children, —
Prince Robert, Princess Marguerite, Princess Alixe,
and Count de Bardi, — the Duke of Parma expressed
the same sentiments as Louvel's victim. A few days
after the tragic death of his brother-in-law, the
Count of Chambord wrote : " He who has just been
so cruelly stricken had no words but those of for-
INTRODUCTION 37
giveness for his murderer, and never ceased until
his last sigh to show admirable faith, piety, courage,
and Christian resignation. This is our only consola-
tion under an affliction as frightful as it was unfore-
seen." In 1864, two new misfortunes came to rend
the heart of the Duchess of Berry. February 1,
she lost her good and charming daughter, the Prin-
cess Louise of France, Duchess of Parma, who died
at the age of forty-four; and exactly two months
later, on April 1, her husband, Count Hector Luc-
chesi Palli, Duke Delia Grazia. This double afflic-
tion reduced her to despair.
"I have been so tried," she wrote, "that my poor
head feels the effects of it. It made me nearly mad
to lose my good and saintly daughter ; but the kind
attentions of the Duke had calmed me somewhat
when God recalled him to himself. He died in my
arms like a saint, surrounded by his children, smiling
at me, and pointing to heaven. Yes, dear friend,
you are right in saying that our only consolation is
to raise our eyes to heaven, where those we love
await us. But for us, on earth, what sorrows ! "
As the woman who had known so many griefs and
endured so many trials advanced in life, her relig-
ious sentiments became more strongly marked. Mis-
fortune, that great master, had given her so many
lessons! She could make so many reflections on
human vicissitudes, this great-niece of Queen Marie
Antoinette, this widow of an assassinated prince,
this mother of a disinherited prince, this mother-in-
38 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
law of a poniarded son-in-law, this daughter-in-law
of Charles X., this cousin-german of the Empress
Marie Louise, this niece of Queen Marie Amelie!
She died suddenly at Brunse'e, April 16, 1870, of
apoplexy, the same death as that of her grandmother,
Marie Caroline, Queen of Naples. She was seventy-
one years old. If she had been living in 1873, no
doubt she would have given her son different coun-
sels from those he followed. But Providence had
decided that the mission of the elder branch of
Bourbons was finished in France.
On the whole, what interesting types the Duch-
ess of Angouleme and the Duchess of Berry are!
What personifications of one of the most instructive
and affecting epochs of history! What souvenirs,
dramas, and legends are suggested by the names of
these two women! The Duchess of Angouleme is
the Temple, the Terror, the Exile, the Restoration,
at first with its infatuations, and afterwards with
its bitterness, its deceptions, and its cataclysms.
The Duchess of Berry is hope speedily disappointed,
illusion quickly dispelled; the enchantment of a
society which was amiable and gracious in spite of
its weaknesses, errors, and infatuations; the spell
of an epoch when great faults were committed,
but which was able to unite the elegance of the
old regime to the guarantees of modern liberty,
to make both the court and the tribune brilliant,
to produce a marvellous .harvest of great achieve-
ments, and recommend itself to posterity by an
INTRODUCTION 39
incomparable group of men of talent and genius.
The Duchess of Angoulchne is the purity of tra-
dition, the majesty of the past, the legend of sanc-
tity and sorrow. The Duchess of Berry, a type
less venerable but more feminine, is the image of a
convulsed society, the transition between the past
and the future, the woman of contrasts, who some-
times appears all glittering in brocade and the crown
diamonds beneath the vaulted roof of Notre Dame,
and sometimes in a peasant's gown on the road to
Nantes, or vainly seeking refuge in the narrow
hiding-place of the mysterious house of the Demoi-
selles Duguigny. By turns she is the triumphant
betrothed, the flattered wife, the idolized mother, the
fugitive, the vanquished, the proscribed, who, after
anguish of all descriptions, falls into the snares of
treason and infamy. Around these two women, the
principal actors in this great historic drama, what
unlike figures group themselves : the executioners of
the Terror, the £migr£s, the soldiers of the royal
guard, the Vende'ans, the innumerable courtiers of
the Tuileries and the rare courtiers of the Exile,
who assist respectfully at the last days and the
obsequies of the old French monarchy !
There is another woman whom we shall have to
consider also, for she likewise is a woman of the
Tuileries, where she resided in her childhood, from
1820 to 1830. This is the Princess Louise of
France, who was born September 2, 1819, a year
before her brother, the Duke of Bordeaux. Old men
40 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
who lived in Paris at the time of the Restoration
recall the sympathy aroused by the pretty little
Princess when she was seen at the Tuileries, run-
ning along the terrace beside the water, holding her
brother by the hand, or walking beneath the trees
in the beautiful park of Saint Cloud. Her mother
idolized her. From the citadel of Blaye the prisoner
wrote to the author of the GSniS du Christianisme :
"I beg you to convey to my dear children the
expression of my affection for them. Tell Henri
especially that I count more than ever on his efforts
to become daily more worthy of the admiration and
love of the French people. Tell Louise how happy
I would be to embrace her, and that her letters are
my only consolation." After the revolution of 1830,
the young Princess never quitted her aunt, the
Duchess of Angouleme, until her marriage. Cha-
teaubriand, who in 1833 made a journey to Prague,
the asylum of the exiled Bourbons, wrote at that
time : " I saw the brother and sister, like two pretty
gazelles, straying amidst the ruins. Mademoiselle
resembles her father somewhat ; her hair is fair, and
her blue eyes have a fine expression. There is in
her entire person a blending of the child, the young
girl, and the princess. She looks at you, she lowers
her eyes, she smiles with native coquetry; one is at
a loss whether to tell her a fairy tale or to address
her respectfully as one would a queen."
On, November 10, 1845, a year before the marriage
of her brother, the Count of Chambord, the Princess
INTRODUCTION 41
Louise espoused the hereditary Prince of Lucca, a
scion like herself of the house of Bourbon, whose
father reigned in the duchy of Lucca while waiting
for the reversion of that of Parma, to which the
Empress Marie Louise had only a life title. The
widow of Napoleon died in 1847, and the Duke
Charles Louis, ceding the duchy of Lucca to Tus-
cany, became Duke of Parma. He was driven out
of his new dominions by an insurrection in 1849,
and abdicated in favor of his son, Charles III., hus-
band of the Princess Louise of France. The analo-
gies between the destinies of this Princess and her
mother are striking. Like the Duchess of Berry,
she mourned her husband, stabbed by an assassin;
like the Duchess of Berry, she energetically defended
the rights of her son. But while the Duchess of
Berry had been regent only in name, the Duchess of
Parma was so in fact from 1854 to 1860, in the name
of her son, the young Duke of Parma. She gov-
erned the country with rare intelligence. But
fatality pursued her race. The movement for unity
swept away the little throne of Parma. Duke
Robert had the same fate as his uncle the Count of
Chambord, and in 1860, in spite of his mother's
protests, his states were annexed to the new king-
dom of Italy.
The history we are beginning is a funeral oration,
but one which has its gay and luminous passages ; a
tragi-comedy wherein, as in human life, smiles blend
with tears, hope with discouragement, joy with sor-
42 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
row. We shall not draw our materials simply from
books, memoirs, manuscripts, newspapers, official
acts, and private letters. We shall seek informa-
tion, hitherto unpublished, from many persons hon-
ored by intimacy Avith the princesses of whom we
desire to paint true portraits, and not fancy sketches.
The great advantage of dealing with subjects near
our own time is that one may consult ocular wit-
nesses of most of the events which must be described,
and that the check exercised by these persons neces-
sitates an absolute respect for truth. Formerly,
writers hesitated to treat contemporary history.
To-day, they prefer it to that of distant ages. Every
time a man who has had a part to play dies, we say :
" What a misfortune not to have profited enough yet
by his souvenirs! " Is not history like a vast legal
inquiry, which demands that the greatest possible
number of witnesses shall be summoned ?
The eighteenth century is known at present, not
merely in its ensemble, but in its minute details.
It is the nineteenth that demands investigation. If
one brings to such studies that partisan spirit which
has the sorry privilege of spoiling all it touches, he
will accomplish nothing serious ; but if he remains
faithful to the motto: "Truth, nothing but the
truth, all the truth"; if he observes conscientiously;
if while compassionating sufferings and recounting
extenuating circumstances together with the faults
he chronicles, he bases his conclusions on the laws
of morality, justice, and honor, — he may fearlessly
INTRODUCTION 43
treat subjects which at first glance appear difficult.
Doubtless, what relates to the private history of
celebrated princesses needs particularly delicate
treatment. Their biographers ought never to forget
what is due to women ; above all, to unhappy women.
But to continue after their misfortunes the flattery
of which they were the victims in their days of
prosperity would not be to pay a real homage to
their memory. Respect does not exclude freedom,
and the historian ought never to transform himself
into a courtier.
FIRST PART
THE CAPTIVITY
THE TEMPLE TOWER
THE most ardent revolutionists and those most
wrought upon by hatred and regicidal passions
were not able to pass the tower of the Temple when
the Terror was at its height, without experiencing
certain qualms. The vast skeleton of stone dating
from the twelfth century and recalling the baleful
history of the Order of Templars, wore an aspect
more dismal and fantastic than ever. This dungeon,
which succeeded Versailles and the Tuileries, for the
descendants of Louis XIV. seemed a fatal spot —
where Louis XVI. had not been since the morning
of January 21, 1793, but where his Queen, Marie
Antoinette, her sister-in-law, Madame Elisabeth,
her daughter, Madame Royale (the future Duchess
of Angouleme), and his son, whom the royalists of
France and all Europe styled Louis XVII., but
whom his jailers called Capet, still remained. It
was known in a vague sort of way that the royal
45
46 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
family endured indescribable sufferings in this
accursed abode, and tears came into the eyes of
royalists as they gazed at its gigantic walls: more
than one republican sought in vain to escape a like
emotion. Persons who had seen the royal family
resplendent in gala carriages on days when they
made triumphal visits to the good city of Paris,
could not avoid reflections on the vicissitudes in
human affairs, and on catastrophes which no har-
binger of misfortune would have ventured to fore-
bode. They recalled May 24, 1785, the day when
the Queen, who had been delivered on the previous
March 27, of the child destined to be called Louis
XVII., had come to the Temple in a very different
fashion. On that day the brilliant goddess — for,
according to Pdre Duchesne himself, people then
regarded her as a divinity — made a ceremonious
entry into Paris for the purpose of being churched.
Her carriage, drawn by eight white horses, was
escorted by fifty body-guards. The cannons of the
Invalides thundered. She went to Notre Dame, then
to Sainte Genevie've, and afterwards to the Tuileries,
where she dined. In the evening she went to the
Temple to supper. The entertainment ended by
fireworks which the Count of Aranda set off, in the
Queen's presence, on the top of his house situated
on the Place Louis XV. What reflections are not
awakened by those words : the Temple and the Place
Louis XV. !
Marie Antoinette had always felt an instinctive
THE TEMPLE TOWER 47
repugnance for the sombre dungeon around which so
many gloomy memories lingered. She beheld it with
vague uneasiness, as if affected by a presentiment.
Nothing could be more dismal than this edifice,
this scene prepared beforehand for the most sinister
of historical dramas. It formed a quadrangular
dungeon one hundred and fifty feet in height,
not counting the roof, and its walls were nine feet
thick. It was flanked at each of its corners by a
round tower, and accompanied on its north side by
a small but solid mass of masonry, surmounted by
two much lower towers. This pile, which was called
the little tower, leaned against the large one, but
had no interior communication with it. A profound
melancholy overspread the tomb-like monument. It
bore neither inscription nor ornament, but, freezing
and accursed in appearance, it seemed like a spot
haunted by spectres.
The interior was, if possible, more gloomy still.
The large tower was built in four stories, vaulted,
and supported in the centre by a column rising from
the bottom to the top. The ground-floor, where the
municipal officers had their quarters, formed but one
large room. The same thing was true of the first
story, which was occupied by the body-guards. The
second story, where the King had dwelt, and which
was now the prison of his son, had been divided into
four rooms by partitions. The third, an exact repro-
duction of the second, was occupied by Marie
Antoinette, her daughter, Madame Royale, and her
48 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
sister-in-law, Madame Elisabeth. The ante-cham-
ber, just above that of the apartment of Louis XVI.,
was preceded like it by two doors, one of oak and
the other of iron. Its paper-hangings represented
cut stones, laid one upon another. From these one
passed into the Queen's chamber, hung with paper
covered with pale zones of green and blue, and dimly
lighted by a grated window, concealed by an awn-
ing. The floor was tiled in small squares. A clock
on the chimney-piece represented Fortune and her
wheel. Mere chance had provided this really sym-
bolic timepiece. Marie Antoinette and the young
Marie The'rdse (Madame Royale) occupied this cham-
ber in common, and adjoining it was the turret
which served as their dressing-room. The Queen's
bed stood just over the place where that of Louis
XVI. had been on the floor below, and her dress-
ing-room above the turret used as an oratory by
Louis XVI. The chamber was furnished with
Marie Antoinette's bed, her daughter's reversible
couch, a mahogany commode, a small sofa, a mir-
ror forty-five inches by thirty-six, and a wooden
screen with four leaves. At the left was Madame
Elisabeth's chamber, containing an iron bedstead, a
commode, a walnut table, a fireplace, a mirror forty-
five inches by thirty-two, two chairs, two armchairs
covered with chintz, and two candlesticks. The
fourth story, which comprised but one large room,
was not occupied, but served as a storage place for
disused furniture and boards. Between the battle-
THE TEMPLE TOWER 49
ments and the roof there was a gallery where the
prisoners sometimes walked. The spaces between
the battlements had been provided with solid win-
dow-blinds, so that it was impossible to see or to be
seen thence.
Marie Antoinette left the Temple for the Concier-
gerie at two in the morning. At that moment our
present recital begins. The narrator shall be the
heroine of this study, Marie The*rese of France,
Madame Royale, the future Duchess of Angouleme.
This young girl of fourteen kept a journal in her
captivity which she called "A Narrative of what
occurred at the Temple from August 13, 1792,
until the death of the Dauphin, Louis XVII."
Sainte-Beuve says of it: "She wrote it in a terse,
correct, and simple style, without a mannerism
or a superfluous word, as beseemed a profound heart
and an upright mind, speaking in all sincerity
of real griefs, of those truly ineffable griefs which
surpass words. In it she unaffectedly forgets her-
self as far as possible. All party spirit is disarmed
and expires in reading this narrative, and gives
place to profound pity and admiration. Gentleness,
piety, and modesty animate the pages of this injured
maiden."
Marie The'rese thus describes the terrible night of
August 2, 1793: "August 2, at two o'clock in the
morning, they came to wake us up in order to read
my mother the decree of the Convention, which
ordered that, upon the requisition of the Procureur
50 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
of the Commune, she should be conducted to the
Conciergerie for her trial. She listened to the read-
ing of this decree without being affected or saying a
single word. My aunt and I at once asked to follow
my mother, but this favor was not granted. While
she was packing up her clothes the municipal officers
did not quit her; she was even obliged to dress in
their presence. They demanded lier pockets, which
she gave them. They rummaged them and took all
they contained, although it was nothing of impor-
tance. They made a packet of the contents, which
they said they would send to the revolutionary
tribunal, where it would be opened before her.
They left her nothing but a handkerchief and a
smelling bottle, lest she should faint. My mother,
after tenderly embracing me and recommending me
to be courageous, to take good care of my aunt, and
to obey her like a second mother, renewed the
instructions my father had given me; then, throw-
ing herself into my aunt's arms, she intrusted her
children to her care. I made no answer, so greatly
frightened was I at the thought that I was seeing
her for the last time ; my aunt said a few words in a
very low tone. Then my mother went away with-
out looking at us, fearing, doubtless, that her cour-
age might abandon her. She stopped again at the
foot of the tower, because the municipal officers
made a proces verbal there, in order to relieve the
doorkeeper of responsibility for her person. In
going out she struck her head against the wicket,
THE TEMPLE TOWER 51
having forgotten to stoop: some one asked if she
had hurt herself. " Oh, no ! " she said ; " nothing can
hurt me now."
It was thus that Marie Antoinette left the fatal
dungeon where she had passed a twelvemonth of
tears and anguish. When she learned that she was
to be transferred thither, on August 13, 1792, she
had exclaimed: "I always begged the Count of
Artois to have that villanous tower of the Temple
torn down; it always horrified me."
II
MADAME ELISABETH
MARIE THERESE had now no companion in
captivity except Madame Elisabeth. "My
aunt and I," she has written in her journal, "were
inconsolable, and we spent many days and nights in
tears. It was a great consolation not to be separated
from my aunt, whom I loved so much ; but alas ! all
changed again, and I have lost her also." The
daughter and sister of Louis XVI. were to remain
together in the great tower of the Temple until May
9, 1794, when Madame Elisabeth departed to the
Conciergerie, the vestibule of the guillotine. Dur-
ing nine months the young woman was to exhort her
youthful niece and inspire her with the principles
destined to be the rule of her whole existence. The
Princess was the disciple of her aunt, who, if one
may say so, was more than a mother to her. Madame
Elisabeth! The mere name is like a symbol of
piety. There are few figures in history as sympa-
thetic and as sweet as hers; very few heads sur-
rounded with so pure and luminous a halo. Born
May 3, 1764, Madame Elisabeth was twenty-nine
years old when Marie Antoinette confided her
52
MADAME ELISABETH 53
daughter to her as she left the Temple for the Con-
ciergerie. The Queen knew by experience what
devotion, courage, and sanctity filled the heart of
her sister-in-law. Losing both father and mother
before her third year, Madame Elisabeth had poured
out upon her brothers, and especially upon the eldest,
who was afterwards to be styled Louis XVI., the
affection she would have felt for her parents. In
all the splendor of her youth and beauty, she had
refused the most brilliant marriages. "I could
marry no one," she said at the time, "but the son of
a king, and the son of a king must reign over the
dominions of his father; I would no longer be a
Frenchwoman, and I am not willing to cease being
so. I would rather stay here, at the foot of my
brother's throne, than ascend any other." She had
been unwilling to seek a shelter from danger by
following her brothers and her aunts into volun-
tary exile. " To go away," said she, " would be
both barbarous and stupid." Voluntarily associating
herself with all the agonies of the downfall of
royalty, she had been admirable for firmness, pres-
ence of mind, and coolness during the Varennes
journey. On August 20, 1792, when an immense
crowd invaded the palace of the Tuileries, she had
clung to her brother, declaring that nothing should
induce her to leave him. Some of the assassins,
mistaking her for Marie Antoinette, tried to thrust
her through. "Stop! It is Madame Elisabeth!"
cried several voices. "Why did you undeceive
54 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
them?" said the heroic Princess. "This mistake
might have saved the Queen." At the Temple she
was, as the Duchess of Tourzel has said, " the con-
solation of her august family, and notably of the
Queen, who, less pious than she when they entered
the Temple, had the happiness to imitate that angel
of virtue." Mgr. Darboy, whose end was as tragic
as that of Madame Elisabeth, has said: "From this
common captivity must be dated the intimate friend-
ship established between the Queen and Madame
Elisabeth; the piety of the one and the virile resig-
nation of the other formed a precious bond and
mutual encouragement. Madame Elisabeth became
a second mother to her nephew and niece, whom she
surrounded with the most delicate and devoted cares.
The unfortunate Louis XVI. likewise frequently
recommended them to consider her as such, and
when, on the day before his death, he parted from
them for the last time, he placed them, and the
Queen also, once more under the protection of his
sister, the angel-guardian of the dismal prison."
Every morning in the Temple, Madame Elisabeth
recited this prayer which she had composed there :
"What will happen to me to-day, O my God? I
know not; all that I know is that nothing will
happen which Thou hast not foreseen, regulated,
willed, and ordained from all eternity. That suf-
fices me. I adore Thy eternal and impenetrable
designs; I submit to them with all my heart for
love of Thee. I will all, I accept all, I make a sac-
MADAME ELISABETH 55
rifice to Thee of all, and I unite this sacrifice to that
of my Divine Saviour. I ask Thee in His name and
by His infinite merits for patience in my afflictions
and the perfect submission that is due to Thee for
all Thou wiliest or permittest. " God must have
granted this prayer. Madame Elisabeth was to carry
resignation, patience, and forgiveness of injuries to
a truly sublime perfection. Let us return now to
the journal of her niece, who learned in her school
to become a saint likewise.
"On the day after my mother's departure," writes
Marie The'rese, " my aunt earnestly entreated, in her
own name as well as mine, to be allowed to rejoin
her; but she could not obtain this, nor even learn
any news of her. As my mother, who had never
drunk anything but water, could not endure that of
the Seine, because it made her ill, we begged the
municipal officers to permit that of Ville-d'Avray,
which was brought daily to the Temple, to be sent
her. They consented, and took measures accord-
ingly; but another of their colleagues arrived who
opposed it. A few days afterward, in order to
hear from us, she sent to ask for several things that
were of use to her, and among others some knit-
ting, because she had undertaken to make a pair
of stockings for my brother ; we sent her all the silk
and wool we could find, for we knew how well she
loved to be employed; she had always been accus-
tomed to work incessantly except at the hours when
she had to appear in public. Thus she had made an
56 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
enormous quantity of furniture covers, and even a
carpet, besides an infinity of coarse woollen knitted
things of all descriptions. We collected then, all
we could; but we learned afterwards that nothing
was sent, because they said they were afraid she
would do herself harm with the needles."
Marie The're'se was not less anxious about her
brother's fate than about that of her mother. The
child lived just underneath her, on the second floor
of the great Temple tower, and yet all tidings of
him were denied her. But the persecutor of the
innocent victim, Simon the cobbler, raised his voice
so high that his oaths and blasphemies could be
heard on the third story. What crowned the afflic-
tion of the pious Princess was that they sought to
corrupt the child as well as to persecute him. " We
heard him singing the Carmagnole, the Marseillaise,
and a thousand other horrible things with Simon
every day," writes Marie Th&r&se. "Simon put a
red cap on his head and a revolutionary jacket on
his body ; he made him sing at the windows so as to
be heard by the guards, and taught him to utter
frightful curses against God, his family, and the
aristocrats. Happily, my mother did not hear all
these horrors. What pain they would have caused
her! Before her departure they had sent for my
brother's clothes; she had said she hoped that he
would not leave off wearing mourning; but the
first thing Simon did was to take off his black
suit. The change in his food, and ill treatment,
MADAME ELISABETH 57
made my brother ill toward the end of August.
Simon fed him horribly, and forced him to drink a
great deal of wine, which he detested. All this
soon brought on a fever; he took medicine which
disagreed with him, and his health was completely
ruined."
The young Princess was also suffering about this
time. "In the beginning of September," she says,
" I had an indisposition which had no other cause than
my anxiety about my mother's fate. I never heard
a drum without fearing another second of September.
We went up on the roof of the tower every day.
The municipal officials visited us three times daily
without fail ; but their severity did not prevent our
getting news from outside, and especially of my
mother, because we have always found some kindly
souls in whom we inspired interest. We learned
that my mother was accused of receiving commu-
nications from without. We threw away at once
our writings, our pencils, and all that we might still
be writing, fearing that we might be forced to un-
dress before Simon's wife, and that the things we
had might compromise my mother ; for we had always
kept ink, paper, pens, and pencils in spite of the
most rigorous searches made in our rooms and fur-
niture. The municipals came to ask for underwear
for my mother, but were not willing to give us any
news of her. They took away from us the scraps of
tapestry she had made, and those on which we were
working, under the pretence that mysterious char-
58 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
acters and a secret way of writing might be concealed
in them."
Meanwhile, the captivity of the two Princesses
constantly became more rigorous. "Every day,"
says Marie The're'se, "we were visited and searched
by the municipals ; on September 4, they arrived at
four o'clock in the morning to make a thorough
search and take away the silverware and china.
They carried off all that we had remaining, and not
finding it agree with their list, they had the base-
ness to accuse us of having stolen some, when it
was their own colleagues who had concealed it.
They found a roll of louis behind the drawers in my
aunt's commode, and they took possession of it on
the spot with extraordinary eagerness."
The two captives were soon deprived of almost
everything. No manner of consideration or respect
was any longer shown them. Their jailers were
bent on treating them like criminals. September
21, 1793, at one o'clock in the morning, Hubert,
the substitute for the Communal attorney, presented
himself with several municipals at the Temple to
put into execution a decree ordaining that the two
Princesses should be more tormented than they had
been. They were to have but one chamber thence-
forward, and Tison, who was still doing their heavy
work, was to be imprisoned in one of the turrets.
The captives were to be reduced to what was strictly
necessary, and no one except the person who brought
them wood and water was to enter their chamber.
MADAME ELISABETH 59
"We made our own beds," writes Marie The'r&se in
her journal, " and were obliged to sweep the cham-
ber, which took a long time, so little were we used
to it at first. We had no longer any one to wait
upon us. Hubert said to my aunt that equality was
the first law of the French Republic, and that as no
other persons detained in prisons had servants, he
was going to take away Tison. In order to treat us
still more severely, we were deprived of whatever
was convenient, for example, of the armchair used
by my aunt; we could not have even what was
necessary. When our meals arrived, the door was
closed abruptly so that we might not see those who
brought them. We could not obtain any news,
unless by listening to the street-crier, and that very
indistinctly, although we listened closely. We were
forbidden to go up on the tower, and they took away
our large sheets, fearing lest, in spite of the thick
bars, we should get down from the windows; that
was the pretext. They brought us coarse and dirty
sheets."
A decree of the Commune dated September 22,
1793, provided that the nourishment of the prisoners
should be greatly reduced. At the first meal which
followed this decree, Madame Elisabeth, far from
complaining, said to her niece : " This is the bread of
poor people, and we are poor also. How many un-
fortunates have still less ! "
Let us now read in the journal of Marie The're'se
the account of the examination to which she was
60 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
subjected some days before her mother's execution :
" October 8, at noon, as we were busy in setting our
chamber to rights and dressing ourselves, Pache,
Chaumette, and David, members of the Convention,
with several municipals, arrived. My aunt did not
open the door until she was dressed. Pache, turning
to me, asked me to go down stairs. My aunt wished
to follow me, but she was refused. She asked
whether I would come up again. Chaumette assured
her of it, saying : ' You may rely on the word of a
good republican; she will come up.' I embraced
my aunt, who was all in a tremble, and I went
down. I was very much embarrassed. It was the
first time I had ever found myself alone with men.
I did not know what they wanted, but I recom-
mended my soul to God."
Madame Elisabeth trembled. Never, since her
arrival at the Temple, had she been quite alone
there. Deprived, one after another, of her brother,
her nephew, and her sister-in-law, was she also to
lose the last companion of her captivity? Was her
niece also to be torn away and not return? Thus
far, those who had gone down had not come up
again.
"When I came where my brother was," adds the
young Princess, "I embraced him tenderly; but
they tore him out of my arms, and told me to go
into the other room. Chaumette made me sit
down; he placed himself opposite me. . . . He
questioned me afterwards about a multitude of
MADAME ELISABETH 61
villanous things of which my mother and my aunt
were accused. I was overwhelmed by such horror,
and so indignant, that in spite of the fear I experi-
enced I could not help saying that it was infamous.
There were some things which I did not under-
stand; but what I did understand was so horrible
that I wept with indignation. They interrogated
me about Varennes, and put many questions to
which I replied as best I could without compromis-
ing anybody. I had always heard my parents say
that it was better to die than to compromise any one
whomsoever. At last, at three o'clock, my examina-
tion ended; it had begun at noon. I ardently
entreated Chaumette to let me rejoin my mother,
saying truly that I had asked it of my aunt more
than a thousand times. 'I can do nothing about it,'
he said to me. 'What, sir, can you not obtain per-
mission of the Council-General?' 'I have no au-
thority there.' He then had me taken back to my
room by three municipals, advising me to say nothing
to my aunt, who was also to be obliged to go down
stairs. . . . On arriving, I threw myself into her
arms ; but they separated us and bade her descend.
She came up again at four o'clock. Her examina-
tion had lasted only one hour, and mine three.
That was because the deputies saw they could not
intimidate her, as they had hoped to do a person of
my age; but the life I had led for more than four
years, and the example of my parents, had given me
more strength of soul."
62 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
M. Ferrand has said (in the Eloge historique de
Madame Elisabeth, published at Ratisbonne in 1794):
"All the infamies of which they were about to
accuse the Queen with regard to her son, were
uttered and repeated before the angelic Elisabeth, as
they had been before her niece. They constrained
innocence to listen to horrors which outraged nature
and caused it to shudder. Doubtless they did not
flatter themselves that they could obtain an avowal
contrary to truth. But could they even have hoped
to surprise certain words which it would be possible
to pervert? Madame Elisabeth's defence was like
that of Marie The're'se: true, simple, pure as them-
selves. After an examination which did not fulfil
the expectations of the tormentors, but which will
excite execration throughout all time, the two Prin-
cesses found themselves once more together, but still
terrified by the images with which their chaste
imaginations had been sullied. ' O my child ! '
exclaimed Madame Elisabeth, extending her hands
to her niece. A sad silence expressed better than
any words the sentiments they experienced. For
the first time, they avoided each other's glance. At
last their lips opened to let the same words escape,
and they fell on their knees, as if it were theirs to
expiate all that they had blushed to hear."
What had become of Marie Antoinette ? The two
captives, who had at first received some tidings of
the unfortunate Queen, were soon to be plunged
into complete uncertainty. A few tender-hearted
MADAME ELISABETH 63
persons had during several weeks found means at
the risk of their lives to convey news to them from
the Conciergerie by the aid of Turgy, one of those
employed in the interior service of the Temple tower.
One of Louis XVI. 's former personal attendants had
been courageous enough to make his way inside the
Conciergerie. Madame Richard, wife of the prison
porter, had taken him by the hand, and, leading him
aside, had said: "Trust yourself to me. Who are
you? What brings you here? Hide nothing from
me." Encouraged by this friendly invitation, Hue
made himself known to this woman. She responded
kindly to all his questions. "You see the motive
which brings me," he said to her. "To give the
Queen news of her children, and to inform them and
Madame Elisabeth of the Queen's condition, is my
only object. It is meritorious in you to second me."
Madame Richard promised him and kept her word.
She apprised Marie Antoinette that Frangois Hue
had penetrated even into her prison. " What ! even
here ! " cried the Queen. Success had justified the
hardihood of the devoted servitor, and for several
weeks he had the consolaton of procuring news
of the captive of the Conciergerie for the captives
of the Temple. But this soon came to an end.
Turgy, the medium of this mysterious correspon-
dence, was suspected and sent away from the Tem-
ple. Madame Elisabeth addressed him this last note :
" October 11, at 2.15. I am very much afflicted; take
care of yourself until we are more fortunate and
64 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
can reward you. Take with you the consolation of
having well served good and unhappy masters.
Advise Fiddle [Toulan] not to risk himself too much
for our signals [by the horn]. If by chance you see
Madame Mallemain, give her news of us, and tell
her I think of her. Adieu, honest man and faithful
subject." Two days later, October 13, Hue was
arrested. Madame Elisabeth and her niece no
longer heard anything. Everybody shrank from
adding to the anguish of the Temple the immense
grief contained in the message: "The Queen has
ascended the scaffold." Marie The'rdse has written
in her journal: "My aunt and I were ignorant
of my mother's death; although we had heard her
condemnation cried out by a street-crier, the hope so
natural to the unhappy made us think they had
spared her. We refused to believe in a general
desertion. Moreover, I do not yet know, how things
occurred outside, nor whether I shall ever leave this
prison, although they give me hopes of doing so.
There were moments when, despite our hopes in the
Powers, we experienced the keenest anxieties on
account of my mother, seeing the rage of this
unhappy people against all of us. I remained in
this cruel doubt for a year and a half; it was then
only that I learned of the death of my venerated
mother."
Let us see now what took place in the Temple
after the execution of the Queen, still leaving the nar-
ration to the young captive, whose story is more af-
MADAME ELISABETH 65
f ecting than all the memoirs : " We learned the death
of the Duke of Orleans from the street-criers ; it was
the only piece of news that reached us during the
winter. However, the searches began anew, and we
were treated with great severity. My aunt, who had
had a cautery on her arm ever since the Revolution,
had great difficulty in obtaining what was necessary
for dressing it; they refused for a long time to give
it ; but at last, one day, a municipal officer remon-
strated against the inhumanity of such a proceeding,
and sent for ointment. They deprived me also of
the means to make the decoction of herbs which my
aunt made me take every morning for my health.
Not having fish any longer, she asked for eggs or
other dishes suitable for fast days ; they were refused
with the remark that to 'equality' there was no
difference between days; that there were no weeks
any longer, but only decades. They brought us a
new almanac, but we did not look at it.
"Another day when my aunt asked for fast-day
food, she was told: 'But, citizeness, you don't seem
to know what has happened; only fools believe in
all that nowadays.' She did not ask again. The
searches were continued, especially in November. It
was ordered that we should be searched three times
a day. One of them lasted from four until half-past
eight o'clock in the evening. The four municipals
who made it were thoroughly drunk. No idea can
be formed of their remarks, insults, and oaths, dur-
ing four hours. They took away trifles, such as our
66 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
hats, cards with kings on them, and some books with
escutcheons; however, they left our religious books
after making a thousand impure and stupid speeches.
. . . They said 'thou ' to us all winter. \Ve de-
spised all the vexations; but this last degree of
rudeness always caused my aunt and me to blush."
In the midst of so many sufferings, the young
Marie The're'se still had one supreme consolation:
the presence of Madame Elisabeth. Even into the
gloom of the prison this holy woman shed a nameless
pure and gentle radiance. The Temple merited its
name; it was verily a sanctuary, the sanctuary of
piety and sorrow. The conversations between aunt
and niece often took place in darkness. The calm-
ness of night gave a still more persuasive, affecting
accent to the exhortations of the sublime instruc-
tress. "The sufferings of this life," said she, "bear
no proportion to the future glory they enable us to
merit. Has not Jesus Christ gone before us carry-
ing His cross? Remember, my child, the words
your father addressed you on the eve of the day
when, for the first time, you were to receive the
blood of the Lamb. He said to you: 'Religion is
the source of our happiness and our support in
adversity; do not suppose you will be sheltered
from it; you know not, my daughter, what Provi-
dence has designed for you. ' '
No preacher's sermons could have impressed the
imagination or touched the heart of Marie The're'se
more profoundly than the counsels of Madame Elisa-
MADAME ELISABETH 67
beth. The young captive read and re-read the
prayer-books they had been allowed to keep, and on
which the conduct of her aunt was a living com-
mentary. "My aunt," she says in her journal,
" kept the whole Lent, although deprived of Lenten
food ; she ate no breakfast ; at dinner she took a bowl
of coffee with milk (it was her breakfast which she
kept over), and in the evening she ate nothing but
bread. She bade me eat whatever they brought me,
as I had not reached the prescribed age for absti-
nence ; but nothing could be more edifying for her.
She had not failed to observe the duties prescribed
by religion, even when refused fasting diet. At
the beginning of spring they took away our candle,
and we went to bed when we could not see any
longer." With the springtime, arrived the period
when the orphan of the Temple was to be deprived
forever of the consolations of Madame Elisabeth, and
to remain alone in her prison.
Ill
THE DEATH OF MADAME ELISABETH
several weeks nothing had happened at
_J_ the Temple. The two captives might have
believed the tormentors had forgotten them. But
what occurred on the 9th of May? Marie The'rdse's
journal tells us: "On that day, just as we were
going to bed, they drew the bolts and came to knock
at our door. My aunt said that she would put on
her dress ; they replied that they could not wait so
long, and knocked so hard one would think they
were breaking in the door. She opened it when she
was dressed. They said to her: 'Citizeness, be so
good as to go down stairs.' 'And my niece? ' 'She
will be attended to afterwards.' My aunt embraced
me, and to calm me said she was going to come up
again. 'No, citizeness,' said some one, 'you are
not coming up again; take your cap and go down.'
Then they heaped insults and rude speeches on her ;
she endured them patiently, put on her cap, em-
braced me again, and told me to preserve courage
and firmness, to hope in God always, to profit by
the good religious principles my parents had given
me, and not fail to observe the last injunctions of
68
THE DEATH OF MADAME ELISABETH 69
my father and mother. She went out. On arriving
below she was asked for her pockets, which had
nothing in them ; this lasted a long time because the
municipals drew up a report in order to discharge
themselves of responsibility for her person. At last,
after many insults, she departed with an usher of the
tribunal, got into a cab and arrived at the Concier-
gerie, where she passed the night."
The next day, May 10, 1794, Madame Elisabeth
appeared before the revolutionary tribunal. Dumas,
the president, asked her the following questions:
" What is your name ? " — " Elisabeth Marie. " " Your
age ? " — " Thirty years. " " Where were you born ? "
- " At Versailles. " " Where do you reside ? " — " In
Paris." Then the act of accusation was read: —
" Antoine Quentin Fouquier states that the people
owe all the evils under whose burden they have
groaned for centuries to the Capet family. It was
at the moment when excessive oppression had caused
the people to break their chains, that this entire
family joined their forces to plunge them anew into
a still more cruel bondage than that from which they
had escaped. The crimes of every sort, the accumu-
lated villanies of Capet, the Messalina Antoinette,
the two Capet brothers, and of Elisabeth are too well
known to make it necessary to retrace the horrible
picture here. They are written in the annals of the
Revolution in characters of blood, and the unheard-of
atrocities exercised by the barbarous SmigrSs or the
bloody satellites of despots, the murders, conflagra-
70 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
tions, and ravages; in short, these assassinations
unknown to the most ferocious monsters "which they
commit upon French territory, are still ordered by
this detestable family for the sake of delivering
a great nation to the despotism and fury of a few
individuals. Elisabeth has shared in all these
crimes; she has co-operated in all the plots and
conspiracies formed by her infamous brothers, the
profligate and shameless Antoinette, and the entire
horde of conspirators gathered around them. . . .
" Elisabeth had planned with Capet and Antoinette
the massacre of the citizens of Paris on the immortal
10th of August; she kept vigil in the hope of 'wit-
nessing this nocturnal carnage, and by her discourse
encouraged the young persons whom fanatical priests
had conducted to the palace for that purpose. . . .
In fine, since the deserved execution of the guilt-
iest tyrant who ever disgraced human nature, she
has been seen inciting to the re-establishment of
tyranny, and lavishing, with Antoinette, the homage
of royalty and the pretended honors of the throne on
Capet's son."
After reading the act of accusation, the president
interrogated Madame Elisabeth. These are some of
the questions and answers : —
"Would you tell us what prevented you from
going to bed on the night of August 9-10 ? " — "I did
not go to bed because the constituent bodies had
come to acquaint my brother with the agitation and
disorder existing among the inhabitants of Paris."
THE DEATH OF MADAME ELISABETH 71
"Did you not assist the assassins sent by your
brother to the Champs Elyse*es against the brave
Marseillais by dressing their wounds yourself ? " — "I
never knew that my brother had sent assassins against
any one whatever; if I happened to give aid to any
injured persons, I was led to dress their wounds by
humanity alone ; I had no need to inquire the cause
of their injuries in order to bus}r myself in relieving
them; I made no merit of doing so, and I do not
imagine that any one can impute it to me as a
crime."
President Dumas responded: "Will the accused
Elisabeth, whose plan of defence is to deny all she
is accused of, have the honesty to admit that she has
cherished in young Capet the hope of succeeding to
his father's throne, and has thus incited to royahy?"
— "I talked familiarly with that unfortunate child,
who was dear to me on more than one account, and
naturally I administered the consolations which
seemed to me calculated to compensate him for the
loss of those who had given him life."
Chauveau-Lagarde had the courage to defend the
accused afterwards. He said that her replies, far
from condemning her, ought to procure honor for her
in the sight of all, since they proved nothing but
the goodness of her heart and the heroism of her
friendship. The intrepid advocate ended his speech
by saying that instead of a defence he had nothing
to offer for Madame Elisabeth but his apology ; but
that, finding it impossible to find one worthy of her,
72 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
he had but one observation left to make, namely,
that the Princess who had been the most perfect
model of all virtues at the court of France, could
not be the enemy of the French.
Then President Dumas furiously apostrophized
Chauveau-Lagarde, reproaching him with audacity
in daring to speak of the " pretended virtues of the
accused, and thus corrupting public morals." It
was easy to see that Madame Elisabeth, who until
then had remained tranquil, and as it were, insensi-
ble to her own danger, was moved by those to which
her defender had just exposed himself.
Afterwards, the president put the following ques-
tions to the jurors : " Is it certain that there existed
plots and conspiracies formed by Capet, his wife
and family, his agents and accomplices, in conse-
quence of which there have been provocations to for-
eign war on the part of allied tyrants, and to civil
war in the interior, that aid in the shape of men and
money has been furnished to the enemy, troops have
been assembled, arrangements been made, and chiefs
appointed to assassinate the people, annihilate lib-
erty, and re-establish despotism? Is it established
that Elisabeth is convicted of all this?" The jurors
having responded affirmatively, the holy Princess was
condemned to death. That very day, at four in the
afternoon, she left the Conciergerie to be taken to
the scaffold.
As she was leaving the tribunal, Fouquier-Tin-
ville said to the president: "It must be admitted,
THE DEATH OF MADAME ELISABETH 73
however, that she has not uttered a complaint."
"What has Elisabeth of France to complain of?"
answered Dumas, with dismal and sarcastic mirth.
" Haven't we formed a court of aristocrats to-day
that is worthy of her? Nothing need prevent her
from thinking herself still in the salons of Versailles
when she finds herself surrounded by a loyal nobility
at the foot of the sacred guillotine."
The court of aristocrats mentioned by the public
accuser comprised the twenty-three victims con-
demned to perish on the same scaffold as the Prin-
cess; among others, the Marchioness of Se*nozan,
aged seventy-six ; the Marchioness of Crussol d' Am-
boise, aged sixty-four; Madame de Montmorin, widow
of the Minister of Foreign Affairs; her son, aged
twenty; M. de Lome'nie, former Minister of War;
and the Countess Rosset. The twenty-four victims
were led into the hall of the condemned, to await
the fatal cart. There Madame Elisabeth exhorted
her companions in torture "with a presence of mind,
an elevation, and an unction which fortified them
all," as her niece has said. Madame de Montmorin
exclaimed through her sobs : " I am most willing to
die, but I cannot see my child die." "You love
your son," said Madame Elisabeth on this, "and you
are unwilling that he should accompany you ! You
are going to find the happiness of heaven, and you
desire him to remain on this earth where there is
now nothing but torments and afflictions ! " At
these words the poor mother, filled with the ecstasy
74 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
of martyrdom, clasped her boy in her arms : " Come !
come ! " she cried, " we will ascend the scaffold
together."
Madame Elisabeth resumed her pious exhortations.
"We are not asked to sacrifice our faith, like the
ancient martyrs," said she; "all that is demanded
of us is to abandon our miserable life ; let us make
this poor offering to God with resignation."
Thus spoke the saintly Princess in the hall of the
condemned to death — that long, narrow, gloomy
hall, separated from the clerk's office by a door and
a glass partition, and furnished only with wooden
benches placed against the wall. The sight of the
Conciergerie recalled to her memory all that Marie
Antoinette had suffered there. As yet no one had
found courage to tell the sister of Louis XVI. how
the martyr-queen had perished. Her uncertainty con-
cerning the fate of the august victim was to last for
several minutes longer. She was about to be led to
the Place of the Revolution — the place where, as
she knew, her brother had been executed, and where
a remark made by some one in the crowd was soon
to apprise her that the Queen had also suffered.
The last summons is heard. The doors of the
prison open. Madame Elisabeth rides in the same
cart with Madame de Se'nozan and Madame de
Crussol d'Amboise. When she is passing the Pont
Neuf, the white handkerchief that covers her head
falls off. All eyes turn toward her bare head, and
recognize the calmness and serenity of her features.
THE DEATH OF MADAME ELISABETH 75
On reaching the Place of the Revolution, — formerly
Place Louis XV., — she alights first. The twenty-
three other victims follow her. All are ranged in
front of the guillotine. All are admirable for their
courage. The exhortations of the Princess have
been fruitful. The first name called by the execu-
tioner is that of Madame de Crussol d'Amboise.
She bows to Madame Elisabeth, and says : " Ah !
Madame, if Your Royal Highness would deign to
embrace me, I should have all that I desire." " Will-
ingly," replies the Princess, "and with all my
heart." The other condemned women obtain the
same honor. As for the men, they kiss respectfully
the hand of Louis XVI. 's sister. The executions
begin. Several heads have already fallen when a
jeering voice from the crowd pressing around the
guillotine cries : " It is all very fine, this salaaming
to her; there she is now, like the Austrian woman! "
Madame Elisabeth understands. Thus she learns
the fate of her sister-in-law, and says to herself,
" May we meet again in heaven ! "
The victims ascend the scaffold one after another,
and receive the baptism of blood with a pious recol-
lection like that of the faithful approaching the table
of the Lord. While the knife is severing the heads,
Madame Elisabeth recites the De Profundis. She
is to be executed last. The tormentors doubtless
hope that the sight of twenty-three heads falling
before her own will deprive her of courage and
dignity to meet her death. They are disappointed
76 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
in their expectation. Dying as she had lived,
Madame Elisabeth is sublime up to the last hour,
the last minute of her saintly existence. When the
twenty-third victim comes to bow before her : " Cour-
age and faith in the mercy of God ! " says the sister
of Louis XVI. Her turn has come at last.
A sovereign mounting the steps of her throne
would be less majestic than the pious Princess
climbing those of the scaffold, the pedestal of an
undying glory. As they are fastening her to the
fatal plank, her fichu falls to the ground and
allows a silver medal of the Blessed Virgin to
be seen. The executioner's assistant, instead of
replacing the fichu on her bosom, attempts to remove
this pious emblem. " Cover me, sir, in the name of
your mother!" These are the last words of the
Princess. Her head falls, but this time the crowd
does not give way to its habitual fury. The cries
of " Long live the Republic ! " are not heard. Every-
body feels that the blood of innocence has just been
shed.
It was not until several months later that Marie
The'rdse learned the fate of her venerated aunt.
When the news was told her, she would not believe
it; such a crime seemed incredible, even after all
the atrocities of the Terror. Then she wrote in her
journal this profoundly touching page, an affecting
tribute of eternal gratitude and admiration : " Marie
Philippine Elisabeth He'le'ne, sister of King Louis
XVI., died May 10, 1794, aged thirty years, after
THE DEATH OF MADAME ELISABETH 77
having been always a model of virtue. She gave
herself to God at the age of fifteen, and thought of
nothing but her salvation. Since 1790, when I was
better able to appreciate her, I saw nothing in her
but religion, love of God, horror of sin, gentleness,
piety, modesty, and a great attachment to her family,
for whom she sacrificed her life, never having been
willing to leave the King and Queen. In a word,
she was a princess worthy of the blood from which
she sprang. I cannot say enough concerning the
kind actions she performed towards me, and which
ended only with her life. She considered and cared
for me as if I were her daughter ; and for my part, I
honored her as a second mother ; I had promised her
all the love of one. They say that we resemble
each other very much in countenance. I feel that
I have somewhat of her character. May I have all
her virtues, and go to rejoin her and my father and
mother in the bosom of God, where I doubt not they
are enjoying the rewards of a death so meritorious
for them!"
IV
SOLITUDE
WHEN Madame Elisabeth departed, Marie
The're'se found herself alone in her prison.
One after another she had lost all her companions in
captivity, — her father, her brother, her mother, and
her aunt. Thenceforward began the separate system
of confinement, isolation, solitude. What did she
then experience ? She herself shall tell us.
" I was left in great desolation when I saw myself
separated from my aunt ; I did not know what had
become of her, and no one would tell me. I spent
a very wretched night, and yet, although I was very
anxious about her fate, I was far from believing that
I was to lose her in a few hours. Sometimes I
persuaded myself that she was to be sent away from
France ; but when I remembered how they had taken
her, all my fears revived. The next day I asked
the municipal officers what had become of her ; they
said she had gone to take the air; I renewed my
request to rejoin my mother, since I was separated
from my aunt, and they replied that they would talk
about it." Marie Antoinette had been dead for
seven months, and her unhappy daughter did not yet
78
SOLITUDE 79
know she was an orphan ! Not one, even among the
most savage Terrorists, had dared to give her the
fatal news.
"They came afterwards," adds the young captive,
" to bring me the key of the wardrobe containing my
aunt's linen; I asked to send her some, as she had
none; they told me it could not be done. Seeing
that whenever I asked the municipals to take me to
my mother or to give me news of my aunt, they
always replied that they would talk about it; and
remembering that my aunt had told me that if ever
I was left alone it would be my duty to ask for a
woman, I did so out of obedience, but with repug-
nance, feeling sure that I would either be refused,
or obtain some vile woman.' In fact, when I did
make this request to the municipals, they told me it
was unnecessary. They redoubled their severity,
and took away the knives they had given me, saying :
'Tell us, citizeness, have you many knives?' — 'No,
gentlemen, only two.' 'And have you none in your
dressing-case, nor any scissors ?' — 'No, gentlemen.'
Another time they took away my tinder-box ; having
found the stove hot, they said: 'Might one know
why you made a fire?'- — 'To put my feet in hot
water.' 'What did you light the fire with?' —
'With the tinder-box. ' ' Who gave it to you ? ' — ' I
do not know.' 'Precisely; we are going to take it
away from you. We do it for your good, lest you
might fall asleep and burn yourself near the fire.
You have nothing else? ' — 'No, gentlemen.' Their
80 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
visits and such scenes as this were frequent; but
except when I was positively interrogated I never
spoke, not even to those who brought my food."
On the day following Madame Elisabeth's death,
a man to whom the municipal officers showed great
respect, presented himself in the prison of the young
Princess. She did not know him. Suspecting that
she was in the presence of some powerful individual,
she did not speak a word to him, but merely handed
him a paper on which these lines were written : " My
brother is ill ; I have written to the Convention for
permission to nurse him; the Convention has not
yet answered me; I reiterate my request." The
man was Robespierre. After giving him the paper,
the prisoner went on reading without raising her
eyes to his face. She thus describes the visit in her
journal: "One day there came a man — I think it
was Robespierre; the municipals showed him great
respect. His visit was a secret for the people in the
tower, who either did not know who he was, or were
unwilling to tell me; he looked at me insolently,
glanced over my books, and after searching with the
municipals, he went away."
After her aunt's departure, Marie The're'se spent
nearly fifteen months alone, a prey to sadness and
the most painful reflections, asking for nothing, and
mending even her own shoes and stockings. This
graceful and affecting captive in her sixteenth year
impresses the imagination and moves the heart.
One thinks of her at night, in her cruel solitude,
SOLITUDE 81
listening to some distant noise which may be a
signal of deliverance, but is more probably a signal
of death. She pays close attention. It is a passer-by,
who, in going through the adjoining streets, hums
at the risk of his life some royalist refrain, whose
echo reaches the prisoner. At other times hawkers
cry their odious pamphlets and shameless journals
in the darkness, or drunken men chant the Marseil-
laise or howl the Ca ira. But there is one angelic
voice whose pious harmonies rise above all these
human discords. It is that of Madame Elisabeth;
the ear does not hear it, but the soul does. The
dead woman still speaks. Defuncta adhuc loquitur.
And through the silence of solitude and the dark-
ness, the echo of this mysterious and sublime voice
from beyond the tomb, penetrates the dismal Temple
tower and inspires the orphan with the true senti-
ments of a Christian. Madame Elisabeth continues
in death the work she began in life, and it is she
who gives her niece the moral and material energy
indispensable to endure such tortures.
In the month of September, 1795, the Duchess of
Tourzel, being authorized to pay the prisoner a visit,
asked how it was that a person so sensitive as she
did not succumb under such a weight of sorrows ; to
which question the daughter of Louis XVI. and Marie
Antoinette answered: "Without religion it would
have been impossible. Religion was my only re-
source, and it procured for me the only consolations
of which my heart could be susceptible. I had
82 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
preserved my Aunt Elisabeth's books of devotion, I
read them, I recalled her counsels to mind, I sought
never to deviate from them, and to follow them
exactly. On embracing me for the last time and
inciting me to courage and resignation, she posi-
tively enjoined me to ask that a woman might be
placed with me. Although I infinitely preferred
solitude to any one they would have given me at the
time, my respect for my aunt's wishes did not per-
mit me to hesitate. They refused, and I was very
glad of it.
" My aunt, who foresaw only too clearly the mis-
fortunes in store for me, had accustomed me to wait
on myself and to need no assistance. She had so
regulated my life that every hour was occupied ; the
care of my room, prayer, reading, work, — all had
their own time. She had habituated me to make my
bed alone, to comb my hair, and dress myself; more-
over, she had neglected nothing which could contrib-
ute to my health. She made me sprinkle water about,
so as to freshen the air of my room, and had also
required me to walk very fast for an hour, with a
watch in my hand, in order to prevent stagnation
of the humors."
The young girl followed these prescriptions of
moral and physical hygiene to the letter. It was
this that saved her, almost as if by miracle. " For
myself," she says in her journal, "I asked nothing
but mere necessaries; sometimes they were rudely
refused. But I could at least keep myself clean ; I
SOLITUDE 83
had soap and water. I swept the room every day;
I had it done by nine o'clock, when they came to
bring my breakfast. I had no lights; but in the
long days I suffered less from this privation. They
would no longer give me books; I had only pious
ones and some travels which I had read a thousand
times; I had also some knitting, which bored me
dreadfully."
Despite an energy truly wonderful in so young a
person, the daughter of Louis XVI. came very near
dying in the Temple, like her brother. " When she
heard the general alarm beaten," says the Duchess
of Tourzel in her Memoirs, "she experienced a
gleam of hope ; for in her sad condition, any change
seemed for the better, since she had no fear of death.
One day she thought she had reached the term of her
troubles, and she beheld death approaching with the
calmness of innocence and virtue. She was so ill
that she lost consciousness, and when she awoke as
from profound slumber, she knew not how long she
had remained in this state. Notwithstanding all
her courage, she owned to us that she was so weary
of her profound solitude that she said to herself: 'If
they should end by putting any person with me who
was not a monster, I feel that I could not avoid
loving her. ' '
On the day when Robespierre fell — the 9th Ther-
mi dor (July 27, 1794) — Marie Th^rSse, alarmed by
the tumult whose echoes reached the Temple, thought
herself lost. "I heard them beat the general alarm,"
84 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
she says, " and sound the tocsin ; I was very uneasy.
The municipals who were at the Temple did not
budge. When they brought my dinner, I dared not
ask what was going on."
Barras, who had been appointed commander-in-
chief of the armed forces by the Convention at the
time when, threatened by the riot this Assembly
seemed about to perish, marched at noon upon the
H6tel-de-Ville, then occupied by the insurgents ; he
outlawed them, and arrested Robespierre and his
accomplices. Hardly had he been overthrown than
Bardre — the Anacreon of the guillotine, as he was
called — inveighed against him in the Convention,
then in permanent session. "He had the audacity,"
says Barras, in his still unpublished Memoirs, "to
accuse the tyrant of wishing to re-establish the
son of Louis XVI. on the throne, and of planning
on his own behalf to marry Mademoiselle, the
daughter of that monarch. ..." In consequence
of Bar£re's statement, and in accordance with
that system of lies intended for the people which
the most widely diverse governments seem to pass
from one to another with the same end of decep-
tion in view, the committee spread a rumor that
the captives of the Temple, the unhappy children of
Louis XVI., had escaped. The two committees, the
majority of whom were still Jacobins, had dissem-
inated this false report in order to cast a suspicion
of royalism on the Thermidorian party.
Barras wished to see with his own eyes how things
SOLITUDE 85
really stood. At six in the morning of the 10th
Thermidor he went to the Temple, accompanied by
several members of the committees and deputies
from the Convention, in full uniform. He wished
to show himself, at the head of his cortege, at the
principal military stations of Paris and cause the
troops to renew their oath to be faithful to the Con-
vention. He came to a halt at the Temple station,
where he doubled the guard, commanded the munic-
ipal officers to remain permanently and exercise the
strictest vigilance, and then went up into the great
tower, where he successively saw Louis XVII. and
his sister.
This is what Marie The'rctee wrote in her journal
concerning this visit: "The 10th Thermidor, at six
in the morning, I heard a frightful noise at the
Temple; the guard called to arms, the drum beat,
and the doors opened and closed. All this racket
was occasioned by a visit from certain members of
the National Assembly, who came to assure them-
selves that all was quiet. I heard the bolts of my
brother's chamber drawn. I sprang out of bed and
was dressed when the members of the Convention
reached my room. Barras was among them; they
were in full dress, which astonished me, because I
was not accustomed to see them so, and was always
fearing something or other. Barras talked to me,
calling me by my name ; he was surprised to find me
up, and said several things to which I made no an-
swer. They departed, and I heard them haranguing
86 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
the guards under the windows and telling them to be
faithful to the National Convention. There were
many shouts of: 'Long live the Republic! Long
live the Convention! ' The guard was doubled."
Some hours after the visit of Barras to the Temple,
Robespierre and his principal accomplices were con-
ducted to the scaffold, amid cries of joy and curses
from the people. The next day, llth Thermidor,
the committees of Public Safety and General Secu-
rity ratified the choice which had made Barras guar-
dian of the children of Louis XVI. They decreed
that " Citizen Laurent, member of the Revolutionary
Committee of the Temple, should be put provision-
ally in charge of the tyrant's children." The two
committees united in enjoining "the most exact
surveillance."
Laurent was installed on the day of his appoint-
ment, llth Thermidor, toward half-past nine in the
evening, by several members of the municipality.
His first care was to visit the prison of Marie
The're'se. "I was in bed," she says, "without any
light, and not asleep, so anxious was I about what
was going on; some one knocked on my door to
show me to Laurent, commissioner of the Conven-
tion, who had been given charge of my brother and
me. I rose, and these gentlemen made a thorough
search, showing Laurent everything, and then going
away.
" The next day at ten o'clock, Laurent entered my
room, and asked me politely whether I needed any-
SOLITUDE 87
thing. He came three times a day, always behaved
with civility, and did not say 'thou' to me. He never
searched the bureaus and commodes. I very soon
asked him for what interested me so keenly, news
of my parents, of whose death I was ignorant, and
also to be re-united to my mother. He answered with
a very sad expression that that was not his affair.
" The next day some men in scarfs came, to whom
I put the same questions. They also answered that
it was not their affair, and that they could not
understand why I did not want to remain here,
because it seemed to them that I was very well off.
'It is frightful,' I said to them, 'to be separated
from my mother for a year without learning any
news of her or of my aunt either.' 'You are not
ill? ' - — 'No, sir; but heart sickness is the most cruel
of all.' 'I tell you we can do nothing about it; I
advise you to be patient, and to hope in the justice
and goodness of the French people. ' I said nothing
more."
Meanwhile a certain change for the better took
place in the attitude of the guardians of the Prin-
cess. In speaking of Laurent, she says: "I have
nothing but praise for his manners during all the
time he was in service. He often asked if I needed
anything; he begged me to tell him what I would
like, and to ring whenever I required something.
He gave back my tinder-box and candle.
"At the end of October (1794), at one o'clock in
the morning, I was asleep when some one knocked
88 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
at my door; I arose in haste and opened it trem-
bling with fear. I saw two members of the committee
with Laurent; they looked at me and went away
without saying anything.
" The winter passed quietly enough. I was satis-
fied with the civility of my guardians ; they wished to
make my fire and gave me all the wood I wanted,
which pleased me. They also brought the books I
asked for; Laurent had already procured me some.
My greatest grief was that I could obtain no news of
my mother and my aunt; I dared not ask for any
concerning my uncles and my great-aunts, but I
thought of them incessantly."
Notwithstanding the comparative amelioration in
the rigors of her captivity, Marie The're'se continued
to see nobody except her guardians at the hours
when they brought her meals, and from time to time
the commissioners of the Convention, who came to
make sure that she was still a prisoner. The Duch-
ess of Tourzel has written in her Memoirs : " I asked
Madame one day if she had never been put to incon-
venience during the time of her profound solitude.
'My person occupied me so little,' she replied, 'that
I did not pay it much attention. ' It was then that
she spoke of the fainting-fit which I mentioned
above, adding such affecting remarks on the slight
esteem she had for life that no one could listen to
her without profound emotion. I cannot recall
these details unmoved ; but I should reproach myself
if I did not make known the courage and generosity
SOLITUDE 89
of this young Princess. Far from complaining of all
she had had to suffer in that horrible tower which
reminded her of so many woes, she never voluntarily
spoke of it, and her memory could never efface from
her heart the love of a country she always held so
dear." Her parents had taught her to forgive inju-
ries. She was as good a Frenchwoman as she was a
Christian, and her patriotism alone was equal to her
religion.
THE LAST DAYS OF LOUIS XVII
WE have just narrated what took place on the
third floor of the great tower of the Temple
after Marie Antoinette departed to the Conciergerie.
Let us now examine what occurred on the second
floor of the same tower. Dante's infernal regions
present no more horrible spectacle than that of the
tortures to which the son of Louis XVI. was sub-
jected. His dungeon was not an ordinary prison.
It was a sort of foul and repulsive kennel, a place of
abomination and desolation, a sepulchre full of
terrors, wherein the poor little captive united to the
consciousness of life the agonies of a never-ceasing
death. The poisonous atmosphere he breathed
deprived him of all appetite and corrupted the mis-
erable food they brought him. His chamber was no
better than a pestilential sewer, infested by rats and
mice. Great black spiders crawled over his bed at
night. To rid himself of their hideous contact he
would rise and sit on his chair, passing the night
with his elbows resting on the table. At other
times he would fill his hat with the scraps of meat
and crusts of bread left from his meals and place
00
THE LAST DAYS OF LOUIS XVII 91
it in the middle of the floor. There the rats and
mice would gather around it and leave him to get a
few minutes of repose.
It is said in the work of Simien-Despre'aux, who
was informed by Gagnie*, chief cook at the Temple,
that "the young Prince led an apathetic existence
amid repulsive uncleanliness. . . . His arms, thighs,
and legs grew singularly long at the expense of his
breast and body ; three tumors, to which no one con-
descended to pay the least attention, developed them-
selves on his knee, his wrist, and his arm. An acrid
and violent humor gathered in them and corroded
the flesh; a sort of eruption ate into his neck, and
his beautiful chestnut hair seemed to take root, if
one may say so, in the cavities formed by the puru-
lent humor. . . . His whole neck, from its lower
extremity up to the roots of the hair was covered
with a persistent eruption, made more painful still
because the wretched child, carrying his fingers
thither by a natural impulse, scratched it inces-
santly, and made the wounds bleed with his nails,
which had grown very long."
People supposed that M. de Beauchesne had ex-
hausted the subject of Louis XVII. 's martyrdom in
his eloquent and affecting book. They were mis-
taken. The work published by M. Chantelauze
under the title: Louis XVII. , Ms childhood, im-
prisonment, and death in the Temple; after unpub-
lished documents of the National Archives, has given
many new details of this captivity, the most touching
02 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
and doleful made known to us by history. The cob-
bler Simon had assuredly been a cruel persecutor to
the son of Louis XVI., but the unhappy child had
learned to long for this tormentor. Solitary confine-
ment was still more terrible than the presence of such
a monster. Simon's wife may have been a vixen, but
still she sometimes took pity on the little prisoner,
and even though she ill-used him, she washed and
combed him, she made his bed and swept his room.
But on January 19, 1794, the odious guardian,
obliged to choose between his functions at the
Temple and his position as member of the Council-
General, abandoned the first to preserve the second.
It was then decided that the cobbler should have no
successor. The Simon household disappeared, and
after January 20, 1794, the royal child underwent
the severest hardships of solitary confinement. It
was considered that the whole of the second floor of
the great tower would be much too large a prison for
him. His quarters were restricted, therefore, to
a single room, that at the back, which had been
formerly occupied by Cle'ry. The door separating
this room from the antechamber was cut in two,
breast high, furnished with bars and gratings and
iron plates, and secured with nails and screws. On
the lower part of the door, at the same height, was
fastened a table with two leaves, above which was a
wicket of iron cross-bars, closed with a solid pad-
lock. Through this wicket the child's coarse meals
were passed, watery soups in which a few lentils
THE LAST DAYS OF LOUIS XVII 98
floated, scraps of dry boiled beef, black bread, and
a jug of water, but never any wine. On the edge
of this table the little prisoner had to place the
earthen vessel which he had used.
Never any fire on the hearth, never any light at
night. Darkness, solitude, and terror. Behold the
descendant of so many kings, the heir of Saint
Louis, Henri IV., and Louis XIV., trembling in
every limb, and more to be pitied than the sorriest
of beggars. Behold in him the type of grief, a liv-
ing corpse, laden with the proof of how far human
misery may extend. His legs, on account of the
swelling of his knees, are squeezed as in a vice by
pantaloons too narrow, which he is compelled to
wear both day and night, as he does his ragged gray
jacket. Poor child! His dull, his frightful soli-
tude is interrupted only by the nightly rounds of the
commissioners who come to make personally sure of
his presence in the dungeon. "Are you asleep,
Capet? Get up! Come here!" And the little
prisoner starting out of sleep, almost dead with fear,
jumps out of the foot of his bed, and runs with bare
feet across the icy floor. " Here I am, citizen ; what
do you want of me?" —"To see you; now go back
to bed, little whelp." These were the only times
when he saw human faces. Treated as if he had the
plague or were a leper, he did not even see the hand
of the person who thrust his meagre pittance through
the hole cut in the door. He never heard any sound
but the drawing of the bolts that shut him in. His
94 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
moral sufferings were not less atrocious than his
physical ones.
In spite of all that had been done to stultify and
debase him, he still retained sufficient intelligence
to compare the present with the past, to remember
all that he had lost and to be conscious of the depths
of the abyss into which he had been precipitated.
Listen to the narrative of the victim's sister: "I
knew they had had the cruelty to leave my poor
brother alone. It was an unheard-of barbarity, which
is surely unexampled, to abandon, in this way, an un-
fortunate child of eight years, who was already ill,
and keep him shut up in his chamber, under lock
and bar, with nothing to aid him except a wretched
bell which he never rang because he was so afraid of
the people he might have summoned, and preferred
to do without rather than ask his persecutors for the
least thing. He was in a bed which had not been
shaken up in six months, and which he was no
longer strong enough to make; fleas and other
insects covered it, and his linen and person were
full of them. His stockings and shirt had not been
changed for more than a year. His window, closed
with chains and bars, was never opened, and no one
could stay in his chamber on account of the foul
odor. It is true that my brother neglected himself ;
he might have taken a little more care of his person,
and at least washed himself, since they gave him a
jug of water ; but this unhappy child was dying with
fear; he never asked for anything, so much had
THE LAST DAYS OF LOUIS XVII 95
Simon and his other keepers made him tremble. He
did nothing all day long. They never gave him any
light. This condition was most injurious to his
mind as well as his body. It is not surprising that
he fell into a frightful consumption. That he had a
strong constitution is proved by the time his health
remained good, and his long struggle against so
many cruelties."
While Madame Elisabeth was still in the tower,
there had been a time when Marie The'rdse thought
her brother had left the prison. "On January 19,"
she says in her journal, " we heard a great noise in
my brother's apartments, which made us conjecture
that he was going to leave the Temple, and we were
convinced of it when, by looking through the key-
hole, we saw some parcels taken away. On the fol-
lowing days we heard the door open and people
walking in the chamber, and we remained persuaded
that he had gone. We supposed that some distin-
guished person must have been put down stairs ; but
I afterwards knew that it was Simon who departed.
Being forced to choose between a place as municipal
officer and that of guardian to my brother, he had
preferred the first."
The noise which had occasioned the error of the
two captives was made by the men who were at
work for two days on Louis XVII. 's narrow dun-
geon. They finished it January 21, 1794, the first
anniversary of Louis XVI. 's death.
From time to time Marie Th^rdse obtained tidings
96 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
of her brother through certain compassionate souls,
the turnkey Baron, and Caron the kitchen servant.
But they did not tell her all. It would have caused
her too much suffering. Why did they not allow
her to go down to the second floor, to open the
door of the room where the poor child Avas groaning,
and succor, console, care for, and save him? She
would have been his good angel, she would have
rescued him from misery and death. All that was
necessary to accomplish this work of deliverance and
salvation was for her to descend a few steps, and she
was forbidden to do so! What a torture for this
sublime young girl who would so willingly have
given her life to save that of her brother !
When Barras visited the Temple, July 27 (10
Thermidor II.), he wished to see the little Prince.
The iron door of the dungeon was unfastened, and
it turned upon its rusty hinges for the first time in
more than six months. The frightened child ex-
claimed: "I have no fault to find with my keepers."
Barras, stupefied by the horrible sight he witnessed,
responded : " For my part, I shall make lively com-
plaints about the filthy condition of this chamber."
He afterwards questioned the young Prince very
gently about the state of his health.
The little prisoner complained of very severe pains
in his knees and of not being able to bend them.
Barras saw for himself that a tumor had produced
great damage there, and that the condition of the
child, who had lost appetite and could not sleep, was
THE LAST DAYS OF LOUIS XVII 97
hopeless. Crushed and broken down by suffering,
his body bent double like that of an old man, his
eyes dull and his face pallid, the son of kings looked
like a spectre. Where now were the days when,
under the trees of Versailles, the Tuileries, or Saint
Cloud, he seemed so graceful with his soft, deep
eyes, his curling hair, his transparent complexion,
brilliant and glowing as if lighted by an inward
flame? What had become of that radiant, angelic
child, beautiful as his mother or as the day ? Job's
dunghill was less lamentable than the sewer where
groaned this little innocent.
In spite of the reaction that was beginning, the
men of Thermidor were still savages. As a rumor
was spreading to the effect that a change for the
better was to be made in the condition of the chil-
dren of Louis XVI., the Committee of General
Security had just declared in presence of the Con-
vention that it had issued no instructions that could
be so construed. "The Committee," said they,
"have absolutely no thought of ameliorating the
captivity of Capet's children. The Committee and
the Convention know how the heads of kings are
made to fall ; but they do not know how their chil-
dren are to be brought up."
In spite of the injunctions of Barras, Laurent,
the new guardian of Louis XVII., either through
negligence or fear of compromising himself, allowed
a month and four days to elapse before cleaning the
wretched child's room. September 1, 1794, with
98 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
the assistance of several persons, and especially of
Gagnie', the chief cook, he unclosed the iron door
and broke the round wicket. The little prisoner
trembled like a leaf on hearing the sound of the
hammers and the grinding of the bolts. They found
him extended on his miserable pallet, pale, livid,
with lack-lustre eyes, bent back, arms and legs far
too long for his age, his wrists and ankles swollen
by tumors, and the nails of his hands and feet as
long as those of a wild beast. On a little table lay
his dinner which he had not touched. Gagnie' said to
him: "Monsieur Charles" —they no longer called
him Capet — "why don't you eat? You ought to
eat." "No, my friend," replied the child; "no, I
want to die." Caron, the cook's assistant, cut his
hair which had stuck fast in his sores. His nails,
which were as hard as horn, were likewise trimmed.
They took off his vermin-covered clothing and
installed him in the chamber formerly occupied by
his father until his own should be thoroughly
cleansed. Some of the window-blinds were removed,
so that more light could enter, and the sashes were
opened to admit air. Clean linen was substituted
for his half-rotten sheets. One of the two beds in
his sister's apartment was brought down stairs and
the little prisoner laid upon it. A surgeon came
from time to time to wash and dress his sores.
When his room had been cleaned the child was put
back there, but they left him all alone.
Marie The'rtlse still had no communication with
THE LAST DAYS OF LOUIS XVII 99
her brother. She was destined never to see him
again. It was formally forbidden that the brother
and sister should take their walk at the same time.
Not only were they never to be allowed to meet, but
their guardians were bidden to conceal from them
that they were detained in the same place. Louis
XVII. never heard any tidings of his sister, and if
Marie The'rdse occasionally obtained a few details
concerning him, it was only through some departure
from the strictest orders. No change in their food
had yet been permitted. The decree of Septem-
ber 23, 1793, which condemned them to the same
wretched fare as was given to thieves and assassins,
had been rigorously observed. Even the half-bottle
of wine to which Louis XVII. was entitled by this
decree, and which was given to his sister, was with-
held from him. And during all this time, the mu-
nicipal officers and the jailers were feasting from
morning to night at the expense of the State.
Weakened and ricketty as he was, no longer more
than a sort of phantom, the unhappy child was still,
in the eyes of all Europe and of many Frenchmen,
His Most Christian Majesty, the King of France and
Navarre. Even in Paris itself the poor little pris-
oner had numerous partisans. This puny child
alarmed the terrible Convention. At no price would
they grant him his liberty. In the session of January
22, 1795, Cambaceres, in the name of the two Com-
mittees, read a report which concluded thus: "An
enemy is much less dangerous when he is in your
100 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
power than when he has passed into the hands of
those who sustain his cause or have embraced his
party. Let us suppose that Capet's heir should find
himself in the midst of our enemies ; you would soon
find him present at every point where our legions
had enemies to combat. Even should he cease to
exist, he would be found again everywhere, and this
chimera would long serve to nourish the guilty
hopes of Frenchmen who are traitors to their coun-
try. . . . There is little danger in holding Capet's
family in captivity; there is much in expelling
them. The expulsion of tyrants has almost always
prepared the Avay for their return, and if Rome had
detained the Tarquins, she would not have had to
combat them."
Meanwhile the Vende'ans were fighting in the
name of Louis XVII., and in Paris the secret police
agents declared there was a rising public sentiment
in favor of the young Prince. His name was spoken
in market-places and suburbs. Everybody felt inter-
ested in what was done at the Temple. Sometimes
it was said the little prisoner had been abducted,
nnd sometimes that he was soon to be proclaimed
king. These verses were posted up in the National
Garden : —
" Guilty nation, gone astray,
And to cruel plagues a prey,
Wouldst thou from thy bosom chase
Famine, dearth, and all their race ?
Put the baker's journeyman
In his father's shop again."
THE LAST DAYS OF LOUIS XVII 101
A certain change for the better had been effected
in the treatment of the son of Louis XVI. Gomin,
appointed Laurent's assistant, November 8, 1794,
and Lasne, who replaced Laurent, April 1, 1795,
showed him a respect to which he had long been
unaccustomed. His cruel solitude was interrupted
now and again. They brought him cards and
chatted with him. They took him up to the plat-
form of the tower to breathe a little fresh air. But
all this came too late. Crushed by anguish, the
child was irrevocably doomed. The attentions of
Gomin and Lasne could not possibly avail. The
Duchess of Tourzel writes in her Memoirs : " Gomin
told me that when the young Prince was placed in
their hands his neglected condition not only made
him painful to behold, but occasioned most disa-
greeable troubles to himself. He had fallen into a
state of continual absorption, spoke little, and was
unwilling either to walk or to occupy himself with
anything whatever. And yet he had some surpris-
ing flashes of genius. He liked to quit his room,
and was pleased when they took him into the coun-
cil-chamber and seated him near the window. Poor
Gomin, who in spite of his good-will was unskilled
in the care of the sick, did not at first perceive that
this absorption proceeded from a malady by which
the poor little Prince had been attacked, and was
the result of ill treatment and the lack of air and
exercise, even more necessary to this child than to
another; for in speaking of the beauty of face which
102 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
outlasted his life, he praises the two rosy apples on
his cheeks, which but too plainly announced the
internal fever wasting him. But he was not slow
to perceive that all the child's joints were swollen,
and he asked more than once to have a doctor exam-
ine him. No attention was paid to his entreaties,
and Desault, chief surgeon at the H6tel-Dieu, was
not sent there until his aid had become entirely
useless."
On May 6, 1795, Doctor Desault, one of the most
celebrated physicians of the day, arrived at the
Temple, and lavished all his cares on the innocent
victim. The young Prince showed his gratitude to
the good doctor by breaking the silence he observed
with his jailers and the municipal commissioners.
When these persons announced that the visit must
end, the child, unwilling to ask them to prolong it,
held fast to the tail of Desault's coat. But the
doctor's death was to precede that of the young
invalid. "Desault," says the Duchess of Tourzel,
" experienced the keenest emotion on beholding the
deplorable state to which the august and unfortunate
child had been reduced. He had the greatest desire
for his recovery, and employed all his skill to that
effect. His whole mind was bent on it; he slept
neither day nor night, and spent all his time in seek-
ing some means by which it might be accomplished.
His imagination became so overheated that his health
suffered in consequence. He experienced great
physical disturbance which his fear of being super-
THE LAST DATS OF LOUIS XVII 103
seded by some one whose sentiments would be dif-
ferent, made him undertake to quell; his humors
inflamed, and he was attacked by a dysentery which
carried him to the grave in a few days." Desault
fell seriously ill in the night of May 29-30, and
died on June 1. Strange rumors got into circula-
tion concerning this sudden death. Some claimed
that the doctor had been poisoned because he refused
to poison the little Prince. Others tried to spread
the absurd report that having obeyed a secret order
to administer slow poison to the young invalid, he
had been poisoned in his turn so as to efface the
traces of his crime.
Louis XVII. finally reached the end of his mis-
eries. "My brother's malady grew worse daily,"-
writes Marie There'se; "even his mind felt the
effects of the severity used towards him, and insen-
sibly weakened. The Committee of General Secu-
rity sent Doctor Desault to attend him ; he undertook
his cure, although he recognized that the malady
was very dangerous. Desault died, and was suc-
ceeded by Dumaugin and Surgeon Pelletan. They
entertained no hopes of his recovery. He was given
medicines which he swallowed with difficulty.
Happily, his malady did not cause him much suffer-
ing ; it was a case of prostration and decline, rather
than of acute pains." Alas! this final sentence
testifies to an illusion on the part of the young Prin-
cess. The wretched child experienced the most
cruel tortures to the very end of his life. "How
104 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOUL&ME
unhappy I am to see you suffer like that!" said
Gomin to him. "Console yourself," replied the
little martyr; "I shall not suffer always." A few
minutes before yielding up his soul, he turned his
head toward his two guardians, and feebly mur-
mured his last words : " Put me in a place where I
shall not suffer so ! "
Marie The're'se ends her journal in the Temple by
mentioning this death in the following words : " Thus
died, June 9, 1795, at three o'clock in the afternoon,
Louis XVII., aged ten years and two months. The
commissioners wept bitterly, so much had he made
himself beloved by them for his amiable qualities.
He had possessed much intelligence, but the prison
and the horrors he had been subjected to had greatly
altered it; even if he had lived, it is to be feared
that his mind would have been affected.
" I do not believe that he was poisoned, as people
said and continue to say; that is false according to
the testimony of the physicians who opened the
body, and found not the least trace of poison. The
drugs he had been using in his last illness were
analyzed and found innocuous. The only poison
which shortened his life was uncleanliness joined to
horrible treatment, cruelty, and the unexampled
severity exercised towards him.
" Such has been the life and death of my virtuous
relatives during their sojourn in the Temple and
other prisons.
"Done at the Temple tower."
THE LAST DAYS OF LOUIS XVII 105
The death of the poor little Prince was concealed
from Marie The'rese for a considerable time. The
child was lying inanimate within a few steps of her,
in the very room beneath her own, and she did not
know it; she was as ignorant of this death as she
still remained of those of Marie Antoinette and
Madame Elisabeth. When, several weeks later, she
learned that she had lost her mother, her aunt, and
her brother, she remained inconsolable because she
had not been able to nurse the innocent victim who
had suffered so much.
During all the nights preceding his death the poor
child had been left alone. His guardians were
permitted to see him only in the daytime. He
breathed his last sigh in Lasne's arms at three in the
afternoon. If he had expired in the night, he would
have passed away in absolute solitude. The bar-
barous regulation which forbade his being watched
at night was not repealed until he had been dead
some hours. His body was placed on a stretcher,
earned to the cemetery of Saint Marguerite, and
thrown into the common grave. Thus ended the
descendant and heir of Louis XIV.
Even this did not fill the measure of calamities
and painful memories for the daughter of Louis
XVI. She was still to be tormented all her life by
importunate claimants who called themselves Louis
XVII., and pursued her with incessant demands.
She declared one day that she had received letters from
twenty-eight different persons, each of whom said he
106 THE DUCHESS OF ANOOULEME
was her brother. The history of these pretenders
does not enter into the design of this study. M.
Chantelauze, in his conscientious and remarkable
work, and M. Ernest Bertin, in some excellent
articles published in the Dtbats of January 17, 27,
and 31, 1885, have annihilated the fables which can
no longer play on public credulity. It was Regnault
Warin, a writer completely forgotten now, who
settled the vocation of most of the pretended Louis
XVII.s by a romance called Le Cimetiere de la Made-
leine, which he brought out in 1798. In it he pre-
tends that two of Chare tte's emissaries had brought
a child stupefied by opium into the Temple, conceal-
ing him inside a hobby-horse presented to the little
Prince, and that having substituted this child for
Louis XVII., the latter was carried away in the
packing-basket that had contained the wooden horse.
According to the same romance, Louis XVII., after
having been first called for and then rejected by the
Vende'an army, embarked for America, was captured
at sea, brought back to France, and thrown into
prison, where he died. " The romancer killed Louis
XVII.," says M. Ernest Bertin; "the claimants did
not carry their plagiarism so far. The wooden horse
was what chiefly impressed their imaginations, and
all of them got into it to make their escape from the
Temple."
The most famous of these pretenders was Naun-
dorff, who died in Holland, August 10, 1845. In
August, 1850, his widow and orphans summoned the
THE LAST DAYS OF LOUIS XVII 107
Duchess of Angouleme and the children of the Duke
of Berry before the Seine tribunal to claim their
descent from Louis XVI. They lost their cause in
1851, appealed it in 1874, and lost it again. Those
interested in this strange trial may read the details
of it in the G-azette des Tribunaux.
The work of M. Chantelauze confirms by definite
facts and probable arguments the conclusions reached
by French magistrates. The historian has made
special use of the testimonies collected by Count
Angles, prefect of police, during an inquest ordered
by Louis XVIII. at the beginning of the second
Restoration, whose special aim was to seek out,
interrogate, and recompense all persons who had
shown any humanity in their dealings with the pris-
oners of the Temple. M. Chantelauze discovered
the reports of these interrogatories in the pigeon-
holes of the National Archives, and they furnished
him the means whereby to destroy the legends of the
false Louis XVII. The testimony of Simon's widow
and the dumbness of the child who died in the
Temple, had been relied on to prove it possible that
the son of Louis XVI. might have escaped. Simon's
widow had alleged, in 1817, that Doctor Desault, on
seeing the corpse of the pretended Louis XVII.,
had said he did not recognize the body of the young
Prince. Now, this woman had either forgotten or
did not know that Desault died June 1, 1795, eight
days before Louis XVII. The story of the dumb
child was no better founded. Numerous persons.
108 THE DUCHESS OF ANQOULEifE
among them Gomin and Lasne the keepers, and
Commissioners Bellanger and Dumont, declared they
had heard Louis XVII. speak during his last days.
Two of the pretended sons of Louis XVI., Riche-
mont and Nauiidorff, asserted that they had been
rescued by the Count of Frotte*. Richemont said
his rescue was effected in June, 1794. Now, in a
letter addressed to a Mrs. Atkym, in March, 1795,
M. de Frott£ speaks regretfully of the impossibility
of such a deliverance. Naundorff affirmed that he
had been saluted as king in the midst of Charette's
soldiers. Now, in 1796, Charette in an official proc-
lamation accused the republicans of having caused
Louis XVII. to perish in prison.
Yes, the true Louis XVII., as we believe, is the
unhappy child who died in the Temple, June 9,
1795. But is not the very fact of the doubts that
have been entertained about his death and the
mystery that surrounds his remains in the common
grave a striking one ? How could the son of Bour-
bons and of Hapsburgs, the heir of Saint Louis,
Henri IV., and Louis XIV., the child whose cradle
had been encircled by so many adulators, the Dau-
phin of ideal beauty and rare intelligence, who was
never shown to the crowd without exciting general
admiration and enthusiasm, disappear thus into si-
lence and profound darkness! Who are they who
identify the descendant of so many kings ? Are they
high and mighty lords, or personages entrusted with
great court appointments ? No ; they are poor peo-
THE LAST DATS OF LOUIS XVII 109
pie, obscure wardens, men of the lower classes.
Compare the death of Louis XVII. with his birth.
How many things had changed in ten years! what
more striking example than this of worldly vicissi-
tudes !
VI
THE MITIGATION OF CAPTIVITY
news of Louis XVII. 's death caused a pro-
found impression. Worn out by its own fury,
even the. Convention felt its anger lessen and its
hatred weaken. June 18, 1795, a deputation from
the city of Orleans came to its bar to demand that
the daughter of Louis XVI. should be set at liberty,
in a petition which contained these words : " Citizen
representatives, while you have broken the chains of
so many victims of a suspicious and cruel policy, a
young unfortunate condemned to weep, deprived of
all consolation, all support, reduced to lament for
all she held most dear, the daughter of Louis XVI.,
still languishes in the depths of a horrible prison.
So young and yet an orphan, so young and yet over-
whelmed by. so much bitterness and so many griefs,
how painfully she has expiated the misfortune of her
august birth ! Alas ! who would not take pity on so
many woes, so much affliction, on such innocence
and youth?"
The petition terminated thus : " Come, let us all
surround this enclosure; form a pious cortege, ye
Frenchmen susceptible to pity, and ye who h
110
THE MITIGATION OF CAPTIVITY 111
received benefits from this unhappy family; let us
mingle our tears, lift our supplicating hands and
demand liberty for this young innocent, and our
voices will be heard; you Avill surely grant it,
citizen representatives, and Europe will applaud
that resolution, and this day will be for us, and for
all France, a day of joy and gladness."
A few weeks earlier the authors of such a petition
would have been condemned to death, and now they
were allowed to express their wishes at the bar of
the Convention. An undeniable reaction in people's
minds had set in. From this period the severity of
Marie The'rdse's captivity was notably relaxed. We
find the details of these ameliorations in Fra^ois
Hue's book: Les Dernieres Annies de Louis XVI. ;
in the Duchess of Tourzel's Memoirs; and in two
masterly works, M. de Beauchesne's Louis XVII. ,
and the Vie de Marie ThSrese de France by M.
Nettement.
The solitude of the Temple orphan came to an
end. A decree of the Committee of Public Safety,
dated June 13, 1795, decided " that a woman should
be placed with the daughter of Louis Capet to serve
as her companion*" and the Committee, making its
choice between " three women commendable for their
moral and republican virtues," selected "Citizeness
Madeleine Elisabeth Rende Hilaire La Rochette, wife
of Citizen Bocquet de Chantereine, living in Paris
at No. 24 rue des Rosiers, section of the Rights of
Man." This woman was about thirty years of age.
112 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
In the references with which she was furnished, it
is said : " Her manners are gentle and good, and her
appearance modest. Although she has lived a long
time in the country, she is not out of place in the
city. Her associates, without being very brilliant,
have always been very select. She speaks French
well, and writes it easily and correctly. She knows
Italian also, and a little English. The study of
languages, history, geography, music, and drawing,
and the useful and amusing labors proper to her sex
have been the occupation of her life. Her commune,
which she never left until within a few months, is
that of Gouilly, near Meaux. She was notable there
for her popularity, and her patriotism has never been
suspected."
Marie The're'se heartily welcomed Madame de
Chantereine. At last she met a woman who would
tell her the truth concerning those she held so dear.
The following dialogue took place between the
young Princess and her new companion : " Where is
my mother?" —"Madame has no longer a mother."
"And my brother ?" — " And no brother." "And
my aunt?" — "And no aunt." "What! Elisabeth
too? But of what could they accuse her?"
July 28, 1795, Madame de Chantereine wrote to
the Committee of Public Safety: "Citizen repre-
sentatives, I have deferred writing you until now,
in order to gain time and means to give you correct
ideas of my conduct toward the daughter of Louis
Capet, with whom the Committee has placed me.
THE MITIGATION OF CAPTIVITY 113
From the first moments of my arrival I flattered
myself that my attentions would be successful;
to-day I dare assert that they have surpassed my
hopes; I owe this to the excellent sentiments of
my companion. I can but praise her, although I aid
her but little. Her estimable virtues are even pre-
cocious. Her amiable qualities and her talents need
only to be developed and exercised. She unites
firmness and energy of soul to a touching sensibility
of heart."
The amelioration in the young prisoner's condition
coincided with Madame de Chantereine's arrival at
the Temple. A decree of June 20, 1795, permitted
some clothes to be given to the daughter of Louis
XVI. At last she could discard her puce-colored
silk frock which was all in tatters, and which she
had constantly been mending for more than a year.
"Her dress was now very suitable," says Gomin the
keeper. " In the morning, while in her chamber, she
wore a white dimity gown; in the daytime, one of
nankeen; on Sundays she wore cambric, and on all
solemn holidays she put on a green silk robe. Her
beautiful hair, so abundant that the fashionable
women of the period declared she wore a wig, hung
down as of old in a pleasing negligence, confined
sometimes by a ribbon and sometimes by a fichu
fastened at her forehead."
The young Princess was provided with paper,
pencils, India ink, brushes, Velly's History of
France, Fontenelle's The Worlds, the works of
114 THE DUCHESS OF ANOOULEME
Racine and Boileau, and the letters of Madame de
SeVigne* and Madame de Maintenon. Her keepers
were permitted to let her go down into the Temple
garden. A little spaniel which Laurent had given
her followed her. The young captive could then
be seen from the upper windows of the neighboring
houses.
Quite close to the tower and the garden there was
a large oval-shaped house, known as the Rotunda,
which was within the Temple precincts. The loyal
Frangois Hue made haste to hire a room in it, so as
to be able to look at the Princess when she walked
in the garden. He says : " I could see Madame from
my windows, and I could be seen there ; she could
even hear a song sung in my room which announced
that her prison doors were soon to open : —
'"Be calm, unhappy one,
These doors will open soon ;
Soon from thy chains set free,
'Neath radiant skies thou'lt be.
Yet when from this abode
Of grief thou tak'st thy road,
Remember that e'en there,
True hearts made thee their care.'
" The author of this ballad was M. Lepitre, a
municipal officer. I also brought Mademoiselle de
Bravannes there so that her music might afford some
diversion to this angel of sweetness and virtue.
Besides a composition of her own called the Com-
plaint of the Young Prisoner, of which both words
THE MITIGATION OF CAPTIVITY 115
and music were produced for the occasion, she sang
various other pieces. People sang also in" the win-
dows of the houses on the rue de la Corderie, which
ran along the Temple enclosure on the tower side.
In spite of their sympathy for the Princess, the two
keepers, Gomin and Lasne, felt it their duty to ap-
prise the Committee of Public Safety of this har-
monious conspiracy. They wrote as follows, August
11, 1795: "Citizen representatives, we have noticed
to-day that a ballad has been sung from the win-
dows in the rue de la Corderie, which look into the
garden. As it seemed to us that this romance was
sung when the young prisoner was seen, we walked
in a different direction. Health and fraternity."
August 15, 1795, the name-day of Marie The're'se,
the singing began again at the window of Francois
Hue's room in the Rotunda. The Princess was
pleased with this attention, and walked longer than
usual in the garden. Two days later, Gomin was
summoned before the Committee of Public Security.
" So they are giving concerts," some one said to him.
"Citizens," he replied, "it is an actress who is
rehearsing her parts." The matter was dropped for
the time being. But the government indirectly
warned FranQois Hue that the homage paid to mis-
fortune would be respected only if things went no
farther. Thereupon the singing ceased, and did not
begin again until several weeks later. On August
25, in honor of the feast of Saint Louis, Marie
The>c!se hoped to hear again the song which had
116 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
moved her so much on Assumption Day. In this
expectation she went down to the garden, but she
heard no music, and was saddened and made uneasy
by the silence.
September 3, 1795, the third anniversary of the
massacres, those horrible preludes to still greater
crimes, the young captive was visited at the Temple
by two women for whom she entertained great affec-
tion, but the sight of whom recalled most painful
memories. These were the Marchioness of Tourzel,
who had been governess to the royal children, and
was given the rank of Duchess by Louis XVIII., in
1816, and her daughter Pauline, who had been the
childish companion of the Princess.
The Marchioness of Tourzel, the daughter of the
Duke of Cray-Havre", and a Montmorency-Luxem-
bourg, was at this period forty-six years old. She
was a model of piety, devotion, and courage. On
the day after the taking of the Bastille, she suc-
ceeded, as governess to the children of France, the
Duchess of Polignac, who then emigrated. Her
susceptibility to the afflictions of the royal family,
and the sight of the abandonment in which they
were left by the departure of so many of those who
had surrounded them, induced Madame de Tourzel
to accept this perilous position. As her daughter
has written in her Souvenirs de quarante ans, "she
resigned herself to the sacrifice demanded of her.
At that time it was a sacrifice and a very great one ;
many of the woes hidden by the future might already
THE MITIGATION OF CAPTIVITY 117
be foreseen." Marie Antoinette said to the new
governess : " Madame, I have confided our children
to friendship; I confide them now to virtue." Ma-
dame de Tourzel witnessed the scenes of October 5-6,
1789, the whole Varennes journey, the tragedies of
June 20 and August 10, 1792, and all the agonies
of the death-struggle of royalty. She followed the
royal family into the box of the Logographe and the
convent of the Feuillante. It was in the latter that
the Queen, before whom some one had just named
the Temple, said to her in an undertone : " You will
see that they will put me into that tower, and make
it a real prison for us. I have always had such a
horror of that tower that I have begged the Count of
Artois a thousand times to have it torn down, and
it was surely a presentiment of all we are to suffer
there." And as the governess of the royal children
sought to banish such an idea from the hapless
mother's mind, Marie Antoinette replied: "You
will see whether I am mistaken ! " Alas ! she was
not.
Madame de Tourzel had entered the Temple with
the royal family, August 13, 1792. But, to her
great despair, she was torn away from there during
the night of August 19-20, for she longed for cap-
tivity as others long for liberty. It was only as by
miracle that she escaped the blade of the Septem-
brists. During the examination to which she was
subjected, she was reproached for having accom-
panied the Dauphin, her pupil, to Varennes. She
118 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
was courageous enough to reply: "I had taken an
oath never to leave him ; I could not separate from
him. Moreover, I was too much attached to him
not to endeavor to preserve his life, even at the cost
of my own." At the Force prison, a man, observing
a ring on her finger, asked her to read aloud the
motto on it. She complied: " Domine salvum fac
Regem Delphinum et Sororem ! Lord, save the King,
the Dauphin, and his sister! " The crowd appeared
angry. Some one cried out: "Throw the ring on
the ground!" "Impossible!" returned the govern-
ess of the children of France. "All I can do, if
you dislike to see it, is to put it in my pocket. I
am tenderly attached to Mgr. the Dauphin and to
Madame. For several years the former has been
under my especial care, and I love him as my own
child; I cannot deny the sentiments of my heart,
and I am sure you would despise me if I were to do
what you propose."
Madame de Tourzel and her daughter Pauline
were again incarcerated in March, 1794, and did not
leave their prison until the end of October of the
same year, three months after the death of Robes-
pierre. She hardly says a word concerning this last
captivity in her Memoirs. It is only the afflictions
of the royal family that concern her. " We had the
grief of weeping for Madame Elisabeth, that angel
of courage and virtue. She was Madame 's support,
aid, and consolation. We experienced the keenest
anxiety for the young Princess. We imagined that
THE MITIGATION OF CAPTIVITY 119
sensitive heart, all alone in the horrible tower, left to
herself, and without consolation in the midst of the
greatest griefs the heart can feel. Our own hearts
were torn with anguish at the thought of her situa-
tion and that of our dear little Prince, both treated
with unexampled barbarity, and deprived even of the
comfort of weeping together over the miseries that
overwhelmed them. We never even thought of
complaining of our own lot, for we were too much
occupied with that of the young King and Madame."
On the 3d of September, 1795, Madame de Tour-
zel, after many requests, at last obtained from the
Committee of Public Safety an authorization to
enter the Temple with her daughter and pay a visit
to Madame Royale. "I asked Gauthier," she writes
in her Memoirs, "if Madame had been made ac-
quainted with the losses she had sustained. He
said she knew nothing about them, and during the
whole way from the Committee, which sat in the
Hotel de Brienne, to the Temple, we were dreading
our probable task of apprising her that she had lost
all she held most dear in the world.
" On arriving at the Temple, I presented my per-
mission to Madame's two keepers, and asked for a
private interview with Madame de Chantereine.
She told me that Madame knew the extent of her
misfortunes and that we might enter. I begged her
to inform Madame that we were at the door. I
dreaded the effect that might be produced on the
Princess by the sight of two persons who, at her
120 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOUL&11E
entrance into the Temple, accompanied thof^e who
were dearest to her, and whose death she was forced
to lament. Happily, the emotion she experienced
had no injurious results. She advanced to meet us,
embraced us tenderly, and led us to her chamber,
where we mingled our tears over the objects of our
regrets."
It is easy to understand that the interview
between the young Princess and her former govern-
ess must have "been pathetic. What dismal things
they had to tell each other! If the daughter of
Louis XVI. and Marie Antoinette, the niece of
Madame Elisabeth, and the sister of Louis XVII.,
could recount the dramas of the Temple to Madame
de Tourzel, the latter could relate those of the Force
prison ; she could speak of the Princess of Lamballe,
whose companion in captivity she had been up to
the hour of her massacre. The governess of the
children of France had suffered as much as the
royal family. Of how many victims was she not
about to retrace the tragic end ! What fatal tidings
had she not to give the youthful captive! Oh!
what a glance into the past! What sinister details!
What oceans of tears ! Can one imagine more pain-
ful confidences, a more heartrending dialogue ? The
very surroundings, that fateful, horrible tower itself,
lent additional sadness to the words exchanged.
The mere sight of Madame de Tourzel reminded the
prisoner of all the catastrophes of terrible years : of
the October Days, the Varennes journey, of June 20
THE MITIGATION OF CAPTIVITY 121
and August 10, of the assassination of the Swiss,
the arrival at the Temple, and the September mas-
sacres.
Madame de Tourzel, on her part, experienced sen-
timents of admiration, veneration, and tenderness,
on beholding the orphan of the Temple. She would
have liked to kneel at the feet of the heroic and
angelic Princess, whose brow seemed to her sur-
rounded by an aureole. She says: "We had left
Madame feeble and delicate, and on seeing her again
at the end of three years of unexampled woes, we
were greatly astonished to find her beautiful, tall,
and strong, and with that air of nobility which is
the chief characteristic of her appearance. Pauline
and I were struck with her likeness to the King,
the Queen, and even Madame Elisabeth. Heaven,
which destined her to be the model of that courage
which, while detracting nothing from sensibility,
nevertheless renders the soul capable of great actions,
did not permit her to succumb under such a weight
of sorrows.
" Madame spoke of them to us with angelic sweet-
ness. We did not perceive the faintest touch of
bitterness against their authors. The worthy daugh-
ter of her royal father, she compassionated the
French people, and continued to love the country
where she had been so unhappy. In reply to my
remark that I could not help desiring her departure
from France, so as to see her delivered from her
frightful captivity, she sorrowfully responded: 'I
122 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
still feel consolation in living in a country that
possesses the remains of what was dearest to me on
earth.' And in a heart-breaking tone she added:
'I should have been much happier to share the fate
of my beloved relatives than to be condemned to
bewail their loss.' '
Marie The're'se spoke first of the martyr-king.
" My father, " said she, " before leaving us forever,
made us all promise never to think of avenging his
death, and he was very sure that we would consider
it a sacred duty to fulfil his last desire. But my
brother's extreme youth made him anxious to pro-
duce a still stronger impression on him. He took
him on his knee and said: 'My son, you heard what
I have just said, but as an oath is something still
more sacred than a promise, lift your hand and swear
that you will accomplish your father's last will. ' '
"After speaking of Louis XVI., the orphan spoke
of Louis XVII. and the ill usage to which he was
subjected daily. 'That barbarous Simon,' said she,
'maltreated him in order to force him to sing the
Carmagnole and other detestable songs, so that the
Princesses could hear him; and although he had a
horror of wine, he forced him to drink it whenever
he wished to intoxicate him. ' That is what occurred
on the day when he obliged him to repeat in pres-
ence of Madame and Madame Elisabeth the horrors
that were brought up during the trial of our unhappy
Queen. At the close of this atrocious scene, the
wretched little Prince, who was beginning to get
THE MITIGATION OF CAPTIVITY 123
sober, approached his sister and took her hand to
kiss it; the hideous Simon, seeing this, begrudged
him that slight consolation and carried him hastily
away, leaving the Princesses dismayed by what they
had just witnessed."
The young captive afterwards related with pro-
found emotion all she owed to her aunt, Madame
Elisabeth. "These details, so interesting to hear
from Madame's lips," says the governess of the chil-
dren of France, "affected us to tears; we admired
the courage of that holy Princess, and the foresight
which included all that could be useful to Madame.
. . . Not content to occupy herelf with her own
dear ones, she employed her last moments in prepar-
ing those condemned to share her fate to appear
before God ; she practised the most heroic charity up
to the very moment when she went to receive the
recompense promised to virtue as tried and brilliant
as that • of this holy Princess had been. Madame
had difficulty in believing that she had really lost
her. She had never believed that fury could be
pushed to such a point as to shorten the life of a
Princess who could never have taken any part in the
government. ... It was different with the Queen.
She had too often seen her spitefully entreated ; her
courage, and her title as mother to the young King
were too much feared to permit any hope to be enter-
tained of reunion with her. Hence their farewells
had been heartrending."
After conversing thus about her family, Marie
124 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
The're'se asked for tidings of all those who had been
attached to her, as well as to the Queen and the
royal family, and especially of the young girls she
had formerly seen with her governess. She forgot
nothing which could interest them. Madame de
Tourzel and her daughter afterwards took leave of
the Princess, promising to return to the Temple
three times every ten days, as the Committee of
Public Safety had given them permission to do.
The same authorization was granted to the Baron-
ess of Mackau, under-governess to the children of
France, whose daughter, the Marchioness de Bom-
belles, had been Madame Elisabeth's best friend.
Gomin has thus described their first visit to the
Temple: "Madame de Mackau, who was very old,
and whose health had declined through her long
imprisonment, appeared to be suffering and hardly
able to stand. Madame, who had been notified of
her arrival, yielded to her impatience, and running
to meet her, threw herself into her arms. The
former under-governess tried to excuse herself for
not having reached the tower before Madame had
quitted her apartment. 'What! ' cried Madame,
'could I have deferred for a moment the pleasure of
embracing you?' 'It is true,' replied Madame de
Mackau, 'that Madame has come down stairs much
faster than I could have gone up. ' 'It is three years
one month and one day since I had the happiness of
seeing you, ' cried the Princess, embracing her gov-
erness ; then, taking her arm she passed it under her
THE MITIGATION OF CAPTIVITY 125
own with affectionate grace, and thus assisted her to
walk." Having conducted her to tho third story of
the tower, she expressed herself nearly in these
words : " Let us weep, but not for my relatives ;
their task is ended and they have received its recom-
pense; no one will ever take away the crown God
has now placed on their heads. Let us pray, not for
them, but for those who caused them to perish. As
for me, these bitter years have not been unfruitful ;
I have had time to reflect before God and with my
own self. I am stronger against evil. I am far
from confounding the French nation with those who
have torn from me all I loved best in the world.
Certainly, I should be charmed to leave my prison,
but I would prefer the tiniest house in France to
the honors which would everywhere else attend a
Princess so unfortunate as I."
On the day following her first visit to the Temple,
the Marchioness of Tourzel wrote a letter to Louis
XVIII. In his response he charged her to sound
Marie The'rese concerning his desire to marry her to
his nephew, the Duke of AngoulSme, the son of the
Count of Artois. This marriage harmonized so well
with the attachment the young Princess bore towards
her family, and even towards France which had
treated her so badly, that she was inclined to it on
her own account. " Another motive which appealed
powerfully to her heart," adds Madame de Tourzel,
"was the express wish of her father and mother to
conclude this marriage immediately on the return of
126 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
the Princes, and I repeated to her the Queen's own
words at the time when Their Majesties honored me
with their confidence by speaking of their projects
in this matter. ' Some persons have taken pleas-
ure in giving my brothers unfavorable impressions
of my sentiments toward them. We shall prove the
contrary by giving my daughter's hand at once to
the Duke of Angouleme in spite of her extreme
youth, which might have made us wish to defer it
longer. ' '
Marie The're'se listened with emotion, and asked
why her parents had never spoken to her of the
projected marriage. Madame de Tourzel responded:
"It was a prudential measure on their part, so as
not to occupy your imagination with thoughts about
marriage, which might have interfered with your
application to study."
From the moment when she was made acquainted
with the wishes of her father and mother, the
orphan considered herself definitely affianced to the
young Prince thus designated to her choice. The
idea of uniting her misfortunes to those of her family
and of being still useful to her country by averting
the claims which her marriage to a foreign prince
might give rise to, had made on her, moreover, a
strong impression. Some days later, when a rumor
got about to the effect that the young Princess was
soon going to Vienna to marry the Archduke
Charles, Madame de Mackau said to her: "If this
political measure should contribute to bring Madame
THE MITIGATION OF CAPTIVITY 127
back to France, I should rejoice at it." "Ah!"
replied Marie The'rdse, "I know nothing of any
political measures but the last will of my parents ;
I will never marry anybody but the Duke of Angou-
leme."
Madame de Tourzel visited the Temple regularly.
The former governess of the children of France was
on sufficiently good terms with Madame de Chante-
reine, but she felt, nevertheless, something of that
rivalry which nearly always shows itself among
those who surround princesses, even when they are
exiles. "Madame de Chantereine, " she says, "did
not lack intelligence, and appeared to have received
some education. She knew Italian, and this had
been pleasant for Madame, to whom it had been
taught. She was skilful in embroidery, which was
a resource for the young Princess, to whom she gave
lessons in it. But, having been brought up in a
little provincial town where she shone in society,
she had acquired an air of self-sufficiency and such
a high idea of her own merit that she thought she
ought to be Madame 's mentor, and assumed a famil-
iar tone which the kindliness of that Princess pre-
vented her from noticing. Pauline and I tried to
teach her due respect by that which we exhibited,
but in vain. She had so little notion of what was
becoming that she thought herself authorized to take
commanding airs which made us sick to see. She
was very susceptible, moreover, liked to be paid
court to, and looked very unfavorably on us when
128 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
she saw that our intercourse with her was restricted
to mere politeness. Madame had become attached
to her, and lavished the kindest attentions on her
during a violent nervous attack she experienced one
day when we were at the Temple. She seemed to
be attached to Madame, and under the actual circum-
stances we could not be otherwise than happy to find
near her a person whom she seemed to find agree-
able, and who must be admitted to have had good
qualities. She left us alone with Madame during
our first visits to that Princess ; but afterwards she
always joined us."
All that had taken place at the Temple was highly
interesting to Madame de Tourzel ; but what occu-
pied her most was the fate of Louis XVII. She
sometimes doubted whether the child were really
dead. " Not being able to endure a loss so grievous
to me," she says, "and feeling some doubts whether
it were true, I wanted to make positively sure
whether all hope need be given up. From my child-
hood I had known Doctor Jeanroi, an old man over
eighty, of singular probity, and profoundly attached
to the royal family. He had been appointed to be
present when the young King's body was opened,
and being able to rely on the truth of his testimony
as I would upon my own, I begged him to call on
me. His reputation had caused him to be selected
by the members of the Convention in order that his
signature might strengthen the proof that the young
King had not been poisoned. This worthy man
THE MITIGATION OF CAPTIVITY 129
refused at first to go to the Temple to examine the
causes of death, warning them that if he found the
least trace of poison he would declare it even at
the risk of his life. 'You are the very man whom
it is essential for us to have,' said they, 'and it is for
this reason we have preferred you to any one else. ' '
Madame de Tourzel asked the old physician if he
had known the young Prince well before he entered
the Temple. Jeanroi replied that he had seldom
seen him, and added: "The face of this child,
whose features had not been changed by the shadows
of death, was so beautiful and interesting that it is
never out of my mind. I should recognize him per-
fectly were I to see a portrait of him." Madame
had a portrait which was strikingly like him. She
showed it to Jeanroi, who exclaimed: "There can
be no mistake about it; it is himself; no one could
deny it."
The governess of the children of France looked
at the different rooms of the tower with emotion, as
if they were the stations of a Calvary. One day
Marie The're'se offered to conduct her to the second
story, where Louis XVI. and Louis XVII. had
dwelt. The Princess entered there with pious re-
spect, followed by Mademoiselle Pauline de Tourzel.
The death of the young King was so recent that
his governess had not sufficient courage to visit the
place where he had suffered so much. But she went
with the Princess into the apartments of the little
tower where she had herself been imprisoned from
130 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
August 13 to August 20, 1792. Marie The'rese said
to her: "If you have the curiosity to examine the
register lying on that table, you may see the report
made by the Commissioners from the time we entered
the Temple." Madame de Tourzel did not wait for
a second invitation. She began at once to turn over
the pages of the register. There she saw the reports
daily addressed to the Convention concerning the
royal family, and especially those relating to the
illness, death, and burial of Louis XVII. "They
convinced me but too well," she says, "that not
the slightest hope of the young King's life could
be reasonably entertained. "
Madame de Tourzel's untiring devotion found
means to establish a correspondence between Marie
The're'se and Louis XVIII., and to give the Prin-
cess a letter from the Prince. She says: "It was
the reply to a very affecting letter which Madame
had written him on the day after I visited her for
the first time. The King wrote in the most affec-
tionately paternal tone, and she was very anxious to
preserve his letter, but had no means of doing so.
I risked my life whenever I burdened myself with
one of these communications, and it would have been
the same thing had any one discovered a letter from
His Majesty in Madame 's apartments. She burned
it, but with great reluctance, and I was extremely
sorry to have to ask such a sacrifice." Fra^ois
Hue also succeeded in conveying a letter from Louis
XVIII. to the Princess, and to inform her of the
THE MITIGATION OF CAPTIVITY 131
substance of another in which Charette, in express-
ing the sentiments of the Catholic and royalist army
of the Vendee, protested that he and his companions
in arms would shed their last drop of blood to liber-
ate the august captive.
Meanwhile, public opinion was becoming more
favorable to the daughter of Louis XVI. and Marie
Antoinette. Pamphlets asking for her delivery
were circulated, and an almanac was published at
Basle in which, under a pseudonym, M. Michaud
wrote as follows: "Marie The'rese is at liberty to
walk in the courtyards of the Temple. The two
commissioners who are continually on guard take
off their hats when they approach her, and treat her
with the respect inspired by the memory of what
she was and the sad spectacle of what she is now.
Several persons visit her every day, and she seldom
dines alone. She occupies herself a good deal with
a goat she has, which knows and follows her famil-
iarly. One day one of the commissioners called
this faithful animal to see if it would not follow
him also, but, to the gentle amusement of Marie
The'rese, it would not. A dog is another faithful
companion to the young prisoner, and seems much
attached to her."
When the Princess went down into the Temple
garden, she was allowed to take drawing-materials
and sketch the different aspects of that fatal yet hal-
lowed tower which was at once a prison and a sanct-
uary. The sympathetic concerts had begun again
132 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOUL&ME
in neighboring houses. They were denounced in
this fashion by a person named Leblanc: "During
the past four months concerts have been given
from time to time in the Rotunda of the Temple,
in the garrets, on the fourth floor reached by stair-
case number four. This lodging had been occupied
by worthy people who were paid very high to give
it up. For the last two ' decades ' 1 the concerts have
been repeated much more frequently in this local-
ity. Very elegant women, and men with tucked-up
hair come there to contemplate Capet's daughter at
their leisure ; on her part, she never fails to walk in
the garden of the Temple as soon as she learns that
the royalist assembly is complete. Then the partisans
of the defunct court make all manner of protesta-
tions of devotion and respect for her royal person.
The concert place not proving large enough to con-
tain all this illustrious company, they go in great
numbers to a house in the rue Beaujolais, No. 12,
whose windows likewise command a view of the
Temple garden, and there, as in the garrets of the
Rotunda, they publicly repeat the same gestures,
signals, and marks of attachment to the daughter of
Marie Antoinette. . . . On the 1st Vende"miaire
there was a concert at about five in the afternoon,
the hour at which they ordinarily commence, and
the adoration and the telegraphic signs were kept up
until the end of the day. Persons attached to
1 Under the Republic the days were divided into periods of ten
each instead of into weeks.
THE MITIGATION OF CAPTIVITY 133
various theatres are believed to have been recog-
nized there, and since the date mentioned, carriages,
which were almost unknown in this quarter, roll
through it frequently. Something like a hundred
persons have been known to assemble at a time in
the places above mentioned. They are successively
and continually relieved by others."
How interesting and pathetic these improvised
concerts are! Kindly emotions spread from street
to street, from house to house. Passers-by stop and
breathe a sigh. The people, once so furious, are
returning, to better sentiments. All mothers pity
the young orphan, and as they think of her fate,
they say: " Great God! If such a thing should ever
happen to my children ! " The prisoner descends
the gloomy stairway and appears in the garden.
She is sixteen years old, and slender in figure. Her
features, extremely delicate in her infancy, have
become beautiful. Her eyes are expressive, and her
once fair hair is now of a chestnut hue. She wears
it long and unpowdered. How beautiful and sym-
pathetic she seems ! Her candor and ineffable grace,
her gentle and melancholy smile, the premature
gravity of her expression, all inspire a blended
admiration and respect. If people dared, the young
captive would be greeted with applause. The con-
cert goes on, and the affecting ballads whose har-
monious echoes arrive at her ears like a consolation,
charm and soothe her sadness.
Even the aspect of the prison is less sinister.
134 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
The sight of compassionate faces diminishes the
moral sufferings of the young captive. Tears have
their poesy, and the orphan finds in her regrets I
know not what bitter and penetrating delight. The
Temple no longer horrifies her. She clings to it as
to a consecrated spot. There she seems to see the
features and hear the voices of her beloved dead.
Her vividly impressed imagination makes them live
again. She questions them, and they answer her
from beyond the tomb. And then the Temple is in
France, and the daughter of kings loves her country
so much ! A sort of struggle goes on in the depths
of her soul. On the one hand she is impatient to
rejoin her uncle Ixniis XVIII. ; on the other, it will
cost her much to go far away from a place where
her parents have given her such noble and affecting
examples, and she sometimes asks herself if captivity
is not preferable to exile.
VII
NEW SEVEEITIES
MARIE THERESE was gradually accustoming
herself to her fate when new anxieties sud-
denly came to plunge her into sufferings which
reminded her of her most wretched days. The con-
servative and royalist reaction that was beginning
had inspired her with great though transitory hopes.
There had been a moment when she might have
thought she need not go into exile to obtain free-
dom, and that the explosion of monarchical senti-
ment would be great enough to bring about an
immediate restoration. She was told the most
cheering news: that the Convention was moribund
and had neither authority nor credit ; that the popu-
lace was humbled since Prairial ; 1 that the royalist
agencies had begun their underhand labors ; and that
the cruel executions at Quiberon had rendered the
men of Thermidor as opprobrious as the partisans
of Robespierre. Paris, still more irritated than the
provinces against the revolutionists, was becoming
the headquarters of all political and social reaction.
1 The ninth month of the French Eepublican Calendar, from
May 20 to June 18.
135
136 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
The energy of the Jeunesse DorSe,1 the principles of
the middle classes, always inimical to the Jacobins, the
polemics of the press which, since the 9th Thermidor,
had relentlessly attacked the Septembrists, all contrib-
uted to make the capital a centre of agitation which
the royalists sought to turn to advantage. The
orphan of the Temple knew that out of the forty-
eight sections of which the Parisian National Guard
was composed, forty-three had declared against the
Convention, and implicitly against the Republic.
A shower of journals, pamphlets, brochures, gave
the former instruments of the Terror not a moment's
respite. The Convention had just resolved that
two-thirds of the new legislative body that would
succeed it must necessarily be Convention is ts. This
resolution produced a veritable hue and cry. The
sections protested vigorously against it. With a
single exception, they all opposed the decrees of the
Convention, and were willing even to resort to arms
against them. Marie The'rese, who was acquainted
with all the details of this reactionary movement,
and much impressed by the marks of sympathy peo-
ple accorded her with impunity, thought it not
impossible that she might go directly to the Tuileries
from the Temple. She was encouraged in these
blissful dreams, which were to be followed by a
rude awakening.
1 The name given in 1794 to those rich young men who united
in order to support the Thermidorians, the party that overthrew
Robespierre.
NEW SEVERITIES 137
From the 12th Vende*miaire, Year IV. (October 4,
1795), a great tumult became evident in Paris.
There were disturbances in the evening, and seri-
ous events were predicted for the morrow. In the
morning of the 13th Vende'miaire, Madame de
Tourzel and her daughter went to the Temple and
conversed with Marie The're'se concerning the hopes
they entertained from the royalist movement. The
day passed in comparative quiet, but towards half-
past four in the afternoon explosions were heard.
Gomin came to tell the Princess that they were fir-
ing cannon, and that having gone up to the roof of
the tower he had heard a grand fusillade. Madame
de Tourzel says in her Memoirs: "It was evident,
since we had heard no talk concerning this, that
what was occurring was not in our favor, and Gomin
cautioned us not to wait until nightfall to return
home. We kept putting off our departure, being
unwilling to leave Madame; but it had to come at
last. She bade us adieu very sadly, for she was
thinking of the sorrows that might be caused by this
fatal day, and we promised to return the next day if
there were the slightest possibility of doing so.
" We went home silently, and in great anxiety as
to what was going on in the streets of Paris. We
saw nothing alarming until we reached the Place de
Greve, where there was an enormous crowd strug-
gling and suffocating in the effort to escape more
quickly. We asked a man who seemed less excited
than the others whether we could safely cross the
138
bridges to return to the Faubourg Saint-Germain.
He advised us to keep away from the quays, cross
the Pont Notre Dame promptly, and make our way
into the interior of Paris. Crossing the bridge was
terrible; we could see the smoke and flame of the
cannon incessantly discharged."
Each report echoed in the heart of Marie The'rese.
"I am weeping over the blood shed at this moment,"
she said to Gomin. The men who were struck by
the bombs were her friends, the royalists, but her
compassion extended to both camps, the victors and
vanquished alike, for all were Frenchmen. Doubt-
ful about the result of the struggle, she was a prey
to the keenest anxiety, and fervently asked God to
put an end to the fratricidal combat which ensan-
guined Paris.
Meanwhile cannons were thundering simultane-
ously in the rue Saint-Honore", on the Quai du
Louvre, and the Pont Royal. A man whose name
was still unknown to the orphan of the Temple, but
who was to exercise an immense influence on her
destiny as well as on that of France and the entire
world, a man who was to delay the Bourbon res-
toration for more than eighteen years, was making
his first appearance on the scene of politics, and
signalizing his de*but as by a thunder stroke.
This unknown son of a poor Corsican gentleman,
had been an officer in the armies of Louis XVI.
Having been a royalist, he had become a republican,
and was one day to make himself Emperor. The
NEW SEVERITIES 139
Republic was saved by a future Caesar. In addition
to the troops of the Convention, he had fifteen hun-
dred individuals under his orders who called them-
selves the patriots of 1789, and who had been
recruited among the iSans-culottes, the pikemen, and
the former gendarmes of Fouquier-Tinville. He
hurled them upon the steps of the church of Saint-
Roch to dislodge the men of the sections.
These had no artillery, and imagined that they
needed none, their heads being turned by the exploits
of the Vende'an peasants, who had often seized the
enemy's cannon without other weapons than their
cudgels. But they were soon to learn their error.
Bonaparte's great argument, cannon, was to be the
victor. He swept the whole length of the rue Saint-
Honord, and from the upper end of the Pont Royal
demolished the royalist columns advancing from the
Faubourg Saint-Germain. At six in the evening the
victory of the Convention was complete ; the strug-
gle had lasted but an hour and a half.
Madame de Tourzel and her daughter went to the
Temple the following day and gave the young Prin-
cess the news she was impatiently expecting. " We
could tell her of none but afflicting events," she says.
" The Convention, which was in deadly fear lest the
sections should march against it, completely lost its
head ; any one who chose entered the Committee of
Public Safety and offered his advice. Bonaparte,
who had carefully examined all that was going on,
who knew how disorderly were the movements of the
140 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
sections and that terror pervaded all minds, promised
the Convention to turn the affair to their advantage,
providing they would leave him free to act. He had
cannon brought up to the rue Saint-Honor^, and dis-
persed the troops of the sections in a moment with a
rain of grapeshot. This was the beginning of his
fortune. Fear and stupor took the place of hope;
the soldiers insulted passers-by, and every one trem-
bled at the thought of the possible results of this
ruthless day."
The illusions in which Marie Therese had been
living for some weeks were dissipated. When she
learned that the Convention had triumphed, she
thought the crimes of the Terror were about to
recommence. For some time longer she was per-
mitted to receive Madame and Mademoiselle de
Tourzel, who came on foot every morning to the
Temple, unaccompanied by a servant, and did not
return home until night. But this consolation was
among those of which the young prisoner was speed-
ily deprived. The Convention had come to the end
of its stormy career. At half-past two, October 26,
1795, the President declared the last session ad-
journed, adding: "Union and amity between all
Frenchmen is the way to save the Republic."
"What is the hour?" asked a deputy. "The hour
of justice ! " replied an unknown voice. The terri-
ble Assembly dispersed. October 29, the Council of
Ancients and the Council of Five Hundred assem-
bled, one at the Tuileries, and the other in the Hall
NEW SEVERITIES 141
of the Mandge : the five Directors afterwards installed
themselves in the Luxembourg palace.
At first the new government manifested great
severity toward the royalists. Lemaitre, one of
their agents, was condemned, November 8, 1795,
and died bravely, after refusing to make any dis-
closures. Madame de Tourzel was arrested at the
same time on a charge of conspiracy. She was
subjected to a minute examination, and was three
times kept in close confinement in a prison for
twenty-four hours together. As soon as she was
released she hastened to the Temple, but was
informed at the door that she was henceforward
forbidden to cross its threshold. Marie The're'se and
Madame de Chantereine were also interrogated, but
the official who conducted their examination became
fully persuaded that both had remained entirely
ignorant of the recent movement in Paris. Never-
theless, rigorous measures were taken. The same
decree which forbade Madame de Tourzel and her
daughter to enter the Temple, forbade Madame de
Chantereine to leave it. All intercourse between
her and her family was interdicted, and she was
treated like a suspected person. The concerts in
the neighboring houses were not renewed. Alarmed
by these changes, Marie The're'se began to dread the
return of the Terror. Sometimes she thought her-
self fated to execution, and sometimes to unending
captivity. And yet the hour of her release was
about to strike.
VIII
THE NEGOTIATION WITH AUSTRIA
HTTWER since June, 1795, the question of liberat-
J J ing the daughter of Louis XVI. had been seri-
ously entertained. Austria had opened negotiations
with the Convention having that end in view. As
this power was at war with France, the business was
not transacted directly between the two countries,
but was managed in Switzerland, by the intermedi-
ation of M. Bourcard, chief of the regency of Basel,
between Baron Degelmann, Austrian Minister to
Switzerland, and M. Bacher, first secretary to the
French Embassy. The Cabinet of Vienna at first
proposed a sum of two millions as a ransom for the
young Princess, but the offer was refused. Several
prisoners whose release was greatly desired by the
Convention were held in custody by the Austrian
government, and it proposed to exchange her against
them. On 12 Messidor, Year III. (June 30, 1795),
Treilhard thus expressed himself in the Convention,
on behalf of the Committees of Public Safety and
General Security : —
" The triumph of the French people, the hopes of
all enlightened men, and the opinion of the whole
142
THE NEGOTIATION WITH AUSTRIA 143
world, sanction the Republic. It would be madness
to doubt its stability. The moment has arrived,
then, when it is fitting to consider the daughter of
the last King of the French. An imperative duty,
that of the safety of the State, prescribed the seclu-
sion of this family. To-day you are too strong for
this rigorous measure to be indispensable. Your
committees propose that an act of humanity shall
be made tributary to the reparation of a great in-
justice. The most foul and odious treachery has
delivered a minister of the Republic and certain
representatives of the people to a hostile power;
and by a violation of the rights of nations, the same
power has caused the arrest of citizens vested with
the sacred character of ambassadors. In this ex-
change, therefore, we cede a right in order to ter-
minate an injustice. It behooves the Viennese gov-
ernment to reflect well on these considerations ; it
may choose between its attachment to the ties of
blood and its desire to prolong a useless and hateful
vengeance. It does not appear to us that this mat-
ter need become the subject of a negotiation ; it
will be sufficient that you explain yourselves, and
the French generals will be charged to transmit your
declaration to the generals of the Austrian army."
A decree in conformity with these sentiments was
at once drawn up by the recording officer, and
adopted before the close of the session. It was
conceived in the following terms : " The National
Convention, after listening to the report of its
144 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
Committees of Public Safety and General Security,
declares that on the very instant when the rive
representatives of the people, the Minister, the French
ambassadors, the principal prisoners delivered by
Dumouriez to the Prince of Cobourg, the postmaster
Drouet, captured on the Flemish frontiers, the am-
bassadors Maret and Se'monville, arrested in Italy
by the Austrians, and the persons of their suite who
were either delivered up to Austria or arrested and
detained by its orders, shall be set at liberty and
arrive on French territory, the daughter of the last
King of the French shall be handed over to the per-
son delegated to receive her by the Austrian govern-
ment."
There are few things so curious as this affair to
be found in the history of diplomacy. The mere
names of the persons to be exchanged for the orphan
of the Temple give rise to a multitude of reflections.
Among the prisoners surrendered by Austria figures
Drouet, the postmaster of the Varennes journey, who
by recognizing Louis XVI. at Sainte-Menehould and
pursuing him to Varennes, had caused his arrest
and thus been the cause of the downfall of royalty.
It was this Drouet who, on becoming a member of
the Convention, proposed in 1793 that all English
persons found in France should be condemned to
death, exclaiming from the tribune: "This is the
time for bloodshed. What do we care for our rep-
utation in Europe? Let us be brigands, since the
welfare of peoples demands it." Sent as commis-
TUE NEGOTIATION WITH AUSTRIA 145
sioner of the Army of the North, he was at Mau-
beuge when it was besieged by the Prince of Co-
bourg. Seeing that the place was about to be taken,
he essayed to make his way through the enemies'
camp, but fell into their hands and was incarcerated
in the fortress of Spielberg. Happily, the young
Princess was not to be confronted with the prisoners
against whom it was intended to exchange her.
What impression would have been produced on her
by the sight of Drouet, who had left so terrible
a trace on her memory? The strange caprices of
a period fertile in revolutions and surprises made
Drouet sub-prefect of Sainte-Menehould, during the
reign of Napoleon, and in 1814 he received the cross
from the Emperor's hands. Under the Restoration,
the law concerning regicides included his case, and
he concealed himself at Macon under the name of
Merger. There he led a very secluded and pious
life, and it was not until his death, April 11, 1824,
that it became known at Macon that Merger, whose
manners had been so peaceable and edifying, was in
reality Drouet the Conventionist.
Another of the prisoners was also to have a singu-
lar destiny, — Beurnonville, once a Minister of the
Terror, afterwards a Marquis and a Marshal of
France under the Restoration. Having been ap-
pointed Minister of War a few days after the murder
of Louis XVI., he was sent, April 1, 1793, to the
Army of the North with four commissioners of the
Convention — Camus, Bancal, Quinette, and La-
146 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
marque — to seize the person of Dumouriez, who
was accused of maintaining relations with Austria.
Warned of his danger in time, Dumouriez arrested
the minister and the four commissioners and deliv-
ered all five to the Prince of Cobourg. They were
held as prisoners of Austria until exchanged for
Marie The're'se. In 1796, Beurnonville became com-
mander-in-chief of the Army of the North ; in 1800,
ambassador to Berlin ; in 1802, ambassador to
Madrid; in 1814, a member of the Provisional Gov-
ernment. In full favor under the Restoration, he
followed Louis XVIII. to Ghent, and was named
Marshal of France in 1816, and Marquis in 1817.
The two ambassadors of the Convention, to Na-
ples and to Constantinople, who had been arrested
in Italy and detained in captivity by Austria, were
also among those exchanged for the daughter of
Louis XVI. : Maret, the future Duke of Bassano,
Napoleon's Minister of Foreign Affairs ; and Se'mon-
ville, the pre-eminently clever man whom Napoleon
made a councillor of State, ambassador to Holland,
and senator, and who was afterwards one of the
favorites of the Restoration and grand referendary
of the Chamber of Peers during the reign of Louis
Philippe. How many revolutions are recalled by
the mere names of these different personages !
But to return to the details of the negotiation.
Conformably with the decree passed by the Conven-
tion, June 30, 1795, General Pichegru, commander-
in-chief of the Army of the Upper Rhine, com-
THE NEGOTIATION WITH AUSTEIA 147
municated the proposal of exchange to the Austrian
general, Stein. The Emperor of Austria at first
experienced an extreme repugnance to accede to it,
but he ended by accepting it in principle. In a note
transmitted to Pichegru by the Austrian general,
Clairfayt, he said : " Since it is but too true that in
the rnidst of the violent catastrophes which succeed
each other in the French Revolution I ought to con-
sult nothing but my tender affection for my cousin,
I desire you to make known to the French general
that I accede in the main to the proposition made me.
But there is another proposition which I think it
well to add to that contained in the document re-
mitted to General Stein; its object is the mutual
exchange of numerous prisoners of war about whom,
notwithstanding my reiterated demands, they have
stubbornly refused to concern themselves."
The negotiations at Basel were long and difficult,
and terminated only under the Directory. Before
their conclusion, Baron Degelmann, representing the
Cabinet of Vienna, transmitted to M. Boscher, the
representative of France, a note by which the Aus-
trian government designated the person it desired to
accompany the young Princess on her journey : " It
is understood," says this note, "that so young a
person must not be left, during a long journey, with-
out a companion already known to her and possessing
her confidence. It is likewise understood, that this
companion should be acceptable at the place where
she is going. The virtues of Madame de Tourzel,
148 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
and the prudence for which she is renowned, would
render her more agreeable to the Austrian court
than any lady not known there. Compliant our-
selves concerning the rendition of several state
prisoners and those who share their detention, we
may hope that they will not be less so in France with
regard to a choice which suggests itself so naturally
that it has been anticipated by many."
There was no longer anything in the way of the
deliverance of Marie The'rdse. A decree thus
worded was passed by the Directory November 27,
1795 : " The Ministers of the Interior and of Foreign
Affairs are commissioned to take the necessary
measures to accelerate the exchange of the last King's
daughter against citizens Camus and Quinette, and
other agents or deputies of the Republic, to appoint
an officer of gendarmes fit and proper for such duty
to accompany the daughter of the last King, and to
give her as a companion that one of the persons
devoted to her education who pleases her best."
Benezech, Minister of the Interior, went to the
Temple the following day, to announce to the
daughter of Louis XVI. and Marie Antoinette that
her chains were at last to be broken.
IX
THE DEPARTURE FROM THE TEMPLE
WHEN Benezech, Minister of the Interior, ap-
prised Marie The'rese, November 28, 1795,
that she was soon to leave the Temple, the young
prisoner was greatly moved. She might have experi-
enced joy had permission been given her to rejoin
her uncle, Louis XVIIL, but the idea of going to
Vienna, where she knew not what awaited her,
caused her anxiety. She thought the Emperor of
Austria had not done what he should to save Marie
Antoinette, and the policy of the Austrian govern-
ment awoke suspicions in the daughter of the martyr-
queen which the future was to justify. Whether
she had a presentiment of the snares that would be
laid for her in Vienna and the quasi-captivity she
was to undergo there, or whether, a Frenchwoman
at heart, she was saddened by the thought of living
in a strange land, at all events, she received the
tidings of her approaching deliverance without en-
thusiasm.
There was at this period more than one latent
royalist, more than one high official in government
circles, who looked forward to a possible Bourbon
149
150 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
Restoration. Was not Ban-as himself to intrigue one
day with Louis XVIII. ? Benezech, possibly still
more through kindness of heart than through inter-
ested motives, secretly sympathized with the royal
family. The youth, the virtues, the misfortunes, and
the grace of the orphan of the Temple touched him
profoundly. He showed her great respect, and
asked what persons she desired to accompany her to
Vienna. Without a moment's hesitation the young
Princess named Madame de Tourzel, Madame de
Mackau, and Madame de Se*rent, formerly lady of the
bedchamber to Madame Elisabeth.
The Minister gave Marie The're'se room to hope
that her choice would be ratified by the Directory
without any difficulty. He added that he would
attend to all the preparations for her departure, and
would send her two persons through whom she could
order the dresses she wished to have made. Two
members of the administrative commission of police
presented themselves" at the Temple the next day
for that purpose. In spite of their insistence, she
limited herself to pointing out such things as were
strictly necessary, a small quantity of linen under-
wear, some shoes, and the simplest materials. She
was unwilling to receive more from the government.
As they represented that on arriving at the court of
Austria she would need an outfit suitable to her
rank, she replied : " If they will permit me to take
a few souvenirs which remind me of that rank, let
them return the things which belonged to my mother
THE DEPARTURE FROM THE TEMPLE 151
and me, and which were taken away from us a few
days after our arrival at the tower." These included
body-linen and some gowns and laces. The seals
placed on the chest of drawers in which these objects
had been deposited were removed, but Marie The*-
rese's wish was not granted.
Meanwhile public sympathy with the orphan of
the Temple was constantly increasing. Benezech
dared propose to have her travel across France in an
open carriage drawn by eight horses, surrounded by
persons designated by herself. The suggestion was
not well received, but the very fact that it was offered
to the Directory by a minister proved the reaction
that had taken place. The same thing is attested
by Francois Hue in these terms : —
"At this epoch certain members of the National
Convention who felt, in common with a majority of
the inhabitants of Paris, a keen interest in the fate
of Madame Royale, whose death was desired by a
few regicides, extorted a decree in her favor in
accordance with which the Executive Directory
passed a resolution of which M. Benezech, Minister
of the Interior, gave me a copy. This minister sent
me also another resolution which, in consequence of
Madame's having deigned to request that I should
follow her to Vienna, authorized me to accompany
her, and even to remain near her, without incurring
the penalties of the laws against emigration on
account of this journey.
" M. Benezech had spoken to me with emotion con-
152 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
cerning the fate of the young Princess, whom he
never called by any other name than Madame Roy-
ale. Seeing that I looked at him with surprise, he
said : ' This new costume is simply my mask ; I am
even going to reveal one of my most secret thoughts
to you : France will never regain tranquillity until
the day when it resumes its former government.
Therefore, when you can do so without compromis-
ing me, lay the offer of my services at the King's
feet, and assure His Majesty that I shall be zealous
in caring for the interests of his crown.' "
To sum up, the Directory showed real good will
toward the daughter of Louis XVI. Nevertheless,
it did not permit Madame de Tourzel to accompany
her. It mistakenly supposed the former governess
of the children of France to favor the idea of a
marriage between the Princess and an Archduke,
and that the Austrian government would make use
of such a matrimonial alliance in order to advance
claims on a portion of French territory. The choice
of Madame de Tourzel, like that of Madame de
Se*rent, was rejected, and the governess had not even
the consolation of bidding adieu to her former pupil.
As to Madame de Mackau, her health not permitting
her, to her great regret, to accompany the young
Princess, her place was taken by her daughter,
Madame de Soucy. The other two persons who
escorted Marie Therese were the honest and respect-
ful keeper, Gomin, for whom she had nothing but
praise, and M. Me*chain, an officer of gendarmes who
had been highly recommended to her.
THE DEPARTURE FROM THE TEMPLE 153
December 16, 1795, Benezech, Minister of the
Interior, presented himself at the Temple and an-
nounced to the Princess that she was to depart on the
18th, at half-past eleven in the evening. She made
her own preparations for the journey on the 17th,
but not with the alacrity and pleasure that might
have been expected. She selected the small quan-
tity of linen and other apparel that she wished to
take, and had the rest distributed to the employees of
the Temple as memorials of her. Then she put on
her best gown and descended into the garden, where
she saluted, by way of farewell, the persons who
were in the habit of making signs of sympathy and
respect from the windows of neighboring houses.
This adieu of the young captive, who by a smile and a
grateful gesture thanks the compassionate souls who
have not the happiness of speaking to or approach-
ing her, but who find means to send her their good
wishes and their homage by the movements of their
heads and the expression of their faces, is full of a
penetrating poetry worthy to inspire the brush of a
great painter.
The Directory had decided that the departure of
the young Princess should take place at night. It
had its reasons for preventing her from passing-
through the streets of the capital in broad daylight.
The mere sight of her might cause a revolution —
the revolution of pity. No discourse could be so
eloquent as the aspect of this young girl, a living
legend, the legend of innocence and virtue, of youtL
154 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
and misfortune. Her face alone touched the heart.
How much greater still would have been the gen-
eral emotion could people have read the depths of
her soul, could they have known all the trials re-
served for this gentle victim in the future ! She
had not reached the last station of her Calvary.
How many exiles, how many revolutions, what
sufferings of every description, the daughter of
Louis XVI. was to yet undergo! Providence had
decreed that the chalice of bitterness should never
be taken from her lips.
The moment of departure arrives. It is the 18th
of December, 1795. It is eleven o'clock at night.
Minister Benezech, who has left his carriage in the
riie Meslay, knocks at the Temple door. He hands
to Lasne the keeper and to the civil commissioner
a duplicate of the decree of the Executive Directory,
followed by this declaration : " The Minister of the
Interior declares that Citizens Gomin and Lasne,
commissioners placed on guard at the Temple, have
delivered to him Marie The'relse, daughter of the last
King, in the enjoyment of perfect health; which
delivery was made to-day at eleven in the evening,
declaring that the said commissioners are well and
duly discharged of the keeping of the said The're'se
Charlotte. — Signed Benezech. — Paris, this 27th Fri-
maire, Year IV. of the Republic, one and indivisible."
The Princess, with Gomin at her side, is waiting
for the Minister in the Council Hall on the ground-
floor of the tower. She leaves it after bidding adieu
THE DEPASTURE FROM THE TEMPLE 155
to Madame de Chantereine. Her apartment on the
third floor is empty. This inscription which she
had written in the antechamber with the point of a
needle or a scissors may be read there : —
"Marie The"r6se Charlotte is the most unhappy
person in the world. She can obtain no tidings of
her mother, nor even be reunited to her, although
she has asked a thousand times.
" Long live my good mother, whom I love much,
and of whom I can obtain no news ! "
In her own chamber were these words which she
had chalked on the wall : —
" O my father, watch over me from heaven !
" O my God ! pardon those who caused the death
of my parents ! "
A few days afterward a regicide Conventionist,
Rovere, visited the Temple tower and read this last
inscription. He turned pale, and as he has himself
recorded, remorse drove him from the apartment.
Marie The*re"se has crossed the threshold of the
Temple. She takes Benezech's arm. Gomin and
the Minister's valet follow her, carrying a package
and a carpet-bag. A sentry is under arms, but he
has his instructions, and does not budge. The sol-
diers on guard also remain motionless. Their officer
alone comes forward and salutes. The night is dark,
the neighboring streets are empty, the approaches of
the Temple silent. "I am sensible of your atten-
tions and your respect," says the Princess to Bene-
zech, "but even at the hour when I owe you my
156 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
liberty, how can I refrain from thinking of those
who have crossed this threshold before me? It is
just three years four months and five days since
these doors closed upon my family and me ; to-
day I go out the last, and the most wretched of
all."
At the moment when she departed thus from the
fatal precincts of the Temple, Marie The're'se recalled
all she had suffered there : her entry into the tower
by torchlight, the adieus of Louis XVI. as he was
going to the scaffold, the day when she was sepa-
rated from her brother, the days when Marie Antoi-
nette and Madame Elisabeth departed, and that on
which she learned at the same time the death of
three beings so dear to her heart. All these sinister
dates renewed themselves in her mind. And yet,
it was not without regret that she left the dungeon
which had been the sanctuary of faith and of sorrow.
Just as some persons cannot tear themselves away
from a tomb above which they have prayed, so the
child of martyrs was loath to leave the abode where
her parents had given her such admirable examples.
If she had at least had the certainty of revisiting the
Temple, to kneel there and pray God for the execu-
tioners of her family ! But no, that consolation was
not granted her. Eighteen years later, when the
unfortunate Princess returned to France, Napoleon
had caused the tower to be demolished, and not a
stone of it remained.
SECOND PART
THE EXILE
THE JOURNEY TO THE FRONTIER
IT is December 18, 1795 — 27 Frimaire, Year IV.
It is half-past eleven o'clock at night. Marie
The're'se of France, leaning on the arm of Benezech,
Minister of the Interior, leaves the precinct of the
Temple by the rue de la Corderie, opposite the tower,
and walks through this street. She finds the Minis-
ter's carriage at rue Meslay, and gets into it with
him and Gomin the keeper. The street is empty.
No one sees the daughter of kings depart. The car-
riage starts and arrives at rue Bondy, behind the
Opera House (the present theatre of the Porte Saint-
Martin). The Princess, the Minister, and Gomin
leave the carriage. Just in front of them stands the
travelling berliu in which Marie The're'se is to be
taken to the frontier. On the front seat of this ber-
lin are Madame de Soucy, the daughter of the Baron-
ess of Mackau, and Me'chain, the officer of gendarmes,
who, like Gomin, is to accompany the young Princess.
167
158 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
She takes leave of Benezech, thanks him, and gets
into the carriage with Gomin. " Adieu, Monsieur ! "
she says. Then she departs into exile. Benezech
pulls out his watch. It is midnight. The 19th of
December, 1795, is beginning. On this day, the
daughter of Louis XVI. and Marie Antoinette, born
at Versailles December 19, 1778, enters her eigh-
teenth year.
The young Princess travels incognito, under the
name of Sophie. The government has instructed
Me'chain, the officer of the gendarmes, to conduct to
Huningue two women and a man (Marie The're'se,
Madame de Soucy, and Gomin) ; one of these women
is to pass for his daughter, and the other for his wife,
the man for his confidential servant. His orders are
to allow no one to speak with them in private. He
is to occupy himself especially with the younger
of the two women, designated under the name of
Sophie, and to take excellent care of her health.
Marie The'rese has herself written the account of
her journey. At nine in the morning, December 19,
she breakfasts at Guignes. At Nogent-on-Seine she
is recognized by the innkeeper's wife. She is treated
with much respect. The street and courtyard are
thronged with people. They are affected on seeing
the daughter of Louis XVI. and load her with bene-
dictions. She passes the night at Gray.
She sets out again the next morning and travels all
day and all night of December 20-21. At nine in
the morning, December 21, she arrives at Chaurnont
THE JOURNEY TO THE FRONTIER 159
and alights for breakfast. There she is recognized,
and an immense and sympathetic crowd throng the
approaches of the room where she takes her repast ;
when she re-enters the carriage, everybody follows
her with good wishes and respectful homage. The
22d, she reaches Vesoul at eight in the evening, hav-
ing accomplished only ten leagues during the day for
lack of horses. She enters Belfort the 23d at eleven
o'clock in the evening and sleeps there. The 24th,
she departs at six in the morning, and arrives at
nightfall at Huningue. There she alights at the Cor-
beau tavern and is installed in the second story. The
innkeeper, M. Schuldz, knows who she is, and
receives her with marks of profound respect.
The Directory had given M. Fran§ois Hue permis-
sion to rejoin the Princess at Huningue. After the
10th of August, this former officer of the King's bed-
chamber had been called by Louis XVI. to the honor
of remaining in attendance on him and the royal
family. In the will made in the Temple tower,
December 25, 1792, the unhappy monarch had writ-
ten: "I should think I had calumniated the senti-
ments of the nation if I did not openly recommend
to my son Messieurs Chamilly and Hue, whose
genuine attachment has led them to shut themselves
up with me in this sad abode, and who have expected
to be its unfortunate victims."
Fran9ois Hue, accompanied by Madame de Soucy's
young son and Meunier and Baron, employees of the
Temple, as well as by a chambermaid and a little dog
160 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
belonging to Marie The're'se, had left Paris an hour
after the young Princess. They reached Huriingue
several hours later than she did. "My pen," he
says, " can but feebly express what I felt when the
daughter of Louis XVI. deigned to speak to me for
the first time since my departure from the Temple.
She gave me at this moment a letter she had written
to the King, her uncle, ordering me to see that it
reached His Majesty. This was not the only time I
received the same commission, and, on one of these
occasions, the confidence with which Madame hon-
ored me was so great that she commanded me to
read the letter with which she had entrusted me.
Who would not preserve an eternal souvenir of the
sentiments this Princess testified towards His Majesty
when imploring his clemency in favor of the French,
and even for the murderers of her family in these
expressions : ' Yes, uncle, it is she whose father,
mother, and aunt they have caused to perish, who on
her knees begs from you their pardon and peace ' ? "
December 25, the Courbeau hotel was surrounded
by a crowd the whole day long. An order to keep
the door closed was issued. The Princess was re-
quested not to open her windows. She wrote a let-
ter to Madame de Tourzel, concerning which that
lady has said : " Madame wrote me from Huningue
before quitting France. I carefully treasured this
letter and that I received from her from Calais,
when she re-entered France, as precious monuments
of her kindness and the justice she never ceased to
THE JOURNEY- TO THE FRONTIER 161
render that profound attachment I have vowed to
her until my latest breath." After writing to
Madame de Tourzel, the Princess made a sketch of
the room she was occupying. The wife of the inn-
keeper, Madame Schuldz, came up to present her
two children, who offered the Princess flowers.
Meanwhile the moment when the exchange was to
be made was drawing nigh. The French prisoners,
among whom were Drouet, Beurnonville, Camus,
Bancal, Quinette, Maret, and Se'monville, had just
been brought from Fribourg to the village of Riehen,
chief town of the bailiwick of the same name, belong-
ing to the republic of Basel, on the left bank of the
Rhine. It had been agreed that they should not be
confronted with Marie Thdrdse, and that the Princess
should be delivered to the Austrian government by
M. Bacher, first secretary of the Embassy of the
French Republic to Switzerland, in a house very near
Basel, belonging to a M. Reber. The Prince of Gavre
and Baron Degelmann were to receive her on behalf
of the Emperor of Austria.
December 26, M. Bacher, coming from Rieheii,
arrived at the Courbeau hotel, Huuingue, at about
half-past four in the afternoon. There he learned
that Marie There'se refused to accept the rich trous-
seau which the Directory had caused to be made
for her in Paris. The republican diplomat showed
great respect to the daughter of Louis XVI., and
wrote to his government: "I have just seen the
daughter of the last King of the French ; she mani-
162 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
fests the keenest regret at seeing herself on the point
of quitting France ; the honors which await her at
the court of Austria affect her less than her regrets
at leaving her country." The young Princess thanked
M. Bacher and took leave of the innkeeper and his
family, who had treated her with affectionate respect.
She left them some small mementoes, and said to
Madame Schuldz, who was pregnant : " If you have
a daughter, I beg you to let her bear my name."
Gomin, who was soon to leave the august orphan,
could not avoid weeping. To reward him for his
devotion, the Princess gave him the following lines,
written by herself : " In spite of my chagrin, this
journey has seemed agreeable to me on account of-
the presence of a kind-hearted person whose goodness
has long been known to me, but who has carried it
to the highest degree by the manner in which he has
behaved, and the active way in which he has served
me, although assuredly he could not have been
accustomed to do so. It must all be attributed to
his zeal. I have known him for a long time ; this
last proof was not necessary in order to gain him
my esteem ; but he has it more than ever in these
final moments. I can say no more; my heart feels
strongly all that it ought to feel, but I have no words
wherewith to express it. I conclude, however, by
conjuring him not to be too much afflicted and to
take courage ; I do not ask him to think of me, I am
sure he will do so, and I answer for as much on my
own part." When giving this paper to Gomin, the
THE JOUENEY TO THE FRONTIER 168
young Princess said : "I do not know whether I
shall be able to speak to you again at Basel, and I
want to fulfil my promise now. Adieu ; do not weep,
and above all have confidence in God." The inn-
keeper threw himself at her feet and asked her bless-
ing; she seemed like a saint to him. Then she
entered a carriage, and departed sorrowfully from a
French town. At the moment when she crossed
the frontier, some one said: "Madame, France ends
here." Her eyes filled with tears. "I quit France
with regret," said she ; " for I shall never cease to
regard it as my country." The exile had begun.
II
BASEL
AT the moment when she was delivered up to
Austria, the daughter of Louis XVI. did not
suspect all the intrigues with which she was already
surrounded, and the snares which were to be spread
for her feet. The Austrian government was not act-
ing as a liberator. It wanted to make a hostage of
the young Princess, an instrument of its policy and
its ambitions. Louis XVIII. had much reason to
complain of the Austrian court at this period. As
head of the House of France, and as uncle of Marie
The'rSse, he was perfectly entitled to demand that
his niece should join him at Verona, in accordance
with her own desire, instead of being kept at Vienna,
where her presence could only be explained by the
ambitious designs of Austria. As has been said, this
power had the intention of marrying her to an Arch-
duke and profiting by this marriage to reclaim cer-
tain portions of French territory. Several weeks
earlier, Louis XVIII. had sent the Count of Avaray
to Switzerland to meet the young Princess, whose
liberation was expected from one day to another.
Having learned that she was to pass through Inns-
164
BASEL 165
pruck, M. d'Avaray repaired to that town, where he
was at first well received by the Austrian authorities.
But while thus allowed to hope for the complete suc-
cess of his mission, a courier was despatched to
Vienna to inform the Emperor that the envoy of
Louis XVIII. proposed to conduct the Princess to
Verona. Orders were at once transmitted to the
Prince and Princess of Gavre, who had been com-
missioned to receive the daughter of Louis XVI. at
Basel, that no one should see the young Princess
while on the road. M. d'Avaray was obliged to leave
Innspruck and return to Verona. At the same time,
Thugut, the Austrian Prime Minister, who was
always very hostile to France, said to the Duchess of
Gramont, who was impatient for Marie The'rese's
arrival at Vienna, that possibly the young Princess
would receive no French persons. Such were the
sentiments of the government which, while ostensi-
bly offering an asylum to the orphan of the Temple,
was really preparing for her a new captivity compli-
cated by exile.
Marie The're'se left Huningue at four o'clock in
the afternoon, December 26, 1795, to proceed to
Basel. She was in the same carriage as Madame
de Soucy. M. Bacher, first secretary of the Embassy
of the French Republic in Switzerland, Me*chain the
officer of gendarmes, Frai^ois Hue, Gomin, Baron,
and a lady's maid followed in another carriage. The
neutrality of the Helvetic cantons, and their inter-
mediate position between France and the Austrian
166 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
dominions, naturally pointed them out as the spot
where the exchange of the daughter of Louis XVI.
against certain French prisoners detained by Austria
should take place. It had been arranged that the
delivery of the Princess to the Austrian authorities
should be effected at a country house belonging to
a rich merchant named Reber, close to Basel, and
very near the Saint Jean gate. The Prince of
Gavre and Baron Degelmann, Austrian Minister in
Switzerland, had already arrived with six carriages
when Marie The'rese entered the gate. The Prince
of Gavre addressed her a compliment, to which she
responded graciously, and then he handed to M.
Bacher, secretary of the French Embassy in Switzer-
land, an act thus worded: "I, the undersigned, in
virtue of the orders of His Majesty the Emperor,
declare that I have received from M. Bacher, the
French commissioner delegated for this purpose, the
Princess Marie The're'se, daughter of Louis XVI."
Provided with this act, the republican diplomat
repaired instantly to Riehen to deliver the French
prisoners exchanged against Madame Royale without
being confronted with her. M.- Hue then asked
permission to speak with the Princess. "I have
been commissioned," said he, "by the Minister of
the Interior, to deliver to Madame on the neutral
territory of Basel, two trunks containing a trousseau
intended for Her Royal Highness. Does Madame
wish me to open them ? " " No," replied the Prin-
cess; "return them to my conductors (MM. Me*-
BASEL 167
chain and Gomin), begging them to thank M. Bene-
zech in my name. I am sensible of his attention,
but I cannot accept his offers."
Marie The"rese then bowed to Baron Degelmann,
bade adieu to Me'chain and Gomin, and with Ma-
dame de Soucy and the Prince of Gavre, entered
an imperial carriage drawn by six horses, which,
followed by five other carriages drove into Basel
through the Saint Jean gate. It was about seven
in the evening, and the moon was shining brightly
in a clear sky. An officer of the Swiss army, Adju-
tant Kolb, rode beside the carriage of the Princess.
As they left Basel, he took command of a detach-
ment of Swiss cavalry which was to escort them as
far as the frontier. During the night Marie The'rSse
arrived at Laufenburg, a town, seven leagues from
Basel, where the suite appointed for her by the Em-
peror was awaiting her.
Laufenburg is one of the four " forest towns " of
Upper Austria. This name is given to four German
towns situated on the Rhine above Basel, in the
vicinity of the Black Forest: Rheinfel, Waldshut,
Seckingen, and Laufenburg. In the morning, the
daughter of Louis XVI. entered a church for the
first time since August, 1792, and prayed God not
only for her family, but for their persecutors and
executioners. Having found at Laufenburg the
women the Emperor had sent to attend upon her,
she continued her route toward the Tyrol. On the
way she passed a place where a part of Conde"s
168 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
army were quartered for the time being. An officer
of this army, the Count of Romain, has written in
his Souvenirs cTun officier royaliste : " We were in
our winter quarters when we learned of the happy
deliverance of the daughter of Louis XVI. This
Princess, whose safety had so long been the dearest
object of our wishes, passed through our quarters
without our being able to enjoy the happiness of
seeing her. This caused much bitter feeling." How-
ever, M. Berthier, an aide-de-camp of the Prince of
Conde*, accidentally encountered Marie The're'se on
the highroad, and notwithstanding the injunction
to keep out of her sight anything that might remind
her of France, the Prince of Gavre permitted this
officer, who was in uniform, to approach the car-
riage. The daughter of Louis XVI. transmitted
through him the kindest expressions of good will
to the Prince of Condd and his companions in arms.
In the Tyrol she stayed two days at Innspruck, at
the castle of her aunt, the Archduchess Elisabeth,
and arrived at Vienna, January 9, 1796.
The young Princess had not been without anxiety
during her journey. " Why do they give me no
news from Verona ? " she reflected. " Why do they
not let me go there to rejoin my uncle and my King?
Is not my place at his side ? What does the House
of Austria, so often at strife with the House of
France, propose to do with me at Vienna? They
treat me with great respect, they observe a princely
etiquette toward me, they place imperial carriages
BASEL 169
with six horses at my disposal. But would I not
prefer to all this idle ceremony liberty and the right
to go to my uncle ? The asylum prepared for me by
Austria will doubtless be a gilded prison, but it will
be a prison none the less."
m
VIENNA
Emperor Francis II., born February 12,
_1_ 1768, was nearly twenty-eight years old when
the daughter of Louis XVI. arrived in Vienna. On
March 1, 1792, he had succeeded his father, the Em-
peror Leopold, son of the great Empress Maria The-
resa, and brother of Queen Marie Antoinette. In
1790, he married Marie The'rese of Naples, born in
1772, the daughter of Ferdinand IV., King of the
Two Sicilies, and Marie Caroline, daughter of Marie
Theresa and sister of Marie Antoinette. Marie The"-
r^se of France, the daughter of Louis XVI. and
Marie Antoinette, was therefore, the cousin-german
not only of the Emperor Francis II., but also of the
Empress Marie The'rese of Naples.
On the day of her arrival in Vienna, the young
Princess was received by a high official of the Empe-
ror and conducted to one of the finest apartments of
the imperial palace, which had been assigned her.
There she received a visit from the Emperor and
Empress, who gave her a cordial welcome. After
some weeks of repose and meditation she made her
appearance at court. She had put on mourning, not
170
VIENNA 171
having been allowed to do so in the Temple. The
Emperor gave her an establishment like that of the
archduchesses. The Prince of Gavre was appointed
grand-master of the household, and the Countess of
Chanclos grand-mistress. At this period the Emperor
Francis II. had only two children, — the Archduchess
Marie Louise, who had just passed her fourth birth-
day, as she was born December 12, 1791 ; and the
Prince-imperial, Archduke Ferdinand, born in 1793.
The daughter of Louis XVI. became attached to the
little Archduchess, who was one day to be the Em-
press of the French, and during the three years she
spent at Vienna she devoted much attention to this
child, for whom was reserved a destiny so extraordi-
nary. Marie Louise was only seven when the orphan
of the Temple left Vienna, but she remembered
always that she had seen the daughter of the mar-
tyred King and Queen. When conversing with the
plenipotentiaries of Charles X. in her little court at
Parma, she recalled this souvenir which had left
a profound impression on her youthful mind.
From the time when Marie The're'se arrived in
Vienna she inspired an interest bordering on venera-
tion in all classes of Austrian society, and especially
in the refugee French royalists, by her youth so full
of trials and disasters, the precocious yet majestic
gravity that characterized the pleasing melancholy of
her countenance, and the touching beauty to which
grief had imparted a nameless sanctity. As has been
said by M. Fourneron, the author of a remarkable
172 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
Histoire g£n6rale des EmigrSs pendant la Revolution
franpaise, "it was a joy which thrilled the SmigrSs,
shivering in their chilly rooms. This grave and
coldly beautiful young girl, who had known all gran-
deur and all wretchedness, and who, the sole survivor
of a once most happy family, represented the excess
of human anguish, this pale Christmas rose blossomed
at last amongst them."
Yet, in spite of the sympathies she aroused, Marie
The*r&se experienced many difficulties and annoy-
ances in Vienna. First came the removal of the
Marchioness de Soucy, her travelling companion,
whose society she had found agreeable, and for whom
she had a great affection. The young Princess vainly
expressed her desire to retain this lady, who, like her
mother, the venerable Madame de Mackau, formerly
assistant governess of the children of France, had
always shown the profoundest devotion to the royal
family. Madame de Soucy, having obtained a pri-
vate audience with the Emperor, was alike unsuc-
cessful in preferring this suit. "My cousin is
strongly attached to your mother," said the sov-
ereign; "and she has not left me in ignorance of
your own devotion to her person. I am sorry to
separate you, but the state of war between the two
countries necessitates this measure." Perceiving that
the Marchioness had a paper in her hand, he added :
" Is that paper for me, Madame ? " " No, Sire," she
answered, weeping ; " it is my farewell letter to the
Princess." "Entrust it to me, Madame," replied
VIENNA 173
Francis II. "I will remit it to my cousin." The
rigidity of German etiquette required that it should
pass through the hands of the Countess of Chanclos,
Marie The're'se's grand-mistress of the household.
The Princess, not being permitted to see Madame
de Soucy, was obliged to content herself with writ-
ing the following letter : " I have received your let-
ter, Madame, through Madame de Chanclos ; I was
much affected by it. I will speak to the Emperor
about you : he is good ; but you know I feared that
the state of war between the two nations would
separate us. The same thing has happened to all
the rest of the French. I beg you to console that
faithful servant of my father, M. Hue ; I am sure the
Emperor will not abandon him. I am sure of your
courage also. I will pray for your successful jour-
ney. Say everything that is kind for me to your
mother. I thank you for the sacrifice you made in
leaving your country and your family to follow me,
and I shall never forget it. Adieu ! rely always on
the affection of Marie The"re"se Charlotte."
An exception was made in the case of Francis
Hue, and he was authorized to remain in Vienna,
where he was considered as an £migr£. But Meunier
the cook and the waiter Baron, two employees of the
Temple who had made the journey with him, were
sent back to France, January 20, 1796. Madame de
Soucy, her son, and her lady's maid left Vienna Jan-
uary 23.
The daughter of Louis XVI. was not free. After
174 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
having been the prisoner of the French Republic, she
was now that of Austria. As if it were not enough
for this girl of barely seventeen to have endured the
most horrible captivity in the Temple dungeon for
three years and a half, she was again surrounded by
snares of every description. Her pretended liber-
ators were not in reality her friends. She was
sequestrated in the imperial palace at Vienna as a
sort of hostage, and they sought to make her re-
nounce her country and her family in order to con-
vert her into an instrument of Austrian intrigues
and ambitions. But the august orphan did not per-
mit herself to be misled by their brilliant offers. She
would accept neither the coronet of an archduchess
nor the diadem of a queen. The husband selected
for her by her father and mother before they died
was the only one to whom she was willing to yield
her heart ; she preferred exile and poverty with him
to a throne with any other.
This apparently frail young girl already possessed
an indomitable moral force. Misfortune had given
her a precocious experience which kept her on her
guard against threats and flattery alike. She re-
mained more than three years in Vienna without
deviating from the line of conduct she had marked
out for herself. Her modesty, her gentleness, and
firmness commanded the respect of all. Beholding
her, people felt themselves in the presence of a supe-
rior nature, a veritable Christian, a young girl who
.already possessed the virtues of the valiant woman
VIENNA 175
of Scripture. The Austrian government deceived
itself in supposing that by banishing Frenchmen
from the Princess they could make her forget France.
This heroine of duty who, like her father, her mother,
and her aunt, had pardoned her persecutors and
prayed for her tormentors, was all the more attached
to her country because of what she had suffered
there. In Austria she pined for France, where, never-
theless, she had been so ill-treated and unhappy.
From the depths of her heart she longed that the
nation she had so much cause to complain of might
prosper and be glorious, and she never mentioned
it but with affectionate emotion. Never did a harsh,
severe, or recriminating word pass her lips. The Gos-
pel had taught the daughter of Louis XVI. and Marie
Antoinette to forgive injuries.
An excellent work by a promising historian, M.
Alfred Lebon, gives some curious information con-
cerning this period in the life of Marie The'rdse. It
is entitled : L* Angleterre et T Emigration frangaise.
The author has had access to the correspondence of
Wickharn and Lord Macartney with the British gov-
ernment. Wickham was an English agent whom
the Cabinet of London had sent to Switzerland, that
rendezvous of intriguers, diplomatists, and conspira-
tors, to arrange the preliminaries of a Bourbon res-
toration which, having been accomplished under the
auspices of England, would have assured that coun-
try a peace conformable to its desires. Lord Mac-
artney had been accredited to Louis XVIII. by the
176 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
English government, and had arrived at Verona,
August 6, 1795, a few days after the appearance of
the manifesto in which the exiled Pretender notified
France and Europe of his royal intentions.
In a despatch dated January 31, 1796, Lord Mac-
artney thus expressed the sentiments of the French
royalists of Verona in regard to Austria : " Although
greatly irritated by the way in which the Prince of
Conde" has been treated and the resulting disappoint-
ments to the insurrection in the southwest, they
seem still more exasperated by the mean policy of
the court of Vienna and the manner in which it
has monopolized Madame Royale, who, as they say,
was smuggled away from her family by a contra-
band trade with the French Republic ; for they
express their firm conviction that none other of the
powers in coalition could have taken any part in the
transaction or known anything about it. Sir Mor-
ton Eden has probably informed Your Lordships
that Madame de Soucy was separated from the
Princess soon after her arrival in Vienna, and that
she is not permitted to have any French attendants.
The Bishop of Nancy, who is now the King's chargS
d'affaires in that city, has not yet been authorized
to see her. Nevertheless, means were found before
she left Paris to acquaint her with her uncle's sen-
timents and his desire that she should avoid binding
herself by any engagement, so as to be free to marry
her cousin, the Duke of Angouleme. At the same
time she learned that it was the Emperor's intention
VIENNA 177
to give her to one of his brothers ; hence she is com-
pletely on her guard so far as relates to the conduct
she should observe at Vienna."
Louis XVIII. could not congratulate himself on
the sentiments of the Austrian court. There was
a long-standing rivalry between the Hapsburgs and
the Bourbons which the misfortunes of Louis XVI.
and Marie Antoinette had not obliterated. The
Vienna Cabinet was presided over by a man who
loved neither monarchical nor republican France.
Baron Thugut, who was almost as hostile to the
Emigres as to the Jacobins, considered them frivo-
lous and superficial, arid sometimes arrogant, in spite
of the lessons of adversity. He found fault with
their boasting, their illusions and fruitless disturb-
ances, and thought that a royalist restoration would
in reality afford few guarantees to Austria. What
he would have liked was a dismemberment of France
and to see it treated like a second Poland by the
Powers. It is said that this anti-French Minister
thought of forcing the daughter of Louis XVI.
and Marie Antoinette to become a party to his
Machiavellian schemes. His only object in marry-
ing her to an Archduke, either Charles or Joseph,
was to use the marriage for the benefit of Aus-
tria. It is even insinuated that he did not recoil
from the idea of dispossessing Louis XVIII. and
transforming the Archduke who should become the
husband of Madame Royale into a candidate for the
throne of France. As a Bourbon and a possible
178 THE DUCHESS OF ANOOULEME
competitor for the rights of this future royalty, the
King of Spain was sounded by the Vienna Cabinet
on the subject of this combination. The Duke of
Havre*, who had remained the representative of
Louis XVIII. at Madrid in spite of the peace con-
cluded between the French Republic and Spain,
wrote to the Baron of Flachslanden, April 5, 1796 :
" This is very disquieting. Do you not see a plan
of dismemberment, and a movement to bring it about
safely by means of a marriage which would give, if
not a title, at least a pretext for reclaiming in the
name of the Princess, as her inheritance, the owner-
ship of the conquered or donated provinces which
have not formally recognized the Salic law? Is it
not even possible that they would carry their plans
so far as to invest Madame with the throne of
France?" Such, it seems, was the ulterior aim of
Austria, and it is claimed that Thugut had secret
emissaries in Parisian cafe's who drank to the health
of Louis XVI.'s daughter as Queen of France and
Navarre.
If this combination should not succeed, the Aus-
trian Minister hoped at least for some sort of dis-
memberment. The Salic law, applicable to the
Kingdom of France, had not formerly been so to the
Kingdom of Navarre. True, Louis XIII. had issued
an edict declaring Navarre an integral part of France.
But Austria, none the less, hoped to press success-
fully Madame Royale's pretended rights, as sole
daughter of France, over this portion of French
VIENNA 179
territory, contenting itself, if needful, with some
other piece of the same territory.
Marie The're'se, whose sole ambition was to do what
was right, indignantly rejected all combinations of
the sort. The more unfortunate was her family, the
more was she minded to cling to it, and what pleased
her most in her projected union with the Duke of
AngoulSme was that it would allow her to remain a
Frenchwoman.
Mgr. Lafare, Bishop of Nancy, who had replaced
the Count of Saint-Priest as Louis XVIII.'s chargg
d'affaires at Vienna, perceived clearly that Austria,
even while pretending interest in the French 6migr£s,
in nowise desired a Bourbon restoration in France.
The Pretender wrote thus to the bishop : " I am revolted
by M. de Thugut's duplicity. When the weak resort
to deception, it is in a manner excusable ; but when
the powerful do so, one hardly knows whether the
horror or the contempt they excite is greatest. For
my part, I feel both."
Marie The're'se was equally offended by the pro-
ceedings of the Austrian court. August 31, 1797,
Louis XVIII. wrote to the Count of Saint-Priest:
"I think my niece does not like being at Vienna.
So I am advised by the Bishop of Nancy, and, more-
over, she speaks in nearly all her letters of her desire
to be with me. Whether it is to be attributed to her
discontent with the place where she is, or whether
the really pleasing letters of my nephew have made
an impression on her heart, at all events she has
180 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
written one to him which so far as I can remember
my own youth would have turned my head at
twenty-two ; so much the more reason for striking
the iron while it is hot."
In September, 1796, the young Duke of Angou-
l£me had written to his betrothed : " The sentiments
which my dearest cousin has engraven on my heart
are at once my happiness and my torment. The
delays which retard the hopes that incessantly
occupy me, fill me with the keenest pain. It seems
to me as if I were being deprived of days all of which
I long to devote to your happiness." The Prince
had vainly sought an authorization from the Austrian
court to repair to Vienna. In spite of the pressing
and repeated invitations of his betrothed, he had not
even been able to go there secretly.
Mgr. Lafare wrote to Louis XVIII., August 29,
1798: "Madame The're'se is not cordial with the
Empress since her arrival. It is a part of my duty,
Sire, to apprise you that Madame is very decided in
character, very thoughtful, and very much attached
to the determinations she has thought best to take.
She has settled ideas concerning several persons ; she
will never like any but those of whom she has a
favorable opinion." And again, on December 30, of
the same year : " Madame The'rese takes a very
gloomy view of everything. I have tried to lessen
Madame's distrust of the future and reanimate her
hopes. I communicate the favorable details I receive
from France, and these communications light up,
VIENNA 181
momentarily at least, the sombre tints of her hor-
izon."
As M. Fourneron very acutely remarks, " this mel-
ancholy indicates a surer judgment and a more cor-
rect appreciation of things on the part of the young
girl than on that of the bishop and the majority of
the SmigrSs. Nor did her good sense deceive her as
to the estimate to be placed on persons."
Louis XVIII. continued to complain of Austria.
The Countess of Artois having asked to be allowed to
spend a few days with Marie The're'se, and having been
refused, the Pretender wrote to the Count of Saint-
Priest : " The response of Vienna to my sister-in-law's
request to pay a short visit to her niece, her future
daughter-in-law, is utterly barbarous."
It was useless for Louis XVIII. to demand his niece.
And as the Bishop of Nancy, his chargS d'affaires at
Vienna, was also unsuccessful in his efforts, he sent
the Count of Saint-Priest back to that city, and on
June 2, 1798, gave him the following instructions,
the Count being still in Russia : " The marriage of
my nephew, the Duke of Angouleme, with Madame
The*rese, my niece, has always been one of my fond-
est desires : but until now I have not been able to
accomplish this union, not because the court of
Vienna formally opposes it, but because I have had
no settled abode. The Emperor Paul has removed
this obstacle by giving me an asylum at Mittau.
However, his further support is very necessary for
me, because, although I have just said that the court
182 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
of Vienna does not formally oppose the marriage,
still, I am not certain that they would deliver up my
niece upon my unsupported demand. I therefore
commission M. de Saint-Priest to influence the sensi-
tive heart of His Imperial Majesty in favor of so
touching a union, and to induce him to make the
affair his own. Then I should have no further
trouble from Vienna, and should feel certain that the
Emperor Francis would raise no more difficulties."
Louis XVIII. was obliged, therefore, to implore the
Czar's intervention to put an end to the ill-will and
the refusals of the Austrian Emperor. Through mere
pertinacity he ended by obtaining the deliverance of
the young Princess, thanks to the pressing instances
of M. de Saint-Priest. She quitted Vienna, May 3,
1799, taking with her no kindly souvenirs of the
forced hospitality she had received there since Janu-
ary 9, 1796, and went to rejoin her uncle, Louis
XVIII., at Mittau.
IV
LOUIS XVIII
MARIE; THERESE of France was about to be-
come the household guest of her uncle, Louis
XVIII., and to live in the society of the SmigrSs.
Before relating the story of the arrival of the young
Princess at Courland, we shall say a few words con-
cerning the Pretender and the emigration.
On the death of the young Louis XVII., the Count
of Provence, the brother of Louis XVI. and of the
Count of Artois (the future Charles X.), had taken
the title of King and the name of Louis XVIII.
Born at Versailles, October 17, 1755, his father was
the grand-dauphin, the son of Louis XV., and his
mother was Marie Josephine of Saxony. He married
Marie Josephine Louise of Savoy, daughter of Victor
Amadeus III., King of Sardinia, May 14, 1771, and
never had a child. In the last years of the old regime
he passed for a wit, was very proud of his erudition,
a great lover of Latin poetry, quoting Horace at
every turn, loving power as much as the King, his
brother, disliked it, clever, calculating every step and
every word, a diplomatic prince, on good terms with
the philosophers, a courtier of public opinion, boast-
183
184 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
ing of his precocious experience, and believing him-
self destined to play a great part.
His wife, who was rather insignificant in appear-
ance but did not lack intelligence, had no influence
at court. From 1780, one of her maids of honor, a
certain Countess of Balbi, became the favorite of the
Count of Provence, but without giving real cause for
scandal. This lady, the daughter of one Caumont-
Laforce and a Mademoiselle Galard, of Beam, was
the wife of the Count of Balbi, a noble Genoese, colo-
nel of the Bourbon regiment and the possessor of a
large fortune. She was more intellectual than beau-
tiful, but being ambitious and intriguing, her glowing
eyes, her extreme cleverness, her maliciously brilliant
conversation, and her inexhaustible gaiety long enabled
her to exercise considerable influence over the Count
of Provence.
The Prince had remained with the royal family
until June 20, 1791, the day when they left the
Tuileries to begin the fatal journey to Varennes.
He quitted the Luxembourg palace at the same time,
having been ordered by his brother to rejoin him at
Montme'dy, by way of Longwy and the Low Coun-
tries. But, more prudent than Louis XVI., whose
mistake had been to awaken suspicion by taking too
many persons with him, he not merely observed the
precaution of not travelling in the same carriage with
his wife, but did not even go by the same road.
Having no companion but the Count of Avaray,
whom he afterwards considered as his preserver and
LOUIS XVIII 185
who became his favorite, he was not recognized
during his flight; and while his brother's journey
resulted so disastrously, his own was a complete
success.
The Count of Provence went to Germany in the
early days of the emigration, and installed himself
very near Coblentz in a castle placed at his disposal
by his maternal uncle, the Elector of Treves, Clement
Wenceslas of Saxony. There he entered into rela-
tions with the Prince of Conde' and organized a mili-
tant policy. There, also, he quarrelled with the
Countess of Balbi, who committed imprudences in
which Archambaud of Pe'rigord, brother of the
future Prince Talleyrand, was concerned. If one
may believe what the Duchess of Abrant£s says
about it in her Memoirs, the Count of Provence
wrote at this time to his favorite : " Caesar's wife
should not even be suspected," and she maliciously
replied: "You are not Caesar, and you know very
well that I have never been your wife."
The Count of Provence afterwards sought shelter
from the King of Prussia, who permitted him to
occupy the castle of Hamm, a little town on the
Lippe, in Westphalia, near Diisseldorff. There he
heard of the death of Louis XVI., declared himself
Regent of France, and formed a ministry. Before
the close of 1793, he left Westphalia to rejoin the
Countess of Artois at Turin, where she had taken
refuge near her father, Victor Amadeus III., King of
Sardinia. But as this Prince did not care about
186 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
keeping so compromising a guest at court, he was
obliged to accept the asylum offered him at Verona
by the Republic of Venice. There he established
himself in the character of a nobleman inscribed on
the golden book of the Republic and was well received.
There, too, he was apprised of the death of Louis
XVII., and from that time was recognized as the King
of France and Navarre by all the SmigrSs, and never
called by any name but Louis XVIII.
Lord Macartney, who had been sent to Verona by
the British government, wrote to Lord Granville,
September 27, 1795 : " The King is certainly intelli-
gent ; his information is extensive and varied, and he
has an easy manner of using and imparting it. Nor
does he lack judgment when he is not influenced by
the prejudices of his education ; his very prejudices
have been considerably lessened and modified by mis-
fortune and reflection. Adversity seems to have had
a useful effect upon his mind ; it has ameliorated
without exasperating it. He is believed to be sincere
in his faith ; he certainly performs his religious duties
attentively. He never fails to hear Mass, . nor to
observe the holy days of his Church, and he does not
eat meat on Fridays and Saturdays. They say he
has never been inclined to practical gallantry, and
that his attachment for Madame de Balbi was simply
a tie formed by a long friendship without there hav-
ing been the smallest link of a more electric nature
between him and her. He is susceptible of private
friendships and can be faithful to them. This side of
LOUIS XVIII 187
his character is strongly defined by his unvarying
sentiments toward the Count of Avaray and the
attendants who accompanied him in his flight, and
have never left him since. People have different
opinions concerning their merits, but he alone can
judge of them."
The wife, of the Pretender had remained at Turin
with her father, the King of Sardinia. She received
a kindly letter from her husband every week, but did
not seem anxious to rejoin him. In reality, there was
but indifferent sympathy between the pair. Lord
Macartney wrote to Lord Granville : " The King
writes regularly once a week to the Queen ; but what
seems rather singular to me, is that I have never
heard her name pronounced, either by him or any
person belonging to his suite. She is still at Turin
and very well maintained by her father. She lives a
very secluded life, and sees hardly any one except a
Madame de Courbillon, who has been her lady's-maid,
and who, like almost all favorites, is generally de-
tested by those not in the same situation or who have
not the same qualities to recommend them."
The principal counsellors surrounding Louis
XVIII. at Verona were the Count of Avaray,
Mgr. Conzie*, Bishop of Arras, the Count of Jau-
court, the Marquis of Hautefort, the Count of Cosse*,
the Chevalier of Montagnac, and the Count of
Damas. "They are certainly not well situated,"
writes Lord Macartney ; " the Prince's dwelling, the
Orto del Gazzola, is shabby ; the furniture is scanty,
188 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
the domestics few, and the liveries threadbare. The
meals, a detail so important to Frenchmen, are
wretched."
Louis XVIII. was at Verona when Marie The're'se
came out of the Temple. But he was not to remain
there long. Alarmed by the French Republic, the
Republic of Venice sent the podesta of Verona to
the Pretender's house to notify him to depart from
their territory. " I will go," replied the Prince,
" but I make two conditions : the first is that they
bring me the golden book in which my family is
inscribed, so that I may erase the name from it with
my own hand ; the second, that they give me back
the armor which my ancestor, Henri IV., presented
to the Republic."
Expelled in this manner from Verona, Louis
XVIII. departed April 20, 1796, and went to Rie-
gel, near the Prince of Conde", whose army received
him with enthusiasm. But Austria, always ill-dis-
posed toward the Pretender, would not allow him
to remain in this encampment. Baron Thugut
apprised him that he would be expelled by force
if necessary. The unhappy exile set out again, July
14, 1796. He knew not where to find a refuge.
On the fifth day of his journey, July 19, he stopped
in the evening at an inn in the little town of Dil-
lingen, belonging to the Elector of Treves. The
heat was stifling. ' He went to the window for air.
A shot was heard; a ball grazed his forehead,
wounded him, and flattened itself out against the
LOUIS XVIII 189
wall of the room. On seeing the wound, the Count
of Avaray exclaimed: "Ah! Sire, a hair's-breadth
lower! ..." "Well," replied Louis XVIII., "the
King of France would have been called Charles X."
After having been confined to his bed for a week,
the Pretender resumed his route, but he was not
completely restored until two months later. The
SmigrSs suspected' that this attempt was the work
of the Jacobins, but the general belief was that
the Germans, tired of the influx of Smigrts, had
sought to frighten them in this manner, and that
the assassin was probably one of those peasants who
slaughtered the volunteers of Conde"s army whenever
they found them defenceless. The heir of so many
kings knew not where to rest his head. He was
everywhere treated like an outlaw. The Princes of
Saxony being his near relatives, since his mother
was a Saxon princess, he had sent the Baron of
Flachslanden to Dresden to ask for hospitality. The
Elector of Saxony regretted that existing circum-
stances made it impossible for him to show that
cordiality which his sentiments dictated toward the
King. The Prince of Anhalt-Dessau made the same
response. With equal unsuccess Louis XVIII. sought
a temporary asylum in the principalities of Olden-
berg, Gevern, and Anhalt-Zerbst. Repulsed on all
sides, he at last came to the Duke of Brunswick and
entreated that he might be permitted to remain in
his dominions until the return of a courier whom he
had despatched to Russia. In the Duchy of Bruns-
190 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
wick he stayed in the little town of Blankenburg,
three leagues from Halberstadt, lodging with a
brewer's widow from whom he hired three rooms.
One of these served as salon and dining-room, the
second as a bedroom, and the third was transformed
into a chapel and at the same time a bedroom for
the gentleman-in-waiting, who was by turns the
Duke of Guiche, the Duke of Gram out, and the
Count of Avaray. The Dukes of Villequier, Fleury,
and Cosse*-Brissac, lodged where they could in the
town. They dared not introduce a greater number
of Frenchmen. The Count of Avaray wrote to the
Count of Antraigues : " The Duke of Brunswick
very good-naturedly ignores the King's presence in
his States ; but a wise circumspection forbids that
the £migr€s of the vicinity be received." For all
that, Louis XVIII. maintained a little court in the
brewer's incommodious house. The women were
received by Madame de Marsan and his niece the
Princess Charles de Rohan.
As for the Queen, she continued to live apart
from her husband. After having lost the asylum
she had had with her father at Turin, and vainly
sought another with the Elector of Treves, she had
been received as if by charity in the bishopric of
Passau, a small imperial state which formed part
of the Circle of Bavaria. The bishop's chancellor
accorded the permission only on condition that " the
worthy lady and her suite shall never become charge-
able on the exchequer of His Lordship the Bishop
or his subjects."
LOUIS XVIII 191
Louis XVIII. was still at Blankenburg when he
heard of the coup d1 £tat of the 18th Fructidor
(September 4, 1799), which deferred his hopes of a
restoration. " It is a misfortune for France and for
many honest people," he wrote to the Count of
Saint-Priest, September 14, " but I know your soul,
and I am sure that it will not be more cast down
than mine is." The treaty of Campo Formio (Octo-
ber 17, 1797) had so strengthened the Directory
that in all continental Europe no one dared to shel-
ter the heir of Louis XIV. any longer. The Ger-
mans blamed the Duke of Brunswick for receiving
£migr£8, and the King of Prussia notified him to
banish Louis XVIII. without delay. In vain did the
unhappy Pretender write to Berlin to obtain some
slight consideration, and ask not to be obliged to
set out in the depth of winter without knowing
where to find even a momentary refuge. Berlin
responded by an order to depart at once. The Duke
of Brunswick was forced to intervene in order to
obtain a respite of eight days for the royal prescript.
Louis XVIII. left Blankenburg in the middle of Feb-
ruary, 1798. The new Emperor of Russia, Paul I.,
having at last consented to receive him in his do-
minions, he went to Courland and from thence to
Mittau.
THE EMIGRES
"NTIL 1814, the daughter of Louis XVI. was
to know no Frenchman except £migr€s. It
must be owned, their society was not of a sort to
inspire her with agreeable reflections. The mere
sight of them was enough to recall a whole series of
faults and misfortunes for which they were partly
responsible. The young Princess blamed them for
having long compounded with the philosophic ene-
mies of religion, and thought that the blows aimed
at the altar had been one of the chief causes of the
downfall of the throne. She had often heard her
father and mother complain of the emigration.
Doubtless, while the Terror lasted, for an aristocrat
to remain in France was virtually to condemn him-
self to death. But in 1789, before the October Days,
a struggle against the adversaries of the monarchy
was still possible. The real field of battle had been
at Paris, not at Brussels or Coblentz. This thought
has been expressed in his Souvenirs by an £migr£,
the Count of Puymaigre : " I could defend the emi-
gration," he says, "when it was the only means of
escaping from death and thus became a necessity;
192
THE EMIGEES 193
but there is no doubt that spontaneous emigration
as a political system was a great blunder, and that
it made an excellent cause unpopular by apparently
associating it with the grasping and malevolent
pretensions of our ancient enemies."
As the Count of Fersen mentions in his journal,
Marie Antoinette had said: "We lament the num-
ber of the emigrants ; it is frightful to see the way
in which all these honest people are and have
been deceived." Marie The're'se recollected that
when her Aunt Elisabeth was entreated to leave
France she had exclaimed : " To go away would be
cruel as well as stupid." Another 6migr6, the
Count of Contades, remarks in his curious Souvenirs
sur Coblentz et Quiberon : " Towards the close of
1791, opinion had become so adverse to the Revo-
lution that it was no longer permissible to remain in
France, even with the purest intentions and the
desire and ability to be of service. Those who for
various reasons had been obliged to leave their places,
and who felt that they were lost if their example
was not followed, taxed with cowardice and devoted
to infamy those who, more constant, and possibly
more courageous, desired to remain and perish at
their post rather than go begging in foreign lands for
the assistance they thought they should be able to
render themselves. From the beginning of the Revo-
lution many colonels abandoned their regiments and
hastened to enrol under the banners of the Prince of
Conde'. I have always condemned this conduct as one
194 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
cause of our misfortunes. Could one compare the
usefulness of an armed commander esteemed by his
men, combating the Revolution by arresting its
progress and incessantly recalling his misled soldiers
to honor and duty, with that of an individual who
had become a private soldier with no resources but
those strictly personal ? "
But passion does not reason. A fatal current im-
pelled the old society to suicide. To those who
hesitated before leaving their country, perhaps for-
ever, the women sent distaffs, dolls, and nightcaps.
Moreover, they thought that nothing more serious
than a trip to the banks of the Rhine was in question.
In five or six weeks they expected to come back in
triumph; all that was necessary would be to show
one's feather, a white handkerchief, the Prince of
Condd's boot, and six francs' worth of cord to hang
the Revolutionary leaders with. The chief protector
of the £migr£s, Gustavus III. of Sweden, wrote at
Aix-la-Chapelle, June 16, 1791 : " All of these exiles
are animated with the same hatred against the
National Assembly, and also with an exaggeration
on all subjects of which you have no idea. It is
really curious to see and hear them." But let us
allow an £migr£ officer in Conde"s army, the Count
of Contades, to speak : " Two or three thousand gen-
tlemen honestly believed themselves able to bring
about a counter-revolution. The Prince of Conde*
perfectly comprehended the folly of this chimerical
dream, but nevertheless, he wanted to prolong it.
THE EMIGRES 195
The emigres used to meet at a cafe* in Coblentz,
called the Trois Colonnes, and laugh and chatter with
the same lightness and frivolity as if they had been
in the salons of Paris or Versailles. They spent
their whole time in card-playing, slandering the
Princes, and grooming their horses in their quar-
ters." Another officer of Condi's army, the Count
of Puymaigre, writes : " A strange spectacle was
presented by this gathering of emigres, former offi-
cers and magistrates now in the ranks, who shoul-
dered their guns and groomed their horses. The
noble corps contained, however, many bourgeois (if
I may be pardoned the expression of the time) who
had joined our cause either through conviction or
vanity, many old and many young men, children
almost, and in this strange medley a point of honor,
exaggerated in certain circumstances, but which was
more powerful than the rules of discipline, covered
any man with disgrace who failed to be present at
gun-fire. The manners were those of the reign of
Louis XV.
" In spite of the principles which had caused us to
leave France, nothing could be more licentious than
Conde"s army ; we were dissolute, but never sceptical
in matters of religion; the lewdest young fellow,
receiving a mortal wound, would not dispense with
the assistance of a priest, and yet, at the same time,
our favorite reading was the philosophical works then
in vogue. The minor poets of the day enlivened our
night-watches. Boufflers was most popular with us.
196 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
. . . Our hosts could not understand how men, exiled
from their country for the sake of God and their
King, could come to corrupt foreign lands; nor
how the same men who never ceased preaching re-
spect for property, could infringe the laws, and ruin
parks reserved for the pleasure of princes and great
German proprietors, in order to gratify their passion
for hunting ; in a word, how they could treat the
most serious matters with a levity of which the Revo-
lution should have cured them. These were merited
reproaches ; but in other respects our detractors were
obliged to do us justice, and we became the objects of
their admiration."
And then the 6migr6, with renewed esprit de corps,
exclaims: "Who except ourselves could have pre-
served this gaiety which supported us in our adver-
sities and which blended into one the old man and
the adolescent youth; this chivalrous idea which
united them in the same sentiment of duty and of
honor. . . . Was not this levity of which we were
accused the sister of our brilliant qualities ? "
How many times the daughter of Louis XVI. and
Marie Antoinette had heard her parents talk of this
heroic but useless emigration ; of Coblentz, so mad
and vicious, yet so witty and charming, which did
such harm to the monarchy, though with the best
intentions ; of these vain and censorious gentlemen,
who had the wit to laugh at their ill fortune, but not
the wisdom to learn a lesson from it! She knew
the sentiments of the unhappy Queen, who said to
THE EMIGRES 197
Francis Hue : " The assistance of foreigners is one
of those measures which a wise king never employs
except at the last extremity," and who never looked
to the other bank of the Rhine except in her de-
spondent hours. She knew — for Marie Antoinette
had often told her so — that if these Emigres had ex-
pended at home half the energy and the efforts
which they lavished uselessly abroad, the throne
might have been saved.
Their illusions were dispelled very promptly.
The emigration which, when it began, was con-
sidered as a mere pleasure party, a brief, delightful
trip undertaken for enjoyment, turned out a dole-
ful and lamentable exodus whose end no one could
foresee. The €migr£ who bore arms under Condd's
standards had at least the usual distractions of camp
life and could support himself on the pay he re-
ceived from Austria. But the decay and poverty
of the £migr£ in civil life were sad enough. M.
Fourneron makes a striking sketch of them : " The
frivolous Frenchman who received funds from his
family never thought that every one of his relatives
risked his head for each penny sent; he lived an
idle life and had a horror of work ; he grew weary
of his room; he would not deign to learn German;
he rose late and went to seek some friend as silly
as himself to breakfast with him at the French res-
taurant ; he paid visits and showed himself importu-
nate and bored. Out of money, with shabby coat and
torn linen, all beheld their compatriots succumbing
198 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
to poverty in the midst of strangers whose language
they did not understand and who regarded them
with suspicion. The past was heartrending and the
future gloomy." The single resource of nearly all
the 6migr6$, was the sale of the trifling objects they
had been able to carry with them on leaving France,
but this had been speedily exhausted, and they were
obliged to work for their living. From 1794, their
destitution was complete. On July 8, the Count of
Se"rent wrote to the Count of Antraigues : " The Count
of Provence has constantly before his eyes the spec-
tacle of our wretched tmigrSs, fleeing from the differ-
ent retreats where they have been lodged and fed
on credit, and wandering along the roads coatless
and shirtless. To lack even the smallest means
of providing for them is the most painful of situa-
tions." This poverty had increased frightfully in the
years that followed. It must be admitted that if
the French nobility had committed great faults they
were punished for them in a terrible manner. Their
bitterest enemies were obliged to pity them.
The great ladies who, when the emigration began,
kept up the grand manners of Versailles on the bor-
ders of the Rhine, thinking they were about to re-
turn there after a few days ; those proud and witty
beauties, thinking of nothing but gaming and in-
trigue, who at the court of the Princes had thought
they were acquiring influence in exile, lived now on
alms or by manual labor. They had sold their last
jewels, their last laces. Driven out of Germany, a
THE EMIGRES 199
great many of them took refuge in Hamburg which
offers an epitome of the life of the French emigres
throughout the world. Some gave lessons, others
kept shops or practised some trade. But, when night
came, they met together and, seeking to forget their
wretchedness, they said to each other : " I have
been a shopkeeper all day ; now I will be a lady for
awhile."
Marie The'rese was profoundly saddened by all she
knew of the £migr£s. Noble and generous herself,
she was inconsolable at being unable to relieve such
miseries ; and the decay, the poverty, the humilia-
tions and anguish of these unhappy nobles whom she
had seen so brilliant and so haughty at Versailles in
her childhood, incessantly caused her painful reflec-
tions. At every instant her heart bled. One day
she heard of the Quiberon disaster and the odious
massacre of prisoners ; on another, of the catastro-
phes in Vende'e and the execution of Charette.
Again it was the proscriptions of which the royalists
were victims after the 18th Fructidor, the fusillades
in the plain of Grenelle, the deportations in iron
cages, the exiles to Cayenne, which was called the
dull guillotine. All the families in which the
daughter of Louis XVI. felt any interest were
attainted. The wind of misfortune blew from all
the cardinal points at once, and the French aristo-
crats, tossed from one tempest to another, were
hounded by an implacable fatality from every shore.
All that was occurring overwhelmed with grief a
200 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
patriotic Princess, for whom, as a poet has said, it
was an inexpressible vexation to ascend and descend
the staircase of another. She was astonished at the
levity of the £migr€s when she saw them amuse
themselves and smile. She sympathized less with
them than with the loyal and heroic peasants of
Vendee, who had waged what Napoleon called a war
of giants, and to whom the Restoration showed itself
so ungrateful later on.
At the time when she rejoined Louis XVIII. at
Mittau, Marie The'rSse was fully acquainted with
all the intrigues, rivalries, jealousies, and rancors
that spring up around an empty phantom of royalty.
Even in exile princes have their courtiers and flat-
terers, and the petty annoyances of court life beset
them in an inn as well as in a palace. The favors
they may possibly dispense some day are quarrelled
over with premature avidity. Promises are extorted
from them. Their accession is discounted. From
her childhood the daughter of Louis XVI. and Marie
Antoinette had learned by experience what to think
of courtiers. She knew all about the egotism, the
inconstancy, and the greediness of many of them.
No woman knew how to distinguish wheat from
tares better than this young girl. With a perspi-
cacity rare at her age she saw what was sincere and
what false in the devotion protested for her. She
could read the faces of her interlocutors, penetrate
their thoughts, and recognize instantly those who
were worthy of her esteem. She had none of that
THE EMIGRES 201
commonplace amiability which pretends to accept
the world's counterfeit coin as current money. She
had reflected much since 1789. Not one of the
severe lessons given her by Providence had been
fruitless. She had learned to know the human
heart at the Tuileries, the Temple, and Vienna.
Brought up in the school of misfortunes, she par-
doned, but she did not forget.
VI
MITTAU
LOUIS XVIII. arrived at Mittau, March 23,
1798. He received a royal hospitality from
the Emperor of Russia, Paul I., who not only sup-
plied him with a palace, but with very considerable
subsidies. How was it that the heir of Louis XVI.
became the guest and debtor of the heir of Peter
the Great, and through what strange and unforeseen
circumstances did the former court of Versailles,
which had been cast off by all Europe, find refuge
in Russia? What politician or prophet could have
predicted such events ?
Catherine the Great, the mother of the Czar Paul
I., had taken an interest in the French SmigrSs.
Directly after the death of Louis XVI., the Count
of Artois, who was one day to style himself Charles
X., had sought the aid of the powerful Empress.
He arrived unexpectedly at Saint Petersburg in the
month of May, 1793. The Czarina lavished honors
and entertainments on the then attractive young
Prince. She gave him a sword with a diamond hilt
which she caused to be blessed at the cathedral, and
on which were engraven the words : " Through God,
202
MITTAU 203
through the King." She pushed the niceties of hos-
pitality so far as to furnish the brother of Louis
XVI. with the jewels he was obliged to distribute
to the Russian courtiers. Proud of being greeted
like a Henry IV. by the Russian court, the Count of
Artois conversed about nothing but battles.
The upper circles of Saint Petersburg society were
at this time very enthusiastic for the French emigra-
tion. On this head we will cite a remarkable page
from M. Albert Sorel's fine work, VEurope et la
Revolution f ran faise: "Joseph de Maistre said to the
Russians: 'Nothing is constant with you except
inconstancy.' The caprice which had brought the
philosophers into vogue, passed over to the &miyr£s
without effort or transition. What they had so
greatly delighted in before the Revolution was the
old French society, so liberal minded, so subtly
civilized, so noble in its sentiments and aspirations.
It appeared to them in 1793 that this was better
represented by a Duke of Richelieu than by a Robes-
pierre. The subsequent change on their part is not
in reality so strange as it seems. They had prided
themselves on their philosophy as distinguishing
them from others, through a spirit of caste, and
the search for elegance. No sooner did philosophy
become revolutionary, the Revolution democratic,
and France the people, than they included in the
same hatred, and condemned with the same arro-
gance, philosophy, the Revolution, and France
itself."
204 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEML
M. Sorel also makes the following just observa-
tion on the change effected in the mind of Catherine
the Great: "People cannot understand how it was
that this Semiramis of the eighteenth century
showed herself from the very first so disparaging
and ruthless towards a revolution which, at least
when it began, was the practical working out of the
ideas of those whom the Empress openly proclaimed
to be her friends and masters. They are surprised
at seeing her preach the crusade of kings with an
unheard-of vehemence of sarcasm, and raising against
the Revolution that terrible war-cry of Voltaire and
the Encyclopedists, 'Crush the wretch!' which but
lately led the whole army of philosophers to the
assault. They are astonished, in a word, that, sus-
taining in Poland what she antagonized in France,
she displayed the same ferocity in maintaining
anarchy in Warsaw as she did in re-establishing
the monarchy in France. They have concluded that
she did not act from principle, which is very true,
and that her designs lacked consecutiveness, which
is a great mistake. Principles have nothing to do
with this affair. Catherine did not trouble herself
about them in the least. The Revolution in France
disarranged her plans, and she detested it ; anarchy
in Poland agreed with them, and she fomented it.
She passed formidable sentences against the French
rebels, but she left the care of executing them to the
Germans. She was at no pains to withdraw a single
one of her soldiers from the roads of Russia. The
MTTTAU 205
sentiments of her people and the remoteness of her
dominions protected her from propagandism."
Moreover, Catherine II. had but slender sympathy
with Louis XVIII. She accused him of indecision
and hypocrisy. She would have been unwilling to
give him a refuge in her Empire. But she died
suddenly, November 18, 1796, and her son, Paul I.,
who succeeded her, was enthusiastic for the French
emigration and the Pretender.
The new Czar, who had had hallucinations in his
youth, had long been considered a dangerous maniac
by the foreign ambassadors. In 1791, the French
agent, Genet, wrote concerning Catherine's son:
"He will be the most irritable of tyrants. He
follows the steps of his wretched father in all
things, and unless the heart of the Grand Duchess,
his wife, is the temple of all the virtues, he will
some day experience the same fate; he expects it,
he tells her so himself, he overwhelms her with
vexations ... he is gloomy, savage, suspicious;
he places confidence in nobody whatever."
An harassed nature, a soul of fire, a mind disturbed
by horrible catastrophes, sometimes kind hearted in
spite of his errors and his violence, a blending of the
tyrant and the chevalier, the Czar Paul, a sort of
crowned Hamlet, the son ,of an assassinated father,
and himself destined to assassination, was a strange
and deadly personage, but one whose fantastic
caprices become intelligible when the moral tortures
inflicted on him by his memories and his presenti-
206 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
ments are taken into account. An imaginative
man, he was versatile but sincere and convinced in
his enthusiasms so long as he experienced them.
He was infatuated with Louis XVIII. and with
Bonaparte by turns. For that matter, when AVC
have so often changed our own enthusiasms, is it
astonishing that a foreigner should experience a
variety of impressions concerning French affairs
which is shared by Frenchmen. themselves?
In 1798, Paul I. was in perfectly good faith when
he took Condi's army into his pay and offered mag-
nificent hospitality to Louis XVIII. He recalled,
and not without emotion, the welcome he had
received at Versailles from Louis XVI. in 1782,
when he was travelling under the name of the Count
du Nord. At that time the royal star of France,
like a setting sun, was still illumining the horizon
with its splendid lustre, and the court of Versailles
took a sort of coquettish pleasure in displaying all
its brilliancy to the Russian Prince. Never had a
more dazzling ball been given in the Gallery of the
Mirrors. Never had the Little Trianon exhibited
more elegance and charm. The Prince of Conde",
rivalling the King himself in point of luxury, gave
an astonishingly magnificent entertainment to the
son of Catherine the Great; Chantilly equalled, if
it did not surpass, Versailles; and the Parisians
exclaimed: "The King has received the Count du
Nord like a friend, the Duke of Orleans like a
bourgeois, and the Prince of Conde" like a sovereign."
MITTAU 207
What tragedies had occurred since then! Louis
XVI., Marie Antoinette, and Madame Elisabeth
had been beheaded, the two brothers of Louis XVI.
proscribed, and the young Marie The'rese of France,
the charming child who had so fascinated the Rus-
sian Prince at Versailles, was now the orphan of the
Temple !
At the close of 1797, the Prince of Comic*, the
splendid proprietor of that marvellous chateau of
Chantilly which remained like a dream of fairyland
in the memory of Paul I., was an outlaw whose
army, which had been alternately in the pay of Aus-
tria and England, no longer found any Power will-
ing to support it. It was then the Czar conceived
the notion of taking it into his service. He sent one
of his aides-de-camp, Prince Gortchakoff, to Uberlin-
gen, on Lake Constance, where the Prince of Conde*
had established his headquarters, and his proposal
was heartily welcomed. Condi's army at once took
up its march toward Russia. One of its officers, the
Count of Puymaigre, has written in his curious
Souvenirs: "We did not reach the shores of the
Bug, the boundary of the Russian Empire, until
some time in the month of January, 1798. I
remember that it was a foggy and very cold day
when we crossed the frontier. There, to our regret,
we left off our white cockades, the symbol and goal
of all our efforts, to assume the Muscovite insignia.
A pope, or Russian priest, who was in a miserable
cabin on the bank of the river, made us swear on a
208 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
Greek Gospel, our oaths of fidelity to our new sov-
ereign, the Czar. The €miyr6s, transformed into
Russians as a result of so many strange events, pre-
sented a singular spectacle. . . . Those among
us who, on account of their rank or social habits
thought it their duty or pleasure to visit the Polish
nobility were, from the time of our arrival, perfectly
well received. . . . The women especially showed
themselves so enthusiastic that they provided us
with fashionable clothes. But this fervor did not
last long, or was at least restrained within narrow
limits. So many indiscretions, impertinences rather,
it must needs be said, were committed by our young
men that many doors were closed against us. The
same thing had happened in Germany."
As one sees, Conde"s officer does not spare his
comrades overmuch. "The Czar," he adds, "pro-
scribed philosophic works, and yet in spite of the
most formal ukases, I have nowhere seen Voltaire,
Rousseau, Raynal, and othep of that crew more
widely diffused or in greater credit than in Poland.
They formed the favorite reading of both married
and unmarried ladies, who took pains to lend their
works while recommending us to keep them secret.
I have already said that, notwithstanding the pur-
pose of our emigration, liberal ideas found their way
into our ranks as well as elsewhere. ... A ukase,
or imperial decree, forbade waltzing in any part of
the Empire, because the Empress had contracted an
inflammation of the lungs by waltzing too much.
MITTAU 209
This accident, therefore, was to change the cus-
toms of all the populations between Germany and
the great wall of China! I thought this a trifle
arbitrary, but we evaded it by waltzing with closed
doors ... as if we were conspirators. . . . An
officer of Condi's army who bore the fine name of
Beaumanoir was sent to Siberia on account of an
intercepted letter he had written to one of his friends
at Constance, in which he declaimed against serf-
dom and despotism. The same man had nearly lost
his life in France and been obliged to emigrate
because he had published his opinions on the abuse
of liberty. This was mocking at misfortune."
Louis XVIII. was to expiate dearly the hospital-
ity offered him by the Emperor Paul I. At first its
character was not simply courteous, but magnificent.
On March 23, 1798, the Pretender with his nephew,
the young Duke of Angoule*me, made a formal entry
into Mittau. The different guilds of artisans came
to meet him, and the former palace of the Dukes of
Courland, which he was to occupy, was manned by
as many guards as if the Czar himself had been
expected.
Paul I. carried his delicate attentions so far as to
provide the Prince, whom he considered the King of
France and Navarre, with a special guard of one
hundred noble cavaliers chosen from among the
former body-guard of Louis XVI. The Count of
Auger, one of that unhappy sovereign's most faith-
ful adherents, was appointed commander of this de-
210 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
tachment, drawn from Condi's army and paid by the
Czar.
Until 1795, when Courland and Se"migalle were
annexed to the Russian Empire, Mittau had been
the capital of these two duchies. It contained a
population of about twelve thousand souls, and its
only remarkable edifice was the chateau, situated at
the end of the town on the Riga road, along the left
bank of a little river called the Grosbach. It was
built in the form of a square, with a courtyard in
the middle, and was surrounded by a moat filled
with water. Its large and well-arranged apartments
made it a very suitable abode for Louis XVIII. He
had with him the Count of Avaray, the Duke of
Guiche, the Count of Cosse"-Brissac, the Marquis of
Jaucourt, the Count of La Chapelle, the Duke
of Villequier, the Marquis of Sourdis, the Viscount
of Agoult, the Chevalier of Montaignac, the Cheva-
lier of Boisheuil, M. de Guilhermy, a former deputy
'to the States- General, and M. de Courvoisier. His
almoner was the venerable Abbe* Edgeworth of Fir-
mont, who had attended Louis XVI. on the scaffold.
"In this palace of a dispossessed sovereign,"
writes the Baron of Barante in his Notice sur le
Comte de Saint- Priest, "Louis XVIII. set up a
simulacrum of Versailles. The minute observances
of etiquette, the presence of several former courtiers
as faithful to their accustomed ways of thinking
as to their humble sentiments of devotion, the old
body-guards surrounding him when he went to the
MITTAU 211
chapel, and the whole petty reproduction of the
pompous life of courts, where one encountered even
the ambitions, jealousies, and intrigues of palace
servants, formed an easy and agreeable position, for
Louis XVIII. based upon his beatific consciousness
of his rights; he seemed to think he was enjoying
the very essentials of royalty. Sensible men, seeing
him thus satisfied, pitied him less for his misfor-
tunes than for his contentment."
At the beginning of his sojourn at Mittau, Louis
XVIII. was treated respectfully by the Russian
court, because Paul I., thoroughly engrossed by
his schemes concerning the Order of Malta, wished
to make royalist France enter into his religious
and chivalrous combinations. Although cut off from
the Roman communion by the schism of Photius,
the Russian sovereign had conceived the notion of
making himself grand-master of a military and
religious order of which the Pope was superior.
The taking of Malta, by General Bonaparte in June,
1798, had entailed the destruction of the sovereign
order of Saint John of Jerusalem. The three " lan-
guages " l of Provence, Auvergne, and France were
no longer in existence. That of Italy was under
French domination. The silence of the grand-
>5master, Hompesch, who had retired to Trieste and
obstinately refused to explain his conduct, decided
the grand-prior of Russia to offer the grand-master-
1 The eight nations which composed the order of Saint John
of Jerusalem were spoken of as languages.
212 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
ship of the order to the Emperor Paul I. The
grand-priors of Bohemia, Bavaria, and Germany
determined to follow the example of Russia. The
former grand-master, Hompesch, who had already
sold the island of Malta to the French fleet, sold
also his signature to all these acts and approved all
the concessions. Thenceforward the Czar, adding
the title of Grand-master of the Order of Saint John
of Jerusalem to that of Emperor of All the Russias,
held chapters, distributed commanderies, and trans-
formed his generals into crusading knights. Kou-
chebef was grand-admiral of the order; Sievers,
grand-hospitaller ; and Flaschlander, turcopolier.
The highest mark of favor at the Russian court was
a Maltese cross, a commandery, very well endowed,
for that matter, in peasant souls.
A certain coolness arose between Paul I. and
Louis XVIII. on the subject of the order. The
Duke of Angoul^me was grand-prior of France.
When the Czar apprised the young Prince of the
dignity he had conferred upon himself, the latter,
who regarded the proceeding as irregular, evaded
the subject by saying that his approaching marriage
was about to put him entirely outside of the Order
of Malta. This response produced a very bad effect
in Saint Petersburg. In order to appease the Czar, *
the Pretender suggested that it would be well to
unite the Order of Saint John of Jerusalem to the
hospitaller order of Saint Lazarus, the grand-ribbon
of which he sent him, accompanied by an amiable
MITT A V 213
letter which the Abbe* Edgeworth of Firmont was
commissioned to deliver. But this attention did
not lessen the Czar's ill- humor. On the contrary,
it offended him that he should be offered the decora-
tion of any order except that holding the first rank
in France. He refused the ribbon of Saint Lazarus,
and it became necessary to send him that of the
Holy Spirit.
As a matter of fact, the idea of renewing the
Order of Malta was not so fantastic on the part of
Paul I. as it may seem at first glance. As has been
remarked by the Abbe" Georgel, who was concerned
in the affairs of the grand-priory of Germany, if
Malta were retaken as was hoped, its position in
the middle of the Mediterranean would afford an
Emperor of Russia who was grand-master efficacious
means of imposing on the Ottoman court ; moreover,
the advantage of being at the head of all the nobility
of Europe would considerably augment the influ-
ence which the Russian Emperors have always been
ambitious to exercise in the political affairs of the
continent.
In reality, Louis XVIII., as the heir of Saint
Louis and the eldest son of the Church, was not
well-pleased to see a schismatic prince placing him-
self at the head of an order whose history was
blended with that of the Holy See. There was a
latent rivalry between Mittau and Saint Petersburg;
if Louis XVIII. receiving not only a dwelling-place,
but an annual pension of 200,000 roubles from the
214 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
Czar, felt himself somewhat humiliated by living on
the charitable subsidies of a foreign power, Paul I.,
on the other hand, was occasionally jealous of a
guest whose blazon was far more illustrious than his
own. The Baron of Barante, in his Notice sur le
Comte de Saint-Priest, has made the following obser-
vation on this head: "The hospitality accorded by
the Emperor Paul was in nowise sympathetic. The
royal title was never recognized; no visit of the
French princes to Saint Petersburg was ever
authorized; never did the Emperor or his sons come
to Mittau to console the exiled royal family. Louis
was incessantly obliged to entreat privileges or
ask for consideration. At Saint Petersburg people
mocked at the etiquette of the little court at Mittau,
at the receptions, the royal Mass, the body-guards,
the dinner served at two tables — all of those usages
that consorted ill with a humble position, and bore
too little resemblance to the simple, easy military
fashions of the Russian court, where etiquette is
reserved for great and rare occasions." It was an
essentially precarious hospitality which the daughter
of Louis XVI. was to receive at Mittau after so
many trials and disasters of every sort. A clear-
sighted observer could already have predicted that
the Czar's enthusiasm for Louis XVIII. and the
French emigration would be of short duration.
VII
THE ARKIVAL OF MARIE THERESE
LOUIS XVIII. had been at Mittau more than a
year without being able to summon his wife
and his niece to rejoin him there. And he desired
a reunion with his wife, who was then under the
influence of Madame de Gourbillon, though less
from sentiment than convenience. The Queen, as
she was called, demanded an establishment entirely
out of keeping with their common poverty. "The
statement forwarded to M. de Villequier by M. de
Virieu," wrote the Pretender, "would certainly be
very moderate for the Queen of France, but circum-
stances oblige us to abridge it still further." He
cut off three of the persons named by the Princess
as requisite for her service. Moreover, Paul I.
was beginning to find that the little court at Mittau
cost him too much. The Count of Saint-Priest,
who had been sent to Saint Petersburg to ask for
increased supplies, said in a letter to Louis XVIII. :
" Your Majesty would be amazed at the mean way in
which this court treats the affair of the Queen and
Madame Therese at Mittau. It is very unlike the
display got up for Your Majesty's journey. They
216
216 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
say the Emperor is so annoyed by the large party of
forty-four accompanying the Marshal of Broglie that
he has said: 'Are we in Peru, or are they on a
pillaging expedition ? ' '
Through economy and for other reasons, Louis
XVIII. was especially anxious to get rid of Madame
de Gourbillon, whom he found disagreeable. He
wrote to his wife, May 31, 1799: "If my entreaties
and our affection do not move you, and you can
resolve to compromise me with the Emperor of
Russia, whom your resistance must have given very
queer ideas about us two, Madame Gourbillon may
come to Mittau, but I swear that she shall not set
foot in the palace. Once more, my dear friend,
yield to our affection, and let the joy I shall expe-
rience at seeing you again be increased, if that is
possible, by this condescension on your part. I feel
no hesitation in urging this, because it is solely
your own interest that causes me to speak."
If Louis XVIII. was but moderately anxious for
a reunion with his wife, he was ardently desirous
to see his niece arrive ; for he thoroughly understood
the prestige and poetic charm which the presence of
the orphan of the Temple would diffuse over the
royal cause and the little court of Mittau. Already
there was something legendary about the daughter
of Louis XVI. and Marie Antoinette. She awak-
ened an interest mingled with veneration wherever
she appeared, and her uncle knew very well that in
Russia as well as in France, Switzerland, and Aus-
THE AEEIVAL OF MAEIE THERESE 217
tria, she would not merely touch imaginations, but
move hearts. As to the Duke of Angouleme, he
was awaiting his young betrothed with extreme
impatience; as early as January 9, 1799, he had
written to several £migr£s to announce the speedy
conclusion of an event upon which he declared
the happiness of his life depended.
The Queen arrived at Mittau June 3, 1799. She
had not seen her husband in eight years, and the
pair were perfectly accustomed to live far apart.
Madame de Gourbillon did not reside in the chateau,
but had a lodging in the neighborhood.
The next day, June 4, occurred the long-desired
reunion between Louis XVIII. and his niece, Marie
The're'se. The King set off to meet her very early
in the morning. The first post-house had been
appointed for the rendezvous, but the young Prin-
cess travelled so fast that she reached it before the
King, and went further along the highroad to meet
him. As soon as the two carriages came near each
other, she alighted. Louis XVIII. and the Duke of
Angouleme did likewise. The young Princess
pressed toward her uncle through clouds of dust,
and he, with arms extended, ran to meet and press
her to his heart. Unable to prevent her from
throwing herself at his feet, he hastened to lift
her up. "At last I see you again," she exclaimed.
"At last I am happy. Watch over me, be my
father." As the Count of Saint-Priest wrote to the
Chevalier Verne"gues: "Tears and sobs were the
218 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
first proofs of the profound sentiments that filled
their hearts. The first tribute rendered to nature
and to the memory of such misfortunes gave place to
expressions of the tenderest recognition. Mgr. the
Duke of Angouleme, withheld by respect, yet urged
forward by a thousand different sentiments, wept
over his cousin's hand, while the King, in the
deepest emotion, and with eyes filled with tears,
pressed the Princess to his heart, and at the same
time presented the husband he had given her. The
King, so good and so worthy of a better fate, placed
thus between his adopted children, felt for the first
time that he might still enjoy some moments of
happiness."
Louis XVIII. had not seen his niece since June
20, 1791, at the moment when the fatal journey
to Varennes began. Eight years had passed since
then. An accomplished young girl had succeeded
to the graceful child. What physical and moral
progress ! What a soft and penetrating charm ! A
fair lily that had survived a cruel storm might
have been taken as an emblem by this young virgin
who had suffered and wept so much, and who bore
the marks of an incurable sadness on her melancholy
and affecting countenance. The Count of Saint-
Priest writes: "We admire in the features and
bearing of Marie The'rdse, and in her speech and
the animation of her countenance, the loftiness
and grace of Marie Antoinette. France will recog-
nize in her, with joy as well as sadness, the features
THE ARRIVAL OF MARIE TUERESE 219
of the unfortunate Louis XVI., embellished by
youth, freshness, and serenity; and by a happy
chance, the Princess reminds one of Madame Elisa-
beth also."
Shouts of joy resounded on all sides when the
daughter of the martyr King and Queen arrived at
the chateau of Mittau. "Everybody ran," says the
Abbe* de Tressau, a witness of this pathetic scene ;
"all coldness and disagreements were at an end; it
seemed a sanctuary in which all hearts were about
to blend. Hungry glances were fastened on the
Queen's apartment. It was not until after Marie
Therese had paid her respects to Her Majesty that,
conducted by the King, she came to show herself to
our eyes, too drowned in tears to be able to distin-
guish her features." Louis XVIII. led her at first
to the Abbe* Edgeworth of Firmont, presenting her
afterwards to the former body-guards of Louis XVI.,
saying as he did so : " Here are the faithful guards
of those whom we lament." Then, turning towards
these servitors, as devoted to him as they had been
to his unfortunate brother, he added: "At last she
is ours; we will never leave her again; we are no
longer strangers to happiness."
Emotion reached its height untouched by any
falsity or exaggeration, for it had its source in those
sentiments of morality and pity which do honor to
the human soul. After returning to her apartment,
the young Princess sent for the Abbd Edgeworth,
him who had said to Louis XVI. on the steps of the
220 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
scaffold: "Son of Saint Louis, ascend to heaven."
When she found herself face to face with the vener-
able priest whose presence evoked souvenirs so cruel
yet so august, she nearly fainted. Alarmed, he
wished to call for assistance. "No," she said, "let
me weep before you alone. These tears console me."
"The royal family dined alone," the Abbe* de
Tressau writes again, "and towards five o'clock in
the evening we had the honor of being presented to
Madame. This was our first opportunity to contem-
plate her whole appearance. It seemed as though
heaven had wished to unite to her freshness and
beauty a sacred character which should render her
more dear and venerable to the French people. Her
countenance reminded us of Louis XVI., of Marie
Antoinette, and of Madame Elisabeth. These
august resemblances are so great that we felt the
need of invoking those whom they recalled. These
souvenirs and the presence of Madame seemed to
bring heaven and earth together, and assuredly
whenever she wishes to speak in their name, her
gentle and generous soul will compel all sentiments
to conform to hers."
And the royalist priest adds, in a dithyrambic and
enthusiastic style then assumed by the courtiers of
exile and misfortune, but which later on, under the
Restoration, was too often employed by the courtiers
of fortune : " Frenchmen I behold her whom you alone
can render happy by returning to your former vir-
tues and your love for your kings. Behold her
THE ARRIVAL OF MARIE THERESE 221
who asks to return among you, in order to be, in
union with the King her uncle, the executrix of the
testament of Louis XVI., concerning which their
hearts are in such accord: the pardon of injuries.
She comes, her heart full of tender and religious
sentiments, to love and console you for your long
afflictions. She comes to ennoble your courage and
legitimate your glory. She comes adorned by her
innocence and youth, her griefs and her resem-
blances. She comes surrounded by that tribute of
good wishes due to her from all that is honest, loyal,
sensible, and faithful on this earth. She comes like
the angel of peace to disarm vengeance and cause
the furies of war to cease. Let your hearts recall
her, and you will see your harbors open and your
commerce reborn; your children will no longer be
torn from your arms and led to death ; you will find
repose, happiness, and the esteem of the universe."
Marie The're'se at once became attached to her
young betrothed. Son of the Count of Artois (the
future Charles X.) and Marie The're'se of Savoy, the
daughter of Victor Amadeus III., King of Sardinia,
Louis Antoine de Bourbon, Duke of Angoul£me,
was not yet twenty-four years old, having been born
at Versailles, August 6, 1775. Leaving France
with his father in 1789, after the taking of the
Bastille, he went to his grandfather, the King of
Sardinia, at Turin. He left the dominions of that
Prince in August, 1792, and made a campaign
in Germany with Condi's army. He afterwards
222 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
spent some time at Holyrood, near Edinburgh, with
his father, whence he went to his uncle, Louis
XVIII., at Blankenburgh, and followed him to
Mittau. He was not remarkable for wit or elegance,
but he had solid qualities — great courage, good
sense, loyalty, and religious sentiments. He under-
stood and admired the virtues of his betrothed.
Concerning him, Count d'Avaray wrote in June,
1799: "Our young Prince daily acquires more of
that deportment and dignity which he lacked." The
marriage, for which the preparations were nearly
concluded, was to be like a rainbow to the little
court of Mittau, making its appearance after a suc-
cession of storms.
VIII
THE MARRIAGE
daughter of Louis XVI. arrived at Mittau
JL June 4, 1799. Her marriage was celebrated
six days later, June 10. We are indebted for the
unpublished documents we are about to cite to the
courtesy of M. Ernest Daudet, who is not only one
of our best novelists, but a historian as conscientious
as he is remarkable. He has composed an important
work on the Bourbons and Russia during the emigra-
tion, and has selected in the imperial archives of
Saint Petersburg and Moscow the documents he has
kindly communicated to us.
Two days after her arrival, Marie The're'se wrote
the following letter to the Emperor Paul : " Mittau,
June 6, 1799. Sire, at the court of Vienna and
before myself becoming the object of the sentiments
of Your Imperial Majesty, my heart shared all the
obligations owed by the King, my uncle, and a part
of my family to your kindness, as well as the eternal
gratitude due to you by so many titles. On enter-
ing your dominions and finding such proofs of your
interest in me, my heart feels the need of expressing
to Your Majesty the sentiments which inspire it.
223
224 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
It is to you that my relatives owe a royal shelter, a
noble and active interest in their fate, and effica-
cious alleviations of their griefs. If I, on rejoining
my family, am about to accomplish the sacred will
of the authors of my being, this again is a benefit
due to our magnanimous protector. Such are at
once the motives and the guarantees of the entire
confidence and lively gratitude I have vowed to
Your Majesty, whom I entreat to accept this expres-
sion of them. With the profoundest respect for your
Imperial Majesty, I am your most affectionate sister
and cousin."
Sixteen years before, the Grand Duke Paul, heir-
apparent of Russia, travelling in France under the
name of Count du Nord, had regretfully left the
court of Versailles, where he had received a most
delightful hospitality. He had been struck by the
pretty ways of the future Duchess of Angouleme,
then in her fourth year, and at the moment of part-
ing she had said to him: "I will go to see you."
What terrible events had brought about the fulfil-
ment of this promise !
Louis XVIII. 's protestations of gratitude to the
Czar bordered on humility. He wrote to him on
May 18 : " Monsieur my Brother and Cousin, I can-
not see the moment approaching when the marriage
of my nephew with my niece will be celebrated,
without again reminding myself that it is wholly
to your Imperial Majesty that I owe this greatly
desired event. My lively gratitude inspires me to
THE MARRIAGE 225
endeavor to preserve the souvenir of it for posterity
by praying Your Imperial Majesty to allow the act
which is about to unite my children to be deposited
in the archives of this Empire, in any place Your
Imperial Majesty may be pleased to indicate, in
order to serve as an eternal testimony of the gen-
erous hospitality and constant support which my
family and I have received from Your Imperial
Majesty in our afflictions. I hope that Your Majesty
will be so good as to acquaint me with your inten-
tions in this respect. I desire extremely, moreover,
that the signature of Your Imperial Majesty should
imprint the seal of good fortune upon this act; but
the dread of being indiscreet causes me to abstain
from preferring a formal request, although the grant-
ing of it would greatly increase my satisfaction. I
beg to assure Your Imperial Majesty of the vivacity
of the sentiments with which I am, Monsieur, my
Brother and Cousin, Your Imperial Majesty's good
brother and cousin."
The royal family was represented by only four
persons at the marriage: Louis XVIII., his wife,
the Duke of Angouleme, and Marie The'rdse of
France, who, when a young girl, was called Madame
Royale. The father of the Duke of Angouleme, the
Count of Artois (the future Charles X.), who as
the brother of Louis XVIII. was styled Monsieur,
had been unable to come to Mittau on account of
his anxiety to remain near France, where the royal-
ists were then deluding themselves with the idea
226 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
that coming events would prove favorable to their
cause. The Countess of Artois, his wife, was pre-
vented from going to Russia by the state of her
health. The young Duke of Berry, younger brother
of the Duke of Angouleme, was marching under
the banners of Conde", then crossing Europe with a
Russian army to fight against the troops of France.
The Count of Artois had given his consent to his
son's marriage with the daughter of Louis XVI.
more than three years before. It was expressed in
the following letter, dated at Edinburgh, April 20,
1796, and addressed by the future Charles X. to his
brother, Louis XVIII. : "Sire, my Brother and Lord,
I entreat Your Majesty to receive kindly the hom-
age of my lively and respectful gratitude for the
consent you have been so good as to grant to the
marriage of my eldest son, the Duke of Angouleme,
with Madame The're'se, daughter of the late King
our brother, and for all the pains you have taken
with a view to form and hasten a union so suitable
in all respects and so calculated to assure the happi-
ness of the two spouses. My entire confidence in
Your Majesty is a sentiment dictated by my heart as
well as by my duty. Hence I dare entreat you to
allow me to leave entirely to your affection for me
and for the young couple the care of fixing the place
and epoch of the marriage and regulating all its
conditions. Your Majesty's service obliging me to
remain at a distance from you for the time, I beg
you to approve of my binding myself by letter to
THE MARRIAGE 227
ratify beforehand all that Your Majesty may think
it right to regulate and arrange for this marriage,
and to ratify it afterwards by my signature. Heaven
will bless a union consecrated by our misfortunes,
and the family of which Your Majes'ty is the head
will receive the only consolation of which it is
susceptible. Nothing remains except to entreat
Your Majesty to deign to consider the young
spouses as your* own children, and to believe that
every faculty of my heart and soul will be hereafter
at your service even unto death. With the pro-
foundest respect, I am, Sire, my brother and lord,
of Your Majesty the very humble, very obedient,
and very affectionate brother, subject, and servant,
— CHARLES-PHILIPPE."
The papal dispensation necessary for a marriage
between cousins-gennan had been accorded by Pius
VI., February 3, 1796.
The nuptial benediction was given to the youth-
ful pair, June 19, 1799, in one of the galleries of
the palace of Mittau, by Cardinal Montmorency-
Laval, Grand-Almoner of France. An altar had
been arranged in the gallery adorned by green
boughs and lilacs interwoven with lilies and roses.
The nobility of Courland, the Roman Catholic
clergy of Mittau, and the principal inhabitants of
the town were present at the ceremony, as well as
M. de Driensen, the civil governor, M. de Fersen,
the military governor, the Greek Catholic priest, and
the Lutheran minister. Louis XVIII. , escorted by
228 THE DUCHESS OF ANOOULEME
his body-guards and his entire court, gave his niece
his arm. Near the prie-dieu of the Princess stood
the Abb£ Edgeworth of Firmont, Louis XVI. 's con-
fessor. The graceful and touching beauty of the
bride, the memory of her father, her mother, and her
aunt — the presence of the priest who had said at
the foot of the scaffold of January 21 : " Son of Saint
Louis, ascend to heaven ! " — the emotion of the
exiled King, the tears of the courtiers of misfortune,
all contributed to give the ceremony a grandiose and
pathetic character.
The marriage certificate began thus: "Year one
thousand seven hundred and ninety-nine, the nine-
teenth day of the month of June, answering to the
thirtieth of the month of May of the style followed
in the Russian Empire. We, Louis Joseph de
Montmorency-Laval, first Christian Baron, Cardinal-
Priest of the Holy Roman Catholic Church, Bishop
of Metz, Prince of the Holy Empire, Commendatory
Abbot of the Abbeys of Saint Lucien of Beauvais,
Grand-Almoner of France, Commander of the Order
of the Holy Ghost, etc., etc. By the authority of a
brief from our Holy Father the Pope granting a dis-
pensation from the impediment of consanguinity,
the said brief recognized as authentic and visaed by
the Very Reverend Francis Xavier Goldberger,
provost of the Cathedral of Livonia, Vicar of the
Spirituality and of Canon Law for Livonia and
Courland, and pastor of the Catholic parish of
Mittau . . . also by the express consent of the afore-
THE MARRIAGE 229
said Very Reverend Francis Xavier Goldberger, by
which he authorizes us to proceed to the celebration
of the said marriage in one of the halls of the pal-
ace situated in the said Catholic parish of Mittau,
arranged for the purpose, and to bless it in the form
prescribed by the Church ; we, in the aforesaid hall,
and after the betrothal there celebrated, have re-
ceived the mutual consent of the high contracting
parties, and have given them the nuptial benediction
with the ceremonies prescribed by Holy Church.
Present and consenting, the very high, very powerful,
and veiy excellent prince His Majesty the King,
in his said high quality as well as in that of lawful
guardian of the bride, and commissioned by an act
under his privy seal to declare the consent of the very
high and very powerful Prince Monseigneur Charles
Philippe of France, Son of France, Monsieur, brother
of the King, father of the bridegroom, which consent
the copy signed by M. the Count of Saint-Priest,
Minister and Secretary of State, and sealed with his
seal, remains annexed to the present act; and also
to declare the consent of Madame Marie The'r.e'se of
Savoy, Madame, his mother, of which consent His
Majesty and the two spouses have perfect cogni-
zance. Present and consenting also, the very high,
very powerful, and very excellent princess Her
Majesty the Queen."
Louis XVIII. signed, Louis; the Queen, Marie
Josephine Louise; the Duke of Angouleme, Louis
Antoine ; the Duchess of Angouleme, Marie The're'se
230 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
Charlotte. The certificate was also signed by the
witnesses, who were: Louis de Rosset de Fleury,
duke and peer of France, colonel of dragoons and
first gentleman of the King's bedchamber; Louis
d'Aumont, Duke of Villequier, first gentleman of
the King's bedchamber, lieutenant-general of the
armies of His Majesty; Francois de Guignard,
Count of Saint-Priest, lieutenant-general of the
King's armies, minister and secretary of State;
Louis, Count of Mailly, Marquis of Nesle, first
equerry to Her Majesty the Queen, marshal of the
camp and armies of the King; Frangois de Cosse"-
Brissac, Count of Cosse*, marshal of the camps and
armies of the King, captain-colonel of the Hundred-
Switzers of His Majesty's Guard; Antoine de Gra-
mont, Duke of Guiche, marshal of the camps and
armies of the King, captain of the first and most
ancient French company of the King's body-guards ;
Antoine de Be'ziade, Count of Avaray, marshal of
the camps and armies of the King, and captain of
the Scotch company of his guards; Henri Essex
Edgeworth of Firmont, priest and vicar-general of
the diocese of Paris, almoner and confessor to the
King; the Abbe' Marie, priest of the house and
society of Sorbonne, former under-preceptor of the
children of the Count of Artois, and appointed first
almoner of Their Royal Highnesses. It was signed
also by Cardinal de Montmorency- Laval and the
pastor of the Catholic parish of Mittau.
The marriage was followed by a dinner at which
THE MAERIAGE 231
the most notable persons of the court were present,
and also M. Guilhermy, deputy of the third estate
to the States-General of 1789. Louis XVIII. said
with emotion to the guests : " This is the fSte of the
French people; my happiness would be complete if
I could have assembled here all those who signalized
themselves like you by courageous fidelity to the
King my brother." On the same day he addressed
the subjoined letter to the Czar: "Mittau, June
10, 1799. Monsieur my Brother and Cousin, the
generous exertions of Your Imperial Majesty have
had their effect: my children were united this morn-
ing, and my gratitude equals my joy as I hasten to
announce this news to Your Imperial Majesty, and
to ask that your goodness may continue to be
extended to a pair who will owe all their happiness
to you. I take the liberty of enclosing a letter from
my nephew ; the sentiments he expresses in it can-
not be unknown to the great soul of Your Imperial
Majesty, and with all my heart I add my prayers to
his."
Louis XVIII. wrote again to the Emperor Paul,
June 13: "Monsieur my Brother and Cousin, I have
received, almost at the same time, two letters from
Your Imperial Majesty, of the 2d and the 7th of
this month, and I am extremely touched by what
you so kindly say concerning the family reunion
and the marriage of my children. This event could
not have taken place under happier auspices, since
it is under those of Your Imperial Majesty, in your
232 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
dominions, and by your generous assistance that so
desired a union has at last been celebrated, and
your victories have adorned the f£te. I have exe-
cuted Your Majesty's commission to the Queen.
Penetrated as she must be by the friendship of which
Your Imperial Majesty has shown us so many proofs,
she nevertheless fears to render herself importunate
by expressing the sentiments that fill her heart,
and I have undertaken to be the spokesman of her
gratitude." A King of France and Navarre who
avows that the Queen his wife fears to be indiscreet
in writing a letter of grateful acknowledgment,
certainly does not employ the language of pride.
The Emperor Paul I. signed the marriage certifi-
cate and ordered it to be deposited in the archives of
the Russian Senate. Chateaubriand has said : " Thus
in a foreign land and amid foreign religions was
performed a marriage one of whose witnesses was
the foreign priest who attended Louis XVI. to the
scaffold; a foreign senate received the certificate of
celebration. There was no longer any room for the
marriage contract of the daughter of Louis XVI. in
that treasury of charters where that between Anne
of Russia and Henri I. of France had been depos-
ited."
On the wedding day, Louis XVIII. wrote a letter
to the Prince of Conde*, beginning thus: "At last,
my dear Cousin, one of my most ardent wishes is
accomplished, my children are united. I find in
my niece, with an emotion more readily felt than
THE MARRIAGE 233
expressed, the blended traits of the unhappy authors
of her existence. This resemblance, at once so
sweet and so heart-rending, makes her dearer to me
and should redouble the interest she so well deserves
to inspire for her own sake in all Frenchmen. The
marriage was celebrated this morning. I hasten to
apprise you of it, being certain that you will share
my joy."
The army of Conde*, in which the Duke of Berry
was then serving, had arrived at Friedek in Aus-
trian Silesia when this letter from Louis XVIII.
reached the Prince. He communicated the follow-
ing passage of it to the troops: "Announce this
happy news to the army. It cannot but seem a good
omen to your brave companions at the time when,
following in your traces, they are about to re-enter
the career they have so gloriously pursued. Add
from me that I begin to regain happiness, but that
it will not be complete until the day when I shall
be able to rejoin them at the post where honor
calls me."
Finally, Louis XVIII. addressed a circular con-
cerning the marriage of the Duke of AngoulSme to
his agents and diplomatic envoys, in which he said:
" This alliance overwhelms me with joy ; but what-
ever personal happiness it may promise me, I rejoice
far less on my own account than on that of my
faithful subjects. They will see with emotion the
sole offspring of the martyr-King, whom we deplore,
fixed permanently near the throne. And for my
part, when death shall prevent my laboring further
234 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
for their welfare, I shall at least have given them a
mother who can never forget her own misfortunes
save in rendering her children happy, and on whom
Providence has bestowed all the virtues and quali-
ties necessary to success."
In spite of the splendor with which the little
court of Mittau tried to surround the marriage of a
daughter and a grandson of France, poverty — for
in reality they had nothing to live on but the alms
of the Emperor of Russia and the King of Spain —
prevented the young married pair from receiving or
offering rich presents. The Countess of Artois sent
her new daughter-in-law a dressing-case. At the
time of her departure from Vienna the young Prin-
cess had received from the Empress a portrait of the
latter, set in diamonds. The Archduke Albert
offered her two work-tables with ten thousand florins
in one of the drawers. Whatever desire she may
have felt to do so, the daughter of Louis XVI. could
distribute no presents, because she had no fortune,
and her marriage contract contained nothing but
hopes. Nevertheless, she gave to the Countess of
Chanclos, who had been grand-mistress of her house-
hold at Vienna, a medallion worth four thousand
florins, and to Mademoiselle de Chanclos, her niece,
an aigrette of diamonds. Mgr. de La Fare, Bishop
of Nancy, who represented Louis XVIII. at Vienna
(later on he was Archbishop of Sens, cardinal, duke,
and peer, and first-almoner to the Dauphiness)
received a charming miniature of the young Prin-
cess. This miniature, painted at Vienna by Fuger,
THE HARBIAGE 235
belongs at present to the Viscountess of Jauze'e, born
Choiseul-Goufifiev, a woman distinguished by her wit
and talents. The orphan of the Temple is repre-
sented in a very simple costume; a black robe, a
fichu of white muslin, and a knot of black taffeta on
her head; a medallion containing two miniature
portraits of the martyred King and Queen hangs on
the breast from a chain passing round her neck. The
young Princess, in all the freshness of her twenty
years, has features of an exquisite delicacy, very
clear blue eyes, extremely fair hair, a brilliant color,
a small and pleasing mouth, an infinitely gentle
smile, and a simple, affecting expression. The
Duchess of Angouleme was not pretty very long, but
at the time of her marriage she was ravishing.
It is curious, but there are women whom history
represents as always young, others who are always
old. If one names Gabrielle d'Estre'es for example,
or Mademoiselle de La Valliere, or Madame de Mon-
U'span, the image of a brilliant beauty is evoked.
But if Madame de Maintenon is mentioned, one usu-
ally thinks of an old and awkward woman; the siren
who made so many conquests in her youth is for-
gotten. In general, when reflecting on the Duchess
of ' Angouleme, one imagin 3S her with a gloomy
countenance and features hardened by age; the
period when her young and melancholy beauty had
such a poetic charm that even the most ardent repub-
licans could not behold her without a mixture of
tenderness, sympathy, and admiration, is too seldom
thought of.
IX
THE END OF THE SOJOURN AT MITTAT7
IF the daughter of Louis XVI. had married a
foreign prince, the crown of France would have
lost its purest gem. The Duchess of Angouleme
rendered the court in exile more moral, graver, and
more religious than it had been. No one forgot
himself when speaking in the presence of a woman
at once so young and so virtuous. To see her was
to be edified. The court of Mittau was as serious
as that of Coblentz had been frivolous. Who would
have dared utter a scandalous word before the
orphan of the Temple ? It would have been unwise
for the Voltairians to risk an impious allusion in
her presence. In her the double majesty of virtue
and misfortune was still stronger than that of birth
and rank. Whether Frenchmen or foreigners, all
who had the honor of approaching her experienced a
sentiment of profound veneration. She considered
herself destined by Providence to preserve the mem-
ory of her parents, the martyred King and Queen,
and every one respected this vocation, or, say rather,
this cult. Charitable and Christian, the Duchess of
Angouleme bore ill-will to nobody, but she gave her
236
THE END OF THE SOJOURN AT MITTAU 237
confidence and friendship only to those whom she
thought worthy of her esteem. Immoral persons,
whatever their wit, social position, or brilliant qual-
ities, had no standing with her. She liked nothing
but what was honest and loyal. In her opinion,
politics should be based on right, justice, and
morality.
The Count of Saint-Priest wrote to M. de La
Fare, June 27, 1799: "The young family continues
to get along marvellously well ; we need only hope
to soon see the fruits of it. Mademoiselle de Choisy
is very well treated by the King and others; she
seems content with Mademoiselle de Se'rent, her
companion, and with the latter's mother; the father
will soon arrive."
While at Vienna, Marie The'rese had singled out
Mademoiselle Henriette de Choisy among all the
female £migr£s residing in that city. She was the
daughter of that heroic Marquis of Choisy who
seized Cracow in the night of February 2, 1772,
with twelve hundred patriotic Poles and twenty-five
French noblemen, and held it through a siege of
several weeks against eighteen thousand Russians.
His two sons were serving in Condi's army. "It
would be hard to find a more virtuous, more
esteemed, or more meritorious family," wrote Mgr.
de La Fare. Marie The'r&se brought Mademoiselle
de Choisy from Vienna to Mittau as a maid of
honor. Madame and Mademoiselle de Se'rent, who
were likewise with her at Mittau, were the wife and
238 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
daughter of the Duke of Se*rent, one of the most
faithful adherents of royalty. The Countess of La
Tour d'Auvergne, the Duke of Se"rent, and the
Marquis of Nesle also formed part of the Duchess of
Angouleme's household.
At the close of the year 1799, the court of Mittau
received a visitor who could not fail to impress
painfully the daughter of Louis XVI. and Marie
Antoinette. It was the Abb6 Georgel, the grand-
vicar, confidant, right-hand-man of the sorry hero
of the necklace affair, Cardinal de Rohan, who had
been so fatal to the unfortunate Queen. During the
Cardinal's imprisonment in the Bastille, the Abbe*
Georgel, acting as grand-vicar of the grand-almonry
of France, had thought it his duty to quote, in the
regulations for Lent of 1786, the epistle in which
the captive Saint Paul exhorts his disciple Timothy
not to be ashamed of his prison, and to break the
bread of the Lord in his name to the faithful.
These regulations, posted up at the doors and sac-
risties of the palace chapel at Versailles, had given
scandal. It was claimed that in comparing the
prisoner of the Bastille to Saint Paul, Cardinal de
Rohan's grand-vicar had implicitly compared Louis
XVI. to Nero, and he was banished to the provinces.
The Abbe* Georgel was in Fribourg with other
SmiyrSs in 1799, when the chapters of the grand-
priories of Bohemia, Bavaria, and Germany ap-
pointed deputies to go to Saint Petersburg and
offer the homage of their obedience to the new
THE END OF THE SOJOURN AT MITTAU 239
grand-master of the Order of Malta, the Emperor
Paul I. The Abbe" Georgel was a member of this
deputation, aud passed through Mittau on his way
to Saint Petersburg. He thus describes in his Me-
moirs the reception he met from Louis XVIII. : —
"After Mass the King received the deputation in
the audience chamber; he was surrounded by the
notabilities of his court; his face announced the
tranquillity of his soul ; his conversation was inter-
esting by reason of the kind and amiable things he
said to the deputies about their families and their
mission. Louis XVIII. had a good deal of knowl-
edge and intelligence ; misfortune, which is a great
lesson, especially for sovereigns, had removed the
varnish of pedantry which people criticised at Ver-
sailles. He was simply dressed in a blue coat and
red collar, the modest and prescribed uniform of his
entire court, in order to save expense. His Majesty
hud the extreme kindness to remember having seen
me at Versailles. After the King's audience we
repaired to that of the Queen. On leaving her
apartment we were conducted to those of the Duke
aud Duchess of Angouleme."
The daughter of Marie Antoinette could not see
without distress a priest who recalled such painful
memories. The Abbe* Georgel shall describe the
meeting. "The countenance of the Duchess," he
says, "seemed to us full of majesty and grace; on
seeing her my heart experienced a respectful emo-
tion. Hut T must own that when the Duke of
240 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
Se'rent named me to this august Princess, I per-
ceived a trouble which perceptibly altered her
expression. I was struck with it; the presentation
was shortened; in reflecting on it, I thought that
my presence must have recalled a trial in which I
had been an actor, the successful issue of which for
the illustrious accused had so strongly affected the
Queen her mother, that, considering herself offended,
she had induced the King to become the accuser.
If I could have foreseen this, I would have absented
myself from the presentation through respect."
However, the court of Mittau continued to enjoy
comparative tranquillity. The lords and ladies who
composed it were found in food and firing by the
King, or, to speak more exactly, by the Czar, and
received an annual salary of one hundred louis.
They dined at four o'clock with the King and
Queen and the Duke and Duchess of Angouleme.
The court appointments were held by the Duke of
Aumont, the Prince of Pienne, the Duke of Fleury,
the Count of Avaray, the Marquis of Jaucourt, the
Count of Cosse"-Brissac, the Count of La Chapelle,
the Duke of Guiche, and the Count of Saint-Priest.
Lack of money was what the court of Mittau chiefly
suffered from. Every one felt that a situation in
which all depended on the caprice of foreign sover-
eigns was extremely precarious. Paul I. gave Louis
XVIII. an annual pension of two hundred thousand
roubles, which he increased by one hundred and
twenty thousand livres after the arrival of the
THE END OF THE SOJOURN AT MITTAU 241
Queen and Marie The'r&se. The King of Spain
gave eighty-four thousand livres a year, but with a
very bad grace. Concerning this, Louis XVIII.
wrote : " I own that I have never suffered more from
my poverty; if I consulted my own judgment, I
would send my cousin and all his reals to the
devil." And in a letter of August 25, 1799, the
Count of Saint-Priest said to Mgr. de La Fare:
" The King does not blame you for having received
letters from Their Catholic Majesties addressed to
the Count of Provence" (in order not to embroil
themselves with the French Republic, the Spanish
Bourbons gave no other title to Louis XVIII. ).
"His Majesty, though much dissatisfied with such
an address, cannot refuse the letters, his situation
forcing him to receive the very meagre subsidies of
the King his cousin, who declines very flatly to
augment them. The Queen no longer writes to
him."
The Duchess of Angouleme, who had the keenest
sense of her family dignity and renown, suffered
greatly from this state of affairs. To this grief was
added that of seeing her husband depart for the pur-
pose of rejoining the Duke of Berry in Conde*'s
army. Before leaving Mittau the Duke of Angou-
leme wrote this letter to the Czar, dated August 5,
1800: "Sire, the moment having arrived for me to
go whither honor, duty, and the service of the King
my uncle call me, I hasten to lay at the feet of Your
Imperial Majesty the homage of my lively gratitude
242 TIIK DUCHESS OF ANGOULEM i>:
for all the favors with which you have deigned to
overwhelm me during my sojourn in your empire.
Forced to separate myself temporarily from the being
who is dearest to me, I venture to take the liberty
of recommending her to Your Imperial Majesty. I
venture to hope that you will permit me, if circum-
stances and my duty do not forbid, to return and
pass the winter here with my wife. We unite in
entreating Your Imperial Majesty to accept the
homage of our respect and admiration and, if you
will permit us to say so, of our attachment to your
person, — Louis ANTOINE."
Accompanied by the Count of Damas-Crux and
the Chevalier Saint-Priest, the Duke of Angouleiuc
rejoined Condi's army at Pontaba, May 25, 1800.
Chateaubriand says : " The army received this other
heir of Saint Louis with transport. . . . Conde"s
corps, forced to a long and retrograde march, entered
the Austrian army in line on the banks of the Inn.
The Duke of Berry on arriving at camp found them
in this position. The meeting between the two
brothers was touching. The Duke of Berry was
serving as a simple volunteer in the noble cavalry
regiment he had formed, and of which the Duke of
Angouleme had taken command. Obeying his elder
brother like the meanest soldier, he gave a new
example of that submission rendered to each other
by the members of the royal family in the order of
heredity: a submission which not only displays the
virtues natural to the Bourbons, but which still
THE END OF THE SOJOURN AT MITTAU 243
preserves the throne by becoming a sort of authentic
and perpetual confession of the principle of legiti-
macy." (Chateaubriand wrote this ten years before
the Revolution of 1830.)
In 1800, before the battles of Marengo and Hohen-
linden, Louis XVIII. deceived himself greatly con-
cerning the chances of a restoration he thought
imminent. He sent the Count of Saint-Priest to
Vienna with long and detailed instructions begin-
ning thus: "Mittau, May 26, 1800. I am so con-
vinced that upon the recognition of my royal title by
the belligerent Powers, on my drawing nearer to the
frontiers of my realm, and especially on my activity,
depends the conclusion of the most fatal revolution
of which history offers an example, that I do not
hesitate to deprive myself temporarily of the services
of the Count of Saint-Priest and charge him to
go and treat of these important points with the
ministers of His Imperial and Royal Majesty.
Nevertheless I should not have confided this mission
to him if I had not wished to give more formality to
the agreement that will result from it, by charging
the man in whom I place most confidence to sign it
in my name.
"I charge M. the Count of Saint-Priest, then, to
induce the Emperor, my nephew, to recognize me
as King of France and Navarre, and to consent that,
bearing this title, I shall go in person to his army
in Italy, or, if His Imperial and Royal Majesty
prefers, to the auxiliary corps of Piedmontese com-
244 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
manded by ray brother-in-law, the Duke of Aosta.
Let it be understood that I ask for no command. I
desire only to be where I can rally my faithful or
repentant subjects to my side, and combat those
who persist in their aberration. The position of a
volunteer in the allied army would suffice me for this
end. I would consent, however, yielding to neces-
sity, that my activity should be temporarily sus-
pended, if for reasons which I cannot foresee, it is
judged to be as yet impracticable; but then His
Imperial Majesty, while authentically recognizing
my royal title, should indicate a town in Piedmont,
in the state of Genoa, or in Tuscany, where I could
repair and hold myself in the closest possible prox-
imity to events, remaining always at liberty to go
towards that part of my kingdom where I should
judge my presence to be necessary. In fine, if the
recognition of my royal title does not take place
immediately, the court of Vienna should at least
promise to proclaim it in a near future to be deter-
mined by the success of the war."
M. de Barante, in his notice on the Count of
Saint-Priest, has severely criticised the royal in-
structions: "These documents are curious," he says.
" In them Louis XVIII. shows himself greatly con-
cerned for his royal dignity and the honor of France.
Certainly, these sentiments were sincere, but they
are expressed in such a manner that they cause
astonishment by their ignorance of France and Eu-
rope, by their inert confidence in the force of divine
THE END OF THE SOJOUEN AT MITTAU 245
right, and their miserable dependence on foreign
Powers. Hence, this ro}ral arrogance, this patriotic
movement, go so wide astray that they neither prove
energy nor veritable pride. To estimate the worth
of these instructions it suffices to add that M. de
Saint-Priest, who carried them, reached Vienna on
the day before the news of the battle of Marengo
arrived. The principal request of Louis XVIII.
was that Austria should authorize him to repair to
her army in Italy; she had just lost all Italy."
The loss of the battle of Marengo by the Austrians
brought on an armistice which on different occasions
was prolonged until October 20, 1800. Condi's
army, stationed on the Inn, defended the passage of
this river from Wissemburg to Neubeieren. A
skirmish took place at Ravenheim, December 1.
According to Chateaubriand, the Prince of Conde*
was obliged to use his authority to make the two
Princes retire, as they were uselessly exposing
themselves: a soldier close by the elder had been
struck by a ball. The author of the Crenie du
Christianisme adds this really singular remark:
"Two days later, the battle of Hohenlinden was
gained by a general1 who wanted to acquire great
renown in order that he might lay it at the feet of
his legitimate King."
The check received by the Coalition had indefi-
nitely adjourned the expectations of the court of
Mittau. Paul I. was disgusted with his allies. He
1 Moreau.
246 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
would not fight against France any longer. He
became infatuated with the First Consul, and was
about to show himself as hostile to Louis XVIII.
as he had at first been well disposed. The moment
was at hand when the little court of Mittau would
be driven out of the Russian Empire.
THE DEPARTURE FROM MITTAU
LOUIS XVIII. 'S cause seemed desperate. The
First Consul was at the summit of glory.
The continental Powers emulated each other in their
assiduous attentions to him. The Czar's admiration
was enthusiastic. Deceived in all his expectations,
the heir of Louis XVI. was about to be driven out
of Mittau like an outlaw, like a pariah, and his
faithful attendants to be reduced to beggary. With-
out money and shelterless, he wandered miserably
about, living on alms, and subject to the caprices of
his temporary hosts. After the inexpressible afflic-
tions of captivity in the Temple, Marie The'rese was
to endure those of exile in their most rigorous and
painful form. Her truly intrepid soul did not sink
under the weight of these new trials.
How was it that the profound sympathy enter-
tained for Louis XVIII. by the versatile Paul I.
had been transfigured into absolute aversion ? Why
did he regard his former enemies with affection and
his former allies with hatred? How could he pub-
licly drink the health of the First Consul and fill his
apartments with portraits of the victor of Marengo ?
247
248 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
The chief cause of this unexpected change was the
Czar's dissatisfaction with the conduct of his former
allies. He attributed to them the defeat of the
Russian army at Zurich and the capitulation of the
Russian and English troops that had landed in
Holland. He reproached himself for having placed
his soldiers at the service of a coalition from which
he got nothing but reverses in return, and he prom-
ised himself to consult only Russian interests there-
after. On the other hand, the glory of the young
victor of the Pyramids had impressed his ardent
and excitable imagination. Bonaparte, turning this
mood very cleverly to his own advantage, found
means to subjugate the Czar completely. There
were six or seven thousand Russian prisoners in
France whom it had been impossible to exchange,
as Russia had no French prisoners. The First Con-
sul caused these Russians to be armed and uniformed
in their sovereign's colors. He returned their
officers, their weapons, and their flags, and sent
them back to their Emperor without conditions.
He added that this was a mark of consideration on
his part for the Russian army, which the French had
learned to know and respect on the field of battle.
Another of Bonaparte's proceedings with regard
to the Emperor Paul was a real stroke of genius.
Knowing that the island of Malta, an ephemeral
conquest to France, could not hold out long against
the British fleets, and that, being strictly blockaded,
it would be obliged to surrender to the English
THE DEPASTURE FROM M1TTAU 249
through lack of provisions, he took the notion of
giving it to the Czar. Such a present went straight
to the heart of a sovereign who valued his title as
Grand-Master of the Order of Malta as highly as
his title of Emperor of all the Russias. Over-
whelmed with joy, Paul I. ordered a Finnish officer,
M. de Sprengporten, to place himself at the head of
the Russian prisoners in France, and go with them
to take possession of the island of Malta from the
hands of the French. But while all this was going
on, the English seized the island. The Czar
demanded its restitution. They refused it. The
irascible Emperor avenged himself by laying an
embargo on English vessels, three hundred of which
were seized at one time in the ports of his Empire,
and by causing a declaration to be signed, December
26, 1800, by Russia, Sweden, and Denmark, in
which the three Powers bound themselves to main-
tain the principle of the rights of neutrals against
England, even by force of arms.
Having become the ally of Bonaparte and the
adversary of England and Austria, Paul I. troubled
himself no further about the Bourbons. The Prince
whom he but lately styled his august senior now
seemed merely an importunate and inconvenient
guest. The First Consul did not need to ask the
Czar to banish him. The Emperor Paul volun-
tarily expelled him and treated him most severely.
Bonaparte did not require so much. Possibly he
would even have preferred that Louis XVIII. should
250
remain in Russia than to have him in close proxim-
ity to France. But Paul I. would hear nothing
further of the Pretender who stood in the way of his
new policy, and whose support at Mittau seemed to
him a useless expense. Acting violently, according
to his habit, he had the order of expulsion made
known to him with a rudeness that approached bru-
tality. He began by banishing Louis XVIII. 's
representative, M. de Caraman, from Saint Peters-
burg, where he had been received in the most cordial
manner, but whence he was brusquely expelled
without the least excuse or explanation.
M. de Caraman arrived unexpectedly at Mittau,
having had no time to forewarn Louis XVIII. of the
changes that had been effected at Saint Petersburg.
He has recounted the details of the expulsion of the
Pretender and the Duchess of Angouleme in some
curious unpublished Memoirs now in possession of
the present Duke of Caraman.
On January 20, 1801, the eve of the anniversary
of Louis XVI. 's death, the daughter of the martyr-
King was in her oratory, preparing to make her
communion on the following day in memory of her
father. Suddenly General Driesen, the military
governor of Mittau, presented himself before Louis
XVIII. and announced that his pension was with-
drawn and that he must instantly leave the Russian
Empire. The passports with which he was fur-
nished did not even style him the Count of Pro-
vence. He was called the Count of Lille and
treated as a private person.
THE DEPARTURE FROM MITTAU 251
The Pretender received the Russian general
calmly. "Being at Mittau through the generosity
of the Emperor," said he, "I am ready to depart as
soon as his sentiments change toward me." Then,
as if struck by a painful memory, he reminded the
general of the day of the month, saying that the
morrow was the anniversary of the martyrdom of
King Louis XVI., his brother, and that when this
period arrived, the Duchess of Angoul^me remained
shut up in her apartments, devoting herself to re-
ligious duties whose only witness was the Abbd
Edgeworth of Firmont, her father's confessor, who
had accompanied him on the scaffold.
"Louis XVIII.," adds M. de Caraman, "asked
General Driesen if it was necessary to deprive his
august and unfortunate niece, whom he called his
daughter, of her last remaining consolation by tear-
ing her from her pious occupations. The general,
greatly moved by such a scene, bowed without ven-
turing to reply, and went away, leaving the King a
prey to the anxiety caused by the duties he had to
fulfil."
Summoning all his courage, the Pretender went
to the apartments of his niece and apprised her of
the Emperor Paul's determination. The Princess,
without seeming disturbed, asked if the orders were
so rigorous as to demand the sacrifice of the two
days devoted to her father's memory. Louis XVIII.
replied that they would not start until January 22,
and the daughter of Louis XVI. returned to her
prayers.
252 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
As soon as the news of the expulsion was made
known, the Pretender's attendants gave way to
despair. What was to become of the veterans who
acted as his body-guards? On learning that they
were not to follow their master, they could not
restrain their tears. The anniversary of the execu-
tion of Louis XVI. was spent in sorrowful medita-
tions. The departure took place January 22. The
King and his niece had been authorized to take only
six persons with them. Those who were left behind
were in great distress. The fugitive sovereign
wished to bid them adieu, but his voice was stifled
by sobs.
Two carriages were awaiting the Pretender and
his niece. They set off toward the Russian frontier,
accompanied by the Count of Avaray, the Abbe*
Edgeworth of Firmont, the Duchess of Se"rent, the
Viscount of Hardouineau, and two domestics. It
was bitter cold, and it was necessary to cross the
wide Lithuanian plains, covered with ice and snow.
The first day, after travelling eight leagues, the
fugitives found hospitality with a Courland noble-
man, the Baron of Koyt. At Frauenburg, on the
following day, they were obliged to take shelter in
a tavern thronged by drunken peasants. The third
day was terrible. A bitter storm was raging. A
furious wind, driving clouds of snow before it,
frightened the horses and blinded the drivers. Louis
XVIII. and his niece were obliged to alight and
painfully make their way through snow nearly a foot
THE DEPARTURE FROM MITTAU 253
deep. This was the scene that furnished the sub-
ject of an engraving clandestinely distributed in
Paris, representing the Duchess of Angouleme con-
ducting Louis XVIII., who was leaning on her arm,
across the snows of Lithuania, with this motto under-
neath: "The French Antigone." In the evening
the fugitives slept at an inn still more wretched
than that of the previous night. The next day they
were hospitably received by a compassionate Cour-
land nobleman, the Baron of Jatz. At last, after
five days of fatiguing and painful travel, they arrived
at Memel, a fortified town of Eastern Prussia, where
they rested for several days.
XI
THE SOJOURN IN PRUSSIA AND POLAND
LOUIS XVIII. had not had time to provide
himself in advance with a refuge before leav-
ing Mittau. He had turned at all risks toward the
nearest kingdom without knowing whether he would
be received. He was doubtful of the sentiments of
the Prussian court, which was then on excellent
terms with the First Consul, and consequently
expected a very bad reception. On approaching
Prussian territory he had taken off all his decora-
tions and commanded his suite to do the same. He
was travelling incognito as the Count of Lille ; the
Duchess of Angoul^me passed as the Marchioness of
La Meilleraye. The Queen was at this period at
the baths of Pyrmont in the principality of Waldeck.
At the time when Louis XVIII. arrived at
Memel, he was expected by no one, and the Prus-
sian government had given no orders to receive him.
At Mittau the Pretender bore a royal title and lived
in a palace, with body-guards and the paraphernalia
of sovereignty. At Memel he was only a proscribed
person, hiding his royal dignity under a false name,
and dwelling in a private house. "This is the
264
THE SOJOUEN IN PRUSSIA AND POLAND 255
fourth time," said the Count of Avaray, "that we
have not had wherewithal to live on for two months.
Providence has come to our aid, and I have the same
confidence ; it will not abandon our master and his
admirable niece. She is an angel whom heaven has
left him for his consolation. . . . Ah! how well
the daughter of Louis XVI. and Marie Antoinette
has profited by the lessons and examples of her
childhood!"
Louis XVIII. had intended to leave Memel for
Koenigsberg on February 9, 1801. He delayed his
departure for several days, because several of his
body-guards arrived from Mittau in the evening of
February 8. They said they had been ordered to
quit that town within twenty-four hours, and that
they would be followed by their comrades, driven
out of the Russian Empire like malefactors. These
unfortunates, who were nearly all aged and infirm,
were reduced to poverty. The Pretender said to
them : " Gentlemen, it gives me great consolation to
see you, but it is mingled with very bitter sorrow.
Providence has tried me long and in many ways,
and this is not the least cruel of them. Look," he
added, pointing to his left breast, despoiled of his
crosses, "I cannot even wear a decoration."
On the following days the other body-guards were
presented to Louis XVIII. in the order of their
arrival. One of them, M. de Montlezun, could not
refrain from tears. "My friend," said the Prince,
taking him by the hand, "when one's heart is pure,
256 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
it is at the last extremity of adversity that a French-
man should redouble his courage." Then, turning
to the others: "Yes, gentlemen, if my courage
should abandon me, it is among you that I should
seek it and renew my vigor."
The Count of Hautefort has written in his jour-
nal: "The King did not limit his concern for his
body-guards to words only. He gave them a sum
which in his situation was considerable. The
Duchess of Angouleme also sent one hundred ducats
to the Viscount of Agoult, to be divided between
those who were most in need; she especially desired
that her name should not be mentioned; but who
could mistake the source of such a benefit? The
Viscount of Agoult chartered a vessel and presided
over the embarkation of his wretched companions.
The King's finances being exhausted by the exor-
bitant daily expenses, the Duchess of Angouleme
proposed to His Majesty to sell her diamonds, an
offer which was accepted with regret; but cir-
cumstances hardly permitted a refusal. The Prin-
cess expressly authorized the Duchess of Se*rent to
make the sale "in order to assist my uncle, his
faithful servitors, and myself in our common dis-
tress." The diamonds were deposited with the
Danish Consul, who advanced two hundred thou-
sand ducats on the price of the sale.
February 23, Louis XVIII. and his niece, fol-
lowed by their fugitive little court, left Memel for
Koenigsberg, where they arrived the next day.
THE SOJOURN IN PRUSSIA AND POLAND 257
There they learned that the King of Prussia con-
sented to assign them a residence in Warsaw, but
under the express conditions that the Pretender's
suite should be still further reduced, and that he
should not assume the royal title, but simply bear
the name of the Count of Lille. The Duchess of
Angouleme had written a touching letter to the
Queen of Prussia, in which she said, speaking of her
uncle: "There is more than one voice that cries to
me from heaven that he is all for me, that he takes
the place of all I have lost, and that I ought never
to abandon him. Therefore I will be faithful to
him, and death alone shall separate us."
The fugitives took up their route for Warsaw,
February 27. While on the way, March 2, Louis
XVIII. 's carriage was overset in a ditch while
trying to get out of the way of that of a Polish lady
whom they met. The shock was violent, and the
Duchess of Angouleme, in falling, broke one of the
carriage windows by striking her head against it.
On March 6 they reached Warsaw and took up
their abode in the Vassiliovitch house, situated in
the Cracow faubourg.
The Pretender's cause seemed compromised more
and more. The treaty of LuneVille had discouraged
the royalists. Condd's army, reduced to four or five
thousand men, was disbanded in Croatia, near the
Adriatic, about twenty leagues from the Turkish
frontiers. "We were very far from our country,"
says the Count of Puymaigre, " when we were forced
258 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
to lay down our arms and abandon all illusions
concerning the result of that great struggle between
France and Europe which, with such different vicis-
situdes, had lasted for nine years. We had learned
to comprehend, through long and cruel experience,
how greatly the French Princes erred when they
set up their standards in foreign lands ; and although
it cannot be denied that we had fought with a cer-
tain glory, and that the republicans, whose opinions
on this head cannot be rejected, have rendered us
entire justice, still it was a barren glory."
The Duke of Angouleme, who had distinguished
himself in Condi's army, rejoined his wife at War-
saw, March 25, 1801. A few days later, it became
known that the Emperor Paul I. had been assassin-
ated in the night of March 23-24. The new Czar,
Alexander I., showed sympathy for Louis XVIII.,
and granted him subsidies. He even proposed his
return to Mittau. The Pretender preferred to
remain for the moment at Warsaw. His position
there, however, was becoming difficult on account of
the amicable relations then existing between the
Cabinet of Berlin and the First Consul. The latter,
intoxicated by his victories, thought he could induce
Louis XVIII. to renounce his claims to the throne
of France in consideration of some pecuniary or ter-
ritorial indemnity. In accord with the Prussian
government, he caused him to be sounded on the
subject by M. Meyer, president of the regency of
Warsaw. The Pretender, having the Duchess of
THE SOJOURN IN PRUSSIA AND POLAND 259
Angouleme on his right, received the Prussian
negotiator with a truly royal pride. He gave his
response in a note concerning which Chateaubriand
has said : " This note is one of the finest documents
of our history. While powerful monarchs were
being forced to abandon their thrones to the con-
queror, a proscribed King of France refused his to
the usurper who occupied it; the Roman Senate did
not make a more magnanimous act of ownership in
selling the field where Hannibal was encamped."
The declaration of Louis XVIII. was worded
thus : " Warsaw, February 22, 1803. I do not con-
found M. Bonaparte with those who have preceded
him; I esteem his valor and his military talents;
I thank him for many administrative acts, because
the benefits conferred on my people are always
dear to me. But he deceives himself if he thinks
he can induce me to compromise my rights; far
from that ; he would establish them himself, if they
could be litigated, by the application he is making
at this moment. I do not know what are the
designs of God concerning my race and me; but I
do know the obligations He has imposed on me by
the rank in which it pleased Him to give me birth.
A Christian, I shall fulfil these obligations until my
latest breath; a son of Saint Louis, his example will
teach me how to make myself respected even in
chains; a successor of Fran9ois I., I shall at least be
able to say like him : We have lost all except honor.
Signed: Louis." At the foot of this declaration
260 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
the Duke of Angouleme wrote: "With the permis-
sion of the King, my uncle, I adhere with all my
heart and soul to the contents of this note. Signed :
Louis ANTOINE."
The Count of Artois, the Duke of Berry, the
Duke of Orleans and his two brothers, the Prince of
Conde* and the Duke of Bourbon, all exiled in
England, sent Louis XVIII. the following adhe-
sion, dated at Wansted House, April 23, 1803:
"We the undersigned Princes, brother, nephews,
and cousins of His Majesty Louis XVIII., King of
France and Navarre, penetrated with the same sen-
timents with which our sovereign Lord and King
shows himself so gloriously animated in his noble
response to the proposition made him to renounce
the throne of France, and to require from all the
princes of his house a renunciation of their impre-
scriptible rights of succession to the same throne,
declare :
" That our attachment to our duties and our honor
not permitting us to compromise our rights, we
adhere with heart and soul to the response of our
King;
" That after his illustrious example, we will never
lend ourselves to the slightest transaction which
could abase the House of Bourbon and cause it to
fail in what it owes to itself, its ancestors, and its
descendants ;
" And that if the unjust employment of superior
force should succeed (which may God avert!) in
THE SOJOURN IN PRUSSIA AND POLAND 261
placing in fact, but never by right, on the throne of
France any other than our legitimate King, we will
follow with as much confidence as fidelity the voice
of honor which bids us appeal from it to God, to
the French people, and to our swords."
Bonaparte's future victim, the young Duke of
Enghien, also sent in his adhesion, couched in these
words: "Sire, the letter of March 5 with which
Your Majesty has deigned to honor me, has duly
arrived. Your Majesty knows too well the blood
which flows in my veins to have been able to doubt
for a moment concerning the nature of the response
you ask for. I am a Frenchman, Sire, and a French-
man remains faithful to his God, his King, and his
honorable oaths. Many others will perhaps some
day envy me this triple advantage. Deign then,
Your Majesty, to permit me to add my signature
to that of the Duke of Angouleme, adhering like
him with all my heart and soul to the contents of
the note of my King. Signed: Louis ANTOINE
HENRI DE BOURBON. Ettenheim, March 22, 1803."
Enthusiastic over this language, Chateaubriand
exclaims : " What sentiments ! what a signature ! and
what a date! When one reads at this epoch the
history of the old France and the new, which
existed at the same time, one knows not which to
be the more proud of; heroic successes attend the
new France, heroic adversities the old. Our princes
carried away all the grandeurs of our country; they
left nothing but victory behind them."
262 TUE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
It was at Ettenheim, on March 25, 1803, that the
Duke of Enghien signed his adhesion to the declara-
tion of Louis XVIII., and it was at Ettenheim, less
than a year later, on March 15, 1804, that he was
arrested by Colonel Ordener's dragoons to be taken
to the castle of Vincennes and shot there, contrary
to every regulation of the rights of nations, on the
fatal night of March 20-21. As soon as she had
been apprised of the murder, the Duchess of Angou-
leme wrote to the Prince of Conde*, the victim's
grandfather, a letter in which she said: "Monsieur
my Cousin, I cannot forbear to express my keen
sympathy in the sorrow which afflicts you, and which
I cordially and sincerely share. In spite of all I
have suffered, I could never have imagined the
frightful event which plunges us into mourning.
... I am not writing to the Duke of Bourbon,
but I pray you, be the interpreter of my sentiments ;
rely, I entreat you, on my prayers that, sustained by
your courage, your health may bear up under the
sorrowful weight of our mutual and cruel loss."
The Duke of Enghien's murder had proved how
greatly Bonaparte feared the Bourbons, in spite of
his immense power. One might fancy he already
foreboded the events of 1814 and 1815. The Pre-
tender had written him, September 7, 1800: "You
must know, General, that you have long since
gained my esteem. If you doubt my gratitude,
designate your place, determine the lot of your
friends. As to my principles, I am a Frenchman,
THE SOJOURN IN PRUSSIA AND POLAND 263
clement by character; I would be still more so by
reason. The victor of Lodi, Castiglione, and Arcole,
the conqueror of Italy and Egypt, must prefer glory
to a vain celebrity. However, you are losing pre-
cious time ; we can assure the welfare of France ; I
say ive, because for that I have need of Bonaparte,
and he can do nothing without me. General, Eu-
rope has its eyes upon you; a glorious triumph
awaits you, and I am impatient to give peace to my
people. Signed: Louis."
The First Consul replied : " I have received your
letter, Monsieur, and I thank you for the flattering
things it contains. You should not desire to return
to France, for to do so you would have to walk over
a hundred thousand corpses. Sacrifice your per-
sonal interests to the repose of your country; his-
tory will recompense you for it. I am not insensible
to the sorrows of your family, and it would give me
pleasure to know that you were surrounded with all
that could contribute to the tranquillity of your
retreat."
Though Bonaparte might address the descendant
of Saint Louis, Henri IV., and Louis XIV. simply
as "Monsieur," and adopt a tone of disdainful pro-
tection toward him, yet he was tormented by the
existence of this discrowned monarch and dreaded
the future reserved for this outlawed exile.
The more improbable the chances of a restoration
became, the greater became the lofty arrogance of
the Pretender's language and the more firmly did he
264 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
proclaim his confidence in divine right. Learning
that Bonaparte had received the Order of the Golden
Fleece from the King of Spain a few days after the
murder of the Duke of Enghien, he hastened to
despoil himself of this order and send it back to
Charles IV. with the following letter: "Monsieur
my Brother, it is with regret that I return to you
the insignia of the Order of the Golden Fleece,
which His Majesty your father, of glorious memory,
confided to me. There can be nothing in common
between me and the great criminal whom audacity
and fortune have placed upon my throne, which he
has sullied with the blood of a Bourbon ! Religion
may bind me to pardon an assassin, but the tyrant
of my people must always be my enemy. In this
century it is more glorious to merit a sceptre than
to wield it. The mysterious decrees of Providence
may condemn me to end my days in exile; but
neither posterity nor my contemporaries shall have
the right to say that in adversity I showed myself
for an instant unworthy to occupy the throne of my
ancestors. "
Nothing discouraged Louis XVIII. ; neither the
adhesion of nearly the whole French episcopate to
the new reign, nor the plebiscite raising the
Emperor to the throne, nor the Pope's consecration
of his crown. He protested against the Empire by
an act dated at Warsaw, June 5, 1804, which was
expressed in these words: "In taking the title of
Emperor and proposing to make it hereditary in his
THE SOJOURN IN PRUSSIA AND POLAND 265
family, Bonaparte has just set the seal upon his usur-
pation. This new act of a revolution in which all
has been invalid from the beginning, cannot possibly
annul my rights; but, responsible for my conduct
to all sovereigns, whose rights are not less infringed
than mine, and whose thrones are shaken by the
principles which the Senate of Paris has dared to
advance; responsible to France, to my family, and
to honor, I should think I was betraying the com-
mon cause if I kept silence on this occasion. I
declare, then, in presence of the sovereigns, that far
from recognizing the imperial title which Bonaparte
has just caused to be conferred upon him by a body
which has not even a legal existence, I protest
against this title and against the subsequent acts
to which it may give rise."
The Duchess of Angouleme, with whom the idea
of royalty by divine right was a religion, rejoiced
in this haughty attitude on her uncle's part. She
would not herself have written in any other style.
It is claimed that Napoleon, impressed by the per-
sistency and solemnity with which the Pretender
asserted rights mocked at by so many people, said :
"The Count of Lille has done well; he would be
despised if he yielded without a struggle; a pre-
tender ought always to protest; it is the only way
of reigning that is left him."
Napoleon exerted such an influence over the Prus-
sian government at this time, however, that Louis
XVIII. did not find himself at ease in Warsaw.
266 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
He resolved to repair to Grodno, on Russian terri-
tory, in order to concert measures with his brother,
the Count of Artois, which should give his protesta-
tions a more striking character. Just as he was
about departing from Warsaw, he learned that an
attempt to poison him and his family had been
organized. The man who had been tampered with
in order to induce him to commit the crime, himself
revealed it to the Count of Avaray. The Pretender
then wrote a letter to the president of the Prussian
Chamber of Warsaw, dated July 24, 1804, which
began thus: "I have been informed, monsieur, of
an attempt made to assassinate me. If my person
alone were in question, I would turn a deaf ear to
such warnings; but as the lives of my family and
servants are likewise menaced, I should be derelict
to the most sacred duties if I slighted this danger.
I beg you, therefore, to come this evening and talk
it over with me." The Prussian magistrate, evad-
ing the inquiry, replied that he would hand the
matter over to the police, and the bottom of this
underhanded affair was never known.
Instead of going to Grodno, as he had at first
intended, Louis XVIII. proceeded toward Sweden
and was joined by the Count of Artois at Calmar,
October 5, 1804. The two brothers drew up there
together the manifesto which was to appear on the
subsequent December 2, the day of Napoleon's coro-
nation. While the Pretender was at Calmar he
received, through the intermediation of the Prussian
THE SOJOURN IN PRUSSIA AND POLAND 267
Minister in Sweden, an official note from the Prus-
sian government interdicting him from returning to
Warsaw. He then asked the Emperor Alexander's
permission to reside in Mittau, and it was granted.
The Count of Artois returned to England. Louis
XVIII. embarked at Calmar, landed at Riga, and
went to Mittau, where his wife and his niece did
not rejoin him until spring.
XII
THE SECOND SOJOUEN AT MITTAU
AT Warsaw the Duchess of Angouleme was
surrounded by unanimous sympathies. It
pleased her to be in the midst of a Catholic popula-
tion with whom she had sentiments and ideas in com-
mon. One of the Kings of France, Henri III., had
been King of Poland, and the Princess was descended
from Marie Leczinska, the daughter of a Polish
sovereign. These souvenirs aided the prestige of
the daughter of Louis XVI. ; and the Polish nobil-
ity, who speak French as well as they do their
native tongue, paid her the most delicate and respect-
ful attentions. The Princess did not leave without
regret a land which reminded her of France, for the
Poles have been called the Frenchmen of the north,
and she returned with apprehension to Mittau,
whence she had been driven out four years before
under such painful circumstances.
At Mittau the Duchess of Angouleme once more
installed herself with her husband, her uncle, and
her aunt in the former palace of the Dukes of Cour-
land. In 1805 two fires broke out there. The
guilty persons were not discovered, but the author-
268
THE SECOND SOJOURN AT MITTAU 269
ities declared that the fires had been intentionally
kindled. This affair remained mysterious, like that
of the attempted poisoning of the royal family at
Warsaw.
Meanwhile, the echo of the noise of arms pene-
trated even to the asylum of Louis XVIII. and his
niece. A bloody war desolated the country lying
between the Vistula and the Niemen. The terrible
battle of Eylau was fought February 7, 1807. The
military convoys of wounded Frenchmen or pris-
oners were forwarded to Mittau. Although a con-
tagious fever broke out among them, the Abbe*
Edgeworth of Firmont went to their assistance.
He paid with his life for this devotion ; but he was
not abandoned on his deathbed by the daughter of
the martyr-king. Braving the contagion, she ex-
claimed: "No, I will never forsake him who is more
than my friend. Nothing shall prevent me from
nursing him myself; I do not ask any one to go
with me." And it was she who, on May 22, 1807,
received the venerable priest's last sigh.
Louis XVIII. wrote to the Abbe"s brother: "The
letter of the Archbishop of Rheims will inform you
of the painful loss we have just endured. You will
regret the best and tenderest of brothers. I lament
a friend, a benefactor, who conducted a martyr-king
to the gates of heaven, and who has taught me the
way thither. The world was not worthy to possess
him long. Let us submit, reminding ourselves that
he has received the reward of his virtues. But we
270 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
are not forbidden to accept consolations of an inferior
order, and I offer them to you in the general afflic-
tion which this grief has occasioned. Yes, mon-
sieur, the death of your worthy brother has been a
public calamity. My family, and all the loyal
Frenchmen who surround me, seem, like me,
to have lost a father. The people of Mittau of
every class and creed have shared our sorrow. May
this recital lighten your regrets! May I thus give
to the memory of the most worthy of men a new
proof of veneration and attachment! "
Eight days after the Abbe* Edgeworth's death, the
Emperor Alexander arrived at Mittau, May 30,
1807. Before rejoining his army, then in camp on
the banks of the Pregel, and about to renew the
struggle against Napoleon, the Czar desired to pay a
visit to his guests. He was very affable to the
Pretender and particularly courteous to the wife of
that Prince and the Duchess of Angouleme. He
already promised a Bourbon restoration with the aid
of Russia, but lie was not to keep his promise until
seven years later. Before its realization he passed
through a period when, like his father, Paul I.,
he felt a momentary enthusiasm for the victor of
Austerlitz, Eylau, and Friedland.
After the treaty of Tilsit, signed July 7, 1807,
one would have said that Russia was forever recon-
ciled with imperial France. Louis XVIII. was not
slow to see that under such circumstances his pres-
ence at Mittau was no longer reconcilable with his
THE SECOND SOJOURN AT MITTAU 271
dignity. Nevertheless, he took great care not to
embroil himself with the Emperor Alexander. On
his side, the Czar avoided the rude measures taken
by Paul I. in 1801. He did not banish Louis
XVIII. from Russia, and it was of his own free will
that the Prince repaired to England, where he not
unreasonably thought that his sojourn would be
more useful to his cause.
Leaving his wife and niece at Mittau, Louis
XVIII. left that city with the Duke of Angouleme,
and embarked at Riga for Sweden in October, 1807.
King Gustavus IV. gave him an excellent reception
and placed the Swedish frigate Frega at his disposal
and under his orders. He sailed in it to England
in November. His wife and the Duchess of Angou-
leme remained at Mittau until July, 1808, when,
quitting Russia forever, they took ship in the port
of Liban. After a pleasant voyage they landed on
English shores and went to rejoin Louis XVIII. ,
who was then the guest of the Marquis of Bucking-
ham, at Gosfield Hall, in Essex.
XIII
HARTWELL
LOUIS XVIII. had been summoned to England
neither by the court nor the government.
The Cabinet of London was weary of the intrigues
of the French Smigrts and of the always useless
succors given them, and feared to make any pledges
to the Bourbon cause except those prompted by
England's interests and continental policy. Warned
that the Pretender was bound for England, it
wanted to relegate him to Scotland, and it sent
orders to every port which he might possibly enter,
desiring him to sail at once for Leith, whence he
might go to Edinburgh, where an asylum would be
arranged for him in the ancient castle of Holyrood.
On landing at Yarmouth, Louis XVIII. received
this official injunction. He refused to comply with
it, and after having declared that he would return
to meet all the exiles of the continent rather than
consent to the prescribed sojourn at Holyrood, he
claimed the simple rights of a citizen on the free
soil of England. The Marquis of Buckingham
offered, and induced him to accept, magnificent
hospitality in his splendid castle of Gosfield Hall,
272
HAETWELL 273
in Essex, near the borders of Norfolkshire. Louis
XVIII. was rejoined there, in the spring of 1808, by
his wife and the Duchess of Angouleme. Desiring
to thank their host for his generous reception, the
exiles built a small temple dedicated to gratitude in
the park of Gosfield Hall. Five oaks were to over-
shadow it. The first was planted by Louis XVIII.,
the second by his wife, the third by his niece, and
the fourth and fifth by his nephews the Dukes of
Angouleme and Berry.
In April, 1809, the Pretender, wishing to be
nearer London and to have a dwelling of his own,
went to the modest manor of Hartwell, which he
first hired and afterwards bought from Sir George
Lee. This domain, which was more like a farm
than a manor-house, and which was about sixteen
leagues from London, was vast in its proportions,
but miserable in appearance. In order to contain
more persons, nearly every room had been divided
into compartments. The offices were detached build-
ings surrounded by gardens. Some of these con-
structions contained very narrow huts for the
servants. Taken all together, they looked like a
village. The room that Louis XVIII. occupied
most frequently was almost as small as a ship's
cabin. It was ornamented with portraits of Louis
XVI., Marie Antoinette, Madame Elisabeth, and
Louis XVII. Before dinner the Prince's guests
assembled in a large drawing-room where there was
a billiard table. In going to the dining-room,
274 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
Louis XVIII. always went first. The repast was
simple, and not many dishes were served. The
Pretender did the honors with much affability
and grace. After dinner they returned to the
drawing-room for coffee, conversation, and whist.
Every time that Louis XVIII. entered or went
out, the Duchess of Angouleme dropped him a
profound courtesy; he responded by a bow and
kissing her hand. Visitors were surprised at the
number of persons lodged at the King's expense
in the house and its dependencies. It was like a
rising colony.
"Louis XVIII.," the Baron of Vitrolles has said
in his Memoirs, "displayed immovable courage in
enduring his long exile ; he was sustained by a true
sentiment of dignity, his faith in his rights, and
confidence in his future. In his retreat at Hartwell
he was at peace with himself in the midst of a very
narrow social circle, but one in which he exercised
every sort of superiority; he preferred that of wit.
He lived like a great nobleman on his estates, sur-
rounded by a numerous family. Political interests
and events were seldom spoken of. Historical facts
and dates, French, Italian, and English literature,
formed the subject of the evening conversations at
which all the inhabitants of the castle came together.
The Countess of Narbonne, afterwards duchess, dis-
played there the graces of her mind and her pure
and elegant diction. She was the object of the
King's preference and attention."
HARTWELL 275
As a consolation in his exile and an affirmation
of his rights, the Pretender kept up an appearance
of royalty at Hartwell. Near his phantom of a
throne stood captains of the guard, the Dukes of
Gramont and of Havre"; and first gentlemen of the
bedchamber, the Dukes of Fleury and of Aumont.
When he went to London and was present at divine
service in the tiny chapel of Little George Street,
erected at the cost of the French Emigres, he occu-
pied an armchair which resembled a throne. Behind
this armchair was the princes' bench, where the
Duchess of Angouleme, the Count of Artois, the
Duke of Angouleme, the Duke of Berry, the Prince
of Conde*, and the Duke of Bourbon seated them-
selves. Moreover, there were benches for those
French bishops who, refusing to acknowledge the
Concordat, had denied the Pope's right to dispose
of their sees without their consent. Among them
were Mgrs. Lamarche, Dillon, Flamarens, Argentre*,
Bethisy, Amelot, Villedieu, Laurentie, Belboeuf,
and Colbert.
The English government had not recognized Louis
XVIII. 's royal title, and yet when his wife died,
November 13, 1810, they paid her the same honors
as to a queen, and she was buried with pomp in
Westminster Abbey. On her deathbed the Princess
had addressed pious exhortations to her nephews.
" As to you, my niece, " she said to the Duchess of
Angouleme, " all you need to go to heaven is a pair
of wings."
276 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
At this period the most infatuated partisans of
Louis XVIII. considered the hope of his return to
France as a chimerical dream. Napoleon's marriage
with an Austrian Archduchess was thought to have
consolidated the imperial dynasty forever. " Bona-
parte," says the Baron of Vitrolles in his Memoirs,
"had done everything to efface the memory of the
royal family. Since his reign began it had been
named to him but once, and that was in the ditches
of Vincennes. The generation which knew our
principles had disappeared; that which was coming
up scarcely knew that Louis XVI. had brothers ; the
orphan of the Temple was an historic personage for
them, and they only learned by the Duke of En-
ghien's murder that there were still Conde's. We
ourselves, who in our youth had fought under their
flags and for their noble cause, were dispersed,
without ties or union, if not without souvenirs.
Many were connected with the tyrant; the bravest
in the army, the neediest in the excise, the most
obsequious at court. Those who still retained some
trace of their early sentiments in their hearts were
in private and straitened circumstances, without
influence and with no hope of bettering their condi-
tion. In ten years we had barely heard these
princes whom we held in veneration mentioned more
than two or three times. The vague and often
lying news we obtained of them was transmitted
orally, and so to say by infiltration, without our
knowing whence it came. We were told that the
HABTWELL 277
Duchess of Angouleme had given birth to a son,
and that the Prince Regent of England had been the
godfather of the royal infant. At other times we
would hear of one of our princes appearing upon
some field of battle and fighting against the usurper
for the rights of his house. We still commemorated
January 21 at the church and the feast of Saint
Louis at table, and these vivid emotions revealed to
us that at the bottom of our hearts lay ineffaceable
sentiments and passions unperceived in the ordinary
course of our lives. Parties die when they are built
purely upon interest; they live like religions when
they are founded upon beliefs."
Napoleon, the father of the King of Rome, had
reached the summit of his power. His court almanac
resembled that of the court of Versailles ; there were
the same offices, the same names, the same titles, the
same etiquette. The most prominent £migr£s, the
most notable persons of the old regime, served in the
household of the new Charlemagne and in that of
his wife, the daughter of the German Csesars. But
while discharging their functions in the palace of
the Tuileries and other imperial residences, these
great lords and ladies thought involuntarily of the
orphan of the Temple. Even when they forgot the
others, they remembered this heroine of sorrow. As
Lamartine has said, Louis XVIII. loved the Duch-
ess of Angouleme through sentiment and through
policy also. " He protected himself in the eyes of all
Europe through this beauty, youth, and piety. He
278 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
called her his Antigone. He pictured himself, lean-
ing on the arm of this niece, as royaltjr protected
from on high by an angel of grief. She lived with
him at Hartwell, reminding herself of France with
bitterness, but of the throne and the country
with the pride and majesty innate in her blood."
The daughter of Louis XVI. and Marie Antoinette
was the ornament, the poetry, the consecration, of
the little court of the exiled King. If Louis
XVIII. had experienced a momentary weakness, a
glance at his niece would have sufficed to renew his
faith and hope.
It is certain that Marie Louise, with her double
crown as Empress of the French and Queen of Italy,
was not more majestic on her throne than the orphan
of the Temple in her exile.
Although it was her custom to avoid parties and
entertainments, the Duchess of Angouleme could
not refuse to appear at the English court in 1811.
The Baron of Ge'ramb, who quitted court-life for the
cloister some years later, and became a Carthusian
monk, thus expressed himself concerning the young
Princess: "For the first time Her Royal Highness
the Duchess of Angouleme appeared in London at
a public assembly. Shall I say that all eyes were
instantly fixed upon her ? No ; for yielding entirely
to my own observations and the vivid emotions
which contended in my heart, I could not notice
those of others. Never did virtue and innocence
display themselves to mankind in traits where a
HART WELL 279
beauty so touching blended with so profound a mel-
ancholy. I dare not describe all that there is of
enchanting and affecting in her glance, all that is
celestial in her smile ; I should fear to profane what
I had seen in seeking to portray it."
And the Austrian chamberlain, who assuredly
would not have spoken with such enthusiasm of
Marie Louise, the daughter of his Emperor, contin-
ues in a truly lyrical transport: "In contemplating
these features which, they say, recall the goodness
of Louis XVI. and the dignity of Marie Antoinette,
these were the longings that escaped with my sighs
from my burdened heart : O sweet and tender dove !
May storms respect forever the shelter where thou
dost repose ! May new sorrows never come to afflict
this young heart which grief has moulded. Alas!
thou hast known naught of life except its sufferings
and afflictions. If, in the midst of catastrophes
thou hast been spared, if the rage of those who
assassinated the beings so dear was not expended
upon thee, if thou hast come out pure as the angels
from that land where license and crime held sway,
what destiny does Providence reserve for thee?
Rescued from shipwreck amid the most horrible
tempests, art thou the token which God will one
day offer men to show them that His anger is
appeased, and that the world, crushed under so many
ruins, at last may breathe again? Will the feeble
hand of a woman lift up anew some day the social
edifice that has been drenched in blood?" If for-
280 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
eigners spoke in such terms of the daughter of Louis
XVI., one can readily imagine what the veneration
of the French royalists must have been. In their
eyes, the saintly Princess was the living symbol of
the twin religions of the throne and the altar.
The Duchess of Angoul^me, who was her hus-
band's only love, occupied herself at Hartwell
chiefly with works of charity. She meditated, read,
and prayed. Her private household was composed
of the Countess of Choisy, now become the Vis-
countess of Argout; Count Etienne, now the Duke
of Damas, and his duchess, the sister of Madame
de Narbonne. She often received visits from the
Count of Artois and the Duke of Berry, who
lived in London. After the death of Madame de
Polastron, for whom he had felt the longest and
tenderest affection of his life, the Count of Artois
had become profoundly devout, and his religious
sentiments were thenceforward in harmony with
those of the daughter of Louis XVI. As to the
Duke of Berry, who loved the world and the arts,
he led a stormy life. A beautiful Englishwoman
had captivated his imagination and his heart. He
should have had the emotions of war; those of love
consoled him. The Duchess of Angoul^me fre-
quently saw the Prince of Cond£ also, for whom she
displayed great sympathy, and to whom Louis
XVIII. wrote: "Enjoy, my dear cousin, the same
repose which the most illustrious of your ancestors
voluntarily tasted under the laurels ; all will become
HAETWELL 281
Chantilly to you." On his part, the Prince of
Conde* had addressed to the Duke of Berry, his
former subordinate, a letter in which he said:
"Doubtless our life is distressing; but we have
done our duty. In existing circumstances it is for
you, not for me, to raise the royal standard, and for
us all to march under your orders. Your extreme
youth may for a time have necessitated the incon-
venience of your being under mine, but so long as a
little strength remains to me, I shall glory in being
your first grenadier."
In speaking of the princes, nobles, and bishops
who came to salute Louis XVIII., M. de Vitrolles
has said: "The homage of these elders of France
formed for the King, on ceremonious occasions, if
not a court, at least a circle sufficiently numerous to
hide from him the emptiness that lay behind them.
He bore in his royal nature the dignified sentiments
and the whole majesty of his race. Nobility of
thought was as natural to him as that of the blood
flowing in his veins, and whenever he had to take
a determination he rose to the height of all the
kings he represented. In the customs of his exiled
life he was fond of the r61e and the appearance of
royalty." To have a favorite seemed to him a
monarchical tradition. At Hartwell he had two; at
first the Count of Avaray, and afterwards the Count
of Blacas. "The Count of Avaray," adds M. de
Vitrolles, " had been the most intimate ; there is no
ancient friendship either real or fabulous, in prose
282 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
or in verse, that lias not been called on to celebrate
this attachment. Castor and Pollux, Achilles and
Patroclus, Nisus and Euryalus, Augustus and
Cinna, Henri IV. and Sully, etc. The King had
given the title of duke to M. d'Avaray as soon as
he succeeded to the right to the throne, and the
father inherited his son's title as soon as the royalty
became real. But Avhat was it to be the favorite of
a King in exile? He was everything; he freed his
master from the important cares of his empire;
he ruled the house, the servants, the kitchens, and
interposed himself between the King and the princes
of his family so as to keep them at a distance. . . .
"Having been attacked by a lung complaint, M.
d'Avaray travelled in Italy in search of health. At
Florence he met M. de Blacas, who was of a very
ancient family of Provence, long since fallen into
that decline of fortune which tarnishes the lustre of
the greatest names. An exiled, poverty-stricken
sub-lieutenant, he was living in the humblest wuy
at Florence when M. d'Avaray employed him to
assist in his correspondence. In other circumstances
this would have meant a secretaryship, but it was
quite another thing in those of the emigration.
Having been brought to England and presented to
the King by his new patron, M. de Blacas made
himself useful and agreeable, and when the progress
of M. d'Avaray's malady led him to seek the island
of Madeira, celebrated for its cures of such diseases,
he left his protege* with the King to conduct their
correspondence. "
HARTWELL 283
M. d'Avaray died in Madeira, June 3, 1811. A
few days previous, Louis XVIII. wrote: "Provi-
dence could not take from me more than it gave
when it granted me such a friend as my dear
d'Avaray." Besides the title of duke, the King
had conferred on his favorite the right to put the
escutcheon of France in his arms with this device :
Vicit iter durum pietas.
The succession as official favorite devolved upon
M. de Blacas. Lamartine represents him as pos-
sessing "the unlimited affection of his master, and
meriting it only by his honor and fidelity; he was
inwardly humble, but haughty in appearance, re-
garded the King as all and France as nothing, was
unyielding through rigidity of character, and carried
all the arrogance and pride of the old absolute courts
into an obscure exile and a reign of compromises."
M. de Blacas excited great jealousy, moreover,
among those who surrounded Louis XVIII. M. de
Vitrolles says : " War was declared against the new
favorite. To praise the old one was not enough;
no occasion was let slip to disgust this one, and to
display scorn and contemptuous airs and, in a word,
that kind of insults which are resented the more
because it is impossible to describe and complain
of them since they are so unsubstantial. But in so
doing they merely played into the hand of him they
wanted to ruin. The King was stubborn in this
war of ill manners; all his force of character was
brought out by it. If the attacks had come from
284 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULENE
without, he would readily have abandoned the object
of them; but against his own party he defended
him as if he had said to himself, unguibus et rostra.
Whenever an insult was offered his favorite he
answered it by a new evidence of favor. 'I will
make him so great that they will not dare to attack
him again,' said he when he appointed M. de Blacas
grand-master of the wardrobe. What confidence
he must have had in his royalty to think that he
was doing something in appointing a grand officer
of his household at Hart well! "
At the time when Louis XVIII. thus continued
to play with imperturbable dignity his r61e of sover-
eign in partibus infidelium, or, better, fidelium, a
Bourbon restoration was hardly considered possible
by any one except himself and the Duchess of
Angouleme. As M. de Viel-Castel says in his
remarkable history of the Restoration, "military
expeditions, political intrigues, conspiracies, sur-
prises, had all alike failed. The ill-success of so
many enterprises from which so much had been
expected, the punishment of some of their authors,
the apparent impossibility of shaking that colossus
of imperial power before which the whole continent
trembled, had long obliged the Bourbons to avoid
any manifestation of their claims. The royalist
agency which had secretly existed at Paris had been
broken up. The protest published by Louis XVIII.
in 1804, at the time when Napoleon put on the im-
perial diadem, was the last sign of life he had given
to his adherents."
H AST WELL 285
Until the Russian campaign, royalty was in a
somnolent state at Hartwell. The Pretender sel-
dom spoke of politics, but he awaited with vague
confidence some unforeseen event or other which
would bring about a thorough change. Unfortu-
nately, these events were to prove the most fright-
ful of catastrophes. The wretched thing about the
royalist cause is that it was weakened by the vic-
tories and strengthened by the defeats of France.
The hopes of royalty seemed extinguished after
Wagrain. They rekindled with the burning of
Moscow. Louis XVIII., who read the French jour-
nals diligently, and discerned the symptoms of ruin
and disaffection under the adulations of a press sold
to the imperial police, understood that the retreat
from Russia had given the Empire a mortal blow,
and that the Restoration was thenceforward only a
matter of time. At once he conceived the idea of
recalling himself by an opportune and skilful meas-
ure to the memory of France and Europe which
seemed to have forgotten him; he wrote to the
Emperor Alexander on behalf of the French princes.
"The fate of arms," said he in his letter, "has
caused more than one hundred and fifty thousand
prisoners, most of whom are Frenchmen, to fall into
your hands. No matter what flag they served; they
are unfortunate, and I see in them only my children ;
I recommend them to Your Imperial Majesty. Deign
to consider how much many of them have already
suffered, and ameliorate the severities of their lot!
286 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULKMK
Let them learn that the victor is their father's
friend! Your Majesty cannot give me a more affect-
ing proof of your sentiments toward me." The Czar
did not even reply to the Pretender.
Alexander's silence did not discourage Louis
XVIII., who published another manifesto, February
1, 1813. He proved by this adroit and liberal docu-
ment that time, exile, and the lessons of experience
had caused him to make some useful reflections.
He promised to maintain the administrative and
judiciary bodies in the plenitude of their powers,
to leave all functionaries in their employments, to
forbid all prosecutions for things accomplished in
an unhappy past whose oblivion would be sealed by
his return, and he invited the imperial Senate,
which he lauded, to make itself the chief instrument
of the Restoration.
After the battle of Leipsic the Pretender thought
that the speedy success of his cause was certain.
Thus, as Lamartine has said, the re-establishment
of a Bourbon on the throne of France seemed to him
a duty on the part of God Himself; and the hour
which he and the orphan of the Temple awaited as
a justification of Providence was at last about to
strike.
XIV
THE END OF THE EXILE
AT the beginning of 1814, Louis XVIII. was
convinced that his return to France was
imminent; and yet the European Powers had not
yet promised him their support. Not having aban-
doned the idea of treating with Napoleon, they
feared to increase the difficulties of the contest by
linking their cause to that of a family having
numerous adversaries in France. The Emperor
Alexander, jealous perhaps of the antiquity of the
Bourbon race, showed little sympathy for them, and
was reputed to favor Bernadotte as sovereign of the
French people. The Austrian Emperor seemed
unconcerned about Louis XVIII., and his coldness
was attributed to a lingering interest in the fate of
his daughter, Marie Louise. Although the whole
outlook seemed discouraging, the Count of Artois
and his two sons, the Duke of Angouleme and
the Duke of Berry, decided to leave England for the
purpose of taking part in approaching events. The
Count of Artois wanted to throw himself into the
midst of the Russian, Austrian, and Prussian armies
which were attacking France in the north and east.
287
288 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
The Duke of Angoulenie wanted to go to Spain,
where an English and Spanish army was advancing
toward the South of France. The Duke of Berry
proposed to go to the island of Jersey, near the
departments of Normandy, where the conscription
had just occasioned some troubles thought likely to
prelude an insurrection.
The three princes embarked on English vessels
in January, 1814. The Count of Artois landed in
Holland, and it was not until he had wandered for
more than a month in that country, Germany, and
Switzerland, that the Allies gave him permission to
set foot on French territory. The Duke of Angou-
l(3me was able to reach Saint-Jean-de-Luz, which
was held by English troops, and on February 2, he
issued a proclamation there in which he invited the
French army commanded by Marshal Soult to aid in
the overthrow of Napoleon. The marshal, who was
to display such royalist sentiments some weeks later
on, replied to this attempted corruption of his troops
by a proclamation in which he said : " Soldiers, they
have had the infamy to persuade you to violate your
oaths to the Emperor. This offence can only be
avenged in blood. To arms ! . . . Let us devote to
opprobrium and public execration every Frenchman
who would favor the insidious projects of our ene-
mies. Let us fight to the end against the enemies
of our august Emperor and our country. Hatred to
traitors! War to the death against those who at-
tempt to divide us ! Let us contemplate the prodi-
THE END OF THE EXILE 289
gious efforts of our great Emperor and his signal
victories, and die with arms in our hands rather
than outlive our honor ! "
As to the Duke of Berry, he landed in the island
of Jersey. He had been told that he would have
but to fall upon the coast of Normandy in order to
be surrounded at once by a royalist army. But he
soon perceived that this was a delusion, and re-
mained in Jersey until the consummation of the
events about to take place. It was from there he
wrote the folloAving letter, quoted by Chateaubri-
and: "Here I am like Tantalus, in sight of this
unhappy France which has such difficult) in break-
ing its chains ; and winds, bad weather, and the tide
all come to arrest the courageous efforts of the
heroes who are going to risk the dangers which I
am not yet allowed to share. You, whose soul is
so beautiful, so French, understand all that I expe-
rience, all that it costs me to remain away from
those shores which I could reach in two hours!
When the sun lights them up I climb to the highest
rocks and, with my glass in my hand, I follow the
whole coast, I see the rocks of Coutances. My
imagination becomes excited; I see myself spring-
ing ashore, surrounded by Frenchmen with white
cockades in their hats; I hear the cry, 'Long live
the King ! ' that cry which no Frenchman ever hears
unmoved; the most beautiful woman in the prov-
ince wreathes a white scarf about me, for love and
glory always go together. We march on Cher-
290 TEE DUCHESS OF ANGOUL&ME
bourg; some wretched fort, garrisoned by foreigners,
tries to defend itself; we carry it by storm, and a
vessel goes to seek the King with the white standard
which recalls the glorious and happy days of France.
Ah! madame, when one is but a few hours from the
accomplishment of so probable a dream, could he
think of going further away?"
However, the French royalists made no move as
yet. "We had often grieved," says M. de Vitrolles,
"at not having the least communication from our
princes. We were ready to accuse them of aban-
doning their cause at the moment when they might
have set up their flag anew. But one of those Eng-
lish journals so strictly prohibited reached us one
day through the intermediation of the Archbishop
of Malines ; it apprised us that Monsieur, the Count
of Artois, had embarked for the continent, January
25; and that, about the same time, the Duke of
Angouleme had also left England for the south of
France, there to offer himself generously to his
friends and enemies. This news, entirely over-
looked by the majority, and hardly noticed by those
who saw it, was for us a flash of light and fire. It
enlivened our hopes and revived our purposes. I
decided on the spot to go in search of Monsieur
wherever he might be."
Before rejoining the Count of Artois, M. de
Vitrolles went to the headquarters of the Allies and
had interviews with Prince Metternich and the
Emperor Alexander which were not very encourag-
THE END OF THE EXILE 291
ing for the Bourbon cause. The Czar said to him:
"The proof of attachment you give to your former
masters is certainly laudable ; it conies from a senti-
ment of honor and loyalty which I appreciate, but
the obstacles which henceforward separate the princes
of the House of Bourbon from the throne of France
seem to me insurmountable. . . . They would
come back embittered by misfortune, and even
though generous sentiments or wise policy should
oblige them to sacrifice their resentments, they
would not be strong enough to pacify those who
have suffered for them and by them. The spirit of
the army, that army so powerful in France, would
be opposed to them ; the impulse of the new genera-
tions would be against them."
The Emperor Alexander then enumerated several
combinations which had occurred to the minds of
the Allies concerning the fate of France. "We
have studied much," said he, "about what might
suit France if Napoleon should disappear. For
some time we considered Bernadotte; his influence
over the army, and the favor with which he must be
regarded by the friends of the Revolution, fixed our
thoughts on him for some time ; but afterwards vari-
ous motives made us put him aside. Eugene Beau-
harnais has been spoken of;, he is esteemed by
France, cherished by the army, and sprung from the
ranks of the nobility ; would he not have many par-
tisans? After all, might not a wisely organized
Republic be more congenial to the French mind?
292 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
It is not with impunity that ideas of liberty have
germinated long in such a country as yours. They
make the establishment of a more concentrated
power very difficult."
After recalling the Czar's language, M. de Vi-
trolles adds : " Where were we, great God ! on the
17th of March ? The Emperor Alexander, the King
of the kings united for the safety of the world, talk-
ing to me of the Republic ! . . . I disguised toler-
ably well the astonishment I felt at these last words,
and was sufficiently master of myself to answer the
Emperor without allowing any alteration in my voice
to betray my emotion. I had not associated enough
with kings to anticipate such an allocution. I thought
it was I who should plead, and that they would re-
spond by some great and noble words, and by senti-
ments as noble as the dignity of my interlocutors
presupposed. But not at all ; they at once engaged
me in a hand-to-hand contest, raining on me the
closest, strongest, and completest reasons ; in fact,
all and the only ones that could be objected to me."
Even after the rupture of the Congress of Chatil-
lon the Powers did not yet pronounce for the royal-
ist cause. The Russian generals had ended by
authorizing the Count of Artois to come to Nancy,
but without cockade, decoration, or political title,
as a simple traveller. "It must be owned," says
M. de Vitrolles again, "that until then his hopes
had received no encouragement. The regions where
Monsieur sought to exert his influence were occu-
THE END OF THE EXILE 293
pied by foreign armies ; the wishes of the entire
population were for a speed}'- pacification, and the
re-establishment of the Bourbons seemed rather a
question which would prolong the war. They saw
no escape from so many evils save a peace with
Bonaparte. On the other hand, the overtures made
to the allied sovereigns had been always and utterly
repelled, and yet Monsieur's claims had been ex-
ceedingly small ; he merely solicited permission to
rejoin the army and fight as a simple volunteer.
At the time of my arrival at Nancy he was pro-
foundly discouraged. I brought a kingdom; they
felt it; but they did not so quickly comprehend it.
Monsieur still gave precedence to his request to
join the army ; all that I announced to him, all the
most elevated subjects of our interviews, did not
avail to change his notion, and the letters he gave
me, on my departure, for the Emperors of Russia and
Austria still gave the first rank to this request to
take part in active army service. He has one of
those minds that are sluggish to move."
At the very time when the Count of Artois
seemed discouraged at Nancy, an event occurred at
Bordeaux which revived all royalist hopes. The
mayor was a count of the Empire, M. de Lynch,
whose antecedents did not seem to foreshadow the
part he was about to play. Three months before he
had laid at the foot of Napoleon's throne the homage
of the pretended devotion of the people of Bordeaux,
and had said in a more than adulatory address:
294 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
" Napoleon has done everything for the French ; the
French will do everything for him." January 29,
1814, on presenting the flags to the National Guard
just organized, he promised to give proof of fidelity
and devotion to the Emperor in case there should be
danger of invasion. Almost at the same time, in
concert with M. Taffard of Saint-Germain, who en-
titled himself King's commissioner for Guyenne, he
sent two secret agents to Lord Wellington entreat-
ing him to send a body of English troops to Bor-
deaux, saying that if they were accompanied by the
Duke of Angouleme they would be certain to find a
good reception.
Lord Wellington had at first shown little sym-
pathy for the royalist cause. On entering French
territory, he had written to his government that the
Bourbons were as little known, perhaps less known,
to their former subjects than the princes of any
other dynasty, and that if it suited the Allies to
present a new sovereign to the French nation, it
mattered little from what family he was chosen.
Lord Wellington began by declining the offer of the
two Bordelais envoys. He considered it imprudent
to detach an army corps from its base of operations
and to embarrass the negotiations of the Congress of
Chatillon, the issue of which was still doubtful.
He added that he was unwilling to compromise
honest people whom the fortunes of war might pos-
sibly oblige him to leave exposed to imperial ven-
geance. He changed his mind a few days later.
THE END OF THE EXILE 295
Having defeated Marshal Soult at the battle of
Orthez, he removed his headquarters to Saint-Sever,
and concluded that from the strategetical point of
view the occupation of a city like Bordeaux would
be useful. Hence, on March 7, he detached a body
of fifteen thousand men from his army, put them
under the orders of General Beresford, and sent
them towards Bordeaux, which Marshal Soult's
retreat to Toulouse had left unprotected. Without
English troops the royalists would not have dared
to undertake anything, but with them they thought
success was certain. The garrison of the city num-
bered only five hundred. At the approach of General
Beresford's army corps they withdrew, on March
11. Then the royalists decided that on the follow-
ing day they would go to meet the English, and
that on entering Bordeaux with them, they would
proclaim Louis XVIII. there. This programme
was executed. A discharge of cannon having given
the city the signal agreed upon, an immense white
flag was run up on the steeple of Saint Michel, the
highest in all Bordeaux. At the same time the
mayor, M. de Lynch, going to meet General Beres-
ford, who had arrived at the end of the bridge of
the Maye, and pointing toward the white flag flying
from the steeple of Saint Michel, said: "General,
you will enter a city subject to its legitimate king,
Louis XVIII. , the ally of His Britannic Majesty;
you will witness the joy of this great city on replac-
ing itself under the paternal authority of a Bour-
bon."
296 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
General Beresford answered the mayor dryly:
" Do what you please ; your internal dissensions do
not concern me. I am here simply to protect per-
sons and property. I take possession of the city in
the name of His Britannic Majesty."
At the same time it was announced that the Duke
of AngoulSme would enter the city two hours later.
Then there broke out among the royalists an explo-
sion of joy that bordered on delirium. When the
nephew of Louis XVIII., the husband of the orphan
of the Temple, made his appearance, they embraced
each other, they fell on their knees. It was, who
should touch the dress or the horse of the Prince,
who replied to these demonstrations of enthusiasm
by saying: "No more war, no more conscription, no
more excise laws ! " He went to the cathedral to
return thanks to God, thence to the H6tel-de-Ville,
and took possession of the province in the name of
Louis XVIII. The white flag replaced the tricolor
everywhere. In the evening the city was illumi-
nated. A proclamation from the mayor was read by
torchlight, in which he felicitated the Bordelais on
their conduct and thanked the English, Spanish,
and Portuguese for having joined together in the
south of France, as others had done in the north,
"to replace the scourge of nations by a monarch
who is the father of the people."
Three days afterward, March 15, 1814, the Duke
of Angouleme published a proclamation in which
he said: "It is not the Bourbons who have brought
THE END OF THE EXILE 297
the Allied Powers upon your territory; they has-
tened thither in order to preserve their dominions
from new misfortunes. As they are convinced that
there is no repose either for their own peoples or
for France save in a limited monarchy, they open
the way to the throne to the successors of Saint
Louis. It is only through your suffrages that the
King my uncle aspires to be the restorer of a pater-
nal and free government." A deputation went to
Hartwell to bear to Louis XVIII. the homage of the
Bordelais, and to entreat him to repair to the first
French city which had proclaimed his authority.
However, the satisfaction of the Duke of Angou-
le^me was not unalloyed. The example of the Bor-
delais royalists had, so to say, no imitators. With
the exception of the two little towns of Roquefort
and Bazas, not a single commune declared for the
King. General Beresford had left Bordeaux for the
purpose of besieging Bayonne and the fortress of
Blaye, the garrison of which, having remained faith-
ful to the Emperor, was obstructing the free naviga-
tion of the Garonne. The Duke of Angouleme,
menaced with a return of the imperial troops, wrote
to Lord Wellington asking for men and money.
Lord Wellington refused them. " It is contrary to
my advice and my way of looking at things," he
replied to the Prince, "that certain persons of the
city of Bordeaux have thought proper to proclaim
King Louis XVIII. These persons have put them-
selves to no trouble, they have not given a farthing,
298 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
they have not raised a soldier to sustain their cause,
and now, because they are in danger, they accuse me
of not aiding them with my troops. ... I am not
sure that I would not outstep my duty in lending
your cause the least protection or support. . . .
The public must know the truth. If, by ten days
from now, you have not contradicted the proclama-
tion of the mayor of Bordeaux, which attributes to
me the duty of protecting the cause of the royalists
of the city, I will publicly contradict it myself."
Left to themselves, the royalists of Bordeaux
would doubtless have been lost. What brought
about the triumph of their cause was the rupture of
the Congress of Chatillon, the capitulation of Paris,
and the defection of Essonnes. Meanwhile their
deputation had arrived at Hartwell on Annunciation
Day, March 25, 1814. It was composed of M. de
Tauzia, deputy-mayor of Bordeaux, and Baron de
Labarte, bearer of the Duke of Angouleme's de-
spatches. At the moment when the two envoys
reached the royal residence in a carriage whose pos-
tilion and horses were adorned with white cockades,
Louis XVIII. and the Duchess of Angouleme were
hearing Mass in the chapel of Hartwell. After
Mass, the King, with his niece standing beside him,
received the Bordelais envoys. He was surrounded
by the Archbishop of Rheims, the Count of Blacas,
the Dukes of Lorges, Havre", Gramont, Se'rent, and
Castires, the Viscount of Agoult, the Count of
Pradel, the Chevalier of Riviere, M. Durepaire, the
THE END OF THE EXILE
Duchess of Se'rent, the Countess Etienne of Damas,
and the Countess of Choisy. M. de Tauzia, advanc-
ing towards the King, presented him a letter in
which M. de Lynch entreated him to come to Bor-
deaux, where the white flag had been run up. After
reading this letter, Louis XVIII. embraced the
faithful royalist who brought it. Emotion was at
its height. The Duchess of Angoule'me insisted on
hearing all the details of her husband's entrance
into Bordeaux. Her face, ordinarily so melancholy,
beamed with joy.
Louis XVIII. made the following response to the
mayor's letter: "Count of Lynch, it is with the
only sentiment that a paternal heart could expe-
rience that I have learned of the noble outbreak
which has given back to me my good city of Bor-
deaux. I do not doubt "that this example will be
imitated by all other portions of my kingdom; but
neither I nor my successors, nor France itself, will
forget that, the first restored to liberty, the Borde-
lais were also the first to fly into their father's arms.
I express feebly what I feel keenly ; but I hope that
before long, entering myself within those walls
where, to use the language of the good Henri, my
fortune has first begun, I can better show the senti-
ments which penetrate me. I desire that your fel-
low-citizens shall learn this through you ; you have
merited this first reward; for, in spite of your
modesty, I have been informed of the services you
have rendered me, and I experience a real happiness
in discharging my debts."
300 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
This letter was dated March 31, 1814. On that
day the Allies entered Paris. Their triumph assured
that of Louis XVIII., and it was to Paris, not to
Bordeaux, that the Prince was about to repair.
During the last days of his stay on British soil, the
English government and people lavished enthusi-
astic attentions on him. One might have thought
him the King of England. Concerning this Lamar-
tine has written: "The English nation, moved by
the call of Burke and other orators at the tragic
death of Louis XVI., the Queen, arid the royal
family, indignant witnesses of the execution of the
many victims immolated by the Terror, were consti-
tutionalists through interest, royalists through piety.
The history of the French Revolution, constantlr
recited and commented on in London by exiled
royalist writers, had become there a poetic chronicle
of misfortune, crime, the scaffold, and the throne.
England had been generous, prodigal, and hospitable
toward the French nobility, then exiled and grate-
ful. . . . The fall of Napoleon and his replace-
ment on the throne of France by a brother of Louis
XVI. seemed to the English one of their greatest
historical achievements."
Louis XVIII. and the Duchess of Angouleme left
Hartwell April 20, 1814, and on the same day made
a formal entry into London. The Prince Regent
went as far as Stanmore to meet them. He was
preceded by three couriers in royal livery who wore
white cockades; the postilions who drove his four-
THE END OF THE EXILE 301
horse carriage, in addition to this cockade, wore
white hats and vests. The Prince arrived at Stan-
more at two in the afternoon. Every house was
hung with flags. The gentry of the neighborhood
formed a cavalcade which assembled about a mile
from the city in order to accompany Louis XVIII.
on his entry. Some distance from Stanmore the
people unharnessed the horses from the royal car-
riage and drew it themselves. Louis XVIII.
alighted at the Abercorn inn, where the Prince
Regent received him and conversed with him in
French. The cortege then proceeded at an easy
trot as far as Kilburn, where it began to walk. The
entry into London was magnificent. They passed
through Hyde Park and Piccadilly in the midst
of an immense population who made the air ring
with enthusiastic acclamations. The English people
could rejoice better than the French people, for
neither mourning nor defeat blended with their joy,
nor was their country occupied by foreign troops.
Ladies waved handkerchiefs from the windows.
English and French flags, crowned with laurel,
.streamed on the air together. It was nearly six in
the evening when the cortege arrived at the Crillon
hotel, where Louis XVIII. was to put up. The
Duke of Kent's band, stationed near the hotel,
played Crod save the King. As the carriage con-
taining the King of France and the Prince Regent
drew nearer, the popular acclamations redoubled.
On alighting from the carriage Louis XVIII.
302 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
took the arm of the Prince Regent, who led him to
the principal drawing-room of the hotel Crillon.
He sat down there, with the Prince Regent and the
Duchess of Angouleme on his right, the Duke of
York on his left, and the Prince of Conde" and the
Duke of Bourbon behind him. The diplomatic
corps Avas present.
The Prince Regent spoke first. " Your Majesty, "
said he, " will permit me to offer my congratulations
on the great event which has always been one of my
dearest wishes, and which must contribute im-
mensely not only to the welfare of Your Majesty's
people, but also to the repose and prosperity of other
nations. I may add with confidence that my senti-
ments and personal wishes are in harmony with
those of the whole British nation. The transports
of triumph which will signalize Your Majesty's
entry into your own capital, can hardly surpass the
joy which Your Majesty's restoration to the throne
of France has caused in the capital of the British
Empire."
Louis XVIII. responded: "I beg Your Royal
Highness to accept my most lively and sincere
thanks for the congratulations just addressed to me.
I offer them especially for the continued attentions
of which I have been the object, not less from Your
Royal Highness than from every member of your
illustrious family. It is to the counsels of Your
Royal Highness, to this glorious country, and the
confidence of its inhabitants, that I attribute, under
THE END OF THE EXILE 303
Providence, the re-establishment of our House upon
the throne of our ancestors, and this fortunate state
of affairs which promises to heal wounds, calm pas-
sions, and restore peace, repose, and happiness to
all nations."
The King's speech has been severely criticised by
every author who has written the history of the
Restoration. " These words," says M. Alfred Nette-
ment, "overdid Louis XVIII. 's gratitude toward
the English government, of whom he had often
complained and with reason; they had, moreover,
the grave inconvenience of sacrificing a future effect
to a present one. As soon as the delirium of peace
had quieted down, they could be turned against the
King of France and represented as an act of vassal-
age toward England by detaching them from the
circumstances in which they had been uttered, and
the discourse of the Prince Regent which had pro-
voked them, like those figures which lose their
expression when detached from the picture in which
they were introduced."
Lamartine has been still more severe. He says :
" These words which were inspired by the gratitude
of the exile, but which the dignity of the King of
France should have interdicted from his lips, were
afterwards the remorse of his reign, and the text of
patriotism against his family. France was not
merely forgotten in them, but humiliated."
Finally Baron Louis of Viel-Castle has thus
expressed himself: "Whether these words were due
304 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
to the excitement of the place and time, or whether
they were intentionally aimed at the dominant
influence then exercised by the Russian Emperor,
it would have been difficult to utter more untoward
ones. One fails to understand how they could have
issued from the mouth of a Prince who on other
occasions gave evidence of dignity and tact. Their
plain meaning was that the House of Bourbon owed
their recovered throne to England solely; that the
other Powers had done nothing towards it, and that
the French people themselves had had no part in
the recall of their Kings. This was not true. The
Emperor Alexander was the real author of the
Restoration, with M. de Talleyrand and the Senate,
and if the Senate was not the legitimate representa-
tive of France, existing laws attributed that char-
acter to it up to a certain point. This speech
wounded the Russian monarch and the other Allies
deeply; it especially displeased and disquieted the
members of the provisional government and all
those who dreaded to see the Bourbons adopt an
anti-national system of reaction."
After his allocution, Louis XVIII., assisted by
the Prince of Conde" and the Duke of Bourbon, took
off his blue ribbon and his badge of the Order of
the Holy Spirit, and decorated the Prince Regent
with his own hands. " I esteem myself singularly
happy," said he, "to be able to confer the first rib-
bon of this ancient Order on a Prince who has so
powerfully contributed to the deliverance and resur-
THE END OF THE EXILE 305
rection of France." In exchange he received the
Order of the Garter.
Louis XVIII. spent three days in London, and
then, accompanied by the Prince Regent, he went
to Dover, where, on April 24, 1814, he sailed for
Calais with the Duchess of AngoulSme, the Prince
of Conde', and the Duke of Bourbon.
The royalists will never forget that day. For
them it is an apotheosis. The springtime smiled;
the sky gloried, and its golden gleams were reflected
in an azure sea. Joyous cries and enthusiastic
acclamations resounded on land and sea. The
Straits of Dover were filled with vessels hung with
flags. All England seemed making a cortege for
the King of France. The terrible cannons of the
two nations, which had so often thundered against
each other, united gladly in salvos of concord and
rejoicing. The white flag floated at every mast-
head, applause renewed itself on every wave.
At one o'clock in the afternoon the King embarked
on the Royal Sovereign, the finest vessel in the
English fleet, escorted by eight men-of-war, com-
manded by the Duke of Clarence. The Prince
Regent looked at his departing guests from the win-
dows of Dover Castle, and made them signs of
farewell. Aided by a favoring wind, the squad-
ron advanced rapidly. Louis XVIII. impatiently
awaited the moment when they could see the coast
of France. God be praised! There it is, that
beloved coast, that coast so often desired amidst the
306 THE DUCHESS OF ANGOULEME
long griefs of exile ! There is the end of so many
trials ! There the port where, after so many storms,
the vessel of French monarchy is about to seek a
shelter! It is the hour of safety and of triumph.
The seacoast, the ramparts of Calais, and the
high places along the shore are thronged with an
innumerable crowd. The King, in order to allow
himself to be recognized, separates from the group
gathered around him on the bridge of the Royal Sov-
ereign. He alone takes off his hat. Lifting his eyes
to heaven, and laying his right hand on his heart,
he returns thanks to Providence. Then, standing
on the high prow of the ship, he holds out his arms
toward the shore and clasps them again upon his
breast as if to embrace his country. The cannon
roar. The bells ring with all their might. The
cries of the people drown the murmur of the ocean.
Then the King points out to the crowd his niece,
the Duchess of Angoul6me, who has approached
him. At the sight of the saintly Princess, whose
woes are already legendary, enthusiasm reaches its
height. The holy woman, whose soul is ordinarily
straitened by sadness and chagrin, trembles. She
weeps, but it is with joy. Such a sentiment is so
unfamiliar to her that she sometimes asks herself if
she is not the sport of some enchanting dream from
which she will have a cruel awakening. So radiant
a day seems not to have been made for the daughter
of the martyr King and Queen, for the orphan of the
Temple, for the woman who has drained to the
THE END OF THE EXILE 307
dregs the cup of grief and bitterness. Near her
may be seen the Prince of Conde" and the Duke of
Bourbon, one of whom is the father and the other
the grandfather of the unfortunate Duke of Enghien.
From the shore come shouts of "There he is! 'Tis
he! the King! Long live the King! Long live
Madame ! Long live the Bourbons ! " The authori-
ties of Calais go on board the ship and offer their
homage to their sovereign. General Maison is the
first French general admitted to the honor of saluting
him. The ill-luck of the Bourbons will bring them
face to face with the same man, sixteen years later,
under very different circumstances. But what tri-
umpher dreams of future catastrophes ? When Louis
XVIII. lands on the jetty, leaning, as of old in the
icy plains of Lithuania, on the arm of the daughter
of Louis XVI., tears flow from every eye. Alas ! this
return to her country is but a halting-place on the
road of sorrow for the unhappy Princess. The exile
which ends at this moment is to begin anew eleven
months later.
INDEX
Alexander I., his sympathy for,
and aid to, Louis XVIII., 258;
at Mittau, 270; his indifference
to Louis XVIII., after Waterloo,
287; considers Bernadotte as a
possible ruler for France, 291.
Angouleme, Duchess of, the part
played by her, 5 ; character of,
contrasted with that of the Duch-
ess of Berry, 7, 38 ; her life-long
aversion to the scenes of her
early sufferings, 8; resembles
her father, 9 ; birth of, 12 ; relig-
ious advice of her father, 13;
vicissitudes of her life, 13 et seq.;
married to the Duke of Angou-
leme, 15 ; called the French Aii-
tigone, 16; her series of exiles,
19; death of her husband, 19;
her death, 20; her journal in
captivity, 49; her anxiety con-
cerning her mother, 57 ; rigorous
captivity of, 58 ; deprived of the
services of her attendant, 58 ; ex-
amination of, by members of the
Convention, 60; ignorant of her
mother's death, 04 ; consoled by
the presence and counsels of
Madame Elisabeth, 66 ; her trib-
ute to Madame Elisabeth, 76 ; in
solitary confinement, 78 ; visited
by Robespierre, 80; follows the
daily routine prescribed by her
aunt, 82 ; illness of, 83 ; her ac-
count of Ban-as' visit, 85; in
charge of Laurent, 86 et seq.
the rigors of her captivity ame
liorated, 88; not allowed to nurse
her brother, 96 ; in ignorance o
her brother's death, 105; the
severity of her captivity relaxed,
111 ; Madame de Chantereine as-
signed as her companion, 112,
127; learns of the death of her
relatives, 112 ; clothes and books
given her, 113; Hue and others
sing to her from an apart-
ment adjoining the Temple, 114 ;
visited by Madame de Tourzel
and her daughter, 116 et seq.;
relates to them details of her
captivity, 120 et seq.; her ap-
pearance, 121; her resolve to
marry the Duke of Angoul^me'
126; correspondence of, with
Louis XVIII., 130; has more
freedom and is again serenaded,
131; her appearance and de-
meanor, 133 ; hopes for a royalist
reaction, and is disappointed,
136 et seq.; interrogated with
regard to the movement in Paris,
141 ; ransom for, proposed by
the Vienna Cabinet, 142 et seq.;
negotiations successful, 148; re-
ceives the news of her deliver-
ance without enthusiasm, 149;
asks for her mother's things
and is refused, 150; her depart-
ure from the Temple, 154 et seq.;
the inscription made by her on
the walls of her apartment, 155;
her travelling companions and in-
cidents of her journey to Vienna,
157 et seq.; refuses to accept the
trousseau furnished by the Direc-
tory, 161, 166; delivered to the
Austrian authorities, 166; ar-
rives at Vienna, 168 ; is installed
in the imperial palace, 171; in-
309
310
PXDEX
terest felt in her, 171; Madame
de Soucy separated from her,
172 ; the prisoner of Austria, 174 ;
moral force of, 174 ; is the subject
of Austrian schemes, 176 et seq.;
offended by the proceedings of
the Austrian court, 179; goes to
join Louis XVIII. at Mittau, 182;
her opinion of the emigres, 192 ;
her sympathy for them, 199 ; her
knowledge of human nature, 200;
arrives at Mittau, 217; descrip-
tion of, by the Count of Saint-
Priest, 218; presented by Louis
XVIII. to his household, 219 et
seq.; her marriage to the Duke
of Angouleme, 223 et seq.; letter
of, to Paul I., 223; marriage
ceremony between, and the Duke
of Angouleme at Mittau, 227 ;
the marriage certificate, 228;
the signers of it, 229; presents to,
and from, 234; her miniature,
234; influence of her pure and
lofty character, 236; her appear-
ance at Mittau described by
Abbe' Georgel, 239; suffers from
the state of dependence she is in,
241 ; begs for two days' grace be-
fore leaving Mittau, 251; hard-
ships of her journey, 252, 257 ;
pledges her diamonds, 256; let-
ter of, to the Queen of Prussia,
257 ; joined by her husband at
Warsaw, 258; letter of, to the
Prince of Conde on the murder
of the Duke of Enghien, 262;
rejoices in her uncle's protest
against the Empire, 2(55 ; at home
in Warsaw, 268; goes to Mittau,
268 ; nurses the Abbe' Edgeworth,
who dies in her arms, 269; at
Hartwell, 273; her relations to
Louis XVIII., 278; appears at
the English court, 278: her life
at Hartwell, 280; her household
there, 280; enters London with
Louis XVIII., 300; returns to
France, 306.
Augouleme, Duke of, Ixmis XVI. 's
desire to marry Marie The'rese
to, 126; not allowed to come to
Vienna, 180; offends Peter I.
in the matter of the Order of
Malta, 212: description of, 221
et seq. ; leaves Mittau for Conde's
army, 241 ; letter of, to the Czar,
241 ; with the army at Poutaba,
242 ; rejoins his wife at Warsaw ,-
258; issues a proclamation to
Soult's army, 288; enters Bor-
deaux and takes possession in
the name of Louis XVIII., 296:
proclamation of, 297; asks Wel-
lington for men and money,
297.
Artois, Count of, unable to be pres-
ent at the marriage of Marie
The'rese, 225: letter of, to Louis
XVIII. on the subject, 226; his
declaration of adherence to the
cause of Louis XVIII., 2C6 ; often
at Hartwell, 280; decides 1..
leave England with his SODS,
289; lands in Holland, 288; au-
thorized to come to Nancy, 2!>2.
Austria, designs of, as to the mar-
riage of Marie The'rese, 164.
Auger, Count of, commander of
the guard provided for Louis
XVIII. by Paul I., 209.
Avaray, Count of, sent by Louis
XVIII. to conduct Marie The'rese
to Verona, 164; the favorite of
Louis XVIII. at Hartwell, 281:
death of, 283.
Barante, Baron of, describes the
court of Louis XVIII. at Mittau.
210, 214; criticises the instrii'1-
tions of Louis XVIII. to Saint-
Priest, 244.
Barras, arrests Robespierre, 84;
pays a visit to the Temple and
sees Marie The'rese, 85; made
guardian of the children of Louis
XVI., 86; his compassion for the
young Prince, 96.
INDEX
311
Barere accuses Robespierre of wish-
ing to marry Marie The'rese, 84.
Beauharnais, Eugene, spoken of as
a possible ruler for France, 291.
Benezech tries to make favor with
the Bourbons, 150 et seq. ; an-
nounces to the Princess the time
of her departure, 153 et seq.
Bernadotte, talked of as a possible
ruler for France, 287, 291.
Berry, Duchess of, the part played
by her, 5 ; character of, con-
trasted with that of the Duchess
of Angouleme, 7, 38; her roman-
tic disposition, • 10 ; birth and
aucestry of, 21 ; married to the
Duke of Berry, 21 ; her entry
into France, 22; death of her
infants, 23 ; her husband stabbed,
24; birth of her son, 25; her
popularity and fascination, 26;
her valor, 27; at Holyrood, 28;
returns to France, 29; in hiding,
29; arrested, 31; taken to the
citadel of Blaye, 33; her secret
marriage with Count Palli, 34 ;
her political career ended, 35;
loses her daughter and her hus-
band, 37 ; her death, 38.
Berry, Duke of, stabbed, 24; lands
on the island of Jersey, 289;
letter of, quoted by Chateau-
briand, 289.
Beresford, General, occupies Bor-
deaux, 295, 296.
BiTtin, M. Ernest, disproves the
claims of the pretenders to the
title of Louis XVII., 106.
Beurnouville. career of, 145.
Blacas, M. de, succeeds M. d'Ava-
ray, as the favorite of Louis
XVIII., 283; jealousy of, 283.
Blaye, citadel of, 33 et seq.
Bonaparte, see Napoleon.
Bordeaux, Louis XVIII. proclaimed
at, 295; deputation from, to
Louis XVIIL, 297 et seq.
Calmar, Louis XVIIL at, -JG6.
Caraman, M. de, banished by the
Czar from St. Petersburg, 250.
Chambord, Count of, attachment of
to the Duchess of Angouleme, 19.
Chantelauze, M., his book on Louis
XVII., 91: destroys the claims
of the pretenders to the name
of Louis XVIL, 10(5 et seq.
Chantereine, Madame de, assigned
by the Committee of Public
Safety as companion to Marie
The'rese, 111 ; her report to the
committee, 112 ; description of,
127.
Chateaubriand, his Buonaparte
and the Bourbons, 7; quoted,
8; his devotion to the Duchess
of Angouleme, 19; undertakes
to reconcile the Duchess of Berry
with Charles X., 34 ; on the mar-
riage of the Duchess of Angou-
leme, 232 ; quoted, 261.
Chauveau-Lagarde, defends Ma-
dame Elisabeth before the revo-
lutionary tribunal, 71.
Choisy, Mademoiselle de, chosen
by Marie The'rese as maid of
honor, 237.
Concerts in the Rotunda of the
Temple to Marie The'rese, 132.
Conde', Prince of, entertains Paul
I. at Chantilly in 1782, 206; at
Hart well, 280; letter of, to the
Duke of Berry, 281.
Conde, the army of, 193 ; licentious
and disorderly, 195 et seq. ; an-
nouncement of the marriage of
the Duchess of Angouleme to,
2:«; disbanded, 257.
Contades, Count of, remarks of, on
the conduct of the emir/re's, 193,
194.
Catherine the Great, her interest
in the French e'migr^s, 202; lias
little sympathy with Louia
XVIIL, 205.
Darboy, Mgr., on Madame Elisa-
beth, 54.
312
INDEX
Desault, Dr., emotion of, over
the wretched condition of Louis
XVII., 102; death of, 103.
Deutz betrays the Duchess of
Berry, 32.
Didier, M. Charles, interview of,
with the Dnchess of Angouleme,
20.
Doupanloup, Mgr., quoted, 4.
Drouet, one of the prisoners ex-
changed for Marie Therese, 144.
Dugnigny, Demoiselles, the Duch-
ess of Berry in hiding with,
20.
Dumas, President of the revolu-
tionary tribunal, his interroga-
tion of Madame Elisabeth, 70.
Edgeworth, Abbe, sent for by Ma-
rie The'rese, 219 ; death of, 269.
Elisabeth, Madame, the sole com-
panion of Marie The'rese in the
Temple, 52; her pure and ele-
vated character, 53 et seq. ; her
daily prayer in the Temple, 54 ;
her patience under her persecu-
tion, 59; her pious instructions
and consolations to Marie The-
rese, 66; examination of by
members of the Convention, (il ;
taken before the revolutionary
tribunal, 68 et seq. ; the act
of accusation against her, 69;
interrogated by Dumas, 70 ; con-
demned to death, 72; exhorts
p.nd encourages her companions
in the Conciergerie, 73; at the
scaffold, 75 ; her last words, 76.
JSmiyrts, their opinion of Napo-
leon, 6 ; their characteristics and
experiences, 192 et seq. ; at Co-
blentz, 195 ; with Conde', 195, 197 ;
their destitution, 198; the army
of, enters Russia in the service
of Paul I., 207.
Enghien, Duke of, sends his ad-
hesion to the cause of Louis
XVIII., 201 ; murder of, 262.
Eylau, battle of, 269.
Ferrand, M., his description of tho
examination of tho Princesses in
the Temple, 62.
Fersen, Count of, relates Marie
Antoinette's comment on the
emigration, 193.
Francis II. gives Marie Therese an
establishment in the imperial
palace, 171 ; his children, 171.
Frotte, Count of, ;ill.>,uv<l to h;ive
rescued Louis XVII., K>s.
Ge'ramb, Baron of, his description
of the Duchess of Angouleme,
278 et seq.
Genet, his description of Paul I.,
205.
Georgel, Abbe, comes to Mittau,
238 et seq. ; his description of
the court of Louis XVIII. there,
239.
Gomin, testimony of, to the con-
dition of Louis XVII., 101 ; paper
given to, by the Princess in re-
turn for his services, 162.
Gourbillon, Madame, accompanies
tho Queen Marie Josephine to
Mittau, 217; Louis XVIII. anx-
ious to get rid of her, 216.
Gustavus III. on the emigre's, 194.
Havre, Duke of, letter of, on the
ambitious plans of Austria with
regard to Marie Therese, 178.
Hartwell, the manor of, purchased
by Louis XVIII., 273; life at,
274.
Hautefort, Count of, his account
of the sale of the diamonds oi
the Duchess of AngoulC-me, 256.
Heliert, visit of, to the Temple, 58.
Hompesch, the Grand Master of
the Order of Malta, 211.
Hue, Fran9ois, arrest of, 64 ; sings
to the Princess fi'oin a room ad-
joining the Temple, 114 ; warned
to desist, 115; brings a letter
from Louis XVIII. to the Prin-
cess, 130 ; testifies to the increas-
INDEX
313
ing sympathy for the Princess,
151 ; permitted to rejoin the
Princess at Huningue, 159; al-
lowed to remain in Vienna, 173.
Jeanroi, Doctor, assures Madame
de Tourzel of the death of Louis
XVII., 129.
Kersabiec, Mademoiselle, in hid-
ing with the Duchess of Berry,
29 et seq.
Kolb, Adjutant, escorts Marie
Therese to the frontier of Swit-
zerland, 167.
Lafare, Mgr., letter of, to Louis
XVIII., ou Marie Therese, 180.
Lamartine, quoted with regard to
Louis XVIII. and the Duchess of
Angouleme, 277 ; quoted, 28G, 300,
303.
Lasne replaces Laurent in the care
of the children of Louis XVI., 101.
La Tour d'Auvergne, Countess of,
a member of the household of
the Duchess of Angouleme, 238.
Laurent, put in provisional charge
of the children of Louis XVI.,
86,97.
Lehon, Alfred, his I'Angleterre et
V Emigration Fran<;aise, quoted,
175.
Legitimists, their opinion of the
Empire, 7.
Louis XVII., imprisonment of, in
the Temple, 56 et seq.; inhuman
treatment of, by his jailor, Simon,
56, 122 ; description of his dun-
geon, 90; his condition, 91; in
solitary confinement, 92 ; barbar-
ous treatment of, 93 et seq.; his
wretched condition, 98; partial
alleviation of it, 101; Dr. Desault
in attendence upon him, 102 ; his
last sufferings and death, 104;
numerous claimants of his name
and title, 105 et seq.; no doubt
as to his death, 108.
Louis XVIII., letter of, to Madame
de Tourzel concerning the mar-
riage of Marie Therese, 125 ; sends
Count of Avaray to bring Marie
The'rese to Verona, 164, 181; his
ancestry and character, 183; his
wife, 183, 184, 187, 190; his flight
from France, 184; at Cobleutz,
185; declares himself Regent of
France, 185 ; at Verona, 186 ; his
counsellors, 187; at Reigel, 188;
wounded by a musket ball, 188;
treated like an outlaw, 189; at
Blankenburg, 190 ; arrives at Mit-
tau, the guest of Paul I., 202, 209
et seq. ; respectfully treated by
the Russian court, 211 ; his part in
the affair of the Grand Order of
Malta, 212; humiliated by his
position, 214 ; joined by his wife,
216 ; letter of, to Paul I. on the
marriage of Marie Therese, 224 ;
his letters to Paul I. on the mar-
riage of the Duke and Duchess
of Angouleme, 231; letter of, to
the Prince of Conde, 232; ad-
dresses a circular letter to his
diplomatic agents, 233; descrip-
tion of him by Abbe Georgel,
239; his pensions from Paul I.
and the King of Spain, 240 ; de-
ceives himself concerning a res-
toration, 243 et seq. ; his expec-
tations dashed by the battle of
Marengo, 245; expelled from
Russia, 249 et seq. ; sets out on
his journey, 252; travels as the
Count of Lille, 254; at Memel,
255; arrival of his body-guard,
255; at Warsaw, 257; declara-
tion of, in reply to Bonaparte's
proposal, 259 ; letter of, to Bona-
parte in 1800, 262; letter of, to
Charles IV., returning the Golden
Fleece, 264; his protest against
the Empire, 264 ; at Calmar, 266;
returns to Mittau, 268 ; letter of,
concerning the death of the Abb^
Edgeworth, 269; leaves Mittau
for Sweden, 271 ; goes to Eng-
811
1XDEX
land, 272; buys the manor of
Hart well, 273; keeps up the
semblance of royalty, 275 ; death
of his wife and her burial in
Westminster Abbey, 275 ; his
relations with the Duchess of
Angouleme, 278; letter of, to
Alexander I. in behalf of the
French prisoners in Russia, 285
et seq. ; convinced of his return
to France, 287; receives the
' homage of Bordeaux, 297 ; and
a deputation from the Borde-
lais, 298; response of, to the
letter of the mayor of Bordeaux,
299; his popularity in England,
300; enters London and is re-
ceived by the Prince Regent, 300
et seq. ; his reply to the Prince
Regent's address, 302 ; criticisms
of this speech, 303; decorates
the Prince, 304 ; sails for France,
SOS ; his arrival there, 307.
Louise of France, Princess, her
career, 39.
Lynch, M. de, mayor of Bordeaux,
sends agents to Wellington, 294,
295 ; letter of ,to Louis XVIII.,299.
Macartney, Lord, expresses the
sentiments of the French royal-
ists of Vienna for Austria, 176;
his letter describing Louis XVIII.,
186.
Mackau, Baroness of, permitted to
visit Marie Therese in the Tem-
ple, 124; writes to Louis XVIII.
concerning her, 125.
Malta taken by Bonaparte, 211 ;
given to the Czar by Bonaparte,
248 ; seized by the English, 249.
Malta, the Order of, schemes of
Paul I. with regard to, 211 et seq.
Maistre, Joseph de, his comment
on the treatment of the emigre's
by the Russians, 203.
Marengo, battle of, adjourns the
expectations of the court of
Mittau, 245.
Maret, one of the prisoner* ex-
changed for Marie Therese, 140.
Marie Antoinette, a study of her
character necessary to ;m under-
standing of the Revolution, 3; in
the Temple, 48 ; leaves it for the
Conciergerie, 49.
Marie .Josephine, 1&3, 187, 190:
joins Louis XVIII. at Mittau
21(5; death of, at Hart well, aud
burial in Westminster Abbey, -T.'i.
Marie Louise, the little, receives
much attention from Marie The-
rese, 171.
Marie The'rese, see Duchess of
Angouleme.
Marriage of the Duke of Angou-
leme and Marie Therese at Mit-
tau, 227 etse.q.
Michelet, quoted, 4.
Mittau, account of, 210; Louis
XVIII. at, IX) et seq.; the court
at, its personnel and support, 240.
Montmorency-Laval, Cardinal, per-
forms the marriage ceremony of
the Duke and Duchess of Angou-
leme, 227.
Napoleon, how regarded by the
tfouV/re's, 6; and by the legiti-
mists, 7 ; Chateaubriand's bro-
chure on him, 7; his debut
on the 13th Vendemiaire, 138:
gives Malta to the Czar, 248;
letter of, to Louis XVIII.
and the Bourbons, 276 : his court
like theirs, 277.
Narbonne, Countess of, at Hart-
well, 274.
Naundorff , pretender to the title of
Louis XVII., 106.
Orleans, deputation from, demand
the release of Marie Therese, 110.
Parma, Duke of, assassination of,
36; his marriage to Louise of
France, 41.
Paul I., enthusiastic for Louis
INDEX
XVIII. and the emigres, 205 ; his
character, 205; his reception at
Versailles in 1782, 206, 224 ; takes
Conde's army into his pay, 207 ;
gives Louis XVIII. a refuge at
Mittau, 209; his schemes con-
cerning the order of Malta, 211 ;
jealous of his guest, Louis XVIII. ,
2U; finds the court of Louis
XVIII. at Mittau a burden, 215;
signs the marriage certificate of
the Duke and Duchess of Angou-
leme, 232; becomes infatuated
with the First Consul, 246 ; cause
of his change of attitude towards
Louis XVIII., 247; becomes the
ally of Bonaparte, 249; assassi-
nation of, 258.
Pichegru, General, communicates
the proposal of the exchange of
Maria Therese to General Stein,
147.
Polastron, Madame de, beloved by
the Count of Artois, 280.
Prince Regent, address of, to Louis
XVIII., 302.
Puymaigre, Count of, his account
of the march of Conde's army to
Russia, 257 ; quoted, 257.
Richard, Madame, sends word of
Marie Antoinette to the Temple,
63.
Richmont, pretended son of Louis
XVI., 108.
Robespierre, visits Marie Therese
in the Tower, 80 ; overthrow of,
84, 86.
Remain, Count of, quoted, 168.
Sainte-Beuve, his description of the
journal of Marie The'rese, 49.
Saint-Priest, Count of, sent by
Louis XVIII. to Vienna with in-
structions to ask for a recogni-
tion, 243.
Serent, Madame de, with the Duch-
ess of Angouleme at Mittau, 237.
Simon, the Cobbler, the jailor of
Louis XVII., 56; gives up his
position, 92.
Soucy, Madame de, accompanies
Marie Therese to Vienna, 152;
separated from her, 172.
Sorel, Albert, his I'Europe ct la
Revolution fran<;aise, quoted, 203
et seq.
Stein, General, 147.
Temple, the, its associations and a
description of, 45 et seq.; the
apartments of the royal family
in, 47.
Thiers, pays too little attention to
Josephine in his history, 3; his
bargain with Deutz, 32.
Thugut, Baron, hostile to the Emi-
gres, 177 ; his ambitious schemes
for Austria with regard to Marie
Therese, 178.
Tison, the attendant of the Prin-
cesses in the Temple, removed, 59.
Tourzel, Duchess of, her visit to
Marie Therese, 81 ; extract from
her journal, 88 ; extract from her
Memoirs relating to Louis XVII.,
101 ; visits the Princess, 116 ; her
relations to the royal family, 117 ;
her loyalty to them, 118 ; obtains
permission to visit the Princess
regularly, 119, 124; her descrip-
tion of Madame Chantereine, 127 ;
shows Dr. Jeanroi a portrait of
the Prince and is assured of
his death, 129; brings about a
correspondence between Louis
XVIII. and the Princess, 130;
forbidden to visit the Temple,
141; not allowed to accompany
Marie The'rese to Vienna, 150.
Tressau, Abbe de, his description
of the reception of Marie Th6-
rese at Mittau, 209 et seq.
Treilhard, advocates in the Conven-
tion the exchange of Marie Th6-
rese, 142.
Turgy, carries news of Marie An-
toinette to the Princesses, 63.
316
INDEX
Viel-Castel, M. de, his History of
the Restoration quoted, 284 ;
condemns the speech of Louis
XVIII., in reply to the Prince
Regent, 303.
Vitrolles, M. de, interviews of,
with Metternich and the Czar,
291, 292; memoirs of, quoted
with regard to Bonaparte and
the Bourbons, 276; describes
Louis XVIII. 's relations to his
court at Hartwell, 281 ; hears of
the Count of Artois' arrival in
France, 290.
Warin, Regnault, his romance of
the pretended Louis XVII.s.
106.
Warsaw, Louis XVIII. at, 257 ; the
Duchess of Angouleme at home
in, 268.
Wansted House, declaration dated
at, from the Count of Artois, the
Duke of Berry, and others,
260.
Wellington, Lord, has little sym-
pathy with the Bourbons, 294;
approached by the mayor of
Bordeaux, 294; decides to occupy
that city, 295 ; refuses to aid the
Bourbon cause, 298.
Woman, the influence of, too much
neglected in history, 3.
Typography by J. S. Gushing & Co., Boston.
Presswork by Berwick & Smith, Boston.
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