Skip to main content

Full text of "Zeitschrift für celtische Philologie"

See other formats 


.  \  -Vi'.  '  ,    »    «  .     i'  *■>.        j.  -.«     '        j  ^ 


.4  4-   "?')•,''    -^J 


ZEITSCHRIFT 

FÜR 

f.CELTISCHE  PHILOLOGIE 

1 


\j  n  d  V*  c  \  ^\  :^  1 6x ^^  ün  /: 


HERAUSaEaEBEN 


VON 


KUNO  MEYER    und    L.  CHR.  STERN 


IV.    BAND 


HALLE  A.  S. 

MAX   NIEMEYER 
1903 

LONDON,    DAVID    NUTT,    57  —  59   LONG   ACRE. 


585345^ 


INHALT. 


Seite 

E.  Zupitza,  Kelten  und  Gallier 1 

M.  Olsen,   Über   eine   in  Steiermark   gefundene   gallische  Inschrift  in 

nordetruskischem  Alphabet 23 

K.Meyer,  Mitteilungen  aus  irischen  Handschriften  (Forfsef^wn^)  31.  234.  467 

J.  Strachan,  On  the  language  of  the  Milan  glosses 48 

Chr.  Sarauw,  Remarks  on  the  verbal  System  of  the  modern  Irish   .     .  72 

G.  Henderson,  The  Gaelic  dialects 87.244.493 

J.  Loth,  Remarques  au  Glossarial  index  des  Irische  Texte  lY.  1    .    .    .  104 

J.  Morris  Jones,  Welsh  versification 106 

L,  Chr.  Stern,  Fled  Bricrend  nach  dem  Codex  Vossianus 143 

L.  Chr.  Stern,  Bemerkungen  zu  den  Berner  Glossen 178 

R.  Thurneysen,   Zu  irischen  Texten.     1.  Die  Überlieferung  der  Fled 

Bricrenn.    2.  Zum  Gedicht  von  St.  Paul  11 193 

H.  Gaidoz,  Une  version  galloise  de  l'enseignement  par  les  cartes,  mit 

Anhang  von  L.  Chr.  Stern 208 

Wh.  S 1 0  k  e  s ,  On  the  Copenhageu  fragments  of  the  Brehon  laAvs  .    .     .  221 

K.Meyer,  Eine  altirische  Homilie 241 

R.  Henebry,  Betha  Coluimb  Cille  (Continuation) 276 

A.  Anscombe,  Dr.  MacCarthy's  Lunar  computations 332 

T.  O.Russell,  Where  was  the  Dun  of  Finn  mac  Cumhaill?  ....  339 
K.Meyer,  Miscellen.     1.  Lateinisch  a  in  irischen  Lehnwörtern.    2.  Der 

Name  Tnugdalus 345 

F.  N.  Robinson,  Two  fragments  of  au  Irish  romance  of  the  Holy  Grail  381 

R.A.Stewart  Macalister,  The  vision  of  Merlino 394 

H.  d'Arbois  de  Jubainville,  La  mort  violente  de  Fergus  Mac  Lete  456 

A.  Anscombe,  Ortnesta 462 

V.  H.  Friedel,  Origine  de  l'embleme  de  l'ile  de  Man 464 

J.  Strachan,  On  the  language  of  the  St.  Gall  glosses 470 

H.  Gaidoz,  La  pretendue  particule  verbale  a 525 

H.Williams,  Heinrich  Zimmer  on  the  history  of  the  Celtic  church     .  527 


IV 

Seite 

Erschienene  Schriften 

H.  D'Arbois  de  Jubainville  575.  582,  R.  Atkinson  3-i7,  Bleuniou 
Breiz-Izel  580,  A.  L.  C.  Brown  581,  S.  Bugge  190,  Celtia  I.  192, 
G.  Dottin  190,  E.  Ernault  378.  580,  Gaelic  Society  of  Inveruess 
XXII.  190,  H.  Gaidoz  188.  378.  581,  Ed.  Halter  581,  H.  Krabbo  583, 
J.Leite  de  Vasconcellos  192,  J.  Loth  190.  580,  F.Lot  191,  G. 
H.  Maynadier  187,  Melanges  offerts  ä  M.  A.  Meillet  57G,  Melusine 
I— X,  379,  Otia  Merseiana  IL  189,  IIL  579,  K.Meyer  377.  579, 
Wim.  Meyer  191,  F.  N.  Eobinson  582,  T.  0.  Bussel  188,  Wh.  Stokes 
377.  580,  Thesaurus  Palaeohibernicus  I.  187,  R.  Thurneysen  189, 
J.  Veudryes  576,   H.  Zimmer  189.  192.  527. 


KELTEN  UND  GALLIER. 


Die  'Keltenfrage'  erfreut  sicli  von  jeher  des  Rufes  ganz 
besonderer  Schwierigkeit.  Es  hat  sich  im  Laufe  der  Zeit  das 
gläubig  hingenommene  Dogma  herausgebildet,  dass  auf  keltischem 
Gebiet  die  Schwierigkeiten,  die  jeder  Urgeschichtsforschung  nun 
einmal  eigen  sind,  potenziert  und  durch  anderwärts  unbekannte 
vermehrt  auftreten.  Li  gewissem  Sinne  ist  das  auch  zutreffend. 
Allein  die  Momente,  die  die  Erkenntnis  erschweren,  sind  grössten- 
teils nicht  organisch,  nicht  in  der  Natur  des  Forschungsobjektes 
begründet,  sondern  sind  erst  hineingetragen  worden.  Die  Tra- 
dition der  Meinungen,  um  einen  Ausdruck  Virchows  zu  gebrauchen, 
hat  hier  mehr  als  irgendwo  anders  dazu  beigetragen,  die  That- 
sachen  zu  verdunkeln.  Das  hängt  wieder  damit  zusammen,  dass 
alles,  w^as  mit  wirklichen  oder  vermeintlichen  Kelten  zu  thun 
hat,  eine  ganz  eigentümliche  Anziehungskraft  auf  Dilettanten 
und  Unberufene  aller  Schattierungen  ausgeübt  hat  und  noch  aus- 
übt. Die  Rückwirkung  auf  die  ernst  zu  nehmenden  Forscher  ist 
nicht  ausgeblieben.  Die  Frage  war  zeitweise  derartig  verrufen, 
dass  die  Keltomanie  in  Keltophobie  umschlug;  eine  nüchterne 
Auffassung  schien  unmöglich.  Das  ist  nun  freilich  alles  viel 
besser  geworden.  Die  Erforschung  der  keltischen  Sprachen  und 
die  sachgemässe  Behandlung  der  Angaben  der  antiken  Schrift- 
steller über  die  Kelten  haben  die  Gemüter  wesentlich  beruhigt 
und  das  Chaos  der  widerstreitenden  Ansichten  gelichtet.  Man 
hat  erkannt,  dass  die  'Keltenfrage'  im  Grunde  keine  andern 
Schwierigkeiten  aufweist  als  die  'Germanenfrage'  oder  die 
'Griechenfrage'.  Aber  noch  schleppt  man  sich  mit  mancher 
überkommenen   Lehre,    die    vor    einer   strengeren   Kritik   nicht 

Zeitschrift  f.  oelt.  Philologie  IV,  1 


2  E.  ZtrPITZA, 

bestellen  kann,  mülisam  herum  oder  glaubt  gar  an  ihr  einen 
Schatz  zu  besitzen.  Ein  derartiger  Besitz  von  zweifelhaftem 
Werte  scheint  mir  die  von  Alexandre  Bertrand  (Revue  archeo- 
logique  I,  1  ff.,  Archeologie  celtique  et  gauloise^  415)  in  die  Welt 
gesetzte  Lehre,  dass  zwischen  'Kelten'  und  'Galliern'  ein  tief- 
greifender Unterschied  bestanden  habe.  Sie  soll  mit  ihren  Kon- 
sequenzen geprüft  werden.') 

Hekataeus  von  Milet  eröffnet  den  Reigen  der  griechischen 
Autoren,  die  uns  von  den  KsXrol  und  der  Kilrixi)  berichten.  Er 
nennt  MaöOaXia  eine  jtuXig  xfjq  AiyvöTLxriq  y.axa  xi]V  KiXrixriv 
(fragm.  bist,  graec.  I,  s.  2,  fragm.  22).  Laut  Stephanus  von  Bj'zanz 
macht  er  ferner  eine  jiöIk;  KtlriTci]  NvQa§,  namhaft,  die  mit 
Ed.  ]\re3'er  vermutlich  in  Spanien  gesucht  werden  muss.  Etwas 
später  kennt  Herodot  die  KtXrol  an  den  Pyrenäen.  Die  bekannte 
Stelle  II,  33  lautet:  Iotqoq  ts  yag  jcoraftoc,  aQ$,ccfitPoq  ex  KeXtcöv 
xal  IJvQrjV7]q  JioXiog,  qesi  fitOt]V  Oxi^tov  Tt)v  EvQcojrtp'.  oi  öh 
KiXxol  döL  E^co'IlQay.XEimv  Oxi^Ximv,  öfiovQEOVOi  6e  Kvi'rjoloioi  etc. 
(die  zweite  Stelle  IV,  49,  vgl.  auch  Aristoteles  meteorol.  1,  13, 
p,  350  b  2).  Es  war,  nebenbei  bemerkt,  AI.  Bertrand  vorbehalten, 
aus  dieser  Stelle  herauszulesen,  dass  die  Kelten  damals  in  der 
Gegend  der  wirklichen  Donauquelle,  also  im  südwestlichen  Winkel 
Deutschlands,  sassen  (Les  Geltes  dans  les  vallees  du  Po  et  du 
Danube  12).  Im  Anfang  des  vierten  Jahrhundeits  machten  die 
Römer  unliebsame  Bekanntschaft  mit  keltischen-)  Scharen,  die 


^)  Selbstverstäudlich  haben  sicli  viele  Gelehrte  vou  B.'s  Hypothese  niemals 
blenden  lassen.  Da  diese  aber  entweder  eine  vornehme  Ziirückhaltnng-  be- 
obachteten oder,  wie  z.  B.  d'Arbois  de  Jnbainville,  auf  die  Argumente  der 
Gegner  nicht  genügend  eingingen,  oder  Avie  Lefevre  (Bulletins  de  la  soc. 
d'anthropologie  de  Paris  VI,  330  ff.)  und  Mortillet  (Formation  de  la  nation 
franf;aise  bes.  92  ff.)  Wahres  und  Falsches  durcheinander  mischten,  musste  die 
L'rlehre  viele  Opfer  unter  denen  fordern,  die  an  den  Urgeschichtsproblemen 
gleichfalls  arbeiten,  aber  den  historischen  und  linguistischen  Dingen  ferner 
stehen.  Die  gemeinsame  Arbeit  der  Historiker,  Linguisten,  Prähistoriker  und 
Anthropologen  kann  sich  aber  nur  dann  gedeihlich  gestalten,  wenn  ein 
wirklicher  Austausch  stattündet.  Für  dieses  grössere  Publikum,  an  das  sich 
B.'s  Arbeiten  av enden,  ist  auch  diese  ihre  Kritik  bestimmt.  Ohne  AVert  ist 
eine  deutsche  Monographie  über  die  Kelten,  die  1891  in  der  Festschr.  z. 
5üjähr.  Jub.  d.  Ver.  d.  Altertumsf.  im  Rheinl.  S.  G2  ff.  erschienen  ist  und 
H.  Schaaffhausen  zum  Verfasser  hat. 

^)  Im  Hinblick  auf  die  Vieldeutigkeit  des  Wortes  'Kelte',  über  die 
seinerzeit  Broca  herzbewegliche  Klage  geführt  hat  (Revue  d'anthropologie  11), 
bemerke  ich,  dass  für  mich  ein  'Kelte'  schlechthin  der  Träger  eines  durch 


KELTEN   UND    GALLIEK.  3 

sich  Über  Italien  ergossen,  um  nach  Eroberung-  Roms  das  Land 
nördlich  des  Apennin  mit  Beschlag  zu  belegen.  Es  Avaren  formae 
homhimn  invisitatae  (Livius  Y,  35).  Die  Römer  nannten  sie  Gdlli. 
Dies  ist  für  alle  Zeiten  die  spezifisch  römische  Bezeichnung  für 
alle  festländischen  Kelten  mit  Ausnahme  der  Beigen  geblieben. 
Niemals  werden  die  britannischen  Kelten  Galli  genannt,  obwolil 
ihre  enge  Verwandtschaft  mit  den  Galli  nicht  verkannt  wird. 
Etwa  ein  Jahrhundert  nach  der  Schlacht  an  der  Allia  und  dem 
Falle  Roms  tauchten  die  Kelten  in  der  griechischen  Kultur- 
sphäre auf.')  Die  Griechen,  die  bis  dahin  nur  den  Namen 
KeXroi  gekannt  hatten  (die  keltischen  [oberitalischen]  Söldner 
der  Syrakusaner  werden  von  Plato,  die  uorditalischen  Galli  von 
Ephoros  KsXvoi  genannt),  bezeichneten  die  kriegerischen  Scharen, 
die  bis  Delphi  vordrangen,  als  FaXärai  (vgl.  zu  diesen  Balkan- 
kelten und  ihren  Zügen  Garofalo,  Revue  des  etudes  grecques 
Xni,  450  ff.).  In  der  Folge  blieb  dieser  Name  an  den  im  Balkan 
und  weiter  östlich  sitzenden  Kelten  haften.  Das  ältere  Kü.roi 
diente  weiter  teils  als  Gesamtname,  unter  den  auch  die  Germanen 
fielen,  teils  im  engern  Sinne  als  Bezeichnung  der  italischen, 
spanischen,  französischen  Kelten.  Griechen,  die  über  römische 
Geschichte  schrieben,  passten  sich  jedoch  bis  zu  einem  gewissen 
Grade  dem  römischen  Sprachgebrauch  an  und  nannten  die 
italischen  etc.  Kelten  FaXärai,  weil  eben  die  Römer  Galli 
sagten  und  beide  Wörter  {Galli  und  raXärcu)  offenbar  für 
identisch  galten.  Durch  Caesar  wurde  schliesslich  das  alte 
griechische  KeXroi  ge Wissermassen  neu  entdeckt,  allerdings  in 
etwas  abweichender  Form,  als  Celtae.  Die  Celtae  sind  nach  ihm 
die  Bewohner  des  Landes  zwischen  Garumna  und  Sequana.  Dies 
in  grossen  Zügen  der  Thatbestand.  Welchen  Anteil  haben  an 
dieser  Buntheit  einerseits  der  griechische  und  römische  Sprach- 
gebrauch, andererseits  etwaige  keltische  Stammes  Verschieden- 
heiten? 

AI.  Bertrand  glaubt  nachweisen  zu  können,  dass  KeXxol  und 
FaXcaaL  bei  Polybius  zwei  völlig  verschiedene  Völker  sind.    Unter 


lautliche  etc.  Eigentümlichkeiten  (Schwund  vou^j,  5>I)  scharf  charakterisierten 
idg.  Idioms  ist. 

')  Natürlich  hatten  schon  vorher  Berührungen  stattgefunden.  Diodor 
nennt  XVII,  113,  12  unter  den  Völkern,  die  (Gesandte  an  Alexander  in  Babylon 
schickten,  auch  die  riO.äxta  (Arrian:  Kelxoi),  wv  xöre  tcqüjzov  x6  yirog 
iyva>o&)j  nuQu  xoli"E).).y]aiv. 

1* 


4  E.  ZtrPITZA, 

lüXroi  soll  Polybius  die  Ureinwohner  des  südlichen  Frankreichs 
und  des  nördlichen  Italiens  verstehen,  unter  FaXurai  dagegen 
die  kriegerischen  Scharen,  die  Eom  eroberten.  Eine  solche 
reinliche  Scheidung  besteht  in  Wirklichkeit  nicht.  Häufig  genug 
wechseln  bei  Polybius  die  Namen  KsXxol  und  FaXarai  in  einer 
Weise,  dass  man  sieht,  sie  sind  für  ihn  gleichwertig.  Die 
FaXcaai,  die  laut  IT,  16,  2  Eom  mit  Ausnahme  des  Kapitols  er- 
oberten, heissen  II,  18,  6  KtXtoi,  aber  8  wieder  raXdrai.  Die 
keltischen  Völkerschaften  Oberitaliens  (also  die  ajioX£ig)d-tvT£g 
rr^g  öxQaxt'iaq,  wie  sie  bei  Scylax  peripl.  18  genannt  werden) 
heissen  bald  KtXxol,  bald  FaXäxai,  die  Faiöaxai  FaXäxai,  die 
unter  ihren  Königen  KoyxoXixdvog  und  'AvtjQotöxoa  aus  dem 
Ehonethal  den  italischen  Stammesgenosseu  i)  zu  Hilfe  kamen, 
II,  22,  8  KtXxo'i,  die  vereinigten  Gaisaten,  Boier  und  Insubrer 
heissen  in  den  folgenden  Kapiteln  überwiegend  EeXxoi,  doch 
auch  FaXdxai  (26,  4).  In  K.  von  Beckers  im  übrigen  ganz  ver- 
fehlter Schrift  'Versuch  einer  Lösung  der  Celtenfrage'  wird 
S.  16,  17  der  nicht  unebne  Gedanke  ausgesprochen,  dass  Pol.  nur 
da  FaXdxai,  gebraucht,  wo  er  aus  einer  römischen  Quelle  schöpft 
(ebenso  Holder,  Altcelt.  Sprachschatz  I,  892).  Die  Frage  gehört 
vor  das  Forum  der  Quellenforschung  (vgl.  bisher  über  die  Quellen 
der  Polybianischen  Darstellung  der  gallischen  Kriege  Niese, 
Hermes  XIII,  410ff.,  Nitzsch,  Die  römische  Annalistik  271  ff.), 
vorläufig  scheint  es  mir  jedoch  wahrscheinlicher,  dass  dem 
Historiker  beide  Namen  gleich  geläufig  waren,  und  er  je  nach 
Laune  bald  diesen,  bald  jenen  bevorzugte.  2)  Verhängnisvoll  für 
die  Folgezeit  ist  vor  allem  Bertrands  Auffassung  von  Pol.  II, 
15,  1  ff,  und  17,  9  ff.  geworden.  Aus  beiden  Stellen  liest  B.  einen 
schroffen  Gegensatz  zwischen  friedlichen,  hochkultivierten  Kelten 
und  kriegerischen  Galatern  heraus  (Bertrand  et  Eeinach,  Les 
Geltes  dans  les  vallees  du  Po  et  du  Danube  S.  29).  15,  1  ff. 
entwirft  P.  eine  begeisterte  Schilderung  der  gesegneten  Poebeue 
und  des  trefflichen  Menschenschlages,  der  sie  bewohnt.  Er  hat 
die  Verhältnisse  seiner  Zeit  im  Auge.  An  der  späteren  Stelle 
hingegen  beschreibt  er  die  Vorfahren  der  oberitalischen  Kelten 

*)  n,  15,  8  werden  die  ralüna  Tfjuvou'/.nlvoi  im  Ehouethal  uamliaft 
gemaclit,  9  heisst  es  dann:  T^uvaulTüvoi  ye  ,u)jy  ov  6ia  ri/r  zoü  yiyovg,  cd?M 
äitc  rT/r  top  zönov  dtcapofjca'  niJOoayoijevovTaL. 

2)  Auch  andere  griechische  Schriftsteller  gebrauchen  KO.xoi  und  raXüxai 
promiscue. 


KELTEN   UND    GALLIER.  5 

des  zweiten  Jahrhunderts,  die  streitbaren  Gesellen  also,  die  den 
Römern  zweihundert  Jahre  früher  den  gallischen  Schrecken  ein- 
gejagt hatten.  Bei  denen  sah  es  freilich  noch  anders  aus:  coxovv 
ds  xara  xcöfiaq  amiiörovq,  rtjg  Xoijttjq  xnTaöxsvrji;  ufioiQOi 
xa&EöTonsg.  dia  yag  ro  arißadoxotretp  xal  xQ£ag)ayHV,  tri  öe 
(jTjdsv  aXlo  TiXrjV  xa  TtoXiiuxä  xa\  xa  xaxa  yeojQylav  aöxüv 
ajckoig  ib/ijav  xovc  ßiovg,  ovx  sjnoxyiojq  aXXjjg  ovxe  xt/vrjg  jrap'- 
avxotg  xö  jrcQajtav  yircoöxofdvtjg.  vjcag^ig  ye  fiijv  txaoxoig  7)v 
dQi[i[iaxa  xai  ;f()v(Toc  öia  xö  fioi'a  xavxa  xaxa  xag  JtiQiOxäöEig 
Qadicog  övracd-ai  ütavxayri  jteQiayayetv  xal  [iBd^iöxäi'ai  xaxa  xag 
avrmv  TrQoaiQeosig.  Wenn  wir  auch  an  beiden  Stellen  jedes 
Wort  für  buchstäblich  wahr  halten,  kann  der  Abstand  zwischen 
einst  und  jetzt,  wie  ihn  Pol.  darlegt,  keinen  Unbefangenen  be- 
fremden. Zwei  Jahrhunderte  sind  an  den  bildungsfähigen  Kelten 
natürlich  nicht  spurlos  vorübergegangen.  Tüchtige  Krieger  waren 
sie  immer  noch,  aber  sie  überliessen  es  den  Gaisaten,  nach  der 
Väter  Sitte  nackt  in  der  vordersten  Reihe  zu  kämpfen  (II,  23,  8), 
was  diesen  übel  bekam.  Bertrand  hält  es  für  unmöglich,  dass 
an  beiden  Stellen  dasselbe  Volk  gemeint  sei:  es  hat  nach  ihm 
in  Italien  friedliche  Kelten  gegeben,  lange  bevor  die  Galater 
einbrachen,  Polybius  weiss  davon  nichts,  ebensowenig  ein  anderer 
Schriftsteller  des  Altertums.  Eine  ganz  andere  Frage  ist  es, 
wann  und  in  welcher  Form  die  keltische  Invasion  in  Italien 
erfolgt  ist.  Bekanntlich  giebt  es  über  die  Zeit  des  Einbruches 
eine  zwiefache  Überlieferung,  die  meisten  Gelehrten  haben  sich 
für  das  spätere  Datum  (ca,  400)  entschieden,  doch  findet  auch 
das  frühere  (ca.  600)  noch  Verteidiger  (zuletzt  M.  A.  Pernice,  Sui 
Celti  e  la  loro  immigrazione  in  Italia,  vgl.  dazu  Revue  Celtique 
XX,  576  ff.).  Es  scheint  mir  ausgemacht,  dass  die  grosse  Ex- 
pansion der  norditalischen  Keltenstämme,  die  die  Macht  der 
Etrusker  brach  und  Rom  erschütterte,  in  die  Wende  des  fünften 
Jahrhunderts  fiel.  Zu  dieser  Zeit  mögen  wirklich  die  meisten 
erst  die  Alpen  überschritten  haben.  Es  ist  aber  nicht  einzusehen, 
warum  nicht  schon  viel  früher  vereinzelte  Scharen,  kleinere 
Haufen,  sich  fast  unbemerkt  in  der  Poebene,  deren  Zustand 
damals  natürlich  ein  wesentlich  anderer  war  als  einige  Jahr- 
hunderte später,  eingefunden  haben  sollen.  Man  neigt  dazu,  sich 
grosse  Völkerverschiebungen  als  einmalige  Züge  vorzustellen, 
während  sie  doch  viel  häufiger  durch  Summierung  vieler  kleiner 
Bewegungen  zu  Stande  gekommen  sind;  äusserst  lehrreich  sind 


6  E.  ZUPITZA, 

die  Ausführungen  Ratzeis  (Ber.  sächs.  Gesellsch.  d.  W.,  phil.-hist. 
Kl.  1898,  Iff.))  fler  diese  Dinge  mit  dem  weltweiten  Blick  des 
Anthropogeographen  ansieht.  Die  Sage  weiss  zu  berichten,  dass 
ein  Helvetier  Helico,  der  in  Rom  das  Sclimiedehandwerk  aus- 
geübt habe,  mit  Proben  italischer  Bodenerzeugnisse  in  die  Heimat 
zurückgekehrt  sei.  Das  habe  den  Anstoss  zum  Einbruch  gegeben. 
Der  Sagenform  entkleidet  hat  die  Erzählung  ihren  guten  Sinn. 
Auch  anderen  antiken  Schriftstellern  entnehmen  Bertrand 
und  seine  Gesinnungsgenossen  ihre  Beweise.  Diodor  sagt  an  der 
bekannten  Stelle  V,  32 ,  1 :  XQ?]Oifiov  d'  sörl  öioQiöai  ro  xaQo. 
jiolXolq  ayvoovfiei'ov,  rovg  jag  v:!reQ  MaOöaXiaq  Tcaroixovi'tag 
tv  TOT  [itöoya'icf)  xcd  roic,  Tiaga  raq  "4Xj(e(Q,  eri  ös  rovg  sjil  rccöe 
Tcöv  nvQ7]vaicov  oQcöv  KsXxovq  6vo{iäC,ovOi,  rovg  d'  vJihg  xavri]g 
TTJg  KsXzixrjg  sig  ra  jcQog  agxroi'  (Text  roTOv)  revovra  [itgi}  jiaQÖ. 
TE  xov  ^S2,xiav6v  xal  ro  Eqxvvlov  ogog  xad-iögvfisrovg  xal  Jtävrag 
rovg  s$.7Jg  (^£XQ^  ^^?  Sxvd^lag  FaXärag  jtgoOayogsvovöLV.  Also 
nördlich  von  den  KeXrol  und  den  KsXxixi)  wohnen  die  FaXärai 
am  Ocean  und  am  hercynischen  Gebirge  bis  zu  den  Skythen 
(Slaven)  hin.  Hier  hat  einmal  Holtzmann  recht  gehabt,  wenn 
er  unter  FaXarai  die  Germanen  verstanden  wissen  wollte.  Nur 
auf  diese  passt  die  Angabe  über  die  Ausdehnung  der  FaXarai. 
Germanen  und  Gallier  warf  man  ja  in  älterer  Zeit  durcheinander. 
Die  populäre  römische  Auffassung,  der  die  bekannte  Stelle  des 
Strabo  VII,  1,  2  Ausdruck  verleiht,  sah  in  den  Germani  'germani 
GalW  (vgl,  auch  0.  Hirschfeld  im  Festgr.  f.  H.  Kiepert).  Zur 
Zeit  Diodors  war  dieser  Irrtum  von  den  gut  Unterrichteten  über- 
wunden, aber  er  klingt  bei  ihm  eben  in  dem  Gebrauche  des 
Wortes  FaXärai  nach.  An  der  Stelle  V,  32  tritt  somit  die  Er- 
kenntnis von  der  Verschiedenheit  der  Germanen  und  Kelten  in 
ganz  eigenartiger,  archaistischer  Verkleidung  auf,  etwas  anderes 
darf  in  ihr  nicht  gesucht  werden.  XXV,  13  berichtet  derselbe 
Diodor  zum  Jahre  225:  KeXzat  6s  fiEra.  FaXaxcöv  xaxa  ^Pcofxaicov 
jiöXi^ov  äd^goioavxeg  övvrj^av  Xaov  [ivgiaöag.  Es  handelt  sich 
um  den  Krieg,  den  die  norditalischen  Kelten  im  Bunde  mit  trans- 
alpinen Stammesgenossen,  den  Gaisaten,  gegen  die  Römer  führten. 
Es  sind  mehrere  Auffassungen  möglich.  Der  Grieche  konnte  die 
transalpinen  Kelten  mit  denen  des  Balkans  verknüpfen  und  dem- 
gemäss  FaXüxca  nennen,  während  er  den  ihm  ferner  stehenden 
italischen  Kelten  den  älteren,  gewissermassen  unpersönlicheren 
Namen    beliess.     Oder   aber   die   FaXäxaL  sind   auch   hier   mit 


KELTEN   UND   GALLIER.  7 

Germanen  zu  übersetzen.  Bekanntlich  erscheinen  die  unzweifel- 
haft in  der  Hauptsache  keltischen  Gaisaten  in  den  kapitolinischen 
Fasten  vom  Jahre  222  als  Gennani  (0.  Hirschfeld,  Hermes  IX,  98, 
XI,  161,  Mommsen  RG.^  I,  555  Anm.,  Kossinna  PBB.  XX,  273  ff.). 
Dort  sind  sie  deutlich  durch  spätere  historische  Spekulation 
hineingekommen.  Vielleicht  ist  auch  Diodor  von  dieser  Ansicht 
beeinflusst.  Darüber  müssen  die  Historiker  füglich  das  letzte 
Wort  sprechen.  Zu  beachten  ist  übrigens  noch,  dass  Diodor  an 
der  zuletzt  angezogenen  Stelle  die  Form  KsXxaL  =  lat.  Celtae 
verwendet. 

Sehr  häufig  ist  ein  Dialog  des  Sulpicius  Severus  in  der 
Keltenfrage  verwertet  worden,  von  Bertrand  Archeologie-  416, 
Penka  Origines  Ariacae  106,  Ehys  Transactions  Phil.  Soc.  1891 
—1893,  S.  116,  Rhind  Lectures  on  Archaeology  S.  7,  um  nur 
einige  der  neueren  anzuführen.  Bei  Sulpicius  Severus  I,  26  sagt 
ein  Gallier  zu  einem  fein  gebildeten  Aquitanier:  Secl  cum  cogito 
me  hominem  Galliim  inter  Aqiiitanos  verha  fadurum,  vereor  ne 
offendat  vestras  nimnim  tirhanas  mir  es  sermo  rusticior.  Der 
Aquitanier  Postumianus  antwortet  darauf:  Tu  vero  vel  CcUice 
mit  si  nmvis  Gallice  loquere,  dum  modo  Mmiinum  loquaris.  Von 
einem  Gegensatz  zwischen  Keltisch  und  Gallisch  ist  nicht  die 
Rede.  Postumianus  sagt,  um  seine  Worte  etwas  zu  paraphrasieren, 
folgendes:  Vor  deinem  schlechten  Latein  fürchte  ich  mich  ganz 
und  gar  nicht.  Ich  will  dir  im  Gegenteil  noch  eine  weitere 
Konzession  machen.  Sprich  meinetwegen  keltisch  oder  gallisch, 
falls  du  diese  Bezeichnung  vorziehst;  die  Hauptsache  ist,  dass 
du  von  Martinus  sprichst.  Keltisch  und  gallisch  sind  gleich- 
wertig, etwa  wie  czechisch  und  böhmisch,  wälsch  und  kymrisch 
u.  dergl.  Diese  Deutung  der  Stelle,  die  allen  Hypothesen  den 
Boden  entzieht,  findet  sich  schon  bei  Windisch  in  Gröbers  Grdr. 
d.  rom.  Phil.  I,  297  f. 

Rhys  hielt  sich  besonders  an  den  vermeintlichen  Gegensatz 
zwischen  keltischer  und  gallischer  Sprache  und  beutete  ihn  auf 
seine  Weise  aus.  Die  keltischen  Sprachen  teilen  sich  bekanntlich 
in  der  Behandlung  der  idg.  labiovelaren  Tenuis  in  zwei  Gruppen. 
Die  eine,  ihr  Hauptrepräsentant  ist  das  Irische,  hat  idg.  Jcu 
zunächst  beibehalten  (cruth  aus  ViUrtii-  Verf.  KZ.  XXXV,  253  ff.), 
dann  zu  reinem  c  werden  lassen.  Die  andere  hat  JiU  zu  p 
gemacht.  So  das  Britannische  (kymr.  pri/d  pedwm-  pivy)  und  in 
sehr  zahlreichen  Fällen  das  Keltische  des  Kontinents  {Epona, 


8  E.  ZÜPITZA, 

Petnworii  etc.).  Doch  muss  es  auf  dem  Kontinent  einst  auch 
Vertreter  der  ersten  Gruppe  gegeben  haben.  Von  jeher  war 
der  Name  der  Scqnana  und  der  Sequani  ein  Stein  des  Anstosses 
für  die,  denen  das  festländische  Keltisch  schlechthin  als  ältester 
Repräsentant  des  britannischen  Zweiges  galt.  Ehj's  hat  nun  die 
Beispiele  zu  mehren  gesucht.  Vieles,  was  er  vorbringt,  ist  un- 
richtig oder  doch  zum  mindesten  unsicher.  ^  Ärquius  ist  auf 
der  pyrenäischen  Halbinsel  mehrfach  belegt.  Aber  Apüus  Ärquii 
CIL.  II,  2433  macht  uns  schon  an  der  Kelticität  des  Namens  irre, 
da  die  Namen  von  Vater  und  Sohn  {Apüus  dürfte  keltisch  sein) 
verschiedenen  Dialekten  angehören  würden.  Dass  spanische 
Namen  wie  Aluquius  (neben  Allucius),  Doqiiirus,  Docquiricus 
keltisch  sein  müssen,  kann  ich  nicht  einsehen.  Die  Iberer  waren 
doch  auch  noch  da.  Equahona  kann  eine  hybride  Bildung  sein, 
falls  es  überhaupt  richtig  überliefert  ist.  Ins  Gewicht  fällt 
Quarqucrni,  Querqiierni ,  der  Name  eines  Stammes  der  kelti- 
berischen  Callaici  (zum  Wechsel  e:a  vgl.  Kossinna,  IF.  II,  181  f.), 
besonders  wenn  man  das  karnische  Quarqueni  Plin.  III,  130  2) 
und  andrerseits  Fcrperna,  den  Namen  des  berüchtigten  Unter- 
feldherrn des  Sertorius,  daneben  hält.  Dagegen  ist  es  wieder 
nichts  mit  Quassauna,  das  Rhys  aus  Oberitalien  ins  Feld  führt. 
In  Tiniat'ms  Qiiasaunai  CIL.  V,  34G3  ist  gewiss  der  erste  Name 
venetisch  (ven.  Tineh,  freilich  auch  etrusk.  Tinia,  Tinu  auf  der 
Inschrift  von  Voltino),  wahrscheinlich  auch  der  zweite.  Auch 
Querra  dürfte  den  Venetern  angehören,  der  Anklang  an  irisch 
Querai  (Ogam,  vgl.  J.  R.  S.  Antiq.  of  Ireland  1899,  S.  402)  ist 
bedeutungslos.  Durch  sein  Suffix  verrät  sich  Equasia,  vgl.  ven. 
(illyr.)  Calsasia  CIL.  V,  2414,  Audasius  V,  3503,  Die  Quariates 
CIL.  XII,  80  sind  Ligurer;  dass  diese  ein  qu  besassen,  bezeugt 
der  echt  ligurische  Name  Quiamelius  mit  der  charakteristischen 
Bildung  (vgl.  Müllenhof,  DA.2III,  183  f.),  Veiqiiasius  sieht  wieder 
venetisch  aus.  Es  ist  allerdings  aus  Piemont  belegt,  also  westlich 
von  der  eigentlichen  Venetersphäre  (der  Name  der  Venisami 
auf  dem  Bogen  von  Susa  (CIL.  V,  7231)  klingt  zwar  stark 
venetisch,  vgl,  Venixama  CIL,  III,  3825,  ist  aber  sicher  ligurisch), 


1)  Vgl.  auch  (VArbois  de  Jubainville,  RC.  XII,  477 f.;  Loth  im  Krit. 
Jaliresb.  rom.  Phil.  IV,  1.  Teil,  S.  44  ff. 

2)  Nicht  ganz   sicher,   vgl.  jetzt  Holder,   Sprsch.  II,  1057.     Dort   noch 
einige  weitere  ganz  unsichere  Fälle  von  qu. 


KELTEN   UND    GALLIER.  9 

doch  fällt  das  bei  einem  Einzelnameu  nicht  allzu  schwer  ins 
Gewicht.  Dass  schliesslich  die  ahd.  Glosse  Chorthonknm  nual- 
liolant  (Steinmeyer -Sievers  III,  610)  auf  ein  kontinentales  Land 
Bezug  habe,  ist  gänzlich  unerweislich  und  unglaublich.  Es  ist 
klar,  dass  mit  dem  von  Ehj's  zusammengetragenen  Material  nicht 
viel  anzufangen  ist.  Auf  festem  Boden  befindet  man  sich  da- 
gegen bei  den  Sequanern,  über  deren  Sprache  der  1897  gefundene 
sogen.  Kalender  von  Coligny  (vgl.  Thurneysen,  Zs.  f.  celt.  Phil. 
II,  523  ff.)  doch  wenigstens  einiges  Licht  —  es  ist  leider  wenig 
genug  —  verbreitet  hat.  Zu  dem  Namen  Scqnani  gesellt  sich 
der  Monatsname  Eqiios^)  und  das  fi'eilich  dunkle  inquimon. 
Wenn  neben  diesen  prinni,  pctinx  mit  offenbar  aus  qu  ent- 
standenem p  liegen,  wird  man  das  Auskunftsmittel  Thurnej'sens 
S.  542  nicht  verschmähen  können.  Die  Sprache  der  Sequaner 
hätte  somit  weder  zur  qu-  noch  zur  j;- Gruppe,  sondern  zu  einer 
dritten  vermittelnden  gehört.  Es  geht  aus  all  diesem  hervor, 
auf  wie  schwachen  Füssen  die  Annahme  Ehj's's  steht,  dass  die 
Kelten  des  Festlandes  gleichfalls  in  eine  qu-  und  j;- Gruppe  zer- 
fallen seien.  Wenn  er  aber  vollends  die  g«t- Gruppe  mit  den 
Celtae,  die  p- Gruppe  mit  den  Galli  identifiziert  und  aus  der 
Severusstelle  den  Schluss  zieht,  dass  damals  beide  Sprachen 
noch  im  lebendigen  Gebrauche  waren,  so  wird  ihm  darin  kein 
Besonnener  folgen.  2) 

Wie  zu  erwarten  war,  haben  sich  auch  die  Prähistorie  und 
die  Anthropologie  der  Lehre  vom  Gegensatz  der  Kelten  und 
Gallier  bemächtigt.  So  hat  ein  ursprünglich  auf  die  Polybius- 
interpretation  beschränkter  Irrtum  immer  w^eitere  Kreise  gezogen 
und  mit  der  Zeit  das  Bild  von  der  vorgeschichtlichen  Be- 
siedelung  nachmals  keltischer  Länder  in  unverantwortlicher 
Weise  verfälscht.  Da  erfahrungsgemäss  die  Resultate  der  Prä- 
historie und  Anthropologie  von  solchen,  die  in  beiden  Wissen- 
schaften nicht  selbständig  mitarbeiten,  meist  mit  vollkommener 
Skepsis  oder  aber  mit  gläubiger  Ehrfurcht  aufgenommen  werden. 


^)  Epomanduodurum  biess  eine  Stadt  im  Lande  der  S.,  heute  Mandeure, 
Dep.  Doubs.  Dies  Epo-  darf  natürlicb  nicbt  gegen  die  oben  ausgesprochene 
Anscbaiumg  geltend  gemacht  werden,  da  es  einem  Nachbardialekt,  bezw. 
einem  '  vorsequanischen '  Dialekt  angehört  haben  kann. 

^)  Rhys  hält  auch  im  Report  of  the  Royal  Commission  on  Land  in 
Wales  and  Monmouthshire  (London  1896)  S.  66  an  seiner  Lehre  fest,  des- 
leichen  in  dem  Buche  'The  Welsh  People'  S.  4. 


10  E,  ZUPITZA, 

SO  ist  nicht  ausgesclilossen,  dass  die  falsche  Lehre  auf  diesem 
Umwege  noch  einmal  wieder  Geschichte  wird.  Da  hätten  wir 
den  völligen  Kreislauf  der  Dinge.  Ein  tüchtiger  Ansatz  dazu 
ist  z.  B.  schon  bei  Khy's  in  dem  eben  citierten  Report  S.  66  zu 
spüren.  Dort  wird  die  prähistorische  Archäologie  zum  Zeugen 
dafür  aufgerufen,  dass  die  Kelten  von  den  Galatern- Galliern 
sich  durch  die  Bestattungsweise  und  Bewaffnung  unterschieden. 
Die  Kelten  seien  vielfach  die  Vorläufer  der  Galater- Gallier 
gewesen,  welche  im  secjisten  .Jahrhundert  der  bis  dahin  keltischen 
Welt  ein  anderes  Gepräge  gegeben  hätten.  Die  Kelten  seien 
besonders  im  Alpengebiet,  an  der  Donau  und  in  Norditalien  zu 
Haus,  die  Galater  in  Deutschland  und  Belgien,  Wenn  man  hier 
überall  die  Namen  weglässt,  kommt  schon  eher  etwas  Vernünftiges 
heraus.  Die  Funde  setzen  uns  in  den  Stand,  gewisse  Kultur- 
kreise zu  bestimmen,  übrigens  meist  auch  nur  dann,  wenn  ein 
Einzelobjekt  zum  Kriterium  erhoben  wird;  der  wertvollere  Fall, 
wo  die  Abgrenzung  auf  Grund  mehrerer  Momente,  vielleicht  des 
Totalcharakters,  stattfindet,  ist  bei  weitem  seltener,  xiber  selbst 
eine  einheitliche  materielle  Kultur  hat  durchaus  nicht  ein  eiu- 
heitliches  ethnisches  Substrat  zur  Voraussetzung.  Die  Fund- 
karten ermöglichen  es  uns  also  nicht  einmal  die  Grenzen 
anonymer  Völker  festzulegen.  Die  Namen  vollends  kann 
natürlich  nur  die  Geschichte  liefern;  wo  diese  versagt,  bleibt 
die  Prähistorie  namenlos.  So  steht  es  in  unserem  Fall.  Also 
fort  mit  allen  Trugbildern! 

Die  Anthropologie  ist  eingestandnermassen  kaum  jemals  in 
der  Lage,  ein  historisches  Problem,  das  sich  an  bestimmte 
Namen  knüpft,  zu  lösen.  Speziell  in  der  Keltenfrage  ist  ihre 
Mitwirkung  nicht  von  Segen  gewesen.  Die  früher  allgemein 
geteilte  Ansicht,  dass  man  in  Frankreich  und  anderwärts 
zwischen  kleinen,  braunen,  brachj^cephalen  Kelten  und  grossen, 
blonden,  dolichocephalen  Galliern  zu  scheiden  habe  (z.  B.  Broca 
Bulletins  de  la  societe  d'anthrop.  de  Paris,  erste  Serie,  V,  457  ff.; 
Revue  d'anthrop.  II,  577;  Lagneau,  Artikel  Celtes  im  Diction- 
naire  encycl.  des  sciences  medicales;  Penka,  Origines  ariacae 
123),  darf  in  dieser  Formulierung  als  überwunden  gelten  (vgl. 
Collignons  Ausführungen  im  Anschluss  an  den  früher  citierten 
Vortrag  von  Lefevre) ,  wenn  auch  z.  B.  Sergi  (Atti  della  societa 
Romana  di  antrop.  III,  160  u.  ö.),  Humbert  Äfoliere  (Introduction 
ä  rhistoire  des  Gaulois,  Proto- Celtes,  Celtes  et  Galates,  S.  69) 


KELTEN   UND    GALLIER.  11 

und  Penkca  (Mitteil.  d.  antlirop.  Ges.  z.  Wien  XXVII,  18  ff.)  daran 
festhalten. 

Die  Frage  ist  somit  wieder  auf  dem  Punkte,  wo  sie  vor 
Bertrand  Avar.  Einen  festen  Anhalt  scheint  die  bekannte,  von 
Strabo,  Livius,  Plinius,  Mela,  Ammian  wiederholte  Angabe  Cäsars 
zu  bieten,  dass  die  Bewohner  des  Landes  zwischen  Garumna  und 
Sequana-Matrona  in  ihrer  eigenen  Sprache  Celtac,  auf  lateinisch 
Galli  hiessen  (vgl.  Wilkens,  Quaestiones  de  Strabonis  etc.  fon- 
tibus,  Marburger  Diss.  1886,  S.  31).  Ob  Cäsar  diese  Bemerkung 
aus  seiner  persönlichen  Kenntnis  des  Landes  schöpft,  ob  er  sie 
einer  litterarischen  Quelle,  etwa  dem  Posidonius,  entnimmt,  wissen 
wir  nicht.  Wir  müssen  sie  einfach  hinnehmen.  Cäsar  sagt  Cclta, 
PI.  Celtac  gegenüber  gr.  KsXrog  Ke).roi.  Ist  Celta  bloss  richtiger 
als  KeXxöc,  oder  von  diesem  verschieden?  Miller,  Strabos  Quellen 
über  Gallien  und  Britannien,  S.  13  und  Wilkens  a.  a.  0.  neigen 
sich  letzterer  Ansicht  zu.  Wenn  man  bedenkt,  wie  unbestimmt 
die  erste  Kunde  gewesen  sein  mag,  die  vom  Keltenvolke  zu  den 
Griechen  drang,  wird  man  die  Möglichkeit,  dass  das  richtige 
Geschlecht  unterwegs  abhanden  gekommen  ist,  nicht  rundweg 
ableugnen.  Männliche  ä- Stämme  besass  das  Keltische  ohne 
Zweifel  (Holder  I,  3,  Stokes  BB.  XI,  151).  Die  Form  Celta,  die 
Cäsar  einführt,  flösst  uns  somit  grösseres  Zutrauen  zu  der 
Eichtigkeit  seiner  Angabe  ein.  Müllenhoff  (DA.  I,  2167)  geht 
in  der  Skepsis  entschieden  zu  weit,  wenn  er  daran  zweifelt, 
dass  die  Kelten  oder  Teile  derselben  sich  Je  selbst  so  genannt 
hätten.  Er  glaubt  sogar,  dass  Celtillus,  der  Vater  des  Vercingc- 
torix,  seinen  Namen  nur  den  engen  Beziehungen  zu  Massilia 
verdankt  habe.  Es  fehlt  nicht  an  inschriftlichen  Zeugnissen  für 
Namen,  die  Celt-  enthalten.  Celtillus  ist  aus  Kaiser  -  Äugst, 
Celtilla  aus  dem  Ehonedelta  überliefert,  Celtinus  aus  dem  Dep. 
Loire,  Celto  aus  Haute  Savoie,  Ciltius  aus  Greuoble  und  Vwy  du 
Dome.  Die  spanischen  Celtiheri  und  Celtici  sind  sicher  Kunst- 
produkte, aber  Celti  ist  ein  Ort  auf  dem  rechten  Ufer  der  Baetis, 
das  Cognomen  Celtitanus  (zur  Bildung  vgl.  Hübner,  Ephem. 
epigr.  II,  S.  35)  ist  auf  Inschriften  und  Münzen  bezeugt,  Cclttis, 
Celta,  Celtius  sind  mehrfach  überliefert.  Aus  Italien  liegen 
Celtus  und  Celtilia  vor.  Ein  bekannter  Ulsterheld  heisst  Celtchar 
macc  UthecJiair.  Völkernamen  werden  zur  Bildung  von  Personen- 
namen verwendet,  vgl.  Boiorix,  Boiocalus,  ahd,  Ängührelit, 
Werinheri,  Wentilger,  die  kyprischen  .^()fördxi;;r()oc,  TifioxvjTQog, 


12  E.  ZUPITZA, 

tfvaatxvxQa  u.  s.  w.  Also  Celt-  gehört  zu  Celtae,  -char  natürlich 
zu  canm  'liebe',  sodass  sich  Ccltdtar  genau  mit  <l>iX6xvjTQog  der 
grossen  Inschrift  von  Edalion  deckt.  Über  die  genaue  Bedeutung 
des  Celt-  wissen  wir  freilich  nichts.  Immerhin  dürfte  erwiesen 
sein,  dass  der  Name  Celtae  mit  echt  keltischem  Sprachgut  zu- 
sammen hängt.  Ob  er  jemals  die  Gesamtheit  des  keltischen 
Volkes  bezeichnet  hat,  darf  füglich  bezweifelt  werden.  Solche 
Gesamtnamen  pflegen  sich  verhältnismässig  spät  im  Gefolge 
politischer  Einigung  oder  doch  festeren  Zusammenschlusses  ein- 
zustellen. Weshalb  der  Name  Celtae  gerade  an  den  Bewohnern 
des  Landes  zwischen  Garumna  und  Sequana  haftet,  wird  niemals 
aufgeklärt  werden,  wenn  uns  nicht  der  Boden  eines  Tages  eine 
Überraschung  bereitet.  In  der  Erwartung  eines  derartigen 
Fundes  müssen  Avir  uns  darauf  beschränken,  den  Beziehungen 
sprachlicher  und  anderer  Art  nachzuspüren,  die  zwischen  den 
Celtae  und  den  übrigen  Kelten  bestehen. 

Es  kann  keinem  Zweifel  unterliegen,  dass  die  italischen 
Kelten  sich  selbst  den  Namen  Galli,  die  Donau-  und  Balkankelten 
den  Namen  FaXarai  beilegten.  Mit  ziemlicher  Sicherheit  dürfen 
ferner  beide  Namen  identifiziert  werden.  Fcdärai,  gebildet  wie 
raiöäraL,  'EQKOvriarat,  Navtavärat,  weiterhin  Caeracates,  Sonti- 
ates,  Vellates  u.  dgl.  gehört,  wie  man  längst  erkannt  hat,  zu  mir. 
gal  'Tapferkeit',  air.  irgal  'AVaffe',  cUgal  'Rache'  und  bedeutet 
vermutlich  'Krieger,  Held'  (verwandt  ist  deutlich  der  Name  der 
preussischen  FaXlröca  und  der  illyrischen  ra/Läßgioi).  Ein  Boier- 
könig  des  dritten  Jahrhunderts  hiess  Ftdaroq  (Pol.  II,  21,  5);  der 
Stammesname  *Galatmi,  in  kymrischer  Form  Galeäin,  ist  für 
England  nur  durch  eine  Triade  bezeugt  (Diefenbach,  Celtica 
II,  72),  für  die  Geschichte  fällt  in  der  Erzählung  von  den  gimjr 
Galedin,  welche  yn  y  llongau  moelion  nach  der  Insel  Wight 
kamen,  nachdem  ihr  Land  unter  Wasser  gesetzt  war,  nichts  ab. 
AVie  sich  zu  FaXärai  lat.  Galli  verhält,  ist  nicht  mit  Sicherheit 
auszumachen.  Man  kann  daran  denken  und  hat  daran  gedacht, 
dass  "^ Galati  im  Munde  der  Italiker  zu  Galli  geworden  sei,  aber 
abgesehen  von  der  Un Wahrscheinlichkeit  eines  solchen  Vorganges 
überhaupt,  wird  dieser  spezielle  Lautwandel  durch  die  Laut- 
gesetze keiner  einzelnen  italischen  Sprache  gerechtfertigt.  Es 
müsste  also  der  Name  von  '  einer  Sprache  zur  andern  weiter 
gegeben  worden  sein,  was  ja  möglich  ist,  und  dabei  die  Um- 
formung erlitten  liaben.    Der  Name  kann  aber  auch  schon  im 


KELTEN   UND   GALLIER.  13 

Munde  seiner  keltischen  Träger  die  historiscli  überlieferte  Form 
angenommen  haben.  Galli  wäre  dann  als  Kurzform  von  raXunu 
aufzufassen. 

Die  Identität  des  Namens  der  italischen  und  der  Donau- 
Balkan -Kelten  ist  gewiss  nicht  zufällig.  Die  Einfälle  in  Italien 
und  im  Balkan  stimmen  nach  Zeit  und  Charakter  so  genau  zu 
einander,  dass  man  hier  wohl  von  einem  ursprünglich  ein- 
heitlichen Strome  sprechen  darf,  der  sich  in  zwei  Arme  geteilt 
hat.  Hier  erhebt  sich  nun  gebieterisch  die  berühmte  Frage, 
woher  diese  Menschenmassen  gekommen  sind.  Allbekannt  ist  die 
Ei'zählung  des  Livius  V,  31  und  die  Diskussion,  die  sich  daran 
geknüpft  hat  und  auch  heute  noch  nicht  zu  völligem  x4.bschluss 
gebracht  ist.  Livius  leitet  die  italischen  Kelten  aus  dem  Lande 
der  cäsarischen  Celtae  her.  Sein  Bericht  enthält  offenbar  die 
heterogensten  Bestandteile,  die  im  einzelnen  zu  sondern  auch  der 
scharfsinnigsten  Kiitik  nicht  gelingen  wird.  Niese  (Die  keltischen 
Wanderungen,  Zs,  f.  deutsches  Altertum  XLII,  129  ff.)  bemisst 
den  Wert  der  livianischen  Erzählung  sehr  gering,  er  glaubt 
nicht  einmal,  dass  in  ihr  eine  echte  (insubrische)  Tradition  ver- 
arbeitet worden  ist,  wie  dies  schon  Müllenhoff  angenommen  hat. 
Nach  Niese  sind  die  Donauländer  nördlich  der  Alpen  die  Heimat 
der  Galli.  Er  geht,  wie  mir  scheint,  über  die  Namen  der 
gallischen  Völkerschaften  etwas  zu  leicht  hinweg.  Faktisch 
sitzen  doch  im  cäsarischen  Gallien  Lingoncs  (Langres)  und 
Senones  (Sens)  neben  einander  wie  in  Italien.  Die  Namens- 
gleichheit allein  will  wenig  besagen,  sobald  aber  das  geo- 
graphische Moment  hinzutritt,  darf  sie  nicht  mehr  ohne  weiteres 
beiseite  geschoben  werden.  Der  Fall  kehrt  ja  beständig  wieder. 
Ob  die  norwegischen  Hgröar  mit  den  XaQovdiq  in  Jütland  und 
den  Harudes  des  Ariovist  mehr  als  den  Namen  gemeinsam  haben, 
ist  ungewiss;  dass  aber  die  x\ngeln,  Sachsen  und  Juten  Englands 
mit  denen  des  Kontinents  genetisch  zusammenhängen,  unterliegt 
keinem  Zweifel.  Die  Ctnoman{n)i  stellen  in  Frankreich  eine 
Unterabteilung  der  Aidercl  dar;  bei  ihnen,  die  nicht  unmittel- 
bare Nachbarn  der  Senonen  sind,  kann  man  schon  eher  an  eine 
zufällige  Namensgleichheit  mit  den  italischen  Cenomuni  denken.') 
Was  es  mit   der  Angabe  des  Plinius  (N.  h.  III,  130)  Cenomanos 


')  Die  Verbindung  wäre  freilich  hergestellt,  wenn  mau  die  italischen 
Cai  ni  mit  den  französischen  Carnutes  identifizieren  dürfte. 


14  E.  ZUPITZA, 

iuxta  Massiliam  hahitasse  in  Volcis  (auctor  est  Cato)  für  eine 
Bewandtnis  hat,  ist  unklar.')  Nun  liegen  freilich  zwischen 
dem  Galliereinfall  in  Italien  und  der  Erschliessung  des  Landes 
der  Celtae  mehrere  cTahrhundei'te,  während  welcher  die  ver- 
schiedensten Völkerverschiehungen  stattgefunden  haben  können. 
Wir  wissen  also  nicht,  ob  die  Senonen  und  Lingonen  schon 
lange  da  ansässig  gewesen  sind,  wo  sie  Cäsar  angetroffen 
hat.  AVir  wissen  aber  auch  nichts,  was  eine  solche  Annahme 
unmöglich  machte.  Aus  der  Notiz  Cäsars,  BG.  II,  4  (s.  u.),  folgt, 
auch  wenn  sie  zuverlässig  ist,  keineswegs,  dass  Senonen  und 
Lingonen  einst  im  nachmaligen  Belgien  gesessen  haben.  Die 
Gallier,  von  deren  Austreibung  an  der  Cäsarstelle  die  Rede  ist, 
können  sich  mit  Verlust  ihrer  eigenen  Stammesnamen  unter  die 
vom  Belgiereinfall  nicht  betroffenen  keltischen  Völkerschaften 
an  der  Seine  und  Marne  gemischt  haben.  So  viel  ist  sicher,  die 
Erzälilung  des  Livius  gewinnt  ein  wesentlich  anderes  Gesicht, 
wenn  man  sich  die  Lagerung  der  gleichnamigen  Stämme  hüben 
und  drüben  vergegenwärtigt.  Es  könnte  doch  sein,  dass  sie 
einen  guten  alten  Kern  enthielte.  Seien  wir  doch  ehrlich;  wir 
wissen  ja  so  wenig  von  den  Völkerverhältnissen  West-  und 
Nordeuropas  zur  Zeit  der  Keltenzüge,  dass  es  vermessen  ist,  sich 
mit  Sicherheit  für  oder  gar  gegen  den  Bericht  des  Livius  zu 
entscheiden.  Hier  kann  einmal  die  Archäologie  rettend  ein- 
springen. Mit  den  Galliern  kam  die  La  Tene-Kultur  nach  Ober- 
italien, charakterisiert  vor  allem  durch  den  ganz  eigenartigen 
Schwerttypus  (vgl.  Polybius  II,  33,  3).  Derselbe  erfährt  im 
Verlauf  kleine  Modifikationen.  Das  Schwert  der  Früh-La  Tene- 
Zeit  unterscheidet  sich  von  dem  später  im  ganzen  Norden  ver- 
breiteten durch  eine  scharfe  Spitze  der  Klinge.  Solche  Schwerter 
der  ältesten  La  Tene-Zeit  finden  sich  einerseits  in  der  Cham- 
pagne und  im  Nahe -Saargebiet,  andererseits  in  Marzabotto 
(Tischler,  Ber.  üb.  d.  in  d.  physikal.-ökon.  Ges.  z.  Königsberg  geh. 
Vorträge,  1884  (XXV),  S.  23).2)     Wenn  die  Zukunft  an  diesem 

>)  Vgl.  Mülleuhoff,  Deutsche  Altertumsk.  II 2,  200. 

'')  Die  Gräber  der  Cliampague ,  die  von  Morel  in  seinem  Werke  'La 
Champagne  souterraine'  beschrieben  werden,  stimmen  überhaupt  in  ihrem 
ganzen  Mobiliar  auf  das  genaueste  zu  den  gallischen  Nekropoleu,  wie  sie  vor 
allem  in  und  bei  Bologna  von  Zauuoni,  Gozzadiui  und  Brizio  freigelegt  worden 
sind;  vgl.  Brizio,  Tombe  e  necropoli  galliche  della  provincia  di  Bologna 
Bertrand  et  Reinach,  Les  Geltes  171  ff.;  Montelius,  La  civilisatiou  primitive 
eu  Italie  I,  356. 


KELTEN   UND   GALLIEE.  15 

Sachverhalt  nichts  ändert,  fällt  er  schwer  zu  Gunsten  der 
französischen  Herkunft  zum  mindestens  eines  Teils  der  italischen 
Kelten  in  die  Wagschale.  Von  dem  Eigen-  und  Ortsnamen- 
material erwarte  man  keine  Aufschlüsse.  Alte  Sonderbeziehungen 
treten  in  ihm  nicht  mehr  zu  Tage.  Der  sonstige  Wort-  und 
Formenschatz  der  italischen  Kelten  ist  uns  ja  so  gut  wie  un- 
bekannt. Er  giebt  nur  zu  einer  Bemerkung  Anlass.  Auf  der 
Bilinguis  von  Todi  erscheint  zweimal  eine  Verbalform  liurnitu 
etwa  in  der  Bedeutung  congessit.  Ihr  gesellt  sich  das  pluralische 
Tiarnitus  der  Inschrift  von  Briona  bei  Novara  im  Gebiete  der 
Insubrer.  Eine  entsprechende  Bildung  findet  sich  sonst  nur  auf 
einer  patella  aus  Bavai,  dem  alten  Bagacnm  der  Nervier,  die 
die  Inschrift  trägt:  uritu  Escingos  (Mowat,  Comptes  rendus  d. 
seances  de  l'Ac.  des  inscr.  et  belles-lettres,  4e  serie  VIII,  250  ff.). 
Dies  bedeutet  offenbar  '  Excingus  f ecit ',  uritu  zu  sonstigem  ieuru, 
wobei  auch  die  neukeltische  Wortstellung  zu  beachten  ist.  Diese 
Übereinstimmung  zwischen  italischem  und  belgischem  Keltisch 
ist  an  sich  ein  wichtiges  Indicium,  das  allerdings  durch  den 
kläglichen  Stand  unserer  Kenntnis  des  kontinentalen  Keltisch 
überhaupt  im  Werte  stark  herabgesetzt  wird.  Was  für  Stämme 
sich  sonst  noch  an  dem  italischen  Zuge  beteiligt  haben,  ist  mit 
unseren  jetzigen  Mitteln  nicht  zu  entscheiden.  Eine  der  be- 
kanntesten Begleiterscheinungen  jeder  grösseren  Völkerbewegung 
ist  das  Mitgehen  ursprünglich  unbeteiligter  Massen,  die  von  dem 
Strome  aus  ihrem  alten  Zusammenhang  losgerissen  werden.  Es 
widerspräche  jeder  Erfahrung,  wollte  man  sich  die  Leute,  die 
sich  mit  einem  ad  hoc  angenommenen  Gesamtnamen  Galli  FaXcaaL 
nannten,  einheitlich  vorstellen.  Für  die  Ethnographie  ist  aus 
diesem  Namen  ebenso  wenig  zu  gewinnen,  wie  aus  dem  der 
raioäxca  oder,  um  einen  Sprung  über  einen  Kontinent  und  zwei 
Jahrtausende  zu  wagen,  der  südafrikanischen  Matabele. 

Sicher  scheint  auch  mir,  dass  der  grosse  Einbruch  um  400 
von  Norden  her  erfolgt  ist,  nur  suche  ich  im  Gegensatz  zu  Niese 
den  Ausgangspunkt  anderwärts.  Vermutlich  hat  nördlich  der 
Alpen  die  Trennung  der  Galli  und  FaXatai  stattgefunden,  jene 
gingen  nach  Süden,  diese  schwenkten  nach  Osten  ab.  Über  die 
Herkunft  dieser  östlichen  Galater  sind  wir  zumeist  völlig  im 
Unklaren.  Mit  dem  Namen  der  kleinasiatischen  Tectosagen  ist 
nichts  anzufangen,  dagegen  können  die  MiXdoi  in  der  Gegend 
von  Sofia   mit  dem  Vorort  Meldia  sehr  wohl  mit  den  Meldi  im 


16  E.  ZUPITZA, 

Dep.  Seine -et -Marne  zusammenhängen.  Diese  sind  in  einer 
Gegend  ansässig,  die  im  dringenden  Verdaclite  stellt,  zu  dem 
Zuge  nach  Osten  Mannschaft  geliefert  zu  haben.  Sonstige 
Namensanklänge  (vgl.  die  pannonischen  Lingaiistri  :  Limjones, 
Bdgttes  :  JBelgae,  Teurisci :  Turones)  sind  für  die  geschichtliche 
Erkenntnis  ohne  jeden  Wert.')  Bekannt  ist  die  Angabe  des 
h.  Hieronymus,  Galatos  ^j^ö^jW«^/«  linyuam  eanäcm  pacne  habere 
quam  Treviros,  die  man  sich  nicht  durch  allzu  kritische  Bedenken 
verleiden  lassen  darf.  Sie  beweist  jedoch  nicht,  dass  vom 
Gallischen  just  die  Sprache  der  Trevirer  dem  Galatischen  am 
nächsten  verwandt  w^ar,  näher  als  etwa  die  alte  Sprache  der 
Pariser  oder  der  Bewohner  von  Lyon.  Hieronymus  kannte  ent- 
weder die  Mundart  von  Trier  besser  als  jede  andere,  oder  er 
konnte  nur  sie  vergleichen,  da  in  Frankreich  die  alte  Landes- 
sprache bereits  ausgestorben  war   oder  doch  nur  in  Schichten 


^)  Dass  Kelten  schon  im  fünften  vorcliristliclien  Jahrhundert  in  Ost- 
europa, nördlich  der  Karpathen,  gesessen  haben  (Bremer,  Pauls  Grdr.  d.  germ. 
Philologie-  III,  781),  ist  unerweislich.  Die  Gleichung  NtvQoi  (Herodot): 
Nörici  ist  einer  von  den  Einfällen,  die  die  Sprachforschung  hei  den  von 
anderen  Disziplinen  ausgehenden  Urgeschichtsforschern  nicht  ganz  ohne  Grund 
in  Misskredit  gebracht  haben.  Bremer  verlegt  die  Berührung  von  Kelten  und 
Ostgermaneu,  deren  sprachlicher  Niederschlag  die  keltischen  Lehnwörter  im 
Gotischen  (vor  allem  Mikji  'Turm')  sind,  zeitlich  in  das  5.  oder  4.  Jh.  und 
örtlich  in  das  Gebiet  der  oberen  Weichsel.  Er  thut  dies  deshalb,  weil  nach 
seiner  Ansicht  die  illyrisch-pannonischen  Kelten  längst  romanisiert  Avaren,  als 
die  Goten  auf  ihren  Wanderungen  ihr  Gebiet  passierten.  So  sicher  ist  das 
aber  nicht.  Nach  dem  oben  angeführten  Zeugnis  des  h.  Hieronymus  hatten 
die  wahrlich  stark  exponierten  Galater  ihre  heimische  Sprache  im  i.  Jh.  noch 
nicht  eingebüsst.  Aber  davon  ganz  abgesehen  wissen  wir  ja  gar  nicht,  wie 
weit  einst  diese  keltischen  Lehnwörter  im  Ostgermanischen  verbreitet  waren. 
Die  Goten  können  sie  von  verwandten  Stämmen  erhalten  haben,  die  sie  ihrer- 
seits von  Teilnehmern  des  Segovesuszuges  —  um  mich  der  Terminologie  des 
Livius  zu  bedienen  —  bezogen  hatten.  Im  Gebiet  der  wandalischen  Silingen 
scheinen  keltische  Ortsnamen  vorzukommen,  Bov^öi/iyoi'  angeblich  =  Brieg, 
/ü<(jpy(iV)r)v))'  =  Krappitz.  (Was  in  den  Niederlaus.  Mitteil.  IV,  230  ff.  über 
keltische  Ortsnamen  bei  Görlitz  vorgetragen  Avird,  erinnert  an  die  schönsten 
Zeiten  der  Keltomanie).  Ptolemaeus  erwähnt  11,  11,  10  die  Ka/.ovxiorEq ,  die 
er  vno  rovg  i:ü.tyyccq  wohnen  lässt.  Da  es  auch  in  Raetia  Calucones  giebt, 
kann  man  hier  an  einen  keltischen  Stamm  denken,  der  nur  zum  Teil  den 
Übergang  über  die  Alpen  mitmachte.  Alles  dies  zeigt,  dass  wir  hinsichtlich 
einer  Bezugsquelle  für  die  keltischen  Lehnwörter  des  Gotischen  keineswegs 
in  Verlegenheit  sind,  dass  vielmehr  weit  eher  ein  embarras  de  richesse  zu 
konstatieren  ist. 


KELTEN    UND    GALLIER.  17 

der   Bevölkerung  gesproclien   wurde,  mit  denen  der   Mann   der 
Kirche  nicht  in  Berührung  kam. 

Die  bislierigen  Erörterungen  liatten  den  Zweck,  nachzu- 
weisen, dass  zwischen  Celtae  und  Galli  FaXavai  durcliaus  keine 
Khift  gähnt.  Wie  steht  es  nun  mit  den  Belgae?  Nach  Cäsar 
zerfiel,  wie  bekannt,  Gallien  in  drei  Teile,  die  durch  die  Aquitani, 
Celtae  und  Belgae  gebildet  wurden.  Hi  omnes  lingiia,  institutis, 
legibus  inter  se  diffenait.  Eichtiger  sagt  wohl  Strabo  IV,  1,  1: 
Ol  filv  ih)  rgr/Ji  önjQovv,  Axviravoiq  xai  BsXyag  xaXovvrsc 
xcd  KsXrag,  rovg  f/ev  Axviravovg  rtXtooq  e§r]XXayftsrovg  ov  rfj 
yXcoTTtj  fiorov,  aXXa  xai  roTg  Ooyf/aöiv  IfiCftQtZq  '{ßtjQöt  fiäXXov 
Tj  rccXäraig,  roig  de  Xoijrovg  FaXazixovg  (ihv  xrjv  oi/;/?',  ofio- 
yXmvTovg  S  ov  Jtm'vag,  aXX'  svlovg  fiiXQOv  jraQaXXarrovrag  raig 
yXdnxaig'  xcd  jioXirsia  öh  xai  ol  ßioi  fiixQov  e^rjXXayf/ivoi  tlöiv. 
In  sprachlicher  Hinsicht  werden  Seine  und  Marne  keine  Grenze 
gebildet  haben,  hüben  und  drüben  sprach  man  gleich,  und  erst 
die  in  beiden  Eichtungen  entfernter  Wohnenden  unterschieden 
sich  merklich.  Deshalb  konnte  dennoch  aus  andern  Gründen 
der  Eeisende,  der  die  Flussgrenze  passierte,  den  Eindruck  er- 
halten, er  befände  sich  in  einem  neuen  Lande.  Man  denke  etwa 
an  Deutschland -Holland.  Wir  wissen  ja  nicht  viel  von  der 
Sprache  der  Belgae,  aber  was  wir  wissen,  berechtigt  uns  nicht, 
sie  von  der  der  Celtae  zu  trennen.  Der  Name  Belgae  hängt  mit 
den  pannonischen  Belgites  und  dem  spanischen  Beigida  zusammen, 
die  Caturiges  und  Ceidrones  kehren  in  Savoien  wieder,  die 
Suessiones  erinnern  an  die  spanischen  Suessetani.  Besonders 
deutlich  sind  die  Beziehungen  zu  Britannien.  Wie  bekannt, 
haben  Belgien  und  Südengland  eine  ganze  Eeihe  von  Stammes- 
namen gemein.  Die  Belgae  selbst  sind  jenseits  des  Kanals 
bezeugt  mit  den  Städten  Venia,  Iscalis,  Äquae  Sulis,  ferner  die 
Atrebates,  die  Catuvellauni.  Der  Name  der  Condrusi,  die  aller- 
dings schon  zu  den  linksrheinischen  Germanen  gehören,  hat  ein 
Seitenstück  an  dem  britannischen  Eigennamen  Condraussius. 
Correus  und  Commius  sind  belgisch -britannisch;  Andecombogins 
ist  sonst  nur  aus  der  Inschrift  von  Briona  bekannt,  deren 
Jcarnitus  ja  nach  Belgien  weist.  Der  Gott  Camulus  scheint  be- 
sonders in  Belgien  und  Britannien  Verehrung  genossen  zu  haben. 
Keltisch  duro-  bildet  im  allgemeinen  in  Zusammensetzungen  den 
zweiten  Teil,  aber  in  Belgien  und  Britannien  erscheint  es  an 
erster    Stelle,    vgl.    Durocortorum    Remorum    und    *Durohoium 

Zoit8<>hrift  f.  colt.  Philologie  IV.  2 


18  E.  ZUPITZA, 

JDurbuy  auf  dem  Festland,  Burobrivae,  Burocornovium ,  Buro- 
levum  in  England.  Wenn  Holder  in  deutlichem  Bemühen,  etwas 
für  die  Sprache  der  Belgae  charakteristisches  herauszufinden,  den 
Ortsnamen  Bratuspantium  (im  Gebiete  der  Bellovacer)  '  mit  noch 
nicht  erklärtem  sj) '  herausgreift  (I,  374),  beweist  er  keine  glück- 
liche Hand.  Der  Eigenname  Atespatus  zeigt  ein  analoges  sp  auf 
echt  ^  celtischem '  Boden  (dep.  de  l'Allier).  Wenn  Bratuspantium 
unerklärt  ist,  so  ist  es  doch  nicht  unerklärlich.  Es  ist  vermittelst 
des  Suffixes  -io-  von  einem  Eigennamen  *Bratuspantos  abgeleitet, 
der  seinerseits  wie  Carantos  participiale  Bildung  verrät.  *Bratu- 
spantos  führt  auf  das  Participium  eines  denominativen  Verbs 
zurück,  dessen  Ausgangspunkt  etwa  ein  *hratuspo-  war.  Dies 
zerlegt  sich  sofort  in  %rätu-  =  air.  hrdth,  k.  hrawd  'Urteil' 
und  -spo-,  die  schwundstufige  Kompositionsform  der  'Wurzel' 
*5efe'-  '  sagen '  (inseque,  mk.  heb),  vgl.  air.  athesc  'Antwort ',  wozu 
das  oben  angeführte  Atesxmtus,  cosc,  kymr.  cosp  'Zurechtweisung'; 
"^'hrätuspo-  also  'Urteilsprecher'  oder  'Urteilspruch',  ein  Wort 
von  tadelloser  Kelticität.  Nun  ist  freilich  die  Ansicht  vielfach 
verbreitet,  dass  das  Kelten  tum  der  Beigen  nur  eine  Tünche  sei, 
unter  der  sich  eine  von  Haus  aus  ganz  verschiedene  Volksart 
verberge.  Diese  Ansicht  stützt  sich  auf  die  ja  unzweifelhafte 
Thatsache,  dass  belgische  Stämme,  besonders  die  Nervier  und 
Trevirer,  sich  ihres  'germanischen'  Ursprungs  rühmten,  und  dass 
die  Völkerschaften  der  Ehurones,  Condrusi,  Caeroesi  u.  s.  w.  sich 
direkt  zum  Gesamtnamen  ' Germani  (cisrhenani)'  bekannten. 
Das  rauhe,  kriegerische  Volkstum  der  Beigen,  die  der  ein- 
dringenden römischen  Kultur  viel  weniger  Konzessionen  gemacht 
haben  als  die  Gallier,  würde  gut  zu  der  Annahme  eines  ver- 
schiedenen Substrates  stimmen.  Nun  ist  garnicht  daran  zu 
zweifeln,  dass  diejenigen  Keltenstämme,  denen  die  Grenzwacht 
gegen  die  Germanen  (in  unserem  Sinne)  zugefallen  war,  einen 
gewissen  Prozentsatz  germanischer  Elemente  aufzuweisen  hatten. 
Wo  auch  immer  auf  der  Welt  Völker  bei  einander  wohnen, 
findet  eine  Abgabe  des  einen  an  das  andere  oder  ein  Austausch 
statt.  Dass  also  die  Beigen  so  manchen  keltisierten  Germanen 
zu  den  ihren  gezählt  haben,  sei  unseren  Germanisten  ohne 
weiteres  zugegeben.  Eine  ganz  andere  Frage  ist  es  aber,  ob 
die  alte  Tradition  vom  germanischen  Ursprung  der  Beigen 
wirklich  dies  besagen  wollte,  mit  anderen  Worten,  ob  die 
heutigen  Germanisten  recht  daran  thun,  in  Gcrmani  einen  von 


EELl^EN    UND    GALLIER.  19 

den  Kelten  für  die  Deutschen  —  man  gestatte  mir  in  diesem 
Zusammenliang"  den  Ausdruck  —  geprägten  oder  doch  auf- 
gegriffenen Namen  zu  erblicken.  An  der  Aufhellung  des  Dunkels, 
das  über  dem  Germanennamen  liegt,  ist  auf  germanistischer 
Seite  mit  unendlicher  Mühe  und  grösstem  Scharfsinn  gearbeitet 
worden,  ohne  dass  ein  entsprechender  Erfolg  erzielt  worden 
wäre.  Wenn  nicht  ganz  neues  Material  auftaucht,  wird  man 
über  unsichere  Aufstellungen  nicht  hinauskommen.  Weder  die 
berühmte  Tacitusstelle,  deren  hoffnungslose  Unklarheit  oder  Ver- 
derbtheit aller  Anstrengungen  spottet,  noch  irgend  ein  anderes 
der  bekannten  Inventarstücke  der  Germanenforschung  vermag 
hier  zu  helfen.  Thatsache  bleibt,  dass  Stämme  mit  keltischen 
Namen  westlich  des  Kheins  den  Gesamtnamen  Germani  führten, 
dass  der  Atrebate  Commios  Münzen  mit  der  Legende  (C)Gar- 
mano{s)  Commios  schlagen  liess,  dass  die  Abstammung  von  den 
Germanen  ein  Euhmestitel  war,  dass  Beigen  und  linksrheinische 
Germanen  in  älteren,  einfacheren  Zuständen  lebten  als  die 
eigentlichen  Gallier.  Diese  Data  fügen  sich  verschiedenen 
Deutungen,  vor  allem  immer  noch  der  älteren,  wonach  Germani 
der  Name  der  ostrheinischen  Kelten  oder  doch  einer  bestimmten 
Gruppe  derselben  gewesen  wäre.  Es  mag  auch  dem  verfeinerten 
und  sonst  wohl  zum  Spotte  über  altvaterische  Sitten  geneigten 
Gallier  dunkel  bewusst  gewesen  sein,  dass  die  beste  Kraft  des 
Keltenvolkes  in  den  streitbaren  Stämmen  lag,  die  unverdorben 
genug  waren,  sich  ihrer  Herkunft  aus  dem  römischen  Einfluss 
entrückten  Lande  rechts  vom  Rhein  zu  rühmen.  Aber  auch  dies 
ist  nur  eine  Hypothese.  Nach  Cäsar  haben  die  Beigen  in  den 
neuen  Sitzen  westlich  des  Rheins  Gallier  vorgefunden  und  ver- 
trieben. Man  darf  daraus  schliessen,  dass  nicht  immer  Seine 
und  Marne  die  Grenze  der  Celtae  bildeten.  Fassen  wir  Cäsars 
expuUsse  (BG.  II,  4)  wörtlich,  so  folgt  daraus,  dass  die  Beigen 
ihre  unzweifelhaft  keltische  Sprache  schon  vom  rechten  Rhein- 
ufer mitgebracht  haben.  Die  blosse  Nähe  der  Gallier  hätte  un- 
möglich die  Keltisierung  der  Beigen  (und  der  linksrheinischen 
Germanen)  bewirken  können,  deren  Deutschtum  somit  immer 
nebelhafter  wird.  Gesetzt  den  (wahrscheinlichen)  Fall,  Cäsars 
expulisse  sei  nicht  auf  die  Goldwage  zu  legen,  sprechen  dennoch 
alle  Analogien  dafür,  dass  die  Beigen  nicht  erst  westlich  vom 
Rhein  die  keltische  Sprache  angenommen  haben.  Es  darf  be- 
zweifelt  werden,   dass   die    Gallier   trotz   ihrer   etwas   höheren 

2* 


20  E.  ZUPITZA, 

Kultur  im  Stande  gewesen  wären,  das  deutsche  Volkstum  ihrer 
Bezwinger  mit  Stumpf  und  Stiel  auszurotten.  Wo  auch  immer 
deutsche  Eroberer  inmitten  eines  ihnen  an  Kultur  überlegenen 
Volkes  ihre  Nationalität  und  Sprache  verloren  haben,  in  Italien, 
Frankreich,  Spanien,  hat  der  Amalgamationsprozess,  um  von 
anderem  zu  schweigen,  im  Namen  Wörterbuch  deutliche  Spuren 
hinterlassen.  Grade  in  vornehmen  Geschlechtern  sind  deutsche 
Namen  heimisch.  Nichts  entsprechendes  findet  sich  bei  Beigen 
und  linksrheinischen  Germanen.  Auch  die  führenden  Persönlich- 
keiten tragen  unzweideutig  keltische  Namen. 

Über  die  ethnische  Stellung  der  britannischen  Kelten  sind 
wir  nur  sehr  unvollkommen  unterrichtet.  Bekannt  sind  die  Be- 
ziehungen zwischen  Südengland  und  Belgien,  die  einst  in  der 
Vereinigung  unter  einem  Herrscher,  Diviciacus,  ihren  Ausdruck 
gefunden  haben.  Ob  die  Parisii  zwischen  Humber  und  Tees  von 
denen  an  der  Seine  abstammen,  lässt  sich  nicht  entscheiden, 
ebensowenig  ob  die  irischen  Maväjtioi  mit  den  niederrheinischen 
Menapii  zusammenhängen.  Andere  Namensanklänge  verdienen 
keine  Erwähnung.  Die  von  Plinius  n.  h.  IV,  104  angeführten 
festländischen  Britanni  bestätigt  das  Dorf  Bretagne  an  der 
Mündung  der  Somme,  doch  ist  sehr  wohl  denkbar,  dass  diese 
wie  später  die  Bretonen  erst  durch  eine  rückläufige  Bewegung 
auf  das  Festland  herüber  gedrängt  worden  sind.  Ein  eigen- 
tümlicher Missbrauch  ist  mit  einer  Stelle  aus  Prokops  Goten- 
krieg (IV,  20)  getrieben  worden.  Prokop  erzählt  dort  von  einer 
Insel  BQLxxia.  Diese  liegt  der  Eheinmündung  gegenüber  zwischen 
Britannien  und  Thule.  Drei  Stämme  bewohnen  sie,  die^^z/Z-iot, 
^Qioooveg  und  BglzTOPfg.  Vor  Alters  haben  die  Bewohner  der 
Insel  eine  Mauer  gebaut,  die  sie  in  zwei  Hälften  teilt  und  zwar 
so  gründlich,  dass  Luft,  Boden  und  alles  übrige  in  beiden  ver- 
schieden ist.  Es  folgt  darauf  eine  stimmungsvolle  Sage  von  der 
nächtlichen  Überfahrt  der  Toten.  Natürlich  ist  diese  Insel 
BQLxzla  weiter  nichts  als  Britannien,  Bgirvia  =  bret.  Brei^ 
die  einheimische  Namensform,  Der  von  Rhys,  Celtic  Britain^ 
212,  halb  gebilligte  Versuch  de  Vits,  Bgmla  mit  Jütland  als 
der  Heimat  der  Brittones  zu  identifizieren,  ist  keiner  ernsthaften 
Erwägung  wert.  Dem  byzantinischen  Historiker  kann  man 
schon  weit  eher  verzeihen,  dass  er  aus  Bgirzia  und  Bgirravla 
zwei  verschiedene  Länder  machte. 

In  der  Frage  nach  der  Besiedehmg  Irlands  und  Englands 


KELTEN   UND    GALLIEE.  21 

durch  die  Kelten  vertritt  Rhys  noch  heute  (Rliys  and  Brynmor 
Jones,  The  Welsh  People  34/35)  die  Anschauungen,  die  uns  aus 
seinen  früheren  Arbeiten  (Report  of  the  Royal  Commission  on 
Land  in  Wales  and  Monmouthshire  Cap.  VII,  Rhind  Lectures, 
Celtic  Britain^)  geläufig  sind.  Darnach  hätten  wir  mit  zwei 
Invasionen  zu  rechnen.  Im  sechsten  oder  fünften  vorchristlichen 
Jahrhundert  wären  die  dem  (/^(- Zweige  angehörigen  Goidelen 
eingewandert,  dreihundert  Jahre  später  die  Britten,  die  einen 
j)- Dialekt  sprachen.  Zu  diesem  Ergebnis  wird  Rhys  durch  eine 
Wahrscheinlichkeitsrechnung  geführt,  die,  wenn  die  in  Betracht 
kommenden  Faktoren  etwas  anders  bewertet  werden,  ebenso  gut 
ein  völlig  entgegengesetztes  Resultat  liefert.  Der  Umstand,  dass 
die  Goidelen  den  am  weitesten  nach  Westen  vorgeschobenen 
Posten  der  Inselkelten  bilden,  berechtigt  noch  keineswegs  zu 
dem  Schlüsse,  dass  sie  die  ersten  Ankömmlinge  gewesen  sind. 
Man  kann  ihre  Sitze  auch  bei  der  Annahme  verstehen,  dass  sie 
als  die  zuletzt  gekommenen  die  dem  Festlande  näher  liegenden 
Gegenden  bereits  okkupiert  gefunden  haben  und  daher  am 
weitesten  gewandert  sind,  ehe  sich  für  sie  ein  Platz  bot.  Man 
denke  an  die  Senonen  in  Italien.  Zudem  wissen  wir  nicht 
einmal  mit  Sicherheit,  dass  Irland  seine  keltische  Bevölkerung 
ausschliesslich  auf  dem  Wege  über  England  erhalten  hat.  Alle 
Argumente,  die  man  aus  der  Länge  des  Seeweges  zwischen 
Frankreich  und  Irland  u.  dergl.  zu  schöpfen  versucht  sein  kann, 
werden  durch  einen  Hinweis  auf  die  Besiedelungsverhältnisse  in 
der  Südsee  erledigt.  Die  ganze  Betrachtungsweise  Rhys'  leidet 
an  dem  bekannten  Schematismus,  der  die  Einheitlichkeit  eines 
gegebenen  Zustandes  auch  für  seine  Entstehung  voraussetzt. 
Die  Sonderung  von  qii-  und  2^ -Kelten  ist  eine  Thatsache  der 
Sprachgeschichte,  welche  Rolle  sie  in  der  Besiedelungsgeschichte 
gespielt  hat,  ist  unbekannt.  Es  ist  nicht  abzusehen,  warum  nicht 
qu-  und  i)- Kelten  gelegentlich  gemeinsam  gewohnt  haben  und 
gewandert  sein  sollen.  Die  Not  schweisst  noch  weil  wider- 
strebendere  Elemente  zusammen.  Gestehen  wir  also  ehrlich  ein, 
dass  weder  über  die  Art  noch  über  die  Zeit  der  Besiedelung 
Englands  und  Irlands  irgend  etwas  Sicheres  ausgesagt  werden 
kann. 

Ich  breche  diese  kursorischen  Ausführungen  hier  ab,  denn 
der  rote  Faden,  der  sich  durch  sie  hindurch  zieht,  ist  nach- 
gerade so  dünn  geworden,  dass  es  Mühe  macht,  ihn  überhaupt 


22  E.  ZUPITZA,    KELTEN    UND    GALLIEE. 

wahrzunehmen.  In  der  keltischen  Ethno^aphie  ist  recht  vieles 
dunkel.  Es  begegnen  uns  da  Gesamtnamen  aller  Art,  deren 
Entstehung  und  Bedeutung  wir  nicht  erraten  können.  Wenn  es 
aber  zwei  Namen  giebt,  von  denen  wir  mit  g-utem  Gewissen 
sagen  können,  dass  sie  keinen  alten  Gegensatz  enthalten,  so  sind 
es  die,  mit  denen  man  ein  so  gewaltthätiges  Spiel  getrieben  hat: 
Kelten  und  Gallier. 

Berlin,  Friedenau.  E.  Ztjpitza. 


ÜBER  EINE  IN  STEIERMARK 

GEFUNDENE  GALLISCHE  INSCHRIFT  IN 

NORDETRUSKISCHEM  ALPHABET. 


Es  ist  C.  Pauli  gelmigeu.  in  seinem  verdienstvollen  Werke 
„Die  Inschriften  nordetruskisclien  Alphabets*'  (=  Altitalische 
Forschungen  I.  Lpz.  1885)  nachzuweisen,  dass  die  Inschriften, 
welche  im  sogenannten  nordetruskischen  Alphabet  abgefasst  sind, 
mehreren  verscliiedenen  Sprachen  angehören.  Nach  Pauli  lassen 
sie  sich  auf  vier  verschiedene  Sprachen  verteilen,  und  zwar  die 
folgenden:  1.  Gallisch,  2.  Salassisch-lepontisch,  eine  Sprache, 
welche  zwar  keltisch  ist,  aber  vom  GemeingaUischen  in  mehreren 
Beziehungen  abzuweichen  scheint.  3.  Etruskisch  imd  4.  Yenetisch. 

Nur  über  zwei  Inschriften  (Pauü  Nr.  38  imd  99b)  wagt 
Pauli  nicht  sich  näher  auszusprechen.  Er  vermutet,  dass  sie 
entweder  in  einer  Mischsprache  abgefasst  sind,  oder  dass  sie, 
weil  aus  den  Gegenden  herrührend,  wo  die  Euganeer  einst 
gewohnt  zu  haben  scheinen,  diesem  Volke  zuzuschreiben  sind 
(Pauli  p.  121  ff.). 

Die  eine  Inschrift  (Xr.  38)  ist  auf  einem  bei  Verona  ge- 
fundenen Metallstreifen  eingeritzt  und  lautet  nach  Paulis  Lesung:') 

<famniuq)ihiiremieslms(fasuvaliliikvepismes. 

Die  zweite  der  fi-aglichen  Inschriften  (Xr.  99  b)  ist  die- 
jenige eines  Bronzehelms,  in  Xegau  südlich  von  Eadkersbiu-g  in 
Steiermark  gefimdeu.    Xach  Paulis  Lesung  lautet  sie  wie  folgt: 

%u(f/iii(fanuag)i. 

5  10 


')  Vgl.  Stokes,  Bezzenbergers  Beiträge  XI,  120  f. 


24  MAGNUS    OLSEN, 

Der  Negauer  Helm  hat  auch  eine  zweite  Insclirift,  von 
Pauli  mit  a  bezeichnet,  während  er  die  oben  gegebene  h  nennt: 

sirdku  \  xurpi  •  iarseisvi. 

Eigenartig  sind  die  Verhältnisse,  unter  denen  der  Helm 
gefunden  ist.  Wie  der  genaue  Fundbericht  angiebt,  stiess  man 
in  Negau  auf  ein  ganzes  Depot  von  Helmen  —  in  allem  25  — , 
welche  einer  in  dem  andern  steckten.  Zwei  von  diesen  Helmen 
waren  mit  Inschrift  versehen,  derjenige,  welcher  oben  erwähnt 
ist,  und  einer,  der  nach  Pauli  (p.  44 — 46)  eine  sicher  süd- 
etruskische  Inschrift  trägt:  liarinastüeiva  (tite  Vorname,  Jiarmas 
Gentilname  im  Nominativ).  Es  ist  somit  Grund  anzunehmen, 
dass  wir  in  diesen  Helmen  das  Depot  eines  fahrenden  Händlers 
vor  uns  haben,  welcher  seine  Waren  in  verschiedenen  Gegenden 
zusammengekauft  hat. 

Die  beiden  Inschriften  unseres  Helmes  weichen  in  mehreren 
Punkten  von  einander  ab.  Während  in  a  die  Linien  eingeritzt 
sind,  sind  sie  in  h  bloss  punktiert.  Ein  wesentlicherer  Unterschied 
ist  es,  dass  a  als  Interpunktion  drei  Punkte  verwendet,  während 
sich  in  h  AVorttrennung  nicht  findet.  Über  das  weitere  Ver- 
hältnis zwischen  beiden  Inschriften  bemerkt  Pauli  (p.  123):  „Das 
Alphabet  von  a  ist  bestimmt  das  nordetruskische  von  Bozen, 
wofür  entscheidend  sind  das  ["  =  2h  M  =  s,  "i  =  f  und  T  =  z  5 
das  Alphabet  von  h  kann  gleichfalls  nordetruskisch  sein,  es 
kommen  aber  grade  keine  charakteristischen  Buchstaben  in  der 
Inschrift  vor.  Über  die  Sprache  beider  Inschriften  lässt  sich  zur 
Zeit  nur  soviel  aussagen,  dass  die  Formen  in  a  nichts  enthalten, 
was  dem  Nordetruskischen  entgegenstände,  während  h  mit  seinem 
häufigen  9)  an  die  Formen  des  Blechstreifens  von  Verona  erinnert." 

Was  Pauli  hier  zur  Stütze  der  Ansicht  anfüln't,  dass  Nr.  99  b 
und  Nr.  38  in  derselben  Sprache  abgefasst  seien,  kann  nicht  ent- 
scheidend sein.  Um  so  bemerkenswerter  scheint  es  dagegen,  dass 
beide  Inschriften  dieselbe  Silbe  (/an  (Buchstabe  5 — 7  in  Nr.  99b, 
B.  1 — 3  in  Nr.  38)  enthalten.  Aber  dessenungeachtet  sind  wir 
nicht  befugt,  die  beiden  Inschriften  als  derselben  Sprache  zu- 
gehörig zu  betrachten.  Aus  der  Inschrift  selbst  werden  wir  den 
Versuch  machen  Nr.  99  b  zu  erklären. 

Diese  Inschrift  beginnt  mit  einem  Zeichen  g,  über  welches 
Pauli  (p.  36)  sich  folgendermassen  ausspricht:  „Das  §  zu  Anfang 
von  h  ist  wohl  nur  Zierat  oder  Interpunktion."    Beides  scheint 


GALLISCHE    INSCHRIFT    IN    NORDETßlTSKISCHEM   ALPHABET.        25 

sehr  zweifelhaft  zu  sein.  Es  ist  wenig  wahrscheinlich,  dass  man 
unmittelbar  vor  einer  Inschrift  als  Zierat  ein  Zeichen  angebracht 
hätte,  das  von  derselben  Grösse  wie  die  folgenden  Buchstaben 
ist  und  übrigens  grosse  Ähnlichkeit  mit  einem  wirklichen  Buch- 
staben verrät.  Als  Interpunktionszeichen  gefasst  würde  g  ganz 
vereinzelt  dastehen.  Warum  hätte  man  nicht  [  wie  in  a 
gebraucht?  Vergebens  wird  man  auch  einen  Buchstaben  suchen, 
aus  welchem  ^  verschrieben  sein  könnte. 

Es  scheint  somit  die  Annahme  näher  zu  liegen,  dass  wir 
in  dem  Zeichen  g  eine  Hausmarke  vor  uns  haben.  Es  kann 
nicht  mehr  Wunder  nehmen,  unter  den  Völkern  Norditaliens 
Hausmarken  zu  jfinden,  als  unter  den  Messapiern  und  den 
Griechen  (vgl.  die  Tafeln  von  Herakleia)  im  südlichen  Italien. 
Von  messapischen  Hausmarken  handelt  AV.  Deecke,  Eheiuisches 
Museum  36,  577:  „Ein  ....  höchst  interessanter  Punkt  ist  das 
Vorkommen  stenographischer  Zeichen,  teils  in  Reihen  neben 
messapischen  Texten,  in  einer  Art  von  Bilingueu,  teils  allein  in 
Gruppen  oder  vereinzelt.  Die  Einzelzeichen  erinnern  an  Hand- 
siglen  oder  Hausmarken,  wie  sie  auch  begegnen,  z.  B.  Dreizack, 
Anker,  Henkelkreuz,  Zweig  u.  s.  w." 

Aus  dieser  Erklärung  des  Zeichens  scheint  hervorzugehen, 
dass  die  Inschrift  den  Namen  des  Besitzers  enthält,  was  ohnehin 
aus  anderen  Gründen  w^ahrscheinlich  ist;  denn  einmal  erscheint 
dies  durch  die  Natur  der  Sache  geboten,  und  weiter  hat  es  eine 
genaue  Parallele  in  dem  zweiten  mit  Inschrift  versehenen  Helme 
von  Negau,  auf  welchem  Pauli  die  (süd)etruskischen  Namen  tite 
und  harinas  wiederfindet  (vgl.  oben  p.  24). 

Bei  der  Deutung  der  venetischen  Inschriften  nimmt  Pauli 
(Altitalische  Forschungen  III,  234  ff.)  als  Ausgangspunkt  die 
richtige  Voraussetzung,  dass  die  verschiedenen  Völker,  welche 
ein  und  demselben  Kulturkreise  angehören,  wie  dies  mit  den 
italischen  Völkern  der  Fall  ist,  für  die  einzelnen  Kategorien  der 
Inschriften  sich  ähnlicher  Formeln  bedienen.  Diese  Annahme 
hat  ihn  auch  in  den  Stand  gesetzt,  für  das  Verständnis  der 
venetischen  Inschriften  einen  sicheren  Grund  zu  legen. 

Für  'Besitzinschriften'  findet  er  (I.e.  p.  237  f.)  in  den 
italischen  Sprachen  folgende  drei  Formeln  belegt: 

I.  Formel  simi  oder  hoc  (est),  z.B.  lat.  Epapliroäiti  sum, 
osk.  luvcües  cnaiviies  sum  'Lucii  Gnaevii  sum',  etr.  mi  alßnas 
hoc  [est]  Albinii'. 


26  MAGSTS  OL^BiN. 

n.  blosser  Name  im  Genetiv,  z.  B.  lat  M.  Talen  Albinuenci, 
osk-  veniUis  'Venili'.  etr.  afnas  "Abönii'. 

m.  blosser  Name  im  XominatiV;  z.  B.  Caims,  osk.  curafis 
vibis  "Arbins  Vibins*,  etr.  vehisna  •Völusinius*. 

Wir  dürfen  dann  annehmen,  dass  anch  nnsere  Inschrift  eine 
Ton  diesen  Formeln  verwendet 

Es  ist  hier  hervorzuheben,  dass  die  Insehrüt  in  einigem 
Abstände  vom  Ende  eine  Silbe  hat.  die  aof  denselben  Vokal  (-t) 
am^ht  wie  die  letzte  Silbe,  nnd  dass  dieser  Vokal  nur  in  diesen 
zwei  Silben  vorkommt.  Dies  scheint  kein  Zufall  zu  sein.  Wir 
werden  daher  gewiss  nicht  fehlgehen,  wenn  wir  daraus  den 
Schluss  ziehen,  dass  die  Inschrift  zwei  derselben  grammauschen 
Eat^orie  zugehörige  Wörter  enthält  : 

%  mtfm  fiamia^ 

Durch  diese  Betrachtung  wird  der  folgende  Deutraigs- 
versnch  von  der  oben  gegebenen  Erklämng  des  zweifelhaften 
Zeichens  §  ganz  unabhängig  gemacht 

Da  die  Inschrift  aller  Wahrscheinlichkeit  nach  eine  Beätz- 
inschrift  ist,  scheint  es  sich  hieraus  ganz  natürlich  zu  ergeben, 
dass  die  zwei  Wörter,  welche  derselben  grammatischen  Kategorie 
angehören  können^  die  Namen  des  Besitzers  sind,  oder  d^  Name 
des  Besitzers^  von  einem  andern  Namen  in  demselbi^  Kasus 
r^ert.  Wir  erwarten  daher  in  der  Inschrift  Formel  U  oder 
in  wiederzufinden:  Vorname  +  Gentil-  oder  Beiname  entweder 
im  (.Tenetiv  oder  im  Nominativ  (oder  der  Name  des  Besitzers 
im  NominatiT  oder  Genetiv,  dnrdi  efaien  zweiten  Namen  im 
Genetiv  näher  bestimmt). 

Es  liegt  kein  Grand  vor,  uquii  imd  ^anua^i  für  zwei 
Nominative  anzusehen.  Dagi^en  empfiehlt  es  sich  w^en  der 
Gleichheit  des  lateinischen  Gen.  auf  -i  und  des  gattiscli«!  auf  -i, 
auch  das  auslautende  -i  der  beiden  Wörter  als  die  Endung  des 
Genetivs  zu  betrachten. 

Es  ist  somit  wahrscheinlich  gemacht,  dass  die  Inschrift 
b  des  Neganer  Helmes  in  einer  indogermanischen 
Sprache  abgefasst  ist,  welche  einen  Genetiv  auf  4 
besitzt. 

Wir  haben  nun  weiter  zu  bestimmen,  in  weldi^Doi  Ver- 
hältnis die  Sprache  der  Neganer  Inschrift  zu  den  übrigen  indo- 


GALLISCHE    INSCHRIFT   IN   N0BDETEU8KISCHEM    ALPHABET,        27 

germanischen  Sprachen  steht.  Haben  wir  es  mit  einer  selb- 
ständigen indogermanischen  Sprache  zu  thun,  und  sind  wir  somit 
dazu  befugt,  auf  der  bunten  Sprachkarte  Xorditaliens  noch  eine 
Farbe  hinzuzufügen?  A  priori  scheint  dies  wenig  ansprechend. 
Oder  ist  die  Sprache  unserer  Inschrift  mit  einer  der  uns  sonst 
bekannten  indogermanischen  Sprachen  identisch?  Auf  diese 
Fragen  werden  wir  erst  dann  die  Antwort  geben  können,  wenn 
uns  die  etjTnologische  Deutung  der  Inschrift  wenigstens  zum 
Teil  gelungen  ist. 

Bevor  wir  aber  zur  sprachlichen  Erklärung  der  Wörter 
utpni  und  (fanuatfi  übergehen,  wird  es  notwendig  sein,  einige 
epigraphische  Bemerkungen  vorauszuschicken. 

Da  in  der  Inschrift  keine  charakteristischen  Buchstaben 
auftreten,  kann  es  nicht  ausgemacht  werden,  ob  sie  im  nord- 
etruskischen  oder  im  gemeinetruskischen  Alphabet  abgefasst  ist. 
Es  beruht  wohl  nicht  auf  einem  Zufall,  dass  in  unserer  Inschrift 
weder  für  die  Medien  noch  für  o  besondere  Zeichen  belegt  sind. 
Darin  stimmt  sie  mit  dem  gemeinetruskischen  Alphabet  überein; 
aber  auch  dem  nordetruskischen  Alphabet  von  Bozen  fehlen  die 
Medien  und  das  o  (Pauli  p.  54),  und  im  Alphabet  von  Este  sind 
sowohl  die  Medien  als  das  o  aufgegeben,  das  o  ist  aber  später 
wieder  recipiert  worden,  was  durch  seine  Stellung  im  Alphabet, 
ganz  am  Ende  desselben,  hinlänglich  erwiesen  wird  (Pauü 
p.  51  f.). 

Nichts  scheint  daher  der  Annahme  entgegen  zu  stehen, 
dass  das  V  {u)  der  Inschrift  auch  o  hat  bezeichnen 
können. 

In  den  nordetruskischen  Alphabeten  wird  u  teils  durch  a 
(Alphabet  von  Este),  teils  durch  V  (Alphabete  von  Bozen  und 
Lugano)  bezeichnet.  Letzteres  Zeichen  hat  sich  durch  römischen 
Einfluss  eingebürgert.  Auf  Eechnung  des  Einflusses  römischer 
Schrift  ist  es  auch  zu  setzen,  dass  im  Alphabet  von  Lugano  — 
dem  Alphabet,  in  welchem  nach  Pauli  lauter  keltische  Inschriften, 
darunter  die  bekannten  gallischen  von  Todi  und  Xovara,  ab- 
gefasst sind  —  V  (statt  des  =|)  als  v  gebraucht  wird. 

Wir  dürfen  es  darum  füi'  möglich  halten,  dass  in  unserer 
Inschrift  V  vor  einem  Vokale  v  bezeichnet  habe. 

E.  Thurneysen  (Wochenschrift  f.  klass.  Phü.  1892,  p.  291) 
nimmt  mit  guten  Gründen  für  venet.  /,  9:,  z  die  Aussprache 
resp.  g,  h,  d  an:   „Da  die  Laute  [/,  (f,  z]  ursprünglichen  Mediae 


28  MAGNUS    OLSEN, 

entsprechen  [z.  B.  venet.  voltiyaiclt,  zur  idg.  Wurzel  gcn-\  da  sie 
die  Mediae  der  benachbarten  Gallier  wiedergeben  [z.  B.  venet. 
(pohiios  =  gall,  JBokis],  da  später  die  lateinische  Schrift  sie 
durch  ihre  Mediae  bezeichnet  [z.  B.  venet.  vliouiont-  :  lat.  Fugo- 
nia\,  sehe  ich  keinen  Grund  zu  zweifeln,  dass  (f>,  %>  ^  einfach 
als  die  venetische  Schreibung  wirklicher  Mediae  h  g  d  zu  be- 
trachten sind." 

Da  auch  dem  Alphabet,  in  welchem  die  Negauer  Inschrift 
abgefasst  ist,  die  Medien  gefehlt  zu  haben  scheinen,  hat  man, 
wenn  die  Sprache  die  gemeinen  Medien  h,  g,  ä  besessen,  die- 
selben durch  (p,  X,  3  bezeichnen  müssen. 

In  genauerer  Umschrift  wird  unsere  Inschrift  darum 
vielleicht  die  folgende: 

%  ohnl  hanvahi. 


Da  die  beiden  Wörter  der  Inschrift  an  den  idg.  Genetiv 
auf  -i  erinnern,  und  da  dieser  Genetiv  nur  in  zwei  idg.  Sprachen, 
und  zwar  im  Lateinischen  und  Keltischen  (Gallischen)  vorkommt, 
sind  wir  bei  der  etymologischen  Erklärung  der  Inschrift  auf 
eine  von  diesen  Sprachen  hingewiesen. 

Es  ergiebt  sich  leicht,  dass  mit  dem  Lateinischen  nichts 
anzufangen  ist.  Höchst  überraschend  und  ganz  alleinstehend 
würde  es  auch  sein,  wenn  wir  unter  den  Inschriften  nord- 
etruskischen  Alphabets  eine  lateinische  wiederfänden.  Von 
gallischen  Inschriften,  in  diesem  Alphabet  abgefasst,  ist  uns 
dagegen  schon  lange  eine  kleine  Anzahl  bekannt.  Es  empfiehlt 
sich  darum  aus  dem  Gallischen  einen  Erklärungsversuch  zu 
machen. 

Auf  gallischen  Bronzemünzen  kommt  ein  Mannsname  Ohnos 
vor  (vgl.  Holder,  Alt-celtischer  Sprachschatz  II,  sp.  822:  'Muret- 
Chab.  6310:  OBNOS.  6311,  pl.  XIX:  SOliaO').  Den  Genetiv 
dieses  Namens  könnten  wir  in  dem  ersten  Worte  unserer 
Inschrift  ohni  wiederfinden.  Der  Name  Ohnos  ist  formell  mit 
dem  altirischen  Appellativ  oniim  *  Furcht'  identisch,  welches 
Wort  wir  auf  urkelt.  *ohno-s  zurückführen  dürfen  (cymr.  ofn 
m.  'metus,  timor,  formido,  terror',  corn.  oum,  bret.  aoiin).  Ausser- 
halb  des  Keltischen  scheint  got.  ahrs  'stark,  heftig',  bi-abrjan 


GALLISCHE    INSCHRIFT    IN    NORDETRUSKISCHEM   ALPHABET.        29 

'sich  entsetzen,  staunen'  liieiiier  zu  hiiren  (Bezzenberger  bei 
Fick,  Idg.Wb.^I,  50;  Brugmann,  Grundrisse  1,518). 

Gall.  *olmo-s  findet  sicli  auch  als  Konipositionsglied  in  zu- 
sammengesetzten Namen,  wie  Exobnus,  Exomnus  m.,  Exomna  f. 
(=  altir.  cs-omum  'furchtlos',  cymr.  ehowjn,  m.  bret.  e-haffn), 
Exomnachis,  Exomniannts,  Exomniiis,  Exomnia.  Zu  diesen 
Komposita  mischte  Ohnos  als  Koseform  anzusetzen  sein.  Un- 
möglich ist  es  jedoch  auch  nicht,  dass  ohni  ein  ?o- Stamm  wäre, 
dessen  Nominativ  also  *Ohnios  lauten  sollte.  Vgl.  die  gall.  Kurz- 
namen Tont  US  Toutius  zu  Touto-hocio,  Toutio-rix.  Bemerkens- 
wert ist  es  auch,  dass  wir  sowohl  Exomnus  als  Exomnius 
belegt  finden. 

Was  das  zweite  Wort  der  Inschrift,  hanvabi,  wie  wir  es 
in  der  Umschrift  geben,  betrifft,  so  müssen  wir  gestehen,  dass 
seine  Etymologie  nicht  so  am  Tage  liegt,  wie  es  mit  ohni  der 
Fall  war.  Doch  lässt  sich  auch  dieses  Wort  aus  dem  Gallischen 
erklären. 

Da  die  keltischen  Sprachen  ein  Suffix  -aho-  {-oha,  -ahi-) 
neben  -il/^-,  -oh*-,  -uh*-  besitzen  (vgl.  Zeuss-Ebel,  Gr.  Celt.'^  788  f.), 
liegt  es  nahe  anzunehmen,  dass  dieses  Suffix  in  hmivahi  vorliege, 
um  so  mehr,  als  nichts  uns  dazu  berechtigt,  dieses  Wort  als  ein 
Kompositum  anzusehen.  Es  ergiebt  sich  somit,  dass  hanv-  der 
Stamm  ist,  welchen  wir  mit  kelt.  *banvo-s  'Schwein'  identificieren 
dürfen:  ir.  hmih,  cymr.  hamv  m.  'porcus,  porcellus,  nefrens',  corn. 
haneu  (gl.  sus),  bret.  han,  hano,  hanv  (Fick^  II,  161).  Ausser- 
halb des  Keltischen  ist  das  AVort  nicht  erwiesen. 

Wir  wagen  es  nicht  auf  die  Bedeutung  von  hanvabi  und 
sein  syntaktisches  Verhältnis  zu  ohni  näher  einzugehen.  Nur 
dürfen  die  verschiedenen  Möglichkeiten,  welche  bei  einer  solchen 
Erklärung  in  Betracht  kommen  könnten,  nicht  unerwähnt  bleiben: 

1.  hanvabi  könnte  der  Genetiv  eines  Namens  *Banvah(i)os 
sein  und  von  ohni  abhängig.  Mit  demselben  Suffix  ist  z.  B.  der 
Mannsname  Arabus  gebildet.  Also:  '[Est]  Obn(i)i,  Banvab(i)i 
filii'.  Ähnliche  Wendungen  finden  sich  in  mehreren  gallischen 
Inschriften,  z.  B.  Doiros  Segomari  (Dijon),  Martialis  Dannotali 
(Alise).i) 

2.  Man  könnte  annehmen,  dass  hanvabi  der  Genetiv  eines 
Patronymikons  *Banvabios  sei,  durch  das  Suffix  -ios  vomVaters- 


')  Stokes,  Bezzenbergers  Beiträge  XT,  131  f. 


30  OLSEN,   INSCHRIFT    IN   NORDETRUSKISCHEM    ALPHABET. 

Vornamen  ^Banvahos  abgeleitet.  Vgl.  z.  B.  Esyonagoq  OviX- 
Xov£og  (Vaison  I),i)  EociyyoQSL^  KovöiXXeog  (Nimes  111),^) 
Bififioq  AirovfiaQiog  (St.-Remy  I),^)  OvQiraxog  HXovöxoviog 
(St.-Eemy  II).^)  —  Zu  übersetzen  wie  unter  1. 

3.  hanvahz  könnte  als  Zuname  zu  *Obn(i)os  zu  fassen  sein. 
Vgl.  z.  B.  CIL.  II,  2869:  Madice[n]us  Calabius  Ambati  f.  —  Zu 
übersetzen:  '[Est]  Obn(i)i  Banvab(i)i'. 

4.  Vielleicht  dürfte  man  einen  Ortsnamen,  z.  B.  ^Banvahum 
(was  das  Suffix  betrifft,  vgl.  z.  B.  Cenahum)  voraussetzen,  wovon 
"^'Banvahios  abgeleitet  sein  könnte,  wie  z.  B.  Älisios  von  Alisia. 
Dieses  vorauszusetzende  *Banvabum  wäre  von  gall.  *hanvo-s 
'Schwein'  gebildet,  wie  der  alte  Name  Irlands  Banha  wahr- 
scheinlich mit  ir.  hanh  in  Zusammenhang  steht.  Vgl.  auch  den 
gael.  Ortsnamen  Banff.  —  'Est  Obn(i)i  Banvabensis.' 

Hoffentlich  wird  eine  gründlichere  Kenntnis  der  gallischen 
Sprache,  durch  Vergleichung  der  gallischen  Inschriften  unter 
einander  erworben,  uns  in  den  Stand  setzen,  zwischen  diesen 
und  anderen  Möglichkeiten,  welche  in  Betracht  gezogen  werden 
könnten,  zu  entscheiden. 

Wenn  wir  in  dieser  Untersuchung  in  der  Hauptsache  das 
Eichtige  getroffen  haben,  dann  ist  die  zweite  Inschrift  des 
Negauer  Helmes  eine  willkommene  Vermehrung  der  nicht  be- 
trächtlichen Anzahl  gallischer  Inschriften,  die  in  etruskischem 
Alphabet  abgefasst  sind. 

Da  die  Inschrift,  wie  Pauli  hervorgehoben  hat,  wahr- 
scheinlich 'verschleppt'  ist,  so  ist  es  natürlich,  dass  sie  bei  der 
Beantwortung  der  Frage  über  die  Verbreitung  der  Gallier  von 
keinem  Belang  sein  wird.  Doch  dürfen  wir  uns  auf  der  anderen 
Seite  für  schadlos  halten  durch  den  schönen  Einblick,  welchen 
uns  die  drei  aus  einem  und  demselben  Funde  herrührenden  süd- 
etruskischen,  nordetruskischen  und  gallischen  Inschriften  in  den 
Verkehr  zwischen  den  Völkern  Italiens  gewährt. 

^)  Stokes,  Bezzenbergers  Beiträge  XI,  p.  122  f. 

2)  Stokes,  ib.  p.  126. 

3)  Stokes,  ib.  p.  127. 

Kristiania.  .  Magnus  Olsen. 


MITTEILUNGEN 
AUS  IRISCHEN  HANDSCHRIFTEN. 


V. 
Aus  Egerton  1782. 

Diese  Handschrift  ist  zu  Anfang  des  15.  Jahrhunderts 
geschrieben  ivorden,  ivie  aus  folgender  Schreihernotiz  auf  dem 
unteren  Hände  von  fo.  24: a  hervorgeht: 

Poll  in  Möintiglii)  mo  log  graifm'c^  oidc/w  feli  Moliiig.2) 
An.  d.  1.  4.  19. 

Auf  dem  untern  Rande  von  fo.  53a  findet  sich  folgendes: 

ar  vidighe  (id  est  a  benedicionis)  don  fir  dotliraclit  na  tri 
raimisi  dun  .i.  lärnän  mac  Seaain  mic  Thorrna  hui  Maoilconuiri 
mo  derb  mbleoghan  budhessin. 

Und  auf  fo.  56  a: 

Mescae  na  caer  cärtliainn  oc  a  rüamnad  fom  äetaih  is  cintach 
re  dul  tar  in  n?Lgail  dam  ar  medon.  la  aipclii  na  n-uili  thorad 
immar«c/i  .i.  la  Lughnasad  id  est  ssitharn. 

Auf  fo.  86  &  steht  zur  Erhlärung  der  Ldiclie  in  der  Kopie 
der  Tain  Bö  Fräicli  {vgl.  unten  §  22)  von  anderer  Hand: 

Mo  mliallöc//^  forsan  laim  no  forsan  ainbhfis  rogen*  in 
leathanacli  sin  ar  is  mor  do  dhuadlia  in  scceöil  iiiSirus  da^)  atli- 
sgribadh  conuige  in  meriigud  sin.  Trocaire  o  Dia  go  bhfliagliadh 
in  fer  thug  msacht  in  leabair  dhamh  .i.  Miclisel  o  Broin.  Misi 
Ualewtin  ua  Hanluain. 


^)  Ich  kann  den  Ort  nicht  identifizieren.    Pollymount  ist  der  heutige 
Name  eines  townlands  in  der  Grafschaft  Roscommon. 
2)  Der  17.  Juni. 
*)  daat  mit  Punkten  unter  at. 


32  KUNO   MEYER, 

fo.  1207;  m.  Inf.: 

Is  dimdach  me  don  macjasäj  (.i.  Aed  mac  Diarmafa  Ruäid) 
lenb  tue  in  caide  sin  tuäs  arin  nibillin.  Tri  sechtmaine  omärach 
la  lug-hnasa.     Tech  mör  liüi  Maolconaire  mo  log  scribind. 

Täin  B6  FräicJi. 

Ich  nehme  Jceinen  Anstand,  diesen  ivichtigen  Text,  eine  der 
ältesten  unter  den  uns  erhaltenen  Frofanerzähliingen , ')  nach  der 
Handschrift  vollständig  ahzudrucken.  Die  wichtigsten  Varianten 
der  Version  des  Gelben  Buchs  von  Lecan  (SS.  55  &—  60a)  (Y), 
des  Buches  von  Leinster  (SS.  248  a  —  252  &)  (L)  und  der  mit 
letzterer  fast  völlig  übereinstimmenden  Edinburger  Handschrift  XL 
(SS.  37  b — 45  i)  (E)  füge  ich  hinzu  und  schalte  das  in  Egerton 
fehlende  Siüch  aus  L  ein. 

[fo.  82  b]  1.  [FJräedi  macc  Fiduig-2)  di  Chunnoctuib.  Mac 
side  do  Uhebinn  a  sTdib.  Deirbflur  sidi  do  Böinn.'')  Is  he  laech 
is  Eillium4)  robüi  di  feruib  Herinn  7  Albun,  acht  nl  rop^) 
suthnin  nammä.'')  Dobert  hi  mäthair  dl  ba  .x.  dö  assTduib,") 
5  ate  finno  äudergo.  Püi  trefead*')  occo  gu  cenn  secht-')  mbVtadan 
gm  taubnirt  mnä  chuco,  Cöica  mac  rig,  rub  e  lln  a  htegluid, 
comoeso  cutrummu  frissium'")  uili  itir  cruth  ocus  chell'i)  7 
eccuscc. '2) 

2.  Carthui'3)  Finnaba?r  ingiun  AiMlo  7  Mer^bv  asa'^) 
10  hairsgeluib.  AtfTador  dö-sum  oco  thich  innTsin.  i'^)  Ropu  län 
Herin  7  Albu  dia  allnth  ogns  dia  sgT?nib.  lar  suidin  dochornstör 
fair  du!  do  accalluim  ina  hinginiv.  [fo.  83a]  Imroräith'6)  Tarum 
fria  muinnt?>  innlsin.  'Tlagör  üait  didiu'  ol  a  muinnter,  'got 
flar,i")  CO  iucthar  nT  do  etnchi'*)  duit  7  do  escrimimm ' '')  sTdi  naidi.' 
15  3.  Luid  Tarum  co  hsTair  gu  Böuinn,  co  mbui  hi  Maig  Breg 

7  dobert  caeco^o)  mbrat  ndubgormm'^')  hüaide22)  7  ba  cosmuil  gach 


1)  Vgl.  Strachan,  Ro,  5.  3.  ■')  Idaith  L.    Idhaig  E. 

8)  Bofinn  E.  *)  aille  E.  ^)  ba  LE. 

*)  orn.  LE.  ')  assiu  tsid  LE.  ^)  maith  add.  L. 

ä)  ocht  LE.  1")  comiiis  comchutrumma  fris  LE. 

1')  sie  Y.    ocus  cheill  om.  LE.  ")  chosc  L. 

")  carthair  (sie)  E.  ")  ar  LE.  »^)  om.  LE. 
1^)  sie  Y.    immaroraid  L.    immaraig  E. 

")  CO  siair  do  matliar  LE.  '")  ingantach  add.  LE. 

19)  de  ascedaib  LE.  -")  coicait  LE.  '-')  ugorni  LE. 
2'')  om.  LE. 


MITTEir.TTNGEN    AUS    IRISCHEN   HANDSCHRIFTEN.  33 

äe  fria  druimni  düile')  7  ceteöro  liöu  dubglasa  for  cech  mbrat-) 
ocus  mllecli  dergöir  ba  cech  mbrat  7  cseco-^)  leni  mbäugeal') 
g-u  tüagmlluib  öir  impo  ocus  csecoit'^)  sgTatli  gii  mbilib*')  öir 
impu,  ossTat  budein  ö.'a.vcut'^)  7  cainnil^)  rlghthigi  hillaim  cecli 
tir^)  7  cseco  semunn  finnbruine'o)  ar  gach  äi  7  caeco  toruct  di  5 
ör  forloscc[tli]i  imi')  gach  ai.  Eirmiuda  i^)  di  charrmogul  fouib 
innls  7 '3)  do  leciüb  lögmarn'^)  imderntai'^)  a  ii-aurTairinn"') 
nolastis  imi-oidc/i«  aiiiaiZ'^)  nütni  greni.  7  caeco  claidei  u-örduirii 
leö  7  gabur  dubglasis)  fo  siiidi  gach  iir  7  bellgi  öir  friu  huli.''^) 
Moaillind  öir  7  arccmY^o)  gii  cluigTiiib^i)  öir  7  arga^Y  fo  bräguit  10 
gach  e[i]cli  dlb22)  7  cöica  cranii'^3)  corcn  gii  snaitliip  arcuit  es^ib 
7  gu  siblaniiuib-4)  öir  7  arguit  7  gu  cennmiluib  öir  inganta/^/ 
foriüb^s)  7  caeco  eclilwsg  findriwii  co  mbaccäniüb^ß)  ördo  for  cinn 
gach  eclüiiisci^^)  ocus  secht  milco[?]H-*)  gu^'')  slabrathuib  öir  7 
MTcit  7  ubull  n-öir  for'^f*)  gach  ai.  Brögu  cr/edumae  im  gacli  15 
fer  dlb.'*')  Noclia  raib  datlr^^)  nat  mbetli  issuaib  conuib.33) 
Mörfeisiur  cornuiri  leö  go  cornuib  öir  7  airc/^^*)  7  co  n-stuigib^^) 
illdatliacliuib,  co  munguib  örduib  flnubucZe  ocus-^e)  gol-lentib") 
etraclituib  impuib.'^^)  Bätar^^'J)  tri  drüid^")  reimib  co  minnuib 
aircdigib  fo  diör  for  a  g[c]ennuib.4')  Sgetli  gu  fethluib'*'^)  cow-  20 
düalo  la  gach  11 -äi  7^3)  go  clrbachluib^^)  foruib  74'^)  co  n-esna- 
duib  credumo  Tarna  töebuib.  TrTar  cruiti^^^  co  n-ecusc  rig  im 
gach  n-äe  for  a  comuir.^^) 


^)  sie  Y.    ri  findruine  ndoile  LE.  ^)  brutt  L. 

3)  om.  LE.  *)  lenti  bängela  LE.       ^)  cöica  LE. 

^)  n-argdide  co  n-imlib  LE.  ')  oir  —  arcut  om.  LE. 

8)  caindel  LE.  ^)  se  LE.  i")  findruine  LE. 

")  in  LE.  >2)  eirmitiuda  LE.  ")  is  add.  L. 

^*)  logmairib  LE.         '5)  imdeutai  Y.    om.  LE. 
16)  a  n-airiarn  LE.       ")  betis  add.  LE.  i«)  bocglas  LE. 

'*)  oyyi.  LE.  ^")  muillind  6.  7  a.  Y.    maelland  arggait  LE. 

*')  cluciniu  L.    cliocinida  E.  *^)  om.  LE. 

23)  acrann  LE.  ^*)  siblaib  L.    siublaib  E. 

2*)  oir  i.  f.  om.  LE.      ^^)  baccän  L.    baccana  E. 
")  Sä  LE.  28)  milclioiu  LE.  ^')  i  LE. 

^)  etir  LE.  ^i)  j^pu  jr:£.  32)  noco  rabi  dath  L. 

'*)  intib  L.  ^*)  ördaib  7  argdidib  L. 

35)  sidbudib  L.    siadbuidib  E.  ^^)  om.  L. 

3')  leunaib  LE.  3«)  om.  LE.  ^9)  ^j^^tir  L. 

*o)  druith  L.  ")  for  a  c.  om.  LE.        ")  fethul  LE. 

*3)  cm.  LE.  *'*)  sie  Y.    cirbaccauaib  E. 

")  foraib  7  om.  LE.     ^^)  cruittire  L.  *')  for  a  c.  om.  L. 

Zeitaohrift  f.  celt.  Philologie  IV.  3 


34 


KtnsrO   MEYER, 


4.  Docomlat  Tariimi)  do  Crüachnaih  gosin  ecusc  sin  leö. 
Dusndeco  in  dercuid  don-)  dmi  intan  dodeocliat«r^)  im -Mag 
CiTiachmi.  'Dlrim  atchm-so  don  dun'  ol  se,  'inallTn.  0  gabais^) 
Ailill  7  Medb   flath,  nlcustanic  rlam  7  nlcowusticf 0  ■^)  dTrim  hiis 

5  cseimi  na  hus  aine.  Is  ciimma  lern  bid  i  tulcumo  fTono  nobetli 
imo^)  cenn  lassin  ngäetli  dothöet  tairrsib/i. ")  Abnirt  7  abrasi*) 
dogni  in  t-öglach  fll  ann,  nlcon  facuso  rTani  a  chntrnma. 
Focefrd  a  bnnsuig  röut  n-aurcliaro  uäd.  RiasTii  dofäethsat  for") 
talmain,  nusgabedi")  na  secht  milcoin  gnsna  secht  slaprathuib 

10  arcuit  bätar  ina  comuir.'i') 

5.  Lasodain  dontlagut'^)  in  tslüaig  i  ndüni-')  Crüaclian  dia 
ndeiscin.  Imusmucliutd  in  döine  Tarnm,»'*)  conidapatar'--)  .xui. 
fir  dlb  oca  ndeiscin.  Tairlencuit  i  ndorus  in  düine.  Sguirsit 
ind-eochu  ann'")  7  lecit  a  miolcono.    Dosennat'')  secht  n-aide'^) 

15  do  raitb  Crüachan  7  secht  sinnuig''^)  7  secht  mTolu  muigi  7  secht 
turco  alto,  cowrubatar-")  ind  öicc  issind  aurlainn  in  düine.  Is^') 
Tarsin  tra  focertat  a-^)  miolcoin  aithernicb 2^)  bedg  [fo.  83b]  issin 
mBreit.2^)  Gabuit  secht  ndobardioina  (sie)  inde2->)  7  dosinmber- 
tatar  (sie)  leö'^">)  docbum  na  hardo  cetno^^)  1  ndorus  ina  prTmrätha. 

20  6.   Deisitar26)  hi  suidiu.    Dotlagar  önd  rig  dia  n-accalluim 

7  imcliomuircter^')  sgela  döib  düs^*')  da  ba'^-»)  clian  döib.  A 
ndosluinnet^o)  ina^')  sluinntib  flruib,  a  n-w5mbertatar  Tarum:32) 
'Fräecli  mac  Idliuidh  inu  so',  ol  set.  Eäidti^:^)  inni  sin  frissind 
rTg  7  frissind  rignai.    'Foclim  düib  sunn!'^^)  ol  Ailill  7  Medb.35) 

25  'Töet  isind  les!'  DollectAer  döib  larum  cethruimthiv  in  tigi.^6) 
7.  Ed  a  ecusc  in  tigi36)  hTsin.^"")    Secht  n-imdadae^^)  ördoi 


1)  ass  L.  2)  (^in  j^ 

*)  gabaib  MS.  ^)  nicosticfa  L. 

')  tairsiu  L.    taiirsium  E. 
^)  siu  cotri  ri  LE.       ")  nosgaibet  LE. 
'*)  dothiagat  L. 
")  conapthatar  LE. 
")  na  aäd.  L. 
2")  coudarubatar  LE. 
22)  in  LE. 
^^)  om.  LE. 
2«)  scela  d.  d.  om.  LE. 
ä°)  nodasloindet  iaram  YLE. 
*2)  a  n  -  asmbertatar  i.  om.  LE. 
'")  räite  L.    raitte  in  racbtaire  E. 
35)  is  öcläcb  an  fil  and,  ol  Ailill,  add.  L 
8')  om.  LE.  38)  iimiai  L. 


13)  a  dun  L. 

1®)  scoirit  a  n-eochu  L. 

1*)  aige  L. 

23)  om.  LE. 

2^)  deissiter  L. 


3)  dodechatar  L. 
«)  mo  YL. 

8)  abras  7  abairt  LE. 
")  batar  ina  c.  om.  LE. 
'*)  issin  dun  LE. 

'ä)  sinuchu  L. 

21)  om.  LE. 

2«)  i  mBrei  LE. 

2^)  imchomarcar  L. 

29)  bu  L.    bo  E. 

31)  iai-na  LE.    iar  Y. 


3')  om.  LE. 
3«)  taige  LE. 


MITTEILUNGEN    AUS   IRISCHEN   HANDSCHRIFTEN.  35 

aiin  ö  tlienid  go  fraigid»)  issin  tig  imma  gcfiairt.  Airimicli  do-) 
credimio  for  gacli  imdaidß)  Aursgartad  do  dergibur^)  fo  mbrectrad 
cäiii'')  hiiili.  Tri  steill  crcdumo  i  n-aulaid  gaclia  liinido.  Sect 
stein  humuidi*')  in  damdabuid')  co  clethe  isin  tig.  Do  gius 
dogiiTtlii  i'^)  tecli  7  ba  tuga  slinnteclis)  büi  fair  dianeclita?V.  5 
Bätrtr  .xui.  senestreclia'")  isin  tig  7  comhii  liumai  ar  gacli 
sinestri. ")  Ciiing  hiimai  tarsa  tovle».  Cetlieörai '2)  oclitgai 
liumai  for  imdo  XileWo  7  ]\redba.  Imdernad  side'")  do  umo 
Credo  ule,  ossT  hi  certmedön. '*)  Da  airinacli  arguit  impi  fo 
dlörad  airgit.  As  in  airinacli  rosaded^-^)  midlissa  in  tige  7  tim-  10 
chilkYZi'-)  in  tecli  imagcüairt  ön  doriis  dialaili  imiwedön.^'') 

8.  Airacbaf^)  a  ngaisccida  issin  tig  sin  7  setait'-J)  ann'^n) 
7  fertair  fäilte  friu.    'Foclitn  dnib  eml'^o)  ol  Ailill  7  Medb.    'Is* 
ed  doroachtamar ',   ol   Fräecli.     'Xl  bad   aurasa  bälg  ön',21)  ol 
Medb   em.2o)    Jmbrid  Medb  7  Ailill  fi[d]cliill   collec^o)  Tarum.20  15 
Geibid  Fraecli  didiu-'^)   imbert   fl[djcliilli  fria  fer  dia  muinnt/r. 
Ba  cainside  iaruni  in  fi[d]clie//  24)  j_  dar  flndriüne  ann  co  ceteöraip 
äuip  7  Imilnib  öir.    Cainniiü  do  lig  lögmar^s)  og  fursannad  döib. 
Ör  7  arcc«i  ind  fairind  büi  forsin  äclär.    'Aurgnaid  blad  dona'^'') 
liöguib!'  ol  Ailill.    'Nl  ed  is  accobar  lemb',  ol  Medb,  '•acht  tect^-)  20 
do  imb/rt  na  fl[d]cliilli  tall  fri  Fräecli.'    'Is  maith  limmb-so  em', 

ol  Ailill,   'da   thesi  dö.'2^)     Tet  go  Fraecb  Tarum  Medb  729) 
imbert  a  fi[d]cliiull3^')  laruni  ociis  Fraecli. 

9.  Büi  a  muinnter-side^O  gollec  og  fuini  na  fTadmTl.32) 


1)  fraig  LE.  2)  di  L.  »)  imdai  L. 

*)  derggibair  L.  ^)  mrechtrun  cain  (sie])  LE.    brecht  imchain  Y. 

*)  stialla  umai  LE.       ')  on  damdabaich  LE.    6  damdabaig  Y. 

^)  de  gius  dognith  a  L.  ^)  slinued  LE. 

")  senistri  LE.  i')  ar  cech  n-äi  LE.       '^)  cetheor  LE. 

")  immdernide  de  chredumu  LE.  ")  in  taige  add.  LE. 

'^)  fo  diör.    Flesc  argait  isind  airinuiuch  rosaiged  LE. 
16)  timchellad  LE.        ")  om.  LE. 

18)  arrocbat  L.     arocbat  E.    ardotocbad  Y. 

19)  sedait  L.  20)  ^m.  LE. 

*i)  nibad  ürais  araigbaig  6n  LE.    ni  ba  turns   ar  urbhaig  Y  (sie  leg.) 
2--')  iarsiu  LE.  *3)  iarum  LE. 

2*)  cainide  fidcbella  LE.    ba  caeiue  side  cach  ficbthill  Y. 
25)  logmair  LE.  ^6)  donaib  LE.  27)  (jul  LE. 

28)  eirgg  do,  is  maith  lim-sa,  ol  A.  LE.  29)  tet  —  7  om.  LE. 

SO)  imberat  in  fidchill  LE.     imbrit  Y. 

si)  side  om.  L.,  aber  zivei  Punkte  über  muinter,   die  auf  zivei  andere 
unter  Froech  hinweisen.        ^'')  romarbsadar  riam  add.  Y. 

3* 


36  KÜNO   MEYER, 

'Sennuit  do  cruiti')  dun  tra  g'ollec!'^)  ol  Ailill  M  Fräech. 
'Senniüd  dono!'^)  ol  Fräech.  Crotbiülg-^)  do  croiccnib  dobarchon 
impu  cona  n-imdenum  do  fpartuiug'.  Imdenuni'^)  di  ör  7  Siixcat. 
Blan  ferbbad«)   impuib^)  ammedön,   ba  gilitli/r  snecta.     Stella*) 

5  diibgiasso  impu'')  7  bruit  iTii.  Gilitli/r  füan  ngeisi  iuai")  teta.»') 
Crota  di'2)  ör  7  SiYCCut  7  findruine  co  n-delbuib  natliracb  7  en 
7  milcon  di  ör  7  iwccut.  -  Amail  nogiüaistis  na  teta  sin,  imretliitis 
na  delba  sin  larum  imnai»)  firu  imagcüairtt.  Seunuit  döib  larmn 
CO    n-apatar''i)    ^ii.   fer   do  muintfr  AiMlö   7   Mec/ta''')  la   cüi 

10  7  toirsi. 

10.  Bai*^)   binn  Tarum  in  trlar   so   7  bätir  cain'')  liüaitni 

in   sin.     Is  lie  in  trlar  airdirc.     Tri  derbrätAni*^)   a  trlur  .i. 

'  Gentraige     7    Golltraige    7    S^aiitraige.      Böunni'')    a    siduib    a 

mätliair   a  triur   7    is   din   clieöl  sin  ffo.  85  a]  sepliuin  Hüaitlme 

15  cruit  in  Dagdo-^^  anind  ainmnig"t/ier  a  trlar.  7  is  din  clieöl  2:) 
intan  mbrd  in  ben^-)  og-  lamnad,  ba  gol  7  maircc"-'')  lee  geri'-')  i 
na  n-idan  iss  tossacli;^^'')  ba  gen  7  gäire  7  fäilte  ara  bitli-'') 
ar  medön  ar  imtoltain  inda  mac  do  britli;^")  bao  suan  7  älgeni 
arapete   in  mac   degenucli'*)  ar  thrumma  ina  brithi,    conid   de 

20  roliai[n]mnigiuth  trlan  in  cliiüil.  Dofiussaig  Tarum  asin  süan  in 
Böuinn.  'Aurf öim - siu '  ol  sT,  'do  tri  maccu,  a  Hüaitne  län- 
brotliai,  fobitli  fili  suantraige  7  geiitraige  ocus  golltraige"^'-*)  ar 
büaib  sceo  mnäib  dothöetlisat  la  Meidb  7  Ailill.  Atbelaif  fir  la 
clüais  ngessa=5'^)  döib'. 

25  11.  Anad^')  don  tsenmaim  Tarsind^^)  rlgtig.    'Is  segonnd 

donfäinicc',3:5)   ol   Fergus.     'Fogluitli   dün   i  mblad  täinicc  isa 


^)  sendaiter  na  cruiti  Y.    chruttiri  L.  ^)  tra  coUeic  oni.  LE. 

3)  senuat  em  L.    seinnit  em  E.  *)  crottbolg  LE. 

5)  foa  n-iindenam  L.    fon  imdenum  E.  ")  biaun  n-erbbad  LE. 

')  impu  LE.                  **)  sella  L.    sealla  E.      ^)  inua  medou  aide  LE. 

")  imna  YL.    irna  E.  ^O  sin  add.  L. 

*'^)  Crota- sin  om.  LE.  ")  inna  L,    ina  E. 
1')  conidapthatar  L.    conapdatar  Y. 

^5)  da  fer  dec  dia  muintir  LE.  '^)  cäin  7  ba  add.  LE. 

")  cäini  LE.                 i«)  derbratbir  L.  ^^)  Boind  LE. 

2")  Dagdai  YLE.           '■")  7  —  cheol  om.  LE. 

2^  bena  MS.                 ^^)  golmairgg-  LE.  ^')  la  güri  YLE. 
25)  i  tossuch  LE.           26)  fäilte  ar  bith  LE. 

2')  do  brith  om.  LE.    '  28)  dedenach  L. 
2")  suantride  7  gentride  7  goltride  L. 

80)  nglessa  LE.    la  luas  ngesa  Y.  ^^  anait  L. 

82)  iarsain  issind  LE.  ^^)  dofauic  L. 


MITTEILUNGEN    AUS   IßlSCHEN   HANDSCHRIFTEN.  37 

tech!'  ol  Fraech. ')  Docliing'  Lothar  for  lar  in  tige.  Fodäili 
döib  i  mblad  n-Tsin.  For  a  dernnind  Tarum  noraniiad  gach 
n-aglio  cona  claidium  7  iiT  aitliletli  feöil  nä  tunn^)  do.'^)  6 
gabuiss  ronnairect,  nl  aircliiuir  bTad  fo  a  läim  nam  og-  riiinn.') 
Bat«/-  tri  lä  ocus  teöra  hoidc/d  Tarum  oc  imb/rt  ■')  fi[d]clnlli  Medb  5 
7  Fräech  la  liimiuth")  na  llag-  log  mar  lii  teglMc/;  Fräicli.  larsin 
adnglädwstar'')  Fräech  inni  Me/f?&.  'Is  maith  rogabn-s  Mut  tra', 
ol  se,  'nT  biur  do  thochailV)  na  beth^)  meth  n-enig  duit  and.' 
'Ö  'tü-sa  issin  dün  sa',  ol  Medb,  'is  ed  laithi  inn  so  is  sTaam 
limb  ann  rlam.' '")  'Detlib?V  ön  em',  ol  Fräech,  'atät  in  lä  7  10 
teöra  haidf/^i  Tarum  oc  imb/rt  na  fi[d]chilli.'  1 ') 

12.  Lasoduin  atraig  Medp  süas. '2)  Ba  mebul  le  bith'^) 
dona  höguib  gan  bTad.  Luid  Medb  Tarum  go  hA[i]KZZ  ocus  räiti 
f riss.  '  MörgnTm  dorigensum ',  ol  sT,  '  ind  öicc  innechtair  gin  bTad 
dotimb?Vt  fl[d]chilli.'  Aspert  Ailill: 'i)  'M  derban  ind  fodail  dia  15 
muint?V-sim  sethnu  in  tige '.  'Ataat  tri  laa  7  teöra  haidc/d  ann ', 
ol  si,  'acht  näd  [aijrigamar ' ■'>)  in  oidc/d  la  bänsoillsi  na  leg  lögmar 
issin  tig.'  ^Abraid  friu  tra',  ol  Ailill,  'anait  dona  cäinib  dognTat,'^) 
CO  fordäilter'')  bTad'^)  döib.'  Fodüilter  döib  iarum  a  mbiad^'») 
7  ba  maith  romboth  friu  7  ansuit  ann  tri  laa  7  teöra  haidc/d  20 
forsin  fledugud  sin.  20)  larsin  tra  cowaccrad^i)  Fräech  isa  tech 
n-imacallmo  22)  co  h Ailill  7  co  Me?V?ö23j  y  imc^emsus-^)  döu  cid 
donuco.2'^)  'Is  maith  lemb  em'  ol  seiside,  'ceilide  lib-si.'  'NT 
holcc  eim  laisin26)  teglach  for  ngnäisi',2')  ol  Ailill.  'Is  fcrr2s) 
tor  tormach  oldaas  tor  ndigbail.'    'Anfim-ne  lib  üidu,  ol  Fräech  25 


1)  fodlid  dün,  ol  Froech  fria  muintir,  a  mbiad.     Tucaid  isa  tech,  L. 

2)  toinn  na  feöil  LE.  ^)  om.  LE. 

*)  oc  rainn  om.  LE.  ^)  na  add.  LE. 

^)  immed  L.  0  adgladar  YL. 

«)  dind  iSthchill  add.  LE.  «)  raib  YLE. 

'")  ann  rlam  om.  LE. 
")  Statt  iarum  —  fidchilli  hat  L  and. 
")  om.  LE.  1^)  biüth  LE. 

")  annecbtair  donnäncatar  do  bith  cen  biad.    Dilin  duit  imbeirt  fidchille, 
ol  Ailill  LE  (sie  leg.). 

^5)  nat  aichenmar  Y.    nadänairigmer  L.  ^'^)  anat  dina  cüinib  LE. 

")  fodailter  YLE.         's)  om.  LE.  •»)  a  mbiad  om.  LE. 

2")  om.  LE.  ^0  conacrand  E.  ")  immacallam«  LE. 

*ä)  CO  A.  7  CO  M.  om.  LE. 

**)  imchoimras  L.    imcaemrws  E.  2*)  dodnucai  YLE. 

*«)  lassa  YLE.  27)  ngn^g  le.  ^s^  gid  ^^q  y. 


KUNO    METEE 


nach  sechtmiün  n-ale.'i)     Amüt  Tariim  go   ceun  cöigtigis  issin 
dün  7  tofphunn  gacli  läi^)  döib  dochum  in  düine. 

[fo.  85  b]  13.  Dosaig'tis  Connaclito  Tarum.^)  Ba  hiraned  la 
Fraecli  dono  nempaccall«w  4)  ina  liingine.  Sech  ba  he  less  dodm- 
5  hert^)  sainruth.6)  Laithe  ann  adraiss  dead')  oidche  do  innlot 
a  lam  don  tiprait.*)  Is  e  tan  doluid  sT'J)  d'innlo^  alläm  7  a 
liinuilt  don  tiprait  cetna. 'o)  Gaibid  sium  lasoduin")  al-läma-si.i'^) 
'An  frinib  accallam!'  ol  se.  'Is  tu  doroachtamar.'  'Is  tochen 
lim-soVO  ol  in  ingen,  'mäd  conissuinn.'^)    NT  cumguimb  nl  duit.' 

10  ^ Geist,  ind  elife'^)  lim-so?'  ol  Frsech.  'NT  elub  em',  ol  sT,  'üair 
im  16)  ingen  rig  7  ngna.  NT  fil  dawo  did  dai[d]bri-siu  nach- 
imeta-so  öm  innnt?V,  7  bid  e  mo  thoga-sn  da«o  dul  chucat-sa,  ar 
is  ed^~)  rocharus,  7  beir-si  let  ind  ornaisc  si',  ol  ind  ingen^  '7 
bid  e  coniart[h]a  bes  etruinn  dogres.'^)    'Dorad^^)  mo  mäthair 

15  dam-so'  ol  sT,  'hi2")  taiscith  7  itbeV^')  iss  cor  roslaus22)  im- 
mudo.' 

14.  Tötd  Tarum^s)  cectar  de  ao  lethi^^)  Tarsin.  'Atägur-sa 
em'  ol  Ailill,  'elüd  ina  hingene  ugat  la  Fräech.'  'Ce  dobertha 
do  em,^'")  iiT  pa  amndu',-")  ol  Medb,  '7  dothaisiudh  inar  ndoch^tm 

20  cona  ceithri  do  chobuir  dün  occin  täin.'  Doth^et  Tanim  Fräech 
CMCca  isitech  n-imacalb»«.  'In  fil  cogur^-)  lip?'  ol  Fräech.  'Cid 
coccur,2N)  dothuillfe-si  ann^!')  cetamus',^»)  al  se^o)  Ailill,  'In 
tipra-^')  dam-so  for  n-ingen?'^'^)  ol  Fräech.  Immanaiccet  in 
tsMai^    Tarum.33)      'DobeVthar    em^-^)    doidV^)    ol    Ailill,    'dTa 

25  tuccuid  a  tinnscra^^)   dam  amuil  asbeV.'^^)    'EodbTa  eim',36)  ol 


')  om.  LE.  2)  cech  öenlä  LE. 

^)  dia  ndecsiu  L.    dia  ndechsain  cech  lai  Y.  *)  cen  acallaim  YLE. 

6)  nodmbert  LE.  «)  om.  LE. 

')  n-aiid  atraig  deud  L.    diud  E. 

«)  do  inlut  don  abaind  LE.  ^)  6n  add.  LE. 

1")  7  a  hinailt  do  indlut  L.  ")  om.  L. 

")  alläim-si  YL.          ")  em  add.  L.    duid  dono  add.  Y. 

")  ma  chotissind  L.    ma  co  tisainn  E.  '*)  eläfa  LE.    elasu  Y. 
")  or  issam  LE.           '"')  tu  LE. 

1^)  bid  etrond  do  chomarthu  L.  '^)  dosrat  LE. 

20)  dia  YLE.                 ^i)  asber  L.  ^■-)  rodalläus  L.    rolas  Y. 

")  da«o  L.                    2«)  a  leth  LE.  *')  om.  LE. 

29)  ninmad^e  LE.          27)  {^  cocur  fil  L.  2k)  q[^  cocur  om.  LE. 

29)  dotallfa-su  indi  LE.  "«)  om.  LE. 

*')  tiberaid  L.    tibertaiY.  ^'^)  ingin  L. 

'^)  om.  J^E.                   '*)  dia  tucca  tiunscra  L.     dia  taibre  a  tinscra  Y. 

85)  asberthar  L.    frit  add.  Y.  ^«)  om.  LE. 


MITTEILUNGEN    AUS   IRISCHEN   HANDSCHEIFTEN.  39 

Fräecli.  'Tri  fichit  ecli  ndubglass  darn-so',  ol  Ailill,  'cona 
nibelgimb  öir  7  arccait^)  fi'iii  7  da  laiüo/^jr^)  dec  ö  mel[g]tar  öl 
11-aiss  cd/ca[t]  gach  äi^)  7  tiiidecht  linn'»)  cod  Im  lüi  7  cot  ges 
ciüil  du  tain  bö  Cimihige.'')  7  dobert[liJar  m'ingen-si  duit  acht 
go  tisium  don  tslna/r/id.'*')  'Dotoiig-si  em'')  darm  sgTatli  7  darm  5 
ck/f/im^)  7  dann  trelum',  ol  Fraecli,  'nl  tibiir-so-')  in  tinnscra 
sinee  cid  ar  Meidh  Crüaclian  feissin.'"') 

15.  Docliiug  hnaidib  Taram  asin  tig  ammacli. » ')  Imus- 
naicilk^  Tarum  Ailill  7  Medb  dia  eis  isin  tig  co  n-ebartatar:'^) 
'Forbeba'3)  sochaide  imunn'^)  de  nga  7  tigernuigi  Herinn/^)  10 
dTa  udoriiccad'6)  som  ind  ing/n.  Ann!  is  maith  ann',  ol  in 
üilag,^')  'foipremm  ina  udeguid'^)  7  marbam  fochcMr  rlasTu 
forroma  bine  forn.'iö)  'Is  iTach  ön',  ol  Medb,  '7  is  meth  n-einig 
dninn  inni  sin.' 20)  'NT  ba  metli  n-enigli'"')  ol  Ailill,  'tucbt  ara 
ndalfar-so.'--)  15 

16.  Dotget  Ailill  7  Medb  ina  rTgtecli.23)  'Tiagam  as  tra 
hi  fecht  si',2'«)  or  Ailill,  ' co  n-accomnr  na  milconu  og  tofpliimn 
gu  medön  läi  7  gu  mbat  scitlie.'  Tlaguid  as"^'^)  Tarum  doclium 
na  habiinn^«)  dia  fothracMf/.  'AdfTadar  dam'  ol  Ailill,  'at 
maitli-si  ind-usci,  a  Fräecli',  ol  se.  'Tair  isind  lindid^')  si  co  20 
n-acamar  do  snäm.'  'Cinn«5  na  linni  si?'  ol  se.  'NT  fetamar 
nach  ndoduingg  [fo.  86  a]  inne',2^)  ol  Ailill,  '7  iss  coimtig  fothra- 
cad  inne.'2^)  Gatiüd  Fraech  a  etach  nde  Tarum  ocus  tet  issin 
linnid^Ä)  7  faguib2'')  a  criss  tüas  for  tTr.so)  Assolgi-^')  Ailill 
Tarum  a  bosän  dia  eis  7  fogeb  inn  ornuaiscc-'^)  ann  7  atageöin  25 
Ailill  Tarum.  'Tair  ille  cein',^:^)  ar  Ailill,  'a  MedhV  Dotset 
Medb  Tarum  co  hairm  a  mbüi  Ailill  7  töguib  ind  ornaisc  dT.34) 


1)  7  arcait  om.  LE.  ^)  laulgaich  L.    lulgaig  Y. 

3)  61  n-aiss  6  cech  se  7  l?eg  find  oiderg  la  cech  u-se  add.  L. 

*)  limm  L.  ^)  do  thabair[t]  inna  mbö  a  Ciiailügiu  L. 

*)  CO  tis  L.  ')  dothongusa  L.  *)  chlaideb  L. 

8)  tiberaindsea  Y.  ")  ni  tbibrind  i  tindscra  cid  Meidbi  in  sin  LE. 

")  om.  L.  ''^)  dia  eis  —  ebartatar  om.  LE. 

i»)  farbbiba  LE.  ")  imuig  Y.  ^^)  de  rigaib  Herenn  L. 

1«)  dia  ruca  LE.  ")  ann  —  slüag  om.  LE. 

'«)  inna  degaid  L.  '^)  friun  E.  ^°)  inni  sin  om.  LE. 

21)  dun  add.  LE.  22)  dailiub-sa  Y.  23)  issar-rigtbech  L. 

21)  om.  L.  25)  T^iiii  add.  LE.  26)  ^^ond  abain[n]  LE. 

2')  linni  LE.  ^^)  inti  LL.  2»)  facbaid  LE. 

30)  for  tir  om.  LE.  ^i)  oslaigid  L.  ^2)  |,5i  ind  orndnasc  L. 

'3)  tair  Chi  L.     che  E.  3')  co  —  di  om.  LE. 


40  KUNO    MEYER, 

'In  aitligein  sin?'  ol  Ailill.  'Athgmin  ecin',  arMedb. ')  Focerd^) 
Ailill  isind  abuinn  sls.  Koairigestar  Fräech  larum  inni  sin.  Co 
n-aco  ni,  dolebluing  ind  ecne  ar  a  cenn  7  gabsus  ina  uheolu. 
Focerd  larum  Fraecli  bedg  gusind  ecne  7  gaibid  7  brissis  a 
5  geolbrtc/i  7  tucc  lais  dochum  tiri»)  7  domber  im-maigin  diamuir  i 
mbrüacli  4)  na  habunn.    Dot?et  iarura  do  liteclit^)  assind  nscci. 

17.  'Nä  tair  assind  usci',  ol  A[ijlill,  'go  dtiico  cräeib  dam 
don  chairthend  tall  fil  imm-brüach^)  na  haband.  It  äilli  lemb 
a  clioera.    Tet  sium  ass  Tarum  go  räinicc  in  cartlienn  sin'')  7 

jo  brisis  gesco  don  clinmn  sin  7  dombc/r  fria  ais  tarsind  usci  for 
cüla.*)  Ba  hed  Tarum  athesc  Finnabrach  nsicJi  n-aluinn  atchid, 
ba  liäille  le  Fräech  do  faiscin  tar  duiblinn  imm-Brge'^)  .i.  in 
corp  do  rogili  7  in  folt  do  roailli  7  in  ?igaid  do  cbumtachta  ocus 
in  tsüil  do  roglaisi,  osse  »<*)  mäethöclach  gin  locht,  gin  ainimm  co 

15  li-Sighaid  fochöil  forlethuin,  ose'')  dlriuch  dlainimm.  In  crdeb 
gusna  cäeruibh'2)  itir  in  mbräguid''^)  ngil.  Is  ed  sin  adberiud 
Finnabair:  'Nico  n-acco  nT  rosaisiud  leth  nö  trian  dia  cruth'. 

18.  iarsinei4)  docuirither''^)  döib  assind  usci.  'It  segda  7 
it   äilliu   ana   csera.     Tug   tormmuch  damie)  dib!'   ol  Ailill.'") 

20  Teid  ass  Tarum '^)  co  mbüi  immedön  in  linni.i^)  Gaibt[hji  in 
hast  assind  uscce.  'Domiciuth  claidem  üaib!'  ol  Fräech. 
'Eomgab  in  uhm^!'  ol  se.^»)  NT  raibi  forsin  tTr^i)  rolamud 
claidim22)  do  ar  omun  Ai^ello  7  Medba.  lar  sin  tra  gatuid 
Finnabair  a  hetach  dT2'')  7  toceirä.  bedg  issinn  usci  cona  claidim 

25  d6.2^)  Doleci  Ailill  25)  sieg  chöigrinn^e)  dT  inüas  röut  n-orchuro, 
CO  ndecha/d-^)  tria  a  dT  trilis  7  condorogaib  Fräech  ina  läim  in  slig. 
Foscuiri  süas  for  tTr^^)  in  slig  7  in  mTl  ina  choib  (sie)  goUeig.^-') 


*)  aithgeu,  ol  si  L.       ^)  fosceird  L.    foscheird  E. 

3)  foceird  bedg  cucai  7  gaibid  a  oilech  7  dothtet  dochum  tiri  LE. 

*)  brach  L.  ^)  thiiidecht  L.  *)  bruuch  L. 

">)  go  —  sin  om.  LE.  ^)  for  cülu  om.  LE. 

9)  i  mBre  om.  LE.      »o)  iss  he  L.  ")  is  e  L. 

12)  dergaib  add.  LE.  ")  7  in  n-agid  add.  LE. 

")  iarsain  L.  1*)  na  crseba  add.  LE. 

")  dün  L.  ")  ol  A.  om.  LE.  '")  atherruch  L. 

1*)  ind  usci  L.  ''<')  romgab  —  se  om.  LE. 

^^)  fer  add.  LE.  '^'^)  nolamad  a  thabairt  L. 

2*)  om.  LE.  ")  cossin  chlaidiub  L. 

26)  a  hathair  LE.  »«)  sleig  cöicrind  LE.      ")  coUuid  LE. 

28)  fosceird  side  issa  tlr  süas  L. 
2^)  am-mil  inna  thfeb  L.     in  peist  ina  thfeb  coleicc  Y, 


MITTEILUNGEN    AUS   IRISCHEN   HANDSCHRIFTEN.  41 

Lecid  son  forg-abaU)  cinele  n-airberta-)  gaisc/r?  la  höga,^)  gii 
luid  triasin  tlacht  corcra  7  triasin  leniii  büi  im  Aillill,  Laissin 
gonerget^)  iiid  öig  imm^)  Ailill.  Dotaet  Fimiabair  asinn  iisci 
lamm  7  facuib«)  in  claidim')  la"*)  Fräecli  7  am-mil  doigsin  (sie) 
a  chenn  de 9)  gu  mbüi  for  a  thöib  7  dombc/t  im-mll  leis  dochum  5 
thlri.    Is  de  atä  Duiblinn  Yrdicli  i  mBr^'")  lii  tlrib  Connacht. 

19.  Tet  Ailill  7  Medb  ina  ndün  Tarum.  'Mör  in")  gnlm 
dorigensum',  ol  Medb.  'Is  ar  n-aithrech' '■^)  ol  Ailill,  'a  ndori- 
gensam  frissin  fer,  ol  ni  cinntach.  Inn  ingen  tra',  ol  se,  'at- 
beluit'3)  [fo.  86b]  a  beöil-side  immärac/«  do  aga/f^'^)  7  nT  ba  ein  10 
mbrt'^/ä  in  claidim  mbeth?V  dii.  Dent«r  fotlirac?u?  Hb  tra  don 
fir  so!'  ol  Ailill,  M.  enbraithi  iirsailli'^)  7  carna  sama/sce  do 
imarcain  fo  tlial  ocus  biaili^)  7  a  tbabuirt  issin  fotliracc«cZ.' 
DognTtheri')  am«//  aspert  side.'"*) 

20.  A    cliornuiri    Tanmi    rlam-som'o)    doclnim    in    düini.  15 
Sennuit   idi,2o)    conidapad    triclm  fer   do   sainclisema/&  AiMlo   7 
Mef?5«  ar  slracliti.^')    Dotäet  Tarnm  isin  dün  7  tet  issin  fotlirac- 
Q,ud  dognltli   7    dobref/i   ass")  7  cotnerig^^)  in  banc/mri  imbi  oc 
in  dabuig  dia  mblitli  7  dia  folctad^^)  a  chinn'^)  lariim  7  dognltli 
dergutli   dö.26)     Co   gciialatar   an   golguiri  for   Crüaclmiiib  ina  20 
farrad")  co  fac2<5  na  tri  cöicait  ban  cona  n-inaruib  corcrwib,  gu 
cenbarruib  huänidib  gu  milecliaib  arccait  for  a  ndöitib.    Tlagur^s) 
cliuco   do  fis  sge'Z  cid  rocliseinsit.    'Fraecli  mac  Idhaidh  eim',   ol 
in  ulien,  'mac  dreitill'^ö)  ri^'")  side  HeVinn.    Laissin  docluinethar'") 
Fräecli   in   gol  sin. 32)     ^Bomöchaidl'^^)   ol  se  fria  a  muiunür.  25 
Gol  mo   mätli«r-si  in  so   7   na  mbau'^')  niBöinni.'     Tecabar^^'') 


1)  leciud  6n  co  forgabail  L.    leicid  E.  ^)  n-imberta  LE. 

3)  fene  add.  Y.    om.  LE.  0  coteirget  L. 

»)  la  L.                         «)  facbaid  YL.  ')  claideb  L. 

*)  illäim  L.  ^)  7  comben  (doneiscend  Y)  a  chend  den  mil  L. 

'")  i  mBreib  LE.  ")  om.  LE. 

'^)  issinu  aithrech  LE.    is  aithreacb  lind  Y.  ")  atbelat  LE. 

1»)  imbarach  dadaig  YLE.  ^')  n-ürsaille  LE. 
1^)  domdarggain  fo  thäl  7  beuil  LE. 

")  dognith  uile  anisin  LE.  ^*)  som  LE. 

19)  remi-sium  L.            -°)  dl  LE.     snide  Y.  ^^)  sireclitai  LE. 

^^)  dognith  —  ass  om.  LE.  ''^)  coneraig  L. 
2«)  folcud  YLE.            ä^)  dobreth  ass  add.  LE. 
''ß)  om.  LE.                   27)  ina  farrad  om.  LE. 

28)  tiagair  L.                ^9)  dreittel  YL.  ^o)  ^g  x. 

31)  rochluinetbar  L.    rochluinithir  E.  ^^)  a  ngolgaire  L. 

3»)  domthocbaid  ass  LE.  3*)  bantrochta  L. 
3*)  tocabar  Y.    tocabair  LE. 


42  KUNO    METEB, 

liimacli  lasoduin  7  berari)  chuco  immach.2)  DotTaguit  na  mna 
irabi  7  bßrduit  liüaidib  liissin  gCrüachuin.  ^)  Co  n-aiccit  im 
träth  4)  nöna  arnabärach  dotset  cliuco  ^)  7  cseco  ban  uimme,  osse  ß) 
(igslän  gin  on,  gin  ainim,  gin  esbuid,'')  comoesu  comdelba  com- 
5  crotha  comällis)  co  n-ecusc  ban  sTdi  impo,  co  nä  büi  aichneo^) 
neich  secha  araili  dib.  Bec  nät  miücht[li]e'")  düini  impu. 
Scaruit")  i  ndorus  in  liss.  Adagad'^)  a  ngol  foai^)  ac  dul  hüad, 
gurcorustar  na  duine  bätar  isin  lis  dar  a  cend. '4)  Is  de  ata 
golgairi  mban  sTdi  la  liäes  cinil  Herinn. 

10  21.  Tet  sium  Tarum  issin  dun.    Atregat'^)  in  tslüaig  huili 

Tarum  ar  a  clienn  7  f ernit  huili  failti  friss  am«?7  bTd '  6)  a  doman 
aili  tTsid. '7)  Atraig  Ailill  7  Medb  7  dognlat  aithrige  dö  do  neoch 
dognTat'8)  friss  7  dogniat  lancliöri  friss, '^)  Gaibtlier  leö  Tarum 
dadhaidli    fledugud   ina   rTgtig.      Congairt/ier^o)    Fräech   cuigi^i) 

15  öglach^2^  dia  muint?>  7  ispert  friss: 2=^)  'Eirg'^^)  ol  se,  'gusin 
raaigm  i  ndeochusai^'')  issind  usci.  Eccne  forfägbusa  ann,  donuc 
do  Finnabair  7  erbad  fodeisne-«)  fair  7  fonuigtÄer^-)  jn  t-ecne 
lee  gu  maitli  7  atä  ind  ornaiscc^^)  immedön  ind  iaich.^s»)  Is 
döicli    lem   co   ndecliar   cliuccat'^c)   indoclit.      Gaibthis^i)   mesco 

20  larum   inni  Ailill  7  Meidh'^-)  7  aruspetit-^^)  cedlu  7  airfitiuitli. 3^) 

22.  Aspert  Ailill  fria  a  recta^Ve:^'')   ^Tiicthar  dam-sa  nio 

hseöit^e)  huili  co  w-acor'.^^)    Dobretha  dö  Tarum  a  hseöit  uile^s) 

CO  mbätar  ar  a  uheluib.    'Amra  n-amra^")  inn  so!'^^')  ol  cach 


')  berair  L.  ^)  om.  LE.  ^)  issid  Cruachan  L. 

*)  CO  n-accatar  ni  in  trätli  L.  *)  om.  LE. 

^)  iss  e  L.  ')  cen  esbuid  om.  LE. 

")  comailli  comchäini  comchorai  comchrotha  L. 

^)  aithgne  L.  i")  muchtha  LE.  i')  scarsat  L. 

1«)  atnagat  L.  ^^)  om.  LE. 

")  chend  MS.    tar  cend  L. 

^■^)  ataregat  L.    ataragad  E.  '®)  bad  L. 

")  thissad  L.  '**)  ndo  dondes  doringensat  L. 

'^)  dogniat  chori  L.      ^")  congair  YL  (sie  leg.). 
2')  om.  L.  22)  giiia  L.  ^^)  7  —  friss  om.  L. 

**)  airg  ass  L.  **)  i  ndeocbad-sa  L.         2")  irbbad  fessin  L. 

2^)  fonaither  YL.  ^s)  j^  dordnasc  L.  »»)  eicni  L. 

2")  CO  ndessar  chuca  L.  s^)  gabtbus  L. 

•"*)  iarum  —  Meidb  om.  L.  ^^)  aruspeittet  L. 

3*)  airfiti  L.  ^^)  fria  rechtaire  om.  L. 

3*)  tucaid  uio  seotu  dam-sa  L.  ^')  om.  L. 

"")  a  geoit  uili  om.  L.  ^^)  amra  L.    is  amra   Y. 

*")  inn  so  om.  LE. 


MITTEILUNGEN    AUS   lEISCHEN    HANDSCHRIFTEN.  43 

uili  sethnii  in  rigtliigeJ)  'Gairid  dam-so  tra  Finnaba/r  do  maig!'"^) 
Ol  Ailill.  Dotpet  Finnabafr  chucco  '^)  7  c?eco  ingen  d'ingenuib  rig 
7  tigemad^)  impi  di  Connacht. •'')  'A  ingen  tra!'  ol  Ailill,  Mnd 
ornaiscc  öir  donibiiirt«)-so^)  [LL.  251a  16:  inuraid  in  mair  latt? 
Tue  dam  condaccatar  ind  öic  [namä  Y].  EotbTa-su  Tarum.'  '  Nl  5 
fetar',  ol  sT,  'cid  dernad  de.'  'Finta-sii  em',  ol  Ailill.  'Is 
eicen^)  a  cungid  nö  tli'anim  do  dul  as  do  cliurp.'  'NTcon  flu 
[sin  do  räd  Y]\  ol  ind  öic,  'ata  mör  di  maitli  and  cliena.'  'Nl 
fail'O  ni  dorn  setaib-se  nad  tei  dar  cend  na  hingine  [duid-siu  F]', 
ol  Fraecli,  'däig  nie  in  claideb  dam  do  giull  dom  anmain.'  'Nl  10 
fuil  lat  do  setaib  ni  nodottain,i<')  ^^ani  aisce  üadi  ind  ordnaisc', 
ol  Ailill.  '  Nleomtliä  -  sa  cumang  dia  tabair[t]',  ol  ind  ingen. 
'An  rocliara  dagne  dlm-sa.'  'Tuiigu  dTa  tonges  mo  tliüaitli,  • '■) 
atbelat  do  beoil,  meni  aisce  üait',  ol  Ailill.  'Is  aire  condegar 
cliueut,  uair  is  decmaiiig  [deit  Y] ;  ar  rofetar-sa  eo  tTsat  na  döini  15 
atbatliatar  ö  thossiieh  domuin,  nl  tliic  assin  magin  in  roläd.' 
'Nlcon  ticfa  ri  möin  nö  adlaic  tlira'  ol  ind  ingen,  'in  set  con- 
negar  and.  Tlag-sa  cowdatuc-sa,  üair  is  tricc  condegar.'  'NT 
rega-su  [cetus  Y]\  ol  Ailill.  'Töet  nech  üait  imtnorro  dia  tabairt.' 
Föidis  ind  ingen  a  inailt  dia  tabairt.  '  Tongu-sa  do  dTa  thoiTges  20 
mo  tliüatli,  dTa  faigbitlier,  nicon  beo-sa  fot  cliumachta-sn  ba  sTre, 
dia  ndumroib  forsarol  mo  greis.'  'NTcon  geb-sa  ön  dit-su,'2)  cid 
cossin  n-echaire''0  tlieisi,  mä  fogabtliar'^)  ind  ordnasc',  ol  Ailill. 
23.  Dobert  larum  ind  inailt  in  meis  issa  rigthech  7  in 
t-eicne  fonaithe'^)  fuirre,  is  e  fnillechta  fo  mil  dognlth  lassin  25 
n-ingin  co  maith,  7  böi  ind  ordnasc  öir  forsind  eicni  anüas.  Dos- 
feccai  Ailill  7  Medb.  Da  lei  co  ndercar  ar  Frsecli  7  doeccaii«) 
a  bossän.  'Indarlemm  is  la  teist  torEcbus  mo  chriss',  ol  Fraecli. 
'For  fir  do  flatha',  ol  Frsech,  'apair  cid  dernais  dind  ordnaisc' 
'Nl  clieltar  orut  ön',  ol  Ailill.  'Lem-sa  ind  ordnasc  robäi'^)  it  30 
bossän  7  rofetar  is  Findabair  dorat  duit.  Is  larum '^)  roläsa  issin 
duiblinni.    For  fir  tli'ainich  7  t'anma,  a  Fröeicb,  asudith^^)  cia 


1)  uili  —  rigthige  orn.  LE.  '^)  do  maig  om.  YL. 

3)  asteg  cuici  L.  *)  d'iugenaib  —  tigerna  om.  LE. 

^)  otn.  LE.  ß)  in  dordnasc  doratusa  duit-siu  YL. 

')  Hier  endigt  fo.  86  b  mit  der  oben  {S.  31)  angeführten  Randbemerkung. 

8)  eicend  L,  m,it  punctum  delens  in  der  Schleife  von  d.    eiciii  E. 

9)  fil  E.  1")  nodotain  E.  ")  thuatha  E. 
1*)  Hier  setzt  L  noch  einmal  ön,  E  hat:  nicougebsa  ditso  on. 
")  n-eachair  E.             i')  fogabthair  E.  *^)  fouaigthi  E. 
18)  dechai  E.                 ")  rodbai  E.  «)  airi  Y. 

")  apair  Y. 


'44  KUNO    METER, 

cruth  arraläd ')  a  thabairt  ass.'  '  Ni  celtar  fort-sn ',  ol  Fräech, 
'A  cetlä  fosfüar-sa  ind  ordnaisc  i  ndonis  ind  liss.  Rofetar  ropu 
set2)  cseim.  Is  airi  dosroiseclit-sa-^)  colleir  im  bossäii.  Eot- 
chüala-sa  al-laa  dochöad*)  doiid  iiisciu  ind  ingen  rodlaa'')  immacli 
5  oco  Tarmoracht.  Asbert-sa  frier  'da  log  rombTa  latt  ar  a 
fagbail?'  Asbert  sT  frim-sa  domberad  seirc  mMiadna  dam-sa. 
Ecmaing  iiTsragbMsa  immMin.  Fosracbits  im  thaig  dim  eis.  Ni 
comairnecmar-ni  co  comairnecmar  oc  tabairt  in  chlaidib  issind 
abai[n]d  im  läim-se.  lar  sin  atcliondarc-sa  intan  raoslaici-siu  f') 
10  in  mbossän  7  rolläis  ind  ordnaisc  issin  nisce.  Atchonnarc  in 
n-eicne  dorroeblaing  ar  a  chind,  conidgab  inna  beölu.  Ronga- 
bwsa  in  n-eicni  Tarum  cotnöcaib  issin  mbratj)  darokfs  il-laim  na 
hingine.    Is  lie  in  t-eicne  sin  larum  fll  forsin  meis.' 

24.  Gaibthir  admilliud  7  adamrugud  na  scel  sa  is  teglucli. 
15  '  Ni  föidiur-sa  mo  menmain  for  öclach  n-aile  i  nHerinn  it  ["d]iad- 

siu',  ol  Findabair.  'Arotnaisc^)  do!'  ol  Ailill  7  Medb,  '7  tair 
cliucunni  cot  büaib  do  tliäin  na  mbo  a  Cuailngiu  7  intan  dorega- 
su  cot  biiaib  anair  doridisi,  fibaid  sind-')  in  n-aidclii  sin  dadaig 
7  Findabair.'  'Dagen-sa  ani  sin',  ol  Friecb.  Biit  and  Tarum  co 
20  arnabärach.  Gabais  Fraecli  immi  cona  muntir.  Celebraid  Tarum 
do  Ailill  7  Meidb. 

25.  Documlat  da  cricliaib  Tarum.  Ecmoüg  rogatä  a  bae 
calleic.  Tänic  a  mäthair  chuce.  'NT  beöda  do  feclitas'  ar  sT, 
'  dochöas.    Foflrfe  mor  n-imnid   duit.    Rogatta  do   bai  7  do  tri 

25  meicc  7  do  ben  condafail  oc  Sleib  Elpse.  Ataat  teöra  bae  dTb  i 
iiAlbain  tuascirt  la  Crutlmecliu.'  ^Cest,  cid  dogen-sa?'  ol  se  ria 
mäthair.  'Dogena  nephthecht  dia  cungid.  NT  thaibrea  th'amain'f*) 
forru!'  ol  sT.  'Rotbiat  bai  lem-sa  chena',  ol  sT.  'NTmtha  sön', 
ol  se.    '  Dochöid  for  m'einech  7  for  m'anmain  airec ' ')  co  Ailill  7 

30  CO  Meidb  co  mbüaib  do  thain  na  mbäu  a  Cüalngiu.'  '  NT  rocheb- 
thair'   ol  a  mäthair,   'a  condaigi.''-)    Teiti  üad  Tarum  lasodain. 

26.  Dochumläi  som  ass  Tarum  trib  nönbaraib  7  fidchüach  7 
cü  lomna  leü.  Colluid  hi  crTch  uHulad.  Co  comarnaic  ri  Conall 
Cernach  oc  Bennaib  Bairchi.     Rädid  a  cheist  friside.    'NT  bu 

35  sirsan  duit '  ol  seside,  '  ani  ardottä.    Ardottä  mör  n-imnid ',  ol  se, 


1)  arolais  Y.  *)  eed  E.  ^)  dosroiscidsa  E. 

*)  dochod/i  E.  5)  rodola  Y.  «)  roiioslaigsiu  E. 

')  port  Y.  ")  arotnaisced  Y.  ^)  faifidsi  far  ndis  Y. 

'")  aiimain  Y.  ")  tairec  Y. 

^'^)  rogebthar  did  tra  frisandnisin  couaigi  Y. 


MITTEILUNGEN    AUS   IRISCHEN   HANDSCHRIFTEN.  45 

'cid  and  dobetli  do  menma.'  ' Dommäir-se ',  ol  Froecli  ri  Conall, 
'co  ndichisi)  lemm  nacli  re  conarnecmar.'  'Eagat-sa  em',  ol 
Conall  Cernacli. 

27.  Documlat   ass   a  trlar   tar  muir,    [252  b]   tar   Saxain-) 
tüascirt,  tar  muir  hlcht  co  tüascert  Longbard,^)  corräncatar  sleibte   5 
Ealpse.     Co  n-accatar  fraccnatain  oc  ingairiii  cliairecli  ar  a  cind. 
'Tiagam  ar  ndls',   ol  Conall,   'a  Froicli,   co   n-acaldam  in  mnai 
thall   ocus   anat  ar  n-öic  sund!'     Lotar  Tarum  di[a]  acaldaim. 
Asbert  sl:   'Can  düib?'    'Di  feraib  Herenn',   ol  Conall.    'Ni  pu 
sirsan    do    feraib   Herenn   em   ticlitain  in   tiri   se.     Do   feraib  10 
Herenn   em  mo   niathair-se.'      '  Domfair]  ^)   [fo.  87  a]   ar   Conall 
Cernacli,  'ar  chonnailbi'.     'Aisnid  ni  dam^)  diar  n-imteclitaib! 
Cinnas  in  tlre^')  dondäncamar?' ")  ol  se.     'Tir  ndüaig  n-üatli- 
muirs)  em',  ol  sT,  ' c[oJn-öccaib ■')  andsaib  amandsib.io)    Seg-ait^') 
for  gacli  letli  do  thabairt  bö   7   ban  7   brat',  or  sisi.    'Cid  is  15 
nüidem  tucsat?'  ol  Fräecli.    'BäiFräich  maic  Idhnidli  a  hiart/mr 
Herinn  7   a  tri  niic  7  a  ben',  ol   sT.    'Huinnsi  a  ben  sunn'i) 
laisin  ri  ina  dün.'^)    Ondat  a  bai  dono  isin  tir  ar  uhar  mbelaib.' 
'Donfairni  im  cobraid',*^)  ol  Conall.    'Is  bec  mo  cumang  acht 
eolas  nammä',  ol  si.    'Is  he  Fräech  inn  so  im  chomuir-si', '^)  ol  20 
Conall,  '7   it   he   a  bäi   7    a   ben  7  a  micci»)  tuctha  ann.'    'In     • 
tairisi   lib-si   in   uhen?'    ol   se. '*^)     'Cid   tairisi   linn   em  intan 
doluide  liuainn,  bes  ni  tairisi  i'')  Tar  tiachtuin  smin', '*)  ol  Fräech. 
,Is  fir  em',  ol  sisi.    'Is  gairde  a  sesga  ban. i-*)    Ben  iaihaige  na 
mbö,2o)    ergid   a   dochum,    eprid   fria   for   toich.-i)      Do   feraib  25 
[Herenn]  22)  a  cenel,  do  Ultuib  intsainnriuth.'^a) 

28.  Tmgait  co  suidiu  dawo  7  ardogaibed  7  nodosluinnet  dl 
7  feru524)  fällte  friu.  'Cichib  foruireth?'  ol  sT.  'Fonroireth 
mör    n-imniudh',2'^)    ol   Conall.      'Lenn    robüi   na   bäi^ß)   7    na 


')  CO  ticMs  Y.  2)  Saxanu  E.  ^)  Longbairt  Y. 

*)  Hier  setzt  Eg.  fo.  87a  tvieder  ein.  ^)  dun  L.    duiun  E. 

*)  tiree  MS.  (Zeilene7ule).    Cf.  siuee  8.  39,  Z.  7,  ebenfalls  Zeilenende. 

■')  dorancainar  L.    donaucamar  L.  ^)  n-uathmar  LE. 

°)  CO  n-ocaib  LE.        i")  om.  LE.  ")  regait  L.    consegat  Y. 

^^)  om.  LE.  ")  do  chobair  LE.    im  cbobair  duind  Y. 

")  im  chomair-si  om.  LE. 

1*)  a  ben  7  a  maicc  om.  LE.  *^)  si  LE.  (sie  leg.). 

")  ni  tarissi  LE.  '«)  ^m.  L.  ^^)  is  —  ban  om.  LE. 

^°)  taithiges  na  bü  sin  Y.    taithigi  na  bau  L.  ^^)  toisc  LE. 

22)  sie  LE.  23)  intsindrud  L.  ^')  ferais  YLE. 

2')  fonroireth  imned  L.    imnid  E.  26)  \q^  u^  bai  L. 


46  KIJNO    METER, 

maccu*)  7  in  ben  tiictha  don  dim  sa',2)  ol  Conall  Cernach. 
'Nip^)  sirsand  düib  em'  ol  sT,  ^anni  sin  4)  dol  fo  dlrim  na  mnä. 
Annsa  düib  gacli  ret'  ol  si,  'in  natluür  fil  oc  imdeguil  in  dnini.'-^) 
'Nimtliirim  Mssin  mnai  sin'/O   ol  Fräecli,  'a  tairisi  linn.^)    Ro- 

5  fetamair-ne  nl  mera,*^)  liüair'»)  is  di  Ultuib  düinn.'"*)  'Can  de 
Vltaib  döib?'  ol  sT.  'Conall  Cernacli  liim  farn«^  sunn',*')  ol 
Fräecli,  'läecli  is  decli  Ali '2)  la  \i\J\tu\  ol  se.  Foceird  iarum  dl 
läim  im  bräg?Y  Conaill  Chernaig.  'Resi'^)  in  orguin  \iitechtsi\^*) 
ol  sT,   'liüaire  donänicc-si,'^)  a  Clionaill,   oir  is  do  suidi  doraini- 

10  gercd  orgiiin  in  düini  si.  Tiagu-sa'^)  as  tra'  ol  sT,  'dorn  tliaigi^) 
7  ni  dingen  bleogan'^)  na  nibö  inoclit  etir  7  atbeV  is  deol 
rodentrtr''J)  in  löig  7  fuiceb-sa  inn  less  obela  ar  bar  cinn-si, 
dec-")  is  me  nodmado'^')  dogrt's  gacli  n-oidcÄ/. '-2)  Tlastai-si^») 
isin  dun,  acht  comtabeitd  öic  in  düine',2^)  ol  si.    'Is  annsa  düib 

15  nammä-^)  in  nathir  lili'^6^  oc  in  dün.  DolectAar  illth[üath]a2') 
di',  ol  ST.    'Regma  amin  tra',  ol  Conall,  'cibed  blas  nde.'^^) 

29.  Foprcd  larMm  in  dün  träth  di  aide/«?,  ^i»)  Foce/rd  bedg 
ind  [njath/r  co  mbüi  a  cris  Conaill  Chernaig  ina  cothid.'^^)  Orgait 
in   dün  Tarwm  focÄe7oir.    Doesarcat^i)  larwm  in  ninäi  7  na  tri 

20  maccu  7  doberat  in  is  dech  sct  in  düine  leö  7  lecid  Conall  in 
[njathraig  ^2^  asa  chris  larsin  7  ni  dergene  nectar  n-äi^^)  olc  M 
anali.34) 

30.  Ocus  lotar^'»)  larsin  hi  crich  Cruithintüaithe,'-^*'')  co  tuc- 


0  7  na  maccu  om.  L.  ^)  fil  issind  liss  L. 

3)  ni  bu  YL.  *)  ani  sin  om.  L.  *)  ind  liss  YL. 

*)  nimthir  ainm  LE. 

')  ni  tairissi  limm  a  taiisisiu  limm  LE.  **)  ninmera  YL. 

9)  uaire  L.  1°)  duit  LE. 

")  huinse  C.  C.  sund  LE.  12)  om.  LE. 

")  reiss  LE.    roiurthar  infechtsa  in  orgaiu  Y. 
'*)  liifechtsa  L.  ^^)  dondauic  sede  L.    donainec  Conall  Y. 

1«)  tiag-sa  YLE.  ")  dorn  thaig  om.  LE. 

1**)  ni  beo  fri  mblegon  L.    nimbeo  fri  bleogau  E. 
19)  rodinetar  LE.  ^°)  om.  LE.  ^')  noniada  LE. 

")  dogres  cach  n-oidchi  om.  LE.  ")  tistai-si  LE. 

2»)  acht  cointalat  L.    comtliolad  E.  «)  om.  LE. 

26)  fall  LE. 

2')  doUeicetar  iltuatha  di  LE.    dolectar  Y. 

28)  cibed  —  do  om.  LE.  29)  fuabbrait  in  less  L. 

3»)  ina  cotlud  om.  LE.  ^O  tessairgit  LE. 

32)  nathir  YL.  »s)  nechtar  de  LE.  ^*)  fria  cheile  LE. 

3"»)  dothiagat  L.  3«)  Cruithentuath  Y. 


MITTEILUNGEN    AUS    IRISCHEN    HANDSCHRIFTEN.  47 

satm-i)  as  tri  bä  dia  mb6[aib]2)  [fo.  87  b]  bät«r  anii,  co  tulatar 
ass  anair  secli  Diin  Ollaich  malo.  Briiiin  dar  muir  aiiair'')  i 
nx\ird  Ima  nEchtach.^)  Is  annsin  atbatli  Bice'')  mac  LoegYme 
gilla  Conaill  Chernaig-  oc  timain  na  mbö  sin  tairis  anair.  Is  de 
ata  Inber  mBicie)  oc  Benncliwr  liUIad.  7  co  tiicsat  a  mbil  taiiis  5 
ille.  Et  iss  annsin  roläsit')  a  n-adarco  dib  oc  träclit  Benncnir, 
conid  [d]e  ata  Tracht  niBenncuir  annsin. 

31.  Luid  Fräecli  as  Tarnm  dia  cricli  fen  7  a  ulien  7  a  micc 
7  a  bai.*»)  Luid  dojzo  Conall  Cernach  dia  comairge  connarruith 
Ailill  7  Me/(/ö  hi  Tailltin  og  brith  na  mbö  a  Cüail«^/«.  Conid  10 
e  tres  ndirimi  na  täna  in  roniarb  Conall  hi  Tailtin  himnialle  fria 
hAmorg-ene.  Atberat  inn  eolaig  \m.morro  nl  tännicc  Conall  anair 
annsin,  acht  iss  ann  büi  ar  in  orguin  tair  oc  Sleib  Elpo  immalle 
fri  Fräech  gen  romboth  ar  in  täin  bö  Cüailw^//  i  nHerinn.    Finit. 


')  tuca  X.    tucsad  1". 
2)  teora  bü  dia  mbuaib  assaide  IjT^. 

*)  CO  tullatar  do  Dun  OUaicb  \\\.  B.  friu  co  mbatar  LE.    tudcadar  Y. 
*)  iiEcbach  Ulad  Y.    nEacbdach  E.  ^)  Biene  YLE. 

«)  niBicne  YLE.  ')  rolasat  LE. 

^)  laiss  aäd.  LE.     Darnach  haben  LE  nur  noch:  co  luid  (conadlnid 
E)  la  Ailill  7  Meidb  do  thäin  na  mbö  a  Cualngiu.    Finit.    ^init.    Amen. 

New  Brighton,  Cheshire.  Kuno  Meyer 


ON  THE  LANGUAGE  OF  THE  MILAN  GLOSSES. 


In  working  at  an  edition  of  tlie  Milan  Glosses  for  the 
Thesaurus  Palaeoliibernicus  whicli  is  in  course  of  publication 
by  Dr.  Wliitley  Stokes  and  myself,  I  put  tog-etlier  a  quantity  of 
notes  on  the  linguistic  peculiarities  of  the  text.  At  one  time  I 
intended  to  incorporate  these  notes  in  the  introduction  to  the 
text,  but  they  have  turned  out  to  be  too  bulky  for  that  purpose. 
As  they  seem  likely  to  be  of  some  interest  to  fellow  Celtists,  I 
now  publish  them  here  separately.  My  attention  has  been 
directed  chiefly  to  points  where  Ml.  differs  from  Wb.;  for  the 
comparison  of  the  two  Pedersen's  Aspirationen  i  Irsk  and  its 
continuation  in  Kuhns  Zeitschrift  XXXV  have  been  of  much 
Service.  I  have  also  noted  anything  eise  that  seemed  to  be  of 
interest.  I  do  not  flatter  myself  that  I  have  exhausted  the 
subject,  but  I  trust  at  least  that  I  have  put  before  the  reader 
the  salient  features  in  the  language  of  these  Glosses.  It  must 
be  borne  in  niind  throughout  that  the  text  of  Ml.  is  very  corrupt, 
and  that  it  is  not  always  easy,  or  indeed  possible,  to  decide 
whether  a  particular  irregularity  is  not  a  mere  scribal  error. 


The  vowels. 

Non- final  vowels. 

a  =  u'.   asidrubartsa  3  a  15,   66  cl,   if  they  be  not  scribal 
errors. 

a=^  o:  in  the  proclitic  ac  =  oc  22  a  5,  55  c  19,  82  d  11. 


ON    THE    LANGUAÜE    OF   THE    ÄHLAN    GLOSSES.  49 

0  rr=  «:  totnugud  43  all,  ois  33b  15,  cf.  oas  83  b  15,  -moith 
110  d  10. 

In  the  last  instance  »t  may  be  the  cause,  cf.  mör  from  mär. 

ö  =  oi.  Sometimes  in  Ml.  ö  is  written  for  the  diphthong  oi, 
wliicli  becarne  in  the  later  orthography  ao:  donib  31c  3,  56  a  13, 
donachtae  16  a  3,  donacht  10  a  4;  döri  82  c  6,  cf.  125  a  9,  125  b  7, 
125  c  2;  soriJia  45  b  2;  -modi  49  c  13,  cf.  72  c  1;  öntu  137  c  13; 
-comnactar  76  a  7;  probably  in  hirograinn  26  b  24,  cf.  30  b  2, 
forrocJiCihi  68b 8;   dofonussa  47a  19  is  possibly  for  dofoimissa. 

In  Wb.  -comnactar  8  a  14  is  probably  a  mere  scribal  error. 

In  Ml.  oi  is  confused  with  ai  in  dairi  92  c  7,  ddini  121  c  12,  134  d  2. 

u  =  ö:  nu  =  nö  38  b  7,  75  a  4,  137  c  7. 

So  in  Cod.  Cain.  37  d.  In  Mod.  Ir.  nö  is  dialectically  nU,  cf.  Henebry, 
Sounds  of  Munster  Irish  p.  31 ;  Finck,  Die  Araner  Mundart  p.  31. 

ö,  Ua.  For  the  relation  of  üa  to  ö  in  Ml.  see  Zupitza, 
CZ.  III,  278—9. 

e,  ui.  e  appears  only  in  the  borrowed  pen  16  a  6,  used 
once  for  the  common  pian. 

In  Wb.  conechta  4  a  22 ,  pen  15  a  16.  In  19  a  4  the  meaning  of  is  fech 
is  not  clear. 

ea  =  e:   conrusleacJita  53dll,    coineas  102  a  23,    erladigear 

100  c  6. 

This  is  tlie  regulär  representation  in  later  Irish  of  e  followed  by  a 
non-palatal  consonant. 

e  =  i.  e  is  written  for  the  usual  i  in:  teget  48dl4,  dlcged 
50  d  2,  flehet  2d2  (error  diie  to  neighbouring  flehet?),  d'iten 
85  a  4,  seiehfed  89  c  5,  tentathig  2  a  2,  egept  46  b  26,  29;  fresmacht 
90  c  27,  frcn  115  d  5;  cf.  also  hreth  36  c  21,  37  a  10;  epert  51a  19, 
92  c  4,   cf.  94  a  2,   miimbert  33  d  8  (cf.  also  tahart  54  b  22). 

In  Wb.  cretfed  la3,  söirfed  32di3,  -pridched  33dl,  cf.  CZ.  III,  55; 
epert  22  a  4. 

i  =  e.  i  is  written  for  e  in :  deichtriba  66  c  8,  cf .  66  d  9, 
72  d  2,  dethribo  72dl;  risiu  (in  pretonic  syllable)  38  c  9,  foirinn 
33  a  8,   remcaissin  122  d  10,   latir  {;?)  102  d  12. 

i  =  m:   ^n7<  34d6,  13,  16,  20,    deichtrib  72^1;    büh  3S(i  11 
ruh  81b  11;    gin  68  b  12;    hnnid   (dat.  of  imned)  53  b  8;  in  the 
future  no\t\prithcMb  45  a  8,  nkonainibsa  53  b  8,  fodalibsea  78  a  10. 

In  Wb.  airbertis  bith  10  b  8,  10dl8. 

Zeitacbrift  f.  celt.  Philologie  IV.  4 


50  J.  STRACHAN, 

iu  =  i.  iu  is  written  for  i  in  taicnnulsm,  96  d  1,  and  äom- 
biursiu  111  c  13,  wliere  there  is  also  iu  in  tlie  following  syllable; 
mliucJitaih  100  b  15  =  mlichtaib  100  b  21.  Peculiar  is  deitlibiur 
38  d  4  from  dcHlibir.  The  adverb  is  regularly  indcitlibir,  ind- 
nephdeUhhir ,  and  it  is  not  likely  that  in  this  solitaiy  instance 
tbere  is  a  cliange  of  declension. 

In  unaccented  syllable  there  is  further  weakening  tban  in 
Wb.,  e.  g.  comrorcan,  2  a  6,  comrorcain  14  a  7,  comtuarcan  34  a  27, 
conmessam  36  a  1,  forcaill  46  c  24,  forcan  91  a  21,  arasc  55  a  13, 
sochaidi  56  b  9,  cethaid  61  a  7  etc.,  doniain  125  b  7,  domaindi 
43  a  23.  Most  remarkable  is  tlie  development  of  myreimm.  In 
Wb.  it  is  ingreimm  or  ingrimm,  nom.  pl.  nigremmen  etc.  In  Ml. 
we  have  ingraim  56  c  7,  57  c  5,  cf.  26  d  12,  30  b  2,  66  d  22,  in- 
grahmne  18  d  23,  cf.  29  d  8,  mgraimmhn  38  c  14,  74  a  10,  74  a  12, 
74  b  13,  87  cl,  ingraimmmm  33  a  8,  ingraimmen  11  d^\2,,  in- 
graimman  18  d  17,  38  d  12,  mgraimmanaih  75  b  6  (in  tlie  verb 
e>a  in  ingramned  44  a  13,  cf.  ingraintid  54  b  19,  130  c  4),  m- 
grammcm  20  b  12,  39  a  13,  54  a  12,  63  c  8,  mgrammanaih  63  b  15, 
95  d  5,  38  c  13  (MS.  ingrammaih).  So  from  foglenn-  foglaimme 
42  c  2.  The  latter  word  appears  in  later  Irish  as  foglaimm,  the 
former  as  ingreim  Atkinson,  Pass.,  inghreim  in  Keating.  Is  the 
difference  determined  by  the  different  timbre  of  the  preceding 
vowels?  Cf.  hemmen  Ml.  39  c  17,  ceimmen  22  Sil,  but  anman 
48  c  34,  totman  19  d  4.  In  any  case  between  ingreimm  of  Wb. 
and  ingreim  of  later  texts  the  Ml.  forms  are  stränge.  It  is  true 
that  in  the  later  language  ingreim  seems  to  be  a  learned  word, 
but  that  hardly  explains  all  the  difficulty. 

It  may  be  remarked  that  Ml.  has  immelle  53  b  15,  68  d  9, 
by  immalle  61  b  23,  79  b  9,  87  b  17,  102  a  19,  115  a  14.  Wb.  has 
immelei  10  a  6,  imnialei  4  b  16,  immallei  10  a  4,  27  c  35,  immalle 
9  b  17,  13  a  5,  13  b  26,  17  d  2.  In  Ml.  immelle  is  obviously  a 
literary  survival.  So  Ml.  has  immenetar  26  b  20,  27,  cf. 
GC.2  614. 

In  unaccented  position,  in  the  particles  ro  etc.  u  often 
appears  in  Ml.  for  o,  cf.  my  paper  on  the  Particle  ro-  in  Irish 
(Trans.  Phil.  Soc.  1896)  pp.  99  seq. 

A  pretonic  vowel  is  lost  in  tracennsom  27  c  4,  traclwnn 
101a  3. 


ON   THE    I.ANGTJAGE    OF   THE    MILAN    GLOSSES.  51 

Fiual  Towels. 
Cf.  Eev.  Celt.  XX,  303—4. 

In  Ml.  it  is  common  to  write  -ae,  -al  alter  a  non-palatal 
consonaut,  wliere  Wb.  has  iisiially  -e,  -i. 

In  Wb.  irgnae  3al,  14:al2,  iorbce  IIb  17,  l-iaSö,  rucce  13  c  17, 
doröntce  16  a  23,  cenelce  17  d  3,  tnadce  19  d  16,  censce  20  c  8,  corce  20  d  1,  forbce 
20  d  16,   indocbalce  23  c  29,   länce  26  d  3,   diglce  32  c  4. 

-a  =  ae:  ansa  53  c  14,  menma  53  c  18,  trachta  67d20, 
mraithemnachta  91  c  14 ,  fortachia  93  d  4 ,  erchtssecJita  98  c  8, 
techta  102  c  h,  innambiasta  121  d  8.  In  composition  niia-sligi  2  a  6, 
ana-deimnid  42  b  17.  Before  an  affixed  pronoun:  cumgabtkashi 
84  c  3,  soirasiu  61c  15,  arfemasiu  68dl3,  concelasiu  101  a  1, 
dcrlagiisin  {leg.  derlegasiit)  74dl3.  Biit  -ae  is  here  more  common: 
3  a  15,  19  al,  35  c  33,  43  a  20  etc.  Peculiar  are  atroidfeasiu 
134  d  3,   arberceesiu  133  d  8. 

In  Wb.  diagniani  3  a  15.  lu  'la6  cerudglanta  seems  to  be,  as 
Thiirneysen  has  suggested,  a  scribal  error  for  cerudglantae. 

-a  = -ai:  helra  31  b  13  b,  cJiumtachta  84  a  10,  cnimrechta 
46  a  27,  durosca  115  b  18,  Ünolta  145  dl.  In  59  b  13  ätu  appears 
for  ettai\  probably  m  is  a  scribal  error  for  a. 

-cd  =^ -ae:  tragdai  77  a  19,  conosnai-ssiu  70  c  3.  In  85  a  4 
miintairai  =  muntire.  In  gabmai  32  a  4  tliere  may  be  confiision 
between  the  non-relative  and  tlie  relative  form,  see  below  p.  67. 

-ae  = -ai:  encae  24  a  19,  tuatae  37  b  2,  ocae  41  d  3,  soscelae 
42  b  7,   rucae  87  d  9,   cetnae  115  a  14. 

-ae  =:  -a:  gnimae  44  a  23. 

-a  = -u:  In  the  proclitics  ciasa  34  d  6,  masa  108  c  16, 
118  a  5.  Further:  degnima  81dl,  droclignima  99  dl,  tintuda 
107  a  2,  arda  23  d  23.  From  the  similarity  between  a  und  u  it 
is  not  improbable  that  these  are  simply  scribal  errors. 

In  romsa  'thou  hast  been'  96  dl,  108  al  apparently,  as  Thiirneysen 
has  suggested,  romsa  was  extended  from  the  first  persou  to  the  secoud  because 
in  the  perfect  these  two  persons  were  the  same. 

-u  =  -a:  sceulu  95  a  10,  if  it  be  not  a  scribal  error. 

-a  =  -ea:  athrani  =  aitlireani  97  a  3. 

Isolated  peculiarities:  deichthrebu  =  deichtlirebo  66  d  9,  roech- 
trannaigtJw  =  -thea  66  d  1,  foto  =  fotae  60  a  10,  fresciso  =  fres- 
cisiu  69  b  3. 

4* 


52  J.  STRACHAN, 

-ea  ^=  e:  cairdea  93  c  17;  in  46  a  16  doirsa  is  probably  a 
scribal  error. 

In  AVb.  aidlea  18  c  11,  foirbthea  19  a  11. 

-e  = -i:  esse  60  a  12,  113  d  2,  131  c  14  {essisi  85  c  14),  hudde 
58  b  4  (but  Jmadi  133  c  10),  insce  44  b  29,  comfoiride  64  c  4.  On 
lassin  uile  talmain  89  d  18,  ule  cuaird  25  a  8  cf.  Eev.  Celt.  XX,  304. 

In  Wb.  15  a  27  nuiednise  must  be  a  scribal  error  for  7iuiednisi. 

-i  z= -e:  trindoti  2d2,  esngahtJii  22  d  9,  fetarlaici  2-i  6.24, 
ardi  51  b  10,  tairngeri  108  b  17,  tiri  121  b  2,  aili  144  d  6. 

-i  = -iu:  Imli  53  a  2,  (?Mm*49b8;  5Mac&am  62  b  10,  faüti 
126  b  9. 

In  Wb.  duini  4  b  3,  fliZi  13  a  26,  imrdti  ld7;  more  strangely  after  a 
non-palatal  cousonant  ceneoli  3  b  25,  tigerni  8  d  20.  In  Ml.  46  d  6  pecfhi  is 
a  blander  for  pedhu. 

-iu  ^=  -i:  diigm'diusiu  22  a  5,  du  laithiu  escergiu  (a  manifest 
blunder  for  essergi)  45  d  7,  dti  recht  nuiadnism  64  b  10  (likewise 
a  blunder). 

dau==d6:  32  d  3,  35  a  13  (?). 

Initial  a  of  a  possessive  pronoun  sometimes  fuses  witli  the 
final  0  of  a  preposition: 

Jio-  =  Jwa-:  17  b  7,  20  b  3,  33  c  17,  36  al,  37  b  25,  39  c  26, 
57  b  5,  85  d  11.  Similarly  Jioraili  2a6  =  ho  araili,  in  wliicli 
the  accent  feil  on  the  second  syllable. ') 

fo-  =  foa-:  35b  18,  19,  89c 8,  89dl5,  /bm  35 a 9,  35 b  16,  18. 

This  will  explain  foniamaigter  26  a  8,  for  foanimdmaigter ,  so  85dl0, 
113  c  6. 

oco-  =  ocoa-:  19  d  5. 


Lengthening  of  vowels. 

In  Mod.  Ir.  vowels  are  lengthened  before  certain  com- 
binations  of  consonauts,  cf.  Pedersen,  Aspirationen  80  sq.,  Henebry, 
Sounds  of  Munster  Irish  80  sq.,  Finck,  Araner  Mimdsirt  passim. 
Instances  of  lengthening  in  Wb.  have  been  noted  by  Pedersen, 
Aspirationen  p.  83.    In  Ml.  the  ~  is  often  added  without  any 


^)  Cf.  innaldil  Wb.  12  a  10,  where  the  double  nn  poiuts  to  an  accentu- 
ation  innaläil,  cf.  Pedersen,  Aspirationen  119. 


ON  THE  LANGUAGE  OF  THE  MILAN  GF.OSSES.         53 

appareiit  reason,  e.  g.  domes  15(13,  esdmain  27  d  8,  over  i  it 
seems  sometimes  to  serve,  as  in  later  MSS.  as  a  cliacritical  mark, 
e.  g.  nime  106  a  3,  arfoäha  j»'92d2,  liille  47  d  6,  ingraimnnm 
87  cl.  But  the  following  cases  may  be  noted,  tliough  all  of 
tliem  are  not  certain: 

oll  20  a  3,  cJidill^)  104  b  5,  cdld  62  b  16,  cdlddi  62  b  13, 
geldae  80  all,  midacheiUis  61a  2.  In  an  unaccented  syllable: 
uhiill  100  c  21,  imtimcelfamni  24  a  7,  acdldad  108  b  9,  coniepeltais 
99  b  2,   comdlnahadar  46  c  20. 

dirc  83  a  4,  drcae  82  dl,  104  c  2;  deddrntui  48  all. 

liüm  106  b  6,  imdae  62  b  23,  dmminn  83  c  3,  cindrüim  78  b  3. 

ara  ccnn  60  d  5,  cl  101a  3,  118  a  15,  cMiin  84  c  24,  dnlnanu 
81c  14,  adgreinn  54  b  23,  innünn'^)  27dl5,  47  d  6,  100  d  6, 
111c  13,  139  a  5,  inunn  101  c  4,  rdin'^)  16  b  15,  chldinn^)  91  b  17, 
dscnnad  63  a  11,  echtrdinn  63  a  18,  119  a  14,  and  68  c  7,  löndas 
18  a  10,  mind^)  18  d  14,  129  c  5;  tentide  96  b  17;  nondammctar 
79  d  3,  dorosluind  58  all,  errindem  56  b  22,  matindae  79  c  7. 
In  fulungdin  86  c  18  is  the  mark  intended  for  the  preceding 
syllable? 

slechfas  115  a  3;  löse  45  c  26. 

As  to  inreith  48  d  3,  cl  meWi  20  a  20,  feith  126  a  1  etc., 
was  a  vowel  followed  by  th  lengthened  under  any  circumstances 
in  a  final  accented  syllable? 


The  consonants. 

g^  df  b  ^=  Mod.  Ir.  g,  cl,  b, 

From  the  combination  of  certain  consonants  there  arose 
Sounds  expressed  generally  in  Old  Irish  by  c,  t,  p,  in  Mod.  Ir. 
by  g,  d,  h;  see  Zupitza,  KZ.  XXXVI,  pp.  202—244.  In  Ml.  g, 
d,  h  are  written  in  a  number  of  cases. 


1)  But  koW,  kdl',   Finck,  "Wörterbuch,  but  kiltd,  Henebry,   Sounds  of 
Munster  Irish  16. 

^)  einA  Mac  Alpin,  imü  Finck. 

3)  dnün,  Finck.  *)  rvi,  Finck. 

*)  For  this  Finck  gives  kldfi. 

')  men,  Finck. 


54  J.  STEACHAN, 

g:  foragab  30  a  9,  foragahsat  95  a  12,  -foigcbat  69  a  8,  cum- 
gabthi  43(17,  cf.  84  c  3,  ciimgabdl  79  d  5;  fordiuguüsiicr  84  d  2; 
diosgarthai  128  b  5 ;  so  in  tlie  borrowed  Gregaib  3  a  15,  Mod.  Ir. 
Greag,  Grcagach.  This  soimd  is  expressed  by  cg  in  conti ie- 
eghtJiar  64  b  8,   ecguisti  65  b  2,  90  c  7. 

In  Wb.  asgnam  1  c  18. 

d:  erdachtaib^)  130b  10;  cumdubairt  37 &,  10,  43d20;  odardad 
98  b  8. 

In  Wb.  cundubart  ■!  cl  28,  asdud  29  a  15,  doradad  23  c  16.  For  t  arisiug 
from  d  +  d  oi  a,  pronoun  is  written  d  in  adcomla  3  c  13,  adbeir  5  a  11,  adsode 
10  a  9,  adohragart  19  b  5.  Another  orthography  in  cotdicc  5  b  40,  cotdöith 
7  d  4,  cf.  fotddli  12  a  8. 

b:  ebert  35  c  27,  cf.  40  c  6,  94  a  2  (witli  ctbert  83  a  5  cf. 
cetgnithe  Wb.  Ibl4);  adobartar  60  b  17,  adrobartatar  14  a  16, 
edbairt  73  a  10,  cf.  87  b  6,  8,  9,  92  b  9;  dmbarar  112  a  4,  diu- 
bartlm  54dl8;  frehaid  58  a  4;  abelaichtJd  74  a  6;  so  scribturib 
25  d  13. 

In  Wb.  conidbarat  1  b  20,  adobnrar  10  c  3,  11  b  12,  idbart  10  d  17,  cf. 
15  d  20,  22  b  12,  13,  23  c  32,  21  b  19,  20,  30  d  11,  idbarthide  11  b  23;  combart 
2  c  23,   tiubrad  9  d  20,   abstil  23  a  10,  etc. 

Sometimes  t  is  wiitten  for  unaspirated  d:  manitentis  35  c  18, 
anastech  37  d  3,  frisna  torus  46  all,  a  toiri  46  a  17,  105  d  10, 
122  cl,  fortige  75  b  16,  fortechtai  81c  15,  cu  tüthrachtach  102  dl, 
airtbidib  116  d  4  (contrast  49  a  25),   descertdach  98  a  9. 

In  Wb.  na  tiubrad  9  d  20,  ni  tauet  24  a  25. 


Eclipsis. 

Cf.  Zimmer,  KZ.  XXVII,  449— 468. 

c>g:  chogud  103 d 5;  -rügat  75b 3;  slogait  123 d.S;  tdrrgud 
72  b  10;   togad^)  S9d  16;   tJmasulgud  ll<o  c  2.     ingcert  Qlh  Ib. 

In  Wb.  roslogeth  (pr.  m.)  13  d  24 ;  täirged  23  c  13. 


')  Cf.  Sarauw,  Irske  Studier  83,  note. 

-)  =  tocad  (cf.  so-dcad,  do-dcad)  W.  tyngJied.  Corresponding  to  the 
Welsh  word  the  g  is  regulär,  but  this  is  the  ouly  case  in  which  I  have  found 
it  written;  O'Reilly  gives  tocadh.  But  the  word  seems  to  have  goue  early 
out  of  use,  and  tocadh  must  be  an  archaic  spelling  of  a  word  fouud  only  in 
early  texts.  O'Eeilly  gives  from  Shaw  dogadh  'niischief,  which,  if  it  be  a 
genuine  word,  one  would  be  tempted  to  identify  with  dodcad,  but  I  have  no 
further  evideuce  of  its  existence. 


ON    THE    LANGUAGE    OF   THE    MILAN    GLOSSES,  55 

^>(7:  comaidecht  72  b  18;  derhdae  42  b  14,  sluinde  37  a  12, 
soirdae  75a 3,  geldae  80 all,  coinde  86dl,  126 d 5,  rend(B  120dl, 
isliffde  136  all;  loiscde  141b  2;  adordais  36dl6,  nontjlmidis 
119c 2,  -andais  133  b 4;  nadedbardar  {^=  ndd-n-tedhartar)  19c  18, 
-fe\n\dar  39  d  7;  rolcldar  96  c  13;  naimdea  138  a  6;  a  deüciud 
118  d  11,  a  dotliaim  131b  4,  dia  dklitin  90  c  22;  in  dcgdais 
61b  22;  daya-dochtaiscd  78  a  4;  condarhastar  95  b  6,  cf.  101  a  6, 
odardad  77  a  7,  98  b  8;  nicondet  53  a  17;  nad  desta  =  ndd-n-desta 
94  c  10;  amcd  dcte  93  b  12. 

In  Wb.  arandathidis  21clll;  imdidnibt[]i]er  15  c  25;  induccatar  9  b  19; 
odanicc  3c 27,  odised  25  a 6,  condartar  ialS,  cf.  20c 2-1,  28b 31,  5b  11,  21  a8; 
intan  diagmani  3  a  15,  dathar  21  c  9,  28  d  4. 

b  >  m:  mcc  =  m-bec  40  a  20;  ocmanadar  54  a  12;  also  in 
copula  forms  romatar  etc.,  see  my  paper  on  tlie  Substantive  Verb 
11.  1181  sq.,  1236  sq.,  1313,  1383,  1443,  1471,  1555  sq. 

In  Wb.  in  some  copnla  forms,  Subst.  Verb  11.  1238,  UU,  1461,  1463, 
1472,  1545  sq. 

Assimilation  of  consonants. 

In  has  become  II:  commcdlaid  106  a  2  etc.,  cf.  Ascoli,  Gloss. 
CXLYII;  eilled  137  c  5,  roheiUed  127  a  13,  runeülestar  m  &.  U, 
eülidi  63  a  16,  druilidi  76  a  4;  foUatar  77  h  4,  cf.82d5  and  46  b  18 
(contrast  90  a  9,  18  a  4).    The  bistorical  spelling  In  is  also  found. 

The  spelling  -reildisem  for  -reilUsem  (=  -reünisem)  63  d  15 
could  be  most  simply  explained  on  the  supposition  that  Id  had 
become  U]  of  this  change  I  have  no  further  proof  in  Ml. 

nd  has  become  nn: 

(a)  chldinn  91  b  17,  rinn  145  d  3,  dilgiimn  33  c  5;  with  n: 
crüin  18  b  4,  chlain  23  d  12,  dorosloin  58  all. 

(b)  Before  a  consonant:  innaide  42  c  23  (contrast  42  c  22, 
indnide  AVb.  4al9);  tinnagat  93  a  20,  thinnacktae  126  d  12,  doin- 
nasatar  30  c  17  (biit  in  the  verbal  forms  more  often  doind-, 
Und-),  tinnacul  93  d  6,  96  d  6,  97  a  7,  9,  10,  105  d  10,  124  eil, 
126  d  11,  128  d  14  {tindnacul  15  d  6,  137  b  5).  As  to  minc[h]echt 
28dl5  (by  mindchecht  22  dl),  angaid  31a  14  (by  andgid  56  c  18), 
loss  of  d  between  n-g  and  n-ch  is  also  found  in  Wb. 

(c)  Before  the  accent:  annu[n]dacomart  36d9  =  an-du-n- 
da-comart]    innamdimithe  (MS.  innandimithe)  107  d  1    =   tn-dam- 


56  J.  STRACHAN, 

dmiithe;  innid  A2Q,i  =  indid  in  Wb.;  in  the  article  dünn  im- 
chomurc  77  a  15.  Reduced  to  n:  dunamcma  =  du-n-dam-ema 
87  d  11,  honid  51  c2  =  ondid  in  Wb.;  trisnansoirthae  =  trisin- 
dan-soirthe  124  a  8;  often  in  the  article,  see  below  p.  58. 

That  mh  had  become  mm  is  indicated  by  mec,  above  p.  55, 
for  m-hec.  Ct.  furtlier  amhus  75  d  8,  apparently  for  ammus  cf. 
91c  6;  imhecJdracJm  is  written  145  eil,  imhlisen  39  c  3,  6,  7  by 
imlisen  39  c  22. 


Singling  and  doubling  of  consoiiants. 
l. 

Final  l  for  II:  ceil  22  a  4,  95  a  1,  129  c  15,  chel  37  a  10,  cial 
88  b  11,  95  a  9;  Jmaü  43  a  13,  51  a  16,  hual  b7  clS;  ^«7  42  b  4. 
In  tlie  interior  of  a  word  fuilem  36  a  30,  olaigthi  88  a  14.  In 
unaccented  syllable:   tadal  25  a  2,   forcal  42  d  4. 

For  examples  in  Wb.  see  Pedersen,  Aspirationen  pp.  113 — 4. 

Doubling  of  pretonic  unaspirated  l:  fidlos  58  c  12,  rollaad 
29 cl;  cf.  innallatliar  91  d 7.    In  focidl  125 all  flnaH  is  doubled. 

r. 

Final  r  for  rr:  asher  37  a  18,  110  d  16,  diiher  77  d  3,  imber 
131a 2,  142dl.  Before  an  enclitic:  fersom  24 cl.  In  unaccented 
syllable:  asrobar  17  b  23,  docomar  23  d  5,  -tahar  54  a  2. 

Doubling  of  pretonic  unaspirated  r:  arranethe  55  a  2,  for- 
roiblang  107  d  13,  forruleblanyatar  129  c  21. 

For  examples  in  Wb.  see  Pedersen,  Aspirationen  118,  KZ.  XXXV,  346,  347. 

m, 

m  for  mm:  trumai  20  a  19,  50  d  8,  truim  63  b  7,  trom 
100  a  10,  domataid  56  b  25,  26.  In  a  final  unaccented  syllable 
mm,  so  far  as  I  liave  noted,  regularly  becomes  m.  In  a  few 
cases  imm-  becomes  mi-  bef oi'e  a  vowel :  imaircidc  2  b  6,  imacubur 
34  b  10,  imaisndisi  40  b  7.  Before  the  accent  imimgaib  22  eil, 
imimforlaingise  38  d  18,  imimmthimerchcllsat  44  c  25. ') 

For  Wb.  see  Pedersen,  Aspirationen  101  sq. 


1)  It  is  to  be  noted  tbat  in  tbese  last  instances  the  foUowing  syllable 
contains  m. 


ON    THE    LANGUAGE    OF    THE    MIT>AN    GLOSSES  57 

Pretonic  mm  for  m:  commallaid  106  a  2;  innammraithem- 
nachtae  31b3,  31dl3,  133  a2,  innammithuüe  33  d  3,  innam- 
mcssidechtae  41  all,  innammaraisnäisen  64  d  2;  innaniminäechu 
27  d  3,  28  c  7,  innammessu  38  c  23,  frisnammachabdn  67  b  22, 
innammaccii  104  d  5,  innammerhi  113  b  8,  trisnammoUu  115  b  2, 
cf.  115  b  3,  inna  mgnea  mmoitha  87  b  11,  mnammaldachta  110  c  9, 
innammaini  43  d  18,  98  a  6,  innammaige  48dl2,  innammücnai 
95  c  5;  innammedon  45  d  14;  ciammeit^)  25  c  4,  26  a  10,  138  c  12 
(ce  meit  Wb.  33al,  34  a  5) 2);  dimm  ces  23  d  9,  huamm  öintaid 
118  a  2;  frimmaccu  43  d  1,  78  b  11,  lammaccu  49  a  20,  lammeit 
91  c  19,  95dl3;  nammehuü  49  d  3;  bammo  86  d  6,  hammadach 
135a 9;  dommathi  18c 7,  dommuinfide  40 eil,  fummenatar  4:d?il6, 
dommumetar  49  b  7,  113  d  11,  dummessursa  78  a  11,  dummidcthar 
82  a  3.  In  the  infixed  pronoim  -tmn-  regularly  before  a  vowel, 
except  dumemaese  55  b  2,  dumemse  72  d  11,  conüidlia  74  c  16, 
dumimmerchell  108  a  122;  liacJiammdarbanarsa  hQa. 22]  so  -dämm-, 
except  indamerbain  29  d  5,   dunamema^)  87dll. 

For  Wb.  see  Pedersen,  Aspirationen  107,  and  add  rommunus  24  b  17,  18. 
In  24  d  11  nammuimme  is  rather  gen.  sg.,  and  in  18dl3  irmam  miiisea 
is  acc.  pl. 

n. 

Final  n  for  nn:  rdin  16  b  15,  rain  16  b  16,  24  c  2,  cruin 
18  b  4,  cMain  23dll,  archiun  67  d  8,  cum  74  bl,  tön  129  d  5 
fodglein  37  b  12,  Ihm  89  d  6.  In  unaccented  syllable:  coitchen 
14  d  12,  27  b  13,  37  a  19,  53  b  27,  54  a  20,  56  b  41,  73  d  7,  cocran 
87  d  17,  colain  38  c  9,  echtran  14  a  7,  forcan  91a  21,  dorosloin 
58  a  11,   tororansom  29  b  8. 

For  Wb.  cf.  Pedersen,  Aspirationen  111  sq. 

n  for  nn  before  the  accent:  dunamema  87dll;  n  often  in 
the   article   for   nn   or   nd:    19  a  2,   25  b  9,    30  b  7,  23,   32  a  25, 


^)  Pedersen,  KZ.  XXXV,  430,  has  pointed  out  the  discrepancy  between 
ciammeit  with  unaspirated  m ,  and  Med.  Ir.  ca  mlieaä.  But  for  Scotch  Gaelic 
Gillies,  Elementary  Gaelic  Grammar,  p.  81,  gives  cia  meud,  of  which  instances 
may  be  found  in  Maclunes,  Cömraidhean  (Oban  1892)  pp.  19,  20,  32.  Mac  Alpin 
has  CO  meiid  and  co  viheud.  For  quantus  the  High  Soc.  Dict.  gives  cia  mar. 
Does  the  aspirated  form  contain  a  neuter  possessive  a?  Cf.  0.  Ir.  nied  a  mit 
'non  tantum'. 

2)  It  will  be  observed  that  in  the  majority  of  these  instances  the  foUowiug 
syllable  contains  m. 


58  J.  STRACHAN, 

37  b  27,  45  b  20,  49  b  7,  54  c  28,  56  a  24,  72  b  9,  85  c  5,  90  eil, 
92dl2,  102c7(?),  108  b  2,  127  c  12,  136  d  10,  138  c  3;  furtlier 
hia  aicsin  51  d  14;  cf.  also  ina  nienmain  54  a  29. 

In  AVb.  triain  intama'd  sin  5  b  20;  tarcintaib  33  b  21.  In  Wb.  26  a  8, 
according  to  Prof.  Chroust,  tbe  MS.  has  inapid. 

Final  nn  for  n:  talmann  40dl6;  persainn  72c  10a,  110 d 7, 
115  a  2  (bis),  129  b  8,  132  a  1,  persinn  91  d  3,  persann  90  a  12  (in 
persannaih  25  d  13  tlie  doiibling  lias  spread  to  tlie  interior); 
Ucuiun  55  c  1.  After  a  consonant:  sathairnn  112  eil;  suirnn 
121c  14;  dedairnn  44  a  2,  48  c  4,  cf.  dcdarnni  97  b  3,  so  57  a  6. 
Note  also  -soirainni  93  d  10. 

Cf.  Pedersen,  Aspirationeu  111 — 113. 

Pretonic  nn  for  n:  conneta*)  32  d  15,  cf.  33  b  5,  37  b  15, 
54  d  17,  61  d  1,  91  a  19;  inn  cchaih  43 d 3,  cf.  26  b  7,  30 a4,  46b  28, 
69  b  5,  69  c  7,  115  b  7 ;2)  imihnm'middar  105  al,  cf.  126  c  17; 
rinnanainitib  44  a  18;  lannech  31a  6,  42  c  13;  frinnech  23  c  20,  cf. 
75 a9;  fonna  inni  37a  14;  cennahec  (?)  51a 5,  rennagahaü  ilhld; 
anni  90  b  13;  fonnitfea  17  a  4,  dunnic  69  a  20;  nonnoduimussaigtis 
136  b  5;  dmminnimdi'hatami  83  c  3.  Before  a  consonant:  inngnim 
128  d  11;  dianndergeni  69  c  7,  tridnndroclignimu  84  c  14,  diann- 
damnad  140  b  11,  conngestais  131  d  13;  innsin  44  c  10.  After 
the  accent  ingamnti  116  c  4.  In  the  infixed  pronoun  of  tlie  first 
person  pliiral:  dnnnucsat  92  dl,  dunnemtharni  \21q,1,  codunnais- 
sühtlieni  110  c  4,  bnt  doneimni  110  d  9,  arünutangar  135  a  2; 
before  a  vowel  -dann-  is  regulär. 

In  Wb.  the  pronominal  -n-  is  also  foimd  doubled,  Pederseu,  Aspirationen 
119,  and  add  nonnertarni  14  b  13. 

S, 

In  Ml.  the  reduction  of  ss  to  s  has  gone  much  further  than 
in  Wb.  (for  which  see  Pedersen,  Aspirationen  91  — 101):  e.  g. 
dufesatar  24  b  19,  nutcscd  29  d  9,  niese  31  c  28,  cf.  31  d  8,  36  a  17, 
51c  21,  55dll,  94  b  8,  dufesed  33  b  12,  mesa  34  a  5,  asardae 
35  b  8,    usar  35  b  24,    esartaih  36  b  17,  37  b  29,   esaircnea  51  b  21, 


*)  For  nn  nd  is  written.  in  condetaitis  125  a  4,  cf.  conderbailt  Trip. 
Life  14,  1.  30,  and  the  like. 

2)  This  inn  is  in  later  MSS.  written  ind,  e.  g.  ind  ifernd,  Trip.  Life  92, 
cf.  indaidchi  Ml.  42  c  23? 


ON    THE    LANGUAGE    OF    THE    MILAN    GLOSSES.  59 

osccsar  -14  a  4,  fosach  44  b  10  etc.,  tresn  49  a  18  a,  wjesar  51  a  17, 
duaisilbi  51  b  12,  duescmar  56  a  13,  fosisefar  58  c  17,  cosoigtJii 
146  a  8,  csaninu,  esanmae  Ascoli  Gloss.  CXXVI;  clais  2  b  7, 
136  a  8,    ngcs   39  b  3,    fcs   51  b  7,    cf.   80  b  11,    Jes   2  a  6,    3  a  14, 

35  b  25,  36  c  10,  58  d  5,  97  d  7,  Uns  34  b  6,  ««es  30  d  25,  31  d  6, 
38  d  1,  47  a  5,  54  b  2,  94  b  7,  103  c  8,  106  e  11,  tes  42  c  29,  97  c  4; 
ks  ('with  him',  down  to  fol.  60)  30  b  11,  33  b  21,  33  c  17,  34el7, 

36  a  14,  36dl2,  37  c  16c,  42  b  7,  44d6,  46c3,  47a8,  14,  49  a  27, 
50  b  12,  54  a  12,  55  c  1,  10,  56  b  31,  58  d  16,  60  a  7,  (less  35  d  24), 
hsom  18  c  6,  23  b  12,  30  d  19,  44  b  17,  45  c  9,  47  c  16,  17,  50  b  10, 
50  c  20,  50  d  6,  53  a  17,  54  c  35,  56  a  20,  56  b  32,  37,  57  a  9,  59  b  10, 
60  a  4,  60  c  5  (Icssom  40  a  14,  47  c  5,  47  d  2,  54  c  3,  40  a  14,  56  b  1, 
60  c  2).  For  fris,  mese  etc.  I  liave  no  collections.  Pedersen 
(p.  96)  notes  the  exceptioiial  treatment  of  hircss  in  Wb.;  Ml.  lias 
hires:  14  b  15,  14  c  6,  15,  16,  19,  26  b  1,  31  a  5,  85  d  8;  so  iresaicj 
31a  3,  amairis  97  il  10,  13,  amiresach  30d28,  cf.  48  a  16;  but 
hirisse  14  c  10.  It  may  be  noted  generally  that  in  Ml.  reduction 
of  SS  is  more  complete  at  the  end  tlian  in  the  inferior  of  words. 

SS  for  s:  dnssceidat  83  b  8,  fnsscannain  96  a  4,  frissnidi 
127  d  14,  frisorcaissm  44  b  31,  conosnaissiu  70  c  3,  assreud  48  c  33. 

c. 

oc  is  written  in  those  cases  in  which  Wb.  writes  occ, 
except  occa  tuididin  86  a  1  (cf.  occurohae  98  d  8),  cf.  Pedersen, 
Aspirationen  118,  Zupitza,  KZ.  XXXVI,  209.  For  the  general 
statistics  of  Single  and  double  c,  t,  p  reference  may  be  made  to 
Zupitza's  paper.i) 

Aspirated  s  and  /. 

In  Ml.  f  and  .y  are  not  found.  The  aspirated  letter  is 
sometimes  left  un written: 

f:  -rurescesset  34  eil,  nephrescastaih  40  b  10,  cf.  56  dl, 
terochraic  36  a  32  etc.,  115  d  6,  127  a  12,  13,  atlmisti  40  a  8, 
nepliis  58  a  20,  nephrcptliae  58  a  17,  nephreptanaigthe  76  a  17, 
roeeth  126  a  6,  chrosigül  138  a  2,  rinn  54  a  3,  allethe  rissan  30  b  2, 


')  It  may  be  noticed  iu  passing  that,  as  appears  from  Zupitza,  i-eduction 
in  macc  is  rare  except  where  the  c  is  palatal.  Similarly  in  Tur.,  where  note 
also  sacaird  by  sacardd,  camull  by  g.  camul. 


60  J.  STEACHAN. 

re    44  b  4;    moisitiu    46  b  12.  meuJae    47  e  4,    tortachtae    108  a  1. 

Note  the  spelling  nufiadnisse  24  d  24  for  what  is  usuallj  written 

nuiadmsse  =  nüe-fiadnisse.  In   thufortacht  44  c  20  f  is  written 
etymologically. 

In  Wb.:  ardlathi  la3,  indectsa  3  a  7,  3  c  22,  lalO,  iiS,  oinecU  3b  3, 
orcital  8  b  13,  anadiadar  27  a  10,  ara  laith  30  d  i. 

s:  intesseTbech  63  b  8  (bis),   siraigligi  78  c  12. 


Miscellaneous  notes. 

d  written  for  th:  pecMachu  26(il4,  -chaäraig  66  c  14. 
duairndredat  81  b  2,  f aidsine  81  e  6.  comchadugud  112  b  5,  frith- 
chadaigthe  114  b  19,  idi  124  c  8,  hendachdai  138  a  1. 

In  Wb.  diidrad  3  b  21,  dedhir  3  b  30,  ci  6  a  8,  12,  9  c  10,  adramaü 
6d6  (adthramli  9  3.14:,  23  c  27),  aidrech  9h2f),  adldig  9  eil,  aidchomarcaib 
9  d  li,  aidchrochad  11  d  7,  bede  13  a  9,  mddramil  13  d  10,  fridoirced  14  a  27, 
didlea  18  c  11,   ledchollbe  23  d  31,  foraidmet  24  c  2- 

w  =  w^:  forgairib  66  c  3,  et  67  b  8,  101  c  6,  103  d  27,  tair- 
giriu  33  d  22,   dundrairgiurisa  109  c  9. 

In.  "Wb.  tairgiriu  19  c  3.  In  "Wb.  10  d  37  infolngithi  for  infolgithi  indi- 
cates  that  big  and  lg  had  fallen  together. 

fef  written  for  b  (=  v):  cohfodlus  22  b  1,   cohfodJaid  86  d  5. 

/"written  for  bf:  atrefea  36  a  18  b,  107  a  15,  atoifea  114  e  2. 
In  Wb.  cotofutaincsi  8  clß,  söifitir  26  a  21,  atrefea  30  b  18. 

pf  written  for  f  (from  sv):  andundasepfainn  36  d  17. 

h  written  for  bf:  atrebea  35  b  24. 

/"written  for  b:  amal  fid  34b  11,  37b 22,  chetfaid  53b 20, 
findfadach  (=  find-bethach)  56  b  44. 

th  for   t   {=  -th-t-):   rethae   68  b  10,    fritheirissem   83  all, 
noreithis  129  d  4,   dimgaithar  54  a  30. 
Cf.  immeraither  Wb.  14  c  22. 

d  written  for  t  (==  -dt-):  nundedais  83b 3,  nodedais  102 d  14. 

PecuLiar  is  faissine  25  b  6  for  fdithsine,  which  developed 
regnlarlj  into  fäitsme,  later  fdistine,  cf.  Pedersen,  Aspirationen  161. 

amal  not  amail:  written  in  füll  90  a  10,  107  e  8,  118  d  13, 
137  c  13.  So  far  as  I  have  obserred,  M.  has  intan  not  intain, 
except  27  d  10,  140  c  9. 


ON    THE    LANGIJAGE    OF    THE    MILAN   GLOSSES.  61 

As  de  in  Ml.  lias  ofteii  become  do,  so  conversely  de  is 
wiitten  for  do  in  21  c  3,  33  a  5,  44  c  6,  55  c  1,  56  b  1,  72  b  5, 
134  a  3. 

So  in  Wb.  17  a  11,  2i  d  10. 

Aspirsition. 

In  Ml.  1)  aspiration  is  found  in  a  number  of  cases  wliere 
it  is  absent  inWb.,  cf.  Pedersen,  KZ.  XXXV,  330,  etc.    Such  are: 

(a)  indate  chlaidib  77  a  6,  indaas  cliumachtai  26  b  6,  nidat 
chummai  115  b  3. 

(h)  hiid  eMail  56  b  33,  nili  cliondumu  35  d  17,  na  hitli 
chinind  87  a  3,  ni  hitJi  clwmdidnad  62  b  6,  comhed  eliiall  67  d  24, 
rohöi  cJioead  137  e  8,  cinid  fil  chairi  30  a  2,  cf.  55  d  25  (otlier- 
wise  30  b  2,  57  c  5). 

(c)  mani  dene  chatJm  37  c  15,  cf.  56  c  16,  cocarad  eliain- 
(jnhnu  14  a  8,  cf.  95  a  5,   dorignius  eJwmgnimu  47  a  20. 

{d)  fritcurethar  clwill  41  d  16,  freeur  clieill  43  a  2,  106  d  3, 
but  usually  unaspirated. 

(e)  contoat  cJiucai  46  cl;  cf.  rissan-  30  b  2,  rinn  54  a  3, 
re  44  b  4. 

(f)  Aspiration  of  initial  consonant  in  relative  forms:  chanas 
24dl4,  so  29  b  4,  30  c  3,  114  b  7,  122  a  12;  amal  ehonnoscaigther 
38  d  16,  amal  cJiondeganmi  107  c  8;  chontarchomraic  57  a  14.  In 
94  a  21  tJiracJi[t]üh  is  stränge,  as  it  is  not  tlie  proper  relative  form. 

After  cid  the  relative  form  is  sometimes  foimd,  cia  gabthar  Wb.  29  b  5. 
This  may  explain  cia  conchelae  106  c  14,  cia  duthlidched  124:  d  9. 

(g)  After  ar:  ar  chomallaihitir  109  c  9,  cf.  42  c  8.  But 
this  is  exceptional. 


*)  As  aspiration  is  sometimes  found  in  Ml.  where  it  is  clearly  wrong, 
some  of  tliese  instances  may  be  scribal  errors.  Instances  are  the  followiug; 
suiiischclaichthi  45  a  3,  tinthuda  57  a  9,  fochethoir  126  d  9,  fritJiorthai  132  b  1, 
aitherrech  cheitbuda  98  b  5,  cf.  98d2a,  forthacht  93  c  15,  incha[th]rai(j  54  c  26, 
incheil  129  c  15,  achethardae  97  a7,  cf.  133b 5,  inna  chcnel  G7b24,  cf.  103dl4, 
chetlaidib  61  d  5,  cf.  119  d  3,  125  a  2,  for  chenn  44  d  29,  fricheill  56  b  33,  iar 
chetbaid  68  c  14,  ara  chenn  60  d  5,  a  chretem  97  b  2,  a  chonucbatis  58  c  2, 
nudachelat  54  c  9,  cf.  61  a  2,  niba  cliian  56  d  7.  In  many  of  these  cases  the 
mark  of  the  long  vowel  seems  to  have  beeu  mistaken  for  the  mark  of 
aspiration. 


62  J.  STRACHAN 


(h)  The  following-  may  simply  be  noted  as  irregulär:  duth- 
luchedar  38dl,  co  duthluclier  49  d  10,  duthlucMmse  71c  20, 
fucheiUfea  90  c  15,  adcliess  96  d  1,  risiu  adchetli  38  c  9.  Cf.  also 
p.  67  sq.  below. 

In  Wb.  rochrochsat  5  c  11,  co  forchongramni  11  b  16. 

Aspiration  is  sometimes  wanting-  where  it  miglit  liave  beeil 
expected.  Biit  as  aspiration  is  often  left  uiiexpressed  in  Ml. 
tliese  are  in  part  at  least  clerical  errors.  It  will  be  sufficient 
to  refer  to  tlie  following: 

(ö)  After  -hu:  34  c  17,  53  d  6,  100  b  22. 

(b)  After  -had,  -bed:  46  a  27,  65  d  5,  137  c  12. 

(c)  issi  cetbaid:  36  a  1,  cf.  74  c  21,  74  d  13,  101  c  6. 

{d)  In  relative  forms:  dutiagat  10^h\%  diitciytis (?)  lOShl, 
äiiceltar  111  b  11. 


Declension. 

The  article. 

In  tlie  article  d  is  often  etyniologically  written  before  s 
where  t  would  be  correct:  isind  saltair  2  d  2,  ind  sailm  24  d  22, 
26  a  2,  isind  sahn  50  d  4,  70  al,  77  b  11,  101c  6,  103  b  10,  108  b  16, 

109  b  2,   128  d  15,  17,   133  b  16,    asind  sahn  103  d  16,   dund  sahn 

110  d  6,  dund  sil  44  a  10,  liond  soinmichi  48  c  16,  dund  soirad 
68  d  4,  Jmand  sechnall  70  b  3,  huand  soud  118  cl,  ind  sainredach 
124  d  14,  ind  solam  131  b  5. 

In  Wb.  I  have  noted  ind  sosceli  18  c  6,  itid  senduini  27  b  8. 

Before  s  in  is  rare:  in  saihn  25  a  6,  in  suin  37  a  10,  issin 
sahn  54  c  4  (cf.  insuidigüii  for  int-suidigthi  'instituta'  146  a  4, 
cf.  insamil  Wb.  30a25):  For  n  for  nd  or  nn  before  a  vowel 
see  above  p.  58. 

Conversely  t  is  sometimes  written  for  d:  isint  aimsir  14  b  13, 
dunt  foirhtheiaid  14  c  8,  dunt  imluad  15  a  17,  isint  epistil  26  a  3, 
isint  ercltru  30  d  27,  isint  faithsini  35  b  18,  int  aithisc  35  c  23, 
int  atlaigthi  36  b  19,  iarsint  intliuclit  37  a  8,  int  Jtuile  talam 
45  d  8,   int  atlaichtho  66  c  5,  int  ithlair  137  a  2. 

Cf.  dontlathur  ^^'b.  5  c  16. 

With  the  preposition  for-  for  sometimes  appears  for  fors-: 


ON   THE    LÄNGUAGE    OP   THE    MILAN    GLOSSES.  63 

foran-  =  forsan-:  fora  faciem  122  c  6,  cf.  126  eil,  131  c  14, 
So  witli  tlie  relative:  forarohae  38  c  4,  64  a  12. 

In  Wl).:  foratait  4  d  15,  foranidparar  5  b  6,  forataibre  2'Ja23. 

forind  =  forsind:  form  ynwi  dih  11,  forind  nim  120  d  7; 
cf.  forincanoin  60  b  14. 

forna  =  forsna:    forna  irre  69  a  11,    forna  nahndea  138  a  6. 

fornaih  =  forsnaib:  forna ihriathraib  27  d  22. 
C"f.  fornaih  gnimaib  Wb.  5  a  5. ') 

In  tlie  nom.  pl.  inna  sometimes  appears  for  ind:  na 
testimni  38  c  9a,  inna  testimni  38  c  9  (contrast  38  c  8),  inna 
Icomain  80  a  10.     Cf.  innahi  (sc.  pectJä)  46  b  28. 

Cf.  na  tri  rede  Wb.  29  a  16,  cf.  Mg.  Forscb.  X,  77. 

In  tlie  dative  plnral  tliere  appear  by  tlie  usnal  forms: 

(«)  honai:  lionai  doinmechaib  34  e  1,  honai  gabalaib  54  b  25. 

(b)   dona-   etc.:    donaJii  46  c  7,    donahisin  57  cl;    cosna  coic 

amnanib   38  b  2;    huana  cumgaib  41  a  7,    Imana  fochaidib  54  a  18, 

hona  mainenaib  69  c  5;    isna  focliaidib  74  d  5,    isna  noib  122  a  3. 

lu  Wb.  the  oulj'  peculiarity  that  I  bave  noted  is  arnab  2  a  15,  21  a  13, 
dinab  13  d  33,  donahallaib  12  b  2. 


Tlie  noun. 

In  tlie  gen.  sing,  in  tomais  20  a  21  is  peciiliar.  In  tlie  nom. 
and  acc.  plur.  of  nent.  o  stenis  wliere  tlie  noun  Stands  by  itself 
tlie  longer  form  always  appears,  e.  g.  tercitla  19  b  10,  dligeda 
35  b  1  etc.  Tlie  sliort  form  appears  only  witli  the  article  inna 
(except  scchalaiU  dliyed  18  eil),  e.  g.  i^ma  imned  21  c  3 ,  witli 
wliich  the  loiiger  forms  are  also  found,  e.  g.  na  beida  19  c  9; 
if  niy  observations  be  correct,  the  former  are  slightly  more 
numerous  (20  :  17).  (In  Wb.  of  the  shorter  form  I  have  noted 
only  naclia  arm  22  d  14).    The  adjective  has  always  a. 


1)  Before  the  negative  nd-  we  bave  for-  in  forna  fil  56  a  13.  In  the 
Laws  I  think  I  have  seen  forsna-,  but  uufortunately  I  canuot  find  the 
reference.  The  rule  woukl  seem  to  be  that  with  nä  s  is  present  after  pre- 
positions  with  which  it  appears  in  the  forms  of  the  article:  forsna-  and 
forna-,  lasnabi  Ml.  50  d  2,  asnachatucad  Ml.  125  b  7,  dinacoyibi  Ml.  85b  7, 
donarobu  Ml.  129  d  3,   ocndchfil  LU.  36  b  5. 


64  J.  STRACHAN, 

From  neiiter  i  stems  may  be  noted  na  rincl  2  a  14,  tarsna 
mure  122  a  3,  from  a  neuter  u  stein,  na  torus  46  a  12,  by 
doirsea,  cf.  Idg.  Forsch.  X,  76. 

The  adjective. 

In  ciaptar  mora  a  liecthai  98  c  5  moir  has  been  replaced 
by  mora.  So  in  the  acc.  lucu  arda  23  d  23  for  liicit  ardn,  if  it 
be  not  a  scribal  error. 

Cf.  maicc  cöima  Wb.  27  b  16. 

In  78  b  19  daingni  is  stränge;  daimjnca  might  have  been 
expected. 

From  -«- stems  may  be  noted: 

(a)  nom.  pl.  neut.:  inna  Jiuaisli  48  b  7,  inna  isli  7  inna  coh- 
saidi  81  e  15,  docliraidi  68  d  2,  inna  fudmnnai  81a  4,  138  d  9 
(but  in  Wb.  substantivally  fudmnne  5  c  17,  cf.  8  b  6). 

{h)  gen.pl.:  sonairt  51  b  3,  innandoine  nangaid  31  a  14,  in- 
nannaimtine  n  deithhir  38  d  2,  innan  damdn  nallaid  59  dl;  diiä 
li  c  3.  Substantivally  inna  coniailte  27  c  2.  From  Wb.  I  have 
no  examples  of  the  case. 

(c)  Noteworthy  further  is  the  n.  pl.  deeth  120  b  3  by  deedi 
Acr.  39. 

Peculiar  to  Ml.  is  -imem,  -aniam  in  the  Superlative,  see 
Solmsen,  Idg.  Forsch.  XI,  223  sq. 

The  proiioun. 

Personal  pronouns. 

By  issnisni  30  a  20,  102  b  15,  127  c  2,  Ml.  has  issisni  78  a  1, 
92  c  2,  is  sinni  63  c  15,  138  c  IIb,  is  nini  43  d  5,  is  ninni  93  d  4. 

For  doniMX.  has  regularly  dam  (35  times);  but  dorn  47  c  4, 
55  a  19,  118  a  5. 

Wb.  has  dam  oiice,  4  b  29. 

For  duitMl.  has  regularly  dait  (28  times);  but  (/h/^  44b 23, 
44  c  19,  92  a  20;  deit  91  b  16,  129  d  22. 

Infixed  pronouns. 

1  and  2  sg.  and  pl.:  . 

Peculiar  to  Ml.  are  -am(my,  -damiin)-,  -at-,  -dat-,  -an-, 
-dan(n)-,  -ah-,  -dah-.    For  the  instances  see  Sommer,  CZ.  1, 183  sq. 


ON    THE    LANGUAGE    OF    THE    MILAN    GLOSSES.  65 

In  78  c  (J  Sommer  would  correct  -dun-  to  -dan-.  In  Wb.  there  is  ouly 
the  io\ihtfn\  inäatbendachub  iiSdll,  cf.  CZ.  1, 189,  which  is,  however,  supported 
by  dam  above. 

Isolated  peculiarities  are:  indaroncomairlecis  ni  77  d  6  (et 
CZ.  I,  187,  tlie  form  is  liardlj-  a  mere  scribal  error);  cotoscaigther 
55  b  3,  cotnessiusa  126  c  17,  cf.  CZ.  I,  191. 

"Witli  regard  to  tlie  longer  forms  of  tlie  first  and  second 
persons,  and  also  -da-  of  tlie  tliird  person,  tlie  following  may 
be  noted: 

After  for-  Wb.  has  regularly  fZ .  .,  wlietlier  the  form  be 
non-relative  or  relative,  7  a  12,  19  d  27,  31  c  16,  3  b  23,  9  a  16  (of 
-da-  of  tlie  tliird  person  I  find  no  instance).  Ml.  has  regularly 
t .  .,  wliere  tlie  form  is  non-relative,  or  wliere  relative  -n-  is  not 
obligatory:  fortanroiclian  22  c  3,  fortattet§u  43  b  11,  fortacomai 
29a 3,  it  he  furtanroichechnatar  QShl,  forfacongair  b9 eil;  forda- 
cain  30  d  12  is  an  exception.  Wliere  tlie  inflxation  of  -n-  is  the 
i'iile,  we  have  amal  forndacongair  94  b  3,  but  fortamdiucuüsetsa 
44c 32,  fortaiihristisni  V^hUi,  both  dependent  subjimctives.  Witli 
con-  the  rule  is  that  cot .  .  is  iised,  except  where  a  relative  -n- 
is  to  be  expected,  in  which  case  we  find  cond  .  .,  Thurneysen, 
Eev.  Celt.  VI,  321,  cf.  Sommer,  CZ.  I,  194.  Exceptions  are  cotam- 
moscaigse  29  d  3  (which  Sommer  vainly  tries  to  get  rid  of),  iar- 
sindi  cotannairlic  (leg.  cotanrairlic)  125a9.  •) 

In  the  other  persons  the  following  points  may  be  noted: 

Infixed  -d-,  -da-  in  nicondrohae  41  a  5,  nicondahia  69  a  9. 

fritciirethar  for  frissidcurethar  41  d  16. 

aras-:  arascelaitis  26  b  19,  cf.  36  a  18,  CZ.  I,  206. 

-s-  before  a  vowel:  immusacaldat  131  c  19,  cf.  CZ.  I,  206. 

-ia-  in  cofotahothad  33  b  16. 

-s-  in  a  relative  form:  corrnj)  leir  roscomaUathar  129  b  2, 
cf.  Wb.  9cll,  ßCr.  lOblO. 

Extension  of  t  {=  -d-  d-),  after  the  fashion  common  later: 
possibly  in  atindided  123  b  15  (though  not  improbably  it  is  to 
be  corrected  to  ataindidcd),  and  atrim  49  all.  In  ised  duducai 
immedon  27  d  23  the  d  is  peculiar;  perhaps  we  may  compare  the 
relative  use  of  d  in  Middle  Irish,  e.  g.  LU.  8bl6;  cf.  also  is 
debe  tintuda  duduic?  67  a  3. 


•)  Cf.  iarsmdi  ronan  Ml.  126  bl,  iarsindi  etiringen  94:bl2. 

Zeitschrift  f.  celt.  Philologie  IV.  5 


66  J.  STEACHAN, 

In  Wb.  iiistaiices  of  extended  t  are  atminneä  2  c  6,  atroillisset  4  c  15, 
atrothreb  20(13. 

The  infixed  pronoim  appears  in  what  is  an  irregulär 
Position  accordin.g  to  tlie  Olcl  Irisli  rule  in  arrotne'dhhis  46  b  20, 
cf.  46  d  14,  iii  rumcJiomarleicis  ladS,  cf.  105  a  6,  forrnmcJtennadsa 
127  c  10. 

So  in  Wb.  dorondonadni  IG  b  17,  conromiccad  28  a  10. 


Demonstrative  pronouns. 

From    siele   suiiJih   sometimes   appears   for   acc.  pl.   stticlm: 
censuklih  20  d  3,  frisudib  31  a  18,  126  b  7,  tri  stiidih  56  b  15. 
So  in  Wb.  6bl7,  8  a  12,  9  c  2,  17  d  11,  21b  11. 

-sem  for  -som  in  Usern  50  b  10;  cf.  doihsem  Wb.  28  d  19. 
mse  for  inso:  86  c  3,  114  a  1,  115  c  1,  128  d  9. 
For  inso  and  insin  appear  sometimes  so  and  sin,  witli  loss 
of  the  unaccented  syllable. 

so:    trachtaid  so  sis  55  c  14,    is  he  so  sis  34  b  8,    issi  so  sts 
a  eMail  51  d  6,  cf.  65  a  3,  88  d  6,  114  c  7. 
In  AVb.  ciaso  demnithir  so  28  c  14. 

sni:^)  is  jiecead  sin  43  a  10,  ised  nohiad  sin  32  d  5,  ni 
samlaid  sin  44  b  23,  cf.  57  c  12,  75  b  7,  90  b  10,  120  d  3,  131  d  12, 
asher  sin  127  d  15,   cf.  127  d  14. 

In  Wb.  dagniusa  sin  14d26,  is  samlaid  sin  2%\i  11,  c>-eihwec/i  sin  28 d 23. 

In  AVb.  and  Sg.  cach  prevails,  in  Ml.  eech\  for  tlie 
occurrences  see  Ascoli,  Suppl.  Per.  Arch.  Glott.  Ital.  1900, 
pp.  92  —  96. 

In  the  neuter  nach  seems  to  be  used  for  na  in  naeh 
quod  101a  5.2) 


')  From  tbis  niust  be  distinguished  sin  witb  prepositions  e.  g.  arsin 
Ml.  130  eil  etc.,  asin  Ml.  59  a  21  etc.,  cossi«  Wb.  15  d  30,  disin  Ml.  37  b  24, 
dmin  Ml.  43  a  17,  fosin  Ml.  42  c  24  etc. ,  frisin  Wb.  12  d  41,  issin  Wb.  12  d  5 
Ml.  130  b  8,  iarsin  Wb.  13dl8,  19,  resin  Ml.  102  d  7,  trisin  Ml.  60  b  15,  wMch 
is  like  sc  in  cenmitha  se  Wb.  8  a  2 ,  cosse  Wb.  17  a  12  etc. ,  hisiu  Wb.  17  b  13 
(also  siu  witbout  preposition  W^.  13  b  21  etc.),  desiu  Sg.  71b  2. 

*)  In  Ml.  44  b  19  Ascoli  (p.  90)  would  change  ni  (erhurt  nach  to  ni 
ctrbutt  nech,  and  he  translates  'nihil  dixi',  but  tbat  would  require  ni,  the 
declension  of  the  independent  neuter  being:  noni.  and  acc.  ni,  gen.  neich, 
dat.  nench.     The  text  should  be  einended  to  nach  ar  mu  peccad  doratad  form. 


ON    THE    LANGT  JAGE    OV   THE    MI  [.AN    GLOSSES.  67 

The  verb. 

Relative  foriiis. 

In  tlie  1  pl.  the  non-relative  form  is  used  for  tlie  relative 
in  niecl  amet  ücmnigmini  35  b  1,  similarly  15  a  4,  22  c  5,  24  a  18, 
31b  15,  32  a  4.  Conversely  lahraimme  31  b  IG.  Cf.  Pedersen, 
KZ.  XXXV,  376. 

Extension  of  relative  forms:  rongnitha  93  a  3;  issamlid 
insin  asmhertnr  23  a  12,  issamlid  inshi  immetet  45  e  9;  sie  äone- 
semar  5(5  a  13,  sie  rttndgahsat  67dl4,  sie  aUcssom  104  b  5, 
(contrast  sie  fognither  Wb.  27  b  9),  sie  foUintar  123  a  10  (cf.  KZ. 
XXXY,  391);  resiu  dondichsHis  104  c  5  (cf.  KZ.  XXXV,  389);  i) 
amal  is  Iw  imratih  gnaither  38  a  5,  7ii  fris  ruchct  64  a  13.  In 
Wb.  we  find  isamne  atda  6  a  19,  cf.  12  d  7,  7nad  amne  lahrar 
12  c  36,  bnt  in  Ml.  is  amne  as  mir  114  a  9;  in  Wb.  we  have 
massu  ammin  ataam  13  c  12,  but  in  Ml.  is  dmin  as  cert  62  c  7,2) 
Pedersen  has  pointed  out  the  contrast  between  cech  ret  runccat 
les  Ml.  57  b  4  (cf.  nad  rancatar  les  97  d  7)  and  sechilied  rü  a 
less  Wb.  7  b 3;  obviouslj^  the  explanation  is  that  roiccim  less  has 
become  fused  together  and  is  treated  as  a  Single  word.  Here 
attention  may  be  called  to  the  irregulär  position  of  the  infixed 
n  in  frittatniarrsu  93  a  15. 

Omission  of  relative  -n-:'^) 

intan  doher  49  b  7,  intan  rolöi  71c  15,  intan  dobera  90  c  14; 
for  Omission  in  copula  forms  cf.  Substantive  Verb,  pp.  68,  69. 
Owing  to  the  corrupt  State  of  the  Milan  Glosses  it  is  liard  to 
say  how  far  we  have  here  the  beginning  of  the  later  Omission 
of  relative  -n-  (cf.  GZ.  III,  412),  or  how  far  we  have  merely 
scribal  Wunders.    In  36  d  16  anmidacomart  should  in  all  proba- 


1)  In  Ml.  65  b  6  it  is  hard  to  believe  that  nundnerbai  is  for  nudnerbai. 
Pedersen,  KZ.  XXXV,  393  seems  to  be  right  in  suggesting  that  the  con- 
junction  an  'when'  is  to  be  supplied  in  thonght. 

2)  In  KZ.  XXXY,  391  Pedersen  calls  attention  to  some  other  alleged 
irregularities.  In  53  a  1  dtrachtid  is  hardly  anything  but  a  scribal  error  for 
trachtid;  in  56  c  11  ducad  seems  to  be  a  scribal  error  for  duucad,  similarly 
duic  25  d  8,  duicsem  111b  15;  on  ni  üb  matar  69  b  3,  cf.  CZ.  III,  482. 

ä)  It  does  not  seem  to  have  been  noted  that,  when  the  short  forms  of 
the  infixed  pronouns  of  the  first  and  second  persons  appear  in  relative  use, 
relative  -n-  is  not  inserted  before  them,  e.  g.  Wb.  24  c  4,  electionem  .i.  dob- 
rograd  'wherewith  ye  have  been  called',  Ml.  103  c  15  iarsindi  doibroigasa 
leg.  dobroignsä). 

5* 


68  J.  STEACIIAN, 

bility  be  corrected  to  annundacomart  ■==  an-du-n-da-comart.  In 
tlie  siibjiiiictive  wliicli  renders  a  Latin  Infinitive  Compound  verbs 
sliew  regularly  inflxed  n\  hence  fuduidchestar  36  b  10  sliould  be 
emended  to  funduidcliestar ,  asnidiset  23  a  19  to  asnindiset,  and 
in  Wb.  9  a  7  dodnindnastise  to  dondnindnastesi.  •') 

Notewortliy  furtlier  are  cid  dian  7  cian  notJieisinn  41  d  9; 
is  mö  riiicim  less  22  c  14,  contrast  Wb.  21d9,  32  a  25;  acht 
immfiliimchcllat  68  d  3,  contrast  aclit  rondasaihset  24d24;  is 
denitJiir  sin  arachrin  57  c  12,  fohithm  arachiurat  59  b  9,  but 
intan  aracrinat  73  c  2  (cf.  KZ.  XXXV,  406). 

Witli  amcd  'as  if  Ave  find  botli  awal  nongnetis  30  a  4,  cf. 
amal  nomhemmis  Wb.  9a3,  and  amal  duherad  55dll,  cf.  amal 
dohcrrthe  Wb.  Ilcl2;  different  is  amal  immechomairsed  63  c  9, 
•\vitli  relative  imme  and  aspiration;  amal  immeradad  Q'^  c  18  is 
ambiguous. 

For  ar-  ara-  appears  in  relative  forms,  cf.  KZ.  XXXV,  377. 
In  Wb.  ar-  is  sometimes  found  before  ro:  amal  arrograd  9  b  13, 
arrodihaid  11  a  19,  arrndcrgestar  4  c  13.  Tlie  only  otlier  instance 
that  I  have  to  liand  is  arthä  30  d  13.'^)  In  Ml.  ar  is  frequent 
before  ro-:  anarruhnrt  42b  6,  cf.  33el4,  53  a  12  (contrast  108a 2, 
125  d  5,  131  all,  136  b  3);  arruceig  54  b  29;  arrngenisiu  'gessisse' 
72  b  20 ;  läse  arroneith  50  b  8 ,  arruneid  '  expectasse '  68  a  6 
(contrast  46 d 4);  arroiscstar  'innismn'  18dl6;  arruthroith  38 d 7; 
anarröct  16  a  4,  cf.  17  e  3  (contrast  17  a  8,  25  d  10).  But  ar- 
appears  also  elsewliere:  aregi  g.  conquirentis  29  d  10,  cf.  (contrast 
29  b  3);  arossa  96  a  11  (contrast  134  d  7);  indi  ardibdai  48  c  33; 
arutaing  g.  reficiens  64  c  20.  In  53  c  9  armbertliar  is  irregulär 
for  aramhcrthar.  In  136  a  8  araruichiur  is  non- relative.  Witli 
da  a  relative  form  is  sometimes  found,  cia  gahthar  Wb.  29  b  5. 
That  would  explain  ciararuhartatar  91  bl,  mararubart  112  b  5 
(cf.  maimmidarnactar  17  b  19). 

So  imme-  appears  relatively,  KZ.  XXXV,  379.  But  in  Ml. 
also  imm-:  immairc  74  d  13  (cf.  KZ.  XXXV,  405);  imradad  41a  4, 
In  66  d  18  animdaig  sliould  probably  be  emended  to  animdaaig, 
cf.  imdaimgaib  38  a  3,  imdaimgaham  35  d  19,  imnimgdba  15  b  12 
(but  immenimgaib  29  d  2,  cf.  35  dl,  41a  6).  Non -relatively 
immefrecrat  58  a  11  (bis). 

1)  Isolated  and  peculiar  is  mitnimret  7i  b  22,  if  it  be  not  au  error  for 
»li-n-imrct. 

^)  As  to  arfulnias  Wb.  21  a  2,  it  is  quite  obscure  to  nie. 


ON    THE    LANGUAGE    OF    THE    MILAN    GLOSSES.  69 

Compound  verbs. 

Sarauw,  after  Thurneysen,  has  in  liis  Irske  Studier  61  sq. 
(cf.  CZ.  III,  601  sq.)  pointed  out  certain  variations  of  prepositions 
in  Compound  verbs.  In  Ml.  we  have  Innovation  in  adidroüUfet 
61  a  20,  adidroillisset  61b  17;  furtlier  in  -aiperr  14  d  13,  -aij^red 
33c  17,  nnaipir  56dl6,  aipert  50b 8;  -aipled  85 d 8,  -apail  91  d 2, 
aipleat  104  h  2,  apaltu  30  d  14,  by  the  side  of  tlie  regulär  forms. 

Conjugation. 

Present  indicative. 

In  2  sg.  of  verbs  of  radical  verbs  Ml.  has  duhir  110  d  13, 
cf.  111c  13,  63  c  13,  confoirsiu  114c 2,  doneinmi  (or  ipv.?)  110 d9, 
forteig  44  b  32;  but  asrenai  44  a  6,  frisorcai  44  b  21,  fodaimi 
55dl4,  cf.  55dll,  arafoimi  68  a  8,  -edainni  64  a  4,  durigi 
108  d  8,   conrigi  119  b  8.  i) 

Imperfect  indicative. 

In  53  d  6  asherad  appears  f or  asbered ;  so  iarmindochad 
58  c  7,  wliere  iarmindoiched  miglit  liave  been  expected.  In  tlie 
3  sg.  of  the  past  -s-  subjunctive  -ad  sometimes  appears  for  ed: 
notesad  34  d  6,   dwtabosad  18  a  7,   frisnorrad  124  d  8, 

Preterite  indicative. 

(rt)  Reduplication :  forriidcdachsa  etc.  cf.  Particle  ro-  in 
Irish  (Trans.  Phil.  Soc.  1896),  p.  105,  fortanroichechnatar  etc.  ib. 
In  inrograinn  26  b  24,  forrochain  68  b  8  o  may  be  written  for 
öi,  See  above  p.  49.  In  foroiblachta  58  d  6,  doroigad  123  a  14, 
dtaroichet  44  b  4,  6i  has  spread  analogically  from  the  active  to 
the  passive.  Note  also  rocadiain  48  b  11;  fororaid  51a  23,  cf. 
Trans.  Phil.  Soc.  1900,  p.  414. 

(b)  Transition  from  perfect  to  s  preterite:  arrwmuinset 
90  a  1  (I  have  no  other  instance  of  the  preterite  of  this  verb), 
foruraithniinset  135  a  1,   nirufresdsset  72  c  13,  cf.  34  eil.  2) 

Cf .  arröimsat  Wb.  26  a  23. 


*)  Cf.  arafoemi  Stowe  Missal  66  a. 

*)  In  46  b  28  roguid  seems  to  be  an  error  for  rogaid,  and  in  54  d  7 
rolin  for  rolil. 


70  J.  STRACHAN, 

(c)  From  clogniu  sliorter  forms  dorignis  etc.,  Particle  ro- 
pp.  23,  24;  ni  dermis,  nach  dcrni  ib. 

(d)  By  conoitechtatar  in  Wb.  8  a  14  we  liave  conaittcchtatar 
in  Ml.,  cf.  Thurneysen,  KZ.  XXXVII,  57. 

Future. 

In  -fuklema  56  c  9  we  liave  transition  from  tlie  reduplicated 
future  to  the  e  future,  cf.  CZ.  III,  482. 

Infinitive. 

From  dgur  Wb.  has  digthiu,  Ml.  aigski  51  d  12,  by  aiclithhi 
82  d  8;  from  ad-ro-sU  airiltm  is  peculiar  to  Ml.,  Ascoli  Gloss. 
LXXXI. 

In  tlie  Infinitive,  from  the  frequent  use  of  the  dative  with 
do,  there  is  a  tendency  for  this  case  to  replace  the  nominative, 
cf.  Zimmer,  Gott.  Gelehrt.  Anz.  1896,  p.  379.  Instances  of  this 
in  Ml.  are:  aicsin  44  e  6,  116  a  1,  deicsin  56dl5;  taidbse  90  b  14; 
dum  lOSh  12]  tahairt  27  c  21,  42  e  13,  76  b  7,  103  b  13;  gahaü 
60  a  12,  95dl3,  imgahail  14el2;  gait  70  a  5  (cf.  gat  Laws 
III,  240,  gaiti  Laws  III,  230). 

InWb.  tabairtlOco,  10cll2,  22clO;  gahdili^d^,  imgabdil9ä6,  19a 8. 


Sul}staiitive  verb  and  copula. 

Among  the  Old  Irish  Glosses  the  forms  indaas,  indate, 
imhöi  are  peculiar  to  ML;  Ml.  has  also  oldaas  etc.  but  much 
more  rarely.  The  occurrences  may  be  found  in  niy  paper  on 
the  Substantive  Verb  (Trans.  Phil.  Soc.  1899),  pp.  4,  5,  16. 

In  Ml.  file  is  proportionately  rarer  than  in  Wb.  or  Sg.,  cf. 
Substantive  Verb,  p.  57.  Further  -fail  appears  thrice  in  Ml, 
never  in  Wb. 

For  roböi  Ml.  has  once  robui  93  c  3. 

In  the  future  Wb.  has  Med  and  Meid,  Met  and  Meü;  Ml. 
has  only  Meid  and  Meit.    Cf.  Substantive  Verb,  pp.  18,  19. 

In  the  copula  the  relative  forms  at,  et,  bat  are,  in  the 
Glosses,  peculiar  to  ML,  cf.  Substantive  Verb,  pp.  31,  38.  Peculiar 
to  Ml.  also  is  bata  by  beta,  Substantive  Verb,  p.  41. 

Further  peculiarities  are:  isat  dilmainsiu  55d21,  cota  beu 
44  eil,   nit  128  dl,   con-rubu  etc.,  Subst.  Verb,  11.1209—1212. 


ON    THE    LANGUAGE    OF    TUE    MILAN   GLOSSES.  71 

Adverb  etc. 

For  the  old  adverb  with  ind^)  tlie  formation  with  co  is 
foimd:  commör  38  0  12,  Gl  b  17,  commenic  39 all,  co  cöir  69 dl 2, 
77  a  7.    Note  also  di  Icir  68  a  15. 

\Vb.  commaith  7  b  15. 

ar  =^  ol  'iiKiiiit':   ar  Crist  38  c  12,   ar  Diiaid  44  c  20. 
nach  'nor',  46  a  14,   cf.  YBL.  7  b  14   =   LU.  26b28,   Salt, 
na  Eanii  3124. 


')  Cf.  Thurneysen,  Miscellanea  Linguistica  in  onore  di  Gr.  Ascoli. 

Prestwicli  tc? 

,^         ,       ,  J.  ÖTRACHAN. 

near  Manchester. 


REMARKS  ON 
THE  VERBAL  SYSTEM  OF  MODERN  IRISH. 


The  oldest  printed  representation  of  the  Irish  verbal  System, 
apart  from  the  few  and  (iiiite  insufficient  remarks  and  paradig-ms 
in  O'Molloy's  Grammatica  Latino - Hibernica ,  Eomae  1677,  and 
the  translation  of  this  book  in  Lhwyd's  Ärchceologia  Britannka, 
Oxford  1707  (p.  303),  is  that  contained  in  Mac  Cuirtin's  jE'Zcwew^.? 
of  the  Irish  Language,  Louvain  1728,  reprinted  in  connection 
with  his  English-Irish  Dictionary,  Paris  1732.  This  representation 
is  not  only  interesting  from  a  historical  point  of  view,  in  as 
much  as  it  conveys  the  genuine  Irish  tradition  as  to  the  forms 
of  the  language,  but  valuable  in  itself,  being  in  some  essen tial 
points  more  correct,  or,  at  least,  more  conservative,  than  what 
is  taught  in  the  grammars  of  the  nineteenth  Century. 

According  to  Mac  Cuirtin,  the  finite  verb  has  the  foUowing 
moods  and  tenses  (Dict.  p.  698): 

the  present,  preter,  and  future  tenses  of  the  indicative  mood; 

the  pretertense  of  the  consuetudinal  mood; 

the  Potential  mood  (i.  e.  the  conditional); 

the  imperative  mood; 

the  deprecative  mood  (Irish:  itche); 

to  these  he  adds,  with  some  reserve,  two  tenses  of  the  con- 
junctive  mood  (Irish:  suighiudhadh),  'which  seems  to  be  but  a 
Mood  of  Moods'.  —  It  will  be  seen  at  a  glance  that  by  identi- 
fying,  as  we  ought  to,  the  deprecative,  mood  with  the  present 
tense  of  the  conjunctive  mood  we  get  for  the  Irish  language  of 


REMARKS    ON    TUE    VEllBAT.    SYSTEM    OV   MODIIRX    IKISH.  73 

Mac  Cuirtin's  time  the  very  same  System  as  Ave  find  in  Old  Irish. 
So  I  need  not  use  many  words  to  prove  that  Mac  Cuirtin  did 
not  do  his  work  at  random. 

It  seems  to  me  to  be  of  some  interest  to  make  out  from 
what  reasons  this  System  was  not  adhered  to  by  later  gram- 
marians,  more  especially,  liow  it  came  to  pass  that  tlie  con- 
junctive  mood  was  entirely  dropped,  and  that  even  the  depre- 
cative  was  unknown  to  Haliday  and  O'Donovan. ')  Whether 
that  was  due  to  the  negligence  of  the  learned  authors,  or  to 
the  gradual  change  of  the  language.  Biit  this  question  is 
connected  with  some  other  points,  which  it  will  be  right  to 
settle  flrst. 

'In  the  Conjugation  of  Verbs',  Mac  Cuirtin  says  p.  698,  'a 
Negative  mucli  alters  the  termination  from  what  it  was  when 
affirmative;  and  therefore  to  every  affirmative,  a  negative  ought 
to  be  put  in  the  Conjugation,  especially  when  they  are  dissonant 
in  themselves,  as  fad  makes  ahh  in  the  negative,  as  gonfad,  ni 
ghonahh.'  —  This  is  making  rather  short  business,  but  still  it 
is  a  reasonable  way  of  dealing  with  a  grammatical  peculiarity, 
which,  as  we  know  now,  is  a  most  essential,  if  not  the  most 
essential,  featui'e  of  the  language,  namely  the  distinction  between 
the  two  series   of  forms  which  are  now  commonly  called  ortho- 


1)  Of  Vallancey's  Grammar  (Dnhl.  1773)  I  shall  say  but  littlc,  for  it  is 
neither  pleasant,  uor  at  all  uecessary,  to  kill  a  dead  man.  These  are  his 
ovvn  words  (p.  64):  'The  modern  Irish  grammarians  have,  in  couformity  to 
the  Grecians  and  Eomaus,  twisted  their  verbs  into  certain  inflexions  analogous 
to  their  potentials,  subjunctives,  etc.,  which  are  oniitted  in  this  grammar'; 
and  (p.  XXIX):  'AU  the  moderns,  MoUoy  excepted,  have  warped  the  regulars 
into  inflexions  (in  Imitation  of  modern  tongues)  which  do  not  exist  in  the 
language'.  Vallancey  rejected  not  only  the  deprecative  and  the  conjunctive, 
but  also  the  consuetudinal  past  (or  imperf.  ind.)  and  the  couditional! 

Though  not  mentioued  by  Stewart,  a  deprecative  is  used  in  the  Gaelic 
Version  of  the  Bible  (Tiomna  Nuadh,  Ediub.  1767),  for  instance  Luc.  10,  5 
gu'n  raibh  sith  don  tigh  so;  10,  11  gu'n  tigeadh  do  rioghachd;  Marc.  11,  14 
nior  itheadh  ncach  sarn  bith  toradh;  14,  36  nior  b"e  an  ni  as  toil  Icanisa; 
Rom.  6,  2  nar  leigeadh  Dia  (/«}  yi-voiio);  Math.  21,  19  nior  fhäsadh  toradh 
gu  brath  ort;  cf.  Manx  {Conaant  Noa,  Lond.  1810):  Math.  21,  19  nar  aase 
mess  er  bee  orfs;  Marc.  11, 14  nar  ee  doolmie;/  erbee  messjeeds;  Luc.  10,5  shee 
dy  row  gys  y  tliie  shoh;  Luc.  11,  2  casherick  dy  roiv  dty  ennym,  dy  jig  dty 
reeriaght,  dty  aigney  dy  row  Jeant  ery  thalloo.  The  Gaelic  form  in  -eadh 
looks  like  the  imperative.  I  regret  that  I  have  no  time  to  go  any  further 
into  this  subject. 


74  CHR.  SAEAUW, 

tonic  and  enclitic. ')  It  can  be  seeu  at  p.  684  tliat  Mac  Cuirtin 
was  aware  of  tliis  distinction  in  tlie  irregulär  verbs  too  (do 
ghnim,  ni  dheanaini),  where  it  is  of  greater  importance.  The 
idea  that  this  coiild  be  called  a  distinction  of  moods  did  not 
occiu'  to  Mac  Cuirtin,  büt  seems  to  liave  been  first  put  fortli  by 
Stewart,  who  speaks  of  a  Negative  or  Interrogative  Mood,  tlien 
by  Haliday,  who  calls  the  enclitic  form  the  Subjunctive  Mood, 
then  by  O'Donovan,  who  follows  Haliday.  At  last,  in  1855, 
Charles  Wright  protested,^)  and  now  this  wrong  theory  seems 
to  be  abandoned. 

Mac  Cuirtin  might  have  mentioned  one  more  case  of  the 
same  kind,  namely  the  distinction,  prevalent  in  the  17th  and 
18th  centuries,  between  these  tAvo  forms  of  the  present  indicative 
of  regulär  verbs:  cuiridli  se,  ni  chuirionn  se,  wliich  is  stated,  at 
least  implicitly,  by  Haliday  p.  74 — 75.  But  Haliday  at  the  same 
time  makes  the  form  in  -nn  part  of  the  consuetudinal  or  habitual 
mood,  and  in  this  dilemma  his  successor  O'Donovan,  most  un- 
luckily,  took  the  wrong  side,  putting  forth  the  theory  that 
cuirionn  is  a  consuetudinal  present,  differing  in  sense  from 
cuiridli.  In  this  grave  error  he  was  followed  by  others,  for 
instance  by  Bourke  (Grammar  p.  60,  71),  and  even  by  Ebel 
(Gramm.  Celtica  p.  1096),  and  the  matter  is  still  taught  in  that 
way  in  Ireland,  although  Prof.  Atkinson,  in  the  grammatical 
appendix  to  liis  edition  of  Keating's  Three  Shafts  of  Death, 
Dubl.  1890,  p.  XVII,  corrected  the  mistake,  and  pointed  out  the 
old  rule. 

The  consuetudinal  or  habitual  present  was  not  admitted  by 
the  ancient  Irish  grammarians;  at  least,  Mac  Curtin  says  (p.  702) 
that  the  consuetudinal  mood  '  wants  the  present  and  f uture  tense, 
and  has  only  the  pretertense '.  It  was  introduced  by  Haliday, 
and  can  be  traced  back,  it  seems,  to  Stewart's  grammar,  which 


')  This,  of  course,  is  not  quite  the  correct  way  of  putting  it,  hecause 
the  differeuce  between  -fad  and  -abh  originally  depended  ou  something  eise; 
still,  for  the  modern  lauguage,  it  is  i)retty  near  the  mark  uevertheless. 

*'')  "Wright  says:  'Mood  is  a  Variation  of  the  verb  as  to  signification' 
(Grammar  p.  28);  this  was  misnnderstood  by  Bourke  (Grammar  1856,  p.  58 — 60), 
who  introduced  a  subjunctive  mood,  soundiug  the  same  as  the  indicative,  but 
differing  in  sense.  The  truth  is  that  mood  is  a  Variation  of  the  verb  as  to 
form  and  signification  taken  togdhcr,  in  such  a  Avay  that  a  differeuce  of 
sense  is  expressed  by  means  of  a  differeuce  of  form. 


REMARKS   ON    THE    VEK«AL    SYSTEM    OF    MODERN    lUISH.  75 

exercised  a  strong,  tliough  not  absoluteh^  goocl,  influence  on  tlie 
Irisli  grammarians  of  tlie  19tli  centur}',  who  were  not  suffieiently 
aware  of  tlie  dift'erences  between  Irisli  and  Scotcli  Gaelic.  Haliday 
(Grammar  of  the  Gaelic  Language,  Diibl.  1808,  p.  72)  states,  most 
correctiy,  tliat  the  form  hidhhn  'I  nsually  am,  or  I  use  to  be' 
is  the  present  of  the  consuetudinal  mood,  but  what  he  says 
(p.  75)  about  this  form  in  regulär  verbs  ('like  the  present  snb- 
junctive',  i.  e.  negative  etc.,  and  thus  diftering  froin  the  indicative) 
is  not  a  fair  representation  of  facts,  for  the  Irish  language  has 
no  distinet  form  for  the  consuetudinal  present  outside  of  the 
verb  'to  be',  and  cuiridli  and  cimionn  mean  exactly  the  same 
thing. 

In  Scotch  Gaelic  the  old  future  has  disappeared,  and  the 
original  present  {huailidh,  clia  hlmail;  beiridh;  ni,  äean;  thcid; 
hlieir,  tahliair  or  toir;  thig;  clii,  faic;  glieihh,  etc.)  signifies  partly 
the  future  time,  partly  'that  an  action  or  event  takes  place 
uniformly,  habitually,  according  to  ordinaiy  practice,  or  the  course 
of  nature'  (Stew..  Elements  of  Gaelic  Grammar,  Edinb.  1812,  p.  98). 
Thus,  it  is  used  in  proverbs  'to  express  a  general  trutli'.  Stewart, 
of  course,  held  the  future  to  be  the  original  sense,  and  the 
habitual  sense  to  have  been  derived  therefrom;  but  in  tliat  I 
don't  agree  with  hini;  for  the  use  of  the  present  in  habitual 
expressions  dates  from  the  oldest  times  of  our  race,  and  has 
simply  been  kept  up  in  Gaelic.  In  the  verb  'to  be'  the  forms 
ta  and  hheil  have  retained  their  present  sense,  whereas  the  form 
hithidh,  cha  hin,  which  even  in  Old  Irish  was,  and  in  Modern 
Irish  still  is,  a  consuetudinal  present,  is  used  in  Scotch  Gaelic, 
like  the  rest  of  the  old  presents,  partly  in  its  old  sense  and 
partly  as  a  future.  To  denote  'that  the  action  is  going  on,  but 
not  completed',  the  Gaelic  language  uses  the  periphrase  tlia  mi 
ag  hualadh  'I  am  striking'  (Stew.  p.  99);  this  usage  does  not 
differ  much  from  what  is  called  by  Bourke  (p.  72)  'the  continuated 
form  of  the  present  tense'  in  Irish,  which  is  made  up  of  the 
same  elements;  still  the  Gaelic  form  has  a  wider  ränge,  as  can 
be  Seen  for  instance  by  comparing  the  Irish  and  Gaelic  Versions 
of  the  Bible. 

The  language  of  the  17th  and  18th  centuries  used  for  the 
3rd  sg.  of  the  regulär  prs.  ind.  the  form  in  -idh  whenever  the 
verb  was  orthotonic;  but,  when  enclitic  (after  n~i,  nach,  go,  da  etc.), 
the  form  in  -nn,  which  also,  contrary  to  the  principal  rule,  stood 


76  CHR.  SARAUW, 

after  the  conjunction  ma.  These  riiles  are  kept  in  the  Irish 
Version  of  the  Bible  {Tiomna  Nuadh,  Dubl.  1602),  in  MacCuirtin's 
Dictionary  (Paris  1732),  and  in  Donlevy's  Catechism  (Paris  1742). 
But  even  MacCuirtin  sometimes  uses  the  form  in  -nn  in  the 
orthotonic  position  (260  ärchiiglicann  an  fion  croidhe  an  duine\ 
183  ionnkiigheann;  44  tarraingcann  tu;  125  örduigheann;  182  imi- 
ghcann;  414  (574,  252)  taithnlghcann  se  liöni),^)  and  in  the  course 
of  the  18th  Century  (probably)  the  alteration  took  place  throngh 
which  the  form  in  -nn  came  to  be  used  in  both  positions,  and 
the  form  in  -idh  disappeared.  This  new  rule  we  find  carried 
through  in  SuUivan's  translation  of  Thomas  a  Kempis  (Dubl.  1822), 
in  Kane's  edition  of  the  New  Testament  (Dubl.  1858),  and  of 
course  in  the  spoken  language  of  the  present  day.2) 

It  will  be  right  to  quote  a  few  instances  of  the  3rd  sg,  ind. 
of  the  present  tense  from  the  books  just  referred  to,  that  there 
may  be  no  doubt  as  to  these  facts. 

Tiomna  Nuadh  1602:  Matlia  17,  1  heiridh  losa  . . .  agus  treo- 
ruighidh  se  lad]  17,  15  tuitidh  se  a  dteine;  18,  5  gahhuidh  se\ 
12,  43  siohhluidh  si;  13,  19  fuaduighidh  se.  —  Instead  of  these 
forms,  Kane  writes:  heirion,  treoruighion,  tuHion,  gahhan,  siühhlan, 
fuaduighion.  —  On  the  other  band  (1602):  17,  24  an  iocann  hliur 
maighisdir  si  an  didrachma?]  19,  9  gu  ndenann  se  adhaltrannas:, 
21,23  as  a  ndenann  tusa\  22,16  gu  dteagasgann  tu,  ni  fhechann 
tü\  22,  20  cia  re  a  mheanann  an  sgribheann  so  na  timcheall?\ 
26,  8  cred  da  bhfoghnann;  —  18, 13  ma  theagmliann  gu  hhfadhann 
se  i\  18, 15  ma  fpeaciiighcami  da  dhearhlirdtliair\  18, 15  md  eisdeann 
se;  18,  19  md  t/iragmliann;  21,21  md  hhionn;  5,  23  md  thugann  tu. 

J\IacCuirtin  1732:  260  cuiridh  so  lüthghdir  ar  mo  chroidhe; 
261  rithidh  a  theangaidh  go  röluath;  292  sgriohhaidh  se,  lahhruidh 
se;  264  imighe  tu,  gahJiaidh  tu  an  taohh  huinsgionn,  etc.  —  266  nach 
hhfaicionn;   271  nach  leanann,  etc.  —  110,  196  md  theagmhann; 


^)  On  the  other  haml,  MacCuirtin  noAV  and  then,  rather  from  carelessness, 
it  wüuld  seem,  nses  the  form  in  -idh  for  the  enclitic  prs.  ind.  I  have  fonnd 
the  following  six  or  seven  instances:  529a  bcalach  tre  a  ngnbhaidh  neach; 
ibd.  tre  ngluaisidh;  479  antan  nach  Inbhrnidh  neach;  52  ni  chodroniaidh ; 
72  leahhar  na  ccniridh . . .  da  ttigidh;  222  da  labhraidh;  he  often  writes  ni 
ghnidh  (450,  (528,  16,  58,  79a,  115,  133,  189,  247),  but  that  is  a  different  case. 

'')  Whether  the  old  distinction  is  still  kept  up  in  any  part  of  Ireland, 
I  can't  teil;  if  it  is,  that  will  not  interfere  with  the  conclusion  we  shall 
presently  arrive  at. 


KEMARKS   ON   TUE   VEKBAL   SYSTEM    OF   MODERN   IRISIT.  77 

194  i)id  fJicaclann  se;  206  nid  thidtionn;  208  nid  (jliuhliann\ 
368  madh  chuirionn  se;  119  ma  lu'kjhionn\  253  nid  mheasann; 
419  md  nihairionn  tu,  etc. 

Sullivan  1822:  8  is  minie  mheallann  ar  mharanihail  fein 
sinn ;  9  lahharann  na  Jiuile  nidhthe ;  9  ni  thuigeann  7  ni  hhreith- 
nidheann  aon  neach;  10  reir  mar  hhidheann  aon  ncacJi;  10  is  e 
iliui(jcann\    14   dcunann  heatha  dhcaghriartha  duine  eagnach,  etc. 

And  110 w  for  the  conjunctive  mood! 

Mac  Cuirtin  gives  the  f ollowing'  paradigms  for  tlie  deprecative 
and  conjunctive: 

deprecative  conjunctive 

1  gur  gJionar  snl  ghonar         sul  do  ghonainn  (:  -amh) 

2  gur  glionair  sul  ghonair        sid  do  gltontd  (:  -tlid) 

3  gur  ghonaidh  std  gltonaidh     std  do  glwnadh 

1  gur  ghonam  sid  ghonani        std  do  glionmaois 

2  gur  ghonaidh  sul  ghonaidh     sul  do  ghonadh  sihh 

3  gur  ghonaid  (:  -adli)       sid  ghonaid       sul  do  ghondaois. 

The  deprecative  and  the  first  conjunctive  are,  of  course,  identical 
with  the  0. 1.  present  of  the  conjunctive;  the  latter  conjunctive 
is  the  imperfect.  The  conjunctive  forms  stand  after  Hhe  con- 
junctions  sul  'before',  gidh  'although',  dd  'if;  the  adverb  (//wc/A- 
chtiin  (:  -um\  geachuin  713;  cf.  0. 1.  ciaehuin  gl.  quando,  Ml.  18  a 2, 
61  b  9)  .i.  'if  when'  or  'at  any  time',  and  sometimes  by  certain 
verbs,  the  article  go,  or  gu,  or  its  negative  naeh  intervening — 
gidhchuin  has  2  negations,  viz.  na  agiis  naeh,  and  sid  has  none. 
gionga  is  the  negation  of  ge,  or  gidh\  and  muna  the  negative  of 
dd'  (p.  703,  cf.  p.  713).  'The  deprecative  article  is  of  two  sorts, 
viz.  gur  agas  go'  (p.  702)  —  after  stating-  which,  he  goes  on  to 
say,  it  seems,  that  go  is  used  when  the  r  is  contained  in  the 
body  of  the  verbal  form:  gu  ndearna,  but  the  print  is  very  bad 
just  here. 

Of  this  fair  description  we  find  not  a  Single  trace  left  in 
the  works  of  MacCuirtin's  successors.  What  Stewart  calls  sub- 
junctive  is  the  relative  form  of  the  verb  for  the  present  tense, 
and  tlius  really  the  indicative;  and  for  the  preterite,  a  form 
which  is,  morphologically  speaking-,  identical  with  the  imperf. 
ind.  (cf.  especially  the  form  hiodh  'were'),  one  stray  form  of  the 
old  conditional,  namely  raehainn,  having  been  adopted  into  this 
category.    Haliday   and  O'Donovan   say   never   a   word   of   the 


78  CHR.  SARAUW 


coTijunctive  nor  of  the  dei)recaiive,  and  OYilj  the  latter  form  was 
rediscovered  by  Bourke,  wlio  calls  it  Optative,  and  gives  most 
correct  paradig-ms  p.  67,  72,  etc.  —  Later  on,  Prof.  Atldnson,  in 
liis  Three  Sliafts,  pointed  out  several  specimens  of  the  conjunctive 
in  Iveating-'s  languag-e,  for  instance  p.  XXVIII:  'tliere  is  also  a 
form  dearna  [sliould  be  dedrna,  for  the  vowel  was  short  origin- 
ally],  in  use  apparently  as  a  pres.  subj.';  but  he  seems  to  look 
upon  these  forms  rather  as  fossils,  putting  them  into  brackets; 
in  his  Synopsis  p.  XIY  this  mood  is  not  given,  and  his  dealing 
with  the  conjunction  da  p.  346  shows  very  clearly  that  he  did 
not  understand  the  conjunctive  form  of  the  regulär  verb.  —  In 
Joyee's  Grammar  (1896)  the  Optative  is  again  omitted. 

Now,  the  truth  is  that  the  deprecative  or  optative  is  still 
regularly  used  by  Irish  Speakers,  for  I  heard  plenty  of  such 
foi-ms  in  Kerry  in  97;  and  the  conjunctive  was  in  regulär  use, 
not  only  in  the  17th  and  18th  centuries,  but  far  down  througli 
the  19th  Century,  so  that  even  Kane's  New  Testament  from  1858, 
which  rejects  the  indicative  in  -idh  of  the  older  Bible  text, 
teams  with  conjunctive  forms. 

We  have  seen  that  the  3rd  sg.  prs.  ind.,  according  to  the 
old  rule,  ended  in  -idh  when  orthotonic,  and  in  -nn  when  enclitic. 
Now,  if  we  find  enclitic  forms  ending  in  -idh,  these  will  be  con- 
junctives.  Modern  spelling,  which  uses,  or  omits,  a  quiescent  dh 
{()h)  as  final,  without  regard  to  the  history  of  the  language, 
makes  the  conjunctive  form  rather  obscure:  it  would  be  correct, 
from  a  philological  point  of  view,  to  write  molaidh  se,  cuiridh  sc 
in  the  old  indicative,  and  go  mola  sc,  go  gcuire  se  in  the  con- 
junctive; but  these  forms  are  speit  in  a  variety  of  ways,  without 
any  attempt  to  distinguish  the  moods.  So  the  (enclitic)  con- 
junctive looks  just  like  the  old  orthotonic  indicative,  and  that 
is  Avhy  the  grammarians  have  failed  to  recognise  it.  It  is, 
however,  very  clear  from  the  Munster  pronunciation  that  the 
conjunctive  should  not  be  speit  with  the  dh,  for  it  is  here 
sounded  mola  cuire,  whereas  the  indicative  molaidh  cuiridh,  if  it 
still  survived,  would  be  molaiy,  cuirig  in  Munster,  just  as  the 
future  cuirfidh  is  pronounced  cuirthig  (cuirhig).  —  As  for  the 
rest  of  the  persons  in  the  synthetic  conjugation,  they  have  the 
same  endings  in  the  two  inoods;  still,  in  the  Kerry  dialect,  one 
or  two  more  differences  are  to  be  noted:  the  indicative  of  the 
Ist  sg.  is  cnirim,  the  conjunctive  (optative)  go  gcuiread;  and  the 


REMARKS    ON    TUE    VEHBAL    SYSTEM    OF   MODERN    IKISII.  70 

2nd  sg".  is  go  gcnirir  in  tlie  Optative,  biit  in  the  indicative  the 
analj'tic  form  is  alwaj'S  iised  (as  far  as  I  know):  cidreann  tu  or 
cuireas  tu  —  tlie  latter  form  being-,  no  doubt,  descended  from 
the  relative  form  clmircas  tu  'wliicli  yon  put';  in  tlie  rest  of  tlie 
persons,  tlie  relative  form  chuireas  is  nearly  extinct  in  tliat 
dialect  nowadays.  Still  greater  differences  may  be  foiind  in 
irregulär  verbs,  for  instance  ind,  tayann  tu  'you  come',  conj.  (jo 
dtir  'may  you  come'. 

Tlie  imperfect  conjunctive  sounds  quite  the  same  as  the 
indicative  (or  consuetudinal  past)  in  the  regulär  verb,  indeed,  it 
did  so  even  a  thousand  years  ago;  but  still  it  sliould  be  kept 
distinct  fi-om  tliat  form  in  grammatical  descrii»tions,  for  in  the 
verb  'to  be'  it  does  not  agree  with  the  indicative  (Modh),  but 
is  mixed  up  with  the  conditional,  hiadh  being  the  original  con- 
ditional,  and  hcath,  or  heith,  the  old  conjunctive.  Even  in  Old 
Irish,  it  is  not  possible  to  distinguish  these  two  categories  in 
the  rest  of  the  persons  in  this  verb,  so  it  is  only  natural  that 
beath  or  heith,  and  hiadh,  should  at  last  have  come  to  be  used 
indiscriminatel}^  The  remedy  which  Prof.  Atkinson  (Three  Shafts 
p.  VIII)  much  regrets  that  he  has  not  applied,  namely  to  write 
da  mhiodh  for  'if  he  were',  would  have  introduced  into  Keating's 
text  a  palpable  error,  for  that  would  not  be  Irish  at  all.  In 
the  spoken  language  of  our  own  day,  da  takes  the  conditional 
of  any  verb,  which  may  be  the  direct  consequence  of  that  very 
confusion  of  forms  in  the  verb  'to  be'. 

In  the  following  lists  of  instances,  which  will  show  the 
correctness  of  the  above  Statements,  1602  means  the  Tiomna 
Nuadh,  Dubl.  1602;  1732  MacCuirtin's  Dictionary;  1742  Donlevy's 
Catechism;  1822  Sullivan's  translation  of  Thomas  a  Kempis;  1858 
Kane's  Tiomna  Nuadh;  and  1897  mj  own  unprinted  collections 
from  Ballyferriter  in  Kerry. 

I  have  not  found  instances  of  all  the  conjunctions  given 
by  MacCuirtin  as  governing  the  conjunctive,  and  sul  does  not 
govern  that  mood  in  the  texts  I  have  looked  through;  but  Mac 
Cuirtin  was  right  so  far  as  resiu  in  the  old  language  does  take 
the  conjunctive. 

da  'if '  w.  prs.  conj. 

1602  Matha  5, 13  da  mbe  an  salann  gan  hhlas;  6,  23 
acht  da  raihh  do  shüil  go  hole,  hiaidh  da  cliorp  uile  dorcha; 


80  CHR.  SAliAUW, 

12,11  da  dtuite  si\  21,24  da  ninnisdi  dliamh  6\  Luc.  16,30 
da  ndcacha  duine  chuca,  do  dhcndais  aithrighe;  Eoin  3, 12 
cionnus  chreidfidhe,  da  nahra  me...\  8,51  da  gcoimheda 
neacJi  ar  lioth  mo  hhriathar  sa. 

1732  150  da  UiyidJi  eagla  dhamh  a  radh  mur  sin,  'if 
I  may  dare  to  say  so';  431  neach  dfdghhdü  an  achrann, 
agas  cead  aige  teaclit  as  da  hhfeadaigli. 

[1858     Matha  5,13   md  cliaiUfJiean;    6,23   md  hhton; 
12,11  da  dhuiteach]    21,4  ?nd  inision  sihli\    Luc.  16,30  da 
dteigJieach;   Eoin  3, 12   md  abraini]   8,  51  gidh  h'e  clioimead- 
faigk] 
da  'if  w.  ipf.  conj. 

1602  Matha  11, 21  du  madh  a  Ttirus  7  a  Sidon  do 
dcntuidhe  na  miorhJniile;  16, 26  da  ngnodhuigheadh  sc  an 
domlian  uilc;  18,12  da  mheith  ceud  caora\  24,43  da  mhheth 
a  fhios;  23,30  da  mhemis...ni  hliemis  . .  .-^  Eoin  4,10  da 
mhcath  fios;  5,  46  da  gcreideadh  sihh  do  Mhaoisi,  do  cJireid- 
feadh  sihh  dhaniJisa;  6, 62  da  hhfaiccadh  sihh]  8, 16  da 
mhcirinn  hrath;  8,  19  da  mhcath  eolus . .  .do  hhcith  eolus; 
8,39  da  madh  dann  sihh;  9,41  da  mhcath  sihh  dall,  ni 
hhiadh . . .]  11,21  (11,32)  da  mheithcd  sa;  11,25  da  mhcath 
gu  mhiadh  se;  14,28  da  ngrddhuighcadh  sihh;  21,25  da 
mhcathdaois. 

1732  49  da  mhcadh  agum;  105  da  mheithcd  sa;  110  da 
ttcagmhadh  dorn;  160  da  mhiadh  {sie)  fhios;  78  da  mheinn; 
659  da  mheinn,  da  mheithcd  sa;  75b,  139,  286,  413,  418, 
442,  477,  489,  520  da  mheith;  386  da  ecurthaoi  an  da  shluagh 
agccann  a  cheile;  398  da  ceuireadh  Dia  aicid  ornn;  401  da 
hhfuighcadh  sc  . . .  do  leimfiodh  sc;  236a  da  hhfuigheadh  . . . 
go  hJifuiglicadh;  443  da  hhßafruighcadh  neach;  450  da  Icig- 
thidhe  dhamh;  450  da  mfeidir  e;  476  da  mheidis;  478  da 
niarrthd  e;  492  da  ndcinghinn  (sie)  mo  dhichioll;  500  gan 
amhrus  acht  da  ttigeadh  sc;  511  da  tteighinn  . . .  ni  hhiadh; 
513  da  ttigeadh  sc  aon  uair  amhdin  chuige  sin;  581  da 
mheidis  .  .  .  hudh  maith;  646  da  mheidis  na  neidhe  Ic  na 
ndcanadh  fd  dhö,  do  hhiadis  na  hitilc  crionna;  664  I  wish 
to  God  you  liad  done  it,  da  madh  cid  le  JDia  go  ndcanfddh 
c;  293  da  ttcagmhadh,  da  ccineadh  go  ttiocfadh  sc;  293  da 
tteagmhiiinn  air;  293  da  neagadh  se;  304  da  ttugainn; 
338  da  ttigthcd  nios  taosga;   97  da  ndiongnainn  se  (his). 


REMARKS    ON   THE    VEKBAL    SYSTEM    OK    MODERN    IRISII.  81 

1822  da  machtnaulhmois  air  ar  hhfcüc-hheartaihh  fein, 
ni  hheidh  slighe;  81  dd  dtagadh  losa  . . .  badh  Uonmhar  . . .; 
90,  105  dd  dtagadh  leat;  204  dd  dtagadh  liom  .  .  .  nior 
hhfurus  . . .;  11  dd  dtugadh  daoine  an  oiread  aire  . .  .ni  hheidh 
coriha  na  ndaohie  chonih  trom. 

1858  Matha  11,  21  dd  madh  . . .  do  dheanfuidhe;  16,  26 
dd  mhuadhach  se;  18,  12  da  mbeach;  24, 43  dd  mbeach] 
23,  30  dd  mheidhmis;  Luc.  16,  30  dd  dteigheach;  16,  31  dd 
7ieinghioch;  Eoiii  5,  46  dd  gcreideach  sihh  . . .  do  chreidfeach 
sihh;  (6,62  md  cMdhion  sihh);  8,16  dd  mheirinn]  8,19  da 
mbeach;  8,39  dd  mbiidh;  14,28  dd  ngrddhuigheach  sibh; 
21,  25  dd  mbeiihdis. 

[1897     dd  ndearfd  le  hasal  e,  bhuailfeach  se  speach 
ort;  dd  mheifd  deanamh   einni  neimhmhüntach,  dearfaidhe 
leat . . .] 
muna  'unless'  w.  pres.  conj. 

1602  Matlia.  5,  20  muna  sdruighidh  bhur  bhfirentacht 
sa;  (10,13  muna  fhiu,  ind.?);  6,15  muna  maiththi  si;  12,29 
muna  gceangluidh  se  ar  tüs  an  duine  Ididir;  18, 3  achd 
muna  fhillti  7  muna  bheithi  mar  leanbdna,  nach  rachdaoi . .  .\ 
18,35  achd  muna  maithe  gach  aonduine  agaibh;  18, 16  muna 
eisde  se;  Marc.  3,  27  muna  chuibhrighe  se;  Lue.  10,  6  muna 
raihh;  13,  5  muna  ndearntaoi  si  aithrighe;  13,  9  muna  dfuga; 
13, 3  muna  ndeantaoi  aithrighe;  16, 31  muna  neisdid  siad; 
Eoin  3,  3  achd  mima  gheintear  duine;  3,  5  achd  muna  raibhe 
neach  ar  na  gheineamhuin  6  uisge  . . .  nach  eidir  leis;  3,  27  ni 
heidir  . . .  achd  muna  raihhe  se  ar  na  thahhairt  do;  4, 48  muna 
fhaicthi  (2  pl.)  . ..  ni  chreidßdhe;  5,  47  achd  muna  chreidti 
dha  sgribheannuihh  süd;  6, 44  achd  muna  thairrnge  an  tathair 
he;  6,53  achd  muna  ithi . . .  y  muna  ibhthi;  6,65  nach  eidir 
. . .  achd  muna  raibhe  se;  10,  37  muna  ndeunaim  oibreacha 
mhatliar;  12,  24  muna  fhagha  an  grdinne  . . .  bds;  13,  8  muna 
ionnla  me  thu;  15,  4  muna  ana  si,  muna  antaoi;  16,  7  muna 
imthighe  me;  20,  25  muna  fhaice  meise ...  7  muna  gcuire 
me  . . .  j  muna  chuire  me. 

1732  71  muna  bhfeada  tu  cagnadh,  nd  tesbedn  tfiacla; 
268  muna  nimighe  tu  ar  nuair;  338  munab  go  toilcamhuil 
'if  not  contentedly';  338  munab  eis  romhö;  368  muna  ttigidh 
grasa  De  chugainn;  508  is  iongna  mhuna  ndeana  se  e\ 
665  ni  dhiongnaigh  se  e,  muna  labhraigh  tusa  ris  uime. 

Zeitachlift  f.  celt.  Philologie  IV.  g 


82  CHR.  SARAUW, 

1742     478  muna  ätugaidh. 

1822  77  muna  gcoisgidh  tu  6n  hpeacadli\  101  is  mor 
e  suaimlineas  ä'aigne  muna  gcreimidh  do  chogus  fein  tu; 
109  muna  dtarrainghidh  Dia  thu;  141  muna  nearfaidh  do 
gJirdsa  7  do  thröcaire  lioni]  158  meaUfar  an  hhuidhean  .  .  . 
muna  leanadh  siad\  174  muna  ngeillidh  duine;  40  ni  hlieidli 
suaimlineas  ar  a  aigne  muna  nümhlaidh  se  i  fein;  41  muna 
nümhlaidh  se  a  chroidhe;    227  muna  mheidh  duine  saor  .  .  . 

1858  Matlia  5,  20  muna  sdruighig;  (6, 15  muna  maith- 
ßdJi  sibhse);  12,  29  muna  gceangluidh  se;  (18,  3  muna  hhfdleadh 
sihh  agus  muna  mheidh  sihh);  {l8,Sh  muna  tnaithfe);  (18,16 
muna  neisdfigli  se);  Marc.  3,27  muna  gceangluiglie  sc;  Luc. 
(10,6  muna  mheig);  13,5  muna  ndeinigJi  sihhse;  13,9  muna 
dtugadh;  13,  3  muna  ndeinigli  sihhse;  (16,  31  muna  neisdfid 
siad);  Eoin  3,3  mima  mheirthear;  3,5  muna  mheidli  duine; 
8, 27  muna  raihli  se;  (4, 48  muna  hhfaicfidh  sihh) ;  (5,  47  muna 
gcreidfidh  sihh);  6,44  muna  ndeinig ...  tharraint;  6,53  muna 
nitJtidh  sihh,  muna  noladh  sihh;  6,65  muna  raihh  se;  10,37 
muna  ndeinim;  12,24  muna  hhfaighidh;  13,8  muna  nighidh 
me  thu;  15,  4  tnuna  hhfanadh  si,  muna  hhfanadh  sihh;  16,  7 
muna  nimthighidh  me;  20,25  muna  hhfaicidh  mise  . . .  agus 
muna  gcuiridh  me,  agus  muna  gcuiridh  me. 

[1897   mara   mheir   a  mhaille  an  hhig,    hi  'nsa   hhaille 
lena  thaoihh;   mara  mheig  agut  achd  pocdn  gahhair,   teirigh 
go   Idr  an  aonaig  leis;  mara  dtaithnigheann  an   ceol   leat, 
iompaig  do  thon  leis?[ 
muna  'unless'  w.  ipf.  eonj. 

1602  Matlia  24, 22  muna  ngearruighthi  na  laithe  üd, 
ni  rachadli  fcoil  ar  hith  as;  Eoin  9,  33  muna  hheath;  14,2 
muna  hheath  sin  marsin;  15,22  muna  hheith  gu  dtdim'g  me; 
15, 24  muna  dhearnuinn  oihreacha  . .  .ni  hiadh  peacadh  orra; 
18,30  mun  hhudh  fhear...he;  19,11  acht  muna  tugthaoi 
duit  he. 

1732  56  muna  hheith  soin;  104  muna  hheith  . .  .  do 
hliiadh;  198  mun  hheith;  286  m\ma  mheinn  sc  um  anmddn; 
286  muna  mheithed  sa;  338  muna  hheathd  sa. 

1858  Matlia  24, 22  mtma  ngearruighthi;  Eoin  9,  33 
muna  mheach;  14,2  muna  mhcach;  15,22  id.;  15,24  muna 
mheach  gur  dhein  me;  18,  30  muna  mheach  sc  'na  fhear; 
19,  11  muna  dtugthaidhe. 


REMARKS    ON    THE    VERBAL    SYSTEM    OP    MODERN    IRISH.  83 

Concessive  clause: 

1732  8  tar  cheann  yo  mheith  suhstaintioch  ann  fein, 
'not  withstanding'';  638  iJiongh]  ar  son  go  mheith  se  mur 
soin  (cf.  ibd.  ar  son  go  hhfuil  tu,  prs.  ind.);  32  appeal\  da 
thabliairt  ar  aitheisdeacJit . . .  tar  cheann  go  ttiohhradh  (sie) 
hreitheamh  ha  ceimisle  hreitJi  san  ccüis  roimhe  sin. 

1822  179  de  hhrigh  nach  uadh  an  Spiorad  Naomh 
thagann  an  iiile  mhian,  gidh  go  mcasadh  duine  6  hheith 
dircach;  183  gidJi  go  mheidh  uile-mhaitheas  na  cruinne  ad 
sheilhh  dhilios  fein,  ni  fJieadfddh  hheith  sdsda;  (187  gidJt 
go  hJifuil . . .);  27  gidh  go  mheidli  dm  inntinn. 

Various  clauses  w.  ipf.  conj. 

1602  Matha  13, 28  an  dill  leat  gu  ndeachmaoisne  7 
gu  gcruinnidhemis  iad?;  26,  24  da  budh  maith  do  nach 
heirihi  e;  Eoin  4,  11  ni  fhuil  ni  agad  le  dtairrengthaoi; 
18,  39  an  dill  libh  gu  sgaoilinn  si. 

1732  298  ha  mhaith  liom  go  sgriohtlid;  327  ha  maith 
ledm  go  ttiigtha  fd  deara  a  reir  do  dJieanadh;  413  dohair 
go  ndearmudainn  e;  dohar  go  gcurthaoi  an  ruaig  ar  an 
rann  cli  don  tsluagh,  'liad  like  to  liave  been  routed';  426 
dohair  go  ccailti  an  tiomldn;  481  do  hfheidir  go  ngahthaoi 
e  mur  duine  cheillidhe\  663  do  hfearr  ledm  go  nimigJänn; 
669  do  hfearr  ledm  go  mheith  se  pösdu]  26  dohar  go  mheith 
se  fdgtha;  (56  I  sliould  be,  cöir  go  mheinn,?  cf.  164  nior 
chöir  go  gcuirfiodh  nidh  sinn  . . .). 

[1858     Math.  13,  28  go  nimeodhmaoisne  agus  go  gcrui- 
neodhmaois;    26,  24   na  rugach]    Eoin  4,  11  gleas  tarranta; 
18,  39  go  sgaoilßnn.] 
gu,  no  gu  'until'  w.  prs.  conj. 

1602  Matlia  5,  18  no  gu  ndeachaidh  ncamh  agus  talamh 
thort,  ni  rachaidJi  . .  .nö  gu  gcoimhliontar  gacJi  tiilc  m\  5,  26 
no  gu  niocaidh  tu]  10,11  no  gu  hJifdgtJuioi  lii;  12,20  no  gu 
dtuguidli  se  hreiiJieamJinus  do  cJtum  hnadlui\  22,  44  no  gu 
gcuiri  me\  26,  36  suidhigh  si  annso  gu  ndeaclia  meisi  (ßojg 
ov);  Marc.  6, 10  no  gu  nimdhightM;  12,36  no  gu  gcuire  me\ 
14,32  suidhidh  annso  gu  ndearna  me  urnaighthe\  Luc.  13,8 
no  gu  romhraidli  me  7  gu  gcuire  me. 

1732  413  is  cöir  dhuit  anamhuin  go  ttigidh  mise  tar 
mais;  422  7ii  fada  go  ttigidh  se;  423  as  fada  leam  go  ttigidh 

6* 


84  CHR.  SARAUW, 

se;  448  is  gearr  (jo  Wifoglumaidh  tu  an  teangaiäli  se;  639  na 
corraigh  go  ttigidh  mise. 

1822  196  de  hrigh  nach  feidir  le  mo  chroidhe  hheith 
suaimhneach  nd  sdsda,  chum  go  neirghidh  se  6s  cionn  gach- 
nidli  cruthaidlithe  7  go  gcömhnaidh  ionnatsa;  198  ni  eisdfead 
. . .  chum  go  hhftllidh  da  ghrdsa  7  go  lahharair  le  mo  chroidhe; 
233  is  gearr  go  mheidhir  air  aithearrach  aigne;  88  oüearach 
do  nach  feidir  suaimhneas  dfaghail  go  dtdidhtlddhtliear  e 
go  hinmheadhanach  le  Criost;  148  ni  feidir  leis  hheith  sdsda 
go  gcornlinuidh  se  a  nDia;  64  ag  feitheamh  le  tröcaire  an 
tiarna,  go  nimthigh  an  amsir  so  an  ancheirt  tarainn  agas 
go  sloigthcar . . .;  25  is  gearr  go  mbeidh  deireadh  air  dr 
gcrdibheacht;  170  ni  fuldir  i  choynheud  fd  chruadh-smaclit 
chum  go  nibristear  gach  an-riantacht ,  7  go  hhfoghlamadh  si 
hheith  sdsda;  198  tdim  roanacrach  go  dtugair  si  fortacht 
orm;  221  ni  fuldir  dhamh  . . .  a  hhuidhe  le  Dia  go  nglacfainn 
go  foigheadeach  iad,  go  nimihidheadh  an  tanfa  taram  agus 
go  hhfilUdh  an  ciünas. 

1858  Matlia  5, 18  (nö  go  reidhig,  fiit.),  nö  go  gcöimh- 
liontar;  5,26  nö  go  ndioladh  tu;  10,  11  nö  go  hhfdgadh  sihh; 
12,20  nö  go  dtiiguidh  se;  22,44  nö  go  gcuiridh  me;  26,36 
go  dteigh  mise;  Marc.  6, 10  go  nimthighe  sihh;  12,  36  nö  go 
gcuire  me;  14,  32  go  ndeuna  me;  Luc.  13,  8  nö  go  römhraidh 
me  . . .  agus  go  gcuiridh  me. 

[1897  nd  caith  amach  an  tuisge  s'lach,  go  dtiogfuig 
an  tuisge  glan  asteach;  nd  tahhair  breith  air  an  gceadsceal, 
go  dhiogfuig  an  tarna  sceal  ort?\ 

gu  '  imtil '  w.  ipf.  conj. 

1602  Matha  14,  22  no  gu  leigeadh  se  an  puhal  uaidhe; 
18,  30  (18,  34)  no  gu  niocadh  se  na  fiacha. 

1732  209  do  chuaidh  se  go  Toiriongton  dit  annar 
mheas  se  anmhuin  go  ttigiodh  a  lön  suas,  nö  go  madh  eidir . . . 

1858  Matlia  14,  22  nö  go  lägeach  se;  18,  30  (18, 34) 
nö  go  ndiolach  se. 

gu(r),  nar  w.  prs.  conj.  (optative). 

1602  Eom.  6,2  ndr  leige  Dia  sin;  Matha  10,13  mas 
ßu  an  teagh  soin  e,  gu  hhfoghnuigh  hhur  mheannughadh 
dhö:  agus  muna  fhiu,  gu  hhfillidh  hhur  mheannughadh 
chugaihh  fein  aris;   21,  19   ndr  fhdsa   toradh  gu  brach  ort; 


REMARKS    ON    THE    VERBAL    SYSTEM    OF    MODERN   IRISH.  85 

26, 49  gu  mheannuighthear  dhuit,  a  mhaighisdir;  27,  29  (28,  9) 
gu  mhcnnmtighe  Dia  dhuit;  Marc.  11,  14  ndr  itJie  duine; 
14,36  ndrah  c  an  ni  hhus  toil  leamsa;  Luc.  10,5  gu  raibhe 
siothchdin  don  tigh  se;  11,2  gti  naomJithar  hainm,  gu  dti 
dho  rioghachd,  go  ndeimtar  do  thoil;  13,  14  giirab,  ndrah] 
Eoin  8,  7  gu  nid  he  ceadduine;  19,  3  gu  mbeannuighe  Dia 
dhuit. 

1732  65  go  tteagmhuidh  misheun  duit  ad  chroidhe; 
169  go  ndearnaidh  mordn  maithiosa  dhaoibh;  208  go  raihh 
sean  maith  ort;  230  go  gcoisgidh  Dia  soin;  258  go  ttugaidh 
Dia;  264  go  raihhe  Dia  ad  chomhluadar;  266  go  sdhhdlaidh 
Dia  thü,  go  raihhe  Dia  maille  riot,  go  ngnoghuidli  Dia  dhuit, 
ndr  Icigidh  Dia;  298  go  ccümhduidhe  Dia  thü;  406  go 
hhfuighead  (1  sg.)  hds  muna  fior  e;  269  go  ndedrnaigh  se 
maith  mhör  dhuit;  307  mur  sin  go  gcongnuidh  Dia  liom; 
308  go  hhföiridh  Dia  ormsa;  67  go  tteagmhuidh  olc  dhuit; 
gur  ha  measa  hhias  tu;  419  nd  rahhad  sa  heo  md  hhionn 
se  mar  soin;  457  go  ndearnaidh  no  go  ndeanaigh  se  maith 
mhör  dhuit;  480  'with  a  murrain  to  you',  conach  go  raihh 
ortsa;  578  go  ttugaidh  Dia  comhsanadh  da  anam;  580  go 
ttugadh  Dia  luach  do  ghniomh  dhuit;  592  go  sroighthe  (i.  e. 
go  s-roiche)  tu  sldn  chum  d  druis,  'I  wisli  you  safe  lipme'; 
go  gcümhdtnghe  Dia  sldn  tu;  594  go  sahhdla  Dia  an  righ; 
601  go  ttuga  Dia  go  mhiadh  se  go  maith;  619  go  ccuire  Dia 
ar  a  leas  e;  638  go  mheireadh  an  droichspiorad  leis  an 
drung  do  chuir  thusa  7  mise  re  cheile. 

1822  199 — 200  go  molaidh  7  go  mör-hheannaidh  mo 
theanga . . .  thu;  220  go  mbeannaidhthear  d'ainm,  a  Thiarna; 
220  go  ndeonaidhir,  a  Thiarna;  150  go  sealhhaidh  do  ghradh 
me;  167  go  dtagadh  liom  do  reir  a  dheunadh;  181  go  raihh 
mo  thoil  do  reir  do  naomh-thola  sa  7  go  reightidhid  le  cheile 
go  hiomldn. 

1858     Rom.  3, 4 — 6  ndr  leigidh  Dia  san. 

1858  Rom.  6,  2  waV  leigidh;  Matlia  10, 13  go  dhigig  (sie), 
go  hhfdlidh;  21,  19  ndr  fhdsa;  Marc.  11,  14  ndr  itheadh; 
14,16  ndr  ah';  Luc.  11,2  go  dhigidh. 

1897  ndr  dheine  Dia  hean  dealhh  nd  haintreahhthach 
diot;  ndr  eirghe  do  hhöthar  leat;  ndr  fheicir  do  cheann  Math; 
ndr  fheicir  aon  radharc  air  Dhia  achd  mar  td  an  fhirinne 
agut;   go    dtuga   an    diahhal   coirce    dhuit;   ndr   eisdir    led 


86  SARAUW,    THE    VERBAL    SYSTEM    OF    MODERN    IRISH. 

shaoghal;  nd  rohhmid  choidJiche  teamuis]  go  neirghe  do  bhöthar 
as  do  cJiosdn  cömligair  leat\  go  dtuga  Dia  bliadhain  fe 
mhaise  dhuit;  ndr  fheice  aon  drochshml  tu;  gor  a  seacht  fearr 
a  Nie  sibh  [or  2  sg.  a  hheir]  air  mo  theacht  arist\  go  gcuire 
Dia  fiahhras  as  aicid  na  hliadhna  tharuibh  gan  docJior  gan 
dioghbJidil;  nd  robhthaoi  choidhche  gan  bhur  ndöthain  aguibh\ 
go  leaga  Dia  an  rath  oruibJi;  nd  robhthaoi  choidche  gan 
clüid  na  hoidhche;  ndr  bheire  do  namhaid  go  deo  ort\  ndr 
bheire  bhur  namhaid  air  muir  nd  air  tir  oruibh;  go  dtuga 
Dia  sldn  6s  gach  aon  bhedrnain  bhaoyhail  sibh]  go  gcuire 
an  te  is  fearr  an  rath  air  bhur  saothar;  go  gcuire  an  te  is 
fearr  rod  maith  ad  threo;  nd  robhair  choidhche  gan  capall 
agus  teachtaire  leanfuidh  e\  go  dtuga  an  te  is  fearr  deoch 
on  tröcaire  dhot  anam\  go  dtuga  Dia  fuarthan  agus  fuas- 
cailt  dosna  hanmanacha  chuaidh  bhuait  d  iarraidh;  go  dtuga 
Dia  grdsta  na  foighne  dibh  fein  as  düinn  fein;  go  mairir  se 
bhad\  go  dtir  sldn  beo;  sldn  go  robhair;  gob  amJdaidh  dhuit. 


Aboiit  tlie  imperative  mood  MacCiiirtin  remarks  (p.  701a): 
'The  Irisli  Grammarians  do  differ  from  the  Latins,  who  do  not 
allow  of  tlie  first  persoii  Singular  in  tliis  Mood'.  In  his  para- 
digm,  he  gives  the  form  gonar,  'let  me  wound'.  As  the  first 
Singular  of  this  mood  is  not  mentioned  in  any  other  Irish 
grammar  I  know  of  —  though  Stewart  gives  the  form  buaileam 
'  let  me  strike '  (p.  77)  —  I  shall  here  point  out  two  instances 
of  it  oceurring  in  Mac  Cuirtin's  Dictionary:  619  let  me  have  a 
speedy  answer,  fdghaim  freagra  gan  mhaill;  387  let  me  know 
first,  fdgham  sc  (sie)  a  fhios  ar  ttüs. 

Whether  this  form  is  in  use  any  more,  I  can't  teil.  In  the 
Old  Irish  glosses,  a  few  instances  have  been  found:  tiag  sa  'let 
nie  go'  Ml.  58  c  6,  and  indiad  {ind  ^  fiad)  gl.  inquam  35dll, 
103b  11  'let  me  say';  the  latter  form  is  plainly  accentuated  as 
an  imperative.  It  is  perhaps  not  likely  that  many  instances 
should  occur  in  the  texts  of  any  period,  but  the  existence  of 
the  form  cannot  be  doubted. 

Copenhagen,  Februavy  1901.  Chr.  Sarauw. 


THE  GAELIC  DIALECTS. 


The  aim  here  is  to  study  the  living-  langnage  familiär  to 
me  since  childliood  in  tlie  Higlüands;  to  follow  out  tlie  sounds 
themselves  and  as  far  as  possible  to  systematically  describe 
them.  But  ere  entering  on  tlie  more  technical  exposition  I  must 
say  something  as  to  tlie  number  of  dialects.  A  definite  numerical 
Classification  of  Gaelic  dialects  cannot  be  niade  witliout  over- 
lapping.  Every  test  breaks  down  tliough  some  cliaracteristic 
test  sounds  are  more  widely  diffused  tlian  otliers.  It  is  best  to 
record  tlie  cliaracteristics  of  the  various  sound-areas  under  the 
systematic  treatment  of  the  individual  sounds  themselves,  I 
base  my  study  upon  Sweet's  Primer  of  Phonetics. 

Legend  has  it  that  long  ago  five  groups  or  dialects  had 
been  recognised  by  Fenius  Farsaidh,  the  mythical  Gaelic  gram- 
marian.  For  Gaelic  Ireland  in  more  recent  tinies  a  dialect  has 
been  claimed  for  every  province: 

Ta  blas  gun  cheart  ag  an  Muimhneach 
Tä  ceart  gun  bhlas  ag  an  Ultach; 
Ni  fhuil  ceart  na  blas  ag  an  Laighneach 
Ta  ceart  agus  blas  ag  an  g-Connachtach. 

'The  Munsterman  has  correct  accent  but  not  correct  idiom;  the 
Ulsterman  correct  idiom  but  not  correct  accent;  the  Leinsterman 
has  neither  correct  accent  nor  correct  idiom;  the  Connaughtman 
has  both.'  The  word  rendered  accent  properly  includes  the  entire 
sound-system  although  it  literally  means  'taste,  sweetness'. 


GEORGE    HENDERSON, 


The  ahove  obviously  was  an  attempt  at  a  rougli  Classifi- 
cation; it  takes  no  account  of  the  nmneroiis  sub  -  dialects.  A 
bare  enumeration  of  dialects  is  of  conrse  of  subordinate  value. 
The  best  method  is  to  investigate  the  sounds  themselves  and  to 
note  where  they  occur.  Some  classifications  have  been  attempted 
for  Scottish  Gaelic.  The  Eev.  John  Forbes,  a  former  minister 
of  Sleat,  Skye,  seems  to  have  been  the  first  to  attempt  a  deflnite 
enumeration.  In  the  preface  to  his  Gaelic  Grammar  he  gives  a 
Northern,  an  Interior,  and  a  Southern  dialect,  assigning  to  each 
of  these  the  following  characteristics: 


0  for  a  e.  g.  coli,  Goll  for  call,  Gall. 

-adli,  -agh  final  pronounced  as  -uv,  e.  g.  pasgubh, 

deubh  for  pasgadh,  deagh, 

n  after  i  has  a  soft  double  liquid  sound  e.  g.  in 

duine  'man'. 

c  and  r  dry   and  hard;  in  general,  a  narrow, 

Sharp  and  arid  pronunciation. 

Generally  free  from  Northern  peculiarities. 

Like  the  Northern  it  has  ia  for  eu. 

Thick  sound  of  c  in  mac  'son'  (ma/q). 

Genitive  singular  of  some  nouns  in  -nn  or  -thann, 

e.  g.  cno,  cnothann;  lurga,  lurgann;  piob,  piobunn. 

char,  chär  'went'  for  chaidh. 

Initial  d  in  Skye   with  a  weak  flat  sound  not 

heard  on  the  mainland. 

0  for  a  e.  g.  gobh,  go  for  gabh  '  take '. 

-adh,  -agh  scarcely  audible  after  a  broad  vowel 

e.  g.  glana(dh)  tagha(dli). 

eu  for  ia  of  the  North. 

The  Athol  diphthongs  he  specially  refers  to,  the 

characteristic  of  that  Perthshire  district  being, 

as    Forbes    describes    it,    'ore    rotundo    loqui'. 

AVhat  he  means  I  shall  explain  later. 


The  above  Statement  is  neither  exhaustive  nor  exact.  It 
is  partially  erroneous";  as  to  the  Southern,  questionable;  as  to 
the  Northern,  it  does  not  hold  good,  for  Craignish  and  Knapdale 
have  bh,  i.  e.  v,  for  -dh;  as  to  the  Interior,  his  own  dialect,  it 
is  inadequate. 


Northern:   (1) 
(2) 

(3) 

(4) 

Interior:   (1) 

(2) 
(3) 

(4) 

(5) 
(6) 

Southern:   (1) 

(2) 

(3) 
(4) 


THE    GAELIC    DIALECTS.  89 

I  find  there  are  as  niany  dialects  almost  as  there  are  glens, 
if  not  more,  that  is,  if  all  minor  peciiliarities,  however  trifling,  be 
attended  to.  It  is  convenient  to  draw  attention  to  certain  main 
groups.  On  any  numerical  basis  cross  division  cannot  be  avoided. 
Biit  'we  are  quite  safe  in  speaking  of  our  Gaelic  tongiie  as 
branching  off  into  two  main  dialects,  a  Northern  and  a  Southern. 
The  differences  in  pronunciation,  diction  and  idioni  which  prevail 
within  the  respective  boiinds  of  these  two  divisions  are  very 
marked,  though  in  particular  localities  they  shade  into  each 
other.  The  boundary  between  the  two  is  a  varying  line,  but, 
ronghly  speaking,  it  may  be  described  as  passing  up  the  Firth 
of  Lome  to  Loch  I^even,  then  across  coimtry  from  Ballachiilish 
to  the  Grampians,  thereafter  the  line  of  the  Grampians.  The 
country  covered  by  the  Northern  dialect  was  of  old  the  coimtry 
of  the  Northern  Picts.  The  portion  of  Argyllshire  south  of  the 
boundary  line,  with  Bute  and  Arran,  formed  the  kingdom  of 
Dalriada.  The  Gaelic  district  south  of  the  Grampians  belonged 
to  the  Southern  Picts.  This  two-fold  division  has  very  probably 
an  historical  basis,  as  well  as  a  very  distinct  geographica! 
boundary.  It  owes  its  origin  to  the  settlement  of  the  Dalriadic 
colony  in  South  Argyll  and  its  continuance  to  the  greater  in- 
flueuce  of  Irish  literature  within  the  Southern  district.' ') 

I.  The  diphthongisation  of  long  open  e  is  carried  much 
further  in  the  North  than  in  the  South.  It  pervades  the  country 
formerly  covered  by  the  Northern  Picts,  e.  g.  bial  'mouth'  for 
Argyll  beul  (long  open  e),  0.  Ir.  bei.  This  distinction  is  found  out 
of  Scotland.  At  Killarney  it  occurs  precisely  in  such  words  as  it 
occurs  in  North  Inverness-shire  as  I  discovered  to  my  surprise 
when  con versing  with  an  Irish  woman,  a  native  of  Killarney. 
Again  in  a  volume  of  Munster  tales  (Sgeulaidheacht  Chuige 
Mumhan  by  Pädruig  0  Laoghaire,  Dublin  1895)  which  I  read 
with  a  native  Munsterman  I  marked  the  occurrence  of  ia  in  the 
pronunciation  of  such  words  as  dheanfadh,  phleasg,  brenn,  ceadna; 
parts  of  Munster  in  this  respect  outstrip  North  Inverness-shire 
for  there  we  keep  the  e  sound  in  pleasg  'noise,  crack',  brenn 
'foul',  but  always  the  diphthongized  form  dian  for  dmn  'do'; 
North  Invern.  cianda,  (Munster  ciannd)  for  ceudna  'same'  from 
ceud  'flrst'.    So  far  as  the  m  sound  was  concerned,  the  same 


')  Prof.  Mackinnon's  paper  Ou  the  Dialects  of  Scottish  Gaelic,  pp.  7—8. 


90  GEOKGE   HENDERSON, 

Munsterman  pronoimced  fmar  'finger',  0.  Ir.  mer;  sgial  'story', 
0.  Ir.  scel;  fmr  'grass',  0.  Ir.  fer;  mal  'a  faint,  swooii,  cloiid, 
liot  sunshiue',  0.  Ir.  nel;  bud  'moutli',  0.  Ir.  bei,  just  as  I  did. 
I  noted  the  diplitliongized  ia  in  the  Munster  plirase  og  leasadh 
'  smiting ',  but  here  I  could  make  no  comparison  as  I  do  not  use 
the  Word.  Enough  has  been  said  to  show  the  diphthongization 
is  not  confined  to  the  Northern  dialect  of  Scottish  Gaelic. 

In  Scotland  ceud  'hundred'  is  universally  diplithongized, 
except  perhaps  with  some  Speakers  in  Arran  who  stick  to  the 
long  open  e.  Even  in  Kob  Donn's  poems,  which  represent  the 
Reay  dialect,  ccud  must  as  a  rule  be  read  as  ciad  tliough  it  is 
not  so  written;  often  in  Rob  Donn  it  rliymes  with  riati,  fial, 
dhiot  but  the  pronunciation  with  long  e  occurs  as  an  exception 
where  ceud  rhymes  with  sirrcidh,  Uir,  fein.  Within  the  same 
dialect  and  mth  the  same  Speaker  two  pronunciations  occur,  but 
the  form  diphthongized  as  äad  is  the  predominant  one  in  all 
dialects.  The  exigencies  of  poetic  assonance  may  have  helped 
to  keep  both  forms  available,  but  the  so-called  ia  test-sound  is 
not  carried  out  in  this  instance,  for  the  South  has  clad  like  the 
North;  cianna  for  ceudna  'same'  is  also  common  in  Argyll,  like 
cland  in  the  North.  The  same  holds  true  of  diag  '-teen'  which 
predominates,  except  in  a  few  Southern  areas,  yet  in  Rob  Donn 
deug  rhymes  with  fein,  Uir,  clcir.  Lyi'ic  verse  has  many  ex- 
ceptions.  The  poet  knows  the  two  forms  are  used.  From  the 
local  point  of  view  there  are  many  manufactured  rhymes. 

Observation.  Tliough  meadhon  'middle'  is  met  Avith  in 
Rob  Donn  as  requiring  the  ia  sound,  the  South  long  open  e 
becomes  most  frequently  long  a;  one  has  to  discard  what  his 
editor,  Dr.  Mackintosli  Mackay,  Avrote,  for  hriadha,  i.  e.  hrcagh  of 
the  South,  rhjmies  with  dan  'whole';  sgial,  sgeul  'tale,  story', 
with  gäire  *  laugh '  and  tliere  is  some  attempt  made  to  point  this 
out  by  writing  it  sgeäla;  dcänadh  'doing'.  North  In verness-shire 
diunamh,  rhymes  in  Rob  Donn  with  dänaihh;  heäl  for  bial 
^mouth'  with  hläir;  sgeid  'story'  with  sär,  elsewhere  with  ärd 
,high';  iad  'they'  with  ärd  'high',  a  widely  extended  pronun- 
ciation of  the  pronoun  3  pers.  pl.  (Colonsaj-,  Loch  Hourn,  Uist  &c.). 
In  Rob  Donn  too  neul  'cloud'  rhymes  with  feärr,  äill,  cärn,  and 
on  the  editor's  orthography  it  should  be  written  neäl;  feur 
'grass'  should  be  fear  or  feärr,  to  give  the  touch  of  the  Reay 
country  which  emphasizes  the  second  element  of  the  diphthong. 


THE    GAELIC    DIALECTS.  91 

Likewiee  we  find  deänadh  going  witli  nädur  "natui-e',  hreugacli 
witli  fägail. 

The  same  soimd  wbicli  is  represented  in  0.  Ir.  by  c  appears 
in  Modern  Gaelic  as 

(1)  long  open  e. 

(2)  la. 

(3)  eä,  properlv  a. 

Thus  tlie  ia  test-sonnd.  thoiigh  tlie  most  widely  extended  perliaps 
of  the  dialectal  gronp-cliaracteristics,  cannot  be  elevated  into 
a  universal  canon. 

The  pronunciations  of  tlie  diplülwng  ia  are  firo  in  numhcr. 
It  is  the  timbre  of  the  second  constituent  of  the  diphthong  ihat 
alters.  When  ia  of  the  Northern  dialects  corresponds  to  the 
long  open  e  of  the  Southern  the  prominciation  is  the  high  front 
narrow  +  the  mid-back-wide  (ia).  The  vowel  originally  was 
Short  and  open.  aud  when  it  becanie  long  by  compensatory 
leugthening  it  maiutained  its  open  timbre.  There  are  some 
words  with  compensatory  lengtheuing  which  do  not  ha^'e  ia  in 
the  North,  e.  g.  deud  "tooth":  eud  "jealousy",  but  the  current 
Northern  form  ahvaj'S  is  iadach;  meJich  'bleaf  never  has  ia\ 
eug  'death'  has  had  compensatory  lengthening.  but  it  never 
becomes  lag;  nor  does  ceus  (long  close  e)  'crucify'  become  äas, 
while  ceus  (i.  e.  with  long  open  e  in  the  South)  'a  bit  of  wool' 
is  das.  Etymologically,  both  of  these  words  seem  to  show  com- 
pensatory lengthening,  if  the  Gaelic  word  for  crucify  be  cognate 
with  Lit.  keuczü  "suffering'.  and  that  for  "ham.  poples"  with  Lit. 
kenkle  "hough,  bend  of  the  knee'.  The  words  with  long  close 
e  do  not  therefore  fall  under  this  heading.  Lcugh  'read'  fi"om 
Latin  Icgoe  has  no  compensatory  lengthening,  yet  it  is  (liia)  in 
North  Inverness-shii'e,  while  in  the  South  it  is  Ittz  or  Iftv  i.  e, 
leagh  of  the  Script;  a  Eoss  pronunciation  is  also  (leev).  That  the 
change  or  diphthongization  is  due  to  compensatory  lengthening 
as  such  rather  than  to  the  open  timbre  of  the  vowel,  is  not 
capable  of  proof.  Close  e  does  not  give  m,  nor  open  e  originally 
long  as  in  seimli  'mild,  placid'  {htx);  brenn  'putrid'  0. Ir.  bren, 
W.  braen-u  'to  rot'  does  not  become  brian  in  the  North,  for  it 
has  a  close  c,  though  it  does  exhibit  this  change  in  some  parts 
of  Munster;  meadhon  'the  middle'  is  (miian)  in  the  North,  but 
here  the  e  was  originally  short  aud  inferentially  also  open  as  it 


92 


GEORGE    HENDERSON, 


is  in  Argyll  to-daj;  meitli  (long  opeu  e)  *fat,  sappy',  0.  Ir.  meth, 
W.  mwydo  'soften'  becomes  (miia)  in  North  Inverness-shire, 
though  it  lias  liad  no  compensatory  lengthening-.  This  word 
niiglit  witli  eqiial  correctness  be  speit  mcath  in  Scottisli  Gaelic. 
On  tlie  whole  it  is  clear  that  tlie  diphthongization  follows  upon 
the  originally  open  e.  Mr.  Macbain's  Statement  (Gaelic  Dictionary, 
p.  XVIII)  'The  crucial  distinction  consists  in  the  different  way 
in  which  the  dialects  deal  with  e  derived  froni  compensatory 
lengthening,  in  the  South  it  is  cu,  in  the  North  ia,  e.  g.  feur 
against  fiar,  hreug  against  hriag  &c.'  requires  to  be  limited  and 
corrected  in  the  light  of  the  above. 

Result.  Long  open  c  diphthongizes  almost  universally  in 
the  North;  close  e  hardly  ever.  Exceptions  geur 
' Sharp'  which  is  giar  in  the  North,  and  perhaps 
also,  to  a  limited  extent  fein  'seif  in  Eeay. 

Further  examples  with  ia  in  the  North  where  the  South 
has  long  open  e,  (written  in  the  usual  script  eu,  though  some- 
times  marked  ea). 


North  Invern css  - s]i  irc. 
flar  'grass' 
bTal  'mouth' 
brlag  'a  lie' 
dTar  'a  tear;  drop' 
driachd  'office' 
da  ' Cream' 
sTa  'six' 
Slam  'enjoin' 
rlab  'to  tear,  wound' 
dlachainn  'trial,  attempt;  affliction' 
flach  'try' 
Tasgaidh  'willing' 
grlasaich  '  shoemaker ' 
blac  'squeal' 
miar  'finger' 
mlad  'size' 
mianan  'a  yaAMi' 


Argyll. 
feur 
beul 
breug 
deur 

dreuchd,  dreachd 
ce,  ceath 
se,  sea 
seum,  seam 
reub 

deuchainn 
feuch 
easgaidh 
greusaich 
beuc 
meur 
meud 
meanan 


NB.    In  Colonsay   and  Islay   this   word  is  mearan  'yawn', 
i.  e.  n  becomes  r. 


THE    GAELIC   DIALECTS.  93 

North  Inverness-sJiire.  Argyll. 

tlad  'breadtli'  leud,  16ad 

iTas  'a  torch,  liglit'  teus 

laladli  Ho  stalk  deer,  creep'  eiiladli,  ealadli 

slad  'hero'  send 

NB.    send  'je wer  keeps  long-  close  e  in  tlie  North, 

liag'  'precious  stone'  leug- 

dian  'do'  dean 

sg-Tal  'a  tale'  sgeiil,  sgeal 

sgian  'a  friglit,  wild  look'  sgeim 

NB.  sglan  'knife'  sometimes  has  ia  biit  more  often  (//a, 
uos)]  bian  'a  lüde'  has  always  m  nasal,   not  /a,   icp). 

biTagh  'fine,  handsonie'  breagh 

fiasag-  'a  beard'  feusag 

smlar  (1)  bramble,  (2)  anoint  smeur 

.    ,      \  'spectacles'  fr.  Latin:  in  Argyll  speuclar  has  a  close  e. 
spiaclan  J      ^ 

splac  'a  branch'  fr.  Sc.  speuc 

piartag  'a  partridge'  fr.  Sc;  in  Argyll  peurdag  has  a  close  c. 

plan  'pain'   fr.  Lat.  poena.    Argyll  here  has  plan;   all  over  the 

Highlands  it  is  the  same. 
piata  'pet'  (local).    Argyll  usiially  has  a  close  e,  in  peta  'pet'. 

As   an  offset  to  this,   the  North  has  resan  'reason'  while 

in  Argyll  it  is  riason. 
sTap  'sneak  off  seap 

siiagaire  'a  sly  dodger'  sleugaire 

Another  South  form  is  stfgeadh. 
siiachd  'to  smooth  down'  E.  Ir.  sliachtad 
sgilat  '  a  slate '  fr.  E.  sgleat 

sgrlamh  'a  sqiieal'  sgreamli 

Siamas  '  James '.    In  Argyll   it  has  a  close  e  e.  g.  Semas.    The 

vocative  is  'Shemais  whence  the  English  Hamish,  a  personal 

name. 
mal  'a  cloiid;  faint'  neul 

nlarachd  'happiness'  nearachd;  nerachd 

(Colonsay,  with  na- 
sal e) 
gladh  'goose'  geadh 

fianaidh  'a  peat  cart'  feun;  fen  'cart'  Colon- 

say. 


94  GEORGE    HENDERSON, 

Obs.  (1)  reul  'star'  though  it  shows  compensatory  lengtliening 
(E.  Ir.  retla,  retglu)  does  not  become  rial.  It  has 
long  close  e  all  over 

(2)  mein,  meinn  (long  open  e)  'ore,  mine',  althougli  E.  Ir. 
shows  mianach,  is  never  mlan  in  the  Highlands. 

(3)  lad  'they'  has  in  North  Inverness-shire  generally  a 
long  open  e  (f^t');  sometimes  as  in  Uist  it  is  ad  (aat'); 
the  quality  of  the  t  changes  also,  and  when  the  vowel 
in  nnstressed  position  is  quite  short,  the  sound  is 
(ftl"),  of  which  more  anon. 

(4)  end  'jealousy'  I  have  noted  for  the  Island  of  Barra 
as  mä.    This  is  by  analogy. 

(5)  rlasladh  'mangling,  lacerating'  has  m,  but  some 
Speakers  affect  a  different  quality  of  a  (Ta,  ue). 

(6)  m  occurs  in  North  InA^erness-shire  in  tiachaidh  (tfiiaxij) 
'sticky';  tiaruinnte  may  be  heard,  in  the  Aird  tlaarifitli) 
is  niost  common;  also  the  somewhat  uncommon  word 
tiadlian  'testicle' (?) 

(7)  mlan  'desire'  has  m  North  and  South. 

(8)  mlas,  niTos  'basin,  dish'  (South  and  North);  mis,  mTos 
'month'  (South).  In  North  Inverness-shire  there  is 
liardly  any  difference  in  pronunciation  between  the 
word  for  basin  and  that  for  month.  Both  are  diph- 
thongized. 


The  precediiig  soimd  iu  the  Reay  Dialect. 

In  Eob  Donn  such  words  as  hrlaqh,  s(ßal,  hml,  fital,  flar, 
dtan  have  eaa  or  jaa  instead  of  Ta,  in  other  Avords  the  group 
is  uttered  with  increasing  force  so  that  the  first  element  becomes 
palatalized  while  the  second  element  receives  the  stress  and 
quantity  of  the  first:  i.  e.  (brjaa,  sgjaal',  bjaal',  njaar,  fjaarr, 
cjaan)  respectively.  Some  uncertainty  exists  even  in  Reay  for 
dean  'do',  feur  'grass'  may  be  heard  as  in  Argyll.  Further,  a 
group  of  w'ords  of  this  class  preserve  in  Reay  long  open  e  as 
in  Argyll  e.  g.  seial,  hreug,  mcud,  Jens,  gciig,  feudi,  heue,  eud, 
seun,  eun,  and  I  think  glcus.  This  peculiarity  does  not  extend 
to  the  (iia,  iice)  group  treated  of  in  the  following  section.  The 
ordinary  Gaelic  treatment  is  to  dwell  on  the  first  element.  The 
Reay  dialect  merely  carries  out  in  the  case  of  some  words  with 


THE    GAELIC    DIALECTS.  95 

open  e  the  tendency  to  palatalization  so  common  in  North 
Inverness-sliire.  It  is  exemplified  in  Icelandic  where  herta 
becomes  hearta  wliicli  becomes  lijarta  wliere  hj  is  one  Single 
sound.  This  is  liow  we  have  Modern  English  am:  0.  E.  eom 
became  eäm  (Northumbrian)  which  became  aw?;  cf.  tlie  Frencli 
je  '£':  Latin  ego  became  eo  (io,  dialectal);  through  being  nn- 
accented  tliis  became  jo  which,  passing  through  the  gy  sound  in 
Huugarian  'Magyar',  became  d^9,  p  through  the  dropping  of 
the  d.  It  may  be  held  that  the  change  is  in  all  likelihood 
normal  only  before  -l,  -n,  -r  and  parallel  to  N.  ja  from  ia.  I 
would  attribute  this  tendency  of  the  Eeay  dialect  to  Norse 
influence. 

NB.  geug,  send,  seun,  have  close  e  in  Colonsay  and  Islay. 
gleus  '  trim '  has  a  close  e  in  Colonsay  whereas  in  the 
same  isle  gleus  'glance,  polish'  has  an  open  one, 

(2)  Where  ia  arises  from  a  proto-Celtic  diphthong  ei,  or 
through  vocalisation  of  an  intervocalic  consonant,  it  is  common 
to  North  and  South,  and  the  timbre  of  the  second  constituent  of 
the  diphthong,  though  narrow,  varies  between  the  mid-back 
uarrow  (a)  and  the  short  low -front -narrow  round  with  mid- 
rounding  (oe).  Compensatory  lengthening  does  not  occur  here 
nor  do  the  southern  dialects  have  long  open  e  in  corresponding 
cases.  The  a  of  diag  '-teen'  may  not  belong  here,  for  where 
6  is  pronounced  it  is  long  close  e  (deug);  if  this  word  is  con- 
nected with  W.  dcng  'ten'  one  would  expect  (ia).  1  now  give 
one  or  two  examples  of  words  with  (iia)  or  (iioe)  in  both 
dialects,  e.  g. 

biadh  'food';  fiadh  *deer',  where  I  should  write  ia  phone- 
tically  as  (iioe)  in  both  cases,  long  vowels  being  here  represented 
by  doubling.  In  grian  'sun',  cian  'remote'  where  the  diphthong 
is  nasal  there  is  a  tendency  at  least  in  North  Inverness-shire 
to  pass  to  ia.  This  is  specially  noticeable  in  grianan  'sunny 
place;  delight';  cianail  'lonely'.  The  diphthong  in  the  following 
words  varies  between  (iia)  and  (iioe):  fiar  'crooked'  where  the 
ia  is  quite  different  to  that  in  Aar  'grass'  (fiiar);  lasg  'fish'; 
mial,  mlol  'louse,  animal';  nlata  'courageous';  rlabhach  'brindled', 
which  with  bh  elided  becomes  (riioex);  strTach  'to  notch';  rlach 
'to  cut  the  surface';  rladh  'interest;  drill  of  potatoes';  rlamh 
'ever'  apparently  for  a  riamh  as  the  r  is  not  trilled  (riioe);  riar 


96  GEORGE    HENDEßSON, 

'will';  riatanacli  'necessary';  riasg  'dirk-grass';  sgiatli  'sliield, 
wing';  sliabli  'moor'  (sliioe);  sliasaid  'tliigli';  siabimn  'soap' 
(fiioep^n);  siar  'westward,  glide-eyed'  (liioer);  triatli  'clüef; 
triall  'going';  dia  'God';  diabliul  'devil';  dias  'ear  of  corn', 
whicli  is  liardly  to  be  derived  from  *steipsa,  L.  stipes,  E.  stiff; 
iariinn  'iron';  iadli  '  encompass ' ;  iall  'a  thong';  iarla  'earl'; 
liatli  'gray';  liagli  'ladle';  diciadaoin  'Wednesday';  cTad  'first; 
Imiidred';  dlallaid  'saddle';  etlacli  'gullet';  flach  'wortli,  value'; 
dar  'dusky';  ciall  'understaiidiiig';  diarras,  diorras  '  stubbormiess, 
a  yehement  zeal  or  emulation';  diasg,  diosg  'barreu,  yeld'; 
briatliar  'word'. 

Obs.  (1)  The  etymology  of  briathar  is  not  clear.  Dr.  Windisch 
has  siiggested  (Grammar  §  78)  Greek  {f)(.>üTQa; 
Bezzenberger  0.  H.  G.  chweran  '  sigh ',  which  is  far 
fetched ;  Macbain's  Dictionary  giyes  *breträ,  bre  ablaut 
to  brä  of  bräth.  This  if  it  were  correct  ought  to 
give  a  present  proniinciation  (iia)  which  is  not 
ciirrent. 

(2)  bliadhna  'year'  has  been  referred  to  *bleidni.  Stokes 
gives  the  Idg.  as  ghleidh  whence  E,  glide,  with  a 
reference  to  'labuntur  anni'.  So  far  as  the  vowel 
sound  is  concerned  the  present  pronunciation  is  not 
against  this, 

(3)  Cha'n  often  carries  a  nasal  sound  into  the  word 
following  where  it  would  not  of  itself  occur,  e.  g. 
cha'n  fhiach  e  (xan  'iiax-e)  'it  is  not  worth';  this 
same  principle  explains  the  slight  nasality  in  some 
districts  in  the  word  oidhche  (oiqd)  'night';  when  the 
article  is  prefixed  we  naturally  get  (an  oeijga). 

(4)  Words  strongly  nasal,  such  as  rlan  'order';  dian 
'hasty,  impetuous';  trTan 'a  third';  tiamhaidh 'gioomy, 
eerie'  should  be  phonetically  written  with  (ii(i).  The 
nasality  changes  the  quality  of  the  latter  part  of  the 
diphthong. 

(5)  Some  words  with  lo  such  as  flon  'wine';  crlon  'hard- 
fisted,  mean',  W.  crintach  'sordid'  are  souuded  in 
North  Inverness-shire  with  (iia).  But  when  no  nasal 
is  present  the  second  constituent  is  (oe)  =  crloch 
'end'  (krijoex);  doch  'a  woman's  breast;  pap'  (cjioex). 


THE    GAELIC    DIALECTS.  97 

These  two  words  have  long  I  in  Argj^ll,  whereas  I 
diphtliong-ize  them  in  North  Inverness. 

II.   Another  test  soimd  is  that  of  the  vowel  ao. 

(1)  In  North  Inverness -shire,  as  representing  old  North 
Pictland,  in  all  words  which  represent  Idg.  and  0.  Ir.  oi  this 
sound  is  now  pronounced  as  high-back-narrow  and  is  generally 
long-.  For  this  dialect  the  hig-h-back  vowel  is  a  distinct  test  in 
words  like  aon  'one',  0.  Ir.  oin,  oen,  written  in  the  9th  and 
lOth  centuries  ain,  aen\  in  the  14th  Century  aon.  This  sound 
extends  as  far  North  as  Gairloch,  Torridon,  parts  at  least  of 
Sutherland,  and,  in  the  other  direction,  eastwards  to  Strathspey. 
It  is  \Qvj  persistent  and  does  not  readily  admit  of  change  with 
any  other  vowel.  It  may  be  due  to  a  non-Gaelic  element  in 
the  Population.  It  is  in  itself  an  unmusical  sound  and  is  a 
barrier  to  poetic  rhymes;  nor  should  I  omit  to  add  that  the 
Word  ceolmhar  'musical'  means  over  most  of  this  area  simply 
'  funny,  queer,  stränge '.  In  North  Inverness-shire  this  high-back- 
narrow  sound  occurs  as  long  in  the  following  words:  aon  'one'; 
aois  'age';  aonach  'moor  &c.';  aolach  'düng';  aol  'lime';  aoir 
' Satire';  braon  'rain';  caorrunn  'rowan';  caol  'narrow';  caomh 
'tender';  craobh  'tree';  daor  'enslaved',  0.  Ir.  doir;  daor  'dear, 
costly'  from  Middle  English  deere,  deore;  faobhur  'edge';  faosaid 
'confession';  faol-chu  'wolf;  faoin  'vain';  faotainn  'getting'; 
faothachduimi  'relief;  gaoir  'shout,  cry';  gaoth  'wind';  gaoisid 
'horse-hair';  glaodh  'cry  aloud,  shout';  gaol 'love';  gaoid'flaw'; 
laogh  'calf;  maol  'bald';  plaosg  'husk';  raon  'field';  saobh 
'false';  saor  'fi^ee';  saothair  'labour,  trouble';  sgaoth  'swarm'; 
slaod  'to  trail';  sraon  'rush  violently';  saoil  'deeni,  opine'; 
taobh  'side'. 

(2)  With  sonie  exceptions  the  usual  pronunciation  of  the 
vowel  in  the  above  words  in  Argyll  is  with  the  low-fi'ont- 
wide- round  with  mid-rounding. 

(3)  In  Mid- Argyll,  as  in  North  Inverness,  the  high -back 
vowel  occurs  in  maoin  'wealth'  0.  Ir.  mäin;  maoth  'tender,  soft', 
0.  Ir.  moith;  naomh  'lioly'  0.  Ir.  noib,  nöeb,  noem;  naosg'  'a 
snipe';  smaoin  'think'. 

(4)  In  Mid -Argyll  ao  has  two  distinct  sounds;  it  agrees 
with  the  North  in  having  the  high-back-narrow  in  a  whole 
group  of  words,  e.  g.  aon,  caomh,  Dihaoine.    In  another  group  of 

Zeitschrift  f.  celt.  Philologie  IV.  J 


98 


GEORGE    HENDERSON, 


words  among  wliich  are  capl  'narrow';  laogli 'calf ;  faoin  'vain'; 
braon  Mid-Argyll  has  the  mid-fi-ont-wide- round,  almost  lost  in 
the  North  in  the  sanie  group. 

(5)  In  North  Inverness  aon  '  one ',  both  in  stressed  and  un- 
stressed  positions,  occurs  with  mid-rounding 

a  'hoen;  a  'hoe-nsn. 

(6)  traogh  'to  ebb'  besides  the  usual  high- back -narrow 
has  in  North  Inverness  long  ä  as  if  it  were  in  the  usual  Script 
trägh;  E.  Ir.  trägim. 

(7)  caoin  *weep'  is  invariably  sounded  with  long  close  o 
(koon),  0.  Ir.  cöinim,  cäinim.  This  and  the  previous  are  instances 
of  old  sounds  preserved  in  North  Inverness. 

(8)  aog  '  death ',  though  it  has  of ten  the  high-back-narrow, 
is  equally  often  eug  (eek'). 

(9)  In  North  Inverness  ao  derived  from  privative  prefix 
an  -f  consonant  group  has  the  high-back-narrow  sound: 

as  aonais  'without  it'  (as  AAnif);  aotrom  'light,  not-heavy' 
(AAtram),  0.  Ir.  etromm.  The  long  close  e  sound  is  also  heard 
in  this  Word  in  poetry.  Aodomhain  'shallow,  not-deep'  (AAdoii'); 
aodionach  'non-watertight'  (■AAä'^dnsLx).  In  the  three  last 
examples  ao  sounds  like  open  e  in  Argyll;  also  the  word  aodann 
'face'  in  the  next  list. 

(10)  In  North  Inverness  we  have  the  high-back-narrow  in 
ao  derived  from  0.  Ir.  e  originally  followed  by  n  +  consonant. 


North  Inverness. 

0.  Ir. 

aodach  'cloth' 

(AAtax) 

etach 

*ant-ac-os 

aodann  'face' 

(AAtifl) 

etan 

*ant-ano 

aogas  'niien' 

(AAkas) 

ecosc 

*in-cosc 

faod  'may' 

(fAAt') 

fetaim 

*svento 

maodal  'paunch' 

(mAAtar) 

metail 

*mand-to 

saod  'State' 

(SAAt') 

set 

*sento-s. 

(11)  Also  in  loanwords  treated  like  those  from  oi,  ai  in  (1): 


«)   Latin  loans. 
North  Inverness. 
aoine  (jejunium)  -AAna 

saoghal  (saeculum)      'SAA-al' 


O.Ir. 


oine 


THE    GAELIC    DIALECTS,  99 

North  Inverness.  0.  Ir. 

staoin  (stannum)         'sdAAü 

maor  (major)  "inAAr  (Book  of  Deer)  raäir 

laoch  (laicus)  -Iaax 

plaosg  (pilucius*)        'plAAsk'. 
*   Eruault's  derivation. 

The  last  5  examples  liave  an  open  soimd  in  Argyll. 

ß)  English  loans. 
snaoisean  'snuff'         snAAfan  (E.  sneesing  pouder). 

y)   Norse  loan. 
staoig  ' Steak'  (sdAAc')  From  N. steik,  K.Meyer. 

(12)  North  Inverness  agrees  with  Argyll  (with  some  few 
exceptions)  in  giving  ao  the  low-front-narrow-round  soimd  (oe) 
with  niid  rounding,  when  ao  arises  from  a  or  o  -f-  dh  or  gh.  It 
then  occurs  both  long  and  short;  when  long  it  may  in  Argyll 
be  heard  as  low-front-wide-round  (ga)  with  mid  rounding,  e.  g. 
saor  'free'  (saerr);  saoghall  'world'  ('saa.^r). 

aobhur  'cause'  (oeoevar),  0.  Ir.  adbar;  aoradh  'worship, 
adoration'  ("oeoer-as),  0.  Ir.  adrad;  aobrunn  'ankle'  (-oeoeb-ran), 
0.  Ir.  odbrann;  aorabh  'Constitution'  (-oeoerav);  adhaircean  'horns' 
(oecercan),  0.  Ir.  adarc  'hörn';  adhaltrach  'adulterous'  (-oeoeal- 
trax),  0.  Ir.  adaltrach. 

Obs.     (1)   Also  by  analogy  in  loan  words,  e.  g.  gaorr. 

(2)  foghlum  'Instruction,  learning'  in  North  Inverness  is 
(foeoelam),  but  in  parts  of  Argyll  (fooj-lam);  in  Gairloch 
(foolham). 

(3)  In  the  combination  a  +  dh  +  1  diphthongization  is 
usual  in  North  Inverness  and  elsewhere,  e.  g.  adhlac, 
'bury'  is  pronounced  (aiüak);  (aiüic')  adhlaic,  0.  Ir. 
adnacul.  The  n  still  preserves  its  nasalizing  influence 
though  it  itself  has  gone. 

Exception.  In  Morven,  Argyll,  I  never  heard 
any  nasality  in  this  word  though  I  watched  for  it. 
The  natives  pronounced  it  (oeoelak), 

(13)  baobh  'a  wicked  woman;  the  mermaid  (Strathglass) ', 
E.  Ir.  badb,  regularly  follows  the  above;   (boeoe);  a  diphthongal 

7* 


100  GEORGE    HENDERSON, 

form  is  also  cnrrent  witli  tlie  same  Speakers  in  North  Inverness 
(boe-üj);  saobliaidliean  'fox-dens'  (soeoevi-^n);  daobliaidh  'per- 
verse' (doeoevi),  a  word  whicli  is  frequent  on  tlie  mainland  and 
not  limited  to  tbe  Hebrides  as  marked  in  Mr.  Alex.  Macbain's 
Gael.  Dict.,  the  common  word  traod  '  one  wasting  off  in  sickness ' 
(troeoet')  seems  akin  to  traothaim  'l  wear  out,  am  weary'  v. 
Keating-'s  Three  Sliafts  ed.  Atkiuson. 

(14)  The  high-back-narrow  ao  occurs  short  in  the  word 
raotal  (rrAhtal'),  'the  Rüttle  Wood',  name  of  a  forest  behind 
Fanellan,  by  the  Beauly  River;  cf.  0.  Ir.  roed  'a  forest'.  Further, 
in  some  Compounds,  e.  g.  caora  'a  sheep'  (kAAra),  but  caora- 
mhaol  'a  hornless  sheep'  (kAra.vAAl'). 

(15)  In  Reay,  Gairloch,  Harris,  ao  rhymes  with  u. 

This  is  more  fi^equent  in  poetry,  where  ao  is  attenuated 
near  enough  to  rhyme;  Rob  Donn  makes  taohh  'side'  rhyme 
with  lub,  cuis,  Grüidi,  dü-bhreith,  dm;  aon  'one'  rhymes  in  Rob 
Donn  with  cuinneadh. 

For  Harris  I  have  pointed  out  instances  in  niy  edition  of 
lain  Gobha's  poems. 

(16)  ao  has  the  high-front-wide  sound  in  Lewis,  Kintail, 
and  likewise  in  Reay.  In  Lewis  and  Kintail  saoghal  'world' 
may  be  heard  as  (siival').  I  have  noted  16  instances  from  Rob 
Donn's  poems  where  ao  rhymes  with  i;  not  all  of  these  words 
are  attenuated  in  colloquial  pronunciation  to  i,  but  they  pass  by 
easy  gradations  to  it;  saoghal  'world',  faodaidh  'may'  and  some 
others  usually  exhibit  this  attenuation  in  Reay. 

(17)  At  Pirnmills,  Isle  of  Arran,  I  heard  aon  'one'  pro- 
nounced  (ten);  at  Lamlash,  Arran,  as  (im)  like  the  Lewis  and 
Kintail  pronunciation  of  saoghal  (siml')  'world'. 

(18)  k  Cintire  and  Gigha  pronunciation  of  aon,  saoghal 
respectively  are  (?en),  (-see-al');  these  districts  do  not  often 
attenuate  ao  as  far  as  i. 

(19)  In  Harris  where  aon  :  saoghal :  sgrlohhta  form  good 
rhymes,  ao  is  not  always  distiuguishable  from  the  high-mixed-wide. 

(20)  ao  in  poetry  in  the  word  aonar  often  sounds  as  a 
long  open  o:  (oonar)  i.  e.  the  long-mid-back-wide-round  a  little 
nasalized. 

(21)  Sometimes  ao  lias  the  mid-front-narrow  sound  where 
it  rhymes  with  e  of  the  Script.  Rob  Donn  rhymes  saolhaidh 
:  cheile  :  leine;  foghlum  :  chleir  :  treigsinn  :  geur.    As  to  foghlum; 


THE    GAELIC    DIALECTS.  101 

in  North  Inverness,  in  tlie  iisual  Script  it  would  liave  to  be 
faoglilum,  tlie  vowel  being-  the  low-front-narrow-round  with  mid 
rounding. 

(22)  Rob  Donn  rhymes  daobhaidh  :  leughadli. 

In  North  Inverness  the  former  is  (doeoevi),  the  latter 
(liia-3k'),  so  that  there  it  is  impossible  to  form  such  rhymes. 

(23)  In  the  Hymns  of  Alex.  Cook  (1794—1865),  a  native 
of  Arran,  in  the  edition  published  by  William  Murray,  80 
Gordon  St.,  Glasgow  1882,  ao  has  the  mid-fi'ont-narrow  sound; 
saoghal :  deigh;  saor  :  fein  :  Eiphit;  De  :  Saoghal :  treud,  are  made 
to  rhyme.  Cook  was  a  native  of  Kilmory  where  the  same  class 
of  words  still  prefer  the  mid-front-narrow  sound. 

(24)  In  parts  of  Argyll  ao  is  sometimes  the  high-mixed- 
wide-round;  caomh  'tender,  dear'  is  in  Colonsay  (kiiüv);  aon 
'one'  in  Colonsay  (üiin);  maoin  is  (müijn),  but  in  the  same  Island 
faoin  'vain'  is  (foe(pn)  whereas  in  North  Inverness  it  would 
be  fAAfi. 

(25)  At  Pirnmills,  Arran,  aobhar  'cause',  and  that  class 
of  words  above  treated  of,  are  pronounced  with  oe  (oeoev^r)  as 
in  North  Inverness.  Reay  has  a  pronunciation  (aurr)  of  this 
word,  with  which  compare  the  Munster  aur  i.  e.  adhbhar  'cause' 
in  the  sense  of  'the  makings  of,  the  materials  for'. 

Obs.  (1)  The  Gaelic  interchange  of  öe  and  ee  is  an  exact 
parallel  to  the  provincial  pronunciations  of  middle 
and  south  Germany  where  the  mid-front-narrow-round 
vowel  is  replaced  by  its  unrounded  correspondent, 
e.  g.  schön  '  beautiful '  (foeoen)  becomes  (feen).  I  have 
observed,  further,  that  it  is  a  characteristic  of  Croatian 
and  Slav  pronunciation  of  German. 
(2)  1,  (ii)  for  older  ae,  ai  existed  in  the  15th  Century 
Irish;  fianbhrat  of  LL.  114  a  27  is  fainhrat  in  Harleian 
MS.  5280  (British  Museum  15th  cent.),  faonbrat  in 
H.  3.  18  (16th  Cent.  MS.  v.  Windisch's  Irische  Texte 
I,  108).  The  Fernaig  MS.  (Kintail,  1688)  has  sivill 
for  saoghall,  e.  g. 

Corrigh  di  chor  i  hivill 

Lain  di  charrü  bavihill 

Sivill  nach  bouyn  bla 

Hivig  dhüin  nj  dlifhir. 


102  GEORGE    HENDERSON, 

III.  Aspirated  1  before  broad  vowels.  Tliis  is  a  good 
dialectal  test.  This  sound  is  described  under  the  consonants. 
It  is  a  cliaracteristic  feature  of  the  dialects  of  Gairloch,  Lome, 
Tiree,  Kintail;  it  occurs  sporadically  still  in  Uist  and  in  Lewis. 
It  was  a  feature  of  the  dialeet  of  Glendale,  Skye,  but  with 
Speakers  of  the  j-ounger  generation  its  place  is  taken  by  simple 
1  more  or  less  stressed;  in  otlier  words,  the  voicelessness  may 
be  preserved,  but  the  position  of  the  tongue  is  that  of  the  inter- 
dental 1  with  the  ' tongue -spreader'  (||);  cf.  Sweet's  Phonetics. 
The  aspirated  Ih  is  the  older  form  and  it  is  uniformly  absent 
in  East  Liverness-shire  and  Eoss-shire,  where  the  population  is 
not  so  purely  Gaelic.  It  is  wanting  in  some  of  the  isles.  For 
the  Island  of  Tiree  I  noted  its  occurrence  in  the  following 
words.    I  put  the  1  in  question  in  italics: 

an  äite  seöZaidh;  liagh-tom;  bas-Zuath;  bua?adh;  le  liis  ghZac 
geaZ;  fo  aon  ghZuasad;  romh  da  ghuaZaimi;  ba?gain-fha?a;  tuZgadh 
a  sparras  a'  chaoZ-bharc  ghiübhsaich;  air  chül  ä?aich;  na  cuar- 
tagan  cu^ghZas;  gun  sgios  gun  airtea?. 

I  have  not  noticed  this  sound  in  -It,  -Ip  combinations. 

IV.  Another  dialectal  test  is  str  initial  which  prevails  all 
over  the  North  where  Argyll  prefers  sr. 

struth  'stream'  versus  snäh;  strön  'nose'  versus  'srön'; 
strian  'bridle'  versus  'srian';  strath  'strath'  versus  'srath'.  It 
has  been  suggested  that  the  Northern  fondness  for  t  in  this 
instance  may  be  due  to  Norse  infiuence.  In  a  loan-word  like 
sräid  *  Street'  the  t  might  be  expected,  yet  the  E.  Irish  is  sräH] 
in  strath  cognate  with  Latin  strätus  one  would  expect  a  t-, 
E.  Welsh  has  straf,  but  0.  Ir.  has  israth  'in  gramine'.  'Struth' 
can  scarcely  be  due  to  analogy  in  the  North;  the  0.  Ir.  is  sruth, 
which  still  holds  good  for  Colonsay  and  Argyll,  where  to  the 
present  day  the  sr  is  used  continually.  And  as  0.  Ir.  has  sr 
consistently,  there  surely  must  be  some  reason  for  the  str  in  the 
northern  dialects.') 

V.  The  oxytonization  characteristic  of  the  North  Inverness 
and  Kintail  dialects  (v.  sub  Verb  §  4)  is  absent  in  Eeay  as  it 
is  also  in  the  South. 


1)  Mr.  Craigie,  Oxford,   objects  and  adduces  the  Athole  str  in  Stroy,  a 
place -nanie,  from  Eas-ruadh  aud  not  due  to  Norse  infiuence.    But  by  analogy. 


THE    GAELIC    DIALECTS.  103 

VI.  In  North  Inverness  short  (oe)  passes  by  a  process  of 
unrounding  into  (e)  short  close  e;  in  North  Inverness  oüean 
'breeding'  sounds  exactly  like  eilean  eilean  'Island'  (elan). 

VII.  Another  North  Inverness  feature  is  the  use  of  open 
(e)  for  the  diphthong  (ai),  treated  of  in  its  place.  It  has  curious 
features  of  syntax,  of  verbal  and  pronominal  forms,  and  local 
phrases  and  words. 

Thus  far  concerning  test- sounds. 

Manse  of  Edderachillis 
Scourie,  Sutherland  George  Henderson. 

North  ßritain. 


(To  he  continued.) 


QUELQUES  REMARQUES  AU  GLOSSARIAL  INDEX 
DES  IRISCHE  TEXTE,  IV.  I. 


aithfir,  cf.  g'all.  aäfeirio,  reprocher.  blamer  (Silv.  Ev.). 

anfial,  cf.  gall.  amcyl,  id. 

carpat,  cf.  breton  carvan,  mäclioire  (pris  au  sens  metaphorique; 
gall.  carfan,  au  sens  proijre);  (jorfant  est  compose  de  gor  et 
de  mant,  mandible,  jaw-bone. 

cennhecc.  II  me  semble  que  ce  mot  est  metapliorique.  II  y  a 
du  y  avoir  quelque  chose  de  semblable  en  francais;  pour 
fausset  qui  signifie  voix  de  tHe,  aiyue  et  cheville  pour 
barrique.  Quand  on  tire  une  boisson  par  le  fausset,  il  se 
produit  un  bruit  aigu  qui  explique  l'evolution  de  sens. 
C'est  ainsi  que  la  clef  de  la  barrique  s'appelle  ainsi  dans 
tout  rOuest  de  la  France  chantepleure.  Cennhecc  me  parait 
avoir  le  sens  metaphorique  du  fian^ais  fausset.  Becc 
=  gall.  hoech,  a  sudden  scream  (Silvan  Evans). 

corr-ahall;  cf.  cor -a fallen  crab,  dwarf  apple-tree  (Silvan  Evans). 

deg,  cf.  gallois  deaint;  objet  precieux:  goreu  deaint  damit  (Prov. 
ap.  Silvan  Evans). 

erh,  kid;  cf.  gallois  erfai,  brisk,  lively? 

erc,  vaclie;  cf.  gallois  erch,  de  couleur  sombre  ou  brune  (cf. 
Leabhar  na  h  -  Uidhri). 

fail,  bracelet;  cf.  breton  gwalen,  bague  sans  chaton  (il  y  a 
dialectalement  un  gtvalen,  verge,  qui  vient  d'une  confusion 
avec  gwialen,  vraisemblablement). 

fordorus,  cf.  gall.  givarddrws  lintel,  and  gorddrivs  latcli,  wicket. 

glas-rnuir;  cf.  gall.  glasfor,  id. 


LOTH,    REMARQUES    A    l'iNDEX    IJES    IRISCHE    TEXTE.  105 

macc-flaith.  La  compositioii  du  bieton  machtiern  serait  la  meme; 
il  s'ensuivrait  que  le  mot  serait  emprunte  aux  Gaels.  Cela 
ne  parait  pas  probable.  Le  mot  est  gallois  et  cornique 
egalement  avec  le  sens  de  chef,  seiyneur,  sans  aucune  idee 
semblable  ä  celle  qiii  a  donne  macc-flaith.  De  plus,  en 
armorique,  machtiern  a  plutot  le  sens  de  chef  inferieur, 
depcndant  d'un  untre.  Dans  le  Cartulaire  de  Rhedon,  des 
machtiern  sont  appeles  vassi  dominici  (cf.  J.  Loth,  L'envi- 
(jration  hretonne  en  armorique  p.  218  —  220).  Le  mot  me 
parait  forme  de  mach,  caution,  et  de  Hern,  ä  moins  qu'il  n'y 
ait  la  meme  composition  ([ue  dans  matez  -=  gall.  machtaith, 
corn.  matjteth. 

sir-rechtach;  an- recht  viendrait  de  an -\-*rapto  [Isit.  rajjio).  Cette 
etymologie  est  fortifiee  par  le  gallois  anrhaith,  butter,  rapine. 

sesc,  sedge;  cf.  gall.  et  breton  hesg  (herbe  coupante).  Je  croirais 
plutot  ä  l'origine  sec-sca  (cf.  latin  seco,  je  coupe). 

so-hrönach,  cheerful  =  gall.  hyfrwyn. 

speis,  fondness.  L'liypothese  d'un  emprunt  latin  pensus  (valued, 
dear)  est  fortifiee  par  le  gallois  invys\  gwr  picys,  epoux, 
gwreic  Iwys,  epouse  (Elucidarium,  ed.  Rli5's- Jones  p.  49,  50); 
cf.  Giveithiau  lolo  Goch,  ed.  Ashton,  p.  487,  v.  39:  Gwnaeth- 
pwyd  o'r  Gair  ywenith-hicys  Gnawd  glan  .  .  .  (cf.  Nov.  Test. 
Job.  1,  14:  A'r  Gair  a  wnaethbwyd  yn  gnawd). 

tormdn,  noise  or  sound:  cf.  gallois  tyrfain,  tumulte? 

Rennes.  J.  Loth. 


WELSH  VERSIFICATION. 


The  work  of  M.  Lotli,i)  whicli  deals  witli  tlie  bardic  metres 
of  the  fifteentli  and  sixteenth  centuries,  is  intended  as  an  intro- 
duction  to  tlie  study  of  tlie  Black  Book  of  Carmarthen  and  the 
okl  AVelsh  poems.  The  System  of  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth 
centuries  is  very  fuUy  explained  by  the  grammarians  of  the 
latter  Century;  and  their  explanations,  as  M.  Loth  remarks,  may 
be  tested  and  verified  by  the  actual  works  of  the  bards  them- 
selves.  This  System  has  g-rown  out  of  the  metrical  forms  of  the 
earlier  bards,  and  some  knowledge  of  it  is  essential  to  the  under- 
standing  of  those  forms.  The  present  volume  contains  an  ex- 
position  of  the  later  System  ouly:  M.  Loth's  application  of  it  to 
the  elucidation  of  earlier  verse  will  appear  in  the  second  volume. 

But  this  volume  aims  at  being  mucli  more  than  a  mere 
introduction  to  the  Black  Book.  It  not  only  deals  with  the  late 
bardic  System  at  much  greater  length  than  appears  necessary 
for  that  purpose,  but  also  treats  of  the  more  recent  fi'ee  metres, 
which  have  no  bearing  whatever  upon  medieval  verse.  It 
puri)orts,  in  short,  to  give  a  füll  account  of  Welsh  versification 
fi^om  the  fifteenth  Century  to  the  present  time. 

The  versification  of  the  fifteenth  Century  certainly  deserves 
more  attention  tlian  it  has  hitherto  received  from  Celtic  scholars, 
quite  apart  from  the  light  it  may  throw  upon  earlier  verse. 
Each  of  the  tweuty-four  metres  has  a  fixed  number  of  lines; 
eacli  line  has  a  fixed  number  of  syllables;  every  line  of  more 


>)  La   Metriqne   Galloise.     Tome   premier:    La   metrique   galloise   du 
XV«  siecle  jusqu'ä  nos  jours.    Paris  1900, 


WELSH    VERSIFICATION.  107 

tlian  four  sj^llables  is  required  to  be  in  cynghanedd,  an  elaborate 
arrangement  of  consonants  and  internal  rhymes,  whose  riües  are 
so  rigorous  and  so  strictly  observed  by  tlie  bards  of  the  period, 
that,  wlien  properly  understood,  tliey  enable  us  to  ascertain 
accurately  the  exact  prommciation  given  by  the  bards  to  practi- 
cally  all  the  words  they  use.  The  orthography  of  the  manu- 
scripts  varies,  and  is  often  corrupt;  a  fifteenth  centnry  poem 
is  oftener  than  not  found  sprinkled  with  debased  seventeenth 
Century  fonns.  But  a  thorough  knowledge  of  the  cynghanedd 
renders  its  possessor  independent  of  the  scribe,  and  puts  him, 
as  it  were,  in  direet  communication  with  the  bard  himself. 
Such  a  knoAvledge  cannot  be  gained  fi^om  this  book:  M.  Loth 
himself  has  but  the  vaguest  notions  of  cynghanedd,  and  seems 
to  have  no  idea  at  all  of  the  absolute  stringency  of  its  laws. 

The  old  treatises  on  the  subject,  which  have  appeared  in 
print  in  one  form  or  another,  are  the  following: 

JDosparth  Edeyrn  Bafod  Aur,  edited  by  Ab  Ithel  (Llandovery 
1856),  contains  the  following:  I.  The  so  called  Bosparth  Edeyrn, 
an  old  work,  printed  from  a  late  MS.;  II.  Y  Pum  Llyfr  Kerdd- 
wriaeth  or  Simwnt  Vychan's  Grammar. 

Bosparth  Byrr  by  Dr.  Griffith  Eoberts  (Milan  1567;  fac- 
simile  reprint,  Paris  1870 — 1883).  The  metres  and  cynghanedd 
are  discussed  fi-om  p.  203  to  p.  386  of  the  facsimile. 

Camhrohrytannicae  Cymraecaeve  Linguae  Institutiones  by 
Dr.  J.  D.  Ehys  (London  1592).  The  prosody  extends  fi-om  p.  129 
to  p.  304. 

Bardhoniaeth  neu  Brydydhiaeth  by  Captain  "William  Middleton 
(London  1593,  reproduced  in  Flores  Poetarmn  1710,  wliich  was 
reprinted  in  London  1864). 

Cyfrinach  Beirdd  Ynys  Prydain,  containing  the  rival  System 
of  Glamorgan  (Abertawy  1829;  Carnarvon,  K  B).  It  also 
contains  the  metrical  part  of  Simwnt  Vychan's  Pum  Llyfr. 

M.  Loth  is  acquainted  with  all  these  works;  but  the  im- 
portance  he  attaches  to  them  is  in  almost  inverse  ratio  to  their 
value.  Griffith  Roberts  had  no  special  knowledge  of  the  subject, 
as  he  himself  aduiits  over  and  over  again.  Every  intelligent 
Welshman  had  in  his  head  sonie  rough  Classification  of  the 
different  kinds  of  cynghanedd,  deduced  fi'om  his  Observation  of 
internal  rhymes  and  the  recurrence  of  consonants;  otherwise  the 
bards  coiüd  have  had  no  audience  but  themselves.    This  was 


108  J.  MORKIS   JONES, 

Griffltli  Eobert's  case;  lie  had  received  no  instruction  in  the  art; 
a  bard  whom  he  had  consulted  had  declined  to  enter  into  details 
(fac,  p.  273),  for  '  they  say  they  are  sworn  to  teach  no  one  these 
secrets'  (p.  274).  Thus  Eoberts's  rules  are  his  own  deductions 
and  surmises,  nncorrected  by  tlie  accumulated  experience  and 
traditional  teaching  of  the  school  of  bards.  He  sets  them  forth 
in  an  original  manner,  and  largely  in  terms  of  his  own  invention; 
bnt  he  has  not  been  able  to  avoid  the  pitfalls  wliicli  beset  the 
path  of  the  uninitiated.  In  many  of  his  examples,  apparently 
composed  by  liimself,  the  cyngJianeäd  is  faulty;  and  some  of  his 
metrical  forms  exist  nowhere  ont  of  his  book.  Yet  to  M,  Loth, 
this  is  a  work  of  the  first  importance. 

J.  D.  Ehys's  work  is  a  compilation;  it  contains  most  of 
Sim  5\'nt  Vychan's  treatise,  and  examples  from  the  older  Bosparth 
Edeyrn,  together  with  fresh  material  furnished  by  Wm.  Middleton 
and  other  contemporaries.  Bnt  the  Compiler  himself  had  little 
imderstanding  of  the  matter;  his  contribntions  to  the  work  consist 
chie%  in  the  lines  and  diagrams  intended  to  mark  the  corre- 
spondence  of  consonants.  M.  Loth  reproduces  pages  of  these 
lines,  which  is  sheer  waste  of  paper.  The  correspondences 
pointed  out  by  them  are  usiially  obvions;  bnt  J.  D.  Rhys  has 
gone  wroug  wherever  it  was  possible  to  do  so,  and  M.  Loth 
meekly  foUows  him.    Thus  in  the  short  verse 

Didarf  Dudur, 

lines  are  drawn  from  B  to  B,  from  d  to  d,  and  fi'om  r  to  r. 
New  r  has  nothing  to  do  with  the  cyngJianedd,  as  any  tyro 
knows;  for  tlie  two  words  should  end  differently,  and 

Didol  Dudur 

would  form  even  a  better  cynghanedd.  As,  liowever,  rf  is 
different  from  r,  the  line  as  it  Stands  is  correct;  but  the  r  con- 
tributes  nothing  to  its  correctness.  To  join  the  two  r's  is  to 
point  out  a  correspondence  wliere  there  is  none  to  be,  where  a 
füll  correspondence  would  be  actually  a  fault.  Tliis  is  reproduced 
by  M.  Lotli  on  p.  64,  and  there  is  a  similar  one  on  p.  76.  Again 
in  tlie  line 

Gael  tadog  o  glod  Tewdwr 

the  most  important  correspondence  is  the  d  of  tadog  with  the  d 


WELSH    VEESIFICATION.  109 

of  Tewdwr.  J.  D.  Rliys  omitted  to  diaw  tlie  line  connecting 
these  two  d's;  and  so,  of  course,  does  M.  Lotli  (p.  79).  J.  D.  Eliys's 
work,  on  account  of  tlie  quaiitity  of  material  it  contains,  is 
perliaps  tlie  most  valuable  singie  work  on  tlie  subject;  biit  it  is 
a  very  imsafe  guide  in  tlie  liands  of  tlie  inexperienced. 

Simwnt  Vyclian  on  tlie  otlier  liand,  knew  exactly  wliat  he 
was  writing-  about.  He  liad  been  regularly  instructed  in  bardism, 
and  received  tlie  liigliest  degree  of  Pencerdd  (cliief  of  song)  at 
tlie  Caerwys  Eisteddfod  of  1568.  His  work  is  tliorouglily  trnst- 
wortliy,  and  contains  scarcely  anytliing  tliat  is  debateable  or 
doubtful.  It  is  tlie  liigliest  autliority  on  tlie  subject;  but  M.  Lotli 
makes  little  use  of  it  except  indirectly  tlirougli  J.  D.  Eliys. 
Indeed  he  says  (p.  13)  'on  serait  teilte  de  regarder  Simwnt 
Vychan  comnie  im  abreviateur  de  Rhys  (!)  si  on  n'avait  pas  ä  l'en- 
contre  de  cette  siipposition,  d'incontestables  autorites'.  M.  Loth's 
idea  of  the  value  of  tlie .  book  is  only  equalled  by  his  idea  of 
the  value  of  the  printed  editions.  Ab  Ithel's  edition  is  printed 
froni  a  copy  made  in  1606  by  John  Jones  of  Gelli  Lyfdy,  or 
Sion  AViliam  ap  Sion  {Dosp.  Ed.  p.  xiii)  fi^om  a  copy  made  by 
Rissiart  ap  Sion  of  Scoiiegan  in  1578  (p.  xlvii)  from  Simwnt's 
own  book.  'Quant  au  manuscrit  original',  says  M.  Loth,  'il 
parait  avoir  disparu.  L'original  a  ete  termine  vers  1606'.  By 
the  'original'  he  therefore  means  John  Jones's  copy.  But  Jolm 
Jones's  original,  the  Scorlegan  MS.,  exists;  it  is  Peniarth  MS. 
159.  Not  only  that,  but  the  first  original,  in  Simivnt  Vychan's 
own  Jiandwriting  is  preserved  in  the  Jesus  College  Library,  now 
kept  at  the  Bodleian;  it  is  Jesus  College  MS.  xv.  Mr.  Gwenog- 
fryn  Evans  has  shewn,')  that  this  is  the  very  book  from  wliich 
R.  ap  Sion  of  Scorlegan  made  his  copy.  Consideriiig  that  Ab 
Ithel's  printed  text  is  from  a  copy  of  a  copy,  it  agrees  remarkably 
well  with  Simwnt's  manuscript,  the  cliief  differences,  besides 
obvious  misprints,  being  a  few  modernisations  like  the  plural 
cynghaneddion  for  Simwnt's  cynghaneddau;  rh  for  Simwnt's  rr; 
and  ei,  '  his ',  for  Simwnt's  i.  In  the  text  printed  in  the  Cyfrinacli 
the  grammar  and  rhetoiic  are  omitted,  and  only  the  metrical 
part  included;  the  arrangement  diifers  slightly  from  that  of  the 
corresponding  matter  in  Ab  Ithel's  text,  but  otherwise  the  two 
are   in   almost  verbal   agreement.     M.  Loth   ought  therefore   to 


»)  Eeport  on  Peniarth  MSS.,  p.  946. 


110  J.  MORRIS    JONES, 

have  Seen  tliat  neither  text  departs  siibstantially  from  tlie 
original.  But  he  did  not.take  tlie  troiible  to  compare  tliem,  for 
he  had  been  led  astray  by  E.  I.  Prys's  Hanes  Llenyddiaeth 
Gymreiy  (a  wretchedly  uncritical  bock)  whose  aiithor  says  (p.  311) 
that  he  has  a  transcript  of  Simwnt's  treatise  made  by  one  Hiigh 
Roberts  in  1772,  and  proceeds  to  shew,  by  comparison  with  this, 
how  imperfect  Jolm  Jones's  transcript  of  1606  must  be.  The 
transcript  of  1606  reckons  only  24  letters  in  the  aiphabet,  in- 
chiding  among-  them  such  Foreign  letters'  as  h,  q,  v,  x,  and 
excluding  ch,  dd,  etc.,  whilst  the  transcript  of  1772  gives  the 
recent  aiphabet  of  27  letters,  fully  and  in  correct  sequence  as 
taught  at  the  present  day.  These  are  the  arguments  which 
sufficed  to  convince  M.  Lotli  that  the  transcript  of  1606  printed 
by  Ab  Ithel  is  very  defective! 

Captain  Middleton's  Bardhoniaeth  is  safe  as  far  as  it  goes; 
but  it  is  a  mere  sketch,  and  not  to  be  compared  in  importance 
with  Simwnt  Vychan's  work.  Hence  M.  Loth  makes  nnich  more 
use  of  it. 

For  the  history  of  the  development  of  the  bardic  metres 
the  treatise  now  called  Bosparih  Edeyrn  Bafod  Aur,  which 
gives  its  title  to  Ab  Ithel's  volume,  is,  without  exception,  the 
most  valuable  document  we  possess;  but  M.  Loth  robs  it  of  all 
value  by  attributing  its  composition  to  the  sixteenth  Century. 
In  Order  to  shew  the  significance  of  this  work  it  will  be 
necessary  to  recount  the  chief  events  in  the  history  of  the 
metres  in  the  flfteenth  and  subsequent  centuries.  At  the  Car- 
marthen  eisteddfod  of  1451,  Dafydd  ab  Edmwnd  was  awarded 
the  chair  for  his  re-arrangement  of  the  metres;  from  that  time 
his  System  became  the  authorised  one,  and  the  metres  described 
by  the  sixteenth  Century  grammarians  are  the  twenty-four 
metres  of  Dafydd  ab  Edmwnd.  k  section  of  bards  fi^om 
Glamorgan,  und  er  the  leadership  of  Gwilym  Tew,  rebelled 
against  the  decision  of  the  eisteddfod, i)  and  set  up  a  school  of 
their  own,2)  which  ultimately  produced  the  System  of  metres  set 
forth  in   Cyfrinach  Beirdd  Ynys  Prydain.^)    M.  Loth  does  not 

')  Barddas  U,  p.  60;  Cyfrinach  Beirdd  p.  240,  2nd  ed.  p.  128;  and 
pp.  9,  10,  2nd  ed.  pp.  13, 14. 

*)  Cyfrinach  p.  3,  2nd  ed.  p.  11. 

ä)  The  title  Cyfrinach  Beirdd  Ynys  Prydain  was  first  given  to  a 
Welsh  graminar  with  Latiu  examples,  of  which  the  earliest  kuown  copy  is  in 


WELSH    VERSIFICATION.  111 

seem  to  be  aware  of  any  of  tliese  tliings;  he  saj^s  notliing  at 
all  about  the  eisteddfod  of  1451,  an  event  wliich  marks  an 
epoch  in  the  history  of  the  metres.  Yarious  records  of  it  existed 
in  nianuscript,  of  wliich  lago  ab  Dewi  made  a  collection  whicli 
was  published  in  the  Greal  (London  1805 — 6)  and  in  the  early 
numbers  of  the  Brytlion.  One  of  these')  contains  the  following 
two  Statements,  which  the  reader  should  bear  in  mind:  1.  the 
System  in  use  hefore  1451  had  twenty-four  metres,  and  Dafydd 
ab  Edmwnd  simply  retained  the  number;  but  2.  he  substituted 
for  two  disused  metres  two  new  metres  of  his  own  called 
cadwyn  ver  (properly  cadivynfyr)  and  gorchest  y  beirdd.  Simwnt 
Yychan  also  states  that  these  two  metres  were  invented  by 
D.  ab  Edmwnd  to  replace  the  old  ones;^)  and  Meurig  Dafydd, 
a  Glamorgan  bard,  in  his  letter  to  Sion  Mawddwy,  takes 
D.  ab  Edmwnd's  anthorship  of  them  for  granted.^)  In  fact 
these  two  metres  were  the  bone  of  contention,  and  are  con- 
stantly  spoken  of  as  such  by  the  Glamorg-an  bards.  Yet 
M.  Loth  says  (p.  16)  that  the  invention  of  gorchest  y  beirdd  '  est 
peut-etre  ä  fort  attribuee  ä  Dafydd  ab  Edmwnt'!  And  this  is 
his  only  reference  to  the  matter. 

The  bards  of  Glamorgan  not  only  objected  to  D.  ab 
Edmwnd's  innovations,  but  wished  to  retain  in  the  authorised 
System  all  the  old  metres  they  could  discover:  Gwilj'in  Tew's 
Awdl  i  Fair  given  by  J.  D.  Eliys  (p.  235)  and  in  Cyfrinacli 
(p.  213,  2nd  ed.  p.  113)  contains  many  of  these  disused  metres. 
The  search  for  old  metres  became  a  craze;  when  no  more  could 
be  found,  why,  they  could  be  invented,  just  as  a  demand  for 
old  furniture  gives  rise  to  a  brisk  trade  in  its  manufacture. 
Thus  the  'old  metres'  of  Glamorgan  multiplied  enormously  in 
course  of  time;  but  the  traditional  number  of  Standard  metres 
was  twenty-four,  lience  the  bards  of  Glamorgan  conceived  the 
idea  of  dividing  their  multitudinous  metres  into  twenty-four 
classfis  of  metres.  Thus  was  formed  the  Glamorgan  System  as 
finally  adopted  at  the  'gorsedd'  of  Bewpyr  in  1681.  Its  authors 
arrogated  to  it  the  title  of  'the  ancient  System',  while  that  of 


the  MS.  of  Guttun  Owain  mentioned  below.    it  is  not  a  metrical  gramraar. 
The  bards  of  Glamorgan  appropriated  the  title  for  their  metrical  work. 

1)  r  Greal  p.  60. 

2)  Dosp.  Ed.  p.  Ixxiii. 
=>)  r  Greal  p.  209. 


112  J.  MOEEIS    JONES, 

D.  ab  Edmwnd  they  called  'tlie  new  System 'J)  His  metres, 
except  his  cadivynfyr  and  gorchest,  were  undoiibtedly  cid,  for 
are  they  not  contained  in  the  'ancient'  System?  but  he  is 
accnsed  of  wrongly  classifying  them,  e.  g.  including  tlie  proests 
among"  the  enghjnion,^)  and  of  giving  them  improper  names  of 
his  own,  as  unodl  cyrch  for  triban  Morgannwg]^)  his  hyrr  a 
tlioddaid,  cyrch  a  chwta,  givaivdodyn  hyr,  gwmvdodyn  hir  were 
all  mis-nomers.  ^)  They  called  his  System  '  the  System  of  twenty- 
four  stanzas\^)  thereby  implying  that  'metre'  properly  meant 
not  a  Single  form  of  stanza  but  a  species  of  stauzas.  Mo 
Morgannwg  goes  so  far  as  to  say  that  no  one  before  D.  ab 
Edmwnd  ever  dreamt  of  twenty-four  metres  in  the  sense  of 
twenty-four  forms  of  stanza.  ß)  lolo  succeeded  in  convincing 
Gwallter  Mechain,  among  others,  of  the  antiqnity  of  the  Glamorgan 
System;  and  Gwallter  wrote  a  treatise  on  the  subject,  which 
gained  a  prize  at  the  eisteddfod  of  1819,  and  which  shews  how 
Dafydd  ab  Edmwnd  stole  his  metres  from  the  'ancient  System', 
and  tried  to  disguise  his  theft  by  mis-naming  them.  This  was 
the  view  taken  by  most  Welsh  writers  on  the  metres  in  the 
nineteenth  Century,  under  the  influence  of  lolo  and  the  'bardic 
gorsedd ',  the  sham-druidic  Institution  invented  by  the  Glamorgan 
bards  for  the  purpose  of  investing  their  System  with  a  fictitious 
authority. 

M.  Loth,  however,  thougli  he  says  nothing  of  the  origin 
and  growth  of  the  Glamorgan  school,  has  not  been  deceived  by 
its  pretensions.  He  sees  quite  clearly  that  the  'ancient  System' 
is  not  older  than  its  so-called  Compilers,  Meurig  Dafydd  and 
Llywelyn  Siön  in  the  sixteenth,  and  Edward  Dafydd  in  the 
seventeenth  Century.  He  points  out  what  has  been  pointed  out 
before,  that  the  great  majority  of  the  examples  of  their  metres 
are  by  seventeenth  Century  writers,  and  most  of  the  remainder 
by  writers  of  the  sixteenth.  This  is  decisive  and  final;  and  no 
more  need  be  said  about  the  Claims  of  the  'ancient  System'. 
But   this,   after   all,   does  not  dispose  of  the  charges  brought 


1)  Cyfrinach  p.  8;  2iid  ed.  p.  13. 

*)  Cyfrinach  p.  151 ;  2nd  ed.  p.  80. 

")  Cyfrinach  p.  101,  2nd  ed,  p.  57. 

*)  Cyfrinach  pp.  143—148,  153,  154;  2üd  ed.  pp.  76—78,  81. 

ö)  Cyfrinach  p.  240,  2ud  ed.  p.  128. 

*)  Cyfrinach  p.  177  footuote ;  2ud  ed.  p.  93  footuote. 


WELSH    VEßSIB'ICATION.  113 

agaiiist  D.  ab  Eclmwnd;  nor  does  it  sliew  liow  far  the  autliorised 
System  of  twenty-foiir  metres  was  itself  faithful  to  the  traditions 
of  tlie  art. 

M.  Lotli  is  sceptical  about  tlie  connection  of  D.  ab  Edmwiid 
with  the  twenty-four  metres.  The  bards  of  the  sixteenth 
Century  were,  he  says,  the  'disciples,  suivant  Vopinion  courante 
au  seizieme  siede,  de  D.  ab  Edmwnt'  (p.  18);  that  is,  they  tJwught 
they  were,  —  an  opinion  which  he  evidently  does  not  share. 
He  appears  to  think  that  the  twenty-fonr  metres  cannot  be  as 
old  as  the  eisteddfod  of  1451;  for  he  says  (p.  16)  of  Dosparth 
Edeyrn  'ce  traite  n'a  pu  etre  redige,  sous  sa  forme  actiielle, 
avant  le  commencement  du  seizieme  siecle  . . .  Mais  la  doctrine 
de  ce  traite  est  certainement,  dans  son  ensemble,  plus  aucienne 
que  Celle  dite  de  Simwnt  Vychan.  II  n'y  est  pas  question  des 
vingt-quatre  mesures.'  The  only  possible  inference  from  this  is 
that  the  twenty-four  metres  did  not  exist  as  a  System  at  the 
beginning  of  the  sixteenth  Century.  Now,  Lianstephan  MS.  28 
(formerly  Shirburn  MS.  119,  I.  26)  written  by  Guttun  Owain, 
and  dateä  1455,  1456  in  his  hand,  contains  on  leaves  6,  7,  8 
examples  under  their  several  names  of  the  twenty-four  metres 
according  to  the  doctrine  'dite  de  Simwnt  Vychan'.')  The 
doctrine,  then,  obtained  in  1455  or  1456;  any  further  doubt  as 
to  its  date  and  origin  is  surely  absurd. 

Of  M.  Loth's  three  remarks  on  Dosparth  Edeyrn  quoted 
above  one  is  right,  the  other  two  are  wrong.  Its  doctrine  is 
certainly  older  than  that  'dite  de  Simwnt  Vychan',  and  there- 
fore  older  than  1451.  M.  Loth  discovered  that  seven  or  eight 
of  the  examples  in  it  are  as  old  as  the  fourteenth  Century.  If 
he  had  any  knowledge  of  the  growth  of  the  cynghanedd,  he 
might  have  seen  that  most  of  the  others  must  be  as  old.  But 
it  is  not  necessary  to  have  recourse  to  such  a  round-about  way 
of  proving  the  age  of  this  treatise,  which,  according  to  M.  Loth 
(p.  11)  'a  ete  reellement  compose  au  seizieme  siecle'.  The 
treatise,  all  except  the  introduction  which  attributes  it  to 
Edeyrn,  is  contained  in  the  Red  Book  of  Hergest,  cols.  1117 
— 1142,  and  must  therefore  have  been  composed  before  the  end 
of  the  fourteenth  Century.    The   only  reason  given  by  M.  Loth 


1)  Guttun  Owain's  example  of  gor  ehest  y  beirdd  is  iucorrect;   this  raay 
mean  that  he  had  not  at  that  time  been  fully  initiated  into  the  bardic  art. 

Züitsilirift  f.  cült.  Philologie  IV.  8 


114  J.  MOEEIS   JONES, 

für  placing-  it  in  tlie  sixteentli  is  tliat  it  contains  a  cywyäd 
Couplet  attributed  by  Chancellor  Silvan  Evans  to  Tudur  Aled. 
How  Mr.  Silvan  Evans  canie  to  attribute  it  to  him  is  a  mysteiy 
to  me;  no  one  witli  the  least  knowledge  of  Tudur  and  of  bis 
cynghancdd  could  possibly  tliink  it  bis.  Tbe  couplet  is  in  tbe 
Bed  Booh,  col.  1134.  But  in  spite  of  Mr.  Silvan  Evans's  slip, 
M.  Lotb  has  really  no  excuse  for  bis  ignorance;  for  Ab  Ithel 
prints  in  bis  pref ace  (p.  xiii)  tbe  f ollowing-  note :  "  Tbis  occurs 
...  in  tbe  Eed  Book  of  Hergest  pp.  1117,  &c.  &c.,  says  lago  ab 
Dewi'.  Even  tbe  number  of  tbe  colunin  is  correctly  given, 
tbougb  entered  as  page.  To  publisb  sucb  a  statement  and  at 
tbe  same  time  to  print  tbe  text  from  a  fourtb-band  copj^  of  a 
seventeentb  Century  transcript  is  only  wbat  we  sbould  expect 
fi'om  tbat  egregious  qnack  Ab  Itbel;  but  it  was  not  to  be 
expected  tbat  M.  Lotb,  witb  tbe  statement  before  bim,  a  state- 
ment so  vital  to  bis  conclusions,  sbould  pass  it  carelessly  by 
and  utterly  neglect  to  verify  it. 

It  is  generally  believed  tbat  Dafydd  ab  Edmwnd  was  the 
first  to  propound  a  System  of  twenty-four  metres;  it  would 
tberefore  not  be  sur])rising-  if  M.  Lotb  were  rigbt  wben  be  says 
of  tbe  older  Bosparth  Edeyrn,  'il  n'y  est  pas  question  des 
vingt-quatre  mesures'.  But  curiously  enougb,  even  bere  be  is 
quite  wrong:  it  is  bis  second  error  in  tbe  tbree  sentences  above 
quoted.  Tbe  treatise,  it  is  true,  does  not  explicitly  mention 
'twenty-four  metres';  but  tbe  number  of  metres  it  deflnes  is 
actually  twenty-four ,  as  tbe  following  list,  extracted  from  tbe 
printed  text,  will  sbew: 


I.  Englynion.    Tri  rbyw  Englyn  Unawdl:  1.  Uniawn; 

2.  Crwcca;  3.  Cyrcb  (p.  xxv) 3 

Tri  y\\jw  Englyn  Proest:  1.  Proest  Dalgron; 
2.  Lleddf  Broest;  3.  Proest  Gadwynawg 
(p.  xxvii) 3 

Englyn   o'r  Hen   Ganiad:    1.   o   dri  geir  byrrion; 
2.  0  bennill  bir  a  pbennill  byrr  (p.  xxviii)    .    .      2 
II.  Awdlau.    Pump  mesur  a  fu  o'r  declu-euad:  1.  Todd- 
aid;    2.  GwawdodjTi;    3.  Cybydedd  bir;   4.  Gy- 
bydedd  ferr;   5.  Rbupunt  (p.  xxviii) 5 


Carried  forward    13 


WELSH    VERSIFICATION.  115 

Broug-lit  forward     13 
Gwedy  hynny  pedwar  eraill:  1.  Byrr  a  Tlioddaid; 
2.    Gwawdodyn   Hir;    3.    Cyhydedd   Naw   ban; 

4.  Clogyrnacli  (p.  xxx) 4 

Tri  mesur  eraill:   1.  Hir  a  Tlioddaid;   2.  Cyrch  a 
Chwtta;  3.  Tawddgyrch  Gadwynawg-  (p.  xxxi)  .      3 
III.  Cywydäau.     1.  Cywydd  Deuair  Hirion;  2.  Cj^wydd 
Deuair  Fyrrion;   3.  Awdl  Gywydd;   4.  C^^wydd 
Llosgyrniawg-  (p.  xxxii) 4 


Total    24 


M.  Lotli  simply  did  not  count  tliem.  ludeed  he  only  looked  at 
them  in  the  most  casual  manner;  he  says,  for  instance  'il  n'y 
a  qii'wM  genre  de  gwawdodyn^-.  a  glance  at  the  table  will  sliew 
that  tliere  are  two.  This  is  how  he  deals  with  the  most 
valiiable  historically  of  all  his  texts.  To  a  writer  discussing- 
D.  ab  Edmwnd's  metres  merely  for  their  own  sake  it  would  be 
difficult  to  exaggerate  the  importance  of  this  treatise,  since  it 
describes  the  old  System  of  which  D.  ab  Edmwnd's  is  but  a 
modiflcation:  to  M.  Loth  it  was  trebly  important;  flrstly  for  the 
reason  just  mentioned,  as  he  treats  in  this  volume  of  D.  ab 
Edmwnd's  System;  secondly,  because  its  System  forms  the  con- 
necting  link  between  the  metres  of  the  medieval  bards  and 
those  of  D.  ab  Edmwnd,  and  as  his  purpose  is  to  proceed  from 
the  latter  to  the  former,  this  treatise  was  the  very  thing  he 
required;  thirdly,  because  it  contains  valuable  historical  matter 
such  as  the  grouping  of  the  twelve  aivdl  metres  in  the  order 
in  which  it  was  believed  in  the  fourteenth  Century  that  they 
had  been  introduced.  The  treatise  is  as  if  it  liad  been  provi- 
dentially  preserved  for  the  special  beneflt  of  the  inquirer  along 
the  path  on  which  M.  Loth  has  set  out;  but  he  failed  to  see  its 
wortli,  and  cast  it  aside  as  a  useless  thing. 

In  the  present  paper  we  are  concerned  with  Bosparth 
JEdeyrn  only  for  the  first  of  the  reasons  named.  If  we  compare 
its  System  with  that  of  D.  ab  Edmwnd,  we  find  that  the  two 
Statements  quoted  above  from  the  memorandum  coucerning  the 
1451  eisteddfod  are  substantially  correct:  1.  the  System  in  use 
before  that  eisteddfod  had  twenty-four  metres,  and  2.  D.  ab 
Edmwnd  substituted  his  own  two  metres  for  the  two  forms  of 

'8* 


116  J.  MORRIS   JONES, 

englyn  oW  lien  ganiad.  Tliere  is,  liowever,  one  other  change; 
instead  of  tliree  kinds  of  englyn  proest  D.  ab  Edmwnd  coimts 
oiily  two  —  a  more  logical  divisiou;  tliis  enables  liini  to  include 
tlie  rJmpynt  hir  in  liis  twenty-four  metres.  But  is  is  quite 
possible  tliat  tliat  had  been  done  before  liis  time,  since  rhupynt 
hir  was  a  favourite  metre  in  tlie  foiirteeutli  Century,  tlie  Red 
Book  contaiuiug-  several  examples,  among  wliicli  is  (col.  1286) 
'Mi  a  baraf  by  lorwerth  ab  y  Cyriiawg,  the  poem  whicli  lias 
siipplied  the  most  populär  specimen  of  tlie  metre.  It  is  there- 
fore  possible  tliat  tlie  inemorandum  is  not  oiily  substantially  but 
absolutely  correct.  We  find  on  tlie  otlier  band  tbat  the  accu- 
sations  brought  against  D.  ab  Edmwnd  are  baseless.  The 
System  in  use  before  his  time  was  one  of  twenty-four  stansas, 
not  twenty-four  classes  of  stanzas;  its  Classification  is  the  same 
as  his  —  the  proests  are  englynion;  its  metres,  except  two,  are 
those  of  his  system,  and  are  called  by  the  same  names:  all  the 
niisrepresentations  of  the  Glamorgau  bards  are  exposed,  and 
D.  ab  Edmwnd's  system,  not  theirs,  is  proved  to  be  in  the 
direct  line  of  the  bardic  tradition.  Now  the  relation  of  the 
System  of  twenty-four  stanzas,  authorised  in  1451,  to  the  eaiiier 
System,  and  the  allegations  with  which  its  authority  has  been 
impugned  are  the  niain  questions  which  we  should  expect  a 
writer  on  the  metres  of  the  period  to  discuss;  but  M.  Loth,  so 
far  from  discussing  theni,  has  apparently  never  heard  that  there 
were  any  such  questions  to  be  discussed.  In  short,  the  only 
thing  he  sees  clearly  is  that  the  Glamorgan  system  is  not  older 
than  it  looks;  most  of  his  other  conclusions  are  hopelessly  wrong, 
and  the  impoitant  matters  are  entirely  passed  over.  His  book 
cannot  therefore  be  said  to  have  any  value  from  the  historical 
Standpoint. 

But  the  greater  part  of  the  work  consists  of  an  exposition 
of  the  twenty-four  metres,  and  of  the  principles  of  cynghanedd. 
The  descriptions  of  the  metres  —  the  number  and  lengths  of 
the  lines  in  each  metre,  and  the  position  of  the  chief  rhymes  — 
are  mostly  taken  from  J.  D.  Rliys,  and  are  set  forth  lucidly  and 
accuratel}^  In  one  case  M.  Loth  has  been  niisled  by  Gr.  Roberts: 
the  secoud  example  of  gor  ehest  y  beirdd  on  p.  109  is  not  a 
gorchest  y  beirdd  at  all. 

M.  Loth  has  paid  much  attention  to  the  lengths  of  lines; 
and  as  each  line  niust  have  a  fixed  number  of  syllables,  he  has 


WELSH   VERSIFICATION,  117 

by  counting-  tliem  discovered  the  number  of  syllables  in  certain 
words  and  combinations,  to  discover  most  of  wliich  no  Welsh- 
nian  wonld  think  any  connting  necessary.  Tlins  six  pages  are 
devoted  to  examples  shewing  that  such  forms  as  i'm,  i'th,  a'i, 
o'n,  a'ch,  aW,  sy'n  are  monosyllables.  The  table  of  examples  of 
final  non-syllabic  iv  on  pp.  258 — 9  is  more  usefnl;  but  M.  Loth 
has  not  discovered  that  the  final  w  is  necessarily  syllabic  in 
htvnnw  (like  the  o  in  Jwnno),  and  in  acw  (medieval  racko). 
Eeferring  to  the  following  line  from  L.  G.  Cothi,  83, 

Gwr  yw  ac-w  o  Gruc-aith, 

he  reckons  acw  rightly  as  dissyllabic  on  p.  259,  and  wrongly 
as  monosyllabic  on  p.  258;  the  two  references  are  to  the  same 
acw  in  the  same  line.  He  mis-counts  in  quite  a  number  of 
cases:  the  i  is  given  as  syllabic  in 

Llei-a  i  barch  ym  mhob  lle  byth  (7  sylL,  p.  250), 
Na  liw-ier  yn-a  i  le-as  (7  syll.,  p.  251), 

where  it  forms  a  diphthong  with  the  preceding  a.  In  other 
cases  he  counts  correctly,  but  draws  a  wrong  inference;  the 
Welsh  reader  will  be  astonished  to  find  on  p.  183  the  footnote 
'Lisez  ryhuddivyd'  ref erring  to  ryhuddiivyd  in  the  text.  The 
explanation  is  to  be  found  on  p.  265:  'Les  verbes  au  preterit 
dit  passif,  ecrit  -iwyd,  sont,  en  realite,  en  -wyd:  je  u'ai  pas 
trouve  une  seule  exception  (darniwyd:  prononcez  darn'ivyd)\ 
M.  Loth  does  not  see  how  -iivyd  can  be  one  syllable;  he  evidently 
thinks  that  the  ^{;  is  a  consonant,  and  that  iwyd  must  be  i-wyd. 
But  the  w  in  -wyd  is  a  vowel,  forming  a  diphthong  with  the 
non-syllabic  y,  and  when  -wyd  is  added  to  a  weak  stem  the 
final  syllable  is  necessarily  -iwyd;  thus  can-af,  can-odd,  can-wyd, 
but  darn-iaf,  darn-iodd,  darn-iwyd,  all  dissyllables,  and  so  pro- 
nounced,  with  no  loss  of  i,  at  the  present  day.  When  however 
•wyd  is  added  to  a  stem  ending  in  vocalic  i,  the  i-wyd  is  dis- 
syllabic; thus  fi^om  the  noun  gwe-ddi  we  have  the  verb  gwe-ddi- 
af,  gwe-ddi-odd,  gwe-ddi-wyd]  and  when  M.  Loth  says  he  has 
found  no  Single  exception  to  monosyllabic  -iwyd  he  has  over- 
looked  the  following  line  of  Tudur  Aled  (Gorch.  p.  233): 

Awr  ddu  er  a  we-ddi-wyd  (7  syll). 


118  J.  MOREIS    JONES, 

Agaiii,  as  examples  of  tlie  elision  of  tlie  'particiüe  verbale  a' 
rendered  necessary  by  tlie  lengtli  of  tlie  liiie,  lie  quotes  efe  hiau, 
Fwy  mivy  hiau.  M.  Lotli  probably  knows  tliat  the  'particule' 
is  tlie  relative  pronoim;  lie  evideutly  does  not  know  tliat  tlie 
relative  in  piau  is  pi,  and  tliat  uo  otlier  relative  is  ever  used 
witli  it  in  good  Welsh;  e.  g-.  ef  hieu  {B.  B.  Mabinogion  p.  27)  y 
givrda  hieu  (do.  174),  y  ytvr  hieu  (do.  221),  y  nep  pyeyfo  (Änc. 
Latvs  I,  196).  There  is  no  loss  of  a  before  pieu  except  to  oue 
wlio  is  imenlig-litened  enongli  to  expect  it. 

The  section  on  rliyme  is  not  niucli  niore  satisfactory.  In 
tlie__  bardic  metres  an  imacceuted  may  rliyme  witli  an  accented 
syllable.  In  tbe  final  syllables  of  tlie  lines  of  a  cywydd  conplet, 
such  a  rliyme  must  be  used;  and  M.  Loth,  noticing  in  this  con- 
nection  such  rhynies  as  ydyiv  and  yiv,  ydynt  and  ynt.,  says 
'l'accent,  au  moins  oratoire,  etait  probablement  sur  yd!  Why 
'  probablement '  ?  The  accent  is  on  the  yd,  in  ordinary  every- 
day  Speech;  and  there  need  be  no  speculation  about  it. 

Y  in  monos3'llables  and  final  syllables  has  now  the  same 
soimd  as  m;  but  they  were  origiiially  different.  From  J.  D.  Rhys's 
descriptions  we  gather  that  u  had  the  soimd  of  the  French  u, 
while  y  had  its  present  sound.  These  two  sounds,  though  pro- 
duced  quite  differently  are  similar  in  their  effect  upon  the  ear, 
and  have  exactly  the  same  pitch;')  tliey  must  therefore  have 
been  early  liable  to  coiifusion.  The  bards  sometimes  rhyiiie  u 
and  y,  thus  confusing  the  sounds;  sometimes  they  form  proests 
with  theni,  thus  distinguishing  between  theni,  for  a  proest 
requires  different  voAvels  with  tlie  same  final  consonant.  This 
inconsistency  puzzles  M.  Loth;  but  the  explanation  is  fairly 
simple.  In  final  unaccented  sj'llables  the  sounds  Avere  confused 
as  early  as  the  fourteentli  Century;  thus  we  have  in  D.  ap 
Gwilym  sucli  rliymes  as  Vrydydd  Mbiiudd]  hydd  GrMudd; 
ytöry  du;  but  in  accented  syllables  the  difference  was  preserved 
down  to  the  end  of  the  sixteenth  Century,  otherwise  J.  D.  Rhys 
could  not  have  defined  it  with  such  aecuracy  and  evident  trutli. 
For  tliis  reason,  u  and  y  are  seldoni  or  never  rhynied  in  two 
monosyllables.  M.  Loth  among  his  examples,  p.  174,  gives  tliree 
which  seem  to  disprove  this.  In  the  first  dyn  lun,  dyn  is  pro- 
bably a  mis-reading  for  fun\  the  second  example,  dyn  fun,  is 

*)  Sweet,  Primer  of  Phonetics  §  62. 


WELSH   VEKSIFICATION.  119 

not  a  rliyme  at  all  biit  a  xyroest,  and  occurs  in  a  stanza  of 
jproest  cyfnewidiog,  actually  so  named  in  tlie  margin!  (Gorch.  120): 
it  is  astonisliing-  liow  freqnently  M.  Loth  is  giülty  of  this  fatal 
carelessness;  tlie  tliird  hyll  duU  is  really  hyll  nkwäull  (L.  G. 
C.  281),  wliicli  is  qnite  a  different  tliing-. 

Some  apparently  irregnlar  rhymes  are  to  be  explained,  as 
M.  Loth  says,  by  tlie  pronunciation  of  tlie  time;  bnt  he  does  not 
seem  to  see  tliat  in  most  cases  this  is  the  pronunciation  of  all 
times.  Examples  are  given  (p.  173)  of  the  rhyining  of  -yw  with 
-hv;  bnt  all  of  theni  consist  of  words  in  -iw  rhyming  with  ydyw 
or  Jieddyw.  Of  conrse  these  words  were  tlien  prouounced  ydiw, 
heddnv;  bnt  they  are  still  so  prononnced,  and  were  so  pronounced 
and  written  in  the  fourteenth  Century  {ydiiv,  Llyfr  Äncr  22,  25; 
hediw,  Mab.  17;  Bruts  40,  96;  Lhjfr  Ancr  13,  19,  57).  On  the 
sarae  page  we  have  several  examples  of  such  rhymes  as  dig 
tremyfjf;  d/^  teb?/^.  The  -yg  is  a  niere  modern  unphonetic 
spelling;  in  the  fourteenth  Century  they  were  written  tremic 
(Mab.  28)  tebic  (do.  164,  213),  and  to-day  the  ultima  is  sounded 
-ig  not  -yg.  But  M.  Loth  may  be  aware  of  this,  though  he  does 
not  say  it.  In  many  cases  however  he  has  clearly  not  been 
able  to  check  the  taiiipering  of  editors  with  their  texts:  tlius 
he  quotes  i\i  cydwely  ö^oni  L.  G.  C.  139.  The  latter  word  (in 
the  text  Cydwely)  is  not  cydwely  at  all,  but  the  place-name 
Cydweli  which  never  had  a  final  y:  in  the  Red  Book  it  is 
written  Ketiveli\  see  Bruts,  index.')  Again  he  gives  gwenwi/»» 
gerwiw  froni  L.  G.  C.  180  as  an  example  of  -yyi  rhyming  with 
-in.  But  in  gwenwyn  the  ultima  is  not  -yn  but  -wyn,  and 
gerwin  is  a  mere  error  for  gerwyn  (-wyn).  As  an  example  of 
false  rhyme  is  given  (p.  176)  gwjM  :  iiewyM,  where  gwydd  is  a 
mis-writing  of  giv^dd.  He  also  fancies  rhymes  where  none  are 
meant:  surely  rhwydd  rh^dd  (to  which  no  reference  is  given, 
p.  176),  is  no  more  intended  for  a  rhjane  than  swydd  sydd 
marked  as  a  rhyme  on  p.  109,  or  1^5  \wys  so  marked  on  p.  216. 

But  the  least  satisfactory  part  of  the  book  is  that  which 
deals  with  the  most  important  part  of  the  subject,  namely  the 
laws  of  cynghanedd.  Metre  is  but  the  external  form,  the 
measurement  of  the  mere  dimensions  of  a  stanza:  cynghanedd  is 


1)  The  Modern  spelling  Kidwelly  is  English,  in  which  II  =  Welsh  l; 
Welsh  i. 


120  J.  MOEEIS   JONES. 

its  internal  structiire,  tlie  anatoni}'  of  its  siibstance.  M.  Lotli 
devotes  about  twent}"  pages  to  tlie  rules  of  cijnghanedd,  and 
abont  eiglitj"  to  examples,  consisting-  of  poems  repriuted  fi^om 
tlie  publislied  works  of  bards  from  D.  ap  Gwilym  to  Eben 
Fardd,  witli  tlie  correspondeuces  of  sonnd  niarked  in  heavy  type. 
These  markings  sliew  that  M.  Lotli  does  not  understand  the 
signiflcance  of  even  tlie  rules  lie  gives.  Tlie  clioice  of  pieces 
also  sliews  that  he  knows  nothing-  of  the  growtli  of  the  cy- 
nghanedd  and  the  various  tinies  at  wliich  restrictions  were  intro- 
duced:  thus  on  p.  216  he  qnotes  from  the  Gorchestion  (p.  168)  as 
the  work  of  Deio  ab  leiian  Du,  a  poem  whicli  contains  a  large 
nuniber  of  lines  in  cynghancdd  hengoll.  Now  Deio  ab  leuan  Du 
flourished  abont  1480,  ^hile  this  form  of  cynghancdd  feil  into 
dis-use  about  a  hundred  years  earlier.  The  poem  is  by  Davydd 
Bach  vab  Madawg  Wladeidd,  and  occurs  in  the  Red  Book  of 
Hergest,  col.  1255. 

In  the  fifteenth  and  sixteenth  centuries  and  later  three 
kinds  of  cynghancdd  are  in  use:  1.  Crocs,  with  its  sub-variety 
Traws\   2.  Sain]   3.  Lliisg. 

In  cynghancdd  grocs  the  line  is  divided  into  two  parts,  and 
the  consonants  of  the  first  part  are  repeated  in  the  same  Order 
in  the  second  part;  but  the  endings  of  the  two  parts,  if  siniilarly 
accented,  niust  be  different;  thus 

Teg  edrych  |  tuag  adref:  t  g  dr  c\\  \  t  g  dr  f. 

All  the  consonants  from  the  beginning  of  the  first  part  must 
be  repeated;  but  if  the  first  consonant  be  an  n  it  may  be 
passed  over,  as 

Ni  bu'n  frith  |  bin  o'i  frethyn:  n  b  n  f  r  th  \  h  n  f  r  th  n; 
Anllywodraeth  |  a  lledrad:  n  U  dr  th  |  II  dr  d. 

But  any  number  of  consonants  may  stand  unanswered  at  the 
beginning  of  the  second  part;  as 

Canwn  gerdd  |  pe  cawn  un  gair:  c  n  n  g  rdd  \\)  c  n  n  g  \'\ 
Ganu  dim  |  os  Gwen  a  dau:  g  n  d  m\  ^  g  n  d\ 
Blin  ei  gwrs  |  rhwng  blaen  ag  ol:  hing  rs  |  rh  w^hl  n  g\\ 
Bygwth  I  y  mae'r  gloew  bigau:  h  g  th  |  m  r  ^\  h  g  , 


WELSH    VERSIFICATION.  121 

This  kind  of  cynghanedd  is  called  traivs,  because  the  consonants 
in  tlie  niiddle  are  passed  over  in  seeking  the  correspondence. 
Writers  on  cynghanedd  often  mark  these  off  from  the  rest  of 
the  line  by  another  stroke.  This  is  convenient;  but  it  is  ad- 
visable,  when  it  is  done.  to  denote  the  caesnra  by  a  double 
stroke,  as  follows: 

Canwn  gerdd  ||  pe  |  cawn  im  gair:  c  n  n  g  rdd  I|  p  |  c  n  n  g  y\ 
Bj^g'wth  II  y  mae'r  gloew  |  bigaii:  6  ^r  th  ||  m  r  gl  |  6  ^f  . 

M.  Loth  gives  these  rules,  but  does  not  appear  to  realise 
tliat  they  were  at  all  binding.  He  thinks  that  the  parts  may 
be  mixed  up,  or  that  the  line  may  be  divided  into  four  instead 
of  two  parts;  thus  he  marks  (p.  184) 

Bh^d  fry  rhod  a  thy  ei  ^Aad, 

where  the  th  of  the  first  succession  comes  after  the  rh  d  of  the 
second,  or  where  there  are  üvo  successions,  which  of  course  is 
absurd.  The  line  is  a  cynghanedd  sain,  and  the  repetition  of 
rh  d  i^  ä  pure  accident,  which  would  not  be  noticed  by  any 
one  who  knows  cynghanedd.  Again  he  thinks  that  any  con- 
sonant  may  be  intruded  into  the  succession  in  one  part,  and 
that  the  second  part  may  end  long  before  the  end  of  the  line; 
thus,  on  the  next  page,  he  marks, 

Bhown  ni  ar  y  pauw  diwarth, 

where  a  jj  comes  between  the  r  and  the  n  in  the  second  part, 
and  this  part  ends  before  diwarth.  This  again  is  absurd.  The 
line  is  a  cynghanedd  lusg  and  there  is  no  correspondence  of 
consonants  at  all  in  it. 

Moreover,  though  he  gives  (from  Middleton)  the  rule  ad- 
mitting  unanswered  n  at  the  beginning,  he  does  not  see  that 
its  very  admission  implies  that  no  other  consonant  is  admitted; 
for  he  says  on  the  same  page  (48)  that  the  answering  consonant 
in  the  first  part  of  the  foUowing  line  is  the  second  r,  and 
marks  it  thus: 

O'r  awr  |  y'th  welais  |  erioed. 


122  J.  MOEEIS  JONES, 


The  first  r  therefore  Stands  imanswered.  New  wliat  woiild  be 
the  iise  of  explicitly  admitting  n  into  this  position  if  r  er  any 
etiler  consonant  can  stand  in  it?  He  repeats  liis  rules  mechan- 
ically,  without  himself  taking  in  their  meaning. 

The  correspoudence  of  consonants  is  purely  phonetic,  and 
was  made  by  ear  alone.  Thus  when  one  word  ends  in  d  and 
the  next  begins  with  h,  the  d  h  together  are  pronounced  as  t, 
hence  they  correspond  to  t;  thus 

Gair  ^eg  I|  a  wna  |  gariatZ  Air.     (Gor eh.  213.) 
Similarly  dd  =  t;  and  therefore  d  h  =  d  d:^) 

md  dioM  I  un  ^afod.    (T.  Aled.) 

Taled  Duw  1|  ni  bydd  |  tlsiwd  Imn.    (Gntto'r  G1}ti.) 

In  the  same  way  b  h  =  h  b  ^=  p;  g  h  =  g  g  =  c.  A  hard 
and  a  soft  consonant  correspond  to  a  hard;  thus  t  d  =  d  t  =  t, 
and  so  for  the  others,  niutes  and  spirants: 

Amran^  du  ||  ar  f|emrwn  teg.    (D.  ap  G.) 
I  fendi^/rDcZuw  |  fynd  o'i  thj.    (T.  Aled.) 

Two  similar  spirants  or  nasals  Coming  together  count  as  one; 
and  h  does  not  necessarily  count.  These  correspondences  M.  Loth 
understands,  and  explains  satisfactorily;  but  it  would  be  better 
if  he  had  omitted  J.  D.  Ehj^s's  table  (p.  50)  which  is  not  accurate 
throughout,  and  teuds  to  confuse  the  learner. 

All  diphthongs,  and  nonsyllabic  w  and  i  count  as  vowels, 
This  M.  Loth  does  not  understand  so  well.  He  marks  a  corre- 
spoudence of  M?'s  even  when  one  is  a  vowel;  thus 

Canu  oedd  «t'-ell  |  cyn  ei  ddwyn    (p.  191.) 
Dyrnod  gwm\  \  drwy  enaid  gw^awd    (p.  191.) 
Gwen  i  neb  I|  pa  |  gtvyn  a  wnaid    (p.  187). 

Now  the  w  in  dd^?;yn,  in  gwmi  and  in  gwjn  is  a  pure  vowel, 
and  how  can  a  vowel  form  part  of  a  correspoudence  of  con- 


^)  These  two  ^i's  coming  together  in  different  words  are  not  to  be  con- 
fused  with  dd  written  together  in  a  word  and  forming  the  symbol  for  the 
Spirant  Ö. 


WELSH    VEESIFICATION.  123 

sonants?  It  is  however  true  that  w's  may  form  a  correspondence 
when  botli  are  consonantal. 

But,  after  all,  tlie  correspoiKlence  of  consonants  is  ouly 
half  the  matter;  even  more  important,  if  possible,  are  tlie  rules 
whicli  determiue  the  accentuation  and  the  disposition  of  the 
consonants  at  the  end  of  each  part  of  the  line,  and  M.  Loth  has 
not  even  suspected  that  such  rules  exist.  They  were  undoubtedly 
taught  by  ear;  and  are  not  given  in  a  direct  form  in  the 
grammars,  but  infringements  of  them  are  included  in  the  'pro- 
hibited  faults',  chiefly  under  the  head  Crych  a  Llyfn^)  {Bosp. 
Ed.  p.  xcvii).  Gr.  Roberts  wrote  that  he  did  not  understand 
these  fanlts,  which  was  very  true  —  he  didn't;  M.  Loth  in 
quoting  this  remark  (p.  9),  evidently  thinks  that,  since  Gr.  Roberts 
—  to  him  the  highest  authority  —  did  not  understand  them, 
tliej"  were  incomprehensible,  perhaps  a  sort  of  calculated  non- 
sense intended  by  the  bards  to  mystify  Outsiders.  In  this  he  is 
mistaken ;  and  by  his  mistake  he  has  neglected  the  study  of  the 
only  things  from  which  he  might  have  learnt  something  about 
the  niceties  of  cynghanedd. 

The  grammarians  of  the  nineteenth  Century,  like  their 
predecessors,  teach  the  rules  of  accent  only  indirectly;  but  they 
may  be  stated  in  a  direct  form  as  follows,  using  '  to  denote  an 
accented,  and  ^  an  unaccented  vowel. 

There  are  three  forms  of  croes  or  traws,  which  may  be 
nanied  as  in  the  following  paragraphs: 

1.  The  symmetrical  accented.  In  this  form  the  two  parts 
end  in  an  accented  syllable,  and  all  the  correspondent  consonants 
must  conie  hefore  the  accented  vowel;  tlius  (from  T.  Aled, 
Gorch.  249;  reprinted,  Loth  190): 

Saer  nid  öes  |  eisiau'r  un  dyn:  s  r  n  d  ^  ^  \  s  r  n  d  '  n; 
Cyfryw  ddyn  |  cyfarwydd  oedd:  c  />•  dd  ^  \\\  c  fr  dd  "  dd; 
A  fai  les  |  i  fil  o  wyr:  f  l  '  ^  \  f  l  '  v\ 
Penlläd  ||  ar  bob  |  pennill  öedd:  ^  n  ZP  d  1|  r  b  b  \  p  nlV  M. 

It  is  Seen  that  in  the  first  example  the  r  n  come  together  in 
the  first  part  and  are  separated  by  a  vowel  in  the  second;  and 


1)  Also  linder  the  more  general  heads  of  hvi/ll  gynghanedd  and  cam 
oasodiad. 


124  J.  MOKRIS   JONES, 

SO  the  fr  in  the  second  example,  and  tlie  nll  in  the  fonrth. 
The  third  example  also  shews  that  the  last  consonant  of  the 
series  need  not  come  immediately  before  the  accented  vowel: 
Simwnt  Fychan  {Bosp.  Ed.  p.  xcvii)  gives,  as  an  example  of 
dissimilar  vowel  arrangement  in  a  perfectly  correct  line,  the 
foUowing,  also  from  T.  Aled: 

Byw  ar  dri  |  broder  o  Ikh  h  r  är  '  \hr  d  r  "  1. 

It  does  not  matter  how  the  consonants  come,  if  they  come  in 
the  same  sequence,  and  all  before  the  accent.  In  fact  all  are 
as  it  were  grouped  together  so  closely  that  the  interconsonantal 
Spaces  are  not  observed;  and  the  cynghanedd  culminates  in  the 
last  consonant  and  the  accented  vowel;  thus,  in  the  first  example 
given  above,  the  force  of  the  cjughanedd  is  feit  in  .  . .  do  .  .  . 
I  .  .  .  dp  . . .,  the  d  being  heard  more  than  any  other  consonant 
in  the  line.  Simwnt  Fychan's  example  of  an  error  {a-ych  a 
llyfn)  in  a  line  of  this  form  is 

Hiiw  Konwy  fry  |  hy  kawn  färn:  li  h  n  fr  "  \h  h  n  f  '  r\\. 

Bnt  such  a  fault  never  occurs  in  the  work  of  any  Standard 
poet;  the  rule  is  observed  with  absolute  strictness.  M.  Loth,  as 
will  be  Seen,  has  not  dreamt  of  it. 

2.  The  symmetricäl  unaccented.  Both  parts  end  in  an 
unaccented  syllable;  all  the  consonants  before  the  last  accented 
vowel  must  be  the  same;  and  there  must  be  the  same  consonant 
or  consonants  between  it  and  the  last  syllable;  thus  (fi-om  the 
same  poem  as  the  four  examples  above): 

Bwrw  Deulwyn  |  y  brawd  ölaf:  b  r  d  '  l  ^  ii  \  h  r  d  ^  l  "^  t 
Gwarchae  üstus  |  gorchestion:  g  r  ch  '  st  "  s  \  g  r  ch  'st^n 
Bwrw  ddoe'n  ünmeistr  |  bardd  Nänmor: 

h  r  dd  n  '  nm  "^  str  \  h  r  dd  n  '  nm  ^  r. 

Although  ünmeistr  in  the  last  example  is  in  the  original  text 
printed  correctly  as  the  cynghanedd  requires,  M.  Loth,  in 
ignorauce  of  wliat  it  requires,  prints  im  meistr.  So  in  manj'' 
other  cases;  as  Seisnlgtvledd  (L.  G.  C,  389)  which  he  prints 
seisnig  ivledd,  departing  from  the  correct  text,  and  spoiling  the 
cynghanedd. 


WELSH    VERSIFICATION.  125 

In  tliis  form  the  consonantal  combination  bet\\'eeii  tlie  last 
two  syllables  is  eveii  more  Import aiit  tlian  the  consonaiit  before 
the  acceut.  When  there  is  uo  consoiiant  (all  diphthongs  coimting 
as  vowels)  between  them  iu  one  part,  there  miist  of  course  be 
none  between  them  in  the  other: 

Mewn  llewig  |  am  Wenllian:  m  n  II  '  "^  g  \  m  n  II  '  ^  i\; 
Dwr  a  däeär  |  dri  dian:  d  r  d  '  "  r  \  d  r  d  '  "; 
Dwrn  deäu  |  dj^rnod  awen:  d  r  n  d  '  "  \  d  r  n  d  '  ^  ii\ 
Ar  ei  ddiwedd  |  i'r  ddäear:  r  dd  '  "  dd  |  r  dd  '  "  r. 

Here  the  most  important  correspondence  is  not  a  consonant  at 
all,  but  a  hiatus  or  the  absence  of  a  consonant;  and  so  here 
J.  D.  Ehys's  lines,  which  only  join  consonants,  are  a  miserable 
failure.  See  his  figuring-  of  the  flrst  example  above,  qnoted  by 
M.  Loth,  p.  82.  The  other  three  examples  are  from  poems 
reprinted  by  the  latter,  pp.  190,  192,  197.  Of  conrse,  he  too 
has  no  way  of  indicating  the  non- consonantal  correspondence. 
He  has  not  discovered  that  cynghanedd  is  not  so  much  a  repe- 
tition  of  consonants  as  a  recnrrence  of  similar  syllables.  Indeed, 
we  may  have  a  line  of  this  foi'ui  without  a  Single  repeating 
consonant;  the  following  is  cited  as  an  example  by  Simwnt 
Vychan  (Dosp.  Ed.  p.  Ixxviii): 

leuänc  II  a  liael  yw  |  Ywain:  '  "'  nc  ||  h  1  p  ^  n. 

L.  G.  Cothi  has  a  few  lines  in  the  symmetrical  unaccented 
form  with  a  faulty  disposition  of  consonants:  the  stock  example 
given  by  Simwnt  is  from  him  {Dosp.  Ed.  p.  xcvii): 

Am  Roland  1|  Aber  |  märlais:  m  r  '  l  ^  nä  Wh  r  \  m  '  rl  ^  s. 

In  the  poet's  works  (p.  145)  this  has  been  corrected  as  follows: 

Am  Orlänt  |1  Aber  |  Märlais:  w  '  rZ  "  nt  ||  b  r  |  m  '  rZ  "^  s, 

But  he  probably  wrote  the  incorrect  form,  as  he  is  gnilty  of 
the  fault  more  than  once.  In  other  bards  it  is  extremely  rare: 
in  such  a  line  as  the  following  (Gorch,  p.  138): 

Ydyw'r  ächos  |  a'i  djTchaif:  d  r  '  ch  ^  s  \  d  '  rch  ^  f, 


126  J.  MORRIS   JONES, 

the  fault  is  the  editor's,  not  the  poet's;  for  the  latter  undoiibtedly 
pronouiiced  drycliäif,  making  his  line  correct. 

The  sj^mmetrical  forms  of  croes  are  called  croes  rywiog,  of 
tratvs,  traws  gyferhyn;  but  iio  distinct  names  have  been  given 
in  Welsh  to  tlie  accented  and  unaccented  forms. 

3.  The  unsymmetrical.  The  first  part  ends  in  an  accented, 
and  the  second  in  an  unaccented  syllable.  The  same  rule  applies 
as  to  the  last  form,  so  that  this  is  like  the  last  form  without 
the  final  unaccented  sjdlable  of  the  first  part.  Examples  (from 
T.  Aled,  as  before) : 

Gwael  fu  wydd  |  y  gelfyddyd:  glf"dd\glf"dd'^^ 
Gwnai  fj^dr  ||  am  |  gae  neu  fodrwy:  g  n  f"  dr  \\vl\  \  g  n  f"  dr  ^ 
Fynwes  gwäwd  |  fy  nysg-  ydöedd:  fnsg'd  \  fnsg'd^M. 

In  the  last  example  as  in  man}^  similar  cases,  M.  Lotli  prints 
yd  oedd.  If  he  had  known  the  rule  he  would  not  have  done 
so,  nor  should  we  have  found  him  hesitating  with  a  'pro- 
bablement'  about  the  accentuation  of  ydoedd. 

The  only  difference  between  this  and  the  symmetrical  un- 
accented form  as  regards  the  repetition  of  consonants  is  that  in 
this  unsymmetrical  form,  if  the  accented  syllable  of  the  first 
part  ends  in  two  consonants,  the  second  of  these  need  not  be 
repeated,  but  may  be  regarded  as  being  carried  on  to  the  second 
part,  forming  a  sort  of  traws  ]  thus  (from  the  same  poem): 

Ar  goed  äwd||l  neu  |  'r  gwawdödyn:  r  g  d'  d\\\n  \  r  g  d'  d^  n. 
Praffa  däd||l  |  proffwyd  ydoedd:  p  r  ff  d^  d\\\  \  prffd  '  d^  M. 

The  example  given  by  Simwnt  Vychan  of  the  fault  crych 
a  llyßi  in  the  imsymmetrical  form  is  {Dosp.  Ed.  p.  xcvii) : 

Yn  y  dwrn  |  yn  dirynnü:  n  d  '  rn  \  n  d  r  '  n  ^. 

Tested  by  J.  D.  Rhys's  connecting  lines  or  M.  Loth's  heavy  t3q)e, 
such  a  line  would  pass  as  correct,  which  shews  that  these 
methods  of  indicating  the  cynghanedd  leave  out  of  account  the 
essence  of  the  matter.  They  do  not  point  out  the  syllahic 
resonances. 

The  unsymmetrical  form  is  called  croes  or  traws  ddis- 
gynedig. 


WELSH   VERSIFICATION.  127 

The  above  are,  stated  shortly,  the  rules  of  accentuation  of 
the  croes  and  tratvs.  They  are  observed  with  almost  unfailing- 
acciiracy  by  the  bards,  and  every  croes  and  traivs  is  to  be  read 
in  conformity  with  them.  For  example,  Compounds  of  di-, 
negative,  may  be  accented  in  two  ways,  as  dl-fm  ov  dt-fäi; 
now,  the  following-  line  {Flores  33,  2nd  ed.  32)  is  clearly  a 
symmetrica!  accented  croes,  and  must  be  read: 

Gwr  di-fäi  |  o  grud  i  fedd:  g  r  d  f  '  \  g  r  d  f  "  M\ 

but  the  following  {Flores  16,  2nd  ed.  16)  is  as  clearly  a  sym- 
metrical  nnaccented  iraivs  and  must  be  read: 

Difäi  II  gennyf  |  ei  dyfiäd:  d  '  f  -  \\^  w  i\  d  '  f  -  ^. 

In  the  Flores  the  flrst  is  printed  di  fai,  and  the  second  difai, 
for  the  Compiler  well  understood  the  rule. 

Of  course,  these  rules  also  determine  in  all  cases  the 
Position  of  the  caesura.  An  interesting  form  of  cynghanedd  is 
that  which  is  called  croes  o  gyswllt,  in  which  the  second  part 
begins  before  the  first  ends;  tlius  (lolo  Goch  212,  Loth  185): 

Y  gwr  a  ddiig  |  arwydd  iäch:  g  r  dd  '  g  \  r  dd  '  eh. 

The  g  of  ddug  which  ends  the  flrst  part  (differing  from  the  cli 
which  ends  the  second  part)  is  also  the  beginning  of  the  second 
part,  corresponding  to  the  g  of  givr.  Such  a  line  is  sometimes, 
for  clearness'  sake  marked  thus: 

Y  gwr  a  ddü|g  arwydd  iäch:  g  r  dd  '  \g  r  dd  '  eh. 

But  this  can  only  be  done  in  the  simplest  forms;  sometimes  the 
two  parts  overlap  to  the  extent  of  one  or  two  syllables.  It  is 
better  to  mark  always  the  end  of  the  fli^st  part  (here  after  the 
g)  than  the  beginning  of  the  second  (here  before  the  g). 
Gr.  Roberts  calls  this  g  '  dau-ivynehog ',  '  two-faced ',  and  M.  Loth 
adopts  the  term.  But  more  than  one  consonant  may  be  dau- 
wynehog,  and  in  such  cases  M.  Loth  marks  none  of  them.  On 
the  same  page  as  the  line  just  quoted  we  have 

Rufain  dwg  eirf  |  yn  dy  gylch:  r  f  n  d  g  "  rf  \  n  d  g  '  Ich, 


128  J.  MORRIS   JONES, 

in  whicli  lie  leaves  tlie  r  f  immarked  in  botli  positions;  in  fact, 
in  tliis  ingenious  line  lie  discerns  nothing-  more  tlian  a  corre- 
spondence  of  d  and  g.  In  otlier  cases  lie  imagines  a  croes  o 
gysiülU  in  an  ordinary  croes;   tlius  (p.  188)  referring  to  the  line 

0  deffry  aed  i  offrwm, 

he  says  in  a  footnote  'd  de  aed  est  dauwynebog'.  He  fancies 
that  the  caesura  comes  after  aed,  and  goes  out  of  his  way  to 
say  so.  Yerily  he  'darkeneth  counsel  by  words  withoiit  know- 
ledge'.    The  line  is  a  piain  symmetrical  unaccented  croes: 

0  de&y  I  aed  i  öffrwm:  d  '  ffr  -'  \  d  '  ffr  '^  m, 

and  there  is  no  other  possible  way  of  reading  it.  The  d  is  not 
dau-wynehog  at  all,  but  belongs  wholly  to  the  second  part. 

J.  D.  Ehys  iisually  marks  the  caesura  wrongly  in  the  traws, 
and  M.  Loth  reproduces  his  wrong  markings;  he  gives,  for 
example,  on  p.  82,  the  following,  which  is  only  one  out  of  three 
in  the  same  four-lined  stanza: 

Mae  Ehys  heb  gael  |  mwy  o'r  hun. 

The  line  is,  of  course, 

Mae  Rhys  ||  heb  gael  |  mwy  o'r  hün:  m  rÄ  '  s  ||  b  g  1  |  m  r  h  '  n. 

In  his  own  eighty  pages  of  markings  he  does  not  indicate 
the  caesura  in  any  croes  or  traws;  in  niany  cases  he  shews  that 
he  has  no  idea  of  a  caesura  at  all.  Over  and  over  again  in 
cynghanedd  draivs  he  marks  some  of  the  consonants  which  are 
to  be  passed  over  after  the  caesura;  thus  to  take  only  two 
examples,  he  has 

Uc?o  V  wy/"  mor  fwd  yr  aeth     (p.  187); 
Pair  rawwu  er  was  prywan     (p.  189). 

The  lines  are  sj'mmetrical  traws,  thus: 

Udo'r  wyf  ||  mor  f|ud  yi-  äeth:  d  r  '  t\\m.  r  t  \  d  r  '  t\i; 
Pair  rännü  1|  er  nas  |  prynan:  jp  r  '  n  ^  \\y  n  s  \  p  r  "  n  ^  n. 


WELSH   VERSIFICATION.  129 

M.  Loth  lias  g'one  abont  seeking-  what  consonants  he  mig-lit 
mark;  and  he  has  marked  them  —  with  iio  riüe  or  principle  to 
g-iüde  him. 

There  is  no  simpler  rule  thaii  that  which  determines  the 
placing  of  consonants  in  a  symmetrica!  accented  croes  or  traws, 
a  rule  ohserved  nnerringly  by  the  bards;  and  there  is  no  rule 
through  ignorance  of  which  M.  Loth  has  committed  more  blimders. 
As  above  stated,  the  consonants  mnst  all  come  tefore  the  final 
accented  vowel,  and  the  next  before  it  is  the  most  important. 
This  consonant  alone  snffices  if  none  precedes  it:  cynghanedd  is 
not  a  jumble  of  repeated  consonants  placed  anyhow,  as  M.  Loth's 
markings  suggest;  one  consonant,  if  properly  placed,  will  do; 
thus,  froni  D.  ap  Gwilym  (III,  IV): 

Ar  iäwn  ||  i  Wynedd  |  yr  wyf :  r  '  n  ||  n  dd  |  r  '  f ; 
I'w  lys  II  yn  cael  gwin  |    o'i  law:  Z  '  s  ||  n  c  1  g  n  |  Z  \ 

Now  the  Word  eribed  is  a  dissyllable  accented  on  the  ultima, 
and  the  following  line  is  plainly  of  the  same  form  as  the  above: 

O'r  äwr  ||  y'th  welais  |  eriöed:  r  '  r  ||  th  1  s  |  r  '  d; 

it  would  be  just  as  correct  if  written 

O'r  im  II  a  welais  |  eriöed:  r  '  n  ||  1  s  |  r  '  d. 

But  M.  Loth  not  only  marks  the  wrong-  r,  but  states  in  so  many 
words  (p.  48)  'R  de  oV  n'est  pas  accentue;  l'alliteration  est  entre 
awr  et  eriöed' \  Here  he  suspects  some  law  of  accent;  he  hazards 
a  guess  at  it,  and  a  very  bad  guess  it  is.  The  r  of  oV  comes 
hefore  the  accent,  which  is  what  this  form  of  traws  requh^es  in 
a  repeating  consonant.  We  have  seen  for  another  reason  that 
the  flrst  is  the  repeating  r.  The  above  is  only  one  out  of  a 
number  of  lines  similarly  marked  byM.  Loth;  another  is(p.  269) 

0  bur  wir  ||  ni  |  bu  air  wäeth:  &  r  '  r  ||  n  |  &  r  '  th, 

where  he  marks  as  the  repeating  consonant  the  r  of  wir  instead 
of  the  r  of  hur,  and  ignores  the  latter. 

Again   on  p.  186  he  prints  fi-om  lolo   Goch: 

Cwncwer  walau  cwn  Caerludd, 

Zeitschrift  f.  celt.  Philologie  IV.  Q 


130  J.  MOERIS  JONES, 

with  the  consonants  dnly  marked;  but  Caerlüdd  is  accented  on 
tlie  ultima,  lieiice  the  l  of  the  fii'st  part  should  also  come  before 
the  accent,  which  of  coiirse  it  does  not  in  ivälau.  The  line  is 
printed  correctly  in  Ashton's  text  from  which  M.  Loth  has 
taken  liis: 

Cwncwer  wal  au  |  cwn  Caerlüdd:  cncrl"\cncrl'M, 

wliere  au  is  the  mutation  of  gau  'false'. 

Another    inept    emendation    appears    on    p,   188,    where 
M.  Loth  prints 

Nos  (?a  \U  n\s  dyNSÄd  Äonn; 

and  in  a  footnote,  'Texte  i  ti:  f  est  en  rapport  exact  avec 
t=:dh'.  It  is  true  that  here,  as  usual,  d  h  ^=  t-,  but  why  did 
M.  Loth  change  i  ti  into  üt?  He  evidently  did  not  see  that  da 
i  could  be  one  syllable,  so  he  thought  the  line  too  long,  and 
took  out  the  i  of  ti,  which  can  be  done  without  härm  to  the 
sense,  but  which  simply  destroys  the  cynghanedd.  In  the  'texte' 
the  line  was  perfectly  correct: 

Nos  da  i  ti  I  nis  dywaid  hönn:  n  s  d  t  '  \  n  s  d  t  '  w. 

The  accented  vowels  are  second  in  importance  only  to  the 
consonant  which  precedes  them;  the  syllabic  correspondence  t\ 
I  to  is  the  very  life  of  this  cynghanedd,  and  M.  Loth  snuffed  it 
out.  The  counting  of  syllables  did  the  mischief  here.  If  he  is 
still  in  any  doubt  as  to  da  i  forming  one  syllable,  let  him  count 
the  syllables  of  the  following  line,  which,  being  in  a  cywydd, 
should  have  seven;  it  occms  in  Gor  eh.  177: 

Nos  da  i  walch  o-nest  y  Waun; 

er  of  this  cywydd  line  printed  by  himself  (p.  271): 

Llys  da  i  gla',  llys  di-au  glod. 

A  sliglit  acquaintance  with  the  modern  literature  of  the  subject 
might  have  saved  him  fi-om  this  bad  bungle,  for  the  line  which 
he  mutilates  is  actually  oüe  of  the  two  examples  given  in  Bardd 
Nantglyn's  Gramadeg  (3rd  ed.,  1826,  p.  152)  of  contraction  giving 
a  line  of  right  length. 


WELSH    VERSIFICATION.  131 

There  is  one  otlier  point  to  he  noticed  in  connection  with 
M.  Lotli's  markings  of  croes  and  iraivs.  Tlie  imderlying  principle 
of  cynglianedd  groes  is  tlie  rei)etition  of  tlie  same  consonants 
with  varying-  vowels. ')  The  repetition  of  the  same  vowels  is  as 
far  as  possible  avoided;  if  a  symmetrica!  unaccented  line  has 
the  vowels  in  both  the  accented  and  final  unaccented  syllable 
repeated,  it  counts  as  a  fault  called  rhy  dehig;  thus, 

Byd  rhyteää  \  yw  bod  rht/fel. 

If  the  repetition  occui's  in  the  accented  syllable  only,  it  is  called 
tehig;  and  though  not  a  fault  is  still  a  weakness.  Before  the 
accented  syllable  it  is  not  noticed.  Now,  wherever  M.  Loth 
sees,  or  fancies  he  sees  the  same  vowel  in  the  same  position  in 
the  two  parts  of  a  croes^  or  trazvs,  he  marks  it  as  a  corre- 
spondence;  as 

Debre'n  iäch  ]  da  wybren  wyd    (p.  184); 

Trwy  tvyWt  dän  ||  a'r  |  tair  vhwyW  dür    (p.  185). 

In  the  second  example  the  vowel  is  not  the  same,  for  in  ivylU 
the  vowel  is  y,  in  rhivyll  it  is  w.  Huw  Morus  (17th  centuiy) 
has  a  few  in  the  accented  syllable: 

Gwaith  öfer  ||  im  |  gaeth  ofyn    (p.  270); 
Cyfiawnder  ti/imi  \  cyfan  derf^nau    (p.  274). 

These  vowels  are  marked  by  M.  Loth  as  pari  of  the  cynglianedd; 
in  the  second  line  nder  fyn  is  all  marked  in  both  parts.  Thus 
a  failing-  is  exalted  into  a  vii'tue;  and  the  blind  is  led  into 
the  ditch. 

The  second  kind  of  cyngJianedd  is  called  cynglianedd  sain. 
In  this,  the  line  is  divided  into  three  parts;  the  ends  of  the  flrst 
two  parts  rhyme;  and  the  second  and  third  part  together  form 
a  croes  or  traws  whose  caesura  coincides  with  the  end  of  the 
second  part;  thus: 

Gwres  |  mynych  les  |  Mon  achlän. 

K  ')  '  Kyd  atteb  kydsseiniaid  a  chyfaewid  bogaliaid.'    S.  Vychan,  Dosp.  Ed. 

B        p.  Ixxiv. 

I 


132  J.  MORRIS    JONES, 

Here  gwres  rliymes  witli  Us\  and  mynych  Us  \  3Ion  achldn  is  a 
symmetrical  acceuted  croes.  In  this  example  all  tlie  consonants 
except  tlie  last  of  tlie  second  part  are  repeated  in  tlie  third  as 
in  tlie  two  parts  of  an  ordinary  croes;  but  in  a  cynghanedd  sain 
tlie  rille  is  not  so  exacting-;  of  tlie  consonants  coniing-  before  tlie 
accent  it  is  not  necessary  tliat  more  tlian  tlie  last  slioiüd  be 
repeated : 

Ang-all  I  fal  dkll  \  a  d^jlUv; 

A  minnan  |  ar  y  ^än  |  ^ynt. 

The  fii-st  part  of  a  line  of  sain  niay  end  in  an  accented 
or  an  imaccented  syllable  qnite  independently  of  tlie  second  and 
tliird  parts. 

The  Short  croes  in  tlie  last  two  parts  may  have  foiir  forms, 
two  symmetrical  and  two  unsymmetrical,  as  follows  (the  examples 
being  taken  fi'oni  poems  reprinted  by  M.  Lotli): 

1.  Symmetrical  accented\  as 

Yr  awr  hon  |  dros  y  frbw  \  frj    (p.  182); 
Saer  drycin  |  ym  min  \  y  mör    (p.  184); 
Gwae  fi  I  pan  roddais  i  |  ^erch    (p.  184); 
Er  liyd  |  yn  y  hjä  |  y  &wyf    (p.  184). 

2.  Symmetrical  unaccented;  as 

Yr  wybrwynt  |  hhlynt  |  hylkw    (p.  182); 
Cylmddgwyn  |  wenwyn  \  weini    (p.  183); 
Seitimg  I  eisiw^rüg  |  söngry    (p.  183); 
Gobrudd  |  ar  jPör/udd  |  /'eur/erch     (p.  184). 

3.  Unsymmetrical  unaccented,  so  naming  it  from  the  character 
of  the  last  syllable  of  the  line;  as 

Gwyr  yr  eglwys  |  Iwjs  |  a  lysiv    (p.  224); 
A'r  bug-ail  |  di  skil  \  dwys  höTh-    (p.  224); 
Ami  rhyngom  |  och  drÖ7n  \  drmmwr    (p.  224); 
Gwr  hyborth  |  i  bbrth  |  'dhertlmwg    (p.  227). 

4.  Unsymmetrical  accented;  as 

Dy  liynt  |  o^Zeddwynt  |  y  ^r^yn    (p.  183); 
Sych  natur  |  creadür  |  craff    (p.  183); 
Seuthydd  |  ar  /breddydd  |  fry    (p.  183); 
Yn  y  wledd  |  rAyfedd  |  bar/au    (p.  190); 
Saith  long  |  a  saith  ^änllöng-  |  ^wych    (p.  185). 


WELSH   VEESIFICATION.  133 

No  nanies  liave  been  given  in  Welsh  to  these  four  forms. 
Tlie  first  tliree  are  tlie  same  as  regarcls  accentuation  and  the 
disposition  of  consonants  as  the  three  forms  of  tlie  ordinary 
croes;  the  fourth  form  is  not  admitted  except  in  sain.  In  this 
fourth  form  it  is  only  necessary,  as  shewn  in  the  flfth  example, 
that  the  last  consonant  before  the  accent  should  be  repeated, 
though  in  such  combinations  as  gl,  er  the  two  are  usnally 
repeated.  This  form  therefore  requires  no  more  consonantal 
correspondence  than  the  first  (or  symmetrical  accented)  form;  it 
is  easier  than  the  latter  because  there  is  a  greater  choice  of 
polysyllables  than  of  monosyllables  with  the  proper  ending-  for 
the  rliyme,  and  the  requisite  consonant  before  the  accent;  hence 
it  will  be  fonnd  that  this  fourth  form  is  the  commonest  form 
of  sain. 

But  in  the  foui^th  form  the  consonant  after  the  accent  may 
also  be  repeated  (as  it  must  be  in  the  third  form);  thus 

Rhuad  I  Um  (Zonäd  |  &?aew  dhr    (p.  183); 
Hauwr  |  dylMi^Y  \  d^il  wjd    (p.  184). 

though  it  is  perhaps  doubtful  that  these  final  consonants  should 
be  reg^arded  as  part  of  the  cynghanedd. 

M.  Loth  of  course  knows  notliing  of  these  things.  He 
usnally  marks  the  rhyme  and  the  corresponding  consonants  in 
his  examples,  but  does  not  mark  the  caesm^a  or  the  accent. 
AVhere  it  was  possible  to  go  wrong  with  the  latter  he  lias  done 
so;  for  instance,  he  prints  saitli  gan  llong  instead  of  saith  ganllong 
in  the  line  quoted  above.  It  is  needless  to  say  that  Ashton's 
text,  which  M.  Loth  professes  to  reproduce,  and  also  the  Gorch- 
estion  text  which  he  compares,  have  both  ganllong.  In  this  line 
he  also  marks  saith  and  saith,  and  one  (!)  l  of  llong  to  corre- 
spond  presumably  to  the  l  of  long  at  the  beginning  of  the  line. 
As  if  a  simple  sound  like  U  could  be  divided  into  two  halves 
and  one  of  these  be  equated  with  another  and  a  different  sound! 
Is  it  confusion  of  thought,  or  mere  ignorance  of  Welsh  phonetics? 
A  similar  absm^dity  is  mentioned  below  p.  136,  footnote. 

In  many  cases  he  does  not  see  the  rhyme  of  the  sain  at 
all.    Thus  on  page  189  he  has  these  two  lines,  marked  as  follows: 

Gorau  perchen  aV  «^en  wiw; 
Fe  borthai  yn  ei  c^ai  da.. 


134  J.  MOBEIS   JONES, 

In  tlie  first  tlie  consonantal  w's  are  marked  correctly;  but  iinder 
wliat  conceivable  riüe  the  two  r's  are  marked  tlie  writer  caiinot 
guess.  In  the  second  line  the  rhyme  is  missed,  but  there  did 
not  liappen  to  be  an  accidental  repetition  of  consonants  to  be 
ridiciilously  marked.    The  lines  are 

Goran  perchen  ]  a'r  wen  |  wiw. 
Fe  borthai  |  yn  ei  dki  \  dk. 

In  some  cases  M.  Loth  imagines  a  sahi  where  no  sain  is 
meant;  as  in  the  following:  traws  (p.  197): 

O'r  bjd  II  ond  fy  hyd  j  oV  &edd. 

Here  he  marks  byd  and  hyd  as  a  rhyme.  It  is  indeed  a  rhyme, 
but  a  purely  accidental  one,  for  who  ever  heard  of  a  sain  in 
which  the  correspondence  of  consonants  is  between  the  first  and 
third  parts?  It  would  be  tedious  to  quote  examples  of  all 
M.  Loth's  wrong-  ways  of  marking"  the  sain-  but  it  may  be 
noted  that  here  also  as  in  the  croes  he  marks  vowels  as  part 
of  the  cyngJianedd  where  their  repetition  tends  rather  to  impair 
than  to  improve  it;  as  (p.  190), 

Y  Cymi'o  roddo  ar  ol. 

Here  the  rhyme  is  missed,  and  the  accented  vowel  marked 
because  it  is  uiifortunately  the  same  in  the  two  parts.    The  line  is 

Y  Cynu'O  |  roddo  |  ar  öl. 
It  would  be  better  if  it  were 

Y  C'ymro  |  redo  |  ar  öl. 

Thus  where  a  correspondence  is  not  wanted  M.  Loth  marks  it; 
where  it  is  essential  he  leaves  it  unmarked. 

There  is  a  by-form  of  cynghanedd  sain  called  sain  gadivynog. 
In  tliis  the  part  after  the  fii'st  rhyme  is  a  traws  whose  caesura 
does  not  coincide  with  the  second  rhyme;  thus 

Morfudd  |  »werch  bedydd  i  Jfäi. 


WELSH    VERSIFICATION.  135 

Tlie  caesura  of  merch  bedydd  mal  comes  of  course  after  merch. 
Tliis  form  is  somewliat  rare  in  tlie  fifteenth  Century.  I  have 
noticed  only  one  example  in  M.  Lotli's  reprints,  and  in  tliat  he 
does  not  mark  tlie  rliyme.    It  is 

Son  am  |  bys  Wiliam  |  beisir    (p.  193). 

Tlie  tlih'd  kind  of  cynghanedd  is  called  Uusg.  In  tliis  tlie 
line  is  divided  into  two  parts.  Tlie  second  part  must  end  in  a 
Word  of  more  tlian  one  syllable,  the  last  being  iinaccented;  and 
tlie  final  syllable  (accented  or  nnaccented)  of  tlie  last  word  of 
tlie  first  part  must  rliyme  witli  tlie  accented  peiiult  of  tlie  second. 
Tliere  is  no  correspondence  of  consonants  at  all  in  cijnglianedd 
lusg.     Tlius: 

Fe  a  bortlies  |  yr  Ifesu; 

Y  wledd  a  gad  |  yn  ädaü; 

Mwy'r  wyl  |  nag-  yn  y  ddwylys; 

Arall  I  a  wnaetli  Caswälläwn; 

Ugain  mil  |  o  fwystfiledd; 

Ar  bob  allawr  |  yr  äwran; 

Pe  bai  gan  mil  |  yn  ddilys; 

Pe  bai'r  ddaear  |  yn  färä. 

All  tliese  are  fi^oni  tlie  same  cywydd  reprinted  by  M.  Loth 
(pp.  189,  190);  and  all  are  unmarked  by  liim.  Tliere  is  anotlier 
in  tlie  same  cywydd,  wliicli  lie  marks: 

A'i  fwtler  |  yw'r  pedwferydd. 

It  miglit  be  tliouglit  that  tlie  Omission  to  mark  the  other  eight 
is  due  to  mere  carelessness.  Even  if  that  were  true  it  woiüd 
be  rather  a  sorry  excuse;  but  it  is  clearly  not  true,  M.  Loth 
has  not  seen  the  rlijane,  and  has  cast  aboiit  for  consonants  to 
mark.  In  the  first  example  given  above,  he  marks  the  r  of 
borthes  and  the  r  ot  yr\  In  the  second  he  marks  the  two  d^s; 
in  the  third  he  marks  the  two  Vs;  but  not  the  rhyme  at  all. 
Again  he  has  not  seen  the  rhyme  in 

Bwrw  brawdwr  |  y  gerddwriaeth; 

and  so  has  set  about  marking  the  consonants,  and  prints  the 
line  thiis  (p.  191): 


136  J.  MORRIS   JONES, 

Bwrw  brsiwdwr  y  g-erc^dwriaetli. 

What  sort  of  a  croes  is  tliis?  Wliere  is  tlie  caesura?  How  can 
d  correspond  1)  to  dd  (^  ö)?  Tliere  is  notliing  in  the  line  biit 
the  rhyme  wr,  wliicli  M.  Loth  does  not  mark.  No  one  acquainted 
witli  cynghanedd  would  notice  any  consonant  in  the  line,  or 
wonld  dream  of  looking-  for  cynghanedd  in  the  conglomeration 
of  soiinds  marked  by  M.  Loth. 

But  even  when  he  does  see  the  rhyme  of  the  llusg  he 
marks  any  consonants  he  can  find  accidentally  repeated  in  it. 
For  example  in  the  line 

F'athro  Gruffudd  |  o'th  guddiwyd 

he  marks  the  rhyme,  bnt  also  marks  the  th  and  the  g  which 
happen  to  be  repeated  (p.  197),  though  in  one  part  there  is  an 
r  between  them  and  in  the  other  not.  Wiliam  Llyn,  who  wrote 
the  line,  certainly  never  saw  this  correspondence  of  consonants 
which  M.  Loth  marks. 

There  is,  it  mnst  be  repeated,  no  correspondence  of  con- 
sonants beyond  the  rhyme  in  llusg]  the  correspondence  in  croes 
and  sain  is  not  a  hap-hazard  repetition  of  consonants  mixed  up 
with  others  not  repeated;  all  repeating-  consonants  must  be 
arrang-ed  with  reference  to  the  accented  syllable  strictly  in 
accordance  with  the  rules  given  above. 

Enongh  has  been  said  to  shew  that  M.  Loth  does  not 
understand  the  elements  of  what  he  professes  to  teach.  He 
marks  only  consonants  and  rliymes;  he  constantly  mai'ks  fortiütons 
repetitions  and  leaves  indispensable  correspondences  unmarked. 
But  even  if  all  his  markings  were  correct,  they  are  of  little 
nse.  They  ignore  the  important  features  of  cynghanedd,  and 
shew  nothing  more  than  an  ill-informed  reader  could  easily  see 
for  himself.  Anyone  can  copy  out  a  cyivydd  from  a  printed 
book  and  underline  any  consonants  that  appear  to  be  repeated. 
But  consonantal  cynghanedd  is  more  than  a  repetition  of 
consonants;  the  varying  vowel  is  just  as  necessary  a  part  of  it, 


')  In  the  line  Hiraethog  ddoeth  |  o  doeth  |  d'oes,  M.  Loth  marks  one  d 

of  dd  to  correspond  to  the  other  d's.    Now,  nu  correspondence  is  reqiiired  in 

the  first  part  of  a  sain;  and  if  it  were  reqi;ired  how  could  one  half  of  a 

Spirant  (dd  =  5)  correspond  to  a  mute  ?    Wliy  does  not  he  see  that  cynghanedd 

s  for  the  ear,  not  for  the  eye? 


WELSH    VEESIFICATION.  137 

especially  tlie  accented  vowel  roimd  whicli  tlie  consonants  are 
gTOuped,  and  wliicli  gives  point  and  meaning-  to  tlie  wliole  series. 
M.  Lotli's  markings  do  not  indicate  tlie  end  of  any  series,  or  any 
of  tlie  important  inter-consonantal  Spaces,  and  so  do  not  really 
exliibit  tlie  cynghanedd  at  all.  He  did  not  know  tliat  anytliing 
Coming  heüveen  tlie  consonants  was  of  any  significance.  In 
Algebra,  a  h  c  x  y  s  are  no  doubt  important,  but  tliey  have  no 
meaning  apart  fi'om  tlie  signs  placed  between  tlieni:  M.  Lotli 
writing  on  cynghanedd  is  as  one  wlio  slioiüd  undertake  to  write 
a  book  on  Algebra  before  discovering  tliat  +  and  —  mean 
anytliing  in  particnlar. 

To  be  of  any  use  to  tlie  Student,  tlie  marking  of  cynghanedd 
slioiüd  include  not  only  rliymes  and  repeated  consonants,  but 
caesuras  and  essential  accents.  Tlie  kind  and  form  of  cynghanedd 
sliould  also  be  noted  in  tlie  margin.  We  miglit  use  C.  for  croes, 
C.  g.  for  croes  o  gysivllt,  T.  for  traivs,  S.  for  sain,  and  LI.  for 
lltisg;  and  the  numerals  1,  2,  3,  4  for  the  forms  of  croes  and 
sain;  tlius  adopting  tlie  Order  given  above,  C.  1.  would  mean  a 
symmetrica!  accented  croes;  T.  2.  a  symmetrica!  unaccented  traivs; 
S.  4.  an  unsymmetrica!  accented  sain.  Tlius,  in  tlie  first  lines 
of  Wiliam  Lljm's  cyivydd  (Gorch.  293)  reprinted  by  M.  Lotli 
(p.  195),  tlie  cynghanedd  might  be  indicated  as  follows: 

Y  ftarcZcZ  hkcli  ||  uwcli  |  beirdd  y  &yd,     .    .    .  T.  1. 

Och,  n-äd  ydfch  \  jn  dwefZyd! C.  g.  2. 

Grwffwdd  hrhff,  \  grd./fkidd  örö^wyd,  ....  C.  3. 

Gweddw  ywV  iäitli,  ||  ai  'ni|^ucMio  V  wyd?    .  T.  1. 

Ba,  dir  hwnt,  \  o  bdiXid  jr  hkwg, C  1. 

Bwrdd  jr  ikith,  \  b&rdd  Hiräe^Ääwg?    .     .     .  C.  3. 

Dewi  V  &eii'dd  ||  m\d  o  air  6öst,  i)     .    .    .    .  T.  1. 

Byhlwr  ikith  \  i)uw,  hie  V  hethosi?  .    .     .     .  C.  3. 

Os  i  ryw  daith  |  cZrüdfaith  |  drö,      ....  S.  4. 

Ond  hir  \\  JY  ^-jd  \  yn  tkrio? T.  3  {dh  =  t) 

0  Duw  (Zeg  II  od  I  jdwjd  iäcli T.  1. 

Ddi-hkll  \\  \)Sim  na  |  ddoi  bellach?     ....  T.  3. 

Os  c!af  I  broffwyd  brkf  \  ei  brjä,      ....  S.  1. 

Chf  yw  kddysg  \  celfyddyd C.  2. 


*)  The   old  autliorities  usually   regard  sucli   a  line  as   this   as  a  croes 
with  initial  n  passed  over  in  the  second  part. 


138  J.  MORRIS   JONES, 

Od  kathmt  II  i  le  I  dethol, T.  2. 

Y  pwawd  aV  dysg  |  aerZ  ar  d'öl C.  g-.  1. 

Hii^aethog-  ddoeth  |  o  doeih  |  d'bes  ....  S.  1. 

Hirkethog  ||  fydd  |  rliai  wy^Aoes! T.  2, 

Ni  welais  gäm  |  o'th  dräm"wy LI. 

Er  ys  mis  ||  nac  |  er  js  mwy; T.  1. 

Gelwdis  ärwäd  |  gloes  berm, C.  2. 

Och  Fair,  ||  na  ateb|yc/i  /i T.  1. 

In  tlie  following  lines  from  D,  Nanmor's  cywydd  (Gorch.  149), 
reprinted  by  M.  Lotli  (p.  190),  tlie  cynghanedd  is  niore  varied: 

Pe  bai  gan  mil  |  yn  ddilys LI. 

0  erydr  rh\i  \  ar  dir  Rhys, C.  1. 

A  tliriclian  |  ^«<;inllan  |  a  guAn S.  4. 

A^  yn  rnhlu  |  gsM  meZin;i) C.  2. 

Pe  bai'r  ddaear  |  yn  färä, LI, 

Neu  fhs  dwY  \  ßl  osai  da,  2) C.  1  ( — n). 

Yn  y  wledd  j  rhyfeM  \  bar/iäu S.  4. 

Dwr  a  daeär  |  dri  rfiäu C.  2. 

Pan  fo'r  tri  llü  |  'n  dygnüäw^) LI. 

Ar  dröm  \\  farn  01if|er  c?räw,4) T.  1. 

Y  t&lir  II  er  nas  j  tklwyd T.  2. 

1  JRys  /aint  j  a  roes  0  /wyd C.  1. 

If  cynghanedd  were  a  lost  art;  and  if  M.  Lotli,  by  a  study 
of  extant  examples  and  the  obscure  direction-books  of  tlie  old 
craftsmen,  were  laboriously  recovering'  for  us  its  forgotten  prin- 
ciples,  we  niiglit  be  grateful  for  bis  book,  tliougli  liis  astounding 
carelessness  in  a  work  demanding  mathematical  accuracy  could 
not  escape  us.    But   cynghanedd  is  not  a  lost  art:   it  flourislies 


0  The  Gorch.  text  has  melyn,  which  M.  Loth  reprints,  shewing  that 
he  did  not  uuderstand  tlie  line.  It  also  affords  auother  example  of  his  care- 
lessness, for  the  mispriut  in  the  Gorch.  is  corrected  in  its  list  of  errata. 

*)  Minus  n  (— n)  may  be  adopted  as  a  convenient  formula  to  denote 
initial  n  passed  over;  see  above  p.  120. 

3)  A  better  reading  is  llu'ii  |  dihunaw,  as  in  Mostyn  MS.  136. 

*)  M.  Loth  did  not  see  that  Olifer  is  a  proper  nanie  —  Mount  Olivet; 
and  so  prints  it  with  a  small  initial. 


WELSH   VERSIFICATION.  139 

veiy  vigorously  at  tlie  present  time,  and  scores  of  living  bards 
practise  it.  The  cliair  of  tlie  National  Eisteddfod  is  still  awarded 
every  year  for  a  poem  in  its  metres;  from  twelve  to  twenty 
poems  are  usiially  sent  in,  sometimes  more;  to  say  nothing  of 
tlie  nmnerous  shorter  pieces  which  tlie  minor  competitions 
attract.»)  In  addition  to  tlie  National  Eisteddfod,  dozens  of 
local  eisteddfodau  and  literary  meetings  are  held  every  year, 
in  almost  all  of  which  a  prize  is  offered  for  at  least  an  englyn 
in  strict  cynglianedd.  I  have  before  me  some  notes  which  I 
wrote  for  an  adjndication  in  a  competition  at  a  local  eisteddfod 
held  at  Llang-efni  some  years  ago  on  a  cyivydd  on  the  subject 
of  Y  feilten,  'the  lightning-flash',  A  few  lines  may  be  quoted 
to  shew  liow^  modern  ideas,  and  even  good  poetry,  are  now  ex- 
pressed in  the  best  cynglianedd  of  the  sixteenth  Century.  One 
of  the  competitors  wrote: 

Dal  y  feilten  1  whn  \  i  wäith .  .  .  S.  1. 

A'i  ffrwjno  \  a  |)/ieiriäwwäith  .  .  C.  2  (;f  =  ph). 

All  dyfais  dyii;  |  enfyn  |  hi     .  .  .  S.  4  (we  |  nhi). 

Trwy  ddistkwn  ydd  \  a'i  störi  .  .  C.  g.  2. 

'Man's  invention  can  control  the  white  lightning  for  work, 
and  curb  it  with  machinery;  he  sends  it  in  silence  with  his  story.' 

The  last  line  is  a  croes  o  gystvllt  in  which  the  two  parts 
overlap  to  the  extent  of  two  syllables.    The  flrst  part  is 

Trwy  ddistäwrwydd :  t  r  dd  st  '  r  "^  M; 

the  second  part  is 

-tSiWrwydd  a'i  störi:  t  r  dd  st  '  r  '-'. 

The  practised  ear  readily  catches  the  t  r  dd  which  play  a  double 
part  in  the  line.  But  the  line  may  also  be  read  as  a  sain,  for 
a  rhyme  in  cynglianedd  may  be  formed  by  bringing  forward  an 
initial  consonant,  since  in  speech  there  is  no  pause  between 
words;  thus: 

Trwy  ddjis^äwrwydd  |  a'i  stbri .    .    .    S.  2. 

1)  There  are  uearly  always  more  entries  in  the  chair,  than  in  the  crown 
competition  (the  latter  heing  awarded  for  a  poem  in  the  free  metres),  as  is 
Seen  by  a  list  in  the  current  (July)  numher  of  Cymru.  The  present  year 
(1901)  is  no  exception. 


140  J.  MORRIS    JONES, 

These  miracles  of  cynghanedd  are  the  commonplaces  of  present- 
(lay  verse.  Tlie  following  are  a  few  lines  from  tlie  cyivydd 
wliicli  was  awarded  tlie  prize: 

Hon  ywV  fblUiog  \\  glae|r  feilten  .  T.  2  ( — n). 

A'i  dreigiol  mjd  \  rwyg  ael  nen  .  C.  g.  1. 

Yn  agennau  |  Aölltau  |  hjt,     .    .  .  S.  4. 

A'i  chlöddw  ||  fei  |  a  chleddyt  .     .  .  T.  2. 

Cymyl  |  yn  ei  Ayniyl  \  M    .    .    .  .  S.  4. 

Wna  'n  garpiog  |  wZäwog  |  lenni  .  S.  2  (nn  =  n). 

MesiirsL  \\  bob  ge\m  sereii     ....     T.  2. 
Ac  fe'u  pasia  |  ^yda  ]  (/wen     .    .    .    S.  4. 

Ar  im  wäid  ||  ean^djer  wen  ....  T.  1  (nn  =  n). 

All  wf/iiö  II  dan  |  ei  lläthen      .    .    .  T.  2. 

Y  lern,  setli,  wjWt  \\  ff|Zaw^5ae^/i  iven  T.  1. 

Dery  5Ö&rwydd  |  dros  wy&ren     .    .  C.  2. 

'Tliis  is  tlie  dart-like  brilliant  lightning-  wliicli  witli  its 
dragon's  rage  rends  tlie  brow  of  lieaven  in  rifts  and  bold  clefts, 
and  liews  it  as  witli  a  sword.  Clouds  near  it  it  makes  into 
tattered  woolly  palls  ...  It  measnres  every  gem-star,  and 
passes  tliem  witli  a  smile  ...  At  one  bound  it  can  press  tlie 
exi)anse  of  heaven  under  its  measuring-rod.  The  keen,  straight, 
wild,  white   arrow   of  flame  strikes  terror  throngh  the  welkin.' 

The  autlior  of  tliese  lines  died  a  few  months  ago.  He 
was  a  common  letter-carrier,  who  went  by  the  bardic  name  of 
Dewi  Glan  Teifi. 

M.  Loth  takes  Dewi  Wyn  and  Eben  Vardd  as  representing 
the  bards  of  the  nineteenth  centnry,  and  states  that  their 
cynghanedd  is  imperfect,  being  freqnently  marred  by  snch  faiüts 
as  proest  i'r  odl.  Tliis  statement,  like  so  many  of  M.  Loth's  is 
groiindless;  tliere  is  really  no  such  thing  as  proest  i'r  odl  any- 
where  in  Dewi  Wyn  or  Eben  Vardd.  The  cynghanedd  is  pro- 
bably  even  more  populär  now,  and  a  knowledge  of  it  more 
widely  diffused  than  in  the  time  of  Eben  and  Dewi  sixty  or 
seventy  years  ago. 

The  description  of  cynghanedd  given  in  tliis  article  contains 
nothing  wliich  is  not  implied  by  the  common  practice  of  living 


WELSH    VERSIFICATION.  141 

writers.  Recondite  questions  have  been  necessarily  avoided,  and 
only  main  principles  known  to  every  eisteddfod  bard  are  dealt 
witli.  Of  coiirse,  tlie  formiüatioii  of  tliem  is  new;  tlie  Classi- 
fication of  croes  into  tliree  and  sain  into  foiir  forms  according 
to  accentuation  lias  not  before  been  explicitly  niade,  nor  have 
tlie  rules  for  tlie  disposition  of  consonants  witli  respect  to  tlie 
accented  syllable  been  explicitly  stated.  But  implicitly  every 
writer  of  cynghanedd  knows  all  tliese  tliings  perfectly  well,  and 
acts  npon  tlieni.  He  writes  by  ear  rather  than  by  rule;  he  has 
read  thonsands  of  liues  in  the  bardic  metres,  and  his  ear  has 
impressed  theii'  forms  upon  his  mind.  The  lines  themselves  may 
be  forgotten,  but  the  impressions  of  theu-  forms  remain,  and 
become  the  moulds  into  which  the  bard  poiu's  his  new  molten 
metal.  He  takes  fliest  one  and  then  another  as  they  happen  to 
snit  his  pnrpose;  but  though  he  uses  them  all,  he  may  not  have 
classified  or  even  counted  them.  In  time,  of  course,  he  learns 
the  rules,  which  he  easily  understands,  as  they  only  enunciate 
more  definitely  what  he  already  knows;  but  he  no  more  begins 
by  studying-  rules  than  he  begins  to  speak  by  studying-  grauimar. 
The  analogy  may  be  carried  a  step  further:  the  principles  of 
language  when  reduced  to  grammatical  rules  appear  so  artificial 
that  it  would  be  difflcult  to  believe,  did  we  not  know  it  to  be 
a  fact,  that  they  are  instinctively  observed  by  every  ordinary 
Speaker;  in  the  same  way,  cynghanedd,  when  set  forth  as  a 
series  of  rules  appears  much  more  artificial  than  it  really  is. 
An  average  reader  of  Welsh  poetry,  with  a  fairly  quick  ear 
but  with  no  special  knowledge,  could  detect  such  faults  as  some 
of  M,  Loth's  emendations,  though  he  could  not  give  the  wliy 
and  wherefore,  just  as  he  might  recognise  a  faulty  sentence 
without  being  able  to  give  a  grammatical  reason.  In  both  cases 
he  perceives  that  it  is  not  what  he  is  accustomed  to:  his  ear 
teils  him  that  it  is  wrong. 

M.  Loth's  ear  teils  him  nothing  about  cynghanedd.  The 
chime  of  similar  syllables,  which  (and  not  mere  recurring  con- 
sonants) constitutes  the  main  element  in  its  music,  is  an  effect 
which  he  has  never  heard  even  in  Imagination;  so  that  cy- 
nghanedd properly  speaking  does  not  exist  for  him  at  all.  He 
has  read  the  rules  in  the  old  text-books;  but  those  rules  were 
written  for  men  to  whom  the  thing  itself  is  a  reality.  They 
abound   in   technical   terms,   most   of  which  M.  Loth  does  not 


142  J.  MORRIS   JONES,   WELSH   VERSIFICATION. 

comprehend;  and  yet  he  liad  the  assurance  to  sit  down  and 
write  a  bock  on  the  subject.  The  disdain  with  which  he  has 
ig-nored  every  modern  work  on  the  subject  has  kept  him  entirely 
unaware  of  the  extent  to  which  the  art  is  still  known  and  cul- 
tivated;  and  the  complacent  assumption  that  what  he  did  not 
understand  must  necessarily  be  nonsense  prevented  him  from 
seeing  that  while  he  was  engaged  with  the  husks  of  cynghanedd 
the  kernel  of  the  matter  was  hidden  from  him. 


Postscript.  Since  the  above  article  was  put  in  type,  the 
first  part  of  the  second  volume  of  La  Märique  Galloise  has 
appeared,  dealing  with  the  System  of  the  ninth  to  the  fourteenth 
Century  inclusive.  This  volume  Stands  upon  a  different  plane 
from  the  first.  In  the  first  volume  the  author  endeavours  to 
expound  a  known  and  still  current  System,  he  himself  being 
mucli  in  the  dark  about  it,  and  apparently  imagining  everybody 
eise  to  be  equally  benighted:  the  result  is  ludicrous;  if  the 
volume  had  been  writteu  in  Welsh  it  would  be  the  laughing- 
stock  of  intelligent  letter-carriers  who  dabble  in  poetry.  But 
in  the  second  volume  he  deals  with  an  obsolete  and  little  known 
System;  and  Ins  mistakes  will  not  at  any  rate  call  forth  the 
derision  of  the  ordinary  reader.  The  work  is  divided  into  two 
sections:  metres  and  cyngJianedd.  In  the  first  volume  we  found 
the  section  on  metres  satisfactory;  in  the  second  volume  also,  bis 
analysis  of  metrical  forms  is  fairly  accurate.  The  cynghanedd  of 
this  period  being  looser,  the  section  devoted  to  it  too  is,  as  far  as 
it  goes,  more  adequate.  But  in  both  divisions  of  the  subject  there 
is  little  or  no  attempt  to  trace  the  development  of  the  earlier 
System  into  that  of  the  fifteenth  Century,  such  as  we  had  been 
led  to  expect  by  his  remark  in  the  first  volume  that  he  Starts 
from  the  latter  System  in  order  to  proceed  from  the  known  to 
the  unknown.  There  is  no  ordered  progression  from  one  to  the 
other.  The  reason  is,  in  the  case  of  the  metres,  that  he  loses 
sight  of  the  most  important  step  in  the  development,  as  furnished 
by  the  Red  Book  treatise;  in  the  case  of  the  cynghanedd,  that 
the  later  System  is  not  properly  known  to  him.  To  proceed 
from  the  known,  the  first  requisite  is  that  it  be  known. 

B  a  n  g  0  r.  J,  Morris  Jones. 


FLED  BRICREND 
NACH  DEM  CODEX  V08SIANUS. 


Jerome  Stone,  der  erste,  der  in  der  Mitte  des  18.  Jahr- 
hunderts in  England  die  Teilnahme  für  g'älische  Dichtung-  zu 
wecken  suchte,  hat  eine  schottische  Ballade  aufgezeichnet,  die 
er  a'  chios  chnämha  betitelt.  Sein  von  Prof.  Mackinnon  (Invern. 
Soc.  14,  346)  veröffentlichter  Text  ist  mit  einem  von  J.  F.  Campbell 
abgedruckten  (Leabhar  na  Feinne  p.  166  b)  im  wesentlichen 
gleichlautend.  Den  Gegenstand  dieses  Gedichtes  vom  'Knochen- 
tribut' bildet  ein  Streit,  der  unter  den  Fiamia  zwischen  Goll 
mac  Morna  und  Cairell,  einem  Sohne  des  Finn  mac  Cumaill,  über 
das  Ehrenstück  der  Tafel,  den  Markknochen,  entbrannte.  Dieser 
gebührte  als  cws  treiinfhir  von  Eechts  wegen  dem  starken  Goll, 
und  viel  erkühnte  sich  der  junge  Kämpe,  da  er  ihn  so  leiden- 
schaftlich für  sich  beanspruchte. 

Ge  be  bheireadh  uaim  an  smior, 

a  chionn  is  nach  b'  ann  dorn'  dheöin, 
breiteach  bheirinn  ris  a'  chnäimh, 
gVL  lä  bhräth  nach  blaisinn  feöil. 

'Wenn  einer  mir  das  Mark  wegnimmt',  ruft  er  aus,  'wofern  es 
nicht  mit  meinem  Willen  ist,  so  schwöre  ich  bei  dem  Knochen, 
dass  ich  niemals  wieder  Fleisch  kosten  will!'  Es  kommt  zu 
einem  scharfen  Kampfe,  der  nach  Duncan  Kennedys  freier  Nach- 
dichtung (denn  die  Ballade  ist  nicht  vollständig  erhalten)  für 
den  Schwachem  einen  tödlichen  Ausgang  gehabt  hat.  Das 
Volkslied  nennt  den  Ehrenpreis  '  cnäimli  an  däimli  aillidh  'san 
tsUabJi',  aber  nach  umlaufender  Erzählung  bestand  er  vielmehr 


144  LUDW.  CHR.  STERN, 

in  einem  köstlichen  Gerichte,  über  das  Kennedy  das  Nähere 
weiss:  es  war  ein  ausgesuchtes  Schnitzelstück,  gehackt,  mit 
Mark  gemengt,  mit  Kräutern  gewürzt,  und  hiess  mirmora  oder 
richtiger,  wie  er  hinzufügt,  mircorra. 

Dieser  Heldentribut  der  Fianna  ist  nichts  anderes  als  das 
curathmir  'das  Heldenstück',  das  beim  Festschmause  der  Ulter 
im  Hause  jenes  Erzschelms  Bricre  eine  so  wichtige  Eolle  gespielt 
hat.  Unter  den  Helden  der  Ultersagen  kam  es  Cüchulainn  zu, 
der  der  'fortissimus  heros'  seiner  Zeit  war.  Auch  diese  Märe 
ist  wie  so  manche  andere  Züge  von  dem  altern  Kreise  um  König 
Conchobar  auf  den  Jüngern  ossianischen  übertragen  worden. 
"Was  in  der  Erzählung,  die  nach  philologischer  Schätzung  aus 
dem  8.  Jalu'hundert  herrühren  möchte,  nach  irischer  Gewohnheit 
ins  Gigantische  und  Unglaubliche  gezeichnet  ist,  nähert  sich  in 
der  Ballade  wieder  dem  Menschlichen  und  Natürlichen,  ja  man 
darf  sagen  dem  Historischen. 

Denn  schon  bei  den  Gelten,  die  uns  Griechen  und  Römer 
nach  dem  Leben  geschildert  haben,  war  es  Brauch,  dass  beim 
gemeinsamen  Mahle  das  curathmir  dem  Stärksten  zugehörte,  so 
wie  es  beim  Athenäus  heisst,  otl  jiaQarL&Evrcov  xcdX^vcov  x6 
fir/Qiov  6  xQäriöTog  sXdf/ßavtv.  Schon  damals  kam  es  bei  der 
Zuteilung  zu  Kampf  und  Todschlag,  und  was  uns  Fled  Bricrend 
in  der  mittelirischen  Sage  und  'der  Knochentribut'  in  der 
ossianischen  Poesie  darstellen,  beruht  so  gewissermassen  auf 
einer  uralten  Überlieferung. 

Durch  neue  Beiträge  angeregt,  die  in  den  letzten  Jahren 
das  Verständnis  des  Textes  im  allgemeinen  und  im  einzelnen 
gefördert  haben  (ich  erwähne  E.  Tlmrneysens ')  Übersetzung), 
Avendet  man  sich  gern  wieder  der  Fled  Bricrend  zu.  Zur  Lösung 
der  mancherlei  Fragen,  die  im  Verlauf  über  die  Sprache  und 
die  Fassung  des  merkwürdigen  Denkmals  aufgeworfen  wurden, 
möchte  in  ihrem  Zusammenhange  auch  die  zweite  Recension 
dienlich  sein,  die  zwar  in  sprachlicher  Hinsicht  gegen  die  erste 
im  Leabhar  na  huidhri  unendlich  zm^ücksteht,  die  aber  in  der 
Anordnung  der  Teile  A^or  jener  den  Vorzug  verdient.  Dazu  hat 
sie  doch  auch  nicht  selten  eine  ältere  Sprachform  und  hier  und 
dort  eine  bessere  Lesart  bewahrt.  Das  veranlasst  mich  nun, 
füi'  die  Leser  der  Zeitschrift  den  Leidener  Codex,  der  zwar  nicht 


')  Sagen  aus  dem  alteu  Irland,  Berlin  1901,  S.  25  ff. 


FLED   BRICREND   NACH   DEM   CODEX   VOSSIANUS.  145 

vollständig-,  aber  mit  82  Kapiteln  von  den  drei  Exemplaren  der 
zweiten  Eecension  der  umfaugTeicliste  ist,  ganz  zu  edieren. 

Der  Codex  Vossianus  lat.  qn.  7  steht  der  Zeit  nach  ver- 
mutlich zwischen  Egerton  93  im  Britischen  Museimi  und  H.  3. 17 
im  Trinitj'  College  zu  Dublin  in  der  Mitte.  Sein  Text  der  Fled 
ist  im  allgemeinen  von  diesen  Handschriften  des  15. — 16.  Jahr- 
hunderts nicht  verschieden  und  umfasst  die  folgenden  Abschnitte: 

ed.  Windisch 
Cap. 

A.  Fled  Bricrend 1  —  7 

B.  Curathmir  Enma  Maclia 8 — 16 

C.  Briatharcliatli  han  TJlad 17 — 32 

D.  TocMm  TJlad  do  Chrudchnaih  Ai 42 — 56 

Bewirtung  und  Spiele  in  Cruachan  ....     63 — 65 

(Ailill  und  Medb) 58.  (59—62) 

(Ercol  und  Samera,  etc.) (66—73) 

Die  Becher 73—74 

E.  Cüroi  mac  Daire 33 — 41 

Prüfimgen  in  Ciiröis  Stadt 79 — 90 

F.  Cennach  ind  ruanada 91 — 98. 


Von  dem  Texte  ist  ein  Blatt  mit  Cap.  58—62  und  66—73  ver- 
loren gegangen,  und  ausgelassen  sind  in  dieser  Eecension  das 
Abenteuer  mit  den  Wildkatzen  in  Cruachan  (Cap.  57  Lü.)  und 
das  mit  dem  Riesen  Uath  mac  Immomain  (Cap.  75 — 78  LU.). 
Auch  einige  andere  Sätze  in  LU.  werden  durch  diese  Version 
der  Sage  als  eingeschoben  erwiesen. 

Die  Orthographie  des  Leidener  Codex  ist  bereits  beschrieben 
worden  (RC.  13,  27).  Der  irische  Schreiber  konnte  im  15.  und 
16.  Jahrhundert  den  allgemeinen  Sinn  der  alten  Texte  gewiss 
noch  richtig  erfassen,  aber  das  genaue  Verständnis  der  Wort- 
formen ging  ihm  ab.  Je  mekr  sich  die  Bildung  des  Neuirischen 
befestigte,  desto  grösser  ward  bei  ihm  die  Unsicherheit  in  der 
alten  Grammatik,  so  dass  man  ihn  beständig  zwischen  mittel- 
irischen und  neuen  Formen  und  Endungen  schwanken  sieht. 
Daraus  entstehen  für  die  Umschrift  des  an  Abbreviatur  reichen 
Textes  allerlei  Schwierigkeiten,  und  wie  gewissenhaft  und  gleich- 
massig  man  auch  verfahren  möchte,  so  kann  doch  die  Umschrift 

Zeitschrift  f.  celt.  Philologie  IV,  IQ 


146  LUDW.  CHR.  STERN, 

niemals  die  PhotogTaphie  ersetzen,  die  von  mensclüichem  Sehen 
und  Sinnen  unabhängig-  ist. 

Es  sollte  der  Grundsatz  gelten,  dass  nur  das  mehrdeutige 
Schriftzeichen  durch  kursiven  Druck  wiedergegeben  wird,  wovon 
aber  der  Strich  über  dem  Buchstaben,  wenn  er  zweifellos  n  be- 
zeichnet, ausgenommen  werden  kann.  Die  Compendia  für  er,  ur, 
ra,  ri,  us,  con  u.  a.  sind  bekannt  und  können  nicht  mehr  verlesen 
werden  als  jeder  andere  Buchstabe;  doch  wenn  sie  gelegentlich 
eine  andere  Bedeutung  haben,  wie  wenn  das  er  für  grammatisch 
notwendiges  ir  oder  ar  steht,  so  mag  die  kursive  Letter  be- 
rechtigt und  nützlich  sein.  Das  b-  der  Copula  ist  mehrdeutig. 
Es  steht  wohl  ursprünglich  für  das  korrekte  had  (wie  z.  B. 
Cap.  8.  10.  25),  aber  es  kommt  auch  für  hid  (46.  87.  92)  und  für 
bit  (21)  vor.  Da  nun  b-  neben  ausgeschriebenem  bud  erscheint 
(54),  da  b-dein  für  budein  (12.  15)  und  b-destai  für  budecJitsa  (42) 
geschrieben  wird,  so  muss  man  es  wohl  durch  bud  wiedergeben. 
Darin  wird  man  durch  das  neuirische  bttdh  bestätigt,  das  nicht 
nur  für  das  Futurum  (bid)  und  den  Conditionalis  (bad)  der  Copula, 
sondern  sogar  auch  für  das  Präteritum  (ba)  im  Gebrauch  ist. 

Die  Partikeln  da  und  dl  scheinen  verschiedenen  Ursprungs 
zu  sein,  da  sie  im  allgemeinen  nicht  mit  einander  vertauscht 
werden.  Jenes,  da  dna  dno  und  plene  dana  dano  daniu  daneu 
dono  oder  auch  no  geschrieben  (GC.  700.  1005),  heisst'nun'  (ver- 
mutlich von  no,  vv,  vvv,  nunc)  und  scheint  schwächer  zu  sein 
als  dl  d.  i.  didiu  didu  diu  '  dann ',  neben  dem  wieder  das  stärkere 
disudiu,  iarsudiu  'darauf  steht.  Die  Variante  dlo  in  der  Edin- 
burger  Handschrift  der  Fled  (c.  97.  98  ed.  Henderson;  cf.  SW. 
1,  216)  ist  jedesfalls  gleichbedeutend  mit  dem  daselbst  ebenfalls 
vorkommenden  düo  (98,  16).  Aufklärung  über  das  alte  Wort  ist 
von  einem  Schreiber,  der  97,  2  auch  dlo  für  dona  'von  den' 
bietet,  nicht  zu  erwarten. 

Iwi,  dessen  Bedeutung  die  Sigla  .ü.  'uero'  und  Ji.  'hautem' 
andeuten,  hat  nach  dem  Zeugnisse  des  Buches  von  Leinster  im 
Mittelirischen  die  Aussprache  immoro  (LL.  238  a  40)  oder  um- 
moro  (LL.  257  b  13),  wofür  sonst  auch  imoro  (O'Grady,  Catalogue 
p.  5),  imuro,  imora,  imoru,  immorro  vorkommen.  Das  Wort  ist 
wohl  zweifellos  das  altirische  immurgu,  imurgu,  das  man  füi' 
eine  verbale  Form,  die  1.  Sg.  praes.  (wie  tongu  'ich  schwöre', 
togu  'ich  wähle',  dogniu  'ich  thue')  wird  erklären  dürfen.  Die 
Bedeutung  'jedoch,  ich  gebe  zu,  ich  schränke  ein',  lässt  sich 


PLED    BRICBEND    NACH    DEM   CODEX    VOSSIANUS.  147 

leicht  aus  dem  Verb  orgim  'ich  bedränge,  bringe  um,  zerstöre' 
herleiten,  dessen  Grundbedeutung  in  Zusammensetzungen  wie 
frithorgim  'afficio',  inorgini  'irruo',  timmorgim  'coerceo'  durch- 
sichtiger ist. 

Accente  setzt  die  Leidener  Handschrift  wenige,  doch  sind 
auf  den  ersten  Seiten  manche  später  hinzugefügt.  In  der  kleinern 
Hand,  die  auf  Bl.  7  a  1  beginnt,  fehlen  sie  fast  durchaus  ausser 
über  i,  wo  sie  bedeutungslos  sind. 

Unter  den  Anmerkungen,  die  sich  auf  die  Schreib-  und 
Lesarten  beziehen,  sind  die  wenig  bekannten  Glossen  zu  Fled 
Bricrend  aufgenommen,  die  sich  in  dem  Codex  H.  3.  18  T.  C.  D., 
Bl.  607a  ff.,  unter  der  Überschrift  'Fledh  Bricne  sunn  sisina' 
befinden.  Zwar  leider  nicht  nach  dem  Dubliner  Originale, 
sondern  nach  der  Abschrift  0' Currys  in  seinen  Transcripts 
p.  1319 — 1326.  Auch  in  einigen  andern  lexikalischen  Sammlungen 
dieses  Codex  finden  sich  einzelne  aus  der  Fled  entnommene  Stellen.i) 
Diese  Glossen  betreffen  die  Wörter  aicinta  cap.  9,  arait  37, 
arcJiena  5,  assoirg  25,  Mgh  74,  hi  13,  hö-thuir  9,  hreg  61,  bri  27, 
hro  27,  cia  11,  des  32,  cluas  25,  comnart  2,  comuaiU  56,  cona- 
crad  56.  58,  conecid  7,  conrotacht  1,  cor  25,  cosaid  5,  croich  9, 
cuaird  55,  cuir  44,  data  11,  dehi  13,  diblinaib  4,  erradh  4,  fene- 
main  25,  foigdech  9,  formna  12,  foruaisle  39,  fuamain  53,  gaisced 
55,  imagallaim  6,  imcJiosait  5,  ime  56,  iurthund  61,  laimthenach 
33,  leoit  53,  lethghabar  47,  licJitiu  9,  mbuad  52,  mebul  14,  mena- 
dacJi  9,  meraige  9.  13.  61,  muinbech  10,  reim  7,  riastrad  27, 
sgrudan  62.  58,  saniail  44.  52,  siabra  61,  sucut  14,  suasmJiael  27, 
tairmchellsat  55,  timchell  20,  tincor  4,  triamhain  26.  Der  Glossator 
hatte,  wie  sich  schon  aus  der  Reihenfolge  seiner  Bemerkungen 
ergiebt,  einen  Text  der  zweiten  Recension,  und  seine  Lesarten 
stimmen  mit  dieser  in  der  Regel  überein. 


1)  Von  den  Glossen  dieses  Codex  sind  abgedruckt  die  zur  Täin  bo 
Plidais  (SW.  2,  255),  zur  Täin  bö  Regamaiu  (2,  256),  zu  Copur  in  da  muccida 
(3,  276).  Es  finden  sich  darin  ausserdem  solche  zur  Tain  b6  Fräich  (0'  Curry, 
Transcripts  p.  1309),  zu  Genemain  Conchobair  (p.  1311)  und  zum  vollständigen 
Tochmarc  Etäine  (p.  1312—1318). 


10* 


148  LUDW.  CHR.  STERN, 

Fled  (Bricrend)  7  cosimmh  an  curafZmir(e)  7  cendac/i  an  ruauarfha. 

(Fled  Bricrend.) 

1.  Bai  üed  mar  la  Bricrinn  Nemtheiigai  do  Conqhitpar  mac 
Nessa  7  di  JJWtaib  lüli.  Bliadain  lan  do  ac  tinol  na  üedi.  Do- 
ronadli  ieroni  tegdais  cimitachta  lais  fri  fritailim  tomhalta  na 
ß.edi.  Conrotaclit  1)  ierom  a  tecli  sin  la  Bricne  i  ndun  Eugraide 
fo  cosmaiZes  na  Craebn(a(?i  i  nErahain  Maclia,  acht  namma 
roderscaichestair  an  tech  so  iter  adbar  7  eladain,  eter  coime^  7 
ctmidacAia,  eter  iiaitni  7  airiniglii,  eter  ligradli  7  lögmahi,  eter 
socliraidi  7  suaiclinidi,  eter  irscartac?  7  imdorus  di  thigliib  ina 
haimsire  sin  uili. 

2.  Is  -eimlaid  tra  doronat^  a  tech  sen:  suidiugwt^  tiglii  Mid- 
cuarta  fair;  .ix.  nimgada  and  0  thein  co  fraich;  triclia  traiged 
a  nardai  cecliae  airinigli  credumai  co  ndiorad  friu  uili.  Conro- 
ö.3icht  rigimdae  ann  ieroi»  di  Conqitpar  a  nairinecli  ind  rigtliigi 
uas  imdliada^&li  an  ticlie  iiile,  co  iigemaih  loghmaraib  7  ligrad 
7  6r  7  arcud  7  carrmoccaiZ  7  datha  ceclia  tiri,  co  mba  comsolus 
la  7  ada'<V//i  indi.  7  conrotachta  dawo  da  imda  .x.  in  da  erred 
dec  J]\ad  inipi.  Ba  comlmart^)  ierom  innus  an  gnimusae  sin 
dohreth  do  denam  an  tighi  sin.  Sesrech  (oc  tabairt)  cecha  clethi 
7  moirslieser  di  trenferaib  Ulac^  ac  cor  cecha  hoenslaiti,  7  .xxx. 
soer  de  primshoerm^  Erewd  oc  a  denam  7  ac  a  ordncud. 

3.  Dironad  ierowt  grianan  la  Bricrind  fodessin  füa  comardus 
imdai  Concopa/r  7  ina  lath  ngali.  Conrodacht  ierow«.  an  grianaw 
sen  [do  imd-  7]  do  imdenmhaib  7  do  cumdaig/i  sainamhra?7>,  7 
rosuidhigthi  tenesiri  glainidi  as  tor  cech  leth.  Conrotacht  ierom 
fernster  dib  huas  a  imda?c?sim  fodesin,  co  mba  foiderc  dosom 
imchisin  an  tighi  mair  iiaid  as  a  imdai;  däich  rusfidirsom,  ni 
lecfidis  lllaid  occuib  isan  tig. 

4.  In  tan  tra  ba  hurlom  la  Bricrind  denam  an  tigi  mair  7 
a  grianan,  7  a  nerrad^')  diblinaibh  di  brotrachaib  7  do  brecänaib 


^)  Conrotacht  A.  rocumdaiglieadh  uo  dorinded,  ut  est:  Conrotacht  iarnm 
teach  la  Bricne  a  ndun  Riidhraidhe  fö  chosmailis  na  Craebhruaidhe  a  uEamain 
Mhacha.  Oais  adeir:  Conrotacht  rig-imdai  do  Concliubar  a  nairenach  in  righ- 
thigi  .i.  rocoraidh  uo  rocumhdaig.    0' Curry,  Transcripts  p.  1319. 

'■')  Comnert  A.  calma,  7  inmis  A.  ecosc,  ut  est:  Ba  comnart  lAvam  inmis 
in  ghnima  sin  7  an  adlibhair.    O'CuiTy,  Tr.  p.  1319. 

*)  Erradh  A.  acarradh,  7  dibhlinaibh  A.  uile,  ut  est:  In  tan  tra  ba 
hurlamh  la  Bricne  denam  a  thighi  mair  7  a  grianain,  7  a  nerradh  diblinaibh 


FLED    BRICREND    NACH   DEM    CODEX    VOSSIANFS.  149 

7  coilc[i]tliib  7  cercliaill?&,  7  a  tincar  [e^er  coilcth?'&  7J  do  lind 
7  biadli,  7  nad  raibi  ni  ba  tesbhaidh  uaidli  eter  de  intrub  7 
comliadb«r  na  flecZi,  ditaed  iarsin  co  torracJit  Eam«m  Maclia  ar 
cend  Concoba/r  co  mma-  [fol.  3  a  2]  ithib  fer  nJJlad  immbi. 

5.  Ba  headh  la  ann')  sin  bo  oenach  la  hJJltu  a  nEmam 
Macliai.  FerÜmr  failti  fris  ierom  7  difesidh  for  gimlcdnd  Conco- 
pa/r.  Atg-ladhatliar  Concohar  co  nVltaih  arcena.  2)  '  Taid  limsa ', 
ol  .vi.,  '  CO  toYVtmüidh  thleid  lim.'  'Maith  limsa',  ol  Concobar, 
'  mad  maiüi  la  liUltw.'  Prisgart  Fercns  mac  Roicli  7  mati  Vlad, 
CO  nepertatar:  'Ni  rag'am',  ol  sead,  'ar  bid  lia  ar  marü  oldät 
ar  mbii  ier  nar  nimcosseid^)  di  Bricrind,  dia  tisam  da  tomliailt.' 

6.  'Bid  mesom  doib',  ol  sidhe,^)  'a  ndogensa,  ceni  tisad 
lim.'  'Cid  digenusai  disiiidi',  ol  Concoöar,  'ceni  tisad  \J\aid  let?' 
'Digensa  em',  ol  Bricnw,  'imcosaid  and  Weh  7  ina  töis6?cli  7  ina 
lath  ngaili  7  na  noctigernw,  co  mbaromarblia  doib,  mani  tiaster 
lim  d'ol  mo  fledlii.'  'NocJia^)  dingnem  aradsa  sin',  ol  Concohar. 
'  Immacosaitiubsa  e^er  in  mac  7  an  tathmV,  cö-macomairfi  doib, 
Mani  fetar  sin  dawo,  immacosaidiub  eter  an  .1.  7  an  mdthair. 
Mani  fetur  sin  dawo,  imcosaidiub  di  eich  cacha  mna  do  TJltaib, 
co-mmacomthiiaircfi  doib,  co  mbrentad  7  co-llofad  lasodam.'  'Es 
terr  a  tecJit',  ol  Fercus  mac  'Roicli.  'Bid  fir  sucm^,  ol  se.  'Denaid 
imacallmm ',  6)  ol  SencAa  mac  AileZ^a,  '  bi  cacÄ  no  \\dXadh  do  deg- 
dainib  an  coicidh,  mad  maith  liph.'  'Co  nbiaid  ölende',  ol  Con- 
cohar,  'ein  co  dentar  comairli  fris'. 


do  brothrachaibh  7  breacanaibh  7  coilctbibb  ocus  cerchaillib,  7  a  tincor  (.i.  a 
ndoitbiu)  do  biud  7  do  linn.  0' Curry,  Tr.  p.  1319;  vgl.  tinchor  .i.  timceallad 
no  timclmairt,  O'Dav.  p.  120,  tincur  p.  69  s.  v.  cur. 

1)  Das  MS.  hat  aWi. 

2)  archena  .i.  uile  no  0  shin  amach.     0'  Curry,  Tr.  p.  970. 

3)  Inichossait  .i.  cogadh,  no  imarbaidh,  no  imrisin,  ut  est:  Luid  Bricne 
CO  hEmain  Mhacha  da  chur  na  fleidhi  ar  Concubar  go  maithibh  Uladh  archena. 
Raidhsit  Ulaidh  na  raghdais,  ar  ba  lia  a  mairbh  naid  a  mbi  iar  na  nimchosait 
do  Bricne,  dia  ndechdais  do  thomail  a  fhleidhi.  Ocus  tuille  air:  Imcosaidiubhsa 
edir  in  mac  7  a  athair  comamuirbhfe  doibh.  Maua  fetar  sin  dana,  ar  se,  im- 
chosaidiubh  etir  au  ingin  7  a  mäthair.  Ocus  adeir  a  ninadh  eile :  Atü  a  cosaid 
M  Dia,  .i.  i  cocadh.    0'  Curry,  Tr.  p.  1319  f. 

*)  si  MS. 

5)  l-^a  MS. 

®)  Imagallaim  .i.  comairle,  ut  est:  Dfinaigh  imagallaim  din,  ol  Sencha 
mac  Aililla,  uathadh  do  dhaghdhaiuibh  Ulad,  ma  maith  libh.  Tiaghait  maithi 
Uladh  uile  a  nimagallaim.  0'  Curry,  Tr.  p.  1320.  —  Dieselbe  Bedeutung  hat 
itJiacallaiyn  nach  dem  Glossator  (p.  1312)  an  der  Stelle  LL.  106  a  45.  49. 


150  LUDW.  CHR.  STERN, 

7.  TiagaH  ierom  maii  JJlacl  imbi  a  iiimacaldam.  Ba  si 
comairli  dobeurt  Senqu  doib  ina  nimacul/aim:  'Maitli  tra,  atib-ecin 
tecM  la  Bricrind,  togaid  aitwi  dee  7  suididigh  ochtur  claidbhech 
immi  im  dol  do  asin  tig-  ammacli,  acht  co  tairfena  a  üeicl  doib.' 
Docoid  Furhaidi  Ferhend  mac  Concohair  lasin  aithiusc  sin,  co 
necid  do  Bricrind  in  imacolkwm  uili.>)  'Maidh  lim',  ol  PricWw, 
'a  denam  samlaid.'  Tochomla^  as  iarom  6  Fmain  Machai,  cacli 
drong-  ima[d]  righ,  gecli  rem  ima  rwirig,  cacJi  buiden  ima  tbisech.-) 
Ba  halamc^  ierom  7  ba  hamrai  a  tocliem  ronucse^  in  trenfhir  7 
in  läth  gaili  docwm  and  richtiglii. 


(Curadmir  Emna  Macha.) 

8.  Immaroraid  iaro»^  Bricrm  ina  menmain,  dus  cinniis  no- 
rsigad  ar  imcosaid  \]\ad,  6  dodecliat«r  aitm  na  treinfer  tar  a  ceud. 
0  rogle  iaröwi  a  imraV/adh  7  a  scruta?*  uili  ina  menmam,  doluid 
CO  mbui  am  buidin  Loegam  Bimdaig  maic  Commid  maic  Iliacli. 
'  Maith  sidhe  tra ',  ol  Bricrin,  ^  a  Loegam  Bimdaig,  a  balcbuilligh 
Breg,  a  bratlibuil%  Midi,  a  be^Mr  [fo.  3  b  IJ  breoderg,  a  bnaid 
occ  nUlac^!  Qid  doitsi  na  hud  lat[li]  an  curadmir  Emlina  do 
gres?'  'Bad  terr  liummsae,  htid  lim  em',  ol  .ui.  'Rigi  loecli 
nEr end  det  uaimse',  ol  Bricmt,  'acht  co  nderna  mo  comairlesiu.' 
'Doghen  immoro',  ol  Loegam. 

9.  'Mad  lat  em  csniradmir  mo  tighisi,  bid  lat  cmadmir 
nEmna  do  gres.  Is  coir  caiiradmir  mo  taiglii  de  chosnam',  ol 
.vi.,  'ni  C'diUradmir  tighi  merai^hi.  ^)  Ata  dabacA  a  tallai  triar 
and  di  laithi&  gaili  fer  liülad  ier  na  linadli  di  fliin  aicinta  a 
tiribh  Franc.  Ata'  torc  .uii.  mbli?idan  and;  6  robo  leo  orc  mbec, 
ni  declia?V^  ina  beolai  acht  lichta  lemlmoc/t^a  7  mewadliucli  and 
erruch^  7  fircroich  7  ürlemnacht  a  ssimrud,  etne  cno  7  fircruitli- 


1)  Dochoidh  Furbaidhe  Ferbenn  mac  Conciibair  laisin  aithesc  sin  coneicid 
(.i.  CO  naisneide,  no  co  ninnisi)  do  Bricue  an  imagallaimh.     0'  Curry,  Tr.  p.  1320. 

-)  Dochomhlat  ass  iaruni  Ulaid  0  Emaiu  Macha,  cach  drong  ima  righ, 
cach  reim  ima  ruirigh,  cach  buidhen  ima  tuisech.  Dethbir  eturru  sin. 
0' Curry,  Tr.  p.  1320.  —  Reim  .i.  buiden,  ut  est:  gach  reim  ima  ruirech, 
ib.  p.  965. 

^)  Is  coir  curamhir  mo  thigisi  do  chosuamh,  or  Bricne,  ni  curamir  tighi 
mearaige  (.i.  aneolaigh,  no  daidbir)  curamir  mo  thigesi.  Ata  dabhach  a  talla 
triar  ann  do  lathaib  gaile  fer  uUlad  iar  na  linad  do  fiu  aicinta  (.i.  diles)  a 
tiribh  Franc.    0'  Curry,  Tr.  p.  1320. 


FLED   BRICREND    NACH   DEM   CODEX   VOSSIANUS.  151 

necht^)  hi  foghamM/-,  beoil  7  enbruithi  a  ngaimrMcZ.  2)  Ata  botuir 
ann  dinad  at  lana  a  .vii.  mbliacZwa;  ni  dechaid  fraech  na  faigdech 
ina  beola,  acht  firlemlinac/(!i  7  Inigfer  glaisfer  7  arbur.3)  Atad 
.u.xx.  bairgen  criüthnec/i^a  and  ier  na  fnine  trie  mil;  .u.  meich 
.XX.  tra  ised  dopronnad  frisna  .u.  ächtiu  bairgen  sin,  7  cetri 
bairgena  in  cech  miach.  Issed  sin  mrom  curadmir  mo  tighe',  or 
Biicriit.  'Huair  is  tusa  loech  is  dech  fail  la  HulU*,  is  det  is 
coir  a  tsibairt  7  isat  donutracarsa.  In  taw  mrom  bus  erlum 
tais(b)en«f?h  na  flithi  diud  lai,  erged  do  arussai  swas,  7  ba  do 
dobe/thur  a  c-enwadmir.'  'Be^id  fir  marbhai  ann,  no  dogentar 
samla?Vr,  ol  Loegairi.  Faitbister  lasodain,  7  pa  maidh  leis  a 
menma. 

10.  0  roscaicli  do  imcosaid  Jjoegairi  Buadaig,  dolleici  am 
buidin  Conaill  Cernm^  maic  Aimircm.  'Maidh  sin,  a  Conaill 
Cernaig',  ol  Bricrm,  'is  tu  laech  na  cern  7  na  comramli.  At 
mora  na  cerna  7  na  comrama  dit  secli  oco  JJlad  olchewa.  In 
tan  tiaghta  Vlaid  for  crichai  echtrann,  uidi  tri  la  7  teora  naidci 
detsiu'*)  for  ätha  7  ilädha.  Tu  dano  dar  a  nesi  doridisiu  oc 
tiachtam  ass,  cona  torcethur  sech«^  na  treod  na  torad.  Cid 
ditsiu  ierow^,  na  hiid  lat  an  csiuradmir  Emna  Machai  do  gres?' 
Ger  ba  mor  tra  in  niuinbech^)  dirad  im  LaegavVe,  dorat  a  da 
cutramma  im  Conall  Cernach. 

11.  lar  nimcosaid  Conaül  Cernaig  do  s,mal  robo  data^)  les, 
dolleici  am  buidin  Conculamf?.    [fo.  3b2J  'Maith  sin,  ol  .ui.  'a 


1)  cruithness  MS. 

2)  Ata  torc  secht  mbliadau  ann,  orbo  leo  orc  bec,  ni  dechaid  ina  bheolu 
acht  lichtiu  leambnachta  (.i.  bridicau  [buidican?  marg.]  ar  leamuacbt)  7 
meanadach  (.i.  garbbäu)  a  nearrach,  7  ürchroich  (.i.  uactar)  7  firleamnacht  i 
samrad,  7  eitue  de  cno  7  firchruithnecbt  i  foghmar,  feoil  7  enbruithi  a  ngemred. 
0'  Curry,  Tr.  p.  1320.    Vgl.  croich  .1  uachtar  baiune,  0'  Dav.  p.  68. 

^)  Ata  bö  thuir  (.i.  biadhta  uo  meith)  diana  lana  a  secht  mbliadhna  ann, 
orbo  laeg  bec  ni  dechaidh  fraech  na  foigdeach  (.i.  aitend)  ina  beolu  acht  fir- 
leamhnacht  7  luighfher  glaisfheoir  7  arbar.     0"  Curry,  Tr.  p.  1321. 

*)  Es  fehlt  remib. 

^)  Muinbhech  .i.  cealg,  iit  est:  Ger  mhor  in  mhuinbech  dobert  Bricne 
im  Laeghaire  Buadach,  dorad  a  dha  choibheis  im  Conall  Cernach.  0' Curry, 
Tr.  p.  1371.  —  Midnbech  .i.  moladh  no  luathair  breigi,  ut  est:  Ger  mhor  in 
mhuinbech  dorinne  im  Laeghaire  Buadach,  dorinne  a  dha  chutruma  im  Conall 
Cernach.    Ib.  p.  1321. 

^)  Data  .1.  mian  no  niaith,  ut  est:  lar  nimchossait  Conaill  dö,  amail 
roba  data  lais,  doleigi  a  mbuidiu  Conculainn  e.  0' Curry,  Tr.  p.  1322.  Vgl. 
data  .i.  dathamhail,  O'Cl. 


152  LUDW.  CHR.  STERN, 

Cviculaind,  a  catbiiada?'(/  Brer/h,  a  \ighr?iiaig  Line,  a  mactretill 
Emna,  a  lendain  bau  7  ingen  nJJlad  7  Erend!  Ni  lesainm  dit 
anü  CviCulaind,  iiair  is  tussa  qii  urba^a  faili  la  Hiütai,  doemh  a 
morgresai  7  a  morergalai  7  saighitts  a  clieH  da  gac  aen  uaidib, 
7  ni  nad  roiclie^  JJlaid  uli,  rosaigesi  t'aenur,  7  adaimed  flr  Ercnd 
uili  do  gail  7  do  gaisced  7  do  gnima-s.i)  Cid  doid-si  iMom  an 
cnradmir  do  lecadli  di  neoch  aile''-)  la  Hiüta?  uair  ni  tuala^w^ 
necli  de  f eraib  'Erend  a  cosnara  frit.'  '  Tongusa  a  toing  mo  tiiath 
imtnoro ',  ar  Cucüiaind,  '  bid  cia  3)  gan  cend  anti  ragus  dia  cosnam 
frimmsae!'  Scara/d  dawo  Bricrni  friu  arsin  7  tet  a  comhaidec/i^ 
an  tshm^f/,  amaZ  na  denadh  eter  a  nimcosait. 

12.  Lotar  ierow  docwm  an  tiglii,  co-rrogaib  cach  a  le^aid 
ann  eter  rig  7  riglidamna  7  airicli  7  octighern  7  maccoema. 
heth  an  tigi  ierom  do  Concohar  co-llaitliip  gaili  fer  n\J\ad  immi, 
et  slleth  naild  di  bantracAiaib  J]\ad  am  Mu(/ain,  mnai  Concohair. 
BattV  ead  iarom  batar  imm  Concolar  a  nairinuch  an  tiglii, 
Fergus  mac  Roig  7  Celtchar  mac  GntJiechair  7  Eogaw  mac 
Derthac/i^  7  da  mac  and  rig  .i.  Fiaclia  7  Fiaclina,  Fergna  mac 
Finncaimlii,  Fergus  mac  heti,  Cuscraid  Mend  Macliai  mac  Con- 
cohair,  Sencha  mac  AileZ?a,  tri  mic  Fiachna  Riis  7  Dairi  7  ImchafZ, 
Muinremar  mac  Eirgind,  Eirgi  Echbel,  Amorgen  mac  Ecit  Sal- 
chadae  et  lAend  mac  Salca^^ai,  Feraduch  Find  Fecbtnac/i,  Feidli- 
mid  mac  Ilai^.c.a^V/h,  FurbaM  Ferbenn,  Rochad  mac  Faithemain, 
LaogaiVi  BuadacJi,  Connall  Cernach,  Cuculamt?,  Connadli  mac 
Morna,  Erc  mac  Fedlimtlii,  Bland  mac  Ferchusa,  Finntaw  mac 
Neil,  Cethern  mac  Finntam,  Fachtn&  mac  Scnchac^a,  Biibthach  Doel 
Vlad,  Conlai  Saeb,  Ailül  Miltengai,  Bricrm  b^^dein  7  formna'') 
lath  ngaili  fer  nUlacZ  olchena  7  a  maccaemli  7  a  noes  däna. 

13.  Ardopetid  iarom  a  noes  ciuil  7  airfid^V/,  cen  both[a]  oc 
tas(b)enadli  na  f\.edi  doib.  0  tliairfeoin  iarom  Bricriu  an  Ü.eid  co  na 
himtormaigiWi,  forocrad  iarom  do  Bricrmt^  facbaiZ  au  tiglii  de 
inclia2&  na  naitiri.  Atra[ra]clita^ar  na  liaitiri  lasodaw^  7  a  claidmi 
iua  lamaib  dia  indarba  asin  ticli.  Tet  iarowi  Bricrm  co  na  teclach 
asan  taigli  a  ndoc2<m  in  grianan.    Oc  teclit  do  fo  debi  and  rich- 


')  gnimas  MS.  statt  do  gnima  üassaib  LU. 

2)  .iL  MS. 

3)  Cia  .i.  nech  no  fer,  vit  est:  Tougiisa  a  toiug  mo  tliuath  imorro,  ar 
Cuchulainu,  bi  cia  gin  clienn  iuti  doragha  do  chosuam  iu  chiiramir  friinsa. 
0' Curry,  Tr.  p.  1321;  vgl.  cia  .i.  fear,  O'Cl. 

')  Formna  (.i.  uaisle)  laecli  uEreuu.    0'  Curry,  Tr.  p.  1318. 


FLED    BRICREND    NACH   DEM    CODEX    VOSSIANUS.  153 

tighi,  as  and  asmbert:  'An  ca.\\Yaclmir  wcut',  ol  .ui.,  ^amal  rolier- 
gnacl,  ni  curar/limir  tiglii  meraiglii.')  Laech  bus  dech  lib,  a 
Ullta,  domboaidh  doa.'    Fosfacuib  lasodain.    [fo.  4  a  1] 

14.  Atarregad  lasodam  na  rannairi  di  roinn  an  bid.  Atre 
iaröm  arai  haegairi  Buadaig  .i.  Seg'lang  mac  Riangabra,  co 
nepert  risna  rannair/?*:  'Dale  sechiit',  or  se,  'an  c&iiraclmir  rmcut 
do  Loechairi  Buadach,  uair  is  e  nodlig  sech  öca  Vlad  arcena.' 
Atraigh  da«o  Id  mac  Uisingahm,  arn  ComiaiU  Ceniaig,  co  nepcrt 
a  cedno.  Atrae  dawo  Loeg  mac  B.i?ingabra,  co  nepcrt  a  cedna 
risna  randairib:  'Tucaid  do  Co(i)nculamfZ  sucut',-)  ol  .ui.,  'ni 
mebiil  do  Vltaih  uili',  ol  se,  'is  e  gaiscef?ac  is  decli  fil  dib.'  'Ni 
ba  fir  sin',  ol  ConnaZZ  Cernac/t  7  or  Laegaire  Buadach. 

15.  Atfrecat  for  lar  tiche  7  gabdait  a  scia^/tu  foraib  7  taur- 
lingid  a  claidwd  a  triar.  Immanesairc  doib,  co  mba  nemh  teniudh 
indala  \eth  don  tecli  lasna  claidbin  7  lia  foebra  na  ngai,  7  comma 
henlaitli  glegel  an  \eth  naild  de  cliailc  ina  sciaüi.  Focerd  airm- 
gritli  mor  ar-rigtliech  lassodam,  rocrithnaicse^  an  lath  gaili  7 
rofercaicestar  Conco&a>-  b?fden  7  Fercus  mac  Roicli  oc  aicsin  an 
ettimlalng  7  and  anflr,  .i.  an  dias  imon  ainfer,  .i.  Corniall  7 
Loeca/ri  Buadach  im  Comqulaind.  Ni  raba  la  Hult«  fer  nola- 
mbad  a  netergairi,  co  nepo-t  Senca  fria  Conco&ar:  'Eterscar  na 
firu!'  Ar  is  e  dia  t&lmanda  rusbui  oc  Vltaib  an  inbaid  sin 
Coucohar. 

16.  Dolluide  Conco&ar  7  Fercus  etorra  ierom.  Dillecid 
a-llamhai  lia  toeb-  f occ^oir.  '  Benaidh  mo  rerse ',  ol  Sencbai.  '  Di- 
genaimni',  ol  siad.  'Essii  mo  riarsa  dif?m',  ol  Senchai,  'an 
CRuradmir  wcut',  ol  .ui.,  'do  fodail  fon  slog  null  andoclit  7  techt 
immi  arsuidiu  a  rer  nAileZZa  maic  Magac/*;  ar  bid  aingces  laa 
Hulü*  an  dal  so  do  hrethiigad  no  do  gleod,  mani  bretliaichter  i 
Cruachnaiö.'  Fodailter  iersuidi  biad  7  lind  doib,  7  tairmcellai 
dail-tenidh  leo,  7  gabais  mescai  7  batar  failticb. 


')  Oc  techt  do  Bricne  fo  dhe  bi  in  righthighi  is  ann  isbert:  In  curaniir 
iicat,  ol  se,  amail  rohurg-nam,  ni  curamir  tighi  meraighe  (.i.  laig  no  dhaibhir) ; 
7  in  födebi  in  righthighe  inanu  sin  7  in  fordorus  7  in  tairrsech,  ixair  is  iat 
sin  in  da  chrann  tar  a  ted  na  bi  amuich  7  amach;  is  aire  sin  atberar  crainn 
bi  friu,  uair  adeir  isin  Bretha  nemhe :  itir  crand  mbi  7  in  chainnell.  0'  Curry, 
Tr.  p.  1322  f.    Vgl.  Meyer,  Contributions  p.  212,  s.  v.  bi. 

^)  Sucnt  .i.  annsud,  7  meabhul  .i.  nair,  ut  est:  Tucad  do  Coinculainn 
sucut  in  ciiramir,  or  Laegh,  ni  mehhul  do  Ultaibh  uile,  is  e  gaiscedach  is  dech 
fil  dibh.    0'  Curry,  Tr.  p.  1323. 


154  LUDW.  CHR.  STERN, 

(Briatliarchath  ban  Ulad.) 

17.  BricnM  dawo  ina  grianan  7  a  rigan,  ba  fodhirc  doa  asa 
imdm  suidiugif^^  an  ritliiglii,  omal  romboth  and.  Eoscruit  ina 
menmain,  cinnus  norsigad  for  imcosait  ina  mban,  amaZ  deroine 
imcosait  ina  fer.  An  tan  ierom  roscaicli  do  Bricrind  a  scrutan 
ina  menmain,  amal  dorragad  airi,  ba  si  sin  uair  dilluidii  Fedilmm 
Nöcridi  .1.  mban  asand  rightigli  ammach  ier  trnime  oil.  Ataclii 
Bricrm  sece.  '  Maith  sin ',  [al  Biicr iu,] ')  '  emocht,  a  ben  Laogam 
Buaclaig!  Ni  lesainm  dit  dawo  Fedilm  Noicridii  ar  febus  do 
crothai  7  do  celli  7  do  ceniuil.  Concobar  ri  coic«<i  JJlad  do 
athair,  Loegam  Buadacli  do  celi,  acld  namma  nirbo  rö  leam  det, 
cona  tisad  ben  do  mnaib  Ularf  riut  hi  tech  Midhcuarta,  [fo.  4  a  2] 
7  commad  doit  iarsala  nobe^A  bantrac/«^  UlacZ  uili.  Ba  tu  tes 
isan  tech  ar  tuss  anocht,  doroimli  co  aidne  ais  banrign«c7?^  uas 
bandtrac/i^aib  Ulac?  uili.'  Ted  as  Fedilm  lasodam  iar  teora  futli- 
airbi  on  tigh. 

18.  Tic  ammac  ierom  Lendaba/r  ingen  Eogam  maic  Dertoc/if, 
ben  Conaill  Cernaig.  Atgladustar  dawo  Bricrnf,  co  nepert:  'Maitli 
sin,  a  Lendaba?>',  ol  se;  'ni  lesainm  duid  an  LendabmV,  ad  bann- 
lennan  7  ad  menc/;omarc  fer  ndom«m  uili  ar  do  aine  7  t'inracus 
7  t'irdcrcus.  An  nedli  ruc  do  celi  do  ocaih  domain  ar  gsiisciud 
7  crutb,  rucaisi  do  mnaih  domain  7  Vlad.'  Gid  mor  tra  a  muin- 
mech  dorat-  im  Fedilmw,  dirad  a  dlia  cutramma  im  Lennuba/r 
fon  innus  ce^no. 

19.  Dolluidi  Emer  amach  fosadain  .1.  mb(an).  'Slan  ses,  a 
Emer  ingen  Forcaül  Monach!'  ol  Bricnw  'a  ben  ind  fir  is  dech 
and  Eri !  Ni  lesainm  dit  an  Emer  Foltcain,  is  huairedh  do  rigaih 
7  rigdomnaib  'Ercnd  imad.  A  nedh  ruc  crian  do  rennuib  nmie, 
rucuse  do  mna?7;  domain  uili  ar  crut  7  cell  7  ceniul,  ar  aide  7 
aine  7  airdercus,  ar  alludli  7  ergnai  7  aurlabra.'  Cia  ba  mor 
tra  a  muinbech  dirat  im  Lenduba?>,  dorat  a  di  cutrama  im  Kmir. 

20.  Tmgait  ass  ierow  na  tiura  buidhne,  co  mbatar  a  noen- 
maigin  .i.  teora  fuithirbi  on  tich,  7  ni  Mir  nech  dib  a  imcosaid 
do  Bricrind.  Totegad  dia  ticli  lasodaf«.  Tochim  fosaid  nin- 
mallai  nalainw  isin  cetno  futhirüi,  is  ing  ma  rouc  necli  ndib  a 
cois  sech  aroilie.    Ind  tmthairhe  tanasi  immoro  ba  miniu  7  ba 


^)  Um  dem  fehlerhaften  a  Brie,  einen  Sinn  zu  gehen,  hat  eine  spätere 
Hand  ein  l  über  das  a  gesetzt,  sodass  al  als  ol,  or,  ar  'inquit'  zu  ver- 
stehen ist. 


FLED   BRICREND   NACH   DEM   CODEX   VOSSIANUS.  155 

luaithi  a  mmtecM  isuidiu.  An  taithairhe  ba  nesai  den  tich,  is 
amlmd  nie  cec  ben  die  setci  ar  ecin  et  tuarc«&sed  i  lenti  co- 
mmeldm&li  inda  laarc  do  imcosnam  dul  isan  tech  ar  tus;  uair  isecl 
aduba/H  Biicriu  rie  cecli  ai  timchiul ')  aroili,  is  hi  roba  bannrigan 
an  coicic^  uili  anti  ced  a  targacZ  isan  tech.  Ba  si  met  a  fotrainn 
tra  oc  imtecht  oc  imcosnam  tosaich  cacli  aei  riana  cell,  amal  bid 
fotrann  .1.  cairptec/i  tisad  ann,  co  forclirotli  a  riglitec  nuili  7  co 
roeblangatar  an  laith  gliaili  dia  ngsiiscmd,  co  folmustcw  cac  dib 
a  celi  isan  ticli. 

21.  'Anaid',  ol  S^ncliai,  'nidat  namaid  tancotar  ann,  acht 
is  Bricriu  dirad  imcosaid  der  (na)  nina  decötar  amach.  Tong-  a 
to-  [fo.  4bl]  ingi  mo  ÜiuatJi',  ol  .ui.,  'mani  iadlitur  an  tech  friu, 
hiid  lia  ar  mairb  inaid  ar  nibi.'  ladaid  na  dorsaidi  ina  comlsiid 
lasoda^L  Russaidh  Emer  ingen  ForcaiU  Monach,  ben  Conqtt- 
\aind,  ar  lüas  riesna  mnaihh.  aili,  co  tard  a  drnim  risan  comlaid 
7  CO  narlusstar  uaidhi  na  dorrsa/f?e  riesan  mbantracA^  arcena,  co 
nergit-  a  iiru  lasodam  isan  tich,  gac  fer  dib  de  toslucud  ria(na 
m)nai,  comadh  a  ben  tisadh  isan  tech  ar  tus.  'Bid  olc  in 
adhaich',  ol  Concobar.-  Bcwaid  a  clona  narci^  rusboi  ina  laim 
risan  nuaitni  creduma  ina  imdae,  co  ndesiutar  na  sluaig  uli  ina 
suidii.  'Anaidh',  ol  Senca,  'ni  ba  cath  co  ngaiscmfZ  digentar  ann, 
acht  bid  cath  co  mbriathraiZ*.'  Lasodam  doluid  cech  ben  fo  coim 
a  celi,  conad-)  ann  sin  doronsa^  an  loriatharchath  ban  Ulac?. 

22.  Isbert  Fedilm  Nocridi,  ben  Laega?Vi  Buada?^h: 

.E.    '  Codiimbertsa  bru  soer  snüth        dim  cloinn  comcineoil 
ciusiu  do  cur])  rigna  sceo  rig        rieht  forcaine  costud 
conid  cruth  buidech  bertrtr  uaim        uoitbim  crut  cain. 
Consert  la  febha  feniu        fogart  gensiu  genuss 
luchdoun  laimdercc  Loecffiri 

lin  bewjand  rabalc  mbuada        benxs  ar  iath  nUlad 
arslig  cricha  comnamat. 
Imusdich  immusdecrathar  imgoin 
airri  airdercai  laechaift  Laegairi 
lin  a  üuadhai  bias  os  cech  laech. 

Cid  na  hxidsi  in  FeidilnuHsi  Findcoemh       crutbuaduch  buageltaeÄ 
cichsed  ria  cech  mnai        hi  tech  medvach  Midcuarta?' 


1)  Timchell  .i.  a  negmais,  ut  est:  Tuargabhsat  na  mna  a  leinti  co 
meallaibh  a  dha  ladharg  do  imchosnam  dhul  isiu  tech  ar  tus,  uair  adübairt 
Bricue  fri  cach  ae  timcell  (.i.  a  necmais)  araile,  is  i  roba  bhanrighau  in  cuicidh 
uile  inti  dibh  ced  a  raga  istech.    0'  Curry,  Tr.  p.  1321. 

^)  So  im  MS.  statt  conid. 


156  LUDW.  CHK.  STERN, 

23,  Ismbert  Lendubmr  ingen  Eogam  maic  Berthacht,  ben 
Comiaill  Cernaig  maic  Aimergin: 

.R.    'Ar  is  mesi  cruth  cell  congraim 
coblethar  ceimb  crnt  cain  curcastai 
a  tech  medrach  Medqnartai  righ  ria  mnaib  Vlad. 
Ar  is  mo  cell  coeui  ConuU  cosciirac/i  credmair 
coblethar  cein  nard  nadguidhe 
i  iiuchtai  ergal  enind  ria  cach. 
Cain  tinuta  ciicum  co  cernaib  co  cennaib 
con  rucai  calcae  cniaidii  comraicthi  \J\ad. 
Arsaidh  cech  nath        couid  dia  tul  trtrglai 
arslaith  a  natlia        arfich  a  ugrcsse 
commaicb  laeich  ar  a  bi  lecht  liac 
laimethar  mac  ain  Aimirgin  acollaim. 
Ar  is  Connall  ar  lin  a  cerii       cingius  ria  cech  Isech. 
Qid  na  budsi  an  Lendobairsi        li  sulaie  caich 
cichsid  ria  cech  mnai  a  tech  ricc?' 

24.  Asmbert  Emer  ingen  Forcaül  Monacli,  ben  Conqulaind: 
[Denum  ar  ciiid  a  scol ')]  [fo.  4  b  2] 

.R.    Cotumgabusa  cem  cruth  cell  congrainiw 

cobhlT  bnadhai  bät-/tir        cech  delü  cain  cucom 

conid  mo  rose  saer  setse        doine  dorn  gnuse  gne. 

Ni  frith  cruth  na  coire  na  congruimim 

ni  frit  goes  na  gart  na  genus 

ni  frit  lud  serce  soerlidii 

na  cell  conumticesi. 

Ar  is  immamsa  ochsadhur  Vlaid  uili 

is  me  a  cnu  cridi. 

Is  gle  diembesi  boeth  fiad  etarlam 

nimarb-i*)  ben  uaidib  lia  cell 

on  tratsai  co  laili. 

Is  Cwcwlaind  mo  celi      ni  cu'')  ces 

crithir  folai  for  a  crund 

cub»}"  folai  for  a  claidip 

cain  foroudor  a  cru  a  citrp 

crechtsi  ina  caoincnis 

alta  ina  toeblius. 

Cainfeth  a  rose  rochem  inna  cind  siar*) 


•)  Hier  unterbricht  der  Schreiber  seine  Arbeit  xtnd  wendet  sich  an  den 
Scholarburschen  (scoloc)  mit  der  Aufforderung :  '  Lass  uns  unser  Essen  machen ! ' 
*)  Dieser  Buchstabe  ist  von  neuerer  Hand  eiugefügt. 
=*)  cu  MS.,  mit  einem  Zeichen  ähnlich  einem  griech.  w  über  dem  u. 
*)  siar  steht  über  der  Zeile. 


FLED   BRICREND   NACH   DEM   CODEX   VOSSIANUS.  157 

cain  fualoingfüZer  glaine  sair. 

Sirderc  a  seallai 

ogderg  a  fondad 

fordercc  a  fortcai. 

Arfich  6  uib  ech  7  anälaifth') 

focherd  ioch  nerred  iiin  aoib. 

Atetha  des  nonuair      des  donn      des  dall      des  neoin 

immalig-h  lüai  usqi        atetha  des  iionbair. 

Conboing  catba  cro  combagh 

falgadh  betha  borr-buidne 

hrisicl  huath  neterguai. 

Is  fer  sergui  sitb*)  allidii 

is  cron  cutmai  quairidii. 

Is  i  rieht  miia  siuil  segdai  Vlad  uili 

corrice  mo  celisiii  Comcnlaind 

cron  donn  gle  sin  samlaitir. 

At  salaig  uanainn^)        ath  anann  crisalaich 

at  gairb  caithlig      at  crona  cutrammai 

at  crothli  garmanline        am  buanann  bodelbse. 

Is  i  rechtaib  bo  7  daum  7  ech 

sedda  mna  Vlad  uili  conumwticesi.' 


25.  Laso(?ain  äono  ba  edh  dogensad  an  fir  batar  isin  tich, 
LaegmVi  Buadach  7  Conall  Cemach,  0  rusleblaing  a  luan  laich 
ier  cliiais'*)  imacallmai  na  mban:  robristii  cleth  do  cleiailh  an 
ticlii  rig'lidoi  fo  a  comardiis  aniacli,  conid  si  sin  comiir  dilotar 
a  mna  cuqui  isa  tech.  Cuqulaind  immoro  turcaMo  a  tech  ina 
comair  a  immdai,  comtar  fodercai  renna  nimiu  fon  fraicidh  amach 
anios,  conid  si  sen  conair  diluidli  a  bensom  7  na  tri  .1.  mban 
immailli  fria,  .i.  a  .1.  ban  bwden  7  .1.  ban  cechtar  de  na  da  ban 
oili,  cona  hiid  cutrommas  disi  frisna  mndihh.  aili,  uair  niruo 
cutrommus  dia  firsi  fria  cach.    Tolleci  Cuqulaind  ir-rightec  sis 


^)  Zwischen  öuib  und  ech  ist  von  späterer  Hand  ein  l  übergeschrieben. 
Unpassend,  denn  der  Emendator  verwechselt  das  Kunststück  (des),  um  das  es 
sich  hier  handelt:  arfich  ö  dib  ech  7  analaib  fer  (LU.)  'er  kämpft  über  den 
Ohren  der  Pferde  und  dem  Atem  der  Männer'  (cf.  büd  uas  aib  7  analaib, 
LU.  113  b  37)  ^  mit  der  Redensart  dofich  uiblich  tened  7  andlaich  (FB.  51 
und  LU.  122b  16),  die  von  den  Wangen  Cuchulinns  gesagt  wird:  'er  eignet 
des  Feuers  und  der  Lohe  Glut'. 

^)  sith  ist  über  der  Zeile  hinzugefügt, 

^)  Dies  Wort  steht  über  der  Zeile. 

*)  cluas  .i.  cluinsin,  ut  est :  Ba  bronach  in  teghlach  oc  a  cluais.  0'  Curry, 
Tr.  p.  1364;  vgl.  cluais  .1  cloisdin,  O'Cl. 


158  LUDW.  CHR.  STERN, 

iersuidiu,  co  ndechotar  .uii.  fercubaid  do  senamaini)  an  ticlii  a 
ntalmaiii;  co  forcroth  an  dann  uili  7  co-rtrascair  grianan  Briarend 
fri  laur  talmaw,  co  torcliair  Bricrm  [fo.  5  a  1]  bi<dein  7  a  rigan, 
CO  mbatar  isand  otrach  cacai  eter  [na]  na  conaib.  'Aill  amai', 
ol  Bricmt,  'tancatar  naraaid  i  ndun',  la  herci  suas  co  hobann. 
Co-rrola  cor  2)  immar-riclitech,  co  nfacai  snaal  rocloenudh,  co 
ntarlae  tor  a  beoki  uili.  Adsoirc  a  bossai  lasodam  7  lectlii  isan 
teg  iersuidii,  7  ni  rabai  la  Hult^(  fer  rusaithgned  amail  rus- 
salchad,  conid  asa  labrad  atgenatar. 

26.  Esbert  Bricriu  ierom  di  lar  an  tichi:  'Mmatarcomlusai 
fhleid  daib  tra,  a  Ulto',  ol  se.  'Is  annsa  limrasa  mo  tech  oldas 
mo  trebac^  uili.  Es  ges  daib  tra',  ol  Bricriu,  'ol  na  longud  na 
coälud,  co  farcaib  sib  mo  tecsa,  omal  fodrarnecbabmV  ar  üar 
cinn.'  Atarecat  laitli  gaili  JJlad  uli  isin  tich  lasotam  7  doberad 
trianmi^)  diu  ticli,  7  ni  turcaibset  cid  co  tisiudh  gäedli  eter  e  7 
talmam.  Robo  ces  da>^o  tor  Ultw  anni  sen.  'iVoc/<owamtasae^) 
ssimlaid  daib',  ol  Senchai,  'acht  an  fer  fodracaib  cloen,  aidcid  fris 
a  facba?7  diriuch'. 

27.  Atmbertatar  JJlaid  fria  Coinculamt^  iersuidi  a  tech  do 
dirgiud,  7  asmbert  Bricnw:  'A  ri  laecli  nErend',  ol  se,  'mani 
dirgese  comb  coir,  nicon  fil  isan  domww  nodirgi.'  Doradsad  JJlaid 
uli  impidi  fair  im  tuaslucwc^  na  cesta.  Atraigh  CxLculaind  laso- 
dam,  na  bedis  luclit  na  üedi  ein  ol,  cen  tomailt.  Dorat  ierom 
Cuculamd  trianmi  don  tich  die  turcsiib  7  foremidh.^)  Rorias- 
trad^)  ime  iersuidii,  robai  bandoi  folai  a  mbun  cech  finnai  doa, 

')  Fenemain  in  tighi  .i.  cret  in  tighe,  ut  est:  Doleigi  Cucliulainn  in 
righthech  sis  iar  suidiughad,  co  ndecliaidh  secht  fircliubait  do  fenemain  in 
tighe  i  talmain ,  co  f orchroith  in  dün  nulle.  0'  Curry,  Tr.  p.  1321 ;  vgl.  fena- 
main  A.  fighi  min  .i.  cur  slaiti,  0'  Dav.  p.  85. 

2)  Cor  .i.  cuairt,  ut  est:  Rolä  Bricne  cor  iman  rigbthech,  co  naca,  amail 
roclaenadh  co  ntarla  for  a  lethbeolu  uile.  Assoirge  Bricne  a  bhassa  lasodain 
.i.  buailidh.     0'  Curry,  Tr.  p.  1321. 

^)  Triamhain  .i.  nert  no  suinnen,  ut  est :  Atraghat  laitbgbaile  fer  nUlad 
uile  isin  tigh  lasodain  7  doberait  triamhain  don  tigb  7  ni  thurgaibsit  cidh  go 
tissed  gaeth  edir  e  7  talara.     0'  Curry,  Tr.  p.  1322. 

'')   l  'amtasae  MS. 

*)  Atraigh  Cuchulainn  iarum  7  dorat  triamain  dia  turgbhail  7  for- 
f heimidh.    0'  Curry,  Tr.  p.  1322. 

")  Riastradh  A.  fearg,  7  suasmhael  A.  folt  suas  asa  chinn  co  direch,  7 
bri  A.  ferg,  7  bro  A.  brut  7  deismirecht  orro.  Amail  atbeir:  Roriastradh  im 
Coinculainn  iarsuidhiu,  robhai  bannanna  fola  a  mbun  cach  finua  do,  7  rosuigh 
a  fholt  ina  chinn,  gurbha  suasmhael  cas  cirdhubh  robhai  fair,   7  roghabh  a 


FLED  BRICREND  NACH  DEM  CODEX  VOSSTANUS.       159 

7  russuidh  a  folt  inda  cend,  co  iiderna  suasmoel  cas  cirdub  dia 
raba  fair,  7  rongab  am  bri-bro  7  rosiniu  iersuidii,  co  tsiidied 
fertroicli  ter-oclaig  etir  cech  da  asnai. 

28.  Ditimrcaih  a  tech  iersuidii  7  forruirim  co-rvoacht  a 
dirgiu  cednai.    lersin  tra  coiscter  an  dtiag. 

29.  Btridli  Senqhu  hreth  do  na  mnaib  .i.  Emer  ar  tus  isa 
tecli  7  in  di  mnai  ali  gu^dlaind  fri  gimlaind  ind.  Rofas  dawo 
in  imarbaidh  cei!na  do  na  mnaih  isin  ticli  ier  nacMa.m  an  ö.onaid. 
Beitar  mrom  inn  fliir  do  mitostud  7  anfed  lasodam,  co  nerraclit 
Sencliae:  'A  cosc  na  mban',  ol  .ui.,  'na  be  olc  eter  na  firai. 

.R.   Cotaimsechaim  (for  se)  a  laichiusai        ana  urdarcai  airecdai  Ulad 
anat  for  mbagbriatra        ua  banaicter  ferguuisiu 
i  cura^i-comraicthib        tria  uailli  agb. 
Ar  is  trie  ein  mban        bid  ferua  ferdlochtain 
fir  i  nurgalfliö  immad        mar  galgat  com-  [fo.  5  a  2]  lut  fercloindii 
ar  is  dia  mboesaiih  brigaib  bes  doib 
dofurcbad  nadriccad        immsuidiud  nadrancet.' 

30.  ^BetMr  damhsai,  a  Sencliai',  ol  Emer,  'bam  bensai 
curad  cain  comramaich,  cotngabus  criith  cell  0  rodamnad  a 
forcetaZ  can  dicheld,  eter  des  for  Miälaih  7  iiballcles  et  siabwr- 
cles  et  des  cuair  et  des  caid  et  derccfildnecZ  erred  nair  et  gai 
bulcae  et  bai  braise  et  briith  ngene  et  sian  curad  et  rothcless 
et  foebwrcles  et  drem  fri  fogaisd  et  dirgwcZ  creti  tor  cach  nai. 

Ni  fbuigbidir  fer  and  conmesdur 

a  oes  7  a  fhas  et  a  ainius  7  a  urlaüra 

a  ceneol  a  guth  a  gaes  a  gal  a  gaisced 

a  bruth  a  buaidb  a  buaidris 

a  foraim  a  fhoimhsidhe  a  fianchoscwr 

et  a  deni  co  clius  nonbair 

fri  CoincMloin«  comcosmaii.' 

31.  'Fir,  a  ben',  or  Coimall,  'taed  ille  in  güdai  clesucli  sen, 
co  comairsim.'  'Näidi',  ol  Ciiculaind,  'am  seit  annossai,  cond 
esar  biad  7  co  rocodlur.'  Ba  fir  dosom  anni  sen,  fodaigin  ised  la 
insin  immacomrainic  dosom  frisan  Liadli  Macha  a  toib  Linde  in 


bhri  brö  7  roshin  iarsuidhiu  go  tulle  for  fertraigh  fir  oglaich  edir  cach  da 
easna  do,  7  tuargaibh  tech  mBricue,  gu  roacht  isin  dirigh  cedna.  0' Curry, 
Tr.  p.  1322. 


160  LUDW.  CHR.  STERN, 

Letli.  Eosealöf?^  CuchtJaind  ciici,  co  tarad  a  di  laim  ima  t)räig?Y, 
co-rrustairmceld  tii-  nErcncl  fon  indus  sin,  co  toracht  in  adaicli 
sen  CO  na  eoch  rietai  les  co  tecli  mBricrend  a  ndaun  Eud/-a/f/e. 
32.  Is  and  asmbert  C\ici\\aind :  'Eosirius  andü  morbnig-lii 
Herinn',  ol  se,  'Breglia  Midii,  Muiiiusc  Miu'teme  Macliae  Magli 
Mediiai,  Cvdrech  Cletech  Cenmi,  Aidne  Aidli  Asul,  Lia  Linde 
Locharna,  Fea  Femen  Fercnaie,  Corun?^  Umald  Irruss,  Cerai 
Mao?imag  Mncraime,  Tenmagh  Tulcai  Tnredai  Tedba  Tlachtg-ai 
Tailtiu  Temair,  Cualai  Ce>mnaie,  Eocrogneo  Eoscre  Innu.  Ferr 
limm  cech  des  codlud,  dili  lim  longad  oltas  cech  ni.  Tongi  di 
dia  toingi  mo  tuad,  mad  am  saithiucli  bidli  7  codiüta,  is  des») 
limm  7  is  cliiiclii  daum  comrac  fria  hoinfer/  'Maidh',  ol  Con- 
cu&ar,  '  is  lor  a  fod  atathai,  acair  imdell  Biicrend.  Tuctar  biadli 
astecli',  or  se,  '7  coiscter  an  imforain,  co  tair  an  flidli.'  Deric- 
net  samlaid  7  ba  saim  doibh  iersiiidiu  co  cend  tri  laa  7  teoui'ai 
naidhce. 

(Tochim  ülad  do  Chruachnaib  Ai.) 

42.  Toichim  V\ad  do  Crmcmih  Ai  b^destai.  [fo.  5  b  IJ  2) 
Dia  tri  la  7  teorai  naidlice  mrom  dolotar  Vlaid  iiili  a  mhret- 
imnus  nAilelh  maic  Magac/»  co  Cruchnai  Aei  iman  cui'afZmir  7 
im  imarba/^  ina  mban.  Ba  cain  7  ba  liaibinn  7  ba  sochraid 
a-rrem  ronucse^  do  Cr«a6lina/6.  Anais  immoro  (^uqidaind  coleic  di 
eis  Vlad  ac  RirMüid  ban  nVlad  .i.  nai  nubla-clis  7  .ix.  cletini-cl/s 
7  noi  scenai-cl?5,  7  ni  taii'miscafZ  nach  ae  a  celi. 

43.  Luid  Loecli  mac  Eiengabrai  ierom,  a  arasom  Conculamc?, 
CO  liairmb  a  mboi  oc  na  clinssai6  dia  accallamsom ,  co  nerbaii't 
Ms:  'A  cloenan  truaigh',  al  se,  'roscaith  do  gal  7  do  gaiscerf, 
dicoidh  uaid  an  cm-ac/mii',  rosieclitatar  Vlaid  CniacJmR  in  tradsae.' 
'Ni  rorataichsewj  edir  eni,  a  Laigli,  indel  dun  an  carba^  tra',  ol 
.ui.  Inlis  hoeg  an  caib«^  7  lotar  tor  eraim.  Eussiecli(t)atar 
\j\aid  Mag  mBreg  an  tansa  olcena.    Eusbui  di  luas  and  ermo 


*)  Cleas  .i.  aibhnius  no  maith,  ut  est,  amail  atbert  Cuciilaiun:  Toingi 
do  Dia  toingi  mo  thuath,  mad  am  saithech  bidh  7  cotluda,  is  cleas  lium  7  is 
cluiche  damh  comrac  fri  haenfbear.     0"  Curry,  Tr.  p.  1323. 

*)  Über  dieser  Seite  steht  die  Glosse:  Eol  .i.  gnatb  nt  est  Eanic  co  eol 
fein  an  fer  tar  gach  1er  co  nilar  nglond.  Besser  geschrieben  findet  sie  sich  in 
Harl.  5280  wieder.  Vgl.  K.  Meyer.  Voyage  of  Bran  p.  41.  Den  Gegensatz  211 
cöl  'Heimat'  bildet  aneöl  A.  ferann  anaitlinigh,  0" Curry,  Tr.  1375. 


FLED   BRICREND   NACH   DEM   CODEX   VOSSIANUS.  161 

Concwlamcl  tra  o  Dun  Rudra/^/e  ier  na  gvisad  die  [njaraid  tucht 
imruliüd  in  Liath  Macliai  7  an  Dub  Saiglenu  fon  carb»^  tar  fod 
coicid  Conqwbair  7  dar  Sliah  Fuaid  7  dar  Magli  mBreg,  conid 
se  an  tres  carba^  ceda-rainic')  Crnacna  Aii. 

44.  Lasa-rrem  7  lasa  mborrfarZ  tra  ronucsad  laith  ghaili 
ter-)  nUlad  imm  Concopar  7  imon  rigraid  olcenae  do  Crnac/maib 
Aei,  rolai  airmgrit  mor  do  Cruachnaib,  co  ntorcratar  na  hairin 
asna  fraichtii,  co  rabatar  tor  talmam,  7  rusgeb  cridh  slua^a  an 
dunaidh  uili,  conid  samlaüZ  rusboi  sluar/  an  duine  uili  amal 
curcuss  fri  srntli.  Isinbert  Medb  lasodam:  'Cusandiu  dowo',  or 
si,  "0  gabsusai  Cniachnsd,'^)  ni  eolusai  in  torainw  cen  na  niula 
and  cusanosai.'  Luid  Findaba?V  ingen  Aile/?a  7  Medbha,  co  mbai 
isan  grianan  for  fordorus  an  duine.  co  nderbert:  '  A  matharnaid ', 
ol  si.-!)  'Cur  i  s&mlaid^)  foair',  ol  Medb,  'a  cnith  a  hecuscc  a 
congrainim,  delii  an  fir,  datli  a  ecli,  tocini  a  carba?^/ 

45.  .T.'O  'Atciusai  em',  ol  Findaba/r,  'na  da  euch  filet  fon 
carbif^,  da  ecli  bruthmurai  brecglasai,  comdatba  comcrotba  coni- 
niaitlii  combuadai  comluathai  coimlemnecliai  biruicli,  airdcin« 
aicinmhair  allmair,  gabl«ic7i  goibcliuil,  dual«/c/t  tuillef/«ain,  tor- 
breca  fosbengai  forle/nai  förranchai,  casmongaicli  cascliaircbig, 
Carba^  fidgrind  fethandai,  da  ndrocli  dubai  tairchise,  da  nall 
naebdai  imnaisi;  fertse  cruaidhe  [fo.  5  b  2J  coilcdirgi,  cret  noithecli 
noiglinde,  qidng  druimnech  dronarcaid,  da  nald  ndualcai  ndron- 
buidi.  Fer  findclias  foltleubor  isin  carbni^;  folt  ndualac/i  tiara 
ndathae  foair,  folt  find  fri  tuind  dnn,  croderg  ar  medon,  mind 
noir  buidii  ardotuidhethar;  rollasad  tri  immsretba  imma  cend 
cocoirse  cecli  ai  a  toib  alaili.  Fuan  coir  corcrae  immee,  coicroth 
oir  aircdidlie.  Sciath  bailc  hemiiech,  bil  ban  findruine.  Sieg 
cuacli  coicrind  ar  a  durn  derglasaid.  Anbluth  neu  netegnaidh 
uas  a  creit  carpaiY. 


1)  ceda-rainic  wie  ceda-targad,  in  Cap.  20  so  zu  leseu. 

*)  Lasasrein  und  J  (statt  fer)  MS. 

3)  erat  MS. 

■*)  Vor  der  Anrede  fehlt:  Atcliiusa  cairptech  issam  mag,  LU. 

^)  Cuir  .i.  tabhair,  7  samail  .i.  tuarascbäil,  ut  est:  AtcMusa  carpat  isa 
magh,  a  uibathair  [ar],  or  Fiuuabbair.  Cidr  samhlai  fair,  ol  Medbb,  a  chrut,  a 
ecosc.    0' Curry,  Tr.  p.  1323.  —  Das  i  im  Texte  steht  wie  oft  für  a  'sein'. 

®)  Dies  am  Rande  stehende  .t.  scheint  eine  Abkürzung  des  Wortes 
tüarascbdil  'Beschreibung'  zu  sein;  denn  eine  solche  folgt.  Sie  ist  zugleich 
mehr  oder  weniger  rhetorisch  d.  i.  allitterierende  Prosa,  wie  denn  z.  B.  eine 
ganz  ähnliche  Beschreibung  LL.  120a  als  .R.  d.  i.  retoric  bezeichnet  wird. 

Zeitschrift  f.  oelt.  Philologie  IV.  ü 


162  LUDW.  CHR.  STERN, 

46.  'Atgeuumair  asa  \iam\aid  an  fer  sen',  ol  Medö. 

'Gred  rig  seinrectaid  buadhai 

bare  bodbai      pruth  pratba 

breo  digla      drech  cnrad 

ciiinse  churaid      cride  ndracan. 

Altfad  mbei/ireocb  buadbai  fonluintibh 

ind  luchdon«  laimdej-cc  Laeccain 

liith  lau  foebrae  foltchip  ton??  fri  talmain  tartbem. 

Toncusai  a  toing  mo  thuath',  ol  Medb,  'massa  co  fercc  7  co 
mbaraind  debtlia  dotoed  hoegcmi  Buadach  cucaind,  ama?  hcniir 
foltcip  fri  laur  talm««.  co  iialtain  aitli,  hüd  si  sin  glice  an  aiiiicli 
dombera  fornw  lin  atam  a  Cruachnaid ,  mani  foiclilicter  a  bnitli 
7  a  prig  7  a  borrfat^  fo  a  rer  fodein  co  tlsiümgiid  a  debtha.' 

47.  'Atciusai  dawo  caurpa^  naili  isam  magh,  a  mktharnait', 
ol  in  ingen,  '7  ni  mesai  dotoet  sidii.'  'Cuir  i  samliiid',  et  rel. 
'Atciusa  em',  ol  si,  'indala  necli  fil  fiian  cstrhiit  gabur  cenanw 
crondatlia  cruaid,  dian  daigerdbai,  bedgach  baisle^Aon  nchtle^/^on, 
berus  biülli  balc  buada  tar  atha  tar  inberai  tar  raitiu  tar  im- 
raitiu  tar  moiglii  tar  midglinde,  co  ndosaidh  ier  mbuaid  midise 
i  samlaift  en  eturluamain ;  nisf eth  mo  rose  ran  inniud  f or  a  riadh 
rochem  räin  edrutli.  Araili  ech  dercc  tullei^Äan  drondualacA 
druimmle^/jan,  fosheng  feocbair  fonna  fortren  forrengach;  atechtai 
iadh  netarmaighi  iter  niotlirai  7  aimreide.  Ni  fogaib  and  imm- 
doraid  iter  omnaip  riadli  rot.  Carpai  fldbgrind  fethaidlii,  dia 
ndrocli  findai  humaidii,  sitbbi  fiwwarcaid,  cret  iirard  dresaclitacA, 
qumg  druimnecli  drondualac/i,  dia  nald  dualcai  dronbuidhei.  Fer 
find  forchas  [fo.  6  a  1]  foltleobor  isan  carp«^.  Drecli  \et([erg  leth- 
gaburi)  lais,  fuamman  Anw  fuineclida,  brat  gormm  croncborcrae. 
Sciatli  äomi  telbuidi  .i.  bil  co  n condual  credumhai.  Lucliair  derg 
daigerdai  ar  a  durnw  dercclassaidh.  Anbluth  nen  netiglmaid 
uas  a  cret  croncarpait.' 

48.  'Atnglienamuir  asa  sYiamlaid  an  fer  side. 

Oxad  leoumain      londbrutb  logbai      lith  caiii  cej-umai 

cern  eter  craetaib  cuirethar  cruaid 

cend  ar  cend      glonji  ar  glon«      gleo  ar  gleo^). 


')  Lethghabar  .i.  letheacb,  ut  est:  Fer  finn  forcbas  foiltleabhar  isiu 
corpat,  dreacb  derg,  lethghabar  lais.    0'  Curry,  Tr.  p.  1323. 

*)  Oxud  leombain  lonnbrutb  logba  lia  cbain  cermna  cnn  (crann?)  eter 
creathaibh  cuiritbar  curaid  cenn  ar  cheun,  glonn  ar  glonu,  gleo  ar  gleö.  Tuic. 
0'  Curry,  Tr.  p.  1323. 


FLED   BRICREND   NACH   DEM   CODEX   VOSSIANUS.  163 

Gle  nodonselne  ssladhar  ieasc  bec  for  gairb  ieirg 
dia  mbi  fergi  füasnathar  mrtc  Findchaimi  frin«. 

49.  'Atciusai  carpa^  nali ',  7  rel.  'Atciusai  em ',  al  in  ingen, 
*  indala  liecli  fil  f uaii  CRr\)ut,  ecli  liatli  leslethoii  lonw  liiatli  luaim- 
necli  ludlimar  ludlemnecli  lebormongach ,  maigiiecli,  toiniiucli 
trosdmär  tuadmoiig-ach,  airdcent^  uclitle^/ion,  lasaid  född  fonw  bras 
focliiürsiu  fochruaidh  fo  chniib  coliith  ce^Aardai  dogrend  helma 
enlaitlii  liiaitli  biiadai,  berid  a  ritli  tria  sed  foscain  huatliai  end. ') 
nanailche,  aibliuch  teiieth  tricemrüadi  taitned  a  craes  g'lomarciii(d). 

50.  Araili  ecli  cirdiib  cruaidcewfZ  cendcruind  coelcosach 
cruale^/<on  cobliith,  diaii  diilmhar  diialach  driümle^/ion  dron- 
cliüchech,  maglmech  aignecli,  bairnech  balccemnec,  lebörmongach 
casmongucli,  scuablebor  grinn  miaaigli  iar  nitli  aig  ech  a  niat, 
mosciug  sreatha,  sredid  sergie,  sethid  moige  midglindi.  Carba^ 
tethgrmd  fethai^e,  dia  ndrog  ernbuidi  iarnai;  sithfi  co  fetban 
finwdruine,  cret  credae  croimglinde,  cuing  driümnech  dronordai, 
da  nall  diialcba'^)  dronbnidi. 

51.  Fer  broeniiich  diib  isin  carbiid  is  aildiumh  d'feraib 
'Erend.  Fuan  cain  coir  corcrae  imme.  Heo  oir  inndlaise  iias  a 
ban  bruindechttr  ina  hathurslocad  tri  benien^)  luatlia  lanbuilli. 
Hocht  iigemma  derccai  dracimtai  for  laiir  a  dha  immlesan.  Da 
ngriiaidli  ngormgelai  crodergui,  doflch  aibliucli  7  anala^'cli.  Fo- 
cherd  hieb  nerred  nindai,  des  nuadb  nonbair  huas  a  err(id)  oen- 
charbai^.    Is  banda  fri  frais  011  tra',  or  si. 

52.  'Athgenumair  assa  liamlaid^)  an  fer  sin',  ol  Meäh. 
[fo.  6  a  2] 

Broa  mara      bara  bledmaill      blog  derctenei/i 

tonn  mairnecb  matbi'uamdha 

morbruth  borr-biasta 

brishis  muadb  morcatha. 

Ging  tar  eccraid  necomlund 

allbach  mpratba  brogene 

brutb  matbgaman  for  mincetraib '^)      miirtcet  for  cxechaib 

cuiref/iair  glond  ar  glonw      cen«  ar  cend. 


1)  Dieses  Wort  steht  über  der  Linie. 

2)  Das  MS.  hat  dualt. 

^)  Das  MS.  hat  ben,  mit  dem  Haken  für  m  über  dem  b. 
*)  Atgenamar  (as)a  shanilaibh  in  fer  sin,  ol  Medhbh,  .i.  aitbnighim  asa 
tuarascbail.    0'  Curry,  Tr.  p.  1324. 

^)  gaman  for  mincetraib  ist  nachträglich  übergeschrieben. 

11* 


164  LUDW.  CHR.  STERN, 

Cai?ul  cur ')  coir  coscracli  cridimhuil 

fri  Comcnlaind  comcosmail. 

Cotunmelai  amal  melius  mwilend  muadh^)  mraicli. 

'Toing  7  rel.,  iiias  co  mbaraind'*)  do  totoet  CvLcJmlaind  qticsimn, 
am«?  meiles  miiilend  .x.  norcel  mraicli  racriiaidh,  is  a^mlaid 
cotiinmela  an  fer  sen  a  oeniir  ar  iiir  7  grian,  cie  nobe/is  fir  in 
.u.id  uili  immond,  mani  foicle^Aur  a  bruth',  7  rel. 

53.  'Et  a  beclitsa  cinniis  ditiag-a^.^'  ol  Med6.  'Doid  fri 
doid',  or  ind  ingen,  'leoid  fri  leoid,  fuamain  fri  fuamiiiii,^)  guala 
fri  giialaind,  bil  fri  bil,  tusfuil  uili,  a  biiidmatlicdr,  fid  fri  fid, 
fondad  fri  fondadli,  carpa^  fri  carp«^. 

Comluth  marc  mbuadlia      maidm  toronn  toUclei/ie 
tretau  trom  aiubtinee      all -diu  fri  himalldai 
fortliacritli  iu  uiriud      imtren*)  tromtuinsit.' 

'Mna  finwa  tornoclda  friu',  ol  Med&,  'aiirciclie  aurnoclita  ettrochta, 
co-llion  ning-ew  nurlum  mncomraic,  lis  aursloictlii,  buirg  flioenbelai, 
dabcha  üarusce,  dergadba  iiidlithi,  biadli  nglan  imdai,  mrachliiid 
miiadli  mescmar  maitli,  fene  fotliath,  fodien  an  cacli  dotlioet  bes 
ninortliar  taris.' 

54.  Lassodam  dilluidi  Meäh  tor  dorus  an  lis  ammach  7  tri 
.1.  ingen  le  7  teorai  daücliai  liüarusce  den  triar  latli  gaili  do- 
tainic  riasan  slu«^  do  ÜaXhngud  a  mbrotha.  Eollatli  rogai  doib 
iarsuide,  dus  in  bud  tecli  for  leth  do  gach  duine  dib  no  in  hiid 
aointech.  'Tech  ar  leth  da  gac  äen',  ol  Cuchidaind.  lersuidiu 
lotar*5)  a  tig  co  ndergotaib  sainamrib,  7  an  robo  dech  do  na  tri 
.1.  ingen  dobre^Äa  doibh,  7  ü-ohreth  Findaba/r  do  Coinmlaind  secli 
cach  isan  aracul  i  raba,  7  tancotar  JJlaid  uili  iersuidiie.  Luid 
iarom  Aüül  7  Med&  7  a  teclach  uili,  co-rrofersad  failti  fri 
Hulltw.    Frisgart  Senca  mac  Ailellsi:  'Es  maitli  lind',  ol  .ui. 


0  cur  ist  nachträglich  über  der  Zeile  hinzugefügt. 

2)  Mbuad  .i.  cruaidh,  ut  est:  Gotanmela  Cuchulainn  sibh,  al  Medhbh, 
amail  mhelis  muilenn  mbuadh  braitb.     0' Curry,  Tr.  p.  1323. 

^)  Die  Worte  mas  co  mbaraind  do  stehen  über  der  Zeile,  ebenso  meiles. 

*)  Leoit  .i.  uille,  fuamain  A.  taebh,  ut  est:  In  feicidh  cinnus  do  tiaghat, 
ol  Medhbh.  Doit  fri  doit,  or^  in  ingen,  leöit  fri  leöit,  fuamain  fri  fuamain, 
gualainn  fri  gualainn.     0'  Curry,  Tr.  p.  1323. 

^)  is  ist  von  ziemlich  später  Hand  übergeschrieben  (imistren). 

^)  Die  Worte  lot-  a  tig-  cö  von  später  Hand  hiueinkorrigiert. 


FLED   BRICREND   NACH   DEM   CODEX    VOSSIANUS.  165 

55.  Tiagaid  mrom  \J\aid  uili  isan  dun  7  dolecter  ar-ricthech 
ndoib  anifl^  dorimthiur,  .1.  .iiii.  cuardai  ann  7  secht  nimdhadai  0  ten 
go  fraigliJ)  Aireiiecli  credhuma  . . .  a  tiilaicli  [fo.  6  b  1]  in  toiglii. 
Tech  ndaruch  co  tuigi  slindiudli.  Di  shenist/r  dec  ann  co  com- 
laf?aibh  glaiii(i)de  friii.  Imd«/  AileWa  7  Med?^a  a  medon  an  tighe. 
Airinig  aircdidi  impi-)  7  stell  creduma  7  flesc  aircid  a  na  nai- 
rinech  ar  helaib  Aile?/a,  adcoimliced  midlisiu  an  ticlie  di  cosc  an 
tegl«?^  do  gres.  Tairmcliellset  ^)  gaiscid  iier  nülad  oin  dorus  di 
aroili  dond  rightigh  7  arduspedd  a  naes  ciiiil,  cen  botli  ac  aiir- 
cnom  bid  doib.  Bai  tra  de  fairsengi  an  tighi  lii  tallustar  formna 
latli  ngaili  an  coicicl  uli  am  Concobar.  Concobar  v  7  Fercus 
nirtc  Koigh  a  nimdai  Ailelldi  7  nonuar  do  Isithaib  gaili  an  cmcid 
maille  friii.  Tusnarneetar  üedui  morai  iarsuidi.  Botar  and  iarom 
CO  cend  tri  laa  7  tiara  naidhce. 

56.  Ba  iersuidiu  tra  conaccrar^'*)  Aik7/  doa  Concubwr  co 
nUllta«&  imme.  Dorrimlie  Concobar  no  Senca  mrom  in  caingin 
ima  tancatar,  'Imm  comiiaild  an  trir  ciirad  imman  cuor«(^mliir 
7  im  comiiaild  inda  mban  imma  toisigecht  im  na  flediiibh,  ''>)  uair 
ni  rodmaithe/-  a  mbretliiicift?  an  nach  baili  aili  acid  axat-sa.' 
Soctais  Ailill  lasodam  7  ni  ba  fail?"^  a  menma.  'Nirba  cucitmsai 
em',  ol  se,  'robbo  coir  dal  ina  convad  sen  do  tabairt,  muna 
taburtii^  ar  mescais.'  'Ni  bä  fer  biis  ferr  nodglefe  emh',  ol  .ui., 
'atau-siu.'  'Maith^)  liiimsae  re  scrudain')  dam  ris',  ol  Ailill 
'Recamne  a  les  em  ar  coiira^Vr,  ol  Senqu,  'ar  is  mor  do  mid- 
lacha?&   a-llogh.'    'Lor  limsa  dawo   tri  la  7  teora  haidce  frisso- 


^)  Cuaird  .i.  buidhin,  7  is  buidhen  ar  chatb  sunn,  iit  est :  Tiagait  iarum 
Ulaid  uile  isin  dun  i  Cruacbain  7  do  leicedh  in  ritheach  doibh  ambail  dorim- 
thar  .i.  secht  cuarda  ann  7  secht  nimdba  6  thein  co  fraigh,  7  is  iat  na  secht 
cuarda  .1.  secht  cata  Ulad.    0'  Curry,  Tr.  p.  1324. 

^)  Das  MS.  hat  impni. 

3)  Tairmcheallsat  .i.  timsaigit  no  srethnaighit,  \\t  est:  Tairmchellsat 
gaisced  (.i.  airm)  fer  uUlad  on  dorus  diaraile  don  ritech  7  arduspeted  a  näes 
ciuil,  cein  both  oc  aurghnam  doib.    0'  Curry,  Tr.  p.  1324. 

*)  Conacrad  .i.  roiarfaidh,  ut  est:  Bädar  Ulaid  a  Cruachain  gu  ceauu 
tri  lä  7  teora  naidhchi.  Ba  iarsuidhiu  tra  conacradh  Ailill  sgela  do  Coucubar 
CO  nUlaid  ime  .i.  amaille  ris.     0'  Curry,  Tr.  p.  1324. 

^)  Conmaill  .i.  commortus,  ut  est:  Dorime  Sencha  iarum  do  Ailill  in 
chaingin  ima  tangatar,  .i.  im  conmaill  in  triur  curad  imau  curamhir  7  im 
comuaill  na  mban  ima  tuissigecht  isna  fledhaibh.    0' Curry,  Tr.  p.  1324. 

«)  Malith  MS. 

')  Antais  in  triar  amaille  rimsa  re  sgrudan  dam  dan,  or  Ailill,  .i.  re 
tuicsin  no  re  fechain  mo  chomairle.    0' Curry,  Tr.  p.  1324;  cf.  p.  1346. 


166  LUDW,  CHR.  STERN, 

dam',  ol  Ailill.  'Ni  torcvaid  carde  son',  ol  Senclia.  Timgar- 
tatar  JJlaid  celiuhrad  iersuidiu  7  batar  buidig-  7  dombertatar 
beandrtcÄiain  dond  rig  7  din  rigain  7  dobertatar  mBllachtam  do 
BricWjz(i,  uair  is  e  fhuair  i  nimcosaid,  7  lotar  dia  crich  iersuidiu, 
7  facabafZ  Laeg'awi  Btiadach  7  ConnaZZ  Gernach  7  Ququlamd 
dia  mbre^/mgwc^  leo.  Dobre^/^a  a  Cruacham  iad  7  scorther 
i  neicli. 

63.  Dobretlidi  rogha  [fo.  6  b  2J  doib,  cid  biadh  woragacZ  di 
nechaib.  Isbert  Gomiall  7  Loegam  airthend  da  hWadtm  do 
taba?>t  dia  necha?'&.  Gran  eorna  imwzorö  rotogh  Cucuk/nfZ  dia 
eocha<&.  Feotar  and  an  oidhce  sin.  Eainnter  in  bandtrac/t^ 
etorra  a  tri:  dobre^  Finduba/r  7  .1.  ingen  impi  a  tecli  ConcuZmnc^, 
dobre^A  Sadb  Sulbair  ingen  ali  Aile??a  7  Med&a  7  .1.  iw^/ew  impi 
i  farratZ  Conna?7Z,  dobre^/i  ConcewcZ  iw^/ew  Cet  ma?c  Magac/«  7  .l.a 
iw^e«  a  farrar?  hoegairi  Buadaig.  Notatliuige«^.  Meäb  fesin  co 
menic  a  tech  a  mboi  Qiiqnlaind. 

64.  Atragad  ierom  nmtam  moc  iarnamarucli  7  tiaga/^  isan 
tech  a  mboi  an  macrad  oc  cor  rothclesai.  Gebthi  hoegairi  iarowi 
in  rotli  7  ruscuir  i  narda,  co  ranic  midlis  in  tigi.  Tibit  an 
macrafZ  im  sodain  7  doberaid  gair  do;  ba  do  cwidhiitd  hoegairi 
on,  indar  la  hoegairi  ba  gair  buadui.  Gebti  Coamall  dawö  in 
rotli  7  ba  do  laur  7  todierd  iRTom  in  rotli  co  hochtaig  ind  ric- 
thigi.  Focerdat  [an]  in  macracZ  gair  foa,  indar  la  Coimall  ba  gair 
commaidmi  7  buada;  gair  cuidbe^Äa  immoro  lasin  macraid  inni 
sin.  Gebti  dawo  Ciicwlaind  in  rotli  7  ba  lietMrbuas  tärra^'d  e. 
Focerd  dawo  i  nardui  in  roi^li,  go  rolai  a  lioic/i^aicli  don  ticc,  co 
ndechöifZ  an  rotli  fercliuba^  a  tdlmain  fria  lis  aneclita/r.  Tihit 
an  macraid  gair  commaidme  7  buada  im  Co(i)ncula2«c7.  Indar  la 
Co{i)\ic\iluind  ba  gair  cuidbc^/ia  7  fanamaid  foclierdad  in  macrat? 
im  sodain. 

65.  Tic  CucuZamcZ  do  SMgid  an  bandtrac//^a  7  berid  a  tri 
.1.  snatliad  uaidib  7  nusdibairc  na  tri  .1.  snatliad  cach  dib  a 
ndiaid  araili,  co  tarla  cacli  snatbacZ  dib  a  crou  a  ceili,^)  co 
mbatar  ina  line  fon  sama«7  sin.  Tic  iarom  dia  saigid  dorise  7 
dusber  a  snatad  fen  i-llaim  cecli  enmna  dib  doridisi.  MolsaiJ  an 
oic  dawö  im  sodain. 

58.  Luid  iarom  Ailill  in(a)  arucul  fole^  fri  scrutain  a  mbreth- 
aigthi  7  dom&er  a  druimm  fri  fi^aig^VZ  7  ni  ba  saini  a  menma  7 

•)  cli  MS. 


FLED   BRICREND   NACH   DEM   CODEX   VOSSIANUS.  167 

ba  aing-ces  les  an  dail  donfäinec  7  iii  rocliod«?7  7  ni  roloingti  co 
c^end  tri  laa  7  teora  noidqi,  conid  ann  ismbert  Mßdö:  'Is  milaeclida 
(110  täi',  ol  si).i) 

73 

[fo.  7  a  1]  '  Ni  ba  la  . . .  .  r  cTö.'  ktvaig  side  swas  lasoduin.  '  Ni 
tiicsaidli  comartlia  tairciiis  curudhmir  daoiu ',  ol  .ui.,  '  an  rig  cussa 
ranciiba/;-  tollem  ecraidei  frip  tinn  i  tionn.  Ni  moo  dawo  a  cion 
pripli  oldas  (a  tiicsaid  uad).  Bid  liomsa  dawo  in  (Lwradmir',  or 
se,  'liuair  is  me  tucc  comartha  suaicnid  secli  cacli.' 

74.  Dotrae  suas  lasoda/i^  an  cuac/^  ndercoir  7  en  do  liic 
logmair  for  a  lär  7  cutraime  lii  sula  di  draccain,  dotnacatar 
\]\aid  uili  im  ConciiJor  mac  Nessa.  'Is  me  i^rom  dligiiis  a 
Qxwadmir,  niina  brister  flor  fer  form.'  'Cotmidium  lüli',  ol  Con- 
cubar  7  Fercus  7  ol  maitlii  \]\ad  uili,  '  is  let  an  Q,m:admir  a  brith 
uAileWai.'  'Tong  a  toing  mo  iViath\  or  hoegairi  Buadach  7  ol 
Comiall,  'ni  ciiacli  ein  crec  dit  an  ciiach  tuciiis.  In  rusboi  di 
hsetaiii  7  di  moiniü  it  bseulba,  twcais  airi  di  Ailül  7  Meiäb,  ar 
na  ructlia  don  bliag^)  it  cend,  na  tarta  in  cwradmir  di  neoch  aili 
ar  do  bliela/Z>.'  ^Tong  a  toing  mo  ti\ath\  or  Coimall,  'ni  ba  lat, 
7   ni  ba  hreth  an  hreth  donncad  anw,'^)   7  ni  berai  an  cwradmir.' 


1)  Zu  dem  fehlenden  Texte  hat  H.  3.  18  die  folgenden  Glossen.  Zu 
Cap.  58:  Ba  hannsin  tra  conacrad  (.i.  rofhiarfaidh)  Laegaire  do  Mheidbh  iar 
sgriidan  (.i.  iar  fechsin)  a  comhairle.  —  Zu  Cap.  61:  Breg  .i.  cealg,  7  meraighi 
A.  duine  bor  no  oinmhit,  ut  est:  Fuidhis  Medbh  techtaire  uaithi  dochnm  Con- 
culainn  7  isbert  fris  dul  d'agallaim  in  ri  7  na  rigna.  Is  dorn  chuidbhiudh 
6n,  or  se,  suris  [lies:  furis]  dobertha  breg  im  nach  meraigi.  Vgl.  mearaidhe 
.i.  amadain,  O'Cl.  —  Zu  Cap.  61:  lurthund  A.  orgain,  7  siabhra  A.  ferg,  ut 
est:  Aill  amai,  ol  Medb,  iifr^/mnfK'uculainn,  ol  si,  dia  siabraithir  imme.  At- 
fraigh  Medbh  lasodain  7  luidh  go  rainic  Cuculainn  co  tard  a  di  laim  ima 
bhraighit.    Tabair  breig  im  nach  naile ,   or  Cuculainn.     0'  Curry,   Tr.  p.  1325. 

Nach  der  Lücke  von  einem  Blatte  der  Handschrift  ist  das  Folgende,  von 
Bl.  7  a  1  an,  etwas  kleiner  und  mit  blasserer  Tinte  geschrieben,  vielleicht  von 
anderer  Hand. 

^)  Bagh  A.  buaidh,  ut  est:  Toing  a  toing  mo  thuath,  or  Laeghaire 
Buadach  7  or  Conall  Cernach,  ni  cuach  gan  creic  duit  in  cuach  tugais,  uair 
a  roibhe  do  setaibh  7  mainibh  it  sheilbh  is  edh  doratais  aire  do  Ailill  7  do 
Meidb,  ar  na  ructha  do  hhag  it  chenu,  na  tarda  in  curamir  do  neoch  eile  ar 
do  bhelaibh;  no  na  habartai  goma  chathugadh  egoir  dait  a  ndernais,  is  aire 
tugais  ar  na  beith  a  fhala  it  chenu,  is  aire  doratais,  uair  is  inann  bagh  7 
cath.    0'  Curry,  Tr.  1325. 

3)  an  MS. 


168  LUDW.  CHR.  STERN, 

Cotnerig'h  cac  diibli  di  araili  liasotöm  cusiia  claid6??>  noclita/&. 
Totaot  Conquhar  7  Fercus  etorra  iersuide.  Dillecid  a-llaraa  sis 
fo  cetöir  7  doberaid  a  claidii  iim  tniaildib.  'Anaidli',  ol  Senqu, 
'denaid  mo  reir-se!'    'Dogenum',  ol  ied. 

(Cüröi  mac  Daire.) 

33.  'Issi  mo  rer-se  daoib',  ol  .ui.,  'huairi  nach  fetori)  iiar 
m])vethi\cud  inn  nac  baili  aili,  ^rcid  co  Coinrui  mac  Dairi,  Is  e 
notolemliatliar  ior  mbreümccud  in  tor  iva,igid.'    Conid  ann  esbert 

Senqhii: 

'Ailicl  an  fer  coucerta  Qurai  nirtc  Dairi 

con  deckt  fir  forcoll      nat  fri  goi  gepiter 

fer  find  firian  formaith  mormenmnach 

hrncaid  ar  brucachns 

laech  ar  laimti?2cus^) 

airdri  ar  aireclius 

con  certfa  fior  foruib  fedm  aircc  ailfius.'    Ailiä. 

34.  'Faomuim,  foemuim',  ol  Ciwhnlaind.  'Ced  liom',  ol 
Jjoegairi.  'A  dolai',  tor  Commll  'Gaüta?'r  li'eicb  äidiu,  a  Connaiir, 
ol  CucJiulaind,  '7  indiltw-  di  carpal'  'Cid  amai',  or  Coimall 
'Ece',  ior  CvLcJmlaind,  'forfidir  cacli  aimglioci  Wechrada,,  admoildi 
th'innill,  immtrom  con  cengaind  do  carpai,  con  tocüann  clof?h 
cechtOY  a  da  rotli  di  ro[tli]carpa?Y,  conid  ?^\icht  suaichn?'*:?  [fo.  7  a  2] 
fri  hedli  oll  bliwcZna  do  ocbaid  J]\ad  cec  rot  riattus  do  carba^,  a 
Cormaill' 

35.  'Adcluine  sud,  a  Jjoegairi?'  tor  Conn«Z^.  'Fe  amae', 
ar  Jjoegaire.  '  Nacaam - ail ,  nacara-imdercc,  a  Connaül!'  tor 
Q/Wchulaind. 

'Ni^)  escirfee  ior  athn  ior  ilatlia 

CO  \mcht  irgöiü  re  nocuit  \l\ad. 

Ni  cuir  fornisa  renitus  riarigh 

con  clechtaimsi  cairpteor«c/i^ 

re  hargrtift  re  lierr(ed)uibh  re  hoencairpti6 

a  ndoilgii  a  ndroüelniZ;  a  coillti&  a  coiccricliaifc 

nad  cleclita  eirr  aon[rJcarpai^  do  imlnadh  ar  mesi.'     Si  am  esc. 

')  Das  MS.  bat  huairi  n  fetor;  vgl.  c.  41,  vro  uairi  non  fedoninir  steht. 

'^)  Laimtenach  .i.  tren  no  calma,  7  cert  .i.  breath,  7  foraib  .i.  etraibh, 
ut  est :  Sencha  ac  tabairt  tliuarnscbala  Conri  doibb  co  uebbairt :  Briigaid  a 
bhrugbachns,  laecb  ar  laimMhenachus,  airdri  ar  airecbi;s,  conccrffa  fir  foraihli. 
0' Curry,  Tr.  p.  1325.  Vgl.  laimthinach  .i.  derbtliach,  p.  1422;  länih  laimtldnach 
.i.  lämb  cbintacb,  no  locbtach,  p.  1475;   laimhthionach  .i.  miangbasach,  O'Cl. 

'')  Verschrieben  für  am,  wie  der  Scblnss  zeigt. 


FLED   BRICREND   NACH   DEM   CODEX   VOSSTANUS.  169 

36.  Lasodam  immoro  rogabuid  a  eic  di  hoegairi  7  doliindlccZ 
a  carbai^  7  rolepla?wry  iiid.  Bre^ais  an  tariü  brot  ior  in  echraid 
hoc  tecJd  iocetoir,  co  tancotar  tar  Mag  da  Gaba^  pri  Hiüta,  dar 
Bcrna  na  Forairi,  dor  Atli  Carpa?Y  Fercusa,  dor  Ath  na  Morrignai, 
do  coerthonw  Cluana  da  Dam,  a  Clitair  Fiäxiidhe,  a  Comur  cetri- 
sMgte,  tar  s\ig]\Ub  Diiine  Delga,  tar  Mag  Slicech  siar  a  sliab 
mBreg  mbratlisol«5.  Is  annsin  atracht  doimell  trom  tiug  doborfZaa 
duibciac  dorco  doeolais.  Es  nann  ispei-t  fria  a  ariüdli:  'Toirnid 
an  carpa^,  ol  .ui.,  '7  scuir  na  lieocliai,  co-rrodigliü  an  ceo  don- 
fain/c'  Dognit(er)  samlaid.  Rnsscuir  in  gilla  na  heochai  isan 
fergort  bö   a   comfocus  ndo  7  rusgair  ca  forairi  7  ca  forcoimed. 

37.  Ni  cian  boi  ann  co  nfaco  an  scäilfer  mor  dia  doqum, 
osse  mullacMe/lion,  belremhor  bolcshiiilec/i,  granna  grindednach 
grucanach,  adheidig  dur  dosmailgioch.  Ba  dnibitir  gual  cech 
nalt  7  cecli  näga  de  6  mwldach  co  a  bon«.  Ba  samöZta  fri 
herhall  iiadlieich  an  mong  gaisedecli  greliatli  consiiiged  tar  a 
formna  siar  sechtair.  Suili  duibliatlia  linducha  lai(s).  Ba  medi- 
gith/r  dar  fitlicillie  cecli  ded  glasbiiide  boi  a  cecJänr  a  di  drant. 
Ba  sama/ta  co  racharZ  long  fo  a  lanseola/^  tar  a  gincraoss  fos- 
laicti.  Srön  qam  qnasaniich  leis,  fetliiucli  brec  ingalnir  aicci. 
Nuscerd  fi  salannmeich  do  tuluib  a  lurgan  bfiar  bfoqhnam. 
Hoircne  mellchai  grebancliui  foi.  Slioasta  sacachai  sithqiiama 
leis,  se  adlipronnach  (Ietliantsluaistech),0  se  gkmmhar  tönchoir 
glaisingnioch.  Ba  egcnitha  examnil  [fo.  Tbl]  an  baclac/j  sin. 
Ba  dub  teimnif?lie,  ba  fuachda  firgranda,  ba  liansuairc  anaobda 
(tüaruscbail)  ind  fir  sin.  Esse  immoro  ba  moom  di  feruib  domain 
CO  na  madän  magiuircie  fadbuidi  dron  denmaide,  co  torcraid  tor 
delgan  do  fri  Siglend  a  dlii  glnmlann.  Araili  araid'^)  niuschidlii 
blireclachtna  co  na  imlih  iarnit?v'^  uimpi,  si  imtrom  fri  himtecJit, 
si  adliuar  fri  lianadli,  si  lietig  fri  liairechtus,  ätm  aonbniit  na 
haraidi  sin  roboi  immon  mbaclac/i. 

38.  larsin  üarfo?VZis  an  taitliioch  do  araidli  Laoga/ri  Buadaig, 
can  do  7  cuich  a  tige>-na.  '  Ni  ansa ',  ol  in  tara, '  Loegairi  Buadach 
mac  Connbuide  maic  Iliacli  mo  tigernussai.'  '  Is  gilla  degtigerna 
on',  ol  an  scal,  7  is  anila/f?  adbert  anni  sin  7  dotocaib  a  madan 
magluirci  7   dohrcüi  bem  do  0  cluais  co  a  caraidh.    Cne^ais  7 


')  Eine  Lücke  im  MS.  gelassen,  die  aus  Eg.  ergänzt  ist. 
^)  Ardith  .i.  brat,   nt   est:   Araile  arait  müscaidhe  bhreclaclitna  ime. 
0' Curry,  Tr.  p.  1326. 


170  LUDW,  CHE,  STEEN, 

iachtais  7  eglimis  an  gilla  iar  faciiail  an  moirimnid  7  an  eccom- 
lainn.  '  Fe  amae ',  or  Laegairi  ac  cloisdin  iact«  an  arad.  Lasodam 
atraclit  Jjoegairi  focetoir  co  na  armgaisce^  dia  foiridhin.  Imma- 
comrainic  doiuh  7  dawo  ni  raibi  ba  do  sotam  di  Loegame.  To- 
cimid  an  scal  a  madan  maglnirci  7  dohreth  beim  do  0  a  clnais 
CO  a  (c)araid  co-rtoitsei!  a  airm  uaid  ein  comus.  Tecliis  hoegatri 
Buadach  iersin  fo  melui  7  fo  niebf«7,  co  ranic  Eomam  Macha  ier 
facnha?7  a  hech  7  a  arudli  7  a  airmgaisci^^. 

39.  Niruo  cian  mrsin  co  BiomicM  Coinaall  Cernach  iarsan 
sligid  cctooi  ciisin  maigin  i  turcailAi  an  duibceou  draigecA^a  tor 
hoegairi  reme.  Artraigis  an  ceo  cetna,  tor  Conall,  conar  cnngain 
nem  no  t?ilmam.  Tairlingis  iersen  7  tairnt«r  a  carpa^  7  scoiris 
an  tarui  a  eocha  isan  fergort  ce^no,  fep  roscuirid  eich  hoegatri 
B'uadaig.  Niruo  cian  din  araid  co  naco  in  fer  ce^na  cuici  7  iar- 
taigis  do,  cia  'gam  mboi  se  ale,  or  ,ui,  'Hoc  Conall  Cernach',  ol 
in  tarau.  'Mait  in  fer',  or  an  scal  lia  tocua*7  a  madain  mag- 
lnirci boi  ina  laimh,  la  tsibairt  bemin  de  co  rmclit  an  tarai.  At- 
el uin  CoBall  sin  7  ergis  foceifoir,  immacomrainic  do  7  don  scal. 
Niruo  ferr  son  do  dawo.  Rof oruaisl?^e^/i  1)  7  teicli^V^,  co  riaclit 
Eammw  Macha  ier  tkcuaü  a  arm  7  a  ech  7  a  aradh. 

40.  Dolluid  .ü.  Quq^^lamfZ  ina  carp«^  ier  nmmadli  a  fuilt  7 
ier  na  sleamhoncirar^h  ar  an  sligid  cetoa,  fep  docotar  cach  do 
etergleo  an  imresna  7  erruid  Vlad  immon  cur«f7mir,  conustarrrt?V? 
an  duibciach  draigeclitac  cci^no,  amal  t?iiTaid  an  luchd  remi,  co 
ruslion  an  cobes  dimhain  diqlui  iter  nemh  7  talaumh.  [fo.  7  b  2] 
Tairlingis  Cwchulaind  isan  maigin  sin  7  clmiris  Loeg  a  eocha 
isan  fergort  cei^no.  Niruo  cian  boi  ann  co  naco  an  fer  cendgarb 
corpremur  quici  co  na  madän  maghiirge  ina  laim,  amal  ticed 
remhe.  'Cia  tussa,  a  gilla',  ol  se  co  handiarraid.  'Ni  me  ata 
ein  ticernai',  ior  Loeg,  '  Cuchulaind  mac  Subaltaim.'  'Maith  on 
an  cach  fil  ann',  ol  in  toclach,  7  tocuaid  fair  an  madan  7 
dobrcdi  (beim)  do  0  a  chiais  co  a  (c)aruidli.  Garthis  Loeg. 
Atetha  Cwchulaind  a  gaisce^  7  focerd  cor  niacli  nerred  nde  docwm 
an  scail  7  di  foridin  Loigh.  Dercuis  cach  lii  celi  dib.  Ba  feig 
immoro   7   pa  forgranna  an  fegadh  7  an  frithailiom  dorat  cach 


*)  Foruaisle  .i.  tarcaisue,  ixt  est:  Imacomraic  do  Gouall  7  dou  scal,  ni 
ba  ferr  son  dna,  foruaislithar  Conall  feibli  roforuaisligthi  Laegaire  Buadach 
riam  7  teichid,  co  riaclit  Emain  Macha  iar  fagbail  a  arm  7  a  each  7  a  ara,  7 
rl.    0"  Curry,  Tr.  p.  1326. 


FLED  BRICREND  NACH  DEM  CODEX  VOSSIANÜS.       171 

dib  for  a  cell,  QwcJmla'md  7  an  scaZ.  Immacomhtuairc  doib  iersin 
7  doberid  Cuchulaind  da  beim  im  gach  mbeim  dossom,  .i.  tatbbem 
7  bem  CO  comiis,  co  rofo>-iiaisb(/  Cuchtdaind  a  bruth  7  a  brig  an 
scail,  co-rrosdislig  na  heocha  7  an  aruid,  7  co  nie  eocha  7  arudhai 
an  lochi'd  oili  uaid,  .i.  ConaiU  7  hoegahi,  fo  an  cum&,  cetiio.  Luid 
Cwchidaind  remi  cou  Heomam  Machsi  a  ndiaid  an  lochta,^)  oili  7 
dobre^lia  a  neoucha  7  a  narndha  doib. 

41.  'Es  latsa  an  cwradmir,  a  CiicJmlaind',  or  Bricne.  'Ni 
ba  fior  anni  sin',  ol  Conncdl  7  Jjoegairi  Buadach,  'uairi  m'con 
fedomair,  cia  do  cliairdib  sidhi  Gowaulamd  tanic  do  imb/rt  a 
cwmacht^i  foruind,  7  ni  cert  an  cuara£?»«?r  do  pritli  Imainde  aire.' 
Feidmid  \j\aid  a  uedirgieod.  'Inwsaig^VZ  Coinnü',  ol  Sencliui,  '7 
na  liannid  la  bretir  naili,  co  ristai  iiair  lem  ior  bur  netergleod 
in  uar  fladn«5i.' 

79.  Dolotar  isin  maitin  iernamarucli  a  triur  cur«f7,  .i. 
Cuckulaind  7  CoTiall  Cernach  7  hoegah-i  Buadach,  co  catraic 
Conroi.  Scoirit  a  cairpthi  a  ndorus  ana  catrach  7  tiacaid  isin 
rigtecli,  7  feruis  Blatnad  ingcn  Mind,'^)  ben  Conrai,  failti  rü;  7 
ni  raibi  Cnrai  a  buss  ar  a  cinn  an  ?iö.aig  sin,  7  ra(fl)tir  ricfa//is, 
7  förfhacaib  comarli  lasan  mnai  im  reir  na  ci\rad,  co  tisad  don 
turus,  ari  ndecha/r?  soir  a  tiribh  na  Sciatia.  Fouith  ni-rroderg 
Ciiroi  a  claide&  a  nErind,  0  rogab  gaisced  co  ndechaid  bas,  7  ni 
declia^Z  biad  Erend  ina  beolui,  cen  ronboi  ina  betaid,  0  ropdar 
lana  a  secht  mbliadnsi,  uairi  ni  rotallnstar  a  uaild  nach  a  aliud 
nach  a  airechus  nach  a  borrfarZ  nach  a  med  nach  a  calnirt^us  in 
iiErind.  Boi  immoro  an  ben  diaa  reir  co  tolcud  7  fothröcad  7 
co-llendaib  la  inmescaiZ^^)  y  qq  ndergocZaib  sainemla^i,  comtar 
bnidhig. 

80.  0  thanic  doib  iarom  [fo.  8  a  Ij  co  dergad,  asmpcrt  an 
ben  rü  iersiiidi,  cech  fer  dib  a  aidqi  di  faire  na  catrach,  co 
ntisrt(/h  Quri,  hi  fairi  doib  ier  noesaiii.  Cipe  haird  di  airdib 
an  Domain  a  mbet,  dincanud  tor  i  catraic,  co  mbo  limithir  proin 
mmlind,  cona  fogiiaithi  i  dorus  iar  fune^  ngrezVä  do  gres. 

81.  Luid  iewm  hoegairi  Buadach  an  cet  Rdhaigh  di  fairi 
na  catrach,  uair  itte  ba  sinnser  doib  a  triur.  Kusbui  isan  tsuidhe 
faire  iersuide   co   dere^h   aidhci,   co  nfaco  in   scath  quci  indiar 


1)  Das  MS.  hat  lossa. 

2)  M^  MS. 

^)  Vernmtlich  für  hinmescaib  Yerschrieben. 


172  LUDW.  CHR.  STERN, 

radarc  lii  siilai  don  f«rci.  Ba  dimor  7  ba  granna  7  ba  liathuatli- 
mar  lais  a  med  an  scaith,  ar  i  maus  lais  co  mischt  conuici  etliiar 
a  airdi,  7  ba  fodcrc  do  foles  na  fairci  fo  a  gsibid.  Is  MTdaid 
tanic  7  laim  a  di  glac  leis  do  lomamiib  danich,  7  dobi  oiri 
quingi  sesnV/i  in  cec  lomcrann  dib,  7  nir  aiÜierracJd  bem  do 
buam  craind  dib  acht  aon  beim  di  claidm6.  Doleg  gecan  dib 
fair,  lecthi  Ijocgairi  secha.  Caomclaid  fo  di  no  fo  tri  7  ni  ranic 
cne5  no  sciat  do  Jjocgairi.  Dolleici  Jjoegairi  gai  fairsiom  7 
ni  ranic. 

82.  Eoictisim  a  laim  co  hoegairi.  Boi  tra  dia  fod  na 
laime  co  nrnact  tar  na  teora  futoiriii  bo  etorvo  hoc  imdiprocMrf, 
conid  iersodain  rogab  ina  glaic.  Ciar  iio  mor  7  cier  uo  hairegda 
tra  Locgair/,  tarlustar  a  noenglaic  in  odaig  donfanic,  fep  talla^Z 
mac  hlmdna,  7  condamalt  eter  a  di  pliois  iersnidi,  am«?  tairid- 
niter  fer  fithcilli  ior  tairidin.  Trat  ba  le^hmarb  iarom  ind  innus 
sin,  dodleici  ercor  disiide  tar  caithir  amuich,  co  nboi  tor  in 
otrach  a  ndorus  an  ritighi,  7  nir  hosluced  an  cat^V  and  etir. 
Dornmmenaiter  ind  flr  tra  7  miiinter  na  catrach  uili,  ba  leim 
roleabluingseom  tar  an  ca-traig  amuich  dia  tsLCuhaü  tor  na 
feroib  aili. 

83.  I  mbatar  co  diaid  lai  co  trath  na  fa/re,  luid  Conna?^ 
Cernach  isan  suidi  fairi,  uairi  ba  sine  oldass  Cüchiilamd.  Fo  an 
innus  ce^no  dno  amal  tarhii  di  Loegmri  uili  an  adaidh  cefna  toisich. 
In  tres  aidci  dno  luid  Cuchtdaind  isan  tsuide  fairi.  Ba  si  sin 
adö?^h  rusdaisad  na  tri  Glaiss  Seschinn  Uairbeoil,  tri  Buai- 
deltaig  Bregh  7  tri  maic  Dornmhair  Ceoil  di  orcam  inna  catrac. 
Ba  hi  dawo  adliaidh  roboi  lii  tmrrngiri  don  -geist  roboi  issin  loch 
hi  farrud  na  csitrach  fordiuchlaim  lochta  in  p««Vt  uili  etcr  doine 
7  innile. 

84.  Bai  Ciichulamd  äidiu  hoc  fritairi  na  hoidchi  7  batar 
mitürussa  imdlia  foair.  Trath  ba  medon  oidci  do  ierow^,  co  qualui 
in  fotrann  cuci.  'Alla  alla',  or  Cnchulaind,  'cia  fil  alla?  Masad 
caruid,  condosnadaid;  mas  dod  namhoid,  condomralaid.'  Gainn 
namnus  fair  [fo.  8  a  2]  lasoday«.  Concloich  Ciichtdahid  foraib 
ierotn,  conid  marl)  tarraidh  talumli  a  nonbor.  Addaig  an  cendMl 
occo  isin  suidhe  nfaire.  Modli  nad  modh  indesid  inna  suide, 
congair  in  nonm^r  aili  airi.  Rusmarb  tra  na  tri  nonmwai  fo  an 
innus  ce/na,i)  co  ndernoi  oencarn  dib  eter  cendail  7  fadbh. 

>)  .lo.na  MS.,  statt  .loo.na. 


FLED  BRICREND  NACH  DEM  CODEX  VOSSIANUS.       173 

85.  Amal  ronboi  ann  iersuide  co  d.eret  aidci,  ba  scith  7  ba 
toirsech  7  pa  mertuioch,  co  cuala  comgabail  ind  airdi,  a,mal  bud 
fotrann  tarci  dinioiri.  Ni  fordamair  tra  a  briitli  cecha  raba  do 
med  a  turse  ein  techd  do  dexin  in  delma  moir  roncola,  co  naco 
in  coimergi  dorine  in  pesf.  Doicc  lais  dowo  roboi  .xxx.  ciibat  di 
iias  an  loch.  Dusnuarca/6  suas  iarsiiidi  isan  aier  7  rusleablaing 
docMni  na  catrach  7  adrolaicc  a  beola,  co  näechsad  aon  na  rig- 
tiche  ina  craos. 

86.  Forraitliminedar  lasodam  a  forumclis  7  lingthi  a  nairde, 
coriio  luaithid/r  retid  fuinnemwa  imon  pesd  imma  cuairt.  ladaid 
a  di  glaic  immoa  braig?7  ierstr/c?e  7  rodiug  a  laimli  conici  a 
gwalamn  inna  gincraes,  co  t&rtaig  a  cride  eisti,  co  ndorahü  naid 
tor  taliim.  Imhcir  Cwclndaind  in  claideö  fu/re,  co  nderno  min- 
mirewc^a  di,  7  donbir  a  Q,end  co  raibi  acco  isan  tsuide  fhairi  hoc 
an  cew(?ail  aili. 

87.  Trat  romboi  ann  iersuidii  7  se  athbrisde  trog  isan 
degoil,  CO  naco  an  scath  cnici  aniar  doud  f«rci.  'Bid  olc  ind 
adaid ',  ol  .ui.  '  Pud  nieisemh  duidse ',  olsa  Cu.  Lasodafu  dolleici 
gecan  foair.  Leicid  Cuqidaind  seochau.  Coemcloid  fo  di  no  fo 
tri,  ni  ranic  cnes  no  sciath  di  Comculaind.  Dolleici  CiicJmlamd 
gai  fairsiom  7  ui  ranic.  Sinis  a  laimh  co  Co(i)nci\laind  iersuide 
dia  gabail  ina  glaic,  amai  rogabh  na  firui  aili.  Foucerd  CiicJndaind 
cor  niach  nerrad  nde  lasodam  7  raithmenadar  a  forumhclis,  7  a 
cloide&h  nocht')  huas  a  miiWuch,  coruo  luaithidir  fiamhain  et- 
arbhuas  imme  imma  cuairt,  con  nderna  retarbuara.  'Anmain  an 
anmain,  a  Chwchulaind ! '  or  se.  'Mo  tri  drindruisc  dam!'  ol 
CncJmlaind.  '  Eotbia ',  ol  se,  '  f eib  dotissad  lia  t'anail'  '  Rigi  loec 
TiErend  dam  0  an  tratsa,  an  curadmir  ein  cosnom  frim  7  tos  dorn 
mnai  ria  mnaib  Ulac?  uili.'  'Rodbia',  ol  esiom  lasodam  fo  .lo.oir. 
Ni  fhitir,  cia  arluid  uaid[i]  anti  boi  oc  a  acollam. 

88.  Immadraidiu  ina  menmain  iersuidi  a-lleim  docotar  a 
oes  Citmta  tar  an  catraic,  ar  ba[d]  mor  7  pa  hard  7  pa  lethon 
a-lleim,  7  ba  doich  laiseom,  ba  do  leim  docotar  an  lath  gaili 
tairsiu.  Domidethor  fo  tri  dia  lemim  7  forremtius.  'Maircc 
domrommalt  a  nimned  domromaltsai  cus  trasda  immon  curatZmii-', 
ol  Cuckidaind,  '  7  a  techd  uaimb  [fo.  8  b  1]  la  fedmedh  an  leime 
docotar  ind  fir  naill.'    Pa  si  tra  boethar  dogene  Cuchulaind.    No- 

1)  nost  MS. 


174  LUDW,  CHR.  STERN, 

cinged  for  a  ciila  etorbhuass  fod  norchora  on  catrai^r.  Docinged 
dowo  etarbuas  doridise  asin  mbaili  lii  tairised,  co  mbenadh  a 
tuilcend  risan  catraic.  Nolinged  a  nairde  fecht  naill  isan  talom 
coiinici  a  glun  ar  truma  a  protha  7  a  neirt  In  tecJit  aili  ni 
ti(s)ccid  a  druchd  don  feor  ar  denmne  an  aicn?d  7  lütighi  an 
lathoir  7  med  na  gaili,  Lasan  siabrat^  rosiabrad  uime,  techt  noen 
ann  cingtisom  tar  in  ca.tr aig  amoig,  co  raibi  tall  a  medon  na 
catracli  a  ndorus  an  rigiigi.  Ata  inad  a  da  traiged  isan  liic  uil 
for  lär  na  catracli,  iiaili  a  raibi  a  ndorus  an  rigtliigi.  Teid  isan 
tech  lasodam  7  dolleic  a  osnaid  ass. 

89.  Ismbert  Blathnod  ingion  Mind,  ben  Conrui:  'Ni  hosnadli 
iar  meabul  emli',  or  si,  'acht  is  osnaid  iar  mbuaid  7  coscur.' 
Eonfidir  ingen  rig  Innse  fer  Falga  i  ndoraid  doiruid  Coincnlaind 
isan  oidliclü  sen.  Niruo  cian  dono  iarsin,  co  n(a)ccota>-  Coinrai 
cuco  isan  tecli,  7  bratgaisced[na]  na  tri  nonüar  romarb  Cuchulaind 
lais  7  (a  ci)nna  7  cenn  na  piasda.  Espert  lasodam  iar  cor  na 
cendmli  do  assa  iiclit  for  laiir  an  tighi:  'Ba  gilla  comliadiis 
do  fliairi  duine  rig  do  gres',  ol  .ui.,  'an  gillai  dian  comrama  so 
an  enoidhci  uili.  Anni  imma  tudcabliair  am  rersi',  ol  .ui., 
'immon  curadmir,  is  la  Coincu^amc^  iar  flrinde  ar  helaib  bocc 
nEi'end  uili.  Cia  uheth  bus  calma  ann',  or  se,  'atas  ni  fliuil 
rossia  coimlion  comruma  pris.'  Es  i  brerti  rucc  Qurai  doib  iar- 
suide,  an  curaÄnhir  do  Comcnlaind  7  latlius  gaili  Gaidel  uili  7 
tus  dia  mnai  ria  mnaib  Vlad  uili  a  dtecli  noil,  7  dombert  .uii. 
cumliala   do   or  7  arce^  do  i-llogli  an  gniomaoi  oenoidlici  dorine. 

90.  CeliprazY  ievom  do  Coinrui  7  dollotar,  co  ndecotar 
'Eomain  Maclia  a  triur  ria  ndeug  lai.  Tratli  ann  doib  iersuide 
CO  roinn  7  dail,  rogabsat  and  rannaire  an  curaJmir  co  na  fotha 
do  linn  [ria]  riasan  roinn,  co  raibe  occaib  torleth.  'Is  derb  lind 
tra',  or  Dub^/mc/«- Doeltengau,  'ni  fliuil  imcosnom  lip  smocht  imon 
cur«(?mir.  Rolamair  bur  mbretliucliitc^  anti  rancopa/r.'  Isbert  an 
fiall«c/i  aili  fria  Coincu?amfZ  vär&uide,  ni  tardliud  an  cwradmir 
do  neocli  dib  sech  a  celi.  Mad  in  robretaigliestar  imnioro  Curai 
doib  a  triar,  ni  ardamadliair  ni  de  itvV  do  Coinculainn,  0 
rancotör  Eumain  Maclia.  Ismbert  Cuculamd  lasodhain,  narüo 
sanntac/<-som  fair  ciiradmir  do  cos-  [fo.  8  b  2]  noiiili  idir,  fobitliin 
naruo  mo  a  solumh  donti  dia  tibartlia  oldas  a  doludli.  0  slien 
ni  roroinnedi  cur«(?mliir  ann,  co  tarne  (cennacli)  an  ruanada  a 
nEumain  Maclia. 


i 


FLED   BRICREND   NACH   DEM   CODEX   VOSSIANUS.  175 

(Cennach  ind  ruanada.) 

91.  Yecht  nann  do  Ulltrt/&  a  nEmain  Maclia  iar  scis  aonaig 
7  cluici,  dolluid  Concopar  7  Fercus  mac  Eoich  7  maitlii  Vlad 
archena  asan  cluicliimuigh  a  \\EM\ain,  co  ndesitar  tall  isan  Craeb- 
ruaid  Concuba/r.  Ni  raibi  Cuculamc?  ann  na  QomiU  Cernacli  na 
Loegafri  Btiadach  an  adiiid  sin.  Batar  immoro  latli  gaili  fer 
nUlad  ann  olcena.  Amal  robatar  and  tratli  nona  deog  lai,  co 
nacotar  baclilacA  mor  forgranna  cuco  isan  tecli;  ar  indar  leo  ni 
raibi  di  JJWtaib  lath  ngaili  rosasad  \eth  medi  fair.  Ba  liiiatbmor 
7  pa  granna  a  indus  ind  oclaig.  Sencodhal  fria  cneass  7  brat 
dublactna  imme  7  dos-bili  mor  fair,  med  gaimhlias  hi  tallad  .xxx. 
ngamnoi.  Suili  ciochardha  buide  ina  ciun,  med  coire  rodaimh 
cecht?iv  na  da  siüa  sin  fria  cinn  anecÄiair.  Eemithir  doid  laimhe 
neich  oili  cech  mer  diau  mernib.  Cep  ina  laimli  cli  a  raibi  oiri 
.XX.7  cningi,  biail  ina  laim  deis  a  ndeocatar  .iiii.  bruthdamna,  boi 
feidm  cuingi  sesrige  ina  samhta^V/. 

92.  Dolluid  fön  eccnsc  sin,  co  mboi  fo  bun  na  gabln  ronbiii 
a  cinw  na  teneth  ina  tsesomh.  'In  cuimci  an  tiglii  doid?'  or 
Dubthach  Deoitenga  frisam  bacblacli,  'an  tan  nad  fogliba  inad 
naili  umiu  acht  heth  a  mbun  na  gablui;  munid  caindleorac/i^  an 
tigi  is  ail  doid  do  cosnomh,  acht  namaa  hudli  moam  biis  loscad 
don   tig  oltas  iius  soillsi  don  iegluch,   7  comad  lo&cud  don  tig.' 

93.  'Acht  nama',  ol  .ui.,  'ni  he  mo  dan  do  gres,  atad  dana 
eli  liom  cenaue.  Inni  dia  tudhcuid  chuincid  .ü.',  ol  .ui.,  'nocan 
fliuar  ind  Erind  nach  ind  Alpuin  nach  in  Eoruip  nach  in  Afraicc 
nach  an  Aicia  co  Grecia  7  co  Scetia  7  Innsie  Horc  co  Columnuib 
Htfrcoil,  CO  Tor  mBreogam  7  Indsie  Gaid,  nech  nocomaildfec?  flr 
fer  frimb  uimme.  Uair  roucsaidsi  for  nUlltai& ',  ol  se,  '  do  slua^aib 
na  tire  sin  uili  ar  grain  7  greid  7  gsdsced,  ar  oirechus  7  uaill 
7  ordon,  ar  feli  7  indracus  7  febus,  fogabhar  ann  uaib  ainfer 
comaldnus  bresdiir  an  ceisd  immatu, 

94.  'Ni  coir  emh  oinech  cuigid  do  bre^h  arai  oinfhir  do- 
tesbaid  dib  hoc  diden  a  noinich,  7  bes  nib  nessamh  ecc  dossuidhe 
oldas  doidse.'  'Ni»)  hoc  a  imghabhail  dowo  atussa  anni  sin.' 
'  Findamair  tra  do  clieisd ',  ol  Fercus  mac  Roig.  'Acht  co  rodam- 
thar  fir  fer  daumh',  ol  se,  'addober.'  [fo.  9  a  1]  'Is  coir  em  fir 
fer  do  comaldnud  friutsa  immoro',  ol  Sencuo  mac  Ailell&,  'ar  ni 

1)  Das  MS.  hat  IM. 


176  LUDW.  CHR.  STERN, 

fir  daum  do  &l\mg  mor  miündtriomuil  prised  for  oinfer  nanaiclmid 
netorriü.  Et  ba  doicch  linn',  ol  Senchui,  'mad  cus  trasdoi  fua- 
gebta  ainfer  do  dingualiii  simn,'  '  Faccuaimse  dowo  Concupar  fria 
laim',  ol  .ui.,  'daig-  lii  rigi,  et  facuim  Ferccus  mac  Roicli  daicli 
a  coitechta,  7  cibe  dib',  ol  .ui.,  '  rismadseidir  •)  cenmotliaa  hin 
dioas  sin,  toet  co  ntallursau  a  cend  de  hinocht  7  co  talla  nio 
cenn  diomsa  himbaruch  d'adhuicb.' 

95.  'Is  deuru  tra  hi  fechtsau',  or  Diibtucb,  'ni  Ml  ann 
nech  iibus  fiou  lueat  dirioacht-  a  ndega/d  na  desi  sin.'  'Bed 
cossa  liinossa',  ol  Miiinrembar  mac  Gerrcin«;  dosceinn  side  for 
laur  hin  tichi  lasodam.  Ba  he  tra  calmotus  hin  Muinremair 
hisin,  nert  cet  cathmilecZ  ann  7  nert  cet  cedluid  cechtsir  a  da 
righid.  '  Tair  sios,  hi  bachlnich ',  or  se,  '  co  tallursa  do  cend  diot 
anochd  7  co  talliissa  diomsa  amaruch  d'adhiiig.'  'Fogebainnsi 
hin  cech  bailie  anni  sin,  diamadh  hed  iiudh  ail  dam',  ol  in 
bachlrtc/i.  'Amail  rocinnsemh',  ol  .ui.  'is  amk/cZ  doguem:  mesi 
do  gaid  do  cinn  diotsa  hinocht,  tussa  dia  gaid  diomsau  himaruch 
d'adhuigli  dia  dighail.'  'Toing  a  toing  mo  tuath',  ol  Bvibthach 
Doeltengau,  'ni  hail  doid  eg  samhlaicZ,  an  fer  muirfe  anocht  dot 
marbud^)  himbaruch  d'adhuigh.  Is  hocndsa  t'oenur,  ma  ata  do 
cumochta  do  marbod  cech  noidci  7  do  dighail  iarnamaruch.'  '  In 
comarli  emh  orrotaidhse  nili',  ol  in  bacluch,  '7  is  ingnad  lib 
domgensa.'  Fonaiscidh  for  a  cell  iersuidi  a  fhior,  or  ni  gaibthiur 
him  comuldnud  a  daliii  fris  arna[r]marucli  d'adhnich. 

9ü.  Lasod«m  gebthi  Munremar  an  mbiail  hi-llaimh  an  bach- 
laich; .iiii.  traicti  ider  di  ul  an  biala.  Adaich  an  bachZ«c/i  ier- 
suidi a  braghaidh  tar  in  cep,  dobeir  Miinremar  beim  do  biail 
tar  a  bragaid,  co  nrogaib  an  cep  fris  anios,  co  roshescuind  a 
cend,  co  ra-  [fo.  9  a  2]  ibi  hi  mbun  ina  gablui,  co  mba  laun  an 
teallac/i  don  cru  7  don  fuil.  Atfraig  suas  iersin  7  tecmallau  a 
cenn  7  a  cep  7  a  biail  ina  uclid,  7  is  omhlaid  docuaid  uaidhib 
asan  ticch  himmac,  7  sredach  na  folui  asan  meidi,  co-llinad  an 
Cvsiohi'uaid  for  cech  le^i.  7  doboi  grain  mor  for  \Jltaih  uili  isan 
ticch  ar  a  ingontus  leo  an  sceoil  dusfarraidh.  'Toing  et  r.',  ol 
Bvibthach  Doeltengau,  'dia  ti  in  mbachluch  so  hinmnich  d'aduig 
ier   na   mharbacZ   andochtt,   ni   fuicfi   fer   mbe^hud   lia  hUlltui.' 

*)  lasmisetar  LU.,  lasmeit  Eg.,  lasmasetir  Ed.  Hieriu  scheiut  ein  alter 
Schreibfehler  zu  stecken,  etwa  für  roslemathar.    Vgl.  Cap.  33. 

*)  Die  Edinhurger  Handschrift  hat  hierfür  dia  Ul  fort,  Avas  ohne  Zweifel 
für  dia  dighail  fort  verschrieben  ist. 


FLED   BRICREND   NACH   DEM   CODEX   VOSSIANUS.  177 

Tarmcliuir  tra  an  bachlac/i  iernamliarac/«  d'adlioig-  7  luid  Miin- 
remar  for  a  imgabail.  7  gsihais  an  baclac/j  occ  a  eliwgnd  ein 
comallnad  a  brei'hri  fris.  'Ni  fior  em',  ol  .ui.,  'do  Muim^emar 
ein  comollnafZ  cennaich  Mmsa.' 

97.  Boi  äidm  Loegam  Buadach  lii  fos  an  oidei  sin.  Tia 
do  na  euröfZuib  cosnus  an  euratZmir',  ol  .ni.,  'flrflius  eennucli 
friumsa  anoc/^i?  Caiti  Loegairi  Btiadach?^  ol  .ui.  'Atu  sunn,  a 
iiaclila/c/i ',  or  Jjoegairi.  Fonaisci  fa  an  innus  cetoa  7  ni  tanic 
Loegairi.  Ticc  dono  iernamuarac/i  7  imnaiscid  do  7  Conull,  7  ni 
tharnacair  Conall  Cernach. 

98.  Tie  dowo  an  cetramat^  Sidaig  7  ba  lonn  7  ba  uecliell 
fair  isoda/n.  Tairnegtair  mna  JJlad  uili  an  eiäaig  sin  di  dexin 
an  sceoil  mgna,th.aig ,  tegad  isan  Craobruaidh.  ceeh  noidlici.  Boi 
dono  Qi{q_Hlamd  a  fos  an  ad«/^;  sin.  Rnsgab  an  baclilac/i  giisad 
lasod«/«.  ^Roseaieh  uar  ngal  7  iiar  ngaiseiod,  a  Ulta',  or  se. 
'Mor  menmai  uar  curacZ  imma  cur«Jmir,  7  n(i)dod  tuala?«^  a 
cosnomha',  ol  .ui.  'Caiti  an  siabarta  cloen  truag  ud,  frisa  na- 
borti/r  an  Ciichulaind?  in  ba  ferr  a  briatra  oldas  an  fiallac/i 
naild?'  '  Ni  liail  dam  cennuc  f rit,  a  bacbla/^,  eter  \  or  CucJmlaind. 
Doiee  liom',  ol  .ui.,  'a  cuil  tniagh,  is  mor  adaghaictir  ecc.' 
Dosceinn  Ciichulaind  cuigi  lasodam,  7  reZ.  Addaig  side  bem  ndo 
don  biail  corben  a  cend  nde  fri  dethi  na  Craobrwa/di,  eo  nderno 
slicr?^  7  niinbruar  nde.    Afrm^  suas  iersuidi,  7  re?. 

99.  larnamaröcA  tra  botta>-  Ulaid  oc  forcomedus  Conciilaind, 
duss  an  ragliadli  for  imgabliail  an  hsidaig,  [fo.  9bl]  (amail  do- 
cuatar  an  fiallaeli  naild) 


Der  Schluss  der  Erzählung  auf  der  verwischten  letzten 
Seite  der  Leidener  Handschrift  ist  mir  auch  bei  erneuter  Prüfung, 
mit  dem  Edinburger  Texte  des  Cennach  ind  ruanada  zur  Seite, 
unlesbar  geblieben. 

Berlin.  Ludw.  Chr.  Stern. 


Zeitschrift  f.  celt.  Philologie  IV.  12 


BEMERKUNGEN  ZU  DEN  BERNER  GLOSSEN. 


Gleich  unter  den  ersten  pliotographischen  Nachbildung-en 
alter  Handschriften,  deren  Ausgabe  man  der  Anregung-,  Förderung 
und  Leitung  des  verstorbenen  Leidener  Bibliothekars  W.  N.  du  Rieu 
und  seines  wohlverdienten  Nachfolgers  S.  deVries  verdankt,  be- 
findet sich  ein  ehrwürdiges  Denkmal  irischer  Kultur.  •)  Ob  zwar 
gelehrte  Forschung  uns  längst  damit  bekannt  gemacht  hat,  so 
betrachten  wir  es  doch  nun  gern  in  aller  Müsse  und  versagen 
dem  Fleisse,  den  H.  Hagen  auf  die  ausführliche  Einleitung  dieses 
Berner  Codex  Bongarsianus  363  verwendet  hat,  unsere  An- 
erkennung nicht.  Der  irischen  Sprachkunde  steht  der  Verfasser 
freilich  fern,  wie  er  denn  die  Glossen,  diu"ch  die  der  Codex  unter 
uns  berühmt  ist,  angelsächsische  nennt  und  in  den  Eigennamen 
Cormac  und  Comgan  Verba  '  animadvertendi  vel  recordandi' 
vermutet. 

Diese  Handschrift  wichtiger  Werke  der  römischen  Litteratur, 
vor  allem  des  Kommentars  des  Servius  zum  Vii'gil  und  der  Ge- 
dichte des  Horaz,  ist  in  Norditalien,  vielleicht  in  Mailand,  ent- 
standen, nicht  früher,  wie  einige  zeitgenössische  Gedichte  gegen 
Ende  lehren,  2)  als  um  die  Zeit  da  Tado  Erzbischof  von  Mailand 
war  (er  sass  860 — 868),  und,  wie  es  scheint,  kaum  später  als 


')  Augustinus,  Beda,  Horatius,  Ovidius,  Servius,  alii.  Codex  Bernensis 
3G3  pbototypice  editus.  Praefatus  est  Hermaunus  Hagen  Bernensis.  Lugduni 
Batavorum,  A.  W.  Sijthoff  1897.  (Codices  Graeci  et  Latini  pliotographice  de- 
picti  duce  Scatoue  De  Vries,  Tom.  n.)    LXXI  +  39-4  pp.    4". 

'»)  E.  Dümmler  im  Neuen  Archiv  der  Gesellschaft  für  ältere  Deutsche 
Geschichtskunde  4,  317  (1879). 


BEMERKUNGEN   ZU   DEN    BERNER   GLOSSEN.  179 

die  Kaiserin  Angelberga  oder  Engilberg-a  i)  lebte,  die  Gemalilin 
des  römischen  Kaisers  und  Königs  von  Italien  Ludwigs  II.,  eine 
Tochter  Ludwigs  des  Deutschen,  und  sie  wird  noch  896  als  die 
Äbtissin  des  von  ihr  gegründeten  Klosters  S.  Sisto  in  Piacenza 
erwähnt.2)  Zweimal  gedenkt  ein  alter  Annotator  des  Codex 
Bongarsianus  der  hohen  Frau.  Das  erste  Mal,  wo  es  in  des 
Servius  Kommentar  (p.  90  a)  heisst:  '  Consuetudinis  regiae  fuit, 
ut  legitimam  uxorem  non  habentes  aliquam  licet  captivam  tamen 
pro  legitima  haberent,  adeo  ut  liberi  ex  ipsa  nati  succederent' 
—  wird  am  Eande  an  die  Königin  Angelberga  erinnert.  Diese 
hatte  ihrem  Gemahle  eine  Tochter,  aber,  so  viel  man  weiss, 
keinen  Sohn  geschenkt,  und  wir  haben  Nachrichten,  dass  ge- 
legentlich andere  Frauen  in  der  Gunst  Ludwigs  den  Platz  der 
Kaiserin  einnahmen.  So  berichtet  Hincmarus  Eemensis  in  seinen 
Anualen  a.  872  von  dem  kaiserlichen  Zuge  von  Eom  nach 
Benevent:  'Et  quia  primores  Italiae  Ingelbergam  propter  suam 
insolentiam  habentes  exosam,  in  loco  illius  filiam  Winigisi  im- 
peratori  substituentes,  obtinuerunt  apud  eumdeui  imperatorem,  ut 
missum  suum  ad  Ingelbergam  mitteret,  quatenus  in  Italia  degeret, 
et  post  illum  non  pergeret,  sed  eum  in  Italia  reversui'um  ex- 
pectaret.  lUa  autem  non  obaudiens  illius  mandatum,  post  eum 
ire  maturavit'  (Monumenta  Germ.,  Scriptores  1,  494.)  Dies  oder 
ähnliches  mag  dem  Glossator  im  Sinne  gelegen  haben.  Das 
andere  Mal  (Bl.  186  a)  führt  derselbe  zu  Horazens  Worten 
(Serm.  I.  2,  123),  wo  er  von  der  Geliebten  spricht,  die  ihm  ge- 
fallen könnte: 

'Candida  rectaque  sit:  muuda  hacteims,  ut  iieque  longa 
Nee  magis  alba  velit,  quam  dat  natura,  videri'  — -. 

die  Königm  Angelberga  als  ein  Beispiel  an;  er  fügt  dadurch 
einen  weiteren  Zug  in  ihr  Bild,  indem  er  der  herrschsüchtigen 
Fürstin  von  kleiner  Statur,  wie  es  scheint,  eine  Vorliebe  für 
hohe  Hacken  und  Schminke  nachsagt.  Das  könnte  sich  sehr 
wohl  auf  Thatsachen  und  Vorkommnisse  beziehen,  die  um  872 
das  Gespräch  der  Leute  bildeten.  Aber  dennoch  genügen  diese 
Angaben  nicht,  um  das  Alter  unseres  Bongarsianus  danach  mit 
völliger  Sicherheit  zu  bestimmen.    Denn  die  zweite  Note  ist  von 


')  H.  Zimmer,  Glossae  Hibernicae  p.  XXXIII. 
^)  J.  F.  Böhmer,  Regesta  iraperii  I,  ed.  E.  Mühlenbacher,  p.  699. 

12* 


180  LUDW.  CHR.  STERN, 

dem  Schreiber  walirsclieinlicli  ans  dem  ihm  vorliegenden  Codex 
lediglich  abgeschrieben  imd  enge  in  die  horazischen  Verse  ein- 
gefügt worden.  Auch  andere  Zusätze  sind,  wie  man  bemerkt 
hat,  in  den  fortlaufenden  Text  des  Servius  geraten,  namentlich 
der  auf  Bl.  128  a,  der  von  einem  Iren  herrührt.  Wenn  sich  also 
mit  grosser  Wahrscheinlichkeit  ergiebt,  dass  der  Codex  bis  in 
die  siebziger  Jahre  des  9.  Jahrhunderts  annotiert  worden  ist,  so 
bleibt  die  Möglichkeit,  dass  er  erst  gegen  Ende  dieses  oder  gar 
im  Anfange  des  10.  Jahrhunderts  abgeschrieben  wurde.  Die 
Frage  ist  nicht  von  Belang;  denn  der  Codex  ist  mitten  aus  dem 
9.  Jahrhundert  hervorgegangen  und  für  die  iiischen  Kultur- 
zustände dieser  Zeit  eine  unvergleichliche  Urkunde. 

Damals  wanderten  irische  Mönche  auf  dem  Kontinente  weit 
umhei'  und  Hessen  sich  in  Deutschland,  Frankreich')  und  Italien 
nieder.  Irische  Klöster  blühten  in  Oberitalien  und  waren  Stätten 
klassischer  Bildung.  Dass  der  Schreiber  des  Codex  Bongarsianus 
Ire  war,  zeigt  seine  Schrift ;  aber  auch  einige  lateinische  Zusätze 
am  Eande  lassen  es  erkennen.  Bl.  104  b  sagt  Servius  zur  Aeueis 
3,  607:  'Physici  dicunt  esse  consecratas  numinibus  singulas  cor- 
poris partes,  ut  aurem  memoriae;  frontem  genio,  unde  venerantes 
deum  tangimus  frontem;  dexteram  fldei;  genua  misericordiae, 
unde  haec  tangunt  rogantes.'  Dazu  der  Ire  am  Rande:  'de  flexu 
genuum  ut  Scotti  faciunt.'  Das  erinnert  an  Walahfiids  (f  849) 
Worte  über  die  Schottensitte  des  Kniebeugens:  'Quamvis  autem 
geniculationis  morem  tota  servet  ecclesia,  tarnen  praecipue  liuic 
operi  Scotorum  insistit  natio,  quorum  multi  non  solum  pro  pec- 
catis  deplorandis,  sed  etiam  pro  quotidianae  devotionis  expletione 
Studium  istud  frequentare  videntur.'  (Dümmler,  Ostfränkisches 
Reich  2  3,  656).  An  einer  andern  Stelle  (Bl.  138  a)  bemerkt  der 
irische  Glossator  zu  des  Servius  Angabe,  dass  das  Klima  den 
Menschen  nur  teilweise  verändern  könne  (zur  Aeneis  6,  724):  'de 
Scottis  qui  moriuntui'  in  aliena  regione '.  Zu  solcher  Bemerkung 
fühlte  sich  gewiss  nur  ein  irischer  Schreiber  veranlasst,  der 
selbst  in  der  Fremde  lebte. 

Den  iiischen  Sclireiber  des  Codex  verrät  auch  manche 
Eigentümlichkeit    seines    lateinischen   Dialekts:    er   verwechselt 


^)  Von  Iren  im  Kloster  von  Laou  wird  819  und  875  berichtet  (Dümmler, 
Ostfränkisches  Reich '  3,  G56).  Dem  9.  Jahrhundert  wird  auch  das  ladonenser 
Psalterium  Stae  Salabergae  angehören,  von  dem  CZ.  3,  444.  625  die  Rede  ge- 
wesen ist. 


BEMERKUNGEN    ZU   DEN   BERNER   GLOSSEN.  181 

mitunter  z.  B.  die  Vokale  i,  e  und  a,  oder  o,  a  und  tt;  er  spricht 
h  statt  p  {rahidos  statt  ra])idos)  und  v  (albeo,  ignahus),  oder  v 
statt  6  {uis,  traualis),  c  statt  .9  (wie  Alcido)  und  ^  statt  c  (wie 
regens  statt  recens)  oder  (?  {gauges  statt  gaudes  —  in  so  frühe 
Zeiten  scheint  die  Yerwechsehing-  des  dh  mit  dem  gh  zurück- 
zugelien);  er  schreibt  es  statt  x  (mercs),  er  aspiriert  Melphomene 
(statt  Melpomene).  Er  war  indes  des  Lateinischen  nicht  allzu 
mächtig-:  sacer  nunc  (statt  ' secernunt '),  dulcis  opere  (statt  'dulci 
sopore'),  audi  rest  opere  (statt  'audire  est  operae')  und  andere 
Missverständnisse  laufen  in  seinem  Texte  mit  unter. 

Von  einem  Landsmanne  des  Schreibers  ist  der  Codex 
gründlich  durchgearbeitet,  wahrscheinlich  aber  schon  in  dem 
Archetypus  oder  den  verschiedenen  Handschriften,  w^ovon  der 
Bongarsianus  eine  Abschrift  ist.  Nach  damaliger  Gelehrtensitte 
hat  dieser  unbekannte  Leser  die  Eänder  mit  einer  Menge  von 
Noten,  Buchstaben  und  Merkzeichen  versehen,  sei  es  zur  eigenen 
Erinnerung,  sei  es  zur  Anweisung  von  Schülern,  wie  wenn  er 
sagt :  '  lege  semper '  (l.  s.)  oder  '  quaere  semper '  (q.  s.)  oder  '  hie 
incipe'  oder  'hie  lege'  oder  auch  dial.  (dialectica)  oder  alleg. 
(allegoria)  und  ähnliches,  was  keinerlei  Wichtigkeit  hat.  Auch 
auf  einzelne  Personen  verweisen  diese  Marginalien,  italienische, 
deutsche,  irische,  unter  denen  einige  bekannte  Autoren,  andere 
aber  heute  vergessen  sind.  Unter  den  Deutschen  finden  sich  der 
Ketzer  Goddiscalcus  von  Orbais,  Herminfridus,  Raigimboldus, 
Ratliramnus,  Eatoldus,  Staginulfus  und  aus  späterer  Zeit  Gode- 
scalc  und  Volcbreht.  Manche  Namen  kommen  auch  in  dem  Codex 
Boernerianus  vor,  der  nach  L.  Traubes  Vermutung ')  von  Sedulius 
selbst  geschrieben  wäre,  so  namentlich  der  hier  wiederkehrende 
Giso.  Die  Iren,  denen  wir  auf  den  Rändern  des  Bongarsianus 
begegnen,  sind  ausser  den  vor  allen  häufig  citierten  gelehrten 
Johannes  Erigena  und  Sedulius  Scottus,  die  in  der  Mitte  des 
9.  Jahrhunderts  blühten,  Cormac  (kaum  Mac  Cuilennäin,  der  Erz- 
bischof und  König  von  Cashel,  t903),  Comgan,  Dungal,  Fergus, 
Macc  Longain,  Colggu  (f  794),  Dubthach  und  Brngan  ('?). 

Jene  Nota  'Lege  hie  librum  fabularum  Robertaich'  (Bl.  128a) 
hat  Zimmer  besprochen  (ZDA.  33,  327),  sie  ist  versehentlich  in 
des  Servius  Text  zur  Aeneis  6,  121  aufgenommen,  wo  die  Sagen 


^)  Abhandlungen   der   Münchener  Akademie,   philos. -philol.  Klasse  19 
(1891),  p.  348. 


182  LUDW.  CHR.  STERN, 

von  Castor  und  Pollux,  Thesens  und  Hercules  berülirt  werden. 
Man  kennt  das  Fabelbuch  Eobertaclis,  vermutlich  ein  lateinisches, 
nicht;  aber  es  mag  daran  erinnert  werden,  dass  nach  den  irischen 
Annalen  ein  Robertach  'episcopus  et  sapiens'  von  Finglas  im 
Jahre  867  und  dass  ein  Robertach  von  Durrow,  der  'scriba' 
genannt  wird,  872  starb  (Tlu-ee  fragments  p.  174.  196). 

Dem  9.  Jahrhundert  scheint  auch  ein  Name  anzugehören, 
der  Bl.  131b  zu  der  Geschichte  der  Sibylla  von  Cumae  erwähnt 
wird.  Die  erythräische  Sibylla,  heisst  es  beim  Servius,  verliess 
ihre  Insel  und  ging  nach  Cumae  '  et  illic  def ecta  corporis  viribus 
vitam  in  sola  voce  retinuit',  bis  sie  dann  gegen  Apollos  Gebot 
in  einem  Briefe  ihrer  Landsleute  ein  Stück  ihres  Heimatlandes 
wiedersah  und  starb  (Comment.  ed.  G.  Thilo  et  H.  Hagen  2,  55). 
Dazu  steht  am  Rande,  wie  man  es  gelesen  hat,  'sicut  Mac  Cmdäm', 
nach  Hagen  aber  '  Mac  Cisdlaln '.  Es  sei  bemerkt,  dass  der  erste 
bis  auf  den  Rest  eines  Querstriches  weggeschnittene  Buchstabe 
des  zweifelhaften  Namens  möglicherweise  C  oder  auch  F  (oder 
S  oder  B?)  gewesen  ist  und  dass  das  mittlere  Zeichen  sehr  wohl 
d  oder  cl  sein  kann,  aber  auch  Hagens  U  scheint  möglich,  sodass 
man  zwischen  Cialläin,  Fialläin,  Ciadäin,  Fiadäin,  Fiaclain  zu 
wählen  hätte.  Es  handelt  sich  m.  E.  um  einen  Mann,  dessen 
Name  auch  in  den  irischen  Annalen  nicht  ganz  fest  steht, 
nämlich  um  Jenen  Niall  mac  Giallain,  einen  heiligen  Priester,  der 
nach  der  Überlieferung  30  Jahre  gefastet  haben  soll  und  nach 
den  Vier  Meistern  854  oder  858  starb.  Er  wird  auch  3Iac  Fialläin 
genannt  und  die  Annalen  von  Ulster  sagen  a.  859  von  ihm: 
'Niall  mac  lallain,  qui  passus  est  paralisin  34  annis  et  qui 
versatus  est  visionibus  fi^equentibus,  tarn  falsis  quam  veris,  in 
Christo  quievit'.  Die  Gesichte  des  Diacons  Niall  standen  um 
die  Mitte  des  9.  Jahrhunderts  weit  und  breit  in  hohem  Ansehen 
und  ein  gewisser  Pehtred  hatte  ihren  Ruhm  auch  in  England 
verbreitet,  was  der  Bischof  Egred  von  Lindisfarn  in  den  vierziger 
Jahren  beklagt,  indem  er  von  Pehtred  sagt:  'qui  stulta  falsitate 
refert  Nialum  diaconum  Septem  hebdomadas  mortuum  fuisse,  et 
iterum  revixisse,  nihilque  alimentorum  postea  percepisse,  aliaque 
perplura  quae  idem  Pehtredus,  sive  per  se  sive  per  Nialum  vel 
alios  falsiloquos,  de  veteri  ac  novo  Testamento  deliraudo  nienda- 
citer  prompsit.'  (Councils  and  ecclesiastical  documents,  ed.  Stubbs 
3,  615).  Der  Bericht  Pehtreds  findet  sich  in  einer  angel- 
sächsischen Homilie,  die  den  Brief  Christi  über  die  Sonntags- 


BEMERKUNGEN   ZU   DEN    BERNER   GLOSSEN.  183 

lieiligimg-  mit  den  Visionen  Nialls  in  Verbindung  bringt.  Dar- 
nach erzählte  Niall  nach  seiner  Wiedererwachung  viele  wunder- 
bare Dinge,  die  er  in  der  andern  Welt  gesehen  habe,  imd  die 
Leute  konnten  in  seinen  Vt^orten  nur  die  Wahrheit  erblicken. 
Was  alles  von  E.  Priebsch  in  den  Otia  Merseiana  1, 144  gelehrt 
dargelegt  worden  ist.  Es  bleibt  wohl  nicht  zweifelhaft,  dass  der 
Mac  Fialläin  des  Berner  Codex  eben  dieser  Diacon  Niall  ist. 

Zu  den  Worten  des  Servius  (Bl.  94  b),  die  Stoa  und  die 
Akademie  lehrten,  'ea  quae  contra  naturam  sunt,  non  fieri,  sed 
fieri  videri:  unde  magica  ars  omnis  exclusa  est'  ist  Tairclieltach 
geschrieben  (nicht  Turcheltach,  wie  Hagen  liest).  Es  ist,  wie 
Stokes  gesehen  hat  (i^cademy  1886.  II,  228),  der  Eigenname  des 
Zauberers  Taircheltach  mac  na  Cearda  oder  mac  Aenchearda, 
der  nach  O'Donovan  in  irischen  Erzählungen  mehrfach  vorkommt. 
Dieser  Taircheltach  soll  858  den  König  Cerball  von  Ossory  be- 
zaubert haben,  sodass  er  nicht  kämpfen  konnte,  als  er  gegen  den 
irischen  Oberkönig  Maelsechlainn  im  Felde  stand  (Three  fragments 
p.  136). 

Cathasach  (Bl.  179b)  könnte  zur  Not,  mit  Beziehung  auf 
Horaz  Od.  III,  23.  10,  'streitsüchtig'  bedeuten.  Viel  wahr- 
scheinlicher ist  es  der  häufige  Eigenname,  der  in  O'Casey  fort- 
lebt. Ein  Mann  des  Namens  Cathasach  starb  in  Armagh  854, 
ein  anderer  880. 

Ganz  ähnlich  und  von  derselben  Hand  geschrieben  steht 
auf  Bl.  186  b  am  obern  Eande  über  den  Worten  'concha  satis 
pure'  (statt  'salis  puri')  das  Wort  Ruidgal.  Da  es  sich  nicht 
emleuchtend,  weder  als  'concha'  (Goidelica^  p.  56),  noch  als 
'  satis  pure '  (EC.  2,  450)  erklären  lässt,  so  halte  ich  es  füi'  einen 
Personennamen  auf  -gdl,  wie  Eiangal  (Gorman,  aug.  1,  gl.  8), 
Dungal,  Fergal,  Congal  u.  a.  m.,  dergleichen  AI.  Macbain  (Inverness 
Soc.  20,  301)  verzeichnet  hat.  Gal  wird  als 'Tapferkeit' gedeutet 
und  des  Compositums  erstes  Glied  erinnert  an  a  fir  rudi,  womit 
Cüchulinn  angeredet  wird  (LU.  47all).  Euidgel  (oder  Euidgal?) 
heisst  ein  Bischof  und  Abt  von  Imlech-Ibair,  der  nach  den  Vier 
Meistern  878  starb. 

Die  wenigen  sprachlichen  Glossen  des  Codex  sind  in  der 
Ausgabe  so  deutlich,  dass  man  über  ihre  Lesung  kaum  noch 
unsicher  bleibt.  Bl.  31b  togluasacth  toglüaset  cliombairt  gl, 
praegnantes  eorum  (sc.  castormn)  odore  abiciunt  et  egerunt 
partum,  wonach   togluasacht  wie  sonst  (PH.  5165)  'abortus'  be- 


184  LUDW.   CHR.   STERN, 

deutet.  Bl.  34a  criathar  atlio  g^l.  cribnim  areale,  'das  Sieb  der 
Tenne'.  Atho  kann  kaum  Genitiv  zu  ith  'Getreide'  sein  (statt 
etho,  EC.  2, 449),  sondern  ist  Genitiv  zu  ditli,  dem  die  Bedeutung 
'  Tenne,  Darre,  Trockenofen '  zukommt,  i)  Die  Länge  des  Vokals, 
die  dith,  dtlia  sonst  hat,  bleibt  oft  genug  unbezeichnet.  Möglicher- 
weise hat  das  Wort  ursprünglich  eine  allgemeinere  Bedeutung 
als  die  im  Irischen  und  Welschen  {odyn  'kiln')  erhaltene,  und 
vielleicht  ist  rdth,  rdith  'Erdwall'  ebenso  wie  lat.  pratum  eine 
Zusammensetzung  mit  pro  (ii\  ro)  und  dith  'das  was  vor  der 
Tenne  ist'.  Bl.  37b  lonmn  cecorse  gl.  speras  funium  (Hagen 
falsch  lonan  vel  loman  ecorse),  d.  h.  'Strickgewinde',  indem 
Servius  zu  Yirgils  'imposuere  Coronas'  (Georg.  1,304)  sagt:  'aut 
revera  Coronas,  aut  spiras  funium'.  Bl.  104a  sliah  Gargain  gl. 
Gaurus  —  ii'rtümlich,  da  das  Irische  vielmehr  Garganum,  mons 
sancti  Michahelis,  ist. 

Bl.  129a  corr[]  ne[]  gl.  necromantia  et  sciomantia  (i.e. 
divinatio  per  unibras),  von  Stokes  1. 1.  wahrscheinlich  richtig  zu 
corrgninecht  ergänzt,  d.  i.  '  Zauberei ',  dergleichen  O'Davoren  p.  63 
(cf.  p.  66)  beschreibt:  'mit  einem  Fusse,  einer  Hand  und  einem 
Auge  den  satiiischen  Zauber  gldm  dicinn  auszuführen ',  Das  ent- 
sprechende nomen  agentis  ist  corrguinech  'Zauberer'  EC.  12,  76.  90. 
Die  Worte,  die  dem  Iren  das  corrguinecht  erklären  soll,  lauten 
bei  Servius  zur  Aeneis  6, 149  wie  folgt:  'Est  et  alia  opportunitas 
descendendi  ad  inferos,  id  est  Proserpinae  sacra  peragendi.  Duo 
autem  horum  sacrorum  genera  fuisse  dicuntur:  unum  necromantiae 
et  aliud  sciomautiae;  in  necromantia  ad  levandum  cadaver  sanguis 
est  necessarius,  in  sciomantia  vero,  (luia  umbrae  tantum  est  evo- 
catio,  sufflcit  solus  interitus'.    Bl.  133  b  rön  gl.  focam. 

Die  von  Hagen  von  Bl.  34  b  angeführte  Glosse  t  etum  zu 
'  area  cum  primum  aequauda  cylindro  7  uertenda  manu '  ist  keine 
irische,  sondern  eine  lateinische,  nämlich  die  buchstäbliche  An- 
gabe der  Lesart,  die  der  Schreiber  von  den  drei  letzten  Worten 
(Georg.  1, 179)  in  seiner  Vorlage  hatte:  et  u.  m.  (d.h.  et  uertenda 
manu).  Wohl  aber  ist  dem  altirischen  Sprachschatze  lÜHzuzufügen 
tem  oder  teni-  gl.  carecta  (Virg.  ecl.  3,  20)  loca  caricis  plena, 
BL  10  a.    Im  Luibhleabhrän  p.  75.  94  wird  das  Wort  angeführt 


•)  Denselben  Genitiv  dtha  hat  das  Neuirische :  '  do  chuirinu  mo  choigiol 
i  gcilliu  na  hatha',  sagt  Brian  Merriman.  Alte  Belege  des  Wortes  ver- 
zeichnet K.  Meyer  in  den  Contributions  p.  71. 


BEMERKUNGEN  Zu   DEN   BERNER   GLOSSEN.  185 

als  teine,  engl,  'furze'  d.  i.  Stechginster,  PMemenkraut .  ulex 
europaeiis  L.  Da  dieses  aber  im  Irisclien  sonst  aiteann  und 
seltener  conasg  lieisst,  so  wird  teine  wie  altir.  tenl  vielmehr  'das 
Rietgras',  carex  (herba  est  acuta  et  durissima,  sparto  similis), 
bezeichnen,  engl,  'sedge'. 

Eine  neue  Wortbedeutung  giebt  auch  die  Glosse  du  gl. 
oculorum  impositio  (Bl.  42  b),  die  Okulierung  unfruchtbarer  Bänme. 
Servius  sagt  zu  Georg.  2,  69,  die  insitio  sei  doppelter  Art:  'Xani 
aut  insitio  dicitur,  cum,  fisso  trunco,  surculus  fecundae  arboris 
sterili  inseritur,  aut  oculorum  impositio,  cum,  inciso  cortice,  libro 
alienae  arboris  germen  inserimus'.  Das  Auge  oder  die  Knospe, 
die  eingesetzt  wird,  heisst  demnach  clu  oder  cla(?),  eig.  Nagel, 
Pflock;  denn  die  Knospe  wii'd  in  einem  spitzen  Schilde  aus- 
geschnitten, das  einem  Nagel  nicht  unähnlich  ist. 

Die  barbarische  Glosse  muoralach  gl.  bufo  rana  terrestris 
nimiae  magnitudinis  (Bl.  34  b)  hatte  schon  Stokes  1.  1.  in  mac 
salach  verbessert;  Hagen,  der  übrigens  simiae  (für  nimiae)  verliest, 
hat  muc  (vel  mac)  salach.  Kaum  bezeichnet  der  Ire  die  Kröte 
als  muc  salach  'ein  schmutziges  Schwein'  wie  ähnlich  von  ilu^er 
Gestalt  einige  Fische  (muc  mora,  muc  bhiorach,  muc  lochaidh, 
muc  ruadh)  und  muc-shneachda  '  Schneeball '.  Seltsam  ist  ja  auch 
der  Name  mac  salach,  aber  er  bildet  gev^issermassen  einen  Gegen- 
satz zu  mac  coem  'Kind'  (man  sagt  mac  caem,  ingen  caem 
SAV.  1,230,  aber  auch  maccaem  mnd  'ein  schönes  Weib',  etc.) 
und  könnte  immerhin  'eine  schmutzige  Brut'  ausdrücken.  So 
könnte  mcic-samail  'Ähnlichkeit',  Genit.  macsamla  ME.  72,  aber 
auch  macca  samla  SW.  1, 14,  eigentlich  'gleiche  Brut'  bezeichnen; 
denn  die  Ableitung  des  AVortes  vom  altnord.  mäld  '  mate,  match ' 
(RC.  12,461)  erscheint  mir  zweifelhaft,  und  O'Eeillys  maca  'the 
like,  equal,  an  emblem'  ist  wohl  das  englische  malce.  Die  über- 
tragene Bedeutung  des  mac  'Sohn'  ist  übrigens  ja  sehr  häufig, 
z.  B.  macc  tire  'Wolf;  mac  leahhair  'Kopie';  mac  an  luinn 
'Fingais  Schwert',  die  Nachbildung  von  Celtchaii'S  luin\  mac 
menmna{n)  'die  Phantasie,  ein  Erzeugnis  des  Geistes';  macc  alla 
'der  Sohn  des  Felsens,  das  Echo',  das  der  Araber  ibnat  al-gdbal 
'die  Tochter  des  Berges'  nennt  (G.  W.  Frey  tag,  Arabum  pro- 
verbia  2,  665);  u.  v.  a. 

Die  Worte  Brigittens  Bl.  117  a  rühren  vermutlich  von  einem 
betagten  Schreiber  her,  dem  die  irische  Orthographie  schon 
einigermassen   fremd  geworden  war.     Sie  bilden   eine   Strophe, 


186  STERN,   BEMERKUNGEN   ZU   DEN   BERNER   GLOSSEN. 

die  nicht  ganz  fehlerfrei  zu  sein  scheint,  und  stehen  Zeichen 
für  Zeichen  (jedoch  ohne  Versahteilung)  so  da: 

Isel  fri  art 

tailciud  .  fri  gargg  .  cdicli  a  uuair. 

cacliöin  .  dodgena  samlid 

hid  reid  riam  cach  .  namreid. 

Die  Lesart  caith,  die  Hagen  hat  (auch  Zimmer  ZDA.  35, 139  ist 
für  tJi),  wird  durch  die  Photographie  m.  E.  nicht  bestätigt.  Auch 
kami  nur  jene  bekannte  Redensart  für  'jeder  eiuzehie'  hier 
gemeint  sein,  die  ccch  fochaid  a  hüair  Ml.  39  c  31,  gewöhnlich 
aber  cdch  ar  üair  RC.  10,  214.  12,  92.  13,  377.  393.  LU.  126  a  36 
oder  auch  cdch  ar  nüair  LU.  47  b  7  lautet,  da  das  Pronomen  und 
die  Präpositionen  ar  und  iar  in  ihr  abwechseln. 

Das  ist  der  Vorteil,  den  so  vorzügliche  Reproduktionen 
gew^ähren,  dass  sie  jede  Frage  über  Schrift  und  Text,  die  sich 
aufdrängt,  ohne  weiteres  gleichsam  vor  dem  Denkmale  selbst  zu 
entscheiden  ermöglichen.  Bei  dem  dermaligen  vStande  der  photo- 
graphischen Kunst  möchte  man  wünschen,  sie  käme  den  celtischen 
Studien  mehr  zu  statten,  als  es  bisher  der  Fall  gewesen  ist,  und 
dass  namentlich  die  altirischen  Handschriften,  die  man  in  ihren 
Bibliotheken  zwar  benutzen,  aber  nicht  erschöpfen  kann,  nach- 
bildlich vor  allen  Fährlichkeiten  der  Zukunft  bewahrt  blieben 
und  zu  einem  gemeinsamen  Besitze  würden.  Man  hat  mit  der 
Veröffentlichung  der  Codices  simulati  nur  erst  begonnen.  Es 
steht  daher  zu  hoffen,  dass  auch  die  Glossen  in  Würzburg, 
Mailand  und  St.  Gallen  uns  über  kurz  oder  lang  in  einer  Edition 
zugänglicli  werden,  gegen  die  es  kein  Misstrauen  und  keinen 
Widerspruch  giebt. 

Berlin.  Ludw.  Chr.  Stern. 


ERSCHIENENE  SCHRIFTEN. 


Thesaurus  Palaeohibernicus,  A  Collection  of  Old-Irisli  Glosses 
Scholia  Prose  and  Verse.  Edited  by  Wliitley  Stokes  and 
John  Strachan.  Vol.  I.  Biblical  Glosses  and  Scholia.  Cam- 
bridge: At  the  University  Press,  1901.    XXVIII  +  727  SS. 

Das  Erscheineu  des  ersten  Bandes  dieses  monumentalen  Werkes 
bezeichnet  eine  Epoche  in  der  Geschichte  der  celtischen  Sprachwissenschaft. 
Fast  fünfzig-  Jahre  nach  dem  Erscheinen  der  Grammatica  Celtica  haben 
sich  zwei  hervorragende  Gelehrte  vereinigt,  nm  das  gesamte  Material, 
ans  dem  Zeuss  die  irische  Grammatik  aufbaute,  in  zwei  Bänden  über- 
sichtlich und  mit  vollem  kritischen  und  erklärenden  Apparat  zu  ordnen. 
Dieses  Werk  wird  auf  lange  Zeit  hinaus  ein  dem  Anfänger  wie  dem 
selbständigen  Forscher  gleich  unentbehrliches  Handbuch,  der  Ausgangs- 
punkt für  alle  weiteren  Forschungen  auf  dem  Gebiete  der  Sprache  sein. 
Mag  auch  im  einzelnen  noch  manches  hinzuzufügen  oder  zu  bessern 
sein  (wie  denn  schon  jetzt  zwölf  Seiten  Addenda  et  Corrigenda  von  in- 
zwischen vermehrter  Kenntnis  Zeugnis  geben),  dass  die  wissenschaftliche 
Leistimg  dem  heutigen  Stand  der  Forschung  entspricht,  dafür  bürgt 
uns  der  Name  der  Herausgeber.  Indem  wir  uns  hier  darauf  beschränken, 
ihr  Werk  willkommen  zu  heissen,  fügen  wir  den  Wunsch  hinzu,  dass 
ihnen  Kraft  und  Müsse  vergönnt  sein  möge,  es  bald  zu  Ende  zu  führen 
und  durch  den  dritten  Band,  der  das  langersehnte  altirische  Wörterbuch 
bringen  soll,  zu  krönen.  Der  Universität  Cambridge  aber  gebührt  unser 
Dank,  dass  sie  Mittel  und  Wege  gefunden  hat,  ein  so  grossartiges 
Unternehmen  zu  befördern. 

The  Wife  of  Bath's  Tale,  its  sources  and  analogues.  By 
G.  H.  Maynadier  (Grimm  Library  XIII).  London,  D.  Nutt, 
1901.    XII  +  222  SS. 

Dies  ist  eine  umfassende  und  sorgfältige  Untersuchung  der  Quellen 
von  Chaucers  bekannter  Erzählung,  deren  letzten  Ursprung  der  Verfasser 
in   den   irischen   Sagen   von   überirdischen  Wesen   findet,   welche   die 


188  ERSCHIENENE   SCHRIFTEN. 

Herrschaft  von  Irland  (flaithes  Erenn)  personificieren.  Vgl.  dazu  noch 
Baue  in  Scdil  §  8  (Zeitschr.  III,  S.  460).  Studien  über  die  weitere  Ver- 
breitung der  Sage  und  ihre  Beziehungen  zu  anderen  Sagen  schliessen 
sich  an.  Der  nächste  Band  der  Sammlung  soll  eine  Ausgabe  des  ge- 
samten irischen  Materials  von  Prof.  F.  N.  Kobinson  bringen. 

Henri  Gaidoz,  La  Requisition  d'amour  et  le  Symbolisme  de  la 
pomme.  Ecole  Pratique  des  Hautes  Etudes.  Anniiaire 
1902.    Paris  1901.     (p.  1—33.)    8». 

Anknüpfend  an  die  bekannte  irische  Sage  von  Condla  Rüad  weist 
der  Verfasser  die  Sitte  der  Übersendung  oder  des  Zuwerfens  eines 
Apfels  als  Liebesbotschaft  bei  den  Iren,  Griechen  und  Römern,  ferner 
airch  bei  den  Antipoden  nach,  bespricht  die  'Vierge  ä  la  Pomme'  der 
christlichen  Kunst  und  protestiert  im  Schlusskapitel  dagegen,  stets  nur 
von  Symbol  und  Symbolismus  zu  reden,  wo  nichts  weiter  vorliegt  als 
eine  'pratique  familiere  et  populaire',  bei  welcher  'il  n'y  avait  pas  plus 
de  symbolisme,  ä  l'origine,  qu'il  n'y  en  a  chez  le  peuple  d'aujourd'hui 
(par  exemple  en  Angleterre)  ä  lancer,  ä  un  orateur  ou  ä  un  politicien 
qui  deplait,  des  pommes  cuites  ou  des  ceufs  (pourris,  de  preference) '. 

An  Blioramlia  Laighean  or  The  Leinster  Tribute.  Put  into 
Modern  Irisli  by  T.  0.  Russell.  With  Appendix  and 
Vocabulary.    Dublin,  Gill  and  Son,  1901. 

Der  Versuch,  Texte  der  älteren  irischen  Litteratur  in  die  heutige 
Sprache  zu  übertragen,  ist  zuerst  von  dem  verstorbenen  O'Growney 
mit  Imrani  Mdilcdüin  und  Imram  Snedgusa  acus  Maie  Riagla  gemacht 
worden.  Herr  Russell  hat  jetzt  die  Boroma  nach  dem  Texte  des  Buches 
von  Leinster  ebenso  behandelt,  wobei  er  sich  auf  die  Ausgaben  von 
Stokes  und  O'Grady  stützt.  Doch  hat  er  manche  alte  Form  miss- 
verstanden. So  müsste  es  doch  auf  S.  39  statt  frcascu  (altir.  fresciu) 
jetzt  frcisgim  heissen;  dga  und  bdga  sind  keine  Adjectiva,  sondern 
Genitive  von  dg  und  bdg;  Lifiu  (S.  31)  ist  keine  Erfindung  des  Reimes 
wegen,  sondern  der  alte  Dativ  von  Life  u.  s.  w.  Auch  würde  wohl 
grammatisch  in  der  Übersetzung  manches  anders  zu  fassen  sein,  wie  es 
z.  B.  statt  rachfaidh  auf  S.  16  raehfas  heissen  müsste  {ni  bheidh  neach 
eile  raehfas).  K.  M. 


ERSCHIENENE   SCHRIFTEN.  189 

H.  Zimmer,  Keltische  Kirche  in  Britannien  und  Irland.  (Sonder- 
abdriick  aus  der  Realencyclopädie  für  protestantische  Theo- 
logie und  Kirche,  Band  10,  S.  204—243).     1901.    gr.  8'1 

Wie  das  Christentum  im  3.  Jahrb.  in  Britannien  und  von  dort 
aus  im  4.  Jahrh.  in  Irland  Eingang-  gefunden  hat,  wie  sich  die  Legende 
des  Britten  Sucat,  der  mit  PaUadius  derselbe  wäre,  bemächtigt  und  ihn 
zum  Apostel  der   Iren  Patricius  erhoben  hat,   wie  die  Bekehrung  im 

5.  Jahrh.   nach  Nordbrittannien  vordrang  und  die  celtische  Kirche  im 

6.  bis  8.  Jahrh.  die  Höhe  ihrer  Entwickelung  erreichte,  um  sich  in  der 
Folge  mit  der  römisch-katholischen  ganz  zu  vereinigen,  dies  wird  hier 
mit  Gelehrsamkeit  dargestellt  und  mit  Scharfsinn  geprüft. 

R.  Tliurneysen,  Sagen  aus  dem  alten  Irland  übersetzt.  Berlin, 
Wiegandt  &  Grieben,  1901.    XII  +  152  pp.    8". 

Eine  Übersetzung  von  14  der  wichtigsten  mittelirischen  Er- 
zählungen, namentlich  auch  mehrerer  aus  Windischs  Mschen  Texten, 
mit  gefälliger  Sorgfalt  ausgeführt.  Knappe  Einleitungen  zu  dem 
Ganzen  und  zu  den  einzelnen  Stücken  fassen  das  Wissenswerteste  über 
die  Welt  der  Iren  von  ehemals  zusammen  und  bereiten  die  weitern 
Leserkreise,  in  die  das  Buch  gelangen  wird,  in  sachkundiger  Weise  vor. 

— ,  Altirische  Adverbien.  (Estratto  dalla  Miscellanea  linguistica 
in  onore  di  Graziadio  Ascoli.  Torino,  E.  Loescher  1901). 
4  pp.    kl.  fol. 

Die  altirischeu  Adverbien  anf  ith,  id,  wie  in-cJiorpdid  'körperlich', 
werden  als  eine  irische  Ne;ibildung  aus  samlid  'so',  dem  das  w.  hefi/d 
'gleichfalls'  nahe  zu  stehen  scheint,  erklärt. 

— ,  Irisches.  (Zeitschrift  für  vergl.  Sprachforschung  37,  p.  423 
bis  427). 

Der  Verf.  führt  ir.  det  'Zahn'  auf  ein  Neutrum  dnt  zurück, 
gestützt  auf  LU.  131,  31.  An  dieser  Stelle  wird  müi  na  täi  als  '  weder 
mein  noch  dein'  übersetzt,  so  dass  es  dem  w.  meu,  teu  entsprechen 
würde.  Weiter  bespricht  der  Verf.  die  Ableitung  der  Präposition  la,  le 
aus  dem  Substantiv  leth  'latus'. 

— ,  Anzeige  von  W.  Meyer -Lübke,  Die  Betonung  im  Gallischen 
1901.  (Separatabdruck  aus  dem  Literaturblatt  für  germ. 
und  rom.  Philologie  1901,  Nr.  5.)    2  pp.    fol. 

Die  Anzeige  erkennt  an,  dass  die  französischen  Ortsnamen  die 
durchgehende  Betonung  der  ersten  Silbe  im  Gallischen  nicht  wahr- 
scheinlich machen. 

Otia  Merseiana.  The  publication  of  the  Arts  Faculty  of  Uni- 
versity  College,  Liverpool.  Vol.  II,  1900 — 1901.  London, 
Theod.  Wohlleben.    147  pp.    8^.    (lOsh.  6d.) 

In  diesem  zweiten  Bande  der  Otia  Merseiana  (über  den  ersten  s. 
CZ.  8, 195)  setzt  K.  Meyer  die  Mitteilung  von  Erzählungen  und  Gedichten 


190  ERSCHIENENE   SCHRIFTEN, 

aus  mittelirisclieu  Handschriften  fort.  Edieit  und  übersetzt  werden 
der  Text  über  die  schöne  Müllerin  Ciarnat  aus  Egerton  1782  (cf. 
BB.  351  b  18  ff.),  das  dem  Euman  zugeschriebene  Gedicht  über  das  Meer 
aus  Land  610,  die  Erschlaguug  des  Königs  Niall  Nöigiallach  aus 
Rawlinson  B  502  und  Colggus  Gebet  betitelt  Scüap  chrdbaid  aus  einer 
Brüsseler  Handschrift  4190  —  4200  mit  Vergleichung  der  übrigen  Texte 
in  YBL.,  LB.  und  zweier  andern  Codices  aus  Löwen.  In  einem  Auf- 
satze, den  H.  Sweet  zu  dem  Bande  beigesteuert  hat,  werden  die  Prin- 
cipieu  festgestellt,  die  man  auf  dem  Gebiete  der  indogermanischen 
Sprachen  für  das  comparative  Studium  genommen  hat,  und  seine  fernem 
Ziele  ins  Auge  gefasst,  namentlich  wird  die  Möglichkeit  erwogen,  die 
Forschung  auf  andere  Sprachstämme  auszudehnen. 

S.  Bngge,  Norsk  sagafortaelling  og  sagaskrivning  i  Irland. 
Kristiania  1901.  (Saertryk  af  'Norsk  historisk  Tidskrift' 
1901.)    160  pp.    80. 

Der  Verf.  vergleicht  mit  den  nordischen  Überlieferungen  die  Dar- 
stellung, die  die  irischen  Sagentexte  und  Annalen  von  den  Norwegern 
geben.  Es  werden  behandelt  die  Schlacht  von  Clontarf  und  Boss  na 
rig;  die  Vikinger,  die  mit  dem  Grafen  Ottar  kamen;  die  'rote  Jung- 
frau'; die  isländische  Brians -Saga;  die  Braavalla- Schlacht  und  die 
Brians-Schlacht.  Das  Werk  ist  noch  nicht  abgeschlossen  und  wird  fort- 
gesetzt werden. 

G.  Dottin,  La  litterature  gaelique  de  l'Irlande.  (Revue  de 
Synthese  liistorique,  tome  III,  no.  7,  p.  60 — 97).  Paris, 
L.  Cerfl901.    8«. 

Die  irische  Litteratur,  deren  Umrisse,  verzeichnend  oder  berichtend, 
die  Werke  der  0'  Reilly,  0'  Curry,  D'Arbois  de  Jubainville,  Hyde  skizziert 
haben,  ist  im  Einzelnen  besonders  erst  durch  die  Arbeiten  der  letzten 
beiden  Decennien  näher  bekannt  geworden.  Schon  fällt  es  schwer  den 
Überblick  zu  behalten.  Der  Verfasser  liefert  sachlich  geordnete  und 
genaue  biographische  Nachweise  aus  dem  weiten  Gebiete,  unter  denen 
man  kaum  etwas  Wichtiges  vermissen  wird. 

Transactions  of  the  Gaelic  Society  of  Inverness.  Vol.  XXII. 
1897—98.    Inverness  1900.    XV -f  348  pp.    8". 

Der  Band  enthält  einen  genauen  Bericht  über  das  Gälische  von 
Perthshire  von  C.  M.  Robertson,  Überlieferungen  über  die  Dichterin  Mary 
M'Lcod  von  A.  Mackenzie,  Folklore  von  A.  Polson  und  J.  MacRury, 
einen  Aufsatz  über  die  alten  gälischen  Personennamen  in  den  Hoch- 
landen von  AI.  Macbain ,  gälische  Gedichte  aus  Maclagans  Sammlungen 
von  J.  Kennedy  und  aus  Badenoch  von  Th.  Sinton  mitgeteilt  und  eine 
Übersetzung  der  in  dieser  Zeitschrift  1, 174  erwähnten  Abhandlung  über 
'die  ossianischen  Heldenlieder'  von  J.  L.  Robertson. 

J.  Lotli,  La  metrique  galloise  depuis  les  plus  anciens  textes 
jusqu'a  nos  jours.  Tome  II:  La  metrique  galloise  du 
IXe   a   la   fin   du   XIYe  sieele.     Premiere  partie.     Paris, 


1 


ERSCHIENENE   SCHRIFTEN.  191 

Alb.  Fontemoing",    1901.      (Cours    de    litterature    celtique, 
tome  X).    XIX  +  373  pp.    8». 

Der  vorliegende  Band  des  Werkes  behandelt  die  Sätze  mit  durch- 
gehendem Reim  und  die  eigentlichen  Strophen,  wie  sie  sich  bei  den 
alten  Dichtern  finden,  nnd  erörtert  namentlich  die  vokalische  cynghanedd, 
die  sie  gebrauchen.  Der  Schluss  dieser  welschen  Verslehre  und  ihre 
Vergleichung  mit  der  Metrik  der  übrigen  celtischen  Sprachen  ist  für 
den  zweiten  Teil  vorbehalten. 

Ferd.  Lot,  Etudes  sur  Merlin.  I.  Les  sources  de  la  vita 
Merlini  de  Gaufrey  de  Monmoutli.  Eennes  1900.  (Annales 
de  Bretagne,  avril  et  Juillet  1900.)     55  pp.    8». 

Der  Verf.  analysiert  das  zuletzt  von  A.  Schulze  edierte  lateinisclie 
Gedicht  über  den  Zauberer  Merlin,  das  Galfridus  Monumetensis  1148  bis 
1149  verfasst  hat.  Er  vermutet  die  Quellen  zu  dieser  Dichtung  über 
Merlinus  Ambrosius  oder  Silvester  (denn  beide  sind  eine  und  dieselbe 
Person)  in  verloren  gegangenen  welschen  Gedichten. 

Wilh.  Meyer,  Fragmenta  Burana.  Berlin,  Weidmann  1901. 
190  pp.    40  mit  15  Tafeln. 

S.  161 — 163  bespricht  der  gelehrte  Verfasser,  was  er  'das  älteste 
keltische  Sprachdenkmal'  nennt.  Es  sind  einige  Worte  aus  dem 
Martyrium  des  heiligen  Symphorian  von  Antun  (c.  180  n.  Chr.),  das 
nach  seinem  Urteil  spätestens  im  5.  Jahrh.  verfasst  ist.  Als  der  Heilige 
zum  Richtplatz  geführt  wurde,  rief  ihm  seine  Mutter  'voce  gallica'  von 
der  Mauer  aus  zu:  'Nate  nate  Synforiane  meniento  b&oto  diuo  hoc  est 
memorare  dei  tui'  (so  nach  dem  Cod.  monac.  lat.  4585)  oder  'Nati  nati 
Synforiani,  mentem  obeto  dotiuo '  (so  nach  dem  Turiner  Codex  D.  V.  3). 
Kein  Zweifel,  dass  dies  celtisch  ist,  aber  die  Worte  sind  vielleicht  selbst 
in  den  erwähnten  beiden  Handschriften,  die  dem  9.  Jahrh.  angehören, 
ein  wenig  entstellt.  Zu  nate  erinnert  der  Verf.  an  die  Glosse  nate 
'fili'  in  Endlichers  Glossar  (KZ.  32,  231.  237).  Dem  memento  oder, 
wahrscheinlich  unrichtigen,  mentem,  d.  h.  'memorare',  scheint  die 
Wurzel  des  lat.  memmi  zu  Grunde  zu  liegen,  die  im  altirischen  cuman 
und  memne  erhalten  ist;  eine  celtische  Form  kann  es  aber  nicht  wohl 
sein.  Die  Formel  betoto  diuo  oder,  weniger  gut,  obeto  dotiuo  enthält, 
wenn  man  eine  Erklärung  wagen  darf,  deutlich  das  ir.  do  diu,  w.  dy 
duw  'dein  Gott'  (vgl.  gall.  Diuo-durum,  Diuo-genus  etc.);  und  da  eine 
Variante  'in  mente  habe  deum  vivum'  als  Übersetzung  giebt,  so  liegt 
es  nahe  in  beto  das  ir.  betho  'das  Leben'  zu  vermuten.  Es  scheint 
aber,  als  sei  das  vorhergehende  to  von  memento  zii  trennen  und  als 
Pronomen  possessivum  (=  ir.  do,  t',  w.  dy),  zu  beto  zu  ziehen,  also  to 
beto  'dein  Leben'.  Dann  möchten  die  Worte  to  beto  to  diuo  'dein 
Leben  ist  dein  Gott'  einen  gallischen  Segen  ausgedrückt  haben.  Er 
kommt  nicht  genau  so,  aber  doch  ähnlich  im  altern  Irisch  vor,  nämlich 
als  Dia  do  betho  'Gott  sei  dein  Leben',  d.  h.  'Heil  dir!'  oder  'Sei 
gegrüsst!'  —  die  Übersetzung  des  lat.  Ave  (vgl.  Meyer,  Contributions 
p.  210). 


192  ERSCHIENENE   SCHRIFTEN. 

J.  Leite  de  Vasconcellos,  Onomasticon  liisitanien.  (Extrait 
de  la  Eev.  Liisit.,  vol.  VI,  fasc.  3).    4  pp.    8o. 

Der  Verf.  sucht  zwei  alte  portugiesische  Namen  aus  dem  Celtischen 
zu  deiiteu,  nämlich  den  Flussuamen  Tejo  (span.  Tajo,  lat.  Tägus),  den 
er  mit  stag-num,  bret.  ster,  staer  'Fluss'  zusammenstellt,  und  Endo- 
velliciis,  den  Namen  eines  Gottes,  dessen  Sanctuarium  man  in  der 
Provinz  Alemtejo  aufgedeckt  hat. 

H.  Zimmer,  Pelagius  in  Irland.  Texte  und  Untersuehung-en  zur 
patristischeu  Litteratur.  Berlin,  Weidmann  1901.  VIII 
+  350  pp.     8". 

Der  Kommentar  des  'Britten'  Pelagius  zu  den  paulinischen 
Briefen,  von  dem  eine  Überarbeitung  unter  den  Werken  des  h. 
Hieronjnnus  steht,  war  den  irischen  Gelehrten  bis  ins  9.  Jahrb.  wohl- 
bekannt lind  ist  in  dem  St.  Galler  Codex  73  erhalten,  der  nun  nach 
Zimmers  gründlicher  Untersuchung  nicht  mehr  'incerti  auctoris'  ist. 

Celtia.   A  Pan-Celtic  Montlily  Magazine.   Vol.  I.   Dublin  1901.   4». 

Diese  Monatsschrift,  die  eben  den  ersten  Jahrgang  abgeschlossen 
hat,  widmet  sich  der  lebenden  celtischen  Sprache  und  pflegt  den  Zu- 
sammenhang der  fünf  Volksstämme,  die  ihr  noch  angehören.  Sie  giebt 
auch  Nachrichten  von  dem  pauceltischen  Kongress,  der  im  August  d.  J. 
in  Dublin  tagte,  und  enthält  die  Übersicht,  die  Prof.  K.  Meyer  in  einer 
der  Sitzungen  über  die  celtischen  Studien  der  Gegenwart  gab.  Mit 
Geuugthuung  liest  man,  dass  bei  dieser  Gelegenheit  ein  wichtiges 
Desideratum  von  Prof.  Zimmer  zur  Sprache  gebracht  und  einstimmig 
zur  Berücksichtigung  empfohlen  Avurde,  nämlich  eine  cel tische  Biblio- 
graphie, in  der  die  erschienenen  Schriften  mit  Verleger-  und  Preis- 
angabe von  Zeit  zu  Zeit  vollständig  verzeichnet  würden.  Am  Gelingen 
einer  solchen  Publikation  nehmen  wir  lebhaften  Anteil.  St. 


Druck  You  EhrharcU  Karras,  Halle  a.  S. 


zu  IRISCHEN  TEXTEN. 


1.  Die  Überlieferung  der  Fled  Bricrenn. 

Durch  Sterns  Abdruck  der  Fled  Bricrenn  nach  der  Leidener 
Handschrift  (Cod.  Vossianus  lat.  qu.  7)  in  dieser  Zs.  4,  143  liegt 
jetzt  eine  von  Lü  abweichende  Eecension  der  Sage  im  Zusammen- 
hang- vor.  S.  145  bemerkt  der  Herausgeber,  durch  diese  Version 
würden  einige  Abschnitte  in  LU  als  eingeschoben  erwiesen.  Er 
scheint  also  die  von  Zimmer  (KZ.  28,  649)  vor  fünfzelm  Jahren 
ausgesprochene  Ansicht  zu  billigen,  wonach  die  verschiedenen 
erhaltenen  Eecensionen  nicht  eine  aus  der  anderen  hervorgegangen, 
sondern  selbständige  Compilationen  ähnlicher  oder  gleicher  Grund- 
texte wären.  Auch  Henderson  hat  sich  in  seiner  Ausgabe 
(Iiish  Texts  Society  II)  die  Zimmersche  Hypothese  zu  eigen  ge- 
macht. Demgegenüber  habe  ich  in  meinen  'Sagen  aus  dem  alten 
Irland'  S.  26  bemerkt,  dass  die  von  LJJ  abweichenden  Fassungen 
nur  Versuche  darstellen,  in  diesen  schlecht  zusammengefügten 
Text  einige  Einheit  zu  bringen,  so  dass  sie  zur  Bestimmung  der 
Gestalt  der  zu  Grunde  liegenden  Quellen  —  abgesehen  von 
Lesungen  einzelner  "Wörter  —  keinen  selbständigen  Wert  haben. 
Da  diese  Ansicht  nicht  unmittelbar  zu  überzeugen  scheint,  möchte 
ich  sie  hier  etwas  ausführen. 

Die  eine  Version  liegt  bekanntlich  nur  in  LU  vor.  Eine 
z^'eite  in  Egerton  93  {Eg)  und  in  der  Leidener  Handschrift  (Z.); 
doch  fehlt  in  Eg.  der  Anfang,  in  L.  durch  Ausfall  eines  Blattes 
§  58  Mitte— 62  imd  66—73  Mitte  (also  ö^  f2  und  Anfang  gi 
nach  der  unten  verwendeten  Bezeichnung).  Eine  dritte  Version 
wäre  endlich  nach  Zimmer  in  der  Handschrift  des  Trinity  College 

Zeitschrift  f.  celt.  Philologie  IV.  13 


194  R.  THURNEYSEN, 

H.  3.  17  (II.)  vorhanden,  die  mitten  in  §  40  abbricht.  Das  in 
allen  diesen  Handschriften  zufällig-  fehlende  Ende  ist  in  Edin- 
burgh, Gaelic  Ms.  XL  (Ed.)  erhalten,  das  den  Schlussabschnitt 
von  §  91  an  für  sich  allein  bringt.  Doch  stellt  diese  Handsclu-ift 
nicht  etwa  einen  selbständigen  Text  dar,  wie  er  vor  der  Ein- 
verleibung in  die  Compilation  bestanden  hätte,  sondern  ist  erst  aus 
einer  Fassung  wie  LTJ  losgelöst.  Das  zeigt  schon  der  Schlusssatz: 
7  it  äesin  ata  cauradmir  n-Eamna  dogress  7  an  hriaturcath  hhan 
TJlad  7  ceandac  an  ruanado  ind-Eamuin  Maca  7  totem  n-Olad 
do  Chruachnaib  Aiea  (Rev.  Celt.  14,  454),  verglichen  mit  der 
Überscliiift  in  X?799b:  Incipit  fled  Bricrend  7  curathmir  Emna 
Maclia  7  in  hriatharchath  han  TJlad  7  tochim  Ulad  do  Chruachnaib 
Ai  7  cennach  ind  ruanada  i  n-Emain  Macha. 

Zunächst  muss  ich  kurz  die  Anordnung  in  LU(=Ä)  einer- 
seits und  in  Eg.  L.  (=B)  anderseits,  sowie  die  in  H  (=0)  ins 
Gedächtnis  zm^ückrufen.  Die  arabischen  Zahlen  bezeichnen  die 
Paragraphen  bei  Windisch  und  Henderson,  die  römischen  die 
Abschnitte  Zimmers  (KZ.  28,  623). 

A.  «1.  Bricrius  Gelage  in  Dun  Rudraige.  Streit  der  drei 
Helden  um  das  Heldenstück,  beschwichtigt  durch  die  Aussicht 
auf  Ailills  Schiedspruch  (1 — 16,  I  II).  —  a'\  Streit  der  Frauen 
um  den  Vortritt,  dadurch  vorläufig  beendigt,  dass  jeder  Held  seine 
Frau  durch  eine  andere  Öffnung  ins  Haus  lässt  (17 — 28  Anfang^ 
III).  —  a*.  Friedliche  Ruhe  (sdm)  in  Dun  Rudraige;  Frauen- 
katalog (28,  III  Ende  u.  IV).  —  ß.  Ein  neuer  Streit  der 
Frauen  kommt  nicht  zum  Austrag,  weil  Cuchulainn  zu  müde  nach 
Emain  Macha  gekommen  ist,  um  den  angebotenen  Zweikampf 
mit  Conall  zu  bestehen  (29—32,  V).  —  7.  Neuer  Streit  der 
Männer;  Cu-Roi  soll  entscheiden;  die  Fahrt  zu  ihm  durch  den 
Mann  im  Nebel  vereitelt;  Rückkehr  nach  Emain  Mac  ha  (33—41, 
VI  VII).  —  6K  Alle  Ulter  und  die  di^ei  Helden  falu-en  von  Dun 
Rudraige  nach  Cruachain;  Rückkehr  der  übrigen  Ulter  nach  drei 
Tagen  (42—56,  VIII).  — (52.  Die  Nacht  mit  den  Zauberkatzen 
zu  Cruachain  (57,  IX).  —  öl  Medbs  verdeckte  Entscheidung 
mittels  der  drei  Schalen  (58—62,  X).  —  g«.  Fütterung  der  Pferde 
der  Helden.  Nacht  in  Cruachain;  Radwerfen;  Cuchulainns  Nadel- 
kunststück (63—65,  XI).  — £2.  Die  Helden  von  Medb  zu  Ercoil 
geschickt;  Entscheidung  durch  Samera;  Rückkehr  nach  Emain 
und  Cathbaths  Spruch  (66—71,  XII).  —  gi.  Die  Ulter  von 
Sualdaim   bewirtet.     Das  Zeugnis   der  Schalen   verworfen   und 


zu   IRISCHEN   TEXTEN.  195 

neuer  Streit  (72  —  74,  XHI).  —  p.  Bei  Bude.  Uatli,  der  Mann, 
der  sich  den  Kopf  abschlagen  lässt  (75—78,  XIV).  —  ?/.  Neuer 
Streit  der  Helden.  Entscheidung  durch  Cu-Eoi.  Sie  wird  nach 
der  Eückkehr  nach  Emain  Macha  nicht  anerkannt  (78  Ende  — 90, 
XV).  — 19-.  Der  Mann  (Cu-Eoi),  der  sich  den  Kopf  abschlagen 
lässt,  in  Emain  Macha  (91—102.  XVI). 

Version  B:  a^  n.  a\  Streit  der  Helden  und  ihrer  Frauen, 
wie  in  Ä.  —  «^  (fehlt  in  Ä).  Sencha  entscheidet  über  den  Vor- 
tritt der  Frauen  (Ende  28,  Anfang  29).  —  ß.  Ein  neuer  Streit 
der  Frauen  kommt  nicht  zum  iVustrag,  weil  Cuchulainn  zu  müde 
nach  Dun  Eudraige  gekommen  ist,  um  den  Zweikampf  mit 
Conall  zu  bestehen.  —  aK  Friedliche  Euhe  (sdm,  32  Ende;  den 
Frauenkatalog  hat  diese  Version  nicht).  —  öK  Alle  Ulter  und 
die  drei  Helden  nach  Cruachain;  Eückkehr  der  übrigen  Ulter 
nach  drei  Tagen.  —  eK  Fütterung  der  Pferde  der  Helden.  Nacht 
in  Cruachain;  Eadwerfen;  Cuchulainns  Nadelkunststück.  —  6\ 
Medbs  verdeckte  Entscheidung  mittels  der  drei  Schalen.  —  s\ 
Die  Helden  von  Medb  zu  Ercoil  geschickt;  Entscheidung  durch 
Samera;  Eückkehr  nach  Emain  und  Cathbaths  Spruch.  —  ^K 
Die  ITlter  von  Subaltam  bewirtet.  Das  Zeugnis  der  Schalen  ver- 
worfen und  neuer  Streit.  —  /.  Cu-Eoi  soll  entscheiden;  die 
Fahrt  zu  ihm  durch  den  Mann  im  Nebel  vereitelt.  —  i].  Neue 
Falirt  zu  Cu-Eoi  und  seine  Entscheidung;  sie  wird  nach  der 
Eückkehr  nach  Emain  Macha  nicht  anerkannt.  —  {^.  Der  Mann, 
der  sich  den  Kopf  abschlagen  lässt,  in  Emain  Macha. 

Version  C  geht  zunächst  genau  wie  B:  a^  a^  a^  ß  a*  (ohne 
Frauenkatalog)  d',  schliesst  aber  hieran  unmittelbar  ö^,  lässt 
dann  die  Helden  dii'ekt  nach  Emain  Macha  zurückkehren 
(62  Ende),  wo  sich  g^  abspielt  (von  72  Mitte  an);  daran  reiht 
sich  7  (wie  in  jB),  in  dem  die  einzige  Handschrift  aber  bald 
abbricht. 

Ohne  weiteres  ist  klar,  dass  A  nicht  aus  B  oder  C  um- 
gestaltet sein  kann;  der  Eedaktor  müsste  geradezu  absichtlich 
Verwirrung  gestiftet  haben.  Denn  B  und  C  sind  viel  einheitlicher 
als  A,  Auch  Zimmer  S.  651  erkennt  an,  dass  den  Verfasser 
(von  C,  das  er  für  älter  hält  als  B)  'künstlerische  Gesichtspunkte 
leiteten,  d.  h.  das  Bestreben,  eine  möglichst  einheitliche  Er- 
zählung herzustellen'.  Es  fragt  sich  also  nur,  hat  der  nach 
Einheitlichkeit  strebende  Eedaktor  ganz  dieselben  Materialien,  aus 
denen  A  kompilirt  ist,  selbständig  geschickter  zusammengestellt, 

13* 


196  R.   THURNEYSEN, 

oder  hat  er  einfacli  die  auch  luis  vorliegende  Version  Ä  nach 
künstlerischen  Gesichtspunkten  umgestaltet.  Lässt  sich  B  leicht 
als  aus  Ä  entstanden  erklären,  so  fällt  die  kompliziertere  andere 
Hypothese  von  selbst  dahin. 

Ein  arger  Widerspruch  in  Ä  ist,  dass  zunächst  (a)  eine 
Entscheidung  des  Streits  durch  Ailill  in  Aussicht  gestellt  wird, 
dagegen,  noch  bevor  Ailill  darum  angegangen  worden  ist,  in  / 
die  Entscheidung  durch  Cu-Roi  in  Vorschlag  gebracht  imd  ver- 
sucht wird.  Erst  dann  findet  in  ö  die  Fahrt  zu  Ailill  statt  und 
noch  später  (tj)  kommt  es  zur  wirklichen  Fahrt  zu  Cu-Roi. 
Das  nächstliegende  Mittel,  dem  abzuhelfen,  war,  7  heraus- 
zunehmen und  direkt  vor  ?/  zu  stellen,  wie  dies  B  (und  C)  thun. 
Ferner  kommt  in  Ä  zweimal  die  gleiche  Episode  von  dem  Manne 
vor,  der  sich  den  Kopf  abschlagen  lässt  (C,^  u.  {>■);  in  5  und  C 
ist  sie  das  erste  Mal  unterdrückt.  Der  Streit,  durch  den  sie  in 
Ä  veranlasst  wird,  führt  nun  bei  der  Umstellung  von  7  von 
selbst  zu  Senchas  Vorschlag,  die  Entscheidung  bei  Cu-Eoi  zu 
suchen  (7  33).  Endlich  noch  ein  Drittes.  Nachdem  die  anderen 
Ulter  von  Cruachain  heimgekehrt  sind,  bringen  die  drei  Helden 
allein  eine  Nacht  dort  zu  und  bestehen  das  Katzen abenteuer 
((12).  Nach  drei  Tagen  entlässt  sie  Medb  mit  den  Bechern  (d'^). 
Dann  lässt  sie  sie  jedoch  aufhalten  und  zurückführen,  um  ihnen 
eine  Probe  aufzuerlegen.  Zunächst  verbringen  sie  aber  wiederum 
eine  Nacht  in  Cruachain  (e'),  bevor  sie  abermals  Abschied  nehmen 
und  von  Medb  zu  Ercoil  geschickt  werden  (f^).  Diese  zwei 
Nächte  sind  in  B  vermieden,  indem  die  zweite  (f ')  an  die  Stelle 
der  ersten  (d^)  gerückt  worden  ist.  Medb  sendet  so  direkt 
nach  der  Überreichung  der  Becher  die  Helden  zu  Ercoil.  Also 
alle  die  grösseren  Abweichungen  von  B  gegenüber  A  erklären 
sich  ohne  jede  Schwierigkeit  aus  dem  Bestreben,  einige  besonders 
augenfällige  Widersprüche  und  Dubletten  zu  entfernen.  Ein 
grosser  Künstler  ist  allerdmgs  auch  der  Redaktor  von  B  nicht 
gewesen,  da  immer  noch  genug  Ungereimtes  stehen  geblieben  ist. 

Bestätigen  die  Einzelheiten  diese  aus  dem  Ueberblick  über 
das  Ganze  gewonnene  Anschauung?  —  Wir  beginnen  mit  dem 
Aufenthalt  in  Cruachain  {dt).  Zimmer  (S.  634  647)  betrachtet 
die  Reihenfolge  ö^  s^  ö"^,  die  B  bietet,  als  die  ursprüngliche. 
Aber  e»  kann  hier  nicht  alt  sein.  Die  drei  Helden  sind  bei  ilirer 
Ankunft  in  drei  verschiedene  Häuser  gebracht  worden  (6^  54); 
sie  sind  drei  Tage  und  di-ei  Nächte  dageblieben  (55);  und  jetzt 


zu   IRISCHEN  TEXTEN.  197 

erst  sollten  sie  gefragt  werden,  was  für  Futter  man  ihren 
Pferden  geben  solle?  Die  hätten  also  bisher  gehungert?  Die 
Frage  kann  natürlich  nur  gleich  bei  der  Ankunft,  beim  Ab- 
scliirren  der  Pferde,  gestellt  werden.  In  der  That  hat  auch 
Eeceusion  B  in  Hs.  L  (S.  166)  vorher  den  Satz:  Do  hretha  a 
Cruacliain  iad  7  scorther  i  n-eich,  'sie  wurden  nach  Cruachain 
gebracht  und  ihre  Pferde  ausgespannt',  ganz  wie  ^  §  62  Ende: 
bertafirj  hi  Cruachain  tat  ocus  scurtir  a  n-eich.  In  B  hat  er 
aber  gar  keinen  Sinn,  da  die  Helden  Cruachain  nie  verlassen 
haben;  erträglicher  ist  er  in  A,  wo  Medb  vorher  einen  nach 
dem  andern  verabschiedet  hatte.  Er  war  also  in  B  aus  einer 
Vorlage  wie  A  herübergenommen;  die  Hss.  Eg.  und  H.  haben 
ihn  begreiflicherweise  weggelassen. 

Ferner  wird  die  in  B  fehlende  Katzenepisode  nach  der 
Abfahrt  der  übrigen  Ulter  in  A  durch  den  Satz  eingeleitet: 
'Man  brachte  jedem  der  Männer  jede  Nacht  eine  Mahlzeit  für 
Hundert.  ^)  In  dieser  Nacht  wurde  ihnen  ihr  Anteil  gebracht 
und  wurden  die  drei  Kätzchen  aus  der  Höhle  von  Cruachain 
darauf  losgelassen'  etc.  (§  56  Ende,  57  Anfang).  Auch  Redaktion 
B  hat  [jenen  Satz  in  Hs.  Eg.\  Ocus  do  breth  praind  .  c.  do  gach 
fer  dib  cech  n-oidche.'^)  Er  steht  in  Eg.  vor  der  Frage  nach 
dem  Futter  für  die  Pferde  und  vor  der  Verteilung  der  Jung- 
fi^auen  von  Cruachain  unter  die  Helden  (63),  der  Dublette  zu 
54.  Dagegen  hat  ihn  L.  als  wenig  passend  unterdrückt.  Er 
weist  deutlich  darauf  hin,  dass  auch  in  der  Quelle  der  Redaktion 
B  die  Katzenepisode  und  zwar  an  dieser  Stelle  vorhanden  war. 
Zimmer  S.  634  meint  freilich  umgekehrt,  6-  passe  in  A  nicht  an 
seinen  Platz,  weil  die  Helden  in  drei  verschiedenen  Häusern 
wohnen,  das  Katzen abenteuer  sich  aber  in  einem  Hause  abspiele. 
Das  ist  jedoch  ein  Irrtum.  Conall  und  Loegaire  flüchten  sich 
for  sparrib  na  tigi  'auf  die  Sparren  der  Häuser';  es  wurde  also 
in  jedes  Haus  eine  Katze  gelassen.  Unrichtig  ist  auch,  dass 
Conall  und  Loegaire  nach  der  Katzenepisode  einen  neuen  Zwei- 
kampf verlangen  (Zimmer  S.  635;  Henderson  p.  XXXVII);  sie 


*)  Ich  habe  mich  leider  in  deu  'Sagen  aus  dem  alten  Irland'  S.  44 
durch  Windisch  und  Henderson  verleiten  lassen ,  praind .  c.  in  praind  cetna 
aufzulösen.  Es  ist  natürlich  cet  zu  lesen;  cetna  wird  nicht  ohne  Artikel 
gebraucht. 

*)  Ebenso  liest  H. ,  col.  703  Z.  3  v.  u. :  7  do  b-thi  praind .  c.  do  cach 
fer  cach  n-aidchi  (nach  einer  freundlichen  MitteilungAtkinsons). 


198  R.   THURNEYSEN, 

erkennen  nur  dieses  Abenteuer  nicht  als  Grundlage  eines  Spruchs 
an.  Dass  Ailill  aber  überhaupt  auf  Grund  einer  einzelnen  Probe 
sein  Urteil  sprechen  soll,  ist  nirgends  angedeutet,  so  angenehm 
es  ihm  natürlich  sein  müsste,  wenn  sie  ihr  Verhalten  den  Katzen 
gegenüber  als  Entscheidung  annehmen  wollten  und  ihn  so  eines 
eigenen  Urteilsspruches  enthöben. 

Haben  wir  den  deutlichen  Beweis  in  Händen,  dass  diese 
Teile  der  Redaktion  B  die  uns  bekannte  Fassung  A  voraussetzen, 
so  erklären  sich  auch  ihre  anderen  Abweichungen  leicht  von 
diesem  Standpunkt  aus.  Die  Episode  7  ist  in  B  (und  C)  sti- 
listisch etwas  ausgeschmückt  (Zimmer  S.  6531).  Die  Veranlassung 
bot  die  Beschreibung  des  Kerls  in  .4  37,  die  nur  weiter  aus- 
geführt ist.  Die  Verbesserung  sodann,  dass  der  ermüdete 
Cuchulainn  ^  31  in  £  nicht  wie  in  A  co  Emain  Macha  kommt, 
sondern  co  tecli  m-Bricrencl  i  n-JDun  Rudraige  Eg.  L.  {co  JDun  Bud- 
H.),  wurde  durch  den  Text  selber  beinahe  aufgedrängt,  da 
alles  frühere  sich  bei  Bricriu  abspielt  und  auch  die  in  B 
folgende  Fahrt  nach  Cruachain  von  dort  ausgeht.  Die  Euhe 
(sdm),  die  in  A  nach  dem  ersten  Frauenstreit  eintritt  (28),  ver- 
setzt B  (und  C)  hinter  den  zweiten  Frauenstreit,  in  die  Lücke, 
die  bei  der  Transposition  von  y  dort  entstanden  wäre;  es  lässt, 
nachdem  endlich  alle  Streitigkeiten  in  Dun  Rudraige  vorläufig 
beendigt  sind,  die  Ulter  —  nach  einer  in  diesen  Sagen  stereo- 
typen Zeitbestimmung  —  drei  Tage  und  drei  Nächte  schmausen, 
bevor  sie  nach  Cruachain  (6)  aufbrechen  (32  Ende,  42  Anfang). 
Doch  hat  es  dabei  den  Frauenkatalog  (28)  weggelassen,  der 
schon  in  A  dem  Männerkatalog  (12)  bedenklich  nachhinkt,  und 
der  das  hier  noch  viel  mehr  thun  würde.  Zwischen  die  beiden 
Frauenstreite  schiebt  es  dafür  a^  ein:  'Dann  wird  die  Menge 
zur  Ruhe  gewiesen.  Sencha  fällte  den  Frauen  das  Urteil:  Emer 
[soll]  als  erste  ins  Haus  [treten]  und  die  beiden  anderen  Frauen 
Schulter  an  Schulter'.  Das  ist  also  eine  Neuerung.  Sie  wird 
dadurch  hervorgerufen  sein,  dass  in  der  Kompilation  A,  me  sie 
nun  einmal  vorlag,  fast  jeder  Streit  durch  eine  —  freilieh  nie 
anerkaimte  —  Entscheidung  oder  doch  durch  die  Aussicht  auf 
eine  solche  beendigt  wird.  Dagegen  der  erste  Frauenstreit  wird 
dort  nur  gewissermassen  symbolisch  entschieden  dadurch,  dass 
die  drei  Helden  ihren  Frauen  auf  verschiedene  Weise  den  Ein- 
tritt ins  Haus  verschaffen;  ein  wirklicher  Spruch  wird  weder 
gefällt   noch  ausdrücklich  auf    die  Zukunft   verschoben.     Dass 


zu   IRISCHEN  TEXTEN.  199 

der  Redaktor  von  B  gerade  Sencha  als  Schiedsricliter  fungiren 
lässt,  kommt  daher,  dass  Sencha  sowohl  den  Beginn  des  Frauen- 
wettkampfs  angekündigt  hat  (21)  als  auch  in  dem  gleich  darauf 
ausbrechenden  zweiten  Streit  die  Frauen  zui'  Ruhe  weist  (29). 

Dass  weiter  C  nicht  die  Grundlage  von  B  bildet,  wie 
Zimmer  meinte,  sondern  dass  umgekehrt  C  aus  B  gekürzt  ist 
und  zwar  nach  einer  Hs.,  die  Eg.  nahe  stand,  ergiebt  sich  aus 
dem  Vorhergehenden  ohne  Weiteres.  Der  Grund  der  Kürzungen 
ist  denn  auch  durchweg  ganz  klar.  Der  Verfasser  stiess  sich, 
wie  wir,  an  der  späten  Fütterung  der  Pferde  in  f^,  wohl  auch 
an  der  Dublette  der  Versorgung  der  Helden  mit  Jungfrauen 
(63  =  54)  und  übersprang  daher  den  ganzen  Abschnitt  e^,  der 
in  seiner  Quelle  {B)  ö^  von  ö'^  trennte.  Ebenso  störend  war 
für  ihn,  wie  für  uns,  dass  Medb,  nachdem  sie  alle  drei  Helden 
mit  den  Schalen  verabschiedet  hat,  sie  nun  doch  noch  zu  Ercoil 
sendet,  und  dass  durch  die  Ercoil -Samera- Geschichte  die  beiden 
Episoden  mit  den  Schalen  ö^  und  C,^  übel  getrennt  werden.  Er 
schied  jene  daher  aus  und  verband  die  beiden  zusammengehörigen 
Abschnitte  direkt  mit  einander,  indem  er  ^^  deutlicher  in  Emain 
Macha  vor  sich  gehen  Hess,  als  das  in  B  der  Fall  war  (s.  u.), 
weil  die  ganze  Folge  /  —  d-  diesen  Schauplatz  voraussetzte.  So 
ist  C  auf  dem  "Wege  zur  Einheitlichkeit  noch  bedeutend  weiter 
vorgeschritten  als  B  und  bildet  eine  leidlich  zusammenhängende 
Erzählung. 

Es  ist  ein  oft  beobachteter  Fehler,  dass  man  mittelalter- 
lichen Verfassern  oder  Redaktoren  zu  wenig  Selbständigkeit  bei  der 
Umarbeitung  ihrer  Quellen  zutraut.  So  habe  ich  im  Literarischen 
Centralblatt  1898  Sp.  197  darauf  aufmerksam  gemacht,  dass 
Windisch  (Ir.  Texte  III,  2)  mit  Unrecht  die  drei  verschiedenen 
Fassungen  von  Tochmarc  Ferbe  auf  verschiedene  Quellen  zurück- 
führt, während  immer  die  eine  dii-ekt  aus  der  anderen  umgebildet 
ist.  Ebenso  hat  Wollner  irrigerweise  in  den  zwei  Gestalten  der 
Vision  von  Mac  Conglinne  zwei  Parallelversionen  sehen  wollen; 
die  längere  ist  einfach  eine  freie  Wiedergabe  der  kürzeren. 

Eine  ganz  andere  Frage  ist  die,  aus  welchen  Bestandteilen 
das  in  Z?7  überlieferte  Sagenkongiomerat  sich  zusammensetzt.  Ich 
gehe  kiu'z  auch  auf  sie  ein,  um  bei  dieser  Gelegenheit  ein  Ver- 
sehen zu  berichtigen,  das  ich  mir  wohl  in  den  'Sagen  aus  dem 
alten  Irland'  habe  zu  Schulden  kommen   lassen.     Bei  meinem 


200  R.   THUENEYSEN, 

Versuche,  eine  der  Erzählungen,  aus  denen  Ä  zusammengewachsen 
ist,  wieder  herauszupräparieren,  habe  ich  die  zweite  und  die 
dritte  Cu-Roi- Episode  (rj  und  &)  von  der  ersten  (7)  getrennt 
und  mit  der  Dun  Eudraige-Cruachain- Version  (a  ö  C,^)  ver- 
knüpft. Dazu  führte  mich  vor  allem  die  Rolle,  die  in  C,^  und 
in  ^  Dubthach  Doeltenga  spielt;  vgl.  72  und  90,  92,  95,  96. 
Diese  Gestalt  hat  ihre  Berechtigung  nur  in  der  Dun  Eudraige- 
Cruachain -Version.  Nach  dieser  hat  der  Streit  der  Helden  in 
Bricrius  Palast  und  ,'durch  Bricrius  Schuld  begonnen;  die  Ulter 
haben  ihn  darum  verflucht  (56).  Es  ging  daher  nicht  an,  ihn 
kui'z  darauf,  als  die  Ulter  beim  Gelage  versammelt  sind, 
wieder  mitten  unter  ihnen  sitzen  und  das  grosse  Wort  führen 
zu  lassen.  Brauchte  der  Verfasser  dieser  Version  eine  ähnliche 
Figur,  die  den  Streit  um  das  curadmir  nicht  einschlafen  Hess, 
so  musste  er  sich  eine  neue  schaffen.  Er  that  es,  indem  er 
DuUliacJi  Boel  Vlad,  wie  dieser  Mann  sonst  heisst  (§  12; 
Ir.  T.  II,  1, 174;  III,  2,  398),  in  Dubthach  Doeltenga  'Schwarzzunge' 
umtaufte  und  ihn  so  als  Parallelfigur  zu  Bricriu  Nemthenga 
'Giftzunge'  kennzeichnete.')  Bildete  aber  die  Cu-Roi- Episode 
^  mit  7  eine  andere  Version  der  Sage,  so  war  hier  kein  Grund 
vorhanden,  diese  Gestalt  zu  erfinden.  Nicht  bei  Bricriu,  sondern 
in  Emain  Macha  war  nach  7  der  Streit  entstanden;  Bricriu 
oder,  wie  i?7  an  der  Stelle  schreibt,  Bricni  hatte  nur  das 
curadmir  am  Ende  der  ersten  Episode  (7  41)  Cuchulainn  zu- 
gesprochen, war  also,  wenn  der  Erzähler  eine  böse  Zunge 
brauchte,  noch  weiterhin  als  solche  verwendbar.  Wenn  nun 
doch  in  d-  immer  Dubthach  Doeltenga  statt  seiner  auftritt,  so 
glaubte  ich  das  dahin  deuten  zu  sollen,  dass  d-  und  also  auch 
das  eng  damit  verbundene  rj  zur  Cruachain- Version,  nicht  zu 
7  gehört  hatten,  dass  also  diejenige  Cu-Roi -Episode,  die  in  der 
Quelle  die  Fortsetzung  von  7  gebildet  hatte,  in  A  keine  Auf- 
nahme gefunden  habe.  Dazu  schien  Hendersons  Nachweis 
(p.  LII.LVI)  zu  stimmen,  dass  die  Episode  7  einen  jüngeren 
Sprachcharakter  zeigt  als  1]  und  ^;  vgl.  do  rat  dia  fiadnaib 
fein  iat  40  LU.  und  die  Verbalformen  auf  -nn:   con  cingenn  34 

1)  In  dem  Gedicht  iu  der  Täiu  bo  Cualnge  LU.  8ih  10  =  LL.  79  a  40 
heisst  er  gleichfalls  Dubthach  Doeltenga,  wohl  eben  nach  uiiserm  Text,  aber 
in  den  einleitenden  Worten  ifJ.  81a,  2  v.  u.  =  LL.  79  a  20  wie  gewöhnlich 
Dubthach  Docl  Ulad.  Eine  spätere  Variante  ist  Dubthach  Doelulach 
Ir.  T.  n,  2, 149. 


zu  IRISCHEN   TEXTEN.  201 

LU  JEg.  L.  H.  und  nos  tuarcend  40  LU,  wo  Eg.  L.  etwas  anders 
lesen.  Solches  findet  sich  in  tj  und  ü-  nicht,  denn  81,  wo  LU 
ni  rdnic  he  'er  traf  ihn  nicht'  hat,  steht  in  Eg.  und  L.  das 
ältere  ni  rdnic,  wie  auch  LU  aji  der  Parallelstelle  87  liest;  das  he 
stammt  also  nicht  aus  der  Urhandschrift  der  Kompilation  A, 
sondern  fällt  nur  dem  Schreiber  von  LU  zur  Last,  Darum 
habe  ich  in  meiner  Übersetzung-  t]  {h  von  y  getrennt  und  an  C,^ 
angeschlossen. 

Doch  wage  ich  heute  nicht  mehr,  das  in  Ä  mit  gi  fest 
verbundene  g^  von  ihm  loszulösen,  zumal  g^  zu  keinem  anderen 
Bestandteil  nähere  Beziehungen  zeigt.  Vielmehr  macht  schon 
die  Wiederkehr  des  seltenen  Ausdrucks  do  unsi  leim  d^  57  und 
g2  77  wahrscheinlich,  dass  diese  beiden  Abschnitte  denselben 
Verfasser  haben.  Ich  bezweifle  daher  nicht  mehr,  dass  g"^  ur- 
sprünglich den  Schluss  der  Dun  Rudraige-Cruachain- Version 
gebildet  hat  (vgl.  Zimmer  S.  647).  1)  Sind  nun  rj  und  d-  von 
dieser  Version  fern  zu  halten,  so  wäre  es  doch  wohl  zu  kühn, 
sie  gleichwohl  von  7  zu  trennen,  das  doch  die  Expedition  zu 
Cu-Roi  vorbereitet.  Das  führt  zu  der  Annahme,  dass  der  Kom- 
pilator  von  A  im  Schlussteil  d-  überall  den  Namen  Bricriu  oder 
Bricni  durch  Dubthach  Doeltenga  ersetzt  hat,  um  den  Einklang 
mit  dem  Vorhergehenden  herzustellen.  Ein  solches  Verfahren 
dürfen  wir  ihm  sehr  wohl  zutrauen.  Denn  wenn  ihm  auch  sonst 
mehr  an  der  möglichst  vollständigen  Aufnahme  aller  in  den  ver- 
schiedenen Versionen  vorhandenen  Sagenzüge  als  an  der  Ein- 
heitlichkeit der  Erzählung  liegt,  so  hat  er  doch  —  auch  ausser 
den  vermittelnden  Übergangssätzen  —  leichte  Mittel  nicht  ge- 
scheut, dieser  nachzuhelfen.    Ich  erinnere  an  die  von  ihm  ein- 


*)  Nicht  sicher  ist,  ob  auch  der  Ort,  au  dem  ^^  uud  ^  vor  sich  gehen, 
verschiedeu  ist.  Das  letztere  spielt  im  Craebruad  zu  Emain  Macha  (91).  In 
?*  72  bewirtet  Sualdaim  (Subaltam  Eg.)  die  Ulter;  aber  wo?  Es  wird  er- 
wähnt, dass  Conchobars  Fass  aradach  für  sie  gefüllt  worden  ist.  Das  kann 
doch  nur  gleichfalls  in  Conchobars  Kesidenz  geschehen  sein,  da  dieses  Riesen- 
fass  nicht  wohl  transportabel  ist.  Auch  hat  Medb  59  Loegaire  befohlen ,  seine 
Schale  erst  im  Craebruad  zu  zeigen,  was  t,^  73  geschieht.  Bewirtet  also 
Sualdaim  die  Ulter  in  Conchobars  Halle,  wie  das  Bricriu  Ir.  T.  II,  1,  173  thut? 
Oder  hat  hier  der  Kompilator  etwas  in  Verwirrung  gebracht?  Ist  etwa  die 
Bewirtung  durch  Sualdaim  nur  ein  Einfall  von  ihm ,  um  Abwechslung  hinein- 
zubringen? Man  beachte,  dass  in  Eg.  die  Sätze,  die  vom  aradach  und  von 
Sualdaim -Subaltam  handeln,  in  anderer  Ordnung  stehen  als  inLZJ;  vielleicht 
war  der  eine  ursprünglich  eine  Kandnote. 


202  R.   THURNEY8EN, 

gefügte  Erwähnung  von  Lugaid  Eeoderg  im  Serglige  Conculainn  10, 
um  später  (21  ff.)  die  Walil  dieses  Jünglings  zum  König  daran 
anknüpfen  zu  können.  Eine  andere  Möglichkeit  wäre  die,  dass 
dem  Verfasser  der  Cu-Roi- Version  die  Cruachain- Version  bereits 
vorlag,  so  dass  er  ihr  den  Dubthach  Doeltenga  und  seine  Funktion 
entnehmen  konnte.  Wie  der  Sprachunterschied  von  /  und  rj  ß- 
zu  erklären  ist,  weiss  ich  freilich  nicht  sicher  zu  sagen;  vielleicht 
war  bereits  in  der  Quelle  von  A  ein  älterer  Text  durch  ein 
jüngeres  Stück  erweitert  worden. 

Die  Kompilation  Ä  lässt  also  zunächst  zwei  längere  Er- 
zählungen als  Hauptbestandteile  erkennen.  Vollständig  erhalten, 
mit  Ausnahme  der  Bindeglieder  zwischen  einzelnen  Episoden 
und  wohl  eines  Schlusssatzes,  ist 

Version  I:  Streit  der  Helden  und  der  Frauen  bei  Bricrius 
Gelage  in  Dun  Rudraige.  Fahrt  nach  Cruachain  und  Medbs 
verdeckte  Entscheidung  durch  die  drei  Schalen.  Abweisung  dieses 
Zeugnisses  (eher  in  Emain  Macha  als  bei  Sualdaim).  Expedition  zu 
Bude  mac  Bain  und  endgiltige  Entscheidung  durch  Uath  mac 
Imomain  (a^  «2  a^  d>  ()2  ($3  gi  ^2^  §  i_28.  42—62.  72—78  Mitte;  vgl. 
Zimmers  in  einigen  Punkten  abweichende  'Recension  a  a'  S.  647).  — 
Als  Einschübe  des  Kompilators  lassen  sich  ausser  den  Flicksätzen 
am  Ende  und  Anfang  der  Episoden  deutlich  erkennen:  Erstens 
der  Männerkatalog  in  §  12.  Er  knüpft  zwar  äusserKch  an  §  2 
an,  wonach  rings  um  Conchobars  hnda  an  der  Vorder  wand  des 
Hauses  12  imda  für  die  12  errid  erbaut  werden;  aber  statt 
12  Namen  werden  34  aufgezählt,  darunter  Bricriu  selber,  also 
offenbar  alle,  die  der  Schreiber  überhaupt  aufzutreiben  wusste. 
So  wird  auch  der  Frauenkatalog  in  §  28  von  ihm  herrühren, 
mit  dem  er  den  ersten  Abschnitt  dieser  Version  schliesst.  Wie 
unter  den  Männern  Dubthach  in  §  12  den  Beinamen  Doel 
Ulad  führt  statt  JDoeltenga  (72),  so  heisst  hier  Loegaires  Frau 
Fedelni  Foltchain  und  hat  eine  Schwester  Fedelm  Nöicrothach, 
während  sie  in  Ä  17.  22  Fedelm  Noic{h)ride  genannt  wird 
(Zimmer  S.  659).  Vermutlich  rührt  auch  vom  Kompilator  die  Notiz 
in  ^2  77  iier,  dass  nach  anderen  Büchern  Loegaire  und  Conall 
den  Handel  mit  dem  Kopf  abschläger  zwar  eingingen,  aber  ihm 
dann  auswichen;  sie  verweist  eben  auf  die  andere  Version,  die 
er  dann  selber  91  ff.  bringt. 

Version  II  [Der  Streit  hat  sich  in  Emain  Macha  erhoben]. 
Conchobar  sendet  die  Helden  zu  Cu-Eoi  zur  Entscheidung.    Auf 


zu    IRISCHEN   TEXTEN.  203 

dem  Wege  dorthin  werden  Loegaire  nnd  Conall  von  dem  Kerl 
im  Nebel  zur  Fluclit  nach  Emain  Macha  genötigt;  Cuchulainn 
besiegt  ihn  zwar,  kehrt  aber  gleiclifalls  dahin  zurück  (dieses 
Stück  [in  jüngerer  Sprache).  Bricni  (Bricrui)  spricht  ihm  deshalb 
das  curadmir  zu.  Da  die  beiden  anderen  das  nicht  gelten  lassen, 
werden  sie  abermals  zu  Cu-Roi  geschickt  i),  der  nun  wirklich 
nach  bestandener  Probe  das  Urteil  fällt.  Weil  es  aber  die 
Unterlegenen  nach  der  Rückkehr  nach  Emain  Macha  nicht  an- 
erkennen, kommt  Cu-Roi  selber  in  Gestalt  des  Kopfabschlägers 
dahin  und  verschafft  ihm  definitive  Geltung  (/  /;  d-,  §  33 — 41. 
78 — 102).  —  Die  Notiz  in  §  80,  dass  in  Cu-Rois  Abwesenheit 
sich  seine  Stadt  jede  Nacht  wie  ein  Mülilrad  dreht,  rührt,  da  sie 
schlecht  in  den  Zusammenhang  passt,  wohl  vom  Kompilator  her. 
Es  bleiben  so  zwei  Abschnitte  übrig,  der  zweite  Streit  der 
Frauen  ß  29—32  und  die  Ercoil-Samera- Erzählung  £i  £2  63—71. 
Letztere  ist  deutlich  ein  Stück  einer  dritten  Variation  der  Sage. 
Der  Streit  scheint  auch  hier  in  Emain  ausgebrochen  zu  sein,  da 
man  dorthin  zurückkehrt  (69.  70).  Die  drei  Helden  haben  sich 
zum  Urteilsspruch  allein  mit  ihren  Burschen  nach  Cruachain 
begeben.  Mit  dem  Füttern  ihrer  Pferde  und  mit  ihrem  Über- 
nachten in  Cruachain  (63)  beginnt  das  Bruchstück.  Früh  am 
anderen  Morgen  zeichnet  sich  Cuchulainn  im  Radwerfen  aus  und 
macht  sein  Nadelkunststück  (64.  65).  Dann  setzten  sie  wohl  im 
Grundtext  Ailill  und  Medb  den  Zweck  ihres  Kommens  ausein- 
ander, falls  das  nicht  gleich  bei  der  Ankunft  geschehen  war.  Der 
Kompilator  musste  es  unterdrücken,  weil  er  es  schon  nach 
Version  I  berichtet  hatte.  Er  lässt  statt  dessen  in  Anlehnung 
an  60.  61.  62  die  Helden  vom  König  und  von  der  Königin  Ab- 
schied nehmen  (65  Ende).  Ailill  und  Medb  lehnten  nach  dieser 
Version  offenbar  die  Entscheidung  für  ihre  Person  ab.  Medb 
schickt  sie  zu  ihrem  Pflegevater  Ercoil,  der  sie  zunächst  weiter 
an  Samera  verweist;  dieser  spricht  ihnen  das  Urteil  (66 — 68). 
Nach  den  darauf  folgenden  Einzelkämpfen  mit  Ercoil,  kehlten 
Loegaire  und  Conall  besiegt,  Cuchulainn  als  Sieger  nach  Emain 
Macha  zimick,  wo  Cathbath  das  Endergebnis  festlegt  (69 — 71).  — 
Dass  Ercoil  jeden  der  Helden  noch  nach  dem  Spruch  Sameras  zum 


0  In  41  ist  wohl  zu  lesen:  Femdit  tra  Ulaid  ocus  Concobur  ocus 
Fergus  a  n-etergleod,  no[co]  ro  cnrtis  do  saichtin  Con  Roi  etc.  (noco  'bis' 
cwrtis  Praet.  Conj.  Pass.) 


204  R.   THURNEYSEN, 

Zweikampf  herausfordert,  ist  freilich  unnötig,  berechtigt  aber 
noch  nicht,  diese  Partie  wieder  auf  zwei  Quellen  zurückzuführen, 
wie  das  Henderson  p.  XXXVIII  thut,  sondern  zeugt  nur  von 
einem  ungewandten  Erzähler.  Die  Version  ist  sprachlich  sehr 
jung,  vgl.  föiclis  Samera  tat  66,  nos  cerhand  ocus  nos  hruend 
iat  67,  nos  ccngland  70;  sie  hat  wohl  Version  I  zum  direkten 
Muster  gehabt.  Auffällig  ist  in  diesem  Bruchstück  nur  der  Satz 
63  gegen  Ende:  No  thathiged  3fedb  fessin  immorro  co  gndthacli 
{co  menic  L.  Eg.)  'sin  tecli  i  m-höi  Cuculainn.  Die  Helden 
haben  hier  für  die  einzige  Nacht,  die  sie  in  Cruachain  zubringen, 
jeder  50  Jungfrauen  mit  einer  der  vornehmsten  Connachterinnen 
erhalten.  Ein  Satz  wie  'Medb  selber  pflegte  aber  häufig  Cuchulainn 
zu  besuchen'  passt  nicht  hierher,  sondern  nur  in  eine  Erzählung, 
wo  die  Helden  mehrere  Tage  und  Nächte  in  Cruachain  weilen, 
wie  das  in  I  der  Fall  ist.  Er  scheint  also  vom  Kompilator  her- 
zurühren. Diesen  mochte  es  stören,  dass  Cuchulainn  hier  keinen 
solchen  Vorzug  vor  den  anderen  Helden  genoss  wie  in  §  54, 
wo  er  über  das  gemeinsame  Teil  hinaus  noch  Findabair  erhält. 
Der  Besuch  Medbs  war  dem  Interpolator  durch  61  an  die  Hand 
gegeben.  Durch  die  Wiederholung  des  Satzes:  Feötar  and  ind 
adaig  sin  (63  Ende,  LV)  milderte  er  dann  den  Widerspruch, 
der  zwischen  seinem  Einschub  und  dem  folgenden  bestimmten 
iarna  haracli  besteht. 

Wohin  gehört  nun  der  zweite  Frauenstreit  (3?  Natüi'lich 
nicht  zu  I,  schon  weil  Emain  Macha  der  Schauplatz  des  Streits 
ist  wie  in  II  und  III.  In  A  folgt  unmittelbar  die  erste  Cu-Roi- 
Episode  y  darauf,  und  Zimmer  (S.  647)  hat  ß  in  der  That  mit 
unserer  Version  II  zu  seiner  'Rezension  B'  vereinigt.  Allein 
der  Uebergang  von  /9  zu  /  ist  ganz  unmöglich.  Cuchulainn  ist 
todmüde  nach  dem  Einfangen  und  Zähmen  seines  Pferds  Liath 
Macha  nach  Emain  Macha  gekommen.  Erst  wenn  er  gegessen 
und  ausgeschlafen  habe,  glaubt  er  sich  wieder  zum  Kampfe  be- 
fähigt; vorher  lehnt  er  den  Zweikampf  mit  Conall  bestimmt  ab. 
Also  an  diesem  Abend  nahm  er  sicherlich  keinen  wiederholten  Streit 
um  das  curadmir  auf.  Aber  §  33  (Anfang  /)  fährt  ganz  harmlos 
fort:  'Es  begab  sich  nun,  dass  sie  abermals  den  Streit  um  das 
curadmir  erhoben.  Conchobar  und  die  anderen  Edeln  von  Ulster 
trennten  sie,  bis  ein  Urteil  über  sie  gefällt  wäre'  usw.  Der  Kom- 
pilator könnte  natürlich  seine  Vorlage  gekürzt  haben;  aber  einen 
neuen  Streit  um  das  curadmir  hätte  er  gewiss  nicht  hier  ein- 


zu   IRISCHEN   TEXTEN.  205 

geschoben,  wenn  er  nicht  in  seiner  Quelle  stand.  So  prallen  an 
dieser  Stelle  offenbar  zwei  verschiedene  Versionen  auf  einander. 
Kann  ß  zu  Version  III  gehören?  Hierfür  scheint  mir  in 
der  That  Verschiedenes  zu  sprechen.  Zunächst  ist  der  Frauen- 
streit, namentlich  die  Rede  Emers  mit  der  Aufzählung  der  cless 
(30),  ebenso  deutlich  eine  Nachahmung  von  Version  I  (24),  wie 
das  Uebernacliten  in  Cruachain  (63)  oder  wie  das  Kunststück 
Cuchulainns  vor  den  Frauen  (65,  vgl.  42);  und  zwar  ist  die 
Nachahmung  minderwertig,  weil  der  Verfasser  die  alte  Dichter- 
sprache nicht  mehr  zu  handhaben  weiss.  Vgl.  die  unmöglichen 
Verbalformen  ni  faigbistar  (fuighestar  JEg.)  als  passives  Futurum 
^es  wird  nicht  gefunden  werden'  oder  cotn-gdbtus  {n-gabus  JEg.  L) 
30  nach  cotom  gaba  sa  24.  Ferner  haben  die  Helden  in  der 
Ercoil- Episode  69  nur  je  ein  Pferd,  das  sich  mit  Ercoils  Pferd 
misst,  sind  also  wohl  als  Eeiter  gedacht;  Cuchulainns  Pferd 
Liath  Macha  erringt  den  Sieg.  Das  Einbringen  eben  dieses 
einen  Pferdes,  nachdem  es  aus  dem  See  gestiegen  ist,  schildert 
unser  Bruchstück  (31.  32).  Allerdings  steht  in  Xf  am  Ende 
von  §  31:  'Auf  dieselbe  Weise  fand  er  auch  [sein  zweites  Pferd] 
Dub  Sainglend  aus  Loch  Duib  Sainglend'.  Aber  das  ist  deutlich 
ein  Einschub,  da  es  in  die  Erzählung  gar  nicht  passt.  Wann 
sollte  er  dieses  Pferd  gefangen  haben?  Der  Satz  fehlt  in  Eg.  L.  H., 
so  dass  unsicher  bleibt,  ob  es  eine  Interpolation,  vielleicht  eine 
Eandnote,  des  Kompilators  von  A  war,  die  der  Redaktor  von  B 
dann  als  unpassend  wieder  ausschied,  oder  ob  es  nur  vom  Schreiber 
von  LU  oder  seiner  direkten  Vorlage  eingefügt  worden  ist. 
Gegen  das  Reiten  in  Version  III  wird  man  nicht  §  63  geltend 
machen  wollen,  wo  Cuchulainn  Gerste  für  'seine  Pferde'  verlangt. 
Denn  diese  Änderung  lag  für  den  Kompilator  gar  zu  nahe,  da 
er  kurz  vorher  die  Helden  gemäss  Version  I  zweispännig  nach 
Cruachain  hatte  fahren  lassen.  Im  Wettrennen  (grafancT)  dagegen, 
das  die  Helden  66  bei  Cruachain  abhalten,  dürfen  wir  sie  uns 
ruhig  als  Reiter  denken.  So  sehe  ich  nichts,  was  dagegen 
spräche,  dass  ß  29—32  und  gi  s^  63—71  zu  einer  Version  HI 
gehört  haben.  Freilich  wie  und  wann  sich  der  Streit  zwischen 
den  Helden  und  zwischen  den  Frauen  nach  dieser  Fassung  erhoben 
hat,  lässt  das  kurze  Bruchstück  ß  nicht  mehr  genau  erkennen. 
Der  Erfinder  dieser  dem  11.  Jahrhundert  angehörenden  Variante, 
dem,  wie  bemerkt,  Version  I  als  Muster  gedient  hat,  geht 
auf  Etymologien   von   Ortsnamen   aus;   die  Namen   Lind   Leith, 


206  R.   THURNEYSEN, 

Snam  Ratliaind  und  Uaig-  Buana  sollen  durch  seine  Erzählung 
erklärt  werden  (31.  69.  70).  Sie  gleicht  darin  der  noinden 
Vlad,  die  Windisch  in  den  Berichten  der  Sachs.  Ges.  d.  AViss., 
ph.-hist.  Kl.  1884,  338  herausgegeben  hat;  auch  diese  Geschichte 
ist  ja  nur  erfunden,  um  den  Namen  Emain  Macha  zu  erklären. 
Es  sind  das,  wie  mehrere  Gedichte  gleichen  Inhalts,  unmittelbare 
Vorläufer  des  Dinnsenchas,  das  denn  auch  unsere  Version  III 
benutzt  hat  (Rev.  Celt.  XVI,  57). 

Der  Kompilator  von  A  hat  also  die  ihm  vorliegenden  Ver- 
sionen folgendermassen  verarbeitet.  Er  gab  zunächst  den  Streit 
der  Helden  und  Frauen,  der  eine  auswärtige  Entscheidung  ver- 
langt, nach  I  («)  mit  einem  kurzen  Zusatz  aus  III  (/3).  Dann 
den  missglückten  Versuch,  zu  einer  Entscheidung  durch  Cu-Roi 
zu  gelangen,  nach  II  (/).  Hierauf  die  nur  halbe  Entscheidung 
durch  Medb  nach  I  (ö).  Und  nun  alle  wirklichen  Entscheidungen: 
die  durch  Samera  und  Cathbath  nach  III  («),  die  durch  üath 
mac  Imomain  nach  I  (g),  die  durch  Cu-Roi  nach  II  {i]d-).  — 
Dass  freilich  dieser  Kompilator  Flann  Mainistrech  gewesen  sei, 
scheint  mir  Zimmer  S.  678  aus  ganz  unzureichenden  Indizien 
geschlossen  zu  haben.  Gewiss  hat  dieser  Historiker  und  Antiquar 
auch  die  Heldensagen  gekannt  und  benutzt.  Aber  alle  die  Pro- 
dukte, als  deren  Autor  er  direkt  bezeugt  ist  (s.  O'Curry, 
Manners  and  Customs  II,  149  ff),  zeigen  ganz  andere  Gestalt;  aus- 
führliche AViedererzählung  von  Heldensagen  in  Prosa  dürfen  wir 
ihm  darnach  wohl  nicht  zutrauen. 

2.  Zum  Gedicht  von  St.  Paul  II. 

In  der  Festschrift  für  Stokes  S.  23  habe  ich  dthius  V.  6 
als  einen  Irrtum  des  Schreibers  für  athis  'Beschimpfung,  Schmach' 
erklärt.  Strachan  bemerkt  mir  mit  Recht,  dass  man  es  einfacher 
als  Abstraktum  zu  dith  'scharf,  eifrig'  fasse;  denn  wenn  ein 
solches  Substantiv  bis  jetzt  nicht  belegt  ist  (das  Abstraktum 
heisst  vielmehr  immer  dithe),  so  ist  doch  die  Bildung  an  sich 
ganz  unbedenklich  (Gramm.  Celt.  2  788)  und  konnte  von  einem 
Dichter  im  Reime  jeden  Augenblick  gewagt  werden.    Die  Verse: 

0  ru  hiani  —  scel  cen  scis  —    innar  tegdais  ar  n-oendis, 
taifhnmn  dichrichide  clius  ni  fris  tarddam  ar  n- dthius 

hiessen  dann  etwa:  'Nachdem  wir  zwei  allein  in  unserm  Hause 
sind  —  eine  Erzählung,  die  nicht  ermüdet  — ,  haben  wir  getrenntes 


zu   IRISCHEN   TEXTEN.  207 

Spiel,  etwas,  gegen  das  wir  unsere  Schärfe  richten  können' 
oder  'etwas,  dem  wir  unseren  Eifer  zuwenden  können'.  Nur 
könnte  man  fragen,  ob  man  richtig  ni  'etwas'  als  Apposition 
zu  dichrichide  clnis  fasst,  ob  nach  der  irischen  Verstechnik  nicht 
eher  letzteres  als  vorgeschobene  Apposition  zu  ni  anzusehen  ist. 
Für  den  Sinn  ist  das  ohne  grosse  Bedeutung. 

Freiburg  i.  B.  R.  Thurneysen. 


UNE  VERSION  GALLOISE 
DE  L'ENSEiaNEMENT  PAR  LES  CARTES. 


Dans  im  r^ceiit  No.  de  la  Zeitschrift  des  Vereins  für 
Volkshimde  T.  XI  (1901),  p.  376  et  siiiv.,  M.  J.  Bolte  a  trait^ 
avec  nne  g-rande  Erudition  le  tlieme  d'im  coute  demi-edüiant  et 
demi-amiisant  repandu  depuis  deiix  siecles,  par  la  litterature  du 
colportag-e,  dans  l'Eiirope  occideutale.  II  s'agit  d'iin  soldat,  ou  d'uu 
domestique,  illettr^,  et  se  servant  d'un  jeu  de  cartes,  comme  livre 
de  messe  cliez  les  catlioliqiies  (ceci  est  sans  doute  plus  ancien), 
comme  livre  de  pi6te  ou  comme  almauach  cliez  les  protestants. 
II  est  d^iionc^  ä  son  colonel  —  ou  ä  sou  maitre  —  et  il  se  justifie 
par  une  explication  tropologique  (comme  ou  dit  eu  theologie) 
des  flgures  et  des  nombres  des  cartes:  l'as  est  Dieu,  deux  est 
l'ancieü  et  le  nouveau  testameut,  trois  est  la  Trinite,  etc. 
M.  Bolte  a  reuni  de  tres  nombreux  exemples  et  variautes  de  ce 
petit  conte,  plus  ou  moius  simples  ou  plus  ou  moins  developp^s: 
on  pouiTa  faii'e  ä  cette  liste  des  additions  bibliographiques,  mais 
sans  grande  importauce.  •) 


^)  Richard,  comme  nom  du  soldat,  uous  parait  iudiquer  une  origine 
anglaise  dans  certaines  redactions  fran^aises  et,  par  celles-ci,  dans  la  version 
portugaise.  Dans  le  fastidieux  volume  d'Hadin,  en  1811  {B  de  M.  Bolte),  ou 
trouve  meme  la  faute  d'impression  Richard  Mid&leton.  —  Comme  versiou 
frangaise  recente,  je  sigualerai  Le  Breviaire  du  Soldat,  formant  les  p.  3—4 
d'un  petit  livret  du  colportage,  vieux  sans  doute  d'un  demi-siecle  et  intitule 
La  lanterne  magique  parisienne  . . .  par  le  capitain  [sie]  H.  Demauet  [sie],  Paris, 
chez  Durand...  s.  d.,  14  p.  in— 18.  Cette  plaquette  fait  partie  d'un  volume 
factice  de  la  Bibliotheque  de  l'Universite  de  Paris,  sous  la  cote  L.  F.  p.  480, 
in-12.     Cela   se   reimprime   peut-etre    eucore   dans    les   bas-fonds   de    notre 


VERSION  GALLOISE  DE  l'eNSEIGNEMENT  PAR  LES  CARTES.      209 

C'est  un  sujet  qiie  je  nie  proposais  de  traiter:  M.  Bolte 
in'a  dispense  de  ce  travail  en  le  faisant  plus  complet  qiie  je 
n'aiirais  pu  le  faire;  iiiais  il  me  parait  utile  de  le  completer  ici 
par  une  version  galloise.  Mou  ami  M.  Llpvarcli  EejTiolds,  sacliant 
([ue  je  m'occupais  de  ce  sujet,  m'avait  Signale  cette  version  dans 
le  Cydymaith  didclan  'le  compagnon  agreable'  par  David  Jones, 
de  Trefriw,!)  et  imprime  ä  Chester  en  1766.-^)  Le  recit  en 
question  forme  le  debut  du  volume  oü  il  occupe  les  pages  1 — 10: 
il  est  intitule  Befnydd  difrifol  o'r  Cardiati,  c.  ä.  d.  'Emploi 
serieux  des  cartes',  Ce  volume  etant  devenu  rare,  M.  Eejuolds 
a  bien  voulu  m'en  fournir  une  copie  que  je  reproduis  ci-dessous 
en  laissant  son  ortliograplie  ä  l'auteur  du  XYIII  siecle.  M.  Reynolds, 
en  revoyant  l'epreuve  de  cette  copie  sur  le  volume  original,  en 
a  aussi  assure  la  correction.  3) 

II  s'agit  ici  d'un  gentleman  gallois,  justice  of  tJie  peace, 
(on  l'appelle  Mr.  Hedd,  abreviation  de  Heddynad),  qui  a  beaucoup 
de  serviteurs:  on  lui  a  rapporte  que  Tun  d'eux,  Jean,  est  joueur 
et  joueur  de  cartes.  Celui-ci,  appele,  se  defend :  il  iguore  ce  que 
c'est  que  des  cartes  ä  jouer;  ce  dont  on  parle  est  son  almanacli 
et  il  en  donne  l'explication.  —  L'auteur  a  trouve  lä  un  cadre 
pour  instruire  ses  lecteurs,  en  les  amüsant,  [sur  le  calendrier, 
la  geograpliie,  l'bistoii^e  sacree  et  aussi  l'liistoii'e  profane',  les 
faits  de  curiosite;    c'est  en  un  mot,  toute  une  encyclopedie  en 


litterature  du  colportage,  quoique  celle-ci  disparaisse  rapidement  devant  l'in- 
vasion  des  joiirnaux  illustres  et  bon  marche. 

Je  possede  egalement  la  version  auglaise  The  Perpetual  Almanack  dans 
une  feuille  de  quatre  pages  in-i  sur  trois  colonnes,  portant,  comme  titre 
principal,  Jane's  Songster;  —  et  la  version  italienne  Difesa  di  un  soldato 
prussiano  avec  cette  signature  d'imprimerie:  Bassano  1891,  Prem.  Tipo-litogr. 
A.  Boberti. 

')  Sur  cet  ecrivain  voir  K.  Williams,  Eminent  Welshmen,  p.  253. 

-)  Voir  W.  Eowlands,  Llyfryddiaeth  y  Cymry,  edition  Silvan  Evans, 
Llanidloes,  1869,  p.  491. 

2)  Depuis  1766  ce  texte  a  ete  reimprime  une  fois,  mais  sans  mention 
du  nom  de  l'auteur,  David  Jones.  C'est  dans  le  Brython,  revue  litteraire 
redigee  et  publice  il  y  a  une  quarantaine  d'annee  par  Isaac  Jones  ä  Tremadog, 
au  tome  in  (1860),  p.  341—343.  Le  titre  est  change  d'un  mot  Defnydd 
hynod  o'r  cardiau.  Hynod  ' remarquable '  !au  lieu  de  difrifol  'serieux'  et 
le  texte  contient  quelques  modifications  sans  importance.  Dans  une  preface 
de  quelques  lignes,  Tediteur  parle  des  ecrits  des  anciens  Bretons(!)  comme 
contenant  des  choses  encore  interessantes,  et  le  recit  suivant,  malgre  son 
antiquite,  doit  etre,  dit-il,  une  nouveaute  pour  le  grand  public. 

Zeitschrift  f.  celt.  Philologie  IV.  14 


210  H.   GAIDOZ, 

forme  de  mnemotechiiie  iiumerale.  II  serait  fastidieux  de  la 
resimier:  notons  seulement,  au  passage,  ce  qui  a  trait  au  Pays 
de  Galles  ou  ä  TAngleterre,  et  aussi  quelques  legendes  du  temps 
oü  ecrivait  David  Jones; 

Les  13  comt^s  de  Galles. 

Les  365  fenetres  de  l'eglise  de  Salisbury,  ä  ce  qu'assure  le 
poete  Jean  Prichard;  —  et  les  365  enfants  de  la  Alle  de  Florent  IV, 
comte  de  Hollande,  nös  d'une  seule  portee  et  qui  nioururent 
aussitot  baptises!») 

Les  52  comt^s  de  l'Ile  de  Bretagne. 

'Les  10  navires  qui  s'en  allerent  avec  Madoc,  fils  d'Owen  de 
Gwynedd,  en  Amörique,  en  un  endroit  qui  s'appelle  Mexico  (1170)''^) 

'Les  13  bijoux  royaux  de  l'Ile  de  Bretagne,  qui  etaient 
conserves  ä  Caerlöon  sur  l'Usk  et  qui  partirent  avec  Merlin 
dans  la  maison  de  verre'. 

'Les  20000  Saints  qui  allerent  dans  l'ile  d'Enlli'.3) 

Les  24  Chevaliers  de  la  cour  d' Arthur;  —  et  leurs  nonis 
suivent  dans  une  cohue  heteroclite! 

Vers  la  flu,  des  calculs  amenent  l'auteur,  parlant  de  la  vie 
de  Thouime,  ä  nommer  Thomas  Barr  'du  comte  de  Shrewsbury' 
qui  vecut  152  ans  et  9  niois  et  Henry  Jenkiu,  du  comte  dYork, 
qui  vecut  169  ans.  Et  les  dernieres  paroles,  qui  vienneut  du 
maitre,  forment  une  conclusion  tout-ä-fait  pieuse  ä  cet  edifiant 
et  instructif  dialogue: 

'Oh!  Jean,  Je  voudrais  de  tout  mon  cceur  que  toi,  et  moi, 
et  les  autres  de  la  race  d'Adam,  nous  fussions  ä  jouer  ainsi  des 


^)  Notre  Gallois  cite  son  autorite.  L'histoire  etait  du  reste  courante  et 
citee,  ä  titre  de  lusus  naturce,  coimne  cas  de  fecoudite  extraordinaire.  La 
Chronique  Medicale  dans  son  No.  du  lor  aoüt  1899,  a  reproduit,  p.  531,  une 
vieille  gravure  representant  cet  accouchement  (cf.  ibid.  p.  399,  No.  du  l^r  juin); 
et  on  y  refere,  pour  une  explication  de  la  legende,  au  Magasin  Fittoresque, 
annee  1843,  p.  96. 

'■')  Allusion  ä  la  pretendue  decouverte  de  l'Amerique  au  Xlle  siecle 
par  le  prince  gallois  Madoc,  et  ä  laquelle  bien  des  gens  croient  encore  en 
Galles,  par  tradition.  Mais  pour  les  esprits  instruits  et  critiques,  la  legende 
a  ete  detruite  par  Th.  Stephens:  voir  son  livre  posthume,  Madoc,  publie  par 
les  soins  de  M.  Llywarch  Reynolds,  Londres,  1893. 

*)  L'ile  d'Enlli  figure  sur  nos  cartes  sous  son  noni  anglais  de  Bardsey 
'l'ile  des  Bardes',  ä  l'extremite  de  la  peninsule  du  Carnarvon  meridional.  C'etait 
un  lieu  celebre  de  pelerinage,  et  l'on  croyait  que  20000  saints  y  etaient 
enterres. 


VERSION  GALLOISE  DE  l'ENSEIGNEMENT  PAR  LES  CARTES.      211 

cartes  ou  de  l'almanacli,  de  l'enfance  ä  la  tombe!  Je  commande 
ä  vous  tous  mes  serviteiirs,  et  ä  ton  accusateur,  de  lire  le 
serinon  de  Christ  sur  la  moiitagiie  ou  d'ecouter  les  cliapitres 
5,  6  et  7  de  Mattliieu,  et  alors,  tu  comprendras  mieux  ce  que  tu 
dis.  Que  Dieu  nous  rende  tous  tels,  tels  que  nous  desirerions 
etre  ä  l'heure  de  la  mort.    Amen.' 

Cette  Version  g-alloise  est  bien  devenue  indigene  et  racy 
of  the  soil,  car  il  ne  s'agit  plus  ni  de  messe,  ni  meme  de  Service 
divin  dans  une  egiise;  le  domestique  (qui  s'appelle  Jean  comme 
dans  des  versions  suedoise  et  danoise  M,  N,  0,  de  M.  Bolte)  est 
simplement  accuse  de  jouer  aux  cartes,  accusation  plus  grave 
en  Galles  que  partout  ailleurs. 


Defnydd  Difrifol  o'r  Cardiau. 

Fal  i'r  oedd  Gwr  Bouheddig  o  Gymro  yn  bercheu  llawer  o  Weision; 
oiid  fe  achwynwyd  Wrtho  fod  un  6'i  Weision  ef  yn  chwareydd  (CARDIAU  uiawr) 
y  Gwr  Bonheddig  a  alwodd  y  gwäs  i  gyfri ;  am  hynny  ebr  MEISTE  wrtli  i  Was 
tyred  yma,  SION. 

Mr.  Hedd.    Mi  a  glywais   dy  fod  yn  Chwareydd  mawr  ar  y  Cardiau"^. 
Sion.  Ehynged  bodd  ich  anrbydedd  ebr  ef,  pwy  a  achwynodd  hjmny  Wrthych? 
Yr  wyfi  yn  Siwr  mai  Mynegiad  Celwyddog  yw. 
M,  Nid  oes  niweid  yn  hynny,  ond  a  ydych  chwi  felly? 
Sion.  I'r  wyf  cyn  belled  o  fod  felly,  nas  gwn  i  beth  i  feddwl  am  nn  Card. 
M.  Ar  Gwr  a  alwodd  ar  yr  achwynwr,  ac  a  ofynodd  iddo,  oni  ddywedasoch 
i  mi  fod  Sion  yn  Chwarydd  mawr  ar  y  Cardiau'^ 

Ar  achwynwr  attebodd,  (Canys  felly  i  gelwid  ef)    Rhynged  bodd 
ich  anrhydedd,   i  mae  ef  yn  gymaint  a  nemor  un,  ac  os  gwelwch  yn 
dda,  ei  chwilio,  chwi  a  gewch  Gardiau  yn  i  ganlyn  ef  yr  awr  hon,  ac 
fe  gaed  y  Cardiau  yn  canlyn  Sion. 
M.  Oh !  Sion,  yr  ydych  chwi  yn  ddyn  diras  a  digywilydd,  am  wadu  y  peth, 
Pedfuasit  yn  Cyfaddeu  ond  odid  na  fuaswn  yn  maddeu  i  ti? 
Sion.  Ehaglydded  bodd  ich  Mawrhydi,  nid  Cardiau  i  byddaf  yn  eu  galw  hwy, 
ac  nid  wyf  yn  gwneud  mor  defnydd  hwnw  o  honynt. 
M.  Pa  ryw  ddefnydd  yr  ydych  yn  i  wneud  o  honynt? 
Sion.  Hwynt  hwy  y w  fy  Almanac :  ac  wrthynt  hwy  byddaf  yn  gwybod  rheol  y 
fiwyddyn,  &c. 
M.  Os  doi  di  ac  atteb  Cymhedrol,  pa  fodd  yr  wyt  yn  gwybod  hynny,  ni 
byddaf  ddig  wrthyt  o  hyn  allan? 
Sion.  Yn  y  lle  Cyntaf,  i  mae  pedair  Siwt  neu  Efeilliaid  o  honynt,  yn  dangos 
mae  pedwar  chwarter  sydd  mewn  Blwyddyn;   yn  dwyn  ar  gof  i  mi 
bedair  rhan  y  Ddaiar;  Sef  Europa,  Assia,  Affrica  ac  America. 

I  mae  triarddeg  ymhob  Siwt,  yn  dangos  mae  13  Wythnos  sydd 
mewn  Chwarter  Blwyddyn:   ac  a  ddwg  ar  gof  i  mi  dair  Sir  arddeg 

14* 


212  H.    GAIDOZ, 

Cymru.  Mae  ynddynt  ddeuddeg  o  Gardiau  Brithion,  yn  dangos  mae 
12  Mis  sydd  mewn  Blwj'ddyn:  gan  ddwyn  ar  gof  i  mi  y  12  Apostol. 
I  mae  ar  y  Cardiau  [onid  5,  neu  6,  ar  Flwyddyn  naid]   yr  i;n  rhifedi 

0  lygadau  ac  sydd  o  Ddyddiau  yn  y  Flwyddyn:  Sef  pump  a  thriugain 
a  thri  chant.  (Rhifedi  y  5.  Sydd  uwchlaw'rliif  y  Cardiau  a  dddwg  ar 
gof  i  mi  fod  5  mil  o  oed  y  Byd  wedi  myned  lieibio,  a  phan  ddelo  y  6. 
Y  Flwyddyn  Naid,  i  daw  im  cof" am  y  Jubil  Sabathaidd  sy  ar  ddyfod) 
Yr  unrhyw  rifedi  sydd  o  Ffenestri  ar  Eglwys  Salisburi  yn  Wiltsir,  fal 
tystia'r  Brutanaidd  Fardd: 

Am  bob  Dydd  dedwydd  doedan,  beb  luedd, 
Fod  mewn  Blwyddyn  gyfan;  |    Ffenestri  365 
Tyst  Welir  Ffenestr  Wiwlan ,  >  loan  Prichard 
Ar  un  Eglwys  loyw  Iwys  län.  j  1670. 

Dyddiau'r  Flwyddyn  dyn  dynnant,  i  chwe  awr 
A  chwech  oes  a  Gerddant; 
I  ddau  a  thriugain  ydd  ant, 
A  thri  uchod,  a  thri  chant. 

Dafydd  Nanmor,  1460. 

I  Ferch  Florent  y  4.  larll  Holland  y  bu,  365,  o  blant  ar  unwaith! 
fe  ai  bedyddiwyd  yn  Eglwys  Leasdunun,  gan  Don  William,  Gwas- 
anaethwr  dan  Esgob  Utrecht,  y  bechgin  oedd  Sion,  ar  Merched  oedd 
Elizabeth :   hwy  a  fuant  feirw  yn  fuan  ar  ol  i  bedyddio  ai  mam  hefyd! 

1  mae'r  ddau  gawg  llei  bedyddiwyd  hwy  ynddyt  yn  yr  Eglwys  honno 
etto :  i  mae'r  peth  yn  wir  ddiau  medd  y  Dr.  Heilyn,  (Anno  1276.)  Vide 
Geogra.  Gram,  ynghylch  Parthau  Germany.  Netv  Help  to  Discourse. 
A  Goliog  ar  y  Byd,  128. 

Mae  6'r  Cardiau  oll  Ddeuddeg  a  deugain,  yr  hyn  sydd  yn  dwyn 
ar  gof  i  mi  fod  Sul  am  bob  Card,  dros  Flwyddyn,  a  Chymmaint  a  hynny 
sydd  0  Siroedd  o  fewn  ynys  Brydain,  52. 
M.  Da  iawn  Sion,   ai  nid  ydych   yn   gwneud   dim  ychwaneg     na  hynny 
0  ddefnydd  6'ch  Almanac? 
Sion.  Ydwyf  Sr.  ychwaneg  o  lawer. 

M.  Yr  wyf  yn  fodlon  i  hynny  a  ddywedaist,   dywed  i  mi  beth  ychwaneg, 
yr  wyt  yn  ei  Wneud  6'th  Almanac? 
«Sion.  Y  Card  cyntaf  yr  wyf  fi  yn  i  alw,  yw  y  Brenin,  yr  hwn  sy'n  dwyn  ar 
gof  i  mi  y  Parch  sydd  ddyledus  iw  fawrhydi  ef;  a  hefyd  am  gwymp 
Adda,  ym'mharadwys.    Gen.  III,  23. 

Yr  ail  yw'r  Frenhines,  sy'n  dwyn  ar  gof  i  mi  y  Parch  sydd  ddyledus 
iw  Mawrhydi  hithau,  ac  am  Fair  forwj^n,  mam  ein  Jachawdwr,  JESU 
GEIST,  Luc.  I,  28. 

Y  trydydd  yw  y  Deg,  sydd  yn  dwyn  im  Cof,  y  Deg  Gorchymmyn, 
ar  deg  Llong  a  aeth  gyda  Madog  ap  Owain  Gwynedd,  i  America,  mewn 
Ue  a  elwir  Mexico,  1170,  gwel  hanes  y  Ffydd,  1677,  t.  d.  193. 

Y  Pedwerydd  yw  y  Naw  llygad,  sydd  yn  dwyn  ar  gof  i  mi  y 
Naw  Miwsic,  sef,  CalUope,  Clio,  Erato,  Thalia,  Melpomene,  Terpsichore, 
Euterpe,    Polyhymnia,    Urania:    ar  Naw   Gorchfygwyr,    sef,   Hector, 


VERSION  GALLOISE  DE  l'eNSEIGNEMENT  PAR  LES  CARTES.      213 

Alexander,  Jivl  Caisar,  3,   o'r  Cenhedloed.    Josua,  Dafydd,  Judas,   3. 
iddeAV,  Arthur,  Charles,  Godfrey,  3  Christion,  fal  hyn  y  dywawt  y  Bardd. 

Artlmr,  Sioswy  bur  Siarls  bj^dd,  a  Godffrey, 

Gvvaed  ffriw  Suwdas  gelfydd; 

Sesar,  Alexander  sydd, 

Difai,  Hector,  a  Dafydd. 
Yr  wyth,  sydd  yn  dwyn  ar  gof  i  mi,  yr  wyth  fyd  neu  Uchelderau, 
y  mae'r  Astronomj-ddion  yn  Crybwyll  am  danynt,  sef,  LIeuad,  Mercher, 
Gwener,  Haul,  Mawrth,  lan,  Sadwrn,  Ffurfafen  y  Ser,  ar  wyth  Nj'n  yn 
yr  Arch.     Gen.  VII,  7,  Dreselius  295.  1661. 

Y  Saith  sydd  yn  dwyn  ar  g-6f  i  mi  7,  ryfeddod  y  Byd.  Y  Ttvr 
Gwyliad,  Pyramides ,  MausoUmmi,  Caerau  Babilon,  Colosius  0  Rodes, 
a  Saf-ddelw  Jupiter  Olimpius.  Ar  7  Gysgadur,  sef  Maximinian,  3Ialchus, 
Marcianus,  Dorinus,  Joan,  Constantixt,s ,  a  Serapion. 

Y  Chwech  sydd  yn  dwyn  ar  gof  i  mi  Weithio  chwe'  diwrnod,  a 
Sancteiddio  y  Seithfed,  ac  am  6  Sir  Gwynedd. 

Y  Pumed  sy'n  dwyn  ar  gof  i  mi  y  pum  Synwyr  a  roes  Duw  i 
Ddyn,  sef  Teimlo,  Clytved,  Gweled,  Arogli,  ac  Archwaethu.  Vide  Golwg 
ar  y  Byd,  152.  A  phump  Llyfr  Moses,  Genesis,  Exodus,  Lefiticus, 
Numeri,  a  Deutcronomium. 

Y  Pedwerydd  sydd  yn  dwyn  ar  gof  i  mi  y  pedwar  Efangylwyr, 
S.  Matthew,  S.  Marc,  S.  Luc,  S.  Joan  ac  am  bedair  merch  y  Drindod 
Heddiuch,  Trugaredd,  Cyfiatvnder,  a  Gtvirionedd,  Ps.  Ixxxv,  10. 

Y  Trydydd  ir  wyf  yn  dal  Sulw,  y  Tri  Pherson  y  Drindod,  Sef  y 
Täd,  a'r  Mab,  a'r  Yspryd  Glän,  a'r  tri  Brenin  0  Gwlen,  Maelsior 
Brenin  Nubia,  ac  Arabia,  Essay  49,  6,  7.  Baldasar  Brenin  Blodau 
a  Saba,  Essay  60,  6,  9.  Siasbar  Brenin  Tarsis,  ac  ynys  Gresdulce, 
Ps.  Ixxii,  10.  Y  rhai  a  Offrymmodd,  Aur,  a  Myrr,  a  Thus,  yr  hwn  yw 
Frankincence,  y  Siasbar  hwn  oedd  Ethiopus,  a  lliw  du,  Megis  Blowman. 
Essay  68,  29. 

Y  ddau  sydd  yn  rhoi  yn  fy  meddwl  y  ddau  Sacrament;  ar  ddau 
Leidr  ar  y  Groes;  a  darfod  i  un  ofyn  trngaredd,  a  cbael  addewyd  Siccr, 
ar  Hall  nis  Ceisiodd,  Lue  xxiii,  39,  iO. 

Yr  As,  yw  un  llygad  ar  y  Card,  ar  rhif  hwnnw  sy'n  rhoi  yn  fy 
meddwl  Wasanaethu  un  Duw,  ac  nid  yr  un  ychwaneg. 
M.  Gwrda  Sion,  ond  fe  ddarfu  i  chwi  fethu  un  Cardl 
Sion.  Pa  un  oedd  hwnnw? 
M.   Oni  ddeliais  i  Sulw  arnoch  yn  tynnu  allan  rhwng  y  Frenhines  ar  Deg; 
ai  ni  ddaeth  y  Cnäf  yn  eich  meddwl? 
Sion.   Yr  oedd  gennyf  'wUys  i  aughofio  hwnnw;  0  hyn  allan  pan  Welwyf  y 
Cnäf,  fe  ddaw  i'm  Gof  yr  Achtvynwr  yr  ydych  yn  i  gadw,  ac  hefyd 
am  y  Cnäf  gan  Satan,  a  dwyllodd  ein  rhieni  yng'ardd  Eden.    2  Cor.,  11,  3. 
a  1  Tim.,  11,  14. 

Wele  ehr  Mr.  Hedd  wrth  Sion,  Da  iawn  y  dywedaist  am  dy 
Almanac,  neu  dy  Gardiau,  a  fedri  di  ei  Uiosogi  hwy? 

Medraf  ebr  Sion.  Pan  welwyf  ar  Ddau  Gard.  11  fe  ddaw  i'm 
Cof,  S.  Barnabas,  a  elwid  ar  y  Cyntaf  Joses,  neu  Joseph,  Mis  Maihafin, 
11  ei  ddydd  Gwyl  ef,  Vide  Nelson  325,  1712.    E.  Sam.  251,  1704.    Ac  am 


214  H.   GAIDOZ, 

yr  un  fil  ar  ddeg,  o  ferched  Ifainc  a  aetli  gyda  Maxen  Weledig  i  Lydaio, 
gwel  Drych  y  Prif  oesoedd  Ixx,  1740. 

Pan  welwyf  ddeuddeg,  Cofio  a  wnaf  am  y  12,  Apostol.  3Iat.  x,  2, 3, 4 
ac  am  12,  Mis  y  Flwyddyn. 

Ac  am  dri  ar  ddeg,  Cofio  byddaf  am  y  13,  Canon.  Sy'n  erchi 
iawn  gadw  Sul  a  gwyl,  ac  am  y  13,  o  Freuindlysau  Ynys  Brydain, 
y  rhai  o  gedwid  ynghaer  lleon  ar  Wysg,  a  aethan  gyda  Merddin  ir 
Ty  Gwydr.    M.  S. 

Pan  edrychwyf  ar  y  Pedwerydd  ar  ddeg,  fe  ddaw  i'm  Cof  am 
yr  Ympryd  a  fu  ar  S.  Paul;  ac  eraill  a  fu  gyd  ag  ef  yn  y  Llong 
Act.  xxvii,  33,  37.  Ac  am  wyl  y  Grog,  y  dydd  i  cadd  Eleti  luyddog  y 
Groes  i  bu  ein  Jachawdwr  yn  dioddef  arni  yn  Jerusalem.  Drych  y  Prif. 
64,  ac  oes  Lyfr.  63. 

Pan  welwyf  Bymtheg,  fe  ddaw  im  Cof  ddull  yr  Adgyfodiad 
oddiwrth  y  Meirw,  1  Cor.  xv.  &c.  ar  Pymtheg  arwydd  medd  Dafydd 
Nanmor,  a  Welir  cyn  y  Jiibil  Sabbathaidd.  1.  Mor  yn  codi.  2.  Gostwng 
y  Mor.  3.  Lief  y  Pysgod.  4.  Mor  yn  llosgi.  5.  Coed  yn  Chwysu  'r 
gAvaed.  6.  Cwympo  adail  y  Byd.  7.  Creigiau  yn  Curo.  8.  Crjmnu'r 
Ddaiar.  9.  Cyfyd  Pawb  o'r  Beddau.  10.  Y  Byd  yn  dän  goleu.  11.  Bydd 
Meirw  Pawb.  12.  Syrth  y  Ser  ar  Creaduriaid  611.  13.  Llosgi'r  Ddaiar 
ar  Nef.  14.  Esgyrn  pawb  yn  dyfod  yngbyd.  15.  Nef  newydd  a 
Daiar.    M.  S. 

Pan  edrychwyf  ar  un  ar  bymtheg.  Fe  ddaw  i'm  Cof  yr  Efengyl 
am  y  Glwth  goludog,  a  Lazarus  dylawd,  Luc.  xvi.  19,  ac  am  Bechod 
gwedi  bedydd,  Articl.  16. 

Pan  welwyf  ddau  ar  Bymtheg:  fe  ddaw  i'm  Cof  y  17.  Articl. 
Sydd  am  Ragluniaeth  ac  Etholedigaeth ,  ac  am  y  Flwyddyn  wedi  Geni 
Crist,  17.  Y  bu  Givrydr  ap  Cynfelyn  yn  Frenin,  yn  i  amser  ef  i 
bedyddiwyd,  ac  i  dioddefodd  Angeu  ar  y  Groes,  ef  a  deyrnasodd 
28.  Flwyddyn,  gwel  oes  Lyfr  65. 

Pan  welwyf  ddau  naw,  fe  ddaw  i'm  Cof  y  Galüeaid,  a  Thivr 
Siloam,  Luc  xiii.  1.  4.  ar  Colect  am  y  18  Sul  wedi  'r  Drindod. 

Pan  dremiwyf  ar  bedwar  ar  Bymtheg  daw  i'm  Cof  y  Salm.  19,  ac 
am  y  19.  Ben.  o  Eccl. 

Pan  welwyf  ugain:  byddaf  yn  meddwl  am  yr  20.  Mil  Sainct  a 
aeth  i  ynys  Enlli,  ac  am  yr  20.  Darn  o  ariau  a  Gafwyd  am  Joseph, 
Gen.  xxxviii,  28,  ac  medd  Gäd  30,  o  Gilderne,  ac  medd  Joseph  80  o 
Goronau  Aur,  gwel  i  Testament  hwy. 

Pan  welwyf  yn  y  rliif  Triphlyg,  un  ar  Imgain  fe  ddaw  i'm  Cof, 
S.  Thomas,  yr  hwn  a  Ferthyrwyd  a  Saethau,  a  Cherrig,  ag  a  Gwaywifon, 
ei  wyl  Rhagfyi",  21,  Nelson,  53,  E.  Sam.  210,  ac  am  yr  21,  Bennod  o  Job, 
Darllain  hi  oll. 

Pan  welwyf  ddau  ar  hugain,  im  Cof  y  daw  3Iair  Magdalen, 
Gorphenaf  22,  ei  gwyl,  Mor  Salw  ydoedd  y  peth  a  roddodd  hi,  i  draed 
ein  Jachawdwr!  oh!  leied  yr  amser  y  bu  hi  yn  Gwneuthur  hynny!  Ac 
er  hynny  fe  äi  Cyhoeddir,  trwy'r  holl  fyd,  Mat.  xxvi,  13.  Rhai  eraill 
(ysgatfydd)  a  fuasai  yn  rhyfedd  ganddynt  bethau  eraill  oedd  ynddi,  ei 
gwrid  Goch,   ei  hwynepryd  hardd:  Blodeu  hyfryd  Iwys  ei  hieuengctid, 


VERSION  GALLOISE  DE  l'eNSEIC4NEMENT  PAK  LES  CAKTES.      215 

ei  hawddgarwch  anaml  ei  fäth,  ei  Chyfoetli  mawr,  ei  Mwynder,  ai 
CliyramAvynasgarwch,  ar  Cyifelyb.  Nid  y  rhain  oedd  y  Pethau  a  ganmolodd 
Crist  yiiddi;  eithr  y  gwasaiiaeth  a  gyflawnodd  hi  iw  draed  of  oedd  y 
peth.  Nid  oedd  y  peth  o  liouaw  ei  huii  yn  fawr:  ac  er  bynny  modd 
ydoedd  ef  iddi  hi,  i  gael  Gogoiiiaut  trag'wyddol,  a  byth  aufarwol  urddas, 
hyn  yvv  tystiolaeth  Crist;  fe  a'i  Pregethir  trwy'r  holl  Fyd,  Drexelius  72. 
A  Diweirdeb  Givenfreivy,  ferch  Temic  ap  Elwedd,  yu  y  Flwyddyn,  636, 
Drych  y  Prif.  280,  a  Chywydd  Tudur  Aled  iddi,  gwel  ef,  ei  gwyl  yw 
Maihafhin,  22. 

Pan  welwyf  Dri  ar  hugain,  fe  ddaw  im  C6f  mai  ar  y  23  o  Fawrth 
y  Creuad,  neu  luniwyd  Adda,  ar  23,  beunod  o  Job,  fal  ir  oedd  ef  yn 
hiraethu  am  fyned  gerbron  Duw,  &c. 

Pan  welwyf  bedwar  ar  hugain,  fe  ddaw  i'm  Cof ,  S.  Bartholemeus, 
yr  hwn  a  ddioddefodd  ei  flingo,  ac  wedi  hynny  ei  Groeshoelio,  yr  hyn 
a  wneid  ja.  yr  Aipht,  ac  ym  Mhersia,  Nelson  380,  Diweddnod  i  bererindod 
ef  oedd  Albania,  neu  Albcmopolis,  Dinas  ar  fin  mor  Caspümi,  ei  wyl 
Awst  24.  Mae'r  Dr.  Cave  yn  dywedyd  mai  Dinas  o  Armenia  ydoedd, 
E.  Sam.  193.  Ac  hefyd  am  y  24  Marchog  oedd  yn  Llys  Arthur.  Sef 
oedd  i  hennwau.  1.  Menw  ap  Teirgivaedd.  2.  Tristan  ap  Tahvch. 
3.  Eiddilig  or.  4.  Nasens  fab  breuiu  Llychlyn.  5.  Medrod  ap  Llew  ap 
Cynfarch.  6.  JEywel  fab  ynyr  Llydaio.  7.  Lleas  fab  Jarll  Llychlyn. 
8.  Cadawg  ap  Gwnllito  farfog.  9.  Pedrog  ap  Baladrddellt.  10.  Morfran 
ap  Tegid.  11.  Sanddef  bryd  Angel.  12.  Glewlwyd  Gafaelfaivr.  13.  Gyno 
fab  Lydno  Euddun.  14.  Caron  ap  Cynfarch.  15.  Llyivarch  hen,  ap 
Elidir  Lydanwyu.  IG.  Givalchmai  fab  Lletv.  17.  Drudwas  ap  Tryffin. 
18.  Elnvlad  fab  Madog  ap  Uthur.  19.  Vwrt  fab  Bwrt.  20.  Predur  ap 
Efrog.  21.  Lanslod  Las.  22.  Cadwr  Jarll  Cernyw.  23.  Galaeth  ap 
Lanselot,  Lac.    24.  Ac  Ytvain  ap  Urien.    D.  Prif.  131,  M.  S. 

Pan  edrychwyf  ar  Bymp  ar  hugain,  Fe  ddaw  i'm  Cöf  ferthyrdod, 
S.  Marc,  i,  Lysgo  gerfydd  i  draed  hyd  le  Carregog,  ai  losgi  wedi  hynny, 
Nelson,  227,  E.  Sam.  242,  Ebrill  25,  a  S.  Jago  y  mwyaf,  a  ddioddefodd 
dorri  ei  ben  yn  Jerusalem,  Nelson  365,  E.  Sam.  165,  Gorphenna,  25,  a 
Dydd  Nadolig  ein  Jachawdwr,  Jesu  Grist,  Rhagfyr  25. 

Pan  welwyf  Chwech  ar  hugain,  e  ddaw  im  Cof,  S.  Joan  yr  hwn 
oedd  yn  26  oed  pan  alwyd  ef  ir  Swydd  Efangylaidd,  Medd  Mr.  Samuel, 
176,  Mo'r  cwbl  30,  Medd  Nelson  88.  Ef  a  daflwyd  i  Badeil  fawr  o  olew 
berwedig,  ond  Duw  a'i  gwaredodd  oddiwrth  y  farwolaeth  honno,  hyd 
onid  oedd  ynghylch  deg  a  Phedwar  ugain,  Ac  ar  y  26  o  Rhagfyr  y 
Merthyrwyd  S.  Stephan. 

Pan  welwyf  Saith  ar  hugain,  Fe  ddaw  i'm  Cöf  y  27  o  Efengyl 
S.  Mattheio,  am  Ddioddefaint  Crist.    Ac  am  y  27,  Salm. 

Pan  edrychwyf  wyth  ar  hugain,  i'm  cof  y  daw,  y  Givirioniad 
Sanctaidd,  a  ddioddefodd  ferthyrdod  er  mwyn  Crist,  dau  Herod,  eu  rhif 
oedd  pedair  mil  ar  ddeg!  Medd  Eglwys  y  Groegwyr,  ac  Eglwys  yr 
Abyssiniaid  o  Ethiopia,  Nelson  104.  Ac  28,  Sydd  yn  mis  Chwefror, 
ond  y  Flwyddyn  Naid. 

Pan  graffwyf  ar  Naw  ar  hugain,  y  daw  im  cof,  S.  3Iichael,  ar 
holl  Angylion,  Medi  29.    Ac  am  y  Salmau  sdyd  ar  y  dydd  hwnuw. 


216  H.    GAIDOZ, 

Pan  ganfyddwyf  Ddeg  ar  bugaiu,  I'r  wyf  yn  Cofio  am  y  30, 
Arian  a  gafodd  Suddas  am  ein  Jachawdwr:  hynny  yw  medd  y  Ficcer 
Prisiard,  Hanner  Corou,  gwel  Bywyd  a  Marwolaeth  Crist,  Edrycli  i  Lyfr 
ef,  OS  30,  0  Geiniogau  (ym  mysc  yr  luddcwon  ar  Bhufeinaid)  Saith 
geiniog  a  dimai  o  Arian  Brutanaidd  oeddynt :  Gwel  pwyll  y  pader  178, 
Medd  Mr.  Tho.  Evans,  Rhif  y  30,  hynny  yw  18s.  9d.  ond  tyb  Mr.  Ed- 
ward Samuel,  yw  30,  o  hanner  Coranau,  rhif  hwnnw  yw  £3  .  lös.  tair 
punt  a  phumtheg  Swllt,  Edrych  buchedd  S.  3Iatthias  233. 

Mr.  nedd.    Da  iawn  Sion,  A  fedri  di  ddywedyd  dim  ychwaneg? 

Medraf  ebr  Sion,  Ond  cael  un  Card  im  Uaw  wele  ebr  Mr.  Hedd..    Sion, 
Cymmer  dy  ddewis. 

Ebr  Sion.  Nis  gallaf  gael  ond  im,  a  honno  yw  äs,  Sef  un  argraff  ar  Gard. 
a  4,  or  Cardiau  i'm  Llaw,  y  rhain  sydd  ya  dwyn  ar  gof  i  mi  bedair 
oes  Dyn.  Sef  Mebyd,  Jeuendid,  Givroliaeth,  a  Henaint,  a  diwedd  Cj'fartal. 
Iraae  rhyw  gyfnewyd  ar  fywyd  Dyn,  yn  gyffredinol  o  fewn  pob  Saith 
Mlynedd,  Felly  os  Cawn  ni,  fi,  a  chwithau,  Mr.  Hedd,  fyw  ein  dau,  i 
fynd  yn  108,  ar  Hall  yn  109,  dyna  ddigon  o  oes  i  fyw  mewn  Byd  enbydus 
nid  oes  ond  ymbell  un  yn  dyfod  ir  oed  hwnw,  er's  talm,  fe  fu  yn  o 
ddiweddar  (ac  etto  mae  rhai)  Mr.  Thomas  Parr,  o  Sir  y  Mwythig,  yr 
hwn  a  fu  fyw  152,  a  9  Mis.  Ac  hefyd  Mi'.  Henry  Jenkin,  o  Sir  lorc, 
yr  hwn  a  fu  fyw  169,  gwel  golwg  ar  y  Byd  161:,  a  Johannes  de 
Temporibus,  a  fu  fyw  361,  Hist.  Remarques  153. 

Ebr  Mr.  Hedd.  Oh!  Sion,  mi  a  ddymunwn  o  ewyllys  fy  'nghalon  dy  fod,  Ti, 
a  minnau  ac  eraill  o  hil  Adda:  yn  chwarae'r  fath  yna  o  Gardiau,  neu 
Almanac,  o  febyd  i  fedd.  Ewy'n  gorehymmyn  i  chwi  fy  nheulu  oll; 
ath  dithaur'r  Achwynwr  am  ddarllain  (Bregeth  Crist  ar  y  Myuydd)  neu 
wrando  y  5,  6,  7,  Bennodau,  o  Fatthew,  ac  yna,  ti  a  ddealli  yn  well  pa 
beth  a  ddywedi.  Duw  a'n  gwnelo  ni  oll  yn  gyfryw,  ac  i  dymunem  ein 
bod  yn  awr  Angeu.    Amen. 

[Cydymaith  Diddan,  gan  Dafydd  Jones, 
0  Drefriw,  Caerlleon:  1766.  p.  1—10.] 

Le  recit  que  conservent  encore  les  livres  du  colportage 
comme  contCj  n'est  qu'uiie  sorte  de  laicisation  du  genre  liomiletique. 
L'enseig-iiement  moral  tire  des  cartes  ä  jouer  remonte  plusieurs 
siecles  plus  haut,  et  M.  Bolte  en  a  cite  des  exeuiples  depuis  le 
XVe  siecle.  J'y  ajouterai  uiie  anecdote  fraugaise,  quoique  ce  soit 
plutöt  une  allusion  au  jeu  de  cartes  dans  la  cliaire  cliretienne. 
Un  des  predicateurs  les  plus  celebres  ä  Paris  au  conmiencement 
du  XVIIe  siecle  etait  le  Pere  Andi^e  Boullanger,  dit  le  petit 
Pere  Andre,  qui  aimait  le  langage  familier  et  les  comparaisons 
triviales.  '  II  compara,  dit-on,  dans  un  de  ses  sermons  les  quatre 
doctenrs  de  l'Eglise  aux  quatre  rois  du  jeu  de  cartes.  St.  Augustin 
6tait  1:;  roi  de  coeur  par  sa  grande  cliarite;  St.  Ambroise  le  roi 
de  trefle  par  les  fleurs  de  son  eloquence;  St.  Jerome  le  roi  de 


VERSION  GALLOISE  DE  l'ENSEIGNEMENT  PAR  LES  CARTES.      217 

pique  par  son  style  inordant(!);  et  St.  Gregolre-le-Grand  le  roi 
de  carreau  par  son  peii  d'elevation(!)'.i) 

Mais  pourquoi  ce  symbolisme  liomiletique  s'est-il  attache 
aux  cartes  ä  jouer?  par  ce  qu'il  existait  avaiit  rinvention  du  jeu 
de  cartes  et  qu'il  a  ete  trausporte  des  des,  ce  jeu  si  ancieu  et  si 
repandu,  au  jeu  nouvellement  inveiite.  Nous  ne  pouvons  citer 
ici  de  Serie  aussi  complete  que  pour  l'enseignement  par  les  cartes, 
mais  il  nous  reste  des  allusions  et  des  fragments  assez  caracte- 
ristiques  pour  mener  plus  haut  la  genealogie  de  notre  recit. 
M,  Sedier,  daus  son  livre  sur  Les  fabliaux  (Paris,  1893)  trace 
(p.  359)  le  Portrait  du  Jongleur,  il  decrit  sa  vie  de  vices  et  de 
miseres  et  sa  passion  pour  le  jeu.  A  cette  epoque,  quand  on 
parlait  de  la  passion  du  jeu,  il  s'agissait  des  des,  comme  il  s'agit 
aujourd'hui  des  cartes. 

'Certes,  il  les  deteste  [les  des]  de  male  liaine.  Que  d'im- 
precations  n'a-t-il  pas  rimees  contre  eux!  C'est  le  diable  qui  a 
ordonne  ä  un  senateur  de  Eome,  lequel  lui  avait  vendu  son  äme, 
de  fabriquer  un  petit  cube  d'ivoire  et  d'y  peindre  des  points:  la 
face  du  de  qui  porte  un  seul  point  signifie  le  mepris  de  Dien 
les  deux  points,  le  mepris  de  Dien  et  de  la  Vierge;  les  trois 
points,  le  mepris  de  la  sainte  Trinite;  les  quatre  points,  le  mepris 
des  quatre  evangelistes;  les  cinq  points,  le  mepris  des  cinq  plaies 
du  Sauveur;  les  six  points,  le  mepris  de  l'oeuvre  des  six  jours . . .'. 
II  est  probable  que  la  satire  en  vers,  resumee  ici  par  M.  Bedier,^) 
est  la  parodie,  amüsante  par  Tintroduction  du  Diable,  d'une 
mnemoteclmie  edifiante,  connue  alors  de  tous.  Et  les  des  four- 
nisseut  encore  le  point  d'attaclie  d'une  semblable  moralite  dans 
un  autre  poeme  frangais,  du  XI Ve  siecle,  sur  les  proprietes  des 
clioses^)  —  Et  puisque  j'ai  nomme  le  Diable,  je  dirai  que  dans 
un  proverbe  du  Harz,  le  jeu  de  cartes  est  appele,  par  metapliore 
et  antitliese,  son  livre  de  prieres*). 


»)  Nouvelle  Biographie  Generale  de  F.  Didot,  T.  VII  (1855)  p.  9.  —  Le 
P.  Andre  Boullanger,  ne  en  1578,  mourut  en  1657. 

2)  Elle  est  intitulee  Du  jeu  de  Dez,  et  publice  dans  Ä.  Jubinal,  Nouveau 
Recueil  de  Contes  etc.  T.  11  (18i2),  p.  229. 

3)  Publie  par  M.  G.  Raynaud  dans  la  Romania  T.  XIV  (1885),  p.  468; 
cf.  p.  452. 

*)  Ein  Spiel  Karten  ist  des  Teufels  Gebetbuch.    W.  Lohrengel,  Altes 
Gold,  Deutsche  Sprichivörter,  Clausthal,  1860,  Nr.  242  de  l'Oberharz. 


218  H.    GAIDOZ, 

Les  des  ont  disparii  de  l'Eiirope,  ou  peu  s'en  faut,  siipplantes 
comme  ils  sont  par  les  cartes.  Mais  ce  qiü  n'est  plus  mode  cliez 
nous,  est  encore  mode  en  Afriqiie,  sur  le  Zambeze.  Un  missionnaii-e 
Protestant  fraiiQais,  ecrivant  de  Sesheke,  disait'): 

n  y  a  quelques  jours,  un  de  ces  veudeurs,  apres  avoir  reQU  le  prix  de 
son  grain,  sortit  de  sa  poche  uu  Shilling  ä  l'effigie  du  President  Krüger,  et  en 
meme  temps,  laissait  tomber  quelque  chose  de  sa  poche,  des  des  de  Service. 
'Je  ne  fais  rien  de  ton  argent,  lui  dis-je,  mais  qu'est  ceci?'  en  lui  montrant 
dans  ma  main  les  quatre  petits  morceaux  d'ivoire,  ses  des!  II  eut  Fair  ennuye. 
II  m'expliqua  cependant  leur  emploi.  L'uu  representait  Dieu,  le  suivant  la 
femme  de  Dieu  et  le  troisieuie  le  fils  de  Dieu,  le  quatrieme  la  femme  du  fils. 
Toute  la  fortune  du  deviu  tourne  autour  de  ces  quatre  osselets;  si  en  les 
jetant,  les  deux  osselets  representant  les  deux  femmes  tomhent  sur  face,  c'est 
tres  mauvais  signe,  s'ils  vont  entreprendre  un  voyage  il  sera  malheureux;  si 
on  les  consulte  pour  un  malade,  il  mourra.  Au  contraire,  si  ce  sont  les  faces 
de  Dieu  et  du  fils  qui  apparaissaient,  l'augure  ne  pourrait  etre  meilleui',  etc. 

Je  ne  contimie  pas  la  citation  de  M.  L.  Jalla  qiioiqirelle 
put  etre  interessante  pour  l'histoire  de  la  divination  chez  les 
non-civilises  du  Zambeze.  Mais  j'ai  peut-etre  tort  de  parier  ici 
de  non-civilises,  car  ce  que  nous  constatons  dans  cette  pratique 
de  sauvages,  c'est  la  deformation  ou  la  transformation  d'une 
pratique  reQue  de  civilises,  Europeeus  ou  Arabes,  Cliretiens  ou 
Musulmans. 

Comme  l'a  montre  M.  Bolte,  le  recit  dont  nous  avous  doune 
la  Version  galloise  n'est  que  l'application,  ä  un  jeu,  du  catecliisme 
nunieral  commengant  par  la  question:  die  mihi  quid  sit  umcs? 
M,  Bolte  en  a  dresse  une  bibliograpliie  extremement  riebe:  je 
pourrais  l'allonger  encore,  mais  non  est  hie  locus.  Ce  ne  sera 
pourtant  pas  sortir  du  cadre  de  cette  revue  que  de  faii'e  deux 
remarques  de  litterature  celtique. 

La  premiere  est  pour  montrer  les  rapports  de  la  litterature 
irlandaise  avec  la  litterature  generale  du  moyen-äge.  La  version 
irlandaise  du  Die  mihi  quid  sit  %mus  est  la  plus  ancienne  sans 
doute  des  versions  europeennes,  car  le  manuscrit  qui  l'a  conservee, 
le  Leahhar  Breae,  est  du  XlVe  siecle.  M.  Bolte  la  trouvera 
dans  The  Vision  of  Mac  Conglinne,  edited  with  translation,  by 
Kuno  Meyer,  London,  1892,  p.  48.  II  s'agit  encore  la  d'une 
adaptation  plaisante,  comme  dans  l'histoire  citee  des  d6s  du 
Jongleur. 


1)  Le  petit  Messager   des  Missions  Evangeliques,  Paris,  Octobre  1901, 
237. 


VERSION  GALLOISE  DE  l'eNSEIGNEMENT  PAR  LES  CARTES.      219 

Ma  seconde  reinarque  aura  trait  an  iiom  breton  d'ime  des 
variantes,  Gouspcrou  ar  Eaned  'vepres  des  g-renouilles',  raillerie 
])Oi)ulaire  sur  la  parodie  d'uiie  recitation  religieuse.  Or,  im 
lij'iiine  du  liig-Veda  (YII,  103),  en  riiouneur  des  grenouilles  qiü 
se  rejoiüssent  du  retour  de  la  pluie  apres  uue  saison  de  secheresse, 
les  compare  aux  brälimanes  recitant  leurs  prieres. ')  Max  Müller 
YOj'ait  la  autrefois  uue  satire  des  brälimaues:  on  y  voit  aujourd'liui 
plutot  une  incantation  pour  obtenir  de  la  pluie,  et  le  folk-lore 
donne  des  exemples  ä  l'appui  de  cette  iuterpretatiou.  Mais  que 
les  grenouilles  soieut  comparees  aux  pretres  ou  les  pretres  aux 
grenouilles,  la  rencontre  dans  la  metaphore  est  amüsante,  comme 
la  metaphore  elle-meme. 


")  Muir,  Original  Samkrit  Texts,  T.  V.  p.  435. 

Paris.  H,  Gaidoz. 


Anhang. 

Es  ist  anziehend,  dem  Ursprünge  einiger  der  Legenden, 
die  in  dem  von  H.  Gaidoz  mitgeteilten  welschen  Texte  berührt 
werden,  nachzuforschen.  So  erinnern  die  365  Fenster  in  der 
Kirche  in  Salisbury  au  das,  was  MaqrlzT  (f  1441)  in  seinen 
Chitat  (1,  233  ed.  Büläq)  über  den  Tempel  von  Dendera  in  Ober- 
ägypten erzählt.  '  Er  hat  180  Luftlöcher  oder  Fenster ',  sagt  er, 
'und  jeden  Tag  tritt  die  Sonne  durch  eines  ein,  bis  sie  an  das 
letzte  kommt  und  dann  wieder  dahin  zuiiickkehrt,  wo  sie  an- 
gefangen hat. '  Dies  hat  schon  S.  de  Sacy  in  seinen  Observations 
sui'  le  nom  des  pyramides  p.  35  angeführt.  Da  die  Zahl  180  die 
Hälfte  von  360  ist,  so  mag  sie  mit  den  Tagen  des  ägyptischen 
Jahres,  ohne  die  5  Epagomenen,  im  Zusammenhang  stehen. 

In  einer  irischen  Handschrift,  die  die  Geschichte  Keatings 
enthält  (cod.  Gotting.  hist.  773),  findet  sich  die  Notiz:  'Anno 
1310  Margareta  Hollanda  comitissa  uno  partu  edidit  360  filios 
vivos,  qui  omnes  baptismi  characterem  susceperunt,  uti  refert 
Baptista  Fulgosus.'  Allerdings  erwähnt  der  Doge  von  Genua 
c.  1487  gegen  Ende  des  zweiten  Buches  seiner  Memorabilien 
das  Ereignis  kurz  mit  ziemlich  denselben  Worten,  niu'  dass  er 


220  H.  GAiDOz,  l'enseignement  par  les  cartes. 

es  vielmehr  unter  dem  Jahre  1314  giebt.  (Bap.  Fiilgosii  Factorum 
dictorumque  memorabilium  libri  ix,  Parisiis  1585,  Bl.  52  a).  —  Nach 
einer  spanischen,  zuerst  von  Timoneda  aufgezeichneten  Romanze 
aus  dem  16.  Jahrhundert  (A.  Duran,  Romancero  general  2,  392 
ed.  1851),  hat  sich  das  Wunder  in  Irland  ereignet.  Als  nämlich 
eine  arme  Frau,  die  viele  Kinder  hatte,  madama  Margarita, 
'princesa,  dicen  algunos,  que  fue  de  Irlanda',  um  eiu  Almosen 
ansprach,  wunderte  sich  diese  über  den  reichen  Kindersegen,  und 
als  die  Frau  versicherte,  dass  sie  alle  von  Einem  Vater  seien, 
konnte   die  vornehme  Dame   ihre  Zweifel   nicht   unterdrücken. 

Kespondiöle:   'Es  iraposible, 
antes  cierto  es  de  pensar, 
que  ellos  son  de  muchos  padres, 
'  y  esto  HO  puedes  negar.' 

Über  diese  Verdächtigung  entrüstet,  stösst  die  arme  Frau  eine 
Verwünschung  aus,  infolge  deren  die  Prinzessin  dann  selbst 
360  winzig  kleine  Kinder  gebären  musste,  'chicos  como  raton- 
cillos ',  Sie  starben  bald  darauf,  nachdem  sie  von  einem  Bischöfe 
in  einem  silbernen  Becken  getauft  waren,  das  man  noch  '  unserem 
Kaiser  Karl'  in  der  Kirche  gezeigt  hat,  jedesfalls  doch  also 
nicht  in  Irland,  sondern  in  Holland,  Sehr  achtbare  Gewährs- 
männer haben  die  Thatsache  überliefert,  schliesst  die  Romanze. 

Uno  es  Baptista  Fulgoso, 
Enrico,  con  Algozar, 
y  el  gran  doctor  valenciauo 
Vives,  que  no  es  de  olvidar. 

Von  den  in  dem  welschen  Texte  erwähnten  13  Kleinodien 
der  Insel  Britannien  haben  Edw.  Jones  und  Lady  Guest  Listen 
veröffentlicht  (vgl.  CZ.  1,  305).  Aus  Handschriften  des  16. 
und  17.  Jahrhunderts  weist  sie  J,  Gwenogvr}!!  Evans  nach 
(Report  on  Manuscripts  in  the  Welsh  language  1, 401. 439.  572. 995). 

L.  Chr.  Stern. 


ON  THE  COPENHAGEN  FRAGMENTS  OF  THE 
BREHON  LA  WS. 


The  Royal  Library  at  Copenhagen  possesses  a  parchment 
codex  of  Brelion  Laws  and  a  commentary  thereon,  consisting 
of  six  leaves  in  small  folio  and  double  columns.  To  judg-e 
from  the  liandwriting  and  the  marginal  notes,  it  seems  to 
liave  been  written  in  the  fifteenth  or  sixteenth  Century  in  one 
of  the  law-schools  of  the  Mac  Egans,  or  in  that  kept  by  Domnall 
O'Davoren  at  Burren  in  the  county  Cläre.  It  appears  to  have 
been  given  by  General  Vallancey  to  the  Icelander  Thorkelin, 
after  whose  death  it  was  acquii^ed  by  the  aforesaid  library.  The 
codex  was  noticed  by  O'Donovan  and  Reeves  in  the  Archaeological 
Journal  XVI,  London  1859,  pp.  249—252,  by  Henii  Gaidoz  in 
the  Renale  Celtique  VI,  111,  and  recently  by  L.  C.  Stern  in 
this  Zeitschrift  II,  324,  325.  But  these  notices  are  so  meagre 
that  the  foUowing-  extracts,  made  from  a  good  photograph  of 
the  whole  MS.,  will  probably  be  welcome  to  Celtic  students. 
The  text  is  printed  in  a  type  larger  than  that  of  the  commentary. 
Extensions  of  the  numerous  contractions,  which  are  not  indicated 
in  the  official  edition  of  The  Äncient  Laws  of  Irelanä,  will  here 
be  represented  by  italics.  English  translations  of  most  of  the 
passages  quoted  will  be  found  in  vols.  II  and  V  of  that 
publication,  Dublin  1869,  1901. 

The  codex  begins  with  an  extra  et  from  the  Cain  Äigillne, 
the  law  of  base-stock  tenancy. 


222  WHITHLEY  STORES, 

[Fo.  la,  col.  1.] 

Cacll   cor  (=  Ancient  Laws  H,  292, 1.  29.) 
.i.  ceilsine  .i.  do  coraib  7  de  cwimarthaibh.    NO  cmrnrad  doniatt  na 
memaii^  mata  cend  Sindara  de  ag  tmcJitMXi  faoi  7  ni  denann  acht 
foeighim  fuaitertlia  is  imclaeclo[d]  dona  se7aib  dogres. 

Mas  indarba  dogiii  in  üaüh  is  imclaeclodli  dibh  co  dechmaid 
7  dilsi  na  set  0  dechmaid  amac/^  d'fii'  in  fuaitirtha  i  dnalgMS 
inarb^Aa  7  Mthgin  a  thse'^  fein  dö  cen  ioiched  7  dia  lecthar  elo 
a  tlioichet^a  is  dXthgin  do  cowa  lefligaba«7  diabw^to. 

Mema[ijr  fotecwr  cora  so  7  anecmais  a  cind  doroine  cunn- 
rad  Mu. 

Cach  cunnrac^  doniatt  na  memair  inecmais  na  cend  dia 
fuaidn[g]thir  ioolietoiY  is  oXaecXöd  dib  co  dechmaid.  dia  fuirgither 
iar  dechmaid  is  dilsi  in  da  cunnrad.  dia  troisc[tliJer  impw  co 
dechmaid  is  dilsi  an  da  cunnrac^, 

Madli  iar  ndechmaid  troiscther  impw  is  dilsi  a  cunnartha  fein 
do  7  cunnartha  in  fir  aili  7  disiblad  7  eneclann. 

Gadi  uail  na  torracht  a  set  a  laimh  au  duine  7  na  fuil 
aige  ini  (sie)  mdarhus  noclia  n-eicin  do  Sicht  toithed  do  tabmVt 
ima  seYaib  7  da  lecthar  elo  is  eir«c  elaoi  d'ioc  ann  7  cuic  seoit 
7  eneclann. 

Ma  tar  ssinigud  na  cend  ina  frecimrcus  is  tre  diahlad. 
munub  ssirugud  is  imclaec/im(5[d]  dona  se7aib.  Ma  dia  foxlad 
uadha  focAe7oir  madh  co  troscad  dobösa  is  tre  diahlad  ria  ndechmaid 
7  tre  diablad  iar  ndechmaid  cen  troscad,  madh  co  troscad  immorro 
is  tre  dia6Zad  7  cuic  seoit. 

The  MS.  then  proceeds  with  the  commentaries  on  Cach  cor 
'every  contract'  (Ancient  Laws  II,  294,  17  and  294,  28),  and 
Cach  innell  'every  compact'  (ibid.  II,  296,  5  —  298,  8). 

At  fo.  Ia2,  line  15,  the  MS.  deviates  fi'om  the  edition, 
II,  298,  9,  and  proceeds  thus,  in  accordance  with  the  edition  II, 
298,  1.  18,  and  the  commentary  II,  290,  1.  28,  292,  1.  1  et  seq. 

Cach  aodhnacal  [leg.  idbnacul] 
.1.  fuilliuma  no  do  cwmainibh  7  d'aisgerZaib  7  d'wrgais.    Na  seoit 
fuillema  acht  nias  foeigim  uil   and  secib  cend  done  an  foeigim 
is  nemhfastad  in  fuillcma  dogres  7  imdoechlöd  dona  seYaib  7  don 
iwlMum  antan  damur  dliged  umpw. 


ON  THE  COPENHAGEN  FRAGMENTS  OF  THE  BREHON  LAWS.      223 

focertar  forsna  Imrgartasa  [Laws  n,  290,  ii.  18, 19]. 
.i.   cuiretliar   risin   lucht    ro   hurgairest[ar]   äWged    amnr[ad]    do 
denMmli. 

Mima  forngaire')  i^)  cenn  [Laws  ii,  290,  1. 19]. 
j.  niiina  rabat  a  cinn  aca  forcöiigTii, 

i[t]  dilsi  &eoit  caicli  i  ndocoraib  cuiretliar  [Laws  n,  290, 

11.  19,  20]. 

.i.  a  dualgus  innurhai  a  forba  dechmaide  no  iochetoir  no  iar  sarugi(d 

dicinn  gach  memair  micorai[gj  [Laws  ii,  290,  ii.  20,  21]. 
j.  is  d6  is  diles  iat,  7  ni  don  memur  .i.  doni  drochciM-ad  .i.  as  in 
meam«r  dogni  micor. 

indilsi  a  seoit  som  mad  riasaither  [Laws  11,  290,  1. 21] 
.i.  mädli  dia  tarwstar  iat. 

nad  atbcuirethar^)  [Laws  11, 290,  11.21—22]. 
.i.  amuicli  iar  n-Mrfocra. 

iar  n-aiirforocm  ^)  [Laws  11, 290,  1. 22]. 
.i.  diabla(^  iar  n-elod  madli  ro  leic  elöd  umptt. 

is  CO  fiacha^ö  gaite,  galt  gslcJi  totlüof?  for  a  memraib 
inecmais  a  cinna^  [Laws  11,  290,  1.  23] 

is  flach  gaite  bes  0  decJimaid  amach  no  iar  troscMfZ  tochetoir 
ior  inti  thotlielas  a  crodli  ona  ceil«&  i  inecmais  a  cenn  .i.  is  amm'Z 
galt  im  indilsi  cac/i  ni  berwr  ona  memru  inecmais  i  cenn. 

cach  fuasnacZ  iarmotha  sin  [Laws  11, 290,  1.  24]. 
.i.  cach  fo  osnacih  cew  innwrba  .i.  fuasnad  do  daoinaib  ceilsine 
cenmo  {sie)  motha  aimail  isrubartmwr  dona  hwrgttrthaibh  roimainn 


•)  leg.  munab  a  forngaire. 
*)  for  e  =  a  'tlieir'. 
2)  tatlicuirithur,  Laws  II,  290. 
*)  iar  na  urfocra,  Laws  II,  290. 
^)  leg.  cenn,  gen.  pl. 


224  WHITLEY   STORES, 

suas.  FuasnafZ  ceilsine  sochene7a  do  daöinaibh  daora  .i.  geiimotha 
set.  fo  eighim  im  chora.  Fuasnaf?li  ceilsine  cema  [leg.  chenaj 
annso  do  tlisaoraib  cenmotlia  fuasnac^  cor  na  n-Mrgartha  .i.  gacJi 
fuasnacZ  no  cacli  fuaidri  ceilsine  iarum  asa  haithli  sin,  uair  fuaidn 
cor  7  cwnnartha  aderamair  roimliainn.    Foeghim  mna  s . . . 

cen  innarba  [Laws  ii,  290,  i.  24]. 
,1.  do  be^h  ann   .i.   is  inann  7   dogne  in   t-imuirha  madh   eigin 
foruäir  gan  a  denumh, 

acht  madh  ecwmang  ardibdai  (.i.  im  in  aitbgjn)  slaii')    7 

fuillium  (.1.  diablrtfZ)  7  meatll  (.i.  in  cumaO  7  SOmaoilie  (.i.  biadh  7 
manchnine)  fuillema  [Laws  II,  290,  1.  24—26]. 

.i.  ata  adit  lium  ann  cöwad  inann  do  7  done  hl  in  mhuid  na 
caomhnacMr  a  dhenumli  .i.  is  inann  do  7  dogne  in  n-iimurha  mad 
egin  an  denumh  7  dia  cuit  iocthar  an  diabZarZ. 

Foegium  (i.  do  dhenamh  doibh)  ciii  indarbft  arsaigh  RÜhgin 

[Laws  n,  300,  1.  21]. 

.i.  cid  innarba  bhes  ann  wocha  mbiadh  ni  dibh  sin  don  üaüh  A. 

tarwstar  aithgm  6  tcr  fogheme^)  dogres  7  nf  fuil  fastad 

Some  one  has  then  written,  in  an  English  band,  Fragment  D, 
which  suggests  that  Fragments  A,  B  and  C  may  j^et  be  found 
in  Dublin,  where  the  Irish  IVTSS.  have  never  been  properly 
catalogued. 

[fo.  1  b  1]    ar    ni    diubarar    iiacli    tidnaciil    adaimther 
di  collii(aib)  srt  n-aithgewa  [Laws  ii,  300,  11.  21,  22]. 
•i.  ar  no  diubartar  inti  aititnither  do  üdlmsicul  ratha  cen  Siithgin 
collna  ratha  dö^) 


0  MS.  eqmangitr  dibdaislan. 

'■')  MS.  fodh  emb  ad. 

')  In  marg.  [7]  desmireclit  [air]. 

Gairit  a  remis  farior  rl. 
gingo  fuil  ort  [a]  iingnim 
acalann  nabi  go  bras 
uocba  ni  nac/iam  a  blas 


ON  THE  COPENIIAGEN  FRAGMENTS  OF  THE  BREHON  LAWS.   225 

ar  aclaim  nad  iiidarljan.  nid  indarban  nad  apahin 
CO  n-atlic]u<r  7  indarba  7  duighaü  co  comrac  indilsi 
for  seohi  co  dicluimaing.  [=  Laws  n,  300,  11. 23—25] 
.i.  is  iiianii  do  7  do  heüi  ina  aititin  muna  derna  innarba  iar  dain 
.i.  muna  be  turhad  denait  an  innarba  .i.  cein  iurhad  do  be^li  do 
ar  nt'c/i  diob,  uair  dia  roibe  saorfa/fZ  e  .i.  in  fir  dia  tabartar  no 
in  aiglii  flne  .i.  e  na  caoninacair  in  g^hail  inann  do  7  done  no 
antan  gebhis  foegim  grem  innarba  do  noclia  n-eigin  do  a.it\igin 
do  IOC. 

The  commentary  continnes  to  tlie  end  of  the  cohimn,  ending 
tlnis:  is  a  n-ioc  do  ma  ^oamditr  a  miigiid  =:  Laws  II,  304,  20 — 21. 

Then  three  lines  are  added  on  the  margin:  Cach  ni 
dorormac/it  aitidi(?)  for  fer  n-aititen  7  g-ach  ni  rodilsi  indarba 
d'flr  innarbhtha   aich(?)  sin   ö  hihdaid  intan  tarnfstar  hihdaid. 

[to.  1  b  2J 

Cacb  fuasnad  iarmotbasin  [Laws  11, 298,  1. 15]. 
.i.  cach  fuaidri  ceilsine  iarura  asa  haithle  sin,  uair  fuaidri  cuir  7 
cimnartha  roimainn. 

Mas  foeigim  0  üaüh  7  aititin  0  iine  is[s]lan  don  üaith  7 
dmhlad  0  fine. 

The  commentary  continues  for  eighteen  lines  to  Madh  innarba 
uada/&  indis  is  dib-s  doib  iar  ndedimaid  7  is  ria  mbiathacZ  na 
flai/ia  dogniÜier  =  Laws  II,  300.  lines  19,  20. 

Then  come  thirteen  lines  of  commentarj^  beginning  with 
INtan  is  toegem  0  üaith,  and  ending  with  iocaid  aith^m  fer 
toegme.    They  correspond  with  Laws  II,  306,  1.  32—308,  1. 9. 

is  diabii?  n-aitli(/ma  adacuiretliar  [Laws  11,  308,  1. 10]. 
.i.  is  aith^m  adhcuirethar  cona,  dmhul  on  fine  7  aitidiu  nil  acud 
ann  wo  is  aitli(/m  cowa  diabwZ  sisana  dia  rabat  in  fine  ina  roaititin 
otha   iure   reisi   ticfatiss   fo    coraib   no    fo    cztnnarthaibh    co    ti 
aimsir  biata  7  (fa)sta  ceilsine  0  ticius  aimsir  biata. 

madh  rodbm«  fine  [=  Laws  11, 130,  1.  8]. 
.i.  ma  dia  roibe  in  fine  in(a)  roaititin  reisin  re  ara  roich  disibul 
oiTu  A.  muna  thain/c  aimser  hiata  7  dia  ti,  ni  cmnhgit  sium 
fuaid>i  7  cowecait  co  sin  7  slaw  doib  tri  re  in  mis,  acJit  aitli^m 
a  ratha  don  ftaith  araacÄ  cia  be^h  sium  ina  aititin.  dÄthgin  cona 
^iabul  uadha  0  tsin  amach  dia  mbe  i  n-aititin  co  aimsir  bmt«. 

Zeitschrift  f.  celt.  Philologie  lY.  15 


226  .    WHITLEY   STOKES, 

ar  as  a  cuit  fiiie   teit   ui  nad  ataim  üaiüi  sofoltac/i 

[=  Laws  II,  308,  1.  IG]. 

•i.  ar  is  i  in  fine  icus  [fo.  2  a  1]  an  cuit  rosoicli  orru  reis  na  ^atJmih 
üarda  is  [e]chtYaim  doib  intan  na  bidli  an  üaiüi  tue  äegMad 
doib  arti{5  i  n-aititin. 

is  niihgin  inn  feib  ron-errthar  [=  Laws  n,  310,  1. 15]. 
i.  ar  US  aitlir/m  atairghitlier  o  ter  to&gme  dogres  fo  feabli«s  ro 
heirned  7  iotgem  uil  ann. 

]\Ia  toegcm  0  fiaith  7  0  fine  is  aithgin  nama. 

M'd  toegcm  0  nec/i/ar  de  is  dubla^Z  namä  isin  rath. 

]\Iad  innarba  uadliib  andis  is  diles  doib  andis  iar  mlechmaid. 

tolaich  aiiireb  obaill.  [=  Law.s  11, 310, 1.  7]. 
.i.  munab  ar  ohloirecht  dine  an  innarba  .i.  noclmii  ar  fuacli 
tholtan«c/i  dine  sim  in  obloirec/<^  sin  isna  firreibh  sin  acht  do 
dichter  na  f^et  no  noclm  ar  guacli  toile  dirat  se  apafZ  acht  di 
dicliwr  .i.  noclia  n-ar  iocul  toltan«c/i  i^ech  aile  done-siwm  sin  .i. 
in  fwrocra  no  in  innarba  tre  fosiubaZ  isna  firreibli  acht  ar 
daigin  niaitliitsa  riu  badein. 

muiia  foriiglana  fiaüli  a  foltfwö  na  s<^ta  m(W\gthecha 

ernis  [=  Laws  II,  312,  11. 14, 15]. 

.i.  mun  firglaiza  in  Müh  deglifoltac/i  aniacli  na  seot\\^\\  ro  evwad 
amuich  co  hinnd%^/^ec/^  biadh  an  dilsi  don  \\\cht  miuigh  [leg.  i 
muigh]  no  tall  a  dualglius  innarbi^Äa  0  bias  innarba  orra  .i. 
asta[d]  ior  ceile  7  a  foglmamh  dib,  7  it  lais  a  ^eoit  indilsi  cen 
innarba  on  fiaith  .i.  in  ^aith  dirat  in  folad 

Dilsc  seoit  caich  indociürithar  inndliger?.  ma  iar 
n-urfogni    cacli    faonlcgftc/iO    fine    fo    c[o]raib    teclita[ib] 

[=  Laws  II,  288,  11.  3—5]. 

The  rest  of  tbis  column  is  occupied  by  27  lines  in  tlie 
small  character  used  for  tlie  commentary.  Tliey  begin  with  tlie 
words:  Na  seoit  fuilliuma  cidli  be  cenn  dib  fein  dogne  in  fuaitred 
is  tiac/j^ain  faoi  dogres  mana  raib  di>cM  fuaitre^  ann  nama. 
I  have  not  identified  tliis  passage  with  anything  in  the  edition. 


^)  leg.  foendledach? 


ON  THE  COPENIIAGEN  FRAGMENTS  OF  THE  BREHON  LAWS.      227 

The  Copenhagen  MS.  tlien  takes  up  the  subject  of  fdla  or 
legal  bars,  and,  first,  tlie  bar  of  tlie  man  wlio  buys  land  for 
an  insufficient  price: 

[Fo.  2  a,  col.  2.J 
Fal  fir  clireaiius  i  mbeaglogO  [=  Laws  v,  502,  1.22]. 
.i.  in  ime  dogni  in  fer  cendaighes  an  ferann  ar  logh  mbec  .i.  fal 
donti  cendaiglies  nior  ar  logh  mbecc  2)  dia  thoirce  (in)  mor-sen  ior 
culadh  don  ti  6   tucatl  geib/c^  gr[e]im   tre&a/re   in  tairgsin  cowa 
dil/s  6  ce/hre  uaire  ficliii  amach  onti  dia  thairgithe/-. 

dofairg'i  arrofem  ar  a  fertliar  fris  nach  etar^)  [=  Laws 

V,  502,  11.  22,  23]. 

.i.  tarca«^  ini  ro  eirnustar  air  do  iMgaid  amnig  aris,  7  nochar 
ar  feYa*)  a  faghba/Z  dö  nö  in  '&et  i  mbaoi  a  diuba?Vt  .i.  ar  logh  mbec 
ro  cendaigefZ  annsin  7  ata  an  ier  or  cendaigec?  aga  agra  .i.  a 
diubarta,  7  ade/r  anti  0  ro  cendigef?,  ni  tiubarsa  duit,  ar  se, 
acht  tabhair  mo  Beotu  fen  damh  ma  maire^.  Et  mun  maire^ 
tabair  a  cuirvawus  do  seVaib  alle,  7  num  twctar  is  fal  sin.  Et 
mata  irebaire  a  dilsi  uile  0  ceit/we  hnaire  ticJiSit,  7  mnna  fuil  is 
dilis  a  trin  ar  ceit/wi  hnaire  ficlmt  7  ?idd  trian  ar  dcchmaid  et 
is  fal  sin. 

INti  reacus  set  mor  ar  logh  bcc  mata  sidhe  a  cuinnghi  a 
dinbaHa  7  iMixid  in  fer  aüe  a  sei  bec  do  gabaiZ  7  a  thsett  mor 
do  thabrteVt  doswmh,  7  ni  geihhmim,  is  diiibair^^  fesa  co  ivcbaire 
no  cen  trehaire  do  riagail  ris,  7  is  and  ata  sin  antan  maire^ 
an  da  set  no  cen  co  mairenn  an  set  bec  tairgisiwm  a  cutrumus 
do  se^aib  alle  do  gaba<7. 

The  commentary  (corresponding  with  Laws  V,  p.  504, 
1.  20—506, 1.  9)  continues  to  line  42  of  col.  2.  Then  the  text 
is  resumed:  (=  Laws  V,  506,  1.  10). 

Fal  udlibatta  i  mbelaib  uasa/  neimhed.^) 
.i.  in  ime  doni  0  belaib   in  [njeimhe  uasail   da  tabar  in  udbazVt 
0  tair  in  ecnairc  do  gabai?. 

^)  leg.  mbecclög 

2)  MS.  mbhec 

^)  For  this  seuteuce  tlie  edition  (vol.  V,  502)  has  tlie  following 
gibberish :  do  f arguid  a  rera  ar  a  f ertair,  fris  na  cbeda.  Compare  O'Davoren's 
glossary  s.  v.  fearthar,  p.  92,  1.  1. 

*)  leg.  nochar'fe'fa 

^)  leg.  uasalneimbid 

15* 


228  WHITLEY   STORES, 

IN  ier  aniuicli  ata  ag  iarraicZ  a  diularta  [leg.  udbarta?] 
air  in  edais  7  ata  iu  ecla^s  ac  iarraid  a  hecnairce  airsi^m  7 
mun  tucthar  is  tal  sin  ile^h  reisin  ter  imuich  7  noch  cumaing  a 
Mutairt  d'acra,  7  ce  no  tairgisi^an  ecnairc  aüe  woclia  n-amail  tarba 

0  tair  in  ecnairc  di  gabaz7  ata  in  fear  i  muicli  ag  iduYvaid 
a  diuharta,  7  ata  sium  ag  a  radli  fo  [fo,  2  b  1]  -gabar  damhsa  m' 
ecnairc  gwsan  cantain  iucus  fein  fuirre  7  man  fagar  is  fal  sin 
7  is  fastatZ. 

Fal    tire   a  toruinde    do   üaüJi    iar   n-elodli   [=  Laws 

V.  506,  11.  10,  11]. 

Then  eleven  lines  of  commentary  beginning  .i.  in  ime  dogni 
an  üaith  di  roinn  in  ferainn  iar  lecai  (s?c)  eloüM  in  ceK.  'tlie 
bar  wliich  the  cliief  makes  by  dividing  tlie  land  after  allowing 
tlie  tenant  to  abscond'. 

Fal  fir  fosaidlitlier')  daghnadlimand  co    soratha^'ö  7 

SOfiaduaib  [=  Laws  V,  506,  1.  11]. 

The  meaning  is:  'The  bar  of  a  man,  who  supports  valid 
contracts  with  good  gnarantors  and  good  witnesses'.  Then  two 
and  a  half  lines  of  commentary  beginning:  ,i.  in  ime  dogni  an 
üaith  no   an  ter  aca  fosaither  deghfonaidm  trehaire. 

ar  is  and  te[i]d  fual  for  trebaire  aiitan  tatlibongar 
cuir  tar  enech  fear  [=  Laws  v,  506,  11.  11— 13]. 

'For  'tis  then  that  nrine  comes  on  a  surety,  (i.  e.  that  a 
surety  is  disgraced),  when  contracts  are  broken  in  violation  of 
men's  honour'.  Then  four  lines  of  commentary  beginning:  ,i.  ar 
is  and  teit  saldier  fo  enech  na  cor  intan  taitlimi[g]ther  na  cuir 
7  enighi  ter  re  an  äilse,  ar  is  inndligecZ  a  thaithmec/i. 

Fal  anfaitcliesa  is  eside^)  is  ed  sidlie  tinntaitlier  iardain, 
ar  ni  diles  sidlie  [=  Laws  v,  508,  11.  19,  20]. 

Then  ten  lines  of  commentary  beginning:  .i.  in  ime  dogni 
anti   acna   bi   faitceis   ceille  co  comlaw,  in  mac  bec,   'the  bar 


')  leg.  fosaigitlier 

2)  MS.  is  eside  ised  sidhe.  Some  such  word  as  cundrad  rnust  be  under- 
stood  —  themeauiug  being  'Bardue  to  mental  incompetence  (iufaucy,  idiocy  or 
limacy),  'tis  tbis  contract  tbat  is  set  aside  afterwards,  for  it  is  not  lawful'. 


ON  THE  COPENHAGEN  FRAGMENTS  OF  TUE  BEEHON  LAWS.      229 

made  by  liim  who  has  not  completely  tlie  vigilance  of  reason 
(e.  g.)  tlie  little  boy'. 

Ataitt  tri  tire  frisna  f07?cobair  m«c  na  raitli  na  dilsi. 
is  goaii'echt  a  n-astad')  digaib  di  logli  n-enec/i  mrecJi 
noc?«segliad  [Laws  v,  5io,  1. 1-3]. 

Tlien  four  lines  of  commentary  beginning-:  atait  tri  ierainn 
7  nodio  coblifoirenig(?mi  2)  mac  nascaire  na  raith  trehaire  iat  .i. 
0  b>iatliraib  Hhei'e  are  three  lands,  and  neither  son  (as)  binder 
nor  surety  (as)  guarantor  relieves  them,  i.  e.  by  words'. 

tir  fomic  dina  tabair  logh  ce  doberad  fine  [Laws  v,  5io 

11.  3,  4]. 

Three  lines  of  commentary  beginning:  ,i.  ierann  in  mic  bic 
.i.  mrtc  cleb  7  ni  renait  a  tir  seclm,  'tlie  land  of  tlie  little  boy, 
i.  e.  the  boy  in  tlie  cradle,  and  tliey  seil  not  liis  land  over 
his  head.' 

ar  ni  tecM?i  ciinn  na  ciall  fomic  intan  [fo.  2  b  2]  nascar 
isan  ecnairc  nienmaw  H  Laws  v,  510,  11. 415]. 

Tlien  forty-four  lines  of  commentary  beginning:  .i.  is  a 
n-ecmuis  a  celle  codhna^g  bis  intan  doberar,  'he  is  wanting  in 
the  sense  of  a  person  sui  iuris  when  it  is  conveyed'. 

The  MS.  then  takes  up  the  Heptads  [Laws  Y,  118—373], 
and  first  of  the  seven  kinds  of  Deposit  (aithne),  which  need  not 
be  restored  (or  paid  for)  though  they  be  injured,  destroyed  or 
Stolen  while  in  the  bailee's  possession: 

[fo.  3  a  1].  Atait  secM  n-aithne  la  Fene  na  dlegad  a 
taisic  cia  ro  briathar,  cidh  dorodmuither.  cid  ro  fuirmither. 
cid  dosrobruither. 

aithne  for  muir. 

aithne  berar  Iat  indile  fadesin  cen  elguin.  cen  dithchell. 

aith^ze  a  tech  loisces  sraiftine  do  nimh. 

aithne  foxail  ria  slog. 


^)  MS.  anfasta 

2)  cobfoiritnigenn,  Laws  V,  510. 


230  WHITLEY  STORES j 

aithne  eich  i  treas. 

aithwe  eich  do  teac/?  faire  fri  himrim  leasa. 

[fo.  3  b  IJ 
aithne  con   do  seguine   dia   breth   fo   red.   [=  Laws  v, 

190,  11.  13-19]. 

The  above  articles  are  translated  in  Laws  V,  191,  and  also 
in  the  Archaeological  Journal  XVI,  250,  from  the  corresponding 
part  of  H.  2.  16,  a  MS.  in  the  libraiy  of  Trinity  College,  Dublin, 
and  each  of  them  is  foUowed  by  a  commentary.  Text  and  commen- 
tary  fill  fo.  3  a  of  the  C'openliagen  MS.  and  the  first  half  of  fo.  3  b, 
col.  1.  The  commentary  on  aithne  for  nmir  is:  .i.  IS  [sjlan  a 
breith  for  feith  a  n-ecmais  nö  for  siideith  a  fiadnmse  'it  is  safe 
to  take  it  (a  hoat)  in  a  calm  in  (the  owner's)  absence  or  in 
a  storm  in  (his)  presence.'  But  the  following  seven  deposits  must 
be  restored,  though  there  be  no  bond  to  that  effect: 

Atait  .uii.  n-siithne  dlegait')  a  taisecc^)  ce  iii  ronasaither. 

aithne  lama  do  laim. 

aithwe  tsula  di  thsuil. 

aithne  mbr/thre ^) 

aith^ie  n-aititin. 

aithne  fuirmec^a. 

aithne  consLQ  cain  mimaisc. 
[fo.  8  b  2] 

mthne  nascar.  [=  Laws  v,  196,  u.  1—4] 

Then  follow  twenty  lines  of  glosses  and  a  commentary 
beginning  .i.  (fo.  3  a  1,  1.  24)  Falla  um  coimed  a  rugsat  na  seotadh 
siosana,  7  a  n-aithghin  do  loccc^). 

The  next  four  passages  I  have  not  identified  with  anything 
in  the  edition. 

A  micMimgiicl  cotbiattaither  i  n-uidib  anfis.  .  ni  aithwe 
nad  aithnither  na  eth.  .  fear  fiadnwi 
Then  eight  lines  of  commentary. 


0  MS.  dleag  do 

^)  MS.  taisacc 

3)  MS.  mbr.  rith 

*)  The  cc  are  added  to  fill  up  the  line. 


ON  THE  COPENHAGEN  FRAGMENTS  OF  THE  BREHON  LAWS.      231 

Nonbur  dona  liaithiiither  a  tiiaith. 

Tlien  twenty-fiye  lines  of  commentary  ending  in  tlie  middle 
of  f 0.  4  a  1,  and  beginning  tliiis :  .i.  na  deoraighi  7  na  murchuirthi 
7  na  daoir  7  na  fäondlegha[ig']  7  na  hnrfocra[ig]  7  na  m^c  goir 
7  na  m?c  ingo?>  'the  foreigners  and  the  seabornes  and  tlie  serfs 
and  the  vagabonds  and  tlie  proclaimed  persons  and  the  dntiful  sons 
and  the  undutiful  sons'  —  where  two  of  the  'nine  persons 
{nonbur)  f or  whom  there  is  no  deposit  by  a  tribe '  seem  lacking. 

[fo.  4  a  1]  Ni  fiiitbe  na  n-aitb»e  cen  lufail  cen  airetin 
cen  tai[djl)si  cen  taiseilbe.  do  treba  dia  ngaba  dianad 
madia  n-uraoma.  fociallathar  tigradbus  mad  foraomha  caoin 
comatb.  .  uait  aitb;?e  cacb  bic  7  cacb  mor.  m'atbalad 
adghenitber  uait  diabi«?  diambi  taidhe. 

The  rest  of  col.  1,  the  middle  of  col.  2,  and  the  first  six  lines 
of  fol.  4b  1  are  occnpied  by  a  commentaiy  beginning:  IN  aithwe 
nac/i  facns  leis  innnn  no  ciatces  les  inunn  muna  facus  tareis  tall  i. 

[fo.  4  b  1,1.  7]  Ar  as  cacb  aitlme  coim  coingi.  cac/i 
oin  condi  taisec,  cacb  ratli  cona  somaoine  co;2-aithe,  cacb 
aithi  iar  mblmc/ain  miinab  do  dagf/amna  do  ^etaib  a 
siolftthrtr.  ar  as  siol  for  cl . . .  h  cor  fri  mac  gaire  na  gaib 
sealb  na  saincron.  na  bi  siiide  la  hath  . .  na  la  ^aith  na 
la  fine  for<?o«gair  nad  urgair  ernid  .  .  .  c^amarad  raith 
manaig  no  bothcw^  dia  mbat  beolaitber. 

Then  twelve  lines  of  commentary  beginning:  Nad  in  aithwe 
,1.  na  tarda  ar  aithne  e,  and  ending  with  the  scribe's  blessing: 
Mo  bewdac/it  ar  an  anmain  ara  ndentrtr  m'öighi  .i.  Sean  mac 
Aodhgain  7  tabra  inti  leghfas. 

Atait  .uii.  treb«  la  Fene  ari^scuille  coir  [iirnadma]  aithiie 

[=  Laws  V,  160,  n.  1,  2]. 

Then  twenty-flve  lines  of  commentary  beginning:  Eir(?) 
in  ndertibm  na  n-inadh  so  is  aire  is  dilws  na  haithnedha  so,  iiair 
[ro  fitir]  intl  ro  aithnistar  gomo  conaire  do  dith  na  n-aithedha 
na  treba?&  so  7  mana  [fjiter  is  aithgin  do  d'fir  in  tighi  'for  he 
who  made  the  deposit  knew  that  in  these  abodes  there  was  a 
path  to  the  destruction  of  the  deposits:  and  if  he  knew  not, 
there  is  compensation  to  him  from  the  owner  of  the  house.' 


232  WHITLEY   STOKES, 

fo.  4  b  2,  11,  1 — 16,  continue  the  commentary. 

[fo.  5  a  1] 
The  fragment  tlien  mentioiis  the  seven  kinds  of  loaii  which 
need  not  be  restored  or  paid  for  if  injured  while  in  the  borrower's 
possession: 

Ataat  .uii.  n-oiia  odharO  la  Fene  na  dlegat  a  taisic  na 
aith^fm  cia  robriathrtr  a  artaib  ona. 

oin  naj  for  muir. 

oin  fir  adbaill. 

oin  airm  i  r[6]e. 

oin  eich  i  treas. 

oin  eich  ag  ar  for  h\a  cia  robriathar  ocu. 

oin  con  fri  tafonn. 

oin  tsalainn,  ar  is  ed  andsin  atboill  ar  oin. 

ni  oide  nech  na  seo^a  so  cen  fonaidm  a  tais[ejac  no 
a  n-aithgina.  ar  otha  sin  dligid  cach  oin  a  taisic  ce  ni 
ronasar.  [=  Laws  v,  278,  ii.  1-8]. 

The  rest  of  this  column,  and  the  whole  of  column  2,  are 
occupied  by  commentary.  Fo.  5  a  2,  11.  6 — 20,  correspond  with 
Laws  V,  278,  11.  13—280, 1.  9, 

The  next  fom-  passages  I  have  not  identified. 

[fo.  5  b  1]  Firtriun  taithmech  fo[fJuatrtc/?  fo  thuaith 
tlenar  dlighi  de  cethre(^?)  mad  i  tirib  toith  trian  fo 
ratlianac/i. 

The  rest  of  this  page  and  the  flrst  14  lines  of  fo.  6  a,  col.  1 
are  fllled  with  commentary  beginuing:  doboing  .g.  a  crich  imdeirg 
is  neasa  do  cethre('?)  loigh  neich  doboing  is  cd  dlighis  trian  ar 
thobach.  i  treas  crich  leth  ar  thobach  as  gach  maigm  otha  treas 
crich  gach  leath  sec/moin  Erenn  nile. 

[fo.  6  a  1,  1. 15]  mberda  [ejachtrand. 

The  rest  of  this  page  and  col.  1  of  fo.  6  b  are  filled  with 
commentary  beginning:  tar  muir  is  dihs  7  ni  fuil  iarmoirec/i^  fair 
do  aes  sealb  . . 

1)  MS.  oghar 


ON  THE  COPENHAGEN  FRAGMENTS  OF  TUE  BREHON  LAWS.   233 

[fo.  6  b  2]  Leath  secht  cumum  eisce. 
Tlien   forty-six   lines   of   commentary,    beginning:    .i.   leth 
coirp(?n'i  7  Icth  Mtligin  7  leth  eneclann  do  cacli  wrrad. 

For  .  .  .  nach  cliiine  rola  eisce  0  im  am^7c  sechtmad 
secht  cumain  ind. 

Witli  bi  bi  sin  ar  eagla  Dhia,  (wliicli  seems  a  scribe's  note) 
this  fragmentary,  but  valiiable,  MS.  ends.  Needless  to  say  that, 
like  tlie  two  oldest  Brehoii-law  tractates,  Caratnia's  Wroiig 
Decisions  and  tlie  Five  Paths  of  Jiidgment  (Rawl.  B,  502,  a 
Bodleian  MS.  of  tlie  twelfth  Century),  it  has  not  been  utilised 
for  the  official  edition  of  tlie  ancient  laws  of  Ireland. 


1)  eisce  (from  ex-secio-)  here  means  'cutting  off',  'woimding':  see  Ann. 
Ult.  1019.  From  the  cognate  verb  we  have  eiscis  a  dd  ccnd  äec  dib,  LL.  80  a  42, 
ce  no  eisged  a  cimiu,  LU.  60  a  35. 

Camberley.  Whitley  Stores. 


MITTEILUNGEN  AUS  IRISCHEN  TEXTEN. 


V. 
Aus  Egerton  1782. 

[fo.  45  a  1.] 

Seissir  is  cöir  ind-ecluis,  adöw  aircliinnech  ocus  seccnsibaid, 
fer  leigliinn  ocus  coig,  fer  tecuisc  ocus  fer  timtliirechta. 

Cidh  is  cöir  da  gacli  äi?  Ni  hansa.  Genus  i  n-aircindech, 
ainmne  a  secna&a/c?,  coibnius  hi  fer  leigliinn,  gartt  hi  gcoig, 
Mite  hi  fer  tecuisc,  solma  hi  fer  timthirechta  7  rl. 


Geistliche  Sprüche. 

Cid  is  nesa  do  Dia?  Ni  hansa.  IntT  nownimrdidhinn  co 
mewicc. 

Cid  diaw  congnamaidh ')  Dia?   Donti  dogni  maith. 

Cid  i  n-aitrebann  Dia?   Isinti  bis  gin  peccoth. 

Teöra  briathra  isbeir  duine  .i.  hviathar  hethsi,  hrmthar  bäis, 
hrmthar  espa, 

.4.  hif^Vn  in  centair:  seawda  7  doma,  gal«r  7  docraidhi. 

.4.  flatho  nime  .i.  aenta  7  soma,  sldinti  ocus  aochraidi. 

Da  dit  ind  leime  .i.  äit  ard  ocus  äit  iseal.  Ait  ard  dia  legar 
nech  i  n-iff«Vn  .i.  i  ndimus;  äit  isil  dia  legar  nech  in-nim  .i.  ind- 
umalöit.    Et  cetera,. 


[fo.  49bl]  JDiian  in  choicaV)  cest  innso  sis. 

1.    larfaigid  lib  cöecait  cest    do  cldr  Temra  ceti  tairme^c, 
cip  he  for  talmuin  na  tor,    diadä  inn-dän^)  a  fuasloccod. 


1)  congnamuigh  MS.        ^)  .l.a  MS,       ")  iniidan  MS. 


MITTEILUNGEN    AUS    IRISCHEN   HANDSCHTIFTEN.  235 

2.  Fir  ocus  ni  breg  in  bägh,      a  comann  cricliid  comldn : 
socliaide  fägbi<s  a  brat      icon  cö/cait  imcliomarcc. 

3.  Tairleam  na  cesta  cöema,      nidat  espa  anäebda, 
iarfaig?«^  iiain  huili  amach      da  cach  duini  dageölach. 

4.  Cia  lin  na  n-arcaingel  n-dn'),      cid  arnaid  dun  a  n-imräd, 
da  lin  d'agmenuib  aingel      maröen  la  cacli  u-ärcaingel?^) 

5.  Caiciur  in  cuinchet  dim      fuilet  ic  coimet  cöic  ndül, 

hie  coimett  tened,^)  talman,^)      aeoir,^)  usc//')  ard-anman. '') 

6.  Cla  si^irut  fil  hi  ngrein  glain'^')      ocus  ind-escu  inmain?'») 
esca  ocus  muir  (modh  nä  tais),      caide  fäth  a  n-6entachais?i") 

7.  Cla  hairm  atät  tri  topair    sügait  muir  ngairb  'na  iiglotain?  'i) 
cTa  muir  is  millsi  '2)  na  mil?  '3)    cTa  muir  nä  trdighenn  itir?  i^) 

8.  Cla  lin  na  cenel  ule      itir  mil  ocus  duine?'^) 

inn  innisit  aicnead  ögli      fil  hi  secht  rannaib  Gabön?""') 

9.  Cla  iTn  fochraic  fil  hi  nim?  i')      cla  lin  pian  iftirn  aighthigh?  •*) 
da  brön  Ali  nim  glan  gurm?  "9)      cia  Mite  fil  i  n-iffurn?2'>) 

10.  Cia  hairm  fil  iffern  na  n-ed?2i)      cm  delb  hi  fil  Lucifer?^-) 
Ceti  secht  feda  (fir  sain)      rosäersatar  sil  Adhaim?"^) 

11.  Adam  atliuir  fer  ndomain      da  cetguth  ro  ce^lobair?^*) 
cid  adconnairc  tria  nel  ciach  25)    dar  muUac^  siehe  Protiach?  2«) 


1)  .i.  secht:  Michael,  Panahel,  Eaphael,  Ramuel,  Sintasuel,  Gabriel, 
Uiriel.  ^)  .i.  cüic  fichit  in  cet,  deich  cet  in  mili,  [deich  mili]  iu  leigieon, 
deich  leigieoin  in  cuma,  deich  cuma  im-mares,  deich  mares  in  caterua,  deich 
caterua  in  ex[er]citum,  deich  u-ex[er]citns  in  turba,  deich  turba  in  agniine,  deich 
n-agmine  lin  gacb  arcaingil.  ^)  .i.  Uriel.  *)  .i.  Sariel.  ^)  .i.  Panahel. 
^)  .i.  EapaeZ.  ')  .i.  Michael.  »)  .i.  spfruf  aingil  cui  nomen  solaris.  ^)  aingel 
ali  cui  nomen  est  limäris.  1°)  usce  cec/itarde  7  una  natura  inter  se  id  est 
amaritudo  1.  1.  ^^)  .i.  in  acquilone  7  haec  sunt  nomina  eorum  .i.  astrafons 
in  caelo,  marefons  in  mare,  indefo«s  in  terra.  ^^)  .i.  d'öl  7  deis  parrthais. 
13)  mare  quod  est  a  destris  paradisi.  ")  .i.  muir  marb  mortunum  (sie). 
1^)  .i.  Ixx.ii.  do  anmannaib  exsamlaib  itir  mil  7  duine  super  terram  .i.  taloMi. 
'^)  .i.  cen  chümscuchud  i  udomnucb  7  na  huili  chiüil  do  chloisecht  eisib  .i.  ös 
insib  Sab.  ")  .i.  Ixx.ii.  do  fochraicib  ecsamlaib.  1^)  .i.  Ixx.ii.  beos  do 
pianaib  ecsamlaib.  ^^)  i.  Hell  7  Enoc  nä  cumgat  etigal  la  henu  a  parrthus. 
20)  .i.  anmann  arsäilet  fochraic  Tar  mbräth.  ^i)  {  ^  trTan  a  n-aeor  7  a  tr Tan 
hi  talmain  7  a  trian  hi  muir.  ^^)  .i.  delb  pesti  dianad  ainm  Prothimeon  .i. 
cet  cenn  fuirri  7  cet  dant  cach  cinn.  23)  i  pailmm  fofüair  Adam  7  crand 
sechim  .i.  fid  na  häircce  7  fidh  amigdala  .i.  flesc  Mäisi  ocus  cethri  fedha  na 
croiche  .i.  cupriss,  cedir,  giüs,  beithe.  ^*)  .i.  adoro  uel  adiuro  te  domine  .i. 
guidim  thü,  a  thigherna. 

25)  .i.  atconnairc  in  grian  nö  int  aingel. 
2«)  .i.  sliab  atä  hi  parrthus, 


236  KUNO   MEYER 


12.  Aprat  na  heölaig  abus      chlaind  Adaim  na  n-imarlDus, ') 
cra  cet-mac  rüg  Euha  An?  2)    cm  hairm  fil  a  chlann  chomlän?^) 

13.  Cla  mac  d'Ädam  dorat  grdd    do  mnäi  a  bräthar,  cTarb  imnär?*) 
da  hingen  d'Adham  iar  tain       triasa  torchair  a  bratliair?5) 

14.  Cla  'coa  ndernad  cathir  chain      tall  lii  tosucJi  in  domain?*^) 
da  'ca  ndernad  trebad  trom?  ^)     cm  'coa  iiö.ernad  in  chet-long?^) 

15.  Na  dd  cliolamain  cöemu      doronsat  clanna  cdema,**) 
aprat  eölaig  bethad  binn        da  dib  romair  Tar  ndilinn.^o) 

16.  Cla  corp  nä  fll  i  n-inud?   in  innistcr  hil-liiibar? ") 

cid  ara  nderna  in  sndm  seang-     in  fer  msdÜi  H i er iisalcm?^-) 

17.  Ainm  säeir  na  hairci '  3)  is  eöl  dam    ocus  ainm  a  degatliar:^^) 
da  rolocht  re  ndiil  ö  liait    dorigni  i[n]  sser  'sin  degh-airc?  1^) 

18.  Cati  tri  tüatha  tair  tall      nä  robäidh  dilin   drecli-mall?'^) 
da  däl  fil  i  n-ilur  dach      i  mullach  Slebi  PartliTach?'") 

19.  Cla  fot  na  ndilinn  dämaigli      ar  rochnir  spirut  Adaim  ?is) 
da  ben  dorigne  fighe      ria  cach  mnäi  co  mingile?''') 

20.  Cia  saegnl  tucad  do  Shem,      in  fail  üaib 'coa  mbeth  in  scelP^o) 
cairdis  mac  Caim  cuindghid  suin      do  clilainn  Chäin 

miscadhaigh.2i) 

21.  Anmann  tri  rann  in  domain      can  asa  filet  foraib?-^) 

da  rogab  in  Affraic  n-äin      do  chiniud  airdirc  Abrdim?23) 


0  .i.  Seir  mac  ruc  Eua  d'Adham  rTa  n-imarbiis,  is  üad  Seiri  ocus  Seiria, 
mar  aderit  däeine.  ^)  .i.  Cäin  n6  Seir  mar  adeir  in  stair.  ^)  .i.  itir  inn 
India  7  in  Scithia.  ■•)  .i.  Peunän  dorat  gräd  do  Phihib  do  mnäi  Chäin.  ^)  .i. 
Pihp  ingin  Adhoim  ben  Chäin  is  trethe  dorochair  a  bräthair  Pennän.  ••)  .i. 
Cäin  dorigni  in  cechathrai^r  7  tue  ainm  a  maic  prTmgenni  fuirri  .i.  Enoch  .1. 
Enoch  ainm  na  cathr«c/t.  ')  .i.  Cäin  dorigni  cet-ar  7  cet-büain.  ^)  .i.  is 
e  beos  dorigni  in  cet-luing.  »)  .i.  colamu  äilda  7  colomu  legda  co  romartaiss 
a  scela  indtib  Tar  ndllind.  ")  .i.  in  hi  in  colama  äelda  nö  lecda?  .i.  in 
choluma  äelda  eim  romair  ann.  *')  .i.  huili  chruinde  na  ndül  nö  comad  sT 
in  maiss  ecruthach.  ^^)  A.  dia  thernäm  dar  muir  Chaisp,  is  airi  doroine  in 
cetsnäm  sin.  is)  .i.  Silgebus  macc  Tubalchäin.  ")  .i.  Tubalchäin  fodeissin. 
*^)  .1.  clär  ein  tairnge  do  fägbäiZ  iuti  do  bädudh  Noe  eona  munntir,  co  ro- 
faillsigei  aingil  De  do  Noe.  '«)  .i.  na  Seiricda  7  lucht  na  haireci  7  na  bratäna. 
")  .i.  comdäl  anmunn  firian  sil  Ädhaim  hi  Sliab  Cailiaph.  i«)  .i.  da  blladain 
ar  fichit  ar  dcc.aib  0  ee  Ädhaim  co  dilinn.  ")  .i.  Eua  rolig  duilli  na  pailme 
nö  Cata  Flauia  .i.  Oliuäna  bean  läfeth.  ^o)  j  c^ice  cet  hWadnn,  rop  hedh 
seg  (sie)  siegnl  Seim.  ^i)  .i.  do  clainn  Chäin  mäthair  mnä  Caim,  eonad 
a[ijre   nä   ränic   rigi   0   claind   Chaim.  ^^)   .i.  Eoraip   7   Aifraic   7  Assia. 

Eorops  rT  na  Sicormada,  is  üad  Eoraibp.  Nö  Eoraip  ainm  mnä.  Asia 
immorro  ö  Aiss  ingin  Neir  7  Neptun  tue  di  ina  tocbra  a  ainm  forsin  tres 
raind.        ")  .i.  Affer  mac  Cethura  oeus  Abräim,  iss  e  rogab  in  Affraice  ar  tüs. 


MITTEILUNGEN   AUS   IRISCHEN   HANDSCHRIFTEN.  237 

22.  Cia  liu  rfg-  rogab  Tibir      ria  Eomal  ruidhit  fllidpi) 
da  iT  dorocliair  tall  tair      ic  inbir  siotlia  Capliir?-) 

23.  Cadeat  tri  giiire  in  domuin      finnat  ma  sencaidli  soraid?-') 
da  gäir  is  trumma  dib-sin  mäd  aidlilicc  lib  larfaigliid!*) 

larfaig/d 


Was  ein  fili  wissen  muss. 

Das  hier  folgende  Gedicht  findet  sich  auch  im  Book  of  Rights 
(S,  236),  wo  es  dem  Diihthach  mac  hiii  Lugair  sugeschriehen  ivird. 

[fo.  66  a.j         1.  NT  dliligh  cüairt  nö  cemmig-hect,  5) 
ar  111  fili  fireölach 
lii  feidm  eoluis  ilcrotliaig//, 
nianip  co  feigli  fessara 
dsa  tenna  is  tüariistla, 
corbat  huili  eirnithe 
Tar  n-urd  eoluis  liilclilannaig/^ 
ö  thossacli  CO  deid/i. 

2.  Nr  dlig'  cüairt  a  cäinchöiccid 
a6)  cöiccedliaib  011banii/«a  ^) 
nacÄ  lia  liimcliiiäirt  oentüaithe, 
mä  dia  feg/itliar  firinne, 

flle  nach  dron  dechraiglifes 
sochiir  dochiir  dilmaine 
drecht  cech  tlre  tliic. 

3.  Is  Sind  is  siiii  lisencliafZa 
in  tan  leglia.?  leirglmimo 

Innsi  Heibir  liüais. 

4.  Is  ann  is  ail  ollaman 
amaiZ  ail  ein  indsciicliad, 
intan  tuccus  tudrus[t]la, 


')  .i.  flehe  ri  .i.  lanus  Saturnus  Puniis  Latinus  Ascanius  Silinus  Aeneas 
Siluius  Latiuus  Albanns  Sil—  Egiptus  s.  Carpeutus  s.  Tiberius  Agripa  s. 
Aremus  s.  Aneutinus  s.  Pcbas  s.  Anrelius  (sie)  s.  Munutor.  ^)  .i.  Julian  Cesair 
romarbrtfZ  lasin  nAffer  ic  drochut  Inuilb.  ^)  .i.  gäir  mac  nisrael  ic  a  tennad 
im-Muir  Eüaid,  gäir  iffirn  oc  a  arcain  do  Christ.  *)  .i.  gäir  in  brätha  hie 
deiliughad  na  firiän  frissna  pectachaib.  *)  Cf.  Ni  dligh  dano  cüairt  no 
cennuighecht  iu  file  nö  in  tsüi  tseucotha  na  fiasara  adha  7  aurgarta  na  righ 
sa.    Eg.  1782,  36  b  1.        «)  Lies  do  (BR).        0  Lies  cloth-Banba  (BR). 


238  KUNO   MEYER 


la  cisa  gan  cÄuntabairt, 
Conus  uile  inwisfe 

in  g'ac/i  aireclit  ard. 
Närbat  soithiuch  senkruscc^) 
ar  chrodh  nö  ar  chairdine, 
ar  ni  sluinwfe  seinbretha 
fei*  CO  c6rtis  coindirccle, 
NT  rob  naracli  nöised/mch 
ar  mi'ad  nö  ar  mär-aiccmi. 
Mainip  sstmlaid  sainig/tiss, 

a  soclini  nl  äligh.    Ni.  dlig. 


VI. 

Aus  dem  Stowe  MS.  D.  4.  2. 

Von  dieser  im  Jahre  1300  in  dem  heutigen  FranJcford  in 
King's  Comity  geschriebenen  Pergament-Handschrift  habe  ich  in 
der  Revue  Celtique  VI,  SS.  173  ff.  und  in  der  Vorrede  zu  meiner 
Ausgabe  des  Merugud  Uilix  Kunde  gegeben. 

[fo.  61  a  2.J  Sgel  in  MJiinaduir  annso. 

1  Bai  vi  amra  oiregda^)  i  n-Inis  Creit  .i.  Minosa  a  aium-sidliein. 

Büi  rfghan  chsem  chrutliacli  leis-sidliein  .i.  Paisibe  a  liainm-sidhe 
7  tuciistair  grddli  ndermair  do  loip  mac  Satuirn.  Boi  immorro 
tarb  ndermair   suaichnidli  soiiieamail  accon  ri  sin,  ac  Minosa. 

5  Tue  immorro  Paisibe  grddli  do-sidhe,  ar  bä  doigb  lei-sidlie  gurb 
e  Top  robüi  i  rieht  in  tairb,  amail  tdinic  lop  feelit  ele  a  rieht 
tairb  do  saigid»)  Eorptha  ingine  Eghnoiris. 

Boi  immorro  ollam  cerda  aceon  ri  .i.  ae  Minosa.  Rogairmthea 
le-si  in  cerd  7  atbert  a  eomrdd  Ms,  in  fuigbi*)  airiee  di,  tresa 

10  roised  in  tarb  do  comaentugud  fria.^)  Atbert  in  eerd  eo  fuigbed.^) 
Is  i  airig  forfuair  in  eerd  .i.  bo  eranda  do  dhenum  dhi  7  Paisibe 
do  eur  isin  deilb  eranda  sin,  eo  ndrbhudh  leir  aeht  a  hiarthar 
aisti.    Tuethä  iarum  in  tarb  a  ndoehum  na  bö  eo  rosentaig  fria 


^)    'a«    old   rmty    vessel',    0^ Don.    anstatt    'a    vessel   of  old    satos.^ 
»)  oirya        »)  saidhi        «)  fuidhbi        *)  fris        «)  fuidhbedh 


MITTEILUNGEN   AUS   IRISCHEN   HANDSCHRIFTEN.  239 

7  rotoirrchid  [fo.  61  b  1]  Paisibe  de  sin  7  roboi  noi  misa  torracli,    1 
amail  is  dir.    Rotuismedh  araili  ainmidlii  adhuathniar  cumuscdha 
ö  dliuine  7  6  tharb  .i.  cend  tairb  fair  7   corp  duinecda  aigi  .i. 
Minaduir   a   ainm.     7  6   rosill  in  ri  fair,   romhisnigli  e  fachetoir 
CO  narbodli  ail  leis  a  faicsin.  7  rogairmedli  6n  ri  in  sser  .i.  Dedliail    5 
ainm  in  tsa?ir  7  isber[a]t  araili  co  ndernadli  teagdhais  1)  ndodaingin 
do,  ar  nach   fetfadh  toideclit.     Ar  dd  iMXmih  rohordaigedli  in 
tegdais-)  si  accon  ri  don  Minaduir  .i.  ar  met  7  ar  truma  a  foglila 
for  däini&  7  ceth[r]ib  na  criclii  7  an  fätli  aile  ^ono,  ba  nar  leis 
duine  beo   dia   faicsin,   ar  bä  döigli  leis  cor  he  fein  athair  in  10 
Minaduir. 

Eoairic'5)  in  säer  iarsin  in  uaim  n-aineolaidh  seachranda  7 
rocuired  in  Minaduir  innti  iardain.  Gach  duine  immorro  dognith 
cinta  nö  pudar  frisin  i-i[g]  rotidhnaicedh  don  Minaduir  co  n-ithedh 
fachetoir  7  dobertha  möirseisiur  cacha  bliadna  do  maccaib  15 
saerchkmw  na  Greci  don  ri[g]  .i.  do  Mhinosa  acuni'*)  a  ath«r  7 
doberdis  iat-sidhe  don  Minaduir  conusithec?  iat.  Uair  is  iat 
Grecaigh  romarb  athair  s)  Minosa. 

Is  aiulaid  donithea  sin  .1.  crannchur  donithea  eturra  7  gibe 
da  roiseadh,  a  tabairt  ar  tüs  don  Minaduir.  Dobertha  do  e  7  rosiacht  20 
a  los  crannchair  do  Theis  mac  Eig  mic  Neptuin  mic  Io[i]p  mic 
Satuirn  in  fer  fadheoid.^)  Ar  ba  he  in  sechtmad  fer  roboi  isin 
ngiallaigecht  7  tue  ingin  b6i  accon  n[gj  grddh  do-sidhe  .i.  do 
Theis  7  is  ed  isbert  in  ingen  fris:  'Is  duit-siu  rosiacht  äono  do 
thidnacul  don  Minaduir'  7  rordidh:  'Cia  luagh  nobertha  donti  25 
notsserfad?'  Atbert  Teis  dia  mbeith  'na  comung  maith  isin  tal- 
main,  doberadh  uadh  ar  a  sseradh.  'Atä,  immoro,^  ar  in  ingen. 
'  Abair  e ! '  ar  Teis.  '  Mo  thabairt-si, '  ar  si,  '  7  mo  heth  d'senmndi 
agad. '  Atbert  Teis :  '  Cein  bemaid  argen  be6  doghebud-su  sin,  dia 
tisadh  mo  sserad-su  de.'    'Doticfa, '  ar  in  ingen.  30 

Doheir  in  ingen  certli  dlüta  do  7  cloidhem  a  hathar  7  itbert 
in  ingen:  'Cengail  cend  in  sndithi  do  dorus  na  huama'')  7 
tuinnmi  Iat  in  ceirtli  it  Uim  noco  roisir  in  Minaduir  7  dichend 
e  iarsin.'  Rosiacht  san  tra  dochum  in  Mhinaduir  7  dochathai^ 
fris  CO  rusdichenn  e  7  täinic  iartain  a  lenmuin  in  tsndithi  cetna  35 
7  ni  hinnister  nech  do  thiachtain  esti  dia  ndecha^'c^  innti  acht 
eisin  Ina  aenur. 


^)  teadhais         ^)  tegais  *)  roairigh        '')  leg.  a  ein?        *)  aith- 

")  fadheoid       ')  huadma 


240      MEYER,     MITTEILUNGEN   AUS   IRISCHEN   HANDSCHRIFTEN. 

1  larsin  tra  roferg-aigedh  in  ri  .i.  Minosa  frisin  cerd,  nair  is 

e  rofairig  in  mboin  cranda  roboi  ic  Paisibe.  Rogabad  in  cerd 
7  a  mac  7  rofobliair  a  marbad.  Eob  i  tra  comairli  a  muintire 
do,  a  fuirecli  7  gresa  7  cumdaighi  in  rigli  do  demim  doib  7  rocniredli 
5  i  tecli  foriata  iat  7  senistri  anuas  fair  7  robhdtar  isin  tigh  sin 
ic  denum  gressa  [fo.  61  b  2]  7  cumdaigli  in  rfgli.  7  araili  fecht 
bätar  macrafZ  in  righ  amnicli  ic  imain  7  robuail  araili  mac  dib 
in  liathroit  a  n-airdi  co  tarla  anuas  gacli  ndirecli  tar  seinistir 
tighi  in  cerda  7  rogliab  in  cerd  in  liathroit  tall  isin  tigh  7  tdinic 

10  in  fer  rosbuail  ina  diaidhJ)  Eogab  in  cerd  ninipi.  Täncatar  in 
mRCYcid  uili  iarsin  do  iiirair  na  liatliroiti  7  rdidliis  in  cerd  nach 
tibrad  uaidli  in  liathroit  noco  tuctais  in  macrad  a  breath  fein 
dö.  Ocus  is  i  breth  roiar  forro  .i.  hin  giaici  gacha  fir  dib  do 
eitib  en  do  thabairt  dö   cech  lai   co  cenn  nöi  mis  7  doratadh 

15  dö-san  sin  tar  cenn  na  liathroiti  7  dorighni-sium  dd  encheanaigh 
dona  heitibh  sin  .i.  d6  fein  7  dia  mac  .i.  do  lacair  mac  Dedail  7 
roeloidhetar  iartain  isna  henchennachaib  sin  tar  muir  Torrian 
aleith  7  atbert  in  cerd  fria  mhac  co  nach  dighsedh  suas  co  roard 
uas  gäith  nä   sis   co   roisil,   'acht  len   in  flrmamint  medonach!' 

20  Ni  dernaidh  sium  sin,  acht  dochnaidh  suas  co  roard,  co  rolegh 
in  ceir  robi  a  cougbiiil  na  n-eitedh  re  teas  na  greine,  co  torchair 
iarsin  isin  muir  7  is  e  ainm  na  mara'-^)  sin  6  8oin  ?ileth  Muir 
lacair  .i.  lacair  mac  Dedhail  dothuit  innti.  Rosiacht  dowo  in 
t-athair^)    imslän    tar    in    muir    co    riaclit    Magh    Campain    7 

25  dorighni  tempul  do  Apuill  ann  7  is  e  sin  senchas  in  Minaduir  7 
a  oidhedh.*)    Finit. 


^)  diaigh        '^)  mhara        ^)  aith-        *)  oigliidh 

Liverpool.  Kuno  Meyer. 


EINE  ALTIRISCHE  HOMILIE. 


23 
Die -p-ö^  signierte  Pergament -Handschrift  der  Royal  Irisli 

Academy,  im  Jahre  1467  geschrieben,  ^  ist  fast  ausschliesslich  eine 
Sammlung  von  Texten  religiösen  Inhalts,  von  denen  bisher  nur 
wenig  veröffentlicht  ist.  Darunter  findet  sich  folgende  Homilie 
über  die  Wohlthaten  Gottes  und  die  Belohnungen  und  Strafen  des 
Jenseits,  von  der  mir  kein  zweites  Exemplar  bekannt  ist.  Dass  die- 
selbe ursprünglich  in  altirischer  Zeit  aufgezeichnet  ist,  darüber 
lässt  die  Sprache  keinen  Zweifel  zu,  die  selbst  in  dieser  späten 
Abschrift  die  alten  Formen  gut  bewahrt  hat.  Ich  brauche  nur  auf 
Yerbalformen  wie  die  Deponentia  aüuachathar  (§  2),  adluigethar 
(ib.),  atloclmmar  (§  1),  atl6cli\;d.]tar  (ib.),  cotamidetliar  (ib.),  atanüi- 
getJiar  (ath-da-niligethar,  ib.),  das  Perfekt  dodoratliciuir  =  do-da-r- 
athciuir  (ib.)  usw.  hinzuweisen.  Da  der  Text  mit  Ausnahme 
einiger  wohl  korrupter  Stellen  leicht  verständlich  ist,  füge  ich 
keine  Übersetzung  bei.  Die  §§  4  und  6  finden  sich  in  anderem 
Zusammenhang  im  Lebor  na  hUidre  32  b  und  im  Buch  von 
Leinster  371a  wieder. 

1.  [fo.  17  b  1]  Atlochumar  buidhi  do  Dhia  huilechumachtach 
do  Choimdid^)  nimi  7  tsihnan  ar  a  tröccaire  7  ar  a  dllgadhchi, 
ar  a  dheirc  7  ar  a  deghmäine  dorat  düinn  a  nim  7  lii  tSilmain. 
Is  di  suidiu  asbeir  in  fäidh :  Confitentur  tibi  Domine  omnia  opera 
tua  et  sancti  7  rl.  ,i.  atlöch[a]tar  duit-si,  a  mo  Choimhdhiu,  tli'  5 
uile  gnTmradha  7  t'uile  nöem.  Ar  dlega[i]r  dona  huilibh  dhuilibh 
atlugud  buidhi  do  Dhia  7  a  bennachad  amaiZ  isberar:  Bene- 
dicite  omnia  opera  Domini  Domino  .i.  bennachaicZ-si  gnimradha 
in  Coimdhedh.  Air  cit  in  pecda?^/  nisdmbair  Dia  dia  deghmäinib, 
amaü  isbeir  in  scribhdüir :  Bonus  est  Dens  qui  dat  iustis  et  non  10 
iustis   bona   terre   in   commune   .i.   is   düthrachtach     Dia  7   is 


')  Unten  auf  fo.  11 1)  2  findet  sich  folgende  Notiz :  Isaed  is  ais  don 
Tigerna  .i.  secht  mbliacZna  7  tri  fichit.  .g.  an  liter  domhnaig  7  a  hocht  in  nvimir 
oir.    Uilliam  mac  an  legha  qui  scribsit  bona  morte  pcribit.        -)  choimdhe  MS. 

Zeitschrift  f.  celt.  Philologie  IV.  16 


242  KÜNO   MEYER, 

[sjainema77.  Is  eisidhe  doben-  dona  maitliibli  7  dona  liolcaib  feba 
in  tsihnan  lii  coitcindus,  air  is  eiseam  iiid  üenDia  sainema?7  fil 
cen  tosacli,  cen  foircemi.  Is  e  dorosat  na  hiüle  7  rocnttliaigestar 
7  fodoloing-  u  nirt  a  cw^isel  (sie),  donail  7  cotaoi  7  nodofailtiget[h]ar, 
5  nodosorcaidetliar  7  cotamidetAar  7  dodoratliciuir  7  atanüiget/iar  na 
huile.  Isidlie  nosnerbat,  isse  frisnaicet,  ar  is  e  is  Ri  na  rig  7  is 
Coimmdiu  na  coinideJ,  tuistid  nimi  7  tahnan,  crut[lijaig^/i6:(7/r  aingel, 
toi'cetlaid  fäidi,  [maigist/r  apstal,  tidnacta/cZ  reclita,  briatliar  fer 
mbethad.    Is  airdiu  nime, ')  is  Isliu  talmannaib,   is  leitlii  miürib. 

10  2.  DIega[i]r  äidu  altugud  a  degmuine  don  Coimdi[d]  sin,  ar 

is  tempnll  7  iss  atreb  do  Dia  ind  anim  buidec/j  atluacliat//«)-  do 
Dia  a  deolecA^,  ama?7  isbeir  Fetar :  Animam  gracias  agentem  [. .  .j 
ac  familiärem  sibi  facit  Dens  .i.  an  dnine  adlniget/^ar^)  bnidlii  a 
deglimäine  do  Dliia,  is  ferann  saindiles  sidlie  do  rT[gJ  na  n-nile. 

15  An  dnine  dimdacb  immorro  di  deglimainib  De  is  tempul  7  is 
aitreab  do  dlablial  amaiZ  isbe^V  Petar:  Ingratam  animam  malns 
posedet  demon  ,i.  sealbaig«Vt  7  sätrebaid  in  deman  olc  anmain 
an  dlmdaig  7  nät  atlaigetAar  a  deglimäine  7  don  atlngnd  sin 
isberat:    Tibi   gracias   agunt   animae   nostrae    pro   innisibilibns 

20  beneficiis  tuis  Domine  .i.  gniit  ar  n-anmann-ni^)  atlaigt[li]i  buidlii 
duit-si,  a  mo  Coimdiu,  ar  do  degmäinib  dlärmidib^)  a  nim  7  a 
talmain. 

3.  Bennaclit  tra  Coimdliedli  nime  7  talmaw  for  cacli  öen 
tarnecamar,   for  a   teclitmaige  s)   7  taighi,  for  a  mbeoduil   7   a 

25  marbdhuil  fri  cäch  fodognT  7  conetet.  Dorata  in  talam  a  toirtliiu, 
dorata  in  t-aer  a  brsenn,  dorata  in  mnir  a  hiascrada  for  oirbrintli 
7  blicht  7  mil  7  crnitbneclit  do  cliäcli  [fo.  17  b  2]  asa  ssethar  7  as 
a  dütliracht  domelam.  Dorata  ß)  Dia  a  ce7cudruma  dö  isin  talmuin 
si  7  flaith  nime  Tar  riaclitu  anunn.    Ar  inti   arfuim  muinnt«/ 

30  Crist,  is  Crist  arfuim  ann,  ama«7  isbeir  som  fesin:  Qui  uos  spernit 
me  spernit  .i.  inti  ardo[b]fmm-si,  is  misi  ardofnim,  inti  cotibnissi, '') 
is  missi  conessai  ann.  Ataat  da«o  cosmaüius  [ifrinn]  flatlia  nime 
isin  bith  so.^)  Cosmailes  ifreinn  cetamus  ann  geimredli  7  sneclitai, 
sTn  7   üacht,   aes  7   crine,   galar  7   bäs.     Cosmailes  flatlia  nime 

35  immurgu  samradh  7  soinenn  7  blätlia  liliu,")  aildin  7  öetiu  7  fegliai") 
7  tomolta  7  soinmige^i)  7  imnt  caclia  mait[li]insa. 

')  leg.  nirnib  *)  atluidet/jar  MS.  ^)  arnac/tmaiuni  MS.  *)  diarm- 
bitib  MS.  5)  thechtmaighe  MS.  ")  dorat/ta  MS.  ')  cotibrissi  MS.  «)  isin 
bitb  si  nü  isin  bith  so  MS.  ^)  sie  MS.  an  leg.  ili?  ")  an  leg.  feba? 
11)  soinmidhe  MS. 


EINE    AT/riKISCHE    IIOMILIE.  243 

4.  Is  docum  ifrm«  c]iartf«5  in  Coimdiii')  [n]a  pec[th]acliu 
il-laitlii  bratlia  a  n-asmbera^)  friii:  Ite  maledicti  ignem  in  eternum 
qui  praeparatus  est  diabolo  7  cetera.  Eirgiu,  a  luclit  na  mallachtmi, 
isin  teine  tsutliain,  is  1  sin  foruireg  do  dTab«Z  cona  dlisescarslMar/. 
Mairg-  frisin-aibera  in  Coimdiii'')  i  laitlii  brätlia  bitliaitrebli  i  5 
n-if?Vn  CO  n-ilar  a  morpTan.    Ar<)  [is]  i'sel  a  siiidiugiid,  is  daingean 

a  timcheall,  is  dorcha  a  crö,  is  diibach  a  comaitriub,  is  mör  a 
brenta,  it  sutliain[i]  a  bliTasta,  is  crindel  lii  talmain,  is  neam- 
äoriad  ar  lär,  is  alt  do  timurgt<d,  is  carcair  do  clioimet,  is  breo 
do  losg?id,  is  lin  do  fastad,  is  [s]rogall  do  esargäin,  is  f gebar  do  10 
atlic[li]uma,  is  adaig  do  erdallad,  is  de  do  muclutd,  is  crocli  do 
pTanad,  is  claidheb  do  dhigail. 

5.  Is   aire   tra   ata  imgabtlia  na  plana   sa  tria   liibair  7 
legenn,  tria  äine  7  irrnai[g]tlii,  tria  iimalöit  7  gemis,  tria  firimie 

7  tröccaire,  tria  iris  7  dlieirc.    Ar  inti  comaillfess  ina  timna  sa  15 
coitgera  in  Coimdiii  3)  ciicai  il-laitbiu  brätha  a  n-asmbera^)  frin: 
Benedicti  patris  mei,  possidete  regniim  quod  iiobis  paratum  est 
ab  orig[i]ne  mimdi.    Tget,  a  bennaclita  m'atliarda-sa,  ß)  aitreab  in 
flaith  foniirec  dibh  6  tliosac/i  domuin. 

6.  Is')  cosnaidhi  tra  in  flaith  nime,  ol  siiidlii  is  ecsama?7  20 
frisin  flaith  ndöendai  in  betha  frecnairc.  Is  lad  sin*)  carta  in 
righ  talmhanta.  Ardadaila  amai?  ceo,  marbaic^  Simaü  co11m<^, 
at[h]ci(ma^i  amai?  rainw,  iterdiben  ama/Z  fsebar,  lasfaicZ  &.mail 
teinidh,  bädha[id]  amail  muir,  sloicfe  amaiZ  cuithi,  fordliiglann 
Simaü  peist.  Ni  samlafcZ  itmnorro  in  flaith  atcosnait  a[n]  noibh  25 
7  in  fireöin.  Is  bläth  llghda  ar  a  erghlaine,  is  riarmora(?) 
ar  a  erc[h]äine,  is  nem  caindlech  ar  a  firsoillsi,  is  li  siila  ar 

a  saeräildiii  7  ar  a  mellc[h]ai,  is  long  ar  a  soc[h]raiti,  is  criiits) 
ar  a  ceo[l]binne,  is  fledhöl  ar  a  finmiiire,  is  finboth  ar  a  firghile. 
Cenmair  riefe  in  flaith  airm  i  fil  Dia  u[o]deisin,  ri  mdr  cdin  30 
cumachtach  tren  nöebglan  feig  [fo.  18  a  1]  forsaid»)  tröccar 
dercac/i  deghmainech  senöc  ecna  üasal,  indocbhäil  cen  tosach,  cen 
forcenn,  cen  nrchra.  Röisim  hi  flaith  in  ri[g]  sin,  ataroUem, 
ataroaitrebham  in  saecula  saeciilorum.    Amen. 


')  coiindedh   MS.        -)  anbusbera  MS.        ^)  coimdbedh  MS.  ■*)  Von 

hier  an  vgl.  LU.  33bGff.       ^)  arasmbera  MS.        «)  matardbasa  MS.  ')  Von 

hier  an  vgl.  LL.  371  a  28 :  Is  co[sn]aide  chenaind  flaith  nemda  &c.  *)  leg.  is 
i-side  (LL.)        »)  cuirt  MS.        ^o)  foj-saig  MS.  (i.  e.  arsaid). 

Liverpool.  Kuno  Meyer. 

16* 


THE  GAELIC  DIALECTS. 

(Continuation.) 


II. 
Preliiniuary. 

The  voiced  stops  of  Gaelic  Script  are  voiceless  consonants 
followed  by  a  vowel  giide;  in  absolute  initial  position  they  may 
be  plionetically  transcribed  kg,  td,  pb  respectively;  in  medial 
Position  the  voiced  glide  goes;  in  final  position  they  are  always 
followed  by  a  slight  escape  of  breath. 

Though  the  front  stops  exist  in  Gaelic,  as  in  Hungarian 
and  in  Russian,  there  is  a  tendency  to  replace  them  by  sounds 
which  resemble  them  biit  are  yet  dift'erent  in  formation,  viz.  tf,  ä?,, 
wliich  are  Single  sounds. 

The  point-teeth  consonants  have  the  spreader  (||)  and  back- 
modifier  as  in  the  Irish-English  rim-stop  pronunciation  of  English 
(tili',  dfii').  In  addition,  that  is,  to  forward  position,  the  point-tongue 
is  spread  out  like  or  gums  together  with  the  point,  the  back  of  the 
tongue  being  a  fan  so  that  the  whole  of  its  rim  is  brought  against 
the  teeth  slightly  raised  at  the  same  time.    v.  Sweet,  §  212. 

The  combinations  mn-,  cn-,  gn-,  tn-,  become,  save  in  one 
or  two  localities  in  Argyll,  mr,  er,  gr,  tr  respectively,  \^äth 
nasalization  of  the  following  vowel. 

The  slight  breath-glide  which  exists  after  final  voiceless 
stops  is  transliterated  (');  as  is  also  the  devocalization  indicated 
in  the  Sweet  System  by  the  breath-modifier. 

In  the  case  of  -11'  final  this  devocalization  suggests  to  the 
ordinary  English  ear  that  a  d  or  t  follows  which  may  explain 
how  Gaelic  Dömhnull  (tdo^U')  '  Donald '  has  come  to  be  in  Latin 


THE   GAELIC    DIALECTS. 


245 


•^  .2 


CO  ^ 


P  .2 
-+i  C!  3 


3  bß 


CO   ^ 


02 

I— I 

o 

o 

> 


] 

• 

rä 

rö        1 

S3 

-Ö 

TS 

3 

rö         1 

o 

"3 

J4 

C^ 

'3 

o 

OD 

.a 

C5 

Ol 
S 

o 

^ 

'3 

!       OJ     T 

(M 

^'k 

OJ 

■ 

IM 

V 

o 

(M 

CO 

-?* 

rö 

O 

^ 

«^ 

^ 

r^; 

J^ 

1           _op 

'p3 

o 

"* 

.SP 

•^ 

o 

s 

*""*       1 

te- 

3 

"-" 

^^     1 

ICD 

|P 

:0 

1 

1 

^>H 

^ 

-^ 

feß 

'S 

es 

05    -O 

O 

'S 

CS 

*c8 

i— 1 

'S 

Ol 

'S 

CS 

'S 

CO 

oS 

-M 

CS 

CT 

Ol 

^ 

(M 

bß 

CT 

.'S 

Ol 

1      ^^ 

"a 

o 

'j4 

o 

2     , 

n 

Ö 

» 

1^ 

o 

Sh 

fl 

1 

(H 

1 

4^    S 

+= 

■-S 

4J 

-^ 

1 

-fj 

es 

^  1 

d 

!^ 

ct-c 

o 

cä 

rt 

o 

CO     «M 

'* 

p 

in 

O 

o 

S-i 

t^ 

p 

00 

p 

".§ 

1—1 

t5 

<B. 

■I— 1 

o 

tH 

i 

iH 

s 

■I-l 

^ 

^ 

^ 

II 

3 

, 

<o 

1 

1 

8 

1 

• 

'S 

1 

'U 

1 

S3 

1 

1 

1 

-rJ     1 

nS 

:7h 

'ö  1 

-ö 

1 

-ö 

1 

-ö    ' 

OJ 

4> 

(u 

0) 

© 

c^ 

a; 

<D 

H 

_M 

H 

;« 

M 

\^ 

(-) 

t-    ? 

00 

'3 

C5 

s 

© 

o 

a 

T-l 

g 

(M 

•r-l 

■f 

^ 

-li 

^ 

-i 

rs 

^ 

QjD 

3    1 

'g 

» 

o 

■^  1 

a 

'-3 

' 

1 

O 
^       1 

^ 

0!3 

1 

J 

1 

^ 

1 

•S 

lo 

^ 

p 

1 

cS 

ü 

es 

o 
es 

i-t 

es 

^  -? 

CQ 

^ 

CO 

,o 

-* 

1-^ 

uO 

,o 

CD 

rQ 

r!i 

^ 

_bc 

ni 

^ 

3 

's 

o 

a 

o 

-^ 

eS 

1 

^■ 

o 

1 

246 


GEOEGE    HENDEESON, 


!25 


CO      CO 


O 


CK? 


.W-.       ®» 


© 


Open 

Side 

Stop 

Nasal 

■g-          I       1       1 

tr 

0 

'S 

td 

1    ;;  8    1    ^ 

Front 

e        <-*■    5^   S- 

h3 
B' 

1  5:-  1    1 

Point-teeth 

1      1    1   - 

Pj 
fD 

,  ,,. 

Blade-poiut 

B  ^«    1    1 

.,, 

Back-lip 

1       1    1    "= 

r-t- 

a> 
ct> 

CT' 

© 


1^ 

CD 

C5 
O 
P 

o 

p 

02 


THE    GAELIC    DIALECTS.  247 

Donaldus,  whence  tlie  present  English  form,  caricatured  in  some 
writers  as  Tonalt. 

In  North  Inverness  1  in  final  position  in  infinitives  tends 
to  be  given  up,  a  slender  or  weakly  palatalized  I  being 
siibstituted. 

r  final  in  most  infinitives  and  nouns  in  North  Inverness 
passes  into  slender  point-modified  r.  The  r's  are  always  some- 
Avhat  trilled;  a  strong  trill  I  indicate  by  doubling-.  Here,  instead 
of  'voiced'  it  would  often  be  necessary,  in  accordance  with 
Variation  of  stress,  to  say  half-voiceless,  so  that  it  would  sufflce 
to  disting-uish  between  r  voiceless  and  r  voiced,  with  a  trilled 
and  untrilled  variety  of  each.  v.  sub  Consonants,  r  §  5. 

I  shall  not  here  take  special  characters  to  indicate  tenseness 
(a)  and  looseness  (v). 

In  rt  combinations  the  voiceless  g-lide  after  r  developes 
into  the  voiceless  blade-point  f  before  the  t,  the  r  itself  becoming 
a  flap-consonant  which  is  a  pure  glide.  We  get  the  resnltant 
sonnd  by  putting  the  tongiie  into  the  I  position  and  then 
retracting  it  into  that  of  r,  the  tongue-point  being  loosely  set 
against  the  arch.  It  is  thus  a  retracted  I  and  a  Single  soimd 
in  reality.  I  do  not  mark  it  as  oi  typical  occurrence  in  Arran, 
Knapdale,  Eeay.  Harris  has  developed  it  in  words  like  börd 
'table',  örd  'hammer',  iu  words,  that  is,  where  it  would  not  be 
generally  used  on  the  mainland,  though  it  may  be  heard  I  am 
certain  in  Knapdale. 

Note  specially  that  Gaelic  s  is  strongly  liissed,  thereby 
differing  very  noticeably  froni  the  English. 


Orgauic  Basis. 

Gaelic  like  every  other  speech  possesses  an  individuality 
resting  on  the  general  tendencies  which  control  its  organic 
movements  and  positions.  These  are  to  a  large  extent  the 
reverse  of  what  constitutes  the  organic  basis  of  English.  Among 
other  features  which  make  up  its  organic  basis  the  following 
may  he  noted. 

The  tongue  is  advanced  upon  the  teeth,  and  the  point 
consonants  have  an  ambi-  or  inter-dental  modified  character. 

It  is  rieh  in  palatals  as  well  as  in  gutturals  and  is  very 
varied  in  its  use  of  liquids  and  nasals,  which  latter  make  their 


248  GEORGE   HENDERSON, 

presence  feit  in  tlie  vowels  even  if  they  tliemselves  are  not 
pronounced.  Its  abundant  use  of  palatal  and  point  consonants 
impart  to  it  the  varietj^  of  Slavonic  speecli;  in  its  use  of 
gutturals  it  resembles  German,  Its  gutturals,  nasals,  palatals 
and  dentals  are  harmoniously  blended  and  witli  trutli  it  can  be 
described  as  possessing  all  tlie  qualities  wliich  make  a  powerful, 
impressive  and  melodions  speecli.  Vocalic  infection  lias  weakened 
the  language  and  has  caused  a  gain  in  softness  at  the  expense 
of  strength.  I  niight  add  that  to  my  ear  this  is  miich  more 
the  case  in  the  dialects  of  Ireland  which  have  not  such  strongly 
determined  interdental  consonants. 

Gaelic  makes  much  use  of  lip-action  and  has  thus  the 
front-round  vowels  which  are  lacking  in  English  but  which  exist 
in  French  and  in  German.  Its  vowel  System  is  wealthy,  and  it 
preserves  a  sharp  distinction  between  nasal  and  non-nasal  con- 
sonants. The  Highland  ear  is  very  sensitive  on  this  point  upon 
the  whole;  a  modification,  as  with  some  Yankees,  of  all  vowels 
indiscriminately  is  to  it  particularly  odious. 

A  further  characteristic  of  its  vowels  System  is  the  possession 
of  the  high-back  vowel  sound,  said  to  exist  also  in  Armenian, 
and  to  have  existed  formerly  in  some  parts  of  England.  This 
sound  does  not  however  exist  in  all  the  Gaelic  dialects,  but 
seems  to  exist  rather  in  the  more  Pictish  districts.  I  have  not 
heard  it  in  Ireland.  It  makes  rhyme  difficult  and  though  it  may 
to  an  ear  unaccustomed  to  it  seem  an  ugly  sound  it  gives  a  not 
unpleasant  variety  in  the  mixed  stream  of  speech. 

The  neutral  position  is  the  mid-mixed  narrow-round.  Finally, 
the  use  of  on-  and  ofC-glides  is  so  distinct  and  peculiar  a 
feature  of  the  language  that  the  glide  itself  comes  to  be  heard 
as  an  independent  element.  Sweet  notes  that  'in  tliis  way  the 
Irish-English,  Danish  and  Sanskrit  aspirates  are  formed' 
(Phonetics  §  129). 

Obs.  English  when  spoken  upon  a  Gaelic  organic  basis 
tends  to  reveal  G  aelic  sound-characteristics,  sometimes  in  populär 
books  roughly  represented  by  deviations  from  ordinary  English 
spelling.  Good  instances  may  be  met  with  in  the  extremely 
amusing  skit  by  a  former  Sheriff  of  Inveraray,  entitled  '  But  The 
Queys  Was  Goot'.    Inst^-nces  are: 

1.  'a  bit  of  feesh\  'a  little  cheecan\  where  E.  i  in  fish 
and  chicken  is  replaced  by  the  high-front  narrow  vowel,  frequently 


THE   GAELIC  DIALECTS.  249 

also,  if  not  more  commonly,  by  the  micl- front  narre w- round  (oe), 
thiia  fcef  for  fish;  anotlier  example  of  the  high- front -narrow  is: 
*its  a  fine  speerit,  the  Talisker',  the  allusion  being  to  the 
Talisker  whisky, 

2.  'Prandy  is  a  very  (should  be  fery)  goot  trink,  there  is 
no  tonbt  and  I  like  it  ferry  well,'  Here,  the  English  voiced 
stops  are  un voiced  and  in  'toubt'  an  on-giide  is  audible  before 
the  final  t.  Phonetically  it  wonld  be  (thouhf). 

3.  'They  are  to  pe  telivered  in  Glasgow  in  Octoper'.  Here 
again  voiced  stops  are  unvoiced.  On  a  line  with  this  a  word 
like  E.  '  dogj'  is  hard  as  (tok') ;  E.  '  did '  as  (tif) :  '  he  was  a  real 
chentleman  and  tit  as  we  tit ,  —  ferry  toecent  man,  Tonalt '.  In 
the  last  sentence  the  sound  of  E.  s  in  'was'  wonld  be  voiceless 
whereas  the  actual  English  is  voiced  e.g.  Ö9  W9z  wans  =  there 
was  once. 

4.  The  North  Highland  pronunciation  of  E.  'law,  all,  small, 
fall,  lad,  water'  misses  the  E.  sound,  the  low-back  narrow-round 
(No.  6  in  table  of  vowels)  and  uses  instead  the  low-back  wide  » 
(No,  21)  as  in  Swedish  mat]  in  E,  'was'  it  may  be  heard  but 
more  often  the  mid-back  narrow  as  in  E.  '  but  ^  is  used,  yet  this 
may  be  from  older  Sc.  For  example  (ji  mi  a  liitel  w»thar) 
(give  me  a  little  water);  here  there  is  is  nasality  in  the  i  of 
'  give '  due  to  the  f ollowing  m ;  the  pronunciation  of  '  water '  has 
two  peculiarities,  viz.  the  first  a  being  the  low-back-wide  in  place 
of  the  low-back  narrow-round,  and  the  ambi-  or  inter-dental  t 
followed  by  a  glide;  the  i  in  little  is  the  high -front  narrow 
but  some  Speakers  use  the  mid-back  narrow,  others  the  high- 
mixed  wide;  the  i  is  also  lengthened  as  is  shown  by  doubling. 
English  vowels  are  not  pronounced'by  Highlanders  from  within 
the  area  embraced  by  North  Pictland,  quite  so  long  as  in 
Standard  English.  This  is  the  case  too  in  the  English  spoken 
in  parts  of  the  province  of  Moray.  Other  examples  are;  »wl  fiils 
^interestit'  iin  it'  (all  feel  interested  in  it);  thfl  as  «»1  apouht' 
it'  (teil  US  all  about  it):  thsr  iis  uq  touht'  at'  »»1,  at'  mA  (there 
is  no  doubt  at  all,  at  all);  in  this  last  the  Eng.  point-teeth  in 
'there'  is  replaced  by  the  point-teeth -stop  with  the  interdental 
modification  and  off-giide  but  it  may  also  be  heard  replaced  by 
the  voiceless  open  blade  s;  e.g.  the  judge  (si  tlatl)  for  (Ö9  d^ad^). 

5.  In  C4aelic  loan  words  from  E.  such  as  'rum'  (the  liquor) 
in  place  of  the  indistinct  vowel  the  Gaelic  u  is  substituted  and 


250  GEOKGE    HENDERSON, 

it  approximates  to  Eng.  'room'  which  as  borrowed  into  Gaelic 
Sounds  'rriiwm',  tlie  doubling  of  the  initial  letter  representing 
a  slight  trill. 

6.  Gaelic  lacks  giv]  consequently  such  a  word  as  4anguage' 
is  often  pronounced  by  some  Higlilanders  larja'^:  acquisition 
-aki'siren. 

7.  Sometimes  wliole  phrases  may  be  taken  over  into  Englisli 
and  tlieir  original  Gaelic  connection  obscured  e.  g.  rngseiear  (as 
in  common  pronunciation  of  E. 'fear')  from  Gael.:  mas  a  'ßor,  if 
it  be  true. 

8.  Thougli  final  epithetic  t  is  frequent  enougli  in  Gaelic, 
e.  g.  rithist,  dornst,  umhailt  for  ris  (again),  dorus  (door),  umhaill 
(obedient),  I  am  not  aware  of  it  in  Higliland  English.  In  Ireland 
it  occurs  as  is  illustrated  in  Jane  Baiiow's  Irisli  Idylls  (twyst, 
172,  216;  wanst,  passim;  also  chanst  =  a  cliance).  In  Cockney 
English  it  is  an  independent  development. 

NB.  The  slight  escape  of  breath  after  the  Gaelic  consonants 
in  final  position  tends  to  be  retained  in  Highland 
English:  e. g.  it  is  not'  in  place  of  simple  not. 

9.  The  conjunction  is  '■  and '  is  frequently  used  in  the  Gaelic 
sense  of  'for,  since,  seeing  that,  inasmuch  as'.  This  idiom,  which 
is  Gaelic,  is  used  by  Burns: 

How  can  ye  chant  ye  little  birds 
An'  I  sae  weary,  fu'  o'  care? 

Leig  leam  s  mi  tinn  (let  me  alone,  for  I  am  ill)  is  in  the 
Lowland  Scots:  Let  me  alane  an'  me  nae  weel.  An'  me,  an'  I, 
an'  it,  as  used  by  the  Lowland  Scots,  are  Gaelic  idioms.  For 
other  features  which  may  be  due  to  Gaelic  see  Murray's  Dialect 
of  the  Southern  Counties  of  Scotland  (1873). 

NB.  Only  once  have  I  heard  a  Highlander  use  ' she '  for  'he '; 
this  from  the  lips  of  an  Inverness-shire  woman  who 
Said  'she's  a  fine  preacher'.  Lately  I  heard  another 
genuine  instance  from  Lewis.  What  can  have  originated 
the  blunder  is  doubtful.  It  has  always  been  much 
rarer  than  one  would  imagine  from  some  writers. 

Contrary  to  the  general  usage  of  Gaelic  itself,  the  feminine 
pronoun  is  used  sporadically  as  in  Lismore  in  the  phrase: 


THE    GAELIC    DIALECTS.  251 

Tha  i  'cur  an  t-sneachda  (it  is  snowing) 
literally  (she  is  s.)  =  ha  i  kiirr  onlrexka. 
cf.  Cymric:  Y  mae  hi  yii  bwrw  eira  heddyw 
She  is  snowing  to  day. 


Palatalization. 

Front  vowels  communicate  their  own  articulation  to  many 
preceding  consonants  biit  in  different  districts  in  different  degrees 
of  frequency  according  to  the  nature  of  the  consonant.  In 
Colonsay,  for  instance,  palatalization  is  specially  weak;  it  is 
strong  in  Arran  and  ßadenoch;  it  is  absent  in  Lochaber  and 
Rannoch;  present  in  Strathtay  and  at  Blair;  in  Jura  and  in 
Islay,  in  both  of  which  islands  it  occurs,  it  is  not  usual  after  ni; 
in  N.  Inverness  r;  f,  f,  v,  m,  p.  b  always  before  e,  often  before  i, 
arch  the  tongue  into  the  i  position  (=  j-)  to  such  an  extent 
that  without  otherwise  modifying  their  original  proper  articulations 
the  vowels  e,  i  >  j.  In  other  words  the  consonants  preceding 
what  I  may  term  the  j-  diphthong  ea,  eö,  io,  iu  become  palatalized 
in  the  case  of  r  this  is  here  indicated  by  marking  it  front 
slender  (r)  before  front  vowels.    Examples: 

seachd  seven  fjaxh' 

seörsa  sort  Ijoorla 

feöraich  ascertain  fj^oriQ 

In  N.  Inverness  this  word  has  always  a  slender  r, 
in  Cintire  it  is  fiafraigh,  very  much  the  same  as  Ir. 
flafruighim,  0,  Ir.  iar-faigim. 


a  bheachd 

his  opinion 

a  vjaxk' 

a  bheoil 

of  his  mouth 

a  vjool 

a'  mheoir 

of  the  finger 

a  vjoor 

meöraich 

meditate 

mjooric 

mionnan 

oaths 

mjünan  pl.  of  mionn  (mjünn) 

meall 

deceive;  a  lump 

mjauir 

meal 

enjoy 

mjal' 

meadhg 

whey 

mjoeoek^ 

There  is  an  Argyll  pronunciation  (mtook). 

meadhrach  joyous,  blithe  .   „ 

"'  "^       '  lm](B"rax 

meann  a  kid  mjaunn' 


252  GEORGE    HENDERSON 


peothair  forester  pphir 

peacadh  sin  pjaxka 

piutliair  sister  pju-ir 

NB.   mac  mo  plieatliar  ^my  nepliew,  my  sister's  son '  =  maxk 
mo  -ft-ir. 

beachd  opinion  pbjaxk' 

beannaicli  bless  pbjanic 

bealach  a  pass  pbjalax 

bealltuinn  May-Day  pbjaulltinn 

Obs.  Even  in  N.  Inverness  it  is  absent  in  words  such  as 

beul '  mouth '  (pbeel*) ;  beatliaich  '  nourisli  &c. '  (pbf hie) ; 

(1)  tha  th  gle   dhi-beathichte   'thou  art  very  welcome' 
=  ha  u  cjlee  ji-pbehtf^. 

(2)  Di   do   bheatha    Mlioire   mhoighdeann   =  Hail   thou 
Mary  Virgin  d^i  do  'Vfha  vore  vgid^enn 

(3)  Se  län  di  do  bheatha  =  you  are  very  very  welcome 
le  laan  'd^ii  do  'vsha. 

It  is  clear  that  the  old  Gaelic  phrase  Dia  do  hetho  =  'God 
be  thy  life'  has  become  stereotyped. 

In  sp-,  sg-  before  front  vowels  initial  s  does  not  become 
I  as  in  Ireland  and  in  the  Isle  of  Man. 

Words  which  have  the  stress  on  the  second  element  of  ea, 
iu  combinations  palatalize  the  first  element  in  North  Inverness 
but  this  does  not  affect  sp-,  sg- 

speal  scythe  sp'jal' 

spionnadh  strength  sp'Jüna,  sp'jünak 

sgealb  splinter  sjjalop 

st  initial  when  followed  by  e,  i,  changes  to  f  i.  e.  sh. 

steall  a  down-pour  &c.  fdi^auir,  Idsoull 

steud  a  steed  Id^eet' 

a  steach  in,  into  a  Idi^ax 

A  common  N.  Inverness  form  for  'in  the  house,  at 
home,  in'  is  steh,  written  staigh  and  pronounced  with 
diphthong  ai  in  Lochaber,  &q,\  in  N.  Inv.  ai  >  an 
open  £;  the  t  is  followed  by  a  back  vowel  and  of 
course  there  is  no  palatalization.  Another  N.  Inv. 
variant  is  stoigh  (stoij),  in  the  current  script  appearing 
as  's  tigJi,  stigh  in  the  house,  versus  fdi^ax,  steach 


THE   GAELIC   DIALECTS. 


253 


Med.  Ir.  isatecli,  into  tlie  house.  It  is  to  be  iioted 
tliat  Gaelic  taiyh  difters  from  Ir,  tigli,  tech.  It  points 
to  a  former  different  vowel  gradation. 

Witli  the  point  nasal  n,  witli  q,  cc,  j,  I,  cj  palatalizatioii 
is  fully  canied  out.  The  consonant  and  the  front  vowel  following- 
are  formed  exactly  in  the  same  place,  the  point  of  the  tong-ue 
not  being-  employed  at  all. 

Palatalization  of  initial  ea  is  a  feature  of  N.  Inverness.  It 
exists  whenever  both  elements  are  sounded,  with  the  stress  on 
the  second;  when  a  is  silent  as  eashuig  'bishop'  (espic)  it  is 
absent.    It  is  due  to  'breaking'. 


each 

horse 

jax 

färnais 

furniture 

1      jaarnaftr' 

Carlas 

arles 

jaarbs 

färaic 

wedding 
present 

-     j«ricc' 

tarrach  the  spring 

jorrax 

eala 

swan 

]a\d 

fachdrnidh  history 

(1)  jaxkri 

färb 

roebuck 

(l)jar9p' 
(2)£rah3p 

(2)  jahtri 
Strathgiass 

(3)  .fah-tar-i 

Kintail 

Obs.  Though  isolated  and  not  quite  parallel,  one  may  recall 
Sc.  Jen  =  one  (wan);  dialectal  E.  gjeet,  gate;  gje'tn 
=  gotten,  V.  Ellis's  English  Dialects,  46,  65,  339,  344. 
Mr.  Staples  (in  his  paper  on  Semi-Vowels  pp  8 — 9) 
cites  Fr.  jeer  =  hier,  bj«  =  biens;  \]d  ==  lieu; 
vjae  =  viens,  which  come  respectively  from  Latin 
heri,  bene,  locus,  venio;  the  French  dialect  of  Ezy-sur- 
Eure,  as  noted  by  Passy  with  jo  =  Fr.  eau;  pjo  =  peau; 
Spanish  siempre  from  L.  semper.  I  tliink  too  of 
Bohemiau  e  =  je  af ter  b,  f,  m,  p,  v.  e.  g.  ofera  =  of jera 
'offering'. 


Quantity. 

Gaelic  distinguishes  three  degress  of  quantity,  long,  short, 
intermediate  or  half-long.  Long  quantities  I  mark  by  doubling. 
As  a  general  rule  unstressed  vowels  become  short,  but  according 
to  the  degree  of  stress  they  may  remain  half-long.    The  original 


254  GEOEGE   HENDERSON, 

quantity  of  a  vowel  is  ascertained  in  stress  positions.  Inter- 
mediate  quantity  g'oes  along-  with  medium  stress  and  may  remain 
unmarked.  E.  g.  take  pronoun  2  sg. 

(1)  Is  tliat  you?  =  an  tu-s'  tlia  sin 
an  dus  Im  .Tinli' 

(2)  It  is  you  =  is  tu 
is;  tun 

It  is  feit  as  lialf-long  in  such  a  plirase  as 

(3)  Cha  bu  tu  ml  s  cha  bu  mlii  an  cu 
You're  not  I  and  I  am  not  you 

xa  pba  :tu  .mii  s  xci  pba  .vii  a//  .kuu 

(4)  Cliunnaic  mis'  tliu  =  I  saw  tliee 
xunic  ;mir  -u 

(5)  an  d'tliäinig  thu  =  did  you  co77ie? 
an  ;daanic  -u 

(6)  tlia  thu  =  yes,  you  are 
Ama  ,uu 

(7)  tha  thu  ann  =  you're  there! 
ha  -u  ;aunn' 

Mac  Curtin,  whose  Elements  of  the  Irish  Language  I 
perused  after  writing-  the  above,  also  recognises  three  quantities, 
long-,  Short,  and  intermediate  or  middle  quantity  as  in  tonn 
^wave',  corr  'odd  or  a  crane'.  He  adds  (p,  24):  Tliis  middle 
quantity  is  peculiar  only  to  11,  nn,  rr  or  ng-;  for  though  this 
last  be  not  a  double  consonant  but  two  link'd  together,  yet  it 
Sounds  long  or  rather  middling  in  the  latter  end  of  any  syllable 
as  long  'a  ship'.  v.  Diphthongization.  Short  vo weis  before  long 
consonants  -mm,  -nn,  -rr,  11,  and  grouped  consonants  Im,  rb,  rd 
tend  to  receive  some  increase  in  length  and  they  are  sometimes 
written  as  if  really  long;  am  'time'. 

Result.    Long  vowels  unstressed  become  short ;  with  the  stress 
they  remain  long  or  half  long. 

mi  .lieen  mi  fhein  'myself 

fen  .aai>a  fein-äicheadh  self-denial. 


Gradation. 

Since  quantity  varies  with  the  accent  some  words  necessarily 
have  two  sounds,  one  with  a  long,  the  other  with  a  short  vowel, 
the  shortening  being  the  result  of  weak  stress. 


THE    GAELIC   DIALECTS.  255 

Stress  is  of  four  kincls:  weak  ( — ),  whicli  may  be  left  iinmarked 
medium  (:) 
strong-  (.) 
emphatic  (;) 
a.a  stress  may  also  be  left  immarked. 

Some  examples  of  words  liaving  long  and  sliort  sounds: 

(1)  The  personal  pronoiins.    (v.  sub.  Quantity  for  exs  of 
Ist  and  2u»l  pers.  sg-.) 

£  lie,  commonly  pronounced  in  Scourie  as  eef;  in  Uist 

and  many  otlier  districts  as  aa. 

I  slie. 

Tad  (iiat',  et',   est',   fcj   and  etil,  acd^  aV   are    all  in 

use)  tliey. 

(1)  clia'n  eil  e  aig-  an  tigli  (taigli)  =  he's  not  at  home 
-xan  :el  -s  -ec  -an  'ts. 

(2)  Tha  e  =  he  is 
.haa  ;f£ 

Thä,  gu  dearbh  fhein  =:  he  is,  indeed! 
ihaa  kgu  d^orev  ;heen 

(3)  an  i  th'ann  =  is  it  she 
-aü  .ii  ;haunn' 

(4)  Gu  dearbh  'se  i-fhein  a  th'ann  =  indeed,  it  is 
-kgu  -d^öra  -fe  -i  ;heen  -a  -han  [herseif 

(5)  Dh'fhalbh  lad  =  they  went  off? 
Sala  £t'' 

(6)  Is  iad  a  dh'fhalbh  =  that  they  did 

=  it  is  they  that  went, 
iis  'ett  a  'jala 

NB.    sinn  '  we '  has  a  strong  (f ijfin)  and  a  weak  form  (liii'). 
an  sibh  tha  sin?   Is  sinn  =  Is  that  you?  Yes. 
-an  -Äij  -\ia  ifinh'?  s  •lijüii 
sinn  fhin  =  we  ourselves  (-liü-hiin) 

These   examples  show    that   diphthongization   is   partially 
dependent  on  tlie  accent.   v.  sub.  Diphthongization  §  2  and  §  3. 

(2)  AYe  meet  with  three  forms  of  the  same  word  in  North 
Inverness  in  such  cases  as 

1.  gle  mhath  =  very  good  .-kglee  -yah 

;kglei   :vah 


256  GEORGE   HENDERSON, 

If  tlie  adjective  be  one  with  a  long  vowel  tlien  tlie 
tlie  Short  form  of  the  adverb  is  used  e.  g. 

gle  blöidheach  =  very  pretty  -kgle  Tooijax 

gle  blirlagh  =  very  beautiful  -kgb  -vriia 

(with  a  more  indistiiict  d) 

Quite  a  common  thing  is  this  tendency  to  diphthongize 

e.  g.   gle   bhoidheach   =   '  exceedingly   pretty '   is,   in 

addition  to  the  above  form,  pronounced 

;kglei  'voijax 
Further,   deile  'plank,  deal'  is  both  d^eeb  and  d^eib 
eibhleag  'a  live  coal'  is  both  eelak  and  eilak 
NB.    In  the  last  example  the  Argyll  pronunciation  has  v. 

(3)  The  irregulär  verbs  all  furnish  examples  of  the  working 
of  the  accent: 

thuirt  mi  riut  e  =  I  told  thee  that  hurtf  mi  ;  ruht'  e 

,,,,.,  T.,  f  xa  ;du-rtr 

cha  dubhairt       =  No.  { ,       '      ,  p 

l  ha  ;  du-rtl 

All  post-particle  forms  of  the  verb  are  stressed. 

(4)  9  is  the  unstressed  form  of  the  diphthong  ia 

(1)  dhianainn  treobhadh  a  stearrach  =  I  would  do 
ploughing  in  spring. 

-janih  'troak  -a  ;ltlarrax 

(2)  se  sin  a  dhianainn-s'  =  that's  what  I  would  do 

-If  "finh  -a  ;jiianins 

(5)  The  weak  forms  of  the  diphthongized  aunn  =  ann 
'in  it'  are  oenh,  an 

(1)  nach  an  ann  tha'n  leisg  =  is  n't  he  lazy?  (lit.  is 
it  not  in  him  is  the  laziness?) 

-nax  -an  ;aunn  -hau  "lefc'? 

(2)  0  cha'n  e  sin  a  th'ann  an  =  oh  that's  not  at 
all  what's  in  him 

:dd  -xa  fie  linh  -a  ;haunn  "oenh 
The  an  at  the  end  of  the  clause  has  the  force 
of  Gaelic  idir,  Latin  omnino. 

(6)  Some  nouns  have  a  short  vowel  in  the  Singular  but 
a  long  vowel  in  the  plural  always  accompanied  by 
syncope 

ubhal  apple  1        :         pl.  uuwlan 
i  uwai 


THE    GAELIC    DIALECTS.  257 

cairid  friend  karitf       pl.  kaartbn 
But  laaY  lamli  'hand'  pl.  la-^n  lamlian 

(7)  Further  examples  of  words  ordinarily  long  which 
become  short  when  unstressed. 

(1)  an  robh  thu  air  an  t-sraid  ?  =  wert  thou  on  tlie 
Street  ? 

-an  :rrow  -u  -er  -an  ;tr«aatr 

(2)  blia  mi  air  an  t-  sraid  ard  =  I  was  on  tlie  Higli  street 

-va  -mi  -er  -an  -trat!  ;aart' 

(3)  air    mo    lämli    =    by    mine    band    (a   form    of 
asseveration) 

-er  -mo  •  Ihaav.  (N.  Inv.) 
air  laimh  t'athair  s  do  sheanair  =  by  thy  father's 
and  grandfather's  band 

-er  rlliai  'tha-ir  -s  -dlio  "bfn-ar 
lamh    -läidir   oppression,    lit.   strong   band    -]av 
'  laa^d^ir 

(4)  an  teid  tbu  liom  (leam)  =  wilt  tbou  go  witb  me? 

-an  -d^etf  -ii  ;lijuwm'? 
tbeid  yes,  lit.  I  will  go    beetl' 

(5)  bha    daor    an    eiginn    aig    air    =    he    suffered 

va  "dAAr  -an  •eeciii  ec  'er' 
u!  bha  =  that  he  did!  (corroborating  foregoing 
Speaker) 

ua  'Yaa 

(8)  ban-,  bana- '  she,  female '  and  sean  '  old ',  when  followed 
by  dentals,  have  a  long  or  diphthongized  form,  bann, 
seann. 

banamhaighstear  mistress  •  pbana-valtfir 
bantrach  widow     •  pbaunntrax 

fi'om  E.  Ir.  bantrebthach,  ban+trebthach  (f armer) 

Obs.  In  the  Aird  a  widower  is  banntrach  dhuine  but 
Dr.  Macintosh  Mackay  as  representing  Sutherlandshire 
uses  for  widower  the  simple  word  e.  g.  oran  do  fhear 
a  thainig  greis  mhor  d'a  aois  agus  a  bha  na  bhantraich 
(Rob  Donn,  small  ed.  p.  171). 

ban-righ  queen  -pbauiin  -rij 

tha  e  gle  shean    he  is  very  old    ha  e  "kglee  "hfuh 

Zoitachiift  f.  colt.  Philologie  IV.  17 


258  GEORGE    HENDERSON, 

'se  fror  slieann  diiine  th'ann  lie  is  a  veiy  old  man 
-ff  ■tijdr  jlijaunii  -duiw  -hanh 

(9)  Tlie  adjective  nuadh  'new'  lias  a  side  form  nodha  in 
tlie  phrase 

ür  nodha  'splitnew'    nur  'nooe 

Baile  Nodha        Newton        pbale  •nooe 
Caisteal  Nodha    Newcastle     khaltfal  'nooe 

da  two  has  also  a  side  form  dö 
dö-bliadhnach     a  two-j^ear  old    'doo  -vbnax, 
Colonsay,  which   has   da-hliadhnach   in  this  case,  has 
a  Word  trao-ghamhanach  troe  -javanax  a  cow  2  years 
farrow. 

(10)  The  prepositional  prononns  da  'to  him',  di  'to  her', 
have  strong-  and  weak  sounds  according  to  stress. 
thug  mi  sin   da  =  I  gave  him   that  knk  mi  ;  sin  da 
sin   a  thug  mi  dhä-s'  =  that's  what  I  gave  to   him 
lin  a  liuk  mi  saas' 

thug  mi  sin  di  ^  I  gave  her  that  buk  mi  ;rinh  d^i 
thug  mi  dhith  a  cuid  aodaich  =  I  took  her  clothing 
of£  her  huk  mi  ;jii  a  khuti  AAdic. 

(11)  Certain  numerals  have  two  sounds 

a  h-aon  '  one '  a  •  hAAn  ;  also  like  the  article,  save  that 
there  is  a  'breaking'  in  the  vowel. 

Cha'n  eil  aon  ann         'there  is  none  there' 

xan  el  "oe-an  «n 

Cha'n  eil  aon  ann  an    '  tliere's  none  there  f or  certain ' 

xan  el  'ce^n  ann'  'oenh 

Cha'n  eil  aonan  ann     'there's  none  there' 

xan  el  'oen-an  aiin' 

These  varieties  occur  eolloquially  and  if  one  were  to 
put  more  emphasis  on  we  would  have 

cha'n  eil  aon  aonan  ann  'tliere's  none  at  all  there' 

xan  el  ;AAn  'oensn  an'. 

da  fhichead  'forty'  ;da  'ic^t' 

a  dhä  'two'  -a  'zaa 

tri  flchead  'sixty'  :tri  'fipt' 

a  tri  'three'  -a  'trii 


THE    GAELIC    DIALECTS.  259 

sia  diag         'sixteen'      •£!«  jdü^iiak  (when  one  speaks 

deliberately,  otherwise) 
;fiia  -d^ak 
sia  ficliead     six 'score'    la  ;fic3t'  (when  not  spoken  de- 
liberately) 
a  sia  'six'  a  *riia 

naoi  diag       'nineteen;    ;nAA  -d^ek    -iia  -d^iiak 
a  naoi  'nine'  -a  -nAAj 

NB.   Parts  of  Argyll  would  differ  botli  in  diplitliong  and 
in  use  of  dental  n    (an  "nui). 

uair    '  hour '    uuar 

aon  uair  diag  a  stoidlich'  =  11  p.  m.,  eleven  o'clock 

at  night 

•AAn  -ar  :d^iiak  a  stooijp 
da  uair  dlilag  =  12  o'clock     da  uuar  jiiak 

da  rreek  (common  collo- 
quial  N.  Inv.) 


Diphthongization. 

(1)  The  Short  vowels  a,  o  in  stressed  monosyllables  are 
in  North  Invernessshire  diphthongized  before  -11,  -nu,  -m  into 
ou,  au.  The  second  part  of  these  diphthongs  are  parasitic 
additions  due  to  the  consonants  following:. 


dall 

'blind' 

dhaull' 

donn    ' dun ' 

dhounn 

poll 

'  mud ' 

phouir 

tonn     '  wave ' 

thounn 

toll 

'hole' 

thouii' 

ann      '  in,  in  it ' 

ounn 

moll 

'  chaff '    moull 

When  such  syllables  get  a  weaker  stress  the  diphthongization 
ceases;  in  other  words,  there  is  no  diphthongization  where  an 
unstressed  syllable  follows 

dalladh  'blinding'     dala  ,,      ^.    ,,    j  kona 

donnalaich    'howling'    donalic  (  konsk 

Examples  before  m  (long): 

cam       'crooked,  one-tyed'      kaumm        tom     'hillock'     toumm 
crom     'beut'  krroumm     am       'time'  aumm 

trom     '  heavy  troumm 

17* 


260  GEORGE    HENDEESON, 

NB.  The  Short  vowel  in  am  coraes  out  in  the  genitive, 
an  ama  '  of  the  time '  an  amd.  N.  Inv.  lengthens  and 
diphthongizes  this  word,  and  it  appears  as  am  in 
the  Script. 

(2)  Neither  Islay,  Jura  nor  Colonsay  diphthongizes  the  above, 
least  of  all  the  words  ending  in  -m.  Colonsay  has  more  of 
the  nasal. 

(3)  Over  the  greater  area  the  vowel  is  made  fully  long  by 
diphthongizing  it,  but  the  Gaelic  Script  is  not  very  consistent 
in  markiug  this  with  the  sign  (')  in  some  words  and  leaving  it 
out  in  others.  In  some  districts,  particulaiiy  in  Argyll  and 
some  of  the  Isles  the  original  short  vowel  here  is  only  half- 
lengthened  and  no  diphthongization  takes  place.  In  such  districts 
the  final  consonant  is  usually  shorter  than  in  North  Inverness, 
and  compensation  is  made  by  lengtliening  the  vowel  and  this  is 
often  what  is  attempted  to  be  shown  by  marking  the  vowel 
with  (').  This  has  misled  some  iuto  thinking  the  a  in  am 
really  long.  Some  writers  put  this  mark  (')  on  words  like  at 
'sweir  where  it  is  meant  to  indicate  the  stroug  on-breath-glide 
before  an  original  double  consonant  after  a  short  stressed  vowel. 

Obs.  Not  parallel  altogether  with  the  above  is  what  takes 

place  in  Manx  where  'tromm'  now  written  Hrome' 
(heavy)  is  pronounced,  says  Ehys  (Manx  Phonetics 
p.  143),  in  a  way  which  sometimes  strikes  one  as 
being  troum  and  sometimes  trobm  or  trubm,  with 
a  sort  of  precarious  b ;  and  similarly  with  other  words 
such  as  kione  'head'  which  becomes  kioun  or  kiodu, 
and  Ihong  'a  ship'  which  becomes  logng  or  lugng. 
Rh}^s  points  out  that  in  0.  Cornish  camm  'crooked', 
gw^yn  'white'  are  cabm,  gwydn,  and  refers  to  the 
Sc.  dialect  of  Caithness  where  0.  Norse  steinn  >  steidn. 
My  own  ear  cannot  find  a  trace  of  a  similar  b  or  d 
in  the  Highlands. 

(4)  The  vowel  e  may  be  said  to  be  similarly  treated: 
0.  ir.  feil,  now  feall  '  treachery '  is  f jauir.  E.  Ir,  mell,  now  meall 
'lump,  hiir  is  mjaull'.  As  the  e  >  j,  i.  e.  palatal,  it  may  be  said 
that  for  the  rest  we  have  here  only  a  case  of  the  vowel  a 
as  above. 


THE    GAELIC   DIALECTS.  261 

(5)  In  N.  Inverness  o  before  ng  in  long-  '  ship '  >  ou,  ow 
with  no  decided  nasality  wliich  in  many  cases  N.  Inverness  strives 
to  get  rid  of.  long  'sliip'  llow;  the  o  is  is  half -long  as  is  the 
u  in  tnngaidli '  damp '  tuw^^i ;  nmaidli,  lunbaidh  '  a  boor '  *  iiwm-mi 

long  in  Argyll  soimds  loo^kg,  with  gen.  häng  often  as 
luica.  The  collective  form  loingeas  is  wi'ongly  used  in  N.  Inverness 
with  artiele  noni.  pl.  as  the  regulär  pl.  of  long. 

(6)  Some  instances  of  diphthongization  as  partially  dependent 
in  N.  Inverness  on  the  accent : 

(1)  is  coma  leani  co  dhiiibh  tha  na  nach  eil  ach  thug  mi 
leam  e  I  care  not  whether  or  no,  but  I  brought  it 
with  nie. 

is  koma  Im  ko  :jnii  "ha  na  nax  'el  ax  huk  mi  ;llnwm  s 

(2)  is  neönach  leam  sin  =  that  seems  to  me  stränge 

is  'floonax  Im  finl' 

(3)  ar  liom  (leam)  gu  bheil  e  sin  =  methinks  it  is  so 

ar  ;lluwm  kgu  vel  e  finh 
If  nnstressed  we  have 

ar  Im  kgu  vel 

(4)  ach  thug  mi  leam  e  =  but  I  brought  it  with  me 
öfx    huk    mi  ;lf6m  8  (Colonsay).    This  is  an  instance 
of   the   Colonsay    tendency    to   nasalize   rather   than 
diphthongize 

NB.    The  initial  consonant  1  tends  to  be  prolonged  in 
stressed  position. 

(7)  In  N.  Inverness  and  generally,  except  in  S.  Argyll,  there 
is  distinct  diphthongization  of  the  glide  approach  to  r  and  n 

flor  'true'  fiiar         flon  'win'  fiian 
This   is   not   the    case  whenever   there   is   group-stress  to 
prevent  it 

fior  mhath  'exceedingly  good'  •fiii'-vah 

This  diphthongizing  is  present  before  -ch  e.  g.  doch  '  breast ' 
cjioeax 

(8)  The  diphthongization  is  preserved  in  disyllables  before 
the  combinations 

-nnd-,  -nnt-,  -mp-,  (-mb-) 

(9)  By  '  group-lengthening '  (cf.  Sweet's  0.  Eng.  Reader, 
xxiii  •  16)  in  stressed  monosjdlables 

i  >  ij,  properly  a  crescendo  diphthong,  before  11,  üii 
tili  'return'  tfijll  tinn  'sick'  tlijim 


2(32  GEORGF    HENDERSON, 

In  these  cases  tliere  is  no  diphthongiziiig'  in  Argyll,  simply 
half  lengthening.    Before  long  m  tlie  vowel  is  lengthened  wlien 
stressed  e.  g. 
Im  butter,  E.  Ir.  imb,  is  sounded  iim.    cf  0.  E.  wörd,  ald,  l^ng. 

(10)  A   like    diplitliongal    effect    exists   in   words    of    tlie 
foUowing  type: 

fionn  'fair'   fijuwnn;    a   cliionn  'becaiise'   d  •cijnwnn;    os   ciomi 
'above'  etc.  os  cjuwnn. 

Obs.  In  Argyll  tlie  u  in  tliese  examples  is  often  the  liigh- 
mixed-wide-ronnd  as  in  E.  vakee. 

(11)  In  Colonsay,  whicli  does  not  always  follo\y  the  main- 
land  of  Argyll,  we  have 

feall   'deceit'  ftaull         ceonn  'head'        cfcü"n' 
fionn  'fair'      flijun  meall  'Inmp  etc'  mtlMl' 

Bnt    donn    'dnn'    as   donnn   whereas   the   Island    of    Islay 
sounds  it  dou^inn  by  way  of  exception. 

Obs.  (1)  cf.  the  Aran  isles,  Galway  where  there  is  no  diphthon- 
gization  bnt  purely  vowel  lengthening.  Mr.  Pedersen 
(Asp.  i  Irsk  p.  81)  writes  k'äN,  in  my  notation  caann 
=  O.Ir.  cenn  'head';  lomradh  'clipping'  Lmnra  (Inumre); 
fionnfadh  'hair'  Gael.  fionnadh,  as  f'lN».  If  by  this 
be  meant  füll  prologation  of  the  vowel  in  place  of 
our  halflong  it  suffices  to  say  that  such  is  not  the 
case  in  Scotland  save  nnder  the  exigencies  of  bad  metre. 
According  to  Mr.  Macfarlane  tlie  o  of  loni,  tom  in  S. 
Argyll  is  simply  the  o  in  tog  '  lif t '.  He  says :  '  Those 
who  do  not  add  the  labial  contraction  linger  longer 
than  nsnal  on  the  following  consonant  when  the  word 
is  a  monosyllable.  In  the  districts  of  Cantire  and 
Cowal  the  practice  of  adding  the  labial  contraction  is 
not  followed'. 

(2)  The  dialect  of  Munster  shows  diphthongization  before 
11,  nn,  m  so  far  as  the  vowels  a,  o  are  concerned. 
E.  Munster  resembles  N.  Inverness ;  Connaught  is  more 
in  accord  with  S.  Argyll. 

(3)  The  loan  words  paidhir  'pair';  paipear  'paper'  while 
diphthongized  in  most  Gaelic  dialects  are  not  so  in 
Inverness;  they  are  sounded  there  pheer,  phaahpar. 


THE    GAELIC    DIALECTS.  263 

(4)  non-diphthongization  occurs  in  öran  'song'  ooran  yet 
N.  Inverness,  Sutheiiand  and  Pertli  have  also  auran 
=  amhran. 

(5)  Northern  Ta  for  long  open  e  of  Argyll,  due  to  '  breaking ' 
lias  been  already  referred  to. 

(6)  'Througli  tlie  same  principle  o  long  lias  become  in 
Gaelic  and  Irisli  ua;  liora,  nair;  glossa,  giuas;  slogli, 
whicli  we  still  use  occasionally,  lias  become  sliiagli ; . . 
tlie  flrst  syllable  in  Boadicea  is  buaidli;  tlie  Clota  of 
Ptolemy  is  now  Cluaidli  (Clyde)'. 

(7)  'The  Strathspey  people  have  a  simple  vocalic  sound 
before  the  liquids  where  in  Badenoch  a  secondary 
sound  may  be  heard.  Tims,  in  Strathspey  the  ä  of 
cärn  is  simply  the  Gaelic  a  long  but  in  Badenoch 
the  passage  from  the  ä  to  the  r  is  bridged  by  a  u 
sound ;  as  a  consequence  the  sound  might  be  represented 
by  an  English  cawrn  or  a  phonetic  ca^rn '  —  Macbain, 

(8)  'In  Rannoch  and  Glenlyon  it  appears  with  rn,  rd,  rt 
even  Avhen  a  slender  vowel  (i)  intervenes'  as  in  aird 
(au'rd),  cäirdean  (cau'rdean),  goirt  (gou'rt)  —  Eobertson, 

(9)  '  a,  0,  (never  long  a  and  long  o)  turn  into  au,  and  ou 
in  certain  combinations.  Examples  are  honn,  rann, 
lom,  cam,  am,  into  bounn,  raunn,  loum,  caum,  aum. 
This  feature  is  true  of  the  Reay  country.  But  when 
a  is  flanked  by  rn  as  in  cam  (cart)  we  do  not  diph- 
thongize  as  they  do  in  some  northern  districts'  —  Gunn. 

(10)  N.Inverness,  unlike  Badenoch  and  Glenlyon,  does  notdiph- 
thongize  before  rn,  rd,  rt,  and  therein  it  agrees  with  Reay. 

Result.  Diphthongization  is  not  universal  over  the  Higli- 
lands.  It  is  usual  in  North  Inverness  (part  of  old 
Pictland)  save  before  rn,  rd,  rt;  it  is  infrequent  in 
Argyll  which  allows  it  before  -11,  -nn  in  the  northern 
districts  (for  Argyll  is  here  divided,  as  it  is  in  the 
case  of  la  from  long  open  l) ;  I  should  have  inserted 
this  qualification,  to  which  Prof.  Mackinnon  drew 
my  attention,  when  contrasting  N.  Inverness  and 
Argyll.  The  part  of  Argyll  north  of  the  Firth  of 
Lorn,  including  lona  and  Mull,  takes  the  ia  side. 
The  Upper  part  of  Appin  and  Glencoe  is  naturally 
somewhat  mixed;   before  -11,  -nn  it  occurs  in  the 


264  GEORGE   HENDERSON, 

Book  of  the  Dean  of  Lismore.  It  is  rare  in  S.  Argyll 
before  -11,  -nn,  hardly  known  in  Islay,  and  rare  in 
Cintyre,  Cowal,  Arran,  where  tlie  double  consonant 
is  reduced  a  half  and  the  short  vowel  is  made 
half  long.  It  is  unknown  at  Strathtay  and  at  Blaii' 
according  to  Robertson  (i.  e.  f or  part  of  Pictland) ; 
it  is  unknown  in  Strathspey,  but  exists  in  Badenoch 
to  a  greater  degree  than  in  North  Inverness  or 
Eeay  and  is  the  rule  except  before  ni  and  -rr  in  the 
dialects  of  W.  Perthshire  which  tend,  too,  to  diphthon- 
gize  long  open  £  into  ia.  It  is  a  question  whether 
and  to  what  extent,  if  any,  it  has  racial  significance. 

Stress. 

(1)  Word-stress  always  falls  upon  the  first  syllable  of  words 
which  are  feit  as  non-compounds.  Some  borrowed  retain  their 
original  stress  e.  g.  E.  receipt  is  in  Gaelic  ra'stht'. 

(2)  In  Compounds  feit  to  be  Compounds  the  stress  is  in 
accordance  with  logical  principle  and  falls  upon  the  definitive 
word.  This  is  invariably  uneven  stress  (a"a  or  -aa)  and  combines 
the  two  elements.  If,  however,  each  member  of  a  Compound  is 
feit  as  a  separate  word,  the  stress  is  even  ('a'a). 

(3)  Even  stress  occurs  in  deliberate  answers;  tha  mi 
{■]\aa  •mii)  yes,  lit.  I  am;  in  exclamations  übh  übh  ('uuv  umv) 
well!  well!  But  if  a  more  hasty  degree  of  surprise  is  to  be 
indicated  the  stress  passes  entirely  to  the  latter  element  and  the 
vowel  quantity  of  the  first  element  is  shortened  as  the  stress  is 
entirely  removed  fi'om  it;  -uv  'unv.  Proper  names  deliberately 
uttered  have  even  stress  ('Ijoesa  "Krijoest'),  losa  Criost,  Jesus 
Cluist;  to  this  word  when  used  as  a  form  of  asseveration  or 
exclamation  the  article  is  prefixed  in  N.  Inverness,  but  an  t-  is 
simply  d;  hence  Diosda  Criosd  with  the  preponderating  stress 
on  the  first  part  (-di^iioesda  :Krijoest'). 

Uneven  stress  a*a. 

Occurs  in  tlie  following  combinations : 

(1)    noun  +  noun. 

athair  ceile       father-in-law  aliir  'chaab 

uisge  beatha     whisky  ufc9  -pbehs 

craobh  ubhal    apple-tree  krA  'uwal 


THE    GAELIC    DIALECTS.  265 

(2)  article  +  noun 

am  fear    tlie  man  am  -ftr 

a  bliean    tlie  wife  a  -vm 

NB.   In  tlie  Aird  tlie  current  vocative  of  'bean'  is 
a  Tfn-o    as  if  it  were    a  blieano. 

(3)  article  +  noun  +  adj. 

an  t-sraid  ärd    The  High  Street    -an-tratl  aa-rt' 

(4)  noun  +  adj. 

duin'-uasal    gentleman  -dun  -uuasar 

lon-dubh       black-bird         Ion  -tdu 

NB.    -Ion  -dubh  would  be  a  'black  swamp' 

(5)  adv.  +  adj. 

ro    mhath     very  ^ood  ro  -vah 

fior  mhath     exceeding  good         fiioer  -vah 
gle  dhorcha  very  dark  kgle  -jorax? 

cf.  cha'n  eil  -rös  agani  aii'  =  I  don't  well  know 
(Reay)  i.  e.  ro  +  fhios  =  cha'n  eil  •  for  agam  aii-  (Uist). 

If  we  emphasize  the  degree  the  stress  is  on  the 
first  element  which  then  preserves  its  original  long 
vowel;  ro  occurs  as  long  in  Ross  of  Gairloch's  poems: 
air  mheangain  ärd  nan  rö-clu^annaibh;  am  barraibh 
rS-chrannaibh  suas. 

In  fioruisg  spring- water  -füji-ufc  the  two  ele- 
ments  are  not  feit  separately  as  such.  Uiider  sentence- 
stress,  owing  to  antithesis  implied  comes 

{duine  •cöii- 

tigh  •  beag 

tigh  •  mör 
Here  too, 

gu  -math  s  gu  ;ro-mhath  well  and  very  well! 
(6)    noun  +  art  +  noun 

Druim-na-drochaid'  Drumna-drochit.    The  English 
form  has  the  stress  on  the  latter  element  always;  in 
colloquial  Gaelic  it  sounds  as  -dram  -na  -droht!' 
corc  a  chäil  Tom  Thumb    -kork  -a  -xaal. 


266  GEORGE   HENDERSON, 

(7)  prep.  +  noim 

gim   mhonaid ')  without*  consciousness      kgim  'vonatf 
air  do  dheagh  shläint  thy  very  good  health 

-er  -do  :joes  •llmantl 
air  ur  släint  your  liealtli    -er  -ar  'slaantr 
NB.    air  na  släint  (Aird)  =  yoiir  health!   er  na  'slaantl 
So  too  Badenoch.  v.  pronouns 

Often  in  idiomatic  stereotyped  phrases:  ann  an 
tairg  =  pretty  well,  moving  about  (-an  -an  'tfcrfc); 
bha  i  ann  an  tairg  mhath  laghach  ^  she  was  ordinarily 
well  (-va  :i  -an  -an  "tfr^c  -vah  •Ice-iix),  i.e.  middling, 
from  *t-air-erge  'rising  from  bed'  (Edderacliilles) ;  in 
Perthshire  a  "niarraidh  'middling', 

(8)  all  Compound  prepositions 

air  'son,  an  "deidh,  mu'n  'cuairt 

(9)  all  adverbial  phrases 

an  'de  'yesterday';  gu  'bräth  'for  ever';  a  "niuigh 
'outside';  ann  an  -sin  'tliere' 

(10)  the  conjunction  gidheadli  'nevertheless,  although', 
sounded  as  -kga  *joe35;  alto  (cje-joe^s) 

(11)  in  place  names  the  first  element  in  words  compounded 
with  Glen-,  Strath-,  Inver-  (JQr-),  Aber-,  Dun-,  Beinn-, 
Sgür-,  Cnoc-,  Tom-,  Alt-  is  unstressed  or  at  most  lias 
a  weak  stress,  while  the  second  element  has  a  strong 
stress.  Where  the  mode  of  composition  is  noun  +  noun 
in  the  genitive  the  accent  is  on  the  qualifying  epithet. 
This  stress  is  usually  retained  in  the  local  pronun- 
ciation  of  Scottish  place-names,  and  is  continued  on 
the  lips  of  those  who  know  little  or  nothing  of  the 
original  language. 

Dun  'keld  Dun  Chailinn  tdun  -xalin 

Dum  •  barton  Dun  Bhreatunn  tdun  'vrehtan 

Dun  "oon  Dun  odhain  tdun  -oh-in 

Dal  -more  Dal  Mör  tdal  "moor 

So  too  Dal  -whinnie,  Dal  -ry,  Dal  -keith  where 
dal  is  native  Gaelic;  where  dal  is  the  second  element 
in  a  place-name  it  is  from  the  Norse  and  is  unstressed 


*)  common  phrase  in  the  Aird. 


THE   GAELIC   DIALECTS.  267 

e.  g.  "Eskadale  (on  tlie  Beauly  River)  •ercjadal' 
Occascionally  erroneous  proimnciations  occur  as  "Dal- 
cross  for  Dal  'cross 

Aber  *deen  Obaii-eadhoin  i  , 

Obau--(dh)e(v)om?l  -"P""»" 

Loch  -More  Loch  Mor  lox  •moor 

Loch  •Iiiver  Loch  Inbliir  lox  -intlvar 

also  :bx-9n  'iii-a^-r 

Strath  "peffer         Strath  Pheothbheh' i  ,     ,     .. 

^  -r.1     i>i    •  strah  •i]o-9r 

Pheofhair      j  '  ''     ' 

Dingwall  Inbher  Pheothrain  -iiipr  -fjoh-aran 

Strath  "Glas  Strath  Ghlais  -strah  -slal 

Loch  'äline  Loch  Alumn  -lox  •aa]m 

English  tourists  say  -lox-a'liii 

Glen  'Urquhart       Gleann  Urcha(r)dainn       -kglami  ;uriix  :at-in 

Glen  •0rchy  Gleann  Urchaidh  -kg'ltn  'uraxi 

Tom  na'hurich       Tom  na  h-iubhraich         :tom  -na  -hjun  ric 

Tir  -ee  Tuiodh  tlir  .ijtts 

iodh  as  in  iodh-lann  corn-yard 

Loch  -Hourn  Loch  Slmbhairn  -lox  •Im-irii 

eddir   seili  is  sowyrnni  —  Book  of  Dean  of  Lis- 

more  i.  e.  between  (Lochs)  Shiel  and  Hourn.  cf.  Severn. 

Aber  'nethy         Obah^  Neithich         -op^r  -fit-ic 

'tha    na    neithichea    a'tighinn'    said   when    the 

waters  are  coming  in  spate,  a  phrase  reminiscent  of 

river  divinities  of  the  olden  time,  perhaps. 

Inver  'ness  Inbhir  nis  -inar  'nif 

Another  form  is  Jonar-nis  which  in  the  Aird 
becomes  by  metathesis  Jörn  •  nis  =  -ijor  •  nif  which 
is  a  common  pronunciation  i) ;  (-jur'uiüc  =  Wick); 
(-inar  hoorla  =  Tlmrso) 

Kil  •  tarlity      CHI  talorgain  which  >  Cill  •  taraglan  cjijl:  •  tharak-lan 
Lin  •lithgow  Gleann  Incha         kg-hii  'iuxa 

This  pronunciation  is  that  of  Ann  Henderson, 
Morvern,  and,  whatever  its  origin,  may  be  taken  as 


')  cf.  iutharn   '  hell '  (•  ju-grn)  from  L  •  infernum,  also  ifrionn  which  in 
in  S.  Uist  >  -ir-ün 


268  GEORGE   HENDERSON, 

current  among-  Higlilanders  who  half  a  Century  ago 
flocked  at  liarvest  time  to  tlie  Lowlands. 

Strathearn  Stratli  Eirionn,  Eireann  stra  •eer-ün 

Stratlmairn  Stratli  Nairionn  stra  -n'ar-ün 

Obs.  (1)  On  tliis  priiiciple  we  get  the  current  accentuation  of 
Irisli  place  names  e.  g.  Bei  •  fast  (from  fearsad,  estuary, 
wlience  Fersit;  an  Fhearsaid);  Mayo  (Magli  +  eö); 
Done  •  gäl  (Dün-nan-Gall). 

(2)  Sometimes  we  get  a  medium  stress  (:)  on  tlie  first 
Clement.    :Glen-stratli  'farrar    :  kgian-strali  'arr^r 

(3)  Sometimes  tlie  stress  is  imsettled  and  tlius  we  liear 
•Ferintosli  as  often  as  -Ferin'tosli  (An  Toiseaclid); 
(•Dalcross),  (-Badcall)  but  in  Gaelic  always  (-sa- 
vat'xall),  ffr  vat  •  xoijl:}). 

(4)  Dal  wliicli  forms  tlie  first  part  of  place  names  wlien 
it  is  fi'om  tlie  Celtic  and  lias  a"a  stress  is  likewise 
uustressed  wlien  it  is  from  tlie  Norse,  in  wliicli  case  it 
comes  last  in  place  names.  ("Eskadale)  on  tlie  Beauly 
Eiver  is  (•  elcjadal)  i.  e.  Uisce  -\-  dale. 

(5)  Dimsinane,  a  Pertsliire  place  name  wliicli  occurs  several 
times  in  Macbeth  witli  tlie  accent  on  the  last  syllable 

I  will  not  be  afi'aid  of  death  and  'baue 
Till  Birnam  wood  be  come  to  Dunsin  'ane 

Scans  once  with  the  stress  a*a 

Macbeth  shall  never  vanquished  be  until 
Great  Birnam  wood  to  high  Dun  •  sinane  liill 

Shakespeare  very  probably  never  heard  the  word 
pronounced  as  he  does  not  stick  to  one  pronimciation, 
especially  since  he  uses  the  right  one  but  once. 

(12)  Personal  names,  nick-names  and  clan  names,  the 
names  of  the  days  of  the  week  and  of  feast  days,  have  the 
stress  on  the  second  dement.  If  the  article  intervenes  it  is  of 
coui'se  unstressed. 

(a)  MacTae  (maxk'rrah);  Mac-Cowan  (maxk-koo-an  = 
Cömhghain;  (maxk-kuatf)  Mac  Quoid  =  Boyd;  (maxk  •  kru-9r 
also  maxk  •  ru-er)  Mac  Cruar,  Mac  Gruer,  (lit.  son  of  the  Brewster) 
a  sept  merged  mostly  in  the  Fräsers  and  other  clans;  (maxk 


THE   GAELIC   DIALECTS.  2G9 

•  kuua-il)  Mac  Ciiaill  or  Mac  Tlmatliail ')  (name  of  a  few  persons 
in  Glenorcli}'  wlio  now  pass  imder  tlie  name  of  Macdonald) ; 
(maxk-a  •  fjüxkar)  Mac-a-Bliiocair  =  Mc  Vicar;  (maxk-u-ic) 
Mc  Cook ;  (bo  •  xan-an)  Bochanan,  for  Moclianoin ;  (maxk  •  YaaäY^i) 
Mac  Bliaidi  (in  Dimcan  Bän's  Coire  Clieatliaicli)  Mc  Wattie,  a 
brancli  of  tlie  Buclianans;  (maxk  •  varmf)  Mac  Bliarrais,  Mac 
Yarrais,  a  name  in  Alex.  Macdonald's  poems  and  still  met  witli 
in  Moidart  but  is  being-  merged  in  tlie  Macdonalds;  possibly  for 
Mac  Mliannis,  son  of  Magnus,  Magnus-son,  and  =  Mc  Venisli, 
Mc.  Yanisli,  a  surname  in  Ross  and  Inverness.  (maxk  •  kumratf) 
Mac  Cuimrid  =  Mont  •  gomeiy ;  maxk  •  kala-man)  Mac  Calmain, 
often  for  Murchison;  (maxk  •  kalp  •  hin) 2)  Mc  Alpine,  and  in 
Patrilv  3Iac  Calphuirn  (Stern) ;  (maxk  *  feetraf)  Mac  Plieadrais, 
Paterson;  maxk-a  •  ftrlofi)  Macpherson;  Mac  Cuilcein  =:  Mc  Wilkie; 
Mc  Kimmie  =  Mac  Shimi  lit.  son  of  Simon  =  Lovat  (maxk  •  cimi) 

(b)  (tdoo-al  -kgo-o-ram)  Domlmull  Gorm;  Buhli  ■  Clioill  nie 
•Aougliais,  tlie  name  of  tlie  lady  Mac  Innes  of  Morvern  \s'\io 
built  tlie  old  castle  at  Loclialine  called  Caisteal  an  iiiie  (lit.  Castle 
of  tlie  butter),  when  her  lord  was  at  the  Crusades,  cf.  Buhh  *  Sith 
Mac  •  Cüis  (an  Uist  name,  otherwise  kiiown  there  as  a  sept  of 
the  Mc  Mhannains,  Mc  Mannain);  Macphee  =  Mc  Duibsithi, 
(max-a"fi-ij  Black  of  Peace). 

(c)  (d^i  •  luuaii)  Di  luain  (lit.  day  of  the  moon)  =  Monday; 
(di^i '  cjiiat-ah)  lit.  day  of  the  first  fast  =  Wednesday;  (d^i'rt'AAii) 
Di-r-d-aoin,  lit.  day  between  the  two  fasts  =  Thursday;  (d^i'liAAn) 
Dihaoin  =  Friday. 

(tdonax  khaa-ifc')  Domlinach   Caisg*   =  Easter  Suiiday,  Pasch; 

otherwise,  (d^i'tdonic;  khaa-ilc')  Di-domhnaich  Cäisc. 
(tcbnax    •tlmurnal)    Domlmach    Türnais,    (known    otherwise    as 

Di-Domhnaich  Crom  Dubh,  after  the  pagan  idol  of  the  Gael) 

=  last  Sunday  in  Julj^    (Garland  Simday?) 
(:1a  -tld  -farc')  La  Fheille  Faire  (for   Falle,  4ave')   Epiphany, 

(Strathglass.) 
(feia  -iTOotl)  Feille  Eöid  (a  fair  held  at  end  of  September) 

NB.    In  Foll  a  Böid,  near  Lentran,  we  have   a  different 
Word,  röd  'sea-weed  cast  on  the  shore'. 


^)  whence  Ir.  O'Toole,  Toole;  name  of  abbot  of  Dunkeid  {^^^  cent.) 
*)  r  teuds  sometimes  to  be  simply  syllable-forming  and  drops  out  when 

unstressed ;   (la-na  ■  vaarax)   for    la  iar  na   mhäireach   '  the    morrow ' ;    ürlar 

floor  (uwktr). 


270  georOtE  henderson, 

(d)  It  should  be  mentioned  tliat  in  a  very  few  cases  tlie 
stress  in  tlie  angiicized  form  differs  from  tliat  in  tlie  Gaelic. 

•  Macintosh  maxk-^n  •  tliooric 

•  Macintyre  maxk-9n  •  tAAiT 

•Ferintosli,  tlie  place' already  mentioned  is  anotlier  case  in 
point,  V.  above. 

(e)  note  liow  mac  'son'  is  unstressed  in  surnames 

'  maxk' •  xonic  =  tlie  son  of  Kennetli;  but 

maxk'  •  klioiiic  /  ,r    , 

, ,    ,.  Mackenzie 

ma  •  klionic       > 

.  maxk'  •  xalan  =  Mac  Chalain  =  Colin's  son 

maxk'  •  klialan  =  The  Mac  Calain  i.  e.  Argyle  =  Mac  Cailein 

•maxk''sooiii}        Donald's  son  Mac  Dhomlmuill 

maxk-tdoonii        The  Macdonald  or  Lord  of  the  Isles  =  Mac 

Dömhnuill,  for  whicli  an  Islay  pronunciatiou  is  maak  •  oonit 

Mag-  (Dh)omhnuill 

(f)  certain  names  which  take  the  sufiix  -ach  are  preceded 
by  the  article. 

An  Siosalach  (an  •  lisalax).  The  Chisholm  of  Chisholm,  sometimes 
distingiiished  fi-om  the  Chisholms  of  the  Borders  as 

An  Siosalach  Glaiseach  -an  :fisalax  'kglafax  =  The  Chisholm 
of  Strathglass. 

An  Caimbeulach  Campbell  (a?/  •  kaim-biilax),  when  speaking  of 
ordinary  members  of  the  clan ;  seemingly  at  first  an  epithet 
applied  by  neighbouring  clans  on  accoimt  of  moral  if  not 
of  physical  traits:  a  poem  by  lain  Lom's  son  speaks  of 
Inchd  nam  beul  fiar'  (Sinclair's  Gaelic  Bards,  III). 

Am  Frisealach  Fräser  (am  'frilalax,  when  speaking-  of  an  ordi- 
nary member  of  the  Clan  Fräser;  Fräser  in  Gaelic  is 
Friseil;  the  English  sound  has  ä  as  long  open  (s)  = 
Frgfzar;  the  Gaelic  is  short  i;  which  points  to  a  strong 
and  weak  form  of  an  adjective  *fresjaz,  frisjaz,  whence 
German  fiise  '  curly  liair ',  Anglo-Saxon  Fresan,  0  H  G. 
Frieson,  E.  frieze  coarse  wollen  cloth,  fiizz  to  frizle 
(cf.  E.  Much's  Deutsche  Stammsitze,  p.  150).  If  we  re- 
gard  the  Fräsers  as  having-  come  fi'om  Friesland  we  may 
find  liere  a  case  of  a  tribal  epithet  continued  as  a  clan- 
and  surname.  cf.  the  surname  Eng^lish  in  England.  The 
type  representatives  of  the  old  Fräser  stock  had  a  massive 


THE   GAELIC   DIALECTS,  271 

physique,  liglit  red  curly  liair  and  bliie  eyes.  The  so-called 
etyniüii  from  Frencli  for  ' strawberry  plant'  may  safely 
be  set  aside;  real  names  are  older  tlian  tlie  attempts  to 
explain  tliem  by  armorial  bearing-s.  As  to  Frisians  see 
Procopius. 

(13)  interrogative  particle  +  verb 

an  'abair  mi  (-an  '«per  :mi)? 

All  particles  are  unstressed  bef ore  tlie  verb ;  quantity  varies 
witli  stress.  The  assertive  form  of  the  verb  'to  be',  Vyz,.  'is'  is 
never  stressed  but  in  such  a  sentence  the  stress  follows  the 
Chief  log'ical  pause. 

(14)  Verbal  infinitives 

ag"  'ol     ak  "ool'  a'  drinking" 

a  dh'öl  a  'äooI'  to  or  for  drinking" 

The  periphrastic  tenses  of  the  verb  have  a  form  of  this 
stress  but  regulated  by  the  musical  tempo. 

-tha-mi-a  'bnaladh 
-bha-mi-air-mo  •  bhualadh 

(15)  The  emphatic  'fliein'  'seif  added  to  the  personal 
pronouns. 

fmi  "fhiu 

Imi  "fhein         v.  Pronoun 
£  'fhein 

NB.  When  verbs  are  used  idiomatically  with  the  prepo- 
sitional  pronouns  the  stress  is  usually  on  the  latter 
with  rising  inflexion  of  voice 

Cliaidh  agam  'air  I  managed  it  (him)  xaij   akem  -er' 
Gabh  'air  Thresh  him  kgav  "er'  (also  "kga-er) 
Gabh  -aige  Put  it  in  good  Order  kgav  'eca' 
Ghabh  mi  aig  I  took  service  with  him,  -jami-ec' 

One  might  mention  combinations  of  verb  +  noun,  where 
we  have  an  Infinitive  followed  by  noun  in  genitive, 
wliich  may,  however,  come  imder  sentence  stress. 

cha'n  ann  toirt  biutha  dha  tha  mi  'it  is  not 
flnding  fault  with  him  that  I  am,  I'm  not  chiding 
him'  i.  e'  xan  'an-tor  ;biu-ü  :za  'ha  mi)  -Scourie. 


272  GEORGE    HENDERSON, 

(16)  Plu'ases  with  tlie  indefinite  pronoims  eile,  gacli,  hith, 
and  cuid  wlien  used  with  tlie  genitive  plural  for  'own' 

fear  "eile  another  one  &c. 

muinntir  "eile  other  folks 

gacli  .neacli  every  one 

gacli  'fear  each  man 

aii'  "bitli  at  all 

fear  sa(m)  -bitli  'anyone,  wliosoever' 

cuid  'eile  'otliers' 

a  clmid  'daoine  'hismen' 

a  cuid  ''mac  'her  sons' 

(:  intensive  emphatic  phrase,  strong-er  than  a  mic  =  her  sons) 

NB.    The  'aa  stress  is  used  in 

•cuideigin  'some  one' 

•feareigin  'some  one' 

a  -huile-fear  i  ,  , 

,    .,    „       \  'every  one' 

a  •  chuile-iear  J  "^ 

Unless  'fear'  is  made   emphatic  these  are  treated  as  one 

noncompounded  word. 

(17)  Numerais  without  the  noun: 

a  h  *  aon  '  one ' 

a  'dha  'two' 

a  "tri  'three' 

aon  'diag  'eleven' 

da  'fhichead  'forty,  two  score' 

But  -da  'fhichead  =  üvo  score;  ('tri  -ficat)  'sixty'  &c.  v. 
sul)  Gradation. 

(18)  Combinations  of  names  which  form  titles  &c. 
Maighstir  'tSeoras  (noun  +  noun);  Father,  Eev.,  Mr.  G. 
an  Dotah-  •Dömhnullach  (noun  +  adj.):  Dr.  Mc.  Donald 
Fear  "Eiscadail                        (noun  +  noun  in  genitive):  The 

[Laird  of  Eskadale. 

(19)  ars  (ai/),  os  (os)  'quoth,  said'  being  enclitics,  are  un- 
stressed:  (os  ef)  'said  he';  likewise  mo  'my':  do  'thy';  cha'n  'not'. 

Uneven  stress  'aa. 

(1)  When  the  two  elements  of  a  Compound  have  ceased  to 
be  separately  feit,  or  when  both  are  used  to  express  a  Single 
idea,  the  stress  is  "aa.    The  qualifying  epithet  comes  filmst. 


THE   GAEI.IC   DIALECTS. 


273 


'banaltrum 

•banfli(ioli)icli 

•  banaiiihaistir 
•l)ithblmantaclid 
•Dü(bli)oliall 

•  ceannfliionn 

•  bailgioniiach 

•  baiiitighearn 

•  caisblieart  > 

•  ärd-doriis 

■  ceitliir-chasach 

■  tri-dlmilleach 

■  far-iasg 
•far-ainm  | 

•  fri-ainm   J 

•  fii-rathad 

■  meanbh-chiiileag 
■seann  diiiii 

■  seauambatliair 
droch  rud 

•mur-chiüs 

•  micliiatacli 

•  eilthireach 

•  diomasach 

•  eucoireacli 
• eusantas 

•  athbharrach 

•  athaodacli 
■atharrach 
• atharnach 

•  du  bliliadbnach 
•diodiam, 

•  dicli(uimli)iieach 

•  cosalaclid, 

•  seanaii^ 

NB 


nurse 

weaveress 

school  mistress 

eternity 

Dügald 

white-beaded  (of  animals) 

pie-bald;  white  spotted 

(•  pbaifind^arn)  lady 

caiseart  (•kaf-art) 

iiiain  or  oiiter  door 

foiu'-footed 

trefoil 

spent  fish 

nick-name 


a  bye  path 

midge 

old  man 

grandmother 

rascal,  devil 

conceit 

disgraceful 

pilgrim,  sojom-ner 

haughty 

giiilty 

disagreement  &c. 

last  year's  crop;  second  crop 

new  clothing 

allen 

second  crop ;  lee  or  imploiighed  shlf  t  of  land 

two  3'ear  old  beast 

forgetfiüness;  =  diüchin  in  the  Aii'd  (d^uuxin) 

forgetfiü 

similitnde 

grand-father 
michiatach,  dichain,  dichainneach  (forgetfiü),  cosalachd 
in  some  dialects  and  in  pnlpit  Gaelic  have  the  a"a 
stress,  and  with  it  the  last  three  words  eep  the  fiill 
nasality  in  the  second  vowel.  All  trace  of  this  nasality 
is  lost  with  the   "aa   stress.     This  is  owing  to  the 

Zeitschrift  f.  celt.  Philologie  IV.  18 


274  GEORGE   HENDERSON, 

accent  being:  on  tlie  first  syllable  and  is  on  a  par 
witli  what  took  place  in  Latin  loan-words  wlien 
L.  sacerdos  became  säcart;  L.  eclesia,  E.  Ir.  eclis, 
gen.  ecailse  (Ml.  65  d),  ecolso  (Wbl3a,  3),  ecolsä 
(\\h  11  d,  6)  wliere  i,  ai,  o  are  but  different  repre- 
sentations  of  tlie  obscnred  nnaccented  irrational  vowel. 
NB.  (a)  When  attention  is  directed  to  tlie  negation  as  such, 
even  stress  is  used;  •eu'cöir  non-kind,  unkind,  but 
•eucoir,  wrong,  -neo  glilan  'not  clean'  (ntOilan)  inipure 
•ml  -mliodhail  but  also  niTomhail;  mi  -cliiallacli  but 
also  •mlcliiollacli. 
(b)  some  words  witli  like  prefixes  receive  different  treatment 
which  can  be  learned  from  usage:  -anacriosd,  antichrist, 
but  ana  •  creidimli,  disbelief  ana  •  caitlieamli,  prodigality. 

(2)  In  a  large  number  of  Compounds  botli  members  are  feit 
as  separate  words  and  are  stressed  accordingly 

as  •creidimli,  disbelief 

eas  •  iimlilaclid,  disobedience 

But  in  Colonsay  •  easumblaclid 

eas  -ümliailt,  disobedient 

atli  •  leasacliadli,  reformation 

ath  •  Iheothachadh  rekindling 

neo  •nihathte  reckless 

neo  •  cliaoclilaideach  uncliangeable 

But  •  neochiontacb  guiltless 

do  -dlilanta,  impossible 

(3)  greetings  are  stressed  "aa 

•fällte  dhut  liail! 

•slän  leat  adieu 

•latha  matli  dhuibli  good  day  to  jon 

•oidhche  niliatli  dliuibli  good  niglit  to  you 

•maduinn  mliatli  dliuibli  good  morning  to  you 

In  the  last  tliree  examples  if  tbe  a-a  stress  is  used  and 
tlie  prepositional  pronoun  dropped,  a  sense  of  assertion  is  conveyed. 

feasgair  -briagli 
is  equivalent  to  tha  feasgir  briagli  ann 

(ha  :  fesgar  ;pbriia  -an) 
it  is  a  ftne  evening. 


THE   GAELIC   DIALECTS.  275 

(4)  Certain  names,  as  in 

(a)  A'Mlioroich  (a'vorroc)  'Lovat';  Tomas  na  Moroich  = 
Thomas  of  Lovat  (er  of  Beanfort);  tlie  idea  being-  SSea-field' 
from  muir  'sea',  Gaulisli  niori-  +  mag  'a  piain.' 

(b)  Moi'ai(bli)  (•  morrai)  '  Moray ',  Eaiiy  Gaelic  Moreb,  from 
mor  'sea'  (dative  pl.)  idea  being  faiiiy  parallel  to  tliat  in  Seeland, 
Zealand ;   Seafield. 

(c)  morgliatli  (morras)  ^fisliing  spear',  mor  +  gatli  = 
sea-spear. 

(d)  Morbhairn  (-morrarn)  as  speit  in  tlie  'Gaelic  Messenger', 
Morvern,  in  ancient  times  called  Kinelbadon  after  Baedan  of 
Lome,  now  often  speit  in  Englisli  Morven  after  Macplierson's 
Ossian,  a  spelling  in  disaccord  witli  every  variety  of  tlie  Gaelic 
pronunciation,  wliich  is  also  (•  morrevarn)  (•marrarii);  Morvarne, 
in  Charter  of  1476;  from  mor  'sea'  +  bhearn  'cleft,  breach,  cliasm', 
after  the  wide  breach,  caused  by  sea-action  in  the  past,  between 
Loch  Aluinn  and  Loch  Suinart.  cf.  Seacombe.  The  short  vowel 
points  to  Old- Gaelic  muir,  gen.  mora,  Gaulish  mori  rather  than 
to  mor,  mär,  'great'.  The  territories  bounding  Morvern  on  the 
North  are  called  Na  Garbli  Cliriochan  =  The  Eough  Bonnds, 
of  old  Garmorvarne,  Garmoran,  from  Suinart  to  Loch  Hourn. 

NB.  I  note  a  double  trilled  r  in  these  cases  as  in  tlioir 
dhomh  e  (horr  'ov-f);  mar  uidh,  mar  astar  (at  a  distance 
of  .  .  .  from),  Eadar-dha  -chaolais  (etarra  •  xiilif),  Edde- 
rachllles;  also  in  Gaelic  for  Aberdeen.  v.  Uneven 
Stress  a-a  (11). 

Mause  of  Edderachillis 

Scouiie,  Sutherland  George  Henderson. 

North  Britain 

(To  be  continued.) 


18* 


BETHA  COLUIMB  CILLE. 

(Continuation.     Cf.  vol.  III,  2>-  516  ff.) 


65.  Fectus  eli  do  taisbein  Axal  aingel  e  fen  do  C.  c.  7 
adubairt  ris.  Togli  fen  cred  iad  na  tinwlaictlie  7  na  subalta/(7i 
dob'  ail  let  d'  fhagbäil  0  dia  7  dogeba  tu  iad.  Tog-aim,  ar  C.  c  .i. 
ogliacht  7  eccna.  7  do  frecair  an  t-aingel  e  7  ised  adubairt. 
Ise  an  spirad  naem  fen  tue  ort  an  toglia  romaith  sen  do  denamli, 
7  ar  son  mar  dorindis  hi  dobera  dia  tuilled  tinnluictlii  duit  leo 
sin.  Oir  dobera  se  spirad  faidliedoraclita  duid  indus  nach  taiwec 
romhad  7  nach  tiucfa  ad  diaidli  faid  bus  fer  ina  thü.  Do  frecair 
an  macam  bendaigtlie  sin  don  aingel  7  assed  adubairt:  Doberim 
gloir  7  buideclius  do  dia  7  ni  fliedar  cred  dober  d6  ar  son  na 
tindluiceadh  7  na  tuarastal  nior-sa  tucc  se  damli,  7  gaw  me  aclit 
am  serbfliogantai^Z  dimainmidliingbala;  7  0  na  fuil  agam  doberaiwd 
do  ar  a  shon  sin  acht  me  fen,  timnaim  7  idbruim  me  fein  iter 
corp  7  auum  do  ara  slion.    (fo.  7  a) 


66.  Ar  nimthect  don  aingel  6  C.  c.  andsin  do  taisbenatar 
triar  maighdew  roog  roalaind  rosciamacli  rodelr«f7ach  nach  faca 
se  a  n-iwnamail  riamh,  iat  fen  do,  7  do  iadh  gach  bean  acu  a 
lama  fa  n-a  braighid,  7  tucatar  t>i  poga  dö.  Tucc  fer  grada  na 
genamnaidheclita  .i.  C.  c.  drochgnuis  7  drochagaidh  dona  maigdhenaib 
andsin,  7  do  diült  a  poga  mar  poga  trwaillidhe  neamglana,  oii- 
do  saeil  se  gorub  docum  pecaid  do  batar  dö.  Do  fiarfuighetar 
na  maigdena  de  au  raibe  aithne  aice  orra  fein,  0  nach  raibe  se 
ag  gabäil  a  pog  nö  a  ngrada  uatha.  Adubairt  C.  c.  nach  raibe, 
7  adubratar-san  gorub  e  a  n-athair  fen  do  pös  re  C.  c.  iad.  7 
cor  triur  deirbsethar  iad  da  celi,    Do  fiarfaig  C.  c.  cia  dob  athair 


The  life  of  Colunib  Cille. 


65.  The  ang-el  Axal  sliewed  himself  anotlier  time  to  Columb 
cille  and  said  to  liim :  '  Clioose  tlij^self  the  endowments  and  graces 
wliicli  tlion  wonldst  like  to  obtain  from  God  and  tliou  wilt  get 
them'.  'I  clioose'  said  Columb  cille,  'virginity  and  wisdom'. 
And  the  angel  answered  him  and  said:  'It  was  the  Holy  Ghost 
himself  that  indnced  thee  to  make  this  very  good  choice,  and 
because  thou  hast  made  it  God  will  give  thee  further  endowments 
along  with  those.  For  he  will  give  thee  the  spirit  of  prophecy 
so  that  there  came  not  before  thee  nor  will  there  come  after 
thee  a  greater  prophet  than  thou'.  That  holy  boy  answered 
the  angel  and  said :  '  I  retiirn  glory  and  thanks  to  God  and  know 
not  what  I  may  return  him  for  those  great  gifts  and  rewards 
which  he  has  bestowed  upon  me  who  am  only  a  vain,  unworthy 
servant;  and  as  I  have  nothing  wherewith  to  recompense  him 
but  myself,  I  bequeath  and  offer  myself  both  soul  and  body  to 
him  in  return.' 

66.  Upon  the  angel  withdrawing  from  Columb  cille  then, 
there  appeared  to  him  three  young,  beautiful,  bright  and  radiant 
maidens,  the  like  of  whom  he  had  never  seen  before,  and  each 
woman  of  them  clasped  their  hands  around  his  neck  and  gave 
him  three  kisses.  That  darling  of  chastity,  to  wit  Columb  cille, 
turned  a  scornful  face  and  visage  upon  the  maidens  thereupon, 
and  refused  their  kisses  as  corrupt  and  unclean,  for  he  thought 
sin  was  their  concern  with  him.  The  maidens  asked  him  if  he 
knew  themselves,  for  not  accepting  their  kisses  or  their  love. 
Columb  cille  said  that  he  did  not;  and  they  said  it  was  their 
own  father  that  had  espoused  them  to  Columb  cille  and  that  they 


278  RICHARD    HENEBRY, 

doib,  7  adubratar  san  gorb  e  an  tiglierna  issa  Ci'[/]s^  crntliaigeoir 
nimhe  7  talmaw  dob  atliair  doib.  Adubairt  C.  c.  is  roüasal  barn 
athair  7  cawuid  barn  anmonna  du^^m.  An  ogliacht  7  an  egna  7  an 
fhaidliedöracht  ar  n-awmonda,  ar  siad,  7  bemaid  ad  comliaidecht-sa 
an  inadli  triar  ban  posda  cod  bäs,  7  biaidh  do  graäh.  ar  martliain 
7  ar  coimhed  againn  gan  claechlodli  go  bräth. 

IS  andsin  adubairt  C.  c.  Doberim  gloir  7  buideclius  mor  do 
dia  cumachtadi  do  congail  7  do  pos  me  fen  7  gan  me  acht  am 
serbfhogantaigb  boclit  aniiasnl,  da  thriar  ingen  uasiil  fen. 

67.  Feclit  eli  tainec  an  taingc^  cedna  adubliramar  romhainn 
dindsaigifZ  C.  c.  7  adubairt  ris:  Togli  fein  an  bas  as  ail  let 
dfhaghail  7  na  hiwaidh  7  na  reighidlioi?^  inar  b'ail  let  do  beatha 
do  tabairt  ass  god  bas.  IS  andsin  adubairt  C.  c.  Togaim  bas 
dfaghail  tai'eis  dimais  na  lioige  do  dul  taram  7  sul  beres  misdüaim 
na  harsuidliecta  gomor  omni.  Oir  is  eslainte  7  as  misdüaim  7 
as  galar  an  «rrsaidhect  fein  7  ni  heid/r  lesin  duine  bis  arsaidli 
no  an  aeis  moir  gan  beatha  maith  södhamail  dfhaghail  7  ni 
hail  lemsa  beatha  maith  dfhagrt?7  dom  corp  fein  go  brath.  Et 
toghaim  an  bas  sin  dfhagail  tre  ghorta  toltanaigh  7  tresan 
aibstiwuis  cuirfed  dow  deöin  fein  oram,  7  gan  galur  no  eslainte 
eli  do  beith  oram  a  ponc  mo  bais  acht  sin  fen.  Et  togaim  fos 
an  bas  sin  dfaghail  an  oilethre  sutham  a  bfhecmais  mo  tiri  7 
mo  talaimh  7  mathardha  duthcais  fen  maille  re  tuirsi  7  re 
haithrighe  romhöir.  Oir  is  tuirsech  duine  ö  beith  ar  deoraidhect 
7  is  urasa  do  gan  neitlie  dimhainecha  do  beith  ar  a  airi.  IS 
andsin  adubairt  an  taingel  re  C.  c.  Creid  fen  7  na  bidh  amarus 
agad  air  go  bfuighe  tu  na  neithe  sin  uile  6  do  dia  fen.  Tucc  C.  c. 
buidechas  doarmidhe  do  dia  andsin  7  do  linad  6  grassaib  an  spirda 
naeim  e,  7  do  coimlinadli  gach  ni  dar  larr  C.  c.  andsin  amail 
derbhöchws  an  beatha  6  so  auiacli. 


68.  Mar  fuair  umorro  C.  c.  na  haiscedha  7  na  tidhluicthe 
mora-sa  6  dia  do  gab  se  cead  ga  oide  .i.  ag  Cruitlmechan,  dul 
do  denamh  leighimi  docum  na  maighistrech  bud  ferr  ecna  7  eolas 
dogebadh  se  an  VAinny  7  do  fagaib  a  bendacht  aige  7  do  leic 
an  toide  a  hewdacht  lesin.  7  ge  do  bi  C.  c.  linta  do  grasaib  an 
spirda  nacim,  7  ge  fuar  se  eolus  an  ^mmraib  an  acnhtuir  an  uaii' 


THE   LIFE   OF   COLUMB   CILLE.  279 

were  tliree  sisters.  Coliimb  cille  asked  who  was  their  fatlier; 
and  they  said  tliat  it  was  Jesus  Christ,  Creator  of  Heaven  and 
Eartli,  who  was  tlieir  father.  Columb  cille  said,  'right  noble  is 
your  father,  now  teil  me  your  nanies'.  'Virginity  and  Wisdoiii 
and  Prophecy  are  our  names'  said  they,  'and  we  shall  be  as 
three  wives  a-keeping  thee  until  tliy  death,  and  we  shall  keep 
alive  and  f oster  love  of  thee  withont  change  for  ever'. 

Then  Columb  cille  said:  'I  return  glory  and  great  thanks 
to  God  almighty,  who  joined  and  married  me,  who  am  but  a 
poor,  lowly  servant,  to  his  own  three  noble  daughters. ' 

67.  Another  time  the  same  angel  which  we  have  mentioned 
already  came  to  visit  Columb  cille,  and  he  said  to  him:  'Select 
thyself  the  sort  of  death  that  would  please  thee  as  well  as  the 
places  and  regions  in  which  thou  wouldst  desire  to  pass  thy 
life  until  death'.  It  is  then  Columb  cille  said:  'I  elect  to  die 
after  the  pride  of  youth  has  passed  fi'om  me  and  before  the 
trouble  of  old  age  has  entirely  overtaken  me.  For  old  age 
itself  is  an  illness,  a  misery  and  a  sickness;  and  an  old  man 
or  one  at  a  great  age  cannot  avoid  spending  a  good,  easy  life, 
but  I  desire  not  to  secure  a  good  life  for  my  own  body  for 
ever.  •  And  I  choose  to  die  that  death  through  voluntary  huuger 
and  through  the  abstinence  which  I  shall  practise  upon  myself 
of  my  own  will,  there  being  no  other  sickness  or  soreness  on 
me  at  the  hour  of  my  death  but  only  that.  And  I  choose 
besides  to  die  that  death  in  perpetual  pilgrimage  far  fi'om  my 
own  land  and  country  and  natural  inheritance,  in  very  great 
sorrow  and'penitence.  For  one  is  wearj'  for  being  in  exile  and 
it  is  the  easier  for  him  to  keep  his  mind  from  vain  things '.  It 
is  then  the  angel  said  to  Columb  cille:  'believe  thou  and  make 
it  not  matter  of  doubt  that  thou  wilt  get  all  those  things  from 
thine  own  God'.  Then  Columb  cille  gave  untold  thanks  to  God 
and  he  was  filled  with  the  graces  of  the  Holy  Ghost.  And 
each  one  of  those  things  that  Columb  cille  craved  then  was  granted, 
as  the  Life  will  show  from  this  out, 

68.  When  Columb  cille  had  received  these  great  gifts  and 
graces  fi^om  God  lie  took  leave  of  his  tutor,  viz.  Cruithnechan, 
to  go  and  study  with  the  best  masters  for  wisdom  and  know- 
ledge  that  he  could  find  in  Ireland.  And  he  said  farewell  to 
him  and  the  tutor  bade  him  farewell.  For  though  filled  with 
the  graces   of  the  Holy  Ghost,  and  though  he  received  know- 


280  EICHARD   HENEBRY, 

sin,  nirbh  ail  les  a  gloir  dimain  do  beitli  dö  fen  go  mbeitli  eccna 
nö  eolas  gan  mebrugad  gan  foglaim  marsen  aige,  acht  dochiiaid 
do  denamh  fogluma  mar  duine  na  fuighedh  na  siibaltaidlie  sin  6  dia. 


69.  Docuaid  C.  c.  iarsin  dflioglaim  ecna  7  legind  7  do 
denamh  eolais  sa  sribtüir  cusan  espoc  naemtlia  .i.  go  Finden 
Muighe  bile.  7  aimser  airithe  da  rabatar  afochair  a  celi  nie 
sairi  uasal  orra  7  do  iiiWimaig  Finden  e  fein  do  radlia  an  aifrind. 
7  ar  ngabdil  culuidhech  an  aifrind  uime  dö,  adubratar  luclit 
fritholma  an  aifrind  etorra  fen  nach  raibe  fin  acu,  7  do  bi  sin 
na  cas  mor  orra.  Oir  nir  leic  ecla  Findein  doib  an  uiresbaidh 
sin  do  bi  orra  dindisin  dö  7  nir  urasa  leo  a  leicen  dö  an  taifrend 
do  tindscna  7  gan  fln  aige.  Ar  na  cluinsin  sin  do  C.  c.  do  glac 
an  cruibhed  ambidh  fin  nanaifrend  do  gnath  7  nie  les  e  dociim 
srotha  airidhe  do  bi  laimh  ris  7  do  ehiiir  a  (fo.  7  b)  län  diiisee  and  7 
do  bendaigh  7  do  eoisrig  se  an  tnisce  sin  indiis  go  tainee  do 
brigh  an  bendaighte-sin  C.  e.  gor  elaeehlodh  an  tiiisee  a  nadiiir 
diles  fen  7  eondernadh  fin  de.  7  do  fill  tarais  iMom  dociim  na 
heelaisi  7  do  eiiir  an  ernibhed  ar  an  altöir  7  do  indis  do  hicht 
fritholmha  an  aifrind  go  raibe  fin  and.  7  ar  eriehnugadh  an 
aifrind  dFhinden  les  an  fin  sin  do  fiarfaidh  da  lucht  fritolma  ca 
fuarutar  an  fin  romaith  sin  le  andubairt  se  an  taifrend.  7 
adiibairt  naeh  facuidh  se  a  cowanaith  dfin  riam.  Et  do  indesiter 
an  lucht  frithoilte  dö  mar  tarla  doibh  ö  tus  go  deredh  timcell 
an  fina  sin.  Ar  cloisdin  na  mirbaile  moire  sin  dorinde  C.  e. 
dFinden  do  mhol  se  dia  go  himarea  tre  med  do  foillsigh  se  a 
grasa  7  a  mbaltaide  fen  a  Col((m6  cille.  7  tue  se  buideehas  7 
moladh  mor  do  Coliimb  c.  fen  ar  a  son.  7  do  las  se  fen  7  gaeh 
nech  eili  da  enala  na  mirbaile  sin  angrad  C.  e.  6  sin  amach, 
gor  morad  ainm  de  7  Coluimh  c.  de  sin.  IS  follas  asin  sgel-so 
nach  eadh  amhain  do  ciiir  dia  C.  c.  a  eosmailes  risna  huasalai- 
threchaih  7  risna  faidhib  7  risna  naemhaib  eli  tainic  reime  acht 
cor  cuir  se  a  cosmhuiles  ris  fein  e  annair  dorinde  se  fin  don  uisce 
ar  an  mbanais  sa  Galile. 


70.    Ceilebrais   Columb  c.    dFhinden    iarsin    7    docuaid   go 
German  maigesdir  do  denam  leighind  mar  an  cedna,    Uair  airidhe 


THE    LIFE    OF    COLUMB    CILLE.  281 

ledge  in  tlie  mysteries  of  Scripture  at  tliat  time,  Coliimb  cille 
did  not  wisli  to  indnlge  tlie  vaing-loiy  tliat  he  sliould  liave 
wisdom  or  knowledge  tlms  witliont  reliearsing-  and  stndying, 
but  went  to  learn  as  one  who  liad  not  received  those  graces 
from  God. 

69.  Tliereupon  Colnmb  cille  went  to  learn  wisdom  and 
study  and  to  acquire  knowledge  in  Scripture  to  a  holy  bisliop, 
to  wit,  Finden  of  Mag  bile.  And  once  of  a  time  as  tliey  were 
together  tliere  befell  a  major  festival  and  Finden  prepared  liim- 
self  to  say  Mass.  And  wlien  he  had  donned  the  Mass  vestments 
the  Mass  Servers  said  amongst  themselves  that  they  had  no 
wine,  and  that  was  an  occasion  of  great  trouble  to  them.  For 
their  fear  of  Finden  would  not  permit  them  to  explain  to  him 
the  need  in  wliich  they  were,  nor  did  they  think  it  easier  to 
allow  him  to  begin  Mass  without  wine.  When  Columb  cille 
heard  that,  he  took  the  cruet  in  which  the  wine  for  the  Mass 
was  always  kept  and  brought  it  to  a  certain  stream  that  was 
near  by,  and  lie  filled  it  with  water  and  he  blessed  and  conse- 
crated  that  water,  so  that  it  came  about  by  virtue  of  that  blessing 
of  Columb  cille  that  the  water  changed  its  own  proper  nature 
and  became  wine.  And  he  returned  afterwards  to  the  church 
and  placed  the  cruet  on  the  altar,  and  told  those  who  served 
Mass  that  there  was  wine  in  it.  When  Finden  had  finished 
Mass  with  that  wine  he  asked  his  Servers  where  they  had 
procured  that  very  good  wine  with  which  he  had  said  Mass. 
He  said  he  never  saw  such  good  wine.  And  the  Servers  told 
him  what  had  happened  to  them  from  begiuning  to  end  with 
regard  to  that  wine.  Having  heard  that  great  miracle  which 
Columb  cille  had  wrought  Finden  praised  God  sincerely  for 
having  shewn  so  much  of  his  own  graces  and  gifts  in  Columb 
cille.  And  he  thanked  and  praised  Columb  cille  exceedingly 
for  that.  And  he  and  everybody  who  heard  that  miracle  became 
enflamed  with  the  love  of  Columb  cille  thenceforward.  And 
God's  name  and  Columb  cille's  was  magnified  thereby.  It  is 
evident  from  tliis  recital  that  God  compared  Columb  cille  not 
alone  to  the  Fathers,  Prophets  and  Saints  who  came  before  him, 
but  that  he  put  him  in  comparison  with  himself  when  he  made 
wine  of  water  at  the  wedding  in  Galilee. 

70.  Then  Columb  cille  bade  farewell  to  Finden,  and  went 
to  Germän  the  teacher  to  study  in  like  manner.     On  a  certain 


282  EICHARD   HENEBRY, 

dosan  7  do  German  fare  cell  go  facutar  maighden  og  da  nindsaigerZ 
7  duine  drochbertach  do  bi  sa  tir  na  riiaig  iiirre  docum  a 
marbtha;  7  docliuaid  si  ar  comairce  C.  c.  7  Germain  reimhe.  7 
do  bi  do  mhed  a  liecla  go  ndediaid  si  fa  n-an  edacli  a  folacli 
do  teiüicd  reimlie  an  duine  sin.  Ar  tect  co  latliair  don  öclaech 
gan  fecliain  do  cumairce  C.  c.  ina  Germäin  tue  se  sathadh  sle^e 
ar  an  maiglidin  gor  marbli  ac«/öir  lii.  Do  mall«/»7  C.  c.  tnd  sin 
e,  7  do  iarr  ar  dia  bas  do  tabairt  fa  aimsir  girr  do.  Do  fhiarrfaidh 
German  do  Columh  cille  ca  fad  go  ndiglieolat?/i  dia  ar  an  öclaech 
an  gnimli  adhuathmar  sin  dorinde  se.  Frecrnis  C.  c.  e  7  assetZ 
adubairt:  Anuair  ticfaid  aingle  de  acoinde  a«ma  na  maigdine 
iid  da  breith  go  flaithemnus  do  liaithewi  na  gloiri  sutliaine  ticfaid 
diaJyuü  ifrind  acoinne  anma  an  droclidnine  nt  da  breith  a  pianaib 
ifrind  go  siraidhe  suthain.  7  ar  in  ponc  sin  fein  fuair  se  bas 
ina  fiadhnuise  tre  mstWa^chiMn  C.  c.  amail  fuair  Annias  bas  a 
bfladhnuise  Petair,  gor  moradh  ainm  de  7  C.  c.  de  sin. 


71.  Ceiliubrais  C.  c.  do  German  iarsin  7  teid  go  Finden 
Chiana  Hiraird  do  denum  legind.  7  do  fhiarfaid  se  dFhinden 
cait  andingnerf  a  both.  Adubairt  Finden  ris  a  denam  andoras 
na  heclaisi.  Dorinde  Columh  cille  a  both  iaiom  7  ni  ag  an 
dorus  do  bi  ar  an  eclais  an  uair  sin  dorinde  se  hi;  7  adubairt 
gumadh  annsan  äit  anderna  se  a  both  do  biadh  doras  na  heclaise 
na  diaidh  sin.  7  do  firadh  sin  amail  adubairt  C.  c.  7  do  bi  moran 
do  naemuib  Erenn  ar  an  sgoil  sin  Fhinnein.  IS  amlaid  do 
nihil  aighedis  na  clerich  naemtha  sin  a  cuid  .i.  gach  clerech  aca 
do  mlieilt  a  coda  doib  a  broin  gach  re  n-oidhce  7  an  oidhce  do 
roichedh  a  meilt  sin  do  Columb  c.  do  tigedh  aingel  6  dia  do 
meilt  ar  a  shon.  7  ba  hi  sin  onoir  doberedh  dia  dösan  ar  a 
uaisle  7  ar  a  shocenela/^e  7  ar  a  saerclawndacht  tar  cach. 


72.  Fectas  dorinde  espöc  na  talmaw  sin  araibe  C.  c.  coindel- 
h'dthad  air  ag  suidhiugad  pecaidh  marbtha  air  nach  derna  se. 
7  asse  dob  adbar  doib  cuige  sin  tnuth  aca  ris  fa  med  na 
tindluicedh  doberidh  dia  dö  tarrsa  fen  (mar  do  bi  ag  Caim  mhac 
Adhaim  re  liAibel),  7  ar  med  a  ecna  7  a  eolais,  7  fos  dimgha 
aca  air  fa  na  mince  do  cuired  se  an  ainbfhis  7  a  pecad  fein 
nan  SLgaid,  amail  do  bi  ag  lubhalaiö  ar  Isu  Crist  an  uair  do 


THE   LIFE   OF   COLUMB    CILLE.  283 

time  tJiat  lie  and  Germdn  were  together  tliey  saw  a  yoimg 
maiden  approach  tliem,  being-  himted  for  her  life  by  an  evil  man 
of  the  district,  and  slie  claimed  tlie  protection  of  Columb  cille 
and  Germän  ag'ainst  liim.  And  so  great  was  her  fear  that  she 
went  nnder  their  clothes  ahide,  to  escape  from  that  man.  When 
the  young  man  came  np  he  cast  a  spear  at  the  maiden  and 
killed  lier  on  the  spot  witliout  heeding  the  protection  of  Columb 
cille  or  Germän.  Columb  cille  cursed  him  for  that,  and  entreated 
God  that  he  might  die  in  a  little  time.  Germän  asked  Columb 
cille  in  what  time  would  God  avenge  on  the  youth  that  hideous 
deed  he  had  committed.  Columb  cille  answered  him  and  said: 
When  the  angels  of  God  come  for  the  soul  of  that  maiden  to 
bring  it  to  Heaven  for  the  enjoyment  of  the  glory  perennial, 
the  devils  of  Hell  will  come  for  the  soul  of  that  wicked  man 
to  bring  it  into  the  pains  of  Hell  for  everlasting  eternity.  And 
in  that  same  instant  he  died  in  their  presence  by  the  malediction 
of  Columb  cille,  just  as  Ananias  died  in  the  presence  of  Peter. 
And  God's  name  and  Columb  cille's  was  magnified  thereby. 

71.  xifter  that  Columb  cille  bade  farewell  to  Germän  and 
went  to  Finden  of  Cluain  Hiraird  to  study.  And  he  asked 
Finden  where  he  should  build  his  bothy.  Finden  told  him  to 
build  it  at  the  door  of  the  church.  Then  Columb  cille  built  his 
bothy,  but  not  at  the  door  of  the  church  as  it  was  then  did  he 
build  it;  and  he  said  that  wheresoever  he  should  build  his 
bothy  there  would  the  door  of  the  church  be  afterwards.  And 
so  it  befeil  as  Columb  cille  had  said.  And  there  were  many 
of  the  saints  of  Ireland  at  that  school  of  Finden's.  This  is  how 
those  holy  Clerks  used  to  prepare  their  supper,  viz.  each  one  of 
them  used  to  grind  (materials  for)  their  supper  in  a  quem  a 
night  in  his  turn,  and  whenever  the  night  came  for  Columb 
cille  to  grind  there  came  an  angel  from  God  to  grind  for  him. 
And  that  honour  God  used  to  show  him  for  his  reverence, 
nobility  and  gentle  breeding  beyond  all  others. 

72.  Once  the  bishop  of  the  district,  wherein  Columb  cille 
was,  excommunicated  him,  attributing  to  him  a  mortal  sin  which 
he  had  not  committed.  And  their  motive  for  that  was  their  envy 
of  him  for  the  multitude  of  gifts  God  used  to  bestow  upon  him 
beyond  themselves  (as  that  of  Cain  mac  Adam  of  Abel),  and 
for  the  greatness  of  his  wisdoni  and  knowledge,  and  besides 
their  spite  against  him  for  so  frequently  ujibraiding  their  own 


284  RICHARD   HENEBRY, 

clmiretar  docum  bais  e.  Et  da  clerbad  gor  breg  doiblisiv»  an- 
dubratar  re  C.  c.  aiidsin,  ata  Adhamnan  naemtha  ga  mebhn\gad 
sa  dara  caibidil  don  tres  lebar  do  declit  se  fein  do  beatliait^  C.  c, 
nach  derna  C.  c.  enpecadli  marbtha  riam,  7  da  ma^  eidir  ewnach 
do  clawwaib  na  mban  do  beitli  gan  pecadh  sologha  air  go  mad  e 
Columb  c.  e.  Ar  na  cloisdin  do  C.  c.  go  ndernadh  coindelbätliat^ 
air  dochuaid  mar  araibe  an  teaspoc  7  a  caibidil.  Et  do  erigh 
Brenainn  Birra  (fo.  8  a)  do  bi  sa  caibidil  faris  an  easpofc  roimhe,  7 
tucc  pog  dö,  7  dorinde  raiberians  7  onoir  do.  Et  arna  faicsin  sin  don 
caibidil  docuatar  do  monmar  ar  Brenaind  fa  poicc  do  thabairt 
donti  ar  andeniatar  fein  coindelbatliad  Frecrais  Brenaind  iad 
7  issed  adnbairt:  Da  bfhaicedh  sib  na  neithe  docondarc-sa  ag 
dia  ga  ndenamh  ar  C.  c.  ni  dewad  sib  coindelbatliac^  air;  7  as 
moide  a  luaigliideclit  7  a  coroin  0  dia  gac  scainder  da  tugthai 
go  bregach  dö.  Et  adnbratar-san  narb  fliir  sin  do  reir 
nglidairais  an  scribt«««-  neoch  ader:  Quodcumqne  ligaris  super 
terram  erit  legatum  7  in  celis,  7  e  contrö;  .i.  gebe  ni  cein- 
geolair  ar  an  talmainse  biaid  se  cengailte  a  flaithes  de,  ar 
Crisd  fen  re  Peatar  ag  tabairt  cumhacta  eocliracha  na  heclaise 
do,  7  a  conirdräihsi  sin  gebe  sgailfe  tu  ar  an  talmam-si  biaid  se 
scailte  a  fiadhnaisi  de.  Frecrais  Brenaind  iad  7  issed  adubairt, 
comb  Simlaid  bud  coir  an  tuglidaras  do  tuicsin  dona  däinibh  do 
ceingeoltai  as  a  cairthibh  fein  7  maille  re  cuis  dlesdenaig  no 
resunta.  Oir  ni  tuccadh  cumacta  cengail  no  sgailte  don  eclais 
acht  an  uair  nach  denadh  si  sechrän  on  riagail  airithe  iugadh 
di.  7  adubairt  go  rabhotar  san  ag  denam  sechrain  7  meraighte 
moir  .i.  go  rabadar  ac  cur  pecaidh  breige  an  Sigaid  C.  c.  nach 
derna  enpecadh  marbtha  riam,  7  fos  adubairt  go  faca  se  fein 
peler  tendtighe  ria  C.  c.  ag  denamh  tsolais  ar  an  tslig/cZ  do  7 
aingle  de  gacha  taebha  de  ga  coimidecht  ag  tect  dö  docum  an 
inaidli  arabatar-san.  7  fos  adubairt  anti  araraib  e  an  ein  sin 
ag  dia  air  nar  coir  doibsiv«  coindelbathad  do  denamh  air.  7 
arna  cloidsin  sin  doibhsin  ni  headh  amliain  nach  dernatar 
coindelbathacZ  ar  C.  c.  acJit  do  batar  lan  do  grdd  7  donöir 
air  6  shoin  amach.  7  nir  labair  C.  c.  moran  ar  a  shon  fen 
riv  ar  fedh  an  comraidh  sin  uili.  Oir  dob  ferr  les  duine 
eli  do  laba//t  ar  a  son  ina  se  fen.  7  ge  do  fhedfac^  se  a  clai 
ö  ecna  7  0  eolus  7  0  udaräs  an  scribtwn-  dob  fherr  leis  a  claei 
ö  fhirinde  7  ö  umhla  ind  sin. 


THE   LIFE    OF   COLUMB   CILLE.  285 

ignorauce  and  sin,  like  tliat  of  tlie  Jews  against  Jesus  Christ 

wlien  tliey  put  him  to  deatli.     And  as  proof  tliat  tliey  lied  in 

all  tliey  alleged  against  Columb  cille  on  that  occasion,  Saint 

Adamuän  relates  in  tlie  second  chapter  of  tlie  tliii'd  book  of  the 

Life  of  Columb   cille,   wliicli  lie  liimself  composed,   tliat  Columb 

cille  never  committed  a  mortal  sin,  and  tliat  if  it  was  possible 

for  anyone  of  the  children  of  women  to  be  free  from  venial  sin 

that  one  was  Columb  cille.    When  Columb  cille  heard  that  he 

had  been  excommunicated,  he  went  to  where  the  bishop  and  his 

chapter  were.    And  Brenainn  of  Birr,  who  was  in  the  chapter 

with  the  bishop,  rose  before  him  an  kissed  him,  and  did  him 

great  revence  and  honour.    lipon  seeing  that  the  chapter  began 

back-bitiiig  Breuaind  for  kissing  the  man  whom  they  themselves 

had  excommimicated.    Brenaind  answered  them  and  said:  If  you 

saw  the  things  that  I  have  seen  being  done  by  God  for  Columb 

cille  you  would  not  have  excommunicated  him;   and  for  every 

defamatiou  that  you  falsely  bring  upon  him,  his  merit  and  crown 

will  be  the  greater  from   God.     And  they  said  that  was  not 

true  according  to  the  authority   of  Scripture  which  says:  Quod- 

cumque  ligaris  super  terram  erit  ligatum  et  in  coelis,  et  e  contra; 

that  is,  whatsoever  thou  shalt  bind  upon  this  Earth  it  will  be 

bound  in  the  kingdom  of  God,  says  Christ  himself  to  Peter  when 

giving  him  the  power  of  the  keys  of  the  Churcli,  and  contrari- 

wise,  whatsoever  thou   shalt  loose  upon  this  Earth   it  will  be 

loosed  before  God.     Brenaind  answered  them  and  said  that  thus 

it  was  proper  to  understand  the  authority,  viz.  of  persons  who 

were  bound  for  their  own   crimes  and  for  just  and  reasonable 

cause.    For  the  Church  received  not  the  power  of  binding  and 

loosing  only  on   condition  that   she   should  not  wander  from  a 

certain   rule   that  was  given  to  her.     And  he  said  that  they 

were  wandering  and  in  notable  error  for  that  they  were  falsely 

accusing  Columb  cille  of  sin  who  never  committed  a  mortal  sin. 

And  he   said  besides  that  he  saw  a   fiery  pillar  before  Columb 

cille  giving  him  light  upon  the  way,  and  angels  of  God  on  eacli 

side  of  him  accompanying  him  as  he  came  to   the  place  where 

they  were.     And   furthermore   he  said  they   did   not   right   in 

having  excommunicated  one  for  whom  God  had  so  great  affection. 

Having  heard  that,  not  only  did  they  not  excommunicate  Columb 

cille  but  they  were  filled  with  love  and  honour  for  him  from 

that  out.    And  Columb  cille  did  not  speak  much  to  them  in  his 


286  EICHARD   HENEBRY, 


73.  Ceilebhruis  Columh  cüle  clFliindew  Chiana  liiraird  iarsin 
7  dociiaid  go  Glend  naidew,  iiair  do  bi  deiclinemhar  7  da  .xx. 
ag  denam  lelgind  andsin  ag  Mobi  claireuecli,  7  do  bi  Cainnech 
7  Comgliall  7  Ciaran  ar  in  scoil  sin.  Et  don  taeb  tiar 
dabliainn  batrrr  ambotlia  7  aneclas  don  taeb  toir  dabuinn.  Tarla 
uair  airitlie  gor  erigli  tuile  mor  san  abainn  7  cor  benadli  clog 
iarmerg-e  na  cilli  7  nir  fhedatar  na  naimh  dul  tar  in  abuinn, 
7  nir  fecli  C.  c.  don  tuili  acJd  docuaidli  trithe.  IvS  andsin 
adubairt  Mobi:  is  laidir  teid  ua  Neil!  an  tuile.  Fedaigh  dia  ar 
C.  c.  an  saethar-sa  do  cosc  dinde,  7  ag  teclit  doib  tar  in  eclais 
amacli  san  oidlice  ce^?na  fvaratar  ambotlia  re  taeb  na  lieclaisi 
don  taeb  toir  don  abliainn  le  breitliir  Coluimh  cük: 

74.  Fect  and  tarla  meid  ecin  imresna  nach  roibe  urcliöid 
mor  indte  Her  C.  c.  7  Ciaran  mac  an  tsliaeir.  IS  andsin  tainec 
an  taingel  cuca  7  tue  se  tuagh  7  tal  7  taratliar  leis  7  adubairt 
se  re  Ciaran  gan  beitli  ag  coimes  nö  ag  imresain  re  Cohimb 
cüle,  7  nar  treicc  se  ar  dia  acht  an  culaidli  tsliäirse  sin  do  bi 
ga  atliair  7  gor  treig  C.  c.  righacht  Erind  air.  Oir  fa  dual  do 
0  dutlicas  7  0  folaidlieclit  lii  7  do  tairgedh  do  fen  go  minec  lii 
7  do  dhiult  se  ar  son  de  lii  7  is  mar  sin  do  reidigii  an  taingel 
etorra.  7  is  follas  as  an  sgel  sa  go  raiblie  ein  mor  ag  dia  ar 
C.  e.  tar  cleir  eli  Erend  7  Alban  7  iartliar  domam  vile. 


75.  Fect  and  dorindedli  eclas  ag  Mobi  7  do  batar  na  clericli 
ga  smuainedli  cred  e  an  lan  bud  ferr  le  gacli  naem  acu  do  beitli 
aige  san  eclas.  Do  badli  maitli  leni  fen  ar  Ciaran  a  lan  do 
dainibli  naemta  agam  do  mliolac^  de.  Do  hadh  niaith  lerasa  ar 
Caindech  a  lan  do  lebra/i  diagliaclita  agom  do  medugad  sherbliisi 
de:  Do  \iadh  maith  lenisa  ar  Comgliall  a  lan  do  galar  7  deslainte 
do  beitli  oram  de  ira^tlmd  mo  cuirp.  Do  \)adli  maitli  linisa  ar 
C.  c.  a  lan  dor  7  dairgead  agam,  7  ni  do  gradh  indmais  sin  ar 
se  acht  do  cliumlidach  minw  7  mainesdrecli  7  da  tabairt  donti 
do  Yisied  do  les  e  ar  son  de.    IS  annsin  adubairt  Mobi:  is  am- 


THE   LIFE   OF  COLüMB    CILLE.  287 

own  favoiir  during-  all  tliat  discourse.  For  lio  liad  rather  tliat 
anotlier  tluiu  himself  sliould  speak  for  liiiu.  And  tliougli  he 
miglit  liave  overcome  tliem  by  wisdom  and  knowledge  and  tlie 
autliority  of  Öcripture  lie  preierred  ratlier  to  do  it  by  tiiitli 
and  linmility. 

70.  ('üliimb  cille  bade  farewell  to  Finden  of  (üuain  Hh-aird 
tlien,  and  went  to  Glend  naiden,  for  there  were  fifty  studjäng 
tliere  witli  Mobi  tlie  featureless,  and  C-ainnecli  and  Comgall  and 
Ciaran  were  of  tliat  scliool.  And  upon  tlie  western  side  of  tlie 
river  were  their  bootlis,  and  tlie  clmrcli  on  the  eastern  side. 
Once  of  a  time  tliere  came  a  great  flood  in  tlie  liver  and  a 
niatin  bell  of  tlie  cliurcli  was  rung  and  tlie  saints  could  not  cross 
the  river.  Columb  cille  did  not  regard  the  flood  bnt  went  throngh 
it.  It  is  then  Mobi  said,  '  powerfnlly  na  Neill  Grosses  the  flood '. 
'God  can  save  ns  tliis  labonr'  said  Columb  cille:  and  on  Coming 
past  the  clinrch  that  same  night  they  fonnd  their  booths  beside 
the  clinrch  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  river  at  the  word  of 
Columb  cille. 

74.  Once  of  a  time  there  arose  some  contention,  in  wliich 
tliere  was  not  mucli  härm,  between  Columb  cille  and  Ciaran  mac 
an  tsaeir.  Thereupon  an  angel  came  to  them  bringing  an  axe, 
an  adze  and  an  auger,  and  told  Ciaran  not  to  compare  or  contend 
with  Columb  cille,  for  whereas  Ciaran  had  forsaken  for  God 
only  that  suit  of  serge  which  his  father  used  to  have,  Columb 
cille  had  abandoned  the  kingship  of  Ireland  for  him.  For  that 
was  his  due  by  riglit  of  blood  and  breeding,  and  to  him  it  was 
offered  many  a  time  but  he  refused  it  for  God's  sake.  And  so 
the  angel  composed  their  quarrel.  It  is  evident  from  this  story 
that  God  had  a  great  affection  for  Columb  cille  beyond  the 
other  clergy  of  Ireland  and  Scotland  and  the  whole  western  world. 

75.  Once  of  a  time  a  church  had  been  built  by  Mobi,  and  the 
clerics  were  considering  what  fill  of  the  church  each  saint  of 
them  would  prefer  to  have.  'I  should  like'  said  Ciaran,  'to 
have  its  All  of  holy  men  for  the  praising  of  God'.  'I  should 
like'  said  Caindech,  'its  fill  of  theological  works  for  the  greater 
increase  of  the  Service  of  God'.  'I  would  like'  said  Comgall, 
'that  the  füll  of  it  of  sickness  and  ill-health  were  upon  me 
to  chastise  my  body'.  'I  should  like'  said  Columb  cille,  'to  have 
its  fill  of  gold  and  silver,  and  that  not  for  love  of  wealth'  said 
he,  'but  to  make  reliquaries  and  mouasteries  and  to  give  it  to 


288  RICHARD   HENEBRY, 

laid  blas,  ar  se.  Bud  saidbri  muinnter  C.  c.  ina,  muinter  gach 
naimli  eli  an  Erinn  7  au  Albam.  7  adubairt  Mobi  reiia  sgoi^ 
iarsin  (fo.  8  b)  he  fen  dfhagbail  7  sgaileadli  6  cell,  7  go  mbeitli 
esläinte  granda  sa  baile-sin  arabutar  fo  aimsir  ghirr  .i.  an  biiidech 
condaill  a  liainm  .i.  an  biiidech  ar  dath  an  condlaigh.  7  adubairt 
se  re  Columh  cille  gan  ferand  do  gabhail  u6  go  tacad  se  fen  ced 
du  a  gabhail.  7  do  sgail  au  sgol  0  celi  iarsin.  7  dochuaid  C.  c. 
da  thir  duthaig  fein  .i.  a  tir  Conaill  do  tedied  roimh  an  plaidh-siu 
adubruuiftr  romhainn,  7  rainec  gonuice  an  abhainn  dauadh  haium 
Bir.  IS  annsin  do  bendaigh  C.  c.  au  abhand,  7  do  iarr  ar  dia 
gau  au  plaid-sin  da  leanmhain  ar  in  sruthsiu,  7  fuair  se  sin  0 
dia.  Oir  ni  dech«/f7  si  tairis  7  tainic  si  conuice,  e.  7  is  bithbeo 
na  mirbuili-siu,  oir  ni  teid  an  plaidh  n(3  au  buidhech  cowaill  tar 
au  abuinn-sin  6  sin  alle  tresan  mbeudug«(:/-siu  tucc  C.  c.  uirre ; 
gor  movad  aium  de  7  C.  c.  de  sin. 


76.  Fectas  docuaidh  C.  c.  do  gabail  gr«Vdh  sagairt  docum 
espoic  naemtha  do  bi  a  Cluaiw  foda  a  feruib  Bili  a  Midhe.  7 
mar  rainec  C.  c.  don  baile  do  fhiarfaidh  ca  raibe  an  tespoc. 
Ata  se  ag  trebad  ar  deredh  a  seisrighe  fen,  ar  uech  do  muindtfr 
au  baili.  Teid  C.  c.  gusan  espoc  7  fuair  mar  sin  he.  IS  eccoir 
doit,  ar  a  muindter  re  Coliwih  cille,  techt  diarraidh  graidh  ar 
duine  mar  siid;  oir  ni  hespog  e  acht  oireamh  sesrighe.  IS 
audsiu  adubairt  C.  c.  na  beridh  breth  don  taeb  aniuig  air  go 
finda  sib  cred  na  snh'dltaide  ata  don  taeb  astig  0  dia  aige.  JEt 
do  labair  C.  c.  ris  an  espöc  7  do  indeis  do  gorab  do  gabail 
gr«dha  uadh  tainec  se.  7  ni  tue  au  tespoc  frecra  air  7  ni  m6 
do  coisc  se  don  trebad.  Benaid  au  tiaraud  asau  crand,  ar  C.  c. 
re  a  miiinutvV,  go  mbeith  an  tsesrech  ina  tost  da  fis  in  had 
moide  doberadh  an  tespoc  frec>-a  oraiud  e.  7  ger  maith  le  C.  c. 
fregra  dfhsighaü  on  espoc  ni  da  f-c^ghaü  uile  adubairt  se  sin  acht 
tarcuisne  do  moÜmig  se  gji  muindt/r  fen  ar  au  espoc  7  do  bi  a 
fis  aige  go  ndeuadh  au  tespoc  mirbuile  na  fiadnuisi  trid  sin 
indus  nach  beith  amharus  no  tarcuisne  acu  air  0  sin  amach.  7 
do  bi  a  fis  aige  go  tiubra<Z  dia  grasa  do  ar  a  sliou  fen,  7  do 
guidh  se  dia  ar  a  shon  fan  tarcusne  sin  do  cor  ar  cul.  Oir 
nirb  ail   le   serbfoghawtaigh   diles   de   7   lesiute   do   togh   se  a 


THE   LIFE   OF   COLUMB   CILLE.  289 

anybody  tliat  miglit  reqnire  it  for  God's  sake'.  Then  Mobi  said, 
*It  is  so  it  shall  be'  said  he,  'Columb  cille's  convent  of  monks 
will  be  riclier  tlian  tlie  convent  of  any  otlier  saint  in  Ireland 
and  in  Scotland'.  And  Mobi  told  bis  scliool  to  leave  him  then 
and  to  scatter  apart  for  there  would  be  an  uglj  ailment  in  that 
place  wliere  tliey  were  in  a  sliort  time,  viz.  the  buidech  condaill, 
that  is,  the  jaundice  of  the  colonr  of  stubble.  And  he  told 
Columb  cille  to  take  no  land  until  he  himself  gave  him  permission 
to  take  it.  And  then  he  dismissed  his  school.  And  Columb 
cille  went  to  his  own  fatherland,  to  Tir  Conaill,  fleeing  from 
that  plague  we  have  already  mentioned,  and  he  came  |to  the 
river  that  is  called  the  Bir.  Then  Columb  cille  blessed  the 
river,  and  he  asked  of  God  that  the  plague  might  not  folloAV 
him  upon  that  stream ;  and  his  request  was  granted.  For  it  went 
not  past  it  thougli  it  came  as  far  as  it.  And  those  miracles 
persist  still,  for  the  plague,  or  the  buidech  conaill,  does  not  cross 
that  ri^-er  ever  since  by  virtue  of  the  blessing  that  Columb  cille 
bestowed  upon  it.  And  God's  name  and  Columb  cille's  was 
magnified  thei'eby. 

70.  One  time  Columb  cille  went  to  a  holy  bishop  that  was 
in  Cluain  foda  amongst  the  men  of  Bile  in  Mide,  to  receive 
priests'  Orders.  And  wheu  Columb  cille  reached  the  place  he 
asked  where  was  the  bishop.  'He  is  })loughiug  behind  his  own 
team,'  said  one  of  the  Community  of  the  place.  Columb  cille 
goes  to  the  bishop  and  found  him  so.  'It  is  wrong  for  thee' 
said  his  Community  to  Columb  cille,  'to  come  seeking  Orders  of 
such  a  man,  for  he  is  not  a  bishop  but  a  ploughman.'  Then 
Columb  cille  said,  'pass  no  judgment  upon  his  exterior  uutil  you 
discover  what  interior  graces  he  has  fi^om  God.'  And  Colmnb 
cille  spoke  to  the  bishop  and  told  him  that  it  was  to  receive 
Orders  from  him  that  he  had  come.  But  the  bishop  answered 
him  not,  nor  did  he  cease  his  ploughing.  'Take  the  coulter  out 
of  the  beamj'  said  Columb  cille  to  the  Community,  'that  the  team 
may  be  silent,  to  see  if  the  bishop  would  be  the  nearer  of 
giving  US  an  answer'.  And  though  Columb  cille  wished  to 
obtain  an  answer  from  the  bishop,  it  was  not  altogether  for  the 
purpose  of  getting  it  he  said  that,  but  he  feit  that  the  bishop 
was  contemned  by  his  own  Community,  and  he  knew  that  he 
would  perform  a  mii-acle  in  theii-  presence  on  account  of  it  so 
that  they  might  not   harbour  doubt  or  disdain  in   his  regard 

Zeitschrift  f.  celt.  Philologie  IV.  19 


^90  RICHARD   HENEBRY, 

mbroind  a  mathor  .i.  le  Colimib  cille  tarcusne  do  beith  ag  na 
daiiiib  ar  oclaech  eli  de.  Oir  dob  all  les  a  niirbiiile  dfoillsiugad 
air.  7  do  beiiadli  an  tiarann  asan  crand  7  uir  misde  do  bhi  an 
tseisrech  ag  trebad  e.  Bentor  capall  asan  tseisrig,  ar  C.  c.  7 
do  benad  mrom,  7  do  cuir  an  tespoc  fa  umla  ar  dam  Sillaicl  do 
bi  sa  coill  ren  a  taeb  teclit  cuige  an  inadli  an  capaill-sin.  Tainec 
iarowi  7  do  bi  ag  trebad  mar  gacli  capull  eli  don  tshesrigh,  7 
nir  scuir  an  tespoc  do  trebad  no  go  tainec  an  tarn  fa  sguiredh 
se  gacb  lai  eli.  7  do  leic  a  sesrecli  iarsin,  7  do  lig  an  tiadli 
docum  a  coille  fein  7  ferais  failte  re  C.  c.  7  ger  maitli  an  tes- 
poc and  fen  is  ar  son  gnide  C.  c.  do  foillsig  dia  na  mirbuiledlia 
moia-sin  dö.  7  adubairt  go  tibrccZ  se  gradlia  arna  mharacli  do 
C.  c.  IS  andsin  adubairt  C.  c.  da  madli  aniugli  amliain  doberthea 
gradha  damsa  do  beind  im  airdespoc  os  cind  cleri  Evenn  7  AYbati, 
7  OS  amaracli  doberi  damli  iat  ni  bia  dinite  go  bratli  san  eclais 
agam  hus  mo  ina  beitli  am  ab  7  am  sliagart  crsibaid.  7  gedbeadh 
dodeua  dia  an  niret-sa  do  diglialtos  ortsa  do  cind  gan  gradlia  do 
tabairt  aningli  danili.  Oir  ni  ticfa  enduine  diairazcZ  gradlia  ort 
fen  re  do  beo  nö  at  cill  tar  lieis  go  bratli  ö  so  amacli.  JEt  as 
maitli  liumsa,  ar  C.  c.',  gan  ciiram  isjmo  ina  sin  do  beith  isin 
eclais  oram  fen  go  bratli.  7  ni  biadh  an  cnram-sin  fen  oram 
mnwabeitli  gorab  mo  an  luaigliideclit  dam  beith  fa  imila  uii^d 
ag  denamh  crdhaid  ina  beith  ag  denamh  crdhaid  a  modh  eli. 
7  do  firadh  an  faidhedoracht-sin  C.  c.  aleith  re  gach  ni  dandn- 
bhramar  romaind.  7  tucad  gradlia  sagairt  do  arna  marach  7 
tainec  reimhe  iarsin  go  Doiri  Calgaigh. 


77.  Dob  e  an  baile-si  Doiri  do  bo  baile  dAedh  niac 
Ainmirech  an  nair-sin.  Targaidh  Aedh  an  baili  do  C.  c.  7  do 
diult  Columb  cille  au  baile  ö  nach  raibe  ced  Mobi  aige  fana 
ghabaVZ.  Ag  techt  do  Columb  cille  asin  dünadh  amach  tarla  dias 
do  mhuiMuter  Mobi  do,  7  cris  Mobi  leo  cuige  tareis  bäis  Mobi 
fein.    7  do  cuir  se  an  cris  7  ced  feraind  do  gsibdü  leo  dindsaig*(? 


THE   LIFE    OF   COLUMB   CILLE.  291 

from  tliat  out.  And  he  knew  that  God  would  give  liim  graces 
for  liimself,  and  he  prayed  God  for  him  that  that  contempt 
mig-ht  be  taken  away.  For  a  faithful  servant  of  God  and  one 
whoni  he  cliose  in  his  mother's  womb,  viz.  Cohimb  cille,  did  not 
like  that  people  should  contemn  another  of  God's  benehmen,  for 
he  wished  that  His  miracles  might  be  shown  upon  him.  And 
the  coulter  was  taken  out  of  the  beam,  but  the  team  ploughed 
none  the  worse  for  that.  '  Let  a  horse  be  taken  from  the  team ' 
Said  Columb  cille.  And  he  was  taken  out,  but  the  bishop  caused 
a  deer  that  was  in  the  wood  beside  him  to  conie  to  him  instead 
of  that  horse.  And  he  came  and  ploughed  like  the  horses  of 
the  team.  And  the  bishop  ceased  not  his  ploughing  until  it  was 
the  regulär  time  for  unyokiug.  Then  he  unyoked  his  team  and 
allowed  the  deer  to  escape  to  its  own  wood  and  welcomed 
Columb  cille.  And  though  the  bishop  was  good  himself,  still  it 
was  for  Columb  cille's  prayer  that  God  shewed  him  those  great 
miracles.  And  he  said  that  he  would  confer  Orders  on  the 
morrow  upon  Columb  cille.  Then  Columb  cille  said,  'if  thou 
wouldst  onl}'  confer  Orders  upon  me  to-day  I  would  be  an  arcli- 
bishop  over  the  clergy  of  Ireland  and  Scotland,  but  as  it  is  to- 
morrow  thou  conferrest  them  I  shall  never  eujoy  a  higher  dignity 
in  the  church  than  that  of  an  abbot  and  a  pious  priest.  However, 
God  will  wreak  this  much  vengeance  upon  thee  for  not  having 
conferred  Orders  upon  me  to-daj^,  for  nobody  shall  ever  come 
to  seek  Orders  at  thy  hands  while  thou  art  alive,  nor  at  thy 
churchyard  after  thee  fi^om  this  out  for  ever.  And  I  like  it 
well '  Said  Columb  cille,  '  never  to  have  a  greater  care  than  that 
upon  me  in  the  church.  x^nd  even  that  care  would  not  burthen 
me,  were  it  not  that  a  greater  merit  would  accrue  to  me  through 
practising  virtue  in  obedieuce  to  rule  than  by  practising  it  in 
any  other  way'.  And  that  prophecy  of  Columb  cille  with  respect 
to  everything  we  have  meutioned  was  fulfllled.  And  priest's 
Orders  were  conferi'ed  upon  him  on  the  morrow,  and  then  he 
came  to  Doire  Calgaig. 

77.  That  town  of  Doire  was  the  stead  of  Aed  mac  Ainmi- 
rech  at  that  time.  Aed  offers  the  town  to  Columb  cille,  but 
he  refused  it  since  he  had  not  Mobi's  permission  to  accept  it. 
As  Columb  cille  came  out  of  the  mansion  thei^e  happened  to  meet 
him  two  of  the  Community  of  Mobi,  bearing  Mobi's  girdle  to 
him  after   the   death   of  Mobi   himself.     And  he   had   sent   by 

19* 


292  RICHARD   HENEBRY, 

C.  c.  Mar  do  glac  C.  c.  an  cris  as  and  adubairt:  Maith  an  fer 
ga  raibe  an  cris-so,  ar  se,  oir  nir  lioss-  (f o.  9  a)  luicedli  docum  crdis 
rianili  e  7  nir  liiadliadli  fa  breic  e.    Conad  and  dorinde  an  rand-sa : 


Cris  Mobi 
nibdar  sibne  am  lo 
nir  hosluigedh  re  saitli 
nir  hiadadli  im  go. 

Gabais  C.  c.  an  baile  0  Aedli  iarsin  7  do  loisc  an  baue  andiaidh 
a  fagbliala  do  <?owa  raibe  and  uili.  Do  scriss  oibrech  na  ndaine 
saegalta  ass  da  disliugad  do  dia  7  dö  fein.  As  espacli  sin,  ar 
Aedli,  oir  muna  loisctlii  an  baile  nibiadli  uiresbawZ  bidli  no  edaigli 
ar  duine  dambeitli  and  go  bratli,  7  is  baegal  gombia  niresba?(f 
and  6  so  amacli,  bar  Aedli.  IS  andsin  adnbairt  C.  c.  dogeba 
gacli  duine  dambia  and  a  rigew  a  les  0  dia.  Do  bi  do  med  na 
teinedh  7  na  lasracli  gor  fobair  di  an  doiri  coille  do  bvi  sa  baile 
do  loscad,  conderna  C.  c.  an  imann-sa  danacul  an  doiri: 

R.      Noli  pater  indulgere    tonitrua  cum  fnlgare 
ne  frangamur  formidiwe    huis  atque  uridine 
te  deum  timemus  terribilem    nulluni  credens  similem 
te  cuncta  canunt  carmiwa    angelorum  per  agimina 
teque  exultent  culmina    celi  uagi  per  fnlmina 
0  iKn  amantisime    0  rex  regum  rectissime 
benedictus  in  secula    recta  regens  regimine 
iohaimes  corum  dommo     athuc  matns  in  utero 
repletwÄ  dei  gracia    pro  uino  atque  sisai'e 
elesabet  sdacarias  uirum  magnum  genuit 
iohamiem  bautistam  percnrsorem  domini  mei 
manet  in  meo  corde    dei  amoris  flamma 
ut  in  argensio  uase    aurio  ponitur  gema    amen. 

Et  adeirter  imi  imon-sa  smsiglmid  gacli  tenedli  7  gacli  toirnighe 
0  sin  alle,  7  gebe  gablias  lii  ag  luide  7  ag  erglie  aincid  aw 
nonbar  is  ail  les  ar  tlieinigli  7  ar  toirnigli  7  ar  teindtigh. 

78.  Arngabail  imorra  gradlia  rouasail  roonoraig  na  sagar- 
tachta  do  C.  c.    7  arna  toga  da  nemtoil  na  ab  manuch  ndub  sa 


THE   LIFE   OF   COLUMB   CILLE.  293 

tliem  tlie  girdle,  and  permii^ion  to  accept  land,  to  Columb  cille. 
As  Columb  cille  took  the  girdle  lie  said:  'Good  was  the 
man  wlio  liad  tliis  girdle'  said  he,  'for  it  was  never  opened 
for  ghittony,  and  never  closed  upon  a  lie'.  And  he  made  tliis 
quatrain: 

The  girdle  of  Mobi 
was  not  rushes  aronnd  water  (?), 
it  was  not  opened  for  a  All, 
it  was  not  shut  aronnd  a  lie. 

Then  Columb  cille  took  the  town  from  Aed,  and,  after  Aed  had 
left  it,  burned  it  together  with  all  that  was  in  it.  He  tore  out 
of  it  the  works  of  worldlj'  men,  to  devote  it  to  God  and  to 
liimself.  'That  is  foolishness'  said  Aed,  'for  onlj^  that  the  town 
was  burned  whosoever  would  be  there  would  never  want  food 
nor  clothes,  but  I  fear  there  will  be  want  there  from  this  out' 
said  Aed.  Then  Columb  cille  said,  'whoso  will  be  there  will 
get  what  he  requires  from  God '.  So  great  was  the  fire  and  the 
flame  that  it  almost  burned  a  grove  of  trees  that  was  in  the 
place,  and  Columb  cille  made  this  hymn  to  protect  the  grove: 

Noli  Pater  indulgere    tonitrua  cum  fulgure 
ne  frangamnr  formidine    huius  atque  uridine. 
Te  Deum  timemus  terribilem    nullum  credens  similem, 
te  cuncta  canunt  carmina    angelorum  per  agmina. 
Teque  exultent  culmina    coeli  uagi  per  fulmina, 
0  Jesu  amantissime    o  rex  regum  rectissime, 
benedictus  in  saecula    recta  regens  regimine. 
Joannes  coram  Domino    adhuc  matris  in  utero, 
repletus  Dei  gratia    pro  uino  atque  sicera. 

Elisabeth  Zachariae  magnum  nimm  genuit, 
Joannen!  Baptistam  praecursorem  Domini. 
Manet  in  meo  corde    Dei  amoris  flamma, 
ut  in  argenteo  uase    aurea  ponitur  gemma.    Amen. 

And  this  hymn  is  said  against  every  Are  and  every  thunder 
from  that  to  this,  and  whoso  recites  it  on  lying  down  and 
rising,  it  will  protect  any  nine  he  wishes  from  fire  and  thunder 
and  lightning. 

78.    Columb    cille    haviug    received    the    very    noble    and 
honourable    order   of   priesthood,   and   having   been   unwillingly 


294  RICHARD    HENEBRT, 

baili-se  Doiri,  7  arna  bendugad  do^y  arn  denam  comnuidhe  do 
ann,  do  gab  se  do  laim  ced  do  dainib  bochta  do  shasadh  gach 
lai  ar  soii  de.  7  do  bidli  duiiie  äireidhe  uaid  re  hadliaidli  an 
bidhsin  da  tabairt  dona  boctaib.  7  la  eicin  tareis  namboct  do 
dil  tainec  duiiie  boct  eli  diarraicZ  dt'irce  air,  7  adnbairt  öclach 
Cohimh  alle  cor  dil  se  an  uimhir  do  gnatliuighedh  se  do  dil 
gaclilai,  7  adubairt  se  risan  duine  mboct  tect  an  la  arniaruch  7  go 
tuighed  se  äeirc  mar  gach  mboct  eli.  7  ni  tainec  se  an  la  arna- 
marach  no  gor  diladh  na  bocbt  uile,  7  do  iarr  deirc  mar  an  cecZna 
7  ni  fuair  acht  an  frecra  cedna.  6  oclach  C.  c.  7  tainec  an  tres 
la  diarruid  na  deirce  tareis  nambocht  do  dil  7  ni  fhuair  acht  an 
fregra  cec^na  6  oclach  C.  c.  IS  annsin  adubairt  an  duine  bocht, 
eirig  mar  a  fuil  C.  c.  7  abair  ris  munab  uadha  fen  dogeib  se 
gach  ni  dobeir  se  dona  bochtaib  gan  beith  ag  cuma  re  ced  do 
sasadh  gachlai.  Teid  an  togiach  mar  a  raibe  C.  c.  7  do  indis 
comradli  an  duine  boicht  do.  7  arna  cloisdin  sin  do  Columh  cille 
do  erigh  go  hoband  7  nir  an  rena  brat  no  rena  brogalb,  acht  do 
lean  an  duine  bocht  7  rüg  act'rZoir  air  san  inadh  renabarthar  an 
timpodh  desivl  don  taeb  tiardhes  do  thewpoll  mör  Doire.  7  do  aithin 
gorb  e  an  tigherna  do  bi  and,  7  do  leg  ar  a  gluinib  na  fiadhuuisi 
e  7  do  bi  ag  comrad  ris  0  bei  go  bei  7  do  linadh  do  grasaib 
an  spirc/a  naeitn  e,  7  iter  gach  enimnhicad  da  fuair  se  0  dia 
andsin,  fuair  se  eolus  in  gach  uile  ni  diamrach  da  raibe  sa 
sgribtuir,  7  fuair  se  spirac?  fäidhedoracÄto  indus  nach  raibe  ni 
sa  bith  dorcha  air  da  taineg  no  da  tictaid.  7  6  sin  amach  ni 
raibe  se  ag  cuma  re  ced  acht  na  tindluicthe  mora  fuair  se  0  dia 
gan  misür  doberidh  se  uadh  amach  gan  misür  iad  ar  son  de. 
Et  do  fhoillsig^d  do  cach  fis  min  7  indtinde  piasd  na  fairge  7  fis 
ceilehraid  enlaithe  an  aieöir.  Et  da  derbad  sin  ata  peist  adh- 
uathmar  sa  fairge  darab  ainm  rocuaidh  7  anuair  sgeithes  si 
7  a  hagecZ  for  tir  is  dual  gombia  galar  7  gorta  in  gach  uile 
ta\niain  an  bliadain  sin.  7  anuair  sgeithes  si  7  a  hagerf  suas 
as  dval  gombia  doinend  mor  and  an  bliadain  sin  7  mortlaith 
mor  ar  enlaith  an  aieoir,  7  anuair  sgeithes  si  7  a  haged  fuithe 
sa  fairge  bidh  mortlaid  mor  ar  iasgach  7  ar  piasdaib  na  fairge 
an  bliadain  sin.  Do  indisedh  C.  c.  tre  spirad  fdidhedörachta 
naduir  na  plasda  sin  do  cach  indus  gombidis  ar  a  coimhed  uirri. 


THE   LIFE    OF    COLUMB   CILLE.  295 

chosen  an  abbot  of  black  -monks  in  tliis  town  of  Doire,  and 
having  blessed  it  and  made  his  settlement  tliere,  he  began  to 
feed  a  luuKlred  poor  people  every  day  for  God's  sake.  And 
there  was  a  certain  man  of  liis  for  distributing  that  food  to 
the  poor.  And  one  day  after  having-  served  the  poor  tliere  came 
anotlier  poor  man  to  ask  an  alms  of  liim,  and  Columb  cille's 
Spencer  said  that  he  had  sevved  the  number  he  was  accustomed 
to  serve  each  day,  and  he  told  the  poor  man  to  come  on  the 
morrow  and  that  he  would  get  an  alms  like  every  other  poor 
person.  And  he  came  not  on  the  following  day  until  all  the 
poor  had  been  served,  and  he  asked  an  alms  again  and  received 
the  same  answer  from  Columb  cille's  spencer.  And  he  came  the 
third  day  to  seek  an  alms  after  the  poor  had  been  served  and 
he  received  biit  the  same  answer  from  Columb  cille's  spencer. 
Then  the  poor  man  said,  'go  to  where  Columb  cille  is  and  teil 
him  that  unless  it  is  from  himself  he  gets  everything  he  gives 
to  the  poor  not  to  confine  himself  to  the  feeding  of  a  hundred 
every  day'.  The  Server  goes  to  where  Columb  cille  was  and 
related  to  him  the  conversation  of  the  poor  man.  AVhen  Columb 
cille  heard  that  he  arose  suddenly,  waiting  not  for  his  cloak 
nor  his  shoes,  and  followed  the  poor  man  and  overtook  him 
immediately  at  the  place  which  is  called  the  Eight  Turn  to  the 
south-west  of  the  great  temple  of  Doire.  And  he  found  that  it 
was  the  Lord  that  was  there,  and  he  tlu^ew^  himself  upon  his 
knees  in  His  presence.  And  he  spoke  with  Him  by  word  of 
mouth,  and  he  became  filled  with  the  graces  of  the  Holy  Ghost; 
and  amongst  the  gifts  given  to  him  by  God  at  that  time  he 
received  knowledge  of  every  dark  thing  that  was  in  Scripture. 
and  he  received  the  spirit  of  prophecy  so  that  there  was  nothing 
in  the  world,  past  or  future,  that  he  did  not  know,  and  thence- 
forward  he  limited  himself  not  to  a  huudred,  but  the  great 
gifts  which  he  had  received  without  measure  from  God  those 
he  used  to  l)estow  without  measure  for  God's  sake.  And  it  Avas 
sliewn  unto  him  to  know  the  mind  and  intent  of  sea-reptiles 
and  to  understand  the  singing  of  the  birds  of  the  air.  In  proof 
whereof  there  is  a  fiightful  serpent  in  the  sea  called  Eocuaidh, 
and  when  it  vomits  to  landward  it  is  a  sign  that  there  will  be 
sickness  and  disease  in  every  country  that  year.  And  whenever 
it  vomits  upwards  it  is  a  sign  of  great  storms  and  severe 
mortality   on   birds    of   the   air   that   year.     And   whenever   it 


296  RICHARD   HENEBRY, 


79.  Fect  eli  do  Cohimh  cüle  an  Doiri  7  do  chiür  cuid  ai- 
rithe  dd  manclia?&  do  buain  fidhaigli  do  chumdach  (fo.  9b)  eclaisi 
indte  ar  coill  diüne  airidlie  don  popttZ,  7  tugatar  lan  an  arthruig 
do  bi  acn  leo.  7  ar  tect  mar  a  raibe  C.  c.  doib  do  indisetar  dö 
CO  raibe  doilgiies  mor  ar  tigerna  na  coillecZ  fa  med  do  benad  di, 
7  arna  cloisdin  sin  do  C.  c.  do  f?<rail  ar  na  ma??chaib  se  tomhais 
eorna  do  chor  diwnsaigicZ  an  oglakh  0  tucatar  an  fldliach.  7  as 
lii  aimser  do  bi  and  an  nair  sin  dered  an  tshamraidh.  7  do 
riwnetar  na  manaig  mar  adubairt  C.  c.  riu  7  docuatar  dindsaigif? 
an  oglaicli  7  rugatar  an  eorna  cuige,  7  adubratar  ris  mar  adubairt 
C.  c.  ris.  7  adubairt  an  todach  riü-san  na  hud  eidir  go  tihvad 
an  Sil  do  cuirf/V/e  san  aimsir-sin  tora(Z  6na  tes  7  ona  mlied  do 
cuaid  tairis  di  Adubairt  a  ben  risan  oclach,  dena.  comairli  an 
imoim,  ar  si,  oir  doblieir  dia  do  gacli  ni  da  niarranw  air.  7 
adubratar  na  tectairer/a  tainec  lesin  tsliil  dindsaig/cZ  an  oglaich 
condubaw't  C.  c.  ris  a  döclius  do  cur  an  dia  fan  gort  do  tect 
acJit  ge  do  cimfide  go  mall  e  gombeitli  abaidh  inbvana  a  tosacli 
na  ced  mi's  dfoghmar.  7  dorinde  an  toglacli  mar  adubairt  C.  c. 
ris  7  do  firadh  gach  ni  de  sin,  7  is  mar  sin  do  cüitig  C.  c.  digbail 
a  coilledh  risan  oglach.  7  do  möradh  ainm  de  7  C.  c.  de  sin 
7  is  e  fa  liainm  don  oglacli-sin  1er  leis  an  choill  7  ara  ndernadh 
an  mirbaile-sin  .i.  Findchan. 


80.  Fect  eli  tainec  C.  c.  do  buain  adlimaid  docum  eclaisi 
Doiri  ar  an  coill  darab  ainm  an  Fidba^Z,  7  tancutar  daine  eladlma 
cuige  diarraid  spreidlie  air.  7  adubairt  sesivn  riü  nach  raibe 
spreidh  aige  doib  andsin,  7  dandechdais  leis  don  baile  go  fuig- 
hed  siad  spreidh.  7  adubratar-san  nach  rachdais  7  niyna  faigli- 
dals  spreVcZ/i  anwsin  fen  üadh  go  cdinfidls  e.  Mar  docuala  C.  c. 
an  taes  eladhna  ag  bagar  a  caiwte  7  gan  ni  aige  doberadh  se 
doib  andsin  do  gab  näiri  imarcach  e,  7  do  bi  do  mhed  na  naire- 
sin  go  facaid  a  raibe  do  latha/r  an  äeüiach  do  erigh  da  chind, 


THE   LIFE   Or   COLUMB   CILLE.  297 

vomits  downwards  in  the  sea  there  will  be  a  great  mor- 
tality  011  fish  and  sea-reptiles  tliat  year.  Columb  cille  iised  to 
teil  the  nature  of  that  reptile  to  everybody  throiigh  his  spirit 
of  prophecy  in  order  that  they  might  be  on  their  guard 
against  it. 

79.  As  Columb  cille  was  in  Doire  another  time  he  sent  a 
certain  niimber  of  his  monks  to  ciit  wood  for  the  biülding  of  a 
church  there  to  the  wood  of  a  certain  man  of  the  congregation. 
And  thej"  broiight  back  with  them  the  füll  of  their  vessel.  And 
when  they  came  to  where  Columb  cille  was  they  told  him  the 
owner  of  the  wood  was  very  sorry  that  so  much  of  it  had  been 
cut  down.  When  Columb  cille  heard  that  he  caused  the  monks 
to  send  six  measures  of  barley  to  the  man  from  whom  they 
had  taken  the  timber.  And  the  time  of  the  jesir  tlien  was  the 
end  of  Summer.  And  the  monks  did  as  Columb  cille  had  said 
to  them;  they  went  to  the  man  and  took  him  the  baiiey  and 
told  him  Columb  cille's  message.  And  the  man  told  them  it  was 
not  possible  that  seed  sown  in  that  season  could  give  increase 
on  account  of  its  heat  and  for  the  amount  of  the  season  that  was  al- 
ready  past.  His  wife  said  to  the  man  'do  the  Saint's  bidding'  said 
she,  'for  God  gives  him  everything  he  asks  of  Him'.  And  the 
messengers  who  had  come  with  the  seed  to  the  man  told  him  Columb 
cille  had  desired  him  to  trust  in  God  that  the  garden  should  grow, 
and  that  though  it  had  been  sown  late  it  would  be  ripe  for 
reaping  in  the  beginning  of  the  first  month  of  harvest.  And 
the  man  did  as  Columb  cille  had  told  him,  and  it  was  fulfllled 
in  every  particular.  And  so  it  was  that  Columb  cille  compen- 
sated  the  man  for  the  injury  to  his  wood.  And  the  name  of 
God  and  Columb  cille  was  magnified  thereby.  And  the  name 
of  the  man  to  whom  belonged  the  wood,  and  for  whom  that 
miracle  had  been  wrought,  was  Findchan. 

80.  Another  time  Columb  cille  came  to  cut  wood  for  the 
church  of  Doire  to  the  wood  which  is  called  Fidbad.  And 
certain  poets  came  to  him  seeking  a  boon.  And  he  told  them 
he  had  no  gift  at  hand  for  them  there,  but  that  if  they  came 
with  him  to  the  homestead  that  they  should  receive  a  gift. 
They  said  they  would  not  go,  and  that  if  they  did  not  receive 
a  gift  from  him  upon  the  spot  they  would  satirize  him.  When 
Columb  cille  heard  the  poets  threatening  to  satirize  him,  whereas 
he  had  nothing  to  give  them  there,  he  was  seized  with  great 


298  RICHARD   HENEBRY, 

7  do  ciiir  all«.s  imarcacA  dd  d.gid,  7  do  ciiir  a  lamh  fäna  Sigid 
do  bvain  an  allais-sin  de  d  dorindedh  tallan«  oir  don  alliis-sin 
ar  a  bois  7  tue  se  an  tsiilann  sin  don  aeis  eladlina.  Et  is  mar 
sin  do  flioir  dia  näire  C.  c.  7  nirb  ingnadh  dia  dfwrtacÄt  na 
liaigtlie-sin  C.  c.  Nir  crntliaigef?/i  riamh  a  fecmais  daendac/i^a 
Cr^sd  aghaid  budh  nairidli  ina  (a)n  SLged-sin  C.  c.  7  is  mö  tug 
amacli  decla  a  cäinte  7  a  imdergtha,  7  nir  mill  sin  ewni  da 
cogüs  no  da  tregenas  nö  dd  fhuireclirifs  nö  da  urnaidthe  nime. 


81.  Fect?(5  do  Columh  cille  an  inad  airitlie  iUr  Oilech  na 
rigli  7  Doiri  C?dgaig  7  tainec  cliar  mor  do  dainib  eladhna  na 
cend  7  do  iarratar  spreidh  7  biad  air.  Tigid  lern  don  baile  ar 
C.  c.  7  dober  sin  daeib.  Ni  racliam,  ol  siad,  7  muna  fagham 
gach  ni  dib  sud  andso  fein  aorfam  7  cainfem  tu.  As  urasa  le 
dia  mesi  do  saeradh  oraib,  ol  C.  c,  masa  toil  les  fen.  7  do  gab 
naire  mor  he.  Oir  nir  gened  7  ni  genfidlier  a  fegmais  daendachta 
Crist  neodi  bud  fheli  7  bud  nairidhe  ina  se.  7  do  guidli  dia  go 
duthroc/i/ach  fana  flmrtacht  on  cas-sin  a  raibe  se.  Et  Sissed 
adubairt:  a  tigerna  7  a  Isu  Crisd,  ar  se,  os  ar  fhigliair  fein  do 
crutuighis  mesi  na  leic  naire  dfhagaVZ  don  fidhair-sin  anois.  7 
ata  a  fhis  agad  fein  da  mbeith  a  furtoc/«i  agamsa  go  fuirteochaind 
ar  do  son-sa  hi,  7  ni  flu  mesi  himdergadh  trim  fen.  Teid  C.  c. 
go  döchusacb  iarsin  dindsaigliid  tobair  fhiruisce  do  bi  san  inadli- 
sin  7  do  bendaig  7  do  coisric  an  ainm  Issu  Crist  e  7  dorinde 
dia  maith  mor  air  andsin,  uair  do  claechlodh  se  an  tuisce  a  fi« 
do  refedli  uaire  do  lo,  conadh  maith  ainm  an  tobair-sin.  7  do 
bo  njür  le  C.  c.  gan  soithighe  aige  asa  tibved  se  an  fin-sin  don 
der  7  do  cach  arcena.  7  do  foills?"^  an  taingel  do  go  rabhatar 
cuirn  do  fokhatar  sendaine  aimser  fada  roimhe-sin  a  dadh  na 
ratha  romöire  bui  laim  ris.  7  fuair  se  na  cuirn  san  inadli  adu- 
bairt an  taingel  a  mhcüh.  7  do  bi  raith  eli  do  coir  an  inaidh- 
sin,  7  ruc  se  an  diar  7  gadi  duine  eli  do  bi  faris  les  indte,  7 
tug  se  ücdh  mor  don  fin-sin  doib;  gor  movad  ainm  de  7  C.  c.  de 
sin.    Gonad  raith  na  fleidhe  ainm  na  ratha-sin  6  sin  alle. 


THE   LIFE    OF   COLUMB   CILLE.  299 

sliame,  and  so  grieA'Ous  was  that  shame  that  tliose  present  saw 
snioke  arise  from  liis  liead.  And  liis  face  did  sweat  exceedino-lj-, 
and  he  put  liis  liand  to  liis  face  to  take  avvay  tliat  sweat,  and 
that  sweat  becanie  a  talent  of  gold  in  his  palm,  and  lie  gave 
that  talent  to  tlie  poets.  And  so  it  was  that  God  saved  the 
shame  of  Columb  cille.  And  it  is  no  wonder  that  God  shonld 
succour  that  face  of  Columb  cille's.  For  there  never  was  created, 
with  the  exception  of  the  case  of  the  divinity  of  Christ,  a  face 
more  shamefast  than  that  face  of  Columb  cille's.  And  much  he 
bestowed  for  fear  of  blame  and  reproach,  but  that  detracted 
nothing  from  his  conscience  nor  his  abstinence  nor  his  vigils  nor 
his  prayers. 

81.  Once  of  a  time  as  Columb  cille  was  in  a  certain  place 
between  Oilech  na  righ  and  Doire  Calgaig  there  came  to  him 
a  great  concourse  of  poets  who  besought  him  for  gifts  and  food. 
'  Come  with  me  to  the  homestead '  said  Columb  cille,  '  and  I  will 
give  5^ou  that.'  'We  will  not  go'  said  they,  'and  if  we  get  not 
every  one  of  those  tliings  here  upon  the  spot  we  will  satirize 
and  reproach  thee.'  'It  is  easy  for  God  to  save  me  from  ye' 
said  Columb  cille,  'if  He  so  wills  it.'  And  he  became  greatly 
ashamed.  For  outside  the  case  of  the  divinity  of  Christ  there 
was  never  born  and  never  will  a  person  more  modest  and  shame- 
fast than  he.  And  he  prayed  earnestly  to  God  to  save  him 
fi'om  that  hard  press  in  which  he  was,  and  he  said:  'Lord  and 
Jesus  Christ'  said  he,  'as  it  is  according  to  Thine  own  likeness 
Thou  didst  create  me,  do  not  allow  that  likeness  to  be  put  to 
the  blush  now.  For  Thou  Thyself  knowest  that  had  I  the  means 
of  protecting  it  I  would  protect  it  for  Thy  sake,  and  I  am  not 
worthy  that  Thou  shouldst  be  reproached  on  account  of  me. '  Then 
Columb  cille  went  with  confidence  to  a  well  of  spring  water  that 
was  in  that  place,  and  he  blessed  and  consecrated  it  in  the  name 
of  Jesus  Christ.  And  thereupon  God  did  him  a  great  good,  for 
He  changed  the  water  into  wine  that  ran  an  hour  in  the  day: 
so  that  Maith  (i.  e.  good)  is  the  name  of  that  well.  And  Columb 
cille  was  ashamed  that  he  had  no  vessels  to  help  the  poets  and 
all  besides  to  that  wine.  x^md  an  Angel  shewed  him  that  there 
were  cups  in  the  rampart  of  the  great  rath  beside  him  which 
men  of  old  had  hidden  a  long  time  before  that.  And  there  was 
another  rath  of  the  properties  of  that  place,  and  he  took  the 
poets  and  everybody  who  was  with  them  into  it  and  made  them 


300  RICHARD   HENEBRY, 


82.  Fectas  äochiiaid  C.  c.  ina  aenar  6  Doire  go  Carraic 
Eolaircc  os  iir  Loclia  firalaind  Febliail,  7  ba  gnath  leis  dul  don 
inadli-sin  do  denamh  duthraclita  do  dia.  Oir  ba  halaind  uaignecli 
e  7  ba  rominec  do  tigdis  na  haingeil  do  comradh  ris  and.  7  ar 
crichimgad  umaigthe  faide  dö  docond-  (fo.  10  a)  airc  se  manach 
da  manchmö  fen  eilige,  7  do  bendaiglietar  d4  cell  7  do  fiarfaig 
C.  c.  sgela  de.  Ata  droclisgel  agam,  ol  an  manach,  .i.  do  brätliair- 
se  7  do  dalta  spir(ialta  dfliag&rt?7  bais  .i.  Maelcabha  mac  Aedlia 
mic  Ainmirecli  mic  airdr/gh  'Erenn.  Tniagli  sin,  ol  C.  c.  Fir  ön, 
ol  in  nmnacli,  do  \imc]if?idh.  7  do  liacainedli  an  sgel-sin  go  mor  le 
firu  Erenw  nile.  7  docuaid  C.  c.  os  cind  cuirp  an  macmm  iarsin, 
7  do  leig  ar  a  gluinibh  e  7  adubairt  nach  eireochadli  dona  glüinibh- 
sin  coidhce  nö  go  fagadli  se  aiseg  awma  a  dalta  fen  0  dia.  7  do 
gab  teora  saltoir  andsin  7  do  bi  ag  guidhe  de  go  i'odntliractacli 
mailli  re  cdi  7  re  toirsi  moir  7  do  bew  cros  dia  bacliaill  ar  weht 
an  macaim  maille  re  dochas  laidir  7  adubairt  do  gutli  mor  ris 
erglie  an  ainm  Isv  Crrist  0  m^rhaib.  Eo  erigli  an  macam  a 
ce(?öir  le  breithir  C.  c.  amail  do  ereocliacZ  as  a  codladh.  7  an 
doläs  7  an  tuirsi  do  bi  ar  rig  Erenw  7  ar  Erendcha?&  uile 
reimhe-sin  fa  bas  Mailcablia  do  linadli  ni  bndh  romhö  ina 
sin  iad  do  luthgair  7  do  sholas  fana  hatbeoug«^  doib.  7  do 
molatar  dia  7  C.  c.  go  himaicach  tresan  mirba?7-sin.  Et  inccad 
tn'cha  bo  7  tWclia  brat  7  tWcha  da  gacli  uile  crodli  do  dia  7 
do  C.  c.  ar  ashon-sin.  7  tue  Maeleoba  fen  an  eis-sin  dfhir  inaidli 
C.  e.  ar  a  fAicJit  fen  ina  dhiaig  go  brath  uair  gacha  bliadna.  7 
do  fhagaib  se  eomerghe  ag  mindaib  7  ag  muntir  C.  e.  ar  a  sliclit 
fen  gaeli  menci  vair  do  raclidais  a  cenn  duine  dib  eoidhee.  7 
do  bi  Maeleobha  deieh  mhliadnsi  ina  rigli  Ereww  iarsin  7  do  lee 
an  righe  de  7  dochtiaid  a  crdhud  gor  naemadh  fa  deoigli  e. 
As  follus  duwn  as  an  sgel-sa  eorab  mogewair  ga  nibi  C.  c.  na 
cliara.  Oir  nir  16r  les  an  cara-sa  do  bi  aige  datlibeougar?  gan 
maithes  saegalta  do  tabairt  dö  7  flaithes  de  fa  deoigh. 


THE   LIFE   OF   COLUMB   CILLE.  301 

a  g-reat  banquet  of  that  wine;  so  tliat  the  nanie  of  God  and 
Coliirab  cille  was  mag-nified  thereby.  And  The  Eath  of  tlie 
Ban(inet  is  tlie  name  of  tliat  ratb  ever  since. 

82.  Once  npon  a  time  Colnmb  cille  went  alone  from  Doire 
to  Carraic  Eolaircc  above  the  brink  of  lovely  Longh  Febhail; 
for  he  was  accnstomed  to  go  to  that  place  to  perform  his 
devotions  to  God.  Because  it  was  sweet  and  retired  and  that 
ang-els  nsed  to  come  very  often  to  converse  with  him  there. 
And  having  finished  a  long-  prayer,  he  saw  one  of  his  own  monks 
Coming-  towards  him.  They  saluted  each  other,  and  Cohimb  cille 
asked  tidings  of  him.  'I  have  bad  news'  said  the  monk,  'the 
death  of  thy  own  kinsman  and  Spiritual  fosterling",  viz.  Mael- 
cablia  mac  Aedha  mic  Ainmirech  son  of  the  liigh-king  of  Ireland '. 
'Woe  is  nie'  said  Colnmb  cille.  'That  is  trne'  said  the  monk, 
'that  Story  was  sadly  lamented  and  bewailed  by  all  the  men  of 
Ireland'.  And  Columb  cille  went  thereupon  over  the  body  of 
the  yontli  and  kuelt  down  and  said  that  he  would  not  arise 
from  that  kneeling-  posture  forever  until  God  reimbursed  him 
the  life  of  his  own  foster-cliild.  And  then  he  conned  the  psalter 
thrice,  and  he  kept  praying-  God  fervently  with  weeping-  and 
very  great  woe,  and  he  traced  the  sign  of  the  cross  npon  the 
breast  of  the  yonth  in  all  confldence,  and  he  said  to  him  with 
a  lond  voice,  '  arise  in  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ  from  the  dead '. 
The  youth  arose  at  once  at  the  word  of  Columb  cille,  as  he 
should  arise  from  sleep.  And  for  all  the  grief  and  sorrow  by 
wliich  the  king  of  Ireland  and  all  the  Irish  were  affected 
previously  upon  the  death  of  Maelcabha  they  were  filled  much 
more  than  that  with  joy  and  gladness  at  his  being  revived  for 
them.  And  they  praised  God  and  Columb  cille  exceedingly 
through  that  miracle.  And  there  were  given  thirty  cows  and 
thirty  cloaks  and  thirty  of  every  kind  of  cattle  to  God  and  to 
Columb  cille  in  return  for  it.  And  Maelcabha  himself  imposed 
that  stipend  upon  his  own  seed  after  him  forever  payable  to 
Columb  cille's  successor  once  a  year.  And  he  further  enjoined 
that  the  treasures  and  convent  of  Columb  cille  should  enjoy  the 
right  of  protection  from  his  own  race  as  often  as  they  had 
recourse  to  one  of  them  for  ever.  And  Maelcabha  was  king 
of  Ireland  for  ten  years  afterwards  when  he  abdicated  and 
became  a  religious  so  that  finally  he  became  a  saint.  It  is  clear 
to  US  from  this  story  that  happy  was  the  man  who  had  Columb 


302  RICHARD   HENEBRY, 


83.  Ni  hiirusa  a  bfaisneis  a  tug'  dia  dfliertaib  7  mirbuiK& 
do  C.  c.  rena  ndenamli  an  Doire  7  in  a  lan  dinadaib  eli  gaclia 
taeblia  do  Loch  FeabaiZ.  An  nair  ira  tigedli  aeidhedha  no  aes 
eladna  a  cenn  C.  c.  7  gan  biadh  aige  daib  do  cuiredli  fa  umla 
ar  iasc  Locha  Febaü  teclit  cuige  go  riaradh  leis  iad,  7  do  cuired 
br/g  ii;ia  7  blas  Itmnochtn  an  uisce  an  loclia  cechia,  daib  ama^7 
atbe>-^  Biiithi«  mac  Ciianach  ga  derbac?  so  is  na  rannaibli-se  sis: 


An  nair  bni  a  Carraic  Eolairc    Columh  cille  gan  niehul 

do  geibliedli  iasc  gan  doir^nmlie    du  clioindmhib  a  Loch  Febaü. 

IS  e  dia  rodelbhnsdair        raidim-si  rib  go  tuicse 
doberthai  blas  lem\\ocht-d    is  brigh  fhiwa  na  uisce. 

84.  Fectas  eli  do  C.  c.  an  Doire  7  ced  do  dainib  naemtha 
maille  ris  7  tainec  Brenaiwn  ccd  eli  do  ddinib  naemtha  na  cend. 
7  ni  tarla  do  biadh  ag  C.  c.  ar  a  ceawn  an  nair-sin  acht  nai 
mbairghewa  7  nai  noirdne  eisg.  7  do  gabh  naire  mor  C.  c.  uime 
sin.  7  do  bendaig  se  an  meid  bidh-sin  7  tainec  do  brvgli  an 
bendaighte-sin  C.  c.  go  rainec  bairgen  7  orda  eise  a  laim  gach 
endnine  da  raibe  do  lathair  andsin.  Et  ni  \\ed  amain  act  da 
tigedh  a  raibe  na  comhghar  isna  tirthaib  cuca  doghebdaeis  an 
dil  anün  7  eise  an  oidhce-si(n),  7  do  batar  na  nai  «vbairgena  7 
na  nai  noirdne  esc  imlan  arna  mharach.  As  follus  assin  scel- 
sa  nar  lor  le  dia  C.  c.  do  chnr  a  cosmaiZes  risna  huasalaith- 
recha«^  7  ris  na  naemhaib  eli  tainecc  reime  acht  gor  cuir  se  a 
cosmailes  ris  fen  e  an  nair  do  shäs  se  na  cüig  mile  ar  an  bhtasach 
lesna  cüig  aränaib  7  lesan  dd  iasg. 


85.  Fect  eli  do  C.  c.  an  Doire  7  tainec  cerrbhach  7  duine 
boc7/i  dd  indsoig?d.  7  tue  se  bown  don  cerrbhach  7  pingiwn  dou 
duine  bocht.  7  doba  roingnadh  le  cach  gorab  mo  tug  se  don 
cerrbach  ina  don  duine  bocht.  7  do  foillsig  dia  do  C.  c.  cach  dd 
chur  sin  an  ingnad  air.    7  adubairt  se  re  ddinib  airithe  da  raibe 


THE   LIFE   OF   COLUMB   CILLE.  303 

cille  für  a  friend.  For  he  did  not  think  it  enougli  to  bring' 
this  friend  of  his  back  to  life,  but  lie  also  gave  liim  worldly 
wealtli  and  tlie  kingdom  of  God  at  last. 

83.  It  is  not  easy  to  teil  all  tlie  wonders  and  nüracles  God 
gave  Columb  cille  to  do  in  Doire  and  in  many  otlier  places 
upon  botli  sides  of  Loch  Febhail.  Thus  whenever  guests  or 
l)oets  came  to  Columb  cille,  if  he  had  no  food  to  offer  them,  he 
used  to  Order  the  fish  of  Loch  Febhail  to  come  to  him  and 
used  to  serve  his  guests  with  them.  x\nd  he  used  to  put  the 
virtue  of  wine  and  the  flLavour  of  new  milk  upon  the  water  of 
the  same  lake  for  them,  as  Bäithin  mac  Cüanach  said  in  proof 
of  this  in  those  verses  following: 

AVhen  in  Carraic  Eolairc    Columb  cille  without  deceit 
he  used  to  catch  fish  without  trouble    for  his  guests  in 

[Loch  Febhail. 
It  was  God  that  so  shaped  it,     I  say  to  thee  with  sense, 
the  taste  of  new  milk  was  put  upon  its  water    and  the 

[nature  of  wine. 

84.  Another  time  as  Columb  cille  was  in  Doire  with  a 
hundred  holy  people,  there  came  Brenainn  to  him  with  another 
hundred  holy  people.  And  it  happened  that  Columb  cille  had  no 
food  before  them  at  that  time  but  nine  loaves  and  nine  morseis  of 
fish.  And  great  shame  came  upon  Columb  cille  on  that  account. 
And  he  blessed  that  amount  of  food,  and  it  came  about  by  virtue 
of  that  blessing  that  there  was  a  loaf  and  a  morsel  of  fish  in 
the  band  of  every  persou  that  was  there  present.  And  not 
only  that,  but  if  there  should  come  all  that  was  in  their  neigh- 
bourhood  in  the  districts  to  them  they  would  get  their  just 
portion  of  bread  and  fish  that  night.  And  the  nine  loaves  and 
the  nine  morseis  of  fish  were  intact  ou  the  morrow.  It  is  clear 
from  this  story  that  God  did  not  deem  it  enough  to  make 
Columb  cille  like  the  patriarchs  and  other  saints  who  came  before 
him,  but  that  he  made  him  like  Himself  when  He  satisfied  the 
five  thousand  in  the  desert  with  five  loaves  and  two  fishes. 

85.  Another  time  as  Columb  cille  was  in  Doire,  there  came 
to  him  a  gambler  and  a  poor  man.  And  he  gave  a  groat  to 
the  gambler  and  a  penny  to  the  poor  man.  Everybodj^  wondered 
that  he  gave  more  to  the  gambler  than  to  the  poor  man.  xVnd 
God  revealed  to  Columb  cille  that  people  were  marvelling  at 


304  RICHARD   HENEBRY, 

do  lathair  andsin  an  cerrbac/t  7  an  dvine  bocht  do  lenmhain  da 
fechom  cred  dogliendais  risan  airged-sin  tue  se  doib.  7  fiiaratar 
an  cerrbacli  a  taibeirne  ag  61  luacha  an  biünd  7  se  ga  tabairt 
dd  gacli  duine  rainec  a  les  e  da  tainec  cuige.  7  as  amlaid  fu- 
aratar  an  duine  bocht  marb  ar  an  sligid  7  an  pingind-sin  tucc 
C.  c.  do  7  cüig  marg  eli  fuaighte  na  edacli.  7  tangatar  lesna 
sgelaih-sm  dindsaig/^  C.  c.  IS  andsin  adubairt  C.  c.  do  foillsigh 
dia  damli-sa  nacli  roibe  do  shaeghal  ag  an  duine  boclit  ud  ni 
dob  faide  Ina  sin,  7  dd  mad  fada  a  saegal  nacli  cuirfedh  se  a 
tarba  do  fein  n6  do  duine  eli  enni  dambeitli  aige  acht  a  tsäsgid 
mar  dorind  risna  cuig  marg.  7  gerbli  olc  an  cerrbacli  and  fein 
ni  he  taisgid  abfuair  se  dorinde  acht  do  tslitis  se  e  fein  7  daine 
eli  ara  raibe  riachtanas  a  les  re  luach  a  buiwn,  7  ar  an  adhbhar- 
sa  tucas-sa  ni  hud  mö  dö  ina  iiicas  don  duine  boclit.    (fo.  10  b). 


86.  Fectas  eli  do  C.  c.  an  Doire  7  twgad  lenabh  becc  dd, 
baisdecZ  cuige,  7  ni  raibe  uisge  angar  do  an  uair-sin.  7  tue  C.  c. 
comarta  na  croiche  ar  in  earraig  cloiche  do  bi  na  fhiadlmaise 
gor  leig  srut  flruisce  eisde  7  do  baisdedh  an  lenab  ass.  Comidli 
tobar  C.  c.  aiiim  an  toba/r-sin  ö  sin  alle.  IS  mor  7  as  ingantach 
a  tue  dia  dfertaib  7  do  mirbliuil/&  do  0.  c.  rena  ndenamh  an 
Doire.  7  do  tlmgalb  C.  c.  clerech  maitli  bud  combrathair  geinelm^ 
do  fein  a  comliorbaeht  Doire  .i.  clerech  do  cewel  Cowaill.  7  do 
fhagaib  uaisle  7  onoir  7  ügernus  tuaithe  an  baile-sin  7  na  tuath 
na  timchell  ag  cewel  Conaill  go  brath. 


87.  Fectus  da  tainecc  C.  c.  na  aenar  0  Doire  go  Carraicc 
Eolairg  os  ur  Locha  forlethain  Feabhuil  dmiraid  uaignis  do  guide 
de  7  do  radh  a  tratli  7  a  nniaigthe.  7  nir  eian  do  and  an  uair 
docondairc  se  an  taenoglach  alaiwn  ingantach  tii'd  an  loch  da 
indsoigid  amail  nobeith  se  ag  siubaZ  tiri  nö  talman,  7  ass  oir 
fana  chois,  7  an  eoss  do  benad  re  lar  aige  is  uimpe  uobidh  an 
tass.  7  ar  teet  go  lathaii^  dö  assed  adubairt:  gor  bemiaighe  na 
dee  adhartha  duit  a  Coluimh  alle,  ar  se.  Cia  thusa  fen  doni  an 
bendugarf-sin,  ar  Oolumh  cille,  no  ca  tir  nö  talam  asa  tanec  tu, 
nö  cia  is  ri  nö  as  tigerüa  duid,  nö  ca  dia  da  creidend  tu?  Me 
fein  as  tigerna  damli,  ar  se,  7  is  dona  deeib  adartha  elii^eidim. 
IS  ingiiad  lern  da  madh  ri  nö  mac  righ  tu  do  beith  ataenar  mar 


THE   LIPE   OF   COLUMB   CILLE.  305 

liim  for  that.  And  he  told  certain  persons  who  were  present 
tliere  to  follow  the  gambler  and  the  poor  man  to  see  what 
tliey  would  do  witli  the  money  he  gave  them.  And  they  found 
tlie  gambler  in  a  tavern  drinking  the  groat's  worth  and  giving 
it  to  everyone  he  met  that  needed  it.  And  the  condition  in 
which  they  found  the  poor  man  was  dead  on  the  road  with  the 
penny  which  Columb  cille  had  given  him  and  five  marks  besides 
sewn  in  his  clothes.  And  they  returned  with  that  tidings  to 
Columb  cille.  Then  Columb  cille  said :  '  God  revealed  to  me  that 
yon  poor  man  had  no  longer  than  that  to  live,  and  if  he  had  a 
long  life  that  he  would  never  put  to  profitable  use  for  himself 
or  for  anybody  eise  whatsoever  he  might  have,  but  störe  it  up 
as  he  had  done  with  the  five  marks.  And  though  the  gambler 
was  bad  in  himself,  still  he  did  not  störe  what  he  got,  but  satis- 
fied  himself  and  other  folk  who  were  in  need  with  his  groat's 
worth;  and  therefore  I  gave  him  more  than  I  gave  the  poor  man.' 

86.  Another  time  as  Columb  cille  was  in  Doire,  a  little  child 
was  brought  to  him  to  be  baptised.  And  there  was  no  water 
by  him  at  that  time.  And  Columb  cille  made  the  sign  of  the 
cross  upon  a  boulder  that  was  before  him,  and  it  spouted  a 
stream  of  spring"  water,  and  the  child  was  baptised  with  it.  And 
Columb  cille's  well  is  the  uame  of  that  well  ever  since.  Great 
and  wonderful  is  the  nuniber  of  signs  and  miracles  God  gave 
Columb  cille  to  do  in  Doire.  And  Columb  cille  left  a  good  clerk 
who  was  a  blood  relative  of  his  to  succeed  him  in  the  incum- 
bency  of  Doire,  namely  a  clerk  of  the  tribe  of  Conall.  And  he 
bequeathed  the  primacy  and  honour  and  lordship  of  that  town 
and  of  the  surrounding  districts  to  the  tribe  of  Conall  for  ever. 

87.  Once  upon  a  time  Columb  cille  came  alone  from  Doire 
to  Carraic  Eolairc  above  the  brink  of  broad  Loch  Febhail 
seeking  retirement  to  pray  to  God  and  to  say  his  office  and  his 
prayers.  And  he  was  not  long  there  when  he  beheld  a  beautiful 
youth  of  wonderful  aspect  Coming  to  him  upon  the  lake  as  if 
he  were  Walking  the  land  or  ground.  And  he  had  a  golden 
sandal  upon  his  foot;  and  whatever  foot  he  put  down,  it  is  upon 
it  the  sandal  used  to  be.  And  upon  Coming  nigh  he  said:  'May 
the  gods  of  adoration  bless  thee,  Columb  cille'  said  he.  'Who 
art  thou  who  makest  that  salutation '  said  Columb  cille,  '  or  from 
what  land  or  country  hast  thou  come,  or  who  is  thy  king  or 
lord,  or  in  what  god  doest  thou  believe?'   'I  am  my  own  lord' 

Zeitschrift  f.  celt.  Philologie  lY.  20 


306  RICHARD   HENEBRY, 

sin,  ar  C.  c.  Ataei-si  fen  ataenur,  a  cleiigh,  ar  in  todocli,  7  bid 
a  fliiss  agat-sa  dd  mad  dil  lium-sa  go  mbeidis  fiche  ced  odach 
am  coimliidecht  awnso,  ol  se.  7  indisim  diüt-si  gorab  me  fen 
Mongaw  mac  Fiachna  .i.  mac  rigli  Vlad,  7  corab  do  coimes  fliesa 
7  eolais  rit-sa  tdnag.  INwis  duinw  ni  don  fliis  7  don  eolass  mor- 
sin  ata  agat,  a  Mongain,  ol  C.  c.  INdeosat,  ar  se,  oir  ni  fhuil  on 
corrmiltoig  co  rige  an  mil  mor  bet]iac?acli  nach  teigim-si  na  rieht 
7  as  eola  me  ar  moran  do  tivthih  7  dindsib  agas  doilenaib 
diamhrac/ia  in  domam,  7  go  hairitlie  as  eola  me  ar  tri  coicait 
oilen  ata  do  taeb  tiar  dEriw>^  sa  fairge.  7  ata  tri  uired  Yjvenn 
in  gach  oilew  dib.  Cia  aitreblm«  na  tirtha  7  na  talmana-sin 
nach  cnalamar  q,us  aningli?  ar  Colwm&  dlle.  Aitrebaid  innta,  ar 
Mongan,  daine  onöraclia  is  maitli  delb  7  denamh  iter  fhir  7  mnai, 
7  atdid  ba  finda  eöderga  indta  go  laegaib  a  comlidatha  maille  riu, 
7  ataid  cairig  flnwa  go  liimarciicli  indta  7  is  siad  sin  is  spreid 
7  is  airnes  doib.  As  mor  an  fis  7  an  teoLws  enduine  sin,  a  Mon- 
gaiw,  ar  C.  c,  7  gidh  mör  e  as  bec  e  ag  fecham  an  eolais  7  an 
fesa  ata  agam-sa,  oir  is  eöla  me  a  nimli  7  a  talmaiw  y  an  iierwn. 
As  maith  an  teolacÄ  ar  talmam  me,  ar  Mongan,  7  docuala  me 
iiirwn  7  ni  fliedar  cred  e  flaitlies  de  7  cia  is  ri  nö  is  tigerna 
ar  m  nemli-sin  adeiri  a  clerigli,  ar  se.  Dia  nan  uili  chmnliflc//i 
.i.  cruthöi^^/teoir  nimlie  7  talmaw  7  ifräid  7  nan  uile  creatüir  is  ri 
and,  ar  C.  c,  7  go  saera  se  tnsa,  a  Mongaiw,  ar  an  merugarf  7  ar 
an  seclirdw  creidnilie  ata  ort.  7  as  tntagli  liumsa  fer  lifesa  7 
teolM5-si  do  beith  coimliainbfliesacli  7  sin  and.  IS  mor  test  7 
tiiarMscba?7  an  ocla?r/-sin  as  aendia  and  agat-sa,  ar  Mongcm,  et 
ar  onoir  do  daendaclita  7  ar  gra'd  an  aendia-sin  beir  mesi 
dfecbam  flaitliesa  de  7  ifirn«  7  gaba^'wj  do  comuirce-si  fam  roghaiw 
do  tabairt  damli  dibli  ar  mbreith  eolais  orra.  Tair-sa  cugam-sv 
andso  amäracli  ar  maidiw  7  dober  flireccra  ort  im  gacli  ni  da 
fbuile  diarrmt?  orm,  ar  C.  c. 


THE  LIFE   OF   COLUMB   CIT.LE.  307 

Said  he,  'and  I  l)elieve  in  tlie  gods  of  adoration.'  'I  marvel 
tliat  tliou  art  thiis  alone  if  tliou  be  a  king-  or  king-'s  son'  said 
Cüluml)  cille.  'Tliou  art  tliyself  alone,  cleric'  said  the  youtli, 
'and  know  tliat  if  I  wislied  it,  tliere  wonld  be  two  tliousand 
yonths  accompanying  me  here'  said  lie.  'And  I  teil  tliee  that 
I  am  Mongan  son  of  Fiachna,  i.  e.  son  of  the  king-  of  Ulaid,  and 
that  it  was  to  conipare  wit  and  knowledge  with  thee  I  came. ' 
'Teil  me  some  of  this  great  wit  and  knowledge  of  thine,  Mongan' 
said  Columb  cille.  'I  will  teil'  said  he,  'beeause  there  is  not 
from  the  gnat  to  the  whale  an  animal  whose  shape  I  do  not 
assiime.  And  I  have  knowledge  of  most  of  the  conntries  and 
retired  Islands  of  the  world,  and  partirularly  I  have  knowledge 
of  the  thrice  fifty  Islands  that  are  in  the  ocean  to  the  AVest  of 
Ireland.  And  each  Island  of  them  is  thrice  the  size  of  Ireland. ' 
'Who  dwells  in  those  conntries  and  lands  that  we  never  heard 
teil  of  until  to-day?'  said  Columb  cille.  'There  do  dwell  in 
them'  said  Mongan,  'honoured  folk  of  good  shape  and  make,  both 
men  and  women,  and  there  are  white  cows  with  red  ears  there 
having  with  them  calves  of  the  same  colour.  And  there  are 
white  sheep  in  plenty  there;  and  these  sort  are  the  cattle  and 
gear  they  have.'  That  is  a  deal  of  wisdom  and  knowledge  for 
one  man,  Mongan'  said  Columb  cille,  'but  though  great,  it  is 
small  compared  with  the  knowledge  and  wisdom  I  have,  for  I 
am  learned  in  Heaven,  in  Earth  and  in  Hell.'  'I  am  riglit 
learned  on  the  Earth'  said  Mongan,  'and  I  heard  of  Hell,  but 
I  do  not  know  what  is  the  kingdom  of  God,  or  who  is  king  or 
lord  of  that  Heaven  thou  speakest  of,  clerk ',  said  he.  '  The  God 
of  all  power,  to  wit,  the  creator  of  Heaven  and  Earth  and  Hell, 
and  of  all  creatures,  is  king  there '  said  Columb  cille.  '  And  may 
He  save  thee,  Mongan,  from  the  erring  and  wandering  from  the 
Faith  that  affects  thee.  For  I  deplore  that  a  man  of  tliy 
wisdom  and  knowledge  should  be  so  Ignorant  of  Him. '  'Thou 
hast  a  good  testimony  and  account  of  that  youth  who  is  the 
one  God'  said  Mongan;  'and  for  the  honour  of  thy  kindliness 
and  for  the  love  of  that  one  God,  take  me  to  see  the  kingdom 
of  God  and  Hell,  and  I  crave  thy  warranty  to  allow  me  to  take 
my  choice  of  them  after  I  shall  have  attained  to  a  knowledge 
of  them. '  '  Come  thou  to  me  here  to-morrow  morning,  and  I  will 
answer  thee  in  every  thing  which  tliou  now  seekest  of  me ',  said 
Columb  cille. 

20* 


308  RICHARD   HENEBRY, 

Do  gabatar  ced  gd  cheli  an  oidlice-sin  7  teid  Mongan 
remhe  da  sithbrogai&  fein.  Oir  ba  himarcacli  a  cumliaclita  an 
dn'dghect  7  an  diaMmläAiiadd.  Et  teid  C.  c.  remhe  go  Doire  7 
do  gabli  SB  ag  guidlie  de  go  dntAraclitacli  an  oidhche-sin  fa  Mongan 
do  leigen  les  dfecliam  gloire  flaitliesa  de  7  peine  ifirnd.  7  ticc 
an  taingel  cuige  7  asset^  adnbairt  ris:  gacli  ni  as  ced  leat-sa  a 
taimctm  as  ced  le  dia  ar  nimli  e  7  is  ced  les  tussa  do  breitli 
Mongaiw  da  fecliaiw  sin.  Teid  C.  c.  iarsin  ar  maidiw  go  Carraic 
Eolairg  7  ger  mocli  doclmmc^  and  fnair  se  Mongan  ar  a  cind 
7  do  benduiglietar  da  celi.  IS  andsin  adnbairt  Mongan :  in  cnmliaiw 
let-sa  an  gellatZ  tucais  damh-sa  ane,  a  C.  c.  ?  ar  se.  As  cwmaiw, 
ar  Qohmib  cüle,  7  tabmV  do  cenn  fa  beinn  mo  bruit  7  docife  tu 
gacli  ni  da  bflmile  diarraidli.  Cuiris  Mongan  a  cend  fa  brat  C.  c. 
7  do  foillsigef?  iternn  con^  ilpianaib  do.  7  do  eigli  go  hard  arna 
fliaicsin  sin,  7  assed  adubhairt:  (fo.  IIa.)  0  a  C]ioluinih  cille,  gnidhim 
tu  a  liucht  an  dia  da  creidinw  tu  an  taispewadh  tugais  damli  do 
ceilt  orm,  oir  is  lor  lim  a  bfliaca  de.  Do  tog  C.  c.  a  brat  do 
cend  Mongmn  7  do  fiarfaidli  de  cred  lii  an  aitreb-sin  doconwaic 
se.  Ni  liurassa  dam  a  tuarascbmZ  do  tabairt  uaim,  ar  Mongan, 
oir  dambeith  mile  teanga  am  cenn  7  saegaZ  go  la  na  breithe 
agam  ni  fhedfaind  uile  ö.uad  nilc  an  tiglie  ud  7  na  liaitrebhe  dindisiw. 
Acht  amhain  da  bfeclidals  sil  Ädhaimli  ar  an  endiabw^  is  lugha 
gram  indte  dogebdaeis  bas  fo  cedöir.  7  is  deimliin  co  bflmigind- 
se  bas  co  hobanw  munabeith  do  coimliet-sa  orum.  Et  beir  dfheclmm 
flaitliesa  de  anos  me.  Cuir  do  cenw  fam  coini,  ar  C.  c.  Cuiris 
Mongan  a  cenn  fa  coim  C.  c.  7  do  foillsigliedli  flaitlies  de  do 
cona,  gloir  7  cona.  aibnes  7  cona  ilceolmö.  7  do  tuit  a  codilad 
air  lesna  ceolai&-sin,  7  mar  dob  fhada  le  C.  c.  do  bi  Mongan  na 
cliodlttcZ  tocbais  a  hrat  da  cinw  7  do  moscail  Mongan  iarsin.  7  do  fiar- 
iaiy  C.  c.  de  cred  hl  a  bhreth  ar  an  taisbenadh-sin  tuccar^  dö.  Ni 
heidir  limsa  breth  do  breith  air,  ar  Mongan,  oir  dambeith  mile  cenn 
orum  7  mile  tenga  in  gach  cenn  dibh  ni  thicied  dim  an  gloir  is  lugha 
a  bflaithes  de  dindisin  duit.  7  gabaim  do  comairce-si,  a  Coluimb 
cille,  fam  cuid  don  glöir-sin  do  tabairt  go  suthain  damh  iarmbas. 
Dober-sa  sin  duit,  ar  C.  c.  7  dewa  fein  maith  7  hud  tu  an  tres 
mac  ochta  beis  am  wcJd-sSi  la  na  breithe  got  anacwü  ar  tenidh 
mbratha  .i.  tu  fen  7  Maelumha  mac  Baodaiw  7  Suidemhaiw  mac 
SamhaiM.  Ceiliubruis  cacli  da  cele  dib  7  bi  Mongan  na  oclacÄ 
maith  do  dia  7  do  Cohimb  cüle  6  siw  amach  gäa  bas  7  iarmbäs. 


THE   LIFE   OF   COLUMB   CILLE.  309 

They  took  leave  of  each  other  tliat  night  and  Mongan  went 
to  his  own  fairy  mansions.  For  great  was  liis  power  in  witch- 
craft  and  devilment.  And  Columb  cille  went  to  Doire  and  he 
began  to  pray  God  earnestly  that  night  that  Mongan  might  be 
permitted  to  accompany  him  to  see  the  glory  of  the  kingdom 
of  God  and  the  pain  of  Hell.  And  an  angel  came  and  said  to 
him:  Whatsoever  thou  desirest  on  earth  God  desires  in  Heaven, 
and  He  desires  that  thou  bring  Mongan  to  see  that.'  There- 
after  upon  the  morrow  Columb  cille  went  to  Carraic  Eolairc, 
and  though  he  went  early  there  he  found  Mongan  before  him, 
and  they  saluted  each  other.    Then  Mongan  said: 

'Dost  thou  remember  the  promise  thou  gavest  me  yester- 
day,  Columb  cille?'  said  he.  'I  do'  said  Columb  cille,  'and 
put  thy  head  under  the  edge  of  my  cloak  and  thou  wilt 
see  everything  thou  seekest '.  Mongan  put  his  head  under  Columb 
cille's  cloak  and  Hell  with  its  many  torments  was  shewn  to 
him.  And  he  cried  aloud  on  seeing  that  and  said:  '0  Columb 
cille,  I  beseech  thee  for  the  sake  of  the  God  whom  thou  believest, 
hide  from  me  the  vision  thou  gavest  me,  for  I  have  seen  enough 
of  it.'  Columb  cille  raised  his  cloak  from  the  head  of  Mongan 
and  asked  him  what  manner  of  dwelling  he  had  seen,  'It  is 
not  easy  for  me  to  describe  it'  said  Mongan,  'for  if  I  had  a 
thousand  tongues  in  my  head  and  life  tili  the  day  of  judgment 
I  could  not  teil  all  the  torment  of  that  house  and  dwelling.  But 
however,  if  the  seed  of  iVdam  could  but  see  one  devil  the  least 
horrible  there,  they  would  die  at  once.  And  it  is  certain  that 
I  should  die  suddenly  but  for  thy  keeping  of  me.  And  take  me 
now  to  see  the  kingdom  of  God,'  'Put  thy  head  into  my  bosom' 
said  Columb  cille.  And  there  was  shewn  to  him  the  kingdom 
of  God  with  its  glory  and  its  happiness  and  its  many  harmonies. 
And  he  feil  asleep  at  that  music;  but  as  Columb  cille  thought 
it  long  that  he  slept,  he  raised  his  cloak  from  his  head  and 
thereupon  Mongan  awoke.  And  Columb  cille  asked  him  what 
he  thought  of  that  vision  that  had  been  given  him.  'I  am  not 
able  to  define  it'  said  Mongan,  'for  if  I  had  a  thousand  heads, 
and  a  thousand  tongues  in  each  head  of  them,  I  would  not  be 
able  to  teil  thee  the  least  glory  in  the  kingdom  of  God.  And  I 
exact  thy  assui'ance,  Columb  cille,  for  the  getting  of  my  share 
of  that  glory  for  ever  af ter  my  deatli. '  '  I  shall  give  thee  that ' 
Said  Columb  cille,  'do  thou  well   and  thou  wilt   be  one  of  the 


310  RICHARD   HENEBRY, 


88.  Fectus  do  C.  c.  ag  techt  timchell  reilge  an  Duibregleis 
an  Doire  .i.  an  diürrthech  ambidli  ag  radh  a  trcttli,  7  do  leic  se 
ar  a  glui«ibli  e  7  tue  a  aighidli  soir  gach  ndirech  7  do  thogaib 
a  lama  siias  a,maü  do  beitli  ag  esteaclit  aifräid.  7  arnerge  dö 
da  glüinib  do  üimiiaig  manacli  airidhe  di'a  mhancliaib  fen  do 
bi  maille  ris  de  cred  fänderna  an  umla-sin  7  cred  e  an  taisbenadh 
twcad  dö  an  uair-sin.  Frecrais  C.  c,  e  7  Sissed  do  raid:  An  papa, 
ol  se,  i.  Gr/dlioir  bell  oir  do  bi  ag  rädli  Mirmd  ar  altoir  moir 
tempaill  Petair  sa  Eoim  anois,  ar  se,  7  au  uair  doco«narc-sa  an 
corp  naemtha  gä  thogbail  aige  do  leces  ar  mo  gluinib  me  7  as 
dö  tucas  an  umla  ud.    7  do  mörad  ainm  de  7  Coluimb  cille  de  sin. 


89.  Do  bi  an  oired-sin  do  gradh  ag  Columb  cille  ar  Doire 
7  do  doilgess  aige  fan  doire  choilledli  do  bdi  and  do  buain  no 
do  gerradli,  (mar  nach  fuair  se  inadti  don  duirrtech  renabartliar 
an  Duibreigles  aniugli  au  uair  do  bi  se  ga  denamli  ar  cor  gombeith 
edan  na  lialtora  de  san  aird  soir  le  dlus  na  coilledli  7  narb  ail 
lei(s)-si«  an  colli  do  gerradh,  gorab  e  a  tliaeb  do  fliurail  se  do 
tabairt  san  aird  soir.  7  da  dearbudh  sin  is  ana  tliaeb  ata  an 
altöir  aranabraf^  se  fein  an  tsiitrcnd,  7  is  follass  do  cacli  gorab 
e  sin  suidliiuga(Z  an  duirrtige  sin  auuigli).  7  an  crann  do  tuitferf 
uad  fen  nö  do  legfadh  au  gaetli  sa  baile-sin  do  fliagaib  se  mar 
aithne  ag  luclit  a  inaidli  na  diaig  gan  a  gerrad  co  cend  nomli- 
aidhe  7  a  vohin  andsen  ar  dainibh  maithe  7  saitlie  au  baile, 
7  an  tres  cuid  de  do  cliur  a  tigli  nan  aidliedh  fa  comliair  nan 
äidetZ  fen  7  a  äedimad  do  roind  ar  na  hocht-dibh.  7  ata  an  rann 
dorinde  se  fen  tareis  a  dul  ar  deoraidliect  an  Albam  do  ga 
derbadli  nach  raibe  sambitli  ul  ris  uar  cliomliolc  les  coill  doire 
Doire  do  gerradh: 

Acht  gidh  ecail  lem  gan  fhell    an  tecc  7  an  titirnn 

as  ecclaidhe  lem  gan  cleitli     fuaiui  vtaidhe  tiar  an  Doire. 

90.  Fecüts  do  C'.  c.  sau  inadh  renabartav  Cluai»«e  a  port 
Doire  Calgaidh  don  taeb  tsoir  do  loch  Feaba?7  7  do  bendaig  se 


THE   LIFE   OF   COLUMB   CILLE.  311 

three  darlings  lipon  my  breast  the  day  of  judg-ment  for  thy 
protection  against  the  fire  of  doom,  namely  tliyself  and  ]\Iae- 
Inmlia  mac  Bäodain  and  Siiidemliain  niac  Saniliain.'  Tliey  bade 
eacli  other  farewell,  and  Mong-an  was  a  good  servant  to  God  and 
to  Columb  cille  from  tliat  out  tili  bis  deatli  and  after  bis  deatb. 

88.  Once  of  a  tinie  as  Columb .  cille  was  coming  around  the 
church-yard  of  the  Dubregles  in  Doire,  i.  e.  tbe  oratory  in  wbich 
lie  used  to  say  bis  offlce,  be  knelt  down  witb  bis  face  due  East 
and  raised  iip  bis  bands  as  if  be  were  bearing  inass.  On  arising 
from  bis  knees  a  certain  one  of  bis  own  monks  wbo  was  witb 
bim  asked  bim  wby  be  bad  made  tbat  reverence,  and  wbat  was 
tbe  Vision  tbat  bad  been  voucbsafed  bim  tben.  Columb  cille 
answered  bim  and  said:  'Tbe  Pope'  said  be,  'Gregory  of  tbe 
golden  moutb  it  was  tbat  was  saying  mass  npon  tbe  bigb  altar 
of  Peter's  cbiircb  in  Rome  now'  said  he,  'and  when  I  saw  bim 
elevate  tbe  sacred  Body  I  cast  myself  lipon  my  knees,  and  it 
was  for  tbat  I  made  tbat  reverence.'  And  tbe  name  of  God 
and  Columb  cille's  was  magnified  thereby. 

89.  Columb  cille  so  loved  Doire  and  was  so  adverse  to  the 
cutting  or  felling  of  tbe  grove  of  wood  tbat  was  tbere  —  for 
be  could  not  find  a  place  for  tbe  oratory  tbat  is  called  the 
Dubregles  to-day,  when  he  was  a-biiilding  it,  of  such  a  kind 
tbat  tbe  front  of  its  altar  might  be  to  the  East,  on  account  of 
the  nearness  of  the  wood,  so  tbat  it  was  its  side  be  ordered  to 
be  tiirned  to  the  East.  And  in  proof  of  tbat  tbe  altar  on  wbich 
he  used  to  say  mass  is  on  the  side,  and  it  is  clear  to  everybody 
to-day  tbat  such  was  the  ordering  of  tbat  oratory.  And  he 
imposed  it  as  a  law  upon  bis  successors  after  bim  not  to  ciit  a 
tree  tbat  feil  of  itself  or  was  blown  down  by  wind  in  tbat 
locality  until  nine  days  bad  elapsed,  and  tben  to  divide  it  amongst 
the  people  good  and  bad  of  the  townland,  one  third  portion  of 
it  to  go  to  tbe  guest-bouse  for  tbe  guests  themselves,  and  a 
titbe  to  be  shared  amongst  tbe  poor.  And  the  stanza  wbich  be 
made  bimself  after  having  gone  into  exile  in  Scotland  is  proof 
tbat  tbere  was  notbing  soever  he  disliked  so  much  as  to  cut  the 
grove  of  Doire: 

Thougli  I  fear,  witbout  deceit    deatb  and  Hell  [Doire.    • 

I  fear  more,  witbout  concealment    the  sound  of  an  axe  back  in 

90.  Once  of  a  time  as  Columb  cille  was  in  tbe  place  tbat 
is  called  Cluaine  at  the  landing-place  of  Doire  Calgaidh  upon 


312  RICHARD   HENEliRY, 

an  inadh-sin  7  dorinde  tempitZ  and.  7  do  labair  tre  spirvid 
faidhedoracA/a  7  assed  adubairt:  Tief«  espoc  gallda  a  cemi  aim- 
sire  faide  amdiaid-se  san  inadh-sa  7  scailf/t^  an  tempttZ-sa  dorinde 
mesi  do  denamli  oibre  eli  da  dodmih  san  inadli  renabartar  Bun 
sentuinwe  sa  baile-se  fen.    Cowadh  and  dorinde  an  rann-sa: 


Mo  t/imaidhe      ticfaid  goill  do  Clüaine 

7  beraid  mo  tempoll      go  Bun  sentuinde  fiiaire, 

7  do  firadli  sin  uile  amail  is  follas  do  cacli  aningli  .i.  Tain- 
(fo.  IIb)  ig  espoc  gallda  go  Doire  darb  ainm  Nicol  Bastün  7 
isse  do  scaeil  an  tempw^-sin  do  denamli  ciiirte  de.  7  nir  cWch- 
naiged  an  cuirt-sin  fos  7  is  demin  leamsa  comb  do  mirbuile  C.  c. 
tainec  gan  crich  do  cliur  nirre  lesna  clochaib-sin  a  temi^uü  fen. 


91.  Do  bendaig  7  do  cnmhdai^  C.  c.  Eatli  mboth  iarsin  7 
do  baithec^  a  saer  do  bi  ag  denamli  mhuilind  sa  baile-sin  a  lind 
an  muilinn  fein.  7  arna  indesin  sin  do  C.  c.  docnaidh  os  cind 
a  cuirp  arna  togbail  asin  lind  7  do  leig  ar  a  glüinib  e  7  do 
cuir  urnaigtlie  dutliractach  docum  dia  fana  atlibeoiiga^^  dö,  7  ar 
cnclmugad  na  liurna?^^/ie-sin  do  C.  c.  do  ericli  na  sliesamli  go 
dochnsacli  7  do  bean  crois  da  bachaill  ar  ucht  an  tsliaeir  7 
adubairt  ris  erglie  beo  ar  a  chossaib  fen  an  ainm  Isv  Crisd. 
Do  eirigh  an  saer  acedoir  le  breithir  C.  c.  amail  do  eireochad 
se  as  a  cliodlttd,  gor  morad  ainm  de  7  Coluimh  cille  de  sin. 


92.  Fectas  eli  do  C.  c.  a  Ratli  mboth  7  docuaidh  iarand  na 
sesriglie  amuglia  0  na  hoireamhnaib  7  dobendaigh  C.  c.  lam  macaimli 
oig  do  bi  na  fliochair  nach  derna  goibhnecht  riam  roinihe  sin  .i. 
Fergna  a  ainm.  7  do  iarr  air  iaranw  do  denamli  an  inadh  an 
iarainw-sin  doehuaid  amuglia.  Dorinde  Fergna  sin  go  maith 
amail  do  beitli  re  goibhnecht  riam  conuice  sin.  7  ba  saei  gabonw 
6  sin  amacli  e  do  brigh  an  bendaighthe-sin  C.  c.  7  ni  he  sin  an 
Fergna  rer  cuir  se  an  failte  ambroind  a  mäthar. 

93.  Gabuis  Feidlimm  mac  Fergassa  cendfö(?a  mic  Conaill 
Gulpam  .1.  atliair  Coluimb  cille  rigacht  Vlad  7  armbeith  do  athaidh 


THE    LIFE    OF    COLUMB    CILLE.  313 

the  East  side  of  Loch  Febhail,  he  blessed  that  place  and  he 
biiilt  a  cliurch  there.  And  he  spoke  in  a  spirit  of  prophecy  and 
.said:  'There  will  come  an  Englisli  bisliop  a  long  time  after  nie 
to  tliis  place  and  he  will  destroy  this  cliurch  which  I  have 
biiilt  to  make  another  werk  of  its  stones  in  the  place  which  is 
called  Bun  sentuinne  in  this  same  townland.'  And  it  was  then 
he  made  this  stanza: 

Alas!  the  English  will  come  to  Cluaine 

and  bring  my  church  to  the  Bun  of  the  cold  old  woman. 

And  all  that  was  verified  as  is  clear  to  everybody  to-day. 
Tlius:  There  came  an  English  bishop  to  Doire  whose  name  was 
Nicöl  Bastün,  and  it  was  be  that  destroyed  that  church  to  make 
a  palace  of  it.  And  that  palace  has  not  been  finished  yet;  and 
I  am  sure  it  was  through  the  miracle  of  Columb  cille  it  came 
about  that  it  was  not  finished  on  account  of  using  the  stones  of 
his  own  church. 

91.  Columb  cille  blessed  and  built  Eath  niboth  afterwards. 
And  the  wriglit  who  was  making  a  mill  in  that  stead  was 
drowned  in  the  pool  of  the  mill  itself.  Upou  that  being  told  to 
Columb  cille  he  went  over  the  body  after  it  had  been  taken  out 
of  the  pool,  and  casting  himself  on  his  knees  he  prayed  earnestly 
to  God  to  revive  liim  for  him.  And  wlien  Columb  cille  had 
finished  that  prayer  he  arose  with  confidence  and  traced  the 
sign  of  the  cross  upon  the  breast  of  the  wright  and  told  him  to 
arise  living  upou  his  own  feet  in  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ. 
And  the  wright  arose  at  ouce  at  the  word  of  Columb  cille  as 
he  should  arise  from  sleep.  And  God's  name  and  Columb  cille's 
was  magnified  thereby. 

92.  As  Columb  cille  was  another  time  in  Eath  mboth  the 
ii'on  of  the  plougli  WTiit  astray  from  the  ploughmen,  and  Columb 
cille  blessed  the  band  of  a  little  boy  that  was  with  him  who 
had  never  done  smith-work  before  that.  viz.  Fergna.  And  he 
asked  him  to  make  another  iron  instead  of  the  one  that  was 
lost.  Fergna  did  so  as  well  as  if  he  had  been  a  smitli  all  his 
life  until  then.  And  he  was  a  mastersmith  fi'om  that  out  by 
virtue  of  that  blessing  of  Columb  cille's.  And  that  is  not  the 
Fergna  he  saluted  while  in  his  mother's  womb. 

93.  Feidlimm  mac  Fergossa  cendfoda  mic  Conaill  Gulbain, 
to  wit  Columb  cille's  father,  enjoyed  the  kingship  of  Ulaid.    And 


314  .    RICHARD  HENEBRY, 

fada  sa  rige-sin  7  ar  tect  a  aisi  7  a  arsaidhecta  go  mor  legiss 
an  righe  de  7  roindis  ar  a  braitlirib  1.  7  assiad  so  awmonda 
nanibraithrech-sin  .i.  Breiiaind  7  Nindigli,  Fiacliaidli  7  Fidruidlie, 
Cathrand  7  Loarn  7  Sedna  an  mac  fa  hoige  dib.  7  dorindedli  flegh 
mor  iarsin  le  macuib  Fergliossa  san  inadli  renabartar  Botli  brain 
a  tir  FergM5.sa  aniugli  a  termonw  Cille  mic  Nenain.  7  do  bi 
Columb  cüle  an  uair-sin  a  cnigedli  hsiigen  ag  bendugad  cell  7 
eclus.  Et  ro  f oills/^  aingel  de  dö  corleic  Feidlim»^  .i.  a  atliair  an 
rige  de  7  gorroindetar  na  braitlire  adubramar  romahr/i  a  feraud 
etorra  fen. 


IS  andsin  teid  Columb  cille  remhe  bud  thuaidli  gussin  inadh 
a  raibe  a  atliair  .i.  go  Cill  mic  Nenäin  7  nir  cian  dö  and  an  uair 
tancatar  techta  a  braithrecli  ar  cend  an  tsenoruch  .i.  Feidilimthe 
da  breitli  do  comövad  na  fleidhe.  As^ed  adnbairt  Feiälimm  nach 
rachad  se  andsin  7  go  raibe  se  arsaidh  egcruaidli  7  adnbairt 
riu  C.  c.  do  breitli  leo  do  bendugacZ  na  fleidhe.  Teid  C.  c.  lesna 
techtaib-sin  go  Boith  mbrain  7  arndnl  don  baile  dö  tarla  Sedna 
niac  Fergassa  cendfot^a  do  ceddainib  dö  7  ba  rofhaihV^  remhe  he. 
M  do  fhiarfa?^  C.  c.  de  narroindetar  a  braithri  7  se  fen  ferand 
re  cele.  Do  roinwemar,  ar  Sedna.  Nar  gabadh  dechmat?  an 
ferainw-sin  lib?  ar  Cohimh  cille.  Nir  gsibad,  ar  Sedna.  IS  ced 
limsa  masa  ched  le  dia  he,  ar  C.  c,  gan  an  roinnsin  do  beith  ar 
bail  nö  do  dnl  a  soirbes  etraibh  no  gongabtar  declimad  an  feraivid 
lib.  Do  riar  deit,  a  clericc,  ar  Sedna  .i.  an  cuid  ronda  rainec 
mesi  don  ferawn  doit  ar  son  na  dechma/f?e.  Gonadh  6  sin 
Termon«  cille  mic  Ne^^ain  aniugh.  Dober-sa  Inach  ar  a  shon-sin 
duid-si,  ar  Cohimh  cille,  oir  dober  cendi/5  7  tigernas  deit  ar  do 
brait/wibh  is  sine  na  tu  fen.  Et  is  ar  do  tslicht  beid  rigraidh 
7  tigernarfa  slecta  Conaill  Gulbain  go  brath  aris.  IS  andsin 
tancatar  an  cuid  eli  do  m«caib  Ferghosa  a  coinde  C.  c.  7  do 
fersad  failte  fWs.  Fiarfuighis  C.  c.  dib  ö  do  fuair  se  &ec\miaid 
an  feraind  0  Sedna  anbfuigedh  se  dechmaid  na  fledi  7  gach  ueich 
eli  as  ar  imcuba/d  dechmarf  do  gabdil  0  sin  amach  uatha  san. 
Do  estetar  uile  iris.  Frecvaid  C.  c,  ar  Sedna,  7  na  hesdigh  ris 
am  enni  däniarrand  oraib.  Oir  is  dö  is  coir  burndechmaidhse  .i. 
do  mac  burnderbhbrathar  .i.  an  clerech  as  ferr  an  Erind.  Ta- 
hi'aid  bur  ndechma«?  do  C.  c,  ar  Loarn  mac  Fergasa  .i.  an  dara 
mac  roboige  do  cloiud  Fergusssi  cen?ifhoda.    Fada  gorlabrais,  ar 


THE   LIFE   OF   COLUMB   CILLE.  315 

after  a  long  time  in  that  kingship  and  when  age  and  debility 
greatly  oppressed  liini,  lie  abdicated  tlie  kingdom  and  divided 
it  amongst  Ins  relatives.  x\nd  tliese  are  tlie  nanies  of  tliose 
relatives:  Breuaind  and  Nindigh,  Fiachaidh  and  Fidnüdhe, 
Catlirand  and  Loarn,  and  Sedna  tlie  youngest  son  of  tliem.  And 
a  great  feast  was  made  by  tlie  sons  of  Fergns  in  tlie  i)lace 
that  is  called  Botli  brain  in  the  land  of  Fergus  to-day,  witkin 
tlie  ecclesiastical  boundary  of  Cill  mic  Nenain.  And  Columb 
cille  was  at  that  time  in  the  province  of  Leinster  blessing  cells 
and  chnrches.  And  an  angel  of  God  sliewed  him  that  Feidlimm 
liis  father  had  abdicated  the  kingdom  and  that  the  relatives 
already  mentioned  had  divided  his  land  amongst  themselves. 

Then  Columb  cille  fared  northwards  to  the  place  where  his 
father  was,  viz.  to  Cill  mic  Nenain.  And  he  was  not  long  there 
when  messengers  came  from  his  cousins  for  the  old  man  Feid- 
limm to  bring  him  to  celebrate  the  feast.  Feidlimm  said  he 
would  not  go  there,  that  he  was  old  and  weak,  and  so  he  told 
tliem  to  bring  Columb  cille  with  them  to  bless  the  feast.  Then 
Columb  cille  went  with  the  messengers  to  Both  brain,  and  upon 
going  to  the  stead  Sedna  was  among  the  flrst  persons  to  meet 
him,  and  he  welcomed  him  gladly.  And  Columb  cille  asked  him 
if  himself  and  his  relatives  had  not  shared  land  with  each  other. 
'  We  have'  said  Sedna.  'Have  ye  not  taken  tithes  of  that  land?' 
Said  Columb  cille.  '  We  have  not '  said  Sedna.  '  It  is  my  desire 
if  it  is  God's',  said  Columb  cille,  'that  that  division  be  not 
fortunate,  nor  turn  out  lucky  for  you  until  ye  shall  have  set 
apart  tithes  from  that  land.'  'I  give  tliee  thy  will,  clerk'  said 
Sedna,  'namely  the  portion  that  feil  to  me  of  the  land  I  give 
to  thee  as  tithes.'  And  that  is  the  Termon  of  Cili  mic  Nenain 
to-day.  'I  will  give  thee  a  reward  for  that'  said  Columb  cille, 
'for  I  will  give  thee  primacy  and  lordship  over  thy  brothers 
wlio  are  eider  than  thee.  And  the  dynasts  and  lords  of  the  race 
of  Conall  Gulban  will  be  of  thy  seed  for  ever. '  It  was  then 
the  other  sons  of  Fergus  came  to  meet  Columb  cille.  And  they 
bade  him  welcome.  Columb  cille  asked  them  since  he  had  got 
tithes  of  the  land  from  Sedna,  whether  he  would  receive  tithes 
of  the  feast  from  them,  and  of  everything  eise  from  which  it 
was  fitting  to  collect  tithes.  They  were  all  silent  to  him.  'Answer 
ye  Columb  cille'  said  Sedna,  'and  do  not  keep  silence  to  him 
concerning  anything  he  asks  of  ye.     For  to  him  is  due  your 


316  RICHARD   HENEBRY, 

C.  c,  7  dän  [fo.  12  aj  abartha  mo  riar  ni  htid  luaitlie  iMa  sin,  a  Loairn, 
do  beidis  rigliti  7  tigernadha  an  Erm«  fen  ar  do  tslüiclit,  7  0  nach 
dnbrnis  mo  riar  acht  co  mall,  ar  se,  ni  beid  rigliti  an  Ermn  ar 
do  glicht  7  beid  rigliti  an  Albain  do  tslicht.  Conadli  ar  sliclit 
an  Loairn-sin  mic  Fergosa  do  batar  cland  Maeil  Colaim  mic 
Dondchada  a  rigacht  Alpaw  aimser  flioda.  7  do  firadh  gacli  ni 
dandubairt  Colunib  cille  an  nair-sin. 


94.  Fectus  dAedh  mac  Aiwmirech  san  inadh  renabartar 
Drnim  cliab  a  Cairpri  Cownuclit  aniug  7  do  baitliec?  ingen  dAed 
ar  abainw  Droma  diab  .i.  ar  in  Metli«£?aigli  conwdh  Lind  ingme 
Aeda  ainm  na  lindedh  inar  baithed  i  6  sin  alle.  Do  bi  C.  c.  a 
comghar  doib  an  uair-sin  7  cuiris  Aodh  techta  ar  a  cend.  Tic 
C.  c.  lesna  tectaibli-sin  7  iarrais  Aedli  air  a  ingen  daitlibeouga^^ 
do.  Benais  C.  c.  crois  da  bacliaill  ar  wcJd  na  hingme  7  tathbe- 
önigheis  lii,  gor  moradh  ainm  de  7  Cohiimb  cüle  de  sin.  Et 
marbais  Aedli  an  ferond-sin  do  dia  7  do  C.  c.  Bendaighis  Colwnb 
cüle  an  baile-sin  iarsin  cor  cnmlida?^  ecliüs  and  7  do  fhägaib 
clerecli  da  muin»t?>  a  comarbacht  an  baile-sin  .i.  Motharen  Droma 
cliab  a  ainm.  7  do  labair  Columb  cüle  tre  spirnt^  faidliedöraclita 
7  adnbairt  comad  le  cenel  Conaill  uaisle  7  onöir  an  baile-sin  7 
na  tnadh  na  timchell  go  bratli.  IS  andsin  do  fliiafmicli  Aed 
mac  Ainmirecli  do  C.  c.  ga  med  do  righaib  Ercwn  nö  da  tigerna/6 
do  slanaigli  dia  rian  a  lind  fein.  Ni  derna  gan  pnrgadöir  romoir 
acJit  triür  amliain,  ar  Columb  cüle  .i.  Daimliin  daimli  airgid  ri 
Oirgiall  7  Oilül  in  banwa  ri  Connacht  7  Feradhac/t  m«c  Duacli  ri 
Osrnidhe  ar  feablias  angniw^  letli  re  dia  sa  saegt(?-sa.  Is  andsin 
do  fiafraidli  Aedli  do  C.  c.  an  slaineoclia^^  dia  e  fen  fa  deöidli. 
Ni  dingna,  ar  Columb  cüle,  muna  derna  tu  ait/w-«glie  romlior 
atpecadli  7  deglioibr^^tlie  0  so  amacli.  U.i?ais  Aed  iarsin  mar 
atlicuinghe  ar  Columb  cüle  buaid  do  breitli  ar  Laiglmfft  do  bi 
ag  cogadh  fns  7  gan  e  fen  do  toitim  leo.  Ni  lieidir  lern,  ar 
Columb  cüle,  oir  is  do  Laiglmri  mo  mdthair  7  tancotar  cngam  go 
Dnrmliuig  etar  slien  7  og  7  do  iarratar  atlicuinge  mic  tslietliar 
oram  .i.  gan  rigli  eli  do  breitli  bnaidlie  orra.  7  do  gliellasa  sin 
doib    acht   combeith  an   coir   acu.     Gidhedh   dobeV   mo   cochall 


THE   LIFE   OF   COLUMB   CILLE.  317 

titlies,  to  liim  wlio  is  yoiir  brother's  son  and  the  best  clerk  in 
Ireland.'  'Give  j^our  titlies  to  Columb  cille'  said  Loarn  mac 
Fergossa,  tlie  second  youngest  son  of  the  cliildren  of  Fergus 
cennfoda.  'It  was  long  before  thou  didst  speak',  said  Columb 
cille,  'and  if  tliou  liadst  said  niy  will  sooner  tlian  that  Loarn 
tliere  would  be  kings  and  lords  of  thy  seed  in  Ireland,  but  since 
tliou  didst  speak  my  will  oniy  after  delay,'  said  he,  'there  will 
not  be  kings  in  Ireland  of  thy  seed,  but  there  will  be  kings 
of  thy  seed  in  Scotland.'  So  that  the  cliildren  of  Mail  Columb 
mac  Dondchada  who  for  a  long  time  enjoyed  the  kingship  of 
Scotland,  were  of  the  race  of  this  Loarn  mac  Fergus.  And  eveiy- 
thing  that  Columb  cille  said  then  was  verified. 

94.  Once  of  a  time  as  Aed  mac  Ainmirech  was  in  the  place 
which  is  called  Druim  cliab  in  Cairpre  Connacht  to-day,  the  daughter 
of  Aed  was  drowned  in  the  river  of  Druim  cliab  which  is  the 
Methadach.  And  the  Pool  of  the  daughter  of  Aed  is  the  name 
of  the  pool  in  which  she  was  drowned,  from  that  out.  Columb 
cille  was  in  their  neighbourhood  at  the  time,  and  Aed  sent 
messengers  for  him.  Columb  cille  came  with  the  messengers, 
and  Aed  asked  him  to  revive  his  daughter  for  him.  Columb 
cille  traced  the  sign  of  the  cross  with  his  crosier  upon  the 
breast  of  the  giii  and  raised  her  to  life.  And  the  name  of 
God  and  Columb  cille's  w^as  magnified  thereby.  And  Aed  gave 
that  land  in  mortmain  to  God  and  to  Columb  cille.  Columb 
cille  blessed  that  townland  afterwards  and  built  a  churcli  there, 
and  he  left  a  clerk  of  his  own  convent  in  the  succession  of  that 
place;  his  name  is  Motharen  of  Druim  cliab.  And  Columb  cille 
spoke  through  a  spirit  of  prophecy  and  said  that  the  cinel 
Conaill  were  they  who  should  have  the  lordship  and  honour  of 
that  townland  and  of  the  surrounding  districts  for  ever.  Then 
Aed  mac  Ainmirech  asked  Columb  cille  how  man}^  of  the  kings 
of  Ireland  or  of  its  lords  liad  God  saved  before  their  own  time, 
*He  only  saved  three  without  grievons  purgatory'  said  Columb 
cille,  *to  wit,  Daimhin  daimh  airgid  king  of  Oirgiall,  and  Oilill 
in  banna  king  of  Connacht,  and  Feradach  mac  Duach  king  of 
Osraighe  for  the  excellence  of  their  deeds  with  respect  to  God 
while  in  this  life.'  And  then  Aed  asked  Columb  cille  whether 
God  would  save  him  at  last,  'He  will  not'  said  Columb  cille, 
'unless  thou  do  very  great  penance  for  thy  sin,  and  good  works 
from  this  out.'    Aed  then  asked  it  as  a  request  of  Columb  cille 


318  RICHARD   HENEBRY, 

doidsi  7  iii  miiirfidlier  tu  an  cein  bias  iimad.  7  do  bi  an  briathar- 
sin  Cohihnh  cille  ar  comliall  no  gondecliaidli  Aedli  aimser  iarsin 
ar  sliiaigßfZ  aXLsiighmh  7  cor  diermaid  a  cochall  7  go  marbatZ  a 
catli  Beiaig  Duinbolg-  le  Laignecha  e. 


95.  Fectus  tucatar  a  oidedha  Bomnal  mac  Aedlia  m?c  Ain- 
mirecli  ar  cuairt  mar  araibe  C.  c.  7  se  na  macamli  og  an  uair- 
sin  7  do  iarratar  air  a  bendugad.  Ni  aniugh  ata  andan  damh 
a  hemmgad,  ar  Columb  cille,  acht  a  cend  aimsire  faide  6  aningli 
bendaclius  me  e  san  inadli  re  raiter  Druim  Cet  a  CianacA^a 
Glinde  Gemhin  airm  ambeid  fir  Ert'ww  7  Alpaw  idir  laecli  7 
clerecli  an  aininadli  am  Aed  mac  Ainniirecli  ,i.  am  righ  Fjrenn 
atliair  an  lenib-sin  fen.  7  adeirim  ribse  a  coimet  co  maitli  7 
biaid  se  na  rig  roclnmar  an  Erind  iarsin  aimser  fada  7  biaid  se 
OS  cend  a  braithrech  fen  uile  7  ni  beraid  a  naimhde  no  a 
escliaraid  bnaid  go  bratli  air  7  dogeblia  se  bas  maitli  na  tigh 
fein  a  fiadhnaisi  a  carad  7  a  muindtire  fein  7  racliaid  a  anam 
do  caithem  na  gloiri  suthmne.  Do  firadh  sin  mar  adubairt  C.  c. 
amail  indeösas  an  leab^(r-sa  an  inadli  eli  a  mordail  Droma  Cet. 


9G.  Docuaid  C.  c.  na  diaid-sin  a  cr/cli  Tefa  7  tue  ri  an  tire- 
sin  ferond  do  .i.  an  tinadli  a  bfuil  Durmacli  aniug  gor  cnmdaige^? 
edus  les  anw.  An  Durmaigh  imon-o  do  bi  C.  c.  an  uair  do  bendaigli 
se  an  cloidem  do  Colmw«  mor  mac  Diarmada,  7  dobi  buaidh  an 
cloidliini  tresan  mbendugad-sin  gan  bas  ar  bitli  dfliaga«7  dont  i 
aga  mbeitli  se.  Do  iarr  duine  airidlie  do  bäi  an  eslainti  iasaclit 
an  cloidliim-sin  7  do  cuir  Colmaw  an  cloidliew«  cuige,  7  do  bi  se 
bliadam  aige  7  ni  fuair  bas  risan  re-sin.  7  docuaid  se  an  egcruth 
romlior  7  arna  thuicsiw  da  cairdib  narb  all  le  dia  aisec  a  slainti 
do  tabairt  d6  7  corab  e  an  cloidhem  do  bi  ga  congbaü  na  beatlia?^^ 
riicad  an  cloidew?  uadh  7  fuair  bas  fo  cedöir,  go  mörad  aium  de 
7  Coluimb  cille  de  sin. 


THE   LIFE    OF   COLUMB   CTLLE.  ^19 

that  he  miglit  gain  tlie  victory  over  tlie  Leinster  men  wlio  were 
at  war  witli  liim,  and  tliat  he  might  not  fall  by  them  himself. 
'I  cannot'  said  Colunib  cille,  'for  my  mother  is  of  the  Leinster 
l)eoi)le,  and  they  came  to  me  to  Dnrmach  both  yoiing  and  old 
and  asked  a  boon  of  me  as  a  sister's  son,  namely,  that  no  other 
king"  shüiüd  gain  tlie  victory  over  them.  And  I  promised  them 
that,  but  only  that  they  should  be  in  the  right.  However  I 
will  give  thee  my  cowl  and  thoii  shalt  not  be  killed  as  long  as 
it  is  npon  thee.'  And  that  saying  of  Columb  cille's  was  being 
fulülled  until  one  time  Aed  went  of  a  hosting  amongst  the 
Leinster  folk,  and,  having  forgotten  his  cowl,  he  was  killed  by 
the  Leinster-men  at  the  battle  of  Belach  Duinbolg. 

95.  Once  upon  a  time  his  tntors  brought  Domnall  mac  Aeda 
mic  Ainmirech,  when  he  was  a  little  boy,  upon  a  visit  where 
Columb  cille  was,  and  they  asked  him  to  bless  him.  'Not  to- 
day  is  it  fated  that  I  should  bless  him'  said  Columb  cille,  'but 
a  long  time  from  to-day  I  shall  bless  him  in  the  place  that  is 
called  Druim  Cet  in  the  Cianachta  of  Glenn  Gemin,  where  the 
men  of  Ireland  and  Scotland  both  lay  and  cleric  will  be  assembled 
together  with  Aed  mac  Ainmirech  king  of  Ireland  and  father 
of  that  very  child.  And  I  say  to  you,  keep  him  well  for  he 
shall  be  a  renowned  king  in  Ireland  for  a  long  time  hereafter, 
and  he  will  be  over  all  his  own  brothers.  And  his  enemies  or 
his  unfriends  will  never  gain  a  victory  over  him,  but  he  will 
die  a  good  death  in  his  own  house  amongst  his  own  friends  and 
people,  and  his  soul  will  go  to  enjoy  the  eternal  glory. '  All  that 
feil  out  as  Columb  cille  had  said,  in  the  synod  of  Druim  Cet,  as 
this  book  will  narrate  in  another  place. 

96.  Afterwards  Columb  cille  went  to  the  country  of  Tetliba, 
And  the  king  of  that  country  gave  him  land,  namely  the  place 
where  Durmach  is  to  day,  and  a  church  was  built  by  him  there. 
It  is  in  Durmach  C-olumb  cille  was  when  he  blessed  the  sword 
for  Colman  mor  mac  Diarmada.  The  virtue  of  the  sword  through 
that  blessing  was  that  the  person  who  had  it  could  in  no  wise 
die.  A  certain  man  who  was  sick  asked  for  the  loan  of  that 
sword,  and  Colman  sent  him  the  sword.  And  he  had  it  by  him 
for  a  year  and  did  not  die  for  that  time.  And  he  became  ex- 
ceedingly  weak,  and  his  friends,  understanding  that  God  did  not 
wish  to  return  him  his  health,  and  that  it  was  the  sword  kept 
him   alive,    took    the    sword    from    him    and    he    died    imme- 


320  RICHARD   HENEBRY, 


97.  Fectas  eli  do  Cohimh  cüle  an  Biirmaigh  7  tuccac?  iibla 
cvige.  7  tarla  uball  searb  drocliblasta  amescc  nanuball  air  7  do 
fhiarfa?^  C.  c.  cait  abMtli  an  tuball-sin.  Adubratar  cacli  ris 
corab  abball  airithe  do  bi  san  aballgort  7  corb  e  sin  (fo.  12  b) 
bud  blas  da  hnblaib  do  gnath.  Arna  cloistiw  sin  do  Cohwih  cüle 
teid  san  abnllgort  7  bendaighis  an  aball-sin  7  assetZ  adubairt: 
bendaigim  tn  7  cnirini  ort  a  \mcM  endia  nilecnmhachtaig  a  aball 
nd  an  nadüir  serb  miblasda  do  bi  agat  go  trasda  do  chlaechlod 
7  naduir  milis  degblasda  do  gabail  cngad  anoiss.  7  dorinde  an 
dnil  balb  amail  adubaii't  C.  c.  ria  an  uair-sin  fen  uidus  gorub 
iad  a  hubla  nbla  bndli  millsi  7  dob  fherr  blas  7  baludli  da 
facutar  cacli  riani  reime  sin.  7  as  follns  as  siw  nach  edli  amliäin 
tue  dia  cnmaclita  ar  duil  an  nisce  do  C.  c.  letli  re  fin  do  denamh 
de  acJit  tnc  se  cnmaclita  ä6  ar  dnil/&  na  talman  mar  ataid  croind 
7  cloclia  7  luibenda  7  gach  dnil  tsiimaide  6  sin  amach. 


98.  Dochnaid  C.  c.  na  diaid-sin  gnsan  inadli  renabartliar 
Cenaimus  aniug  .i.  baile  righ  Ereww  an  uair-sin  e  .i.  baili  Diar- 
mada  mic  Cerbaill.  7  do  conghad  C.  c.  amuigh  an  dorus  an 
baile-sin.  IS  andsin  docuaidli  C.  c.  do  denamh  faidedorachta  don 
baile  7  adubairt  na  hiid  buan  an  baili  ag  an  niuinwt?V-sin  do 
bi  and.  Et  tada  Bec  mac  de  do  .i.  dmi  Diarmada  mic  Ceihaül 
7  dob  faidh  maith  e.  Adubairt  C.  c.  ris:  a  Big  mac  de,  dena. 
faistine  don  baile -si  cindws  bias  se,  an  rigthi  nö  an  derig 
blas  and.  Clerigh  co  deimiw  bias  and,  ar  Becc,  6  so  amach 
7  bwd  tusa  cend  na  clerecA-sin  7  ni  hud  baili  rig  co  brach 
aris  e.  Oir  ni  raibhe  an  ri  and  an  uair-sin  7  tainic  se  don 
baili  (i)arsin  7  tue  se  an  baili  uile  do  C.  c.  an  eraie  a  cong- 
b«7a  anmigli  ani^  7  tue  Aedh  Slaine  mae  Diarmada  a  ced  cuige 
sin.  Do  bendaigii  C.  c.  an  baile  ina  diaidhsin  7  dorinde  se 
faidhedöracht  dAed  Slaine  7  adubairt  gombeith  se  na  righ  Ereww 
7  gomad  maith  a  crieh  muna  dernad  se  fmgail  nö  feil  7  dander- 
nadh  na  hud  fada  a  shaeghal  na  diaid.  7  do  bendaigh  C.  c.  cochall 
dAedh  Slaine  mac  DiarmatZa  7  adubairt  ris  nach  äergtad  arm  air 
an  fad  do  beith  an  cochallsin  uime.  Doruine  Aedh  Slaine  Mgail 
tar  comairli  C.  c.  ar  Shuibne  mac  Colmam  moir  .i.  mac  a  derbh- 
brathar   fen,     Docuaid  Aed    Slaiwe    ar   sluaige^^  a   cinw   cethre 


THE    LIFE    OE    COLUMB    CILLE.  321 

diately.    And  the  iiame  of  God  and  Colimib  cille  was  magnified 
thereby. 

97.  As  Columb  cille  was  another  time  in  Durraacli  apples 
were  brouglit  to  liini.  And  he  clianced  upon  a  bitter,  ill-tasting 
apple  among'st  tliem.  And  Columb  cille  asked  wliere  that  apple 
was  found.  Tliey  all  toid  him  from  a  certain  apple-tree  in  tlie 
orcliard,  and  tliat  its  apples  always  tasted  so.  When  Columb 
cille  lieard  that  he  went  to  the  orchard,  and  he  blessed  that 
apple  tree  and  said:  'I  bless  thee,  and  I  Charge  tliee  by  the 
One  God  almighty,  0  apple-tree,  to  change  that  bitter  nauseous 
nature  which  thou  hitherto  hast  had  and  take  to  thyself  now 
a  nature  sweet  and  savoury.'  The  dumb  creature  did  that  very 
time  as  Columb  cille  had  told  it,  for  its  were  the  sweetest  apples 
and  those  of  the  best  smell  and  flavour  that  anybody  had  ever 
Seen  before.  It  is  evident  from  that  that  not  only  did  God  give 
Columb  cille  power  over  the  creature  of  water  to  the  end  he 
might  make  wine  of  it,  but  that  also  He  gave  him  power  over 
creatures  of  the  Earth,  that  is  to  say,  trees  and  stones  and  herbs 
and  every  other  earthly  creature. 

98.  Columb  cille  went  afterwards  to  the  place  that  is  called 
Cenannus  to  day,  the  stead  of  the  king  of  Ireland  at  that  time, 
namely  of  Diarmuid  mac  Cerbaill.  And  Columb  cille  was  kept 
outside  the  door  of  that  place.  And  Columb  cille  proceeded 
to  make  prophecy  for  the  stead,  and  he  said  that  the  people 
who  had  it  would  not  have  it  long.  And  Bec  mac  De  met  him. 
He  was  the  druid  of  Diarmuid  mac  Cerbaill  and  a  good  prophet. 
Columb  cille  said  to  him,  'Bec  mac  De,  make  a  prophecy  for  this 
stead.  How  will  it  be?  Shall  kings  or  clerics  inhabit  it?'  'Clerics 
to  be  sure'  said  Bec,  'from  this  out;  and  thou  thyself  wilt  be 
head  of  those  clerics,  and  it  will  never  be  a  kingly  stead  again.' 
For  the  king  was  not  there  then,  and  when  he  came  home 
afterwards  lie  gave  all  that  stead  to  Columb  cille  in  requital 
for  having  kept  him  outside,  and  Aed  Slaine  mac  Diarmada 
acquiesced  in  that.  Then  Columb  cille  blessed  the  stead,  and  he 
made  a  prophecy  for  Aed  Slaine,  and  he  said  that  he  should  be 
king  of  Ireland,  and  that  his  end  would  be  happy,  unless  he 
committed  fratricide  or  treachery,  but  that  if  he  did  his  life 
afterwards  would  not  be  long.  iVnd  Columb  cille  blessed  a  cowl 
for  Aed  Slaine  mac  Diarmada,  and  told  him  he  should  never  be 
wounded  by  weapons  as  long  as  he  wore  that  cowl.    Aed  Slaine 

Zeitschrift  f.  celt.  Philologie  IV.  21 


322  RICHARD   HENEBRY, 

mbliadaw  6n  uair-sin  7  do  dermaid  se  a  cocliall  mar  dob  ail  le 
dia  7  le  C.  c.  7  do  marbadh  isin  lö-sin  he.  Et  ac  deniim  na 
faidliedoraclitasin  do  C.  c.  tue  a  adliaigh  siardes  7  do  gab  gen 
gairi  7  siibaltaf^e  mor  e.  Do  fhiarfa?^  Baitliin  adbhar  a  subal- 
tm^e.  Do  frecair  C.  c.  e  7  issed  adubairt:  bertar,  ar  se,  deichen- 
bar  7  da  ficMd  san  enbaile-si  thiar  snocld  7  hiid  mnindter  dileas 
do  dia  iad  7  budli  iad  sin  an  macraid  Cille  Sciri.  7  gach 
fäidhedoraclit  danderna  C.  c.  andsin  do  comliaill  dia  go  firindech  iad. 


99.  Do  cwmdaig  C.  c.  moraw  cell  ar  fud  cnche  Breg  7 
Midlie  7  do  fliagaib  comarböfZa  7  minwa  uadlia  fen  inwta  .i.  do 
ikgaib  se  Oissin  mac  CeWaig  a  Cluain  nioir  bfher  narda.  Docuaid 
C.  c.  iarsin  go  MhsiimsUr  Buide  mic  Bronaig.  IS  andsin  do  bew 
bachall  C.  c.  risan  soithech  ngloine  do  bi  a  laimh  Buide  an 
aimsir  a  bais  7  do  clos  a  foghar  fon  cill  uile  7  do  foillsigli  C.  c. 
annsin  an  tinadh  inar  hadluicefi  Baide.  7  do  coisric  a  cell  7 
do  cuwidaigli  a  taisi  mar  do  gliell  Buide  fen  an  aimsir  a  bais 
ag  tairrng^Ve  C.  c. 


Do  cbumdai^  Cohmib  cille  ediis  a  Eachraiwd  oirtliir  Bregli 
7  do  tägaib  Colman  deochain  indte. 

100.  FectM5  eli  dodmaid  C.  c.  ar  cuairt  mara  raibe  a 
maigestar  fen  ,i.  Findew.  7  arna  fliaicsiw  dFinwen  cliuige  adubairt 
reraibe  do  latair:  An  e  nach  faici-si  C.  c.  cugaind  7  aingli  de 
maille  ris  ga  coimidecht?  7  arna  cloisdiw  sin  daraibe  do  latliair 
do  lasatar  angrad  C.  c.  7  is  na  laithib-sin  fen  docuaidli  Columh 
cille  go  Bretain  7  da  mawacli  dec  mailli  ris  do  silad  an  creidiw 
7  tucc  moran  docwm  creidme  7  cr&huid  isna  tirib-sin. 

101.  Gabais  C.  c.  iarsin  da  oilitAn  go  Toirinis  Martam  7 
docuaidli  se  ar  in  lec  fä  ar  liadluicecZ  Martain  7  do  tocaib  se 
an  lec  don  tumpa  7  fvair  se  leabar  na  soiscel  ar  muin  Martam 
sa  tumba  7  do  bi  Martam  7  an  leabar-sin  ced  bliadviw  remlie 
sin  a  talmam  7  do  coimlie^  dia  an  leabar  an  fad-sin  fa  comliair 
C.  c.  indws  narb  fherr  an  ced  lä  e  ina  in  uair-sin.  7  tue  C.  c. 
do  toil  de  7  Mliartaiw  an  leabar-sin  les  go  Doiri  amail  do 
tairrngir  Martain  fen  an  aimsir  a  bais  go  tihrad  se  les  h6. 


THE  LIFE   OF   COLUMB   CILLE.  323 

tlid  fratricide  ag'ainst  tlie  coimsel  of  Columb  cille,  upon  Suibne 
mac  Colmain  moir,  upon  liis  own  brother's  son.  Aed  Slaine  went 
a-liosting-  four  years  after  that  and  forg-ot  liis  cowl,  as  God  and 
Columb  cille  desired  it,  and  he  was  killed  in  tliat  day.  And  in 
making  that  prophecy  Columb  cille  turned  his  face  to  the  South- 
AYest,  and  he  smiled  and  was  very  joyful.  Baithin  asked  the 
cause  of  his  joy.  Columb  cille  answered  and  said:  'Fifty  will 
be  born  in  this  one  town  to  the  West  to-night'  said  he,  'and 
they  will  be  God's  proper  people,  and  it  is  the}^  will  be  the 
household  of  Cill  Sciii.'  And  every  prophecy  that  Columb  cille 
made  then,  God  fulfilled  it  truly  afterwards. 

99.  Columb  cille  built  many  cells  throughout  the  country 
of  Breg  and  Midhe,  and  he  left  successors  and  treasures  of  his 
OTMi  in  them.  To  wit,  he  left  Oissin  mac  Cellaig  in  Cluain  mör 
of  the  tall  men.  Columb  cille  w^nt  then  to  Mainister  Buide 
mic  Bronaig.  It  is  there  that  the  crosier  of  Columb  cille  touched 
the  glass  vessel  that  was  in  the  band  of  Buide  at  the  time  of 
his  death  and  its  sound  was  lieard  throughout  the  whole  church. 
And  Columb  cille  then  pointed  out  the  place  in  which  Buide 
was  buried.  And  he  consecrated  his  cell  and  enshrined  his 
relics  as  Buide  himself  had  promised  at  the  time  of  his  death 
when  prophecjing  of  Columb  cille. 

Columb  cille  built  a  church  in  Eachra  in  the  East  of  Breg, 
and  he  left  Colman  a  deacou  in  it. 

100.  Another  time  Columb  cille  went  on  a  visit  to  where 
his  own  master  was,  namely  Finden.  And  when  Finden  saw 
him  he  said  to  those  who  were  present :  '  Do  ye  not  see  Columb 
cille  Coming  towards  us,  and  angels  of  God  accompanying  him?' 
When  those  who  were  present  heard  that  they  burned  with 
love  for  Columb  cille.  And  it  was  in  those  same  äsijs  that 
Columb  cille  went  to  Britain  with  twelve  monks  to  sow  the  Faith 
there.    And  he  brought  many  in  those  countries  to  Faith  and  piety. 

101.  Then  Columb  cille  went  of  a  pilgrimage  to  Toiiinis 
of  Martin.  And  he  went  upon  the  flag  under  which  Martin  had 
been  buried,  and  he  raised  the  flag  from  the  tomb  and  found 
the  book  of  the  Gospels  upon  the  neck  of  Martin  in  the  tomb. 
And  Martin  and  that  book  had  been  a  hundred  years  in  the 
earth,  but  God  had  kept  the  book  so  long  for  Columb  cille  so 
that  it  was  as  good  then  as  the  first  day.  And  by  the  will  of 
God  and  Martin,  Columb  cille  took  that  book  with  him  to  Doire 

21* 


S24  RICHARD   HENEBRY, 


102.  Fectus  and  do  bi  C.  c.  7  Comgliall  7  Cainwech  maille 
ris  san  inadli  darub  ainin  Sord  aniiigli.  Adubairt  Comghall  re 
C.  c.  an  tSLifrend  do  radh.  Tinw-  [fo.  13  a]  scuais  Colunib  cille  an 
taifrewd  IS  andsin  doconwaic  Üaindecli  colamliau  tendtv'^e  os 
cinw  C.  c.  7  do  indis  Caindecli  sin  do  Comgliall  7  doconwcatar  re 
cele  am.  7  do  cumdaigefZ  echis  andsin  le  C.  c.  Gonadli  e  Sord 
C.  c.  sin  aniugh,  7  do  fagaib  C.  c.  fer  maith  da  mimiätir  na 
comarba  and  .i.  Finaw  lobar.  7  do  fagaib  an  lebar  ?iifrind  do 
scrib  se  fen  anw. 

103.  Do  bendaigli  C.  c.  Sord  7  do  bendaigh  tobar  Suird 
.i.  Glan  a  ainm  7  do  th'dgaih  cross  and.  Oir  fa  bes  do  Cohimh 
cille  crosa  7  lebair  7  gacli  nile  dnümd  eclaisi  do  cumlidacli  7 
dfhagbail  in  gach  baue  dambeudaigecZ  se. 

104.  Fechhis  eli  do  Coliimh  cille  7  do  Caindecli  re  taebh 
fliairge  7  do  bi  Sintad  mor  ar  in  fairge.  A  Coluimh  cille,  ar 
Caindecli.  anbfuil  a  fliis  agat  cred  adeir  an  tonn  ?  Ata  a  fis  sin 
agam-sa,  ar  C.  c.  Adeir  si  go  Ml  do  niuiwdtersi  anguasaclit  mor 
ar  an  bfliairge  7  gobfuair  duine  dib  bäs  7  dobera  dia  cugainde 
sa  port-sa  iad  sul  ti  maidi«  amärucli.  7  do  firadli  an  faidlie- 
dorachtsin  C.  c.  aniail  fa  minie  les. 

105.  FecM  eli  do  C.  c.  7  do  necli  imemthsi  eli  darb  ainm 
Baithin  ag  siubaZ  re  taeb  fairge  an  inadli  airithe  7  doconwcatar 
long  aga  hithad.  7  do  üimriaig  Baithin  do  Cohimb  cille  cred 
farfulaing  dia  an  long  do  batliaci  Enpecacli  do  bi  indti  ar  C.  c. 
7  do  ceadaigh  dia  lacht  na  luiwgi  do  batliadli  cuige.  Dar  lind, 
ar  Baithin,  dorinwe  dia  ecoir  ar  lucht  na  luingi.  7  do  leic  C.  c. 
sin  tairis  7  ni  tnc  se  fi^ecra  an  nair-sin  ar  Baithin.  7  do  tinoil 
se  lan  a  lamhaiwde  do  hechaib  7  tue  da  coimed  do  Baithin  hi. 
7  tainec  bech  asaw  lamhain«  7  do  cailg  si  Baithin  go  ger  indas 
gor  gortai^  si  go  mor  e  7  tainic  do  br/g  an  gortaige-sin  tue  an 
bech  air  go  marb  se  a  raibe  do  beachafft  sa  lamaiwd  uile.  Cred 
far  marbais  na  beich?  ar  Columb  cille.  Bech  dib  do  gortaig  go 
ger  me,  ar  Baithin.  Bidli  a  fis  agad,  a  Baithin,  ar  C.  c.  amail 
do  cailg  au  bech  tusa  gorab  amlaid  sin  cailges  an  dume  dia 
Ina  pecadh.  7  amail  do  marb  tusa  lan  na  lamainde  do  beachaift 
as  gortugad  na  henbeiche  gorab  amlaidh  sin  fuilnges  dia  bas 
morain  do  dainibh  ar  son  pecaidh  enduine,  amail  as  follws  mar 


THE   LIFE   OF   COLUMB   CILLE.  325 

as  Martin  liimself  at  the  time  of  liis  death  had  promised  that 
he  sliould. 

102.  Once  of  a  time  Columb  cille  with  Comg-hall  and  Caindech 
along  with  him,  was  in  the  place  that  is  called  Sord  to-day. 
Comg-hall  tokl  Columb  cille  to  say  mass.  Columb  cille  began 
the  mass.  Then  Caindech  saw  a  fiery  column  over  Columb  cille's 
head,  and  Caindech  told  that  to  Comg-hall  and  they  both  saw  it. 
And  a  church  was  built  there  by  Columb  cille;  and  that  is  Sord 
of  Columb  cille  to-day.  And  Columb  cille  left  a  good  man  of 
his  convent  as  successor  there,  to  wit,  Finan  the  leper.  And 
he  left  there  the  missal  which  he  had  copied  himself. 

103.  Columb  cille  blessed  Sord  and  he  blessed  the  well  of 
Sord  that  is  called  Glan  (i.  e.  pure),  and  he  left  a  cross  there. 
For  it  was  a  custom  of  Columb  cille's  to  make  crosses  and  books 
and  all  other  kinds  of  church  furniture  and  leave  them  in  every 
place  that  he  used  to  bless. 

104.  Another  time  as  Columb  cille  and  Caindech  were  by 
the  sea-shore  there  was  a  great  storm  in  the  sea.  'Columb  cille', 
Said  Caindech,  'dost  thou  know  what  the  wave  is  saying?'  'I  do 
that'  Said  Columb  cille,  'it  says  tliy  household  are  in  great 
danger  upon  the  sea,  and  that  one  of  them  died.  And  God  will 
bring  them  into  this  port  before  to-morrow  morning.'  And  that 
prophecy  of  Columb  cille's  was  fulfilled  as  offen  before. 

105.  Another  time  as  Columb  cille  and  another  holy  man 
of  the  name  of  Baithin  were  Walking  by  the  sea  in  a  certain 
place  they  saw  a  ship  a-drowning.  And  Baithin  asked  Columb 
cille  why  God  had  permitted  the  ship  to  be  drowned.  'One 
sinner  that  was  aboard  of  her'  said  Columb  cille,  'and  God 
permitted  the  ship's  crew  to  be  drowned  on  account  of  him.' 
'I  think'  Said  Baithin  'that  God  was  unjust  to  the  ship's  crew.' 
Columb  cille  let  that  pass  and  he  did  not  answer  Baithin  at 
that  time.  And  he  collected  the  füll  of  his  glove  of  bees  and 
gave  it  to  Baithin  to  keep.  And  a  bee  came  out  of  the  glove 
that  stung  Baithin  bitterly  and  wounded  him  sore.  And  by 
reason  of  the  bee  wounding  him  so,  he  killed  all  the  bees  there 
were  in  the  glove.  '  AVhy  didst  thou  kill  the  bees  ? '  said  Columb 
cille.  'One  of  them  it  was  that  stung  me  sore'  said  Baithin. 
'Know  then,  Baithin',  said  Columb  cille,  'that  as  the  bee  stung 
thee  so  does  man  sting  God  in  his  sin.  And  as  thou  didst  kill 
the  füll  of  the  glove  of  bees  in  punishment  for  the  stinging  of 


326  RICHARD   HENEBRY, 

do  ivüdimg  se  lucht  na  luinge  do  hAthad  6  cliianaib  ar  son  an 
enpecaid  do  bi  indti.  Tuiginisi,  a  atliair  naeniüm,  ar  Baithin, 
gorab  maitli  do  cuiredh  sin  an  esimlatr  dam  7  ni  cuirfe  mesi 
oibn^he  de  an  ingnacl  ö  so  amach  7  ni  räch  do  disporacA^  orra 
fedli  mo  heüiad  nisa  mö. 


106.  Fecht  eli  do  C.  c.  a  Cluain  m^c  Nois  7  tainec  mac  bec 
da  indsaig-eVZ.  7  do  tarraing  roinde  becc  as  a  brut  gaw  moÜmgad 
do  fen.  7  do  foills?(7  dia  sin  do  Columh  cille  7  do  fliecli  ar  an 
mac  beg  7  do  labair  ris  7  doriwde  faidedoraclit  dö  7  adubairt 
gomad  eacnaidh  7  coniad  säi  clerigli  na  diaid-sin  e.  Do  firadli 
an  faidedöraclit-sin  C.  c.  uair  dob  e  sin  larnän  Clnaua  deochrach. 


107.  FecJitus  do  Brigid  ag  imtecM  Mniglie  Lifi  7  mar 
docoimairc  an  naemogli  an  uaii'-sin  an  magh  alaind  na  fladlmaise 
adubairt  dämadh  le  comus  an  magha  co  tihrad  si  do  dia  cumacli- 
tacli  e.  7  do  foillsigecZ  an  smuainedli  bendaigtlie-sin  Brigde  do 
C.  c.  7  6  na  regles  fein  a  Sord  7  adubaii't  se  6  gutli  mör:  As 
inand  don  banöigli  an  smuainedh-sin  7  an  magh  do  tabairt 
uaithe,  ol  se. 

108.  Docuaidh  C.  c.  iarsin  a  cdicidh  Laigm  7  do  cumdaigh 
moran  do  cellaib  and.  7  do  gab  i&ram  go  Chiai^i  mic  Nois  7 
imanw  dorinde  se  do  dia  leis  da  taisbenadh  do  Ciaran  Cliiana. 
Oir  fa  gnath  les  dia  do  mholad  go  menic  a  Laidin  7  a  Gaidilg 
7  as  gach  tengaid  oii'  incad  cuma  7  tiiicse  dö  in  gach  tenga. 


Docuaid  Columb  cille  iarsin  tar  Es  ruaidh  7  do  benda«^  7 
do  cumdaigh  se  moraw  do  cellaib  7  declasaib  a  Tir  Conaill.  7 
do  gabh  go  Gartan  iarsin  7  dorinde  comhnaidhe  and. 

109.  FccJitus  dü-san  san  inadh  airithe  renabartar  Gort  na 
leci  anGartän  don  taeibh  tiar  don  inadh  arucad  e  fen  .i.  do  Raith 
cnö,  7  tainic  duine  airithe  don  popw?  na  cend  andsin  onabfhuair 
moran  da  cairdib  7  da  dainib  muindtire  bas  7  do  bi  tuirsi  7 
dobrön  mor  air  in  andiaid.  7  do  bi  do  med  a  cumadh  corb  ferr 
les  bas  dfhag&aiZ  ina  beith  beo  in  andiaidh.  Et  arna  fhaicsin 
do  Columb  cille  do  gab  trwaighe  mör  uime  e  7  do  bendaigh  se 
lec  cloiche  do  bi  laim  ris  [fo.  13  b]  7  tue  se  ar  an  duine-sin 


THE  LIFE   OF   COLüMB   CILLE.  327 

one,  so  does  God  suffer  the  deatli  of  many  people  for  the  sin  of 
one;  as  is  evident,  seeing  He  permitted  the  drowning  of  the 
ship's  crew  a  while  ago  for  the  sin  of  one  that  was  a-hoard  of 
her. '  *  I  admit,  0  holy  Father '  said  Baithin,  '  that  that  has  been 
well  exemplified  for  me,  and  I  will  not  marvel  at  the  works  of 
God  from  tliis  out,  nor  dispute  ahout  theui  any  more  diu-ing 
my  life.' 

106.  Another  time  as  Colunib  cille  was  in  Cluain  mic  Nois 
there  came  a  little  boy  to  him.  And  he  pulled  a  little  rib  out 
of  his  cloak  without  his  perceiving  it.  Bnt  God  revealed  that 
to  Columb  cille,  and  he  looked  upon  the  little  boy  and  spoke  to 
him  and  made  a  prophecy  concerning  him.  And  he  said  he 
would  be  a  wise  and  learned  clerk  afterwards.  That  prophecy 
of  Columb  cille's  was  fulfllled,  for  he  was  Irnan  of  Cluain 
deochrach. 

107.  Once  of  a  time  Brigid  was  going  over  Mag  Lifl.  And 
as  the  holy  virgin  saw  the  beautiful  piain  before  her  then  she 
said  if  she  had  the  disposal  of  the  piain  she  would  give  it  to 
Almighty  God.  And  that  holy  thought  of  Brigid's  was  shewn  to 
Columb  cille  as  he  was  in  his  own  abbey  church  at  Sord,  and 
he  said  with  a  loud  voice:  'That  thought  is  as  good  for  the 
virgin  as  to  bestow  the  piain'  said  he. 

108.  Columb  cille  went  afterwards  into  the  province  of 
Leinster  and  he  built  many  cells  there.  And  he  went  after  that 
to  Cluain  mic  Nois  having  with  him  a  hymn  he  had  made  to 
God  for  the  purpose  of  showing  it  to  Ciaran  of  Cluain.  For  it 
was  his  custom  to  praise  God  offen  in  Latin  and  Irish  and  in 
every  tongue,  for  there  was  given  to  him  power  and  knowledge 
in  every  tongue. 

Columb  cille  went  then  over  Ess  ruad,  and  he  blessed  and 
built  many  cells  and  churches  in  Tir  Conaill.  And  he  went  to 
Gartan  afterwards  and  lived  there. 

109.  Once,  as  he  was  in  a  certain  place  that  is  called  Gort 
na  lece  in  Gartan  to  the  West  of  Eaith  cno,  where  he  himself 
was  born,  there  came  a  certain  man  of  the  congregation  to  him 
there  whereof  a  gTeat  many  of  the  friends  and  relatives  had 
died,  and  he  was  sad  and  sorry  after  them.  And  so  great  was 
his  sorrow  that  he  preferred  death  to  life  after  them.  And 
when  Columb  cille  saw  him  he  was  moved  to  pity  for  him. 
And  he  blessed  a  flag-stone  that  was  beside  him,  and  caused 


328  RICHARD   HENEBRT, 

iad  fein  do  beudeocha^^  Torach  7  gomadli  acu  fen  hud  ail  leo  a 
uisce  döl  di  condechaid  a  cumlia  ar  cul,  gor  morad  ainm  de  7 
Coluimh  cille  de  sin.  7  do  fliaccaib  C.  c.  mar  buadhaib  ar  an  lec-sin 
ge  be  necli  ar  ambeith  cumha  do  ibhadli  uisce  di  6  sin  alle  a 
cimilia  do  dul  de.  7  ata  sin  ga  firad  6  sin,  7  lec  na  cumadh 
ainm  na  leice  aniugli  a  cuimlmiugad  na  mirbaile  mor-sin. 


110.  Fechhis  do  C.  c.  ag  teclit  6  Gartan  ag  gpihdü  laimli  risan 
cend  oirtherucli  do  loch  Bethach  go  facuidh  dnine  airithe  darb 
ainm  CrimÜiann  6  Coiwneanuta  na  rith  tairis.  Ag  sin  an  toglach 
na  rith  docum  fhöid  a  bais,  ar  Columb  cüle,  7  gabt/iar  lib  he  7 
na  leiccidh  dindsaig?V^  an  foid-sin  e.  Do  gabatar  muindtcr  C.  c. 
an  toclach  an  uair-sin  7  mar  nar  leigedh  siubaZ  dö  docondcatar 
an  fod  cnca  na  rith  7  tainec  se  fa  cosaib  an  öclaig  7  ni  luaithe 
rainic  se  fäi  ina  fuair  an  todach  bas.  IS  andsin  adiibairt  C.  c. 
bidh  a  fis  agaib,  a  daeine,  corab  mar  esimlaVr  tue  dia  an  taisbe- 
nadh  ud  da  cur  a  ceill  nach  eidir  le  henduine  dar  gab  corp 
däenda  uime  fod  an  bhais  do  sechna.  7  bid  a  fhis  agaib,  ar  C.  c, 
go  bfuilid  tri  foide  and  nach  edir  do  aennech  a  sechna  .i.  fod  a 
gheine  7  fod  a  bais  7  fod  a  adlmacail.     7  adubairt  an  ranw-sa: 


Tri  fodain  nach  sechantar     mar  aderid  a  mor-fhocuil 
föd  a  gene  fod  a  bais    7  fod  a  adlmacail. 

Et  ina  diaigh-sin  do  guid  C.  c.  dia  fan  oclach  daithbeougöw? 
indus  go  ndernadh  se  aithrige  na  pecad  7  gombeith  se  na  öglach 
maith  do  dia  7  dö  fein  6  sin  amach.  7  fuair  se  sin  ama?7  do 
iarr.  7  ata  ula  san  inadh  andernadh  sin  mar  cojwardha  mirba«7e 
do  dia  7  do  Cohimh  cille.  7  do  athbeoaigh  se  duine  eli  san  inadh 
cedna-sin  .i.  Beglaech  0  Beclaidhe  a  ainm. 


111.  Teid  C.  c.  remhe  iarsin  a  Tuathaift  Toraidhe  7  tainic 
an  taingel  cuige  7  adubairt  ris  dul  san  oilen  darb  ainm  Torach 
7  a  bendugafZ  7  echis  onörach  do  denamh  ann.  7  teid  ar  cnoc 
ard  dabfhaca  se  Toruch  uadha  renabartar  Belach  an  Sidihraid 
aniug.     7  do  batar  na  naeim  eli  do  bi  faris  ga  rädha  comadh 


THE   LIFE    OB'   COLUMB   CILLE.  329 

the  man  to  driiik  water  from  it,  so  that  his  grief  left  him.  And 
tlie  name  of  God  and  Colnmb  cille  was  magnified  tlierebj'.  And 
Columb  cille  left  it  as  a  property  of  tliat  flag  that  wiioso  slionld 
drink  water  from  it  in  sorrow,  liis  sorrow  should  leave  him  from 
tliat  out.  And  tliat  is  being  proved  true  ever  since.  And  the 
name  of  that  flag  to-day  is  the  flag  of  the  sorrows  in  comme- 
moration  of  that  great  miracle. 

110.  Once  of  a  time  Columb  cille  was  Coming  from  Gartan, 
and  as  he  was  passing  by  the  eastern  end  of  Loch  Bethach  he 
saw  a  certain  man  whose  name  was  Crimthann  6  Coinneannta 
running  past  him.  'There  is  a  youth  running  to  the  sod  of  his 
death'  said  Columb  cille,  'so  let  ye  catch  him,  and  do  not  allow 
him  to  meet  that  sod.'  Columb  cille's  people  caught  Mm  then, 
and  as  he  was  not  allowed  to  go,  they  saw  the  sod  coming 
running  towards  them,  until  it  came  uuder  the  feet  of  the  youth, 
and  no  sooner  was  it  under  him  than  the  youth  died.  Then 
Columb  cille  said:  'Know,  0  people,  that  it  was  as  an  example 
God  gave  that  vision,  to  signify  that  it  is  not  possible  for  anyone 
who  has  assumed  a  human  body  to  escape  the  sod  of  his  death. 
And  know  that  there  are  three  sods  that  nobody  niay  shun: 
the  sod  of  his  bii'th,  the  sod  of  his  death  and  the  sod  of  his 
burial'.    And  he  said  this  stanza: 

Three  little  sods  that  are  not  shunned  as  they  say  in  a  proverb  (?) 
the  sod  of  his  birth,  the  sod  of  his  death  and  the  sod  of  his  burial. 

And  thereupon  Columb  cille  prayed  to  God  to  bring  the 
young  man  to  life  again  so  that  he  might  do  penance  for  his 
sins  and  be  a  good  servant  to  God  and  to  himself  from  that 
out.  And  that  was  granted  liim  as  he  had  asked.  And  there 
is  a  station-stone  in  the  place  where  he  did  that  as  a  token 
of  a  miracle  for  God  and  Columb  cille.  And  he  raised  to  life 
another  man  in  that  sanie  place,  Beglaech  6  Beclaidhe  was 
his  name. 

111.  Columb  cille  proceeded  afterwards  to  the  tribes  of 
Torach.  And  an  angel  came  to  him  and  told  him  to  go  into 
the  Island  named  Torach  to  bless  it  and  to  build  a  noble 
church  there.  And  he  went  upon  a  high  hill  that  is  called 
Belach  an  adraid  to-day,  from  which  he  saw  Torach  in  the 
distance.    And  the  other  saints  who  were  with  him  were  saying 


330  RICHARD   HENEBRY, 

beith.  Maith  mar  dodenamne  sin,  ar  C.  c,  teilgem  ar  trosdäin 
ria  7  geh  e  ag'aiuw  da  toileocha  dia  a  trostan  do  chur  indti  bidli 
an  toilen  aige  7  ainmnighter  uadlia  e.  Doronsad  a^nlaid  7 
teilgis  C.  c.  a  trosdaw  7  dorindedli  ga  nö  foglia  ar  siiibal  anairde 
de  7  rainec  se  san  oilen,  conadh  Lacc  an  foglia  ainm  an  inaidli 
inar  beu  se  aniug.  7  as  deimiw  go  raibe  Torach  feadh  radairc 
uadha  as  an  inadli  inar  cliaith  se  an  trosdän-sin  7  ni  rainic 
trostaiw  na  naemh  ele  secli  na  hoilenaib  ata  iter  Toraigh  7  tir 
mor.  Teid  C.  c.  reimhe  iarsin  a  Toraig  7  fuair  a  trostan  na 
foglia  isin  inad-sin  adubramar  romainw.  Tocbais  na  lainih  lie 
iarsin  7  dorindedli  trostan  de  amail  do  bi  6  tüs  comlnatli  7  do 
glac  se  e.  Et  ni  raibe  an  tigerna  1er  les  an  toile«  an  uair-sin 
i.  Oilill  mac  Bäedai«  ag  legen  do  C.  c,  a  bendngad  no  äitingad 
do  denamli  and.  U.Itrais  C.  c.  air  letlied  a  bruit  don  oilen  do 
tabairt  do  0  nach  fuair  se  ni  bnd  mo  ina  sin  uadha.  Dober,  or 
Oilill,  oir  ni  digbail  lim  sin  do  tabairt  duid.  Cuiris  C.  c.  a  brat 
de  7  do  sin  ar  lär  e  7  do  leath  an  brat  tar  an  oilen  iiile.  Arna 
fhaicsin  sin  dOilill  do  lin  ferg  adbulmor  e  7  tue  cu  neime  do 
bi  aige  cuige  7  ni  ticcedh  duine  nö  beathadhach  uaithe  gan 
marbafZ  re  ligthi  lif,  7  gresaighis  re  Cohmib  cille  hi.  Arna 
fhaicsin  sin  do  C.  c.  cuiris  sighnuni  na  croiche  iter  se  7  si  7 
cuiris  fa  unila  ar  in  coin  fuirech  na  sesamh  ar  a  comair  7  gan 
techt  ni  bnd  ghoire  ina  sin  dö  7  bas  dfhagail  ar  an  pongc-sin 
fen.  Fuair  an  cu  neimhe-sin  bäs  fo  cedöir  le  breithir  C.  c.  7  do 
fhagaib  mar  aithne  gan  choin  nö  madraig  do  tabairt  san  oilen- 
sin  go  brach  aris  ag  cuimniugad  na  mirhhaile  mor -sin.  Ar 
faicsin  na  mirbm7e-sin  dOilill  do  leicc  ar  a  glüinib  e  7  do  creid 
do  dia  7  do  Cohanb  cille.  7  tucc  se  an  toilen  uile  do.  Ben- 
daighis  C,  c.  an  toik'n  iarsin  7  dorinde  se  eclais  onörach  and  7 
do  fhagaib  se  clerech  maith  da  m^intir  fen  a  comaibac/i^  an 
baile-sin  .i.  Ernan  Toraidhe. 


[The   quatrain  quoted  in  §  110  reads  thus  iu  the  Royal  Irish  Academy 

23 

MS.  -p-3-  fo.  18  a 2 

Tri  fodäiQ,  nach  sechaindter      cia  toiscet  na  habrochtair 
föt  in  gheue  fot  in  bhäis      oais  bhot  in  adhnacuil. 

K.  M.] 


THE   LIFE    OF   COLUMB   CILLE.  331 

it  was  themselves  who  should  bless  Torach,  and  that  they  wonld 
like  to  liave  it  for  themselves.  'That  will  he  as  itwillbe'  said 
Coliimb  cille,  'let  us  cast  oiir  staves  towards  it,  and  for  wliom- 
soever  of  us  God  shall  deign  that  his  staff  reach  it,  let  the 
Island  be  his  and  let  it  be  called  after  him.'  They  did  so,  and 
Columb  cille  cast  his  staff.  And  it  became  a  spear  or  dart 
soaring  on  high  until  it  reached  the  island.  And  the  Hollow  of 
the  Dart  is  still  the  name  of  the  place  where  it  Struck.  And 
it  is  certain  that  Torach  was  as  far  as  the  eye  could  see  away 
from  the  place  whence  he  cast  that  staff;  and  the  staves  of  the 
other  saints  did  not  reach  farther  than  the  islands  that  are 
between  Toracli  and  the  mainland.  Columb  cille  proceeded  then 
into  Torach,  and  fouud  his  staff  turned  into  a  dart  in  the  place 
which  we  have  already  mentioned.  Then  he  took  it  in  his  liand, 
and  it  became  a  staff  as  it  was  before  as  soon  as  he  touched 
it.  And  the  lord  to  whom  the  island  belonged  at  that  time, 
namely  Oilill  mac  Bäedain,  was  not  for  letting  Columb  cille  bless 
it  or  make  a  dwelling  in  it.  Columb  cille  asked  him  to  give  him 
the  width  of  his  cloak  of  the  island  seeing  that  he  would  not 
get  any  more  than  that  from  him.  '1  will  give  it'  said  Oilill, 
'because  I  think  it  no  härm  to  give  thee  that  much.'  Columb 
Cille  took  off  his  cloak  and  spread  it  upon  the  earth,  and  the 
cloak  spread  out  over  the  whole  island.  Upon  seeing  that  Oilill 
became  dreadfully  angr3\  and  he  called  a  venomous  hound  that 
he  owned  to  him  (and  man  or  beast  against  whom  she  was  sent 
never  escaped  her)  and  set  her  at  Columb  cille.  Ou  seeing  that 
Columb  cille  made  the  sign  of  the  cross  between  himself  and  her, 
and  caused  the  hound  to  remain  Standing  before  him  and  to  come 
no  nearer  than  that  to  him,  and  then  to  die  upon  the  very  spot. 
That  venomous  hound  died  immediately  at  the  word  of  Columb 
cille.  And  he  commanded  that  no  hound  or  dog  should  ever  be 
brought  into  that  island  again,  in  commemoration  of  that  great 
miracle.  Upon  seeing  that  miracle  Oilill  cast  himself  on  his  knees 
and  believed  in  God  and  Columb  cille,  and  he  gave  him  the  whole 
island.  Columb  cille  blessed  the  island  afterwards,  and  he  built  a 
noble  cliurch  there,  and  he  left  a  good  clerk  of  his  own  convent  in 
the  ecclesiastical  succession  of  that  place,  to  wit,  Ernan  of  Torach. 

Nott's  Ranch,  Bennett,  -^  „ 

^  ,       ,  '  '  Richard  Henebry. 

Colorado. 


DR.  MAC  CARTHY'S  LUNAR  COMPUTATIONS. 


In  tlie  Introduction  to  tlie  Annais  of  Ulster  (vol.  iv,  1901) 
new  views  respecting-  tlie  Paschal  lunar  cycle  employed  by 
St.  Patrick  and  St.  Columba  liave  been  advanced,  aud  certain 
definite  conclusions  liave  been  amved  at.  Some  of  these  con- 
clusions  depend  upon  tlie  learned  editor's  particular  metliods  of 
lunar  compiitation  qiiite  as  mucli  as  tliey  do  upon  tlie  corrections 
and  interpolations  he  lias  found  it  necessary  to  introduce  into 
tlie  text  of  liis  primary  autliority,  wliicli  is  tlie  Municli  Computus. 
These  eniendations  are  the  results  of  highly  technical  analj^sis 
and  the  whole  essay  displays  very  diligent  industry  and  wide, 
though  not  exhaustive  research.  It  is  not,  however,  with  the 
more  abstruse  part  of  Dr.  Mac  Carthy's  attempt  that  I  wish 
to  deal,  but  with  mistakes  in  quite  elementary  computations, 
such  as  the  calculation  of  the  age  of  the  moon  by  Alexandrine 
methods,  and  the  calendar-dating-  and  Identification  of  eclipses. 
These  mistakes  are  three  in  number:  the  first  is  a  serious  one 
made  in  identifying  a  lunar  eclipse;  the  second  is  repeated 
several  times  and  argues  want  of  preparation  on  Dr.  Mac  Carthy's 
part,  being-  due  to  the  fact  that  he  is  not  aware  that  the  com- 
putistical  day  is  a  iwyß^fieQov;  and  the  third  class  Springs  from 
the  tacit  belief  that  the  Alexandrine  Paschal  method  is  identical 
with  that  of  Dionysius.  The  need  to  correct  these  elementary 
mistakes  arises  from  the  fact  that  they  are  numbered  among  the 
proofs  asserted  by  Dr.  Mac  Carthy  to  be  historical,  and  adduced 
by  him  in  support  of  his  arguments. 

I.  On  p.  Ixxix  of  the  Introduction  the  lunar  eclipse  assigned 
in  the  Chronicle  of  Marius,  bishop  of  Aventicum,  to  the  19th  year 
after  the  consulship  of  Basil,  is  cited  to  prove  that  Marius  used 


DR.  MAC  CARTHY'S   LUNAR   C0MPUTATI0N8.  333 

the  same  cycle  of  LXXXIV.  (14)  that  St.  Patrick,  so  it  is  alleged, 
carried  out  of  Gaul  into  Ireland.    Marius's  report  luns: 

'P.  C.  Basilii  Anno  XIX.  Indictione  VIII. 

Hoc  anno  serenitate  coeli  inter  Stellas  splendidas 

obscurata  est  luna  xvi.  ut  vix  conspici  posset.' 

Having  quoted  tliese  lines  Dr.  Mac  Carthy  goes  on  to  say  tliat 
two  lunar  eclipses  occurred.  in  A.  D.  560,  viz.,  on  May  25  and 
November  19,  and  tliat  the  incidence  of  the  first  of  these  in  the 
Eighth  Indiction  proves  it  to  be  the  one  intended.  Both  these 
lunar  eclipses,  however,  were  total  ones  (viele  the  'Art  de  Yeri- 
fier  les  Dates ',  i.  305),  and  if  Dr.  Mac  Carthy  had  paid  attention 
to  the  criterion  'vix  conspici  posset'  he  would  not  have  selected 
either  of  them,  because  the  total  lunar  eclipse  of  May  25,  560, 
was  not  visible  at  Avenches,  nor  indeed  anywhere  eise  on  this 
side  of  the  Eocky  Mountains.  A  lunar  eclipse  is  not  visible  in 
the  daytime  and  though  the  middle  of  this  particular  one  is 
dated  at  9.30  A.  M.,  that,  of  course,  is  relative  time,  being-  cal- 
culated  for  the  meridian  of  Paris  only,  and  not  for  those  parts 
of  the  earth's  surface  whence  the  eclipse  really  was  visible. 

The  Eighth  Indiction  began  on  September  1,  559,  and  the 
only  partial  eclipse  of  the  nioon  that  feil  in  it  occurred  on  No- 
vember 30.  The  middle  of  this  eclipse  coincided  with  9.30  P.  M., 
when  only  about  three-eighths  of  the  moon's  disc  was  unobscured 
—  a  circumstance  which  tallies  with  the  second  criterion,  viz., 
'  vix  conspici  posset. '  The  third  criterion  is  the  age  of  the  moon 
of  the  Tables,  and  this,  taken  in  conjunction  with  the  two  others, 
is  quite  conclusive  as  to  identity.  The  year  559  had  the  golden 
number  IX.  in  the  Dionysian  cycle  of  XIX.,  and  the  epact  of 
the  IXth  year  is  28  days,  while  the  lunar  regulär  of  December  1 
is  18.  If,  then,  we  add  the  lunar  regulär  to  the  epact  and 
divide  by  30,  according  to  rule,  the  remainder  will  be  the  age 
of  the  moon  on  the  lunar  day  of  the  eclipse.  (This  lunar  day 
began  at  sunset  on  November  30,  and  bears  the  date  of  De- 
cember 1 ;  see  Paragraph  IL,  below.)  This  remainder  is  16,  and 
as  Marius's  report  agrees  mth  it,  and  does  not  agree  with  any 
cycle  of  LXXXIV.,  it  is  clear  that  he  used  the  lunar  method  of 
Dionysius.  Hence  Dr.  Mac  Carthy  can  derive  no  assistance  from 
Marius  of  Aventicum  in  establishing  his  liypothetical  cycle  of 
LXXXIV.  (14). 


334  A.   ANSCOMBE, 

Tlie  otlier  liistorical  proof s  that  Dr.  Mac  Cartliy  relies  on 
are  equally  unsatisfactory.  (1)  The  first  (p.  Ixxv)  is  clearly 
eiToneous,  for  Dr.  Mac  Carthy's  report  that  the  Atlianasian 
Chronicle  states  that  the  Easter  of  349  feil  on  moon  19,  March  25 
(which  was  not  a  Sunday),  is  not  hörne  out  by  the  passage 
itself,  which  he  gives  in  a  f ootnote,  and  which  says  —  '  VII.  Kai. 
April,  (kma)  17.'  (2)  The  Catacomb  inscription  of  February  25, 
moon  12,  397  (p.  Ixxiii),  indicates  that  March  1  feil  on  moon 
16,  and  the  reduction  of  that  lunar  date  by  9,  the  regulär  of 
March  1,  yields  7  days  of  epact.  This  epact  goes  with  the  golden 
number  XVIII.  which  marks  the  year  397,  named  already.  This 
inscription,  therefore,  reflects  purely  Alexandrine  computation. 
(3)  The  third  proof  (p.  Ixxix)  is  provided,  we  are  assured,  by 
the  data  of  the  Nativity  as  calendared  by  the  Chronographer 
of  354  {cf.  p.  Ivii,  note  3).  These  data  denote  a  year  that  began 
on  Saturday,  moon  13.  It  ended,  therefore,  on  Saturday,  moon  23, 
and  the  preceding  Sunday,  the  alleged  day  of  the  Nativity, 
sliould  have  been  luna  xvii.,  and  not  xv.  The  obvious  Omission 
of  ii.  should  have  been  detected.  (4)  As  for  the  doubtful  Catacomb 
inscription  which  bears  no  consular  datum  it  is  admitted  that 
it  is  not  known  whether  it  was  carved  in  the  Illrd  Century, 
or  in  the  IVth,  so  we  can  hardly  be  expected  to  attach  much 
importance  to  it.  (5)  Two  instances  are  adduced  from  the  Easter 
List  of  the  Chronographer  of  354 —  'in  confirmation  of  the  luni- 
solar  calculation'  of  LXXXIV.  (14);  but  we  are  not  instructed 
how  the  lunar  calculations  of  one  computist  who  effected  the 
saltus  Imiaris  seven  times  in  84  years,  as  this  chronographer 
did,  can  confirm  the  calculations  of  another  who  only  effects  it 
six  times  in  that  period.  Neither  is  the  agreement  in  the  two 
instances  relied  on  a  very  real  one.  The  years  317  and  330, 
the  cases  in  point,  have  respectively  1  and  25  as  the  moon's 
age  on  January  1  in  the  List  of  the  Chronographer  of  354;  but 
in  the  hypothetical  LXXXIV.  (14)  the  corresponding  years  21 
and  34  have  moon  30  and  moon  24  allotted  to  them  respectively 
on  that  day.  This  initial  discrepancy  does  not  augur  well  for 
subsequent  liarmon}^  and  if  the  matter  be  examined  it  will  be 
discovered  that  the  alleged  agreement  in  317  is  due  to  an  error 
in  computation  made  by  Dr.  MacCarthy,  while  that  alleged  to 
happen  in  330  is  due  to  another  made  by  the  Chronographer 
which  Dr.  Mac  Carthy  has  not  detected.     In  the  former  case 


DR.  MAC  cartht's  lunar  computations.  335 

Dr.  Mac  Carthy  has  only  given  29  days  to  tlie  lunation  of  IVrarch 
in  tlie  years  2,  21  and  40,  tlie  resiilt  of  whicli  is  tliat  tlie  moon 
of  April  is  'kindled'  one  day  too  soon.  In  the  year  330  the 
Chronograplier  miscomputed  the  age  of  'XIII.  Kai.  Maias' 
(=  April  19)  as  moon  14,  He  slioiild  liave  written  luna  xv., 
because  the  moon's  age  on  January  1  was  xxv.  This  exhausts 
all  the  proofs  tliat  Dr.  Mac  Carthy  has  grouped  together  as 
historical,  and  numbered  from  1  to  6. 

II.  I  just  now  referred  the  lunar  eclipse  of  November  30 
to  the  lunar  day  dated  December  1.  The  reasou  is  that  the 
lunar  or  ecclesiastical  day  is  a  vvxdrjf/eQov,  the  evening  of  which 
bears  the  ecclesiastical  weekday-name  of  the  following  morning', 
and  also  the  Julian  calendar  date  and  the  lunar  calendar  cfate 
of  the  same.  In  exact  computatiou  these  three  dates  are  all 
changed  either  at  sunset  or  at  vespers.  The  following  half- 
dozeu  instances  will  make  this  point  quite  clear.  (a)  In  the 
Chronicle  of  Idatius  the  lunar  eclipse  the  niiddle  of  which 
coincided  at  Paris  mth  7.30  P.  M.,  on  our  September  26,  A.  D.  451, 
is  dated  'XXVIII.  Valentiniani  Imp.,  V.  Kai.  Octobris'  (=  Sep- 
tember 27).  (b)  In  Symeon  of  Durham's  'Historia  Eegum'  the 
lunar  eclipse  on  our  November  23,  755,  at  7  P.  M.,  is  dated 
'YIII.  Kai.  Decembris'  (=  November  24).  (c)  In  the  Saxon 
Clii'onicle  the  lunar  eclipse  on  our  January  15,  800,  at  8.30 
P.  M.,  is  dated  'XYII.  Kai.  Februar.'  (=  January  16).  (d)  In 
the  same  Chronicle  the  lunar  eclipse  on  our  April  4,  1121,  at 
9.30  P.M.,  is  dated  'Nonis  Aprilis'  (=  April  5).  (e)  In  Egin- 
hard's   Annais   the   lunar   eclipse   on   our  December  25,  809,   at 

7  P.  M.,  is  dated  'VH.  Kai.  Januar.'  (=  December  26).  (f)  In 
the  same  Annais  the  lunar  eclipse  on  our  June  20,  810,  at 
7.45  P.M.,  is  dated  'XL  Kah  Juli.'  (=  June  21);  and  the  lunar 
eclipse  of  the  same  year,  on  our  December  14,  at  6  P.  M.,  is 
dated  'XVIII.  Kai.  Januar.'  (=  December  15).  (g)  Lastlj^,  in 
the  Annais  of  Loch  Ce,  i.  24  (ed.  Hennessy,  'E.  B.  SS.',  No.  54, 
1871),  the  lunar  eclipse  on  our  January  9,  Wednesday,  1023,  at 

8  P.  M.,  is  dated  '  IUI.  id.  Enäir,  dia  Dardaoin,  xiiii.  esgai  lenäir ', 
(=  January  10,  Thursday,  moon  14). 

The  nature  of  certain  mistakes  made  by  Dr.  Mac  Carthy 
shews  that  he  is  not  acquainted  with  this  important  computistical 
principle.    E.  g.:  in  the  Aunals  of  Ulster  the  eclipse  mentioned 


336  A.  ANSCOMBE, 

last  is  recorded  in  identical  terms  and  of  course  quite  correctly, 
but  Dr.  Mac  Carthy,  who  knows  wliat  a  modern  writer  ought 
to  have  said,  alters  the  date  in  his  Index  (iv.  140)  to  Wednesday, 
January  9,  and  tliereby  introduces  confusion.  Computation  gives 
January  9.  1023,  to  moon  13,  but  this  difficiüty  is  ignored  and 
the  Statement  of  the  annalist  miscorrected  without  any  comment 
whatever  being  made.  Similarly,  a  lunar  eclipse  on  our  De- 
cember  17,  921,  at  7  P.  M.,  is  dated  in  the  same  Annais  'XV.  Kai. 
Januar.'  (=  December  18),  which  is  systematically  correct. 
Dr.  Mac  Carthy  alters  this  also,  without  explanation.  Again  — 
in  the  Introduction,  p.  ciii.  note  4,  we  read  —  'A  lunar  eclipse 
took  place  on  April  16  (702),  at  10.30  P.  M.  The  Alexandrine 
Easter  was  consequently  held  on  the  22nd  of  the  moon!  The 
Irish  Easter  (April  16)  was  astronomically  correct.' i)  This  is 
all  very  erroneous.  As  the  eclipse  took  place  on  our  April  16 
at  10.30  P.M.,  the  lunar  day  it  happened  on  was  that  dated 
ante  diem  XV.  Kalendas  Maias  =  April  17.  Consequently 
April  23  was  not  moon  22,  and  the  alleged  date  of  the  schis- 
matic  Irish  Easter  was  not  astronomically  correct  because  the 
moon  was  not  füll  on  that  day. 

The  most  serious  error,  however,  of  all  those  that  are 
due  to  neglect  of  the  principle  of  the  vvxd^tj(i£Qov  is  the  one 
made  in  dating  the  obit  of  St.  Columba.  Dr.  Mac  Carthy  says 
(p.  Ixxviii,  1. 1)  that  '  Tigernach  states  that  St.  Columba  died  on 
Pentecost  Eve,  June  9,  596.'  Two  out  of  the  three  data  in 
this  remarkable  report  are  not  to  be  found  in  Tigernach  whose 
real  Statement  has  been  altered  out  of  all  knowledge.  AVhat 
that  'most  trustworthy  and  ill-used  of  Irish  chroniclers'  really 
does  say  is  as  follows :  K  iiii.  Quies  Coluimcille  in  nocte  dominica 
Pentecostes,  V.  id.  Juni. 

This  means  that  St.  Columba  died  on  the  night  of  Whit- 
sunday,  June  9,  in  a  year  that  commenced  on  a  Wednesday, 
if  'iiii'  be  correct,  or  on  a  Saturday  if  we  have  a  misreading 
of  vii  to  deal  with.  Tigernach  does  not  State,  therefore,  that  the 
obit  occured  in  596,  which  began  on  a  Sunday;  and  where  he 
says  'in  nocte  dominica  Pentecostes'  he  means  on  the  night  of 
Whitsimdmj,  and  not  on  'Pentecost  Eve'.     Dr.  Mac  Carthy  is 


')  The  note   of  exclamation  is  Dr.  Mac  Carthy's ,  aud  there   are  more 
than  GO  others  scattered  about  in  the  letter-press  of  his  Introduction. 


DR.  MAC  carthy's  lunar  computations.  337 

compelled  to  render  tlie  words  of  the  ill-used  Tigernach  in  tliis 
way  because,  for  a  reason  tliat  is  unknown  to  me  and  unexplained 
by  liim,  he  has  selected  the  year  596  as  that  of  the  obit,  and 
in  that  year  June  9  feil  on  a  Saturday.  That  his  view  is 
qiiite  wrong  is  clear  from  what  Adamnan  teils  us  abont  the 
doings  of  Columba  on  the  last  Saturday  of  his  life  on  earth, 
and  especially  fi^om  Columba's  prophecy  —  'hac  sequenti  media 
venerabili  nocte  patrum  gradiar  viam.'  The  following  passages 
in  Adamnan  prove  that  Columba  did  not  die  until  after  midnight: 

Ad  vespertinalem  dominicae  noctis  missam  ingfeditur  eccle- 
siam:  qua  continuo  consummata  ad  hospitiolum  revertens 
in  lectulo  residet  pernox:  tum  proinde  media  nocte  pulsata 
personante  clocca  festinus  surgeus  ad  ecclesiam  pergit. 

Dr.  Mac  Carthy  must  have  forgotten  these  passages,  and  he  has 
attempted  to  settle  the  question  without  reading  Adamnan  again. 
St.  Columba,  it  is  certain,  died  very  early  on  a  Sunday,  which 
Tigernach  says  was  Whitsunday,  and  which  feil  on  June  9, 
Now  in  597  Whitsunday  could  not  fall  on  June  9  in  any  System 
of  Paschal  computation,  so  that  arguments  based  upon  '  proleptic 
attribution'  must  fall  to  the  ground  with  regard  to  this  year, 
The  incidence  of  Sunday  on  June  10  rejects  the  year  Dr.  Mac  Carthy 
has  selected,  and  consequently  deprives  the  hypothetical  cycle  of 
LXXXIV.  (14)  of  any  support  that  its  author's  unrestrained 
emendatious  of  Tigernach  might  be  supposed  to  have  purveyed 
for  it. 

III.  In  many  places  Dr.  Mac  Carthy  writes  and  argues  as 
if  the  decemnovennal  computation  of  the  Alexandrines  was  iden- 
tical  with  that  of  Dionysius.  This  view  is  not  correct  and  the 
undermeutioned  differences  exist:  (a)  the  Alexandi'ines  made  the 
years  IL,  Y.,  XIII.  and  XYI.  years  of  embolism ;  Dionysius  made 
them  common  years  and  inserted  III.,  VI.,  XIV.  and  XVII.  in 
theii'  place.  1)  (b)  In  years  of  embolism  the  Alexandrines  gave 
31  days  to  the  lunation  of  March  and  only  29  to  that  of  April; 
in  such  years  Dionysius  gave  30  days  to  both  lunations.    (c)  In 

^)  The  two  series  of  embolismic  lunar  years  are  given  in  the  Disser- 
tation sur  les  Dates  in  the  'Art  de  Verifier  les  Dates',  1818,  tonie  1,  p.  67, 
but  by  some  oversight  the  Alexandriue  series  is  referred  to  as  if  it  were  the 
Dionysian. 

Zoitachrift  f.  colt.  Philologie  IV.  '  22 


338  ANSCOMBE,    DR.  MAC  CARTHY's   LUNAR    COMPUTATIONS. 

tlie  Alexandrine  embolismic  years  IL,  V.,  XIII.  and  XVI.  tlie 
Pasclial  term  feil  on  Marcli  26,  Marcli  23,  March  25  and 
Marcli  22,  respectively,  owing  to  tlie  retardation  of  the  new  moon 
dne  to  the  cause  nientioned  just  now;  in  tliese  years  Dionysius 
allowed  tlie  Pasclial  term  to  fall  one  day  earlier  tlian  the 
Alexandrine  dates.  Dr.  Mac  Carthy  kuew  nothing  of  these 
differences  ten  years  ago  {vide  The  Academy,  Deceiiiber  24,  1892, 
p.  592)  and  unfortunately  he  was  still  unware  of  their  existence 
when  he  wrote  the  Introduction  to  the  Annais  of  Ulster.  The 
want  of  computistical  preparation  has  caused  him  to  pass  some 
stränge  judgements  on  the  relative  value  and  authority  of 
different  cycles;  and  the  constant  misuse  of  the  terms  'epact' 
and  'golden  nuniber'  is  especially  vexatious.  With  Dr.  Mac  Carthy 
any  lunar  datum  which  serves  as  a  key  to  lunar  computations 
is  an  'epact',  and  no  cycle  is  too  insignificant  and  faulty  for 
the  numbers  that  connote  its  years  to  be  styled  'golden'. 

When  dealing  with  the  letter  of  St.  Athanasius  respecting 
the  Easter  of  A.  D.  346  Dr.  Mac  Carthy  says  (p.  Ixxvi)  that 
March  23  was  the  Alexandrine  Easter  Day  in  that  year.  But 
the  golden  number  of  346  is  V.  and,  consequently,  Athanasius 
computed  the  Paschal  term  on  March  23,  Sunday,  and  of  course 
would  not  keep  the  Feast  on  that  day.    He  kept  it  on  Pharmuthi 

IV.  =  March  30.  Similarly,  in  the  letter  written  by  Pope 
Innocent  I.  respecting  the  Easter  of  414,  which  year  has  the 
golden  number  XVI.,  the  data  of  Theophilus's  List  of  100  Years, 
presumably  March  29,  moon  21,  were  rejected  and  the  Pope 
asserted  that  the  Feast  ought  to  be  kept  on  March  22,  which 
he  believed  was  moon  16.')  A  third  instance  is  supplied  by 
the  Paschal  scliism  of  441,  the  golden  number  of  which  j^ear  is 

V.  In  this  year  the  Easter  of  Theophilus  was  dated  March  30, 
moon  21,  but  some  of  the  Latins  celebrated  on  March  23,  which 
in  all  probability  they  computed  as  moon  16.  The  last  tlii^ee 
Easters  were  occasions  of  schism  and  they  are  iucluded  in  the 
lists  of  Paschal  schisms  compiled  by  the  Maurist  Benedictines  in 
the  'Art  de  Verifier  les  Dates',  tome  1,  Aniiual  Tables,  at  foot. 


^)  Pope  Innocent's  Paschal  Letter  to  Aiirelius  is  iu  Bücher,  p.  480. 
Hornsey,  Middlesex.  A.  Anscombe. 


WHERE  WAS 
THE  DUN  OF  FINN  MAC  CUMHAILL? 


Tlie  Hill  of  Allen  and  Knock  Awlin  are  in  tlie  Coiinty 
Kildare,  and  only  eiglit  miles  apart.  Botli  liills  can  be  reaclied 
from  Newbridge,  on  the  Great  Southern  Railway,  The  Hill  of 
Allen  is  foui'  miles  from  Newbridge,  and  Knock  Awlin  about 
six.  Both  hüls  are  about  the  same  height,  that  is,  between  five 
and  six  hundred  feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea, 

Both  tradition  and  history  seem  to  agree  in  making  the 
Hill  of  Allen  the  whilom  residence  of  the  celebrated  Finn 
MacCumhaill.  The  Leabhar  na  h-Uidhre  states  plainly  that  the 
Hill  of  Allen  was  his  'dun  arus',»)  and  states  how  he  became 
possessed  of  it.  There  seem,  however,  to  be  grave  doubts  if  he 
ever  had  his  dun  or  his  dwelling  on  the  Hill  of  Allen.  Not  a 
vestige  of  earth-works,  or  ancient  remains  of  any  kind  are  to 
be  Seen  on  or  around  the  Hill  of  Allen.  The  most  minute  search 
reveals  no  monument  of  antiquity.  The  marks  of  tiny  ridges 
are  still  traceable  on  the  top  of  the  hill,  showing  that  it  was 
once  cultivated;  but  any  cultivation  that  could  have  been  made 
on  such  a  poor,  rocky,  sandy  spot  as  the  summit  of  the  Hill  of 
Allen,  could  hardly  have  obliterated  all  traces  of  earthworks  or 
fortifications,  if  they  ever  existed  on  it.  John  O'Donovan's  remarks 
on  this  matter  are  most  interesting.  They  may  be  seen  in  one 
of  his  unpublished  letters  in  the  Eoyal  Irish  Academy,  when  he 
was  employed  on  the  great  survey  of  Ireland  in  1837.  Here  is 
an  extract  from  one  of  his  letters,  dated  Nov.  28th  1837: 


^)  See  LU.,  page  4:2b,  facsimile.    'Dun  arus'  means  a  fortified  dwelling. 
'Arus'  seem  a  mistake  for  'aruis',  tlie  genitive  form  of  the  word. 

22* 


340  T.  0.  EIJSSELL, 

'  I  visited  tlie  liill  of  Allen ...  Its  sides  are  covered  witli 
furze,  but  on  tlie  top  tliere  is  a  level  area  oii  which  some  forts 
could  be  advantageously  erected.  Tliere  are,  liowever,  no  traces 
of  forts  nor  of  any  otlier  monuments,  excepting-  one  small  moimd, 
called  suidhe  Finn,  or  Finn's  cliair,  wliicli  occupies  tlie  highest 
point  of  the  hill.  On  every  side  of  tliis  moimd  tbere  are  faint 
traces  of  field-works,  but  so  indistinct  tbat  I  could  not  witli 
any  certainty  decide  wbether  tbey  are  traces  of  forts  or  of 
recent  cultivation,  for  the  hill  was  tilled  on  the  very  sumuiit. 
I  traversed  all  the  hill  but  could  find  upon  it  no  monument 
from  which  it  could  be  inferred  that  it  was  ever  a  royal  seat 
like  Tara,  Emania,  Maistean,  Eaoireann,  or  any  of  the  other 
places  of  ancient  celebrity  whose  localities  have  been  identified. 
And  still,  in  all  the  Fingallian  or  Ossianic  poems,  this  hill  is 
referred  to  as  containing  the  palace  of  the  renowned  Champion, 
Finn  Mac  Cool,  who  seems  to  have  been  a  real  historical  character 
that  flourished  here  in  the  latter  end  of  the  third  Century . . . 
The  antiquary  may  draw  his  own  conclusion  from  the  non- 
existence  of  a  Dun  on  the  Hill  of  Allen.  It  is  possible  that 
there  were  forts  on  it  a  thousand  years  ago,  and  that  the 
progress  of  cultivation  has  efaced  them;  but  it  is  stränge  that 
these  alone  should  disappear,  while  those  of  Tara,  Emania,  Aileach, 
Cruachain,  Naas,  Maistean,  Eaoireann  &c.  remain  in  good  pre- 
servation.' 

Knock  Awlin,  or  Aillinne,  as  it  is  usually  written  in  ancient 
MSS.  has  on  it  the  largest  dun  or  fort  in  Ireland.  According 
to  O'Donovan,  the  circular  enclosure  is  100  yards  in  diameter, 
and  consequently  contains  about  24  Statute  acres.  The  ditch  or 
moat  surrounding  it  is  still  in  some  places  four  or  five  feet  deep, 
and  the  earthen  embankment  ten  or  twelve  feet  high.  The 
ancient  roads  leading  up  to  the  dun  are  still  well  marked,  witli 
embankments  still  five  or  six  feet  high  on  each  side.  Some 
remains  of  inner  forts  are  still  visible.  The  fosse  encircles  the 
whole  top  of  the  hill,  and  no  traces  of  cultivation  are  extant 
witliin  it.  Dun  Aillinne  is  one  of  the  most  interesting  places 
of  its  kind  in  Ireland,  and  the  view  from  it  is  very  flne. 
O'Donovan  was  so  Struck  by  the  prospect  from  Dun  Aillinne  that 
he  wrote  a  poem  in  Irish  on  it.  As  the  poeni  has  never  been 
printed  save  in  niy  little  all-Gaelic  book  'Teanga  Thioramhuil 
na  h-Eireann',   which  but  few  readers  of  the  '  Zeitschiif t '  may 


WHERE   WAS    TUE   DUN   OF   FINN   MAC   CUMHAILL?  341 

have  Seen,  it  is  given  liere  in  tlie  antiquated  language  in  wliicli 
it  was  written  by  O'Donovan: 

Tar  cJmirrech  na  g-carhad  ndian, 
TriaUam  (o  slioülsighiäli  an  ghrian) 
Le  deine  co  Sliahli  ChuilUnd, 
D'fheghain  for  mhör  mür  Äillind,'  — 
Rdth  righdlia  na  g-clas  ndomlion, 
At  uarghad  fri  Mesdelmon, 
Gel-ghriandn  aoibhinn,  dlaind 
'Na  raibh  Frithir  a's  Aülend; 
Adlihha  drd  na  rigli  's  na  d-triatli 
'Gar  cherset  mör-laeich  i  ngliadh;  — 
Sen  hhrugh  glirianach  rigJi  Ghaüiain, 
Bigli-dhhid  Bresail  JBregamain; 
Forradh  na  ndegli  laech  'sna  ndruadh, 
Aenacli  n-ainder  a's  n-6g-sliiagh; 
Dun  fairsing  Fhergais  fairge, 
Or  dherc  for  dhrech  Sleibh'  Mairge. 
For  mor  muigh  LipJii  a's  Ailhhe, 
For  Berhlia  sruth  na  hailhhe, 
For  sJiliahJi  hdn-liath  SuidJie  Laighean, 
For  Almhain  's  for  Eo  Cualann. 
Aoihhinnamharc  6  Ail  AiVne, 
For  thidchaihh  for  maghaibh  dilne 
'S  for  shleihhtibh  co  gcochlaihh  ceö 
MairfidJi  an  t-amharc  am'  mebhair  co  deö.' 

Tlie  above  poem  is  given  exactly  as  it  was  written  by 
O'Donovan,  who  wrote  it  in  the  old  characters.  I  have  followed 
exactly  bis  orthography,  accentnation  and  punctnation,  although 
the  two  last  seem  to  want  correction. 

The  qiiestion  to  be  settled  is,  on  which  of  the  hills,  Allen 
or  Aillinn,  was  the  dim  or  stronghold  of  Finn  son  of  Cumhall? 
The  written  testimony  of  old  MSS.  is  overwhelmingly  on  the 
side  of  the  hill  of  Allen;  but  the  total  absence  of  any  remains 
of  antiqnity  on  the  latter  hill,  and  the  similarity  of  both  names 
when  in  the  genitive,  lead  one  to  think  that  confnsion  has 
arisen  about  them.  In  the  Leabhar  na  h-Uidhre,  facsimile  p.  42, 
the  nominative  of  Allen  is  Almu,  the  dative  and  accusative, 


342  T.  0.  EUSSELL, 

Älmain;  the  genitive  does  not  occur  in  tlie  tract  (Fotha  Catha 
Cnucha),  but  it  would  almost  certainly  be  Alman.  But  later  on, 
another  genitive  seems  to  liave  been  formed  for  it,  namely, 
Almaine;  see  Book  of  Leinster,  p.  296.  The  names  of  both  hüls 
in  the  genitive,  namely,  Almaine  and  Allinne,  are  so  mnch  alike, 
and  both  hüls  are  so  near  each  other,  that  confnsion  of  their 
names  miglit  easily  have  occurred,  so  that  the  hill  of  Aillinn, 
the  modern  Knock  Awlin,  may  have  been  the  hill  on  which 
Finn  MacCimihaül  had  his  dun. 

There  is  a  curious  poem  at  page  49  of  the  facsimile  of  the 
LL.  beginning  with  the  line,  'Slan  seiss,  a  Brigit  co  mbuaid'. 
The  following  quatrain  occurs  in  it,  treating  of  Brigit  and  of 
Knock  Awlin,  or  Ailend  as  it  is  written  in  MS.: 

Gdir  dinaig  iar  cecJi  mhuaid, 
Im  Clmdil  claideb  cumtaig  drend, 
Brig  a  Fian  fri  indna  ngorm, 
Gloim  a  com  for  cetaih  cend. 

A  call  of  gathering  after  every  victory, 

About  Cuäü  a  protecting  sword  of  battles, 

The  might  of  his  Fians  with  blue  spears, 

The  clashing  of  their  goblets  over  himdreds  of  heads. 

The  question  is  'who  was  Cuäü?'  Could  it  have  been 
that  the  scribe  intented  to  write  Cumall,  but  instead  of  putt- 
ing  the  circumflex  stroke  over  the  w,  to  denote  the  omitted  m, 
he  wrongly  put  an  accent  over  the  a?i)  In  the  facsimile  the 
accent  is  wrongly  placed  over  the  u  in  the  word  Chüail.  Is 
there  any  mention  in  Irish  history  or  legend  of  any  Cudil,  or 
of  any  Cumhall  except  the  father  of  Füin?  It  would  seem  from 
many  passages  in  the  LL.  that  neither  the  hül  of  Auen  nor 
Knock  Awlin  has  been  a  royal  seat  siiice  the  time  of  Finn.  In 
the  Feiire  of  Oengus  it  is  said  in  the  Prologue,  page  XIX,  that 
Aillinn  was  uninhabited  at  the  time  the  poem  was  written, 
namely,  at  the  latter  end  of  the  eighth  centiuy,  or  the  beginning 
of  the  ninth: 


')  [Aber  Chüail  ist  durch  die  Assonanz  mit  büaiä  gesichert. 

K.  M.] 


WHERE   WAS   THE   DUN    OF   FINN   MAC   CÜMHAILL?  343 

Broc  ÄiUinne  nallach 
Äthath  lia  shlog  hdgach 
Is  mör  Brigit  huadach 
Is  cdin  a  ruam  ddlach. 

Tliiis  translated  by  Mr.  "Wliitley  Stokes: 

Aillin's  proud  biu^gli  liatli  perished 
Witli  its  warlike  host; 
Great  is  victorioiis  Brigit; 
Fair  is  her  multitudinous  cityJ) 

It  seems  stränge  that  Oeugus  should  have  mentioned  Aillimi 
instead  of  Almii,  the  repnted  stronghold  of  Fiiin  Mac  Ciimhaill; 
for  wherever  he  had  his  diiu,  would,  one  might  naturally  siip- 
pose,  be  the  most  celebrated  place  in  the  locality,  and  the  one 
to  which  Oengus  would  be  most  likely  to  refer  when  speaking 
of  the  desolation  of  Pagan  strongholds  caiised  by  the  introduction 
of  Christianity. 

It  would  be  interesting  if  it  coiüd  be  foimd  out  froni  ancient 
writings  if  Dim  Aillinne  was  iuhabited  by  the  kings  of  Leinster 
since  the  thii'd  Century.  If  it  had  been  theii'  stronghold,  some 
mention  of  it  as  such  would  have  been  made  in  the  tract  on 
the  Leinster  Tribute,  or  Boramha,  in  the  LL.;  but  nothing  in 
it  leads  one  to  think  that  Dun  Aillinne  was  inhabited  by  the 
kings  of  Leinster  from  the  second  to  the  seventh  Century,  A.  D. 
In  the  poeni  from  the  LL.  on  Brigit  and  on  Dun  Aillinne,  fi'om 
which  a  quatrain  has  been  quoted,  Aillinn  or  Alend  is  stj'led  a 
'dun  fds\  or  a  desolate  stronghold.  Here  again  the  difference 
in  the  spelling  of  the  ancient  name  of  Knock  Awlin  leads  to 
still  more  confusion,  for  Älend  might  have  been  intended  as  a 
genitive  of  Almu. 

The  hin  of  Allen  seems  to  be  the  only  place  in  Ireland 
which  history  or  tradition  mentions  as  the  stronghold  of  ancient 
Irish  kings  or  Chiefs  on  which  no  relic  or  trace  of  antiquity  is 
to  be  Seen.  It  would  be  most  interesting  to  know  what  caused 
the  disappearance  of  all  vestiges  of  antiquity  on  the  hül  of 
Allen,  if  they  ever  existed  on  it. 


1)  The  city  must  have  been  Kilclare,  now  only  a  village. 


344      ErSSELL,   WHERE   WAS   THE   DUN   OF   FINN   MAC  CUMHAILL? 

There  is  not  any  other  place  in  Ireland  from  whicli  such 
a  qiiantity  of  legend  and  folklore  lias  einanated  as  from  tlie 
dwelling-place  of  Finn.  wliether  it  was  on  the  liill  of  Allen  or 
on  Knock  Awlin.  Fully  tliree  fourtlis  of  those  legends  and  folk 
tales  in  wliich  Finn  was  the  principal  figure  and  the  hill  of 
Allen  the  most  frequently  named  place,  have  been  lost  with  the 
loss  of  the  language  in  which  they  were  enshrined.  The  fame 
of  Finn  and  his  dun  penetrated  to  the  very  most  northern  part 
of  Gaelic  Scotland.  In  the  Dean  of  Lismore's  collection  of  High- 
land Scotch  folk  lore,  made  in  the  early  part  of  the  sixteenth 
Century,  Finn's  residence  is,  according  to  the  index  of  the  book, 
mentioned  no  less  than  twenty  eight  times  under  the  names  of 
Allen,  Almhuin,  Alve,  Alvin,  &c.;  Finn  himself  is  mentioned  sixty 
nine  times,  and  his  Feine,  or  soldiers,  are  mentioned  forty  six 
times. 

It  is  to  be  hoped  that  some  of  the  many  Gaelic  savants 
that,  happily,  now  exist,  will  try  to  solve  the  mystery  of  the 
hill  of  Allen;  and  if  it  reaUy  was  Finn's  stronghold,  find  out 
the  cause  that  has  denuded  it  of  all  monuments  of  antiquity. 

Dublin.  T.  0.  Russell. 


MISCELLEN. 


1.   Lateinisch  a  in  irischen  Lehnwörtern. 

Dass  in  einer  älteren  Schicht  lateinischer  Lehnwörter  im 
Irischen  betontes  a  zu  o  wird,  ist  schon  öfters  bemerkt  worden. 
Als  Beispiele  führt  z.  B.  Sarauw,  Irske  Studier,  S.  7  ochsall  > 
axiJla,  mocoll  y- niacula,  proind'> prandium,  Cothraige '>  Patricnis 
auf.  Dass  aber  vor  Labialen  eine  Verdumpfung  über  au  zu  ü 
eintritt,  ist  meines  Wissens  noch  nirgends  hervorgehoben.  Wir 
haben  dafür  folgende  Beispiele. 

hauptaist  >  baptista. 

Büid  (i.  e.  Duuid)  >  David. 

lular  'Arbeit' >  labor.  Im  Cod.  Cambr.  38b  findet  sich  der 
Dativ  lauhuir;  auch  sonst  kommt  das  Wort  häufig  in  der  älteren 
geistlichen  Litteratur  vor,  so  z.  B.  in  der  Regula  Choluimb  Chille 
§  17  (Ztschr.  ni,  S.  29)  in  der  seltsamen  Schreibung  lubfur^)\  in 
der  Stair  Manach  nEgipte  (Ashmolean  MS.  1763,  fo.  57  a):  oc 
lubar  7  oc  ernaighthi.  In  der  späteren  Sprache  findet  sich  der 
Nominativ  lubair,  z.  B.  ernaigtJii  7  liibair  7  Ugund,  Ztschr.  HI, 
S.  29,  §  16;  luhair,  cretra,  commairge,  LL.  31  a  2.  Das  A^'ort  ist 
feminin:  is  i  luhair  as  decli  la  Dia  dognitlier  i  talum,  RC.  XII,  428, 
§  20.     mdd  dognitlier  lubair,  ib.  §  21. 

pupa  ' Papst '>  papa.  Pupa  oder  Fiipu  Äirne  'Papst  von 
Arann'  war  der  Ekelname  Nem's  oder  Cailbe's,  Bruders  von 
Ciaran,  wie  die  Glosse  zum  Feiire  Oenguso  (14.  Juni)  und  LL. 
373  marg.  inf.  berichtet.  Wir  haben  es  hier  sicher  mit  einer 
alten  Form  zu  thun,  die  nicht  etwa,  wie  Stokes  (Fei.  S.  CII) 


1)  Ebenso  gelegentlich  merbfall  statt  merball. 


346  Kxrso  meyee.  miscellen. 

möchte,  in  j^opa  zu  ändern  ist.  JBobba  im  Trip.  Life  (a  hobha 
Pdtraic!  S.  218, 4)  iind  das  aus  den  Sagen  bekannte  popa  wären 
dann  spätere  Formen  desselben  Ursprungs. 

pupall  'Zelt' >  papilio  ist  hinlänglich  bekannt. 

iiball  'Apf el "  >  abella  neben  dem  späteren  Lehnwort  ahall 
^\pf elbaum '.  Die  Frucht  war  längst  durch  den  Handel  bekannt, 
ehe  die  ersten  Apfelbäume  nach  Irland  kamen. 


2.    Der  Name  Timgdalus. 

Der  Xame  des  Helden  der  dmxh  Bruder  ]\Iarcus  auf- 
gezeichneten Vision  ist  in  der  AVeltlitteratur  in  der  Form  Timdal 
bekannt  geworden,  die  über  Tungdalus  aus  dem  lU'Sprüngiichen 
Tnugdalus  entstanden  ist.  Dass  Tnugdalus  die  Latinisierung 
eines  irischen  Namens  sei,  ist  gewiss  immer  angenommen  worden; 
niu'  war  ein  entsprechender  Eigenname  im  Irischen  meines 
Wissens  bisher  nicht  nachgewiesen.  Es  scheint  mii'  nun  zweifel- 
los, dass  Tnugdalus  den  öfters  vorkommenden  Namen  Tnüihgal 
"wiedergeben  soll.  Derselbe  findet  sich  z.  B.  in  den  Annalen  von 
Ulster  A.D.  783  (bei  den  Tier  Meistern,  A.  D.  771);  ferner  in 
den  Genealogien  des  Buchs  von  Leinster,  S.  324  a  19.  Der  Genitiv 
ist  Tnuthgaüe  LL.  320  d;  320  e  1.  Auch  die  Form  Tnüdgal 
kommt  LL.  323  b  vor.  Im  latinisierten  Tnugdalus  liegt  dieselbe 
Metathese  der  Spii^anten  vor  wie  im  irischen  lugbort  (statt  lub- 
gort),  bibda  (statt  bkJbu).  debthir  (BB.  316  a  37  statt  dethbir)  u.s.w. 

Liverpool.  Kuxo  Meyer. 


ERSCHIENENE  SCHRIFTEN. 


Glossary  to  Volumes  I. — V.  of  the  Ancient  Laws  of  Ireland. 
Compiled  by  Eobert  Atkinson.  LL.D.,  President  of  the 
Eoyal  Irish  Academy.    Dublin,  1901. 


Whatever  may  be  their  intestine  discord,  Celtic  scholars 
are  Rgreeö.  on  two  points,  iirst,  tliat  tlie  official  edition  of  the 
Ancient  Laws  of  Ireland,  -with  its  inaccurate  texts,  guesswork 
translations,  and  pathetically  feeble  notes,')  is,  for  philological 
purposes,  almost  worthless,  and,  secondly,  that  within  the  last  ten 
years  Celtic,  especially  Irish,  philology  has  made  a  remarkable 
advance.  This  being  so,  the  obvious  duty  of  one  who  under- 
takes  to  make  a  glossary  to  these  laws  is,  first.  to  collate  the 
printed  texts  Tvith  the  MSS.,  and,  secondly,  to  master  the  recent 
discoveries  of  Ascoli,  Thm^neysen,  Zimmer,  Zupitza,  Osthoff, 
Strachan.  Pedersen,  Sarauw,  Liden,  Loth,  Victor  Henry,  and 
other  scholars.  Dr.  Atkinson  has  done  neither.  His  glossary  is 
not  only  incomplete,  but  swarms  with  non-existing  or  misspelt 
words  and  forms,  linguistic  monstrosities  which  a  collation  with 
the  MSS.  coupled  with  some  knowledge  of  Old-Irish.  would  have 
enabled  him  to  avoid  or  correct.  He  constantly  gives  oblique 
cases  as  nominatives.  He  does  not  mention  the  conjugation  of  the 
Verbs,  or  the  gender  and  declension  of  the  nouns.    His  Insertion 

^)  As  to  the  fixst  four  volumes  see  the  opinions  of  Prof.  Rhys,  Prof. 
Mackinnon,  Dr.  S.  H.  O'Grady,  Dr.  Norman  Moore,  Prof.  Kuno  Meyer,  and 
Geheimrat  Windisch  in  The  Academy  Nos.  700,  701,  70'2,  703,  70i,  706,  707- 
I  have  not  coUated  vol.  V. 


348  ERSCHIENENE   SCHRIFTEN. 

or  Omission  of  marks  of  length  is  arbitraiy.  He  sometimes 
separates  the  same  word  and  confoimds  different  words.  The 
meanings  wliicli  lie  assigns  are  often  wi'ong  or  yague,  and,  lastly, 
liis  etvmologies.  as  a  nüe,  belong  to  the  prescientific  era.  I 
niake  these  remarks  with  regret,  for  he  has  identified  man}'  of 
O'Davoren's  law-quotations ,  and  there  is  some  other  good  work 
in  his  glossaiy.  But  their  justice  will  be  admitted  by  every 
one  who  peruses  the  following  imperfect  lists. 


I.    Words  and  for  ms  omitted. 

acli  for  aclit  'biit.  save'  Laws  11.  32,  16,  O'Dav.  66,  s.  v.  coneitis, 

TBL.  col.  919,  and  0"R. 
adaimil  V.  450,  12  'perishes'  (ad-ad-Mil). 
adbal  'huge'  I.  54,  21,  where  the  edition  has  adh 
ad-idn-giaUna  'serves  him'  lY,  322,  18,  where  the  edition  has  A 

did  ngiallna. 
ai  4aw'?  I.  258, 10.  where  it   is  misprinted  as  part  of  the  pre- 

ceding  word,  gnirn. 
aen-[s]lnasat  I.  170,  1,  'one  paddle',  lit.  'one  shovel'. 
ag  allaid  'a  deer',  pl.  na  haighi  dlta  IV.  120,  3. 
airha  'breaking'   =  aurha   I.  168,  4,  where   the   edition   omits 

the  word. 
aitherrighn  'I  change,  relapse'  (pres.  ind.  sg.  3  ait\her]rig  IL.  188, 

11    (5-subj.   sg.  3,   a'dhirsed  I.  10,  6)   sliould   come   imder 

aitlicrrach,  p.  49. 
aoilechair  'düng',  IV.  136,  14,  where  it  is  misprinted  aoilech. 
arachet  I.  46,  17,  'was  sung'. 

ara  corad  I.  46,  17,  (where  it  is  misprinted  ar  a  cor)  'was  walled'. 
ardnich  'sovrau',   tituna  n-ardrach   1.10,3,   'sovran   command', 

translated  by  'will  of  the  supreme  king'. 
ardrarc  muige  (sie  MS.)  I.  192,  21.      For  this   the  edition  and 

Atkiuson  give  ardmc  m.    I  do  not  understand  ardrarc. 
ar-fethim  'I  precede',  ar-id-feit  IV.  300,  17. 
ar-da-lahratlmr  I.  268,  16;  302,  30,  'who  speaks  for  it'.    Atkinson 

gives  only  the  corrupt  ardoldbraidtur  of  V.  436,  1. 
atsuiter  1. 172, 26,  an  orthotonic  form,  whence  the  enclitic  astaiter 

I.  30,  27. 
aurhiatar  I.  230,  23   (misprinted   aurhiathar),  pres.  ind.  pass.  of 

airhiathaim. 


GLOSSAEY   TO    THE    ANCIENT   LAWS    OF   IRELAND.  349 

hiathfathar  IV.  236,  23,  &-fut.  pass.  of  hiathaim,  'I  feed'. 
hihdad  gen.  pl.  IV.  234,  25,  sliould  be  mentioned  at  hidha. 
hrechtdn  X.  im  tir  'fresh   butter',   O'Cl.,    but  hrechfdn  ünmme, 

Aisl.  162;  gen.  hrechtain,  IV.  118,  7,  wliere  it  is  mispiinted 

hresain. 
huith  Ho  be'  IV.  302,  6.    Cymr.  hod. 

caindül  'candelam'  IV.  380,  5   (wliere   it  is  printed  as   ced)  is 

lacking  at  caindell,  p.  119.    Cymr.  camvyll. 
cccJitair  gen.  sg.  IV.  338,  16,  is  lacking  at  cechtar. 
ciato-imargaet    I.  150,  13,    'was    first    fouglit'    (lit.    'miitiially 

wonnded '). 
cetharde  'four  tliings'  IV.  306,  25,  wliere  it  is  misprinted  cethrame. 
concohraim  'I  relieve':  frisna  concohair  mac  Svhicli  a  son  does 

not  relieve',  V.  510,  wliere  tlie  plirase  is  misprinted  fris 

'nacon  cobair  mac:  ' cohair  seems  iised  as  averb',  Atkinson 

VI,  p.  144. 
comadh  'adjiistment',  I,  264,  7,    cogn.   witli   comadas  =  Cymr. 

cyfaddas. 
con-herhaim  'I  boil  togetlier',  conherhar  I.  140,  36,    Verbal  noim 

comherhad  Aisl.  107.     Cymr.  cymerivi  'to  concoct'. 
con-gniim  pres.  ind.  pl.  3  congniat  I.  136,  9,  wliere  it  is  misprinted 

cong  mat  and  rendered  '  tliey  make  good '.    The  pret.  sg.  3 

ro   cungain  and  tlie  verbal  noim  (cungnam)  are  quoted  in 

VI,  p.  207. 
con-grennim  'I  collect'  (?),  3.  sg.  pres.  ind.  act.  congrenn  1. 194,  24, 

wliicli  Atkinson  puts  imder  congraim  'I  sliout',   and  trans- 

lates  by  'proclaims'.    Tlie  pass.  congren[n]ar  is  in  YBL. 

col.  718.    Eev.  Celt.  XXII.  22,  412. 
cory  caicli  a  fine  IV.  374,  20,  21   (wliere  tlie  plirase  is  given  as 

cosp  ca  crich  a  fine)  is  omitted  at  corp,  p.  184. 
crod  'cattle'  I.  106,  35,  36,  dat.  crud  I.  46,  24.    Cymr.  cordd.    See 

Ir.  Texte  IV,  392. 
cü  allaid  'wolf,  pl.  n.  coin  allta  IV.  120. 

deac  Hen'  IV.  338,  21,  leg.  deac,  tlie  Old-Irisb  form  of  dec,  VI.  218, 

see  Idg.  F.  XII.  188. 
deicMe  'tenfold'  IV.  306,  24. 

do-agim  omitted  under  d,  is  to  be  found  under  ag,  p.  21. 
do-aitnigim:  do-ro-aüniged  tr.  'was  adjudged'  I.  54,  1. 
do-hiadacli  '  inhospitable '  I.  42. 


350  ERSCHIENENE    SCHRIFTEN. 

dochus,  gen.  sg.  ardmcs  dochusa  '  arbitration '  IV.  94,  26.  Here 
for  dochusa  tlie  edition  has  the  misprint  do  usa,  whicli 
Atkinson,  s.v.  usa,  would  emend  to  do  usalid'^  'to  the 
usag-e ' ! 

don  'place'  11.  68,  15:  where  fordön  sliould  be  for  don:  see 
Ml.  38  a  8  and  Idg.  F.  XII.  189. 

doris  IV.  338,  15  gen.  sg.  of  dorus  'door',  nom.  pl.  dorais  1. 130, 19. 

dotuartet  I.  246,  6:  teora  pinginne  dec  7  lethpinginn  is  ed  do- 
tuartet  'tliirteen  pence  and  a  lialfpenny,  this  is  what 
remains ' :  cf.  dofuarat  'renianet'  Sg.  12  a  3,  diurat  Ml.  72  b  17, 
diurad  '  remnant ',  et  v.  Sarauw,  Irske  Studier  p.  57  n. 

dualcus  'riglit,  due'  1.80,33,  wliere  the  edition  has  dualtus, 
and  I.  94, 1,  where  the  edition  has  dualus. 

(ara  n-)ecnmi  I.  82,  30,  where  the  edition  has  ara  n-ecmia. 
eiscim  'I  cut  out'  pres.  indic.  pass.  sg.  3,  asa  n-eisdther  a  mhiada 
coiri  do  cach  I.  46,  27. 

farclia  'mallet',  heiminda  do  farcha  IV.  76,  25,  where  the  edition 
omits  do  farcha.  The  variant  forcha  occurs  in  the  Glossary 
VI,  p.  400,  where  heime  anna  is  a  misprint  for  helmeanna, 
pl.  of  heim  'a  blow'. 

feisi  'sows'  1.140,37,  pl.  n.  of  fcis  =  Corn.  guis  (gl.  scroffa), 
MBr.  gues  'truie'. 

fir-epi  '  true  cutting '  I,  236,  6. 

flaith  athig  V.  207,  9. 

focrenar  'is  rewarded'  IV.  372,  6,  where  it  is  misprinted  focrena. 

fofetar  I.  10,  23;  translated  by  'it  is  known'. 

fagahar  I.  48,  11,  where  it  is  misprinted  fogabar  and  translated 
'would  be  found'. 

forcur  'rape',   dat.  sg.  1,162,26,  where  it  is   misprinted  forcar. 

gaim-hiad  '  winter-food ',  IV.  308,  24;  312,  5. 
gehuhnidhe  I.  28,  32,  '  made  of  lüde '  {geimen). 

innarhtar  IV.  374,  'is  expelled':  nihinnarhfar  IV.  374, 26,  Avhere 
the  edition  has  ni  hinairhtar,  translated  'shall  not  be 
expelled',  as  if  the  h  was  the  sign  of  the  future. 

ithed  I.  56,  10,  verbal  noun  of  ithim  'I  eat'. 

lahra  'speaking'  1.302,31,  where  the  phrase  is  e /e^/tew  [rectius 
fechem]  hias  ag  lahra  tara  cenn  no  ime  ('he  is  the  law- 


GLOSSARY    TO   THE    ANCIENT   LAWS    OF   IRELAND.  351 

agent  who  will  be  speaking-  on  liis  belialf  or  about  liim')  is 
thus  edited:  is  e  feiliem  hias  a  dal  a  hrathar  a  cenn  noime, 
and  thus  translated:  The  law-agent  b}'  whom  it  was  takeii 
at  the  eiid  of  tlie  stay'. 

lestrae  '  vessels ,  liives ',  dat.  s»-.  Ustrai  V.  390,  24,  acc.  sg-.  lestrai 
IV.  178,  11,  a  fem.  coUective,  from  lestar. 

lias  'sheepfold',  dat.  sg-.  caire  a  lias  IV.  90,  2G,  wliere  for  lias  the 
edition  has,  wrongly,  lais. 

mhrogaid  IV.  48,  12,    perhaps    a    niistake    for    iiihrogaid,    as    in 

II.  320,  2. 
momannujud  I.  106,  30.    See  O'Don.  Siipp.  s.  v.  momamii  '  Service, 

biisiness '. 
mrugfer  IV.  316,  7,  see  hruigfer  VI,  p.  112. 

neichi  nom.  pl.  1.92,6,  na  Imili  ncichi  1. 144,2,  where  the  edition 

gives  US  Ha  huile  nei  chi. 
nesam  'nearest'  I.  186,  16,  where  for   the  imni  flai'th  nesani  of 

the  MS.  the  edition  has  imm  flaith.  [In  smacJit.] 
ni  'does',  for  doni,  dogni  I.  58,  24. 

occus  'and'  I.  262,  1,  4:  ogus  I.  302,  37. 

orl)  'heritage'  1.184,18;  202,3  is  a  by-form  of  orhe,  though 
Atkinson  adorns  it  with  one  of  Ins  ironical  notes  of 
admiration.  Cf.  comhoirh,  gen.  sg.  of  the  Compound  comli- 
orh,  which  occurs  in  Harl.  5280,  fo.  42  b,  com-oirh  O'Dav.  66, 
s.  V.  comairh. 

raot  'thing'  IV.  466,  10,  where  it  is  misprinted  saoth.  This  is 
the  Old-Ir.  rä. 

ngßli  'king-poet'  I.  4,  13,  gen.  ngfded  I.  6,  19,  where  it  is  mis- 
printed rigfdid. 

ro-mäinech  'affluent'  IV.  374,  32. 

rochar  pres.  ind.  pass.  sg.  3  of  roichim,  I.  284,  30. 

saorgiallna  '  free-service '  IV.  382,  12,  where  it  is  misprinted  faor 

giallna. 
scelugud  '  tale-telling '  L  44,  20,  where  the  edition  has  cclughadh. 
screpall  I.  212,  16,  where  it  is  misprinted  screrall. 
so-biathach  '  hospitable '  I.  42,  9,  where  it  is  misprinted  dohiatJiach. 


352  ERSCHIENENE   SCHRIFTEN. 

tarsand  'condiment'  (?),  tlie  dat.  sg.  tarsunn,  IV.  324, 26,  is  laeking 

in  VI.  700.    (In  IV.  324,  25  it  is  misprinted  tassunn). 
tigJiernais  IV.  379,  13,   gen.  sg.   of  tigernas  ^lordsliip'   =  Cymr. 

teyrnas. 
tnü  'fire'  1. 140,  37,  wliere  it  is  printed  tna  and  joined  to  tlie 

preceding  word:  see  infra,  s.  v.  nebron. 
tuirem  'a  numbering',  dat.  sg.  tuirim  I.  292,  35. 
tuislech  ' stumbling ',   a  deriv.  of  tuisel  'fall'  1.54.8,  wliere  it  is 

misprinted  tuisledach. 

urairgne  I.  266,  21  (wliere  tlie  edition  omits  tlie  words  no 
urairgne),  I.  298,  18  (wliere  urairgne  is  misprinted  urairne), 
gen.  sg.  of  ur-  (air-,  er-)  orgun  'plunder'. 


II.   Nou-exisliug  or  misspelt  words. 

dbaid,  apaid  'ripe'.    The  word  meant  is  apaig,  froni  *ad-hagi, 

see  Ascoli  Gloss.  pal.  Mb.  liii.    Aisl.  158:  cogn.  witli  (pmyco, 

and  halce. 
accomallain   'I  adjoin',  sliould   be  adcomlaim.    (Tlie  accomailter 

cited  by  Atkinson  is  an  enclitic  form.) 
ad  '  cow '  sliould  be  ag,  just  as  aide  '  deer ',  p.  24,  should  be  aige. 
adantaig  '  candle-ligliter '  should  be  adantaid. 
adh-eihertecli  'apparently'   (says  Atkinson)  =  'pompous  talker', 

For  adh  the  MS.  (Harl.  432,  fo.  4  a  2)  has  .i.  adbaZ. 
adchohraim  'I  desire',   should  be  adcohraim,  the  verb  not  ex- 

pressing  relativity. 
adfoirichin  '  relief '.     adfoirithiu  is  the  nom.  sg.  (ad-fo-ret .  .  .). 
aich  (?)   in  the  phrase  ni  üaauil  foraici  aos  '  it  is  not  the  tooth 

of  age  that  is  worth  it ',  where  the  edition  (IV.  376,  20)  has 

ni  fiach  for  aicli  aos.     See  foratci  VI.  398. 
aidrinne  'calf,   cited  froni  O'Dav.  48,   with  the  remark  'I  have 

not   met  it'.     Spelt  aithrinni,   it   occurs  in  the  Bodleian 

Aiiira  Choluimb  chille,  Eev.  Celt.  XX.  158.     It  is  a  late 

metathetic  form  of  athirni  .i.  loeg,  LU.  8  a  25.    See  too  the 

Forus  Focul  69,  Bezz.  Beitr.  XIX.  21,  and  H.  3.  18,  pp.  63b 

and  638. 
aindeilg  '  pointed  stake ',  leg.  aindeilge,  gen.  pl.  of  aindelg. 
airiga  '  charioteer ',  given  as  Irish,  is  only  a  mispelling  of  Lat. 

auriga. 


GLOSSAßT    Tu    TUE   ANCIENT    LAWS    OF   IKELAND.  353 

aisdinecM  'divination' V.  90,  28,  wliere  we  find  in  aisdinecht  ^  the 
diviiiation ',  i.  e.  in  faisdinecht,  the  infected  f  being  omitted 
after  tlie  fem.  article,  tlioiigli  it  is  liere  in  the  acc.  sg. 

am  Hirne',  read  amm. 

amiiga  'astray,  lost',  a  corruption  of  im-mudu  LL.  64  a 28, 
185  a  12:  cf.  mudu  Wb.  16  d  4. 

arathuin    'reins'   1.34,12.    The  MS.  has  aratha,r  '  plough-gear '. 

ar-labraidtar  p.  76.  This  shoiüd  be  ar-lahrathar  (cf.  ar-da- 
lahrathar  1.268,16;  302,30),  pres.  ind.  sg.  3  of  the  de- 
ponent  ar-labrur  'I  speak  for  one'. 

hroth-gal  'vapoiir  of  boiling' (!)  is  manufactured  by  Atkinson 
from  comroth  gal  1.  300,  7,  where  comrotJi  is  =  comrud 
'struggle',  Wb.  5  d  38.  The  cognate  verb  is  con-rethim 
p.  181. 

huacdtair  s.  v.  huadaigim.     The  MS.  has  huadtair. 

huithih  (?  hith-uidib),  VI.  p.  99,  1.  22,  p.  114,  1.  33.  The  edition 
(IV.  190,  15)  has  in  mhuithih  glossed  by  indbaidh.  For 
mhuithih  we  should  of  course  read  inhuidih,  dat.  pl.  of 
inhuid  'time'. 

cain  'neck'(?),  is  forged  from  the  verb /b-mm:  che  focain  cethra 

I.  126,  3,  'a  bell  wliich  cattle  sound'. 
caoil  'wood',  VI,  p.  4  s.v.  accaill:  caill  or  coill  is  probably  meant. 
carni  na  laith,  VI.  123,  1. 28,  is  not  Irish.     Eead  carru  na  tuaitlii 

(better  tuaithe),  as  it  is  in  the  MS.  and  also  in  the  edition 

(I.  228,  3). 
cercJiai  is  given  at  cerdcJia  VI,  p.  130,  as  in  I.  32,  13.    The  MS. 

has,  riglitl}^,  cerdchai. 
cet  '  race-course ',  read  cete. 

ceta  in.  156,  29  is  quoted  as  the  gen.  sg.  of  cet  'lumdred'! 
cluaisim  '  I  move '.     The  ceneo  eluaistea  III,  282,  12,   from  which 

Atkinson  invented  this  verb,  is   only  a  mistake  for  ceneo 

gluaistea.     See  gluaisim  VI.  451. 
eoihdelaig  is  given   as  the  gen.  sg.  of  the  fem.  coihdelacli.    The 

MS.  has  eoihdelsiige.    Cf.  the  dat.  sg.  ar  chohdelaieh  (gl.  pro 

cognato)  Sg.  40  a  2. 
com-friehnam  'co-service'  IV.  17,  read  eomfrithgnam. 
comidubart  IV.  178,  14.     'Perhaps',   says    Atkinson,   'the   word 

should  be  co  n-a  tabairt  ass\    The  context  sliews  that  it 

shoiüd  be  eonid-dibairt  'so  that  he  expelled  liim'. 

Zeitschrift  f.  celt.  Philologie  IV.  23 


354  ERSCHIENENE   SCHRIFTEN. 

conaä  is   given,   s.  v.   connad,   as   gen.  |)Z.?     Tlie  MS.  has   a 

chonnaid  '  of  his  fiiel ',  gen.  5^. 
con-scarad  '  destruction '.     In   siipport   of   tliis  impossible  noun 

Atkinson  refers  to  IV.  146,  7,  8,  where  we  find  only  the 

orthotonic  verbs   conscara,  conscaratt.    Tlieir  verbal  noun 

is  coscrad. 
cor  1.  46,  17  (?),  see  cora  ' stone-wall'.    The  MS.  has  aracorsid.  'it 

was  walled'. 
do   cualaidh  p.  193 ,   cited  from  I.  4,  23.     The  MS.  has  ro  cuala,, 

perf.  sg.  3  of  cluinim. 
cumdn  '  hurling-stick '.    The  word  meant  is  cawwzaw,  speit  cflw^rtJ^ 

in  II.  146, 16,  a  derivative  of  camm  'bent'. 

na  dairt  cited  from  I.  190,  3,  where  the  MS.  has  rightly  na 
dairti  Hhe  young  heifers'. 

dala,  dara  are  made  out  of  a  wrong  analysis  of  indala,  indara, 
i.  e.  ind-ala,  ind-ara. 

dan  'therefore'.  The  MSS.  have  always  dawo  or  dawa,  dono, 
dno  or  dna,  for  which  the  siglum  da  is  usual. 

deilim  ^1  lie  down',  is  forged  out  of  acht  na  deilset  IV.  78,  19, 
where  deilset  is,  not  as  Atkinson  supposes,  an  5-preterite, 
but  the  5-subj.  pl.  3  of  delligim:  cf.  dellechuir  Trip.  Life  240, 
pl.  dellgeiar  LL.  43b22,  noco  lessed  lige,  LL.  153  a  6,  and 
O'Davoren's  dellach  .i.  luighi.  Atkinson  makes  a  similar 
mistake  s.  v.  iwitim,  where  the  pres.  subj.  pl.  3  tortliaiset  is 
described  as  'pret.  3.  pl.'. 

dian-tsarugh  'forcible  violation'  should  be  dian-sdruglmdh. 

disruigend  cited  under  De-sruithim.    The  MS.  has  disruidend. 

din  =  igitur.  The  MSS.  have  didiu,  didu  or  diu,  for  which  the 
siglum  dl  is  usual.    See  Aisl.  172, 

dithchur,  dithfogail,  mere  misspellings  of  diclmr,  difogail. 

dithmanda  cited  VI,  s.  v.  ditliim  from  I.  262,  25.  The  MS.  has 
ditlimand,  0.  Ir.  ditJimann. 

didimus  cited  s.  v.  dithnim,  from  I.  272,  3.  The  MS.  has 
dithnms. 

di-toirechta.     The  MS.  has  ditorachta. 

dlomain  '  I  speak '.  Blomaim  is  intended.  So  Fuirmin,  p.  432, 
should  be  Fuirmim,  and  Gairmin,  p.  440,  should  be  Gairmim. 
So  at  forfaghaim  p.  402,  fo-gabain  should  be  fo-gdbaim,  and 
at  formaigim  p.  405,  tormaigin  should  be  tormaigim. 


GLOSSARY   TO    THE    ANCIENT    LAWS    OF   IRELAND.  355 

dorclietu  'darkness'.     Tlie  MS.   lias   dorcliajtZetu:   cf.  dorcaicleiu 

0'  Dav.  s.  V.  abra. 
drim  (?)  cited  s.  v.  Breim  '  climbing '.    Tlie  MS.  lias  tmim,  dat.  sg. 

of  tlie  verbal  noim  of  do-rimim,  eucl.  tinrmim  '1  reckon, 

teil'. 
-dniigset  (?)  p.  280,  invented  from  tlie  cornipt  ge  redmigset  sidhe 

lam   of  I.  24,  36,   rectius   c6  ro-d-ruigset  sidi  Idim  'tliough 

they  stretclied  out  a  liaud'.    For  tlie  d  after  ce,  da,  see 

Strachan,  Kev.  Celt.  XXI.  412.    The  verbal  noun  is  rogud. 

Ascoli,  Gloss.  CCXVIL 

ecnadacli  I.  174,  29,   cited   s.  v.   ecnacJi.     Tlie  MS.  lias   ecndach 

'satirizing'  (better  ecndach). 
eimfuachnaiged  I.  154.  4,     The  MS.  has  heimfiiaclitnaiged. 
endga  cited  s.  v.  ennac  'imioceiit'  from  I.  140,  18,   where  the 

MS.  has  ennca. 
ctacli  (?)    '  wings ',    assnmed    from    the    cornipt    gen.  sg.    edaigh 

IV.  118,  30.    The  word  meant  is  ettach,  gen.  ettaig,  a  col- 

lective,  cognate  with  ette  'wing',  Sg.  67  a  7,  ettecli  'winged', 

and   Cymr.  aden,    Lat.  pcnna   from   *petna,   Germ,  fittich, 

KZ.  XXXVI.  202. 
etaim  sloiga{?)   cited  from  1.162,11.      The  MS.  has   .i.   etami 

sloiged. 
etar-scarain  slioiüd  of  course  be  etarscarthain. 
et-tenga  '  tongiieless '.    The  hyphen  is  wrongly  placed  and  the 

mark  of  length  omitted:  read  e-ttenga. 

firda  cited  fi^om  I.  68,  20.     The  MS.  has  ferda  '  manly '. 

ar  ni  bfuiglithar  cited   from  I.  82,  15.     The  MS.  has  frisimbfui- 

glithar. 
ni  fdelais  cited  from  I.  264,  9.    The  MS.  has  ni  foelais  'thou 

shalt  not  tolerate'. 
forhrata  cited  from  I.  188,  11.    The  MS.  has  forhrat  ^overcloak'. 
forbrisiud   do    clieili   I.  162,  8,   translated   'injury   done  by  thy 

tenant'.    The  MS.  has  forrhrisiiid  for  do  ceiU  'injury  done 

to  (lit.  on)  thy  tenant'. 
frais  '  rain '  V.  100,  13,    a   clerical  error  or  mispriut  for  frass, 

cognate  with  Skr.  varsa,  Gr.  sqöi],  tgor]. 
frishruim   'I   oppose'.     The  word  meant  is  frisbrudim,  of  which 

the   3d  sg.  pres.  indic.  act.   is  frishruid,  misspelt  frishruig 

111,28,  12:  cf.  frishrudemor  (gl.  aporiamur)  Wb.  15  b  22. 

23* 


356  ERSCHIENENE   SCHltIFTEN. 

gemnaide  'adorned  with  gems'(?),  is  cited  from  I.  28,  32,  where 
the  MS.  has  ina  trcnbrat  geimJmidhe  'as  a  mighty  mantle 
made  of  hide'. 

glainni  cited  from  I,  2,  2  imder  glaine  'purity'.  The  MS.  has 
glaini. 

gleitir  cited  under  the  non-existing  gle(itli)im  'I  settle,  decide', 
from  I.  192,  14,  is  a  scribal  error  for  gU  itir.  The  context 
is  CO  ro  gle  itir  maithre  7  aithri  '  until  it  is  decided  between 
the  mother's  tribe  and  the  father's  tribe'.  Cf.  co  ro  gle 
dam,  Wind.  Wtb.,  where  also  this  verb  is  intransitive. 

glon-snalihe  'line,  norm',  cited  from  111,88,  15.  If  this  is  really 
in  the  MS.  it  is  a  scribal  error  for  glö-sndithe ,  Trip.  Life, 
pp.  60,  256,  dat.  glosnaithiu  Ml,  35  d  10,  acc.  doringni  glö- 
ndtlü  aircJietail  seo  iarsin,  LL.  254  a  9. 

goistib  dat.  pl.  III.  488,  10,  translated  by  '  gossips ',  nmst  be  a 
mistake  for  goistihih,  pl.  dat.  of  goistihe,  MR.  134,  9,  whieh 
Atkinson  misprints  goistib  e. 

graithfne  '  horse-racing ',  misspelling  of  graifne,  deriv.  of  grafand 
(ex  *graig-svend-,  Henderson).  A  similar  misspelling  is  the 
ithfern  'hell'  of  the  MS.,  which  the  edition  (I.  6,  13)  gives 
as  ithfrin,  and  which  Atkinson  silently  corrects  to  iffern. 
So  O'Davoren   s.  v.  airnecht,   has  Sdethfame  for  Stephani. 

greg  'steed,  horse',  made  by  Atkinson  out  of  grega  I.  162,22, 
gen.  sg.  of  graig,  as  ega  is  gen.  sg.  of  aig  'ice',  and  dega 
is  gen.  sg.  of  daig  'fire'. 

idfeit.  This  vox  nihili  is  made  out  of  ar-id-feit  ü-liiga  lY.  300, 17 
('who  precedes  him  in  swearing'),  where  id  is  an  infixed 
pronoun  and  ar-feit  is  the  3d  sg.  pres.  ind.  act.  of  arfeithim, 
a  verb  omitted  by  Atkinson  and  cognate  with  dofethet, 
dofaith,  docuaid  (*de-co-fdith). 

imarna  '  he  commanded ',  made  out  of  doimarna  V.  478,  1,  the 
orthütonic  form  of  the  pret.  act.  sg.  3  of  the  enclitic  tim- 
marnaim. 

imceinmigind  '  act  of  stepping  over '.  This  is  probably  a  misprint 
for  imchcimnigud:  cf.  eimceinmigiid  II.  352,  22. 

imcu  *act  of  making  a  fence',  imcuaim  'I  make  a  fence'.  It  is 
certain  that  these  are  voces  nihili,  though  I  cannot  divine 
theii'  origins.  The  forms  co  n-imcua,  co  n-imcuad  cited  by 
Atkinson  seem  s-subjuuctives. 


GLOSSART   TO    THE    ANCIENT   LAWS   OF   IRELAND.  357 

inhmrh  (?)  IV.  310,  8,   an   obvious   scribe's  mistake  for   inhirih, 

pl.  dat.  of  inhir,  tlie  horizontal  bar  from  which.  caldrons  etc. 

are  suspended  over  a  fire.    Rev.  Celt.  XXII,  425. 
inme  '"wealtli'  sliould  prob,  be  indme  or,  better,  indhe:  cf.  doreir 

a  n-naisle   7    a  n-indme  fein,   Maundeville   §  192,    innhea 

0'  Dav.  5G,  s.  v.  buas,  and  dindha  0'  Dav.  76. 
innis  cited  under  inis  'island'  from  I.  16,  6.    The  MS.  has  inis. 
ishoind  '  proclaims ',   a  scribal  or  editorial  error  for  ashoind.    So 

iscomren,  isitren  sliould  be  ascomren,  asidren. 
iiindius  '  ashtree '  IV.  146,  21,  where   it  must  be  a  misprint  for 

nindnis   =    uindes,   Eawl.  B.  487,    fo.  67  a  1.     unnius   LL. 

200  a  10,  16. 

lehniing  'it  leapt,  sprang-'  (sie  Atkinson)  I.  24,  27,  where  the 
edition  has  no  lehruing,  but  the  MS.  doubtless  rolehriiing, 
i.  e.  rol-eh-rning,  where  rol  is  from  ror,  Celt.  Ztschr.  III,  471. 
The  edition  rightly  renders  this  verb  by  'expanded'.  The 
nasalised  root  rong  is  cognate  with  reg-  'distend,  dilate', 
as  to  which  see  Ascoli,  Gloss.  pal.  hib.  CCII.  For  the  ablaut 
eg:ong,  cf.  the  roots  heg,  bong  'break';  heg,  hong  'levj^'; 
leg,  long  'support';  teg,  tong  'swear';  Strachan,  Sigmatic 
Future,  p.  8. 

lesoc  'weif are'  I.  104,  6,  where  the  MS.  has  lesu,  acc.pl.  of  les 
'good,  advantage,  profit'. 

leth-ri{?)  rendered  'side-line'  in  the  edition,  the  text  of  which 
has  leithri '  a  leathern  thong ',  derived  from  lethar  (Strachan). 

liancur  'dement';  should  be  Uancliar,  as  in  0' Davoren's  glossary. 

Utk  (?)  '  dismay,  terror ',  made  out  of  co  litJi  cain  IV,  354,  8,  where 
the  MS.  must  have  colith  (better  colUtJi)  cain  'he  violates 
law';  cf.  fer  coillis  cain  V.  236,  13. 

loinid  '  churn-stick '.  The  word  meant  is  loinnid  or  luinnid,  a 
derivative  of  Umn  '  churndasher ',  O'R.,  which  Bugge  brings 
from  0.  N.  Munnr  'a  roller  for  launching  ships'. 

mell  'happiness'(?),  sliould  be  mella,  from  melde,  a  derivative 

of  meld, 
no-mesemnaigther  cited  from  I.  212,  10.    The  MS.  has  no  mesem- 

naigeö.. 
mimairc  is  given  from  I.  184,  11.    The  MS.  has  mimaisc,  gen.  sg. 

of  mimasc. 


058  ERSCHIENENE   SCHRIFTEN. 

mini?),  IV,  378,  22,  rightly  rendered  by   'diguity',   for  tlie  MS. 

has  ml  i.  e.  miad. 
muga,  mugaigini  should  be  mudu,  mudaigim. 

naime  ^lioliness'  sliould  be  noibe  (gen.  sg.  noebe  LL.  164  b),  a 
derivative  of  nöib  =  0.  Pers.  naiba  schön,  gut,  Zimmer, 
KZ.  24,  210. 

nebron  (?)  I.  140,  37.     Atkinson  luckily  has  not  translated  this 

vox  nihili,  which  Stands  for  i  n-ebrön.  The  corriipt  passage 

from  which  he  cites  it,  and  which  he  does  not  correct,  is 
thus  given  in  the  edition: 

Conberbar  bracht 

Nebron  bru  feisi  ein  laeht 

Ninfortna. 

Had  he  looked  at  the  Dublin  MS.  H.  3.  18,  p.  615,  or  at 
0'  Davoren's  Glossary  94,  s.  v.  gle,  he  wonld  have  seen  that 
this  passage  is  a  quatrain,  and  should  be  corrected  thus: 

Conberbar  bracht 
i  n-ebrön  brü, 
feisi  ein  lacht, 
menndn  for  tnü. 

'Let  meat- Juice  be  boiled  on  a  fire  in  a  belly  of  iron,  to- 
gether  with  milkless  sows,  (and)  a  kid'.  For  cbröu  'iron' 
(=  eabhron  a  pan,  caldron,  O'Br.  and  O'R.)  see  Corm. 
and  O'Dav.  81. 
nur  (?)  I.  126,  where  for  the  na  mir  of  the  edition,  the  MS.  has 
l.  iuri. 

6  'raw',  see  öm.    No  such  word  as  ö  'raw'  s.v.  öm  or  elsewhere. 

raithiu  (?)  mere  bad  spelling  of  raithe  '  the  quarter  of  a  year '. 
mad  raithiu  chua  IV.  314,  11,  which  Atkinson  falls  to 
translate,  means  'if  it  be  the  winter  quarter'. 

rathmaige  (?)  '  rath-builder ',  IV.  354,  9,  a  eorruption  of  rdthbuige, 
where  buige  seenis  borrowed  from  ON.  byggja. 

redruigset  in  the  phrase.  gc  redruigset  I.  24,  36,  is  a  scribe's  error 
for  ro-d-ruigset  'they  stretched  out'.  For  the  infixed  d 
after  gc  (0.  Ir.  ce,  da)  see  Strachan,  Rev.  Celt.  XXI,  412. 


GLOSSART    TO    THE    ANCIENT    LAWS    OF    lEELAND.  359 

reithhjin  VI.  611  sliould  be  reidigim,  Salt.  5037,  LL.  176  a  36,  a 
denominative  of  reid. 

ruidmetliar  I.  262,  1,  wliere  tlie  MS.  has  {frisi-)ruimidhther  ^  a 
corruption  of  -ruimidter,  tlie  enclitic  form  of  ro-miditer 
'are  adjudged'.  Atkinson  contents  Iiimself  witli  'see  im- 
ruidmühe',  which  he  explains  (VI,  p.  486)  by  'sin,  traiis- 
gression'.  It  does  not  appear  wliat  sin  has  to  do  witli 
tlie  fonr  tliings  by  whicli  'proof,  pledge,  payment  and 
fulfilment'  are  regulated, 

sainrad,  sainradacli  should  be  sainred  (Cymr.  hanred),  sainredach. 
samit  IL  326,  7,  is  explained  as  '  a  collation  of  curds,  butter  and 

milk  given  in  summer '.    If  so,  read  sam-itJi  or  sam-ithed,  a 

Compound  of  smn  'summer'  and  üh  'corn',  or  ithed  'eating'. 
sechta  seotu,  VI,  p.  76,  s.  v.  arg,   and  p.  297,  s.  v.  eirim,  is  not 

Irisb.    The  MS.  (Harl.  432,  fo.  9a  =  I.  134,  9)  has  .nii.  s, 

i.  e.  secM  seoü  'seven  valuables'. 
scir  '  f  ood '.     The  word  intended  is  seire  or  sere,  as  in  Wind.  AVtb. 
slis  '  (wash-)beetle,  scutching  handle ',  cited  from  1. 142, 28,  where 

the  MS.  has,  rightly,  in  tslisiu  gretli. 
smeithed  '  winking  at,  beckoning'  I.  240,  22.    The  MS.  has  smeited; 

cf.  ic  smetmd  for  in  mac  leginn  'winking  at  the  Student', 

Rawl.  B.  502,  fo.  57  a. 
snomad  'Stripping  off  bark'  should  be  snohad:  et  snob  (gl.  Iiber, 

gl.  suber)  Sg.  64al0,   Philarg.  124,  which  Liden  connects 

with  the  Old  Icelandic  nee  fr  '  birch-bark '. 

taisidecht,    tuisidecht    '  leadership ',    should    be    töisigecht    (Cymr. 

tijwgsogaeth),  as  in  Wb.  28  b  28  and  Ml. 
tarm-soiUse  'eclipse';  I.  6,  11.    The  MS.  has  tarinsoillse  'over  the 

light'.    The  Irish  word  for  eclipse  is  erclira,  Tigernach  1023. 
toirched  'act  of  getting  a  woman  in  child',   I.  176,  1,  where  the 

MS.  has,   rightly,  toirrched,  a  deriv.  of  torrach  'pregnant'. 

So  toircJies,  toirchesach,  toirchim  VI.  735  should  be  toirrches, 

toirrcJiesach,  toirrchim. 
tuad  'axe'.    The  word  meant  is  tüag]   cf.  Ir.  tocht  'piece'  and 

Skr.  tuj  '  to  strike '. 

uaid  (?).  The  roJmaid  V.  368,  18,  from  which  Atkinson  got  this 
vox  nihili,  is  only  a  misspelling  of  ro  hüaig,  pret.  act.  sg.  3 
of  üaigim  'I  stitcli,  sew'. 


360  ERSCHIENENE    SCHRIFTEN. 

urdlaide  '  separations '.  The  word  meant  is  urdluige,  cognate 
with  dluigim,  indlung,  indlacli.  ferna  urdlochta  'cloven 
shields',  Rev.  Celt.  XXI,  401. 

urfeichem  11.306,13,  sliould  be  urfeithem  'expecting,   awaiting'. 


III.   Oblique  cases  ghen  as  nominatives. 

adantaih  (?)  '  stopping-places,  paiises ',  dat.  pl.  of  ad-anad. 
adfoiricliin  '  relief ',  dat.  or  acc.  sg.  of  adfoiritliiu. 
aided  '  giiest ',  sliould  be  öiged,  gen.  sg.  or  pl.  of  öigi. 
almsain   'alms'   I.  52,  9,   wliere    it   is   the   dat.  sg.    of   almsan 

=  Cymr.  elusen. 
amhuain  'not  good',  gen.  sg.  of  amhnan. 
arba   'corn',    0.  Ir.    arhe,   Wb.  10  d  6,    gen.  sg.    of   arbar,    KZ. 

XXXVII,  254. 

ban-bidbad,  gen.  sg.  of  ban-bibdu  'female  defendant',  with  meta- 

thesis  of  b,  d. 
brothchdin  (misspelt  Broth-cain  V.  260,  VI.  110)   is  the  gen.  sg. 

of  brothchdn  'pottage',  Wb.  33  c  15,   acc.  sg.  brothchdn,  LL. 

286  b  32. 
buain  'good',  gen.  sg.  of  buan,  wliich  occurs  with  the  meaning 

of  'a  good  woman'  in  IV.  62, 15,  where  the  word  is  declined 

like  a  neuter  Substantive. 
buncJmir  IV.  76,  22,  tr.  '  by  bands  of  interwoven  twigs ',  nom.  pl. 

of  bunclwr  or  bunchar. 

cein-mair  'long  ago'   1.34,27.     This  is  the  dat.  abl.  sg.  of  cian 

mar,  governed  by  the  prep.  6. 
cennda  (?)   '  tarne '.    This  is  the  acc.  pl.  of  cennaid.    The  context 

is  amail  na  cona  cennda  IV.  114,  15. 
cliora{?)  'bag',  is  nom.  pl.  of  clior,  a  corruption  of  criol,  'creel', 

pl  crela  I.  148,  4. 
cluinsin  'act  of  hearing'.    The  MS.  has  the  nom.  sg.  cluiusm,  of 

which  cluinsin  is  dat.  acc.  sg. 
cul-fiaclaib  '  back  -  teeth ',  dat.pl.  of  cül-fiacuil. 
cull,  which  Atkinson  renders  by  '  testicle ',  II.  238, 10  and  244,  24, 

is    the    dat.  sg.   of   coli  'castration'   =   Cymr.  coli  'loss, 

damage '. 


GLOSSARY   TO    THE    ANCIENT    LAWS    OF   lEELAND.  3G1 

ddü  '  assembling,  meeting-'.     dat.  acc.  sg-.  of  cldl  ^^  0.  Cymr.  datl, 

now  dadl  'debate'. 
dercnait  '  flea ',  dat.  acc.  sg-.  of  dercnat. 
dibuirsin   'dripping,   dropping',  dat.  sg.   of   dihuirsiu  =  tepresiu 

Wind.  Wtb.    Cymr.  dyferiad. 
digail  '  vengeance ',  dat.  acc.  sg.  of  digal  ^=  Cymr.  dial. 
drinn-roisc  'choice',   nom.pl.   of  drinnrosc  'an  urgent  reqiiest' 

(dru-ind-ro-sq  .  .  .). 

echmarta  I.  144,  5;  III.  558,  25,  Dinds.  of  Locli  Gabar,  Eev.  Celt. 
XVI,  58,  gen.  sg.  of  echnairt  'horsing'  (of  a  stallion) 
O'Don.  Snpp.,  where  -mairt  seems  cognate  witli  mer  'mad', 
and  perhaps  with  f/agalvco,  ficogög. 

Faü  '  Ireland ',  leg.  Fdil,  gen.  sg.  of  Fdl 

feit  'pipe,  tube'  I.  144,  3,  dat.  acc.  of  fet  Sg,  3  a  7,  cognate  witli 
Cymr.  cliivyth,  cJmythell. 

feith  'a  calm',  leg.  feWi,  dat.  sg.  of  feth,  Ml.  125  d  11,  misspelt 
feich  Y.  190,  25;  Y.  456,  23;  470,  35. 

fogerrtha  gen.  sg.  of  fo-gernd  'lieating',  the  verbal  nonn  of 
fogeir,  fogera,  Cambray  sermon,  GG.-  1005,  and  tlie  ^-pret. 
fo-sn-gert,  LU.  63  a  36.  The  root  ger  is  also  found  in  ingert 
'  a  boiling '  I.  268,  4.  Tlie  same  root-vowel  is  in  tlie  cognate 
Gr.  O-egoc,  d^tg^i?].  The  phrase  fir  fogerrtha  means  'ordeal 
of  heating'  (iudicium  aquae  calidae)  and  is  synonymous 
with  coiri  fir,  Ir.  Texte  III,  191,  225.  The  rr  in  fogerrtha, 
which  led  Atkinson  to  invent  his  root  '  gerr\  is  only  an 
instance  of  the  common  duplication  of  r  before  a  consonant. 

gaedilge   Hhe  Irish   language'   I.  34,  24,   is  gen.  sg.  of  gdidelg, 

better  goidelc. 
gais  'sprig',  lY.  150,  13,  gen.  sg.  of  gass  LL.  186  a  30. 
gliad  '  feat  of  battle ',  gen.  sg.  or  pl.  of  gleo  '  battle ',  Fei.  Apr.  19, 

acc.  pl.  gliada  Laws  I.  Q^,  30. 
gnais  '  custom ',  leg.  gndis,  dat.  acc.  sg.  of  gnds,  Cymr,  natvs. 

iarraith  '  f osterage-fee ',  is  one  of  the  genitives  of  iarrad:  cf. 
iarrad  frisa  ro-altar,  Harl.  432,  fo.  llal,  a  passage  omitted 
in  the  edition,  I.  168,  1.  and,  of  course,  by  Atkinson. 

imdeirg  (?)  tr.  '  unfiiendly ',  dat.  sg.  fem.  of  imderg. 


362  EKSCHIENENE   SCIIEIFTEN. 

imlinn  'navel'  IV.  166,  5,  acc.  sg.  of  imhliu,  6[j.rpaX6q. 
incoisc  *act  of  instructing ',  gen.  sg.  of  incosc  II.  154,  3. 
it]ia(?)  tr.  'grease',  gen.  sg.  of  itJi,  Aisl.    Maie  Congl.  183. 

leigniuda  'scholars'  lY.  356,  13,   a  corruption  of  leignidi,  acc.pl. 

of  Icignid  'stndent',  LL.  201  b  42,  a  derivative  of  legend. 
locJiad  III.  296,  9  means  according  to  Atkinson  'act  of  mousing'. 

It  is  the  gen.  sg.  of  luch  'a  moiise':  see  also  LL.  289  b  24, 

27,  28,  29:   pl.  dat.   lochdaih,  acc.  lochtha  LL.  289  b  14,  17. 

Cymr.  llygod. 
loclita  'people',  gen.  sg.  of  liiclit 
lubair  'work',   dat.  acc.   of   hibar,  borrowed   (like  Cymr.  llafur) 

from  Lat.  lahor. 

maigin  'place',  dat.  acc.  of  maigen  =  Cymr.  man. 

mire   'female   lunatic'  1.54,2  :  134,10  :  176,2,  is  gen.  sg.  fem. 

of   the   adj.   mer:   mire   means   4unacy',    O'Dav.  74,   s.  v. 

doälaigli. 

rig  'king',  is  gen.  dat.  acc.  of  n  =  Cymr.  rlii,  Lat.  rex. 

mithin  'splendour'  IL  396,  26,  dat.  acc.  of  ruithen,  wbich  is  not 

from  ro-tene   'great  fire',   as  Atkinson  supposes,  but  from 

the  synonymous  ro-then. 

senörach  '  old  man ',  gen.  sg.  of  senöir,  borrowed  from  an  oblique 

case  of  Lat.  senior, 
slisen  '  chip ',  gen.  sg.  of  slisiu.    Cogn.  with  Eng.  slice,  slit. 
sluasait  '  shovel ',  dat.  acc.  sg.  of  sluasat. 

tecmaisin  '  act  of  happening ',  dat.  acc.  of  tecmaisiii. 

techta  'messenger'  1.20,11,   pl.  nom.  of  tccht,  cogn.  with  Cymr. 

taitli,  teithydd. 
tellraig  'ground',   dat.  acc.  sg.  of  telluir,  a  loan  from  an  oblique 

case  of  Lat.  tellus. 
toirsi  'sadness'  L  74,  1,  Avliere  the  MS.  has  toirrsi,  acc.  sg.  of 

toirrse. 

uig  'egg',  dat.  sg.  of  og. .  Aisl.  190.    Atkinson's  ug  does  not  exist. 
u]()tka  'a   charm',   gen.  sg.   of  mqjaid,   upaid,  epaid,   Aisl.  175, 
pl.  nom.  aipthi  (gl.  ueneflcia)  Wb.  20  b  20. 


GLOSSARY   TO    THE    ANCIENT   LAWS    OF   IRELAND.  363 

IT.   Wrong  omissions  aud  Avrong  insertions 
of  marks  of  length. 

^a  voc'  (i.  e.  interjection),  slioiüd  be  d  =  Gr.  w,  Lat.  ö. 
ad-agor  'I  fear',  read  ad-dgur,  and  see  Straclian,  Deponent  5. 
adetge  'loathsomeness',  read  adetge  or  adetcJie,  dat.  adetchi,  LH.  8  a. 
atoä  'kindling-',  read  atöd,  verbal  noun  of  atöim,  KZ.  XXX,  99. 
ad  'lieshfork',  read  del,  Sg,  37  b  15,  LL.  300  a  49.    Aisl.  156. 
aen,  aentu,  aenur,  0.  Ir.  den,  oentu,  öemir. 
aer  'air',  aer  'satire',  read   der  (=  Lat.  aer)   and   der  or  dir 

(troim.  aigr  .  .  .).     Aisl.  156. 
aicheil  'dangerous',  aicbeüe  '  dangerousness ' ;  read  a2c&eiZ,  aicbcüs. 
aige  '  Joint  of  meat '  sliould  be  dige  =  dgc  LU.  79  b  36. 
ailech  ^dung'.    The   ai  is   a  diphthong:   cf.  aoüechair  Laws  IV. 

136.  14,  whicli  Atkinson  omits. 
airem  '  number '  etc.  sliould  be  direm  ==  ad  +  rim. 
aithfegaim,  aithfegad,  Compounds  of  fegaim,  fegad. 
dlad  'wound'  sliould  be  dlad:  see  Wind.  Wtb. 
am  4n  trutli'  etc.,  0.  Ir.  dm,  Sg.  109  a  3. 
arus  'liabitation',  sliould  be  drus  (froni  ad  +  rus),  LL.  227a7. 
as  ^growth',  asaim  'I  grow',  sliould  be  dss,  dssaim:  Asc.  Gl.  XXX. 

herla  '  language ',  sliould  be  herla,  0.  Ir.  lelre. 
hrud  'act  of  breaking',  sliould  be  hrüd,  briiud  Ml.  34  a  27:  bruud 
n-immais  LL.  187  a.    Verbal  noun  of  hruim. 

cainhn  'satirize',  sliould  be  cdinim.    Bezz.  Beitr.  XX,  6. 

der  '  tear ',  sliould  be  der  =  Cymr.  dagr,  Gr.  öäxQv. 
dire  '  fine ',  sliould  be  dire  =  Cymr.  dirivy. 

elaim  'I  abscond,  evade',  should   be  elaim,  tlie  enclitic  form  of 

ass-lüim. 
eraim  '1  refuse',  sliould  be  eraim. 

Eriu  '  Ireland ',  sliould  be  Eriu,  gen.  Brenn  =  Cymr.  Itverddon. 
esca  'moon',  should  be  esca,  Bcr.  3d. 
e-  for  en-  neg.  preflx,  is  lacking  in  etecMa,  etig,  etoil,  etrehaire,  etc. 

fesoc  '  beard '  should  be  fesöc,  0.  Pruss.  wanso. 
fo  'good',  should  be  fö,  as  in  LL.  188  a  (bis)  and  Corm.  Tr.  s.v. 
foehen,  etc. 


3G4  ERSCHIENENE   SCHRIFTEN. 

graä  '  grade ',  read  grdd,  a  loan  from  Lat.  grädus,  witli  lengthening 
of  the  vowel,  as  in  Ugaim,  ndt. 

iäu,  idna,   read  idu,  idna:   cf.  idu  gaüi  'cramp  in  tlie  stomacli', 

O'Grady  Cat.  194. 
inde  'yesterday',  should  be  inde  =  ind-Jie  Sg.  148  a  13. 

laidir  '  strong  \  laidire  '  strength ',  slionld  be  Ididir,  Ididire. 
legaim  'I  read',  legend  'studj^',  should  be  legami,  legend, 
lith  'festival':  read  lith,  as  in  LU.  85  b  13,  gen.  lülia,  LL.  56  al. 
log,  logaim  should  be  log  (or  luag),  lögaim  (or  lüagaim). 

min-tir  'level-land',  leg.  min-tir,  and  see  Wind.  Wb.  s.v.  2.  min. 

no  conj.  'or',  read  nö. 

0  prep.  'from'  etc.  should  be  6. 

scel,  scelugad  should  be  scel  (Cymr,  cJitvedT),  scelugud. 

tanaise  'second',   should   be   tdnaise;  and   so   on  in  the  case  of 
many  other  words. 

To  make  up  for  these  omissions,  Atkinson  puts  marks  of 
length  on  at  least  five  words,  where  they  are  wrong,  viz.  dr, 
'act  of  ploughing',  com-dr  ' co-tillage ',  en  'water',  id  'chain', 
dwi)  'blemish'  and  ür  [or]  'edge,  border,  brink'. 

y.   Separations  of  the  same  word. 

adnacal  'grant,  gift'  and  adnacal  'burial'  are  separated  (VI.  15), 
though  the  latter  is  only  a  euphemistic  use  of  the  former, 

caire  toll  V.  414,   longa  caire  V.  412,   are  separated  from  caire 

(better  coire)  'caldron'. 
cleithe  '  ridge  of  house ',  cleitJie  '  high '.    The  second  cleithe  is  only 

the  first  used  metaphorically. 
ercailed  'definition',   erchuilmd  'decree'.    Both   are  misspellings 

of  ercJioiliud. 

feraini  'I  inflict'  and  f er  ahn  'I  give'  are  the  same  verb,  pri- 
marily  meaning  '  I  pour ',  and  cognate  with  Skr.  väri. 

')  Windisch  (Wtb.  722)  also  errs  in  writing  1.  6n  schände.  On  rhymes 
with  con  RC.  13,  460,  and  with  galor  YBL.  p.  315,  and  is  cognate  with 
Svofiai,  ovooxöq. 


GLOSSAEY   TO    THE    ANCIENT   LAWS    OF    IRELAND.  365 

i-ama  'spade'  (\eg.rdma,  Cy mr.  rhatv)  and  rama  'oar'  (leg.  rcima 
LL.  12  b  26,  pl.  gen.  cet  rdmoe,  Sg.  36  a  7)  are  obviouslj'  tlie 
same  words.  Atkinson  wrongly  omits  tlie  mark  of  lengtli 
over  the  former  vowel. 


YI.   Confiisious  of  different  words. 

accohar  'desire'   is   confused   witli   conidn-acohair  1.252.8  'that 

he  may  bind  it ',  wliere  -acohiiir  is  for  accomulr,  tlie  enclitic 

form  of  tlie  5-siibj.  sg.  3  of  adcumrigim,  Ascoli  Gloss.  CCXIV. 
admad  Hiniber'   and  atmat  (for  ad-d-mad)  'let  liim  acknowledge 

it',  are  put  togetlier. 
ad-rodad  'lie  was   condemned'  is  placed  (p.  12,  1.35)  under  ad- 

daimim  '  I  acknowledge '  etc.    Ad-rodad  seems  to  come  from 

a  root  rod  in  ablaut-relation  to  räd. 
adsuidet  and  arsaid  are  placed  under  saigim. 
aire  (leg.  dire)  'cursing'   is  placed  under  aer  'satire',   of  wliicli 

it  is  Said  to  be  tlie  plural! 
aithech  tige,  tlie  Irisli  reüex  of  dtö-jiörtjc,  is  placed  under  aithech 

'vassal,  plebeian'. 
as  (leg.  dss)  'growtli'  (Lat.  päsco,  x>astuni)   and  as  'milk'  (leg. 

ass,  root[^;]a^,  Gr.  jrartofiac)  are  confounded. 

cach  and  cach  (leg.  cdch),  p.  115.    No  distinction  is  niade  between 

tliese  pronominal  adjectives. 
caire   'slieep',   a   collective   in  iä,   is  placed  under   caera,   and 

regarded  as  its  nom.  plural. 
cert-fuine  'baking-stone',   is   placed  (p.  130)   under  cert  'riglit'. 

But  see  Bezz.  Beitr.  25,  253. 
cir-duh  'jet  black'  is  placed  in  p.  136  under  dar,  and  in  p.  139 

under  cir  'comb,  crest'. 
CO  prep.   'witli,   up   to'.    Here  tlie  prep.  co-n  'witli'  (=  Cynir. 

givn  in  givnaf)   and   co  'up  to'  (=  Cymr.  *p«(;,  hiv  in  hwy 

gilydd)  are  confounded. 

demes  'scissors'  (KZ.  37, 256)  and  dias  'a  pair'  (Bezz.  Beitr.  25, 253), 
IV.  310,  12    wliere    dias   fidchrann   eipit^)    aicced  fognama 


^)  This  is  rifflit,  as  tlie  nom.  fidchrann  is  in  tlie  gen.  pl.  Atkinson, 
not  seeing  this,  at  ebim,  p.  285,  adds  to  the  pl.  eipit  oue  of  his  ironical  notes 
of  admiratiou. 


366  ERSCHIENENE   SCHRIFTEN, 

cacJia  raitJie  means  'a  pair  of  wood-axes  wliicli  cut  im- 
plements  for  every  quarter's  work'.  Atkinson  has  here 
been  misled  by  the  erroneous  punctuation  of  tlie  edition. 
dünad  'act  of  fortifying',  is  confoiinded  witli  dünad  I.  216,  4,  'a 
multitiide,  host',  Fei.  Jan.  23,  July  22,  Nov.  6.  LU.  55b, 
57  a.  The  passage  in  I.  216,  4  refers  to  a  share  in  the  kiln 
of  a  mill  belonging-  to  brothers,  and  is  rightly  rendered  in 
the  edition,  though  Atkinson  italicises  and  queries  the 
rendering. 

Under  erahn  (leg.  erahn)  'I  refuse',  Atkinson  puts  dian-d^)-as- 
era  i  cumtuch  'if  [he  give  them  in  a  cover'  IV.  318,  13, 
where  the  edition  has  dian  da  sera'^)  i  cumtacli.  But 
era  is  the  subj.  sg.  3  of  the  verb  (=  Gr.  jr8(>aa»?),  whence 
r-a-oera  Wb.  25  a  31,  ro-erthar  18  b  23,  ro-erthe  27  a  16,  ro  ir 
17  b  13,  ro-nn-ir  20dll,  ru-iriear  Laws  V.  430,  5,  and 
perhaps  the  compd.  verb  as-rethar  (for  as-ertJiar?)  IL  126, 
28.  See,  too,  Sarauw,  Irske  Studier,  p.  126,  where  ro-ratha, 
Fiacc's  h.  50  (and  Laws  II,  338,  19)  and  the  Compounds 
eb-arthi  Ml.  46  b  12,  eh-artMr  Wb.  32  a  27,  are  quoted. 

feb  ' distinction,  excellence'.  Under  this  Atkinson  teils  us:  'The 
acc.-dat.  case  feib  is  used  as  a  conjunction  'just  as'.  But 
the  noun  feb  is  from  *vesvä,  cognate  witli  Skr.  vdsu,  and 
the  conjunction  feib  is  =^  Goth.  svasve. 

feimmor  'help'(?)  ...  [favour?]\    Comment  is  unnecessary. 

fo-bacli  'breaking  up  land'.  'Hence  prps.',  says  Atkinson,  'the 
form  fodbach  [leg.  föt-bach]  '  sod-cutting '. 

for  gellahn  and  fortgellaim  ('with  an  unexplained  V)  are  treated 
as  the  same  word,  though  the  fornier  is  compounded  with 
for  and  the  latter  with  fort-  =  Cymr.  gwrtli,  Corn.  gorth, 
Mer.  3394.    See  Wb.  4  b  27,  Ml.  23  c  15,  Aisl.  179. 


*)  The  d  after  dian  seems  an  example  of  infixed  d  in  conditional 
sentences,  as  to  wliich  see  Strachan,  Rev.  Celt.  XXI,  412. 

*)  Atkinson  adopts  this  hhuider,  printing  it  dian'da'sera  'where  the 
root  fcra  seems  to  have  heen  contemplated '.  His  collection  of  Irish  roots 
would  be  Gurions.  He  gives  us  ^  root  guid-''  p.  16,  ]/ ast-ad  p.  17,  ]/boing  p.  85, 
\iithim  p.  299,  1/rew  p.  316,  ^eth  p.  317,  'the  root  fo-boing'  p.  371,  'the  ^ gerr 
p.  384,  \jtiag  p.  423  n.  'fuaslaic-  is  used  as  an  independent  root'  p.  424, 
'this  root  ynak'  p.  469,  \Jreth  p.  488,  \^vah  p.  691,  yreth  p.  699,  ystiag  p.  715, 
\j  chän,  y  ciu  p.  720. 


GLOSSAEY   TO    THE    ANCIENT   LAWS    OF   IRELAND.  367 

Id  'day'  (gen.  dual  co  cencl  nomaide  no  da  Id  I.  44,  9)  and  tlie 
synonymous  laithe  are  placed  together.    See  KZ.  37,  258. 

min  'smair  and  min  'smooth'  (in  mincorthar  IV.  378,  17)  are 
confounded  at  VI,  p.  571. 

riadaim  'I  torture  (?);  I  train  (liorses)'.  Here  Atkinson  confoimds 
riagaini,  a  denominative  of  riag  'torture',  witli  riadaim,  a 
denominative  of  riad  'faring,  riding'. 

sall-carna  'salt  meat',  is  put  under  sdl  'salt'  (Atkinson  omits 
the  mark  of  length).  Sdl  is  =  Lat.  säl,  Gr.  aXg,  wliile 
sali  (ex  *sald  .  .)  is  =  Goth.  and  Eng.  sali. 

sdire  IV.  154,  20,  a  derivative  of  saer  'wright',  is  placed  under 
sdire  'freedom'  (better  sdire),  a  derivative  of  söir  'free'. 


YII.   Wrong  or  vague  raeanings, 

a&^Äam 'absolution' ('?),  it  really  means 'death',  'perdition';  apthin 

Wb.  32  c  16,  verbal  noun  of  atbath. 
ro  liadair  di  'he  paid  respect  to  it',  means  'lie  adhered  to  it', 

Ir.  Texte  IV,  375. 
aibilUeoir  'hermit':   it  means  literally  'sparkler',  one  who  quasi 

per  scinüllam  seu  breviter  elucidat,  Ducange:   see  Lismore 

Lives  397,   s.  v.  öeibelteoir  and  aoibill  ina  teoir,  H.  3.  17, 

cited  in  O'Don.  Supp. 
aitJmine  'coal',  it  means  'spark'. 
aniar  s.  v.   tair  p.  684,  is  rendered  by  '  in  tlie  West '.    It  means 

'from  the  West',  an  see  Urkelt.  Sprachschatz  4. 
ath-laoch   'lay   recluse'.     It   means   a  layman  who  becomes  a 

monk   in   his   old   age,   KZ.  XXXV,  150.     In   Keating   it 

denotes   a  very  old  man,   a  dotard.    See  Three  Shafts  ed. 

Atkinson,  p.  315. 

hir-crand  'wooden  spike'.  It  is  a  synonym  of  inbir  coire, 
LU.  88  a,  97  b,  '  randle-tree ',  the  horizontal  bar  from  which 
caldrons  etc.  are  suspended  over  a  fire. 

hochtan  'poor  man'.  The  gen.  sg.  hochtain  occurs  I.  106,  2, 
where,  as  Atkinson  says  vaguely,  'it  appears  to  be  the 
name  of  a  small  vessel'.    The  vessel  was  'equal  to  twelve 


368  ERSCHIENENE   SCHRIFTEN. 

eggfiüs',   as  O'Donovan   aniiotates  hocJäan  de  chormaim  no 
medgusce,  Reeves  oii  tlie  Culdees,  p.  85. 
hracJit  'fat'(?).    It  is  glossed  by  sw^jfA,  H.  4.  22,  p.  37  a,  and  means 
'Juice'  (of  flesli  etc.). 

caecdach  'name  of   a  grade   of  scholars'.    Read  coictacli,  as  in 

Land  610,  fo.  92  b  1,  wliere  it  is  explained. 
cairde  'amity',   0.  Ir.  cairte,  Aug".  fo.  17  b.    It  means  'alliance', 

or  '  compact '. 
carr  coli  [leg*.  c6ile\  IV.  336,  24,  is  riglitly  rendered  in  tlie  edition 

'a   cartload   of  firewood',   {cual  p.  193).    x^tkinson  (p.  150) 

corrects  thus:  'evidently  just  cool,  car  of  coal'. 
cerr  'cripple'.    It  means   'left-lianded,  wrong-',   and  is   cognate 

witli  Lat.  cerritus. 
6  cianaih  'long  ago'  (p.  136,  s.  v.  cian).    It  means  'a  short  time 

ago,  just  now'.    O'Don.  Gr.  268;  Ir.  Texte  III,  543;  Rev.  Celt. 

XIV,  42;  III,  179  (wliere  it  is  wrongly  rendered).    Aisl.  165. 
ein  ...  do  crandcJie  is  rendered  (VI.  187)  by  'fault  of  tlie  stake- 

fence'!    It  means  'fault  of  thy  stakefence'. 
deth  'top  (of  oar)'  IV.  112,  30.    It  means  'stake,  shaft'. 
ni  ro   (sie  MS.)   coibintiged  doib  'tlie  tbing  that  is  estimated  as 

of  equal   value  with  them',   amlaid  ro  coibintiged  'it  was 

stipulated'.    The  first  of  these  phrases  means  'tbe  thing 

that  has  been  agreed  to  by  them',  the  second,   'so  it  has 

been  agreed'.    Atkinson  ignores  Zimmer's  discovery  (KZ. 

36,  463)   of  the  special  force  that  ro  gave  to  the  preterite. 
crand  fir  IV.  140,   where   it  is  rightly  rendered  by  'test-tree', 

more  literally  '  tree  of  oi'deal '  (fir),  as  in  Coiri  fir  '  caldron 

of  ordeal',  Ir.  Texte  III,  191:  'prob,  fir  tree',  says  Atkinson, 

who  actually  seems  to  think  that  Ir.  fir,  cual  and  feimmor 

are  respectively  cognate  with  Eng.  fir,  coal  and  favour. 
croichet(^)   'some   part   of    the   flesh   of  a  cooked   animal'.     It 

means   'cliine',   and  is  derived  from  croch  'cross';   cf.  the 

German  Kreu^,  Ir.  Texte  III,  188,  223. 
cruan  'name  of  some  reddish   material,  copper'(?).     It  means 

'red  enamel'  haematinum,  Ir.  Texte  IV,  393.    Rev.  Celt.  XIV, 

344,  345. 
cuile   'kitchen'.     It   means  'pantry'   or  ' störe -room':   cf.  cuile 

fmda  (gl.  uinaria  cilla)  Sg.  35  a  2,  ciiU  cessachtaig  .i.  cen  hiad 

intih,  LL.  188  b.     Skr.  huläya,  Gr.  xakia. 


GLOSSAEY    TO    THE    ANCIENT   LAWS    OF    lEELAND.  369 

cuisUnnacli  '  flute-player '.    It  means  'piper'. 
corr,  gen.  pl.  is  rendered  (s.  v.  currach  VI.  209)  by  '  cranes '.    It 
means  'lierons'. 

dairhri  ^oaklings'  IV.  148,  24:  it  is  not  a  diminutive,  and  liere 
means  'oaks':  dairhri  bega  'small  oaks'. 

indala  deiscipid  sechtmogat  =  'tlie  72nd  disciple'  VI.  214,  s.v. 
dala.  The  plirase  is  riglitly  rendered  in  tlie  edition  (I.  71) 
'one  of  tlie  seventy-two  disciples'.  See  Ir.  Texte  IV, 
pref.  XIV,  Celt.  Archiv  I,  1322;  and  add  to  the  instances 
there  cited  Imandi  as  nomen  «5  ochtmath  rann  in  insci 
'since  the  noun  is  one  of  the  eight  parts  of  speech', 
Sg.  71a  5.  Hia  .  .  .  issed  indala  n-ainmm  dec  on  dingarar 
Crist  la  Hehraih  '  this  is  one  of  the  twelve  names  by  which 
Christ  is  called  by  the  Hebrews',  Corm.  s.  v.  Hia.  in 
cethramad  cath  'one  of  the  four  battalions',  Eev.  Celt. 
XIII,  56. 

deorad  '  strang-er '  —  '  a  more  suitable  rendering  (says  Atkinson) 
would  be  ouÜaiv'.    But  it  glosses  aduena. 

dia  mis  IV.  318,  7,  V.  402,  23,  does  not  mean  '  every  month ',  but 
'this  day  month'.  So  dia  mbliadain  1.118,18,  dia  hliadain 
IV.  172, 11,  does  not  mean  'after  a  year',  but  'that  day 
year'.    See  S.  H.  O'Grady,  The  Academij  No.  706,  p.  324. 

dias  'pair  of  shears':  it  means  in  Old-Irish  a  pair  of  persons 
and  in  Middle-Irish  (as  in  Scottish  Gaelic,  ditliis)  sometimes 
also  'a  pair  of  things'.  So  triar  sometimes  means  a  triad 
of  things,  and  coiciur  (LL.  194  b  41)  a  pentad  of  things. 
Celt.  Ztschr.  III,  432. 

disertach  'pilgrim'.  It  means  'hermit,  (Aisl.  173)  one  having 
a  disert  'hermitage';  from  Lat.  desertum. 

eipiUneach  'dangerous,  in  a  dymg  State'.  The  former  meaning 
is  wrong,  this  adj.  being  derived  from  the  base  of  eipiltiu 
'death'. 

eisert  'deserter'.  It  means  a  landless  (es-ert)  person,  and  is 
cognate  with  co-airt,  coairte  and  Goth.  airjja. 

s.  V.  fonnad  'king',  Atkinson  eites  a  gloss  from  O'Davoren, 
p.  91,  meaning  'judgments  move  with  the  king  so  that  they 
are  not  different  (cona  dat  saini)  in  each  district',  i.  e.  so 

ZeitBohrift  f.  celt.  Philologie  IV.  24 


370  ERSCHIENENE   SCHRIFTEN. 

that  uniformity  of  decisions  is  preserved.  Atkinson  renders 
conaäat  saini  by  'so  that  they  are  different'.  For  cona 
'that  not'  see  Wb.  8b4,  16  c  24,  21a  8,  30b  8. 

gamain  'skin,  hide'.  Under  this  word  Atkinson  cites  ho  cona 
gamaind,  which  means,  not  'a  cow  with  its  hide'  (gaimen), 
but  'a  cow  with  her  yearling  calf,  gamaind  being  mis- 
Avritten  for  gamain. 

gann  'small'  I.  74,  12.    It  means  'scant'. 

gnae  'beautiful'.    cno  gnoe  V.  408.  17,  'evidently  cocoa-nuts' (!). 

imhed  'increase':  it  means  '  multitiide ',  'abundance'. 

oc  impud  na  hairgine  (rightly  rendered  'turning  the  cake',  I. 

143,  39)  is  niistranslated  by  Atkinson,  YI.  484,  'tossing  the 

(pan)cake'.      So   fo   tnuirib,    rightly   rendered   'under   the 

seas',  I.  73,  12,  he  mistranslates  (VI.  487)  by  'beneath  tlie 

sea'. 
inhleogan   'kinsman'.     Its   etymology   points   rather  to  'Milch- 

briider,  frere  de  lait,  fosterbrother':  cf.  sohleogain  O'Dav.  115, 

sohleognach  Laws  V.  344,  26. 
ingert  bruthcan  I.  268,  4,   Atkinson,  VI.  509,  renders  by  'boiling 

herbs':   the   phrase   means   'boiling  (or  heating)  pottage' 

{bruthcan  for  bruthchdin  gen.  sg.  of  bruthchdn  =  brothchdn) 

Wb.  33  c  15,  LL.  286  b  32. 
istoda  IV.  340,  19,  see  (says  Atkinson)  astud,  fastud.    But  these 

words  mean  'settling,  confirming',  and  istoda  is  nom.  pl.  of 

istud  =  0.  Ir.  etsud  'treasure',  Aisl.  183. 

ledb  'leather'.    It  means  a  strip,  thong  or  patch  of  leather. 

loingim  'I  eat:  tear  (of  adog)'.  Atkinson  got  the  latter  meaning 
from  O'Davoren  103,  104,  where,  as  sometimes  happens, 
that  glossographer  blunders,  not  having  seen  that  conid 
hing  is  for  conid-dloing ,  'so  that  it  splits',  and  that  dian- 
loing  is  for  dia  ndloing  'from  which  scatters':  oi.  as-dloing 
(gl.  dispergentis)  Ml.  48  c  32.    in-dlung  (gl.  findo)  Sg.  15  a  5. 

nomad  '  moment '  I.  44,  9,  where  the  gen.  sg.  nomaide  is  trans- 
lated  by  'minute'.  It  means  a  period  of  nine  days  and 
nights;  but  see  Aisl.  190. 

oin  'loon',  should  be  öin  'loan'. 


GLOSSARY    TO    TUE    ANCIENT    LAWS    OF    IRELAND.  371 

pedhach  'simple':  it  meaus  'sinfiü'  =^ pecach  X.  ciiitacli,  H.  4.  22, 
p.  61  a. 

ronn  '  wire ' :   it  means  '  cliain '  and  is  speit  ronä  in  Wind.  Wtb. 

scoih  'obvious'(?):  it  means  'word',  Rev.  Gel t.  XIII,  227. 

toirches  '  childbirtli ',  p.  84,  s.v.  at-lel,  is  riglitly  rendered  'preg- 
nancy',  p.  735. 

urcJioimdhn  '  I  fall '  [?] ;  '  find  a  difficulty '.  Tliis  verb  means  '  I 
make  an  excuse',  0.  Ir.  aur-  (or  er-)clioitmim.  The  verbal 
noiin  cmrcuidhed,  urchohndcd  Laws  I,  56,  13:  236,  10,  etc.  is 
0.  Ir.  irchohnted  Wb.  26a23,  aur-  (or  er-)choitmed ,  Trip. 
Life  184,  25,  acc.  sg\  foisitiu  cen  erclioitmed  'confession 
witliout  making-  excuse',  Eawl.  B.  512,  fo.  37a. 

So  miich  for  tlie  mistranslations  in  tlie  Glossary.  In  bis 
Index  of  names  are  two  similar  errors.  Atkinson  calls  'Bachoc' 
an  ancient  fort,  and  speaks  of  tbe  'demolition'  of  'Daderg'. 
Surely  he  knows,  or  ought  to  know,  that  Da  Choc{d)  and  Da 
Derg{a)  are  the  names,  not  of  forts,  but  of  the  owners  of  the 
palaces  or  hosteis  in  qiiestion. 

Till.   Wrong  Etymologies. 

ad-gladur.  Here  the  enclitic  form  er-glas  is  brought  from  äd- 
ro-glas.    It  comes  from  dith-ro-glas. 

adig,  ataig  in  the  phrase  catliair  adig,  cathair  ataig  'city  of 
refuge',  a  name  for  a  church  containing  a  bishop,  a  fer 
Ugind,  and  an  aircliinnecli  i),  Laws  V.  54,  10,  19,  are  only 
misspellings  of  attaig,  gen.  sg.  of  atiach  'refuge'  (ad-tech.): 
cf.  ind  ataig  (gl.  effugii)  Ml.  107  d  1,  and  se  catkracha  attaig 
'six  eitles  of  refuge',  Salt,  na  Eann  5195.  Atkinson,  with 
commendable  modesty,  says  (V.  55,  note  b)  'I  can  make 
nothing  of  adig  or  atliaig  [sic\  after  catliair,  unless  it  be 
an  attempt  at  catMdr-aticus]  cf.  however,  p.  20,  1.  7,  flaith 
athig\    Wliat  flaith  athig  'a   chief  whose   father  has  not 


')  Cf.  Dehn  pecthach  an  eclais  'the  church  protects  the  siuful'    IV. 
234, 15. 

24* 


372  ERSCHIENENE    SCHKIPTEN. 

been  a  cliief ',  II.  200,  21,  lias  to  do  witli  the  matter  is  not 
apparent. 
' athcuma  =   aHh-com-hach,   hoing'.    dat.  sg.  ath-cJmm-bu  Stowe 
Missal.    The  root  is  be-n. 

lach  .i.  sakjim  no  indsaigim.  'It  can  hardly  (says  Atkinson)  be 
aiiything  eise  than  some  form  of  hoingimJ  It  Stands  for 
hdgh  ^let  me  declare',  Ist  sg.  imperative  of  hägim,  cogn. 
with  Gr.  ßä^<a,  ßd§Lq:  see  Sarauw,  Celt.  Ztsclir.  IV.  76,  and 
add  lach  [.i.]  secMm,  O'Dav.  56. 

cesc  is  Said,  p.  131,  to  be  an  error  for  ceist.  It  is  a  common 
by-form,  -st  becoming  sc  as  regiilarly  in  Manx. 

araclais  I.  46,  17  is  treated  as  a  verb  s.  v.  claidim,  p.  140,  and 
the  clais  is  treated  as  acc.  dat.  of  the  noun  das,  p.  141.  It 
is  the  pret.  pass.  sg.  3  of  the  verb  araclaidim. 

comathar  'is  protected'  is  placed  under  comäaim,  and  said  to  be 
'  apparently  deponent '.  It  is  an  enclitic  form  {nad  comathar) 
of  the  passive,  and  belongs  to  the  verb  con-ai  p.  174,  which 
should  be  con-öi  See  Ascoli,  Gloss.  CIX.  So  does  mani-s- 
coma  I.  84,  10,  where  the  edition  has  manis  [comtheit].  Cf. 
is  e  adcomad  cach  cael  '  'tis  he,  Christ,  who  used  to  protect 
every  small  one ',  Todd  Lecture  Series  VII.  22,  where  it  is 
translated  'He  it  is  that  lacerated  every  belly'. 

doroirhe  'he  prevented'  is  explained  as  from  do-ro-for-hen.  It 
comes  from  to-ror-henim,  where  ror  is  =  jiqojiqö,  Skr. 
prapra,  Celt.  Ztschr.  III,  471. 

do-,  as  prep.  prefix  to  verbs;  'if ',  says  Atkinson,  'the  accent  is  to 
be  on  the  initial  syllable  of  the  verb,  the  intensified  breath 
brings  the  media  to  a  tenuis.'  What  he  should  have  said 
is:  do-  as  prep.  prefix  to  verbs  is  the  pretonic  (unstressed) 
form  of  two  prepositions,  one  de  (di)  =  Lat.  de,  the  other 
to,  which  seems  peculiar  to  the  Celtic  languages.  When 
the  flrst  is  stressed  the  d  remains;  when  the  second  is 
stressed  the  t  remains.  In  the  noun  and  nominal  prep.  do- 
chum  the  do  (=  Goth.  (Zm?)  is  unchanged. 

eolusa  made  out  of  eolusaib  I.  300,15,  V.  260,  13,  'prps.'  says 
Atkinson,  'only  a  cpd.  of  -lusa  'herbs'.    It  has  nothing  to 


GLOSSAEY    TO    THE    ANCIENT    LAWS    OF   IRELAND,  373 

do    witli    liisa,   eolusaih   being'   dat.  pl.    of   colas   'peritia', 

'  giüdance ',  liere  meaning  the  prescription  of  a  medical  man, 

a  recipe. 
csce,   eisce   'cutting-',   'woimding'.      Atkinson   brings    this   from 

as-gen-(-gian)?    It   comes   from  *es-sece,  *ex-secio-  cognate 

with  Lat.  seco,  etc. 
escuj)  '  name  for  a  large  vessel  of  wine '  III.  426,  25,  '  no  donbt ', 

says  Atkinson,  '  =  epscop  '  bishop '.    It  is  a  loan  from  Lat. 

scyplms,  just  as  eshicid  Wb.  32  d  4,  is  from  scyplmlus.    See 

Vendryes  De  Mhernicis  vocahulis  etc.,  p.  196. 

fetairlaicthi  I.  38, 14  (MS.  petairlaicthi)  is  given  as  tlie  genitive 
of  the  Substantive  fetarleic  'the  Old-Testament '.  It  is  the 
dat.  sg.  of  an  adjective,  ' Old-Testamental'  (sit  venia  verbo!). 

foclmitbed  'mockery',  is  brought  from  fo-co-\/tib-.  The  second 
prep.  should  be  con-. 

forosnaim  'I  enlighten'.  Atkinson  prints  this  verb  as  fo-ro- 
snaini,  adding  '■[fo-ro-\/se'ii\\  He  does  not  explain  bis  \/sen, 
which  would  have  lost  its  5  after  ro.  Forosnaim  really 
comes  from  for-öd-sonnaim,  as  we  see  from  the  verbal  noun 
fursunnud  V.  460,  25,  fürsundidh  lY.  316,  15,  LL.  288  b, 
fürsundud  V,  498, 3.  It  is  cognate  with  the  sonno-cmgos 
'Sonnenschritt'  of  the  inscription  of  Coligny,  Sunno-vira 
C.  I.  L.  XIII,  3159,  the  Goth.  sunna,  sumiö,  Ags.  sunne, 
Engl.  sun.  The  fursimnadand  I.  42,  35,  —  which  xltkinson 
accepts  and  explains  from  an  imaginary  inf.  fürsnad  with 
irrational  vowel  fursanad,  whence  a  new  root-form  furscmd 
_"-  is  mere  editorial  gibberish.  The  MS.  has  fursannand, 
which  in  Middle-Irish  is  quite  regulär. 

gelestar,  translated,  IV.  279,  31,  by  '  cooling-pond '  (for  cattle  in 
heat),  is  similarly  explained  by  Cormac,  who  says  that  it 
also  means  the  driving  {kmiain)  of  the  cattle  into  the  pond. 
Atkinson  calls  gelestar  '  plainly  a  Germanic  word,  viz.  OHG. 
gelstar^),  Goth. güstr,  used  in  Eom.  XII.  6  cpÖQovc^)  [rslilvel, 
which  the  Vulgate  renders  donationes.''  He  also  asserts 
that  iumain  is  '  only  the  common  word  imna '  gif t,  donation, 

1)  rectius  ghelstar. 

*)  Atkinson  probably  means  that  gilstra,  the  acc.  pl.  cf.  güstr,  is  i;sed 
to  translate  (pÖQOvq, 


374  ERSCHIENliNE    SCHRIFTEN. 

bequest,  suggests  tliat  a  tax  was  '  laid  on  tlie  neiglibouring 
f armers  to  provide  tliis  cattle-pond,  and  prps.  a  'donation' 
of  such  a  pond  may  liave  from  time  to  time  been  made 
as  of  tanks  in  India.'  Biit  tbe  trisyllabic  gelestar  conld 
not  come  from  a  disyllable  such  as  gelstar,  and  iumain 
could  not  possibly  be  imna.  If  the  miiddy  gelestar  were 
really  a  Germanic  loanword,  tlie  Ags.  gilUster  ^sanies', 
(Cockayne,  Saxon  Leechdoms,  II.  388)  would  be  a  likelier 
origin.  But  it  seems  genuine  Hiberno-Celtic,  cognate  with 
the  Ir.  dat.  sg.  (sir)gaü  '  long  cold '  Rev.  Celt.  XX,  256,  Lat. 
gelu,  gelidus,  Lith.  gelumä,  Engl,  cliill,  cold,  Germ.  Jiolt,  etc., 
and  with  the  same  suffix  as  lestar,  soüestar.  As  to  iumain 
(=  immon,  YBL.)  it  is  only  a  bad  spelling  of  immdin '), 
whicli  Atkinson  in  his  glossary  p.  471,  spells  im-äin  and 
rightly  explains  as  'the  act  of  driving  cattle'.  Compare 
iarh  do  hoin,  ain  do  gelntsfar  'a  bull  to  a  cow,  driving  to 
a  cooling-pond '  (are  permitted  on  Sundays)  Cain  Domnaig, 
Harl.  5280,  fo.  38  b.  Another  example  of  gelestar  is  in 
H.  4.  22,  p.  61b:  Foirgidh  geilestar  geilt  innraic. 

imde,  for  imthe,  the  s-  subj.  of  imthiagu,  is  referred  to  imdicliim 
'I  Protect'.  The  context  is  mani  n-inide  treisi  no  cuicthi 
no  dechmad  'unless  three  days  or  five  days  or  ten  days 
have  lapsed  by  him'  (lit.  gone  round  him). 

ingairiu  'more  convenient'  III.  154,  7.  Atkinson  compares  it 
with  goiriu  (gl.  magis  pius)  Sg.  40  b.  But  it  is  obviously 
connected  with  gaire  'proximity'  1.2,6,  a  deriv.  of  gair 
'  near '. 

ithir  'cornland'.  Under  this  Atkinson  quotes  with  a  query  I. 
140,  15,  where  itir  (leg.  i  tir)  na  linne  means  'in  the  land 
of  the  millpool ',  and  has  nothing  whatever  to  do  with  ithir. 

mdithrc  'mother's  tribe'  L  192,14  is  given  by  Atkinson  VI.  555, 
as  the  plural  of  mdthair  'used  in  a  peculiar  manner '.  But, 
like  aitlire  1. 192, 14  =  Ttargiä  'father's  tribe ',2)  Lat.  patria 


*)  Cf.  iumaire  for  immaire  'ridge  of  land',  Corrn.  s.v.  edarce,  cited  by 
Atkinson  p.  VI.  472,  and  iumurchur  II.  168, 18,  iumtaifhmech  V.  368, 1. 

2)  Nom.  pl.  naxQiai  Hdt.  I.  200,  omitted  by  Leo  Meyer,  Handb.  d.  griech. 
etym.  II,  498.  Another  example  of  aithrc,  mäithre  is  in  Rawl.  B.  512,  fo.  132b  1: 
Caipre  Lifechair  .i.  rochar  Life,   ar  is  a  Life  conalt  idir  a  mathi'i  7  a  aithri. 


GLOSSARY   TO    THE    ANCIENT    LAAVS    OF    IRELAND.  375 

'  fatlierland ',  it  is  a  feminine  collective  in  m,  tlie  acc.  .sg. 
of  wliich  is  in  tlie  Cöir  Anmann  §  194  (Ir.  Texte  III,  368): 
gu  rus-aitreh  la  mmthri  iarsin.  For  tlie  snfflx  cf.  also 
Ir.  caire  'slieep'  Laws  IV.  96,  croibe  'claws',  dat.  croihi 
O'Dav.  65,  s.v.  ernibne,  Icstrae  'vessels'  Ml.  18  b  4;  "liives' 
Laws  IV,  178,  Gr.  ^QaxQia,  0.  Slav.  hrattja,  and  Welsh 
plnrals  in  -ydd. 

nae  or  nei  =  'woman,  wife'  O'Dav.  p.  108,  is  said  by  Atkinson 
to  be  'a  poetic  word,  prps.  swept  np  in  tlie  migration- 
period,  cf.  Hungarian  nö  „wife"'.  Here  ag-ain  comment  is 
unnecessary. 

odhach  '  some  kind  of  cattle-disease  (od  (?)  +  hrealdng)  III.  65 '. 
But  tlie  w^ord  is  not  a  Compound  —  only  a  derivative  of 
odh  =  Cymr.  oddf  '  excrescence,  knob '.  Its  gen.  sg.,  or  tlie 
gen.  sg.  masc.  of  a  cognate  adjective,  occnrs  in  tlie  Bodleian 
fragment  of  Cormac's  Glossary,  s.  v.  prüll:  nipsa  eola  inmid 
odhaig. 

orba,  aurha  'cntting  of  land'  is  brouglit  from '/b*' +  j/^e^^'-  Tlie 
prepositional  prefix  is  here  air-,  aur-,  not  for. 

sceo  '  and '.  Atkinson  calls  tliis  '  a  most  extraordinary  conjnnctive 
particle,  whose  origin  is  quite  unknown.'  It  is  a  very 
ordinary  conjunction,  and  its  origin,  tlianks  to  Victor  Henry 
(Lexique  etymologique  du  Breton  moderne,  p.  109),  is  now 
well  known.  It  is  =  Cymr.  lieihio  '  by,  beside ',  M.  Bret. 
hehiou  now  ebmi,  'aupres  de,  au  dessus  de',  derived  from 
tlie  root  seq  'to  follow';  cf.  lja.t  suh-sequus. 

uagtir  11.344,21,  '  apparently ',  says  Atkinson,  'comparative  of 
6g  'pure'.  Tlie  context  is  one  of  tlie  absurd  etymological 
glosses  whicli  occur  so  often  in  the  Laws.  eclas  [.i.]  uag 
das,  das  uaigtir  [leg.  tiaigthir]  ar  cadi  in  edais,  tliat  is, 
'  edas  ('  the  Church ')  i.  e.  uag-das  '  stitch-class ',  the  Church 
is  a  class  which  is  stitched  for  every  one':  cf.  m-u[a]igter 
dana  LL.  186b.  The  translation  of  uaigt[h]ir  —  'purer'  — 
adopted  by  Atkinson,  shews  that  he  is  unaware  of  Ascoli's 
discovery  that  the  Old-Irish  adjectival  forms  in  -thir,  -dir 
are  equatives  (pareggiativi)  not  comparatives. 


376  ERSCHIENENE    SCHRIFTEN. 

Enougli  lias  been  said  to  jiistify  the  preliminarv  remarks. 
It  is  sad  to  thiuk  of  tlie  labour  and  public  monej'  tliat  liave 
been  wasted  on  this  imlucky  publication.  To  me  especially  it 
is  no  pleasnre  to  point  out  for  tlie  second  time')  the  sliort- 
comings  of  one  wlio,  as  professor  of  comparative  grammar  in 
Trinity  College,  Dublin,  and  President  of  the  Royal  Irish  Academy, 
shonld  be  a  .TQVf/axog  for  Celtic  philology.  Biit  eveiy  earnest 
Student  has  two  duties,  one  produetive,  the  otlier  destructive. 
*God  grant  that  we  may  ahvaj'S  belong  to  those  who  follow 
and  further  the  truth,  who  crush  and  expose  that  which  is  false 
and  wrong!' 

So  said  Albirüni. 


*)  See  the  review  of  Dr.  Atkinsou's  Passiovs  and  Homüies  in  Bezzen- 
berger's  Beiträge  XYI,  29— G3.    See  also  Revue  Celtique  XX,  31  n. 

London.  Whitlet  Stokes. 


ERSCHIENENE   SCHRIFTEN.  377 


Liadain  and  Curithir.  An  Irisli  love-story  of  the  nintli  Century, 
edited  and  translated  by  Kuno  Meyer.  London,  D. Nutt, 
1902.    30  pp.    8'\ 

Mit  gewohnter  Sorgfalt  wird  eine  hübsclie  und  sprachlich  alte 
Geschichte  aus  zwei  jüngeren  Hss.  herausgehoben  und  übersetzt.  Wie 
in  manchen  dieser  Erzählungen,  bei  denen  das  Hauptgewicht  auf  den 
eingefügten  Gedichten  liegt,  ist  die  Prosa  mehr  als  knapp;  sie  vergisst 
sogar  ein  Hauptmoment  zu  erzählen,  dass  Curithirs  Geliebte  Liadain 
den  Schleier  nimmt.  Wenn  K.  Meyer  bemerkt ,  diese  Knappheit  falle 
nur  dem  Schreiber,  nicht  dem  ursprünglichen  Erzähler  zur  Last,  so 
weiss  ich  nicht,  ob  man  dem  unbedingt  zustimmen  darf;  näher  liegt 
die  Annahme,  dass  die  Erzählerkunst  manches  Fili  nicht  so  entwickelt 
war  wie  seine  Verskunst. 

Der  Eeim  mithig  —  tig,  der  p.  14,  20  f.  angenommen  wird,  geht 
nach  der  irischen  Poetik  kaum  an,  die  nur  betont  mit  unbetont  reimen 
lässt,  nicht  umgekehrt;  vielleicht:  A  thopiiir  fil  fiad  a  tig  \  nech 
donised  ba  mithig.  —  S.  20,7.  ind  adaig  ni  archriad  heisst  wohl:  'Die 
Nacht  würde  nicht  zu  Grunde  gehen',  d.h.  'würde  nicht  ungenutzt  ver- 
streichen', zu  ara-chrin.  —  Ebend.  18  1.  tia-selo[s]-sa;  das  Ganze  ist 
Rede  Curithirs:  'Für  ihn  ist  es  gleich,  wie  er  stirbt.  Wenn  er  gesteht, 
werd'  ich  ihn  erschlagen';  -selos  wohl  eher  Futurum  zu  slaidid  als 
zu  sligid,  das  -silus  {-süius)  erwarten  Hesse.  —  S.  22,  18.  Bei  der 
Strophe  Cen  dinius  etc. ,  die  sich  in  den  Verslehren  als  Beispiel  findet, 
kann  man  fragen,  ob  diese  sie  aus  unserem  Text  genommen  haben, 
oder  ob  umgekehrt  der  Verfasser  eine  bekannte  Strophe  benutzt  hat; 
vielleicht  Aveist  auf  das  zweite,  dass  der  Dichter  den  durchgehenden 
Reim  der  Endsilben  nicht  beizubehalten  vermochte,  sondern  sich  be- 
gnügte, ihn  in  der  Schlussstrophe  nachzuahmen.  R.  Th. 

Wh.  Stokes,  Togail  Bruidne  Da  Derga,  The  Destruction  of  Da 
Derga's  Hostel,  edited  with  translation  and  glossarial  index. 
Paris,  E.  Bouillon  1902.    XI  +  199  pp.     (8  fr.) 

Die  Zerstörung  des  Gehöfts  des  Da-Derga,  in  dem  der  irische 
König  Conaire  M6r  mit  seinem  Gefolge  von  seinen  Milchbrüdern  im 
Bunde  mit  dem  britannischen  Piraten  Ingcel  überwältigt  wurde,  gehört 
zu  den  merkwürdigsten  Sagen  der  mittelirischen  Litteratur,  wie  aus 
O'Currj'S  und  Zimmers  Analysen  des  Textes  allgemein  bekannt  ist. 
Obwohl  als  Ganzes  andern  mittelirischen  Dichtungen  nachstehend,  ist 
diese  doch  durch  die  an  Bildern  überreiche  Sprache  und  eine  Fülle 
Einzelheiten  mythischer  Art  ausgezeichnet.  Die  vorliegende  Ausgabe, 
die  auf  Grund  der  erhaltenen  8  fragmentarischen  Handschriften  her- 
gestellt und  übersetzt  und  mit  einem  Glossar  des  reichen  Wortschatzes 
versehen  ist,  lässt  die  Sorgfalt  des  bewährten  Herausgebers  aufs  neue 
erkennen,  und  man  wird  die  wichtige  Arbeit,  die  zuerst  in  der  Revue 
Celtique,  tome  XXH,  erschienen  ist,  gern  in  einer  Sonderausgabe  be- 
sitzen wollen. 


378  ERSCHIENENE   SCHRIFTEN. 

E.  Ernault,  Etudes  sur  la  lang'ue  bretonne.  L'epentliese  des 
liquides.  Saint -Brieuc,  Rene  Prud'homme  1901.  (Extrait 
des  Annales  de  Bretagne.)    58  S.    8«.    (2  fr.) 

— ,  Notes  d'etymologie.  Saint-Brieuc  1901.  (Extrait  des  Annales 
de  Bretagne.)    96  S.     8".    (2  fr.  50  c.) 

Vielleicht  keine  der  lebenden  celtisclien  Sprachen  ist  durch  die 
Unart  der  nachlässigen  Aussprache  oder  durch  die  Verdunkelungen  der 
Volksetymologie  so  entstellt  worden  als  die  der  Bretonen.  Zur  Auf- 
klärung trägt  der  Verfasser  bei,  indem  er  an  zahlreichen  Beispielen 
nachweist,  wie  die  Einfügung  eines  bedeutungslosen  r  oder  l  im 
Armorischen  um  sich  gegriffen  hat,  wie  wenn  man  martelot  statt 
'  matelot '  und  heilz  statt  heiz  (w.  haidd)  spricht.  Diese  Erscheinungen 
sind  der  Gegenstand  einer  ersten  Abhandlung.  In  einer  zweiten  ist 
eine  grosse  Zahl  armorischer  Ausdrücke  besprochen,  deren  Ursprung 
zum  Teil  sehr  versteckt  ist.  Es  sind  Vorarbeiten,  wie  man  vermuten 
darf,  zu  dem  armorischen  "Wörterbuch,  das  von  dem  Verfasser  zu  er- 
warten ist. 

H.  Gaidoz,  Le  grand  dien  Gaulois  cliez  les  Allobroges.  Opus- 
cule  dedie  ä  Anatole  de  Bartlielemy.  Lutece  des  Parisiens. 
Mai  1902.    XIX  S.     8". 

In  der  Darstellung  einer  zuerst  von  Blaviguac  bekannt  gemachten 
männlichen  Eigur,  die,  wie  er  angiebt,  einst  neben  einem  Simson  die 
Genfer  Hauptkirche  geschmückt  hat,  erkennt  der  Verfasser  den  gallischen 
Dispater  bei  den  Allobrogern.  Die  sitzende  Gestalt  war  mit  den  beiden 
Attributen  des  Gottes  versehen :  in  der  erhobenen  Rechten  hielt  sie  das 
poculum  und  mit  der  Linken  vor  der  Brust  den  Hammer.  Dieselben 
Attribute  zeigt  eine  vom  Verfasser  in  Abbildung  mitgeteilte  bronzene 
Statuette  im  Genfer  Museum,  die  vor  Jahren  in  Viege  oder  Vispach  an 
der  Rhone  aufgefunden  wiu'de,  ein  stehender  Jupiter  Serapis,  wie  er 
sonst  in  jenen  Gegenden  angetroffen  worden  ist.    (Melusine  1, 327.  354.) 

Melusine,  recueil  de  mj^thologie,  litterature  populaire,  traditions 
&  usages  (fonde  par  H.  Gaidoz  et  E.  Rolland,  1877—1887), 
publie  par  H.  Gaidoz.  Tome  I,  1876  —  Tome  X,  1900—1901. 
Paris,  E.  Rolland. 

Das  Programm  dieser  Zeitschrift,  wie  es  in  ihrer  ersten  Nummer 
aufgestellt  war,  ist  ein  sehr  mannigfaltiges  gewesen:  die  Welt  der 
alten  und  neuen  Mythologie,  Legenden  jeder  Art,  Erzählungen,  Balladen 
und  Lieder  der  französischen  und  der  fremden  Litteraturen,  Sprich- 
wörter, Rätsel,  Gebräuche,  Überlieferungen,  Aberglauben  und  der- 
gleichen mehr.  Nachdem  sie  ein  Vierteljahrhundert  hindurch  geforscht, 
gesammelt  und  belehrt  und  mit  dem  X.  Bande  einen,  wir  wünschen 
nur  vorläufigen  Abschluss  erreicht  hat,  möchte  ein  Rückblick  auf  ihre 
erfolgi-eiche  Thätigkeit  vielen  erwünscht  und  hier  am  Platze  sein. 
Denn  wenn  Melusine  sich  zunächst  an  die  Länder  des  celtolateiuischen 
Stammes  gewendet  hat,  so  ist  auch  der  verdiente  Begründer  der  Revue 


ERSCHIENENE   SCHRIFTEN.  379 

Celtique  ihr  Leiter  gewesen  und  seine  Bekanntschaft  mit  den  celtisclien 
Sprachen  und  Litteraturen  dem  Unternehmen  zu  statten  gekommen. 

Wertvolle  Beiträge  zur  Mythologie  und  den  Volksvorstellungeu 
der  Gelten  finden  sich  denn  auch  manche  in  diesen  Bänden  zerstreut. 
Erwähnt  seien  die  Aufsätze  über  den  Regenbogen  (1, 502.  2, 9  u.  s.), 
über  den  grossen  Bären  oder  den  Wagen  (2,  31),  über  die  Milchstrasse 
(2,  121),  die  bretonischen  Meergeister  morganezecl  (2,  280.  378),  die 
Namen  des  Teufels  im  Armorischen  und  Welschen  (6,  63.  79). 

Aus  irischen  Handschriften  hat  Melusine  bemerkenswerte  Mit- 
teilungen. Da  sind  die  Prognostica  auf  das  Jahr  aus  dem  Wetter  des 
1.  Januar  cailleöracht,  die  K.  Meyer  aus  Egerton  1784,  Bl.  -13  a,  abdruckt, 
unter  Hinweis  auf  seine  Hibernica  minora  p.  39  (10,  113);  ein  an- 
gebliches Gedicht  Columbkilles  über  die  Vorbedeutung  des  Hunde- 
geheuls donal  con  aus  Laud  615,  p.  129,  von  St.  H.  O'Grady  (5,85); 
eine  Legende  über  den  Namen  Doborchü  aus  dem  Buche  von  Lismore 
45 bl  von  demselben  (4,  297);  König  David  und  der  Bettler  aus 
Egerton  92,  Bl.  26,  und  dem  Buche  von  Lismore  69  a  von  demselben 
(4,163);  die  drei  Geistlichen  und  die  Katze  aus  LL.  283  a  14  und  dem 
Buche  von  Lismore  84  b  10  von  H.  Gaidoz  (4,  5) ;  die  Erklärung  der 
lateinischen  Zauberfonnel  im  St.  Galler  Codex  (GC.  949)  von  demselben 
(5,  225);  die  irische  Version  der  Legende  vom  Judenknaben  nach  dem 
Pariser  Cod.  celt.  1,  Bl.  28b,  von  demselben  (4,39);  und  über  die  Be- 
deutung des  Freitags  aus  derselben  Handschrift  29  b  von  demselben 
(4,  204) ;  endlich  Eätselfragen  aus  dem  cod.  Mus.  Brit.  add.  4788  von 
K.  Meyer  (6,  38)  —  sie  erinnern  an  die  Fragen  Finns  an  Ailbhe ,  die 
in  J.  F.  Campbeils  Leabhar  na  feinne  p.  140  f.  und  in  der  Stewarts 
Cochruinueacha,  Duneidin  1804,  p.  545  abgedruckt  sind.  Ans  O'Donovans 
Three  fragments  p.  10  wird  ein  Stück  mitgeteilt,  das  die  seltsam  über- 
triebene Verehrung  des  Königs  Aed  für  die  Geistlichen  illustriert 
(4,  109).  Die  beiden  in  einander  gewachsenen  Bäume  über  dem  Grabe 
Deirdres,  von  denen  irische  Texte  berichten,  bilden  den  Ausgang  für 
mehrere  Artikel,  in  denen  die  Verbreitung  der  Sage  bei  Skandinaviern, 
Romanen ,  Slawen ,  Griechen ,  Armeniern  u.  a.  verfolgt  wird  (4,  12.  60. 
85. 142.  5,  39). 

Aus  dem  Bereiche  der  welschen  Litteratur  ist  wenigstens  J.  Loths 
Literpretation  der  Lorica  Kyntaio  geir  a  dyivedaw  im  Schwarzen  Buche 
von  Carmarthen  p.  41b  zu  erwähnen  (4,  62). 

Die  meisten  Beiträge  betreiben  indes  das  Bretonische  oder 
Armorische.  Hier  standen  dem  Herausgeber  so  namhafte  Mitarbeiter 
wie  F.  M.  Luzel,  L.  F.  Sauve,  L.  Havet,  A.  de  la  Borderie,  F.  Cadic, 
P.  Laurent  und  E.  Ernault  zur  Seite.  Eine  ganze  Reihe  bretonischer 
Märchen  in  französischer  Sprache  mit  Bemerkungen  von  R.  Köhler 
bringt  gleich  der  erste  Band.  Die  Zahl  der  armorischen  Volkslieder, 
die  zum  Teil  mit  ihren  Melodien  mitgeteilt  werden,  beträgt  über  70 
(1,73.  193.  319.  461.  533.  550.  2,498.  3,  235  f.  453  und  Band  3—9). 
Die  meisten  hat  Ernault  geliefert,  und  von  ihm  sind  auch  zahlreiche 
Sprichwörter  in  der  Zeitschrift  veröffentlicht  (4,  494.  Band  9 — 10) ;  seine 
Sammlung  ist  nach  französischen  Schlagwörtern  alphabetisch  geordnet, 


380  ERSCHIENENE   SCHRIFTEN. 

aber  erst  bis  zur  Hälfte  erschienen.  Die  Inschrift  der  Abtei  Bon-Repos 
in  Cornonailles  Avird  gleichfalls  von  Ernault  erklärt  (3,  92).  Es  finden 
sich  ferner  Sprüche  um  den  Regen  zu  bannen  (1,  319.  502.  2,  123)  und 
solche  gegen  den  Rheumatismus  (4,  258).  Die  bei  den  Iren  wohl  ver- 
bürgte Sitte  'gegen  einen  zu  fasten'  (4, 8)  wird  auch  aus  der  bretonischen 
Redensart  nie  iuno  ivarahan  nachgewiesen  (4,  41;  cf.  4,  365.  7,  56). 

Wir  haben  nur  das  Nächstliegende  aus  Melusine  angeführt,  aber 
sie  bringt  des  Wissenswürdigen  viel.  Wer  sich  z.  B.  mit  dem  Thema 
der  Behexung  und  Vorbeugung  zu  befassen  hat,  wird  gut  thuu, 
J.  Tuchmanns  gründliche,  doch  noch  unvollendet  gebliebene  Forschungen 
darüber  in  Band  2 — 10  nachzulesen.  Der  Herausgeber  der  Melusine  hat 
einen  weiten  Blick,  asl  xaivuq  lölag  to(ptQujv,  aber  er  warnt  auch 
gelegentlich  vor  den  Verkehrtheiten  der  Methode. 

Wenn  in  dieser  Zeitschrift  ein  grosses  und  verschiedenartiges 
Material  aufgehäuft  ist,  so  hat  sie  es  in  der  Hauptsache  doch  nur  auf 
das  Folklore  abgesehn,  womit  ein  engerer  Begriff  als  mit  unserer  Volks- 
kunde verbunden  ist.  Denn  die  Volkskunde  ist  das  Korrelat  der  Landes- 
kunde, wie  die  Völkerkunde  das  der  Erdkunde  ist.  Folklore  hat  es 
nur  mit  dem  Volkstümlichen,  Unwillkürlichen,  Ungeschriebenen,  ewig 
Namenlosen  zu  thun.  Dazu  gehört  der  Volksglaube,  die  Volksweisheit, 
der  Volkswitz,  die  Volksmärchen,  die  Volkspoesie,  der  Volksbrauch,  wenn 
wir  uns  an  K.  Weinholds  Definition  halten  (Zeitschrift  des  Vereins 
für  Volkskunde  1,4),  'die  inneren  Zustände'  des  Volks.  Darf  man  den 
Begriff  eines  1810  von  L.  Jahn  eingeführten,  der  Grammatik  zum  Trotz 
nun  eingebürgerten  Wortes  auf  das  geistige  Leben  der  Allgemeinheit 
beschränken,  so  könnte  man  diese  Disciplin  die  Volkstumskunde  nennen. 
Es  ist  beklagt  worden,  dass  ihre  Pflege  vielfach  in  den  Händen  von 
Dilettanten  liegt,  die  nicht  auf  der  Höhe  einer  Wissenschaft  stehen, 
die  Schwierigkeit  einer  Sache  nicht  erkennen  und  sich  von  Ver- 
antwortlichkeit frei  fühlen.  Indessen  werden  die  ersten  Schritte  auf 
diesem  Gebiete  in  der  Regel  von  Ungelehrten  gethan;  denn  es  handelt 
sich  zunächst  um  die  Aufzeichnung,  die  man  vor  allem  zuverlässig 
wünscht.  Das  Verdienst  solcher  Mitteilungen  ist  nicht  zu  unterschätzen; 
aber  wissenschaftlich  wird  die  Volkstumskunde  erst,  wenn  sie  nach 
Ursprung  und  Bedeutung  der  Thatsachen  forscht.  Sie  verlangt  die 
vielseitigsten  sprachlichen,  litterarischen,  geschichtlichen,  naturwissen- 
schaftlichen Kenntnisse  und,  mehr  als  alles  andere,  kritischen  Sinn.  Es 
sind  also  keineswegs  leichte  Aufgaben,  die  diese  junge  Wissenschaft 
stellt,  und  Melusine  hat  ihre  höhern  Ziele  immer  vor  Augen  gehabt. 

St. 


Druck  von  Bhrhaidt  Kairas,  Halle  a.  S, 


TWO  FRAGMENTS  OF  AN  IRISH  ROMANCE 
OF  THE  HOLY  GRAIL. 


The  following  short  fragments,  the  existence  of  which  was 
long  ago  pointed  out  by  Nettlau,  •)  are  preserved  in  the  Franciscan 
library  at  Dublin  on  two  stray  leaves  of  parchment,  probably 
dating  from  the  fifteenth  Century.  I  made  a  copy  of  them  in 
the  Summer  of  1901,  when  looking  up  various  Irish  romances  in 
the  Dublin  libraries,  and  it  seems  worth  while  to  have  them 
printed  for  the  convenience  of  any  scholars  who  may  hereafter 
be  occupied  with  Irish  versions  of  the  story  of  the  Holy  Grail, 

So  far  as  I  know,  only  two  other  Irish  texts  on  tliis  subject 
have  been  cited:2)  that  in  MS.  Stowe  992  (now  R.  I.  A.,  D.4.2), 
from  which  Nettlau  printed  excerpts  in  the  Bevue  Celtique 
X,  185  ff.,  and  that  in  MS.  Rawlinson  B.  512,  which  is  briefly 
described  by  Stokes  in  The  Tripartite  Life  of  Saint  PatricJc, 
p.  XXXVIII.  The  relation  of  these  to  each  other  and  to  the 
fragments  printed  below  remains  to  be  investigated,  though  in 
Nettlau's  opinion  the  Franciscan  and  Stowe  texts  'probably 
represent  the  same  translation '.  The  exact  determination  of  the 
source  of  the  Irish  Grail  romance,  or  romances,  must  also  be 
deferred  until  the  longer  copies  have  been  published.    In  the 


')  Rev.  Cell  X,  187.  In  liis  brief  examiuation  of  tlie  leaves  Nettlau 
failed  to  observe  that  they  form  not  one  continuous  fragment,  but  two  with 
a  gap  of  one  leaf  (apparently)  between  them.  He  also  read  them  iu  the 
wrong  Order,  and  they  have  since  been  bouud  up  so  as  to  perpetuate  this 
mistake.  I  consequently  print  as  the  'First  Fragment'  the  contents  of  the 
second  leaf. 

*)  Cf.  Zimmer,  Gott.  Gel.  Anz.  1890,  p.  503. 

Zeitschrift  f.  oelt.  Philologie  IV.  25 


382  F.  N.  ROBINSON, 

mean  time  tlie  following  pages  will  serve  very  well  as  a 
specimen  of  the  language  and  style  of  the  translation.  The 
episode  here  related  is  the  same  as  that  treated  in  the  French 
prose  romance  La  Queste  del  Saint  Graal  (edited  by  F.  J.  Furnivall, 
1864),  pp.  157 — 160  and  165 — 168;  and  somewhat  more  briefly  in 
Malory's  Morte  Barthur  (Sommer's  edition),  pp.  676—683.  For 
the  corresponding  passage  of  the  Welsh  redaction,  'Y  Seint 
Greal ',  see  Williams's  SelecUons  from  the  Uengwrt  MSS.,  vol.  I, 
pp.  102—110. 

My  copy  of  the  Irish  text  is  intended  to  be  exact.  There 
are  in  the  original  numerous  inconsistencies,  not  to  say  errors, 
in  the  matter  of  initial  mutations,  accents,  spelling,  and  the  like; 
but  no  attempt  is  made  to  correct  them.  The  translation  is 
rather  literal,  sometimes  following  the  Irish  more  closely  than  is 
consistent  with  good  English  sentence  structure. 

It  gives  me  much  pleasure  to  acknowledge  the  courtesy 
with  which  the  Privileges  of  the  Franciscan  library  were  ex- 
tended  to  me  by  the  reverend  custodian,  Father  O'Eeilly, 


First  Fragment. 

(page  1)  Dow  taibh  eile  de  ridire  6c  ildelbac/i  7  ainwer 
alaiwd  ilcrothach  ica  h-ecniudu((^/i  aici,  7  si  ac  guidhi  Mt«Ve  imwa 
turtacht  7  ima  h-oighe  do  coimet.  Otcondaircc  in  maighden 
Sir  B005I)  secci,  ro  gä?>  7  ro  grech  tsiir  däigh  co  tisedh  dia 
coba?V  ria  siu  no  coilltea  a  h-oighi  7  a  h-sewtmwa.  Ro  boi  Sir 
Boos  eter  da  trom  iwdsiw;  ua?V  dia  n-digiiedh  hi  tortacJit  a 
hi'aümr,  ba  derb  lais  nach  beradh  tor  in  iwghin  cen  truaiWedh 
a  h-oighe;  7  dia  m-badh  hi  in  ingen  no  iwdsaighfedh  cetus,  ba 
h-ecal  lais  cen  breith  tor  Liuiwel  beo  doridhisi.  Is  fa^>  ro  chinw 
Sir  Boos  dul  a  fhortacht  na  maigdiwe  tortus,  7  rogab  ior  guidhe 
in  coimdedh  co  dicra  cen  bas  d-fhagbail  do  Liuiwel  nocu  toirsedh- 
som  tor  cula  doridhisi  dia  turtacht.  Ro  greis  Sir  Boos  in  t-ech 
Sindegaidh   a.n   ridiVe,   7   0  raiwic  i  w-imfhoicsi  do  ro  fhuacatV 


')  Nettlau  expanded  this  into  Bo[rt].  But  Boos  is  written  out  plainly 
several  times  in  these  two  fragments,  and  the  form  is  also  found  in  Stokes's 
citations  from  MS.  Rawlinson  B.  512  (Tripartite  Life,  p.  XXXVIII)  and  in 
Nettlan's  owu  excerpt  from  the  Stowe  MS.  992,  fol.  41  (Rev.  Celt.  X,  185).  In 
the  translation  I  have  adopted  Malory's  form  Bors. 


FBAGMENTS    OF   AN   IRISH   RÖMANCE    OF   THE   HOLY    GRAIL.      383 

comrac  tsiir,  miwa  fhacbad  an  inghiw.  Ro  tiwdta  in  rid?Ve  tri 
Sir  Boos,  7  ro  leic  in  inghiw  uadha,  7  ro  cowi/traic  fWs,  7  ni 
fatta  ro  ansät  a  comtrom  cowraic,  imir  ro  cliinw  Sir  Boos  fair- 
seom  CO  tarat  aladlia  doiwaie  dilegis  i?iir,  cg  ro  leac  dia  eoch  he 
CO  raibe  iwa  faewlighi  foithi.  0  ro  turtachtMgeö.  in  inglien,  ro 
gaidli  Sir  Boos  ima  cur  imacli  isiw  maiginn  0  tucadh  lii.  Is 
ann  sin  ro  tliöcaibli  Sir  Boos  in  maighdin  tor  ech  in  rid?>e 
gonta,  7  ro  fliacuibset  in  ridiri  ic  snighe  a  fhola  indsin,  7  ro 
iwtighset  rompa  tor  iul  na  h-ingine;  7  ro  thisirtacJd  Boos  scela 
don  ingin  .i.  coicli  in  ridire  ro  in?bir  anfodann  7  ecen  turri. 
'  Is  brathan-  focws  daw?-sa  he  co  dewin',  or  in  ingen,  '7  dia 
n-dernadh  in  gnini  ro  fhuapa«V,  ro  citrfithe  u.  c.  rid?Ve  fo  gin  gai 
7  claidibh  hi  cinaidh  mo  sharaigthi-si  ria  cenn  sechtmimine,  7 
no  h-ijnbertha  oighedh  esanor«c/^  tsiir  uadein,  7  no  ragadh  a 
anum  i  pein  shuthain  if/rnd  t>i'a  bitha.  A  m-batar  tor  a  n-im- 
raitib  condfacatar  da  ridire  dec  armdha  edighi  a  n-docwm  tor 
hirg  na  h-ingine  fiarlseit  na  foraisi;  7  ro  forbailtighset  re^wpi 
CO  mör  iarna  faicsin,  7  ro  erail  in  ingen  torru-som  onoir  7  ar- 
mitiu  dethidec/i  do  taba/rt  do  Sir  Boos  ar  in  fhoiridin  dorat 
furri-si.  Doronsat  na  rid?Ve  sin  amal  is  dicra  ro  fhetsa^,  7  ro 
gaidhset  he  con  dighsed  leo  daig  co  fagbhadh  anoir  7  dethiti 
ocu-somh,  7  CO  ronadn«tais  a  ciiw^ann  7  a  catach  tris,.  Ro  gaid 
Sir  Boos  forru-som  hndecJit  do  lecadh  do,  iiair  nir ')  bo  mian  lais 
arisew  tWa  bithu  no  go  fhaghbadh  in  ni  roboi  ica  id^rraidh  .1. 
in  soidec/i  noib.  Rochedaigset  na  ridire  do  Sir  Boos  imdiecht, 
osedh  ba  toi  do,  7  rocuirset  a  »w-bennacA^ain  lais;  7  rogaid  in 
ingen  fair  toighecA^  dia  fis  doridhisi  cipe  tan  tisad  for  culu  on 
t-shoidec/i  noi&.  Ro  gell  Sir  Boos  disi  sin  adit  co  roi^edh  lais, 
7  ro  iwitigh  iarsin  7  do  dechaidA  for  iMvaidh  a  brathar  .i. 
Liuinel,  7  ro  gab  ic  fegadh  secha  i  cetaraird  na  foraisi  dia  fhis 
in  fhaicfedÄ  he  7  0  nach  facca  ro  gab  ic  estecÄ^  for  cech  leth 
de  dia  fhis  in  cluinfedh  Sir  Liuinel  ica  mala^■rt  7  ica  mudhugudh 
i  cuil  ecin  din  forais;  7  0  nach  cuala  is  ,edh  (page  2)  [bai 
....  nach]  2)  faigbedh  a  scela  tria  bithu. 

Ro  gab  Sir  Boos  remi  in  co  [ar ]  a  remhi,   7 

ni  cian  do  dechaicZ/i  in  tan  itc/ionda«rcc  senoir  foir  [ ] 


*)  nir  is  written  above  the  line. 

^)  The   writing  is  badly  obscui-ed  in  the  Upper  left-hand  corner  of 
this  page. 

25* 


384  F.  N,  ROBINSON, 

craibaidh  ior  eoch  dub  dia  inäsaigidh,  7  rofhiartacht  scela  do  Sir 
Boos  .i,  [ciwiis  ...  oi]  occai  no  can  do  uadheiw.  Ispert-som  ba 
he  Sir  Boos  de  Frangcaib  he,  7  is  [ic  ia,r]Yaidh  a  brathar  .i.  Sir 
Liuiwel  ro  boi,  uair  itcowdarcc  he  eter  dis  ridire  [ica]  malairt  7 
ica  mivhmgiidh  0  chianaib,  olse.  'A  Sir  Boos',  ol  in  sewoir,  'nir 
[ba]  coir  diiit  dogra  na  diprocoit  fort,  ua,ir  is  derchaiwe  do  neoch 
doilghiws  ta,ir  im  na  [h]esbadhaib  s^eghalla,  ua/r  is  ed  is  coir  do 
cechoen  a  taccradh  dfulawg  ar  seirc  in  coimdedh.  Occus  ata  ni 
aile  f OS ',  olse,  '  itber-sa  fn'tt  .i.  innl  atai  iarraidh  fogebha  a  fhiss 
ocaw-sa  CO  *n-ba  soleir  duit  0  shuilib  corpardha  he.'  Otciiala 
Sir  Boos  na  haithesca-saiw,  ba  derb  lais  conid  bas  foruaiV  Sir 
Liuiwel,  7  ba  moiti  a  thoirrsi  7  a  trwaighnemeli  an  airet-saiw 
dia  scela  dfhaghbhail,  7  ro  boi  sist  cen  labra  cen  ermasiwi)  ar 
namaw  in  sceoil.  0  ro  ermais  labhra  fa  deoigh  ro  gaidh  Sir  B005 
tor  in  senoir  cörp  a  brathar  do  taiselbad  do,  masa  marbh  ro  boi, 
a  comimir  a  adhnaicthi  do-som  co  n-anoir  co  ?2-ermhitiw  amaZ 
uadh  dmhaidh  tri  h-uaisli  a  chiweil  7  Ma  degsiirilliudh  tein. 
'Dech  sechat',  ol  in  senoir,  'dia  fhis  cret  itcife.'  Eo  dech  Sir 
Boos  secha  7  itcowdaircc  araile  corp  marbh  iwa  fhsewlighe  iwa 
fhiadhnasi,  7  se  nuachrec/itoaigthi  fuillrigthi  amaZ  bid  an  wmr- 
sin  fogabadh  bas;  7  i^dalle  Sir  Boos  ba  hi  delb  Sir  Liuiwel  ro 
bui  fair.  Eo  nuidhigh  a  cuwa  7  a  toirrsi  ica  fhaicsiw-siw  for 
Sir  Boos  CO  ro  thoit  [hi]2)  taisi  7  tam/^neoill  tmr,  co  w-böi  tri 
li-Sithaidh  fhota  sinti  tri  lar  amal  cech  marb  aile.  0  ro  eraigh 
asiw  neoll-siw  ro  fhiarfac/jt  dow  t-senoir  coich  ros-marb  Sir  Liuiwel, 
ardaig  a  digalta  &o-som,  7  ni  ro  iridis  do.  Eo  gab  Sir  Boos 
ic  accäine  co  mor  smäegaidh  a  bhrathar  7  is  ed  itberedh:  *Uch, 
a  Liuiwel,  a  bhratha^■r  iwmhai?*  7  a  choceile  carthanaigh,  dwrsan 
duit  srnnal  rom-facbais  am-^enar,  imir  ba  tu  mo  coimedaig  in  cech 
ecendail  gabaid,  7  ba  tu  mo  cmwthach  tairisi  an  duiwtib  righ  in 
tan  teghmis  for  cua?rt  awsaiwe  a  cathra?^'  Camaloit  hi  crich 
echtarcheiweoil,  cowidh  aire-seiw  is  deghail  cuirp  tri  h-^nmain 
liwi-sa  scaradh  trit  a  cein  no  marmais  dib  linaibh;  7  on  lo  ro 
deghlais  trim  ni  fhuil  do  snimh  form  acht  coiwzet  mo  anma  tein 


^)  I  am  doubtful  about  the  exact  translation  of  ermasin.  If  it  is  tlie 
same  word  as  ermaissiu  discussed  by  Atkinsou,  On  Irish  Lexicography,  p.  25, 
it  is  used  here  in  a  sense  somewhat  diiferent  trom  the  meaniiigs  it  bears  in 
the  passages  there  cited.  Professor  Meyer  has  called  my  attention  to  other 
instauces  of  its  use  quoted  in  his  Contributions,  under  aimiasiu. 

^)  hi,  instinctly  written  above  the  line. 


FRAGMENTS    OF    AN    IRISH   ROMANCE    OF   THE   HOLY    GRAIL,      385 

0  suwd  imwiach.'  Asa  h-aithli  seiw  ro  töcaib  Sir  Boos  in  corp 
etcr  a  dibh  lamhaib  7  ro  chuir  an  dillait  aw  sdeda  he,  7  ro  ataig 
for  an  sea/ioir  a  seolaf?/i  co  aroile  mai«ist?r  ecin  iwan  adlmaic- 
teclh  co?p  a  brathar.  Ispert  in  sewoir  triseom  boi  deirtech  hcc 
iwa  comfhoa^s  7  ba  tai[tt].  1) 


Translation. 

On  the  other  side  of  him  a  knight,  young  and  very  hand- 
some,  and  a  damsel,  fair  and  very  comely,  suffering  violence  at 
bis  hands  and  begging  Mary  to  help  her  and  preserve  her 
purity.  When  the  maiden  saw  Sir  Bors  going  past,  she  called 
and  cried  aloiid  to  him  to  come  to  her  aid  before  her  purity 
and  her  virginity  should  be  lost.  Then  was  Sir  Bors  between 
two  difflculties:  for  if  he  should  go  to  the  help  of  bis  brother, 
it  was  clear  to  him  that  he  would  not  find  the  maiden  with  her 
honor  unsullied;  and  if  he  should  go  first  to  the  maiden,  he  had 
fear  of  not  finding  Lionel  again  alive.  Sir  Bors  determined  to 
go  first  to  the  help  of  the  maiden,  and  he  began  to  pray  to  the 
Lord  fervently  that  Lionel  might  not  meet  death  before  he 
should  come  back  again  to  help  him.  Sir  Bors  spurred  bis 
horse  after  the  knight,  and  when  he  came  very  near  he  offered 
him  battle,  unless  he  would  leave  the  maiden.  The  knight 
turned  to  Sir  Bors,  and  released  the  maiden,  and  fought  with 
him;  and  not  long  did  they  remain  in  equal  combat,  for  Sir  Bors 
overcame  him  and  inflicted  deep,  incurable  wounds  upon  him,  so 
that  he  feil  from  bis  horse  and  lay  supine  beneath  it.  When 
the  maiden  was  rescued,  she  asked  Sir  Bors  to  take  her  to  the 
place  whence  she  had  been  brought,  Then  Sir  Bors  lifted  the 
maiden  upon  the  horse  of  the  wounded  knight,  and  they  left  the 
knight  bleediug  there,  and  proceeded  upon  the  maiden's  course; 
and  Bors  asked  news  of  the  maiden,  namely,  who  the  knight 
was  that  had  used  force  and  violence  upon  her.  'He  is  a  near 
kinsman  to  me',  said  the  damsel;  'and  if  he  had  accomplished 
the  deed  he  attempted,  five  hundred  knights  would  have  been 
slain  at  the  point  of  spear  and  sword  on  account  of  my  insult 
before  the  end  of  a  week,  and  dishonorable  death  would  have 
been  inflicted  on  him  himself,  and  bis  soul  would  have  gone  into 


')  Perhaps  taig-.    The  word  seems  to  be  incomplete. 


386  F.  N.  ROBINSON 


the  everlasting  pain  of  hell  forever.'  While  tliey  were  discoursing, 
tliey  saw  twelve  knights,  armed  and  equipped,  approaching  in 
pursuit  of  the  maiden  throngh  the  forest;  and  they  rejoiced 
greatly  at  the  siglit,  and  the  maiden  bade  them  show  honor  and 
carefnl  respect  to  Sir  Bors  becanse  of  the  help  that  he  had 
brought  her.  The  knights  did  this  as  heartily  as  they  could, 
and  they  begged  him  to  go  with  them  that  he  might  receive 
honor  and  care  at  their  hands,  and  that  they  might  pledge  their 
comradeship  and  alliance  to  him.  Sir  Bors  begged  them  to  give 
him  leave  to  depart,  for  he  did  not  wish  to  delay  long  before 
finding  that  which  he  was  seeking,  namely,  the  Holy  Grail. 
The  knights  granted  Sir  Bors  leave  to  go,  since  it  was  his  wish, 
and  they  gave  him  their  blessing;  and  the  maiden  begged  him 
to  come  to  see  her  again  wheuever  he  should  return  from  the 
Holy  Grail.  Sir  Bors  promised  her  this,  provided  that  he  should 
attain  his  purpose,  and  then  he  set  forth,  and  went  to  seek  his 
brother,  namely  Lionel;  and  he  began  to  look  about  him  in 
the  four  quarters  of  the  forest  to  learn  if  he  could  see  him;  and 
when  he  did  not  see  him,  he  began  to  listen  on  every  side  to 
see  if  he  could  hear  Sir  Lionel  being  hurt  and  disabled  in  any 
Corner  of  the  forest;  and  when  he  did  not  hear,  this  [was  his 
fearj,  that  he  should  never  get  news  of  him. 

Sir  Bors  went  on  his  way and  he  did  not  go 

f ar  before  he  saw  an  old  man [in  religious  guise  (?)] 

approaching  on  a  black  horse,  and  he  asked  news  of  Sir  Bors, 
namely,  what  [was  his  business  (?)]  and  whence  he  came.  He 
Said  that  he  was  Sir  Bors  of  the  French,  and  that  he  was 
seeking  his  brother,  Sir  Lionel,  because  he  had  not  long  since 
Seen  him  between  two  knights  who  were  wounding  and  disabling 
him,  Said  he.  '0,  Sir  Bors',  said  the  old  man,  'sorrow  and 
lamentation  are  not  fitting  for  thee,  for  it  is  despair  to  anyone 
if  he  grieves  for  the  losses  of  this  life,  since  it  is  fitting  for 
everyone  to  strive  to  endui^e  them  for  the  love  of  the  Lord. 
And  still  one  thing  more',  said  he,  'I  will  say  to  thee:  the  thing 
thou  art  seeking,  fi'om  me  thou  shalt  have  knowledge  of  it,  so 
that  it  shall  be  clear  to  thee  with  thy  bodily  eyes.'  When  Sir 
Bors  heard  these  answers,  it  was  clear  to  him  that  Sir  Lionel 
had  met  his  death,  and  the  greater  was  his  sorrow  and  his 
pitiable  anxiety  at  that  time  to  get  news  of  him,  and  he  was  a 
while  without  speech  and  without  strength(?)  for  fear  of  the 


FRAGMENTS   OF   AN   IßISH   ßOMANCE   OF   THE    HOLY   GRAIL.      387 

report,  WTien  at  last  he  recovered  speech,  Sir  Bors  begged  the 
old  man  to  sliow  him  liis  brotlier's  body,  if  dead  he  was,  in 
Order  that  he  might  biiry  him  with  honor  and  respect  as  befitted 
the  nobility  of  his  race  and  his  own  good  deserts.  'Look  yonder', 
Said  the  old  man,  'to  see  what  3^011  behold.'  Sir  Bors  looked, 
and  saw  a  dead  body  lying  prostrate  before  him,  freshly  wounded 
and  bleeding,  as  if  it  had  that  hoiir  met  death;  and  it  seemed 
to  Sir  Bors  that  Sir  Lionel's  form  was  upon  it,  Sorrow  and  grief 
again  came  npon  Sir  Bors  at  the  sight,  so  that  he  feil  in  a  faint 
and  a  death-swoon  npon  him,  and  for  a  long  time  he  lay  stretched 
on  the  gronnd  like  any  other  dead  body,  After  he  arose  from 
this  swoon  he  asked  the  old  man  who  had  killed  Sir  Lionel,  in 
Order  to  avenge  him,  and  he  did  not  teil  him.  Sir  Bors  began  to 
lament  greatly  for  his  brother,  and  it  is  this  that  he  said:  'Alas, 
Lionel,  dear  brother  and  beloved  companion,  it  was  sad  for  thee 
to  leave  me  alone,  for  thou  wert  my  defender  in  every  dangerous 
conflict,  and  thou  wert  my  faithful  protector  in  the  king's  Castles 
when  we  went  on  a  course  of  müitary  service  from  the  city  of 
Camelot  into  the  bouuds  of  a  stränge  race;  so  that  it  was  the 
parting  of  soul  from  body  to  me  to  be  separated  from  thee  so 
long  as  we  both  were  alive;  and  fi'om  the  day  when  thou  didst 
leave  me,  I  have  had  no  care  but  for  the  saving  of  my  soul 
from  this  time  forth!'  After  this  Sir  Bors  raised  the  body  in 
his  two  hands  and  laid  it  on  the  covering  of  the  horse,  and 
asked  the  old  man  to  direct  him  to  some  monastery  in  which 
he  might  bury  his  brother's  body.  The  old  man  told  him  there 
was  a  small  oratory  in  the  neighborhood,  and  there  was  — 

[Here  the  fi^agment  abruptly  ends  at  the  bottom  of  the 
page.] 


Second  Fragment. 

(page  1)  '—  [cin-]iudha  1)  doendai ;  7  is  e  rh  cran«  etoir 
tech  forsa  raibhe  ,i.  an  Sdegul  roboi  cen  crede/M  ein  riaghail 
ecalsa  riawn-gein  Ciist,  acht  sil  Adhaiw»  uile  ic  dul  an  ifern  a 
ciwaidh  a  siwwser,  ua?>  rop  iat-seiw  na  h-eoi«  marbha  co  ro  doirt 


^)  The  bracketed  letters  probably  stood  on  the  previous  page.  The 
Word,  which  Nettlau  restored,  is  made  practically  certain  by  the  recurrence 
of  in  ciniudh  doendai  below  on  page  388. 


388  F.  N.  ROBINSON, 

in  t-en  uasal  .i.  Isu  Ciist,  a  fhuil  isin  croich  cesta  dia  taith- 
beodhadh,  uair  atbathatar  a  n-Adham  tri  remius  cliöic  n-aimser 
cösin.  Occus  ro  taispen  duit-si  isin  cruüi-siw  he  fem  ar  daigh 
nach  beatli  graiii  na  adhuatli  ocat-sa  tri  fiilang  bais  7  trebhlaiti 
dar  a  cenw-som,  ama?  ro  fliulai«g-sei?*  dar  do  cenw-sa.  Occus 
asa  li-aithli-seiw  ro  slieol  tu  SLirmb  i  m-hoi  in  righan  6c  ica  raibi 
riglie  Amans  1)  ica  buain  ar  ecin  di  icon  t-senrigliain.  Is  i  righan 
oc  tuicther  iwdsin  ica  h-iwdarbadh  icoti  t-senrigaiw  i.  in  eclais 
noeb  fil  ica  h-iwghreim  do  grcs.  Occus  fos  is  i  an  t-senrighaw 
j.  in  senrecht  ro  boi  isin  domhaw  ria  n-gein  Crist,  uair  atä-seiw 
cech  lai  ic  tortdinilugudJi  forsan  n-ec\ais  noib  cowid  am-seiw  ro 
fhöidh  in  coiwidhis'^)  tusa  do  cathach«(Z/i  dar  cenw  na  h-ecalsa 
do  gres.  Occus  ro  accaiw  in  righan  oc  fWt-sa  in  anforlanw  ro- 
Mmredh  fuirri  7  ro  gabais  do  laim  a  cobair  7  a  turtacht  amaZ 
badh  accmaiwg  duit;  7  is  Rmhiaidh  taijäc  cucat  fös  an  erradh 
dorchai  i.  i  fhigair  ciim/«adh  7  tuirsi.  Is  d^mlaidh  sin  bis  an 
eclas  CO  w-bron  7  accaiwe  n-de/-mair  ic  cuiwgidh  dighla  do  gres 
tor  lucht  a  saraighthi,  uair  is  clanw  spfmtallai  dow  ecla/5  noib 
in  ciwuidh  doendai  uili  cen  co-p  anoir  7  airmitiu  mathar  doberat 
di.  Eogabh  baigh  7  coiwwircle  tu-sa  trisin  righai«  oig  la  met 
in  amfhorlaiww  ro  h-iwtredh  iurri.  Is  3im\aidJi-sin  atäi  fWsin 
n-ec\ais,  ua^>  cech  ecen  7  cech  docco>wa?7  itchi  fwrre  is  erla»i 
tu-sa  dia  cobaw',  a  Sir  Boos',  ol  in  t-ap. 

'An  da  en  itc/iowdarcais  fos  isiw  aisliwgi',  olse,  'ata  ni  aile 
is  coir  do  tucsin  estib.  An  t-en  dubh  cetus  ro  raidh  frit,  ciar 
bo  sohis  taitnemac/i  dellrad  in  eoin  aile  nir  ba  h-uaisle  a  gnimhsi 
oldaat  a  gniiwa  uadei«;  is  e-seiw  Isu  Crist,  imir  ciar  bo  bocht 
dereoil  a  sheta  isi«  bith  freccnavVcc  i  tus,  is  lethan  7  is  tair- 
siuiig^)  iat  fadeoigh  i  fhlaithes  mmhea.  i  n-oentaidh  na  noeb  tnn- 
woiti,  Athar  7  maic  7  Sp/ruta  Noib.  Occus  fos',  olse,  'ciar  bo 
dereoil  iwisel  nech  isiw  t-saegwZ,  bidh  moiti  a  anoir  7  a  airmitiu 
illeth  iri  Dia.    Is  e  in  t-en  gel  taiwic  cucat  fos',  ol  in  t-ap,  'i 


1)  Cf.  the  French:  'la  dame  a  qui  li  rois  amans  auoit  baillie  sa  terre 
a  garder'.    The  name  in  Malory  is  'King  Aniaus'. 

^)  Read  coimdhiii  or  coimdhid?    Or  perhaps  eoimsid? 

3)  There  seems  to  be  a  reminiscence  of  scriptural  language  here.  Cf. 
Atkinson,  Fassions  and  Homilics,  p.  152:  'Is  ac  aisneis  in  t-seta-siu  atberar 
is-in  scriptüir:  is  lethan  7  is  fairsiung  in  set  iduaices  na  heccraibdechu  cos-in 
malairt  7  cus-in  etarthuitinim  siithain,  cnmung  imono  set  na  bethad  doenna 
i  comalliud  thimna  De'. 


FRAGMENTS    OF    AN    IRISH   ROMANCE    ÖF    THE    IIOLY    GRAIL.      389 

cosmailes  iilcliobcliaiw,0  .i,  diablial,  ua?V  cid  solus  taitnemac/i  in 
t-ulchobclia«  dow  leitli  amuigh,  is  dublia  a  g-linima  7  a  oihrigthi 
don  leitli  astigh;  cowidli  Sitnlaid  seiw  bit  \uchi  in  thusircrabaidh 
bis"'^)  ic  cniwgidh  (page  2)  a  molta  0  dliainibh  ua?r  ni  dle^fait 
fiacli  0  Dia  0  nach  do  doniat  a  ssethar.  Occws  in  äiaJoul  itcon- 
darcais  isiw  aidchi,  is  e'^)  dorala  fWt  isin  lo  i  fhigair  crdbaidh 
i  cosmailes  fir  aw  fhusircrabaidh,  7  ro  dewmigli  duit  bas  do 
bratliar  .i,  Sir  Liiüwel;  7  ba  b>-ec  do-suwj  sin  ua/r  mamd  sein 
beos;  acht  rop  äil  la  diabtfZ  do  brecad-sa  a  micreäemh  7  a  n-der- 
caiwe,  7  ro  erail  fort  doridliisi  f aiesef/aiw  *)  trisiii  righaiw  itru- 
bramar  tuasana,  7  dia  flia?M?tlia-su  in  gnim-sain  no  raghadh  in 
soiäech  noib  dit  cen  faicsin  tna  bithu,  a  Sir  Boos',  ol  in  t-ap, 
'y  0  nach  dernais  eim,  is  ed  is  erdalta  duit,  beitli  tor  burd  in 
t-soidec/i  iioih  ic  caitew»  na  fledhi  ro  tliuiretar  (?)  do  shobesa  7 
do  chaiwgnima  fein  duit  i  cui»aidli  na  rid?Vedli  n-uasal  aile,  i. 
Sir  Galaad  7  Sir  Versaual  7  rl  — .' 

'An  aisling  aile  itcowdarcais ',  ol  in  t-ap,  'fogeba  a  fis 
aniai  cech  ni  aile.  An  aimhidlie  galair^)  itcowdarcais  cen  nert 
cen  Qwmachtdi,  is  e-sei«  Sir  Liuinel,  uair  ata  din  iwiat  a  peccacZ/t 
7  a  dualach  co  ro  h-ellnigedh  7  co  ro  irudÄWedh  lie  inwtib,  co 
nach  coewnaca?>  faisiti  na  aithrige  do  denaw^  do  chuinghid 
dilguda  0  Dia.  Ocms  in  da  hüb  uaisle  itc/wwdarcais  i  n-iw*fo?TUw 
fWa  aroile,  it  iat-sin  iw  rid/re  oc  7  in  maigdiwe^)  dorala  f/7t-sa; 


*)  This  departs  from  both  Malory  and  the  Roxburghe  French  text,  which 
describe  the  bird  as  a  swan:  'ki  t'aparut  en  samblanche  de  cWsne'  (p.  167). 
So  also  the  Welsh:  'yr  alarch'. 

2)  bis  is  inserted  above  the  line. 

^)  is  e  is  inserted  above  the  line. 

*)  The  translation  is  not  literal  here.  I  am  not  sure  whether  faiesedain 
can  mean  'resting,  staying,  abiding'  (cf.  O'Reilly's  foisite),  or  is  rather  to 
be  taken  as  the  familiär  foisitiu,  '  confession '.  The  earlier  episode,  if  we  had 
it  in  its  Irish  form,  would  probably  make  the  passage  clearer.  The  Roxburghe 
French  text  reads:  'mais  il  le  dist  ponr  che  qu'il  te  vaut  faire  entendre  a 
folie  et  a  luxure'. 

')  The  Irish  seems  to  differ  here  from  the  French,  the  Welsh,  and  the 
Morte  Darthur.  The  French  has:  'Si  comüent  que  iou  te  deuise  la  sene- 
fianche  del  fust  pouri  et  des  flours'.  The  Welsh,  similarly:  'Y  prenn  coch 
drewyedic'.  Malory  reads:  'Also  the  drye  tree  and  the  whyte  lylye,  the  drye 
tree  betokeneth  thy  brother  Sir  Lionell'.  Just  before  this  Malory's  version 
speaks  of  a  'Third  fonle',  which  'betokeneth  the  strong  bataille  against  the 
faire  ladies  which  were  all  divels'.  This  does  not  appear  in  any  of  the 
other  three. 

^)  Eead  maigden? 


390  F,  N.  ROBINSON, 

7  is  ed  ba  h-ail  do  luib  dib  a  blath  7  a  deWradh  de  biiam  den 
hüb  alle,  is  Simlaidh-sin  ba  li-ail  dow  rid^re  6c  sin  blath  7  deWradh 
na  h-oghdhac/t^a  robui  torsin  maighdiw  do  buai«  di;  7  amal  ro 
thesairc  bi  senoir  noeb  itrubramar  in  da  luib  tor  araile,  7  roleic 
in  aiwmide  n-gala?V  cen  tarr«cÄ^ain,  7  ro  räidh  fW^sa  cöwdernta 
aithgiw  iw  neith  doroiwe  cipe  tan  no  tecmudh  trit  amal  dorala 
do-sowj.  Doronais-si  d^mlaidh  sin  in  tan  itcowdarcais  Sir  Liuinel 
ica  malairt  icon  dis  rid?re  7  in  maig'dew  ica  saracht(c//i  icon  rid^Ve; 
is  a  VcmriacM  na  maigdi?ze  do  dechaf7ais-si  ior  ins,  ua?>  ro  der- 
maitis  do  gradh  nfl(?«ra')  for  aw  n-grad  sp?Vutalla  ro  boi  ocut 
do  Dia.  Nir  bo  comxin  cen  cuittechaf?/i2)  sin,  uafr  ro  shaer  Dia 
Sir  Liuiwel  0  bäs  7  ro  marbait  na  rid^Vedha  ro  fuapa?>  a  marbadh, 
7  is  ioWus  avVe-sin  cipe  leces  a  turtacht  7  a  cobha?V  illeith  in 
coiwidedh  tein  amaZ  doratuis-si  tseb  [fn  Dia]  d-hirtacht  Sir  Liuiwel, 
conid.  erlam  he  fei«  tri  foiridhiw  cech  doccamhuil  7  cech  iwgrema 
lecar  na  leith;  7  ro  iw^tigh  Sir  Liuiwel  iarsi«  andega^dA  a^) 
cwidechtsi  .i.  teglacÄ  ciwg  Artur  tor  eoch  ridwi  dowa  ridmbh  ro 
fhuapa/r  a  mhala?Vt,  7  ni  ciaw  fos  co  tecew?a  fnt-sa  he,  a  Sir 
Boos',  ol  in  t-ap.  'Occus  fos',  ol-se,  'is  e  iw  toradh  itcowdarcais 
ic  fas  forsna  luibibh  uaisli  sin  A.  an  slicÄ^  socenelacA  genfes 
tor  leith  on  ridin  7  on  maighdiw  sin,  uair  bid  iwida  ridire  croda 
7  daeiwi  ssera  socewelcha  genfes  uadha  dibliwaib.  0ccw5  mani 
badh  in  edrai«  doratais-si  forru  no  tn<aillfithi  iat  arsew  im 
an  ogMacJd  [. . .  ni]  iiadh  huidech  Dia  dib  7  ni  biadh  sil  na 
comarbadha  dilsi  dia  n-es,  7  ropad  if[irn  . . .]  a  cnch  deghinec/^ 
Is  ari-sin  tuicmit-ne  cowid  m?er  diles  Isu  Cr  ist  tu-sa..  uair  dia 
m-bad  rid/re  talmawdai  tu  is  e  in  grad  nadura^)  ro  cuiwmechta, 
7  is  e  do  bratha'<>  no  turtachtaigMÜiea.' 


Translation. 

' —  [the  races]  of  men;  and  this  is  the  harren  tree  upon 
which  it  was,  namely,  the  world  that  was  without  faith  and 

*)  nadura  (or  perhaps  nadurdha,  adj.)  is  a  conjecture.    The  MS.  has   ^ 

in  both  instances  when  the  phrase  occurs.     The  French  text  has:  'et  meistes 
a  redos  toute  natural  amour  pour  l'amour  de  ihesu  crist'. 

")  Is  this  a  proverbial  ßxpression? 

*)  The  MS.  appears  to  have  u. 

♦)  MS.  *   as  above. 


FBAGMENTS    OF    AN   lEISH    EOMANCE    OF   THE    HOLY    GEAIL.      391 

without  rille  of  cliurch  before  tlie  birtli  of  Christ,  biit  the  whole 
race  of  Adam  going  to  hell  on  accoimt  of  its  ancestors;  for  the 
birds  were  dead  until  the  noble  bird,  namely  Jesus  Christ,  shed 
his  blood  on  the  cross  of  suffering  to  revive  them,  for  they  had 
died  in  Adam  for  the  space  of  five  ages  up  to  that  time.  And 
he  revealed  himself  to  thee  in  that  form  in  order  that  thou 
shouldst  have  no  fear  or  terror  at  enduring  death  and  tribulation 
for  his  sake,  as  he  endured  them  for  thy  sake.  And  after  this 
thou  didst  go  to  the  place  where  the  young  queen  was  who  held 
the  kingdom  of  Amans  and  from  whom  it  was  being  violently 
taken  away  by  the  old  queen.  By  the  young  queen,  whom  the 
old  queen  attacked,  is  meant  the  holy  church,  which  is  perse- 
cuted  ever.  And  furthermore,  this  is  the  old  queen,  namely  the 
old  law  which  was  in  the  world  before  the  birth  of  Christ;  for 
it  is  every  day  attacking  the  holy  church,  so  that  on  this 
account  the  Lord  sent  thee  to  fight  ever  on  behalf  of  the  church. 
And  the  young  queen  complained  to  thee  of  the  violence  that 
was  used  against  her,  and  thou  didst  lift  thy  band  in  aid  and 
succor  as  was  fitting  for  thee.  And  again  it  is  thus  that  she 
came  to  thee  in  dark  clothing,  that  is,  in  the  guise  of  grief  and 
sorrow.  In  the  same  way  the  church  with  sorrow  and  great 
complaint  is  ever  asking  revenge  upon  the  people  who  insult 
her,  for  the  whole  human  race  are  her  spiritual  children,  but 
without  paying  her  the  respect  and  honor  of  a  mother.  Thou 
didst  take  up  battle  and  combat  for  the  young  queen  pro- 
portioned  to  the  force  that  was  brought  against  her.  It  is  thus 
that  thou  art  on  the  side  of  the  church;  for  [in]  every  need  and 
every  danger  that  thou  seest  come  upon  her,  thou  art  ready  to 
aid  her,  o  Sir  Bors',  said  the  Abbot. 

'The  two  birds,  furthermore,  whom  thou  didst  see  in  the 
Vision',  said  he,  Hhere  is  something  eise  to  be  understood  by 
them.  The  black  bii^d  who  spoke  to  thee  fii'st,  though  bright 
and  shining  the  splendor  of  the  other  bird,  not  nobler  were  its 
deeds  than  the  deeds  [of  the  first];  this  (i.  e.  the  black  bird)  is 
Jesus  Christ,  for  though  poor  and  weak  are  his  ways  here  in 
this  present  world,  they  are  broad  and  spacious  at  last  in  the 
kingdom  of  heaven  in  the  imity  of  the  Holy  Trinity,  Father, 
Son  and  Holy  Gliost.  And  furthermore',  said  he,  'though  any- 
one  be  weak  and  humble  in  this  world,  the  greater  shall  be  his 
honor  and  regard  with  God  forever.    The  white  bird,  moreover, 


392  r.  N.  KOBINSON, 

wlio  canie  to  tliee  in  tlie  form  of  in  owl',  said  the  Abbot',  is 
the  Devil;  for  though  the  owl  is  ontwardly  bright  and  shining, 
Inwardly  its  deeds  and  works  are  dark;  and  such  are  the  hj^po- 
crites  who  seek  praise  from  men,  for  they  deserve  no  reward 
from  God,  since  it  is  not  for  him  that  they  do  their  work.  And 
the  devil  whom  thou  didst  see  in  the  night,  it  is  he  who  came 
to  thee  in  the  day  in  the  guise  of  religion  in  the  form  of  a 
man  of  hypocrisj^,  and  announced  to  thee  the  death  of  Sir  Lionel, 
thy  brother;  and  that  was  a  lie  for  him,  for  he  [i.  e.  Lionel]  is 
still  alive;  bnt  it  pleased  the  devil  to  deceive  thee  into  unbelief 
and  despair,  and  he  enjoined  it  upon  thee  to  return  to  the  queen 
of  whom  we  spoke  above,  and  if  thou  hadst  undertaken  this 
deed  the  Holy  Grail  would  have  departed  from  thee  without 
ever  being  seen,  0  Sir  Bors',  said  the  Abbot;  'and  since  thou 
didst  not,  truly  it  is  destined  for  thee  to  be  at  the  board  of 
the  Holy  Grail,  eating  the  feast  which  thy  virtues  and  fair 
deeds  obtain(?)  for  thee,  along  with  the  other  noble  knights, 
Sir  Galahad,  Sir  Percival,  etc. 

'The  other  vision  thou  didst  see',  said  the  Abbot,  'thou 
shalt  have  knowledge  of  it  as  of  everything  eise.  The  sick 
beast  that  thou  didst  see  without  force,  without  strength,  this 
is  Sir  Lionel;  for  it  is  from  the  number  of  his  sins  and  his  vices 
that  he  has  been  corrupted  and  defiled,  so  that  he  cannot  make 
confession  or  repent  in  Order  to  beg  forgiveness  of  God.  And 
the  two  noble  flowers  that  thou  sawest  striving  with  each  other, 
these  are  the  young  knight  and  the  maiden  who  came  to  thee; 
and  [asj  it  was  the  desire  of  one  of  the  flowers  to  take  away 
the  blossom  and  the  beauty  from  the  other,  just  so  it  was  the 
desire  of  the  young  knight  to  taken  away  the  flower  and  beauty 
of  virginity  that  was  upon  the  maiden.  And  just  as  the  holy 
old  man  rescued  the  two  flowers  from  each  other,  and  left  the 
sick  beast  without  attention,  and  told  thee  that  thou  shouldst 
Imitate  what  he  had  done  whenever  it  should  happen  to  thee 
as  it  had  come  to  him;  likewise  didst  thou  when  thou  sawest 
Sir  Lionel  ill-treated  by  the  two  knights  and  the  maiden  insulted 
by  the  knight:  first  thou  didst  go  to  the  help  of  the  maiden, 
for  thou  didst  forget  thy  natural  (?)  love  because  of  the  spiritual 
love  that  was  in  thee  for  God.  That  was  not  a  favor  without 
return,  for  God  saved  Sir  Lionel  fi'om  death,  and  the  two  knights 
were  killed  who  sought  to  kill  him,  and  it  is  clear  from  this  that 


FEAGMENTS    OF   AN    lElSH    ROMANCE    OF   THE   HOLT   GKAIL.      393 

if  anyone  [lit.  whoever]  commits  liis  aid  and  help  to  the  Lord  him- 
self,  as  tliou  didst  depend  [on  God]  to  lielp  Sir  Lionel,  He  liimself 
is  ready  to  help  [in]  every  trouble  and  difflculty  that  is  com- 
mitted  to  Hirn.  And  Sir  Lionel  proceeded  then  after  his  Company, 
namely,  the  honsehold  of  King-  Arthur,  upon  the  horse  of  one 
of  the  knights  who  had  tried  to  disable  him,  and  it  will  not  be 
long  before  he  will  meet  thee,  0  Sir  Bors',  said  the  Abbot. 
'And  fiirthermore ',  said  he,  'this  is  the  fruit  thou  didst  see 
growing  upon  those  noble  plants,  namely,  the  gentle  off  spring 
that  shall  be  born  from  the  knight  and  the  maiden,  for  there 
shall  be  many  bold  knights  and  fi^ee,  noble  men  who  shall  spring 
fi'om  them  both.  And  if  it  had  not  been  for  the  Separation 
which  thou  didst  make  between  them,  thou  wouldst  have  deprived 
them  both  at  once  of  their  purity  [. . .  and  (?)]  God  would  [not] 
have  been  pleased  with  them,  and  there  would  be  no  seed  or 
beloved  heirs  after  them,  and  [hell  would  be]  theii^  last  abode. 
It  is  from  this  that  we  understand  that  thou  art  a  beloved 
Steward  of  Jesus  Christ,  for  if  thou  wert  an  earthly  knight,  it 
is  natural  (?)  love  that  thou  wouldst  have  remembered,  and  it 
is  thy  brother  thou  wouldst  save.' 

Harvard  University.  F.  N.  Robinson. 


THE  VISION  OF  MERLINO. 


The  following'  curious  eschatological  allegory  is  an  example 
of  a  type  of  stories  populär  in  the  Midclle  Ages,  of  which  — 
leaving-  out  tlie  literary  form  in  wliicli  tlie  genius  of  Dante  lias 
clotlied  tlie  motive  —  the  best  known  examples  are  the  Visio 
Sancti  Pauli,  Saint  Patrich's  Purgatory,  and  the  Visions  of 
Tundal,  of  Thurkill,  and  of  the  Monk  of  Eynsham.  The  Irish 
Ecclesiastics  seem  to  have  had  a  special  penchant  for  this  genre 
of  fable,  as  is  attested  by  the  popularity  among  them  of  such 
pieces  as  the  Fis  Ädamndin  and  the  Porgadöir  Patraic:  a  popu- 
larity shared  by  the  present  tale,  to  judge  by  the  number  of 
MSS.  good,  bad,  and  indifferent  —  principally  indifferent  —  which 
I  found  available. 

The  immediate  origin  of  the  present  tale  is  not  known  to 
me.  From  thh  names  occurring  in  its  course  it  would  appear  to 
have  had  an  Italian  source ;  and  we  may  perhaps  hazard  a  guess 
that  the  hero  is  simply  a  distortion  of  Merlin,  Merlin's  name 
was  well -known  in  Italy  in  the  Middle  Ages:  and  he  is  some- 
times  associated  with  Vergil,  who  of  course  is  Dante's  cicerone 
under  similar  circumstances.  Thus  he  appears  (under  the  name 
'Milino')  as  a  pupil  of  Vergil  in  Aliprandina,  a  Mantuan  Chro- 
nicle  written  about  1414  by  Bonamenti  Aliprandi  (see  Muratori, 
Äntiquitates  Italicae  Medii  Äevi  V.  1078).  Vergil  sends  for  his 
magic  book 

' —  uno  discepolo  vdlente 

che  Milino  per  nome  si  dicesse  — ' 

and  in  the  English  edition  of  the  Seven  Sages  Merlin  is  substituted 
for  Vergil  in  the  Emperor's  reply  to  the  Fourth  Sage;  where 


THE  VISION  ÖF  MERLINO.  395 

tlie  stories  of  the  Are  and  mirrors,  attributed  to  Vergil  in  other 
western  recensions,  are  ascribed  to  Merlin.  Unless  the  name 
Verino  be  some  sort  of  corruption  of  Vergil  —  whicli  seems  un- 
likely  —  I  liave  been  unable  to  trace  the  other  characters;  nor 
do  the  incidents,  apart  from  their  general  character,  compare 
exactly  with  those  in  similar  stories.  [The  notion  that  the  view 
of  Paradise  is  tlie  worst  tornient  of  Hell  reappears  in  a  French 
Metrical  Version  of  the  Visio  S.  Pauli  (B.  M.  Add.  15,  606)]. 
The  framework  of  the  present  story  is  very  simple.  Merlino 
is  introduced  as  a  malefactor  wlio  is  desirous  of  testing  the 
truth  of  a  sermon  he  has  accidentally  heard  upon  the  future 
States.  By  a  device  not  wanting  in  ingennity  he  is  transported 
through  a  door  which  be  tliinks  will  lead  him  to  a  Castle  that 
he  wishes  to  phmder,  but  which  really  conducts  him  to  an  In- 
ferno luridly  described  with  all  the  wealth  of  a  perfervid  Celtic 
imagination.  The  penalties  attached  to  the  seven  deadly  sins 
are  set  forth  in  detail.  Of  some  interest  in  tliis  portion  of  the 
Story  is  the  Interpolation  of  metrical  stanzas  in  order  to  make 
the  tale  conform  to  the  common  method  of  Irish  romancers.  It 
will  be  noticed  that  a  different  device  for  bringing  in  the  stanza 
is  employed  on  each  occasion,  though  the  anthor  was  rather 
'hard  put  to  it'  for  novelty  when  he  was  obliged  to  make  the 
lost  souls  carry  '  books '  containing  the  verses  applying  to  them ! 
After  some  trivial  details  concerning  the  subdivisions  and 
government  of  Inferno,  patientlj'  set  forth  in  detail  by  the 
Heavenly  Guide  in  answer  to  Merlino's  questioning,  the  latter 
is  conducted  to  Purgatory  and  thence  to  Heaven,  after  which 
the  story  ends  as  a  matter  of  course  with  the  return  of  Mer- 
lino to  earth  and  with  bis  conversion  from  his  former  sinful  ways. 
To  the  Student  of  Celtic  Folklore  this  story  offers  some 
points  of  especial  interest.  The  words  6  chianaihh,  for  example 
(§  VIII)  imply  one  of  those  mysterious  lapses  of  time  to  which 
we  are  accustomed  in  reading  romances  dealing  with  the  Other- 
world.  Noteworthy  also  is  the  touch  tabu  (§  XXVIII)  which  is 
very  common  in  folk-stories :  as  the  first  parallel  instance  that 
comes  to  band  I  may  refer  to  the  Scottish  story  An  Long  a 
cliaidh  do  dW America  (Macinnes  and  Nutt,  'Waifs  and  Strays' 
vol.  n,  pp.  176-7,  end  of  first  paragraph).  The  Vision  of  Heaven 
is  a  charming  description  of  a  Land  of  Pleasui^e,  partly  adapted 
from  the  Apocalypse,  but  in  many  details  apparently  reminiscent 


396  R.  A.  STEWART   MACALISTER, 

of  tlie  ancient  Dreamlands  of  Celtic  legend  witli  wliich  Mr.  Nutt 
has  made  us  all  familiär. 

The  foUowing  is  a  list  of  tlie  MSS.  I  have  coUated  or 
examiued : 

A.  In  my  own  collection,  26  pp.  8  ins.  x  6  ins.,  a  fragment 
of  a  larger  volnme  (paged  191—216),  written  by  a  man  calling 
himself  Seon  mac  Solaidhe  at  Stackallen,  Co.  Meatli,  in  the  year 
1718.  Tliis  is  tlie  best  and  oldest  MS.  known  to  me,  and  I 
have  used  it  as  a  Standard  text.  The  variations  of  the  other 
MSS.,  verbal  and  otherwise,  are  complex  and  almost  bewildering, 
as  will  appear  by  the  variae  lecfiones  detailed  in  the  footnotes. 

B.  (R.  I.  A.  23  A  45).  A  thin  MS.,  6  x  73/4  ins.  written  by 
one  Maurice  McGorman,  1745.  Contents;  entirely  verse  except 
the  present  tale. 

C.  (R.  I.  A.  23L24).  A  fine  MS.,  577  pp.,  73/4x61/4  ins. 
written  by  Diarmuid  0  Mulchaoinne,  1766,  Contents;  Bruighean 
Charthuinn,  Eachtra  Thaidhg  Dhuibh,  Saints'  lives,  Ecclesiastical 
matter,  Patrick's  Purgatory,  Battle  of  Ventry,  Miscellaneous 
Verse. 

D.  (R.  LA.  23  C  5).  A  fragment,  71/4x51/2  written  by 
John  O'Connel,  1767.  The  opening  is  lost  down  to  an  hhfuü  a 
fhios  agat,  §  XV.  Contents;  Religious  texts,  Womeu's  Parlianieut, 
Life  of  Fionän,  &c.    'Merlino'  occupies  the  present  first  15  pp. 

E.  (R.  I.  A.  23  L  29).  Fragments  of  a  book  written  in 
different  hands,  73/4  X6V4  ins.  Date  1796.  A  good  MS.,  but 
in  a  crabbed  hand  füll  of  contractions.  'Merlino'  occupies 
pp.  247—256. 

F.  (R.  L  A.  23L  12).  An  excellent  MS.  318  pp.,  7>/2x5V-2  ins. 
Written  by  Patrick  Den  of  Modeligo,  1800.  Contents;  mostly 
religious  prose.    '  Merlino '  occupies  pp.  226 — 253. 

G.  (R.  L  A.  23  M  21).  A  fragment  of  96  pp.,  8x6  ins., 
written  by  Seumas  0  Glosainn,  1801.  Contents;  Battle  of 
Ventry,  Life  of  St.  Margaret,  and  some  verse.  'Merlino'  occupies 
pp.  71—86. 

H.  (R.  I.  A.  23  Q  18).  A  collection  of  fragments  bound 
together,  in  all  making  422  pp.  of  MS.  12x1772  ins.  Written 
by  Eanionn  0  h-OrrocJwdJi,  1817.  Contents;  Toirdealbach  mac 
Stairn,  Ossianic  Verse,  Rann  na  muc,  &c.  'Merlino'  occupies 
pp.  253 — 268.  This  copy  shares  many  peculiarities  with  B,  and 
is  clearly  not  independent  of  that  MS. 


THE   VISION   OF   MERLTNO.  397 

K.  (E.  I.  A.  23  B  8).  A  poor  MS.  of  about  100  pp.,  7x5'/2  ins., 
written  by  Patrkk  o  Donaich,  1821.  Contents:  Colloquy  of  Soul 
and  Body,  otlier  verse,  and  Englisli  translation  of  Laoidh  an  Seiig. 

L.  (R.  I.  A.  23K17).  A  MS.  of  144  pp.,  7x5V2  ins., 
written  by  Michedl  o  hOunreachdine,  1830.  Contents:  Laoidh 
na  mnd  möire,  Prose  Version  of  Battle  of  Gabhra,  Battle  of 
Ventry,  and  miscellaneous  verse.  This  text  is  füll  of  peculiar 
reading-s  and  interpolations,  and  tlie  ortliography  is  very  bad. 

M.  (R.  I.  A.  23  A  44).  A  MS.  of  about  320  pp.,  irregulaiiy 
numbered,  6x8  ins.:  some  blank.  Written  by  William  na 
hÄbhan  in  Tipperary,  1857,  after  an  example  of  Owen  Clooney 
of  Limerick.    Contents:  Saints'  lives  and  religious  matter. 

N.  (R.  I.  A.  23M41).  MS.  of  70  pp.,  8x51/2  ins.,  several 
blank.  No  date,  probably  early  19tli  Century.  Contents;  mostly 
religious.  'Merlino'  occupies  pp,  25 — 39.  The  end  of  'Merlino' 
is  lost;  tlie  MS.  breaks  off  at  tlie  words  ' gan  crioch  gan  foir- 
chionn  oir'  in  §  XXV. 

P.  (R.  I.  A.  23B  25).  A  neat  MS.  of  84  pp.,  7x6  ins., 
the  first  six  lost.  Contents;  mostl}^  religious  prose  and  verse. 
'Merlino'  is  here  a  fragment  beginning  with  cMm  anois  go 
ccaitlife  §  XII. 

Q.  (B.  M.  Eg.  140)  a  badly  written  and  almost  wortliless 
abstract  of  the  story. 

I  had  not  time  in  Dublin  to  collate  verbally  all  the  MSS. 
of  the  story :  I  had  to  content  myself  with  simply  reading  through 
the  versions  in  C,  D,  E,  F,  M,  P,  and  noting  the  more  important 
variants.  I  have  however  compared  B,  G,  H,  K,  L,  Q,  which 
happened  to  be  the  MSS.  I  examined  first,  word  for  word  with  A. 
The  variants  which  simply  consist  of  unimportant  transpositions 
of  the  words  of  a  sentence,  misspellings,  Omission  of  the  particles 
do,  ro,  &c.  the  use  of  the  analytic  for  the  synthetic  conjugation, 
and  obvious  scribes'  blunders  are  not  noticed  in  the  lists  of 
variae  lectiones;  to  detail  these  would  occupy  much  Space  that 
the  editors  of  the  Zeitschrift  could  more  profltably  All  with  other 
matter.  I  may  mention  that  in  the  first  draft  of  this  edition 
I  had  a  register  of  fifty  places  where  variants  occurred  in  section  I. 
By  leaving  out  trivialities  this  has  been  reduced  to  twenty-seven. 
I  have  so  far  as  possible  introduced  uniformity  in  the  orthography 
except  in  the  citations  fi^om  L,  the  eccentric  spelling  of  which  I 
have  thought  worth  preserving  as  a  general  rule. 

Zeitschrift  f.  oelt.  Philologie  IV.  26 


ß.  A.  STEWART  MACALISTER, 


The  Yision  of  Merlino. 

I.  ')Do  bhi  2)feacht'')  3)ii-aon  'na  chömlmaidhe^)  i  rioghacM 
na  Bohemiai)  duine  4)airig'htlie4)  dar  bliudh  chömhainm  Merlino 
*)Malig-no4):  agus  s)6)is  amhlaidh  do  blii  an  ')t-öglacli')  sin,  'n  a 
6)dhiiine  mhillteach  mhallaig'htlie:  öir  ni  raibh  cadhas  aige  ^)i^) 
gcill  no  *)i^)  dtuaitli,  s)i^)  gcaraidh  no  ^)i^)  nämliaid;  acht  ag 
slad  's  ag**)  marbhadh  daoine  ar  a  leapacliaibh,  agns  ag  deanamh 
gacha  uilc  'o)u)agus  gacha  urchoidhe'")  i2)bndh  measa^^)  d'a  mb' 
fheidir  le  duine  no  le  diablial  do  thionsgnamh  '3)  na  srnuaineadh^^); 
mar  an  gceadna,  do  chuir  a  ionad  cömhnuightlieacli  i^^agus  a 
phalas  i^)peacamhaip5^  i  bhfad  6  dliaoinibh,  ^^)6  chaitreamh  agus 
ö  chomhluadhar  i')gacha  aoin;  eadhon,  i4)'6)i'^)i  is^ndiamhairi^) 
coillte  i^)m6inte  curraighthe'^):  20)  ionnus  nach  raibh  cumus  ag 
lucht  stiurtha  dlighe  Dhe  no  an  tsaoghail  ar^i)  chomhairle  do 
thabhairt  dho,  no  fos  2i)smacht2i)22)  arbith22)  do  chuir  23)air  de 
thaobh  a  ghniomhartha-»):  mar  do  chongaibh  e  fein  24)  go  laith- 
eamhair-4)  Insna  h-ionadhaibh  uaighneacha25)  26)allta26)  reimh- 
raidthe2')  i  bhfad  6  na  h-uile  sheort  dhaoine.27) 

II.  Tharla  do28)  'n  duine  2i>)nrchöidheach2!^)  so  go  raibh  [se]2s) 
3o)uair  äirighthe3o)  ar  3i)siubhal3>),  32)(i'iarradh32)33)  uilc  agus 33) 
dibheirge  do  dheanamh^i).  '-^-'jgo  tharla  e^^)  [  nieasg  aite'*-^)  iona^«) 
raibh  poball  mor  daoine  si^cruinn''"),  do  bhi  ag  eisteacht  re 
seamnöir  do  bhi  ag  diadhaire  agus  ag  duine  ro-naomhtha  d'a 
dheanamh  ■^*)  doibh  3^).  Agus  ar  dteacht  i  measg  39)  an  coimh- 
thionöils*^)  dhö,  nior  leig  ■lo^a«)  näire  dhö  an  tseanmöir  do 
sheadhnadh;  agus  fös  d'eagla  4i)aithne  de^^)  bhreith  air,  no  go 
mbeartaoi  do  lathair  an  dlighe  ^2)  e;  agus  ar  na  hadhbhraibh 
sin,  agus  ni  de  ghrädh  breithre  De  *'^)A.o  chlos,^3)  ^q  leig  ar  a 


I.  1)  Leigtear  ar,  Q.  -)  athach  GK.  =*)  anaill  BH.  *)  om.  L. 
*)  ar  aingioll  no  sprid  eolais  do  thaisbean  radharc  Iffrinii,  Porgadoir,  agus 
Parrthais  dho.  Do  bhi  an  fear  so  'na  chömhmiidhe  i  rioghacht  na  Boheraia, 
agus  added  Q.  «)  bo,  L.  ')  fear,  B.  «)  do,  BH.  »)  buadh[r]aigheacht, 
ag  added  BH.  '")  om.  BG.  ")  do  bhi  aitreabh  agus  aras  aige  i  ndiamh- 
raibh  coillte  agus  currach,  äit  nach  mbiadh  tathadh  neimh-cheacht  ag  lucht 
stiurtha  dlighe  Dhe  no  äu  tsaoghail  slIY  B  H.  '*)  eile,  L.  ^^)  om.  AGKLN. 
")  om.  K.  >5)  ghraineamhail,  Q.  i«)  om.  G.  ")  na  ndaoine,  L. 
")  iathar,  L.  [?  läthair].  ^^)  om.  A.  20)  i  bhfad  6  chomhluadar  saoghalta 
added  K.        -')  sionnus,   G.  (probably  a  misreading  of  smac/tf  in  a  preyious 


THE   VISION   OF   MERLINO.  399 


The  Tision  of  Merlino. 

I.  Once  on  a  time  tliere  was  a  certain  man  living  in  the 
kingdom  of  Bohemia,  whose  surname  was  Merlino  Maligno.  In 
this  wise  was  that  kerne,  a  man  hurtful  and  accursed;  for  he 
recked  naught  of  churches  nor  lordsliips,  friend  nor  foe:  biit 
would  roh  and  slay  human  creatnres  ou  their  beds  and  would 
do  all  ill  and  all  evil,  the  worst  that  man  or  devil  could  devise 
or  imagine.  Further,  he  put  his  dwelling,  his  palace  of  evil,  far 
from  men,  from  intercourse  and  converse  with  any,  in  the  heart 
of  a  wood  füll  of  moss-hags;  so  that  they  who  guided  the  laws 
of  God  and  men  could  not  counsel  him,  nor  yet  reward  him  for 
his  evil  doings:  for  he  held  himself  every  day  in  the  wild  and 
desert  places  aforesaid,  far  from  people  of  every  kind. 


II.  It  chanced  to  this  evil  man  that  he  was  on  a  time 
going  in  search  of  wrong  and  robbery  which  he  might  commit; 
and  that  he  came  into  a  place  wherein  was  a  great  crowd  of 
people  assembled,  hearing  a  sermon  that  a  godly  and  holy  man 
was  delivering  unto  them.  And  when  he  came  into  their  midst, 
he  could  not,  for  shame,  avoid  hearing  the  sermon:  moreover 
for  fear  of  being  recognised,  lest  he  should  be  brought  to  justice 
—  for  those  causes   and  not  for  the  love  of  hearing  the  word 


exemplar).       22)  (,m.  AGKL.      "s)  0^.  AGKL.       ^4)  ^e  ghnath,  L.       25)  o'n 
uile  dhaoinibh  e  G.        ^6)  ^m.  AGK.        27)  «^  qxl. 

II.  28)  om.  BK.  29)  arrachtach  G,  mallaig-hthe  L.  »o)  \^  ßR.  ^i)  triall 
L,  imtheacht  Q.  ^2)  dium  q^  d'fonn  L.  ^s)  ^m.  BE.  ^i)  amhail  bo 
glmäith   leis   added  L.  ^')   go    h-äit   BDH,   go    tharla   go   h-iouad    G. 

ä*)  do  iona  thriall  an  äit  äirighthe  a,  L.       ^'')  om.  ABGHK,  ag  chruinniügh- 
adh,  L.         38)  Qfyi  Q.  39)  chäich  BGEN,  an  phobail  L.         *")  an  ghnüis 

BH:  om.  GL:  a  eagla  nä  K.         *^)  go  dtogfaidhe  comhartha  nö  aithne  De, 
is  go  mbearfuidhe  e  L.  *^)  mur  an  eistfeadh  leis  an  dteagasg  do  bhi   dtä 

chraobhsgaoileadh  do'n  pobal  sin  added  L.        *^)  om.  ABN. 

26* 


400  R.  A.  STEWART   MACALISTER, 

ghluiuibli  f^in  ')mar  cliäcli')  e,  2)agus  d'eist  an  tseanmoir  6  tliüis 
go  deireadh.  3)Agus  do  bhi  annsin^),  ag  eisteacht^)  an  tsean- 
möntaidhe  bliinnghloracli  sin,  ^)ö.o  bhi*)  ag  foillsiugliadli  agus 
ag  faisneis  aoiblmeas  agus  ürgliairdeas  na  gloire  ^)6)suatliaine6), 
agus  na  coroine^)  glörmara  ■■>) ')  do  bbi  '^)ullamh  ag  Dia  8)9)fa 
chömhair'')  na  i<*)druinge  '*>)  do  ni  A  thoil  agus  toil  na  h-eaglaise") 
agus  leas  na  conihursan:^^)  agus  ")mar  an  gceadna'^^)  na  pianta 
i'i)i^)siorrdhaidhe'^)  do  bhi  i^jullamh''')  "'')fa  chömhair'')  luchta's) 
an  uabhair  '")agus  na  hantola. 

III.  Acht'")  cheana,  thug  Merlino  d'a  aire  go  mor  -'Oan^") 
mhead  do  labhair  an  '')tseanmöntaidhe  21)'")  in  aghaidh  lucht 
22)  23)  na  gadaigheachta  agus  lucht  23)  briste  an  dlighe  24)De24), 
agus  santaighthe  coda  a  gcomhursan;  agus  olcus  na  häite  do  bhi 
"^'O  ullamh2^)  26)fä  n'a  gc6mhair26).  27)Ciodhtracht,  2s)iar  gciioch- 
nughadh  na  seanmora  do'n  diadhaire,  agus  iar  sgriidadh  briathar 
De  dho  go  2o)soileir,2^)2ii)  agus  iar  nochtadh  :5")agus  iar  bhfoill- 
siughadh  ^n^na  bpian  •'*i)agus  na  ^2)  bpeanaidh  31)32)  ^q  bhi  33)fä 
chömhair  luchta  na  mallacht  dhö,  do  sgaoileadar  cäch  go  3^)coit- 
chionn^*)  35)  agus  do  chuaidh  gach  aon  diobh  d'a  ■'•')ait^6j  fein.  2^)  35) 

IV.  Däla  Mherlino,^'')  ar  n-irgheadh  ö'n  tseanmhöir  dö,  do 
smuain  aige  fein  nachar  bhfheidir^^)  go  mb'fhirinneachsa)  e  ar 
aon  chör:'!")  's  nach  raibh  'san  mead  adeireadh  an  eaglais  d'a 
thaoibh  '•)sin,  ^')  acht  cluain  '2)43) agus  mealladh42)  agus  clea- 
saidheaclit  43)  d'a  chur'4)  ar  na  Criosdaidhaibli  dochum  beatha 
na  h-eaglaise  do  bhuain  diobh.  45)Tar  a  chionn  sin, ''••')  ni  raibh 
lä  na  oidhche  ö  sin  amach  nach  raibh  briathra  an  tseanmon- 
taidhc**^)  ag  teacht  in  a  ^''jciieann,  agus  in  a  46)47)  chuinihne,  agus 
ag  48)buaidhreadh  a  inntinne  go  49)niör:49)  5o)agns  is  amhlaidh^«) 


^)  i  measg  chäich  G.  ^)  om.  GK.  *)  An  tan  do  chuala  L.  *)  om.  A. 
*)  om.  GQ.  ")  sioiTuidhe  L.  ')  om.  L.  **)  om.  GKQ.  ^)  i  gcoinne  L. 
^<*)  muintire  B,  ndaoine  H,  druinge  sin  K.  '')  reir  ceart  added  G.  '^)  tug 
aire  eisteacht  do  ar  mhodh  gur  ghaibh  na  mheabhair  agus  iona  chuimhne  go 
beacht  na  briathra  sin  added  L.  ^^)  om.  B.  ")  agus  na  peannais 
added  L.  ^^)  om.  K.  i*')  aige  added  H.  ")  na  druiug  sin  na  huaill 
agus  na  hantola  K.  ^^)  na   mallacht  agus  na  mi-ghniomh(a  B)  agus  (i 

gcuinne  lucht  BH)  BEL. 

III.  >s)  atä  a  ni  added  B.  2°)  da  K.  ")  diadhaire  K.  22)  ^a 
dhiaighÄ  '-^)  om.  L.  '-*)  om.  ABHKL.  ^s)  u^jj^aighthe  X.  26)  ^ijöibij  (j, 
*')  agus  an  dochar  agus  an  dian-iarsma  bhi  le  h-imirt  orra  do  ghlac  agus  do 

mor ;  an  tan  do  chriochnadh  an  diadhaire  an  tseanmoir,  ionar  sgrüdhaig 

ionar  nocht  ionar   craobhsgaoil   agus   ionar  fhoillsigh   agus  ionar   fhaisneis 


THE   VISION   OF   MERLINO.  401 

of  God,  he  knelt  like  tliem  all,  and  heard  tlie  sermon  t'rom  be- 
ginning  to  end.  And  tliere  he  was,  hearkening  to  the  preacher 
of  melodious  voice,  as  he  revealed  and  bore  testimony  to  the 
pleasure  and  delight  of  eternal  glory,  and  to  the  giorious  crowns 
which  were  ready  with  God  for  those  who  wrought  His  will, 
and  the  will  of  the  church,  and  the  good  of  their  neighbours; 
and  in  like  nianner  the  eternal  pains  ready  for  the  sons  of  pride 
and  of  lust. 

III.  Howbeit,  Merlino  gave  great  heed  to  all  the  words  of 
the  preacher  that  he  spoke  against  robbers  and  those  who  break 
the  law  of  God  and  envy  the  goods  of  their  neighbours:  and 
the  evilness  of  the  place  prepared  for  them.  However,  when 
the  holy  man's  sermon  was  finished,  and  when  he  had  expounded 
the  Word  of  God  with  clearness,  and  when  he  had  exposed  and 
revealed  the  pains  and  penalties  prepared  for  the  sons  of  wrath, 
the  whole  multitnde  separated  and  each  one  went  to  his  own 
abode, 

IV.  As  for  Merlino,  when  he  rose  from  the  sermon,  he 
thought  within  himself  that  it  could  in  no  wise  be  true:  and 
that  in  all  that  the  clmrch  spake  upon  that  matter  there  was 
naught  but  fraud  and  treachery  and  trickery  which  she  imposed 
upon  the  Christians,  to  the  end  that  the  living  of  the  church 
might  be  extorted  from  them.  Yet  withal  from  thenceforward 
there  was  no  day  nor  night  wherein  the  words  of  the  preacher 
came  not  into  his  mind  and  recollection,  and  greatly  troubled 


breithre  De  do  taobli  uilc  agus  maithinsa,  do  sgaip  an  pobat  agus  do  thriall 
gach  aon  doibh  d'a  arus  nä  d'a  ionad  cinnte  fein.  L.  ^s)  chriochnuig  na  s. 
leis  an  diadhaire  7  iarr  sgor  do  briathara  De  gan  glau  {sie)  K.  29)  gi^n 
^Ifgrinn  GN.  ^o)  q,^  ßjj  si-,  (,m  K.  ^2)  dtoirmintadb  BH,  peannais  K. 
■>'•')  iillmuigbthe  aclded  K  ^*)  comhchoitcbionn  G.  »s)  q^  q-x.  36)  bhaile  BH. 
IV.  This  paragrapb  omitted  in  CFKQ.  ")  anuso  added  H.  ^^)  gur 
bhfior  a-udiibbairt  an  seanmontaidbe,  acht  cheana  do  smuain  aris  niorbh  fheidir 
added  L.  ^^)  gach  a  ndubhairt  an  seanmontaidbe  (no  nar  bheitb  B)  acht 
atä  an  ni  cheadhna  do  smuain  in  inntinn  när  bbfirinneacb  added  BH.  *'*)  a 
ndubhairt  added  F.  *')  morän  neithe  L.  *^)  callaoi  L  [callaid].  *^)  mill- 
seacht  agus  cumhann  B,  om.  H.  ")  eagla  agus  dällchiach  added  L.  *^)  Gan 
feachainn    do    sin    BH,    Gidheadh    L.  ")    'na    mheabhair    agus    'na    L. 

")  om.  BH.        *^)  deanamh  added  L.        <^)  ro-mhor  dö  L.        ^^)  om.  L. 


402  R.  A.  STEWART   MACALISTER, 

do  smuain  ')aig'e  Um-^)  Da  mbadh  toil  le  Dia  e  go  mbadh 
feaiT  leis  no  maitheas  na  talmhan  2)g-o  h-uile^)  aon  amharc 
amhain  3)d'fliägiiail^)  ar  IMonn,^)  ionnus  g-o  mba^)  fios  do  an 
breagach  a  ndiibliart  •'^)  an  diadhaire  lä  na  seanmöra.  Agus  do 
bhi  6)  an  smuaineadli  sin  ')ag  sioir-')  theachts)  in  a  chionn  de 
ghnäth,  agus^)  ag  cömhbhuaidhreadh  a  inntinne  go  mor.ß) 

V.  La  9)n-aonö)  'na  dliiaigli  sin,  do  rinne  Merlino  ionad 
cuinne  re  compänacli  do  bhi  "')aige,  dar  bli'ainm  'i)Verino,ii) 
i2)do  bbiodh  ag  cuidiughadh  i^^leis  i=^)gadaigheacht'3)  n^agus 
gacli  olc  eile  14)  do  dheanamh:'-)/^)  agus  is  e  äit  iona  ndearnadar 
ionad  cuinne  re  cheile,  ag  eadarsgaradli  dlia  bliealach.  Agus  is 
e  Merlino  bhudh  tiiisglie  'sa  ionad  cuinne:  agus  ni  fhada  do  bhi 
ann  an  tan  do  chonairc  se  Verino  i6^'')d'a  ionnsuidhe.  Agus 
ar  dteacht  i  lätbair  dho,  do  shuidh  i  bhfocaii'  Merlino,  's  do 
bhadar  ag  tracht  ar  an  turus  do  bin  rompa,  agus  ag  deanamli 
comhairle  ca  conair  i^)iona  ugeabhaidis.  i^)  As  io)e  do  chriocli- 
naigheadh  "^)  leo,  dul  go  catliaii^  20)  ata  2»)  'san  mBohemia  darab 
ainm  Bragansa,  mar  a  raibh  aonach  mör  ag  cliruinniughadh, 
agus  21)  in  dötliclius^i)  go  bhfuigliidis  eadail  adhbhal  ann-'l) 

VI.  Ar  mbeitb  ar  an  gcömhairle  sin  dhoibh,  do  clioncadar 
22)d'a  n-ionnsuidhe  22)2a)ins  an  24)tslighe  23)24)25)an  iomadh^e) 
de  27)niliarcsliluaigli  2'J)2s)in]iör-mlieannmaigli-5)28)  mhör-aighean- 
taigh,  29)cöistidlie,  carbaid,29)  agus  3o)inörän3o)  d'eachaibh  äille 
3i)32)eagsamlila,3i)  agus  eadaigh  33^iä,n-mliäiseacha  34)ieö,  län 
34)d'öir  agus  d'airgiod,   agus  de  pearlaidhibli  35^uaisle,35)   agus 

*)  om.  BS;  fos  tre  ghoibh  an  bhuaidhreadh  da  bhi  briathra  an  tseanmo- 
ntaidhe  a  oibhriiighadh  uaigneadh  L.  ^)  om.  H.  ^)  d'fheicsin  BH. 
*)  d'fheicsin  added  A.  ^)  dearbhaig  aige  nar  bhfior  (no  nar  mbreagach  H) 
briathra  BE.;  fios  aige  ciaco  breag  nä  firinneach  adubhairt  an  diadhaire  L. 
«)  sin  mar  an  gceadna  ag  cur  biiaidhreadh  air  L.  ')  om.  BH.  ^)  de 
shior-ghnäth  iona  inntinn  L. 

V.  CF  have  the  following  very  inferior  reading:  Ddla  M. ,  triallas 
roimhe  gus  an  gciirrach  mar  a  raibh  ionad  comhnaighthe  agus  a  chompänach 
dar  bh'ainm  ürino,  agus  tharladh  Spiorad  de  muinntir  De  Uile-Chumhach- 
thaigh  ars  an  slighe  i  riocht  U.  Do  chonradh  chömhairle  eatorra,  &c.  Q 
reads  Annsin  thug  M.  aghaidh  a  saoghail  budh  gnäthach  leis,  agus  ni  fada 
cheana(?)  an  uair  tharla  Spiorad  de  Mhac  De  leis  an  riocht  a  chömpänaigh 
fein  budh  gnäth  'na  chuideachtaiu  roimhe  sin,  dar  bh'ainm  V.  Do  labhradar 
re  cheile  da  feachaint  cä  dtabairfidis  anaghaidh  da  eadail  eigin  d'fhaghail, 
agus  do  coinnibh  leo  dul  go  Brugetia,  eadon  atä  "san  mB.  mar  araibh  aonach 
möir  andoigh  go  bhfägdis  eadail  iomurcach  ann.  ^)  äii'ighthe  H.  ^")  om.  H. 
J')  Urino  ahvays  BLN.        >"■')  om.  H.        '3)  goid  AGHKLN.        ")  om.  BH. 


THE  VISION    OF   MERLINO.  403 

liis  soul:  and  tlius  he  tliought  within  himself:  AVoukl  it  were 
God's  will  tliat  it  were  better  for  liim  tlian  all  the  good  tliings 
of  this  World  to  get  but  one  siglit  ot'Hell;  that  he  might  know 
wliether  the  holy  man  spake  truly  or  falsely  on  the  dar  of  his 
sermon!'  And  that  tliought  recnrred  time  and  again  to  his  niind 
and  greatly  troubled  his  soul. 

Y.  On  a  certain  day  after  that,  Merlino  made  a  tryst 
with  a  comrade  he  had.  named  Verino,  who  was  his  companion 
in  robbery  and  all  other  evil;  and  the  place  where  they  made 
their  tryst  was  at  the  parting  of  two  passes.  It  was  Merlino 
who  was  first  at  the  tryst,  and  he  was  not  long  there  before 
he  saw  Verino  approaching  him.  And  when  he  was  come  into 
his  presence,  he  sat  down  by  Merlino  and  they  discussed  the 
journey  before  them,  and  took  counsel  as  to  the  road  they  should 
follow.  It  seemed  good  to  them  at  last  to  go  to  a  city  that  is 
in  Bohemia  called  Braganza,  where  there  was  a  great  fair 
gathering  together,  and  wliere  they  hoped  they  would  get  much 
plunder. 

VI.  When  they  were  taking  this  counsel,  they  saw  approaching 
them  in  the  way  a  number  of  horsemen  proud  and  spirited, 
chariots,  coaches,  and  many  divers  beautiful  horses;  full-comely 
raiment  upon  them,  füll  of  gold,  silver,  and  precious  stones;  and 


'^)  go  minie  roimhe  sin  added  B ;  do  greas  added  H.  ^^)  ag  teacht  added  L. 
")  do  comhradli  ag  comhairle  eatorra  cionnus  no  cread  an  möd  a  bhfaigdls 
criochnnghadh  au  lae  sin,  eadhon  eadail  mör  do  cliruinuinghadh  ieo:  agus 
dul  go  cathair  ata  annsa  niBohemia  darab  [ainm]  Bragetia  mar  araibh  aonach 
mor  aig  cnxinniughadh ,  an  dothchns  go  bhfaighdis  eadäil  mbor  ann  H. 
Agus  do  cliriochniamh  comhairle  eatorra  cionnas  no  ca  an  modh  abhfaoighdis 
an  lä  sin  eadail,  as  an  e  criocbnaigh  Ieo,  dol  go  cathair,  &c.  K.  ^^)  na 
slighe  ionar  bhfearr  döibh  gabhäil  L.  ^^)  i  comhairle  do  cinneadh  ßHL. 
-")  do  bhi  L.        -1)  om.  B 

VI.  2i)  chüca  L.  -^)  om.  L.  ^*)  rod  BH.  ^=)  morshluagh  mor- 
mheanmnach  L.  ^^)  umhlacht  added  Q.  2')  mharcachaibh  GK.  ^^)  möra 
mianathasach  K.  ^^)  agus  do  c.  c.  BGH;  om.  AN;  air  mbuin  eachra  äille 
eagsamhlacht  L.  ^")  om.  BGHK.  ^i)  earmaidheacha  £,  earmalach  H. 
^-)  lioutadh  breaghta  länmbaiseacha  lochtaighthe  6ir  agus  pearlaidhe  üaisle 
air  gach  taobh  diobh  Q.  ^')  breaghta  added  GK.  ^'')  län  J51f,  leö  G. 

3^)  6ir  AGN,  oir  agus  airgiod  K,  orrdha  BH,  iompa  L. 


404  R.  A,  STEWART   MACALISTER, 

eagsaiulüacht  i)gacha  ceöil  d'a  cliantain  rompa,  agus  'na  ndiaigh, 
agus  ar  gach  2)taobli2)  diobbO^)- 

VII.  'A  cliompänaigh  ^)  grädhaigh '  ^)  ar  Merlino,  ^an 
s)bhfeidir  tu  •■)6)cia6)  h-iad  an  7)mör-shliiagh'')  *)so  cbugainn*) 
9) 's  an  rödP'ö) 

^")'Do  fheadar'^o)  ar  Verino;  i')'eadhon,ii)  iarla  mör  i'')atä 
'san  gcriocb  so,  darab  ainm  Plutando;  agus  do  '  3)  rinne 
i4)cuireadh'^)  mor  fa  chömbair  an  righ  agus  an  prionnsa  'san 
rioghacht  so. ''4)  Agsud  cuid  i5)de  muinntir  an  righi^)  ag  dul 
iG)n)gon)  is)cathairi8)  an  iarla.'i») 

2o)'Maiseadh',  ar  Merlino,  2o)2iynachar  bhfearr  duinne  dul 
'na  nieasg  2-;)no  in  ait  eile  2^)  -3)ag  iarradh  eadala?23)  Oir 
24)dochim"^'')  go  bhfuil  saidlibhreas  agus  2J')niaoin25)-^6^  'na  dtim- 
cMoU;  agus  2i)an  eolas  dhuitsi  ^v^i^aile-")  an  iarla?'  ar  se. 

'Is  eolas  go  deimhin'  ar  Verino. 

2s)']VIaiseadli,2'*)  deanamaoid  'na  measg,'^*)  agus  3o)bimaoid 
ag  eisteaclit  ris  an  gceol  agus  ris  an  3i)niör3')-aoibhneas  üd  ata 
32)aca,32)  go  33)ii(ieacliani3^)  go  baile  an  earla.'34) 

Do  35)chrioclinaigheadli''ä)  an  chömhairle  sin  leo,  agus  do 
ghluaiseadar^e)  i  measg  na  nuasal,  's  do  bbadar  län  d'aoibhneas^") 
'na  38)]3}ifochaii',3'*)  no  go  rangadar  3ö)catliair'^'<)  an  iarla. 

VIII.  •'o)4i)Ciodhtracht4o)  do  42)chonarcadar4-^)  ^■i)^i)mbYin*i) 
de  dhaoinibh  bodita  ^^)uireasbacha^^)  's-*')  an  ^e^tslighe^ß)  sin, 
■*^)dar  bh'eighean^')  an  bealach  do  slieaclmadh ;  oii^  nior  ^'=)fhuilin- 
geochadh^s)  na  ^o^iucht^^)  coistidhe  na  5")  an  eachraich^f»)  ^i)  ^2)ni6r- 
uallacha^^)   ^^)^*)äirö.^^)  -aigeantacha^^)  55) nä  na  daoine  uaisle^^) 

*)  gear  taobh  dhoibh  G;  gacha  taoiblie  diobh  N;  do  gach  seoid  ar  gach 
taobh  dhoibh  K,  gach  ceöil  rompa,  gach  taobh  agus  "na  ndiaigh  B.  ^)  leath  L. 
^)  liontadh  breaghtha  länmhaiseacha  löchtaighte  öir  agus  pearlaidhe  üaisle 
air  gach  taobh  diobh  Q. 

Vn.  *)  ghradhmar  GL.  =)  bhfuil  [a  Q]  f[h]ios  agat  GKQ.  «)  cread  B. 
')  marcshluagh  BH.  *>)  sud  chugham  G.  »)  om.  ABGHKLN.  ^°)  atä 
LN;  atä  fhios  agam  ce  iad  G;  Eo  fh.  sin  H.  i')  a  fhios  agam  cia  hiad  sud: 
ata  L.  '■-)  onörach  caithreimeach  added  L.  ^^)  rinne  feasta  GK,  rinn 
se  flead  agus  feasta  L.  ^*)  cuirra  mor  i  gcoinneagus  i  gcomhdail  righthe 

agus   ro-thighearnadh   na   rioghacht   so   BH.  '^)   dhiobh   BH.  '*)  ar 

cuireadh  added  BH.  *')  ar  choire  an  fheasta  sin  go  L.  ^^)  baile  BH. 
^^)  mhoir-se,  ar  V:  agus  caith  fios  nar  mhaith  an  äit  dhuinn  dul  d'iarradh 
eadala  'na  measg  added  B; . .  .  .  fios  car  bhearr  duinn  äit  a  rachamaidis 
d'iarradh  &c.  added  H.  '^")  Ca  bhfios  GKL.  -')  om.  Q.  ^-)  om  L. 

23)  om.  K.  24^  (je  bhrigh  G.  -^)  maoine  mör  GL,  ionmus  BHKN. 

*«)  agus   aoibhneas  added  K;   ä   dhbheil   added  B.  ^')   cathair  GKQ. 


THE  VISION   OF  MERLINO.  405 

every  kind  of  rausic  a-playing  before  them,  and  behind  them, 
and  on  each  side  of  them. 

VII.  'Dear  comrade'  said  Merlino  'dost  thou  know  who 
are  this  great  Company  approacliing-  us  on  the  road?' 

'  I  do '  said  Verino.  '  It  is  a  great  earl  of  this  country,  by 
name  Plutando;  and  he  has  invited  a  great  feast  for  the  king 
and  prince  of  this  kingdom.  Yonder  are  sonie  of  the  attendants 
of  the  king  going  to  the  Castle  of  the  earl.' 

'Weil'  said  Merlino,  'were  it  not  better  for  us  to  go  with 
them  than  to  any  other  place,  seeking  plunder?  For  I  see  that 
there  is  much  riches  and  treasure  around  them:  dost  thou  know 
the  bailey  of  the  earl?'  said  he. 

'I  surely  know  it'  said  Verino. 

'  Then  let  us  go  into  their  midst,  and  be  hearkening  to  the 
music  and  those  delights  that  they  have,  tili  we  come  to  the 
bailey  of  the  earl' 

They  agreed  to  this;  and  went  straight  into  the  midst  of  the 
nobles;  and  they  were  füll  of  pleasure  among  them  tili  they 
reached  the  Castle  of  the  earl. 

VIII.  Howbeit,  they  saw  a  crowd  of  poor  and  humble  people 
in  that  way,  who  were  obliged  to  leave  the  path ;  for  the  people 
in  the  chariots  and  horses,  proud  and  spirited,  and  the  nobles 


2*)  om  L.  2^)  ar  Merl.  aäded  K.  ^o)  ma  theagmaid  'na  measg  südh 

added  BH.  ^')  om.  Q.  ^'^)  orra  K.  ^^)  racham  GK,  rangamaoid  Q. 
^*)  .i.  Plutando  added  Q.  ^^)  chinneadh  L,  choimeadh  Q.  ^^)  rompa  added  L. 
^')  agus  do  Sport  added  B ;  agus  do  sholas  added  L.  ^^)  measg  BL.  ^^)  go 
cathair  G;  go  baile  HL;  baile  B. 

Vni.  *°)  Ag  triall  döibh  go  baile  an  iarla  reimhraidhthe  L;  om.  Q. 
")  Do  bhi  morän  de  dhaoinibb  bochta  uireasbacha  thäinig  ar  G:  Agns  do 
bM  .  .  .  bochta  uirisiol  thäinig  ar  K.  *-)  rangadar  AN.  *^)  mar  an 

gcadna  added  Q.  **)  iliomad  BR.  *^)  uirisle  thäinig  rompa  A;  uir- 

easbacha [do  H]  thäinig  BH.  *^)  rod  BH.  *')  gidheadh  do  bh'eig. 

doibh  L.  *^)  sie  L ;  the  rest  have  fhuüingeadar.  *^)  only  in  L.  ^")  na 
h-eachraidhe  BH,  a'  morshluagh  L,  na  heachaib  GKQ.  ^*)  mear-uallacha 
K,  mör-uaibhreacha  B,  mear-uaisle  H.  ^-)  om.   Q.  ^^)  sin  do  bh'ard- 

aigeantach  agus  na  ndaoine  uaisle  län  taoiseacha  na  bochtain  do  K. 
^*)  mor-  iV.       55)  om.  BH,  aon  duine  L. 


406  R,  A.  STEWART   MACALISTER, 

dhöib^^)  siublial  in  a  measg:  öir  ba  mör  an  i)masladli')  leo 
orra  fein,  ^^daoine  cömli  iiirisiol  3)c6mh3)  di^och-eadaightlie  leo- 
san  4)do-sliiublial4)  in  aon  tslighe  leo.^)  6) De  bhrigh  sin,«)  do 
bli'eigion  do  na  daoinibh  bochta  ^)  bealacli  eile  do  g-habhäü,  ^)  do 
bhi  län  de  •')dliriseachaibli  coganta  creimneacha'o)  [creimeacha] 
agus  de  ö)clilochaibli  i')cirghem'ii)  agus  de  'n  uile  docliar  eile: 
ar  mliodh  go  raibh  a  gcosa,  ^^^a  gcnamhai"^)  agus  a  gcroicionn 
>^)ar  na  ugearradli  agus  ar  na  gcreaclmughadh:i3)  14^15) agus i^) 
go  rabliadar  län  i^^d'ocrasi**),  de  tliart  agus  i^)de  ceasnaoil 
[ceasnaigliilj  >^)'^)a  li-aithle  na  conaire  i9)tuirsiglie  i-J)sin  20)^0 
bh'eigean  dli6ibli2i)  do  ghäbbäil.  1^)18)20)22) 

IX.  Däla  Merlino  agus  a  chompanach,  23)^26)^0  bhadar^s)  l 
gcuideachtain  24)  na  n-uasal  ins  an  tslighe  reidb,  25)ro-fhairsing,25) 
go  26)(itangadar  go  2«)27)cathaii^27)  an  iarla.28)  29)  Agus  fa  li-äliünn 
ur-aoibhinn  i  dtimdiioll  an  bhaile  do'n  ^o^taoibh»")  amuigh: 
•")6ir  fa  h-ioradha  magha  min-äille^i)  lan  de  luibhionnaibb  agus 
de  bhlätliaibh  agus  de  ^s^tborrtliaibh  taitlmeanihacha,  de  ghortaibh 
agus  d'aii'gheachaibh,  agus  de  ^■^)neithibh  ro-sgiamliacba,  agus 
33)  de  gach33)  uile  nidh  do  bhudh  taitlmeamhach  le  siiil  daoine 
d'fhaicsin.  Agus  fös  fuaradar  coistidhe  agus  carbaid  agus 
3'')eacliraidhe  34)30)  agus  ionmbus  35) ua  dtigearnaidbe  agus  na 
n-uaisle  36)ar  fbeadb  an  mbacaire  3'<)gan  airidb  37)gan  3s)araidb, 
no  neacb  ar  a  n-ambarc  no  d'a  gcumbdach:3*)  agus  na  h-uaisle,39) 


0  naire  G.  ^)  eadhon  added  BDL.  ^)  om.  BH.  *)  dul  G; 

do  sh.  'na  measg  JiL;  do  bheith  ar  Q.  ^)  oir  ba  mhor  an  tair  agus  an 

taircuisne  an  masla  's  an  dimeas  leo  ortha  fein  daoine  comb  uirißiol  comb 
drocb-cbreatacb  leo-sin  do  sbiubbal  'na  measg  nä  'n  aon-tsligbe  added  L. 
^)  oni.  K.  ')  nirisle  sin  L;  so  H.  **)  from  here  to  end  of  section  om.  B. 
'■')  om.  H.  10)  manntacb  added  G.  i')  ciüricard  G,  cir-gbarbba  H. 

'*)  om.  GHKQ.  '^^)  creacbtnaigbtbe  Q.  ")  go  mör  G.  ^^)  gan  bbiaidb 
gan  digh  le  iomor  agns  aotais  aus  'a  bealaigb[ibb]  garbba  sin  Q.  ^^)  om.  G. 
")  d'imsbniomb  (?;  de  gacb  anrodb  K;  de  gabb  gortba  agus  de  gacb  aindeinse 
eile  jf?  de  dbogbmboisnigbe  [?dö-mbeisnigb]  L.  ^^)  om.  L.  1^)  a  dtuirsidb 
MSS.  om.  GK.  20)  om.  li.  ")  bealacb  eile  added  G.  -'^)  'Is  mor  an 
uaill  aigne  do  cbuir  sin'  ar  M.,  an  Fan  do  cbonairc  na  bocbtäin  d'a  ndlbbirt 
as  an  mbealacb  added  L. 

IX.  23)  ar  mbeadb  dböibb  A:  i  measg  na  gcoistidbe  "s  na  morsbluagb 
onöireach  sin  gan  tair  nä  tarcuisue  d'a  tbabbairt  dboibb  L.  ■^)  ar  mbeadb 
i  measg  K.         25)  giß  q.^  ^m.  Q.         ^e)  ^^    q  -n^  i^aile  AHL.         '^)  .i. 

Plutando  added  Q.  »»)  agus  do  bbi  län  de  hübbibb  [agus  H.]  de  tborrtaibb 
agus  de  [bblatbaibb  B,  lüibbibb  IT]  taitbneambacb  [dar  bbfeidir  B]  re  süilibh 
daoine  d'fbaicsin.     Agus  [do  if ]  bb'  äluinn  ur-aoibbiuu  au  baile  sin  1  [re  na 


THE   VISION   OP   MERLINO.  407 

woiüd  not  siiffer  tliem  to  walk  in  their  midst;  for  these  had 
great  contempt  that  tliey,  so  lowly  and  so  ill-vested  as  they 
were,  should  walk  in  the  same  way  as  tliemselves.  Wlierefore 
the  poor  men  had  to  take  another  road,  füll  of  biting,  bitter 
thorns  and  of  sharp  pointed  stones  and  of  every  other  wretchedness: 
so  that  their  feet  and  their  bones  and  their  skin  were  torn  and 
tortured;  and  they  were  fiill  of  hunger  and  thirst  and  anxiety 
because  of  that  weary  road  wherein  they  had  to  walk. 


IX.  Now  Merlino  and  his  comrade  went  in  the  Company 
of  the  nobles,  in  the  smooth  and  wide  road,  tili  they  reached  the 
Castle  of  the  earl.  And  it  was  beautiful  and  very  pleasant  about 
the  bailey  ontside ;  for  there  were  many  swards  smooth  and  fair, 
füll  of  flowers  and  blossoms  and  pleasant  fi'uits  of  gardens  and 
pastures,  and  of  things  most  fair  to  see;  and  of  all  that  was 
pleasing  to  the  eye  of  man  to  behold.  Moreover  they  found  the 
chariots  and  coaches  and  horses  and  treasures  of  the  lords  and 
and  nobles  spread  over  the  ground,  unwatched  and  uncared 
without  any  to  see  to  them  or  to  guard  them;   and  the  nobles, 


fhaicsin  B]  do'n  taobh  amuigh ;  [fuarader  fos  B,  fos  fuaradar  H]  coistidhe  &c. 
BH:  Agus  geataighe  ür-aoibhinn  timchioll  an  bhaile  siu  amuigh:  oir  fa 
iomdha  morstraitibh  [sie]  län  de  luibbionnaibh  agus  de  bhläthaibh  agus  de 
neithibb  ro-sgiamhacha,  agus  de  gach  uile  &c.  G:  Agus  do  bhi  talamh  ür- 
aoibhinn  taithneamhach  timchioll  an  bhaile,  fior-höuta  de  luibbionnaibh,  de 
thorrthaibh  taithneamhacha,  de  dhuilli[bh]  ür-ghlasa  deithbholatha,  de  dhraoi- 
thibh  daoradha  agus  gach  uile  uidh  ro-sgianihach ,  comb  mhian  radharcach  is 
bo  taithneamhach  le  süil  daonna  d'fhaicsin.  L :  Do  chonarcadar  fatha  bhreagha 
'aluinu  'ur-aoibhinn  ar  a  dtaobh  amuigh  do'n  mbaile  sin,  agus  iomadh  bhudh 
taithneamhach  le  süil  duine  d'feicsint:  agus  do  fuaradar  coistidhe  carabhaid 
agus  eachra  na  righthe,  na  bprionsaidhe ,  na  dtighearnaidhe  agus  na  nasal. 
Do  chonarcadar  roimhe  sin  a  triall  air  a  bhfeasda  ar  fud  an  mhachaire  gan 
aird  gan  faire  gau  aon  neach  air  a  bhfaire  na  d'a  gcumhdach  agus  lad  idir 
fear  agus  mraoi  ag  dul  asteach  go  padhlocht  (sie)  Plutando  Q.  ^°)  leith  E. 
'0  agus  orsa  ionadaibh  mion-ailne  E.  ^^)  oni.  E  t.  t.  de  ghroithibh  agus 
airdheachaibh  MSS.  '■'^)  de  'n  E.  ^')  eachaibh  GE.  ^s)  y„j  qx  agus 
i.  uile  L.  ^«)  reimh-raidhthe  added  L.  ^'j  om.  E.  ^^)  [aon  E]  neach 
ar  an  amharc  nä  d'a  gcoimead  EL;  faire  agus  gan  aon  neach  d'a  n-amharc 
no  d'a  gcoimhdeacht  BGH.        ^^)  fein  added  B. 


408  R.  A.  STEWART  MACALISTER, 

idir  fear  agus  mlinaoi,  1)^1111^  agusO  ■^)leacaidh,2)  ar  ndiü  isteach, 
3)'san  plialas  sin  3)Pliitando.29) 

X.   Is  annsin  do  '*)labliair4)  Merlino  agus  ^)is  e  ro  radh.^) 

'Dar  liom  fein,  a  cliompänach'*')  ar  se  'ni  ■')bhfingniis'') 
s)uain  no  8)am  »)budli  fearr  no  so  le  9)  i'^jni  i')do  bhreitli  linn: 
oir  dochim  i'^)eachraidh  agus  i3)ionmhas  ^^ys^na  n-uasal  annso 
gan  aon  neach  d'a  '■*)gcumhdacli  no  d'a  '4)gcoinihead.'i^) 

i6)'Ni  hi6)-amhlaidi^)  i^)is  cöir'i»)  ar  Verino  iö)'acht 
teighmidi^)  i  measg  chäich  no  go  2o)bhfagam2o)  ar  gcuid  de  'n 
'^i)"^2)chuirm,22)  agus  go  ndeacliaid  na  n-uaisle  fa  dligli  agus  fa 
chömli61:2i)  agus  is  annsin  is  fursa  dhüinn,23)  faiU  agus  am 
d'fhaghäil  24)  agus  24)  ar  dtoil  25)  fein  do  dlieanamh,'25) 

Do  26)chriochnaiglieadh26)  an  chomhairle  sin  leo,  agus  do 
2'')chuadar2')  isteach  do  'n  2s)chuirt  ^s^agus  an  äit  ionar  shaoil 
Merlino  2n)61  agus 29)  aoibhnios,  ceol  agus^^o)  cuideaclita,  3')nieadar 
agus  niacnas,3i)  agus^-^)  an  uile  cömhluadar^o)  d'fhaghäil.  =^-) 

XL  Is  amhlaidh  fuair  an  3:9  äit.  33)  3-1)  paa^)  h34)-iongantaigh 
agus  fa35)  h-uathbhasaigh  36)37)ie  süils»)  d'fhaicsin,39)  le  cluas^^) 
d'eisteacht,4o)  no  le  h-inntleacht'^i)  dhaonna'*!)  do42)  shmuineadh 
nä  '*-i)43)tinngsin:3')  43)44)niar  dobhi^^)  tinne  teannalacha  agus 
lasrach,  ''5)caorthaclia  uird*^)  46)agus  urlaidheachti-^ß)  '*')garrthaj 
■i8)sgreadacha48)  agus  geur-ghol,  greadadh/-)  pianta  agus  searbh- 
ghorta  4y)na  n-anmann  ^o)ndamanta,^o)  agus  =^i)ürghräin  agus 
uathmhans')  na  52)ndiabhal  agus  na  ^2)  ndeamhan  «'^3)]2dath- 
ghränna^s)  ag  freasdal  's  ag  fiitheoladh  na  bpian  ^4)adlibhal5^) 


1)  om.  GH.        2)  teachtaire  N;  leanabh  E.        ^)  go  phalas,  G. 

X.  *)  om.  G.  ^)  adnbhairt  GQ,  is  amhladh  aduttairt  H.  ^)  ghradaigh 
added  B;  ghrädhmar  added  K.  ')  bhfuighiom  BH\  bhfuighmhaoin  N. 

")  om.  K;  uair  ro  N;  no  BH.  ^)  om.  G.  ^^)  ar  added  L.         ")  agus 

eadail  added  L.         ^^)  mor-shaidhbrios  Q.  ")  platoigh  agus  aoibhneas  K. 

")  om.  BH.  ^^)  agus  na  nuaisle  in  a  bbfocbair  a  cheile  added  K.  "*)  as  L. 
")  sin  added  N.  ^^)  dbeantar  B,   indeanta  H.  '^)   dul   ar  dtüis  L. 

2")  bhfuighmis  L,  bhfuighmuid  HK.  ^'■)  fhleadh  agus  do'n  fheasta  ata 
oUarah  römpa  andanarus  an  iarla,  agus  atäid  uile  anois  asuidhe  agus  ag 
socrughadli  chum  a  chaite ;  agus  fau  am  na  rachaid  na  h-uaisle  ar  mearbhugbadh 
le  meisge  agus  le  craos,  agus  lucbd  an  teagblaigb  uile  ar  reambaireachais 
neithe  ar  bith  6  ürgbardachais  ceol  agus  gach  uile  aoibbneas  L.  ^'^)  chuire  GK. 
^8)  ar  bhf.  HB.  ^')  ar  G.  .  ■^^)  om,.  G.  ^^)  chnochniamh  G,  cbinneadh  L. 
'*')  thiaghaid  B,  theidhid  H.  2*)  mbruigbin  B,  gcuirt,  agus  'san  gcuirt 
äluinn-si  //.  ^^)  om.   G.  ^°)  meadhar  agus  an   uile  shubbailceas  K. 

2')  meadhar  meanmna  G;  om.  BH;  macanas  agus  comhluadhar  iy.        ^*)  gach 


THE    VISION   OF   MERLINO.  409 

gentles  and  ladies,  servants  and  lackeys,  going  into  that  palace 
of  Plutando. 

X.  Tlien  Merlino  spoke  and  thus  he  said: 

'Assuredly,  my  comrade'  said  he  'chance  nor  occasion  better 
than  this  we  could  not  und  to  take  something  to  ourselves.  I 
see  the  horses  and  the  treasures  of  the  nobles  here  with  no  one 
to  guard  or  protect  them.' 

'Not  so'  said  Verino:  'let  us  rather  go  among  them  all, 
and  take  our  share  of  the  feast,  tili  the  nobles  are  stupefied  and 
drunken:  then  can  we  easily  take  the  occasion  to  do  our  own  will.' 


They  agreed  on  this  coimsel,  and  entered  the  court,  the 
place  where  Merlino  thought  to  find  wine  and  delight,  music  and 
companionhip,  merriment  and  wantonness  and  every  kind  of 
intercourse. 

XL  In  this  wise  he  found  the  place.  It  was  too  wonderfiü 
and  horrible  for  the  eye  to  see,  for  the  ear  to  hear,  or  for  the 
mind  of  man  to  conceive  or  to  nnderstand.  Burning  and  flaming 
fires,  Sounds  [?]  of  slaughter  [?]  and  conflict;  cries,  shrieks  and 
bitter  weeping,  horror,  pains,  burning  and  the  bitter  hunger  of 
lost  souls,  and  the  terror  and  awfulness  of  devils  and  of  demons 
of  hideous  colour,  allotting  and  apportioning  those  great  in- 
sufferable  pains  to  those  lost  souls,  one  and  all.  When  he  saw 
that,  Merlino  spoke  in  this  wise: 


gardachas  meannmhar  eile  L.  From  ^^)  to  the  end  of  the  paragraph  Q  reads : 
do  radh  an  compänach  .i.  V. ;  '  achd  dul  i  measg  na  nuasal  üd  agus  a  faghail 
ar  gcnid  do"n  chuireadh,  agus  anuair  do  racfaid  fa  coiling  agus  os  air  dig 
sin  an  tan  is  fuiris  diiinn  foill  d'fhäghail  air  ar  dtoil  fein  do  dheanamh.' 
Do  choinnibh  an  chömhairle  sin  leo,  agus  do  chuadar  isteach  go  padhlacht  P., 
agus  an  äit  ar  shaoil  M  aoibhuios  agus  sodhlacht  agus  deagchuideachta 
d'fhäghail  imeasg  na  comhluadair. 

XI.    ^2)   nid   HK.  ^*)   an   tan   do   chuadar   isteach;    nid   dobh'   L. 

^)  am.  K.  ^»)  mb'fheidir  added  K.  ^'')  leis  da  bhfacaigh  no  da  gcualaigh 
ariamh  BH.  ^^)  duine  added  KL.  ^9)  qq  added  K.  '")  do  chlos  Q. 
'')  am.  LQ.  *^)  om.  AGKLN.  *^)  thionsgnadh  L.  *^)  eadhon  BGHN: 
ar  ndul  isteach  döibh,  secad  radharc  fuaireadar  L.  *^)  om.  L;  uird  ABHK. 
")  om.  Q:  agus  uireadhamh  agus  B";  agus  län-urluidheacht  G.  *'')  om.  H. 
**)  om.  B.  *^)  loisgre  Q.  ^'^)  om.  K.  ^^)  imghräin  uaimhin  uathbhäis 
fearg-ghnaoi  agus  Mr  L.  ^^)  om.  H.  ^^)  om.  H,  neimhneach  ndäth- 
gharbh  B.        ^^)  ngräineamhail  L. 


410  R.  A.  STEWART  MACALISTER, 

ndofhulangaighthe  i)do  na  h-anmannaibh  damantai)  sin  go 
coitchionn.    Ar  na  faicsin  2)  sin  do  Merlino  '•^)  is  e  ro  räid.^) 

'A  chompanaigh  glirädaigh'  ar  se  'cread  4)is  ciall  do'n*) 
ait  so  'na  dtaugamar?  Agus  madli  bhi  eolas  agatsa  air?  Is 
cosamhail  gur  fheallais  ormsa  tre  mo  tharraing  5)ann;5)  6)agus6) 
dar  liomh  ^)  fein,  7)  ni'l  air  ^)mo8)  chiimus  9)dul  tar  m'ais^)  go 
bräth.'  »0) 

11) 'Do  bhi  i-)gan  ambras^^)  eolas  agamsa  i^^ann'  ar  an 
compänacli;  'agusii) '3)  h)  an  t^  do  sbaoil  tüsa  do  bheith  agat', 
ar  an  companach  'ni  h-e  ata  agat,  acht^^)  spiorad  de  '^)mliuinn- 
tir^^)  D6  Uile-Chumhachtaigh  me:  do  chiiir  se  do  d'ionnsiüdhe-si 
me  do  thaisbeanadh  na  neithe'ß)  do  bhi  an  do  mheanmain  i^)i 
gcomhnaidhe,  >')  eadhon,  amharc  d'fhaicsint  ar  Iffrion  agus  ar 
na  is^pianta  ata  fa'^)  chömhair  hichta  na  mallacht.  i«)Agus 
ag  so  Iffrion'  ar  se.i6)i9) 

XII.  '0  is  truagh  sin'  ar  Merlino.  'Ag  sin  an  nidh  nar 
chreid^ü)  mise  ariamh  ^^)gi\s  anois:"^>)  -2) agus  23)^0  shaoileas 
nach  raibh  24)  acht  ^ö^cealgalreacht^^)  ag  na  diadhairibh  agus  ag 
na  seanmontaidhibh  do  bhi  ag  teagasg  sin  2«)  dhuinn : -ß)  agus 
27)foirior,2")  dochim24)  anois22)  go  gcaitfe^me  2^)fuireach  i  measg29) 
druinge  damanta  3«)  so  go  siorruidhe,  =5i)mura  ndeana  Dia  d'A 
mhör-ghrasaibh,  d'A  mhör-thruaghmhäile,  d'A  mhor-thröchaire 
agus  aimsir  do  thabhairt  dhoni  anois  fein,  chum  leör-ghniomh 
agus  aithrige  do  dheanamh  6  m'  lochtaibh,  ma's  nidh  e  is  feidir 
a  dheanamh.  Mo  nuar,  ni  thoilP')  aon  duine^2^  annso  pianta 
33)34)(l'fhaghail34)  nä  mise  fein,  de  brigli  3'») nach  dhearna^^^)  me 
aon  nidh  36)  37)^0  reir  thöla  De  3*)riamh,3s)  acht  gach  uile  nidh 
in  aghaidh  a  thöla. '3'') 

1)  coinh  clioitcliionn  BH,   om.  N.  ^)  na  bpian  added  Q.  ')  [is 

amhlaidh  H]  adubhairt  H.  [Frora  this  poiut  Q  becomes  a  bald  abstract 
whose   omissions    and   deviations   are    not   worth   recording].  *)   om.   L. 

*)  iona  leitheide  do  bhall  K.  ^)  oir  G.  ">)  ongin  L.  »)  ar  gc.  L. 

«)  [ta  B]  fbagbhäil  BH.  i")  arris  added  K.  ")  om.  LN.  ^'')  om. 

BGHK.  ")  ann,  ar  V.,  agus  K:  ann,  ar  an  t-aingioll,  agus  G:  ar  an  com- 
panach B\  ann  LN.  ^*)  [gidheadh  B}  ni  [me  B,  mise  H]  au  companach 
do  shaoileas  tusa  do  [bheith  B,  bhi  H]  agat,  acht  BH:  ni  mise  an  te 
shaoileas  [tusa   achd  K]  BK.  '*)  dream  B.  "')  iongantacha  so  dhuit, 

ionnus  go  mbudh  feumhuraidhe  thn  aitridhe  dheunamh  iad  ag  an  amharc  an 
lif.  agus  na  pianta  atä  faoi  chömhair  lucht  na  mallachta  A':  do  bhi  ar  do 
mheanmoin  ghnaith  6  eisteacht  seanmhoir  an  diudhaire  is  cuimhin  leat,  do 
theagmhuig  ort  'sa  tslighe  an  la  eile:  is  de  bhrigh  när  gheillis  go  rabhadar 
a  bhriattera  nä  a  chraoibhsgaoileadh  ar  dhlighe  's  ar  bheacht  Dhe  firinneach, 


THE   VISION   OF   MERLINO.  411 


'Dear  comrade'  said  he  'what  meaneth  this  place  whereto 
we  have  come?  And  hadst  thou  knowledge  of  it?  It  seemeth 
that  thou  hast  deceived  me  in  bringing  me  here;  and  I  am 
certain  that  it  will  be  impossible  for  me  ever  to  go  back.' 

'  I  surely  had  knowledge  of  it '  said  the  comrade.  '  He  whom 
thou  thoughtest  with  thee,  that  am  not  I;  but  a  spirit  from 
the  attendants  of  God  Almighty.  He  hath  sent  me  to  thee, 
to  shew  thee  the  things  that  were  in  tliy  mind  continually, 
namely,  a  sight  of  Hell,  and  of  the  pains  prepared  for  the  sons 
of  wrath.    This  is  Hell'  said  he. 


XII.  'Oh,  that  is  sad'  said  Merlino.  'There  is  what  I 
never  believed  tili  now:  I  thought  it  was  nothing  but  a  trickery 
of  holy  men  and  preachers  who  were  teaching  those  things  to  us. 
And  alas!  I  see  that  I  must  &pend  my  time  for  ever  in  the 
midst  of  this  army  of  the  lost;  unless  God  by  His  great  grace, 
His  great  compassion,  His  great  mercy,  give  me  now  time  to 
make  restitution  and  to  repent  of  my  faults  if  it  be  a  thing 
possible  to  do.  Alas,  not  one  of  those  here  deserves  these  pains 
more  than  I  do,  because  I  never  did  one  action  in  accordance 
with  God's  will,  but  have  done  every thing  against  it.' 


agus  go  raibh  mian  ort  an  radharc  sin  d'fhaghail  d'fhaisneis  na  firinne  cinnte 
dhuit,  ata  comhachta  agamsa  6  Dhia  Uile-Chumhachtach  radharc  Iff.  do 
thaisbeanadh  dhuit  anois  L.  ")  de  ghnäth  BH.  '*)  piantabh  Iff.  do  bhi 
a  BH.        19)  om.  G. 

Xn.   2")  agus  nar  ghaill  added  L.  ^^)  roimhe  so  BGL,  roimhe  K. 

^*)  om.  N.  ^^)  go  firinneach  added  L.  ^*)  ag  na  doctuiridhe  diadhachta 
agus  ag  na  diadhairidhe  agus  ag  na  seanmontaidhe  acht  cealgaireacht  gan 
eifeacht  K.  ^^)  cleasuidheacht  agus  cealg  B,  cluain  cleasuidheacht  L,  ceall 
draoideachta  G.  ^^)  do  na  ndaoine  G.  '■''')  only  in  L.  ^^)  fein  added  B 
^^)  agus  i  bhfochair  added  L.  ^°)  agus  na  ndiabhal  added  L.  ^i)  ^^^^ 
in  L.  The  rest  have  ni  mö  [do  BE]  thuill;  ni  mor  gur  mo  do  thuill  G. 
^^)  da  bhfuil  [ag  fulang  pianta  L]  added  HL.  ^^)  agus  piannais  added  L. 
^*)  om.  BH.  3^)  om.  H.  ^^)  a  raibh  {for  ariamh)  added  H.  ")  ariamh 
acht  anaghaid  thola  Dhe  B.        ^^)  om.  H. 


412  R.  A.  STEWART   MACALISTER, 

Ni  i)fuireach  air  do  'n  dul-sa'')  ar  an  2)Spiorad  Eo- 
lach:2)3)  'acht  do  blieara  mise  dochiim  an  tsaoghail  thü  aris: 
acht  go  dtaisblieanadh  me  cuid  de  phiantaibh  Iffrionn  *)  agiis  na 
druinge  damanta^)  üd.^)^) 

XIII.  Annsin  do  chonnairc  Meiiino  sluagh  ^^lionmar^)  de 
dhaoinibli  ^)m6r-pliriosanacliaibh'')  s)d'a  ionnsuidlie,  agns  eadaigh 
y)dhaol-dhathaclia  orra:  lo^agus  drägün  teinntrigh  i^)i'^)mar 
eacli^i)  faoi  '')gach  aon  '•'^)dliiobh:i^)  lasaii'  gliraineamhaili2)i4j 
as  beal  '  5)  agns  as  sroin'^)  gaclia  aoin  dhiobh  amach;  agus 
i")diablial  dubh  i  blifocliair  gaclia  i6)aoin  aca,^'')  agus  sguirse  i 
läimli  gacli  diabhail  diobli;i')  ag  i*)sguirsäili^)  agus  ag  suisteadli 
na  druinge  damanta  i9)sin  tre  teinntibh  agus  tre  lasrachaibli 
greadaclia  geur-nimlmeacha  agus  go  habhadh  na  bpian  i'')  2t')mas- 
lamha;2o)  agus  2i)na  druinge^i)  22))3iiochta22)  damanta  sin  ag 
2^)gaiTtlia2^)  agus  ag  geur-ghol  agus  ag  24)sior-sgreadaigli24)  ar 
an  mbas,  agus  an  bas  ag  25)  theitheadh  rompa. 

'An  20) iblifeidir  tusa'2«)  ar  an  Spiorad  Eölach  'cia  hiad  an 
27)drong2')  28)üd  doclii  tu  d'a  bpianadli2s)  29)niar29)  süd?' 

'Ni  »o)flieidir'3c)  ar  Merlino  'acht  ai)^-)ro-flieadar3i)  liom 
gurab  mör  na  pianta  üd  orra.'32) 

'Ata  pianta  is  mö  3.'')no  a  bhfaicion  tu 3=')  orra'  ar  an 
Spiorad  Eölach;  'agus'")  ag  süd ^4) 3^) an  rights)  agus  na  prionn- 
saidlie  36)agus  na  h-iarladh '^f')  do  chonnairc  tu  ^')ö  chianaibh  anns 
na  coistibh  agus  anns  na  carbadaibh,  3')38)län  de  mhördhäil 
agus  de  dhuaill  an  tsaoghail.  Na  3o)magha  aille  39)40)^0  chonairc 
tu  i  dtinichioU  na  cuirte-si^i)  amuigh,  '*2)ag  sin  an  ■'2)  saoghal 
cealgach^'^)  44)inealbhach^^)  do  mheall  an  45)niuinntir45)  üd,'  ar 
se,  'agus  na  neithe  le  a  r'  mhealladh  iad,  mar  ata  oir,  airgiod, 

*)  fhanfair  an  chuaird  so  iona  measg  L,  fuireach  do  dheanfair  [do'n 
turus  so  G,  o'n  dulsa  K]  GK.  ^)  t-aingioll  here  and  elsewhere  siibstituted 
for  these  ivords  in  G.  ^)  sin,  do  chuir  Dia  d'ionnsuidhe  M.  i  riocht  a  chom- 
pänaigh  L.        *)  om.  L.        ^)  om.  G,  ata  in  Iffrion  B. 

Xni.   ^)   om.  BH.  ')  mör  phearsanacha   GrL,    mör   phianaidhe  B.. 

^)  ag  teacht  added  L.  ^)  dath-ghranna  orm:    agus  gur  ghlonnmhaire  an 

t-eadach  sin  no  eadach  mnä  taireis  a  tuismidh,  dragün  teinntrigh  faoi  H. 
^^)  om.  B.  ")  om.  K.  '*)  om.  G.  ")  om.  E,  mar  each  H.  ")  ghoimh- 
theach  added  H.  ^•')  om.  GHK.  "^)  duine  damanta  H.  ")  diabhal  L, 
diabhalaibh   dubha  K,  diabhal  dubh  B.  ^»)  sguirseadh  B.  1»)  seal 

[eile  iV]  da  ruagadh  [gus  an  BEN,  go  Cr]  loch  nimhe  do  bhi  [bealaibh  HE, 
ar  beal  JV6r]  na  tineadh  agus  o'n  loch  [gus  na  tintaidh  sin  aris  agus  go 
habhadh  na  bpian  N,  sin  no  teine  ris  go  habainn  na  bpian  GHE]  GHEN. 


THE    VISION    OF    MERLINO.  413 

'Witliout  delay  tliou  slialt  return'  said  tlie  Spirit  of  Wisdom. 
'I  sliall  carry  thee  myself  to  the  world  again;  but  I  sliall  slieAV 
tliee  some  of  tlie  paiiis  of  Hell,  and  of  yonder  lost  ones.' 

XIII.  Then  Merlino  saw  a  great  liost  of  people,  in  lieavy 
bonds,  approacliing  liim,  with  sad  coloured  raiment  upon  them: 
and  a  fiery  dragon  like  a  liorse  under  every  one,  with  liideous 
flames  Coming  from  tlie  eyes  and  nostrils  of  eacli  of  tliem:  and 
a  black  devil  beside  every  one,  with  a  scourge  in  the  hand  of 
each,  scourging  and  flailing  tliat  crowd  of  the  lost  through  fires 
and  through  awfnl  sharp-poisonous  flames,  to  the  dungeon  of 
...  [?]  pain :  and  those  poor  lost  multitudes  howling  and  bitterly 
weeping  and  shrieking  long  for  death,  while  death  kept  far 
from  them. 


'Knowest  thou'  said  the  Spirit  of  Wisdom  'who  is  yonder 
Company  which  thou  seest  in  those  pains?' 

'I  know  not'  said  Meilino  ^but  I  know  well  that  great  is 
that  pain  which  is  on  them  ' 

'There  are  pains  greater  than  those  thou  seest  on  them, 
said  the  Spirit  of  Wisdom.  '  Those  are  the  king  and  the  princes 
and  earls  thou  sawest  long  since  in  their  carriages  and  chariots, 
füll  of  the  glory  and  pride  of  the  world.  Those  fair  swards 
thou  sawest  outside  around  the  court,  they  are  the  deceptive, 
cheating  world  that  has  destroyed  yonder  folk'  said  he:  'and 
the  things  that  have  destroyed  them,  gold,  silver,  treasure,  and 


Seal  eile  beartuige  go  loch  nimhe  do  bhi  an  gar  do'n  teine  ud,  o'n  loch  gus 
an  teine  aris  as  sin  as  so  amach  go  habain  na  bpian  L.  '^'>)  om.  G.  -*)  an 
drong  GL.  ^^)  om.    GHKLN.  '")  dearchaoi  H.  *')  sgreadaigh  L, 

sior-ghairm  H.  ")  sior-  added  G.  -*)  bhfuil  fios  agat  GK.  -''}  dream 
L,   here  and  elsewhere.  ^^)   plantar   L.  ^^)  sie  GH;   rest  have  mör. 

^°)  '1  fios  agani  G.  ^')  eidir  me  K,  ata  a  fhios  agam  L.  ^'^)  is  ortha  na 
pianta  romhora  G.  ^^)  iona  chidh  K.  ^*)  ar  se  added  GH,  ar  an  S.  E. 
added  B.  '^'')  na  righthe  BGHKL.  s**)  om.  D,  agus  iarladh  L,  agus  na 
hardflaithibh  BH.  ^')  om.  BH.  3*)  agus  ar  a  n-eachra  added  L.  '^)  magh- 
aibh  eile  BH,  maithibh  aille  GK.  *")  agus  gach    neithe  taithniorahach 

eile  added  L.  *')  ar  a  dtaohh  added  L,  do'n  leith  added  K.  ")  ata 

'san  Gr.  *^)  mealtach  added  BGH,  mealtach  cleasach  added  L.  ■•*)  om.  G. 
«)  dream  GK. 

Zeitschrift  f.  coU.  Philologie  IV.  27 


414  R.  A.  STEWART   MACALISTER, 

ag-us  i)ionmhas,i)  ag-us  na  lieicli  '-)aille^)  ^)äo  chonairc  tu, 
g'ur^)  fhägbhadar  ar  an  tsaoglial  4)  ■^)  f ein  ^)  c)  ag  daoinibh«)  eile 
")iad,')^)  agiis  gan  aon  uidli  d'a  dtairbe  aca  fein,^)  aclit  pianta 
siorrtaigli,  "^)  ar  au  adhbar  go  bhfiiaradar  fein  bds  i  bpeacaidhibh 
an  diniheis.  Agus  an  eiric  na  neadaigii  ")li6gha")  län-mliäiseacha 
do  bhi  orra,  i2)as  a  ndearnadari^)  ia)uaill'=^)  agus  i4)uabliar,i4^ 
atäid  na  headaigh  i5)dublia  diabhlaidliei^)  üd  orra:  'ß)bliias'6) 
d'a  gcuradlii')  agus  d'a  i*)ngreadadlii'')  agus  d'a  i'^)bpianadh  an 
feadh  bliias  Dia  ag  caitheamh  'na  ghloire  — 

2")I  n-eiric  an  ard-aignidli  Is  an  leathtrom  na  masla 

Is  an  mlii-mheas  do  bhi  aca      Ar  daoinibli  uirisle  — 

—  agus  ar  an  2i)muinntir2')  do  dhoirteadh  iad  f^in  ar  22)Dhia22) 
23)  ag  fulang  ar  a  slion2:^)  '^i)([o  shior:2'i)  agus  ^ö^ataid^^)  na  diabhail 
üd  doclii  tu  ar  a  se^nguaillibli^ß)  comli  trom  re  '- ')  sliabli  2 -)  ar  a 
28)muin,2s)  d'a  mbruidlieadli  agus  d'a  2o)jnip.]]i]iaslügliad. -■') 
3f')Agus  beid  ag^»)  fritheoladh  na  bpian  ndo-fliulaing  :")üd 
orra'^i)  tre  shaoghal  na  sliaoglial.  •'-)Agus  ag  sin  criocli  luchta 
an  ^^juabliair'^''^)  ar  se.^?) 

XIV.  '■^^)Go  grod  -^5) da  eis'-^)  sin''')do  so^chonarc-")  Merlino 
3")3^)sluagli  mor  de  mlmäibli^^)  damanta  39)4o)clmige4o)  6  4l)adh- 
bllaibll^l)  na  bpian;  agus  ''■2)iomdha  de  piasta  dubha42)  diabli- 
laidlie  ar  a  -is^raibli^^)  ^ong  4^)  clnordhubh,  ^4)  agus  go  madli 
geire  gacli  aon  ruainne  45)rinn-fhaobliracli''5)  46)(jo'n  muing") 
sin,  no  rinn  snatliaidlie  caoile:  agus  '''')gacli4')  piast  ^8)neimhe^s) 
dh6ibh  casta  fo  bhragliaidh  agus  fo  muineäl  gaclia  aoin 
diobh:49)   agus   50)^11^50)  dhiablial   °i)  clireinmeacha   chiordubha 

^)  aoibhneas  K.  ")  ailne  K,  eile  H.  ^)  agus  gach  saidhbhreas 
eile,  d'  L.  *)  iad  added  GK.  ^)  om.  GKLN.  '^)  ag  gaoghal  agus  ag 
comhguis  agus  ag  gach  duine  L.  ')  om.  BGHL.  ")  'tä  da  cliaithiomh 
agus  da  sgaipe  aiiois  gan  süim  na  bpian:  agus  nach  trüagh  au  sgeal  do  duine 
ar  bith  amhäiu  d'fhaghbhail  ar  iountaoibh  duine  eile  agus  feacsa  na  bochtäin 
bhochta  so  de  chrionaibh  an  tioninhathas  üd  mar  sud :  's  gan  added  L.  ^)  anois, 
agus  cia  bhi  a  sholas  dimbüan  atä  dolas  bithbuan  an  eiric  aco,  mar  atä 
added  L :  anois  added  BGN.  "»^  Iffrinn  added  L.  ")  riogha  G.  i^)  agus 
an  eiric  ndearnadar  B :  agus  in  eiric  an  L.  '•'')  duail  G.  ")  duathmar  G. 
'^)  om.  H,  dubha  daoldhathacha  K.  'c-)  gg^s  beidh  [siad  G]  GH.  »')  go 
bräth  added  BH.  '»)  ndodhadh  BH,  ngeanadh  G.  '^)  ngnathph.  added  H. 
'*")  this  stanza  is  given  as  prose  in  all  MSS.  and  variously  corrupted.  The 
second  line  omitted,  BK.         *')  dream  GK.         ")  sou  De  G.         ^a)  ^w.  G: 


THE    VISION    OF    MEKLINO.  415 

tlie  fine  liorses  tliou  sawest,  tliey  liave  left  tliem  on  tlie  eartli 
to  otliers  and  have  profited  nauglit  therefrom  save  eternal  pains, 
because  they  died  in  tlie  sin  of  Pride.  And  in  recompense  for 
the  precious  fine  raiment  tliat  was  on  them.  ^Yhe^ein  they  liad 
l)ride  and  vanity,  are  tliose  black  devilish  g-arments  they  are 
now  wearing":  they  will  be  torturing-  and  tormenting-  and  paining' 
them  so  long-  as  God  is  in  g'lory. 


In  recompense  for  proudmindedness 

And  the  heaviuess  of  contempt 

And  the  oppression  of  despite 

For  men  of  low  degree, 
and  for  the  people  who  shed  their  blood  for  God.  suffering  long 
for  His  sake.  And  those  devils  which  thou  seest  on  their  Shoulders 
are  as  heavy  as  a  mountain,  and  are  crushing  and  humbling 
them.  And  they  will  be  portioning  those  insufferable  pains  to 
them  World  without  end.  And  that  is  the  end  of  the  sons  of 
pride',  said  he. 

XIV.  Quickly  after  that  Merlino  saw  a  great  crowd  of 
lost  women,  Coming  towards  him  from  the  dungeons  of  pains: 
and  many  black  devilish  snakes  with  black  hair  npon  them,  and 
with  a  sharper  point  on  every  slender-tipped  hair  than  the  point 
of  a  fine  needle:  and  every  poisonous  snake  among  them  twisted 
round  the  necks  of  the  women  and  two  dreadful,  black  devils 


leis  a  aithridhe,  ag  ful.  ar  a  son  de  bhrigh  gur  fulang  Dia  ar  ar  son  uile  K. 
^*)  om.  K.  «5)  o„j_  Q  26)  ngluinibh  K.  ^7)  j^^agh  G.  ^s)  ndruim  G. 
29)  ndear-mh.  /.,  mor-mh.  GÄ'iY.  ^o)  re  G.  ^i)  ^öibh  h_  32)  ^„j  ß. 
ag  [sin  GN  so  KL]   crioch  &c.   GKLN.  ^^)   diomais   G,   diomais  agus 

uabliair  KH. 

XIV.    This  Paragraph  and  XV  transposed,  BH.     ^^)  om.  H.        ^=)  na 
dhiaigh  GL.  ^^)   dhearc   G,   cM  H.  ^v)   ^g   ^  haitble    sin   added  H. 

^*)  This  clearly  correct  rcadivg  only  in  F  sluagb.  A  &c.  sl.  mor  6r:  sluagh 
d'anmannaibb  H,  drong  eile  d'anmannaibb  B.  ^^)  dnbba  diabblaidbe  datb- 
gbranna  added  A.  *")  om..  H.  ")  abbainn  L.  *-)  piast  dubb  H,  piasta 
dubba  GLN.  *3)  bbfuil  G.  ■")  garbb  gräiueambail  G.  «)  om.  H. 

")  d'a  mungaibb  L.  *'•)  om.  H.  ^^)  om.  GH.  *'^)  om.  L.  ^'>)  om.  G. 
*')  grannda  added  GN. 

27* 


416  R.  A.  STEWART   MACALISTEE, 

ag  sughadh  agus  ag  diul  chiocha  Ogacha  2)innä2)  diobh:  agus^^) 
a  süile  ar  luath-lasadli  in  a  3)g'ceann,  agus  uimliir  4)do-äirimhtlie4) 
de^)  deamlmaibh  •'•)  damaiita  •'>)  'na  dtinicliioll,  agus  sgiursaidhe 
6)teinntrigh6)  i  läimli  gacha  ')deamliain")  dhiobh:  *)9)agus  iad-') 
ag  sgiursail  agus  ag  suisteadh  na  io)mban'o)  sin:^)  agus  iadsan 
ag  sgreadaigh  i')^gusag'')  sgreachaidli  ")i2)i3)agus  ag")  gartli- 
aidli  i^)i*)ar  theagUach  thinntidlie  na  bpian. 

'An  i5)blifuil  fhios  agat'i^)  ar  an  Spiorad  Eolach  'cread  fa 
bhfuil  ar  '6)drumg'6)  üd  d'a  bpianadli  mar  sud?' 

*Ni  '')fios'i^)  ar  Merlino:  'acht  nior  chreid  nie  rianili  gur 
cliuir  Dia  do  phiantaibh  Iffrinn  uiriod  agus  dochim  ar  aon  anam 
amliain  '8)aca  sud.'  's) 

i9)'Agi9)  sud'  ar  an  Spiorad  Eolach  20)^  an  drong2o)  do  fuair 
bäs  i  bpeacaidh  na  drüisi:  agus  2i)atäid  na  h-aithreacha2i)  nimhe 
üd  dochi  tu  casta  fo  2'i)bhragaid  gach  aoin  diobh22)  i  n-eiric  na 
23)sgabhal  agus  na  slabhradh  agus  na  n-ornasg  do  chuiridis 
2^) da  na2i)  muineäl  do  mhealladh  fear  na  niban  bp6sda.25)  26)Agus 
na  27)ciiabhail  bhforcuil  (?)-")  agus  21.)  an  lasair  üd  dochi  tu  as 
a  suilibh,  ata  i  n-eiric  na  n-amharc2s)  claon  mäiliseach  do  bheiridis 
ar  29)fearaibh2f)  yo)neanih=50)-phösda.^')  Agus  na  diabhail  crein- 
meacha  üd  dochi  tu  ag  sügh  agus  ag  diül  a  gcioch.  atäid  i  n-eiric 
na  glacaireacht  tlirüaillidhe  d'fhulaingeöidis  a  dheanamh  orra  ar 
a  gcuirp  agus  ar  a  gcroicionn.  Agus  na  diabhail  üd  d'a  sgiursadh 
agus  ag  fritheöladh  na  bpian  dhoibh,  ataid  i  n-eiric  na  druinge 
le  n-dearnadar  •*2)na  peacadh''2)  •'^)ghranna.^^)  Agus  beid  d'a 
34)bpianadh34)  amhladh  sud  an  fad  a  bhias  Dia  3^)1  siorruid- 
heacht.' 

Agus  ag  so  na  briathra  do  bhi  i  mbeal  gach  aoin  dhiobh: 

I  n-eiric  pheachaidh  na  drüisi  D'a  bhfaghmais  duil  is  taitneamh 
'Ta  gach  diabhal  ^e^d^xiaiiiMi)  37)jnar  dhaola^^)      ^^)Ag  creim  ar 

[dtaobh  's  ar  gceadf adh. '  3*») 


^)  agus  uchta  added  H.  ^)  aon  JEL.         ")  om.  H.         *)  om.  O. 

^)  om.  H.        '^)  om.  N.        '')  aon  L.       ^)  om.  G       ^)  gach  diabhal  doibh  H. 
'")   naumann   H.  ")   om.    GL.  '*)   garthaidh   H.  ^^)   om.   M. 

'*)  grathail  G.  '-)  bhfeadar  tu  H.  1«)  dream  G.  ")  bhfuil  G, 

fheidir  H.  '")  da  bhfaiciom  H.  '^)  om.  N.  '^°)  na  ranäibh  G. 

2')  ata  an  t-athair  GH.      ^^)  na  thraghaidhibh  L.       ^^)  druinge  na  added  G. 
*')    ua    uibräghadaibh    agus    fa    ua  U.  ")    agus    gau    phösadh    addtd   L. 


THE    VISION    OF    MERLINO.  417 

sucking  at  tlie  breasts  of  each  of  tliem  and  their  eyes  hlazing 
in  their  heads;  and  a  countless  numher  of  demons  around  them, 
with  a  fiery  scourge  in  tlie  hand  of  each:  and  they  were 
scourging-  and  flailing  those  women,  who  were  screaming  and 
shrieking  and  crying  out  on  the  fiery  hearth  of  pains. 


'Knowest  thoir  said  the  Spirit  of  Wisdoni  'wherefore  yonder 
multitude  is  pained  thus?' 

*  I  know  not '  said  Merlino :  *  but  I  never  believed  that  God 
shaped  as   many  pains  in  Hell  as  I  see   upon  each  Single  soul.' 

'  Yonder '  said  the  Spirit  of  Wisdom  '  are  they  who  died  in 
the  sin  of  Lust:  and  the  poisonous  adders  thou  seest  twined  on 
the  necks  of  each  are  in  recompense  for  the  cloaks  (?)  and  chains 
and  Ornaments  they  piaced  on  their  necks  to  Iure  husbands  to 
destruction.  And  the  devils  ...[?]  and  the  fire  thou  seest  out 
of  their  eyes  are  in  recompense  for  the  evil  looks  they  cast  on 
unmarried  men.  And  those  terrible  devils  thou  seest  sucking 
their  breasts  are  in  recompense  for  the  wickedness  they  suffered 
to  be  done  on  their  persons.  And  those  devils  scourging  and 
serving  pain  to  them  are  in  recompense  for  those  with  whom 
unspeakable  sin  was  wrought.  And  they  will  be  in  pains  like 
to  those  yonder  so  long  as  God  shall  be  in  eternity.' 


And  these  are  the  words  which  were  in  the  mouth  of  each 
one  of  them: 

'In  recompense  for  the  sin  of  lust 
Wherein  we  found  delight  and  pleasure 
All  the  black  demons,  like  chafers, 
Are  fi'etting  our  sides  and  our  senses. ' 

^®)  om.  L,  agus  G.  2')  bhfear  cuill  N.  -*)  added  except  in  GHLN. 

^®)  na  fir  H.       ^°)  om.  L.       'i)  agus  gan  phösadh.  d'a  dtarraingt  chum  mian 
mi-6rduighthe   na   drüisi   added  L  ^'^)   om.   G.  ^^)   gräineamhla   H. 

3«)  bpacaigh  H.  »s)    ^^  Dja   added  H.  3«)   diobh  L.  •")  om.  G. 

mar  dhaolaibh  MSS.        ^^)  D'ar  gcreim,  d'ar  leadradh,  agus  d'ar  ngearradh  L : 
ag  creime  ar  a  gcroidhtheach  H. 


418  R.  A.  STEWART   MACALISTER. 

XV.  ')A  li-aithle')  na  druing-e  sin  do  2)clionnairc2)  Merlino 
3)drong3)  eile  d'anmannaibli  damanta  d'a  ionnsuigli  ■')as  adli- 
bliaidh^)  na  bpian;  ag-us  craos  gacli  aoin  dhiobh  fosgailte,  agus 
^)lasair5)  gräineamhail  as  <')beal  agus  as  sroin  agus  as  süilibli 
gaclia  aoin  dhiobh:  6)  agns  il-iomad  de  phiasdaibh  dubha  ■')dath- 
ghränna  ag")  teacht  amach  agus  isteach  thrid'^)  9)an  lasair  sin:") 
agus  leabhair  i  läimh  gacha  aoin  aca.  agus  '^)linte  dubha 
sgriobhtha  ionnta:  ")agus  ag  so  na  briathra  do  leighdis  is  na 
leabhraibh  sin:i")>i) 

'?)'Is  iad'2)  so  na  pianta  adliblila    Do  bheir  na  garrtha  cinnte 

[?an  g.  caoinnteacli] 
Is  orrann  ata  mead  gach  dochair    Trom-pheachaidh  na  sainnte'. 

'An  '3)bhfeidir  tu''-')  ar  an  8piorad  Eolach,  'cia  h-iad  an 
drong  üd  dochi  tu  anoisV 

'Ni  i4)i3iifeidir'!^)  ar  Merlino,  'acht  is  orra  ata  na  pianta 
dofhuilingthe. ' 

'Ag  sud'  ar  an  Spiorad  Eolach  'an  i') drong '•^)  a  fhuair 
bäs  i  'ö^bpeacaidli'ö)  na  sainnte:  mar  ata  lucht  dlighe  do  thag- 
radh  i  gcas  na  heagcora  mar  gheall  i'')ar'')  oir  agus  ar 
i»)iomlias:  •*)  agus  ''Ogach  drong  -") ainmhianach 20)  21) eile  do2<) 
22)shantaigheas22)  cuid  agcomharsan,  agusi-')  do  23)ni23)  leathtrom 
na  n-anbhfann  -'')25)agus  na  2^')  ndileaeht  agus  na  26)ndaoir- 
seacht,  24)26^  niar  gheall  ar  shaidhbhreas  diombuan  an  tsaoghail 
2')do  thaiTaing2-)  28)  orra 2^)  fein'  2!i)ar  an  Spiorad  Eolach. 29) 

XVI.  ^»)As  a  h-aithle  sin  31)  dochi ^f')^')  Merlino  sluagh''-) 
mor  33)  eile 33)  34)  ^g  teacht  ■''^) -'ä)  ^«)as  abhaidhibh  ^e)  na  bpian, 
3')  agus  dhä^')  athair  nimhe  casta  fa  bhun  srona  gacha  aoin 
3fe)diobh:38)  agus  '■^^)gSith.^'-')  teinntigh  ag  gach  athair  nimhe 
4^) aca 40)  säite  *i)in  gach  süil  d'a  süilibh,*!)  i2)ag  radh  —^■) 

XV.  1)  Ar  imtheacht  L.  ^)  chi  H.  3)  dream  L.  *)  6  abhain  L. 
'')  lasracha  L.  *)  a  mbealaibh  as  a  srönaibh  agus  as  suilibh  L:  beal  agus 
as  suile  agus  as  sroin  G:  beal  .  .  .  suil  gach  spioradli  deamhuadh  dath- 
granna  H.  ')   diabblaidhe   H.  ")   ärd  H.  *)   na   lasracha   sin  G. 

'")  na  leabhar  sin  c6mh  dhubh  le  ghüal,  agus  gach  aon  aco  ag  leamh  na 
nibriathra  so  L.  ")  om.  H.     '2)  ag  L.     This  stanza  is  greatly  corrupted 

in  the  MSS;  in  H  it  is  given  as  jjrose.  Several  (even  A)  read  sinnsire  for 
sainnte  in  the  last  line.  ^'^)  bhfuil  fios  agat  here  and  in  similar  passages  G. 
")  bhfuil  here  and  in  similar  passages  G.  '^)  dream  here  and  elseichere  L. 
>*)  sie   GHL:   rest   have  bpeacaidhibh.  ")   är  L.  '^)   aoibhneas  G. 


THE  VISION    OF   MERLINO.  419 

XV.  After  that  miütitude  Merlino  saw  another  multitude 
of  lost  souls  approacliiug  him  from  the  dungeons  of  pain,  eacli 
witli  his  moutli  open,  and  hideous  flame  issuing'  from  the  throat 
and  nose  and  eyes  of  eveiy  one  of  tliem:  and  swarms  of  black 
hideous-coloured  snakes  Coming-  in  and  out  throngli  the  flame: 
and  books  in  the  hand  of  each,  with  black  lines  written  therein: 
and  these  are  the  words  to  be  read  in  those  books: 


'These  are  the  mighty  pains 

Which  bring  the  appointed  cries  (?)  [?  cries  of  lamentationj 

On  US  is  Store  of  every  trouble 

From  the  heavy  sin  of  greed.' 

'  Knowest  thou '  said  the  Spirit  of  Wisdom  '  what  is  yonder 
multitude  that  thou  seest  now?' 

'I  know  not'  said  Merlino:  'but  'tis  on  them  are  pains  not 
to  be  borne. ' 

'Yonder'  said  the  Spirit  of  "Wisdom  'are  they  who  died  in 
the  sin  of  Greed:  such  as  those  who  plead  in  an  unjust  cause  for 
the  sake  of  gold  and  wealth:  and  all  other  lustful  men  who 
coveted  the  goods  of  their  neighbours,  who  oppressed  the  weak, 
the  orphan  and  the  captive,  that  they  might  draw  to  themselves 
the  vain  wealth  of  the  world.'    So  spake  the  Spirit  of  Wisdom. 


XYI.  After  that  Merlino  saw  another  great  multitude 
Coming  from  out  the  dungeons  of  pain;  two  poisonous  adders 
twined  beneath  the  nose  of  each,  and  a  poisonous  sting  to  every 
serpent  among  them  thrust  into  each  of  their  eyes,  with  these 
words : 

1»)  om.  H.        20)  o»j.  L.        21)  Tiiie  z,.        22)  thaitliigheas  G.        »»)  sie  GHL: 

rest   have   mödh.  ^*)   om.   N.  -*)    eadhon    Gr.  ^6)   ndesaighibh   H, 

u-iüreasbach  L.        '^')  's  i  do  bheith  H.        2«)  aca  H.         29)  ^wi.  GHL. 

XVI.  "")  Ni  fada  "na  dhiaigh  sin  go  bhfeaca  L:  om.  H.  ^^)  dhearc  G. 
^-)   adhbbal   added   H.  ^^)   uile   L.  ^*)   chuige   H.  ^s)   amach  L. 

3«)  [as  L  ö  G]  abhainu   GL.  ")  om.  L.  =8)  ^co  L.  ^^)  gadb  L. 

*")  diobb  GH.  *i)  a  süile  na  druinge  damanta  cbeadua;  agus  ag  so  na 
briathra  anu  a  bbfuil  an  lasar  nimhe  H:  as  gach  .  .  .  suilibh,  agus  iad  L. 
*2)  om.  H :  ag  r.  na  briathra  so  L :   agus  ag  so  briathra  do  gach  aon  diobh  G. 


420  R.  A.  STEWART   MACALISTER. 

'Ag-  SO  na  süile  mallaighthe     lona  bhfuil  an  lasair  nimhe, 
Ag-  so  süile  an  tnütha  Do  bheir  d'ar  gcüradh  sinne' 


^)'An  fheadar  tu  cia  h-iad  sud?'  ar  an  Spiorad  Eolacli. 

'Ni  fheadar'  ar  Merlino.') 

'Ag  sud'  2)ar  an  Spiorad  Eolach^)  'an  drong  a  fhuair  bas 
i  bpeachadh  an  tnütlia;  agus  in  eiric  na  n-amharc'^)  sanntach 
do  bheiridis  ar  chuid  a  gcomharsan,  atäid  na  i)diabliaiP)  üd 
säite  iona  süilibli,  agus  biaidli  an  feadh  bhias  Dia  •^)ag  caiteamli 
'na  5)  gloire  fijmaille«)  re  gacli  pian  eile  da  bhfuil  orra.' 

XVII.  ■')As  a  liaithle  sin')  feachus  Merlino  8)seacha,-') 
agus  dochi^)  loch  mör  iona  raibh  uisge  ar  dhath  an  domblais: 
agus  as  e  fa  h-ainm  do'n  loch  sin,  Loch  na  bPian:  öir  an 
mhead  do  chruthaigheadh'O)  ar  dhruim  na  talmhan  do  ii)mhair- 
bheochaidh '  1)  aon  bhraon  amhäin  d'uisge  an  locha  sin  uile  iad, 
tre  '2)ro-mhead  fhuachta. '2)  '3)  Agus  moran'3)  daoine 'na  suidhe 
i^)ann  go  nuige  a  i^)smeig,")  i-^)  >  6)  agus  il-iomadh  de  bhiadha 
taithneamhacha  ag  snämh  ar  an  uisge  'na  bhfiadhnuise,'^)  's 
gan  ar  gcumas  dhoibh  an  biadh  sin  do  bhlaiseadh:  oir  do  bhadar 
a  gcosa  agus  a  lämha  '')ceangailte'^)  i  nglasaibh  na  bpian,  agus 
iad  ag  ^**)tairgsin  siothadh  do  thabhairt^*')  ar  an  mbiadh  '•')sin 
le  na  mbealaibh,  's  gan  tairbhe  dhoibh  ann:  agus^^)  ag  so  na 
briathra  do  chanaidis: 
'In  eiric  an  bhid  2")nar  locus^*')      Agus  olcus  do  2i)nidliinn2i) 

[trosgadh 
Ta  gorta  nihör  is  iota       22) 'Na  2:*)mbiam2:^)  24)choidhche22)24) 

[d'ar  losgadh.' 

'Ag  sud'  ar  an  vSpiorad  Eolach  'an  drong  a  fhuair  bäs 
2^)i  bpeacadh  an  chraois;  agus-^)  in  eiric  an  bhidh  bhlasta  mhilis, 
agus  2ti)bhriste  an  troisge,  agus^e)  na  h-antola  do  thugadar  do  'n 
gcolann  ainmhianaigh  ar  an  tsaoghal,  atä  an  biadh  üd  in  a 
bhfiadhnuise  's  27)gan  28)ar  a  gcumas  2*^)   a  bhlaiseadh  go  brath: 


The  stanza  is  tvritten  as  j^^ose  and  mutilated  in  varioiis  ways  by  all  the 
MSS.  except  B. 

*)  om.  BH.  2)  om.  A.  ^)  claon    added  G  tnüthach  added  L. 

*)  gathaibh  G.        ■')  in  H.        «)  mar  aon  L. 

XVII.  ■')  Annßin  L.  »)  timcliioll  air  agus  do  chonnarc  L.  '■')  dhe 
added  N.  i")  Dia  [do  dhaoine  H]  GH.  'i)  fheursach  G,  mhuirfeadh  H. 
'■^)  uimh  agus  tre  fuacht  L.  '»)  Do  chonarc  M  iomadh  Ä.  '*)  ar  a 

bhruach  ag  nighe  a  sgeimh  H.  "^)  smigäil  L.  '*)  sau  loch  sin,  agus 


THE    VISION    OF   MERLINO.  421 

'These  are  the  eyes  accursed 

Whei-eiii  is  the  flame  of  poison 

These  are  the  eyes  of  envy 

Which  we  carry  to  our  torment.' 
'  Knowest  thou  who  yonder  are '? '  saicl  the  Spirit  of  Wisdom. 
'I  know  not'  said  Merlino. 

'Yonder'  said  the  Spirit  of  Wisdom  *are  they  who  died  in 
the  sin  of  Envy:  and  in  recompense  for  the  covetous  eye  they 
cast  on  their  neighbonrs'  g-oods  those  devils  yonder  are  thrust 
into  their  eyes;  and  so  long-  as  God  is  in  glory  they  will  be 
there,  with  every  other  pain  that  is  on  them.' 

XVII.  After  that  Merlino  looked  aside,  and  beheld  a  great 
lake  wherein  was  water  of  wormwood  colonr;  and  the  lake 
was  called  the  Lake  of  Pain,  for  one  Single  drop  of  the  water 
of  the  lake  wonld  destroy  all  the  creatures  on  the  surface  of 
the  earth  by  the  bitterness  of  its  chill.  And  many  people  were 
sitting  therein  up  to  the  chin;  and  Stores  of  pleasant  victual 
swimming-  on  the  water  before  them;  yet  it  was  not  in  their 
power  to  taste  the  food.  For  their  feet  and  their  hands  were 
bound  in  fetters  of  pain,  and  they  were  trying  to  snatch  at  the 
food  with  their  moiiths,  but  it  availed  them  not:  and  these  are 
the  words  the}^  were  singing: 


'In  recompense  for  the  food  we  refused  not(?) 
And  the  evil  of  our  keeping  (=  neglect  of  our)  fasts 
Great  hunger  and  thirst 
Is  ever  on  us  to  our  consuming.' 

'Yonder'  said  the  Spirit  of  AYisdom  'are  those  who  died 
in  the  sin  of  Gluttony:  and  in  recompense  for  the  sweet-tasting 
food,  and  the  neglected  fasts,  and  their  lustful  indulgence  of  the 
flesh  on  the  earth,  yonder  food  is  before  them  without  their  ever 
having  power  to  taste  it;  and  in  recompense  for  their  intemperance 


il-iomadh  diabhalaibh  ag  snämh  'san  loch ;  gada  uile  chineal  bidh  ag  imtheacht 
ar  uachtar  an  locha  L.  Agus  a  inolamadh  do  bhi  taithniomhach  ar  an  saoghal 
ag  snamh  ar  an  uisge  C.     G  likewise  has  amolamadh.  ")  creapüilti  BH. 

'")  tabhairt  iarracht  H,  tabhairt  tairgsin  G,  snapadh  L.  ^^)  amhail  madraoi ; 
agus  an  biadh  ag  teithe  uatba  L.  -»)  agns  na  ndeochann  L.  ^i)  ghnidh- 
mis  an  L.  '^^)sigxis  mbiam  go  cinnti  H.  ^^)  bpian  L.  ^*)  om.  G. 

^^)  om.  G,  2G-)  an  cbredis,  agus  in  eiric  adäed  G.  -')  oni.  H.  '-«)  cumas 
doibh  G. 


422  R.  A.  STEWART   MACALISTER, 

ag-us'*)  as  i  is  deoch  dhöibh  i  n-eiric  na  pöite  agus  na  misge 
ag-us  na  li-antola  i)tugadar  doibli  fein,')  domblas  2)agus  mor- 
monta;-)  agus  in  eiric  na  ieapaclia  sasta,  •^)^)agiis  lagliadli  an 
clirädh  do  bheiridis  d'a  gcorpaibli  5)ainmhianacha,'»)5)  e^biaid 
')an  tnisg-e  üd  doclii  tusa  d'a  *^)ngTeadadh^)  le  nimli^)  gheir- 
loisge  ")i")fhuair  an  locha  ina  blifuilid  agus  ii)ina  mbiaid,') "') 
an  fheadh  bhias  Dia  ''^jag-  caitheamh  na  gloire.' ") '^) '•^) 

XVIII.  14)  Feachus  14)  Merlino  i5)seacha,i6)  agus  i')do 
chonairc'^)!')  drong  do  -  airimhthe  d'anmannaibh  damanta  ar 
theaghlach  is)na  bpian'^)  dteinntighe,  "O^gTis  teine  2o)ghrodach2o) 
gheur-nimlmeacli  ar''')  buan-lasadh  'na  dtimchioll;  agus -i)sluagli 
adhbhal  mör  2-)de  dliiabhlaibh  -:')uathmliara'''3)  ■■^4)aithmlieile-2)"^4) 
ag  fod6gli22)  agus  ag  fiitlieöladh  na  tinneadh  sin  riu,  agus  d'a 
2ä)gcongbhail25)  ar  theaglach  ^ß)agus  ar  urlär^s)  na  bpian:  agus 
iad  fein  ag  ^T^tgiTaing  agus  ag  tuargain^")  a  cheile  '^^)ms  an 
teine  sin:  2s)agus  ag  so  na  briatlira  bhi  i  mbeul  gacha  aoin  diobh: 

'I  n-eiric  na  feirge  fuathmliaire      An  ^o^pi^eachadh^«)  lear 

[truailleadh  sinne 
Ni  fhaicfiom  Dia  go  cinnte      Acht  d'ar  bpianadh  i  dteintibh. ' 


30) 'Ag  sud'  ar  an  Spioradh  Eolach  'an  drong  a  bhfuair  bäs 
i  bpeacadh  na  feirge:  •^')agus  in  eiric  3-)dhasachta''2)  na  feirge 
agus  •^■5)neamhcheansachta33)  na  h-inntinne,  agus  na  h-easumh- 
laclita  ■^''^)  agus  na  h-easurrama,  beid  an  drong  üd  d'a  gcuradh 
agus  d'a  ngreadadli  go  =*4)3'^)geurninihneach3'')  ar  urlär  na  bpian, 
agus  na  diabhail  üd  ^'O^B'  fritheoladh -'4)  na  pian  orra  •^')gan 
chrich  gan  foircbeann '^ß)  tre  saoghal  na  saoghal.''")^«) 


^)  om.  LN.  2)  om.  G.  ^)  clumula  clutara  arda  shocra  gan  loithne 
gaoithe  na  fiiachta  d'a  n-iomlaisg  a  bhflocas  luighad  an  crabhuuis  bheiridis 
d'a  gcorpaibh  added  L:  tintean  na  bpian  ar  dearglasadh  6ir  ni  chniridis 
cradadh  troisgthi  no  urnaigh  d'a  gcuraibh  added  II.  *)  om.  H.  ^)  amhail 
iongantach  G.  ^)   's  gan  truadli  uä  taise  na  reint  le  bochtaibh  beigan 

tuasgadh  da  gciadh  agus  d'a  loisge  le  niinh  added  L.  ')  adhuil  suid  N. 

")  ngearradh  H.  »)  an  added  A  and  others.  '")  om.  H.  ")  biaidh 

ann  go  siorrnidhe  B.  '-)  ar  neamh  L.  ")  suthaine  gan  chrioch  gan 

fhoircheann  gan  fhurtacht  gan  fhaosamh  added  H. 

XVIII.   '*)  Nior  bhfada.  'na  dhiaigh  sin  go  bhfeaca  L.  '•^)  om.  L. 

'«)  de  added  GNE.  ")  do  dhearc  G,  dochi  H.  i»)  om.  H.  i^)  om.  L. 
20)  ghreadach  H.        21)  diabhul  uathmliar  adhbal  G.        ^s)  om.  H.       ■^^)  ath- 


THE   VISION    OF   MEKLINO.  423 

and  drunkenness  and  imnioderateness  is  gall  and  wormwood 
given  them  to  drink;  and  in  recompense  for  tlieir  slothful  beds, 
and  the  little  pain  they  gave  to  their  lustful  bodies,  that  water 
yonder  wliicli  thon  seest  will  be  tormenting-  tlieir  bodies  with 
the  sliarp-burning  poison  of  the  cold  of  the  lake  in  which  they 
are  and  shall  be  so  long'  as  God  is  in  glory.' 

XVIII.  Merlino  looked  aside  and  beheld  a  countless  throng 
of  lost  soiils  on  the  hearth  of  burning  pain,  and  a  swift  sharp- 
poisonous  flame  ever  burning:  around  them:  and  a  mighty  host 
of  hateful  demons  of  destruction  forcing  and  apportioning  those 
flames  upon  them  and  constraining  them  on  the  hearth  and  floor 
of  pain :  and  they  were  dragging  and  beating  one  another  in  that 
flame:  and  here  are  the  words  that  were  in  the  moiith  of  each 
of  them: 


'In  recompense  for  hateful  anger 
The  sin  whereby  we  have  been  defiled 
We  shall  not  see  God  certainly 
Except  to  our  hurt  in  the  flames,' 

'Yonder'  said  the  Spirit  of  Wisdom  'are  they  who  died  in 
the  sin  of  Anger:  and  in  recompense  for  the  fierceness  of  anger 
and  ungentleness  of  mind,  and  their  pride  and  disobedience, 
yonder  multitude  shall  be  on  the  floor  of  pain,  worn  out  and 
burnt  with  sharp  venom,  and  those  devils  will  be  apportioning 
the  pains  to  them  to  all  eternity,  world  without  end. ' 


uathmhara  L.  '-'*)  so  all  the  MSS:  perhaps  aidhmhilleadha  is  intended. 

25)  gcoinneamhail  G.  '^^)  om.  H.  ^')  treaghdadh  H;  tarraing-  agus  ag 

tartaire  G.  ^^)   'san  äit  H.  ^^)   phiasd  nearly  all  the  MSS.:  clearly  a 

misreading  of  a  common  contraction.     The  stanza  is  as  usiial  much  corrupted: 

the   curious   reading   of  P.    is   ahne  worth  giving briathra  do  bin 

i  mbeal  gach  aoin  diobh  i  neiric  na  feirge  fuathmhaire :  An  phiasd  lear 
trnailleadh  sinne  |  Ni  fhaicfiom  Dia  go  cinnte  |  Acht  d'ar  bpiana  i  dtintibh 
tineadh  |  Innte  ar  gcorp  bhochta  sinnte.  ^")  'An  aithne  duitsi  an  dream  üd' 
ar  an   S.  E.     'Ni   haithue  ar  M.   added  L.  ^^)  om.  G.  ^^)  rachta  L. 

3')  neamhcliinteachta  H.  ^*)  geur  N.  •*)  geur  GH.  ^^)  ag  a  foirthint  L. 
")  go  crioch  an  saoghail  G.  ^^)  dochi  tu.  ar  an  S.  E.  le  M.,  luach  saothar 
na  feirge,  na  drochurma  neamhumhleachta  agus  neamhcheansachta  added  L. 


424  R.  A.  STEWART   MACALISTER, 

XIX,  Feachus  Merlino  seacha, ')  agus  2)  do  clionairc  2)  drong 
eile  ■')!  seomraidhibh'«)  dorclia  "na  luidhe-^)  ann^)  a  leapachaibh 
caoile  6)ciar-d}iorcha,  •^)") ')  i  ngeibliionnaibh  agus  i  »)nglasaibh 
agus  i  ^)9)gcruadhchuiblireacliaibh;')")  'f')agus  na  leapacha 'i)sin 
ar  caorlasadh  11)  'na  dtimchioll;'")  agus  go  mbadh  breine  an  se- 
omradh  sin  no  cuirp  mharbhtha  '2)tar  eis  i'*)morgaidli'2)  dn^  theas 
na  greine; '1)  agus  '•^)a  län  aithreacha  nimhe  agus  '■•)'6)piasda 
'')grannda>^)  '^)eagsamhla'^)eile,'6)  ag  creim  agus  ag  i'')tolladh'f') 
na  druinge  damanta  sin:  20^ agus  iad  i  nglasaibh  teinntidhe  an 
diabhail:'''')  agus  ag  so  an  cronän  do  bhi  aca  d'a  chantain:2o)2iy22^ 

2^^)'!  n-eiric  na  leisge  24)iionta    Is  Aifrionn  losa  do  chailleamh 
'Tamaoid  i-5)lasracha25)  teinntighe'^e)     2?) ig  teinnte  2») Main  2^) 

[29)  ar  lasadh.' 2^)29) 

'Ag  sud'  ar  an  Spiorad  Eolach  'an  drong  a  fhuair  bas  i 
bpeacadh  na  leisge,  ^o)  agus  d'fanadh  0  Aifrionn  agus  0  seanmhoir 
agus  0  slieirbhis  De  air  leisge;'")  do  threigeadar  an  uile  maitli-^2) 
ghniomhartha  agus  le  :52)ieisge:")  do  clieangladar  iad  fein  leis 
an  diabhal  i  nglasaibh  ^3)  agus  i  ngeibhionnaibh  agus  ins  na 
gcuibhreachaibh  34)  üd  d'a  losgadli,  d'a  ndothadh,  35)  agus  d'a 
ngreadadli,35)36)  an  fad  a  bhias  Dia  ag  caitheamh  na  gl6ire, 
3'')gan  d'fhaghail  fuasgalta  orra.'s"!) 

XX.  Adubhart  3^)39) fear 39)  da  ^'Oraibli*^')  4i)d'a  pliianadh^') 
ar  urlär  na  bpian:3^)  'Ucli  a  Dhia  na  42)bhreitlie  ^2)4:i)fii^^anda'  '■') 
ar  se  4<)'is  truagli  **)^'^)nacli  bhfuilim^^)  fein  ''ß)  ceatliramh 
4')  na   ^'jhuaire  im'  cholaimi  daonna  ar  an  tsaoghal  'i^)  aris ! ' ''^) 

Do  fhreagair  spiorad  •"') damanta  e  agus  ^")is  e  •'")  adubhart: 
'A  spiorad  •'')dhamanta'-'')  ar  se  'cread  an  sochair  dhuit  a 
bheadh^^2)  ceatramh  na  •>'^)huaire  '^4)ar  an  tsaoghal,  agus  do  teilgion 


XIX.   ')  de  added  GH.  ")  do  dhearc   G,  docbi  H.  =>)  om.   H. 

*)  dubha  addcd  LN,  dublia  daor-  added  H.  '-')  om.  H.  ^)  cruadhdhorcha 
B,  iieamhcbeansachta  iad  L.  ')  agns  geibbiuii  glas  agus  cruadbclmaibhreach 
orra  G.  **)  om.  L.  ")  sie  L:  ^/ic  »rs^ /««ve  gcrnadhcbuibbreach  orra  except 
H,  ivhich  omits  orra.  ■")  om.  H.  ")  ar  cbömblasa  L.  ^^)  om.  N. 

'=')  moran  gaoithe  GL.  ")  no  gaoitbe  added  H.  '^)  om.  H.  '*)  pias- 
taibh  H.  ")  om.  L.  1«)  eagsamhlacbta  L.  '»)  poHadb  H.  ^u)  ^^  j^ 
2')  ag  rädh  na  mbriathra  so  G.  -*)  ag  fäsga  asladbraibh  agus  a  nglasaibb 
an  diabhail  added  L.  23)  ^g  so  added  G.  2*)  om.  G.  25)  nglasaibb  H. 
28)  Iffrinn   added  G.  ")  ow.  G.  '^»)  Iffrinn  L.  -">)  fa  mbaraig  L. 

»")  do  sheun  losa  Criosd  agus  a  chreidbeamb,  agus,  added  K.        ^')  agus  an  tan 


THE    VISION    OF    MERLINO.  425 

XIX.  Merlino  looked  aside  and  saw  another  multitude  in 
dark  rooms.  lying-  on  narrow  black  beds.  in  fetters  and  in  ma- 
nacles  and  hard  bonds;  and  those  beds  were  flaming- about  them; 
and  that  di  amber  was  fouler  than  a  dead  body  wlien  putrefied 
in  tlie  heat  of  tlie  sun:  and  it  was  Ml  of  poisonous  adders  and 
divers  otlier  hideous  snakes  biting'  and  fretting-  that  lost  mul- 
titude, and  tliey  were  in  the  fiery  fetters  of  tlie  devil:  and  tliis 
is  the  bürden  of  their  croonin»-: 


'In  recompense  for  sloth  indulged 

And  the  mass  of  Jesus  which  we  passed  over 

We  are  in  fiery  flame 

And  fire  is  under  us  to  our  burning-.' 

'Yonder'  said  the  Spirit  of  Wisdom  'are  they  who  died  in 
the  sin  of  Sloth,  and  neg-lected  mass  and  sermon  and  God's  Ser- 
vice for  sloth:  who  deserted  all  good  works;  and  who  by  sloth 
bound  themselves  to  the  devil  in  yonder  fetters  and  manacles 
and  bonds  to  their  burning-  and  scordiing"  and  consuming,  so  long 
as  God  is  in  glory,  without  any  escape  for  them.' 


XX.  In  this  wise  spake  one  tortured  on  the  floor  of  pains : 
'Alas  0  God   of  true  judgment!'   said  he  "tis  a  grief  that 

for  one   quarter  hour  I   am   not  on  the  Earth  again,  in  mine 

own  human  form.' 

A  lost  soul  answered  him,  and  spake  thus: 

'Thou  lost  soul'  said  he  'what  profit  were  it  for  thee  to 

go   one   quarter  hour  on  the  earth,   and  to  be  cast   here  again 


do  rinneadar  sin,  agus  do  chartuiglieadh  ann  o  na  lochtaibh  gan  aithrighe 
luath  na  mall  L.  ^2)  -g-hniomli  ar  H.  ^')  an  diabhail  added  G.  2*)  a 
bhfuil,  dochidh  tu  lad  anois  added  L.  ^^)  om.  H.  ^^)  agus  beid  mar  sud 
gan  faighal  fuasgal  orra  added  L.  3')  om.  L:  g.  d'fh.  furtachta  no  foirigbin 
no  fuasgladh  go  deo  orra  H:  gan  d'fh.  fuasgl.  no  foirthint  orra  Gr. 

XX.  38)  Anam  bocht  diobhaiu  L.      ^^)  spiorad  H.      *°)  bhi  G.      ")  om.  H. 
*2)  bbreatha  H.  ^^)  tirinuigh  HL.  ^')  om.  H.         «s)  -^^.ch.  faghahn  L, 

gan  me  Gr.  *^)  aou  added  H.  ")  na  h-aon  h-  L:  om..  H.  *^)  om.  H. 
*»)  diabhlaidhe  added  except  in  GHL:   eile  H.  =")   am.  L.  ^i)   diabh- 

laidhe  damandha  H:  truadhanta  damanta  L.  "-)  i  gcollain  daonua  added  L. 
^3)  aon  added  L.        ^*)  sin  added  L. 


426  R.  A.  STEWART   MACALISTER, 

annso  aris,  ad'  mliealladli  tlieinntigli  tliineadli  Ogo')  h-2)adh- 
bhadli^)  na  bpian,  gan  taisi,  :^)gan  truaiglie, •^)  gan  tröchaire?' 

^)'Ni  li-amlila  ata'  ar  an  5) fear •^)  damanta:  ''')'dä  mbeinn 
an  mo  cholann  ')daonna')  aris,  fuaisgeoltaidh  6  na  bpianta 
**)  siorradli  ^)  so  9)me:  oir»)  dhoirtfhinn  m^  fein  >ü)comli  mor 
sin,  i')g'o  bhfuigliinn  tröchaire:  de  blirigh  nacli  bhfuil  Dia 
i2)d'i2)iarradli  ar  an  bpeacach,  acht  aithrigh  fhirinneach.  '^j^gus 
is  deimhin  da  mbadh  peacadh  ^^)d\vd  bhfuil  ar^*)  dhuine  ar  bhith, 
mad  iarann  tröchaire,   i^)go  bhfuighidh   ^^)8e  tröchaire.' i=^)^^)i6) 

'Maiseadh'  ar  an  dara  ^')fear,  i')  'aithreachas  i  n-anträth 
ni  ^^)dean  maith:i^)  '«)agus  is  20)  i  n-am2o)  na  tröchaire  bhudh 
coir  tröchaire  d'iarradh,  's  gan  Dia  do  threigion  ar  maithios 
dhiombuan  an  tsaoghail,  2i)tre  ar  teilgeadh  thnsa  go  hiffrion  dot' 
dlioth.  agus  dot'  losgadh,  saoghal  na  saoghal,2i)  gan  fhurtacht 
gan  fhoirighthin,  22)tre  bith  sior.' i9),22) 

XXL  23)  24)  Is -24)  annsin2:<)  25)  do  labhair2r.)  Merlino  26)ieis 
an  Spiorad  Eolach,  agus  2'!)is  e  ro  rädh:2t')27) 

'Madh  'tä  düil  ag  an  2»)  spiorad  damanta  2^)  M  29)abheadh29) 
i  gcolann  daonna  aris,  ionnus  go  ^'*)ndeanamh  aitlirighe,  agus 
gO'^o)  bhfuigheadh  se  tröchaire, 26)  cread  32)an  t-adhbhar^2)  nach 
deanuinnsi  :':*)  aithrighe,  ö  'taim  in  mo  cliolainn  "^)  fös,  ionnus  nach 
'•'^)  dtabhair  a'*)  35)  36)Dia36)  bhreith  dhamanta  orm,  da  mbeidhinn 
ar  an  tsaoghal  aris?' 

'Ni  bhfuil  contabhairt  annsin'  ar  an  Spiorad  Eolach:  'oir 
ni  •'') iarann  •'■)  Dia  aclit  an  aithrighe  fhirinneach,  maille  le  run 
^*)diongbhallta'^'*)  gan  tuitheamh  annsna  peacaidh^o)  aris  go 
bräth.'4i) 

XXII.  42)<An  mör  leat  na  pianta  so?'  ar  an  Spiorad  Eolach. 


')  gan  H.  *)  abliainn  GL.  ")  om.   GH.  *)  Na  h-abair  sin 

addecl  L.  °)  cead  spiorad  L,  spiorad  //  t-anam  G.  ®)  6ir  added  G,  do 

labhar  ar  Dia  added  Jj.  ')  om.  II.  *)  om.  L.  ")  om.  G,  me:  do  HL. 
>*>)  do  Dhia  added  H.  i')  nacli  bhfuil  comtabliairt  added  GH:   ar  Dhia 

added  L.  i^)  ag  B.  1^)  om.  H.  ")  om.  L.  '^)  na  faghan  diultani  L. 
"*)  i,  Ct.  ")  h-anam  bocht  L.  '^)  bhfaghau  tröchaire  na  niaith  eile  L: 
dheamuis  maitheas  G.  "*)  see  appendix  I.  2»)  anam  A  and  other  MSS. 
2')  om.  G.        ^■')  om.  GH. 

XXI.  23)  o,„.  j{         24)  om.   GL.  '■'5)  adubhairt   G.  ■'^)  om.   G. 

2^)  adubhairt  L.  ^»)  anam  G.  ^9)  ,1^1  x.  My  oju.  G.  «')  ar  udeanamh 
aithrighe  dhö  added  G.  *^)  contabhairt  L.  ^^)  om.  G.  ^*)  dhaoua 


THE    VISION    OF    MERLINO.  427 

to  tliy  fiery  destruction  into  the  dungeon  of  pains,  without  mercy, 
pity  or  corapassion  ? ' 

'Not  so'  Said  tlie  lost  man:  'were  I  in  my  human  form 
again  I  would  find  release  from  these  pains:  for  I  would  weep 
so  bitterly  tliat  I  would  find  compassion:  because  God  requiretli 
nothing  of  the  sinner  but  true  repentance.  And  'tis  certain  that 
wliatever  sin  may  be  on  a  man,  if  he  seek  mercy  be  shall  find 
mercy. ' 

'Nay'  Said  the  second  man  'repentance  at  the  wrong  time 
Profits  naught:  'tis  in  the  time  of  mercy  that  it  were  right  to 
seek  mercy,  and  not  to  spurn  God  for  the  fleeting  good  things 
of  the  World,  whereby  thou  hast  been  cast  into  Hell  to  be  burnt 
and  consumed  world  without  end,  without  comfort  or  succour,  to 
all  eternity.' 

XXI.  Then  Merlino  spake  to  the  Spirit  of  Wisdom,  and 
these  were  his  words. 

'If  yonder  lost  soul  long  to  be  in  human  form  again,  that 
he  might  repent  and  obtain  mercy,  why  should  not  I  repent 
(for  I  am  still  in  my  body)  so  that  God  might  not  pass  con- 
demnation  upon  nie  if  I  were  in  the  world  again?' 


'There  is  no  fear  of  that'  said  the  Spirit  of  Wisdom:  'for 
God  seeks  nothing  but  true  repentance,  and  the  firm  resolve  not 
to  fall  into  sin  again.' 

XXII.  'Dost  thou  think  these  pains  great?  said  the  Spirit 
of  Wisdom. 


added   HL.  ^'-)    dtiiibhathaidh    H.  ^^)    om.    H.  »')    iarrthacli    G. 

^*)  fhirinneach  added  L.  ^°)  seasbhacli  added  H.  *•>)  ceadhna  added  H. 
*i)  acht  foraoir,  iii  bhfuil  sin  au  däu  do'n  spiorad  Iffriouach  üd  ag  labliairt 
mar  na  fuil  breith  air  an  aithrighe  6  sgnrfus  an  bas  anam  agus  corp  re  cheile, 
gan  dul  go  hiffrionu.  Ma's  a  bpeacadh  marbhtha  do  gheibh  bäs  no  go  por- 
gadoir  go  dtuga  sasamli  accann  air  bitb  eile  fa  bhun  an  peacadh  mharbhtha, 
gidheadh  ata  flathas  De  anairigbthe  go  luaith  no  go  mall  ag  an  anam  do 
reachus  go  porgadoir,  agus  ge  mör  leatsa  na  piannta  so  agus  gach  gre  uile 
peine  da  bbfeacuigheas,  inneosfad  dhuit  piannta  is  mo  gboilleas  air  aumuaibb 
damanta  na  iad  uile.  Ni  mheasaim-se,  air  M.  gxxv  bhfeidir  added  L. 
XXII.  *2)  om.  L. 


428  R.  A.  STEWART   MACALISTER. 

'Docliim'  ar  Merlino,  'nacli  feidir^i)  le  ')teangai)  d'innsinn, 
no  le  peanna  -)do  sgriöbadli,'-^)  no  le  =^)  cliroidlie  dhaoine  do 
smuaineadh, '0  an  4)  ceadiighadli  4)  ciiid  ")d'a  bhfuil  ^)de  phiann- 
taibli'')6)  ar  ')an  te')  is  luglia  ^)piantas)  an  liTiinn.'") 

'<')'Maiseadh'  ar  an  Spiorad  Eolacli  'ata  pianta  is  mo  no 
blifaicion  tusa  '^)ar  gach  aon  dliiobli.' i') 

'Cionnus  is  Mdir  sin?'  ar  Merlino:  'oir  ni  fheidir  gur 
cliruthaighi")  Dia  i^^pi^^ta  is  mo  no  docMm'-)  i^)ar  gach 
aon  aca.'  's) 

^Go  deimliin'  ar  an  Spiorad  Eolacli:  'do  chruthaigli  an 
plieacadli  i^)a  mile  oireadi^)  adus  doclii  tüsa:  i-"^)  eadlion, '^) 
rächt  iö)na"')  feirge  d'a  dteachtadh  agus  d'a  bplüchadh  i')go 
siorradh  suathain'  ar  se.  i') 

'Cread  i8)ani^)  i")t-adhbhar'«)  eada  20)2i)atä  aca'^i)  ar 
Merlino,  'an  träth  nach  bhfuil  22)  d' fhäghail ")  furtachta  23)24)110 
foirighthine  aca  24)  go  brath?'23) 

XXm.  2öyAtä',  ar  an  Spiorad  Eolach  'an  26) träth  26) 
thngadh  2')chum  an  bhreitheamhnais  iad,  fuaradar25)2")  amharc 
ar  2b)fiiiaitheanihnas28)  De:  '^■^)do  chonarc  siad29)  gloir  agus 
aoibhneas  na  caithreacha  in  a  3o)"biifuiii(i;!o)  tri  Pearsanna^i)  na 
Trinoide,  ni  bhudh  dealraidhe  ''2)110  mile  grian,^2)33)  '^a  suidhe 
ÖS  cion  na  34)slogh,34)  agus  na  h-aingil  ag  ministrälacht ,  3ö)na 
fäide^^)  ag  moladh  De,  agus  3«)  na  h-absdal'^fO  ag  tabhairt  buid- 
heachas  do'n  Athair,  do'n  Mac  agus  do'n  Spiorad  Naomh.  Ag 
3')  so  an  38)tadhbliar  39)  a  dtolltar3-)39)  croidhe  4o)agus  cliabh") 
na  bpeacach  ag  smuaineadh  ar  an  aon  amharc  4i)sin  do  chonnarc 
siad,  ^2)Ag  so 42)  an  tadhbar  eada  ata  43)anois  aca, 4-^)  an  am- 
harc ^i)  na  ndiabhal  a  d'fhuadhaigh  go  hlffilnn  iad.**)  ^^)An 
saoiltear  leat  an  peachach*^)  bocht  an  trath  46)chonairc46)  amharc 


'))  ceann  G.         -)  a  sgribhinn  L.         ^)  h-aon  duine  d'a  dtiocfa  no  d'a 
dtäinig  L.  *)  ceathramhad  G.  '•")  do  ua  pianiita  G.  ^)  om.  L. 

')  anam  L.  **)  om..  G.  ^)  is  mo  iad  na  bhfiiil  de  throuipbiannta  ar  an 
saoghal  suas  addecl  G.  '")   do  leir  mheis,  agus  de  bhrigh  sin,  na  tuigim 

gnr  örda  L.  >')  orra  madh  tbruadh  G.  ^'^)  riamb  ni  bus  mo  phianta  na 
chidbim   G.  '^)  agus  do   cbonairc  air  gacb  drong  damanta  da  bhfeaca 

annso  L.  '*)  amblaidb  süd,  gan  oiread  G.  **^)  's  e  sin  L.  i«)  eada 
agus  GHL.  ")  tre  ead  i,  go  siorradh  an  Iffrionn  G.  '*)  e  lY.  '^)  fäth 
GHL.  2")  i  n-Iffrion  added  HL.  ■■^')  d6ibb  G,  om.  H.  ^'')  snil 

aca  le  L.        •'^)  om.  N.        =^*)  d'fhaghail  L. 


THE   VISION   OF  MERLINO.  429 

'I  See'  Said  Merlino  Hhat  tongue  cannot  teil,  pen  cannot 
write,  man's  heart  cannot  conceive,  the  liundredth  part  of  the 
pains  that  he  who  suffers  least  in  Hell  endures.' 

'Yet'  Said  the  Spirit  of  Wisdom  'there  are  pains  greater 
than  thou  seest,  upon  every  one  of  them.' 

'How  is  that  possible?'  said  Merlino:  'for  God  cannot  have 
created  pains  greater  than  those  I  see  on  each  one  of  them.' 

'In  very  truth'  said  the  Spirit  of  Wisdom  'sin  has  created 
a  thousand  times  as  much  as  thou  seest:  namely  the  passion  of 
TVTath  which  enslaves  and  obsesses  them  for  ever'  said  he. 

'What  cause  of  jealousy  have  they?'  said  Merlino  'since 
they  have  no  hope  of  succour  or  help  for  ever?' 

XXIII.  'This'  said  the  Spirit  of  Wisdom.  'When  they 
were  hrought  to  judgment,  they  obtained  a  sight  of  God's  Heaven: 
they  saw  the  glory  and  delight  of  the  city  wherein  are  the 
three  Persons  of  the  Trinity,  brighter  than  a  thousand  suns, 
sitting  over  the  Host;  and  the  angels  ministering,  the  prophets 
praising  God,  the  apostles  giving  thanks  to  the  Father,  to  the 
Son,  and  to  the  Holy  Spirit.  This  is  the  cause  wherefore  the 
heart  and  breast  of  the  sinners  are  fretted:  the  thought  of  the 
glimpse  which  they  obtained.  This  is  the  cause  of  the  jealousy 
which  holds  them  now,  the  sight  of  the  devils  who  forced  them 
into  Hell.    Dost  thou  think  that  the  poor  sinner,  seeing  a  glimpse 


XXITE.  25)  om.  N.        ^^)  tan  a,  H.        ^'')  breitheamhnas  ar  an  anmann, 
do  tughadh  an  Gr.  ^*)  fhlaitheas  A.  ^^)  agus  do  chonarcadar  G:  agus 

6  fheicsin  L.  ^'')  raibh  A.  ^^)  treasghlormhar  added  K.  ^^)  na  na 

millte  G.  '')  na  nglan-lünra  added  L.         3')  neasball  G.         ^^)  agus  Gr. 

^)  om.  G.  2')  sin  na  hadhbhair  dhiabhälta  G.  '^^)  niod  fä  air  mo  lo 

d6  pein  an  radharc  sin  d'faghail  agus  sgaramain  leis  na  na  pianta  atäid 
d'lliuillang  i  measg  na  ndiabhal  air  an  modh  na  bflieacair  iad  agus  ni  h-iongna: 
an  tan  no  an  träth  do  chonairc  an  peacach  bocht  a  atbair  L.  ^^)  le  bpoll- 
tar  H.  *u)  Qm^  (j.  41)  o,„.  Q_  42)  as  e  sin  H.  ")  om.  H.  ")  ag 
sin  an  adhbar  eada   croidbe  an  peacach  added  G.  *®)  om  G,  an  saoileann 

tu  an  p.  H.        *8)  do  bheir  B. 

Zeitschrift  f.  oelt.  Philologie  IV.  28 


430  R.  A.  STEWART   MÄCALISTER, 

ar  a  atliair,38)  i)ar  a  mhatliair,  i)  ar  a  ^)ghaol,2)  ar  a  chomliursan, 
3)agus  ar  a  cliompänacli  i  iiglor  siorraidhe,  3)  agus  e  fein  ar  na 
fuadaclit  *)le  diablilaibli  duhha*)  &)  dathghrannda,  6)0  'n  aoibh- 
neas  sin^)^)  go  ')h-Iffrionn,  ^)iar  sin"*)  gabhus  rächt  9) agus 
ead9)  ris  an  druing  blieannaiglithe:  i")  ionnus  gurab  mö  an 
pliian  agus  an  raclit'o)i')  '^jj-adliarc  na '2)  gloire^^)  do  cliaill 
14) sei'')  i5)trei5)  aon  peacadli  ambäinj  no  a  bhfuil  do  pliiann- 
taibli  an  Ifürionn  go  li-uile. 

XXIV.  'Agus  do  bheara  eisiomplair  duit  leis  i6)sin'i6)  ar 
an  Spiorad  Eolacli.  '7) 'Da  mbadhi»)  rigli  cumhaclitach '  i9)ar  se 
'ag  a  mbiadh  duine  uasal  aige,»^)  2o)2i)i4n  do  2i)22)iiihuirn2i)2-') 
agus  2i)cl'2i)onüir,  agus  go  mbiadli  23)grädli  agus  23)  meas  ag  an 
righ  air,2o)24)  thair  gacli  duine  eile:  da  dteagmadh  do'n  duine 
uasal  sin  coir  gräineamliail  25)^0  dheanamli  anaghaidh  an  rigli 
sin,  agus  go  dtiubhradli  26)^11  righ  20)  fo  n-deara  a  theilgion  i 
bpriosiun  27)dhorcha  28)g'iasrach,27)  agus28)  29)  giasgheibhionn  29) 
do  chuir  air,  agus  go  nglacfadh  se  duine  eile  ann  a  ait,  agus 
go  bhfaicfeadh  an  30)pnosünach  an  duine  ^o)  31)  'g  an  32)inuirn-'^2) 
agus  's  an  onoir  do  bhi  aige  fein,  3^)  agus  d'  fheadfadh  do  bheadh 
aige33)  muna  mbeadheadh  a  dhrochiomchar  leis  ^■i) fein; 34)  ^q 
lionfadh  de  rächt  e  agus  35)  d'fheirg  leis  fein ,  ionnus  go  mbadh 
mo  an  dochar  do  bhiadh  iona  chroidhe  0  nimh  ^^)ia.2i:  feirge 
fuathmliaire  no  6  na  37)gheibhionu  no  6  na^^)  ghlasaibh  3s)coit- 
chionn.38)  Mar  sin  ata  an  drong  damanta,  iar  bhfaicsin  na  gloire 
do  caill  siad  agus  gan  39)süil39)  aca  le  4o)siothchain  an  Eigh 
Neamhdha  4i)d'fhaghail4i)  go  bräth  42)no  iar  nibräth'42)  ar  43)  an 
Spiorad  Eölach.i^) 

XXV. '  Agus  44)  ata  piannta  eile  nach  bhfaicionn  tusa  orra '  44) 
45)  ar  se.45) 


1)  is  L.  2)  chompanacli  agus  G.  ^)  i  nglor  siorraidhe  Gr:   ag 

caithreim  i  gcaithir  ua  gloire  agus  .  na  sheilbh  le  saoghal  ua  saoghal  L. 
*)  leis  au  diabhal  [dubh  H]  GH.  ^)  om.  L.  «)  om.  L.  ')  fioriochtar 
added  H.  «)  om.  G,  is  annso  H.  ^)  eada  iad  G.  ^'>)  tre  bheith  'san 
ngloire  agus  'san  aoibhneas  sin,  agus  e  fein  bunas  cion  leo,  is  mo  leis  L. 
")  bhias  orra  ar  son  an  added  G.  '^)  sniuainteamh  ar  an  H.  ^^)  sin 

dob'  fheidir  added  L.        '♦)  siad  G.        ^^)  la  GL. 

XXIV.  ")  an  ni  so  L.  ")  maiseadh  added  G.         ^^)  duine  uasal 

ag  H.  'S)  om.  H.  *")  air  a  mbeadh  grädh  agus  taitliniomh  ag  an  righ 
sin  G.      *i)  fä  L.       22)  ^ij-jm  ^        -'3)  o„j_  ^r        a*)  gju  go  romhor  added  L. 


THE    VISION    OF    MERLINO.  431 

of  Ms  father,  his  mother,  his  kinsman,  liis  neighbour,  his  partner, 
in  eternal  glory,  and  himself  snatched  by  black  hateful-coloured 
devils  from  tliose  deliglits,  would  tliereafter  [not]  entertain  passion 
and  jealousy  against  tlie  host  of  the  blessed?  Thus  greater  is 
the  pain  and  passion  of  the  glimpse  of  the  glory  he  lost  through 
one  Single  sin  than  are  all  the  pains  of  Hell. 


XXIV.  'And  I  will  give  thee  an  illustration  of  this'  said 
the  Spirit  of  Wisdom.  'If  there  were  a  powerful  king'  said  he 
'who  had  a  noble  with  him  füll  of  love  and  honour,  and  if  the 
king  had  affection  and  esteem  for  him  beyond  every  other,  and 
if  it  happened  that  that  noble  wrought  some  dreadful  crime 
against  the  king,  and  that  the  king  should  give  him  at  last  to 
be  flung  into  a  dark  fast  prison,  and  put  manacles  npon  him, 
and  should  take  another  noble  in  his  place:  and  if  the  prisoner 
should  See  the  other  in  the  love  and  honour  that  was  his  and 
would  still  have  been  his  were  it  not  for  his  misbehaviour;  he 
would  be  filled  with  passion  and  wrath  against  himself,  so  that 
greater  would  be  the  misery  in  his  heart  from  the  poison  of  the 
hateful  anger  than  from  all  the  fetters  or  locks  together.  So 
it  is  with  the  lost,  when  they  see  the  glory  they  missed,  and 
have  no  hope  of  making  peace  with  the  Heavenly  King  tili  the 
Judgment  Day  or  after  it.'    So  said  the  Spirit  of  Wisdom. 


XXV.  'And  there  are  other  pains  that  thou  seest  not  on 
them'  said  he. 


^^)   feill   no   miaruichuis  L.  ^^)   om.   GH.  ^v)   daingion   dochrach   S. 

^®)  om.  G.  29-)  glas  agus  geibhionn  GHL  to  ivhich  L  addecl  cruaidh.  ^°)  cead 
duine  an  tarna  duine  G.  ^^)  nuadh  sin  L.  ^'^)  bhfoirm  G.  ^^)  agus 
gan  mbeadh  se  fa  seasamhach  G.  ^')  anaghaidh  an  righ  G.  ^^)  d'ead 

agus  G.  36-)  ag^^g  fuica  L.  ^'')  om.  H.  ^^)  agus  o  na  gheibhionnaibh 
do  bhi  air  S:  coitchionu,  iona  raibh  se  JV:  coitchionn,  iona  raibh  ceangailte 
cruadhchuibhraitbe  L.  ^9)  ^uü  ^.  «o)  foirthint  na  L.  ")  om.  GHL. 
*^)  om.  GHL;  ar  mbrath  JV.        *^)  om.  L. 

XXV.  **)  fos  is  mo  abpianta  na  adubhart  fos  L.        ^^)  only  in  H. 

28* 


432  R.  A.  STEWART   MACALISTER, 

i)'Cread  iad  na  piannta  sin?'')  ar  Merlino, 
2) 'Ata' 2)  ar  an  Spiorad  s) '  reimliflieachain  na  siurruidheacht ; 
4)  amhail  mar  do  bhiadh  ^)  roth  choisde  ^)  ■")  no  carrtacha.  ^)  ^) 
Oir  mar  ')atä  an  roth^)")  gan  crioch  gan  foircheann,  8)9)is 
amhladh  sin  ata  an  tsiorruidheacht.  lo)  i')Ionamhail  agus^t) 
bhias  an  roth  ag  iompoglia  agus  an  chuid  i2jdo  chnaid  thart^) 
dhe  ag  teacht  tart  aris  go  nuaidh,  is  mar  sin  ata  an  tsiorruidh- 
eacht.'»)  öir  an  tan  a  theid  deich  mile  million  de  bhliadnaibh 
thart,  ni  bhfuil  acht  '3)tuisi3)  a  bpeine  annsin  i^)do'n  lucht  ata 
1  nlffrionn;'*)  agus  ^^)a,n  uair  a  theid '■^)  deich  mile  i6)miiiion'6) 
1") eile»')  thart,  ni  bhfuil  i^)an  lucht  ceadhna's)  acht  >9)adtuisi9) 
a  bpeine; 20)  de  bhrigh  go  mbionn  an  aimsir  do  chuaidh  thart 
ag  teacht  2i)tharsadh,  amhail  fainne  no  roth.  Agus  mar  sin,  21) 
go  bhfuil  2-^)  piantadh  IfErinn  agus  glöir22)flaitheamhnais  23)  De  23) 
gan  crioch  gan  foircheann:  oir  d'a  dtaghadh  ean  beag  i  gcionn 
gacha  bliadhna  agus  lan  a  guibh  do  bhreith  24)  as  au  bhfairrge 
leis,  24)  da  mbiadh  25)  süil  ag  25)  26)  muinntir  26)  Iffrinn  go  bhfuighdis 
fürtacht  27)  an  uair  2')  do  2»)  thoirmheochaidh -s)  29^  an  t-ean23) 
30)  beag  sin  an  fairrge,3o)  ni  bhiadh  3i)cas  no^i)  ceist  orra  anns 
32) na  pianta  ata  orra.32)  Achtes)  is  amhlaidh  ata  34) se  aca:^^) 
ni  thainig  agus  ni  thiucfaidh  ^s)  an  35)  uair  in  a  bhfuighid  fürtacht 
no  36)  fnasgailt ;  36)  de  brig  an  3')  uair 3")  do  chruthaigh  Dia  Iffrionn, 
d'eagla  go  3s)ngabh  taise  no  truaighe  e  ^-^jdo  dheanamh  ar3s)39^ 
an  druing  damanta  e,  d'ordaig  4<>)  [se]  gan  gul  no  garrtha,  pianta 
4')no4i)  dochar,  da  bhfuil  in  Iffrionn  42)(i'eisteacht42)  no  d'fhaicsin 

1)  cionnas  dob'  fheidir  sin  abheitli  L.  ^)  is  feidir  L.  ^)  Eolach, 
'ni  bhfuil  pianta  do  thruime  agus  do  threine  hiomarthar  orra  an  Iffrion  nar 
bhionan  leo  iad  agus  neambuidh  seoch  radharc  na  gloire  üd  do  fuaireadar  aon 
uair  amhain  agus  do  chailleadar  mar  an  gceadna:  nior  shuim  leo  piannta  nä 
dochar  ar  bith  da  bhfuilid  d'fhulang  an  Iffrion  seoichis  reimhfheicsin  is  bith- 
smuaiuiomh  na  siorruigheacht ,  de  bhrigh  go  bhfuil  fhios  aco  na  fuil  adeirle 
teacht  go  mbeid  fein  da  bpianadh  ar  feadh  na  siorruigheacht. '  '  An  bhfuil  fios 
a  gcailliomhna  mar  sin  ag  na  hanmannaibh  damanta'  air  M.  'ata  gan  chon- 
tabhairt'  ar  an  S.  E.  'Oir  an  tan  smuainid  ar  an  siorruidheacht  üd  amhail 
do  bheadh  roith  coiste  L.  *)  oir  is  amhlaid  ata  an  tsiorruidheacht,   mar 

bheith  GH.  ^)  om.  G.  •')  om.  L.  '')  do  bhiad  L.  ^)  is  ar  sheilbh 
na  gloire  na  bhfuairedar  a  h-amharc  agws  dob'  eigion  dhoibh  athreigion  is 
goibhe  leo  sin  do  phein  nä  na  piannta  is  do  chairde  do  fhuillaingaithe, 
d'fhuillaingid  ameasg  abhfuil  do  dhiabhalaibh  an  Iffrionn.'  'Conas  is  cosam- 
hail  an  tsiorruidheacht  le  röithe  coiste  no  cathaoireach  ? '  ar  Merlino.  'Ineos- 
fadsa  sin  dhuit'  ar  au  S.  E. ;  'is  amhla  bhios  roith  no  fos  fäine  gan  tuis  gan 
deire,   as  e  naduir  an  roithe  bheadh   ag   iompoghadh  agus  na  hiompaighthe 


THE    VISION    OF    MERLINO,  433 

'What  are  those  pains?'  said  Meiiino. 

'The  prospect  of  Eternity'  said  tlie  Spirit  of  Wisdom.  'It 
is  like  a  carriag-e  or  chariot-wlieel.  For  as  the  wheel  is  without 
end  or  termination,  so  is  Eternity.  As  the  wheel  goes  round 
and  the  part  that  is  passed  returns  anew,  so  is  Eternity.  For 
when  ten  thousand  million  years  have  gone  the  pains  of  those 
who  are  in  Hell  have  only  begun ;  and  when  another  ten  thousand 
million  years  have  gone  those  same  people  are  only  commenciug 
to  be  plagued :  because  the  time  that  is  past  returns  again  as  in 
a  ring-  or  a  wheel.  So  is  it,  the  pains  of  Hell  and  the  glory 
of  God's  Heaven  have  no  end  nor  termination.  For  if  a  little 
bird  were  to  come  at  the  end  of  every  year,  and  bear  away 
the  füll  of  its  beak  from  the  sea  with  it,  and  if  the  lost  had 
hope  of  getting-  succour  when  that  little  bird  had  exhausted  the 
sea,  they  would  have  no  anxiety  nor  doubt  in  the  pains  they 
suffer.  But  this  is  their  case:  the  hour  of  their  succour  or 
release  has  never  and  will  never  come :  because  when  God  created 
Hell,  for  fear  lest  He  should  feel  compassion  or  sorrow  for  the 
miütitude  of  the  lost,  He  ordained  that  none  of  the  weeping-  or 
crying,  pain  or  sorrow  that  is  in  Hell  should  ever  come  to  His 
hearing  or  his  sight. 


thein  thort '  L.  ^)  acht  an  chuid  a  chuaidh  thart  ar  ball  teacht  thart  aris 
added  H.  ")  om.  H.  ")  Eadhon  mar  G.  ^^)  don  roith  added  G. 

*^)  tosach    ar  N.  ")   om.   H,   do'n   dream   damanta   i   nlff.   de   gnäth  L. 

^^)  ar  gcriochnughadh  L,  an  uair  rachus  GR.  i")  om.  H.  ")  de  bliadh- 
nuibh  eile  B:  uile  L.  ^^)  ann  L,  om.  GH.  i^)  tosach  G.  ^°)  mar  an 
gceadna  added  L:  do  lucht  ceadna  added  G.  ^^  thort  go  nuadh  aris  air 

mödh  fainne  roth,  agus  mar  sin  G;  thort  aris  go  nnadh  ar  an  mödh  sin  L. 
thart  go  cinnte  'na  gcoinne  amhail  ....  mar  sin  H:  thart  amhail  .  .  .  mar 
sin  N.  *2)  om.  G.  ^^)  om.  ALU.  ^^)  an  gradh  G:  as  an  gradh,  eadhon 
loch  C.  *^)  duil  Ä.  26-)  an  dream  G;  na  hanamaibh  damanta  ata  in  L. 
'")  an  tan  L.  ^^)  bhearfeach  L.  -^)  fairge  leis  an  eun  H.         3")  beag 

sin  M:  gach  uile  braon  do'n  fhairge  leis  an  bhraon  agus  na  bhraon  mar  sin 
no  na  bhraon  is  na  bhraon  uair  gach  mile  bliadhain  L:  beag  au  gradh  G- 
31)  om.  G.  ^'^)  a  bpianta  d'fhuiling  L.  ■^^)  foirior  added  L.  ^*)  om.  H 
35)  do'n  L.  3*)  foirithin  GH.  ^')  tan  L.  ^^)  nglacfadh  taise  na  truagh 
do'n  L.  3^)  om.  H.  *°)  annsin  tre  cheannradhair  na  diadhachta  added  G. 
*i)  dana  G.        ")  do  chlos  GL,  do  chluisdion  H. 


434  E.  A.  STEWART   MACALISTER, 

i)g-o  brath').  Oii'  2)  da  bhfaiceadh  Dia  2)  mead  3)na3)  bpianta 
4)  ata  orra,  *)  ni  bhiadli  cumus  ^)  aige  ^)  0  mhead  agus  0 
lionmhaireaclit  a  tliröcaire,  gau  taise  agus  *^)  ^)  tniaiglie ')  do 
^)  gliabhail  *)  döibli  uair  eigin  agus  tröcliaire  do  dheanamh  orra. 
Acht  is  e  do  rinne,  a  gcur  as  a  chuimhne  go  siorradh  '^)suathain9) 
i,  agus  mar  atäid  muintir  Iffrinn  dearblitha  i")  de  sin,  is  mo 
'  1)  phianus  1 ')  '■^)neamlifliaicsini2)  na  siorruidheaclita  '3)iad'3)  no 
mead  an  dhocliair  de  thaoibli  eile.' 

XXVI.  'Is  '^)truaighei^)  an  sgeal  sin  d'innsios  tu  '^)dham]i'') 
no  'ß)gach'6)  sgeal  eile'  i^)ar  Merlino:'')  'agus'^)  an  bhfuil  sö- 
camliail  ''')pianta'-')  ag  duine  -o)seacha2i>)  ^i^duine  eile'^')  i 
n-If£i'ionn?'  2-!)ar  Merlino.  2^ 

'An  te  is  lugha  pianta  i  n-Ii¥i4onn'  ar  an  Spiorad  Eolach 
'ata  23)dochar  agus 23)  dothain  24)ar24)  25^ chrutliaigh  Dia  riamli 
air  d'a  roinntidh  orra  e:*'^)  gidheadh,  is  mo  26)pian26)  an 
2')cliriosdaidlie2')  2s)  go  mör2s)  na  29)pian  an 29)  phagänaigh  so) agus 
an  hancliriosdaidhe,  30)  31)  32)  33)  ge 33)  33)  go  mbrisionn  -''*)siad  an 
dligh34)  go  laitheamliail :  35)  36)  de  bhrigh  nach  bhfuil  a  bhfios  ag 
an  bpagänach  no  ag  an  n-anchriosdaidhe;^^)  agus  da  mbiaidh 
37)go32)  gcöimhlionfaidh  38)39)ieo  iad^'-*)  ni  bus  fearr,  3-)no*f) 
mar  do  nid  4o)na  criosdaidhe:  agus  de  bhrigh  sin  is  mo  pianta 
an  chriosdaidhe  no  pianta  an  phagänaigh.'*') 

XXVII.  'Aithris  42)damh'42)  ar  Merlino  'an  43) bhfuil«) 
cumhachta  no  uachdaränacht  ag  diabhal  44)thair44)  dhiabhail 
eile  i  n-Iffiionn?' 

'Atä  go  deimhin'  ar  an  Spiorad  Eolach.  4ö)Oir45)  ata  ■i^)  da 
righ  i46)  n-Iffrionn  aga  blifuil  ^') uachdaränacht '')  agus  cumhachta 
ar  na  4*^)  diabhlaibh  eile  go  coitchionn,*^)  *»)eadh6n49)  Lucifer  agus 

1)  om.  G.        2)  0^  Q.        s)  a  S.        «)  om.  GH.       ^)  om.  L.       ß)  gan 

added  G.  ')  trochaire  L.  ^)  thaisbeanadh  H,  dheanamh  G.  ^)  om.  L.: 
iad  G.  1*)  deimhneach  added  L.  ")  piantadh  H.  '*)  rheimhfhaicsin 
LH,  re  fheithiomh  G.        '*)  dochi  siad  G. 

XXVI.  1*)  truaidhmheilighe  L.  ^^)  om.  G.  ")  aon  L.  ")  om.  G. 
1«)  inis  dorn  added  L.  ")  om.  HL.  ^o)  t^r  H.  21)  a  cheile  0  phiantuibh  L. 
^'^)  om.  HL.  23)  om.  H,  a  FG  2*)  air  FG.  25)  q^,  FG.  ^«)  piannta 
FG.  27)  chräidhe  F,  and  so  throughout  the  section.  ^^)  om.  FGL. 

2»)  pianta  GL,  om.  F.  ^^)  om.  FG,  no  an  anch.  L.  ^')  de  bhrigh  go  raibh 
fios  dlighe  De  agus  aitheanta  ag  an  gcriosdaidhi,  agus  nach  raibh  ag  (an)  an- 
chriosdaidhe  added  L.  ar  au  adhbhar  go  bhfuil  fios  dlighe  De  ag  an  gcriostaidhe 
added  G.  ar  .  .  .  fios  aige  an  cliräidhe  added  F.  ^'^)  om.  H.  '^)  agus  FG. 
3*)  thrid  F.  om.  G.      ^'■)  6  added  G.       ^^)  om.  FG.      ")  fhios  ag  ar  bpagänach 


THE   VISION   OF   MERLINO.  435 

For  if  God  saw  the  multitude  of  pains  that  are  on  them, 
from  the  abimdance  and  fullness  of  His  mercy  He  could  not 
choose  but  feel  compassion  for  them  sonie  time,  and  extend 
mercy  to  them.  But  He  has  ordained  to  put  it  from  His 
memory  for  ever :  and  since  the  f olk  of  Hell  are  assured  of  this 
the  pains  of  eternity  that  cannot  be  seen  are  greater  than  the 
sorrow  of  the  other  kinds.' 

XXVI.  'Sadder  is  that  tale  thou  hast  told  me  than  any 
other  tale'  said  Merlino.  'Now,  are  the  pains  of  some  easy  in 
comparison  with  others  in  Hell?'  said  Merlino. 

'He  whose  pains  are  least  in  Hell'  said  the  Spirit  of  Wisdom 
'has  suft'icient  of  the  sorrow  which  God  created  to  apportion  to 
them.  However,  the  pain  of  the  Christian  is  much  greater  than 
the  pain  of  the  Heathen  and  non-Christian,  though  they  break 
the  law  daily:  because  the  pagan  and  non-Christian  have  no 
knowledge:  if  they  had  they  would  fulfil  it  better  than  the 
Christian:  and  on  this  accoimt  the  pains  of  the  Christian  are 
greater  than  the  pains  of  the  pagan.' 


XXVII.    'Teil  me'  said  Merlino  'if  devil  have  power  or 
principality  over  devil  in  Hell?' 

'Assuredly'  said  the  Spirit  of  Wisdom.  'For  there  are  two 
kings  in  Hell  wo  have  authority  and  power  over  all  the  other 
devils  together,  namely  Lucifer  and  Beelzibub:  and  there  are 

added  G.  a  fh.  ag  an  bp.  adcled  F.  ^^)  dlighe  agus  aithinte  De  ni  bhfearr  L. 
^')  e  G.  iad  F.  *")  om.  FGHL.  ")  Atä  fos  socamhail  piannta  ag  au  te 
is  lughad  no  is  .  .  (?)  peacuidhe  seoch  an  ti  is  mo  sa  troime  curtha  ata  mar 
an  gceadna  socamhail  ag  an  ti  is  mo  do  dheanfas  carthanacht  agus  deaghoibh- 
reacha  eile  seoch  an  ti  nach  deanfadh  achd  beagan  aco  agus  ag  gach  naon  ag 
a  mbeadh  an  rün  maith  agus  an  fon  do  reir  acfuine  no  achumuis,  gidheadh 
tuilliom  peaca  marbhthach  ar  bith  Iffrion,  agus  gach  naon  do  gheibh  bas  an 
as  e  Iffrion  oighreacht,  fos  ni  bhfuil  ann  acht  aon  Dia  aon  chreidheamh  agus 
aon  bhaiste,  agus  go  so  fhivineach  chum  iad  sin  do  ghreamughadh ,  ni  ball 
eo  bhallaibh  De  e  achd  de  bhallaibh  an  dhiabhail  added  L. 

XXVII.     ^2)  dhuinn  G.  ")   om.  G.  ")  om.  G.  ^^)  om.  L. 

"«)  dhä  righthibh  i,  G  dhiabhal  E.  *')  impirdhi  H.  ''^)  diabhail  eile  H. 
")  mar  atä  ML. 


436  R.  A.  STEWART  MACALISTER. 

Belsibub:  agiis  ata  deug  riogaclita  i)i  n-Iffiionn,  i)  agus  ag  so 
2)a  n-anmanna,  i  Laidion  agus  i  n-Gaoidhilig,2)  3)  mar  ndiaig^) 

Lacus  Mortis  .i.  Loch  an  bhais 
Terra  tenebrosa  .i.  Tir  an  dorchadais 
Infermis  .i.  Iffrionn  iochtaracli 
Stagnum  ignis  .i.  Currach  na  teineadh 
Tartarus  .i.  Tir  an  huamhäin 
Orcus  .i.  An  loch  nach  liontar 
Barathrum  i.  Tir  an  hamhgar 
Chasma  .i.  Adhbhadh  na  bpian 
Gehenna  .i.  An  tinne  nimhe 
Terra  oblivionis  .i.  Tir  an  dearmuidh. 

'Agus  4)4)isö)  amlilaid  atäid  na  rioghachta  so:-*)  da  mbeatha 
6)d'a9)  shiubal")  go  *)bräth,^)  ni  bhfuightea  crioch  no  foircheann^) 
aon  i^')riogachta  aca; '")  agus  ni  t')bhfuil  pian  no  dochar  i  n-aon 
rioghacht  i2)dhiobh'2)  nach  i')bhfuil  ar  gach  aon  nduine '3) 
i  i4)n-Iffrionn:i4)  agus  ataid  '&)  cuig '^)  Eioghachta  "')fa  chum- 
chachta'')  Bhelsibub  i^)dliiobh,  i*^)  agus  '•')  atäid  1 9)  •^o)cuig  Riogh- 
achta 20)  eile  fa  chumhachta  Lucifer:  agus  cuiridh  an  diabhal 
21)  OS  22)  cionn  agus  i  gcoinne  21)  gach  23)  aoin  23)  peacaidh  2^)  os 
cionn  an  criostaigh  22)  ar  an  tsaoghal  d'a  mhealladh  agus  25)  26)^0 
chur  cuthaigh  air:26)  agus  muna  dtigidh  leis  an  diabhail  sin  an 
duine  do  mhealladh,  agus  a  tharraing  leis  go  n-Iffrionn,  25)  na 
pianta2^)  do  bhi  28)i  gcoinne  2^)  an  duine,  27)  dublaiglithear  29)  ar 
an  diabhal  3o)sin3o)  lad,  3i)niaille3i)  32)  le  a  raibh  air32)  f6in 
roimhe. ' 


1)  om.  L.        2)  mar  ainmnithir  iad  L.        ^)  mar  leanus  E. 

The  list  of  kingdoms  is  very  variously  given  in  the  MSS,  both  in  name 
and  in  order.  The  order  here  adopted  is  from  A,  ivith  the  addition  of  the 
last  two,  lühich  are  omitted  from  that  list  and  supplied  from  H.  Leaving 
out  of  account  differences  of  order,  which  are  uniniportant,  the  folloiving  are 
the  ])rincipal  varieties  in  name  1  have  noticed  —  Terra  tenebrosa  =  an  tir 
dorcha  K.  Infernus  apparently  =  Iffrionn  uaclitaracli  L,  but  this  MS.  does 
not  give  the  Latin  names.  Stagnum  ignis  =  teallach  na  teine  H. ;  cuire  n.  t. 
L.\  cruach  n.  t.  6r.  Tartarus  (Tactanus  in  G.)  =  an  loch  nach  liontar  GK. 
Orcus  =  an  teine  nimhe  EL.  Barathrum  (Barth  in  K.)  =  tir  au  uaignisi 
G.,  teine  an  amhgair  K.,  Chasma  (Cosma  in  K.)  =  amhain  (abhain)  na  bpian 
K.  Gehenna  =  tir  an  mhughair  G.  Terra  oblivionis  perhaps  corresponds  to 
Iffrionn  iochtarach  L.     For  Gehenna  K.  Substitutes  Regnum  Spiritus  Pro- 


THE  VISION   OF   MERLINO.  437 

teil  Kingdoms  in  Hell,  and  liere  are  their  nanies  in  Latin  and 
in  Irish,  as  follows:  — 

Lacus  Mortis  .i.  Loch  an  bhäis  (Lake  of  death) 

Terra  tenebrosa  .i.  Tir  an  dorcliadais  (Land  of  darkness) 

Infernus  .i.  Iffrionn  iochtaracli  (Lowest  Hell) 

Stagnum  ignis  .i.  Curracli  na  teineadh  (Marsh  of  fire) 

Tartarus  .i.  Tir  an  huamhain  (Land  of  dread) 

Orciis  .i.  An  loch  nach  liontar  (Unfilled  lake  i.  e.  Bottomless  pit) 

Barathrum  .i.  Tir  an  hamhgar  (Land  of  tribulation) 

Chasma  .i.  Adhbhadh  na  bpian  (Dungeon  of  pain) 

Gehenna  .i.  An  teine  nimhe  (Fire  of  poison) 

Terra  oblivionis  .i.  Tir  an  dearmuidh  (Land  of  oblivion). 

'And  in  this  wise  are  these  kingdoms:  wert  thou  to  walk 
for  ever  thou  wouldst  not  find  end  nor  boundary  of  one  of  them : 
and  there  is  no  pain  nor  sorrow  in  one  of  them  that  is  not  on 
every  person  in  Hell.  And  there  are  five  kingdoms  under  the 
power  of  Beelzibub  and  other  five  under  the  power  of  Lucifer; 
and  a  demon  set  over  every  sin  is  assigned  to  each  Christian 
in  the  world,  to  destroy  and  to  bring  anger  upon  him:  and  if 
the  demon  cannot  destroy  the  man  and  drag  him  with  him  to 
Hell,  the  pains  prepared  for  the  man  are  doubled  on  the  demon, 
in  addition  to  the  pains  he  had  before.' 


cellarum  =  Righeach  lasair  na  stoi[r]ineach.  C.  adds  in  the  margin.  'Ag 
Lucifer'  against  Terra  Tenebrosa  and  'Ag  Belzabub'  against  the  remaining 
nine.  This  is  at  variance  with  the  details  in  the  following  paragrajih :  but 
the  reading  of  C.  is  modified:  see  ^%  2")  beloiv. 

*)  om.  L.  ^)  om.  H.  ^)  ag  L.  ')  na  rioghachta  sin  added  L. 
8)  bräthach  Ö.  ^)  sig  added  H.  i")  doibh  H.  ^')  om.  H.  i^)  aco  (?. 
1')  d'a  bbfuil  added  L.  ")  d'a  mbi  ann  H.  ^^)  om.  CG.  '«)  diobh  added 
L.,  aco  added  CG.  ")  an  diabhail  d'a  ngoirthear  added  L.  "*)  om.  HL. 
19)  om.  GH.  2»)  an  cuid  CG.  ")  o„j  j£_  22)  o,^  q^^  23)  g^^  ^, 
2*)  diobh  added  H  ^^)  na  ndaoine  agus  d'a  dtarraingt  go  biff.  leö,  agiis  L. 
^^)  an  duine  G.  '^'')  dligbthear  do'  n  anam  do  tbarangionn  L.  '■^^)  i  gcoir 
G.  ")  cuirtbear  added  G.  2»)  om.  G.  ^i)  mar  aon  L.  32)  le'n  a 
chuid  G. 


438  R.  A.  STEWART   MACALISTER, 

XXVIII.  i)'Anois'  ar  an  Spiorad  Eolach,  'do  clionuairc  tu 
na  neithe  bhi  mian  leat  d'fhaicsin,  2)eadhon,2)  amharc  •'')ar 
piantaibh  eagsamhla  lifrinn. ')  Agus  anois  lean  mise,  go  mbeara 
me  as  an  ait-si  thü.  *)  agiis  na  bain  le  li-aon  &)  rud  ^)  da  bhf aicfe 
tu  no  go  6)ndeachair  as  so.''*)^) 

Do  ghluais  an  Spiorad  ")roimlie^)  agus  '*)Merlino  'na  dhiaigli: 
agus  ^)do  chonairc  Merlino  -^ar  a  laimh  dheis  i**)äit  adhbhal 
'^aibhseach,!!)  län  ^~)de  ghul,  de  gharrtliaibh,  de  phiantaibh 
agus  de  mlior  gacha  piannais,  amliail  mar  do  chonairc  roimhe- 
sin:  agus  cuid  d'a  raibh  d'a  bpianadh  ann  '2)ag  radh  na  mbria- 
thra  so  sios:  i3)'0  Thighearna  agus  a  Dhia,  '^^ca  fad  a  bliiam 
'•^)is'5)  na  bpiantaibli  so': '3)  agus  cuid  i^) eile  iß)  ag  räd  'A 
cliäirde  glirädliachta  atA  ar  an  tsaoghal,  is  truagli  •'')an  main- 
eachtnaigh  i'')do  ni  sibli  is)fa  ghuidhe,  fa  urnaiglithe  agus  fa 
dheirc  do  dlieanamh,  agus  do  tliabhairt  i»)ar  ar  n-anmannaibh,i9) 
ionnus  go  blifuighmaois  20)  f^^rtacht  agus^o)  fuasgladh  6  na 
piantaibli-si  i  blifuilmid.' 

XXIX,  21)  Do  labliair  Merlino  agus  is  e  adubhairt  ris  an 
Spiorad  Eolacli:2i) 

'Nach  dubhairt  tu  22)noni'22)  ar  23)se23)  ^nach  raibh 
24)süil24)  ag  muinntir  Iffrinn  re  25)  fu^tacht  25)  no  re  foirighthin 
go  26)bruinne  an  bratha?26)  Agus2i)  cread  fa  28)  bhfuilid  2»)  an 
drong  damanta  so  ag  29)  garrtha  29)  ar  Dhia  no  ar  a  gcäirdibh  ^o) 
3i)amhlaidh  sudP'^i) 

'Ni  de  muinntir  Iffrinn  iad  sud'  ar  an  Spiorad  Eolach: 
'acht  sud  32j(iream'^')  Porgadoir;  ^•^) agus 33)  an  drong  a  fhuair 
bäs  ar  slighe  34)siiiänaigh,  agus34)  nach  bhfuil  35)gian,  36^  ^o 
theidhidh  d'a  nglanadh  3'^)  go  Porgadoir  agus  a  tabhairt  diolaighe- 
achta  agus  ■■'!)sasaightlie3')  do  Dhia  an  38)g-ach3*>)  ui  nach  dear- 
nadar  loirghniomh  ar  an  tsaoghal  3')ar  a  shon.39)  Agus  atäid 
pianta  Porgadoir  '*o)comh4'')  cosamhail  le  piantaibh  Iffrinn,  acht 


XXVm.  1)  om.  H.  2)  mar  atä  L.  ^)  d'fhäghail  added  L.  *)  om. 
L.  5)  nidii  Q  6)  bhfaigfeadh  tu  an  ait-so  H.  '')  om.  AGB.  ^)  do 
lean  M.  e,  L.  »)  ag  triall  römpa  döibh  added  L.         '")  eadhon  added  G. 

^')  uathbhäiseach  EL.  '"•*)  gorta  golla  agus  gärtha  agus  pianta  ann  H. 

")  Och  a  Dhia  na  beatha  firinne,  an  fada  bheithmaoid  annsna  piannta  do- 
fhulang  so  G.  ")  na  tröchaire  added  H.  ^^)  a  fuillang  L.  i«)  aco  GL. 
")  an  faillighe  L,  om.  G.  's)  orainn  added  G.  ")  le  ar  n-an.  L, 

m'anam  G.       '">)  om.  H. 


THE   VISION   OF   MERLINO.  439 

XXVIII.  'Now'  Said  the  Spirit  of  Wisdom  'thou  hast  seen 
the  things  thou  desiredst  to  see,  namel}^,  a  sight  of  the  various 
pains  of  Hell.  Follow  me  now,  that  I  may  conduct  tliee  froiii 
this  place,  and  touch  nothing  that  thou  seest  tili  thou  art  gone 
from  here.' 

The  Spirit  went  on,  followed  by  Merlino:  and  Merlino  saw 
on  the  right  a  great  and  terrible  place  füll  of  weeping,  of  cries, 
of  pains  and  of  every  kind  of  penalty,  as  he  had  seen  before. 
And  some  of  those  who  were  in  pains  there  were  saying  tliese 
words  '0  Lord  and  0  God,  how  long  sliall  I  be  in  these  pains?' 
and  others  were  saying  'Dear  friends  on  the  earth,  'tis  pity 
that  ye  neglect  the  offering  of  prayers,  petitions,  and  alms,  and 
offerings  for  our  souls,  that  we  miglit  obtain  succour  and  release 
from  the  pains  in  which  we  are. ' 


XXIX.  Merlino  spoke,  and  said  these  words  to  the  Spirit 
of  Wisdom. 

'  Saidst  thou  not  to  me '  he  said  '  that  the  folk  in  Hell  had 
no  hope  of  help  or  succour  for  ever?  And  why  is  this  lost 
multitude  crying  to  God  or  to  their  friends  in  this  wise?' 


'Yonder  are  no  folk  of  Hell'  said  the  Spirit  of  Wisdom, 
'but  the  host  of  Purgatory.  They  who  died  on  the  way  of 
Salvation,  but  who  are  not  clean,  have  come  to  Purgatory  for 
their  cleansing,  and  to  pay  penalty  aund  satisfaction  to  God  for 
all  things  that  were  not  requited  on  the  earth.  And  the  pains  of 
Purgatory  are  like  to  the  pains  of  Hell,  except  that  the  folk  of 


XXrS.     21)  om.  L.  22)  roimhe  so  G.  ^s)  m.  leis  an  S.  E.  L. 

2*)  om.  G,  süil  na  dochas  L.  ^s)  fuasgladh  L.  ^6)  t)räth  GL,  bräth  no 

iar  bräth  E..  ^7)  (^4  nabeadh  sin  firinneach  added  L.  ^s)  a_  mbeidir  G. 
29)  iarradh  G.  ^")  grädhach(a)  added  G.  ^^  ^S  aithcbint  an  gbuidhe 

agus  an  urnaigbthe  's  an  deirc  ar  a  shon  G-  ^^)  om.  AHL.  ^*)  eadbon 
6r.  ^*)  om.  H.  ^^)  faghail  fuasgladh  orra  go  dteid  d'a  nglanadh  fein  G. 
'®)  0  salachar  a  bpeacuighe  L.  ^')  sasamh  U.  ^^)  om.  H.  ^^)  om.  L. 
")  om.  L. 


440  R.  A.  STEWART  MACALISTER, 

')ainhämi)  go  2)  bhf uilid  2)  mhiiintir  3)Phorgadoir  4)5)dearblitha*) 
go  ^^)  blifuighid  ^)  ^)  tröcliaire  '')  ^)  agus  ß)  *)  slanughad  §)  agus  fiias- 
gladh  'j)as  a  bpiantaibh  "J)  9)  uair  eigean,  agus  ^'^)tos  go  dtugi") 
an  guidhe  agus  trosgadh  11)  agus  urnaiglitlie  agus  maithghniomli- 
tlia  12^  a  gcäirde  ^ 3)  agus  i^ynaii)  bhflreini^)  ar  an  tsaogbail 
'•'')aithgheaiTacht  i5)i6)pianta  döibli.^ß)  Agus  '')uime  siu  atäid 
ag  garrthais)  ar  a  gcairdiblL^f*) 

XXX.  20) Adubhairt  21) fear  d'a  raibli2i)  i  bPorgadoir  'Do 
shaoil  me  20)  22)  fein  22)  nach  dearrna  Dia  breag  ariamh  gus  anois: 
oir  23)  (jo  gheall  2i)clamli,  anuair  25)do23)  tlieilgeadh  2^)  do  Por- 
gadoir  me,  26)  nach  2")biamn2')  acht  cuig  lä  ami,  28)  agus  29) ni 29) 
h-amhladh  ata: 2«)  atäim  3o)re  cuig  mhile  bliadhain  amil'^o) 

'Cread  fä  ndearrna  Dia  breag  ris  an  bhfear  üd?'  ar  Meiiino. 

'Ni  dhearrna  Dia  breag  ariamh'  ar  an  Spiorad  Eolach: 
'acht  mead  3i)(iöchair  do-fhuilmg  32) agus  greadadh32)  na  bpian 
3^')  ata  3:')  air,3i)  ionnus  go  saoileann  se  go  bhfuil  se  3^)  cuig 
mhile  bliadhain  ann.  ssj^gus  ni  bhfuil  se  fos  cuig  lä  ann:35) 
36)öir36)  ag  gcriochnughadh  na  gcuig  lä,  3-)rachadh  do  flaitheas 
De  gan  moill.' 

XXXI.  38)  A  h-aithle  an  chomhraidh  sin,38)  do  39)ghluais39) 
an  Spiorad  Eolach  ^0)  ■*')roimhe4i)  as  42)Porgadöir,42)  «)  44)  agus 
do  lean  Merlino  6:^3)  agus  ar  dteacht  amach  dhöibh^*)  do 
chonarc  Merlino  45)  46)ni4fi)  fa  h-iongantaigh  leis  no  a  bhfacaidh 
roimhe  sin:  eadhon,  ^v^cathir  agus'*'')  palast  riogha  ro-alainn 
48)iongantach,48)  49)bhudh49)  h-aille  5")agus  bhudh  h-aolblme^o) 


0  om.  L.  ■■')  bhfuighid  G.  ^)  ata  i  bP.  added  G.  *)  deimhne- 
athach  surailte  L.  ^)  om.  G.  ^)  om.  L.  ')  om.  G.  ^)  om.  H. 
^)  agus  trochaire  L.  •**)  tug  G:  fos  dtagaid  L.  *')  deirc  aäded  G. 

'2)  eile  added  L.  ^^)  om.  L.  '*)  a  H.  ^^)  isteach  acht  G:  cungnamh 
furtacht  fuasgladh  agus  maithiughadh  L.         ^*)  0  na  piantaibh  II.  ")  is 

added  L.  ^^)  agus  ag  gul  added  H.  ^^)  amhail  sud  added  G:  amhail 

aiud:  gidheadb  ni  h-eid  [tlieid]  aon  duine  i  bPorgadoir  do  gheibb  bäs  i 
bpeacadh  mbarbli,  de  bhrigh  na  bhfuil  fäghail  fuasgladh  ar  na  tairbhe  ar  bith 
guidhe  do  dheanamh  ar  a  son,  deirc  na  uruaighthe  uä  maithghniomhartha  ar 
bith  eile,  mar  na  bhfuil  fäghail  füasgla  6  Iffrionn  air  aon  anam  do  theighion 
ann.  Agus  is  ionnann  do  na  millte  peacadh  marbhthach  agus  aon  pheaca 
amhail  [amhäin]  marbhthach  chum  a  dhamanta  ar  feadh  na  siorruidheachta, 
acht  amhail  da  lionmbaireacht  na  peacuidhe  gur  truimidhe  na  pianta  e. 
added  L. 

XXX.   -»)  Ar  sin  do  labhair  au  mbocht  [anam  bocht]  i  bpianta  phur- 


THE  VISION   OF   MERLINO.  441 

Purgatory  know  that  they  will  liave  mercy  and  salvation  and 
release  from  tlieir  pains  some  time,  and  moreover  that  the 
prayers  and  fasting  and  petitions  and  good  deeds  of  tlieir  friends 
and  of  tlie  rig-liteous  on  tlie  world  sliorten  the  pains  for  tliem. 
For  this  cause  are  they  calling  on  their  friends. ' 


XXX.  One  of  tliose  wlio  were  in  Purgatory  spake. 
'Methought  tili  now  that  God  never  made  a  lie.    For  He 

promised  me,  wlien  He  cast  me  into  Purgatory,  that  I  would  be 
here  but  five  days,  but  it  is  not  so,  for  here  I  am  for  five 
tliousand  years.' 

'Wherefore  did  God  deceive  yonder  man?'  said  Merlino. 

'  God  never  deceived '  said  the  Spirit  of  Wisdom.  '  But  the 
sorrow  he  has  suffered,  and  the  horror  of  the  pain  that  is  on 
him,  are  so  great  that  he  thinks  he  has  been  five  thousand 
years  there.  He  has  not  yet  been  five  days  there:  and  when 
the  five  days  are  accomplished  he  will  go  to  Heaven  immediately.' 

XXXI.  At  the  end  of  that  conversation  the  Spirit  of 
Wisdom  went  out  of  Purgatory  and  Merlino  followed  him. 
When  he  went  outside,  Merlino  saw  a  tliing  more  wonderful 
than  he  had  seen  before:  to  wit,  a  city  and  royal  palace,  very 
beautiful,  fairer,  pleasanter,  lovelier  than  the  eye  of  man  could 


gadoireacht,  agus  as  e  adubhairt  'Do  shileas  L.  ^^)  fear  de'n  mhuintir  do 
bhi  H;  duine  de  dream  [ivritten  dmmm,  i.  e.  dtri  m]  Gr.  ^^)  om.  GH. 

*3)  om.  L.  2*)  Dia  added  H.  ^s)  d'ordaigh  mo  theilgion  H.  ^e)  ^o 

mheasas  added  L.         ^'')  raibh  me  ann  L.  ^^)  gidheadh  L.  ^^)  is  H. 

ä")  ann  anois  mar  is  barbhüil  liom  e  le  chüig  mhile  bliadhain  L.  ^^)  na 

pianta  ata  re  greada  diacracb  do-fhulaing  orra,  agus  ar  sud  do  labhar  ann  G. 
^^)  om.  H.  3ä)  fa  ndeara  do'u  anam  üd  na  briathra  adubbairt  L.  ^^)  ann 
le   added  L.  ^^)   om.  H:   gidheadh   ni   bhfuil  se  ann  le  cuig  lä  fos  L. 

^)  agus  L.        ^')  i  bPorgadöir  added  L. 

XXXI.  ^8)  om.  L.  39)  thriall  L.  *»)  agus  Merlino  G.  *^)  om.  G. 
*'*)  sin  L.  *^)  om.  G.  **)  om.  H.  *^)  agus  e  ar  dteacht  amach  added  H. 
*")  radharc  L.  ")  om.  L.  *^)  om.  HL.  *^)  agus  cathir  mar  an 

gceadna  a  ni  fhaca  cathair  na  palas  dob'  aille  L.        ^°)  om.  H. 


442  R.  A,  STEWART  MACALISTER, 

agus  bhudh  deisi  ')d'ar  bhfeidir  le  süil  dhaonna  d'fhaicsin;  oir 
is  amhladh  '^)do  blii,  miir  agus  ballaidh  na  caithreacha '^)  sin') 
arna  ndeanamh  de  chriosdal,  3)4p^^e  thopais,  d'oinics,  de  mhar- 
garet,  ^^d'iaspar,  d'emerale,  de  deamand^)  agus  de  6)'nö)  uile 
chineil  ')pearlaid,  agus 3»)  de'')  s) clilocliaibh *)  uaisle,  ionnus 
ojgnry)  leor  mar  fhlaitheamlmas  i")  i')  agus  mar  aoiblmeas  i2)eii) 
le  li-angiol  na  le  duinei2)  d'ar  cliruthaigli'^)  agus  ariamli^^) 
a  bheadli  i^^d'a  fhaicsin  no  ag  feacain,'^)  ar  an  lonnradh  agus 
i^)ar''')  an  dealradh  do  blii  ag  teaclit  o  le^minni-iijii  ''')agus  oi«) 
bliallaidhibh^')  agus  6  chlocliaibli  i^)fior-uaisle  ro-aille^s)  na^s) 
caithreaclia  sin.  2«)  Agus  do  chonairc^i)  srutli  d'fhior-uisge 
22)fior22)-aluinn,  23)24)  agus  go  mbadli24)  samhalta  re  flon  25)  fior- 
aluinn  23)  25)  26)  g^an  truailleadli  27)  an  boltanus  2^)2»)  do  blii  ag 
teacht  do  na  srothaibh  sin;  agus  29)iomad  de  clirannaibh 
aille  eagsamhla,  idir  na  sroüiuibh  sin,  agus  go  madh^s)  leor 
3o)d'3'^)aoiblineas  agus  3o)(i'3ü)^J.g.l^airdlleas  a  blieitli  ag  feachain 
31)  na  dtorrtadhs')  32)agiis  33)  na  33)  mblatliaibh  32)  33)  do  blii  ar34) 
na  35)crannaibli  sin.  35)  36)  Agus  ein  aille  37)eadroclita  i  mbarr 
na  gerann  sin  3')  ag  cantain  ceoil;  agus  oirfldlie,38)  Mt,  orgain,3ö) 
agus  instrumlünt  ^0)  cheoil  na  cruinne  4i)d'a  gcurtaoi^')  d'a 
gcömlislieinm  42)iad,  go''2)  madh  binne  guth  agus  glor  aon  ein 
amhain  43)diobli43)  sin  no  iad  uile. 

XXXII.  Mar  44)  an  gceadna  do  clionairc  ^^)Merlino  iomadli 
de  rioglitliaibh,  de44)  prionnsaidliibli  agus  de  dliaoinibli  ^•')ar 
a  raibli  4^)eadaigli  riogha  <s)iiogha^s)  49)iänmliaiseaclia,^9)  5o)agus 
^i)coroin^'')  dealraiglieacha  ^-)([e  phearlaidhibli,  ^3)  de  gheimliai- 
dliibh53)  54)  agus  de  cliarbuncle^*)  ar  clieann  gacli  aoln^s)  diobli, 
agus  51)  go  mbadli^e)  deallraidhe  no  an  glirian  5")58)giiarrtlia58) 
an  lonnrad  agus  an  ruitlmeadli  do  59)nidis;59)  agus*s)5^)  ionadh 
de  maigbdeanaibli  ngruadlichorcra  6(>)ngealghnuiseaclia,6o)  agus  de 


*)  cuma  na  iad  L.  ")  om.  H.  ^)  agus  do  clirisolit  H.  ')  om.  G. 
5)  om.  L.  «)  gach  L.  ')  om.  L.  «)  chloch  HL.  »)  go  madh  GH. 
")  e  added  G.  ^^)  om.  L,  agus  gur  ioumhus  G.  ^^)  no  le  h-aondiiine  H. 
^*)  Dia  ariamh  H:  om.  L.  ^*)  ag  amliarc  L;  da  feacain  H;  da  fhaicsin  G. 
IS)  om.  H.  1«)  om.  G.  ")  om.  L.  ^^)  om.  HL.  ^^)  righ-ch.  added  H 
^^)  d'fheachus  M,  tar  mballaidhihh  ua  caithreacha  [sin  B]  added  BH. 
^')  Merline  added  L.  "2)  ^o-  L.  ^3)  q^_  q_  -m^  Jjo  L.  «s)  uasal  H, 
ro-uasal  L.  ^^)  maiseamhail;  fior-uasal  added  G.  ^')  om.  G;  an  bolamh 
H;  an  bolaith  L.  ^^)  na  mbillighe  added  G.         ^^)  go  mbadh  G;  om.  L. 

80)  mar  GH.  31)  0^.^  L.  ^'')  om.  G.  s»)  ar  L.  ^*)  om.  L. 


THE   VISION   OF  MERLTNO.  443 

See:  for  thus  it  was:  the  wall  and  ramparts  of  the  city  were 
made  of  ciystal,  of  topaz,  of  onyx,  of  pearl,  of  Jasper,  of  emerald, 
of  diamond  and  of  every  sort  of  pearl  and  precious  stone,  so 
that  it  was  sufflcient  for  dominion  and  for  pleasure  for  the  angels 
or  for  the  man  created  whosoever  should  come  to  see  or  to  look 
lipon  the  light  and  glory  Coming  from  the  walls  and  ramparts 
and  truly  precious  lovely  stones  of  that  city.  And  he  saw  a 
stream  of  pm^e  water,  very  beautiful,  like  to  truly  exquisite 
wine  untainted  by  the  scent  coming  to  those  streams;  and  many 
divers  beautiful  trees  among  those  streams,  and  it  would  be 
sufficiency  of  pleasure  and  joy  to  watch  the  fruits  and  flowers 
that  were  on  those  trees.  And  beautiful  birds  were  manifest 
on  the  tops  of  those  trees,  singing  songs;  and  were  the  viols, 
lutes,  Organs  and  Instruments  of  music  of  the  world  set  with 
them  and  making  harmony  with  them,  sweeter  would  be  the 
voice  and  the  sound  of  one  Single  bird  than  all  of  these. 


XXXII.  Likewise  he  saw  many  kings,  princes,  and  people, 
wearing  royal,  fine,  glorious  raiment,  with  a  sparkling  crown  of 
pearls,  of  gems,  and  of  carbuncle  on  the  head  of  each;  and 
brighter  than  the  glorious  sun  was  the  glitter  and  the  sparkling 
they   made.     And   he   saw  many  maidens  goldenhaired,   white 


'S)  crann  L.  ^^)  do  bhi  tiomcMoll  na  catharach  sin  added  L.  '')  iol- 

dhäthach  H.        ^^)  trumpuighe  clarsuighe,  beilinde  added  K.        ^^)  spinnets, 
timbrels  added  K.         ^o)  lucht  added  L;  agus  added  H.  ")  au  domhain 

uile  L.        *^)  ar  aon  bball,  gur  L.        ^^)  aco  L. 

XXXII.  ")  do  bhi  G.  «)  Merlino  added  L.  *6)  eile  L.  ")  gnüis 
agus  G.  *«)  om.  GH.  *^)  romhaiseach  GH.  ^o)  om.  G.  ^0  om.  L. 
52)  län  added  GH.  ^s)  agus  H,  om.  G.  »0  om.  H.  »s)  ^co  G. 

^)  breäghtha  an  added  L.        s')  Do  chonarc  fos  L.        ^^)  om.  H.        s»)  bhi 
ag  teacht  de  ghnüis  agus  d'eadhaigh  gach  aoiu  aca  H.        «")  gealghruagach  H. 


444  R.  A.  STEWART   MACALTSTER, 

leanbliaibli  oga,    i)ar  a  raibh  gnuis,   2)geala  gle-glilana  geal- 
ainglidhe.i)2)3) 

XXXni.  'Mo  chumairce  ort'  ar  Merlino:  'agus  inis  damh 
4)cia  5)11-1 4^  5)  an  ait  6)aoibliinn  üd^)  ^)idchim  comb  gar  so  do 
riogacht  Iffrinn?'') 

8)'Ni  b-amhladh  ata'  ar  an  Spiorad  Eolach»)  o)'is  fada  6 
rioghacht  Iffrinn  *'^)i,io)  ge  nach  ii)saoilionn  tusa^)  e:  >2)agus 
ag  so'  ar  se  'Parrthas  Neimhe,!^)  i3)aiti3)  iona  bhfuil  i4)iucht 
dheanta  i5)tbola  D^,  in  aoibhnios  i^^suathainJö)  Agus  na  srotha 
fior-'')äillei')  üd  do  chonairc  tu,  i*)iüsge  na  beatba  i9)sin, 
2^)agus  ge  be  2o)fiieacbus  an  t-uisge  üd,2o)  ni  bhfiiigh  bäs 
go  bräth,  agus  ni  bhiaid  tart  no  ocras^i)  air,  22)  agus  ni  luidhionn 
aois  no  23)urchradh23)  air,22)  acht  biaidh  24)i^n  d'24)aoibhneas 
25)  go  siorrdadh  26)suathain.26)  Agus  27)  na  28)ii.ein28)  do  29)chua- 
ladh29)  tu  30) ag  cantain  cheoil,  eadhon,3'>)  Aingle  Neimhe  iad 
31)  sin  31)  ata  32)  ^e  ghnath  33)  ag  cantain  cheoil  agus  32)  33)  ag 
nioladh  De.  34)  Na  righthe  35)  agus  35)  na  prionnsaidh  36)37)^0 
chonnairc  tu,  3b) as  iad  sin 3'') 38)  na  39)i3ochta3'J)  ^o)uirisle4o)  do 
sheachain  an  bealach  fhairsing  ionar  ghabhadar  'ii)coisdidhe, 
carbaid,  42)eachraidhe,^2)  agus  daoine  43)44)iii5i..iianacha44)  45)an 
tsaoghail-se;43)  agus  do  46)giiiac  an  bealach  ina  raibh  an  uile 
dhochar  agus  47)dhoilghios;47)  maille  re  deirc,  re  trosgadh,  re 
h-urnaighthe,  agus  ris  an  uile  chrabhadh  •'8)eile,  4y)ie  ar  glmo- 
thughadar'*^)  5o)an  choroin5o)  5i)ghlörmhar5i)  do  chonairc  tu 
52)orra5^)  53)i  n-eiric  gach  anröid  ^4)  55)  agus  gach  5i»)ansöigh55) 
da  bhfuaradar:54)  56)  agus  biaidh  ag  nioladh  De  agus  57)  an  5") 
amharc  na  Trionoidhe,  go  58)suathain.   Na  mhaighdeana  59)gruadh- 


*)  snüadhainglidhe  L.  ^)  gleagal  G;  ainglidhe  F.  ^)  7c  added  A. 
kg  siubhal  leis  an  Uan  Trochaireach  added  M. 

XXXIII.  *)  cread  G.  «)  om.  HL.  «)  i  so  L  :  i  sud  G.  ')  ata 
comb  fogus  do  Iff.  H  :  Agus  nior  shileas  go  raibh  ait  comb  alainn  comb  taitb- 
neambacb  leis  an  riogbacbt  Iff.  i.  Is  mart  an  barbbüil  bbeir  tu  air  na  fuil  air 
an  S.  E  i.  :  no  ann  do  riogbacbt  Iff.  i?  B.  *)  om.  L.  ^)  oir  added  BG- 
^0)  an  ait  so  L  :  tu  G.  ")  ambla  is  doigb  leatsa  L.  ^^)  acbt  palas 

agus  Parrtbus  Neimhe  e ,  an  (r  :  Oir  ag  süd  P.  N. ,  an  £  :  Agus  so  ar  an 
S.  E.  Palas  Neamhdba  H.  ^^)  om.  H.  ")  agus  a  mbeidh  L.         i^)  na 

matbasa  L.  1«)  siorraidbe  L.  ")  aoibhne  G.  ^^)  eadbon  added  GH. 
")  iad  added  HL.  20)  bhlAs  as  e  H.  *i)  no  fuacht  H.  i»«)  ^m.  G. 

**)  arsaigheacbt  H.  '^*)  le  b-   G.  ^^)  agus  d'urgbaideas  added  S 

2«)  om.  GH.        27)  o»i.  L.        ^8)  eanlath  L.        ^^)  chonarc  GL.        ^o)  q^^  x. 


THE   VISION    OF   MERLINO.  445 

visaged:  and  young  children  with  white,  pure,  briglit  angelic 
faces. 

XXXIII.  'My  protection  on  thee'  said  Merlino.  'Teil  me 
what  is  tliat  pleasant  place  yonder  that  I  see,  so  near  tlie 
kingdom  of  Hell?' 

'Not  so'  Said  tlie  Spirit  of  Wisdom:  'far  is  it  from  tlie 
kingdom  of  Hell,  tliougli  tliou  thinkest  it  not.  This'  said 
he  'is  the  Paradise  of  Heaven,  the  place  wliere  those  who  do 
the  will  of  God  are  in  eternal  pleasure.  The  lovely  streams 
yonder  thou  sawest  are  the  water  of  Life:  and  whoso  seeth 
that  water  shall  never  die,  nor  shall  thirst  nor  liunger  be  upoii 
him,  nor  the  weight  of  age  nor  misery:  but  he  shall  be  füll  of 
pleasure  to  all  eternity.  The  birds  thou  heardest  singing  melody 
are  the  Angels  of  Heaven,  who  are  ever  singing  melody  and 
praising  God.  The  kings  and  princes  thou  sawest  are  the  poor 
lowly  men  who  left  the  broad  way  wherein  went  the  carriages, 
chariots,  horses,  and  proud  worldly  men,  and  took  the  way 
wherein  was  every  suffering  and  difficulty;  who  practised  as 
well  almsgiving,  fasting,  prayer,  and  all  other  devotions,  by 
which  they  have  earned  the  glorious  crowns  thou  sawest  on 
them,  in  recompense  for  every  oppression  and  every  misery  they 
suffered;  and  they  will  be  praising  God  and  gazing  on  the 
Trinity  for  ever.    The  golden-haii^ed  maidens  thou  sawest  are 


31)  sud  L.  «2)  agus  do  bhias  L.  ^s)  o^_  Q]g[  si)  ^e  ghnätli  L. 

ä*)  om.  L.  3^)  agus  na  daoine  uaisle  eile  added  L.  3')  om.  G.  ^^)  ag 
sud  L.  3^)  bochtäin  L.  *o)  o^   L  :  do  chonarc  tu  G.  ")  ar  na 

added  G.  *^)  agus  na  h-eachaibh  G.         *^)  om.  G.         ")  mear  uaisle  H 

:  uaibhreacha  L.  *^)  ar  H.  *^)  gaibb  go  toilteanach  aonteatbacb  le  na 
mboacbtanacb  le  na  ndochar  agus  le  na  ndoilbbios,  agus  fos  do  rin  trosgadh 
deirc  agus  urnaigbthe,  agus  do  ghnothuig  crabhad  eile;  an  choroin  L. 
*')  do  dholas  G.  ^^)  diadha  added  GH.  *^)  om.  G.  s")  agus  added  G. 
5')  ghloire  H.  ^^)  ar  cheann  gach  aon  diobh  G.  ^^)  an  a  luach  saothar 
added  L;  ata  added  G.  ^*)  fuairead  G.         *^)  om.  H,  agus  gach  anfa  L. 

^^)  ar  an  tsaoghal  added  R.  ^')  ag  Gr.  ^^)  siorruidh  added  H.  ^^)  grädh- 
mhara  Gr,  cetera  R. 

Zeitschrift  f.  celt.  Philologie  IV,  29 


446  R.  A.  STEWART  MACALISTER, 

chorcra59)  do  chonarc  tu,  i)eaclhoni)  -)än  drong^)  3)nar3)  tru- 
ailleadh  le  4)peacadh  na  4)  druisi.  Agus  na  leinibh  ^^e^do 
clionairc  tii^)  '')ar  a  raibh  gmiisi  aiuglidhe,  *)  eadlion ")  s)  na 
leinibh  do  ^)  fnair  bäs  tar  eis  a  nibaistiglie,  agus  nach  dearnaidh 
peacadh  ariamh.' 

'Is  truagh'*')  ar  Merlino  'nach  bhfiülimio)  aon  uair  amhain 
astigh  annsud.' 

'Ni  f^idir  duit  sin'  ar  an  Spiorad  Eolach;!')  'oir  ni  theid 
aon  nidh  '^^igteachi^)  annsud  acht  i'^^giainei»)  agus  i'i)firean- 
tacht.  ^4^  Agus  is^anois'^)  do  i^^chonairc'^)  tn  na  neithe  bhi 
mian  leat  d'fhaicsin;  agus  fagfad*')  anois  thü  agus  beannachtJ^) 
i9)(3iri9)  ata  tu  ar  an  tsaoghal,2o)  agus  2i)dean2i)  amhail22)  mar 
is  23)toil23)  leat  o  so  24)suas.24)25) 

XXXIV.  lar  sin  thig26)  ceo  mör  i  dtinichioll  Mherliuo; 
agus  ar  sgaoileadh  do  'n  ceo  2')  fuair  e  fein  28) 'na  sheasamh^s) 
ar  an  äit2ö)  ina  dtäinig  an  Spiorad  Eolach  chuige,  3o)eadhon 
ag  cömhrach  an  da  bhealach.  Agus  annsin^'j)  do  smuain  ar 
3i)a  dhrochbheathaidh  fein,  agus  ar'^i)  gach32)  taisbeanadh  d'a 
33)bhfacaidh:33)  34) agus  as  e  do  rinne:  a  arm  agus  earradh34) 
do  theilgion  35)(i^^35)  36)  agus  imtheachtse)  go  h-ait  ina  raibh 
teampoll  37)38)coisrighthe:3^)  »o)  agus  3»)  do  bhi  "o)  abhann  4») 
laimh  ris  an  teampoll,  ^i) 42) agus  theid  ^'^)se  anns  an^s) 
abhann,3')42)  '§  do  leig  ar  a  glilüinibh44)  45)innte  ^^45)  agus  do 
bhi  an  tuisge  ag  eirigh''4)  fan  ucht;  agus  do  bhi  ar  an  modh 
sin  go  trathnuna,  46)  agus  an  t-aedhear  ag  cur  shneacht  agus  ag 
sioc  air.46)  47)^g^g  ag47)  teacht  48)  na  h-oidhche,  teid48)  do  'n 
teampoll  ag  nochtadh  a  chuirp,  agus  ag  luidhe  ar  an  talamh '9) 
lomnocht:  5ü)'s5(t)  do  bhi  5i)cian  d'aimsirst)  ag  guidhe  ^-)agus 
ag  sgreadaigh  ar  Dia,  no52)  gur  53)eisd  Dia  re^'^)  na  ghuidhe, 

^)  om.  HL.  '-*)  na  mna  geanaimnaighe  L.  ^)  a  G.  *)  om.  G. 
^)  om.  G.  «)  om.  H.  ')  ag  sud  L.  ^)  om.  JS.  ^)  sin  added  G. 

")  fein  added  G.  ")  an  feadh  bMas  colainn  dhaonna  ort  no  do  thim- 

chioll   H;    an    faid    biliös   tu   i   gcolainn   dhaonna   G.  ")   ar   bith   H. 

")  gloire  L.  ")  firinne  GH.  ")  om.  G.  1«)  dhearc  G.  ")  fein 
added  G.  ")  igat  added  GH.  ^^)  om.  G.  20)  aris  added  L. 

«')  om.  A  22)  agus  added  A.  ^^)  mian  GH.  ^')  suas  H.  =«)  L 

here  inserts  a  long  passage  which  will  be  found  in  an  appendix  to  the 
present  edition. 

XXXrV.  26)  an  t-aingioll  added  G.  27)  jg  ambail  added  L.  28)  '„a 
suidhe  L:  ar  an  saoghal  G.  29)  ceadua  added  GL.  ^'^)  agus  G:  annsin 
L :  agus  annsin  H.        »i)  atharach  a  bheatha  do  ghlaca  dho  6? :  a  choirtharbh 


THE    VISION    OF   MERLINO.  447 

they  wlio  were  uncorrupted  by  lustful  sin:  and  the  cliildren 
tliou  sawest  with  angel-faces  are  they  who  died  after  baptism, 
and  never  committed  any  sin.' 


'Alas'  Said  Merlino  'that  I  am  not  in  yonder  just  one 
hour!' 

'Tliat  cannot  be'  said  tlie  Spirit  of  Wisdom  'for  notliing 
goetli  inside  yonder  but  purity  and  rig-hteousness.  And  now 
tlioii  hast  Seen  the  things  thou  desiredst  to  see;  and  I  shall 
leave  thee  now  with  a  Messing:  for  thou  art  on  the  world,  and 
do  as  thou  wilt  from  now  henceforth.' 

XXXIV.  Then  came  a  deep  mist  around  Merlino,  and  when 
it  lifted  he  found  himself  standing  on  the  place  where  the  Spirit 
of  Wisdom  came  to  him,  at  the  meeting  of  the  two  passes.  Then 
he  thought  on  his  evil  life  and  all  the  visions  he  had  seen;  and 
thus  he  did:  he  cast  his  arms  and  aruiour  from  him,  and  went 
to  a  place  where  was  a  consecrated  church:  and  there  was  a 
river  hard  by  the  church,  and  he  went  into  the  river,  and  went 
down  on  his  knees  there;  and  the  water  rose  to  his  breast,  and 
thus  he  remained  tili  evening,  and  the  air  was  dropping  snow 
and  fi'ost  upon  him.  And  when  night  was  come  he  went  to  the 
church  baring  his  body  and  he  lay  on  the  ground  naked;  and  a 
long  time  was  he  praying  and  crying  aloud  to  God,  tili  God 


fein  agus  ar  L.  ^^)  nidh  agus  aclded  L.  ^^)  bhfuir  se  G.  ^*)  om.  L. 
'5)  uaidh  H.  ^^)  do  thriall  L.  ^7)  ^^^  f;.  ss)  Aifrionn  K:  beannaigh- 
the  L.  ^^)  do  theilg  arm  is  eide  de  gan  moill  L.  *")  i  bhfad  L. 

*i)  sin  added  L.  *^)  om.  L.  *^)  om.  H.  ")  an  abbain  do  bbi  laimb 
leis  an  teampoU  e  fein  gacb  lä  go  sruitbeacb  an  t-uisge  L.  *^)  e  fein  G. 

*^)  om.  HL:  agus  an  ttegbear  aig  fbeartbuin  uisge  agus  sneacbta  air,  sioc 
agus  sneacbta  a  tuitim  go  minie  ar  leacoigbratha  ionar  G.  ^')  om.  G. 
*^)  do'n  boidbcbe  do  tbigbeadb  tarais  L.  ^^)  gan  leaba  gan  eadacb  codhlata 
acht  üir  na  talmban  faoi  a  cbnuis  added  L.  s")  om.  L:  's  an  modb  ff. 

^')  aimsir  fada  G:  timcioli  cian   d"aimsir  air  an  mod  sin  L.  ^^)  om.  ff. 

")  dean  Dia  eisteacbt  L. 


29* 


448  R.  A.  STEWART   MACALISTER, 

agus  0§^ur^)  chiür2)  an  3)Spiorad3)  i)a,g  tabhairt  furtachta 
dho,4)  ag  radli  na  mbriatlira  5)millse")  so  leis:  — 

XXXV.  6)'Eirigh,6)  a  Mlierlino'ß)  ^)ar  se,"')  'd'eisd  sjDia») 
re  d'urnaighthe:  agus  de  blirigh  go  bhfuil  aithreachas  9)  ort 
i'')fa^ö)  ndeara  tu  d'olc  agus  go  bhfuil  rün  firinneacli  agat 
gani')  teagbhail  anns  na  peacaidhibh  i2)ceadlina  ni  i3)sai3)  mho, 
14)  do  chonaircus  is)  (Bochum  > 2)  1 4)15)  tröcliaire  do  dheanamh  ort. 
i6)D'aithneadlii«)  dhiot  imtlieaclit  '')'s)ari")  feadh's)  na  bpiü- 
bleach  ag  teagasg  agus  ag  foillsiugliadh  ann  gach  i9)ionad  ina 
ngeabliairi'^)  20)  na  neithe'^o)  do  chonarcais.' 

2')Is  annsin^i)  d'eirigh  Merlino  22)23)24)amliail  d'aitlinigli24) 
anSpiorad  25)Eolach25)  26)  ^hö,  26)  22)  agus  do  bhi  27)6  sin  amacli 
ar  feadli  2s)  a  blieatha27)  29) 'na  bliuabhall  2;')  28)  bhinnghlorach, 
30)  ag  teagasg  30)  agus  ag  tarraing  na  gcriosduidhe  ^i)  dochum32) 
De  Uile-chumliaclitach:  go  blifuair  bas^s)  naomlitlia  beannaightlie, 
ag  tabhairt  gluire  agus  siorbhuidheachas  do  'n  Athair,  do  'n 
Mac  agus  do  'n  Spiorad  Naomh.^*)    Amen.    Finit. 


^)  do  L.  ^)  Dia  added  G.  ^)  t-aingioll  here  and  alioays  Gr. 

*)  Eolais,  da  ionnsuidhe  ag  fuisneis  do  go  raibli  furtacht  agus  foirthint  le 
faghail  do  L.        ^)  om.  GHL. 

XXXV.  6)  A  ghrädh  M.  B:  Geabhadh  a  M.,  K:  a  Mherlino,  L. 
')  om.  G.  ^)  an  tighearna  E.  »)  fior  added  L.  *")  tre  a  G.  ")  tuitim 
no   added  L.  '^)  go  bräth  aris,  agus  do  gheall  Dia  L.  ")  bhus  G. 

")  agus  do  gheall  Dia  G.  ^^)  do  Dhia  H.  *^)  agus  d'ordaigh  [se  G]  GL. 
1')  om.  AL.  1«)  measg  L.  ^^)  ni  H:  [ionad  agus  i]  ann  gach  ait 


Appendix  I. 

The  foUowing  passage  is  substituted  for  §  XX,  last  Para- 
graph, in  L. 

'Maiseadh'  ar  an  dara  fear,  aithreachas  i  n-antrath  ni 
dean  maith:  agus  an  t-am  budh  cöir  an  aithrighe  a  dheanamh, 
ni  dhearnuigheas  i,  agus  da  ndeanta,  ni  raibh  contabhaiit  ar  an 
dtröcaire.  Agus  is  minie  do  chualais,  agus  mise  leat  ar  an 
tsaoghal  diombuan  breagach  üd  ionar  thuilliomuis  teaclit  annso, 
nach  raibh  fuasgladh  as  Iffrionn.  Gidheadh  neimhbhrigh  agus 
fanamhaid,  gäiridhe  agus  sügradh,  do  riimeamar  de.    Do  ghradh- 


THE   VISION   OF   MERLINO.  449 

heard  his  prayer  and  sent  the  Spirit  to  give  him  comfort,  saying 
these  words  of  sweetness: 

XXXV.  'Eise,  Merlino'  said  he:  ' God  has  lieard  thy  prayer. 
And  because  thou  hast  at  last  repented  of  evil,  and  hast  a  true 
resolve  not  to  fall  again  into  the  same  sins,  He  hath  promised 
to  have  mercy  upon  thee.  He  commandeth  thee  to  go  among 
the  people,  teaching  and  revealing  in  every  place  to  which  thou 
comest  the  things  thou  didst  see.' 


Then  Merlino  rose  as  the  Spirit  of  Wisdom  commanded, 
and  from  that  out  throughout  his  life  his  was  a  nielodious 
triunpet-voice,  teaching  and  drawing  the  Christians  to  God  the 
Almighty:  tili  he  died  a  holy  blessed  death,  giving  glory  and 
long  thanksgiving  to  the  Father  and  to  the  Son  and  to  the 
Holy  Spirit.    Amen.    Finit. 


[agus  an  gach  ionad  G]  [iona  ngeabhar  L]  LG.  ^°)  om.  H.  ^^)  Annsin 
L:   om.  E.  22)   ^^   ^  43)  ^gus  do  chuaidh  as  sin  amach  i  measg  na 

bpinbleacha  go  G.  ^*)  ar  comhairle  agus  ar  threoirugliadli  L.  ^^)  om.  H. 
2«)  do  chuir  Dia  chuighe  do  thiiall  roimhe  L.  ^7)  ^„j  ^  28)  ^a  ^^T^y^i. 
blioch  go  F.  29)  ag  imtheacht  6  äit  go  h-äit  L.  ^f)  chumhachtaid  Gr. 

31)  6  shlaibhraibh  au  diabhail  added  L.  ^^)  creidimh  added  G.         ^^)  'na 

dhuine  added  L.        ^*)  le  saoghal  na  saoghal  added  L. 


Appendix  I. 


'Nay'  said  the  second  man  'repentance  at  the  wrong  time 
Profits  naught.  The  time  when  thou  shouldst  have  repented, 
thou  didst  not:  hadst  thou  repented  there  were  no  fear  of  not 
obtaining  mercy.  And  thou  didst  often  hear,  in  my  Company, 
on  that  fleeting,  false  world  whereon  we  earned  our  Coming 
hither,  that  there  was  no  escape  from  Hell.  However,  it  is 
contempt  and  derision,  laughter  and  mirth,  that  we  gave  to  it. 


450  R.  A.  STEWART   MACALISTER, 

muir  [?  ghradhuiglieamar]  an  diabhal  's  a  mliealltöireacht ,  an 
saoghal  cleasach  diombhuan  is  aoiblmeas  na  collann  ariamh,  ta 
ain-nihianach  län  duirinneadh  [do  rinneadli]  de  luaithreadli  na 
talmhan.  Piast  bhrean,  dicheadfadb,  conblach,  bracach  [?con- 
bhaileadi,  breagach]  beatlia,  daol  agus  cnumh,  ag  sud  an  triur 
do  leanamhair  i  gcomhaiiie  [?i  gcoinne].  Do  chuireadh  an 
diabhal  daidhe  agus  näire  orrann  ar  bpeacaidhe  d'fhaoisdin, 
chum  sinn  do  ghreamnghad  do  fein  [ar]  an  saoghal;  d'ar  dtarraing 
chum  a  shöläs  diombhuan  fein  an  collainn;  d'ar  ngriosughadh 
chum  aire  tabhairt  d'a  bheartaibh  —  d'a  rädh  leis  an  süil 
feachaint  go  claon  mailiseach,  cöimhead  agus  faire  dheanamh  ar 
mhnaoi,  ar  chuid  's  ar  mhaoin  saoghalta  uile  na  comharsan, 
chum  bheith  romphäirteach  iontar  [Pionnta];  an  cluas,  ag  eisteacht 
leis  an  monatar,  ag  tabhairt  nii-chlü,  tarcaisne,  di-mheas,  agus 
taire;  an  teanga,  ag  ithe,  ageara  [?  ag  iarraidh]  agus  ag  cognadh 
feola  fuaire  chach:')  an  blas,  ag  soinnghadh  [Psonnadh]  beatha 
an  clmirp:  an  mothughadh,  ag  tabhairt  taithniomh  agus  aontadh 
do  na  drochsmaointibh  an  croidhe  [sie  MS.],  d'a  dtaltüghadh  an 
intealacht,  d'a  dtreörüghadh  an  meabhair,  d'a  gcoimhead  agus  d'a 
gcuimuisg  [gcuimsiughadh]  i  gcuimlme;  an  lämh  an  cos  agus 
baill  uile  an  chuirp  'na  gcomhluadar  ag  cuideadh  le  cheile  chum 
na  n-olc,  agus  d'a  dtabhairt  doreir  na  toile  agus  antola;  d'a 
riarughadh  mar  is  mian  le  fein.  Ag  so  na  slighthe  do  leanuis- 
se;  nior  chuiris  suim  'san  bpearla:  eadhon,  an  tanam;  nior  iarrais 
is  nior  shaothrüighis  an  tröcaire.  An  am  do  threigis  Dia  ar 
mhaitheas  diombhuan  an  tsaoghail  iona  rabhais  tamall  gearr,  do 
fuairis  agus  do  gheabais  an  luach  saothair  's  a'  tuarasdal  do 
tlmillis.  'Se  sin,  do  [se  sindeadh  MS.]  theilgion  annso,  do  d' 
dhoigh  do  d'  losgadh  's  do  d'  phianadh  tre  saoghal  na  saoghal. 


Appendix  II. 

The  following  passage  is  interpolated  in  L  at  the  end  of 
section  XXXIII. 

'Agus  guidhim-si  Dia  do  threorughadh  chum  aithrighe 
fhirinneach  [thü]:   agus  mä  dheinn  tu  i  mar  is  coir  na  bi  an 

0  Apparently  corrupt. 


THE   VISION   OF   MERLINO.  451 

AVe  ever  loved  the  devil  and  his  deceit,  the  treaclierous,  fleeting 
World  and  tlie  pleasures  of  the  flesli,  which  is  liistfiil,  full(?) 
and  was  made  of  the  dust  of  the  earth.  The  serpent  of  life, 
foul,  senseless,  cling-ing- (?),  lying(?),  the  cliafer  and  the  worm, 
are  the  three  we  have  followed  together.  The  devil  put 
difficulty  and  shame  upon  us  of  confessing-  our  sins,  tliat  he 
might  seize  us  for  himself  on  the  world;  to  induce  us  to  his 
own  fleeting  pleasure  of  the  flesh,  to  cause  us  to  give  heed  to 
his  words  —  which  he  saj'S  to  the  eye  that  casts  evil  and  malicious 
glances,  that  watches  and  gazes  at  the  wife,  at  the  property 
and  at  all  the  woiidly  goods  of  neighbours  in  order  to  be  a 
sharer  therein:  to  the  ear,  that  hearkens  to  the  monitor  speaking 
scandal,  contempt,  despite,  and  uncleanness:  to  the  tongue,  that 
eats,  seeks,  and  chews  . . .  flesh:  to  the  taste,  that  presses  on(?) 
the  life  of  the  body:  to  the  perception,  that  finds  pleasure  and 
agreement  in  the  evil  thoughts  of  the  heart,  to  lull  the  intellect, 
to  guide  the  memory,  to  be  kept  and  recorded  in  the  recollection: 
to  the  hand,  foot  and  all  other  members  of  the  body  in  general 
to  work  together  for  evil  and  to  devote  themselves  to  carry  out 
wilfulness  and  lust;  to  regulate  them  in  accordance  with  his  will. 
These  are  the  ways  thou  hast  followed:  thou  hast  put  no  value 
on  the  pearl :  that  is,  the  soul.  Thou  hast  neither  asked  for  nor 
earned  mercy,  When  thou  didst  desert  God  for  the  fleeting 
good  things  of  the  world  wherein  thou  wast  a  short  time,  thou 
didst  get  and  obtain  the  wages  of  labour  and  the  pay  thou 
didst  deserve;  that  is  thy  casting  here,  to  be  consumed  and 
burnt  and  pained  to  all  eternity. 


Appendix  II. 


'And  I  pray  God  to  lead  thee  to  true  repentance:  and  if 
thou  repent  as  is  fitting,  have  no  doubt  that  thy  Saviour  Jesus 


452  R.  A.  STEWART   MACALISTER, 

ceadoclias  air  bitli  na  go  nglacfad  d'  shlanaiglitheoir  losa  Crist 
tu  go   cathair  na  gloire,  oir  ni  maitli  le  Dia  bäs  an  pheacaigli. 

'As  e  bäs  adeirim  annso,  an  damnugliadli  siorruiglie:  agus 
da  mbeadliais  peacaidlie  an  domhain  uile  air  aon  peacach  amliäin, 
ni  cliuirfeadli  Dia  suas  do  mä  dheinn  an  aithrighe.  Gidheadh 
foirior,  ata  bäs  an  cliuirp  snräilte  's  an  uail  neamhsliuräilte: 
agus  fos  an  aithrighe  mhall  contabhairtach  go  spesiälta:  an  tan 
thigean  galar  an  bhäis  is  mo  goilleas  geire  agus  taoma  an 
tinneis  air')  an  uair  sin  nä  an  aithrigh,  agus  fos  da  fliaid  do 
chaithiom  anns  na  peacaidhe  is  lughaidhe  ar  suim  a  dtreigion  e. 

'Agus  as  e  leighios  bo  coir  do  dheanamh  ar  sin:  an  tan  do 
mhothaid^)  duine  an  t-anam  creachtaighte,  an  lot  do  thasbaint 
do  cara^)  an  anama;  is  e  sin  an  t-oide*)  faoisidine.  Gidheadh, 
ma  cuirthear  an  leighios  air  cairde,  dallaidh,  cneadh  an  corp, 
dubhthaidh  an  lot,  agus  breanfaidh,  liathfaidh,  chum  bhur 
ndochar.  Agus  is  cead  air  aon  a  bhfaighthear  gcreidim  [greim?] 
leigeas  go  bräth  air:  mar  an  gceadna  do  peacadh  marbhthach, 
an  tan  chreachtas  an  tanam.  Muna  ndibhirthear  bhur  luit  agus 
othrais  ann,  do  b'fheidir  do'n  bhäs  teacht  sul  do  bheadh  se 
leighiste,  go  sgarfeadh  leis  an  gcorp  e  gan  leighios  —  'se  sin 
an  aithrighe  nä  leörghniomh. 

'Cread  do  dheanfar  leis  anusin?  Glacfeadh  an  diabhal  a 
sheilbh  agus  teilgfear  le  ceartbhreithiomhnas  De  [e],  go  h-Iffrionn 
iid  do  chonarc  tu  fiacsa  anois,  a  Mherlino,  gur  bhfuiris  an  cneadh 
üd  do  leighios  an  anam  agus  le  na  chuir  air  cairde,  go  mbeidir 
nä  raibh  a  leighios  le  deanamh  go  bräth. 

'De  bhrigh  sin,  a  Mherlino,  atä  döchas  agamsa  go  mbear- 
fuirse  an  leighios  firinneach  do  d'  chreachtaibh  fein  anois  gan 
mhoill  gan  chäirde:  agus  ge  go  bhfuilid  i  bhfad  air  slighe,  ni 
bhfuil  contabhairt  no  go  mbearfeadh  au  leighios  coir  gcreidhiin 
orra,  an  nidh  guidhim-se  tre  thoil  De  dhuitse,  agus  do  gach 
othar  eile  mar  thii.  Agus  go  dtugadh  Dia  d'a  mhor  gräsaibh 
do  drong  slan  na  creachta  do  nochtadh  mar  is  coir:  agus  mä's 
miau  leo  so,  do  gheabhaidh  congnamh.' 


^)  The  MS.  reads  onn,  which  must  be  wrong. 
')  moitheoch  MS. 

*)  This  is  a  conjectural  emendation  of  my  transcript  which  reads  do 
tra  an  anama. 

*)  taoide  MS. 


THE  VISION   OF  MERLINO.  453 

Christ  will  take  thee  to  the  city  of  Glory,  for  God  loves  not 
the  death  of  a  simier. 

'And  the  death  of  which  I  speak  is  eternal  perdition.  And 
were  all  the  sins  of  the  world  on  one  Single  sinner,  God  would 
not  bring-  it  against  him,  if  he  repent.  But  alas!  the  death  of 
the  body  is  certain,  and  the  hour  uncertain:  further,  slow 
repentance  is  especially  dangerous:  when  the  sickness  of  death 
cometh  the  sharpness  and  fits  of  the  sickness  oppress  him  at 
that  time  more  than  repentance,  and  also  the  longer  he  has 
spent  in  sin  the  shorter  the  time  that  remains  to  him. 

And  this  is  the  remedy  that  it  is  right  to  apply:  when  a 
man  perceives  his  sonl  scarred,  to  show  the  hurt  to  a  confessor: 
confession  is  the  foster.  However,  if  the  healing  be  applied 
with  delay  the  wound  of  the  body  is  blinded,  the  hurt  blackened, 
and  it  festers  and  mortifies  to  your  misery;  and  it  is  a  hundred 
to  one  if  a  taste  (?)  of  healing  is  obtained;  and  it  is  so  with 
mortal  sin  when  it  scars  the  soul.  Unless  your  hurts  and 
diseases  are  driven  out,  death  may  come  before  the  soul  is 
healed,  so  that  it  sunders  it  from  the  body  without  healing  — 
that  is,  repentance  or  requital. 

'What  will  then  be  done  with  it?  The  devil  will  take 
possession  of  it  and  will  cast  it  with  the  righteous  judgment  of 
God  into  that  Hell  which  thou  sawest  just  now,  Merlino.  So 
thou  shalt  find  that  the  W'Ound  to  be  healed  in  the  soul,  which 
thou  delayedst  to  heal,  perhaps  has  no  healing  for  ever, 

'Wherefore,  Merlino,  I  hope  thou  wilt  apply  the  true 
healing  to  thine  own  wounds  now,  without  delay  or  hesitation: 
and  though  thou  art  far  on  the  way  there  is  no  fear  that  thou 
cannot  apply  the  right  healing  of  faith  to  them,  which  I  beseech 
for  thee  by  the  will  of  God  and  for  every  other  sufferer  like 
unto  thee.  And  may  God  of  His  great  grace  unite  thee  to  the 
multitude  who  are  whole,  who  revealed  their  wounds  as  is  right 
to  do;  and  if  this  be  His  will,  thou  shalt  obtain  help.' 


454  R.  A.  STEWART   MACALISTER, 

'Do  b'fhearr  liom  na  maitheas  ar  bitli'  ar  Merlino  *go 
mbeadh  air  mo  cliumas  an  tracht  so  do  chraoibhsgaoile  dorn' 
chäirdibli  agiis  do  gach  duine  eile  do  thiocfeadh  an  shlighe  da 
mä  doigh  liom  go  gcreidfeidhdis  me.' 

'Tiocfeadli  leat  sin  do  dlieanamli'  ar  an  Spiorad  Eolacli  'i 
mbriathradh  's  i  sgribbinn,  agus  atä  luaidhioclit  dhuit  a  dhea- 
namh:  agus  gach  aon  nach  geillfeadh  dliuit  biaidh  sin  air  fein 
chum  freagra  ar  a  shon;  agus  muna  sabhäilaigh  Dia  fein  a 
anam,  ni  shabhäilaig  aon  neach  eile  e:  agus  na  chuirse  do  leis 
fein  ar  a  thoille.i)    Cäirde  is  mo  bheannacht  leat' 


^)  Apparently  corrupt. 


THE   VISION   OF   MERLINO.  455 

'Better  were  it  than  all  other  good'  said  Merlino  'could 
I  teil  tliis  tale  to  my  friends  and  to  every  other  man  who 
should  come  in  my  way,  if  it  were  certain  tliat  th6y  would 
believe  me.' 

'Tliou  shalt  be  able  to  do  so'  said  tlie  Spirit  of  Wisdom, 
'in  words  and  in  writing,  and  *tis  a  merit  for  thee  to  do  so. 
And  everyone  who  believeth  thee  not  'twill  be  incumbent  upon 
him  to  answer  for  liimself,  and  unless  God  Himself  save  liis 
soul,  no  other  shall  save  it  [and  He  has  not  nndertaken  tliis 
in  accordance  with  His  will?].  Friendship  and  my  blessing 
with  thee.' 

Jerusalem.  R.  A.  Stewart  Macalister. 


LA  MORT  VIOLENTE  DE  FERGUS  MAC  LETE. 


En  1892  M.  Standish  Hayes  O'Grady  a  publie  et  traduit 
dans  sa  Silva  Gadelica,  pages  238 — 252  du  volume  de  textes,  et 
pages  269 — 285  du  volume  de  traductions,  la  piece  intitulee 
Aidedh  Fergusa,  'Mort  violente  de  Fergus'.  Suivant  ce  docu- 
ment  epique  le  Fergus  dont  il  s'agit  etait  fils  de  Leite,  fils  lui- 
meme  de  Rudraige,  Fergus  niac  Leite  mliic  Rudraige;  il  etait 
roi  des  clanna  Rudraige. 

1j  Aidedh  Fergusa,  edite  ainsi  par  M.  Standish  Hayes  O'Grady, 
nous  a  ete  conserve  1"  par  l'e  Ms.  Egerton  1782  du  Musee  britan- 
nique,  —  or  ce  Ms.  a  ete  ecrit  ä  des  dates  diverses  entre  les 
annees  1419  et  1517,  —  2^  par  deux  autres  manuscrits  du 
seizieme  siecle. 

La  mort  de  Fergus  aurait  ete  le  resultat  d'un  duel  entre 
ce  roi  et  un  monstre  marin,  un  mammifere  femelle,  sinech,  une 
baieine  probablement,  dans  la  Dundrum  Bay,  qui  est  une  sorte 
de  Penetration  de  la  Mer  du  Nord  dans  les  cotes  irlandaises,  en 
Ulster  au  comte  de  Down;  le  nom  irlandais  de  cette  baie,  sorte 
de  lac,  communicant  avec  la  haute  mer  par  un  canal  plus  etroit, 
est  Loch  Rudraige,  c'est-ä-dire  lac  de  Rury. 

Rudraige  qui  se  prononce  Rury  est  le  nom  d'un  monarque 
supreme  d'Irlande  qui  aurait  ete  grand-pere  de  Fergus.  Suivant 
les  Annales  des  quatre  maitres,  Rudhruighe,  —  c'est  ainsi  que  ces 
annales  ecrivent  le  nom  de  Rudraige,  —  aurait  regne  de  l'an  du 
monde  4912  ä  l'an  du  monde  4981,  c'est-ä-dire  de  l'an  288  ä  l'an 
219  avant  J.  C»)    La  date  de  l'avenement  de  Rudraige  serait 


1)  Suivant  les  quatre  maitres  Jesus  Christ  serait  ne  l'an  du  monde  5200. 


LA   MORT   VIOLENTE   DE   FERGU8  MAC  LETE.  457 

suivant  Keating  184  avant  J.  C,  et  ce  roi,  dont  le  nom  est  ecrit 
Rudraidlie  par  Keating,  serait  mort  trente  ans  plus  tard  en  154, 
la  premiere  date  correspondant  ä  l'an  du  monde  3850,  la  seconde 
ä  l'an  du  monde  3880').  Eudraige  ou  Rudraidhe  etait  fils  de 
Sithrighe,  nous  disent  les  quatre  maitres  et  Keating.  Teile  est 
la  doctriue  irlandaise  au  dix-septieme  siecle. 

Dans  le  document  intitule  Flathiiisa  Erend  nous  lisons  que 
Eudraige,  fils  de  Sithride,  etait  ancetre,  suivant  les  uns,  des  deux 
heros  epiques  d'Ulster  Conall  Cernach  et  Fergus  mac  Roig,  suivant 
d'autres,  du  roi  epique  d'Ulster  Conchobar  2).  Les  Flathiusa 
Erend  attribuent  ä  Eudraige  soixante-dix  ans  de  regne '^);  comme 
les  quatre  maitres  et  comme  Keating,  ils  le  mettent  dans  la  liste 
des  rois  supremes  d'Irlande. 

Les  Flathiusa  sont,  comme  le  Li  vre  de  Leinster,  qui  nous 
les  a  conserves,  un  document  du  douzieme  siecle.  A  la  meme 
date  remontent  les  deux  listes  des  rois  d'Ulster  contenues  aussi 
dans  le  Livre  de  Leinster,  p.  330,  col.  1.  L'une  comprend  ceux 
des  rois  d'Ulster  qui  furent  en  meme  temps  rois  supremes 
d'Irlande:  on  y  trouve  le  nom  de  Eudraige.  L'autre  est  une 
liste  complete  des  rois  d'Ulster  ä  partir  de  Cimbaeth  et  jusqn'au 
fameux  Concliobar;  on  y  lit:  Eudraige,  mac  Sirthi,  ma/c  Duib, 
'Eudraige,  fils  de  Sirtlie,  fils  de  Dub.'  Sirthi  est  une  notation 
moderne  et  defectueuse  de  Sithrige. 

Le  texte  le  plus  ancien  oü  il  soit  question  du  monarque 
supreme  Eudraige  est  le  poeme  commen^ant  par  les  mots  Eriu 
ard  inis  na  rig  'Noble  Irlande,  ile  des  rois'  (Livre  de  Leinster, 
p.  129,  col.  1,  1.  16;  cf.  Livre  de  Ballymote,  p.  47,  col.  2,  1.  18,  oü 
le  nom  de  personne  dont  il  s'agit  est  ecrit  Bugraidi).  L'auteur 
de  ce  poeme  est  Gilla  Coemain,  mort  en  1072.  Suivant  Gilla 
Coemain,  le  regne  de  Eudraige  aurait  dure  non  pas  soixante-dix, 
mais  dix-sept  ans  seulement. 

De  Eudraige  passons  ä  son  petit-fils. 

Fergus  mac  Lete  mhic  Eudraige  apparait  dans  la  liste  des 
rois  d'Ulster  donnee  par  le  Livre  de  Leinster,  p.  330,  col.  1  et  2, 
il  y  est  appele  Fergus  Leta  mac  Eudraige.    Suivant  cette  liste 


1)  Suivant  Keating  Jesus  Christ  serait  ne  l'an  du  monde  4034. 

*)  Rudraige  tra  mac  Sithiide,  senathair  Conaill  Cernaig  male  Amairgiw, 
ocus  Fergusa  maic  Roig.  Atberat  dana  araile  is  Conchobar  mac  Cathbath 
maic  Rosa  moic  Rudraige.    Livre  de  Leinster,  p.  23,  col.  1,  lignes  1— i. 

3)  Livre  de  Leinster,  p.  23,  col.  1,  ligne  24. 


458  H.  d'arbois  de  jubatnville, 

il  est  le  huitieme  successeur  de  Eudraige.  De  la  mort  de 
Rudraige  ä  ravenement  de  Fergus,  il  se  serait  ecoule  cent  dix- 
neuf  ans: 

Eudraige,  mac  Sirthi,  maic  Duib,  LXX. 

Cormac  LatMg,  mac  Conchohair  Mael,  XXVII. 

Mochta,  mac  Murchaid.  III. 

Enna,  mac  Däire,  maic  Conchohair,  III. 

Eochu  Salbude,  mac  Lot,  XXX. 

Bresal  Bodibad,  mac  Rudraige,  XIL 

Congal,  mac  Rudraige,  XIV. 

Factna  Fathach,  mac  Cais,  XXX. 

Fergus  Laeta,  mac  Rudraige,  XII. 

De  ces  rois  d'Ulster  predecesseurs  de  Fergus,  deux  figurent 
dans  les  annales  de  Tigernach,  mort  comme  on  sait,  en  1088; 
ce  sont:  1^  Mochta,  mac  Murchaid  (Tigernach  ecrit  Murchorad), 
qui  aurait  regne  trois  ans,  comme  le  dit  la  liste,  et  qui  aurait 
ete  contemporain  de  Jules  Cesar;  2"  Echu  Salbude,  mac  Lot 
(Tigernach  ecrit  Loch),  dont  le  regne  aurait  dure  trois  ans  au 
lieu  de  trente  et  aurait  commence  deux  ans  apres  la  mort  de 
Jules  Cesar,  c'est-ä-dire  l'an  42  avant  notre  ere:  Vient  ensuite, 
en  l'an  39,  Fergus  qui,  dit-on,  livra  bataille  ä  la  bete  dans  le 
Loch  Rudraige  et  qui  s'y  noya  apres  un  regne  de  douze  ans: 

'Fergus,  mac  Leti,  qui  conflixit  contra  bestiam  hi  Loch 
Rudraige  et  ibi  demersus  est,  regnavit  in  Emain  annis  XII' i). 

Cette  legende  existait  deja  au  dixieme  siecle.  On  la  trouve 
dans  le  poeme  compose  sur  la  mort  des  principaux  heros  d'Irlande 
par  Cinaed  ua  Artacain  qui  est  mort  en  975:  'Fergus,  fils  de 
Lete  fut  un  heros.  II  alla  au  devant  du  monstre,  ce  fut  un  saut 
inepte,  car  ils  tomberent  ensemble  dans  la  tourbillon  rouge  de 
Rudraige,'  c'est  ä  dire  de  la  Dundi^um  Bay: 

Fergus,  mac  Leite,  ba  laech, 

luid  cosin  m-beist,  —  ba  bidg  baeth,  — 

CO  torchratar  immalle 

for  fertais  ruaid  Rudraige  2). 


•)  Annales  de  Tigernach,  edition  de  M.  Whitley  Stokes,  Revue  Celtique, 
t.  XVI,  p.  403—404:. 

*)  Edition  de  M.  WhiÜBy  Stokes ,  Revue  Celtique,  t.  XXHI,  p.  304,  318, 
323,  331.  Je  traduis  fertas  par  '  tourbillon ' ;  cf.  Wliitley  Stokes ,  Urkeltischer 
Sprachschatz,  p.  273,  au  mot  vert,  'drehen',  en  fran^ais  'tourner'. 


LA   MORT   VIOLENTE   DE   FERGÜS   MAC   LETE.  459 

Le  monstre  marin  dont  il  s'agit  ici  est  un  etre  legendaire 
bien  connu:  dans  le  'Festin  de  Bricriu'  il  est  tue  par  le  lieros 
Cücliulainn  i);  c'est  plus  anciennement  le  x^ro?  auquel  suivant 
Apollodore  Andromede  fut  exposee  et  qui  l'aurait  devoree  s'il 
n'eüt  ete  mis  ä  mort  par  Perseus^);  c'est  l'Hydre  de  Lerne  ä  la- 
quelle  Heracles  ota  la  vie^);  c'est  la  Chimere,  qui  apparait  deja 
dans  la  litterature  homerique,  et  dont  la  terre  fut  delivree  par 
le  courage  de  Bellerophon  4).  Cet  aninial  fantastique  apparait 
aussi  dans  la  litterature  hagiographique  du  moyen  äge.  Tel 
fut  en  Irlande  le  monstre,  peist,  qui  habitait  le  lac  de  Cime, 
aujourdhui  Lough  Hacket,  comte  de  Galway  en  Connaught;  il 
avala  un  guerrier  d'une  seule  boucbee,  mais  ensuite  saint 
Mochua  rendit  inoffensif  ce  terrible  animalä).  Nous  citerons 
encore  le  monstre  effrayant  peisd,  heisd,  qui  s'etait  etabli  dans 
une  ile,6)  et  qui  en  sortit,  ne  faisant  desormais  plus  de  mal  ä 
personne,  grace  ä  l'intervention  de  saint  Senän''). 

Comment  est-on  venu  a  imaginer  le  combat  de  la  bete 
contre  Fergus  mac  Lete?    Voici  Torigine  probable  de  ce  conte: 

Le  Senchus  Mör  debute  par  le  recit  d'un  proces  imaginaire: 
Un  certain  Cond  a  tue  un  individu  nomme  Echu  et  surnomme 
Belhiiide,  c'est- ä-dire  'aux  levres  jaunes'  autrement  dit  mort, 
puisque  au  debut  de  l'affaire  il  est  defunt.  Fergus,  parent 
d'Echu,  reclame  ä  Cond  les  dommages  interets  qui  sont  de  droit: 


1)  Windisch,  Irische  Texte,  1. 1,  p.  297,  298;  Ludwig  Christian  Stern 
dans  la  Zeitschrift  für  celtische  Philologie,  t.  IV,  p.  173;  George  Henderson, 
Fled  ßricrend,  p.  106-109. 

2)  Apollodore,  Bibliotheque,  1.  H,  c.  4,  §  2—6;  C.  et  Th.  Müller,  Fragmenta 
historicorum  graecorum,  1. 1,  p.  131 ;  cf .  Hygin,  Fabulae,  64,  qui  traduit  xfjrog 
par  cetum;  Decharme,  Mythologie  de  la  Grece  antique,  2^  edition,  p.  641 — 642; 
Röscher,  Ausführliches  Lexicon  der  griechischen  und  römischen  Mythologie, 
1. 1,  col.  344—346. 

3)  Apollodore,  Bibliotheque,  1. 11,  c.  5,  §  2 ;  C.  et  Th.  Müller,  Fragmenta 
historicorum  graecorum,  1. 1,  p.  136;  Hygin,  Fabulae,  30;  Röscher,  Ausführ- 
liches Lexicon,  t.  I,  col.  2198,  2199,  2224,  2243;  Decharme,  Mythologie  de  la 
Grece  antique,  2^  edition,  p.  519. 

*)  Iliade,  VI,  179—183;  Pindare,  Olympionicae,  XIII,  90;  cf.  Decharme, 
Mythologie  de  la  Grece  antique,  2^  edition,  p.  626,  627;  Röscher,  Ausführ- 
liches Lexicon,  1. 1,  col.  893 — 895. 

ä)  Whitley  Stokes,  Lives  of  saints  from  the  Book  of  Lismore,  p.  140,  284. 

*)  Scattery  Island,  comte  de  Cläre  en  Munster,  "VYhitley  Stokes,  Lives 
of  Irish  Saints  from  the  Book  of  Lismore,  p.  379,  au  mot  Inis  Cathaig. 

')  Whitley  Stokes,  Lives  of  Saints  from  the  Book  of  Lismore,  p.  66,  213. 


460  H.  d'arbois  de  jubainville, 

En  vertu  d'une  Convention  qui  a  fait  donner  ä  Cond  le  surnom 
de  Cetchorach  c'est-ä-dire  'au  premier  contrat',  Fergus  regoit 
V  une  femme  nommee  Dorn  qui  etait  libre  et  qui  est  reduite 
en  esclavage,  2*^  un  päturage  oü  il  fera  paitre  ses  vaches,  et  en 
consequence  11  est  surnomme  mangeur  de  pre,  Fer-glethech.  Dorn 
trouve  que  Fergus  est  laid,  eile  le  lui  dit.  Fergus  irrite  la  tue. 
La  famille,  fine,  de  Cond,  defunt  ä  cette  date,  prend  les  armes 
pour  venger  ce  meurtre.  Cette  famille  est  representee  dans  le 
recit  du  Senchus  Mör  par  un  personnage  appele  FinecJi,  mot 
derive  de  fine  '  famille '.  Fergus,  d'abord  le  plus  fort,  tue  Finech 
dans  le  Loch  Rudraide.  La  famille  de  Cond  repond  ä  ce  meurtre 
par  une  saisie,  de  trois  vaches  d'abord,  de  six  ensuite;  et 
finalement  un  jugement  arbitral  condamne  Fergus  ä  restituer  ä 
l'heritier  de  Cond  le  päturage  que  le  dit  Fergus  avait  regu  en 
dedommagement  de  la  mort  violente  d'Echu  aux  levres  jaunes, 
Belbuide. 

Les  glossateurs  imaginerent  que  Cond  et  Fergus  etaient 
des  personnages  historiques.  Ils  dirent  que  le  Cond  Cetchorach 
du  SencJms  Mör  etait  identique  ä  Cond  Cetchathach,  qui  regna 
sur  une  partie  de  l'Irlande  au  deuxieme  siecle  de  notre  ere,  qui 
suivant  Tigernach  fut  contemporain  de  l'empereur  romain  Com- 
mode,  180 — 192,i)  ou  qui  d'apres  les  Annales  des  quatre  maitres 
serait  mort  en  157  2).  Echu  Belbuide  aurait  ete  le  frere  de 
Cond  Cetchathach 3) ,  dont  le  surnom  veut  dire  'qui  combat  seul 
contre  cent  guerrier'  et  n'a  comme  sens  aucun  rapport  avec 
Cetchorach  'celui  qui  a  fait  le  premier  contrat'. 

Quant  ä  Fergus  Fer-glethech,  'mangeur  de  pre'  les  glos- 
sateurs l'identifierent  avec  Fergus  mac  Lete,  'Fergus  fils  de 
Lete',  qui  aurait  regne  en  Ulster,  de  l'an  39  ä  l'an  27  avant 
notre  ere,  qui  par  consequent  serait  mort  plus  de  deux  siecles 
avant  Cond  Cetchathach,  suivant  la  Chronologie  de  Tigernach; 
sa  mort  aurait  eu  lieu  pres  de  deux  siecles  avant  celle  de  Cond 
Cetchathach,  si  l'on  adopte  la  Chronologie  des  quatre  maitres. 
II  est  impossible  que  Fergus  mac  Lete  et  Cond  Cetchathach 
aient  Jamals  pu  se  rencontrer  en  Irlande. 


*)   Annales   de  Tigernach ,   edition  de  Whitley  Stokes ,   Eevue  Celtique 

t.  xvn,  p.  8. 

*)  Cf.  Flathiusa  dans  le  Livre  de  Leinster,   p.  24,  col.  1,  lignes  12,  13. 
*)  Ancient  Laws  and  Institutes  of  Ireland,  1. 1,  p.  68,  lignes  6—8;   cf. 
p.  66,  lignes  34—35. 


LA  MORT  VIOLENTE  DE  PERGUS  MAC  LETE.  461 

Les  transformations  de  Ferglethech  en  mac  Lete  et  de 
Cetchorach  en  Cetchathach  ne  furent  pas  les  seules  que  les 
glossateurs  firent  subir  au  texte  du  Senchus  Mör.  Ils  changerent 
le  masculin  Finech  derive  de  ßne  'famille'  en  un  feminin  sinech 
derive  de  sine  '  mammelle '  et  signifiant  mammifere,  probablement 
ici  baieine  femelle  ^). 

Teile  est  l'origine  de  la  legende  qui  fait  livrer  bataille  par 
Fergus  mac  Lete  ä  un  monstre  marin  dans  la  Dundrum  Bay. 

Suivant  la  redaction  primitive  Fergus  a  dans  la  figure  un 
defaut,  sich,  que  l'esclave  Dorn  lui  dit  et  Fergus  irrite  tue 
Dorn.  La  redaction  publice  par  M.  Standisli  Hayes  0'  Grady  est 
bien  plus  jolie.  Fergus  va  prendre  un  bain  au  Loch  Eudraige, 
il  y  rencontre  la  bete;  celle-ci  a  un  souffle  si  puissant  qu'il 
met  ä  Fergus  la  bouche  par  derriere;  —  Fergus  ne  s'en  doute 
point,  —  ce  n'est  pas  une  esclave,  c'est  la  reine  elle-meme  qui 
previent  Fergus.  Fergus  irrite  repond  ä  la  reine  par  une  coup 
de  poing  dans  la  figure  et  lui  brise  une  dent.  La  reine  lui 
reproche  cet  exploit  peu  galant  contre  une  femme  et  lui  dit 
qu'il  ferait  mieux  d'aller  exercer  la  vigueur  de  son  bras  contre 
la  bete  du  lac.  Fergus  y  va,  tue  la  bete,  mais  apres  avoir  regu 
d'elle  des  coups  mortels;  c'est  ä  peine  s'il  a  le  temps  de  jouir  de 
son  triomphe,  il  expire  presque  aussi  tot. 

^)  Sinech,  ä  l'accusatif  et  au  datif  sinig:  Ancient  Laws  of  Ireland,  1. 1, 
p.  68,  lignes  22—23.  Le  mot  sinech  veut  dire  '  vache ',  p.  66,  ligne  9.  Voir 
Atkinson,  Glossary  to  Brehon  Laws,  p.  660. 

Paris.  H.  d'Arbois  de  Jubainville. 


Zeitsohilft  f.  celt.  Philologie  IV.  30 


OEMESTA. 


Tlie  meaning  of  tlie  word  ormesta  lias  not  yet  been  made 
out  satisfactorily.  It  appears  flrst  in  connexion  with  the  MSS.  of 
Orosius's  '  Historiariim  Libri  VII  aduersns  Paganos '.  The  oldest 
of  tliese  is  in  the  library  of  Milan  Cathedral,  D.  XXIII.  superior 
(cited  by  Mommsen,  'Chron.  Minor.',  iii.  22,  note),  and  it  was 
written  in  or  about  the  year  700.  Another  MS.  which  contains 
the  word  is  not  quite  so  ancient  and  is  now  at  Berne,  no.  160 
(cited  by  M.  Ch.  Cuissard,  Revue  Celtique,  1883,  v.  458).  It 
is  entitled  'Orosii  presbiteri  in  Ormesta  Mundi'.  This  MS., 
M.  Cuissard  points  out,  belonged  once  to  the  monastery  of  Fleury, 
on  the  Loire,  and  the  knowledge,  therefore,  of  the  word  ormesta 
may  have  been  spread  abroad  in  Brittany  fi^oni  that  foundation. 
Be  that  as  it  may,  in  the  Life  of  St.  Paul  of  Leon,  compiled  by 
Wermonoc  of  Landevenec  in  A.  D.  884,  the  word  is  used  to  in- 
dicate  the  historical  work  attributed  to  St.  Gildas  —  'über  ille 
artiüciosa  compositus  instructione  quem  Ormestam  Britanniae 
vocant';  edd.  Fr.  Plaine,  Analecta  Bollandiana,  1882,  i.  215;  and 
Cuissard,  u.  s.,  p.  421). 

In  consequence  of  the  appearance  of  the  word  in  a  work 
written  by  a  Breton  some  Celtic  scholars  have  equated  it  with 
the  Welsh  gormes,  'oppression,  violence,  encroachment ',  almost 
excidium,  in  short.  But  this  equation  would  appear  to  have 
been  suggested  by  the  fact  that  the  'Ormesta  Britanniae'  is 
the  'Excidium  Britanniae'.  Moreover,  the  final  syllable  -ta  has 
not  been  accounted  for,  and  the  equation  has  really  very  little 
to  be  Said  in  its  favour. 

Now,  among  the  Latin  books  that  Leofric,  bishop  of  Exeter 
from  1050  to  1072,  presented  to  his  cathedral  church  was  a 
volume  entitled  'liber  oserii';  see  'The  Leofric  Missal',  ed. 
F.  E.  Warren,  p.  xxiii.    Mr.  Warren  says  that  this  is  probably  a 


ANSCOMBE,    ORMESTA.  463 

mistake  for  Liber  Orosii,  and  I  think  tliere  can  be  no  doubt  but 
that  he  is  right,  and  I  believe  the  misplacement  of  tlie  value  of 
tlie  r-stroke  in  'oserii'  indicates  the  direction  in  which  we 
should  seek  the  explanation  of  the  ghostword  ormesta  applied 
to  Orosius's  book. 

I  give  half-a-dozen  instances  of  the  misreading  and  mis- 
placement of  the  r-stroke.  (The  symbol  ::  Stands  for  'mis- 
representing '.) 

arminiis  [with  ii ::  u]  for  m«nnus;  'Hist.  Britt.',  Dm^ham  MS., 
scr.  Xllth  Cent.;  p.  152,  1.  5; 

curhia  [with  c  ::  e]  for  Eb^ia  (=  Eburacum?);  Muirchu's  Life  of 
Patrick,  Brüssels  MS.,  scr.  Xllth  cent;  'Trip.  Life',  p.  272, 
note; 

hdora  for  Bo^^da,  the  Forth;  and  clurhis  for  Dubns;  'Ravennas', 
p.  438,  11.  5,  18; 

cair  leiridoin  [with  ri-er,  and  d  ::  g\  for  Cair  Leigenon;  'Eist. 
Britt.',  Dublin  MS.,  scr.  XIVth  cent.;  p.  212,  1.  2.  Cf.  'Legra 
ceaster'  in  annal  918  in  the  Abingdon  (Saxon)  Chron.,  B 
written  at  the  end  of  the  Xth  cent.; 

ßoösQia  [with  £Q  ::  re]  for  Bo^'^dia,  the  Forth,  according  to  Ptolemy; 

mons  graupius  [with  ra  ::  ar\  This  ancient  crux  in  the  'Agri- 
cola '  of  Tacitus  appears  to  me  to  be  simply  Gup«nus,  i.  e., 
Cupar  in  Fife.  Whether  the  IXth  Century  MS.  of  the 
'Agricola'  recently  found  in  a  private  library  in  Italy  and 
abont  to  be  collated  by  Prof.  Cesare  Annibaldi  will  throw 
light  upon  this  point  I  do  not  know. 

In  these  words  and  many  others  like  them  one  syllable  has 
been  misplaced  before  the  consonant  towards  which  the  r-stroke 
may  be  presumed  to  have  been  originally  directed;  in  the  case 
of  ormesta  two  syllables  appear  to  have  been  misplaced.    ormesta 

0T1 

=  orinesta  =  -^^^r^,^    «•  e.,   +NestoWa  [with  iv  ::  u  and   e  ::  i]  for 

HistoWa.  Hence  'ormesta  mundi'  is  simply  a  misreading  of 
histovia  mundi. 

Hornsey,  Middlesex.  A.  Anscombe. 

Corrigendum. 

P.  334,  1. 14  from  the  bottom,  after  '  as ',  insert  according  to  Dr.  Mac  Carthy. 

30* 


ORIGINE  DE  L'EMBLEME  DE  L'ILE  DE  MAN. 


Dans  un  manuscrit  latin  d'Auxerre*)  du  Xllle  siecle,  se 
trouvent,  siir  le  verso  de  la  premiere  feuille  de  garde,  les  quatre 
figures  suivantes: 


*)   No.  7  du   Catalogue  des  manuscrits  dea   bibliotheques  de  France, 
Departements,  tome  VI,  p.  8. 


OEIGINE    DE   l'eMBL^ME   DE    MAN.  465 

Autour  des  Images  memes,  entre  les  deux  cercles,  se  trouvent 
inscrites  les  explications  suivantes: 

Dans  la  premiere  figure:  Tr[es]  pisces  miinit  capud  unum  se  tribiis 

vnit. 
Dans  la  seconde :  Distribuas  ita  cuique  suas  aures  ut  earum 
Constitiias  non  cuique  duas  set  queque 
duarum. 
Dans  la  troisieme:  Sic  in  communi  sint  aures  vna  quod  vni 
Sit  sua  quodque  due  sint  quasi  cuique  sue. 
Dans  la  quatrieme:  Est  liac   pictura   capud   unum   in  trina 
figura. 

Ces  inscriptions  sont  en  vermillon  ainsi  que  le  fond  des 
figures  I,  11,  IIL  Elles  se  trouvent  repetees  au-dessus  des  figures, 
egalement  en  vermillon,  sauf  celle  de  la  quatrieme  figure;  la 
premiere  a  disparu  presque  entierement  dans  la  rognure  de 
la  page. 

II  n'y  a  lä  evidemment  que  des  expressions  graphiques  ou 
des  illustrations  des  problemes  theologiques  dont  le  plus  celebre 
est  celui  de  'unum  in  tribus'  ou  'unitas  in  trinitate',  et  dans 
lesquelles  se  d^lectait  la  subtilit^  des  moines. 

Or,  un  autre  scribe  a  trac6  sur  la  page  en  face  la  celebre 
figure  des  trois  jambes  agenouillees  qui  sont  Tembleme  de  l'ile 
de  Man.  Mais  tandis  que  dans  l'ecusson  de  l'ile  de  Man  ces 
jambes  sont  armees,  elles  sont  nues  dans  la  figure  ci-dessous 
empruntee  ä  notre  manuscrit: 


Au-dessus  le  scribe  a  trac^  cet  hexametre: 
Subtili  cura  sunt  insimul  hie  tria  crura, 


466  FEIEDEL,   OEIGmE   DE   l'eMBLEME   DE  MAN. 

Nul  doute  que  Torigine  de  l'ecusson  de  l'ile  de  Man  ne  soit 
theologique  ou  monastique.  Aux  celtologues  de  nous  dire,  si 
l'adoption  du  Symbole  de  Timite  dans  la  trinite'  correspond  ä 
la  part  que  les  religieux  de  l'ile  out  prise,  ä  une  certaine  epoque, 
dans  la  celebre  controverse  dogmatique.  i) 

1)  Cf.  A.  W.  Moore,  A  History  of  the  Isle  of  Man,  p.  136—138. 
Paris.  V.  H.  Feiedel. 


MITTEILUNGEN 
AUS  IRISCHEN  HANDSCHRIFTEN. 


Aus  dem  Stowe  MS.  D.  4.  2. 

(Fortsetzung.) 

[fo.  61  b  2]  Eoböi  rl  amra  for  Geistef?7«aib  .i.  Cainnill  a  ainm 
7  doriacht  teidm  n-adhüathmur  a  n-aimsir  in  rlgh  sin  gusna 
GeistefZAaibh  7  ba  hl  ernail  tedma  tucad  forro  .i.  neam  adhbiüi) 
i  n-iisci  &c.  Eine  mir  sonst  unbekannte  Erzählung,  in  welcher 
ein  König  der  Inder  namens  Proiss  (Porus?)  auftritt,  den  seine 
Frau  ÄlgdJia,  eine  Tochter  des  Königs  von  Thracien,  aus  dem 
Reiche  vertrieben  hat,  weil  er  die  wunderschöne  Tochter  des  Königs 
von  Afrika,  Tabuile  mit  Namen,  auf  der  Jagd  genotzüchtigt  hatte. 
Dieser  landet  mit  funfsig  Schiffen  und  giebt  dem  König  der 
Geisteden  den  Rat,  zur  Abhilfe  des  furchtbaren  Wassermangels 
im  Lande  sämtliche  Priester,  Druiden  und  Weissager  den  er- 
zürnten Göttern  als  ein  Opfer  zu  schlachten.  Die  Geschichte 
endet  auf  fo.  62  b  2. 

[fo.  64  b  2]  Boiii  rechtaire  diumsac/i  occ  rlg  Albaw  7  dorala 
gnlm  n-ingnad  n-indligtliec/i  dö  .i.  mag- 2)  boui  occi  7  ar  da 
sesrac/i  deac  esiden,  conid  ed  rob  äil  don  rechtaire  ar  in  muighes) 
sin  i  n-öenlö  7  a  büain  a  n-äenlö.  Roharad  in  mag  2)  7  rolaad 
Sil  crnithnechta  ann  Tarsin.  Intan  larum  rob  ail  don  rechtaire 
büain  in  giürt  7  commad  a  n-äenlö  nobewad,  is  annsin  atconnairc 
CMCci  öenmac  leginn  cona  gilla  &c.  Dieselbe  Geschichte  findet 
sich  im  Gelben  Buch  von  Lecan,  S.  212  b. 


1)  adhbuil  JMS.  »)  mad  MS.  =>)  muidhe  MS. 


468  KUNO  MEYBE, 

[fo.  55  b  IJ 

1.  Dlegaidh  ri')  a  rlarugud      doreir  na  legenn  lebrach, 
dlighit  fllidh^)  fiadhugud,      ferr  estecht  iiida  hengach. 

2.  DlegmV  cned  do  cnesugud,      ferr  estecht  indä  gäire, 
dlegmV  leathar  lesugud,      lecair  mör  ar  scäth  näire. 

3.  Bligid  idna  airilliud,      äligid  cach  cenn  do  chiiiriudh, 
äligid  soethrach  slä»^ini^dh,      äligid  fial  fes  ar  fuiniud. 

4.  Dligid  suithec/i  sirglaine,      äligid  cach  sochla  slüaghreim, 
äligid  mathair  miiigaii^e,      äligid  athair  a  üaghreir. 

5.  Bligit  amais  aenechu      sith  fri  mnäibh  bläithe  binne, 
dligid  cleirigh  cräibdechu      techt  fa  guth  clocän  cilli. 

6.  Dligid  fidh  balc  bläith  bocc-altach^)     bith  for  or  abha  üaire, 
äligid  tonn  trom  toccartach      dreim  risna  cakgi  crüaidhe. 

7.  Dlam[b]-sa  ri  co  rindgile,     noträethp[h]ainn  ulca  is  üatha, 
nocoimetfaind  m'firinde,      ni  furg^baind  mo  thüatha. 

8.  Dia  mbadh  m6  bud  octigern,     nlmgebadh  miadh  nä  mäidhem, 
dogenaind*)  mo  trebaii'e,      doberaind  mo  thech  n-öighedh. 

9.  Diam[b]-sa  mac  feigh  feramail,      doghenaind  gnima  gradha, 
snam,  leim,  iTathroit  lenam[a]il,     guin,  cuirces,  cluiche  cnäma. 

10.  Doghenaind  5)  mör  d'aibinnius,     diam[b]-sa  ingen  find  fäthach, 
gnim,  gres,  glii^cus,  gle-binnins,      menma  re  miinadh  mäthar. 

11.  Fuil  trede  mhln  maitighthir      do  curp  is  d'anmain  ärmhigh:^) 
assa  im  cois,  deoch  timdibigh,      almsa  do  char[a]it  cräibthigh. 

12.  Fuil  dede  dia  taithighthir,      dia  tic  credbadh  a  colla, 
is  bec  la  cach  caithidir      saland  secda,  fer  soma. 

13.  Fuil  dede  min  magistir      ecse')  üagh,  ecna  umal, 
cech  athig  athigthir^)      'monte  nombir  co  bunadh. 

14.  Förcha  hreth  hreth  oUaman,      däna  cach  co  roich  lugha, 
Isech  cac/i  fer  co  forragar,      foräcbad  üaill  re  cuma. 

15.  Cart[h]air  ben  ar  somäine,      ce  doghne  drüis  nö  derach, 
roindig  serc  tri  somäine,      seagar  cach  fässach  ferach. 

16.  Ferr  sidh  etir  sochlachu,      nochu  slüagh  nech  'na  genur, 
cia  and  donä  tochradar        bet  nö  bine  nö  bsghul? 

17.  Ni  ba  hard  nö  ordnidhi,      ni  ba  siü  sahn  gacA  setach, 
ni  ba  cendmll  muinntiri      nech  nac/i  fulaing  a  hecnach. 

0  righ  MS.  2)  fiiigii  MS. 

')  Eine  Silbe  zu  viel;  balc  ist  auszulassen. 
*)  dodenaind  MS.  ^)  dodhenaind  MS. 

«)  armhidh  MS.  ')  esce  MS. 

*)  Eine  Silbe  zu  wenig. 


MITTEILUNGEN   AUS   IRISCHEN   HANDSCHRIFTEN.  469 

18.  Dimdach  cäch  dia  be//(amii«5,      hid  ard  iiasal  crcJi  umal, 
cEin  cach  lüachair  lethanglas      noco  raithter  a  bimad. 

19.  Ni  cara  na  CMmnighe,      noco  ba  ri  na  riagfa, 
fogeib  niiscais  airbiri,      atcota  serc  bläith-briathra. 

20.  Is  [s]aiget  i  sircortlie,      is  gairm  i  n-agidh  gäithi, 

is  citmma  ocus  michortlie      menma  maisse  mnä  bäitlie. 

21.  Banna  suithe  sentiglie,      sith[sjelladh  ruisc  reil  rebghlain, 
briatlira  mine  merdrighe,      nl  mac[h]in  millit  menmain. 

22.  Nl  garit  in  t-imram  sa      dar  tonnaib  Torrian  trilsigh, 

ni  niarat  a  comarlidh      ach[tj  nach  mairit  a  sinsir. 

23.  Ni  maitli  cenn  cen  comarli,      ni  maith  dergudh  cen  adart, 
is  ed^)  citmmas  na  conaii-e,      cäch  and  do  thigh  a  charat. 

24.  Athair  find  na  firinde      noc^<m  leicfi  i  ndäil  cinadh 
il-lö  thall  na  dilindi      träth  imrädhfes  a  öWged.    Dlig. 

[fo.  64  b  IJ 

Maircc  chuindges  ni  for  carait     minab  lainn  l[e]is  a  taba/rt, 
Is  e  dede  nostä  de,      miscais  ocus  oirbire. 

Derselbe  Spruch   findet  sich  im  Buch  von  Fenagh  {Hennessy's 
Ausgäbe,  S.  33),  welches  statt  nostä  die  Lesart  nosbia  hat. 

^)  Leg.  's  ed. 
New  Brighton.  Kuno  Meyer. 


ON 
THE  LANGUAGE  OF  THE  ST.  GALL  GLOSSES. 


In  pp.  48 — 71  of  this  volume  I  dealt  with  the  language  of 
the  Milan  glosses.  Here  1  propose  to  treat  in  a  similar  way  the 
language  of  the  third  great  collection  of  Old  Irish  glosses,  the 
glosses  in  the  St.  Gall  Priscian.  The  material  will  be  arranged 
in  the  same  order  as  before,  so  that  comparison  will  be  easy. 

The  Sg.  codex  was  written  in  the  middle  of  the  ninth 
Century  (KZ.  XXXIII,  93  n.).0  The  date  of  the  glosses  themselves 
has  been  much  disputed,  and  opinions  have  varied  according  as 
attention  has  been  directed  to  one  point  or  another.  Thus 
Thurneysen,  Rev.  Celt.  VI,  318,  was  inclined  to  put  Sg.  between 
Wb.  and  Ml.,  but  later,  KZ.  XXXVII,  55,  he  arrived  at  the 
conclusion  that  it  is  not  improbable  that  the  language  is  in 
harmony  with  the  date  of  the  codex.  That  in  some  points  the 
language  of  Sg.  is  later  than  the  language  of  Ml.  adniits  of  no 
doubt.  Such  points  are  the  reduction  of  final -ae  to  -a  (p.  477), 
aspiration  of  the  initial  consonant  in  relative  forms  (p.  487),  the 
use  of  adrubartmar  for  asrubartmar  and  the  like  (p.  491).  But 
if  the  language  of  Sg.  as  a  whole  be  compared  with  that  of  ML, 
it  will  be  seen  that  it  has  undergone  less  change;  in  an  isolated 
point  like  the  use  of  forsa-  not  fora-  it  seems  to  be  more 
archaic  than  Wb. 

If  tlien  Sg.  appears  to  be  both  earlier  and  later  than  ML, 
what  is  the  Solution  of  the  problem?  If  I  mistake  not,  the 
explanation  is  that  the  glosses  in  Sg.  are  not  homogeneous  but 
heterogeneous,  Coming  from  different  sources  and  being  of  varying 
antiquity.  That  the  activity  of  the  Irish  glossator  had  begun 
as  early  as  the  seventh  Century  can  be  shewn  from  the  glosses 

1)  Cf.  also  Traube,  0  Roma  uobilis  pp.  346  sqq. 


ON  THE   LANGUAGE   OF  THE   ST.  GALL   GLOSSES.  471 

in  their  preseiit  form.  Not  infi-equently  the  technical  terms 
briathar,  dohriatJiar  are  expressed  by  the  abbreviations  brcth', 
dohre,  dohretli.  At  the  time  when  these  abbreviations  came  into 
use,  the  füll  forms  must  have  been  not  briathar,  dobriathar  but 
brethar,  dobrethar;  when  the  change  of  e  to  ia  had  taken  place, 
the  abbreviations  bretli,  dobre,  dobretli  lived  on  traditionally. 
So  then  starting  at  the  latest  in  the  seventh  Century  a  corpus 
of  Irish  glosses  gradually  grew.  That  in  the  course  of  trans- 
mission  the  language  was  liable  to  suffer  change  is  a  priori 
probable;  in  some  cases  this  can  be  demonstrated  fi'om  com- 
parison  of  Sg.  with  other  Irish  glosses  on  Priscian.  Thus  in 
22  a  6  Sg.  has  tnithlae  where  Per.  has  tuthle,  in  32  a  9  Sg.  has 
huataat  where  Per.  has  hotaat,  in  32  b  10  Sg.  has  colchelda  where 
Per.  has  cholchedde,  in  32  b  11  Sg.  has  grecda  where  Per.  has 
grecde,  in  150  b  2  Sg.  has  hüaneuf^  where  Per.  has  lioneuf,  in 
153  a  1  Sg.  has  huabretJi  where  Per.  has  ö  bretK.  The  Innovation, 
however,  is  not  always  on  the  side  of  Sg.  Thus  in  20  a  4  Sg. 
has  nephadnacJite  where  Per.  has  nephatJmachda ,  in  31b  4  Sg. 
has  doforsat  in  cathraig  where  Per.  has  dorosat  ciuitatem  (the 
variants  might  be  explained  from  an  older  form  of  the  gloss 
doforsat  ciuitatem),  in  49  b  13  Sg.  has  cliab  where  Per.  has  gliab, 
in  93  a  1  Sg.  has  foilenn  (=  Pld.  foilenn)  where  Per,  has  fallen, 
in  151  a  3  Sg.  has  ecricJidae  where  Per.  has  eccrichtha,  in  157  b  2 
Sg.  has  mwa  rainne  dedenche  where  Per.  has  inrainne  didencha, 
in  159  a  Sg.  has  casaldae  where  Per.  has  casalda. 

Apart  from  general  considerations  is  there  any  specific 
evidence  that  the  collection  of  glosses  in  Sg.  has  come  fi^om 
different  sources?  Such  evidence  may,  I  thiuk,  be  got  both  fi'om 
a  comparison  of  the  Irish  glosses  in  Sg.  with  those  in  other 
MSS.  of  Priscian,  and  from  an  investigatiou  of  the  language  of  Sg. 

If  we  compare  the  Irish  glosses  in  the  Carlsruhe  and  Leyden 
Codices  and  the  Ambrosian  fragment  with  those  in  the  St.  Gall 
codex,  we  find  that,  wliile  each  of  these  Codices,  and  in  particular 
the  Carlsruhe  codex,  has  Irish  glosses  peciüiar  to  itself,  a  great 
Proportion  of  the  glosses  is  found  also  in  Sg.;  in  the  case  of  the 
Leyden  codex  nearly  all  the  Irish  glosses  are  shared  by  Sg. 
Further  we  perceive  that  no  two  of  the  other  three  Codices  have 
glosses  common  to  one  another  which  are  not  shared  by  Sg.;  in 
fact  the  only  gloss  common  to  Per.  and  Pld.  is  failen  Per.  = 
foilenn  Pld.    These  facts  indicate  clearly  that  there  were  different 


472  J.  STRACHAN, 

coUections  of  Irish  glosses  on  Priscian,  and  fm-ther  that  different 
collections  liave  been  imited  in  Sg.;  on  no  otlier  theory  could 
the  divergence  of  tlie  otlier  Codices  amoiig  tliemselves  and  their 
agreement  witli  Sg.  be  explained.  The  mutual  relations  of  tlie 
Codices  would  probably  become  clearer  from  an  examination  of 
the  Latin  glosses.  Professor  Thurneysen,  to  whom  I  communicated 
my  opinion  of  the  composite  character  of  the  Sg.  glosses,  writes: 
'Ich  habe  jetzt  auch  den  Priscian  von  Carlsruhe  hier;  manche 
der  irischen  Glossen  in  Sg.  sind  nur  Uebersetzungen  lateinischer 
in  Cr.  Aber  beide  haben  auch  selbständige  Glossen,  sowohl 
lateinische  als  irische.  Der  Mischcharakter  dieser  Glossen  tritt 
also  deutlich  hervor.'') 

With  regard  to  the  language  of  Sg.  I  wrote  in  Rev. 
Celt.  XX,  303:  'It  is  possible  that  a  careful  examination  might 
detect  differences  in  different  portions  of  Sg.'  And  this  is  indeed 
the  case.  My  investigation  started  with  the  endings  -o  and  -a 
ivora.  -i-  and  -w-stems.  These  endings  are,  I  found,  distributed 
in  different  proportions  in  different  parts  of  the  codex. 

pp.  1 — 40.  0  and  a  are  almost  equally  balanced.  o:  denmo  2  a  7, 
gotho  3bl,  cliethutho  25  b  7,  inntsliuchto  26  a  9,  fedo  33  b  6,  35  b  12, 
srotJio  35  b  7.  a:  immognama  2  b  3,  intliuchta  3  a  3,  4,  8,  nihelsa 
6  b  5,  14  a  2,  digammsa  14  a  6,  gnima,  cesta  26  b  15,  gona  37  b  20. 

pp.  50 — 150.  0  is  rare,  a  common,  o:  sotho  65  a  6,  dülo 
76  b  7,  8,  ainmnedo  92  a  2,  fino  122  a  2,  ferso  136  a  1,  2,  cliesto 
140  a  5,  140  b  4,  gnimo  149  b  7.    a:  hetlia  51  b  6,  64  a  9,  67  b  20, 

1)  By  way  of  illustration  Professor  Thurneysen  has  kindly  sent  me  a 
transcript  of  Sg.  149  b  =  Cr.  57  b  with  the  glosses  (but  omitting  the  Greek 
words  in  the  Latin  text). 

'St  tii  alia  qa)  e'  oiugatione  motant  significationem *)  wi  mando^)  mandas 
mando^)  mandis.  fundo*)  fundas.  fundo*)  fundis.  obsero^)  obseras.  obsero') 
obseris.8)  appello^)  appellas.  appello")  appellis.  uolo")  uolas.  uolo^'^)  uis. 
consternoriä)  osternaris.    consternor")  consterneris.    Nam^^)  lego  legas  etc.... 

a)  om.  Sg.  1.  .i.  Ttellectü  Cr.  intelF  Sg.  2.  mitto  Cr.  .i.  im  trenigim  Sg. 
3.  .i.  edo  Cr.  .i.  ithim  Sg.  4.  .i.  fundamentü  pono  Cr.  fundamentnm  pono  Sg. 
5.  .i.  dudälim  Cr.  dodälim  Sg.  6.  .i.  frisdünaim  Cr.  fescrigim  Sg.  7.  .i.  asin- 
diut  1  clandaim  Cr.  clandaim  Sg.  8.  seminas  Cr.  (Glosse  von  anderer  Hand). 
9.  alloquor  Cr.  adglädur  Sg.  10.  eiicio  Cr.  inärbenim  Sg.  11.  follüur  Sg. 
(Cr.  ohne  Glosse).  12.  adcobraim  Sg.  (Cr.  ohne  Glosse).  13.  .i.  fobothaim, 
Cr.  fobothaim  Sg.  14,  fömälagar  Cr.  fommälagar  Sg.  (i  foalgim  von  anderer 
hand).  15.  non  dico  hoc  uon  enim  solum  coniugationem  7  intellectum  motant 
uerum  etiam  tempora  .  .,  Cr.  .i.  ar  atä  dechor  naimsire  hisuidib  lacumscugud 
coib'  n  sie  p'^ic"  Sg.' 


ON  THE  LANGUAGE  OF  THE  ST.  GALL  GLOSSES.       473 

69  b  3,  70  al,  huana  62  b  10,  reta  70  b  6,  renda  73  a  12,  gnima 
n  Sil,  cestalldül,  foxlada  78  h  3,  fersa  101  sl  2,  feda  121  ?l1, 
gnima  140  b  4,  chesta  142  b  1,  gnima  142  b  1,  cesta  143  a  3,  gtiima 
144  bl,  145  b  4,  147  a  1,  148  b  13,  chesta  148  b  14,  fersa  148  b  15, 
gnima  148  b  18. 

pp.  150—202.  0  is  common,  a  rare,  o:  gnimo  153  a  2,  153  a  3, 
154a 4,  Uno  162b  2,  chesto  178 bl,  gnimo  178 bl,  gnimo  188a 28, 
immognomo  188  b  1,  gnimo  188b  2,  194bl,  clicsto  194  b  1,  gnimo 
196  b  2,  197  all,  forgnüso  198  a  4,  aitrebthado  198  a  12,  13,  gotlio 
200a 6,  attaircedo  200 all,  aitrebthado  200b 9, 10,  ainmnedo  201  bl. 
a:  denma  184  b  3,  intliuchta  198  b  4. 

pp.  202 — 210.  a  is  more  common,  o :  aitreithado  204  a  1,  2, 
ainmnedo  209  b  11,  gnimo  209  b  28.  a:  forgnüsa  203  a  2,  foxlada 
207  a  1,  chesta  208  b  14,  209  b  28,  ainmneda  209  b  28,  intsliuchta 
209  b  30,  210  a  5,  210  b  2. 

pp.  215 — 216.  0  only:  ainmnedo  215  a  9,  togarthado  215  a  9, 
gnüso  215  a  12,  forggnuso  216  b  3.^) 


1)  Por  the  sake  of  comparison  the  occurrences  in  Wb.  niay  be  given. 
o:  betho  la3,  10b 3,  15,  IIa  19  (beotho),  13c 7,  14b  10,  29a 8,  31b  18;  brdtho 
25 (120  (bis)  29  c 2;  cesto  3d24,  32(13;  colno  3dl,  23,  30,  4a 9,  6b 4,  19a  17, 
20c 20,  21b  11,  22dl3,  31  d 3;  cotulto  25  c  12;  crochtho  Sab;  cumsanto  B3h 7; 
ddno  27dl0;  datho  5c  19;  dilgotho  2c  17;  dro gnimo  27 clS;  dülo  13b 28; 
ecolso  13  a 3,  cecilso  22  eil;  ferto  12  a 9;  fesso  14d31;  firinnigtho  3d22; 
flatho  9d2,  23d32,  26  a 5,  10;  fochatho  17d28;  foilsichtho  12dl5;  gnimo 
3  c 23,  6  a 8;  imrato  3d5,  6;  oipretho  3  c  14;  disso  29  a  13;  pedho  3  c  14,  38, 
3d20,    5c 8,  19,   9  b  12,  13,   13d27,   14c  19,   14dl,  4,  27,   21b 4,  5,   22b 21, 

25  d 8,  26a 4,  27b  10,  29  a  15;  rechto  1  d  15,  2b  13,  26,  2c  15, 18,  3dll,  4dll, 
12,22,  6  a  27,  7  c  19,  13d26,  15  a  20,  34,  19  b  12,  16,  19,  19  c  14,  19  d  11,  20  a  7, 
12,  21  b  13,  24  a  7,  26  a  8,  31  b  14,  31  d  1,  4,  6 ;  relto  12  d  15 ;  sühichtho  6  a  5 ; 
spirto  3d20,  12  all,  23b 26;  spiruto  9  c 30;  spirito  4a 7,  12  a  17,  12b 33, 
12d21,  14  c  42,  20  b  16,  21c  2,  22,  21  d  5,  24c  13,  27c 28,  29d21;  tairmchrutto 
15b 6;  tairmthechto  3d6.  a:  anamchairtessa  12b  14,  besä  28d24;  betha 
15  d  9;  brdtha  23  c  29,  26  al,  29  a  28;  cdingnima  20dl6,  29  a  28;  cesta  26  d  8, 
27c 21;  comdithnatha  14  b  11;  chrochtha  26  d  4;  atrsa^-^Äa  7 d  9,  14  d  6,  26  b  23 ; 
ddnigthea  21c  22;  deirchöintea  21b  1;  denma  12  b  21,  31,  15d38;  desimrechta 

26  b  18;    dilgutha  U  cid,  18  h  20;    cfeccaZsa  7  c  8 ,  9  c  7,    ecoZsa  11  d  6 ,  12  b  18, 

13  a  27 ;  eelutha  11  c  11 ;  etarscartha  13  c  1 ;  fessa  26  d  15 ;  focheda  25  a  12 ; 
fognama  10  c  22 ,  22  b  21 ;     gnima  4  d  6 ,  6  a  11 ;    gnüsa  15  a  20 ;    immormussa 

14  a  15,  29  a  15 ;  imrata  3 d 5 ;  incholnigthea  27 c  21 ;  lina  9  d  5 ;  Hussa  13  b  6 ; 
messa  4  c  24;  nebchomalnatha  14  a  15;  nerta  31b  11;  öisa  8  c  3,  10  eil,  16  d  7, 
22  b  15,  17,  28d24;  peetha  29  a  28,  31c  22;  rechta  18  c  9,  21  cl,  27  a  24,  28  c  23; 
adsta  9 c 31 ;  smachta  18 cl8 ;  srotha  32 c  16 ;  testassa  15 a 3,  16 a 26,  24 c  16 ; 
trdtha  25  c  23. 


474  J.  STRACHAN, 

An  investigation  of  the  orthography  when  a  noii-palatal 
consonant  is  foUowed  by  a  palatal  vowel,  e.  g.  cosmil  and  cosmail, 
did  not  give  an  equally  clear  result,  for  the  reason  tliat  no 
Single  Word  of  the  kind  is  common  in  every  part  of  the  codex, 
but  the  facts  point  in  the  same  direction.  Thus  if  we  take 
cosmil  and  cosmail,  we  find  (a)  cosmilse  11  b  4,  cosmilius  163  b  6, 
cosmil  188  a  13,  cliosmili  188  a  15,  cosmilius  188  b  5,  6,  ecsamil 
211a  14,  (b)  cosmail  10  a  6,  cosmailius  10  a  6,  cosmail  11  al, 
12  b  5,  6,  7,  cosmaili  28  a  6,  cosmail  28  a  15,  29  a  9,  cosmailius 
33  a  17,  41b  8,  cJiosmaili  4:7  h  b ,  cosmailigeddar  56  h  11,  cosmail 
(leg.  cosmailius)  59  a  13,  cosmailius  71b  6,  7,  106  b  3,  cosmail  106  b  6, 
cosmailius  113  a  4,  138  b  8,  cosmaili  187  b  5,  chosmailius  198  b  2, 
cosmaili  200  a  13,  14,  cosmailius  205  a  4,  cliosmailigetar  212  b  2, 
chosmailigud  217  a  6.  With  sodin  we  have  (a)  sodin  67  a  8,  182  bl, 
184  b  2,  187  a  3,  188  a  12,  198  b  6,  209  b  5,  220  b  3,  (b)  sodain  6  a  9, 
6  b  11,  30  a  7,  41  b  1,  7,  65  a  2, 17,  69  a  20,  161  b  6,  187  a  2,  194  b  2, 
198  b  6,  202  a  7,  213  a  2,  7.  With  dilmin  we  have  (a)  dilmin 
163  b  4,  185  b  2,  (b)  dilmain  137  bl,  210  b  3,  215  a  2.  But  this 
difference  does  not  hold  in  every  case.  Tims  we  have  always 
frecndairc  {=  frecüdircc  in  Wb.)  150  b  2,  153  b  3, 5,  166  a  5, 
167  a  3,  192  al,  197  b  4,  200  b  6,  204  a  5,  208  a  4,  211  b  7.  It 
seems  as  if  i  were  especially  common  in  the  pages  follow- 
ing  180,  cf.  fodil  188  all,  ofodim  188  a  31,  tcchtid  188  b  5,  folid 
189  a  6,  nephfodlide  189  b  6,  uadib  188  a  20,  anmanib  188  a  27, 
dligedib  193  b  6,  8,  immognamib  203  a  13. 

In  the  case  of  many  other  linguistic  phenomena  a  clear 
difference  is  to  be  seen  between  the  early  and  the  later  part  of 
the  codex  (with  the  exception  of  some  of  the  final  portion). 
Sometimes  the  boundaries  cannot  be  flxed  with  accuracy  owing 
to  the  scarcity  of  the  material,  sometimes  they  seem  not  to  be 
quite  the  same  as  in  the  genitive  in  -o  and  -a.  Thus  dd  = 
eclipsed  t  (p.  479)  does  not  appear  between  p.  120  and  p.  200, 
but  the  instances  in  wliich  it  might  have  been  found  between 
p.  120  and  p.  150  are  few.  anmman  and  the  like  (p.  482)  are 
rare  between  p.  108  and  p.  210 ;  here  the  examples  are  numerous 
and  the  difference  in  the  line  of  demarcation  is  clear.  Further 
examples  of  differences  in  different  parts  of  the  codex  will  be 
found  in  the  foUowing  lists.  It  may  be  noted  generally  that  the 
linguistic  phenomena  because  of  wliich  Sg.  has  been  assigned  to 
a  late  date  are  rare  between  about  p.  150  and  about  p.  200. 


ON  THE  LANGUAGE  OF  THE  ST.  GALL  GLOSSES.       475 

From  purely  ling-uistic  evidence  it  will  liardly  be 
possible  to  go  beyond  this  roiigh  division  and  to  break  up  tlie 
collections  into  smaller  portions  of  different  origin.  For  tliese 
brief  glosses  stand  on  a  different  footing  from  a  continuous  text, 
in  wliich  there  is  tlie  assurance  that  neighbouring  words  come 
from  the  same  source.  Moreover  in  many  of  the  glosses  there 
is  nothing  in  their  form  to  fix  their  age,  and  even  where  there 
seems  to  be  something,  we  must  remember  that  these  glosses 
have  been  exposed  to  change  in  the  course  of  transcription ,  so 
that  the  linguistic  form  is  not  a  certain  criterion.  Perhaps 
some  light  might  be  thrown  on  the  subject  by  the  publication 
of  the  Latin  glosses  in  the  MSS.  of  Priscian. 

Here  foUow  what  seemed  to  me  to  be  the  most  important 
and  distinctive  phenomena  in  the  language  of  the  St.  Gall  glosses. 
The  composite  character  of  the  glosses  has  made  it  necessary  to 
give  long  lists  of  occurrences  instead  of  a  brief  summary  of  the 
results  of  the  investigation. 


The  vowels. 

Non- final  vowels. 

ö,  üa.  üa  is  the  prevalent  form.  I  have  noted  the  following 
occurrences. 

(a)  {}i)6:  2  a  7,  3 b  1,  3 b  19,  6  a 5, 13,  6 b 26,  7 b  18  {onä),  17  b 2, 
25  b  11,  27  b  17,  31  b  5,  10,  32  b  2,  33  b  2  {on),  37  b  18,  21,  22, 
39  b  3  [on),  40  a  8,  43  a  5,  44  a  3  {onaib\  45  a  10,  45  a  10  {6m-\ 
50  al  {ond),  50  a  1  (o[w]-),  50  b  17,  52  b  1,  54  a  16  {on),  54  a  18, 
54  b  6,  56  b  1,  56  b  8  {ondi),  56  b  9,  59  b  13  {ondi),  66  a  25  {ond\ 
67  a  16  (on),  71a  18,  71b  3,  72  b  2,  74  a  2,  74  b  5,  75  a  1,3,  5, 
75  b  2,  98  al,  106  a  4,  114  a  5  {=  6a),  132  a  3  {ond),  149  bl, 
151b  3,   152  b  3   {ond),     154  a  1,   155  b  1   {ondi),    155  b  2   {ondi), 

156  al   {ondi),     156  a  2   {ondi),     156  a  3   {ondi),     156  b  3   {ondi), 

157  b  4,  163  a  2  {ondi),  170  b  2  {ondi),  178  a  1  {ondi),  181  a  3, 
182  a  2  {ondi),  183  b  3  {ond),  188  b  1,  189  a 7,  191  al  {on),  192b 4 
{on),  195  b  3  {ondi),  196  b  2  (quinties),  197  a  2  {ondi),  198  a  13 
{ond),  198  a  14,  200  a  6,  200  a  7  {ond),  201  b  1,  202  b  3  {onaib), 
203  b  3,  203  b  4  {ond),  207  b  2  {on),  207  b  3  {cio),  207  b  4,  9, 
209  b  10,  12,  28,  212  b  3,  213  a  10,  216  b  5,  220  a  3. 

(b)  {}i)üa:  3  a  5,  3  b  4,  3  b  24  {hüad-),  9  b  9,  22  b  13  {uandi), 
25  b  12  {ualailiu),   27  b  15  {hüad),  28  a  21,  29  b  10  {huan-),  30  a  1 


476  J.  STRACHAN, 

Qiuan-),  30  a  5,  30  b  4  (hüatuasaücthe),  30  b  4,  31  a  12  (Jmathraih), 
32  b  2  (huaitherrechtaigthib),  32  b  7  (uand),  32  b  15  (Jmam-),  33  a  23 
(Man-),  33  a  25,  33  b  8  (huanaib),  36  b  2  (hüad),  37  a  6,  37  b  19 
(hualaiUu),  39  a  26  (Man-),  39  a  31  (huanaib),  40  b  15  (huandi), 
44  a  4  (Mad),  45  b  3,  45  b  14  (hudlailiu),  45  b  16  (huandi),  46  a  10 
(huan),  48  a  6  (hualailib),  49  a  16  (hualailiu),  50  a  2  (huan-),  50  a  8 
(huandi),  50  a  9  (huandi),  52  b  2,  52  b  7  (hüad),  54  a  5  (huandi), 
54  a  11  (hüand),  59  a  5  (huandi),  59  a  10  (huadib),  59  a  11  (hüa-), 
61  a  23,  62  b  5,  69  b  8  (huand),  71  a  5  (huandi),  71  a  6  (uand), 
71  Sil  (uand),  71  a  15  (uandhi),  76  b  6  (huandi),  77  a  7,  90  a  3, 
90  b  3  (huandi),  90  b  8  (huanaib),  91  b  2  (huandi),  93  a  3  (üad), 
94  al  (huandi),  94  a  4  (hüad),  95  b  3,  100  b  2  (hüad),  104  b  4 
(uandi),  104  b  5  (hüad),  105  b  2  (uandi),  105  b  4  (udndi),  106  b  1, 
129  al  (Maw(^),  135  b  2  (uandi),  136  a  1,  137  b  7  (Mawt^),  138  b  7 
(huandi),  139  a  5,  6,  139  b  4  (huan-),  144  a  1  (huadib),  148  b  11 
(uan),  149  a  5  (huam-),  150  a  2,  151  b  4,  153  a  1,  154  al,  156  a  2 
(huadib),  156  b  1  (uandi),  156  b  2  (huandi),  157  b  3  (hua-),  157  b  3 
(uadt),  162  b  1  (hua-),  172  a  1  (huandi),  181  a  8,  181  b  1  (huandi), 
183  b  2  (huan),  187  b  5  (wawt^),  188  a  20  (uadib),  188  a  30  (huam-), 
192  b  3  (uam-),  198  b  3, 199  b  11  (huanaib),  208  b  5  (huatuaisilcthecha), 
208  b  5,  209  b  12  (uad).  oa:  4 b  1,  45 a 8,  129  a  1.  In  32 b 6  hunaib 
sliould  be  corrected  to  huanaib. 

(a)  (h)6re:   66  b  9,  197  a  2  (bis). 

(b)  (h)üare:  18  a  1,  26  b  2, 16,  29  b  16, 18,  38  a  1,  39  b  9,  40  b  14, 
41  b  3,  45  a  9,  45  b  1,  46  b  10,  48  a  8,  12,  48  b  5,  50  a  6,  52  b  1, 
64  all,  71a  13,  17,  74  b  8,  117  al,  120  al,  138  a  4,  139  a  3, 
140  b  2,  3,  159  a  3,  4,  163  b  7,  180  b  2,  189  b  2,  196  a  1,  197  a  11 
(bis),  198  a  18,  205  a  1,  205  b  2,  208  a  4.  In  209  b  10  ua  is  written 
over  ö. 

6g:  16  a  14  (ögi),  25  b  2  (oge),  52  a  9,  59  b  10  (ögai),  73  b  2 
(högi),  75  a  5  (ögaib),  75  b  2  (ogaib),  75  b  3,  98  a  1  (ögaib),  98  a  2, 
157  b  4  (ogaib),  157  b  5,  6. 

(a)  (h)6thad:  41  a  8,  49  a  14  (öthatnat),  56  b  3,  66  b  9,  92  b  2, 
163  b  6,  198  a  22,  198  b  3,  203  b  9. 

(b)  (h)üathad:  38  b  1  (huatigud),  51  b  11,  71  b  3,  71  b  12  (hua- 
thati),  71b  15,  72  a  1,  4,  90  b  2,  95  b  3,  137  b  2,  162  a  6,  186  a  2 
(uathataib). 

Furtlier  examples.  of  ö  are  öigthidi  186  bl,  trogän  48  a  11, 
lochairnn  24  a  16  (but  luacharnn  47  a  9),  böchaill  58  b  6,  adcöi- 
demmar  43  a  6,  docoid  217  b  16. 


ON  TUE  LANGUAGE  OP  TUE  ST.  ÜALL  GLOSSES.       477 

Sg.  has  üa  in  sluay  20  bl,  luach  41  bG,  tuay  107  b  1, 
huahela  7  b  15,  {h)uas  17  b  1,  3,  40  b  16,  68  b  3.  In  tlie  remaining- 
instances  tliere  is  no  difference  between  tlie  usage  of  Sg.  and 
that  of  Wb. 

e,  %a.  e  appears  in  tlie  borrowed  best  37  b  6,  and  always 
in  scns.  Note  also  niernetargnu  =  ni  tarn-  197  b  10,  The 
preposition  re  n-  is  re  n-,  not  ria  n-.  hretJi,  dohre,  dohretJi  are 
often  used  for  hnathar,  äohriathar  etc.  e.  g.  27  a  18,  39  a  26, 
71  b  6, 8, 12,  162  a  6,  188  a  18,  189  a  9.  Here  we  liave  a  traditional 
abbreviation  dating  from  a  time  when  e  had  not  yet  become  ta. 

e  =  i:    tinfeth  9  a  13. 

i  =  iu:  hüll  3  b  24,  40  b  9,  12,  78  a  1,  but  hiuth  148  a  1,  7, 
192  b  2.     By  giuyran  64  b  1  we  find  yiyrann  36  a  5. 

In  31b  21  diles  for  dilius  is  remarkable  and  in  5  a  11  re  n-airec  for 
re  n-airiuc. 

Sg.  has  immalle  40  b  8,  189  b  5,  198  a  2,  immenetor  28  a  10, 
cenmathd  56  b  13,  71  b  17,  but  cenmithd  58  b  7,  65  all,  150  b  3, 
179  b  2,  200  a  2,  202  a  1,  211a  2. 

Final  vowels. 

In  Sg.  -ae  -ai  are  prevalently  written  after  a  non-palatal 
consonant,  where  Wb.  has  usually  -e,  -i  But  I  have  made  no 
investigation  of  the  proportion  of  -ae,  -ai  to  -e,  -i  in  different 
portions  of  the  codex. 

Sometimes  -ce,  -ae  appears  for  -e  after  a  palatal  consonant:  huilce  25b 7, 
öeneheillae  27  b  3,  idaltaigce  66  a  19,  deirbbce  66  b  15. 

-a  =  -ae :  timmorta  3  b  5,  coica  4  a  5,  -denta  9  b  2,  medönda 
10  a  2,  choibedna  11  a  1,  coibnesta  IIb  5,  cara  12  b  7^  immchenda 
14  b  3,  arabda  (with  de  written  above  in  another  hand)  16  a  7, 
accomolta  18  al,  grecda  19  b  3,  cenela  22  b  10,  anmma  30  a  2, 
odauienda  31a  3,  inachda  31  a  13,  eolensta  31b  18,  riayolda 
31b  21,  colchelda  32  b  10,  yrecda  32  b  11,  acZasto  32  b  12,  troianda 
32  b  13,  sechta  33  a  27,  ciimma  34  a  5,  finda  35  a  12,  hurda  35  b  3, 
rangabalda  39  a  5,  cuimrechta  39  b  13,  riayolda  40  b  2,  airdixa 
44  b  1,  ferynia  52  a  10,  riyda  52  b  9,  tiayta  54  b  6,  dalta  55  b  12, 
airdixa  56  b  4,  troianda  57  a  15,  etarscartha  61  a  6,  diyhala  63  b  5, 
doronta  65  a  1,  arsata  65  a  16,  masculinda  66  b  10,  derha  66  b  14, 
riayolda  66  b  14,  cruitJmechta  66  b  24,  lia  67  b  12,  sechta  67  b  21, 
lia  69  a  19,  chäna  71  b  12,  cäna  72  b  5,  73  a  15,  75  b  6,  etar- 
scartha 75  b  5,   ranydbala  88  a  3,    airdixa  92  a  3,  riayolda  93  b  5, 

Zeitschrift  für  celt.  Philologie  IV.  31 


478  J.   STKACHAN, 

airdixa  103  a  2,  109  a  5,  dechenda  113  b  4,  imda  125  a  5,  eperta 
137  b  9,  annia  149  a  2,  dana  156  b  4,  chetna  157b  3,  coihnesta 
159  a  3,  etarscartha  159  a  3,  cohnesta  162  b  2,  cetna  168  b  1,  erchra 
169  b  2,  arista  184  b  3,  airdixa  187  al,  aicneta  188  a  13,  adro- 
cliomolta  188  a  16,  cetna  191  a  2,  grecda  192  b  5,  trahda  192  b  6, 
ranngabdla  193  b  2,  cetna  netargna  197  b  10,  ceina  198  a  2,  3, 
199  b  10,  anmma  200  a  9,  cetna  203  b  9,  etarcerta  207  b  9,  eperta 
grecda  20Tb  9,  -cerbara  209  h  SO,  ashera-su  209  h  SO,  acconiolta 
212  a  6,  ashertha  217  b  15. 

-a  =  -ai :    chetna  18  b  2. 

-ai  =  -ae:  cumachtai  3  b  21,  Cf.  cartJii  148  a  2,  wliicli 
should  translate  amatus,  and  timmarti  187  a  2,  whicli  sliould 
signify  correptus  rather  thau  corripiendus. 

-ae  =  -ai :    cetnce  76  b  4. 

In  26  a  5  the  adverbial  ind  immdae  is  ppculiar;  cf.  in  made  Wb.  19blO. 

-0  =:  -w:    forbo  151a  2,  ranndato  203  b  4,  etarrogo  205  bl. 

-i  =.  -e:    neimi  139  b  6. 

-ea  =  ia:  dia  'god'  is  commonly  written  dea:  bandea  53  a  14, 
60  a  4,  66  b  24,  isin  dea  161  b  11,  innandea  162  a  3,  in  dea  162  a  4, 
but  dia  65  a  1.    In  29  a  7  bandeae  appears  as  the  genitive. 

For  ea  as  a  stage  in  the  development  of  g  see  Tburneysen  CZ.  1,348, 111,53. 

Lengtheiiing  of  vowels. 

The  mark  of  length  may  be  noted  in  bdndce  53  b  1 ,  rech- 
taigim  60  b  16,  erchintiu  152  a  4,  ürpJiaisiu  100  a  4,  ürfuisin  100  a  5. 
The  borrowed  carachtar  is  written  cdrachtar  in  3  b  27,  9  a  19,  22, 
26  a  14.  In  the  case  of  ligim  176  a  1  it  is  doubtful  whether  there 
is  really  a  mark  of  length;  if  Ugim  be  right,  it  may  be  com- 
pared  with  dliged  Wb.  10  d  16,  cf.  Pedersen,  Aspirationen  83. 


The  consonants. 

g,  df  b  =  Mod.  Ir.  g,  d,  h, 

The  only  instance  which  I  have  noted  is  cumdach  148  a  3. 
In  accordance  with  the  frequent  custom  in  this  codex  of  ex- 
pressing  the  unaspirated  media  by  a  double  consonant  we  find 
caebb  6  b  15,  abbgitir  23  b  5,  24  a  10,  cumddubartaig  104  a  2  (by 
cumtuhart  99  a  2),  meirddrech  113  a  2  (by  mertrech  68  b  9), 
obbad  90  a  2. 


ON  THE  LANGUAGE  OF  THE  ST.  GALL  GLOSSES.       479 

Eclipsis. 

c>  g:    dofnasailgther  71  a  19,  ersolgud  107  a 3. 

t>d:  coimdig  (=*com-en-t-?)  198  a  6  (by  comtigiu  127b  2, 
coimddigm  92  b  2),  conducad  17  a  5,  conducthar  200  b  13,  odarUn 
209  b2G,  oiiddrhastar  211a  10.  Here,  liowever,  dd  is  miicli  more 
frequent:  gairddi  5  a  14,  hindigeddar  10  a  9,  forcomaidder  IIa  2, 
tomdden  26  b  7,  remisnidigddis  28  a  9,  doformagddar  28  b  18, 
-dirrudigeddar  33  a  23,  ohdelgaddar  39  all,  dechrigeddar  46  a  9, 
cosmaüigeddar  56  b  11,  arcohnddim  59  a  15,  diddith  60  b  19, 
comddigiu  92  b  2,  tiagdde  104bl,  119a2,  120al,  foüsigdde 
200  b  6,  adcuireddar  202  b  3. 

By  the  side  of  dd  t  is  freqiieut.  It  will  be  observed  that  in  a  con- 
siderable  portion  of  the  codex  there  are  no  examples  of  dd.  In  part  this  may 
be  the  result  of  chance.  Between  p.  121  and  p.  148  the  instances  in  which 
this  change  might  have  taken  place  are  few. 

Assimilatiou  of  coiisonants. 

Of  assimilation  of  In  >  II  there  is  no  iustance.  Note  on 
the  contrary  comalne  (=  Mid.  Ir.  comaille)  110  b  2,  drudlnide 
163  b  7,  druailnide  202  b  3.  For  Ind,  however,  Id  appears  in  the 
loan  words  prid  Jcalde  220  a  1,  chaldigud  181  a  9. 

ndy^nn:    masculimii  67  a  17;   ansom  =  andsom  151a 4. 

masculinni  is  followed  in  the  same  sentence  by  linni.  Did  the  scribe's 
eye  wander?  How  much  weight  is  to  be  laid  ou  ansom  is  doubtful.  On 
■fin  —  find  35  b  2  cf.  Thesaurus  Palaeohibernicus  II,  89,  note  b. 

Note  doindnaich  27  b  12,  tindnacul  27  b  14,  17,  209  b  24.  In  188  a  26  ind 
seems  to  be  written  for  inn.    In  mdrbenim  146  b  10  pretonic  nd  is  reduced  to  n. 

Singling  and  doubling  of  consonants. 
L 

Except  in  one  special  case  final  l  for  U  is  rare :  chial  146  a  1, 
lanchial  151  b  1,  ücliial  154  a  1,  in  di  cheilse  209  b  29  {ciall  and 
ceill  are  frequent);  ail  162  al,  179  a  6,  aZZm7  209  b  10.  The 
exception  is  diall\  in  this  word  II  appears  regularly  after  a 
non-palatal  vowel:  diall  4  b  2,  5,  27  a  9,  14,  53  b  3,  74  b  5,  6,  7, 
75  a  1,  3,  93  b  2,  98  a  2,  158  b  6,  diull  27  a  7,  75  a  6,  90  b  1,  2,  106  a  20, 
204  b  7  (but  diul  97  bl);  l  after  a  palatal  vowel:  diu  50  b  17, 
77  b  2,  91b  4,  100  a  9,  104  bl,  107  a  2,  111b  2,  187  b  1,  2  (but 
diill  31  b  12). 

Doubling  of  pretonic  unaspirated  l:  fullugaimm  22b 4, 
rolldmar  171  b  1.    In  66  b  23  conrothinoll  is  for  conrothinöl. 

31* 


480  J.    STKACHAN, 

r, 

Reduction  of  rr  in  an  imaccented  syllable,  (a)  before  the 
accent :  aricht  197  all,  (b)  after  the  accent :  aitherechtaigthih 
32  b  14,  echtarecU  217  b  16. 

Doubling  of  pretonic  unaspirated  r:  dorruairthetar  18  a  6, 
dorrocJmirestar  (with  the  first  r  Avritten  over  the  line)  184  a  2, 
dorrignis  217  a  5. 

Doubling  of  r  before  a  consonant:   foirrce  67  b  9. 

In  di-äruthaig-,  coined  to  express  deriuare,  the  orthography  varies  in 
different  parts  of  the  codex:  -dirrudigeddar  33a 23,  dirruidiguth  53 all, 
dirniidigthe  56b  10,  59b  12,  61  al;  diruidigud  36 bl,  188a 4,  diruidigthe 
188  a  12,  13,  16 ;  etymologically  disruthaigedar  198  b  3 ;  dirsuidigud  188  a  4,  8. 
In  8  b  2  diaruidigthe  is  a  scribal  error.  In  51  a  4  much  stress  cannot  be  laid 
on  the  abbreviation  dir  against  the  rr  which  prevails  in  this  part  of  the  codex. 

m, 

Reduction  of  mm  to  m.  Of  reduction  of  mm  to  m  between 
vowels  in  the  interior  of  a  word  I  have  noted  no  instance; 
before  a  consonant  mm  has  become  m  in  tromchride  65  b  2. 
Final  mm  has  become  m  in  an  accented  syllable  after  a  long 
vowel  in  heim  63  a  15, 138  a  7,  after  a  short  vowel  in  leim  209  b  30; 
in  an  unaccented  final  syllable  in  digaim  5  b  7,  7  b  17,  18,  digam 
17  a  3  a,  digaim  17  a  5,  209  b  8,  edim  17  a  6.  In  the  dat.  sg, 
anmmaim  30b 4,  35b 7,  71a 7,  93a 2,  104b 5,  187b 5,  211  all 
{anmmaimm  27  al,  31b  21,  50  al,  54  b  3,  200  a  7,  200  b  10), 
iogarmim  207  b  5. 

Doubling  of  m. 

In  some  instances  Sg.  shews  mm  (by  m)  where  m  prevails 
in  Wb. 

(a)  In  the  1.  sg.  pres.  ind.  act.  in  Wb.  -im  is  more  common 
than  -imm,  cf.  Pedersen,  Aspirationen  102  sq.  In  Sg.  -imm  is 
confined  almost  entirely  to  the  earlier  part  of  the  codex,  -imm: 
athrigimm  11  b  7,  dofuihnimm  12  al,  22  a  10,  oirdnimm  22  b  2, 
fullugaimm  22  b  4,  cosecraimm  24  a  5,  dogdithaimm  24  a  7,  deme- 
cimm  39  b  1,  dudürgimm  54  a  3,  cumachtaigimm  54  a  7,  aslenaimm 
54  a  8,  doiürgimm  60  b  10,  doaurcJianaimm  60  b  12,  further  fol- 
caimm  146  b  3,  goithimm  190  b  3.  -im:  arcelim9  2L7,  fliuchaigim 
10  b  3,  hraigim  11  a  3,  taortaim  15  a  3,  cumcigim  16  b  9,  dainngnigim 
19  a  6,  ualligim  22  b  2 ,  todürgim  24  a  2 ,  dogaithaim  24  a  11, 
cumachtaigim  39  b  2,  cuiligim  53  a  18,  trisgataim  54  al,  hruth- 
naigim  54  b  7,  haethaigim  56  b  5,  6,  melim  57  a  2,  arcoimddim  59  a  15, 


ON  THE  LANGUAGE  OF  THE  ST.  GALL  GLOSSES.      481 

rechtaigmi  60  b  16,  cosecraim  138  a  13.  intonnaigim  144  a  2,  ad- 
cuindminim  144  a  3,    gaigim  144  b  2,     dlgenaigim  145  al,    fillim 

145  al,  atoihim  145  a  2,  folcaim  145  a  3,  dogdithim  145  a  5, 
arhiatliim  145  a  6,  arachrinini  145  b  1,  dosceuluim  145  b  2,  dofuislim 

146  bl,  imtrenigim  146  b  4,  itlmn  146  b  5,  doddlim  146  b  6, 
fescrigim  146  b  7,  clandaim  146  b  8,  indrhenim  146  b  10,  adcohraim 
146  b  12,  fohothaim  146  b  13,  foalgim  146  b  14,  frebaraigim  146  b  16, 
asagninaim  146  b  16,  imradim  155  b  3,  doerdeclitim  155  b  4,  foa- 
canim  167  a  2,  sercim  173  al,  aslennim  173  a  4,  fosligim  173  a  7, 
dolinim  173  b  1,  münigim  174  a 2,  ligim  176 al,  dechrigim  177  bl, 
gloidim  181b  2,  dofuismim  182  b  2,  fosligim  183  a  1,  failligim 
183  b  1,  srennim  185  al,  ooimchldim  186  al,  saillim  187  a  5, 
gortigim  187  a  6,  -airmim  205  a  2,  saigim  217  a  3. 

(b)  In  1.  pl.  deponent  mm  appears  not  only  after  a  vowel 
dorochuirsemmar  6  b  18,  rocruthaigsemmar  9  a  22,  fitemmar  32  b  5, 
adcöidemmar  43  a  6,  but  also  after  a  consonant  asruhartmmar 
55  b  5,  cosmiligmmer  211  a  14  (but  -arroetmar  16  a  8,  asruhartmar 
188  a  29,  cf.  197  b  16). 

(c)  In  Wb.  imh-  before  a  following  consonant  appears  regularly 
as  im-.  In  Sg.  for  the  most  part  imm-  is  foiind  in  the  earlier 
portion  im-  in  the  later,  imm-:  doimmthastar  3  a  3,  timmihastaih 
6  a  17,  immgahdil  8  b  11,  immchenda  14  b  3,  immdae  26  a  5, 
immchomarc  30  a  9,  immcaisiu  54  a  6,  fotimmthiris  54  a  17,  imm- 
gahüiach  59  a  12,  immgabail  59  a  13,  immaimmgaih  59  a  13, 
coimmchlöud  62  a  4,  immdenom  70  a  15,  fotimmdiriut  185  b  3, 
immchomairsnech  203  a  19,  immdogod  216  b  3.  im-:  imchloud 
31b  12,  timdirecht  35  a  2,  immimgabaim  50  b  8,  coimthecMid 
66  a  13,  imda  125  a  5,  imdihenar  143  b  4,  imchomairc  157  b  7, 
imlebor  159a 6,  imdugud  167 al,  imthdnad  181a 6,  fotimdiris 
185  b  7,  ooimchldim  186  a  1,  imdu  198  a  4,  imcabdil  203  a  8  (bis), 
cöimthecht  208  b  5,  adclioimchladach  209  b  12. 

In  the  following  instances  original  Single  m  has  been 
doubled. 

(a)  Pretonic  m:  ammuntar  32  b 6;  fommdlagar  146b  14, 
nand  mmda  150  b  1,  as  tnme  202  a  7. 

Sg.  25  b  16  has  cemet  as  in  Wb. 

(b)  Before  s.  The  doubling  here  is  rare:  aimmserad  5  a  10, 
caimmse  23  b  4,  aimmser  25  b  16,  aimmserda  32  a  8.  In  aimmsid 
(:  ammiis)  49  b  8  an  original  mm  is  kept  before  s. 


482  J.   BTRACHAN, 

(c)  After  r,  rare :    in  tairmmthechtas  7  b  5,    doformmagddar 

28  b  18,  tharmmorcnih  43  a  5,  tairmmorcinn  45  b  19,  tairmmorcinn 
62  a  3,    tarmmorcenn  166  a  1,   tairmmoirc    166  a  2,  airmm  70  b  13, 

(d)  After  n.  Here  doubling  is  common  in  some  parts  of 
the  codex,  rare  in  others.  The  distribution  may  be  illustrated 
from  ainm  and  its  derivatives. 

pp.  1 — 50.  Both  mm  and  m  are  frequent,  but  mm  is  much 
more  common,  nun :  deainmmnichdechaib  2  b  1,  ainmmnichthe  4  b  4, 
anmmae  4  b  7,  ainmm  5  a  10,  anmmann  6  a  6,  ainmm  6  a  7, 
ainmmnidi  7  b  2,  ainmm  14  a  6,  anmma  26  b  11,  ainmm  26  b  12, 
anmmaimm  27  a  1,  anmmae  27  a  6,  ainmm  28  a  7,  anmman  28  b  4, 
anmmandu  28  b  9,  anmmann  28  b  18,  anmmanaih  28  b  18,  anmman 

29  a  2  (bis),  ainmmnechthecha  29  a 9,  deainmmneichthech  29  b  2, 
anmmann  29  b  8,  anmma  30  a  2,  deainmmmchthi  30  a  6,  anmmaim 

30  b  4,  ainmm  30  b  8,  anmmae  30  b  16,  deainmmnichthi  31  a  5, 
ainmm  31  a  6,  anmmann  31  a  7,  ainmm  31  b  21,  anmmaim  35  b  7, 
ainmmdi  39  a  1,  26,  anmmann  39  b  7,  41  b  11,  ainmmdih  43  a  5, 
anmman  45  b  9,  -ainmmnigthae  50  a  2,  ainmmnigud  50  a  19, 
anmmanaih  50  b  17.  m:  anmanaib  6  b  17,  ainm  6  b  27,  7  b  19, 
ainmnid  20  b  9,  ainm  26  b  5,  anmann  27  a  9,  ainm  28  a  5,  anmann 

28  b  3,     anman  28  b  17,    conainmnichdecha  29  a  12,    -ainmnigtJier 

29  b  10,     -ainmnichfide  30  al,     ainmnigud  30  a  5,     roainmnichthe 

31  a  5,  anmimm  31  b  21,  anmann  32  b  9,  35  b  13,  anmanaib  37  a  6, 
ainmdi  39  a  4,  ainmde  41  b  4,  anmimm  50  a  1. 

pp.  51 — 64.  mm  only:  anmmann  51b  10,  anmmaimm  54  b  3, 
deainmmnichthecha  54  b  6,  ainmmnid  55  a  2,  ainmmdiu  56  b  1, 
ainmm  56  b  10,  ainmmnidi  57  b  6,  anmmann  59  all,  ainmmnigud 
59  b  18,  anmmann  61  b  3  (bis),  ainmm  61  b  15,  ainmm  64ala, 
ainmmnid  64  a  4. 

pp.  66  — 106.  mm  and  m  are  almost  evenly  balanced. 
mm:  ainmm  65  a  3,  69  a  13,  16,  anmmaim  71  a  7,  ainmm  71  b  5, 
anmmanaih  71b  10,  72  a  8,  ainmmnid  92  b  4,  93  b  5,  ainmm  104  b  3, 
anmmaim  104b 4  (bis),  ainmmnichthecha  106b 6.  tu:  ainm  65b 4, 
anmannaib  66  a  20,  ainmnid  71a 9,  12,  ainm  73  a  12,  ainmnid 
76  b  1,4,  ainmnigud  76  b  7,  77  a  5,  ainmnid  90  b  2,  anmaim  93  a  2, 
ainm  95  a  1,  ainmnid  95  b  3,  roainmnigthe  106  b  16. 

pp.  108  —  210.  mm  is  rare  (most  frequent  on  p.  200),  m 
common.  7niii:  anmman  154b 2,  156b 4,  ainmm  174 al,  anmmaim 
187  b  5,  anmmann  190  bl,  anmme  193  b  4,  ainmm  197  a  2,  anmmae 
200  a  2,  anmmaimm  200  a  7,  anmma  200  a  9,  anmmaimm  200  b  10, 


ON  TUE  LANGUAGE  OF  TUE  ST.  GALL  GLOSSES.      483 

annimce  204  a  7,  208  a  6.  rti:  annumaih  108  a  8,  «mw/i/rf  114b2, 
anman  119  a  2,  ainmnid  135  bl,  138  al,  ainm  147  b  2,  anma 
149  a  2,  ai[n]mmgud  154  a  1,  ainm  154  a  2, 156  b  6,  159  a  2, 187  b  1,  2, 
188  a  22,  anmanU)  188  a  27,  anman  188  a  29,  188  b  3,  aiinm  189  a  9, 
ainmnidi  189  a  10,  amminn  189  b  4,  anmanaib  190  b  5,  anman 
194  b  2,  anme  197  a  1,  ainm  197  al,  197  b  2,  ainmniythe  197  b  10, 
anma;  198  a  9,  ainm  198  all,  anman  198  a  20,  198  b  2,  200  b  5, 
anmce  200  b  10,  ainm  200  b  10,  ainmnidih  201  a  5,  ainmnedo 
201  b  1,  ainmnid  201  b  5,  18,  202  a  1,  anman  203  b  6,  ainmnid 
206  b  1 ,  207  a  6,  207  b  3,  208  b  1 ,  ainmnidi  209  b  3  a,  ainmnid 
209  b  6,  ainmnedo  209  b  11,  28,  ainmnid  210  a  10. 

pp.  211—216.  mm  is  sliglitly  more  frequent.  tnni:  anmmaim 
211  all,  anmme  211b 4, 6,  215a 9,  ainmm  215a  12,  anmman  216 al. 
m:  ainm  211  a  8,  anman  212  b  9,  ainm  213  a  15,  ainmnichthce  215  a 9, 
ainmnedo  215  a  9. 

nn  >  n. 

(a)  In  an  accented  syllable  before  a  vowel:  raine  25  b  13; 
final  dun  151  b  7  (dünni  31  b  17,  207  b  11). 

(b)  In  an  unaccented  syllable :  coitchen  28  a  20,  29  a  6, 
33  a  10,  50  a  3,  196  b  2,  198  a  14,  199  b  8,  200  all,  13,  211  a  5, 
coitcliena  5  a  12,  10  a  1,  65  a  11,  72  a  2,  215  a  1,  coitchenas  208  b  9 
{coitchenna  190  b  1,  coitchennas  203  a  16,  also  before  a  consonant 
cJioitchennsa  203a  15);  giugran  64 bl  {gigrann  36a 5);  doinscana 
6a 4,  intinnscana  136 al,  -tinscana  157b 3,  162 bl  (ww- freqiient); 
tairmorcien  (sie)  65  b  9,  tarmorcin  202  b  5  {-nn  frequent);  foirciun 
213  a  13. 

inonn  appears  in  the  following  forms :  issinimn  75  b  5,  sinunn  76  a  3. 
sinonn  189  b  2.  hinunn  56  b  8,  72  a  4,  76  b  5,  14ibl,  188  a  7  (ter),  12;  hinonn 
61a  16,  lila 3,  143a 6,  188 all,  190a 5;  hinun  188a 6;  inun  188 a6;  hinon 
208  b  11;  innon  203  b  9. 

Final  nn  for  n. 

(a)  After  a  vowel  (only  non-palatal  n):  an{m)mann  6  a  6, 
28  b  18,  29  b  8,  31a  7,  32  b  9,  35  b  13  (anmannn),  39  b  7,  41b  7, 11, 
51  b  10,  59  a  11,  61  b  3,  189  b  4;  (an[m]man  28  b  17,  29  a  2,  45  b  9, 
119  a  2,  154  b  2,  156  b  4,  188  a  29,  188  b  3,  194  b  2,  198  a  20, 
198  b  2,  200  b  5,  203  b  6,  212 b  9,  216 a  1,  220 b 9, 10);  witli  extension 
to  the  interior  anmannaih  66  a  20  (bnt  anm[m\anaih  6  b  17,  28  b  18, 
37  a  6,  54  b  6,  71b  10,  72  a  4,  108  a  3,  188  a  27,  190  b  5);  cucann 
49  b  15  {cucan  68  a  12,  107  b  4);    menmmann  59  b  16  {menmman 


484  J.   STRACHAN, 

178  b  3);  mulenn  49  b  15.  In  persan  nn  is  not  found:  persan 
138  al,  143  a  6,  157  b  3,  189  a  9,  189  b  2,  190  a  5,  191a  2,  198  b  11, 
199  b  10,    208  b  5,  12,    220  a  8,  9;     persana    197  a  13,    pcrsanaih 

208  a  9,  11;  the  reason  is  that  tlie  word  happens  not  to  occiir  in 
that  part  of  the  codex  in  which  such  doubling  is  common. 

(b)  After  r:  cilornn  49ala,  iffirnn  41b  12,  53  bl,  lochairnn 
24  a  16,  luacJiarnn  47  a  9;   in  the  interior  airnne  49  b  17. 

Pretonic  nn  for  n:   frinna  45  a  16. 

Miscellaneous  instances:  aslcnnim  173  a  4,  dionnso  59  b  11, 
inntsliuchto  26  a  9. 

s, 

(a)  55,  5  in  a  final  accented  syllable  after  a  short  vowel. 
SS',  leiss  12  b  7,  29  b  12,  13,  19,  33  a  1,  4,  39  a  29,  46  a  15,  61  a  16, 
71  b  14,  93  b  8,  148  a  3,  deiss  17  b  2,  friss  30  b  4,  39  a  8,  63  a  17, 
ness  36  a  9,    fiss  33  a  26,    driss  47  a  8,    less  67  a  14.    less  208  a  6, 

209  b  28,     andess    67  b  22,     dnhglass    70  b  12,    ir/s5   73  a  6,     «55 

148  b  13,  14,  mess  188  a  19.  s:  leis  111  a  3,  202  a  7,  lais  153  b  7, 
/?5  2  a  2,  fius  209  a  6,  209  b  26,  as  12  a  3,  136  a  2,  166  a  3,  fris 
30b5,  76b2,  211a8,  rZm  65  a  10,  Zm5l06bl4,  ^^5  183  b  2, 
les  198  b  6. 

(b)  55,  5  in  a  non-final  accented  syllable  after  a  sliort  vowel. 
SS:  incoissig  9  a  14,  leissem  10a  11,  28  a  18,  leisem  77  b 6,  laissem 

149  b  4,  fossad  13  a  5,  «55a  22  b  9,  messa  42  b  4,  fissith  52  a  2, 
90  a  8,  Jiuisse  59  b  4,  197  a  11,  essih  71  a  13,  eissih  190  a  1,  eissi 
196  b  2,  ^055ac;i  106b7,  so  203  a  22,  210  a  8.  s:  Ze5om  5  a  10, 
162  b  3,  laisem  158  b  6,  sosuth  7  a  3,  iosacli  7  a  14,  so  3  b  26, 
21b  7,  65  a  3,  202  b  8,  213  a  10,  incltoisig  9  a  12,  so  61a  4,  71a  2, 
198  a  3,  208  a  9,  indosa  14  b  2,  159  b  5,  cosaih  33  b  8,  glasdn  49  b  1, 
hraisecJi  49  b  20,  esartaid  50  a  22,  esib  51b  11,  posit  45  a  2  and 
always,  huise  59  b  5,  6,  dofuisim  61  a  2,  64  a  14,  dofuisemar  61  a  2, 
esorcuin  67  a  10,  glasen  69  a  28,  ase  104  b  4,  asu  187  a  3,  desim- 
recht  100  a  7,  fosisetar  140  a  2,  rafesed  148  a  6,  tiiisel  148  b  8  and 
always,  6/s/&180bl,  o?«c/»o?5m  209  b  28,  -/"me^- 209  b  30,  arasisedar 
213  b  2.     Always  dosom,  disi,  never  dossoni,  dissi. 

(c)  55,  5  in  an  unaccented  syllable  after  a  short  vowel. 
Here  5  is  usual,  55  is  comparatively  rare:  maithess  28b 5,  giäass 
40  b  3,  foluss  40  b  14,  accuiss  45  b  3,  ricliiss  47  b  5,  sluindess  75  b  5, 
eross  105  a  2,  dcmcss  113  b  4,  cinness  137  b  3,  anfiss  148  a  6; 
tairissem   50  a  18,  74  b  7,   airissen  106  b  15.      So    in    a    pretonic 


ON  TUE  LANGUAGE  OF  THE  ST.  GALL  GL0SSE8.       485 

syllable  55  is  rare:  assin  29  a  3,  issin  30  b  12,  73  a  16,  111b  4, 
iss  inderh  66  b  9,  assagnintar  29  a  3,  assafiud  221  b  4.  Regularly, 
however,  issi  except  151a  3,  153  a  8,  and  issed  (v/ritteu,  liowever, 
is  182  b  3,  190  b  3);  in  201  a  3  issed  might  have  been  expected 
wliere  the  MS.  has  ishe.  Pretouic  s  is  doubled  before  a  con- 
sonant  in  issreith  30  a  12,  nissluindi  66  b  18. 

(d)  SS,  s  after  a  long  vowel.  Here  s-s  is  rare:  gluaiss  31b  17, 
63  b  11,  sliassait  66  b  5,  toissech  67  a  9,  tuass  67  a  12,  tarhessi  203  a  27. 

In  tlie  Word  for  'seif  Sg.  has  the  following  forms:  sg.  1 
leim  fein  209  b  30;  sg.  3  ni  arddu  feisin  161  b  9,  ol  Priscien  feissin 
40  a  12,  foilsigthi  feisin  211a  8,  do[n]  chrunn  fessin  61  b  8,  doji 
ehr  min  fesin  61  b  13,  and  feissin  50  a  2,  triit  fessin  43  a  3,  triit 
feissin  73  b  7,  lais  feisin  153  b  7,  uad  feisin  209  b  12,  foir  feisiji 
209  b  12.  a  cheninil  feissin  40  a  6,  7,  17,  a  cheneiuil  fessin  40  a  8, 
a  cheneiuil  feisin  40  a  18,  a  sotho  feissin  65  a  6,  inna  aicniiid 
feisin  209  b  35,  tria  folud  feisin  211b  5;  sg.  3  fem.  si  f eisine 
165  b  3,  di  feisne  199  b  6,  aggnini  feisne  199  a  2,  tresin  naimsir 
feissin  188  a  26,  ind  aimsir  feisin  188  a  26,  tree  feisin  25  b  14,  di 
feisin  199  b  10,  fuiri  feisin  209  b  28,  fuiri  feisin  209  b  34,  a  ainmm 
feisin  6  a 7;  pl.  3  indih  cadesin  150  b  2,  indih  cadesin  188  a  2,  dia 
lue  fadesin  154  bl,  inte  feisne  159  a  4,  huadih  feissn(e)  144  a  1, 
inna  forciunn  feisne  213  a  8,  nistnarascbat  fesin  7 all,  treo  fesin 
4  b  4,  leo  feissin  71b  3,  uadih  fesin  188  a  20,  inna  nniaiiud 
feisin  188  a  18. 

For  Wb.  see  Pedersen,  Aspirationen  93. 

C,  t,  p. 

For   the   statistics   of   the   Single   and  the   double   tenues 

see  Zupitza  KZ.  XXXVI,  213  sqq.»)    By  occo  esorcuin  67  a  10  we 

have  oca  fogur  14  a  16,  oca  cruthugud  50  b  17,  oco  scrihunt  213  b  4. 

99  ä,  h. 

In  Sg.  gg,  dd,  bh  often  express  unaspirated  g,  d,  h.  Of 
this  some  instances  have  been  given  already  pp.  478,  479.  To 
these  the  following  may  be  added. 

gg:  doommalgg  23b 2,  coindeidgg  25b 2,  ondelggaddar  39 all, 
conrodelgg  40  a  20,  condeilgg  42  a  4,  oüdelgg  45  a  9,  16  (but  ondel- 
gatar  41b  11,  chondelg  42  a  6,  43  a  3,  45  a  10, 11);  horggdae  bl  a,6, 


1)  But  acclantae  35  a  7  =  a  clantae,  cf.  acumscaigthe  35  a  9,  and  cerricc 
199b  12  is  not  'rock'. 


486  J.  STRACHAN, 

foirggce  124 al;  thecmungg  28  a 21;  coni  enggnatar  209b  13; 
aggnim  199  a  2. 

dd:  toddmsgat  7a  10;  coldde  35  b  10;  almost  iiivariably  after 
r:  ordd  4  b  9,  23  b  5,  24  a  10,  25  b  4,  49  a  4  {ord  159  b  6),  uirdd 
41b  7,  10,  42  a  2,  215  a  2,  220  b  6,  7,  10  {uird  41  b  7),  urdd  212  a  2, 
cerddchae  51b  3,  ardd  53  a  7,  67  all,  arddu  161b  9,  sacardd 
54 all,  orddu  68b  13,  focerddar  71a  19;  randdatu  27a  12,  inddih 
198  b  3. 

hh:  nibhu  6  a  9,  62  b  2,  rohhu  17  a  5,  manibbad  17  b  8,  nibhd 
36  b  1,  nihha  45  a  11,  rohhi  45  b  1,  rohhdtar  57  b  1,  nibhad  58  b  5, 
nohbiad  90  b  2,  robbe  169  al,  rohböi  178  b  3,  conibbe  199  b  4, 
forbbart  52  a  8,  In  deirbbce  66  b  15  and  indeirbbce  66  b  16,  18. 
bb  is  curiously  used  for  aspirated  b. 

Tlie  unaspirated  media  is  still  sometimes  denoted  by  a 
tenuis:  coindeulc  3  b  1,  dercaide  35  b  6,  derc  37  a  5,  bolc  37  a  2, 
meirc  52  a  12,  borcc  57  a  6,  bolcsithe  67  a  2,  foircce  67  b  9,  sercitn 
173  a  2,  roseircset  178  b  2,  facheirt  4  b  6,  sacart  54  a  12,  indarpe 
10  bl,  31b  11,  hehy  61a  13,  manq)  20b2,  25  b  14,  38  b  3,  188  a  12, 
ccnip  68  b  4,  roppad  111  b  2,  secA/p  138  b  4,  ropat  199  a  1. 


Aspirated  s  and  /. 

In  Sg.  ^  and  /  are  frequent;  /  is  likewise  left  unwritten 
as  in  Wb.  and  Ml.  e.  g.  immolung  3  b  5. 


Miscellaneous  notes. 

d  written  for  th :  dcainmmniclidechaib  2  b  1,  formüichdetad 
9  b  20,  comainmnichdecha  29  a,  12 ,  tuasailcdecha  SO  a  13 ,  aitreb- 
dacha  33  a  22,  timdirecht  35  a  2,  fotimmdiriut  185  b  3,  fotimdiris 
185  b  7,  chocda  64  b  9,  hodid  66  b  9. 

g  =  ng:    forgare  161  b  6,  8,  11,  12,  -forgair  161  b  5. 

d  =  nd:  aisdis  197a 6,  aisdisen  198  a  10;  dondfoirde  26b  12, 
cf.  203  b  4,  203  b  11;  iardligud  178  a  3. 

The  later  developinent  forbids  us  to  suppose  that  nd,  here  had  become 
actually  d. 

anial  is  written  once  in  füll  217  a  8.  iniain  appears  66  b  10, 
14  (bis),  107  b  1,  182  b  3,  196  b  2,  208  b  5,  220  b  9,  intan  5  a  10,  6  a  1, 
6b  11,  11  al,  12  a  3,  25  al,  26  a  3,  29  a  3,  54  b  3,  59  b  16,  17, 
104  b  5,  107  bl,  148  b  13.  14,  159  a  2,  162  a  3,  4,  181a  8,  182  b  3, 


ON  THE  LANGUAGE  OF  THE  ST,  GALL  GLOSSES.      487 

190  a  6,  196  b  2,  198  a  2,  198  b  11,  200  b  10,  207  a  7,  208  a  9,  208  b  5, 
211  b  4,  212  a  13,  214  a  2,  220  b  1,  8. 

Sg.  has  am  4  b  4,  17  a  3,  109  a  3,  114  b  3,  121  bl,  140  b  1, 
143  a  1,  160  b  3,  197  b  8,  198  b  7,  205  b  1,  211  a  3,  but  cm  201  a  8. 

dcg  136  a  1,  197  a  13,  201  b  1. 

inge  25  a  1,  75  b  5. 

ara  chül  iu  the  sense  of  the  usual  iarna  chül  31  b  21, 
112  b  3. 

Sg.  has  always  mar:  2  a  7,  9  a  8,  31a  9,  39  a  25,  47  b  6, 
53  a  7,  73  a  16,  76  a  2,  commonly  mda:  wa  2  a  7,  rncia  iOhl, 
150  b  1,5,  7ndo  45  a  15,  cf.  mdanu  45  a  12  (but  moa  68  b  3,  8, 
moo  197  all),  always  maam  147  a  3,  208  b  15  or  mdni  77  a  5. 

di  =  do:  40  all. 


Aspiration. 

As  in  Ml.  aspiration  is  foiind  in  a  number  of  cases  wliere 
it  is  absent  in  Wb.    Such  are: 

(a)  cid  dniailnide  nibes  checJitar  in  da  rann  202  b  3,  nandat 
diomsuidigtlii  201  b  12. 

(b)  ataat  clietnaidi  28  a  4,  hith  charactar  6  b  11,  citabiat 
chlüasa  3al,  amal  donadhat  chumachte  6  b  25,  arherr  chial  146  al, 
ni  taet  cliomsuidigud  197  a  4,  ni  gndth  cliomsuidigiid  201a  5,  gnim 
domsa  thindnacul  209  b  24. 

(c)  cenodfil  chotarsnataith  29  b  17,  ni  fil  cJmmtuhairt  lMh2, 
ni  fall  cJiumscugud  215  a  2  (contrast  46  a  15,  52  b  1),  ße  chöhnmdith 
29  b  13,  ße  choibniiis  151  b  7;  ndd  toirndet  folad  25  b  12,  cono- 
sciget  chenel  65  b  9,  fodalet  chenel  72  a  3,  4,  ni  fodlat  chenel 
197  a  21,  fodalet  chenel  198  b  2,  foilsigdde  phersin  200  b  6. 

(d)  Sg.  has  the  regulär  frecor  ceill  106  b  12,  frecoir 
cMll  35  a  12. 

(e)  asriibiur  frit  151  a  3,  cesu  chen  remsuidigud  78  b  2,  ni  dien 
dliged  75  a  1,  cJien  forhae  147  b  3,  challeic  31  b  22,  clienae  40  a  11, 
140  b  3,  151  bl,  203  bl,  212  all,  238  b  1. 

(f)  Aspiration  of  initial  consonant  in  relative  forms:  thcc- 
mongat  2  a  10,  sluindcs  25  b  17,  thechtas  26  a  6,  thucad  41  a  7, 
tUrüther  59  b  18,  theite  114b 2,  thcchtaite  179  b  2,  thechtas  221b  3. 
In  a  non- relative  form  cesu  in  er  theit  38  al;  cf.  is  do  thucad 
45  b  19,  77  b  5. 


488  J.  STRACHAN, 

(g)  After  ar:  air  thechtaid  18  a  3,  air  clieso  in  us 
conosna  206  a  3. 

(h)  The  following  may  siniply  be  noted  as  irregulär: 
rocruthaigsemmar  9  a  22  (if  the  dot  be  meant  to  indicate 
aspiration),  camaiph  thechtait  209  b  3  a. 

Sometimes  tlie  aspiration  is  not  expressed:  do  claind  16a 2, 
in  ciclasta  32  b  12,  don  comparit  40  a  8,  di  cotnparit  42  b  3,  in 
coniparatit[h]  44  a  4  (is  aspiration  neglected  in  the  foreign 
technical  term?),  ötim  54  a  18  (again  in  a  borrowed  word), 
treceneli  66  al,  trecoste  67  b  2,  bad  cartJii  148  a  2,  forcongair  161b  4. 

MoTeable  n, 

n  is  irregularly  added  in  indegaid  n  guttae  5  a  2,  indegaid 
h  De  101b  2;  regnlarly  indegaid  araile  7  a  4.  In  ni  ruba  nand 
3  b  28  n  is  again  irregulär ;  nand  has  obviously  spread  from 
instances  like  dobeir  t  n-and  3  b  5,  ar  atrebthach  n-and 
35  b  13,  In  0  necJitar  ndi  37  b  18,  hi  cechtar  ndi  42  b  5,  do 
chechtar  nhai  215  a  2  w  has  spread  from  the  nom.  and  acc.  to 
the  dat. 

Noteworthy  are  etar  n  di  rainn  2  b  2,  eter  n  äd  «uUa  45  b  19,  far  nöeh 
deilb  90  b  3,  for  nöin  n  deilb  201a  6.  In  73  b  1  tresi'igne  is  uudonbtedly  for 
tresin  ngne,  and  in  202  b  3  frismbiat  is  for  frisambiat.  In  the  same  way 
etar  t'i  di  rainn  etc.  are  apparently  for  etar  in  di  rainn  etc.  with  reduction 
of  the  article  between  the  preposition  and  the  noun. 


Declension. 
The  article. 

ind  and  in.  Before  unaspirated  consonants  in  is  found; 
exceptions  are  dind  trediu  3  b  14,  dind  deilb  5  a  5,  int  diruidigud 
36  bl,  ind  dwrscugud  40  a  10,  ind  telclmbi  180  al,  ind  tert- 
persan  208  a  4.  Ind  appears  before  aspirated  l,  r,  n,  in  before 
aspirated  m,  b,  ch,  g,  int  or  ind  before  s  (except  forsin  secJi 
168  a  3,  don  soilsi  183  b  3),  ind  before  a  vowel  or  /  (in  echlas 
33  b  5  and  in  ungainet  49  all  are  accusatives). 

For  Wb.  see  Pedersen,  Aspirationen  75  sqq.  The  difference  in  Sg.  is 
that  ind  never  appears  before  aspirated  m  and  b.  In  this  point  Ml.  agrees 
with  Sg. 

With  for  Sg.  has  always  forsan-  not  foran-:  forsa  cenelae 
8  a  13,  cf.  145  a  4,  148  a  9,  forsanairisedar  139  b  1,  cf.  161  b  4,  5, 


ON  THE  LANGUAGE  OF  THE  ST.  GALL  GLOBSES.      489 

200  a  7,  likewise  forsind  not  forind,  further  forsna  212  a  13, 
forsnaib  207  a  6  not  forna,  fornaib. 

In  tlie  nom.  pl.  na  miglit  seem  to  be  used  for  ind  in  na 
conipariti  40  b  14;  in  later  Irish,  however,  com/parit  and  superlait 
seera  to  have  become  fem.,  cf.  B.  Ball.  321  all,  12. 

In  the  dative  plural  there  appear  by  the  usual  forms: 

(a)  donab  189  b  9. 

(b)  forsna  huilib  212  a  13,  ocna  fothaircthib  217  a  4. 

The  noun. 

In  tlie  nom.  and.  acc.  plur.  of  neuter  o  stems  wliere  the 
noun  Stands  by  itself  tlie  longer  form  always  appears.  Witli 
the  article  the  short  form  is  the  more  frequent:  inna  nert  105  al, 
cf.  184  b  3,  202  a  5,  202  b  3,  217  a  8;  on  the  other  hand  inna 
toranda  4  a  1,  cf.  26  a  12,  203  a  10.  The  short  form  is  found 
with  a  numeral  in  se  tarmmorcenn  166  al;  the  word  is  botli 
masc.  and  neut. 

The  nom.  pl.  of  persan  is  persin  138  a  4,  197  a  15,  203  b  10. 
aimsir  157  b  3  is  peculiar;  it  is  possible  that  in  the  sense  of 
'tense'  aimser  formed  a  nom.  pl.  aimsir  like  persin,  but  unfortu- 
nately  the  instance  is  isolated. 

From  the  masc.  -u-  stem  guth  the  acc.  pl.  ilyotha  (nom. 
form)  197  all  is  noteworthy;  likewise  the  pl.  beiira  67  b  11  from 
the  neut.  bir. 

The  adjective. 

Acc.  pl.  retu  noiba  =  retii  nöibu  33  a  6. 

From  -i-  stems  gen.  sg.  fem.  diuite  168  a  3,  gen.  pl.  masc. 
diuite  21b  14,  arside  178  a 2,  3,  207a 2;  these  gen.  pl.  are  all 
used  substantivally  without  an  accompanying  noun. 

Along  with  a  noun  we  have  bemmen  n-indraice  in  an  old  text,  Rev. 
Celt.  XV,  489,  by  the  later  form  indraie  490,  491. 


The  pronoun. 
Personal  pronouns. 

Sg.  has  always  dorn,  1  a  6,  90  a  5,  209  b  24,  26. 
Sg.  has   dmt  173  b  2,   193  b  5,   197  b  10,  208  b  5,  209  b  30, 
once  dit  178  b  4,  once  daitsiu  2  a  7. 


490  J.    STRACHAN, 

Infixed  pronouiis. 

In  Sg.  from  tlie  natiire  of  tlie  subject  the  number  of  examples 
is  small.  In  fordomchomaither  139  b  2  the  form  is  tlie  same  as 
in  Wb.    remi-ta-tet  'which  precedes  tliem'  197  b  5  may  be  noted. 

Demonstrative  pronouns. 

From  side  suidib  sometimes  appears  for  suidiu :  lasuidib  4  a  9, 
212  b  16,  214  a  3,  frisuidih  61  a  6. 

-sem  is  commonly  found  for  -som  after  a  palatal  vowel  or 
a  palatalized  consonant:  mdibsem  5  a  4,  leissem  10  all,  -epersem 
14  a  5,  sluindithsem  30  a  2,  manubedsem  (sie.  leg.)  32  a  1,  asheirsem 
39  a  25,  cetbiiidsem  40  a  15,  döibsem  40  a  15,  doaibsem  50  a  3, 
dobeirsetn  76  b  2,  lessem  11  b  6,  laissem  149  b  4,  huadibsem  156  a  2, 
laisem  158  b  6,  gnndsem  199  a  5,  -tabairsem  202  a  3,  nibisem 
203  a  27,  foirsem  209  b  12,  dibsem  213  b  8.  Of  -som  in  a  similar 
Situation  tlie  examples  are:  lesom  5  a  10,  rongenairsom  31a  6, 
-suidigthesom  27  al,  innisom  59  all,  indibsom  139  a  2,  fondü- 
airsom  144  b  3,  samlaidsom  150  bl,  lesom  162  b  3,  hesoni  169  a  1, 
conetetsom  197  b  17,  conicsom  199  b  5,  triitsom  209  a  1. 

In  fuiri  sidi  199  a  5  we  have  an  isolated  instance  of  the 
use  of  side  which  becomes  common  in  later  Irish. 

se  =  inso :  4  b  12,  90  a  7,  201  a  3,  206  a  2.    inso  is  common. 

sin  =  insin:  1  b  14,  103  a  1,  138  b  2,  147  a  6,  150  b  1.  insin 
is  fi^equent  throughout  the  codex. 

cach,  properly  the  dat.  sg.  is  used  with  a  plm^al  in  6  cach 
tharmmorcnib  43  a  5  (cf.  Ml.  84  b  1);  contrast  hi  cacJia  jpersanaib 
208  a  11. 

Sg.  has  da  ar  neoch  217  a  5,  where  Ml.  has  cierniu  47  b  1, 
cierneo  101  a  4. 

neoch  is  the  form  regularly  in  use  as  the  dat.  of  ni  'thing'. 

The  verb. 
Relative  forms. 

Omission  of  relative  -n-:  cenmitha  fodailter  3  b  15  (contrast 
cenmitha  aranecatar  65  a  11),  uar  recar^)  45  b  1,  amal  adidchotatsat 
50  a  3,  arindi  nadbiat  39  a  25,  arindi  dodürget  68  b  9,  atwal  nobed 
32  al,  191a  5. 


')  robbi  iiar  recar  less  digbail  ind  folaid  'there  may  be  a  time  when  it 
is  necessary  to  diminish  the  substance'.    The  use  of  the  nom.  digbäil  here 


ON  THE  LANGUAGE  OF  TUE  ST.  GALL  GLOSSES.       491 

In  rombi  98  b  2  the  reason  for  the  -n-  is  not  clear.  Can  it  be  meant 
for  oratio  obliqua,  '(he  says)  that  there  cannot  be'?  Tliere  is  likewise  a 
peculiar  nse  of  the  dependent  naich  in  20  al.  In  rtwal  iidondfoirde  26  b  12, 
if  the  text  be  sound,  -n-  is  not  only  iniixed  but  also  prefixed. 

For  as-  assa  appears  in  relative  forms  (KZ.  XXXV,  377). 
In  Sg.  assa-  is  sometimes  found  in  non-relative  forms:  assagnintar 
29  a  3,  asagninfar  29  a  3,  197  b  4,  209  b  13,  210  a  10,  asagninaim 
146  b  16,  CO  asagnoither  180  b  2,  assafiiid  221  b  4. 

Compound  yerbs. 

Sometimes  ad-  appears  wliere,  in  accordance  with  tlie  old 
iisage,  ass-  miglit  liave  been  expected  (cf.  CZ.  III,  601):  adru- 
hartmar  197  b  16,  adidchotatsat  50  a  3,  adindchonilat  212  b  7. 

Conjugation. 

Deponent  forms. 

samlaid  for  samlaidir  150  b  1  is  remarkable.  In  the  1.  sg. 
pres.  ind.  of  derivative  verbs  in  -ig-  tlie  active  form  is  very 
common  in  Sg-.;  the  instances  will  be  found  in  my  paper  on  the 
Deponent  verb  p.  99  (Transactions  of  the  London  Philological 
Society  1894).  But  as  Thurneysen  has  pointed  out,  KZ.  XXXVII,  95, 
the  active  is  the  rule  in  the  absolute  form  of  such  derivative  verbs. 

The  Infinitive. 

The  nominative  of  the  Infinitive  is  replaced  by  the  dative 
in  dighail  45  b  1,  7,  immgabaü  59  a  13,  imcaisin  54  a  6,  tuarcain 
184  b  3,  mimacaldaim  200  b  7,  etarceirt  207  b  9,  taidhse  211  b  4. 

The  participle  of  necessity. 

eclastai  is  found  at  27  a  15  for  the  older  ecailsi  Ml.  15  d  7, 
similarly  tinfesti  17  b  7. 

Substantive  verh  and  copula. 

Yov-feil  fall  is  sometimes  found  in  the  earlier  portion  of 
the  codex  4  a  12,  6  b  2,  25,  26  b  7,  28  a  14,  32  a  1,  37  b  19,  88.  3, 
and  also  in  215  a  2. 


shews  that  roiccim  less  has  become  fused  together  and  is  treated  as  a  Single 
Word,  cf.  CZ.  IV,  67,  nad  recar  les  Sg.  198b6,  recamni  a  les  em  ar  curaid 
LU.  107a  47,  recmdit  a  les  südigud  j  ordugud  cach  rechta  LU.  118  a  29, 
rosnecam  a  less  LU.  62  a  23,  irrichtain  a  les  LU.  32  a  16. 


492      J.  STRACHAN,   THE  LANGUAGE  OF  THE   ST.  GALL  GLOSSES. 

Where  Wb.  has  rongab  etc.,  Ml.  has  commonly  rondgah  etc. 
Sg.  has  rongab  65  b  3,  71  all,  12,  71b  10,  11,  158  b  3,  159  b  5, 
172  b  1,  rondgab  71  a  8,  75  b  2,  190  b  6,  214  b  1. 

Sg.  has  usually  cesu,  ceso  21  a  1,  38  a  1,  41  b  10,  59  a  6, 
75  a  5,  78  b  2,  90  a  5,  91a  3,  137  b  2,  158  a  2,  203  a  23,  206  a  3, 
217  b  12,  but  ciaso  211b  7. 

For  ba  bd  appears  69  a  20,  115  bla,  117  a  5,  185  b  4,  as 
often  in  later  MSS. 

Pres t wich.  J.  Strachan. 


THE  GAELIC  DIALECTS. 

(Continuation.) 


in. 

Nasalization. 

A  nasal  consonant,  whetlier  it  precede  or  follow,  nasalizes 
a  vowel,  but  in  N.  Inverness  and  as  far  North  as  Sutherlaud, 
nasalization  is  in  some  cases  wrongly  inserted;  e.  g.  a  Perth 
man  may  easily  spot  a  North  Invernessian  from  the  N.  Inv. 
nasalized  prommciation  of  uaigh  'grave'  as  uai  for  ua-i(g)  due 
to  confusion  with  tiamJi  'cave',  which  in  N.  I.  either  sounds  the 
'v'  final  or  tends  to  take  the  diminutive  form  ua-ak  (uamhag). 
In  combinations  with  cha'n  'not',  an  'the'  -f  a  word  with  vocalic 
anlaut,  nasalization  is  feit  e.  g.  in  N.  Inv.  though  not  in  Colonsay 
etc.  in  fiax  (flach,  feuch)  'try',  fiaxan  (fiachan)  debts,  but 
xan-iiax-6  (cha'n  fhiach  e),  it  is  n't  worth;  oica  (oidhehe)  'night', 
but  occasionally  it  may  be  heard  with  very  faint  nasalization 
due  perhaps  to  n  of  the  article  :  this  word  for  'night'  sounds 
ii-9  (parts  of  Munster),  iice  (Connaught  and  a  great  part  of 
Munster)  but  oece  and  oic9,  with  distinct  nasalization  are  pro- 
nunciations  I  have  got  from  an  Irishman  for  Louth  and  Monaghan; 
Mr.  Staples  marks  it  nasal  for  Deeside  and  also  for  the  West 
Highlands,  and  for  Kerry.  In  N.  Inv.  it  is  distinctly  wow- nasal, 
but  the  adverb  an  noclid  (an  •  noxk)  is  always  nasal.  Whatever 
nasality  is  heard  in  this  word  is  imported  into  it.  The  n  in 
the  Old  Gaelic  phrase  cach  naidche  miglit  account  for  the  slight 
nasality  of  some  districts;  an  -a-ic  tomorrow- night  but  an 
•oic-a-roir  (an  oidhehe  romh  raoir),  'the  night  before  last', 
where  nasality  is  imported  into  'raoir'  fi'om  the  preceding 
'romh'  which  is  itself  elided.  So  too  in  the  case  of  oidhehe, 
where  the  Old  Gaelic  forms  adaig,  aidche,  oidche,  have  no  n. 

Zeitschrift  f.  celt.  Philologie  IV.  32 


494  GEORGE   HENDERSON, 


Obs.  English  as  spoken  by  the  eider  generation,  specially 
in  Sutlierland,  is  perceptibly  nasalized  on  the  Gaelic 
basis:  night,  knee,  keen;  so  too  the  Gaelic  for  Reay 
Parish  (Sgire  Mhiorra),  almost  vjü?^rra:  the  oldest 
wiitten  form  occurs  in  Mac  Viirich  (Rel.  Celt.  by 
Cameron  II,  176,  3)  as  morbhair  meghrath  =  Lord 
Reay.  In  the  same  Ms.  Mac  Vnrich  writes  cäislen 
mhioghäre  =^  Mingarry  Castle.  If  the  suggested  ety- 
mology  of  'the  piain  of  the  fort'  is  to  be  accepted, 
on  a  par  with  Moyra  =  Magh  Rath,  the  nasalization, 
it  niust  be  said,  is  stronger  than  I  should  have  expected, 
and  the  quality  of  the  m  points  unmistakeably  to  a 
light  vowel  having  followed  upon  it. 

Reay    irrün,    daughter    for    inigliean    and    the 

Colonsay  (iorrli)  for  ionnsuigh,  are  good  examples  of 

nasalization  even  when  n  has  been  changed  into  r. 

De -nasalization  occurs  in  N.  I.  e.  g.  -so  for  samh  (sa  or  sav) 

smell,  odour,  perfume,  —  in  N.  Inv.  not  restricted  to  'ill-odour'. 

The  etymology  is  not  certain  and  possibly  the  word  ought  never 

to  have  nasalization,  as  is  the  case  with  famh  (fav)  mole  = 

fadhbh  (Lhuyd's  Arch.  Brit.),  Cymric,   gwadd.     In  N.  I.  it  is 

always  'fah'. 

The  Morvern  (oeoelica)  =  adhlaiceadh  for  N.  Inv.  (aulica), 
thus  preserving  the  nasality  of  0.  Ir.  adnocul  'sepulcrum', 
adhnaiceadh  in  Keating,  is  another  instance;  so  too  is  a  pronun- 
ciation  of  Alness  (a  loan  from  Norse  andnes,  a  point  of  land  or 
promontory)  as  (a-anal)  where  the  1  shows  the  vowel  'breaking'. 
A  very  common  instance  is  anns  'in'  shortened  into  as  without 
any  nasal  in  the  foUowing: 

(1)  as  mo  (do  etc.)  dheidh  'after  me',  0.  Ir.  i  n-dead  after 

Is  t'fheara  luthmhor  astarach 
Gun  airsneal  as  do  dheidh. 

(2)  as  a  deidh  'after  her'  (as  a  d^ei) 

—  the  e  being  half-long. 

(3)  With  deidh  it  is  universal  and  in  parts  of  Uist,  Skye, 
W.  Ross,  Reay  it  is  used  in  other  words.  as  a  chadal  'in  his 
sleep'  for  the  usual  'na  chadal.  nam  faiceadh  duine  grund 
chaorach  as  a  chadal  theireadh  e  gur  e  na  h-ainglean  bhiodh 
ann  ==  if  a  man  saw  a  lot  of  sheep  in  his  sleep  he  would  say 
that  they  were  angels  (Eriskay  Folklore). 


THE  GAELIC  DIALECTS.  495 

Tha  thu  nis  as  Luirg  (ha  u  nif  as  luroe-ic)  =  thou 

art  now  in  Lairg-. 
Tha  thu  fhathast-ich  as  diithaich  Ic  Aoidh  =  thou 
art  still  in  the  Mackay  Country  (ha  u  ;ha-8stic 
as  :du-ic  ic  ;ii). 
Chunna'  mi  as  mo  chadal  e  =  I  saw  him  in.  my  sleep 
(huna  mi  as  mo  xadal  e). 
The  last  three  instances  I  have  lieard  in  the  Reay  Country 
and  they  are  at  first  perplexing,  but  when  one  hears  anns  poll, 
anns   oisiun,   anns   uaigh,   anns   Diüirinis,   annsa  Bail-na-Cille 
(=  in  Balnakiel)  used  in  the  Ml  form  by  others  where  one 
would  use  am,  an,  's  an,  an,  am  one's  seif,  one  sees  we  have 
simply  a  denasalized  form  of  anns  and  no  idiomatic  use  of  as 
(=  es)  'out  of  in  sense  of  Latin  ex. 

Ghabh  mi  as  läimh  e  =:  I  took  it  in  hand,  I  under- 

took  it  (sa  mi  as  laai  e). 
Mar  a  chunnaic  mi  as  m'öige  =  as  I  saw  in  my 

youth. 
In  other  phrases  I  have  noted  as  preserves  the  nasal, 
as  a  choillidh  (as  a  xoli)  4n  the  wood',  versus 
£S  a  xoli  'out  of  the  wood';   air  tuiteam  as  a 
chlaisidh  'having   stumbled  in  the  furrow'  (er 
tutlem  as  a  xlafi)  Eriskay. 
Uist  sometimes  reduplicates  the  nasalized  form:    chuir  ise 
seo  na  fuaintean  ann  as  talamh  =  she  thereupon  put  the  posts 
(wooden  pins)  into  the  earth. 

Inversion. 

In  most  parts  of  the  Highlands  save  in  Arran,  in  parts  of 
Cintyre  in  a  few  words,  Sutherland,  Lewis  r  in  rt,  rd  combinations 
becomes  changed  into  an  inverted  s  i.  e.  s  with  the  'inversion- 
modifier',  the  point  of  the  tongue  being  turned  back  towards 
the  soft  palate  as  in  Portuguese.  For  N.  Inv.  I  transcribe  this 
as  rl  e.  g.  ort  'on  tliee'  (orlf);  mart  'cow'  (marlf).  It  is  in 
reality  one  sound.  Frequently  as  in  Tiree,  lona,  S.  of  Mull, 
W.  Skye,  parts  of  Uist  and  Harris  it  becomes  simple  voiceless  s; 
also  in  Benbecula:  (e  'son,  •es-8n)  for  airson  'for  the  sake  of. 
N.  Inverness  and  Kintail  agree  with  Tiree  in  such  a  phrase  as 
an   gest   uair   for   an   ceart  uair  'this   very  moment  or  hour', 

32* 


496  GEORGE   HENDERSON, 

locally  in  N.  Inv.  'soon  hereafter,  shortly'.  N.  Argyll  says  (a?; 
•cjarlt  ar);  cf.  the  colloquial  os  'quoth'  general  all  over  Gaeldom 
for  ors  (or£),  The  r  in  tliese  cases  is  trilled  and  voiceless  with 
a  glide  after  it  wliich  develops  into  f.  The  treatment  of  the 
glide  in  this  combination  in  the  districts  excepted  above  is  on 
a  par  with  the  treatment  of  the  giides  before  the  tenues  and 
the  lack  of  diphthongization  before  nn,  11,  mm  in  these  dialects. 
Inversion  may  be  briefly  described  as  a  retracted  s,  the  point- 
tongue  being  taken  from  the  s-position  to  the  back  of  the  arch 
and  trilled,  and  is  met  with  in  Lowland  Scottish  English. 

Obs.  Trotternish,  Skye,  is  one  of  the  few  Inverness  group 
of  dialects  that  lack  this  rst  development  of  rt  while 
it  agrees  with  N.  Inv.  mainland  in  eliding  medial 
intervocaüc  mh,  bh,  e.  g.  (la-an)  'hands'  =  lämhan. 

The  Consonants. 

The  aspirate  (h)  is  got  by  assuming  the  position  for  any 
vowel  and  by  emitting  breath  without  at  the  same  time  producing 
any  voice  sound.  The  Gaelic  (h)  has  not  the  decrescendo  effect 
of  English  h,  but  is  pronounced  shortly  and  in  case  a  vowel 
follows  it  is  immediately  connected  therewith.  The  Gaelic 
aspirate  occurs  in  the  following  positions: 

(1)  In  the  strong  emission  of  breath  which  follows  the 
voiceless  stops  which  are  thus  properly  tenues  aspiratae  in 
contradistinction  to  the  simple  voiceless  stops 

tana  thin         thana 

tarbh  bull  tharav,  thara 

tinn  sick         trijnn. 

(2)  In  the  strong  emission  of  breath  which  precedes  all 
voiceless  stops  which  represent  double  voiceless  consonants  follow- 
ing upon  Short  vowels.  In  the  case  of  gutturals  h  becomes  x, 
c,  while  before  p  it  seems  to  be  developed  by  analogy 


at 

swell 

aht' 

0.  Ir. 

att 

cat 

cat 

khaht' 

E.  Ir. 

catt 

brat 

mantle 

pbraht ' 

0.  Ir. 

bratt 

slat 

rod,  twig,  yard 

skht' 

M.  Ir. 

slatt 

boc 

a  bück 

pboxk' 

0.  Ir. 

bocc 

mac 

son 

maxk' 

0.  Ir. 

macc 

sop 

a  wisp 

shohp' 

E.  Ir. 

sopp 

THE   GAELIC  DIALECTS.  497 

ceap       a  block,  last         chalip'  E.  Ir.  cepp 

(from  Latin  cippus) 
glac       to  seize  kglaxk'       M.  Ir.  glaccad 

biit  also  glacaim;  due,  possibly,  to  imstressed  position  or  in- 
consistency  on  tlie  scribe's  part.  E.  Ir.  glacc  'hand,  handful'  is 
now  glaic  (kgkicc'). 

NB.  Reay,  Arran,  Cintyre  are  exceptions  to  this  rule.    As 
to  treatment  see  under  tlie  respective  stops. 

(3)  After  na  forms  of  the  article 

na  h-eöin  tlie  birds  no  hjoon 

na  h-itean         the  featliers         na  hihtlan 
na  h-aoise         of  the  age  na  hAAla 

na  h-uile  every,  all  na  hub 

(4)  After  the  negative  iii  which,  however,  is  now  but 
rarely  used  in  the  Highlands,  outside  of  the  Scriptures 

ni  h-eadh         no,  it  is  not         ni  hjcej, 

iii  hej. 

(5)  After  gu  ma  =  gu  m-badh,  gu  m-hudh,  co  m-had  where 
the  verb  Substantive  suffers  nasal  infection,  offen  termed  'eclipsis', 
and  the  final  elided  aspirated  consonant  is  still  maintained  as 
an  aspirate: 

gu  ma  h-£  dha  sin  =  may  that  be  so,  so  be  it,  may 
that  be  so  to  him  kgu  ma  ;h££  5a  -Am 

gu  ma  h-eibhinn  duibh  =  happy  may  you  be  kgu  ma 
;heevin  :dui 

gu  ma  h-ann  mar  sin  a  bhios  =  so  may  it  be!  -kgu 
-ma  :han  -mar  •fin  -a  ;vi-es. 
NB.  After  the  preterite  hha  'was'  the  aspirate  is  not  used. 

(6)  After  the  imperative  particle  of  negation  (na)  when 
followed  by  a  word  with  vocalic  initial 

na  h-abair  e  =  do  not  say  it      na  ;hap9r  -e 
na  h-öl  e        =  don't  drink  it      na  ;hool'  -f. 

(7)  After  gur  in  stressed  position. 

Thuirt  e  gur  h-e  bh'ann  =  he  said  that  it  was  he 
hurtl  £  kgar  •,h£f  -vaimn. 
But  before  the  emphatic  suffix  fhein  'seif  the  use  of  the 
aspirate    before   the   unstressed   e  is   optional   and   it   may  be 
dropped. 

Thuirt  e  gur  e- fhein  bh'ann  =  he  said  that  it  was 
he  himself  hurtl  :f  kgar  s  ;heen  9  :van. 


498  GEOEGE   HENDERSON, 

(8)  In  the  preterite  tenses  of  verbs  wliere  tlie  usual  Script 
has  fh  as  in  last  example,  as  also  sh-,  fh- 

shaoil  mi  I  thonglit  'IiaaI  -mi 

shaoil  liom        methouglit         hAAbm 
fhuair  mi  I  got  'huuaf  -mi, 

(9)  Always  in  the  emphatic  fhein  'seif:  mi  fhein  (mi  'heen) 
'myself ;  and  in  fhathast  'yet'  (•hah-8st'). 

(10)  Often  in  words  where  the  Script  shows  ch  initially 
chugam  'to  me'  hukem 

cha  deach'  mi  [^  ^^^^  ^^^         ^«  '^^«^  "^i 
[I  did  n't  go 

chunnaic  mi       I  saw  'hunic  -mi. 

NB.  It  is  noticeable  that  the  usual  on-glide  is  absent  before 

the  final  consonant  of  the  verb  in  this  last  example, 

which  formerly  had  an  r  before  the  c  (adcondarc), 

whereas  in  other  words  this  glide  is  present  e.  g. 

ruic        ^  frolic  rruicc' 

l  obstreperous  fun 
reic  buy  rreice 

tüainic     loosen,  untie  tuuanicc'. 

(11)  Generally  after  an  dara 

's  an  dara  h-äit  =^  in  the  second  place  san  dara  *  haatf. 

(12)  It  is  absent  after  cho  'as'  used  in  making  comparisons. 

(13)  In  the  ordinals  a  h-aon,  a  h-ochd  used  without  the  noun. 

(14)  When  a  noun  is  used  after  a  thrl,  a  sKia,  a  sJieacM  &c.  e.  g. 
a  thri  la  gus  an  diu  =  three  days  ago  8  hrii  Ihaha 

kgus  dn  d^u  (d^ju) 
a   sheachduin   gus   an   raoir   =   a   week   last   night 
8  hjaxkan  kgus  an  roir. 

(15)  In  words  with  initial  vowel  (a,  o,  u,  e,  i)  after  the 
feminine  personal  pronoun  a  'her' 

a  h-athair  her  father  a  'hahar' 
a  'ha  -r. 

(16)  After  the  masculine  personal  pronoun  a  'his'  when 
foUowed  by  nouns  with  s,  t  initially 

a  sliüil        'his  eye'  a  'huul 

a  thäl         'his  adze'        a  hij^l. 

NB.  The  case  of  the  liquids  1,  n,  r  will  be  considered  in 
theii'  place. 


THE    GAELIC   DIALECTS. 


499 


(17)  After  di  'day'  in  Dihaoine  'Friday'  lit.  'day  of  fast' 

-d^i  'liAAne. 

(18)  In  North  Inverness  shire  in  tliose  parts  of  the  pre- 
positional  pronouns  (viz.  S"""^-  sg.  f.  and  3^<^-  pl.)  which  lack  the 
p-forms  of  other  dialects  and  have  in  Heu  thereof  a  sharp 
stressed  aspirate. 


N.  Inv. 

Ciirrent  Script 

bhoithe 

•  voih-h8 

fi'om  her 

bhuaipe,  uaipe 

bhuatha 

• vuah-ha 

fi'om  them 

bhuapa 

foithe 

•  foih-h9 

under  her 

foipe 

roimhe 

•  rhoih-h9 

before  her 

roimpe 

romha 

• rhoh-ha 

before  them 

romhpa,  rompa. 

In  the  prepositional  pronouns  an  aspirated  stressed  -se,  -siu 
Suffix  is  combined  with  the  preposition.  This  is  further  considered 
under  the  pronouns.  Many  dialects  thi'ough  mistaken  analogy 
wrongly  introduce  p  in  uaipe,  uapa,  foipe,  fopa. 

Obs.    Initial    Indo  -  European    p    is    in    Old    Gaelic    often 
represented  by  h: 

uidh  'a  Journey',  0.  Ir.  huide  'profectio',  cognate  possibly 
with  L.  pes,  Skr.  padya,  E.  foot. 

uüe  'all',  0.  Ir.  huile,  Gr.  jcoXXoq  'many'. 

uamhann  'fear',  0.  Ir.  höman,  Gr.  7crj[ia  (v.  Pedersen, 
Asp.  i  Irsk  p.  129). 

uiridh  'last  year',  0.  Ir.  on  hurid  'ab  anno  priore' 

Gr.   JC8QVTI. 

iodhlann  corn-yard,  0.  Ir.  hetho,  gen.  of  hith  'corn', 

cognate  with  Skr-Zend  pitu. 
Eireann,  'Ireland',   0.  Ir.  Heriu,   cognate  with  Skr. 

pTvari  'fat',  Gr.  jtuQia  the  Grecian  seat  of  the 

Muses,  jiicov  fat  (Stokes). 

This  transition  of  p  to  h  Pedersen  compares  with  the 
corresponding  case  in  Armenian.  In  Gaelic  amharus  'suspicion' 
0.  Ir.  amairess  =  an  +  hiress  'want  of  faith'  n  became  m 
before  p  as  noted  in  the  last  edition  of  Brugmann's  Comparative 
Grammar. 

(19)  th  medial  often  serves  only  to  indicate  a  disyllable  as 
in  latha  'day'  but  it  is  sonnded  as  h  when  stressed:  ithidh 
'eat  ye',  which  is  the  colloquial  form  in  N.  Inverness  for  the 


500  GEORGE  HENDEESON, 

Biblical  ithibh,  soimds  as  ('ili-i).  Also  in  stressed  finals:  ag  ith 
eating  (:9C  'ih)  and  often  (h)  becomes  c  (9C  'ic);  cf.  dialects 
where  -dh  final  becomes  (c,  x).  Medially  in  stress  after  short 
vowels  it  is  invariably  present:  'se  bhrathadh  thu  'tis  he  who 
would  betray  thee  (-le  -vrah-as  :u). 

(20)  It  occurs  before  ann  wbere  it  Stands  for  tha  'is': 
de  th'ann  'wliat  is  it?,  what's  up?'    d7,e-d  ;liaunn. 
's  e  th'ann  'it  is  he'    'le-o  ;haimn. 

But  cha'ti  eil  aon  an  ann  an  a  current  phrase  in  N.  Inv. 
for  'there's  really  nobody,  -there's  not  a  Single  soiü  there' 

-xan  :el  ;AAn  "cen  -an  'oenh' 
(pronounced  with  a  rising  inflection  of  voice  marked). 

(21)  After  le:  trom  le  h-äl  'heavy  with  progeny';  äl 
would  have  had  p  in  Indo-Germanic  if  cognate  with  0.  H.  G. 
fasel  'proles' 

le  h-aithreachas  with  repentance  le  'harrax-es  (the 
root  being  prek  as  in  Latin  precor,  Ger.  fragen). 
In  some  cases  usage  is  unfixed  and  analogy  has  been  at 
work.  The  Bible  has  le  h-ordaihh  'with  hammers'  where  the 
colloquial  in  N.  Inv.  and  elsewhere  is  le  üird\  le  h-iolaich  mhoir 
'with  a  great  shout'  is,  apart  from  the  Bible,  le  iolacli  mor  in 
N.  Inv.;  le  h-aoibhneas  'with  joy'  is  commonly  without  (h): 
l£  -oivnes  (with  the  o  of  the  diphthong  half  long). 

(22)  After  gu  (1)  in  adverbial  phrases:  gu  h-olc  'badly'; 
gu  h-obann  'suddenly';  gu  h-iarganach;  gu  h-ainnis  bochd; 
gu  h-eucoireach;  gu  h-ärd;  gu  h-Tosal;  gu  h-ealamh;  gu 
h-iomlan;  gu  h-aingidh;  gu  h-urramach;  gu  h-aithghearr  (-kgu 

liaic  :arr).  (2)  When  a  noun  follows  gu  the  Scripture  Version 
keeps  the  aspirate  e.  g.  läidir  gu  h-obair  (laad^ir  kgu  'hopar) 
strong  for  labour;  na  cuir  gu  h-amhluadh  näire  mi  'do  not  put 
me  to  confusion  of  shame'. 

Its  use  in  these  instances  colloquially  is  not  essential. 
Likewise,  when  gu  signifies  'motion  to'  it  may  be  used,  but  its 
use  is  optional 

thainig  e   gu  h-Ealasaid  =  he  came  to  Elizabeth 

:haanic  -s  -kgu  ;hjala-sad^ 
gu  h-iomall  an  domhain  =  to  the  boundary  of  the  world 
-kgu  "hjUmal-an  'doh-in 


THE   GAELIC   DIALECTS.  501 

h  after  a,  gu,  le,  ri  represents  a  lost  consonant  and 

colloquially    is    usually    absent    save    after   gu 

+  adverb  with  vowel  initial. 

It  is  very  often  absent  in  such  a  plirase  as  o  äite  gu  aite 

*from   place    to    place'    but    my   own    usage   is   to   retain   tlie 

aspirate  liere: 

-0  'aaUd  :kgu  •,\iaaUd. 

(23)  It  is  frequently  absent  after  the  preposition  a  'out  of: 
a  amhgliair  'out  of  distress'  £  •  aa- jar.    Yet  it  occui's 

with  it. 

(24)  In  the  vocative  A  Thig-hearna  —  0  Lord 

a  •hiia-9rna. 
But  in  the  vocative  case  (as  well  as  in  the  accusative)  of 
the  2'^'^  pers.  pronoun  it  is  absent. 

0  Thu-sa  dh'eisdeas  ürnuig-h  =  0  Thou  who  hearest 
prayer  :o  ;u-sa  ;jeef-d^as  :imrn-ij. 

(25)  In  the  dative  case  of  nouns  beginning  with  t: 

mar  theangaldh  nathrach  ==  like  a  serpent's  tongue 
-mar  •heni  'nalirax. 

(26)  In  -th  final  of  the  stressed  prefix  ath  'again'  athchuinge 
'  supplication '  •  ah  -  xina 

also  axicd. 

(27)  In  substantives  with  initial  t  after  do  'thy'  do  thoil 
thy  will  tdo  'hol'. 

(28)  After  da  'how'  followed  by  adjectives  with  vowel 
initial  and  used  adverbially: 

t'ainm-sa  cia  h-uasal  £  =  Thy  name  how  excellent  it  is! 
•thfinem-sa  :ch£  'luma-sar  ;«£. 

(29)  After  ri  used  adverbially:  ri  h-uchd  gäbhaidh  'in  the 
breast  of  danger,  encountering  or  breasting  danger' 

ri  'buxli'  ;kgaavi 
uchd  ri  h-uchd  breast  to  breast  (-uxk-ri  ;huxk'). 

Obs.  In  cases  of  nasal  infection  suffice  it  here  to  note  that 
the  aspirate  is  absent  in  phrases  such  as 
gun    fhios    domh    =    without    my    knowledge    kgun 

•is  'tdoh 
o'n  fhear  a  b'öige  gu  ruige  'n  fhear  bu  shine  =  from 
the  youngest  to  the  eldest  o  n' er  a  ;pooi-c9  kgu 
•rruica  n"£r  pu  ;hm8, 


502  GEORGE  HENDERSON, 

A  sentence  like  the  foUowing  exemplifies  the  niceties  of 
aspiration^  vowel  lengtli  and  diphthongization : 

tlia  tlm  ann  :=  tliou  art  there  -ha  -u  'aiin' 

tha  sliügh  ann  =  it  contains  its  juice,  it's  juicy  -ha 
•huu  -an'. 
Throat-Consonant.  The  throat-stop-lbreath(')  known  as  the 
glottal  stop,  the  'fester  einsatz'  which  precedes  every  initial 
vowel  in  Standard  German,  I  have  not  put  into  the  table  as  in 
Gaelic  its  pronunciation  is  confined  chiefly  to  some  Glasgow 
Higlilanders  who  may  he  influenced  by  the  local  Lowland 
dialect  of  'Scotch'.  Where  it  is  heard  elsewhere  it  may  be 
regarded  as  an  individual  peculiarity,  easily  produced  by  closing 
and  re-opening  the  glottis  with  an  explosion  of  breath  as  in  a 
slight  coughing,  but  less  forcible,  After  the  prononn  a  'his' 
nouns  whose  initial  is  a  vowel  and  which  are  emphatic,  although 
without  the  emphatic  suffix  -sa  added  to  them,  seem  to  have 
with  a  few  Speakers  a  slight  glottal  stop  or  clear  beginning  to 
replace  the  emphatic  suffix 

thuii^t   'athair   ris  =  his   father   said   to   him  hurtl 
'ali'ir  hril 

thug  e  dhomh  'ine  =  he  gave  me  his  ink  buk  s 

The  Tenues  Aspiratae.  Tenues  are  of  two  distinct  sorts  in 
Modern  Gaelic  (1)  Tenues  Aspiratae,  (2)  Tenues  proper.  Initially 
the  Tenues  Aspiratae  correspond  so  far  as  regards  their  character 
as  'aspii^atae'  to  the  Danish  h,  t,  p\  Gaelic  (p)  to  the  Standard 
German  (p)  preceding  an  accented  vowel,  or  final  (p)  foUowing 
one,  when  they  are  pronounced  with  a  forcible  emission  of 
breath,  which  in  Gaelic  is  yet  more  forcible;  Gaelic  (t),  so  far 
as  regards  aspiration,  to  German  (t)  in  Thal  ' Valley'.  German 
(t)  is  produced  by  momentarily  pressing  the  point  of  the  tongue 
(N.  Ger.)  or  part  of  the  tongue  blade  (S.  Ger.),  —  the  upper 
surface  of  the  tongue- front  immediately  behind  the  point,  — 
against  the  roots  of  the  upper  teeth.  In  producing  the  broad- 
front- dental  Gaelic -sounds  (ta,  da,  nn,  n,  11,  1)  a  spreading  of 
the  point  of  the  tongue  against  the  upper  teeth  is  necessary 
with  the  back  of  the  tongue  at  the  same  time  slightly  raised, 
and  in  some  dialects  the  sounds  are  produced  in  the  interdental 
Position.  This  is  the  case  very  distinctly  in  North  Inverness. 
In   Ireland    (Connaught)    Mr.  Lecky   found    that   the   peculiar 


THE   GAELIC   DIALECTS.  503 

character  of  the  'broad'  t  and  d,  tliough  often  described  as 
interdental,  "could  be  preserved  in  the  inverted  position  and 
seemed  tlierefore  to  have  no  necessary  connexion  with  the 
teeth:  it  was  perhaps  diie  to  sideward  spreading  of  the  tongue 
like  a  fan.  A  similar  formation  was  found  in  the  'slender'  t 
and  d,  which  were  not  point  but  outer  front  consonants.  Also  in 
the  'broad'  II  and  nn,  but  combined  in  these  cases  with  subsidiary 
action  of  the  back  of  the  tongue.  In  the  'slender'  II  and  nn 
the  front  and  point  actions  were  equally  streng  and  practically 
simultaneous"  (Philological  Society's  Proceedings  XVIII).  The 
dentals  however  in  N.  Inverness  have  more  of  an  outer  modified 
character  than  they  have  in  Galway.  In  this  view  I  am  con- 
firmed  by  a  remark  of  Mr.  0'  Foharty,  author  of  Siamsa  An 
GJieimhridh,  who  as  we  were  carrying  on  a  Gaelic  conversation 
suddenly  remarked  to  me  that  I  must  have  been  speaking 
Italian  from  the  quality  of  my  dentals.  I  perceived  the  difference 
between  us  ere  he  had  remarked  on  it.  Though  the  peculiar 
character  of  these  consonants  may  be  approximately  preserved 
in  the  inverted  position  in  Ireland  and  also  in  parts  of  Scot- 
land,  the  natural  position  the  tongue  takes  in  N.  Inv.  and  in 
most  of  the  Scottish  Highlands  is  that  indicated  by  the  inter- 
dental modifier. 

When  the  negative  prefix  eu,  which  Stands  for  an-,  is 
prefixed  to  words  which  as  absolute  Initials  would  have  one  of 
the  tenues  asjpiratae,  the  resultant  sound  is  a  pure  tenuis.  In 
the  modern  script  some  uncertaiuty  is  feit  as  to  how  this  pure 
tenuis  is  to  be  written;  e.  g.  (eekal)  or  (eekal')  as  in  N.  Inv. 
is  written  sometimes  eucail,  sometimes  eugail  'disease'  fi^om 
an  +  cäil.  Again  (eekor)  mischief,  evil,  fi\  an  +  cöir,  eucoir, 
but  if  the  Word  is  feit  to  be  a  distinct  Compound  then  the 
original  strong  breath  off-glide  is  retained:  (ee  -khoor)  eu-cöir, 
'non-righteous';  (ee  -kholünta)  eucomhlionta,  'non-perfect',  'im- 
perfecta   There  is  no  nasality  in  the  (o)  here  in  N.  Inv. 

NB.  Mr.  Staples  writes  c  in  eucoir  'evil'  with  a  glide  before 

it;   it  has  usually  no  glide  before  it  after  {eii-)  for 

(an-)  while  it  has  the  strong  off-breath  glide  after  it 

only  when  the  word  is  feit  as  a  Compound. 

After  the  definite  art.  an  the  strong  off -breath  glide  after 

t  initial  falls  away  e.  g.  (thalu  —  N.  Inv.;  thalav  —  Argyll) 

talamh,  'earth',  but  (an  talu)  the  earth^  in  the  case  of  i?  a 


504  GEORGE   HENDERSON, 

slight  off-breath  glide  seems  to  make  itself  heard:  (phiiüp')  piob, 
'a  pipe',  but  (am  piiüparö)  am  piobaire  Hhe  piper';  here,  as 
also  in  combinations  such  as  j^h  P'*'  initial  (plaai,  prool)  pläigh, 
pröis,  'plague',  'pride',  the  escape  of  breath  is  very  slight  and 
not  so  strong  as  in  Danish  or  in  Standard  German.  It  is 
equally  slight  when  these  tenues  are  followed  by  a  short  vowel: 
(puli)  pulaidh,  'a  turkey';  cuir  (kur)  imperative  =  put  &c.  but 
in  ag  cur  'putting,  sowing',  owing  to  accent  stress  k  has  got  a 
Ml  strong  off-breath  glide  (a  -khur);  likewise  in  (a?^-hooni)  an 
cömhnuidh  'always';  (kharepat')  carbad  'chariot'  but  (na?^ 
•harapatav)  na'n  carbadaibh  'in  their  chariots';  (a;y*haal')  an 
cäl  'the  kail,  cabbage';  when  the  stress  is  very  slight,  however, 
7}\i  becomes  kg  i.  e.  the  peculiar  Gaelic  guttural  stop  which  is 
neither  entirely  voiceless  nor  yet  whoUy  voiced  but  which 
begins  with  breath  and  ends  with  voice:  (-a  :kgooni)  an 
cömhnuidh  'always'. 

For  on-breath-glides  before  the  tenues  v.  sub  the  aspirate  (h). 
Obs.    (1)  Gaelic  (t,  d)  resembles  Italian  where  a  more  decided 

dental  sound  than  in  Eng.  is  got  by  thrusting  the 

extremity   of   the   tongue   with   a   sudden  movement 

exactly   between    the   teeth   and   withdrawing   it   as 

suddenly  e.  g.  tetto  (v.  Volpe's  Eton  Ital.  Gram.  1871). 

Gaelic  (t,  d)  are  often  inter-,  but  never  less  than 

ambi- dental, 
(2)  In  Dublin  it  is  quite  common  to  hear  Eng.  three  as 

(trij)  i.  e.  the  English  open  or  continuant  is  replaced 

by  the  Gaelic  stop  or  explodent. 
The  Tenues  Proper  besides  occurring  in  the  positions  already 
indicated,  and  in  tr-,  tn-,  er-,  cn-,  pr-,  str-,  are  heard  medially 
in  N.  Inv.  in  words  where  they  are  written  g,  b,  d.  In  Reay 
the  d  is  most  trequently  an  alveolar  d  as  in  English  in  place 
of  the  usual  Gaelic  d  (v.  sub  discussion  of  d) 

(satas,  sata,  satek')  sadadh  'a  beating'  &c. 

(matas,  mata,  matek')  madadh  'mastiff' 

(makas,  maka)  magadh  'mocking' 

(akas,  akak')  agadh  'stammering' 

(thokal)  togail  'raising' 

(ropar)  robatr  'a  robber' 

(opar)  obair  'work,  labour' 

(m •  p'iiüpara)  am  piobaire  'the  piper'. 


THE   GAELIC   DIALECTS.  505 

NB.   (1)   For  sound  of  p  cf.  in  German  ('äp)  ab  'off'. 

(2)   d    in    the    combination    cM    medially    as    well    as 

finally  sounds  (k)  witli  a  voiceless  guttural  spirant 

before  it:   (pboxkan)  bochdan  'poor  people'  in  Barra 

luic,  same  plural  as  for  'bucks';   (jaxkri)  eachdraidli 

'history'  of  wliich  there  is  another  N.  Inv.  pronunciation 

(tahtri,  jahtri).     This  is  a  reminiscence  of  tlie  older 

pronunciation  of  0.  Ir.  cht  which  had  liere  tlie  ^  as  a 

dental  tenuis,  still  preserved  in  Ireland:   O'Growney 

writes  (büCHth,  t-yaCHth)  for  bocht,  teacht,  'poor, 

Coming'  wliich  in  N.  Inv.  are  (pboxk',  tfaxk');   t  is 

pronounced  still  in  the  Arran  Isles,  Galway  (v.  Finck 

passim). 

Pure  tenues  occur  also  in  final  positions:  (rak',  rakg')  rag 

'stif' ;  (kap')  cab  'jaw,  gab';  (rut')  rud  Hhing'  (lut')  sind,  sud, 

'yonder'.    These  have  a  slight  breath  escape  after  them  which 

is  indicated  by  (').     This  slight  escape  of  breath  is  invariable 

also  in  the  case  of  the  liquids  e.  g.  (kAra  "vaaI')  caora-  mhaol 

'a  hornless  sheep;  hence  a  blunt  witless  fellow'. 

A  strong  breath -glide  precedes  all  voiceless  stops  which 
represent  double  voiceless  consonants  following  upon  short  vowels 
V.  sub  the  Aspirate  §  2  for  examples.  It  occurs  also  in  the 
following  prepositional  pronouns  of  the  second  person,  viz.  (d^'iiöt) 
diot  'of  thee';  (tdhuht)  dut  'to  thee';  (rdit')  leat  'with  thee'; 
(uuaht')  uat  'froni  thee';  (rhuht')  riut  'to  thee'.  It  occurs  also  in 
N.  Inv.  in  (thuhtfam)  tuiteam,  0.  Ir.  tuitim  'fall'  fr.  Hod-tim\ 
(ruhtlax)  ruiteach  'ruddy'  0.  Ir.  rutecli  fi'om  *rud-tiko\  (ahtfal') 
aiteal  'breeze,  ray,  small  portion';  (ahtli)  aiteamh  'a  thaw' 
*aith-tä-'m-  also  in  ait  'glad',  boitidh  'call  to  a  pig',  oiteag  'a 
breeze';  oitir  'ridge  or  bank  in  the  sea';  kguhtl'  ==  'a  winnow- 
ing  sieve'  =  guit.  In  most  of  these  last  (htl)  represents  an 
old  d  +  t  which  have  got  assimilated ;  analogy  has  also  been 
at  work. 

Obs.  In  Ireland  this  strong  on-breath  glide  is  absent  entirely, 
mac  'a  son'  sounds  like  the  Eng.  'mock'  to  ridicule. 
In  Arran,  Cintyre,  Eeay  it  is  thought  to  be  entirely 
absent,  apparently  because  there  mac  is  thought  to 
sound  as  in  Eng.  'mac'  so  frequent  in  Clan  names, 
not  as  in  the  rest  of  the  Highlands  (maxk').  In  these 
districts  before  c,  p,  t  I  detect  a  slight  on-breath  glide 


506  GEORGE  HENDERSON, 

in  the  Englisli  pronunciation  of  the  older  generation  wlio  in  their 
youth  cMefly  spoke  Gaelic  only.  But  Higlilanders  from  other 
districts  do  not  easily  recognise  this  in  the  Gaelic  pronunciation 
as  it  differs  in  point  of  strength  though  not  in  quality  from 
their  own  strong  breath  glide,  Further  the  (h)  has  not  in  the 
three  districts  spoken  of  developed  into  the  hack-continuant- 
breath,  the  ach  —  sound  (x)  articulated  between  the  back  of 
the  tongue  and  the  middle  of  the  soft  palate,  —  which  happens 
easily  before  the  guttural  (k)  by  means  of  a  slight  additional 
stress.  In  N.  Inv.  and  elsewhere  this  takes  place  before  vowels 
e.  g.  (a  xiü'a  la-a)  for  (a  hiil'a  k-a)  a  h-uile  lä  'every  day'. 
Before  t  the  reverse  takes  place  as  (jahtri)  for  eachtraidh  usually 
pronounced  (eaxkri).  In  the  Highlands  the  passing  of  (hk)  to 
(xk)  would  be  easy  through  analogy  with  -acht  forms  which 
have  mostly  become  (axk).  If  t  in  -acht  —  forms  as  in  hocht 
'poor'  has  been  dropped  or  made  to  give  way  to  a  developed 
(k)  for  ease  of  utterance  one  sees  how  hocc,  bück,  pronounced 
(pbohk')  (i.  e.  with  a  strong  breath  glide  before  a  double  con- 
sonant  as  in  att  swell,  Mod.  Gaelic  {a\\i%  ät  of  the  Script)  would 
become  pbox¥.  Double  cc,  as  in  0.  Ir.  accaine  from  ad  +  c  — , 
may  have  also  risen  from  assimilation  but  in  Mod.  Gaelic  it  has 
become  xk  e.  g.  axkan  'moan'.  Had  the  0.  Ir.  cc  been  a  Single 
consonant  we  should  regularly  expect  a  form  *mach  to  correspond 
with  0.  W.  map  e.  g.  0.  Ir.  cach,  0.  W.  pop;  0.  Ir.  sech  Br.  hep. 
On  reading  Pedersen  I  now  find  he  regards  the  present 
Gaelic  pronunciation  as  going  back  on  a  double  consonant  (p.  83). 
This  glide  after  nasals  could  readily  be  nasalized  e.  g.  (ki'oxk)  cnoc, 
0.  Ir.  cnocc  'hill'  and  this  may  account  for  the  Manx  cronJc 
*hiir  which  might  in  my  notation  be  wi^itten  (krohk).  But  in 
words  without  nasals  the  on- breath -glide  remains  non- nasal. 
Before  the  double  consonants  11,  nn,  m(m),  diphthongization  sets 
in  just  as  we  have  strong  breath  glides  before  the  double 
tenues.  The  peculiar  pronunciation  of  these  double  consonants 
is  testified  to  by  the  Ogam  inscriptions  from  the  neighbourhood 
of  Dingle,  Kerry,  which  regularly  have  the  genitive  maqqui; 
other  Ogams,  less  correctly,  have  Single  q,  some  MSS.  are  equally 
careless  and  iuconsistent. 

Obs.  In  -Ic,  -rc  combinations  e.  g.  olc  'bad',  torc  'boar'  the 

l,  r  are  voiceless,  almost  everywhere  but  in  N.  Inv. 

and  everywhere  save  in  Arran,  Cintyre,  Reay,  the 


THE   GAELIC   DIALECTS.  507 

glide  becomes  (x,  c)  :(olhxk')  olc  'evil',  (thorrxk') 
torc  'boar'  :(na  chirrcca')  'of  tlie  hen'  (arrcc')  airc 
'distress';  (feie  -f arrcc)  Feille  Faire,  'Epiphany'. 

The  Voiced  Stops.  In  N.  Inv.  the  Gaelic  voiced  stops  initially 
begin  voiceless  and  end  witli  a  voiced  glide;  this  may  be  shown 
by  writing  ph,  tcl,  kg;  h  too  may  be  described  as  having  a 
wliisper  after  it  initially,  but  in  medials  and  finals  it  becomes 
voiceless  witli  a  voiced  glide  after  it  i.  e.  it  is  tlie  lip-stop-breath 
heard  in  German  b  final  of  ab  (= 'ap)  'off'.  Initially  in  Sntlier- 
land  b  is  often  tlie  lip-stop-voice,  but  sometimes  a  Sutherlander 
uses  b  voiceless  (=  b),  what  one  might  describe  as  a  very 
weak  (p). 

In  forming  tliese  peculiar  sounds  the  glottis  is  in  the 
Position  for  voice  diiring  the  stop,  but  no  aii^  is  driven  in  and 
so  the  stop  is  inaudible  as  in  Je,  but  voice  begins  the  moment 
the  stop  is  loosened  and  the  off-glide  is  therefore  voiced;  v.  Sweet, 
§  126  (b).  These  impure  voiceless  stops  -f-  voiced-glides  sound  to 
an  untrained  English  ear  as  tenues.    Examples  occur  throughout. 

Interchanges  of  voiced  stops  &c.  N.  Inv.  prefers  (g)  for  (d) 
in  some  words: 

(1)  ('d^ee-in)  'shackles'  which  occurs  in  Keating  as 
geibheann  m.  'fetter';  the  form  ät-leum  is  used  in  Skye  and 
elsewhere.  It  seems  a  corruption  due  to  folk-etymology.  The 
first  man  I  ever  heard  use  it  thus,  etymologized  it  right  off  as 
'lack  of  leaping  power'!  Macbain  follows  this  track  and  this 
form  of  the  word,  and  seems  not  to  know  my  form;  M"  Alpine 
gives  deubh  f.  fetters  for  the  fore-feet  of  a  horse  and  adds 
deubhann  for  Lewis;  he  also  gives  deubh -leum.  I  think  it 
should  be  written  geimheann,  to  be  connected  with  Ir.  geimhiol, 
'a  fetter  chain',  from  a  root  gern  to  fasten;  the  mod.  Gaelic 
geimheal  is  also  used  for  'fetter,  chain';  cf.  Cymric  gefyn  and 
Eng.  ^gyves'  a  word  seemingly  borrowed  from  the  Celtic  with 
an  added  s  for  the  plural. 

(2)  geal  'leech',  is  the  only  form  used  in  N.  Inv.  although 
deal  is  elsewhere  current;  but  both  in  this  case  have  respective 
equivalents  in  0.  Ir. 

(3)  greallag  (grolak')  'swingle-tree  of  a  plough'.  Other 
dialects  prefer  the  form  dreallag  which  in  Colonsay  means  'a 
Swing  for  children';  cf.  the  New  England  dlory  for  'glory'. 
aövov  for  ayvor  in  Cretan. 


508  GEORGE  HENDERSON, 

NB.  The  N.  Inv.  coUoquialism  (di'uma  mah  a-at')  =  gun 
d'robh  math  agad,  results  from  contraction. 

(4)  There  are  otlier  dialects  which  sliow  a  preference  for 
g,  e.  g.  Harris:  hösgail,  DIG,  I,  275,  XCI  for  lösdail,  from  Eng. 
boast;  cosgail  for  cosdail,  expensive,  from  E.  cost.  No  instance 
occurs  to  me  from  the  mainland  of  N,  Inv.  of  d  for  &,  but  Harris 
has  drüill  for  hrüill  Ho  baste  meat';  e.  g. 

sin  thugam  an  späin  's  gu'n  drüill  mi  seo  =  band 
me  the  spoon  that  I  may  baste  this 
cf.  lonic  ß  for  A  of  other  Greek  dialects. 

(5)  If  before  huntäta  'potatoes'  (munäta  in  some  places) 
the  article  be  used  the  word  becomes  mutäta,  an  instance  of 
nasal  infection,  greatly  prevalent  in  Lewis,  Assynt,  Skye  &c.  e.  g. 

am  bonn  the  foundation  a  'mounn' 

an  diüne  the  man  a  'nune 

gu  ma  may  it  be,    L.  'sit'  for  gu  m-ba 

an  doctar  the  doctor  a  -noktar. 

In  N.  Inv.  it  is  an  'dohtar. 

Perhaps  boid  'vow'  the  current  form  in  N.  Inv.  was  thus 
by  a  reverse  analogy  formed  fi'om  möid,  the  form  current  in 
Sutherland,  0.  Ir.  möit. 

(6)  In  N.  Inv.  d  never  Stands  for  l  as  in  Islay  which  in 
parts  has  däidir  for  läidir  'strong';  dämh  for  lamh  'band';  da 
for  lä  'day';  daogh  for  laogh  'calf;  cf.  Latin  lingua  for  *dingua, 
*tingua  'tongue';  cf.  Bremer's  Deutsche  Phonetik  p.  XIII  as  to 
uncertainty  between  d  and  l  in  some  German  villages  in  words 
like  bruder,  feder,  wieder. 

(7)  Alveolar  ordinary  English  d  prevails  in  Reay  as  in 
börd  'table'.  N.  Inv.  has  alveolar  t  only  in  corra-biod  'tip-toe' 
(korra  'bit),  saighead  'arrow'  ('sai-at)  from  Latin  sagitta,  ti 
*tea'  in  Glen  Urquhart  and  S.  and  AV.  Highlands  for  (the-e)  of 
the  North. 

Back-Continuant-Brealh  (x).  —  This  sound  is  the  same  as 
the  German  ach-  sound  and  is  articulated  between  the  back  of 
the  tongue  and  the  middle  of  the  soft  palate  in  the  place  where 
the  vowel  (u)  is  formed.  It  is  the  sound  heard  in  the  Sc.  loch. 
In  Gaelic  it  occurs: 


THE   GAELIC  DIALECTS.  509 

(1)  initially  as  a  sharp  voiceless  continuant  before  back 
vowels:  (xunic)  chimnaic,  I,  he  &c.  'saw';  (:xai-mi)  chaidh  mi 
'I  went'; 

(2)  medially:  (axa,  axas,  axak)  achadh  ^field';  (mxa,  raxok) 
rachadli,  'would  go  &c.'; 

(3)  finally:  (max)  mach  'out';   (lax)  lach  'wild  duck'; 

(4)  as  a  glide  before  (k)  representing  a  final  doubled  con- 
sonant:   (pboxk')  boc,  0.  G,  bocc  'a  bück'; 

(5)  as  representing  0.  Gaelic  ch:  (pboxk')  bochd,  0.  Ir. 
locht  'poor'; 

(6)  as  representing  a  developed  aspirate  i.  e.  (h)  become  (x): 
(na  xub  duna)  =  na  h-uile  duine  'every  man'  —  N.  Inv.  for 
na  h-uile  dhaoine.  A  like  transition  takes  place  in  cht  combi- 
nations  medially:  (riaxtanax  and  riahtanax)  riatanach  'necessary. 
desirable'; 

(7)  in  Colonsay  it  seemingly  may  develop  out  of  th  medial 
or  final  e.  g.  (Ifoxa)  leotha  'with  them';  (huk  iat'  Itoox  t)  thug 
iad  leoth'  e,  'they  brought  him  with  them'.  M'^  Alpine  (Dict. 
XXIX)  for  Islay  writes  it  löch-cha;  also  Sutherland  e.  g. 
(graaxipcj)  gnäthaicht'  'wonted'; 

(8)  in  some  districts  in  Ireland  th  medial  or  final  becomes 
f  e.  g.  (leoofa)  leotha  'with  them';  (guf)  guth  'voice'  borrowed 
into  Irish  provincial  Eng,  as  'guff'.  In  Strathglass  in  N.  Inv. 
th  initial  in  such  a  loan  word  as  Theodor  becomes  /"("Ff-a-dar); 

(9)  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Roscommon  initial  ch  in  chuaidh 
'went'  Sounds  (f):  (fuuai)  —  this  I  have  from  Dr.  Hyde's  pro- 
nunciation ;   cf .  Idg.  dh,  gh  becoming  f  in  Latin ; 

(10)  in  Munster  it  is  the  rule  that  dh  final  after  back 
vowels  becomes  (x)  unless  it  is  entirely  dropped:  (poosax) 
pösadh  :  (dosklax)  d'osgladh  'was  opened';  (daagax)  d'fhägadh 
'left';  (do  bunax  na  suub  hana  asam  ar  lefan  a^as  da  jasgoo 
lin  ni  vei-9x  unga  oram  da  munfii  ar/  ctaunn  [ctoünn?]  a  'nif 
djm)  =  do  baineadh  na  süile  cheana  asam  ar  seision  agus  d'ä 
dheasgaibhsin  ni  bheidheadh  iongna  orm  da,  mbainti  an  ceann 
anois  diom  =  'the  eyes  are  already  taken  out  of  me,  said  he, 
and  after  that  I  should  not  wonder  if  the  head  were  now  taken 
off  me'.  But  in  Munster  I  noticed  -dh  final  after  front  vowels 
become  g  not  (c)  as  in  Colonsay. 

Back -Continuant -Voice,  (s)  —  same  sound  as  (x)  but  flat 
and  voiced.    It  is  the  same  as  in  the  German  zogen  ('tso-jan) 

Zeitschrift  f.  celt.  Philologie  IV.  83 


510  GEORGE  HENDERSON, 

'drew'.    It  occurs  in  Gaelic: 

(1)  initially:  (3a,  zav,  jau)  gliabli  Hook';  (a  •  ^riian)  a'glirian, 
'the  sun';   {lad)  'dhä,  Hwo'; 

(2)  medially:  (foesax)  seadliach  4ntellig-ent,  sensible';  (foeser) 
fogliair  'harvest,  autumn';  foever  (Colonsay); 

(3)  finally:  (pbimaloej)  bualadli  'striking';  (javoes  «) 
ghabliadh  e  'he  would  take'.  But  in  N.  luv.  this  ending  -adh 
passes  often  iuto  (ak)  wliile  in  Sutlierland  it  becomes  (u). 

Obs.  gh  in  ghr  -j-  front  vowel  combinations  has  no  front 

palatalizatiou ;   tlie  forward  effect  (h)  is  conflned  to 

the  r  in  such  cases  in  N.  luv. 

Front -Continuant-Breath,  (c)  —  this  cousouant  is  the  same 

as    the   German   ?"cA-sound    formed   between   the   front   of   the 

tougue  and  the  middle  of  the  hard  palate  in  the  place  where 

the  vowel  (i)  is  articulated.    It  is  heard  sometimes  initially  in 

Scotland  in  the  English  liue,  liew,  Eugh.    In  Gaelic  it  occurs: 

(1)  initially:  as  a  sharp  voiceless  continuant  before  front 
vowels:  (cii)  mi)  chi  mi,  'I  shall  see';  (an  tliir  ceen)  an  tir 
chein,  'in  a'  foreign  land; 

(2)  medially:  (oihce)  oidhche  'night'.  I  have  known  an 
Upper  —  Strathglass  pronunciation  where  in  this  word  (c) 
became  I;  thus  (oihfe)  'night'.  A  like  transition  is  heard  in 
some  German  dialects  where  ich  sounds  (il); 

(3)  finally:  (liihic)  sithich  'a  fairy';  (drax  an  'ijhic)  dreach 
an  flütliich  'the  hue  of  the  raven';  sometimes  in  final  position 
it  is  developed  in  many  districts  from  (th)  e.  g.  ith  'eat'  >  (ic), 
bruith  'boir  >  (pbruic); 

(4)  as  a  giide  before  (c)  in  N.  Inv.  &c.:  (micc')  mic,  'sons'. 
In  many  words  it  occm-s  both  initially  and  finally:  (ciisic) 
chiosaich  'he,  she  subdued'; 

(5)  in  Colonsay  -dh  final  after  a  front  vowel  is  so  pro- 
nounced  e.  g.  (xaic)  chaidh  'went';  (oe-ic)  aghaidh  'front,  face'; 
(kgar  -miürric)  gar  n-ionnsuidh,  'towards  us'.  In  Colonsay  the 
oblique  cases  of  the  t-stems  are  still  traceable  owing  to  their 
being  thus  preserved  e.  g.  in  words  of  the  type  teine  'fij'e',  0.  G. 
tene,  g.  tened.  "In  the  south  we  say  teinidh  (pronounced  teinich) 
in  the  oblique  cases  to  the  present  day,  air  teinidh,  r'a  theinidh 
(on  fii-e)  &c.  So  lene,  lened  'a  shirt'  is  now  indeclinable  according 
to  cur  grammars  and  Dictionaries.  But  the  Argyll  shire  man 
works  as  a  leinidh  (pronounced  leinich)  i.  e.  literally  'out  of  bis 


THE   GAELIC  DIALECTS.  511 

Shirt'  and  teils  you  so  aiiy  summer  day"  —  Mackinnon.  Thus 
tuilleadh  'more'  is  in  Colonsay  (tiüic)  but  in  Mull  (tuli).  N.  Inv. 
lias  two  pronunciations  of  tliis  last  word,  viz.  one  agreeing  witli 
Mull  wliile  tlie  other  sliows  }  (tuti).  In  Islay  an  deachaidh  'did 
he  (she,  it)  go?'  is  (an  'da-ic)  versus  (an  di^axi)  in  N.  Inv.;  as 
to  bidhic/i  cf.  M"  Alpine  for  Islay  (Dict.  XVm); 

(6)  in  Islay  sc  in  uisce,  uisge  'water'  >p  (uicca); 

(7)  often  from  th  medial  in  N.  Inv.:  (nicen)  nithean  'things'. 
Obs.  (1)  In  Islay,  Arran,  c  final  is  dropped,  as  is  also  general 

in  Manx 

Muilich  is  Ilich  =  men  of  Mull  and  of  Islay 
mulij  is  ijlij. 
In   Colonsay  the  contrary  is  the  case,   for  there  a 
phrase  like  mac  an  earraidh,  literally, 

'son  of  raiment'  =  maxk  an  earri 
which,  however,   sounds  as  mac  an  earraich  =  'son 
of  spring'. 

(2)  The  Book  of  the  Dun  Cow,  circa  1100  A.  D., 
if  not  a  misreading,  has  once  at  least  saich  for  säeth, 
soeth  'bad'.  In  N.  Inv.  its  modern  representative  is 
often  sounded  (sax). 

(3)  In  Jura  I  have  heard  dliuibh  'to  you'  pro- 
nounced  (ju-ic).  Tliis  may  be  an  individual  peculiarity 
evidently  developed  through  (3u-ij),  the  general  pro- 
nunciation  of  N.  Inv.  and  elsewhere. 

Front -Continuant-Voice,  (j)  —  same  sound  as  (c)  but  flat 
and  voiced.  It  may  be  identified  with  buzzed  Eng.  y  in  yes, 
yon.    It  occurs: 

(1)  initially  as  gli-,  dh,  before  a  front  vowel:  (jeel)  gheill 
'yielded'  (jjo')  gheobh  'will  get';  in  N.  Inv.  it  is  often  dwelt 
upon  in  initial  stressed  position;  for  Argyll  one  niight  write  it 
(jev),  for  some  districts  (jow);  (jfch)  dheth  'of  him';  (-jiiar  e) 
dh'iarr  e,  'he  asked'; 

(2)  medially:  (pbooijax)  böidheach,  'pretty'  but  in  N.  Inv. 
this  Word  is  often  diphthongized  into  (pboi-ax); 

(3)  N.  Inv.  and  other  dialects  in  contrast  to  most  parts  of 
Argyll  usually  develops  initial  e  and  e  after  the  voiced  guttural 
palatalized  velar  stop  (j)  and  after  the  voiced  labial  stop  &c. 
(v.  Palatalization)  into  (j):  (Jax)  each  'horse';  (jarnaftf)  eairnaist, 
airnis,  'furniture';  (jarep)  earb  'a  roe';  (jarrax)  earrach  'spring'; 

33* 


512  GEOEGE   HENDERSON, 

(joorna)  eörna  'barley';  (pbjoo)  beö  'alive';   (cjjooi)  ge6idh,  gen. 
of  giadh  'goose'  but  used  in  N.  Inv.  as  nom.; 

(4)  sometimes  as  a  diplithongal  glide  v.  Diphthongization. 
Obs.   Compare  The  French  dialect  of  Ezy-sur-Eure  where 

M.  Passy  notes  eau,  'water'  as  (jo);  Sc.  (jen)  =  E. 
one  (wan). 

(5)  in  many  parts  of  the  North  in  words  with  initial  a 
this  sound  is  developed.    Thus  at  Kinlochbervie 

cho  äirdeil        so  inventive        xo  'jaardi^al. 

Back- Stop -Breath  (k)  and  Back- Stop -Voice  (g).  In  addition 
to  what  has  been  said,  sufflce  it  to  say  that  the  palatalized 
velar  stops  are  written  here  as  c,  j  respectively.  As  these  have 
a  slightly  back  element  (n)  predominating  I  have  differentiated 
them  from  cc,  cj,  which  latter  correspond  to  the  Hungarian  ty, 
gy.    Examples  are: 

ceö  mist  Cfoo,  chjoo 

geal  white  i]a\,  jel'. 

The  latter  j  like  the  Gaelic  g  is  properly  described  as  a 
voiceless  stop,  the  second-half  of  which  I  determine  for  N.  Inverness 
to  be  a  voiced  consonaut,  although  there  may  be  Speakers  else- 
where  with  whom  it  may  be  a  voiced  glide.  Anyhow  it  produces 
the  Impression  of  (c)  on  a  non- Gaelic  ear  and  could  be  written 
(cj).  Further,  it  influences  the  quality  of  a  preceding  nasal: 
n'an  geugan  in  their  branches  nan  cjeekan 
nan  geug  of  the  branches  nan  cjeek. 

After  the  article  and  when  no  special  stress  is  present,  the 
voicelessness  almost  approaches  to  füll  voice  and  we  might 
write  e.  g. 

an  giadh  the  goose      an  jjiia 
although  in  N.  Inverness  the  usual 
coUoquialism  is      (an  jjooij). 

NB.  This  palatal  f eature  is  common  to  many  languages  e.  g. 
Icelandic  hiaerr  dear,  'carus'  for  Jcaerr,  giaeta  'custo- 
dlre'  for  gaeta\  cf.  French  cas  (ka)  'casus',  goüt  (gu) 
'gustus'  where  k  proceeds  fi'om  the  back  of  the  mouth 
whereas  in  qui  (=  ci)  'who',  guerre  (=  jer)  'war', 
the  k  is  nearer  the  front;  compare  Irish-English 
(cyar)  for  'car'. 


THE   GAELIC   DIALECT8.  513 

Obs.  N.  Inv.  and  most  of  the  North  so  far  as  the  g-sound 
goes,  confuses  leag  'throw  down',  Ir.  leagaim,  and 
leig  'let'  0.  Ir.  leiccim,  lecim,  making-  the  g  non-palatal 
in  both  cases. 

Front- Stop -Breath,  (cc)  —  this  consonant  in  Gaelic  resembles 
the  Himgarian  ty  in  sound  though  not  in  formation  as  it  is 
pronounced  in  N.  Inv.  It  is  produced  by  bringing  the  medium 
front  of  the  tongue  against  the  outer  back  of  the  palate  (v.  Sweet's 
Phonetics,  §  76),  often  with  the  outer  modifier  (h)  as  in  Russian 
(leiHBa)  'bow-string',  Russ.  (Maib)  'mother'.  For  the  Arran  Isles, 
Finck  describes  it  as  formed  between  'den  mittleren  zungen- 
rücken  und  die  mitte  des  harten  gaumens'  e.  g.  Russ.  tehe,  and 
he  uses  (c)  as  a  symbol  for  it.  He  thus  writes  Ir.  rithist  (flsc) 
which  for  N.  Inv.  I  should  write  (rijftr').  In  N.  Inv.  as  in  cuid 
'share',  släin^  'health',  päii-^  'part'  it  has  a  strong  resemblance 
to  the  Danish  t  before  i,  with  a  hiss  after  it.  This  hiss  may  in 
Argyll  have  the  character  of  (c)  e.  g.  omd  (khuccc)  'share',  dhuit 
(succc)  'to  thee',  teärr  ccaarr  'tar',  when  used  with  the  article 
an.  In  N.  Inv.  it  is  a  sound  of  occasional  occurrence  e.  g.  in 
cuideigin  'some  one'  (kuccican);  an  cuid  nighean  'their  daughters' 
{-&?]  -kucc  'üijan);  cha  teid  mi  ann  'I  won't  go  there'  (xa  ccecc 
mi  aunn');  na  creid  e  'don't  believe  him'  (-na  -krecc-e). 

N.  Inv.  however  prefers  in  stressed  positions  to  form  it  in 
the  Position  of  tl.  This  supplants  (cc)  save  in  some  phrases. 
Hence  here  it  is  oftenest  written  (tl):  xaill  £t'  a?y  'kutr'  s  an 
•dAAna  =  chaill  iad  an  cuid  s  an  daoine  'they  lost  their  means 
and  their  men';  (tlukifii)  tiugainnidh  'come  ye';  (tluw)  tiugh 
'thick'. 

The  Single  nature  of  this  sound,  palatalized  from  the  very 
outset,  is  illustrated  by  the  ease  with  which  in  non- Initials  it 
undergoes  change. 

Thus  in  some  parts  of  Uist  and  Lome  na  bric  'the  trout' 
Sounds  like  brist'  'broken'  (pbrifc);  tric  'often'  like  trist  (trilc); 
uisg  'water'  like  uist  (uilc);  cf.  lonic  eöxs  for  soze.  In  Morar 
st  after  a  front  vowel  sounds  in  final  positions  like  sc  in  the 
same  position.  Thus  a  Morar  priest  writes  of  his  cousin  in  the 
island  of  Benbecula  that  he  was  stationed  in  Uisg  (u-ilc)  where 
he  means  Uist,  Uidhist  (written  as  Guiste  in  Baliol's  Ordinance 
of  1292).  So  too  in  Manx  ushtey,  older  uskeij  'water';  mastey, 
older  masky  =  Gaelic  am  measg  'among'  v.  Rhys,  117  and  124, 


514  GEORGE   HENDEESON, 

In  Manx  t,  d  flanked  by  front  vowels  occur  when  'accompanied' 
with  assibüation  or  witli  a  certain  other  after-sound  (Rliys  Manx 
Phonology,  110).  This  otlier  after-sound  written  by  Rhys  ('.)  is 
"eitlier  a  whispered  form  of  the  s  and  0  (sh  and  eh)  occurring 
in  ts  and  tz  (gh  and  j)  or  eise  of  a  consonantal  form  of  i". 
Fm-tlier  the  t  and  d  in  this  combination  may  be  described  as 
mouilU.  The  Manx  corresponding  to  Gaelic  caillte  'lost'  is 
Jcaüchey  or  cailjey  but  where  'as  in  Manx  hanniit  or  bannit 
(Gaelic  heannaichte)  'blessed',  the  final  vowel  has  been  dropped, 
the  absence  "led  to  a  difference  in  the  pronunciation  of  the 
dental.  Where,  as  in  Jcaüchey,  cailjey,  we  have  to  set  out  fi^om 
caltio,  i.  e.  where  the  final  syllable  and  the  semi  vowel  remain, 
the  assibüation  of  the  t  into  ts  takes  place;  but  where  the 
vowel,  as  in  hanniit,  bannit,  fi'om  hannitid  is  g'one,  leaving  the 
semi  vowel  unsupported,  the  result  as  regards  the  assibüation 
is  not  the  same.  The  desinence  of  bannit  at  the  present  day 
may  be  sounded  (ti)  or  eise  it  may  be  assibilated  into  a  fuUy 
developed  (ts);  but  the  latter  seems  to  be  an  exaggeration  rather 
than  the  best  pronunciation  in  vogue.  If  you  call  a  Manx  man's 
attention  to  such  a  word  as  (bannit')  he  will  very  possibly 
pronounce  it  (bänits)  but  in  unguarded  talk  he  will  nevertheless 
almost  invariably  say  bäniti)  and  so  with  other  words.  In  the 
case  of  (di)  the  after  sound  of  the  d  is  some  what  feebler  than 
in  that  of  (ti)"  —  Rhys,  p.  111.  This  confirms  the  existence  of 
two  sorts  of  pronunciations  in  Manx,  exactly  as  in  the  Highlands. 
Colonsay  &c.  has  no  touch  of  the  ch- sound  (c)  in  this  word 
which  is  so  pronounced  in  N.  luv.  And  I  think  Manx  (i)  and 
the  Gaelic  varieties  corresponding  to  Hungarian  ty,  gy,  as  well 
as  Russ.  t,  d  as  in  (tebe,  delo),  may  claim  to  be  older  historically; 
cf.  (-rt,  -rte)  combinations,  which  in  N.  luv.  versus  Arran,  Suther- 
land  and  Ireland,  >  (rlt,  rltl). 

Front- Stop -Voice,  (cj,  j)  —  same  sound  as  last  but  flat  and 
voiced.  It  is  the  Hungarian  gy  in  'Magyar'  but  in  Gaelic  it 
has  an  outer  modifier  as  in  Russ.  :m:ui  DaDa  'uncle'.  Finck  for 
the  Arran  Isles  writes  it  (j)  and  compares  the  Russian  delo. 

In  N.  luv.  the  first  half  is  a  voiceless,  the  second  half  is  a 
voiced  consonant  (not  a  voiced  glide).  Hence  in  analogy  with 
the  preceding  I  should  wiite  it  (t:^)  but  for  convenience  I  adopt 
(d:^);  d  +  ^  as  in  E.  d^ad^  'j"dge'  is  a  Compound  sound  wherein 
Eng.  d  is  throughout  not  palatalized  whereas  the  Gaelic  sound 


THE   GAELIC   DIALECTS.  515 

is  one  Single  soimd  palatalized  from  tlie  outset  in  spite  of  its 
being  in  its  first  half  voiceless,  and  after  tlie  consonant  is  pro- 
duced,  an  escape  of  voiced  breatli  follows  it. 

It  is  only  ocasionally  used  in  N.  Inv.  e.  g.  (an  cjee)  an  de, 
'yesterday';  (an  cjju)  an  diugli  'to-day';  (-xa  :ccecc  -mi  -icjar 
:icj8r  -ann)  'I  won't  go  at  all  at  all'.  In  point  of  formation 
N.  Inv.  tends  to  form  it  in  tlie  position  for  tl  —  though  after 
palatal  nasals  füll  palatalization  is  often  retained  (xan  'icjric 
an  'saaliax  an  ;!«??')  cha'n  fhidrich  an  säthach  an  seang,  'the 
wall-fed  won't  consider  the  lean'. 

Likewise  a  N.  Inv.  pronunciation  of  naimhdean  'enemies' 
as  naindean  (naificjan,  naiiijan).  But  the  niore  common  way  is 
(naidjen)  in  N.  Inv.;  (navid^en)  in  Colonsay. 

Blade-Continuant-Breath,  (s).  The  tongue-blade,  along  the 
central  line  of  which  the  breath  is  directed,  approaches  the 
gums  beilind  the  upper  teetli  and  the  breath  becomes  sibilant 
owing  to  the  friction  it  undergoes  in  passing  between  the  upper 
and  lower  fi'ont  teeth.  The  tip  of  the  tongue  may  rest  against 
the  lower  front  teeth.  It  is  usually  more  forcible  than  Eng,  s, 
the  tongue -articulation  being  closer.  Before  and  after  short 
vowels  in  stress  its  effect  is  stronger  and  its  length  is  one -half 
longer  than  after  long  vowels  but  it  is  unnecessary  to  indicate 
this  in  phonetic  transcripts;  though  it  could  be  shown  by 
doubling.  Aiter  long  vowels  and  when  intervocalic  its  effect  is 
much  weaker  and  with  some  Speakers  it  is  half-voiced  after  ua 
diphthongs  e.  g.  in  uasal  'noble';  this  is  not  the  case  however 
when  it  Stands  for  ss  in  M.  Ir.  e.  g.  asal,  M.  Ir.  assal  'ass'.  In 
monosyllables  with  long  vowels  (cäs,  bäs)  s  is  as  a  rule  softer. 

Obs.  After  nasals  it  is  often  formed  with  half- Yoice,  (ak 
juuzsaxa)  ag  ionnsachadh  'learning'.  For  Gaelic  one 
might  describe  it  as  a  voiceless  z.  Its  most  frequent 
occurrence  is  after  the  article. 

Also  in  unstressed  position  as  in  (az  -sL)  'as  es',  "quothhe'. 
Here  too  we  have  but  an  approximation  to  a  Blade-Continuant- 
Voice  which  is  really  more  of  an  idiosyncracy  than  anything  eise. 

In  final  positions  the  tip  of  the  tongue  instead  of  resting 
on  the  lower  teeth  assumes  a  supra- dental  position.  This  is 
indicated  in  the  Script  in  words  like  solusd  for  solus  'light', 
dorusd  for  dorus  'door'.  In  the  word  fathasd  'yet'  the  final  d 
is  heard  in  all  the  dialects.     The  strongly  liissed  s  gives  the 


516  GEORGE   HENDERSON, 

impression  of  its  being  point-tooth;  cf.  in  the  'case  of  front  double 
11,  hiotaiU  'victuals',  E.  Ir.  hitdül;  and  miotaüt  from  E.  metal. 
In  Irish-English  it  may  also  be  heard  e.  g.  in  Miss  Barlow's 
Irish  Idylls,  twyst  for  'twice'  p.  172,  216,  also  chanst  for  'cliance', 
and  wanst  for  'once',  passim;   cf.  Ger. 

obst  fr.  obe:^ 

papst  fr.         pabes. 

The  blade-continuant-voice  (z)  occurs  in  Lewis  for  front 
untrilled  r;  e.  g.  ez  (air)  'on';  this  change  occurs  in  Manx 
(Rhys:  p.  149)  e.  g.  ynrick  'upriglit'  =  Gaelic  ionnraic,  as  (yzik) 
in  my  orthography  (iizic);  Manx  Kinry  from  Mac  Henry  is 
(Kinzi)  i.  e.  (Cijnzi);  cf.  Fr.  chaise,  a  Parisian  modiflcation  of 
Fr.  chaire. 

In  Lewis,  however,  it  may  pass  into  the  point-teeth-con- 
tinuant-voice  (ö),  as  in  E.  then;  e.  g.  (eö)  air  'on';  (maaöax) 
mäireach  'to-morrow';  cf.  (zen)  for  (öen)  then  [children's  Eng.]; 
boirionnach  'a  female,  a  woman'  pboörinax  (Bernera  of  Harris,  — 
but  the  r  is  very  slight);  ghuirm  gen.  of  gorm  'blue' 
(3UÖ9m)  —  Bernera  of  Harris.  Thus  athair  'father'  has  4  pro- 
nunciations:  ahir  (the  general  one);  ahiö  (one  half  of  Lewis); 
ahi}  (St.  Kilda);  ahij  (parts  of  Tiree  and  Outer  Isles). 

Obs,  In  (sp-,  st-,  sc-)  combinations  the  s  tends  to  take  all 
the  voicelessness. 

Teeth-Contlnuant-Breath,  (!)  —  this  differs  from  the  English 
sh  in  'shair  in  being  always  rounded;  the  tongue  position  is 
therefore  some  what  relaxed  and  in  some  places  through  vocalic 
infection  (aspiration)  as  in  West  Skye  (Lonmore)  and  parts  of 
Uist  it  passes  into  the  voiceless  vowel  i.  e.  the  breath-throat- 
continuant  (h):  (mm  a  ;hin)  (ann  a  ;hjoh)  for  (ann  a  lin)  — 
[but  in  North  Uist,  Harris  and  Colonsay  and  Sutherland  fen]  — 
(ann  a  Ifo,  loh)  ann  a  sin,  'there';  ann  a  seo,  or  so,  'here';  but 
(so,  sm')  in  Knapdale  and  in  Strathbran  and  according  to 
Mr.  Gunn  at  Portskerra,  Sutherland.  Gaelic  (!)  for  N.  Inv. 
corresponds  to  Danish  sj  rather  than  to  Eng.  sh;  in  English 
there  is  no  Protrusion  of  the  lips  and  the  blade  of  the  tongue 
is  retracted  towards  the  hard  palate.  In  Gaelic  the  Protrusion 
of  the  lips  increases  the  resonant  hiss  caused  by  breath-friction 
through  the  teeth-edges. 

Obs.  After  nasals  it  may  be  half-voiced;   also  after  U  in 
ilse    for    isle    comparative   of   tosal  'low'.     I   cannot 


THE    GAELIC  DIALECTS.  517 

locate  the  pronunciation  (ijH^a);  in  N.  Inv.  it  is  (ijfa). 
A  Strathglass  pronunciation  of  oidhche  'night'  as  {0017,9) 
has  it,  but  this  is  perliaps  an  idiosjiicracy. 
Lip-Stop-Voice-Nasal,  (m)  —  as  in  English  m.    It  occurs: 

(1)  In  initials:  (mi,  mii)  ml  'I,  me'. 

(2)  In  finals  wliere  it  is  half -long,  taking  the  place  of  (mm) 
or  (mb).  In  the  Fernaig  Ms.  (1688)  in  final  position  it  often  is 
written  mb.  In  such  positions  a  short  preceding  vowel  is  diph- 
thongized  in  the  Northern  Dialects  (v.  Diphthongization).  In  E. 
final  mb>m  in  pronunciation  circa  1600:  clim(b),  com(b),  dum(b), 
lam(b),  wom(b);  it  crept  in  between  m  +  l  e.  g.  thimble,  hramhle, 
rumhle,  between  m  +  r  in  Umher,  sliimher;  cf.  Fr.  Jmmhle  fr.  L. 
humilis,  nombre  fr,  L.  numerus.  In  Manx  the  double  mm  is 
sometimes  represented  in  the  orthography  imm,  eeym  'butter'; 
Manx  drommey  =  Ir.  drommo  gen.  of  druim  'ridge'  v.  Khys: 
Manx  Phon.  132,  (2). 

Obs.  b  is  found  in  Gaelic  after  m  in  Arisaig  and  Moidart. 
ann  sa  chaimb  'in  the  cam  or  crooked  place';  m  is 
introduced  before  b,  t,  p  by  reflex  action:  e.  g. 
pumpaid        'pulpit'  (in  Arran) 
buntäta  'potatoe';  (n  before  dental) 

strümp  'stroup'  (in  Arran). 

Lip  -  Stop -Breath- Nasal,  (mh)  —  same  as  m  but  unvoiced: 
it  occurs  in  Gaelic  in  such  a  phrase  as  (a  -mhag-ir)  a  mäthair, 
'her  mother'  when  subjected  to  strong  stress;  also  in  (mhaliir) 
m'athair  'my  father',  when  stressed.  The  m  seems  to  be  simply 
syllable-forming  and  I  might  indicate  it  (m);  (am  -xree)  =  a'm' 
ehre  'in  my  body'. 

Point-Teeth-Nasal-Voice,  (n,  nn)  —  this  letter  has  no 
corresponding  sound  in  English;  in  N.  Inv.  it  is  an  n  with  the 
interdental  modifier  and  in  its  formation  the  point  of  the  tongue 
is  spread  out  like  a  fan  so  that  the  whole  of  its  rim  is  brought 
against  the  teeth  together  with  the  tongue -point  spread,  the 
back  of  the  tongue  being  slightly  raised  at  the  same  time.  In 
absolute  initials  it  may  be  produced  by  placing  the  tongue 
firmly  on  the  back  of  the  upper  teeth  as  in  French  non.  The 
fore-part  of  the  tongue  is  not  hollowed. 

N.  Inv.  does  not  use  it  in  absolute  initials  as  is  still  the 
case  in  Argyll  &c.,  but  it  occurs  constantly  in  the  article  (an) 
before  interdental  consonants:   (an  -dune)  an  duine  'the  man'. 


518  GEORGE   HENDEESON, 

In  final  stressed  position  it  is  doubled,  at  the  least  half- long: 
(aimn')   ann  'in  it';   (faunn)  fann  'faint';   but  a'  fannachadh  (a 
•fanaxas)  'a-fainting':   (xan  el  t  ;aimn  :anli  ma  •  ha«')  cha'it  eil 
e  ann  an  ma  tha  'it  is  n't  there  then'. 
Obs.  The  N.  Inv.  dialect. 

(1)  Has  not  got  the  liquid  mouille  soiind  n  in  the  words 
duine,  'man',  teine,  'fire',  which  it  has  in  Gairloch,  East  Ross, 
Sutheiiand,  Colonsay  &c.  (dune,  titiie);  nor  in  aitline,  'knowledge', 
(ana)  =  Gairloch  versus  ('a-ne)  of  the  Aird;  in  mhuin  {air  mo 
mhuin,  'on  my  back'),  eileain  ('of  the  Island'),  it  abandons  the 
n  sound  which  in  this  case  would  be  used  in  parts  of  the  west. 
It  distinguishes  n  and  n  in  aon  fhear  ('aau  •  tr)  'one  man',  an 
fhir  'of  the  man,  the  individual',  (-an  -ir). 

Obs.  Finck  for  the  Arran  isles  marks  (dina,  dyne)  duine 
'man'  without  w  mouille  as  in  N.  Inv.;  also  (cina, 
ceiia)  'fire'  shows  in  his  notation  that  in  Arran  it  is 
either  alveolar  or  supradental. 

(2)  Possesses  dental  n  only  before  dental  consonants  or 
where  it  is  written  in  the  ordinary  Script  nn  either  medial  or 
final.  In  the  phrase  na'n  äif-eiginn  'or  some  where'  it  has 
alveolar  n  where  as  in  Colonsay  e.  g.  it  would  be  (nan);  an 
uair  'when'  an  uiridh  'last  year',  a  null,  'over',  an  nochd 
'to- night',  (Gairloch),  where  in  N.  Inv.  it  would  be  n;  but 
Gairloch  and  N.  Inv.  agree  in  unaifin  (unin)  'in  us',  the  prep. 
ann  (aunn)  being  here  combined  with  the  personal  pronoun. 

n  in  anlaut  or  initial  n  dental  followed  by  a  dark  vowel, 
it  would  appear,  is  native  to  the  language.  The  apparent 
exceptions  na  =  (1)  'the',  (2)  'than',  (3)  'not',  may  be  explained 
by  their  having  lost  an  initial  syllable  or  from  their  having 
been  alveolar  aspirates  in  their  original  position. 

In  N.  Inv.  n  in  anlaut  followed  by  a  dark  or  broad  vowel 
is  alveolar  (n),  not  dental  (n)  as  in  many  other  districts,  as  in 
Islay  and  in  Colonsay  where  'enemy'  is  (noavitl)  namhaid;  new 
(nuua)  nuadh.  Before  dark  vowels  followed  by  a  dental  consonant 
N.  Inverness  may  use  n  or  n  indifferently,  and  n  or  fi  where  the 
consonant  is  palatal 

crimhnanta    covenant  j  k^uimanta 
[  khuunaiita 

slainte  health       I  sl^antfa 

\  slaancj. 


THE    GAELIC   DIALECTS.  519 

As  N.  Inv.  does  not  use  dental  n  in  such  words  as  nuadli 
'new',  naisg  'bind',  naomli  'holy',  the  aspii^ated  forms  of  n  before 
a  dark  vowel  are  not  only  distinguishable  from  the  unaspirated 
by  a  sharper  stress  but  are  generally  accompanied  by  voicelessness. 
Two  cases  fall  to  he  distinguished : 

(1)  The,  preterite  tenses  of  verbs,  which  have  füll  voice- 
lessness, e.  g. 

shnamh  e        he  swam        hnaa  s. 

(2)  The  feminines  of  adjectives,  such  as  nuadh  'new',  which 
have  a  weaker  degi-ee  of  voicelessness  or  are  only  half  voiceless, 
e.  g.  a'  bhean  nuadh-phösda  'the  bride'  (-a  'Yen  'hnuua  ;fhoosta); 
mo  näire  'shame,  fle'!  (mo  'hnaara);  fan  'stay,  wait'  fhrthn.  It 
might  be  indicated  by  (•)  after  the  Consonant  e,  g.  (fhan'). 
Before  front  vowels  and  in  stressed  medial  position  it  is  more 
perceptible  e.  g. 

mo  neart        my  strength        mo  •n'erft' 
sin  e  that's  he  •fin;  -e 

cha'n  eil  fine  sam  bith  'there  is  no  clan  whatever'  (-han  'el 
:fhin'a  -sam  "bbib). 

Further,  if  in  the  same  dialect  we  may  indifferently  have 
n,  n,  or  nn  in  some  words,  as  banrigh  'queen'  (pbannnrij, 
pbaunrij,  and  in  the  Outer  Isles  pboarijn)  we  may  look  for  a 
variety  of  delicate  shadings  amongst  all  the  dialects.  Thus 
while  neither  Gairloch  nor  N.  Inv.  has  n  in  aon  diag  'eleven' 
(aau  ;iiak,  'AAn-tlak),  Gairloch  has  dental  n  in  aon-ghin  (aau 
jin')  versus  N.  Inv.  (AAn  jin).  Gairloch,  again,  like  many  dialects 
distinguishes  buain  'to  reap'  from  adjective  buan  (with  dental  n) 
'lasting'  but  N.  Inv.  does  not;  tastan  'Shilling'  has  n  in  Gairloch, 
n  in  N.  Inv,  and  it  may  be  added  that  initial  t  in  this  word  is 
supradental  in  Gairloch  whereas  in  N.  Inv,  it  is  interdental. 

(3)  N.  Inv.  never  drops  n  final  in  fJim  'seif  which  is  a 
Colonsay  characteristic  e.  g.  mi  'hee  'myself,  (e  'heg)  'himself; 
but  (mi  hii)  in  Mull.  On  the  contrary,  in  N.  Inv.  n  final  and 
stressed  is  voiceless  though  offen  but  half-voiced. 

(4)  In  N.  Inv.  n  in  medial  sounds  or  in  the  grammatical 
Unit  before  d,  s,  r,  1,  n  is  offen  dropped;  thus  we  get  the 
opposite  to  nasal  infection  or  eclipsis  e.  g.  an  duine  'the  man' 
a  -duno.  In  nr,  nl,  ns  combinations  the  dropped  n  leaves  its 
influence  in  nasalizing  the  previous  vowel. 


520 


GEORGE  HENDERSON 


A  Word  like  innis  'teil'  is  pronounced  ii-yl,  iil,  iiiif,  almost 
indiiferently.    Other  instances  are: 


an  taillear 

the  tailor 

a  taaJar' 

annsa 

dearer,  preferable 

ausa 

anns 

in  the 

fas 
(aus    . 

anrath 

distress 

aara 

annran 

vexation 

aaran 

annlann 

condiment 
(=  allen  Colonsay) 

aulan 

na  coinnle 

of  the  candle 

na  koila 

cainnlean  ] 
coinnlean  J 

candles 

kaiian 
koilan 

uinnlean 

elbows 

uitan 

(the  u  being  half  long). 
Compare  the  disappearance  in  Germany  of  n  before  s  without 
nasalization,  however,  from  the  confines  of  the  Netherlands  to 
Posen,  and  with  nasalization  in  Hesse,  Odenwald,  Vogtland, 
Swabia,  Alemannia  &c.  Also  in  the  Swiss  dialects  of  German 
from  the  Jura  to  Vorarlberg  n  has  disappeared  before  s  and  f. 
NB.  (1)  nn  before  s  is  kept  in  Islay:  ionnsachadh.    (2)  In 

some  place-names  n  is  wanting  in  Gaelic  e.  g. 
Gael.  Colasa  =  Colowsay;   Colosus  in  Adamnan;   so  Orasa 
for  Oronsay,  from  Norse  Orfiris -ey,  the  name  of  Islands  which 
at  e&6-tide  are  joined  to  the  mainland. 

(5)  N.  Inv.  and  other  dialects  shew  n  for  1 

clach-niarra      whet-stone  =  clach-liobharraidh 
Ciii  -tareglan    Kiltarlity  =  Cill:  'tarlakan 
kebbock  of  =  mulachag 

cheese. 
sometimes  n  for  r,   iomachain  reflection, 
blame  =  iomchoir;    (va  mi  krimoexar)  =  a'cur  iomchoir  (Col.) 
is  minie  (Uist)  for  is  mairg  'pity'! 

NB,  As  to  the  dropping  of  n  final  remarked  on  in  (3)  I 
have  noted  (mi  hee)  'myself '  =  mi-fhein  for  a  district 
in  Perthshire.  A  parallel  to  this  is  found  in  Thuringia 
and  Upper  Saxony  where  the  n  in  mein,  dein,  sein, 
kein,  ein  falls  out  without  nasalization  of  the  vowel, 
the  like  process  being  found  with  nasalization  in 
Rhine-Frankish  exclusive  of  Lower  Hesse. 


munachag 
(6)  N.  Inv.  has 


THE  GAELIC  DIALECTS.  521 

Front- Nasal -Voice,  (fi,  iin)  as  in  Italian  gn  —  this  is  the 
fully  palatalized  or  n  mouilU  and  occurs  short  or  half -long-, 
and  long  or  double.  It  occurs  in  (iiii)  ni  'thing',  not  in  the 
verb  (nii)  m  for  gm  'will  do';  (iijarlt'  —  N.  Inv.,  nsarlt'  — 
N.  Argyll  &c.),  neart  'strength'.  In  mutation  it  becomes  half- 
voiced  and  voiceless  e,  g-.  (a  njarlt')  a  neart  'her  strength';  (a 
nharlt')  'his  streng-th'.  With  the  younger  generation  one  may 
often  hear  in  many  districts  only  the  one  sound  or  the  other. 

In  finals  it  is  doubled,  representing  old  nd  or  nn:  (tfhijüu) 
tinn  'sick'.  But  in  medial  position,  even  though  written  nn, 
owing  to  lack  of  füll  stress  it  is  short:  (tfifias)  tinneas  'illness'; 
(pbhijnn)  binn  'melodious'  but  (pbinas)  binneas  'melody,  sweetness 
of  tone', 

n  of  the  article  becomes  (h)  when  followed  by  a  front 
vowel:  (an  'ijhr)  'of  the  man',  an  fhir  —  (the  r  being  voiceless 
or  only  half-voiced).  —  I  cannot  find  a  decided  yod  as  is  the 
case  in  Manx  (Ehys,  135)  yn  iaspick  'the  bishop'.  Though 
N.  Inv.  is  fond  of  introducing  a  yod  in  words  with  initial  e 
(v.  sub.  Front -Continuant -Voice)  it  contents  itself  by  assimilating 
the  e  to  a  preceding  n  which  thus  becomes  (n) ;  (fo  llaai  an  espic) 
fo  laimh  an  easbuig  'under  the  hand  of  the  bishop'  (of  one  'con- 
firmed');  (fofi  "jalax)  fo'n  eallach  'under  the  bürden'  —  N.  Inv. 
and  Islay.  The  mutation  of  (n)  initial  is  the  voiceless  (nh),  but 
strictly  a  lesser  degree  of  voicelessness  (n'). 

NB.  N.  Inv.  uses  the  same  alveolar  n  in  min  'meal',  min 
'soft',  minidh  'awl',  fein  'seif,  sin  'that',  teine  'fire', 
duine  'man',  cuimhnich  'remember',  cruithneachd 
'wheat',  which,  with  the  exception  of  fein,  sin,  may 
elsewhere  from  Arran  to  Reay  be  heard  with  fi. 

To  indicate  this  palatal  ii  the  English  Script  puts  in  nz  in 
several  surnames  and  place -names  e.  g.  Mackenzie  (Maxkonic); 
Menzies  (mefüirax),  in  E.  (minis);  the  z  is  often  absent  in  English 
pronunciation  of  words  where  it  occurs  in  spelling,  e.  g.  Monzie; 
cf.  Iz  in  Dalziel  (di-sl). 

Throat- Nasal -Voice,  {?])  —  it  is  formed  between  the  back 
portion  of  the  tongue  and  the  middle  of  the  soft  palate.  It 
always  is  associated  with  back  vowels  and  is  generally  of  inter- 
mediate  length. 

(a?yhooni)  an  comhnuidh  'alwaj^s';  (llou,  llo»yk)  long,  'ship'; 
(tlfj^ka)  'tongue',  teanga;  (ijü^a)  longa  'nail'.    The  (jj)  in  N.  Inv. 


522  GEORGE  HENDERSON, 

only  develops  to  (k)  in  strong  stress.  In  N.  Inv.  for  'tongue' 
the  nom.  is  {thr/zi)  with  the  (ij)  almost  gone  save  for  its  nasali- 
zation  of  the  preceding  vowel,  the  genitive  (na  "tlgT/ka)  'of  the 
tongue';  also  ang  final  develops  in  N.  Inv.  to  (ak)  e.  g.  (khuhak) 
cumhang  'narrow',  in  Argyll  (khnhann)  cumhann.  In  medials 
Dg  becomes  z  with  preceding  vowel  nasalized:  mejan,  meangan 
'branch'  in  Colonsay  (mskan);  (iüsar)  iongar  'pus'  (iko)  Colonsay; 
ngl  medial  passes  through  (djI)  tili  it  is  lost  in  nasalization  of 
the  preceding  vowel:  (mje-aulan)  meanglan  'a  twig'  medan  (Col.); 
in  this  way  through  assimilation  with  m  Ir,  conghhdü  has  deve- 
loped  in  Scotland  to  cumail  (v.  Rhj^s,  Manx  Phon,  138). 

Throat- Nasal -Breath  (/;h)  may  be  heard  in  stressed  positions 
in  rapid  pronunciation  of  the  prepositional  pronoim  'nan  'm  their' 
-}-  (k)  (va  ft'  na/;  *  harapativ)  bha  iad  'nan  carbadaibh  'they  were 
in  their  chariots'  (va  tt'  na/ji'hon')  bha  iad  'nan  con  'they  were 
dogs'  (va  €t'  nar}'  hatal')  bha  iad  'nan  cadal  'they  were  sleeping'. 

Back- Nasal -Voice,  (n)  —  it  is  the  nasal  heard  in  Eng.  'sing', 
but  in  Gaelic  it  is  more  palatal;  e.  g.  (liinciltl)  singilt,  ' Single'; 
(iinc)  ing  'ink';  (pbiinc)  binc  'a  bench';  (en'ciial')  an  ciall 
'their  reason';  (913 .  cifina  frrir9lax)  an  cinne  Friseileach  'the 
Clan  Fräser'.  If  there  be  strong  stress  there  is  a  breath  glide 
e.  g.  (na«  •  chiiavakan)  'nan  ciabhagan  'in  their  locks'  which  in 
N.  Inv.  is  often  (hna  •  cjiiavakan).  It  may  also  be  heard  in  the 
gen.  of  long  'sliip':  (na  lluiiaco)  na  luinge;  in  N.  Inv.  however 
it  is  (llui),  in  Morvern,  Colonsay  (liic9);  Reay  sounds  long  'ship' 
as  (loej  Ige -9),  na  luinge  'of  the  ship'  (na  luij). 

Point- Open -Voice  (r  and  r).  There  are  two  kinds;  the  first 
(r)  is  done  with  the  tongue  against  the  alveolus  or  roof  of  the 
mouth  which  gives  it  a  broad  character.  It  is  generally  trilled 
with  the  tongue -point  against  the  arch;  the  second  (r)  is  done 
with  the  blade  of  the  tongue  against  the  hard  upper  fi^ont  gum 
near  the  roots  of  the  front  upper  teeth;  it,  too,  is  trilled  but  to 
a  slighter  degree  than  the  former;  in  quick  speech  the  tongue 
merely  flaps  against  the  gum  so  that  the  vibratory  trill  is  lost; 
on  this  account,  as  also  from  its  advanced  position,  it  is  easily 
mistaken,  being  half-voiceless,  in  Harris  and  St.  Kilda  for  l 
associated  with  fi'ont  vowels,  while  in  Lewis  it  passes  into  a 
sound  which  some  pronounce  as  (ö),  other  as  (z);  cf.  French 
clmise  for  chaire  =  'cathedra'  and  vice  versa,  Gothic  maisia 
Eng.  more;    Latin  aurora  for  *ausosa.     Finck  for  the  Arran 


THE  GAELIC  DIALECTS.  523 

isles  remarks  similarly:  ^dem  klänge  nach  kommt  f  (f  in  his 
transcription  =  r  in  mine)  zuweilen  dem  stimmhaften  s- laute 
ziemlich  nahe';  cf.  Manx  [Rhys,  161(5)].  Often  it  becomes  a  lisp 
and  in  Tiree  air  'on'  (er)  sounds  like  eigh  (eij)  'ice'.  In  finals 
where  in  the  usual  Script  it  is  rr  it  is  always  stromjhj  trilled 
e.  g.  (fjaarr)  feärr  'better'  —  the  strong  trill  being  represented 
here  by  doubling.  Further  it  occurs  voiceless  as  in  Icelandic 
and  in  Welsh  e.  g,  in  Gael.  (mo  rrhoon)  mo  shrön  'my  nose',  — 
the  doubling  representing  a  trill;  (auns  an  'trhuh)  anns  an 
t-sruth  'in  the  stream';  (;rhAiV  an  "au -ihn)  thraogh  an  abhuinn 
'the  river  subsided'.  Owing  to  (r)  in  N.  Inv.  being  supplanted 
in  non- Initials  by  (r)  the  aspirated  form  also  is  (rh)  in  the  above 
examples,  if  trilled  (rrh).  It  may  suffice  to  refer  to  this  distinction 
once  for  all  so  as  to  avoid  the  necessity  of  introducing  such  a 
minute  difference  into  the  transcripts.  This  so-called  aspirated 
sound  is  distinct  fi'om  the  slender  sound  by  being  distinctly 
voiceless,  but  the  slender  sound  itself  is  very  often  so:  (a  ;rrhii 
laa  kgus  an  -d^iu)  a  tliri  lä  gus  an  diugh,  'three  days  ago'; 
but  when  in  answer  to  the  query  (nax  moor  an  drox  elan  a  her) 
nachjmör  an  droch  oilean  a  th'air?  'is  he  not  very  ill-mannered', 
one  says  'he  is'  in  the  stressed  answer  air  is  at  the  least  half- 
unvoiced  e.  g.  (ha  ilin  ;erh)  tha  sin  air.  In  N.  Inv.  in  Initials, 
before  back  and  front  vowels,  it  is  a  strongly  trilled  retracted 
sound  (r)  and  is  always  non-mouille;  in  aspirated  positions  as  in 
verbal  preterites  and  in  adjectives  feminine  and  after  the 
possessive  pronouns  (mo)  'my',  (do)  thy,  (a)  his  and  (a)  the  sign 
of  the  vocative,  it  is  always  mouille  (i.  e.  r);  (mo,  do,  a  rhu) 
'my,  thy,  his  king'  but  a  rrii  'her  king'.  This  agrees  with 
West  Munster;  'the  aspirated  sound  of  r  is  nothing  more  than 
its  slender  sound.  It  is  unknown  in  the  counties  of  Kilkenny, 
Waterford  and  Tipperary,  but  strongly  marked  in  the  other 
counties  of  Munster'  (v.  O'Don.  Gram,  p.  53). 

The  following  seems  an  exception  to  the  above  Statement 
that  Initials  have  strongly  trilled  retracted  (rr):  the  prepositional 
pronoun  romham  'before  me'  through  all  its  persons  never  in 
N.  Inv.  has  (rr)  but  always  (r)  i.  e.  it  is  treated  as  if  it  had  an 
enclitic  particle  before  it.  It  can't  be  owing  to  its  having  been 
originally  followed  by  a  front  vowel,  0.  Ir.  remam  'before  me', 
for  one  says  (rrau-ar)  'fat'  =  reamhar  —  the  final  (r)  for  (r) 
exemplifles  the  Northern  dialect  merely;  —  in  the  feminine  it 


524  GEORGE  HENDERSON,  THE   GAELIC  DIALECTS. 

>  (rh)  e.  g.  (pbtnli  rhe-aur)  bean  reamhar  'a  fat  wife';  (rree) 
reidh  'clear'  but  (rhetlic  ij  ein  bboort')  reidhtich  i'm  börd  'she 
cleared  the  table'. 

NB.  In  cridhe  'heart'  N.  Inv.  has  of  course  an  (r);  but 
Strachan  remarks  (Zeitschrift  für  Celtische  Phil.  I,  54) 
that  in  Manx  my  xrl  'my  heart'  a  broad  (r)  Stands 
before  a  slender  vowel;  Mr.  Staples  marks  ch  in  mo 
chridhe  with  forward  position  as  also  gh  in  gJirian 
'the  sim'  for  Argyll:  N.  Inv.  knows  nothing  of  such 
palatalization  of  the  velar  before  (r).  Uist  and  some 
other  parts  of  the  Isles  and  mainland  keep  a  distinction 
between  corc  'knife'  (korhk',  korxk')  and  coirce  'oats' 
(korhce).  The  pronunciation  of  this  latter  in  N.  Inv. 
and  as  far  North  as  Sutherland  is  similar  to  that  of 
the  former  word. 

Mause  of  Edderachillis 
Scourie,  Sutherland  G-eorge  Henderson. 

North  Britain. 


(To  be  continued.) 


Addenda. 

(1)  Denasalization.  Here  add:  —  as  eugmhais,  as  easbhuidh,  as  aonais 
(=  iunais)  'without,  wanting',  where  as  is  for  anns. 

In  S.  Uist  aiiif  talav  is  to  be  heard  often  for  «n  as  talav. 
Note  Gaelic  Revised  Version  1902 ,  in  Micah  IV,  2  lias :  as  a  shlighean 
'of  bis  ways'  for  m'a  shlighibh  of  1826  Version. 

(2)  The  Aspirate.  After  is  (assertive  form  of  Substantive  verb):  is 
b-amadan  am  fäidb  Hosea  IX,  7  Gael.  Rev.  In  Milan  Glosses  is  he  'it  is' 
occurs.    Tbe  use  of  it  in  tbis  case  strikes  my  ear  as  novel. 


LA  PRETENDUE  PARTICULE  VERBALE  A. 


En  lisant  le  recent  ouvrage  oü  M.  d'Arbois  de  Jubainville 
presente  au  public  frangais  Les  eUments  de  la  grammaire  celtique, 
Paris  1903  {rede  1902),  je  suis  etonne  de  lire  k  la  page  60  (ä 
propos  du  pronom  infixe  m):  'en  gallois:  et  en  breton  cet  m  re(^oit 
une  voyelle  de  soutien  qui  est  a:  en  gallois  a  thydi  am  gtvely  i 
'tu  me  verras',  litteralement,  'et  toi  tu  me  verras  moi';  en  breton: 
diaoul  r-am  dougo  'que  le  diable  m'emporte'.  Et  k  la  page  63 
la  meine  doctrine  reparait  avec  le  terme  de  'voyelle  d'appui',  ce 
qui  revient  au  meme.  C'est  une  expression  qui  me  rappeile  les 
'esprits  animaux'  de  l'ancienne  medecine,  une  theorie  au  lieu 
d'une  explication  concrete. 

L'explication  de  cet  a  me  parait  bien  simple,  et  je  demande 
la  permission  de  publier  ici  celle  que  je  donne  depuis  de  longues 
annees  dejä  dans  mes  Conferences  galloises  de  l'Ecole  des  Hautes 
Etudes.  Cette  explication  est  simple,  surtout  pour  les  Fran^ais 
habitues  ä  des  tournures  comme  'c'est  moi  qui  suis'  pour  'je 
suis'  etc.  En  elf  et  cette  preteudue  particule  verbale  ne  s'em- 
ploie  que  lorsque  le  sujet  (quelquefois  le  regime)  precede  le 
verbe,  c'est-ä-dire  dans  tous  les  cas  oü  l'on  mettrait,  ou  pourrait 
mettre,  en  fran^ais  un  que.  C'est  tout  simplement  le  pronom 
relatif,  comme  il  est  aise  de  s'en  rendre  compte  en  Consultant  la 
Qrammatica  Celtica  de  Zeuss  (2^  edition,  p.  391  mise  en  rapport 
avec  la  p.  341);  et  les  phrases  citees  par  M.  d'Arbois  de  Jubain- 
ville se  traduisent  litteralement,  le  gallois  par  'et  c'est  toi  qui 
me  verras,  moi',  le  breton  par  'le  diable,  qu'il  m'emporte'. 

Dans  le  frangais  populaire  de  Paris,  notre  que  est  egalement 
devenu  particule  verbale,  'consonne  d'appui  ou  de  soutien'  dirait 
Sans  doute  M.  d'Arbois  de  Jubainville  s'il  ecrivait  sur  notre 
langue.  Dans  un  recit  fait  par  un  homme  du  peuple  chez  nous, 
on  peut  entendre  revenir  dans  son  recit  (comme  ä  Berlin  sagt 

Zeitschirift  t.  oelt.  Philologie  IV.  34 


526  H.   GAIDOZ,   LA   PRETENDUE    PARTICULE    VERBALE    A. 

er)  les  formiües  Mmdi  =  'qu'il  rae  dit'  pour  41  me  dit',  ou 
Jijidi  pour  'que  j'y  dis'  (on  y  est  pour  lui),  c'est-ä-dire  'je  lui  dis'. 

Ce  qui  n'est  que  sporadique  en  fran^ais  est  devenu  regulier 
dans  plusieurs  dialectes  bearnais.  A  l'indicatif  du  verbe,  dit 
M,  Viuson,  ces  dialectes  "emploient  le  que,  prefixe  expletif  appele 
pronominal  par  le  prince  L.  L.  Bonaparte :  qtie  souey  ou  you  que 
souey,  'je  suis',  qti'ep  saludi,  'je  vous  salue".')  Et  en  par- 
courant  un  jour  la  coUection  des  Kgvjtraöia,  j'y  ai  trouve  un 
proverbe  bearnais  qui  me  fournit  un  exemple  de  cette  particule 
dans  un  texte  populaire.  C'est  un  dicton  ou  proverbe  mis  dans 
la  bouclie  des  femmes  mariees: 

laute  d'autes,  marit  qu'ey  bou,  'a  defaut  d'autres,  un  mari 
est  bon'. 

La  particule  verbale  a  du  gallois  et  du  breton  a  donc  eu 
sa  signification  propre  avant  d'etre  obliteree  par  l'usage  au 
point  que  les  grammairiens  indigenes  se  sont  mepris  sur  son 
origine.  Tli,  Rowlands,  par  exemple,  a  dans  sa  grammaire 
(4^  edition,  p.  52,  §  205)  ecrit  cette  pbrase  qui  etonne  un  historien 
de  la  langue:  'some  grammarians  consider  a  as  a  relative  pro- 
noun;  as  in  tlie  sentence  'ti  yw  y  ferch  a  garaf,  thou  art  tbe 
maid  I  love.  But  as  a  in  such  sentences  is  really  nothing  eise 
than  the  auxiliary  adverb,  which  in  affirmative  clauses  is 
placed  before  tlie  verb  when  tlie  nom.  or  the  objective  precedes, 
it  has  been  thought  proper  to  deny  it  a  place  among  relative 
pronouns'.    Cf.  ibid.  §  700  et  suivants. 

II  est  ä  peine  utile  de  remarquer  que  c'est  le  meme  mot 
que  le  pronom  relatif  irlandais,  a,  a-n,  sur  lequel  M.  d'Arbois 
de  Jubainville  —  the  last,  not  the  least  —  disserte  ä  la  meme 
page  95  dans  laquelle  il  declare  que  Va  gallois  et  breton  est 
une  particule  verbale  dans  les  phrases  oii  le  pronom  relatif  est 
sous-entendu.  Aussi  est-ce  ä  lui,  tout  le  premier,  que  je  soumets 
cette  explication  difterente  de  la  sienne. 


')  Dans  la  Revue  Critique  du  14.  Juin  1880,  p.  480,  ä  propos  d'un  livre 
de  M.  Luchaire  sur  les  idiomes  pyreneens.  M.  Vinsou  cite  lä  une  Note  sur  le 
que  pronominal  bearnais  du  prince  L.  L.  Bonaparte,  mais  pas  de  fa^on  ä  ce 
qu'on  puisse  la  retrouver,  car  il  ue  dit  pas  dans  quelle  revue  ou  publication 
eile  a  paru, 

Paris.  H.  Gaidoz. 


HEINRICH   ZIMMER 
ON   THE   HISTORY    OF   THE    CELTIC    CHURCH. 


I 


1.  Pelagius  in  Irland.    Texte  und  Untersuchungen  zur  patristischen  Litte- 

ratur,  von  Heinrich  Zimmer.  Berlin,  Weidmannsche  Buchhandlung, 
1901.    8°.    pp.  350. 

2.  The  Celtic  Church  in  Britain  and  Ireland,  by  Heinrich  Zimmer.    Trans- 

lated  by  A.Meyer.  London,  David  Nutt.  pp.  131.  The  article,  Kel- 
tische Kirche,  in  the  Realencyklopädie  für  protestantische  Theologie 
und  Kirche,  Vol.  X,  3d  edition  (in  progress). 

I  am  eager  to  express,  at  tlie  outset,  my  earnest  desire 
not  to  overstate  points  of  difference  with  Dr.  Zimmer,  because  I 
feel  as  one  dealing*  not  only  with  a  great  scholar  of  vast  in- 
dustry  and  attainments,  but  also  with  a  man  from  whom  I  have 
derived  great  proflt  and  Stimulation.  Within  my  modest  measm^e 
of  enqiiiry,  I  have  frequently  feit  deeply  grateful  to  him,  even 
when  driven  at  last  to  disagree,  or  to  find  in  other  wiiters 
what  seemed  to  correct  and  Supplement  conclusions  advanced 
by  him. 

Some  English  readers  may,  not  unnaturally,  remark  that 
the  second  volume  is  almost  too  inadequate  in  dimension  for  its 
subject,  yet  it  should  be  remembered  that  in  its  original  form 
it  is  but  an  article  in  an  Encyclopedia,  though  an  Encyclopedia 
conceived  upon  a  scale  unusually  large.  It  may  seem,  in  con- 
sequence,  more  a  sketch  than  a  history,  though  a  sketch  with 
elaboration  of  certain  details. 

Pelagius  in  Irland  is  divided  into  two  parts.  The  earlier 
part  deals  with  contributions  derived  from  Old-Irish  MSS.  to 
our  knowledge  of  the  unmutilated  Commentary  of  Pelagius  and 

34* 


528  HÜGH   WILLIAMS, 

generally  of  Patristic  Literature  from  the  fourth  to  the  sixth 
Century.  It  contains  eleven  chapters  or  sections  dealing  with 
such  points  as  the  following. 

(1)  The  exceptional  position  of  Ireland  in  relation  to  the 
Literature  of  the  4th  and  beginning  of  the  5th  centuries, 
its  isolation,  the  antiquity  of  its  Christian  culture,  the 
fate  of  Irish  MSS.  on  the  continent,  with  an  account  of 
those  that  have  an  important  bearing  upon  the  history 
of  the  Commentary  of  Pelagius.  These  are  the  Boolc 
of  Armayh  {Liber  Ärdmachanus),  now  in  Trinity  College 
Dublin,  written  A.  D.  807;  the  Würsburg  Codex  {Codex 
Wirzihurgensis)  of  the  Pauline  Epistles,  belonging  to  the 
8th  or  9th  Century,  with  its  numerous  Irish  and  Latin 
glosses;  the  Vienna  Codex  {Cod.  Vindohonensis)  written 
at  the  Irish  monastery  of  Ratisbon  by  Marianus  Scottus, 
who  had  wandered  thither  in  1067  from  the  North  of 
Ireland.  Zimmer  draws  attention  to  the  interesting  fact 
that  the  epistle  to  the  Colossians,  in  the  first  two,  Stands 
after  the  two  epistles  to  the  Thessalonians;  we  may  add 
that  the  same  Order  holds  in  the  British  writer  Gildas 
{De  Excidio  Britanniae)J) 

(2)  The  Commentary  of  Pelagius:  here  we  have  a  history 
of  the  work  of  the  Commentaries  which  Cassiodorus  had 
or  knew  of,  and  the  important  indications  of  a  Solution 
of  the  questions  that  Cluster  round  Pelagius'  work  as 
obtainable  in  Ireland.  A  Pelagian  party  is  treated  of 
as  existing  in  Ireland  about  A.  D.  455;  and  in  North 
Ireland  about  A.  D.  700,  argued  fi'om  the  Canons  pub- 
lished  by  Wasserschieben. 

(3)  Evidences  of  the  unmutilated  Commentary  of  Pelagius 
are  deduced  from  the  Book  of  Armagli,  in  its  Prologues 
and  Arguments  prefixed  to  the  different  Pauline  Epistles. 
These  are  given  in  füll,  and  form  altogether  an  ex- 
ceedingly  convenient  and  valuable  treasury  of  facts. 

(4)  The  extracts,  949  in  number,  made  in  the  Würzburg 
Codex  from  the  Commentary  of  Pelagius,  from  Epistola 
ad  Romanos  to  Epistola  ad  Phüemonem,  are  printed  in 
füll  (pp.  40—112). 

1)  Gildas:  published  by  Cymmrodorion  Society;  Additional  Note,  p.  98. 


ZIMMER   ON   THE   HI8T0RY    ÜF   THE    CELTIC   CHURCH.  529 

(5)  Here  follows  an  important  discussion  of  the  different 
receusions  that  exist,  or  are  supposed  to  exist  of 
Pelagius'  Commentary,  the  Pseudo-Jerome,  Pseudo- 
Primasius,  &c. 

(6)  The  evidence  of  the  Notes  of  Pelagius,  203  in  all,  found 
in  the  Vienna  Codex;  about  20  pages  are  devoted  to 
this  part  of  the  subject,  the  extracts  are  again  given 
in  extenso. 

(7)  Of  no  mean  interest  are  the  facts  culled  in  this  seetion 
of  Mediaeval  references;  fi'om  the  ancient  Catalogue  of 
St.  Gall,  for  instance,  the  title:  Expositio  Pelagii  super 
omnes  epistolas  Pauli,  and  others  equally  cogent  to  the 
eontention  that  the  Commentary  was  known  in  many 
places,  and  known  as  the  work  of  Pelagius. 

The  following  sections  (8),  (9),  (10)  are  devoted  to  a  most 
thorough  discussion  of  the  sources  of  possible  Information  upon 
the  subjects  already  named,  and  seetion  (11)  to  the  relation  of 
culture  in  Irish  monasteries  to  culture  in  the  monasteries  of  the 
continent  in  the  6th  and  7th  centuries. 

The  second  part  is  devoted  to  an  exhaustive  account  of 
the  Commentary,  the  unmutilated  Commentary,  of  Pelagius  and 
a  füll  discussion  of  the  grounds  upon  which  Dr.  Zimmer  believes 
it  to  exist  now  in  the  St.  Gall  MS.  (pp.  219 — 450),  his  own 
discovery. 

The  second  book  named  above  must  of  necessity,  so  far  as 
Ireland  is  concerned,  contain,  in  part,  ground  common  to  it  and 
the  larger  work.  Hence  our  notice  of  the  subject  refers  to  the 
two.  This  second  work  is  divided  into  three  Chapters:  Chapter  I 
deals  with  the  Celtic  Church,  (A)  in  Britain,  (B)  in  Ireland, 
(C)  in  North  Britain  (Alba). 

Chapter  II  covers  the  period  A.  D.  500—800,  the  Second 
Period,  and  gives  an  account  of  (A)  the  British  Church  in  Wales 
during  that  time,  regarded  as  the  revived  British  Church;  (B) 
The  Irish  Church  in  Ireland  and  North  Britain,  showing  the 
flourishing  State  of  the  Church  at  that  time  in  Ireland,  and,  in 
particular,  how  North  Britain  was  rechristianized  from  Ireland, 
when  the  'Roman'  mission  had  almost  failed.  Now  we  have 
Columba's  mission  to  the  Picts  described,  and  the  founding  of 
the   celebrated  monastery  at  Hi  (=  lona),  after  that  the  work 


530  EUGH  WILLIAMS, 

of  Paulinus  and  its  extinction  under  tlie  lieathen  Peuda,  then 
the  new  life  introduced  by  Oswald  through  the  venerable  Aidan, 
wlio  has  been  well  named  'tlie  apostle  of  the  North',  whose 
picture  in  the  pages  of  Beda's  History  no  reader  ever  forgets. 
Hardly  any  period  awakens  deeper  interest  than  this,  of  those 
Irish  missionaries  fi"om  lona  and  afterwards  fi'om  Lindisfarne, 
who  brought  it  to  pass  that  the  back-bone  of  English  Christianity 
was,  for  a  time,  in  Northumbria.  We  are  told  here  how  Irish 
influence  and  usages  yielded  to  Roman,  so  that  England  became, 
as  was  held  then,  again  Catholic, 

Chapter  III  carries  us  over  to  the  Mediaeval  Church,  (A)  in 
Wales,  (B)  in  Ireland,  (C)  in  North  Britain. 

The  last  part  —  Conclusion  —  treats  in  about  24  pages 
of  several  important  themes,  such  as  the  differences  which  long 
prevailed  between  the  Celtic  Churches  and  the  Eoman,  the 
diversity  in  their  computation  of  Easter,  Ordination  by  one  bishop, 
the  monastic  episcopate,  and  other  points. 

A  füll  and  adequate  notice  of  these  two  works  would  reqnire 
almost  a  volume,  and  no  one  can  be  more  conscious  of  inadequacy 
than  the  writer  of  this  article;  my  purpose,  therefore,  is  to  limit 
myself  to  a  few  topics  in  four  sections.  The  first  will  endeavour 
to  pass  in  review  that  part  of  the  subject  which  is  common  to 
the  two  books;  the  second  will  refer  to  Statements  made,  and 
conclusions  arrived  at,  by  Zimmer  respecting  the  Church  in 
Britain  in  its  earlier  period;  in  the  third,  I  try  to  see  my  way 
as  to  the  account  given  of  St.  Patrick  and  his  place  in  the  early 
Irish  Church;  with  the  fourth,  I  close  what  I  have  to  say,  in 
commenting  on  the  views  taken  of  the  revived  British  Church 
in  Wales,  including  also  some  of  the  subjects  treated  of  in  the 
Conclusion.  The  remainder  of  the  book  I  have  to  leave  untouched 
at  present. 

I. 
From  the  fact  that  the  first  of  the  two  works  named  above, 
is  closely  connected  in  purpose  and  matter  with  the  second,  the 
comments  which  follow  will  be  found  to  touch  on  both.  Two 
points,  in  particular,  emerge  here,  on  which  Zimmer  seems  to 
lay  gi'eat  stress,  and  which,  if  true,  have  a  very  important 
bearing  upon  his  argument.  First,  Pelagius,  he  takes  it,  was 
an   Irishman,    not   a  Briton:    the  fact,   in   itself,   is  perfectly 


ZIMMER  ON  THE  HISTORY   OF  THE   CELTIC   CHÜRCH.  531 

immaterial  for  all  of  us  now;  we  have  no  wisli  either  to  claim 
or  disclaim  relationsliip  with  Pelagius,  but  Zimmer  lias  built 
quite  a  stracture  of  concliisions  on  tlie  assumption  tliat  Pelagius 
was  undoubtedly  an  Irishman.  My  contention  will  be  tliat  all 
liis  contemporaries,  even  St.  Jerome,  take  him  to  be  a  Briton. 
Secoudly,  the  use  of  Pelagius'  Commentary  on  tlie  Pauline 
Epistles  in  Ireland  is  held  by  Zimmer  to  indicate  the  prevalence 
of  Pelagianism  in  the  Island  during  the  fifth  and  following  cen- 
turies.  On  this  second  point,  again,  I  hesitate  to  follow  him, 
inasmuch  as  the  crowd  of  facts  he  has  accumulated,  if  they  are 
not,  indeed,  adverse  to  his  conclusion,  seem  to  me  not  to  support 
it.  Zimmer  was  for  many  years,  he  teils  us,  convinced  that  the 
original  Commentary  of  Pelagius,  in  its  unmutilated  form,  had 
circulated  in  Ireland,  perhaps  during  the  lifetime  of  Pelagius 
himself;  to  this  conclusion  he  had  been  led  by  his  extensive 
study  of  Irish  MSS.,  and  had  prepared  an  Excursus  on  the  sub- 
ject,  or  rather  on  'die  Patricklegende',  in  the  summer  of  1894, 
which,  nevertheless,  has  never  been  published  in  print.  After- 
wards  whilst  at  work  on  the  article  in  Vol.  X  of  the  Real- 
encyklopädie,  he  came  to  the  conclusion  that  he  had  discovered 
the  missing  Commentary  itself  in  a  9th  Century  MS.  of  St.  Gall. 
The  Title  and  flrst  page  of  the  MS.  had  been  lost,  while  the 
Catalogue  gave  no  closer  description  of  it  than:  Glossae  incerti 
autoris  in  epistulas  Sancti  Faidi;  yet  the  vast  industry  and 
keen  perception  of  this  indefatigable  worker  found  that  what 
he  had  long  searched  for  was  before  him  in  this  very  codex. 
Here  was  apparently  the  very  Commentary  which  Pelagius  had 
written  before  A.  D.  410. 

Now  I  shall  attempt  to  give  a  concise  resume  of  the  facts 
which  Zimmer  has  garnered  in  the  volume  before  us,  so  far  as 
they  have  a  bearing  upon  the  history,  as  told  by  him,  of  the 
Celtic  Church.  But  I  may  premise  that  the  learned  philologist 
seems,  at  the  outset,  to  reach  an  important  conclusion  on  inade- 
quate  grounds.  He  finds  that  Pelagius  was  an  Irishman.  Every 
one  will  allow  that  the  evidence  appears  to  be  divided,  and 
Zimmer  summarises  it  in  a  few  words:  'Pelagius  is  usually 
spoken  of  as  a  Britto  or  Britannus  by  birth,  but  his  chief  ad- 
versary,  Jerome,  in  two  places  expressly  describes  him  as  Irish'. 
One  would  hardly  call  Jerome  his  chief  adversary:  Pelagius 
since   about  A.  D.  400   had  been   active   at  Rome;    he  wrote 


532  HÜGH  WILLIAMS, 

then  his  Three  Books  Be  Fide  Trinitatis  and  Eulogiarum 
Liber,  both  of  wliich  are  lost:  to  that  period  also  belongs 
his  Commentary.  Before  long  lie  succeeded  in  winning  over 
to  his  side  an  eloquent  Irishman,  named  Caelestius,  who  gave 
a  sharper  turn  to  the  problem  contained  in  his  teaching  and 
made  that  teaching  more  aggressive.  The  two  were  obliged 
to  leave  Eome,  on  account  of  the  approach  of  Alaric,  in  409  or 
410.  Augustine  began  to  write  against  Pelagius  and  his  doctrine 
about  A.  D.  412,  and  continued  to  do  so  in  a  large  number  of 
controversial  writings  until  near  his  death  A.  D.  430  (see  Loofs' 
Leitfaden  p,  209,  and  the  article  Augustinus  by  him  in  Realenc.  II, 
p.  281).  Jerome  began  to  mention  him  about  415,  and  wrote 
liis  Three  Books  of  Dialogi  contra  Pelagianos  shortly  after: 
Jerome  died  in  420.  These  facts  teil  us  something  as  to  who 
his  '  Chief  adversary'  was.  The  evidence  as  to  Pelagius'  birth- 
place  is  very  generally  regarded  as  conflicting;  all  his  con- 
temporaries  who  mention  the  fact  call  him  Britto  or  Britannus, 
except  St.  Jerome.  St.  Augustine,  Orosius,  Marius  Mercator  and 
Prosper  of  Aquitain  understood  him  to  be  of  British  origin,  but 
Jerome,  at  least,  seems,  mockingly,  to  call  him  an  Irishman, 
sneering  at  the  'Irish  pottage'  which  made  him  so  heavy.  The 
first  of  the  two  well  known  quotations  given  by  Zimmer  is  fi'om 
the  Prologue  of  the  Second  Book  of  Jerome's  Commentary  on 
Jeremiah,  written  at  a  time  when,  as  yet,  he  had  not  wTitten 
anything  against  Pelagianism  as  a  doctrine.')  Stolidissimus 
Scottorum  pultihus  praegravatus ,  dull  because  heavy  with  the 
pottage  of  Irishmen;  these  words  might  be  said  of  him  because 
of  too  close  intimacy  with  an  Irishman.-)  But  we  will  judge  of 
this  from  what  follows.  Pelagius  is  a  second  time  mentioned  by 
Jerome  in  the  Preface  to  Book  III  of  the  same  Commentary: 
Habet  enim  progeniem  Scotticae  gentis  de  Britannorum  vicinia: 
this  is  all  the  quotation  generally  given,  and  Dr.  Zimmer  follows 
suit.  But  let  US  take  the  wJiole  passage,  and  cumbering  difficulties 
will  make  our  walk  to  his  conclusion  slower.  Pelagius  was 
accompanied  by  what  some  people  would  call  a  typical  Irishman, 

^)  Libri  11,  Comment.  in  Jer. :  quorum  furori  respondimus  ut  potuimus : 
at,  si  Dominus  vitam  dederit,  plenius  responsuri  sumus.  This  was  in  A.  D.  415 
and  Jerome  died  in  420.     Cf.  Grrützmacher,  Hieronymus  (1901),  s.  91. 

')  Jerome's  contemptuous  words  respecting  the  Irish,  elsewhere,  are 
quoted  by  Dr.  Zimmer,  Pel.  in  Ir.  s.  20,  n. 


ZMMER   ON   THE   HISTORT   OF   THE   CELTIC   CHURCH.  533 

a  man  gifted  in  speech,  Caelestius  by  name.  It  was  he 
who  did  the  speaking  for  the  silent  thoughtful  Pelagius,  der 
agitierende  Cälestius  (so  Harnack  styles  him,  quoting  in  a  note 
from  Augustine's  De  peccato  origin.  13:  Caelestius  incredibili 
loquacitate),  just  as  it  was  bisliop  Julian  of  Eclanum  that  gave 
System  to  liis  teaching.  I  translate  the  whole  reference  as 
follows:  'He  himself  (Pelagius)  mute,  does  his  barking  by  means 
of  an  alpine  dog  (Caelestius)  huge,  big  of  body,  one  that  can 
be  more  furious  with  its  heels  than  with  its  teeth:  for  it  has 
its  lineage  of  the  Irish  breed,  from  the  neighbom^hood  of  the 
Britons,  which,  like  Cerberus,  according  to  the  fables  of  the 
poets,  must  be  smitten  with  a  spiritual  cudgel,  that  it  may, 
along  with  its  master,  Pluto,  be  still  with  an  eternal  silence'.') 
Here,  apparently,  the  one  that  has  Irish  lineage  is  he  that  is 
also  compared  to  Cerberus;  it  is  the  'dog',  Caelestius,  not  the 
'master',  Pluto,  who  must  represent  Pelagius.  We  thus  find  a 
reason  for  the  addition  de  Britannorum  vicinia;  the  dog  is  an 
Irish  dog,  from  the  neighbourhod  of  the  Britons,  whence  his 
master  comes. 

0!  te  felicem!  cuius  praeter  discipidos  nemo  conscribit  libros, 
ut  quidquid  videris  displicere,  non  tuum,  sed  alienum  esse  con- 
tendat  —  so  writes  Jerome  in  the  Third  Book  of  the  Dialogues 
against  the  Pelagians,  implying :  '  yovi  are  a  crafty  f ellow  Pelagius, 
you  let  others  write  and  talk,  keeping  your  own  tongue  quiet.' 
But  if  the  Interpretation  of  this  second  place  where  Pelagius  is 
mentioned  by  Jerome  be  correct  and  it  seems  to  me  the  only 
possible  one,  then  the  'Irish  pottage'  which,  according  to  the 
flrst,  '  weighs  heavy '  on  dull  Pelagius  (who  was  very  stout)  must 
also  be  understood  of  the  aid  rendered  him  by  Caelestius.  Thus 
all  our  evidence  respecting  Pelagius  is  uniform;  he  was  not  an 
Irishman.  St.  Augustine  in  a  letter  to  Paulinus  calls  him  Brito; 
Orosius  speaks  of  him  as  Britannus  noster  (Liber  Apol.  §  12,  3), 
and  Marius  Mercator  as  gente  Britannus  monachus:  Prosper's 
Chronicle,  completed  in  433,  refers  to  the  year  410  eodem  tem- 
pore Pelagius  Brito  &c.    I  conclude  that  all  the  contemporary 


1)  Ipseque  mutus  latrat  per  alpinum  canem,  grandem  et  corpulentum,  et 
qui  calci  bus  magis  possit  saevire  quam  dentibiis:  habet  enim  progeniem 
Scotticae  gentis,  de  Britannorum  vicinia,  qui  iuxta  fabulas  poetarum  instar 
Cerberi  spirituali  percutiendus  est  clava,  ut  aeterno,  cum  suo  magistro  Plutone, 
silentio  conticescat.    Migne  P.  L.  XXIY,  758. 


534  HUGH   WILLIAMS, 

evidence,  including  even  Jerome's,  leads  us  to  call  Pelagius  a 
Briton;  tlien  we  see  tliat  Dr.  Zimmer  is  beating  tlie  air  wlien 
he  suggests  as  on  p.  22,  and  repeatedly  in  the  larger  work,  tliat 
Pelagins,  Coming  'from  a  Christian  monastery  in  the  south-east 
of  Ireland,  would,  as  a  matter  of  course,  take  care  that  his 
works  reached  home,  in  the  same  way  as  towards  the  end  of 
the  same  Century  the  Semi-Pelagian,^  Faustus  Britto,  who 
lived  in  Southern  Gaul,  sent  his  writings  to  his  native  land  by 
his  fellow-countryman  Riocatus'.  Here  I  fear  is  'the  baseless 
fabric  of  a  dream'.  It  cannot,  as  I  have  remarked,  concern  us  a 
whit  whether  Pelagius  was  Irish  or  Briton,  but  since  the  idea 
of  his  being  from  Ireland  pervades  so  many  pages  of  the  books 
we  are  noticiug  and  shapes  their  conclusions,  it  was  well  to  get 
rid  of  such  an  idea  at  the  start,^)  seeing  that  it  turns  out  to 
have  no  foundation. 

We  come  back  to  Pelagius  in  Irland.  Pelagius,  after 
whom  the  well  known  heresy  was  called,  wrote  a  Commentary 
on  the  Pauline  epistles:  its  approximate  date  is  supplied  by 
Marius  Mercator  when  he  says  that  it  was  written  before  the 
sack  of  Eome  by  Alaric  (A.  D.  410):  in  character  it  consisted  of 
exceedingly  good  concise  notes.^)  But  copies  of  the  work  appear 
to  have  circulated  anonymously,  and,  therefore,  in  time,  it  appears 
as  a  work  ascribed  to  other  writers.  Without  entering  here 
into  all  the  intensely  interesting  matter  garnered  in  Zimmer's 
volume  respecting  the  Comraentaries  which  Cassiodorus  had,  or 
knew  of,^)  in  the  monastery  of  Vivarium  in  Bruttia,  whither, 
tired  of  public  life,  he  had  retired  in  540,  we  note  the  following 
facts.  (1)  Cassiodorus  had  one  Commentary  that  showed  great 
acuteness  in  its  concise  notes,  which  was  widely  known  and 
generally  ascribed  to  Pope  Gelasius  (492 — 496);  this  however 


>)  We  might  call  Faustus  equally  well,  as  has  been  remarked  by 
Harnack  of  these  men  of  South  Gaul,  'semi-Augustinian',  for  he  anathematizes 
Pelagius  in  streng  terms.    See  his  Sermones,  passim. 

")  Compare  also  the  long  note  on  p.  20  of  Pelagius  in  Irland.  Daß 
Hieronymus  mit  der  wiederholten  Betonung  der  irischen  Herkunft  des 
Pelagius  glaubte  demselben  einen  Makel  anzuhaften,  ist  unzweifelhaft.  .  .  . 
Daß  hierdurch  der  im  Text  gezogene  Schluß,  daß  Pelagius  tatsächlich  ein  Ire 
war,  bestätigt  wird,  liegt  auf  der  Hand. 

*)  Augustine  styles  the  work  as  in  Pauli  apostoli  epistolas  expositiones 
brevissimae.    Pel.  in  Irland  s.  13. 

*)  Pel.  in  Irland  ss.  202,  206, 


ZIMMER   ON  THE  HISTORY   OF  THE  CELTIC  CHURCH.  535 

he  foimd  to  be  contaminated  with  'the  poison  of  Pelagian  error' 
{Pelagiani  erroris  venena  illic  esse  seminata)  and  undertook  a 
revisioii  of  tlie  part  on  tlie  Epistle  to  the  Romans.  (2)  He 
knew  also  of  anotlier  with  the  same  character  of  brief  notes 
(adnofationes  hrevissimas)  attributed  by  some  (a  nonnullis)  to 
St.  Jerome.^  (3)  Again,  a  third  ascribed  to  St.  Ambrose  is 
mentioned.  This  last  (3)  is  convincingly  proved  to  be  the  well- 
known  Commentary  g-enerally  known  as  Amhrosiaster ,'^)  the 
earliest  of  all  Latin  Commentaries  on  the  Epistles  of  Paul  (c.  383): 
we  put  it  aside,  and  leave  the  fourth  unmentioned.  The  second 
Commentary  is  identified  with  the  so-called  Pseudo-Jerome,  and 
is  also  proved  to  be  a  revision  of  the  Commentary  of  Pelagius 
(ss.  206,  212).  But  what  of  the  first  named?  This  in  Zimmer's 
opinion  is  one  printed  for  the  first  time  under  the  name  of 
Primasius  of  Hadrumetum  in  Africa,  but  now  termed  Pseudo- 
Primasius.  Here  also  we  have  an  expurgated  edition  of  Pelagius, 
as  is  very  convincingly  shown  on  p.  123:  in  the  Epistle  to 
Philemon,  for  instance,  Pseudo-Jerome  has  21  notes,  Pseudo- 
Primasius  19  and  of  these  16  are  word  for  word  identical,  'oder 
so  gut  wie  wörtlich  aus  dem  Pelagiuskommentar  ausgeschrieben'. 
The  lost  original  of  these  is  prohahly  found  in  the  codex  dis- 
covered  by  Zimmer:  he  has  only  printed  the  Notes  on  Rom.  I 
and  V,  12 — 21  in  füll,  along  with  those  on  Hebrews,  but  gives 
a  collation  of  the  whole  with  Pseudo-Jerome  as  found  in  Migne's 
text.  Felagius  in  Irland  also,  at  great  length,  shows  how  the 
Commentary  was  widely  known  in  Irish  churches  and  monasteries 
under  its  own  name.  The  coUection  of  Irish  Canons  published 
by  Wasserschieben  3)  and  which  are  dated  as  belonging  to  the 
end  of  the  7th  or  beginning  of  the  8th  Century  (i.  e.  c.  700), 
gives  many  quotations  from  our  British  Gildas,  but  also  from 
many  of  the  Fathers,  Origen,  Jerome,  Augustine,  Gregory  the 
Great,  Gregory  Naz.,  Basil,  Lactantius,  Ambrose,  Faustus,  Eucher, 
Martin,  and  along  ivith  them  two  quotations  from  Pelagius,  both 
of  which  are  found  in  the  Pseudo-Jerome.  Thus,  in  Ireland,  the 
Commentary  was  known  under  its  true  name,  that  of  Pelagius, 


1)  ibid  SS.  202,  206. 

2)  TMs  book  was  known  in  Ireland  under  the  name  of  Hilarius,  and 
among  Irishman  on  the  coutinent  the  same  name  is  used.  ibid,  esp. 
SS.  118,  119. 

*)  Die  irische  Kanonensammlung:  see  esp.  ss.  XVni,  XIX. 


536  HüGH   WILLIAMS, 

while  outside  tlie  Celtic  Churcli  its  representative  was  the  really 
unknown  book  going-  under  the  false  name  of  St.  Jerome  {Fei. 
in  Irland  s.  25).  My  reason  for  italicizing  the  above  words  will 
be  made  known  presently.  Biit  again,  the  Book  of  ÄrmagJi, 
written  by  Ferdomnach  in  807,  contains  Prologues  to  the  whole 
of  the  Pauline  Epistles,  which  it  names  Prologus  Pilagii ') 
(ss.  26  —  28),  as  well  as  a  Prologus  Pilagii  in  aepistolam  ad 
Romanos:  besides  these  Prologues,  there  is  an  Argumentum 
Pilagii  to  several  of  the  Epistles  separately  (ss.  35 — 38):  no 
Commentary  is  given,  but  solely  the  Latin  text  of  the  Epistles. 
Next  Dr.  Zimmer  refers  to  a  Würzburg  MS.  of  the  Epistles  in 
which  are  written  explanatory  notes,  some  Latin  some  Irish: 
these  are  taken  from  many  sources,  apparently,  but  Origen, 
Jerome,  Augustine,  Gregory  the  Great,  Isidore,  and  Hei.  or  Hl, 
which  tui-ns  out  to  be  Ambrosiaster,^)  are  quoted  by  name.  Yet 
Pelagius  far  outnumbers  all,  for  the  citations  made  under  his 
name  amount  to  949. 

Without  following  the  crowded  pages  of  Pelagius  in  Irland 
any  further,  it  is  evident  that  from  about  A.  D.  700,  at  latest, 
both  in  Ireland  and  on  the  continent  of  Europe,  the  Commentary 
of  Pelagius  was  populär  with  Irish  ecclesiastics.  The  work 
certainly  has  real  merits  that  made  it  attractive,  and  a  certain 
crisp  conciseness  which  occasionally  reminds  me  of  Bengel,  so 
that  it  became  populär,  let  us  say  not  because  it  was  the  work 
of  Pelagius,  but  in  spite  of  the  prejudice  attaching  to  his  name 
as  a  heresiarch.  The  fact  that  his  name  occurs  among  those 
from  whose  works  citations  are  made  in  the  early  Canons  is 
insisted  upon  by  Zimmer;  yet  this,  by  itself,  is  not  the  really 
significant  fact  but  rather  that  the  name  of  Pelagius  occurs  and 
his  sayings  are  quoted  side  by  side  with  such  orthodox  Fathers 
as  Lactantius,  Ambrose,  Jerome,  Augustine,  Gregory  the  Great, 
Faustus,  and  some  near  home  such  as  Gildas,  Patricius,  together 
with  Vinnianus  (Vinnianus  =  Finian)  and  Theodore  as  authors 
of  Penitentials.  The  Canons  are  strictly  catholic  or  orthodox  in 
tone  and  scriptural;  they  are  also  Irish  and  Roman.  Now  I 
feel  that  the  use  made  of  Pelagius'  Commentary  in  such  a 
connection  could  only  occur  in  a  church  where  Pelagianism  as 

•)  Irish  MSS.  give  frequeat  instances  of  i  for  e  such  senodus  as  sinodw, 
ocianiis  for  oceanus,  herimus  for  eremus,  henivolus  for  he7ievolus. 
')  Fei.  in  Irland  s.  118, 119. 


ZIMMER   ON   THE   HISTORY   OF   THE   CELTIC   CHURCH.  537 

a  heresy  was  unknown.  It  is  startling  at  first  to  read  the 
name  of  Pelagius  (as  Pilagius)  above  bis  Prologues  and  Argu- 
menta in  so  orthodox  a  volume  as  the  Book  of  Armagh,  but  to 
say  that  the  Pelagian  heresy  was,  or  had  recently  been,  pre- 
valent  in  the  Irish  Church  can  in  no  way  stand  for  an 
explanation  of  the  transcription  by  the  scribe  of  such  matter. 
Such  a  fact  would  be  a  reason  in  Ms  mind  for  complete  exclusion. 
I  can  only  explain  the  peculiar  and  prominent  use  made  of  the 
Commentary  of  Pelagius,  with  bis  name  attached,  in  the  Canons 
and  the  Book  of  Armagh,  by  assuming  that  the  writers,  as  well 
as  their  countrj^men  generally,  did  not  know  him  as  a  heretic, 
and  much  less  the  heresy  named  after  liimJ)  The  name 
'Pelagius'  is  one  of  the  commonest;  the  predecessor  of  Pope 
John  ni  was  a  Pelagius  and  the  next  but  one  a  Pelagius.  Is 
it  not  possible  that  a  Commentary,  which  in  other  places,  and 
in  quite  orthodox  circles,  whether  slightly  revised  or  not,  could 
have  been  ascribed  to  Pope  Gelasius,  or  to  Jerome  or  to 
Primasius,  should  be  regarded  by  the  Compilers  of  the  books 
named  as  the  work  of  some  orthodox  Pelagius?  With  them  I 
would  include  their  compatriots  generally. 

But  what  of  the  letter  of  Pope  John  lY,  some  one  may 
impatiently  ask.  Zimmer  writes  as  follows:  'One  of  the  most 
striking  features  in  the  history  of  the  Irish  Church  is  the  great 
regard  in  which  the  heresiarch  Pelagius  and  especially  his 
Commentary,  were  held.  We  see  from  Pope  John's  letter  to  the 
Northern  Irish,  partly  preserved  by  Bede  that,  besides  the  in- 
correct  observance  of  Easter,  they  were  chiefly  reproached  with 
Pelagianism'.2)  The  letter  itself,  besides  the  name  of  John,  as 
yet  only  eledus,  bears  also  the  names  of  three  others,  a  Hilarus 
and  two  other  John's:  these  four  are  the  writers,  and  in  the 
former  part  of  the  letter  they  accuse  the  Iiish  of  being  quarto- 
decimans,  which  the  Irish  certainly  were  not.  The  latter  part 
says :  '  This  also  we  know,  that  the  poison  of  the  Pelagian  heresy 
is  taking  life  anew  among  you,  and  we,  above  all,  ui'ge  that  the 


1)  The  Canons  LVn,  c.  2  quaintly  say:  IS'on  ob  aliud  sunt  heretici,  nisi 
quod  scripturas  non  recte  intelligentes  suas  falsas  opiniones  contra  earum 
rationem  pertinaciter  asserunt.  Also  c.  4 :  Sinodus  ait,  Omnis  heresis  suadibilis 
est  et  valde  dulcis,  unde  quasi  ignis  vitanda  est. 

*)  Celtic  Church  p.  19.  So  also  Pelagius  in  Irland  s.  23,  where  the 
Latin  is  given. 


538  HÜGH  WILLIAMS, 

poisoned  evil  of  such  a  superstition  be  cleared  irom  your  minds. 
For  as  tlie  accursed  lieresy  itself  lias  been  condemned,  it  ouglit 
not  to  lie  hid  among  you;  because,  not  only  lias  it  been  effaced 
for  those  200  years,  but  it  is,  also,  buried  by  a  continued  ana- 
thema  and  condemned  by  us.  We  urge  that  the  ashes  of  those 
whose  armour  has  been  burnt  should  not  be  raised  up  among 
you'.  To  these  Roman  ecclesiastics  Pelagianism  had  been  dead 
over  200  years,  so  that  its  present  appearance  in  Ireland  was, 
in  their  view,  an  unexpected  recrudescence.  'The  Pelagians', 
Dr.  Harnack  says,  'nowhere  succeeded  in  forming  a  sect  or 
schismatic  partyV)  ^ven  Prosper  of  Aquitaine,  when  writing 
against  John  Cassian  and  his  friends,  speaks  of  it  as  an 
extinctum  dogma,'^)  so  that  one  is  strongly  tempted  to  say  that 
a  mistake  had  been  made  at  Rome,  and  that  there  was  in  fact 
no  new  outburst  of  Pelagianism  in  Ireland.  At  Rome  they  were 
keen  enough  to  fasten  on  the  name  'Pelagius',  whose  Commentary 
the  Irish  were  in  the  liabit  of  quoting,  naturally  concluding  that 
there  must  be  in  this  a  sign  of  the  recent  revival  of  an  ancient 
heresy.  The  earliest  Irish  literature,  following  the  date  of  the 
Roman  letter  (A.  D.  640),  as  has  been  already  remarked,  shows 
not  the  faintest  trace  of  Pelagianism:  in  the  Epistles  of 
Columbanus  I  can  find  no  mention  of  Pelagius;  no  saying  of 
Columba,  as  recorded  in  the  Life  by  Adamnan,  refers  to  the 
heresy:  Gildas  though  he  was  acquainted  with  Jerome's  'Dia- 
logues  against  the  Pelagians',  and  quotes  the  hook,  is  something 
more  than  silent  as  to  the  absence  of  Pelagianism  in  Britain. 
Again,  I  contend,  there  was  a  'Pelagius  in  Irland'  in  the  sense 
that  his  book  was  populär  there,  as  it  was  under  other  names 
elsewhere,  but  not  in  the  sense  that  his  doctrine  had  ever  taken 
root  in  the  Island. 

n. 

Writing  as  a  Briton  and  a  Welshman,  I  find  it  difficult 
not  to  Protest  mildly  and  kindly  that  the  parts  devoted  to 
Britain  and  Wales  are  so  short  in  this  book  on  'The  Celtic 
Church  in  Britain  and  Ireland'.  The  reference  to  the  legend  of 
Lucius,  for  instance,  if  only  from  a  literary  point  of  view,  might 

>)  Dogmengesch.  III,  169. 

')  Quid  cineres  extincti  dogmatis  refovendo,  deficientis  fumi  nidorem  in 
redivivam  flammam  conaris  coUigere?    Contra  Coli.  ii. 


ZIMMER   ON   THE   HISTORY   OF   THE    CELTIC   CHÜRCH.  539 

have  been  usefully  expanded  from  Zimmer's  own  book  on  Nennius, 
Thoiigh  we  all  agree,  wlietlier  we  take  it  in  its  sliortest  and 
earliest  form  of  all  in  tlie  Liber  Pontificalis,  or  in  its  later 
development,  wliere  Lies  ap  Coel,  or  Llenfer  Mawr,  figures,  that 
it  is  utterly  without  foundation,  yet  we  sliould  liaA'e  feit  tliank- 
ful  that  an  explanation  of  its  origin  sliould  have  been  forth- 
coming  from  so  competeut  a  pen  as  that  of  Dr.  Zimmer.  Even 
M.  Arthur  de  la  Borderie,  when  writing  of  Les  Bretons  insulaires, 
in  his  Eistoire  de  Bretagne  (1896),  appears  to  believe  the  story, 
so  that  merely  to  say  'that  it  was  invented  towards  the  end  of 
the  seventh  Century  by  a  representative  of  Rome,  in  order  to 
Support  liim  in  his  Claims  against  the  Britons',  is  somewhat 
disappointing,  is  less,  undoubtedly,  than  the  ample  fulness  we 
know  the  author  could  have  furnished  us.') 

It  is  well  we  sliould  be  made  aware  of  a  steni  fact,  that  is 
to  say,  Hhe  utter  absence  of  any  tradition  of  any  definite 
missionary  activity'  for  the  first  evangelization  of  Britain,  and 
so  'we  must  needs  conclude  that  Christianity  was  brought  to 
Britain  by  natural  intercourse  with  other  countries,  Gaul  and 
the  Lower  Rhine  in  the  first  place,  rather  than  by  any  special 
individual  or  missionary  effort;  we  may  also  bring  to  niind  that 
Gildas,  writing  about  A.  D.  540,  seems  to  have  no  knowledge  of 
the  first  advent  of  Christianity  to  Britain  except  what  could  be 
stated,  in  a  general  way,  from  the  Latin  version  of  the  Chronicon 
of  Eusebius,  or  fi'om  the  Historiae  of  Orosius,  respecting  the 
whole  World. 

It  may  be  doubted  whether  too  much  is  not  asked  of  us  if 
we  are  bidden  to  believe  that  'the  rhetorical  tenor'  of  a  passage 
in  Tertullian  is  sufflcient  to  brand  it  as  'unsafe  testimony';  if 
so,  the  greater  part  of  the  writings  of  that  skilled  rhetorician, 
with  his  trenchant  style,  can  only  furnish  testimony  that  is 
'unsafe'.  Still  Britain  was  much  to  the  fore  at  that  time;  one 
Roman  general,  Clodius  Albinus,  had  left  Britain  in  193  to  make 
his  daring  bid  for  the  title  of  Augustus,  and  Tertullian  mentions 
the  victory  of  Severus  over  him;  soon  after,  the  Roman  army 
met  with  terhble  reverses  in  the  North  of  Britain,  and  when 


1)  Besides  the  treatment  by  Zimmer  himself  in  Nennius  Vindicatus,  it 
is  instructive  to  consult  the  exhaustive  remarks  of  the  Editor  (M.  Duchesne) 
of  the  Liber  Pontificalis  Tome  I,  pp.  XCII,  136.  He  believes  Dr.  Zimmer's 
explanation  insufficient. 


540  HUGH   WILLIAMS, 

Tertullian  was  writing  (aboiit  A.  D.  208)  the  passage  mentioned, 
the  emperor  Severus  himself  was  either  on  the  way,  or  had 
already  embarked  for  Britain,  dying  at  York  in  211.  In  this 
way,  both  to  Rome  and  Carthage,  news  from  Britain  would 
necessarily  travel  and  that  frequently,  between  200  and  208,  so 
tbat  it  is  quite  judicious  on  our  part  to  take  at  least  this  bare 
fact  from  the  passage  in  the  Adv.  Judaeos  (c.  7),  and  regard  it 
as  very  possible  that  there  were  Christians  in  Britain  ahout 
A.  D.  200—208. 

The  spirit  of  modifying  is  on  the  historian  when  writing 
this  page,  perhaps  not  unnaturally,  as  it  is  a  spirit  almost  of 
denial  in  the  work  to  which  his  notes  so  frequently  refer  us. 
He  duly  states  how  we  learn  from  Gildas  that  the  Diocletian 
persecution  produced  martyrs  in  Britain,  'St.  Alban  of  Verulam, 
Aaron  and  Julius  Citizens  of  Caerlleon,  and  others  of  both  sexes 
in  diverse  places,  who  stood  firm  with  lofty  nobleness  of  mind 
in  Christ's  battle',  but  then  adds  that  this,  as  a  statement  based 
on  a  sixth  Century  tradition,  cannot  stand  against  'weighty 
reasons'  which  'speak  against  any  notewortly  extension  of  that 
persecution  into  Britain'.  Those  'weighty  reasons',  based  upon 
expressions  found  in  the  writings  of  Eusebius,  Lactantius  and 
Optatus  of  Mileva  are  fairly  well  known,  but  are  they  weighty 
enough  to  leave  us  with  this  bare  statement?  One  may  almost 
call  it  a  bare  dogmatic  statement.  That  there  were  no  perse- 
cutions  in  Western  Europe  after  A.  D.  306  every  one  will  admit, 
because  by  then  Constantine  had  been  proclaimed,  but  there  was 
the  very  name  of  his  father  Constantius  attached  to  the  fierce 
edict  of  304  which  would  give  the  legal  right  for  oppression  to 
any  persecuting  governor;  moreover,  before  Constantius  became 
Augustus,  Maximian  had  persecuted  the  Christians  over  large 
areas  of  the  West,  of  which  cruel  violence  Italy  and  Spain  are 
known  to  have  had  sad  experience.  Wliy  not  Britain  also? 
Further,  a  closer  reading  of  Gildas,  in  the  very  edition  that 
Zimmer  had  before  him  (the  Chronica  minora  of  Mommsen), 
would  show  that  the  British  writer  is  far  from  stating  that  the 
people  he  mentions  were  put  to  death  in  the  Diocletian  perse- 
cution, because  we  find  him,  not  really  knowing  the  exact  time, 
adding,  'as  we  conclude  (ut  conicimus)  in  the  above  mentioned 
persecution'.  It  is  said  also  that  this  is  merely  'a  statement 
based  on  a  sixth  Century  tradition',  in  utter  forgetfulness  that 


ZIMMER   ON   THE   HISTORY   OF  THE   CELTIC   CHURCH.  541 

Albaiius,  if  we  give  credit  to  tlie  Life  of  Germaims  by  Con- 
stantius,  was  known  and  revered  as  a  martyr  as  early  as 
A.  D.  429.')  It  seems  to  me  that  tliis  part  of  his  subject  is 
somewhat  liastily  passed  over;  we  may  yet  hold  that  some  one 
or  other  of  the  persecutions,  the  Deciau  (251),  the  Valerian  (257) 
or  the  Diocletiau  in  its  early  years,  fouud  martyrs  in  Britain. 

All  that  is  narrated  about  Christianity  in  Britain  as  evi- 
denced  by  the  well  known  facts  respecting  the  presence  of 
British  bishops  in  the  Councils  of  Arles  (314)  and  Ariminiun 
(359),  will  be  read,  undoubtedly,  by  all  with  the  utmost  approval. 

It  is  not  easy  to  attach  a  very  definite  meaning  to  some 
other  remarks  which  immediately  follow,  while  to  agree  with 
Zimmer's  adoption  of  'some  important  arguments'  adduced  by 
Mr.  F.  C.  Conybeare  is  particularly  difflcult.  That  the  British 
Church  was  'an  active  niember'  of  the  great  Catholic  Church 
of  the  Empire,  and  so  was  drawn  into  its  doctrinal  disputes  is 
clear;  the  very  fact  that  its  bishops  took  part  in  the  Council  of 
Ariminum,  as  we  are  told,  is  good  proof  of  this,  but  can  hardly 
be  proof  that  it  was  'a  member  of  the  Roman  Church'.  Such 
language  is  misleading  because  inexact,  since  the  British  could 
only  be  'a  member  of  the  Eoman  Church'  in  the  same  sense  as, 
from  a  particular  stand- point,  it  might  be  maintained  that  the 
Church  of  Coustantinople  or  of  Sirmium  (where  the  work  for 
Ariminum  was  planned  before-hand)  was  'a  member  of  the 
Eoman  Church'.  Such  however  cannot  be  the  meaning  in  these 
pages,  and  Dr.  Zimmer  gives  us  a  more  correct  Statement  on 
p.  108  where  he  says  that  'the  British  formed  during  the  fourth 
Century  a  brauch  of  the  Catholic  Church  of  the  West'.  He 
approves  of  the  idea  that  there  was  Arianism  in  the  British 
Church:  to  me  Gildas  appears  in  the  passage  where  he  mentions 
the  Äriana  perfidia  'rhetorical'  beyond  wont,  and  the  history  of 
Arianism  in  the  West,  when  studied  in  detail,  would  seem  to 
discountenance,  most  decidedly,  the  idea  that  the  teaching  had 
any  hold  of  Britain.  Dr.  Zimmer,  however,  brings  forward 
Mr.  F.  C.  Conybeare  as  'having  recently  adduced  some  important 
arguments  to  show  that  the  British -Welsh  Church,  even  as  late 
as  the  seventh  Century,  tolerated,  if  not  actual  Arianism,  yet 
Views  far  from  orthodox  regarding  the  doctrine  of  the  Trinity'. 


1)  Vita  Germani  I,  25. 

Zeitschrift  f.  colt.  Philologie  lY.  35 


542  HUGH  WILLIAMS, 

But  we  are  not  informed  what  these  'important  argiiments'  are: 
a  historical  conclusion  is  thiis  suggested  to  readers  who  may  not 
possess  the  means  of  satisfying-  themselves  as  to  tlie  cliaracter 
of  the  proofs  lipon  which  it  is  made  to  rest.  Mr.  Conybeare's 
deservedly  high  name  is  known  in  other  fields,  but  I  am  obliged 
to  confess  that  his  arguments  in  the  Paper  referred  to')  seem 
to  nie  somewhat  shadowy.  We  must  examine  the  Paper  itself, 
and  so  endeavour  to  form  some  judgment  whether  its  arguments 
and  conclusions  ought  to  have  tlie  weight  accorded  them  in  this 
volume. 

The  Paper  bears  the  title  'The  Character  of  the  Heresy 
of  the  Early  British  Chiirch'.  Now  the  first  page  speaks  of 
'Caelestius  the  Pelagian  at  the  eud  of  the  third  and  beginning 
of  the  fourth  Century',  that  is  about  a  Century  earlier  than  the 
time  of  Caelestius'  real  life;  but  such  a  slip  is  easy,  and  should 
not,  perhaps,  be  pressed.  On  p.  87  we  are  told  that  'the  old 
British  writer  Gildas  says  that  the  British  priests,  far  from 
shrinking  from  travel,  found  their  best  pastime  in  sailing  over 
the  seas  and  in  wandering  over  distant  lands.  And  wherever 
they  penetrated,  since  they  made  their  appeal  to  the  heart  and 
intelligence  of  their  converts,  they  foimded  .  .  .  a  willing  and 
self-offering  people  of  the  Lord '.2)  I  believe  that  there  is  none 
of  this  in  Gildas;  the  priests  he  describes  as  readily  crossing 
the  seas,  do  it  wantonly  to  obtain  the  Ordination  which  would 
be  denied  them  in  their  own  country,  a  very  different  purpose. 
On  pp.  88,  89  we  have  a  well  written  account  of  the  coming  of 
Augustine  to  convert  the  Angles  'so  far  as  these  really  needed 
conversion',  but  also  'equally  to  aniend  the  errors  which  deformed 
the  older  Christianity  of  our  Islands'.  Where  in  the  correspondence 
between  Gregory  the  Great  and  Augustine  is  this  second  purpose 
implied?  As  far  as  my  reading  goes,  the  correspondence,  whether 
as  given  in  Mon.  Germaniae  Uistorica  {Epistolae  Greg.  I)  or  in 
Beda,  conveys  no  implication  of  a  commission  to  amend  errors 
regarded  as  'deforming  the  older  Christianity'.  Eesponsa  2  and  6 
refer  to  the  Euglish,  and  7  runs:  Brittaniarum  vero  omnes 
episcopos    tuae    fi'aternitati    committimus   ut   indocti   doceantur. 


*)  Transactions  of  the  Cymmrodorion  1897—98,  pp.  84—117. 
*)  The  reference  is,  Haddan  &  Stubbs  ü,  i,  70:   should  it  be  I,  ii,  70? 
yet  p.  70  contains  no  such  passage  as  is  implied  ahoye. 


ZIMMER   ON  THE   HISTORY   OF   THE  CELTIC   CHURCH.  543 

infirmi  persuasione  roborentur,  perversi  auctoritate  corrigantur. 
It  certainly  seeins  tliat  the  scholar's  imagination  is  playing 
tricks  witli  liis  facts. 

'The  British  clergy',  so  Mr.  Conybeare  proceeds  on  p.  89, 
'came  from  their  monastery  in  Flint,  and,  according-  to  Bede, 
had  already  debated  among  themselves  the  point  whether  or  no 
they  should  desert  their  own  traditions  and  accept  the  preaching 
of  Angustine.  Dinoot,  their  abbot,  had  given  them  some  shrewd 
ad  vice  in  regard  to  the  matter'.  The  footnote  says  'See  Plummer's 
Bede  11,76',  that  is  Dr.  Plummer's  vahiable  Notes:  but  let  us 
first  see  Beda  himself  in  Plummer's  I  (Bk.  II,  2).  There  we  find 
that  the  shrewd  ad  vice  was  given  not  by  Dinoot,  the  abbot,  but 
by  'a  certain  holy  and  wise  man,  who  was  wont  to  lead  an 
anchorite  life  among  them'.  Others  besides  Mr.  Conybeare  have 
fallen  into  this  mistake. 

A  very  rash  Statement  bearing  on  this  point  is  made  on 
p,  99 :  'And  Gregory  the  First  in  giving  Augustine  of  Canterbury 
commission,  indicates  that  the  Celtic  Church  had  no  form  of 
right  belief  or  right  living.'  By  the  'commission'  here  mentioned 
is  meant  the  letter  which  came  with  the  pallium,  dated  June  22, 
A.  D.  601,  four  years  after  Augustine's  arrival  in  Kent;  in  it 
directions  are  given  'to  ordain  twelve  bishops,  all  to  be  subject' 
to  Augustine  as  metropolitan,  'so  that  the  bishop  of  London  — 
as  successor  of  Augustine  —  might  always  in  future  be  conse- 
crated  by  his  own  synod',  also  to  'send  a  bishop  to  York,  who 
is  himself  to  ordain  12  bishops,  and  act  as  their  metropolitan'. 
Augustine  however  is  to  be  supreme  over  all;  'thy  Fraternity 
is  to  have,  not  only  the  bishops  ordained  by  thee,  nor  those 
only  ordained  by  the  bishop  of  York,  but  also  all  priests  of 
Britain,  subject  unto  thee,  under  owr  God  and  Lord  Jesus  Christ, 
so  that  from  the  language  and  life  of  thy  Holiness  they  may 
learn  the  form  of  right  belief  and  right  living.'  Surely  this 
rule,  if  it  does  not  refer  exclusively  to  the  contemplated  24 
English  bishops,  must  include  them.  We  can  hardly  find  in  it 
the  slightest  indication  of  the  absence  of  any  right  belief  or 
right  living  in  the  Celtic  Church,  as  Mr.  Conybeare  maintains. 

All  that  he  says  respecting  the  rebaptism  of  Irish  and 
British,  can  easily  be  explained  without  resorting  to  the 
assumption  of  heresy  among  them:  the  parallel  case  in  the 
famous  Novatian  schism,  when  Cyprian  asserted,  and  the  bishop 

35* 


544  HÜGH   WILLIAMS, 

of  Rome  denied,  the  necessity  of  rebaptism,  shows  that  tlie 
question  of  faith  did  not  enter  into  discussion;  tlie  Novatians 
were  orthodox  in  faith. 

Mr.  Conybeare  in  maintaining  that  'the  real  defect  in 
British  baptism  was  the  absence  of  any  invocation  of  the 
Trinity',  quotes  the  letter  of  Pope  Zachariah  to  Boniface 
(A.  D.  748) :  '  Your  first  point  regards  the  Synod  of  the  province 
in  which  you  were  born  and  bred':  so  does  Mr.  Conybeare 
translate,  and  he  explains  that  'the  synod  in  question  was  the 
very  one  at  Augustine's  oak'.  This  is  very  unlikely.  We  look 
up  the  letter  in  M.  G.  H.,  Epistolae  III,  p,  356,  and  read: 
'Primum  capitulmn  pro  synodo,  in  qua  natus  et  nutritus  es  — 
the  Synod  in  which  you  were  born  and  bred',  with  no  mention 
of  '  province ',  and  the  editor,  E.  Dümmler,  refers  us  to  Bonif ace's 
own  letter  to  Zachariah  (Ep.  50)  and  words:  'Quia  S3aiodus  et 
aecclesia,  in  qua  natus  et  nutritus  fui  (the  Synod  and  Churcli  in 
which  I  was  born  and  bred),  id  est,  in  transmarina  Saxonia 
Lundunensis  synodus.^  The  words  next  quoted  by  Mr.  Conybeare 
as  giving  the  decree  passed  at  the  Synod,  are  found  in  Gratian's 
Decretum  as  of  a  Synodus  Anglorum:  all  this  plainly  proves 
that  the  Synod  meant  could  in  no  way  be  the  Conference  which 
Augustine  held  with  the  British  bishops  at  the  oak.  We  are 
also  bidden  to  "notice  how  careful  Zachariah  is  to  use  the  word 
'washed'  or  'dipt'  not  baptized  of  the  imperfect  British  rite'. 
Surely  Mr.  Conybeare  has  forgotten  how  constantly  from  the 
'laver'  of  Justin  Martyr  and  the  'we  are  thrice  immersed'  of 
Tertullian,')  these  very  phrases  are  used  of  orthodox  baptism, 
or  the  quite  distinct  assertion  by  Cyprian  that  heretics  are 
not  'washed'  (loti)  at  all,  only  perfusi  (Ep.  69,  12):  nay,  and 
worse,  he  has  not  observed  that  the  Pope  himself  further  on,  in 
this  very  letter  to  Boniface,  says  'ut,  si  .  .  .  invocata  trinitate 
iuxta  regulam  a  Domino  positam  quicumque  mersus  esset  .  .  . 
quod  sacramentum  sine  dubio  haberet'.  The  contention  that 
Arian  views  lived  on  as  late  as  the  year  600,  and  that  proof 
of  this  may  be  found  'in  the  baptismal  formula',  seenis  to  rest 
upon  the  slighest  possible  foundation:  baptism  'in  the  name  of 


^)  T.  Mast.  A,  p.  I,  61 :  •  xakeTrai  6s  toCto  to  Xovtqov  <p(oria(j.6g.  Tert. 
De  Caron.  Mil.,  3:  ter  mergitamur.  De  Bapt.,  7:  quod  in  aqua  mergimur, 
epiritalifl  effectus. 


ZIMMER   ON  THE   HTSTORT   OF  THE   CELTIC   CHURCH.  545 

Christ'  is  vouched  for  as  orthodox  in  Cyprian's  Epistula  73,  also 
by  his  contemporary  Stephen,  bishop  of  Rome,  by  St.  Ambrose 
and  others  down  to,  and  induding  Thomas  Aquinas.  The  present 
digression  has  been  long,  but  its  one  object  is  not  trivial,  and 
that  is  to  show  how  a  mere  reference  to  a  name  that  otherwise 
Stands  so  worthily  high,  should  not  be  taken  as  truly  vouching 
for  a  suggested  fact.  One  is  bound  heartily  to  admire  the 
learning  displayed  in  Mr.  Conybeare's  paper,  bnt  we  cannot 
honestly  close  our  eyes  to  what  seems  a  reckless  striving  for 
originality,  leading  to  unsonnd  thoiigh  plausible  conclusions. 

Zimmer  relates  succinctly  all  that  may  be  said  to  rest  on 
acceptable  evidence  abont  Pelagianism  in  Britain  and  the  two 
Visits  of  Germanus,  or  Garmon  escob,  as  the  medieval  Welsh 
writers  call  him,  to  this  Island.  One  is  glad  to  see  the  pointless 
surmise  as  to  'Maes  Garmon'  in  Flintshire  passed  over,  as  also 
the  mention  of  more  than  one  Llanarmon  to  be  described  as 
churches  'dedicated'  to  Germanus,  or  Garmon.')  The  Statement 
made  that  'Gildas  does  not  mention  Pelagianism',  might  be 
materially  strengthened  by  our  observing  that,  although  silent 
on  this  point  amid  such  abundance  of  other  charges,  including 
even  scliism  (c.  69), 2)  he  was  acquainted  with  Jerome's  work 
Dialogus  contra  Pelagianos,  and  in  c.  92  quotes  a  whole  sentence 
from  the  Prologue.  Gildas'  silence  is  the  reticence  of  one  who 
knows  what  could  be  said  were  it  necessary. 

m. 

Zimmer  has  devoted  48  pages  to  the  next  part  of  his  subject, 
'The  Introduction  of  Christianity  into  Ireland',  and  here  there 
can  be  no  doubt,  he  has  given  strong  expression  to  views  which 
will  arouse  no  weak  Opposition.  My  feeling,  after  trying  to  read 
the  sources  carefully,  is  that  it  was  well  to  have  the  whole 
question  thus  set  before  us  in  its  extreme  nakedness,  and  to  find 
the  utmost  that  can  be  said  against  the  prevalent  and  populär 
views  stated  with  such  amplitude  of  facts.  This  part  of  the 
book,  combined  with  the  larger  array  of  material  that  is  provided 


1)  In  its  original  form  Llanarmon  would  be  Lanna  Germani,  as  we 
know  of  Lanna  Pauli  in  the  Life  of  Paul  of  Leon,  which  in  there  interpreted, 
'monastery  of  Paul':  id  est,  monasterium  Pauli. 

2)  non  ita  omnes  episcopi  vel  presbyteri,  ut  superius  comprehensi ,  quia 
non  scismatis  .  .  .  maculantur,    This  Gildas  allows  to  be  true. 


546  HüGH  WILLIAMS, 

SO  lavishly  in  the  author's  larger  voliime  (Pelagius  in  Irland), 
will  be  of  value  even,  if  not  mostly,  for  those  who  dissent  from 
Ms  views.  Dr.  Reeves  in  his  edition  of  Adamnan's  Life  of 
Columba  liad  long  ago  stated  the  nature  of  the  difficulties  that 
lie  here:  'St.  Patrick's  Life,  and  with  it  the  early  history  of 
the  Irish  Church,  owes  miich  of  its  complication  and  uncertainty 
to  the  length  of  interval  wliich  elapsed  between  his  death,  and 
the  recording  of  his  acts.i) 

This  'complication  and  uncertainty'  is  set  forth  afi'esh  in 
the  strongest  possible  terms  by  Zimmer,  and  for  this,  every 
Student  of  history  owes  him  gratitude. 

Let  US  take  the  native  tradition,  or  'the  Patrick  legend', 
about  the  introduction  of  Christianity  to  Ireland,  stripped  of  all 
details.  It  is  as  foUows.  'Until  431  Ireland  had  been  entirely 
heathen.  In  that  j^ear  a  certain  Palladins  was  sent  by  Pope 
Celestine  to  convert  the  Irish,  but  he  returned  at  once,  and  died 
in  Britain  on  his  way.  He  was  immediately  replaced  by  the 
Briton  Patricius,  who  in  his  youth  had  been  a  prisoner  in 
Ireland.  In  the  course  of  a  higlily  successful  missionary  activity 
Patricius  converted  the  whole  of  Ireland  to  Christianity.  He 
founded  churches  all  over  the  country,  ordained  bishops  and 
Presbyters,  and  died  as  the  universally  revered  head  of  this 
Church,  in  which  he  held,  so  to  speak,  the  rank  of  a  metro- 
politan,  having  his  see  at  Armagh  in  Ulster.'  This  native  view 
of  St.  Patrick  is  controverted  by  Zimmer:  to  him  Patrick,  in  his 
youth,  appears  as  an  'eccentric  and  somewhat  narrow-minded 
man  of  defective  education',  afterwards,  at  Eome,  as  one  of 
those  'highly  religious  people  possessed  of  one  idea',  yet  inclined 
to  'exaggerate  his  family's  influential  position  in  Britain  to  the 
leading  ecclesiastical  circles'  in  that  city.  His  native  British 
name  Sucat,"^)  which  is  interpreted  in  the  Notes  to  St.  Fiacc's 


>)  The  Life  of  St.  Columba,  Pref.  p.  v. 

'■')  We  had  better  add  in  a  note  that  St.  Patrick  was  said  to  have  had 
four  names.  These  appear  in  one  of  the  oldest  document,  Tirechan's  Collectanea, 
as  Magonus,  Siiccetus,  Patricius,  Cothiriacus  (Anal.  Bell.  11,  p.  35).  Later 
accounts  inform  us  that  Sucat  was  the  name  given  him  by  his  parents, 
Cothrige  the  name  he  bore  during  his  bondage;  Magonius  he  was  called  by 
St.  Germaniis,  Patricius  by  Pope  Celestine  at  his  Ordination  (Trip.  Life,  p.  412). 
In  the  attempt  made  to  connect  Sucat  with  the  Welsh  adjective  hygad 
meaning  'warlike',  we  should  reraember  that  the  name  appears  in  several 
forme  Succat,  Succetus,  Succet,  Sachet,  Suchet,  Suchat  (Anal.  Boll.  1.  c). 


ZIMMER   ON  THE   HISTORY   OF  THE   CELTIC   CHURCH.  547 

Hymn  (8tli  Cent.,  the  Notes  later)  as  implying  deus  belli  or 
fortis  belli  {su  meaning-  'brave'  and  cat  'war')  he  changed  for 
Palladius.  'Sucat  eitlier  changed  his  name  on  his  journey  to 
Italy,  or,  what  is  more  in  accord  with  his  scanty  education,  he 
made  friends  select  for  him  a  Roman  equivalent  for  the  British 
Sucaf  Dr.  Zimmer  seems  to  me  at  his  wildest  here.  But  let 
US  hear  him  fiirther:  'the  somewhat  narrow-minded  Sucat 
(Palladius)  .  .  .  considered  himself  justified  in  assuming  the  title 
Patricius,  and  thus  figured  in  Ireland  as  Succat  Fatricius,  and 
in  his  writings  simply  as  Patricius'.  It  is  evident  that  the  Irish 
themselves,  as  appears  in  the  glosses  to  St.  Fiacc's  Hymn  and 
the  Tripartite  Life,  did  not  know  that  Patraic,  or  Patric,  was 
the  older  form  of  Cothraige;  but  as  pascJia  smö.  prebiter  (a  populär 
form  of  presbyter)  appear  as  casc  and  crubthir,  so  Patricius  was 
Hibernicised  to  Cothrige.  'Cothrige  is  the  ftfth  Century  name  for 
the  historical  Patricius',  so  says  Dr.  Zimmer,  and  no  doubt 
rightly,  yet  there  can  be  in  this  fact  nothing  inconsistent  with 
our  acceptance  of  the  national  tradition,  if  regarded  with  those 
moderating  and  explicative  views  which  students  of  populär 
legends  learn  elsewhere.  The  extreme  rationalising  of  populär 
stories  has  often  Struck  me  as  the  making  of  new  ones:  the 
St.  Patrick  of  Dr.  Zimmer,  in  the  same  way,  appears  almost  a 
fresh  myth  which  we  have  to  Substitute  for  the  old,  though  the 
latter  had,  at  least,  the  attractive  feature,  like  Topsy  in  Uncle 
Tom's  Cabin,  of  having  'grow'd'. 

We  have  only  the  evidence  of  the  later  Irish  writers  who 
explain  the  name  Cothrige  as  implying  'one  who  served  four 
masters',  for  the  Statement  that  Sucat  was  St.  Patrick's  British 
name  given  him  by  his  parents.  It  is  difflcult  to  see  why  they 
should  be  right  in  the  latter  explanation  any  more  than  in  the 
former.  We  are  thus  quite  free  to  doubt  that  Sucat  was  his 
original  name,  and  still  more  to  doubt  that  the  name  Palladius 
took  the  place  of  Sucat  in  Italy.  It  is  quite  easy  to  agree  with 
Dr.  Zimmer  that  'Palladius  the  deacon',  who  was  interested  in 
the  doctrinal  welfare  of  Britain,  was  also  the  Palladius  sent  by 
Pope  Celestine  to  Ireland  in  431,  but  I  fall  utterly,  after  reading 
the  Statements  of  Prosper,  to  accept  the  violent  guess  that  Sucat, 
Palladius  and  Patricius  denote  one  and  the  same  person.  Fairer 
far  is  it  to  assume  that  there  was  one  man  named  Palladius  and 
another  wliose  name  was  Patricius  —  one  Palladius  and  one 


548  HUGH   WILLIAMS, 

Patrick.  It  is  true  that  'the  otlier  Patrick'  is  mentioned  in 
11.  65.  66  of  St.  Fiacc's  Hymn ,  who  in  the  Notes  is  named  '  Sen 
Patric'  (Liber  Hymnorum  I,  103;  II,  35),  but  the  explanation 
given  by  Loofs,  in  criticising  Skene's  theory,  seems  very  natural 
that  'the  other  Patrick',  or  'Sen  Patric',  was  Palladius  as  he 
appeared  to  Irishmen  who  wrote  long  after  Muirchu  and  Tirechan, 
and  had  read  Prosper's  Chronicle.') 

It  may  be  advantageous  to  take  the  foUowing  order: 

(1)  The  Statements  foimd  in  Prosper  of  Aquitaine's  Chronicle 
and  his  Liher  contra  Collatorem. 

(2)  The  writings  of  St.  Patrick  himself ,  the  Confessio  and 
the  Epistula  ad  Coroticum,  without  discarding  the  Dicta 
Patricii. 

(3)  The  early  Irish  records  found  in  the  Book  of  Armagh 
—  the  Life  by  Muirchu  maccu  Machtheni  and  bishop 
Tii'echan's  Collections  or  Annotations.2) 

1.  The  Statements  made  in  Prosper's  Chronicle  and  in  his 
work  against  John  Cassian  of  Massilia.  We  may  accept  the 
dates  given  of  these  two:  that  part  of  the  Chronicle  in  wliich 
Palladius  and  the  Irish  people  are  mentioned  was  written  about 
A.  D.  433,  wliile  the  Liber  contra  Collatorem,  his  name  for  John 
Cassian  as  the  author  of  The  Dialogues  (CoUationes),  appeared 
four  years  later,  in  437.  Here  are  the  two  Statements  found 
in  these. 

(a)  [A.  D.  431]  Palladius ,  ordained  by  Pope  Celestine ,  is  sent  as  first 
bishop  to  the  Irish  believing  in  Christ.  Ad  Scottos  in  Christum 
credentes  ordinatus  a  papa  Caelestinus  Palladius  primus  episcopus 
mittitur  (Mou.  Germ.  Hist.  IX,  p.  473). 

(b)  With  no  slow  anxiety  did  he  (Celestine)  free  the  Britains  from  this 
same  disease,  when  he  excluded  from  that  corner  of  ocean  certain 
enemies  of  grace  who  had  taken  possession  of  the  land  of  their 
birth,  and  having  ordained  a  bishop  for  the  Irish,  whilst  he 
endeavoured  to  preserve  the  Roman  Island  catholic,  made  also  the 
barbarian  Island  Christian  ...  et  ordinato  Scottis  episcopo,  dum 
Romanam  insulam  studet  servare  catholicam,  fecit  etiam  barbaram 
Christianam  (Migne,  P.  L.  51,  271). 


^)  Antiquae  Britonum  Scotorumque  Ecclesiae  quales  fuerunt  mores 
pp.  42  —  44.  The  same  view  is  given  by  Dr.  Todd.  Skene's  theory  and 
Olden's  (Church  of  Ireland)  in  one  part  seem  identical. 

*)  It  would  not  be  out  of  place  to  mention  here  the  list  of  authorities 
as  given  by  Loofs  in  the  work  already  named,  pp.  32—35 :  it  seems  very  füll 
and  clear. 


ZIMMER   ON   THE   HISTORT    OF   THE    CELTIC   CHÜRCH.  549 

'Can  this  rhetoric  of  the  year  437',  Dr.  Zimmer  asks,  after 
quoting  tlie  latter  statement,  'siiffice  to  convict  the  sober 
chronicler  of  ignorance  concerning  what  he  Avrote  in  433  about 
the  year  431'.  I  am  unable  to  see  why  the  words  of  Prosper 
in  the  one  place  should  be  dubbed  as  'rhetoric'  while  in  the 
other  he  is  termed  'the  sober  chronicler';  as  to  the  facts  stated 
in  both  he  is  the  same  man,  and  even  if  the  Chronicle  itself 
shows,  as  Dr.  Hodgkin  observes,  signs  '  of  haste  and  inaccuracy ',  i) 
nevertheless  he  is,  'beyond  dispute,  the  chief  source  of  historical 
Information  for  the  first  half  of  the  Fifth  Century'.  It  is  hardly 
worthy  of  the  historian  to  prejudice  an  assertion  of  fact,  by 
speaking  of  Prosper's  panegyric  of  Celestine,  where  the  assertion 
oecurs,  as  'fulsome'.  Prosper  lived  and  died  a  layman  and 
wrote  no  doubt  sincerely,  after  the  nianner  of  his  time.  One 
can  but  accept  the  two  Statements  as  being  of  equal  weight: 
what  do  they  imply?  In  the  first  place,  tliere  were  Christians 
in  Irelanä  in  431;  this  must  be  accepted  fully,  and  we  have  to 
refuse  as  resolutely  as  Dr.  Zimmer  himself  all  those  twistings 
of  Prosper's  words  which  imply  the  contrary.  Of  such  are  the 
words  found  in  the  British  writer  Nennius,  when  he  describes 
Palladius  as  sent  by  Celestine,  ad  Scottos  in  Christum  con- 
vertendos  {Historia  Brittomim  c.  50)  or  ad  hanc  insulam  con- 
vertendam  in  the  Tripartite  Life  (II,  272).  Yet  these  Christians 
were  few  and  probably  scattered,  as  is  suggested  by  the  fact 
that  they  never  had  a  bishop  before  Palladius.  But  in  admitting 
that  Palladius  was  sent  to  an  Ireland  in  which  there  were 
Christians  we  are  far  from  stating,  as  Dr.  Zimmer  does,  that 
'Palladius  went  from  Rome  to  Christian  Ireland',  or  that 
'  according  to  the  report  of  Prosper,  the  Irish  had  already  turned 
Christians  in  431'  or,  that  'the  Irish  were,  in  431,  already 
Christians,  to  the  same  extent,  perhaps  that  Gaul  could  be 
called  Christian  at  the  time  of  Martin  of  Tours'! 2)  Such 
assertions  are  passing  stränge. 

In  the  second  place,  though  there  were  Christians  in  Ireland 
in  431,  the  Island  was,  nevertheless,  heathen.    The  first  state- 


1)  Italy  and  her  Invaders,  Vol.  I,  p.  705. 

^)  St.  Martin  died  about  400.  Gaul  in  the  persecution  had,  as  the  Acta 
Show,  Seen  a  multitude  of  martyrs;  the  Gallic  bishops  that  figure  in  the  Arian 
Controversy  are  numerous :  Sulpicius  Severus  teils  us  that  there  were  2000  monks 
in  the  funeral  of  St.  Martin.   How  could  Dr.  Ziipmer  make  so  rash  a  comparison? 


550  EUGH   WILLIAMS, 

ment  is  no  way  contradicted  by  this  secoud,  just  as  tliough 
the  Christians  were  numerous  in  Gaul  at  tlie  time  wlien  Marcus 
Aurelius  publislied  liis  rescripts  of  A.  D.  177,  yet  Gaul  was  a 
heatlien  country.  Even  thougli  we  adopt  the  Suggestion  that 
harharam  is  contrasted,  not  with  Christianam,  but  with  Bomanam, 
still  we  liave  the  clear  assertion  of  a  contemporary,  that  by  the 
Ordination  of  Palladius,  Celestine  inade  the  barbarian  (non- 
Eonian)  Island  Christian,  made  it  as  far  as  a  Single  Ordination 
could.  We  have  no  authentic  record  of  the  success  or  ill-success 
of  Palladius;  his  failure,  or  let  us  say,  his  apparent  failure,  is 
no  uncommon  thing  in  the  history  of  Christian  pioneers;  a 
successor  may  have  reaped  of  his  sowing  unknown  to  himself. 
Thus,  if  Palladius  was  only  partially  successful  in  his  mission, 
Ireland  was  again,  at  the  time  when  St.  Patrick  is  said  to  have 
arrived  there,  an  Island  with  Christians  in  it,  and  yet,  taken  as 
a  whole,  a  heathen  country,  There  was,  under  such  circum- 
stances,  ample  room  for  an  'apostle  of  Ireland',  were  such  a 
man  forthcoming. 

2.  The  writings  of  St.  Patrick  himself.  The  extreme  view 
respecting  these  is  expressed  by  Scholl,  who  wrote  the  Article 
Keltische  Kirche  in  the  previous  edition  of  the  Realencyklopädie; 
on  p.  77  of  his  valuable  book  De  Ecclesiasticae  Britonum 
Scotorumque  Historiae  Fontibus,  he  States,  after  an  examination 
of  the  Confession  and  the  Epistle  (pp.  68 — 72),  'the  writings 
ascribed  to  Patrick  are  fictitious'.  (Ficta  sunt  quae  Patricii 
feruntur  scripta.)  But  in  the  Article  Patricius  (Realencykl.  XI, 
292,  296)  he  has  evidently  abandoned  that  position:  'Als  Resultat 
der  bisherigen  Untersuchung  ergiebt  sich,  dass  in  der  Confessio 
und  Epistola,  für  sich  betrachtet  und  mit  der  Zeitgeschichte 
verglichen,  trotz  mancher  Schwierigkeiten,  doch  keine  erheblichen 
Gründe  gegen  ihre  Echtheit  sich  finden'.  Dr.  Zimmer  also  in 
the  book  before  us  declares  that  'alike  on  material  and  linguistic 
grounds  the  authenticity  of  the  Confession  and  the  Epistle  is 
unimpeachable '. '■)    For  our  present  purpose  there  is  no  need  to 

')  The  Confessio  may  be  read  in  Dr.  Stokes  edition  of  the  'Tripartite 
Life  of  Patrick'  pp.  357  —  375,  or  in  Haddan  and  Stubbs'  Councils  II, 
pp.  296—313,  and  an  English  translation  in  a  small  handy  booklet,  Vol.  VI  of 
the  'Christian  Classics  Series',  with  Introduction  and  Notes  by  Dr.  Charles 
H.  H.  Wright,  of  Trinity  College,  Dublin.  The  Epistula  is  also  given  by 
Dr.  Stokes  in  the  same  volume,  and  in  Haddan  and  Stubbs'  Councils,  so  also 


ZIMMER   ON  THE  HISTORY   OF  THE   CELTIC  CHURCH.  551 

disciiss,  or  even  hint  at,  the  question  of  tlie  genuineness  of  other 
writings  attributed  to  St.  Patrick  by  men  who  wrote  several 
centuries  after  bis  time.  These  wiitings,  after  tbe  Statements 
ciüled  from  Prosper  of  Aquitaine,  are  the  only  records  we  possess 
that  admittedly  go  back  to  the  Fifth  Century,  unless,  of  course, 
we  be  drawn  to  add  the  Dicta  Fatricii,  and  the  Latin  Hynin 
of  Secundinus.  Dr.  Stokes  (Tripartite  Life  cxxix)  regards  the 
'  Sayings  of  Patrick '  as  genuine,  and  Dr.  Zimmer,  though  doubt- 
fiü  as  to  their  being  really  '  memories  of  the  historical  personage ', 
makes  telling  use  of  two  of  them  in  support  of  his  theory.  I 
shall  return  to  this  presently,  as  well  as  to  the  surprising  fact 
that  Zimmer  makes  no  mention  of  tlie  Hymn  of  Secundinus. 

'What  do  these  documents  prove?  Every  one  who  reads 
them  without  bias  must  assent  to  Schöll's  opinion:  "If  the 
Patrick  whom  posterity  has  extolled  to  such  an  extent  really 
wrote  the  Confession,  he  was  unlearned  and  altogether  most 
rustic".'  Everyone  must  assent  to  this:  St.  Patrick  himself  in 
the  Confessio,  which  might  well  be  called  an  Äpologia  pro  vita 
sua,  says:  'I  have  not  learned  like  others  who  have  drunk  in, 
in  the  best  manner,  both  law  and  sacred  literature,  and  have 
never  changed  their  language  from  infaucy,  but  have  always 
added  more  to  its  perfection.  For  my  language  and  speech  is 
translated  into  a  f oreign  tongue  (i.  e.  into  Latin) '.  In  perf ect 
simplicity  he  explains  how  it  had  come  to  pass,  that  he  whose 
father  Calpornius  was  a  deacon  and  a  decurion,  whose  grand- 
father  held  the  order  of  presbyter,  was  nevertheless  so  rüde  and 
unlearned;  'when  a  youth',  so  he  says,  'nay  almost  a  boy  in 
words  (adoliscens  immo  puer  in  verbis,  or  if  we  read  imberhis, 
beardless  boy)  I  was  taken  captive  . . .  After  I  had  come  to 
Ireland  I  daily  used  to  feed  cattle  . . .  before  daylight  I  used 
to  rise  to  prayer,  through  snow,  through  firost,  through  rain,  and 
feit  no  härm'.  This  hard  lot,  which  lasted  for  six  long  years, 
no  doubt,  contributed  some  solid  factors  to  the  character  of  the 
man,  but  it  compelled  him  to  remain,  as  he  himself  honestly 
writes,  Patricius  peccator  rusticissimus,  Patricius  peccator  indoctus: 
'he  must  have  entered  the  years  of  manhood',  as  Dr.  Zimmer 

by  Dr.  Wright  in  the  volume  mentioned.  A  füll  and  concise  account  of  the 
writings  ascribed  to  St.  Patrick  and  the  best  editions  of  the  whole,  as  well 
as  of  the  different  Vitae,  is  given  in  the  Bollandist  Bibliotheca  Hagiographica, 
Latina,  Fase.  Y,  Bruxelles  1901. 


552  HUGH  WILLIAMS, 

says,  'with  a  very  inadequate  amount  of  instruction '.  Now  in 
two  directions  I  fall  to  follow  tlie  learned  aiithor  when  he  draws 
his  conclusions  from  these  facts,  stated  in  tlie  writings  named, 
the  Confessio  and  Epistula,  tliough  fully  acknowledging  that 
they  are  squarely  stated  by  him. 

Firstly,  I  find  no  adeqiiate  estimate  in  tlie  book  before  me 
of  the  moral  and  spiritual  power  which  has  from  time  to  time 
manifested  itself  in  rüde  unciütured  men.  Ciilture  is  not  strength: 
in  spite  of  the  want  of  it  some  men  have  exercised  a  lasting 
widespread  infliience.  I  will  only  refer  to  two  examples.  The 
monograph  by  Dr.  Grützmacher  on  'Pachomius  and  the  Oldest 
Cloister  Life'  will  serve  to  show  how  a  Copt,  without  any 
learning,  east  the  spell  of  fresh  vigourous  moral  strength  over 
such  men  as  Athanasius  and  captivated  them.  'Ohne  jeden  ge- 
lehrten Unterricht  ist  der  Knabe  aufgewachsen,  da  er  sich  später 
des  Griechischen  völlig  unkundig  zeigt'  (s.  36).  Grützmacher 
proceeds  on  a  later  page  (140),  'so  dürfen  wir  wohl  sagen,  dass 
der  Kopte  Pachomius  zu  den  bedeutendsten  und  interessantesten 
Persönlichkeiten  der  ältesten  Mönchsgeschichte  gehört';  his  per- 
sonality  was  something  noteworthy  and  original,  such  that  his 
significance  was  feit  over  East  and  West,  becoming  extravagantly 
magnified  after  a  few  generations  in  impossible  legends,  parallel 
with  those  which  have  made  the  story  of  vSt,  Patrick  almost 
unbelievable.  The  Copt  knew  no  Greek,  St.  Patrick  knew  it  so 
badly  as  to  say  Curie  lession,  Christe  lession  for  Kurie  eleeson, 
Christe  eleeson,  yet  might  not  the  latter  be,  in  spite  of  this 
defect,  as  the  former  undeuiably  was,  a  man  of  such  force  that 
he  would  cause  legends  to  arise  and  testify  of  his  power? 

M.  Gaston  Boissier  in  his  work  on  '  The  End  of  Paganism ', 
speaking  of  St.  Martin  of  Tours ,  says  of  this  man  who  having 
been  a  soldier  became  a  monk,  and,  though  extremely  unlettered, 
a  bishop,  that  he  is  one  who  'reflects  our  best  qualities,  and  in 
whom  we  re-find  our  race  and  our  blood.  France  did  not  as  yet 
exist,  nevertheless  Martin  is  a  French  saint'  '  Cet  ancien  soldat 
etait  fort  illettre,  ce  qui  n'empeche  pas  que  toute  une  litterature 
seit  nee  ä  cote  de  lui  et  de  son  inspiration.' ')  The  learned  and 
accomplished  Sulpitius  Severus  sat  at  the  feet  of  this  onee  rüde 
soldier  who  'etait  un  homme  de  petite  science,  mais  de  grand 


*)  La  Fin  du  Paganisme,  Tome  II,  pp.  61,  62. 


ZIMMER   ON   THE   HISTORY   OF  THE   CELTIC   CHURCH.  553 

sens',  and  it  was  that  'grand  sens'  that  led  Sulpicius  in  unbounded 
admii'ation  to  write:  'I  shall  always,  as  long  as  I  live,  and  liave 
wisdom,  speak  the  praise  of  the  Egyptian  monks.  I  sliall  laud 
anchorites,  shall  admire  eremites.  But  of  Martin  I  shall  ever 
make  an  exception:  with  no  other  monk  will  I  compare  liim, 
certainly  with  no  one  among  the  bishops'.  As  I  read  the  Coti- 
fessio  of  St.  Patrick  I  feel  that  underneath  its  rüde  garb,  liidden 
almost  by  the  self-restraint  of  its  hiimilit}^,  there  is  that  'grand 
sens '  which  drew  cnltured  reiined  men  of  Gaul  to  St.  Martin, 
that  power  of  unconscious  patience,  unselfishness  and  holiness 
which  masters  all  classes  of  men.  Palladins  may  have  been  a 
Scholar,  may  even  have  been  as  accomplished  in  Greek  as 
Dr.  Zimmer  could  wish,  yet  apparently  he  failed  and  probably 
fi'om  the  want  of  what  was  supplied  in  the  coarser  personality 
of  St.  Patrick. ') 

Secondly,  it  is  difficult  to  find  the  real  man,  when  we 
observe  the  matter  of  these  two  surviving  writings  of  St.  Patrick ; 
in  the  way  that  Dr.  Zimmer  represents  it,  I  fall  to  find 
that  he  gives  the  true  meaning  to  the  saint's  words.  'Patrick 
besides  his  deep  inward  piety'  he  remarks  'had  also  a  good  dose 
of  that  arrogance  peculiar  to  enthusiastic  religious  persons  of 
little  cultui'e.  He  was  especially  proud  of  his  alleged  aristo- 
cratic  descent,  which,  however  was  not  so  distinguished  as  he 
would  make  us  believe':  'I  was  born  noble,  my  father  being  a 
Decurio;  but  I  have  exchanged  that  privilege  of  bii'th  (I  blush 
not  for  it,  and  I  grudge  it  not)  for  the  benefit  of  others',  he 
wi'ote  in  his  E;pistle  to  Coroticus]  and  in  the  Confession  he  says: 
'that  I  gave  up  myself  and  my  noble  birth  for  the  benefit  of 
others'.  In  Britain,  nowadays,  anyoue  who  knows  the  world 
would  at  once  say  that  even  seats  of  learning  are  not  in- 
accessible  to  Invasion  by  this  spirit  of  'arrogance'  attributed 
here  to  St.  Patrick  because  of  his  'little  cultui^e';  but  take  the 
whole  passage:  'it  was  not  my  grace,  but  it  was  God  that  con- 
quered  in  me  and  withstood  them  all,  so  that  I  came  to  the 
Irish  people  to  preach  the  gospel,  and  to  suffer  Insults  fi-om 
unbelievers,  so  that  I  should  hear  reproach  about  my  wandering. 


1)  Muirchu  Maccu-Machtheni  (c.  7),  as  also  the  Vita  Patricii  in  Nennius 
(c.  51),  explains  it  by  an  easy  way,  though  there  may  have  been  some  truth 
in  it;  'quia  nemo  potest  accipere  quicquam  de  terra  nisi  datum  ei  fuerit 
de  caelo. 


554  HÜGH  WILLIAMS, 

and  endure  many  persecutions  even  to  chains,  and  should  give 
up  my  noble  birth  for  the  benefit  of  others'.^)  Wlien  a  man 
has,  in  the  previoiis  sentences,  described  the  distractions  and 
difficulties  that  beset  him,  there  is  in  this  passage  no  trace  of 
an  arrogant  mind  when  regarded  as  a  description  of  God's 
conqnest  in  him.  Dr.  Scholl  supplies  a  good  answer  with  respect 
to  the  Charge  of  arrogance  in  the  Epistle:  'Denn  wenn  der 
schwerfällige  Stil  der  Confessio  in  dem  Briefe  etwas  mehr  in 
Fluss  kommt,  wenn  der  in  seiner  Autobiographie  so  demütig 
redende  Mann  dem  Coroticus  und  seinem  Raubgesindel  gegen- 
über seine  edle  Abstammung  und  die  bischöfliche  Würde  und 
Macht  zur  Geltung  bringt,  so  liegt  es  in  der  Natur  der  Sache '.2) 

Again,  Dr.  Zimmer  represents  St.  Patrick  as  'complaining 
bitterly  of  ingratitude,  trying  to  defend  himself  against  the 
reproach  of  having  presumptuously  embraced  a  calling  far  above 
his  capabilities  and  threatening  to  turn  Ms  hack  upon  Ireland, 
hecause  he  recognises  the  failure  of  his  worh  there'.  But  turn  to 
the  Confessio  again,  and  what  we  really  read  is  the  following: 
'Wherefore,  though  I  could  wish  to  leave  them  (the  beloved 
baptized  converts),  and  would  with  great  willingness  and 
preparedness  go  to  the  Britains,  as  to  my  native  country  and 
parents,  and  not  that  only  but  go  as  far  as  Gaul,  to  visit  the 
bretlu'en  and  see  the  face  of  the  saints  of  my  Lord  —  God 
knows  that  I  was  greatly  desirous  of  it  —  yet  am  I  bound  in 
the  Spirit,  who  witnesseth  to  me  that  if  I  did  this.  He  would 
hold  me  guilty;  and  I  fear  to  lose  the  labour  which  I  have 
commenced,  and  not  I,  but  Christ  the  Lord,  who  commanded  me 
to  come  and  be  with  them  the  rest  of  my  lif e ',  Certainly  there 
is  no  'threat'  here,  but  a  holy  devotedness  constraining  him  to 
remain  against  very  natural  inclinations.  I  feel  that  Dr.  Zimmer 
has  in  this  sadly  misunderstood  the  man  of  whom  he  writes. 

But  he  finds  in  these  words  something  more,  which,  as  I 
read  them,  is  equally  absent  with  the  'threat'  thus  introduced. 
'But  in  the  existing  manuscripts  of  the  latter  (the  Confessio), 
we  have  only  a  vague  reference  to  the  stay  in  Gaul  . . .  And 
since   the   passages   about   Patrick's   sojourn   in  Gaul  .  .  .   are 


*)  Ut  (larem  ingeuuitatein  meam  pro  utilitate  alioruni :  Trip.  Life  p.  368 
ingenuitas  is  no  strong  word  to  mark  one's  'noble  birth'. 
»)  Eealencyklopädie  XI,  S.  295. 


^^ ZIMMER  ON  THE  HISTORY   OF  THE  CELTIC  CHURCH.  555 

supported  by  a  passage  in  the  Epistle,  there  is  no  reason  to 
doubt  tlie  fact  of  that  sojourn.'  I  liave  not  the  sliglitest 
reluctance  to  accept  tlie  sojourn  in  Gaul,  er  the  visit  to  Rome 
and  Ordination  there,  in  themselves,  if  they  be  proved,  any  more 
tlian  when  I  accept  tlie  sending  of  Germanus  to  Britain  by 
Pope  Celestine,  because  of  Prosper's  explicit  Statement.  But 
where  in  the  extract  given  above,  and  there  can  be  no  other, 
does  Dr.  Zimmer  find  even  '  a  yague  reference  to  the  stay  in 
Gaul'?  What  we  do  find  is  a  strong  desire  to  visit  Gaul  in 
Order  to  see  the  saints  (probably,  the  monks)  in  that  countrj^, 
but  this  desire  St.  Patrick  sets  aside,  that  he  might  abide  with 
bis  flock  'for  the  rest  of  his  life',  Of  even,  this,  there  is  hardly 
an}'  passage  in  the  Epistle  that  can  be  construed  as  a  support, 
unless  it  be  that  in  c.  7:  'It  is  the  custom  of  the  Roman  and 
Gallic  Christians  (consuetudo  Romanorum  Gallorumque  Christia- 
norum)  to  send  holy  and  suitable  men  to  the  Franks,  and  to 
the  other  nations,  with  so  many  thousands  solüU  to  redeem 
baptized  captives '.  Here  we  see  simply  St.  Patrick's  admiration 
for  the  Gallic  Christians,  which  would  be  a  reason  for  his 
earnest  to  see  those  excellent  'saints  of  the  Lord':  it.means 
no  more.    Zimmer  has  slipped  both  Confessio  and  Epistula. 

That  St.  Patrick  should  feel  he  had  failed  is  not  unnatural; 
of  him,  as  of  others,  it  might  be  possible  to  say  that  only  in 
after  years  does  their  work  draw  itself  to  its  true  grandeur. 

Dr.  Stokes  includes  the  'Sayings  of  Patrick'  among  fifth 
Century  materials,  if  not  actual  reminiscences  of  him,  and 
Dr.  Zimmer  refers  to  two  of  them  in  support  of  all  that  he 
concludes  fi-om  the  want  of  learning  in  St.  Patrick.  'The 
phrase  attributed  to  Patrick:  Curie  lession,  Christe  lession  fits 
in  well  with  a  picture  of  a  man  who  had  a  smattering  of  Latin, 
and  certainly  knew  no  Greek.'  Of  our  own  Shakespeare  it  is 
Said  that  'he  had  little  Latin  and  less  Greek'  —  still  he  ivas 
Shakespeare.  But  Muirchu's  good  story  is  worth  telling,  as 
another  page  of  the  Tripartite  Life  gives  it,  premising  that 
gratsacham  or  grazacum  (Trip.  Life  p.  230)  is  the  form  that 
gratias  agamus  (let  us  give  thanks)  took  among  the  common 
people  of  Ireland. 

'A  cauldron  of  copper  was  given  to  Patrick  as  an  offering 
from  Däre  (a  rieh  honom^able  man).  'Deo  gratias  agamus'  saith 
Patrick.     Däre  asked  of  his  servants  what  Patrick  had  said. 


556  HUGH  WILLIAMS, 

They  answered,  he  said  '  grazacum  (let  us  give  thanks) '.  '  That 
is  a  small  reward  for  a  goodly  offering  and  a  goodly  cauldron', 
saitli  Däre.  He  ordered  his  cauldron  to  be  brought  again  to 
him.  'Deo  gratias  agamus',  saitli  Patrick,  and  Dare  asked  what 
Patrick  had  said  wlien  tlie  cauldron  was  brought  from  him. 
The  servants  replied  he  said  the  same  when  it  was  brought 
from  him.  *It  is  a  good  word  he  hath'  saith  Däre:  'grazacum 
when  it  is  offered  to  him,  and  grazacum  when  it  is  brought  from 
him.'  Here  is  the  'sterner  stuff'  that  would  make  any  man, 
not  to  speak  of  the  rüde  lord  and  servants,  forget  that  the 
possessor  of  it  had  'little  Latin  and  less  Greek'.  I  could  with 
ease  pick  out,  any  day,  a  dozen  learned  Welshmen,  who,  though 
knowing  good  Latin  and  equally  good  Greek,  would  naturally 
and  easily  fall,  in  conversation  with  imeducated  people,  or  even 
among  themselves,  into  using  stränge  Welsh  forms  of  Engiish 
words.  Such  must  have  been  the  case  with  St.  Patrick;  with 
flne  tact,  he  would  choose  to  speak  as  the  common  people  spoke, 
who  heard  him  gladly. 

When  we  spoke  of  Prosper's  two  Statements  respecting 
Palladius,  we  ventured  the  remark  that  notwithstanding  all  that 
is  implied  in  them  there  was  stül  room,  in  the  Fifth  Century, 
for  an  apostle  in  Ireland:  we  may  add  now,  judging  from  the 
materials  furnished  us  by  himself  and  by  the  reminiscences  of 
his  contemporaries,  it  is  possihle  that  the  'historicaV  St.  Patrick 
was  such  an  apostle. 

Prof.  Bury  says  truly:  'Perhaps  it  ought  to  be  superfluous 
to  add  that  the  fact  of  Patrick's  existence  is  unexpugnable  until 
the  'Confession'  lias  been  proved  spurious,  and  all  attempts  to 
shake  its  authenticity  have  signally  f ailed '  (Engl.  Hist.  Review, 
Apr.  1902). 

3.  Earliest  records  of  the  Church  in  Ireland.  The  two 
earliest  sources  for  our  knowledge  of  native  tradition  are  the 
following:  (1)  A  Life  of  Patrick  by  Muirchu  maccu  Machtheni, 
written  in  'obedience  to  the  command'  of  bishop  Aed  of  Sletty, 
who  died  A.  D.  698.  i)  (2)  Tii^echan's  Notes  on  St.  Patrick's  life: 
bishop  Tirechan  found  his  materials  in  a  book  written,  or  owned, 
by  his  foster  father,  or  teacher  (qui  nutrivit  me),  Ultan  bishop  of 


>)  Trip.  Life  XCI  and  pp.  271—301,  or  Anal.  BoUandiana  Vol.  I,  pp.  535, 
536  and  548  ff. 


ZIMMER  ON   THE   HISTORY    OF   THE   CELTIC    CHURCH.  557 

Ardbraccan,  who  died  A.  D.  656:  he  also  derived  some  details 
from  bisliop  Ultan's  dictation  (ex  ore),  and  froui  many  of  the 
older  men,  a  senioribus  multisJ) 

Both  records  are  to  be  found  in  the  Book  of  Armagh,  the 
different  parts  of  which  were  written  between  A.  D.  807  and  846. 

Though  only  a  brief  sentence,  one  might  place  here  also 
the  reference  to  St.  Patrick  contained  in  Cummian's  letter  ou 
the  Paschal  question  to  Segene  fifth  Abbot  of  Hi  (lona),  about 
A.  D,  634,  which  speaks  of  him  as  sanctus  Patricius  papa  noster: 
so  also  the  Irisli  Hymn  ascribed  to  him,  Fdeth  Fiada  or  Lorica 
of  St.  Patrick  (Irish  Liher  Ilymnorum  I,  p.  133),  because  it  is 
mentioned  as  well  known  in  Tirechan's  Notes:  canticum  eins 
Scotticum  seniper  canere  {Trip.  Life  p.  333):  further,  Adamnan 
wrote  his  Life  of  Columba  about  688,  in  Praef.  II  of  which  he 
relates  the  prophecy  of  St.  Moclita  'a  stranger  Briton,  and  dis- 
ciple  of  St.  Patrick  the  bishop '  (proselytus  Brito ,  Jiomo  sanctus 
sancti  Patricii  episcopi  discipulus).  These  imply  a  familiarity 
with  the  Story  of  Patrick  somewhat  earlier,  to  say  the  least,  in 
the  seventh  Century;  Cummian's  mention  of  him  would  have  no 
weight  unless  he  had  beeu  regarded  with  wide  veneration  long 
before  the  time  of  his  writing  (c.  634)  to  Segene  (or  Seghine)  of 
Jona:  the  attribution  of  the  Fäeth  Fiada  to  St.  Patrick  and  the 
call  to  sing  it  as  the  fourth  honour  due  to  him  per  totam 
Hiberniam,  by  Tirechan'^)  has  like  implication  of  a  lengthy  period 
during  which  St.  Patrick  was  known  and  acknowledged  as  a 
personage  of  importance.  We  gather  the  same  conclusion  from 
the  words  of  Adamnan,  and  feel  more  than  reluctant  to  allow 
that  'until  the  beginning  of  the  second  third  of  the  seventh 
Century  even  the  name  of  Patrick  appears  nowhere',  It  is  a 
well  known  error  to  regard  the  date  of  the  first  attestation  of 
any  fact  to  be  the  date  of  the  fact  itself ;  so  in  the  present  case 
we  have  intimations  that  the  records  called  by  Zimmer  the 
'earliest'  seem  to  be  such  simply  because  they  are  the  earliest 
that  have  survived  to  us.  The  Life  by  Muirchu  maccu  Machtheni 
and  the  üollectanea  of  Tirechan  are,  by  their  own  attestation, 
survivals  of  a  lost  Patrician  literature;  hence  the  contention 
that  they  are  the  earliest  is  true  only  in  appearance.    Could 


»)  Trip.  Life  XCI  and  pp.  302—333:  also  Anal.  Boll.  Vol.  II,  p.  35  ff. 
2)  This,  however,  is  held  to  be  later  than  Tirechan  by  Prof.  Bury. 

Zeitschrift  f.  oelt.  Philologie  lY.  36 


558  HTJGH  WILLIAMS, 

we  find  the  imperfect  works  which  they  supplanted,  they  might 
turn  out  to  Ibe  small  candles,  but  they  would  light  far.  Muirchu 
informs  us  in  liis  first  words  how  'many  had  attempted  to  set 
in  Order  that  narrative  according  to  what  their  fathers,  and 
those  who  were  ministers  from  tlie  beginning  had  delivered  to 
them',  but  that,  for  divers  reasons,  these  fragmentary  records 
*had  not  come  to  a  Single  path  of  history'.  This,  and  the  words 
'incertis  auctoribus',  below,  carry  the  implication  that  Muirclm 
had  materials  for  his  life  besides  the  writings  of  St.  Patrick 
himself.  Prof.  Bury  has  very  fully  discussed  the  question  of  the 
probable  sources  of  Tirechan's  memoirs,  concluding  that  for  the 
larger  part  of  what  the  Colledanea  contains  he  must  have  visited 
the  different  localities  and  'set  down  all  that  he  could  learn 
fi'om  the  Seniors  of  the  communities '.  This  in  itself  suggests  a 
widespread  tradition  ranging  over  Meath,  Connaught  and  Ulster 
of  St.  Patrick  as  a  veritable  apostle,  which  must  have  been  con- 
siderably  older  than  the  tüne  of  the  compiler's  journeyings.  His 
authority,  for  instance,  in  c.  11  for  the  fact  that  Patricius  built 
a  church  ad  vadum  3Iolae  is  ut  senes  mihi  indicaverunt;  but 
he  had  also  oral  Information  from  bishop  Ultan,  mihi  testante 
Ultano  episcopo  as  well  as  a  book  that  belonged  to  Mm,  in  lihro 
apud  Ultanum  episcopum,  which  could  not  be  a  copy  of  Patrick's 
Confessio,  as  there  were  to  be  found  in  it  the  four  names  of  the 
Saint.  Since  he  mentions  the  number  of  bishops  ordained  as 
450,  the  partial  list  supplied  might  well  be  taken  from  some 
document  or  other,  as  well  as  the  list  of  Franks  who  followed 
St.  Patrick.  At  the  beginning  of  Book  II,  he  informs  those  to 
whom  he  writes  that  most  of  the  facts  narrated  in  Book  I  took 
place  'in  their  land',  and  that  his  Information  was  supplied  by 
seniores  multi  and  by  Ultan.  Prof.  Bury  gives  parallel  extracts 
from  Muirchu  and  Tirechan  which  point  out  the  use  by  both  of 
a  common  original.  2) 


•)  Cf.  Anal.  Boll.  Vol.  I,  p.  543  Praefatio  by  Father  Hogan  and  p.  545; 
id.  Vol.  n,  pp.  35,  68,  40.    Tripart.  Life  XCI,  pp.  269,  302,  333,  307. 

*)  English  Hist.  Rev.  Review,  April  1902.  A  still  more  striking  possibility 
is  mentioned  by  Bury  in  the  October  number  of  the  same  Review,  that  on  a 
hill  near  Lake  Selce,  Tirechan  had  seen  stones  inscribed  with  the  names  of 
St.  Patrick  and  twelve  of  his  followers  .  .  .  actually  scored  by  Patrick  and 
his  companions'  {scripsit  manu  sua  Uterus  quas  hodie  conapeximus  oculis 
nostria). 


ZIMMER   ON  THE   HISTORY   OF  THE   CELTIC   CHURCH.  559 

It  is  difficult,  on  such  grounds,  not  to  conclude  tliat  these 
two  'eaiiiest'  records  were  preceded  by  a  mass  of  more  or  less 
imperfect  writings,  as  well  as  a  volume  of  tradition  going  back 
to  the  time,  or  nearly  so,  of  St.  Patrick  himself.  We  have,  for 
instance,  credible  indications  as  to  this  patch  of  Irish  Clmrcb 
liistory,  in  the  fifth  Century,  vastly  superior  to  anything  that 
could  be  claimed  of  historical  truth  for  tliose  years  and  places 
of  battles,  in  which,  according  to  the  Anglo-Saxon  Chronicle, 
the  Saxons  and  Angles  invariably  conquer  the  Britons  during 
the  same  Century. 

We  are  reminded  by  Zimmer  with  great  cogency  that 
'Finnian  of  Clonard,  the  teacher  of  Columba  of  Hi  and  Comgall 
of  Bangor,  who  died  in  548,  must  have  known  many  contemporaries 
of  Patrick  in  his  yonth  .  .  .  Columban  of  Luxeuil,  as  well  as 
Columba  of  Hi,  were  almost  as  close  in  time  to  Patrick  as  were 
Colnian  and  his  associates  to  Columba  of  Hi  at  the  time  of  the 
Conference  at  Whitby  in  A.  D.  664'.  And  yet  fi'om  none  of  these 
do  we  get  any  mention  of  St.  Patrick;  also  'at  the  Conference 
of  Whitby,  though  historical  arguments  were  the  chief  weapons 
in  the  dispute,  and  though  the  Irish  referred  to  the  traditions 
of  their  forefathers  and  to  Columba  (Beda  H.  E.,  III,  25),  yet 
Patrick's  name  was  never  mentioned'.  Zimmer  must  be  regarded 
as  holding  a  strong  point  here,  which  he  knows  how  to  put 
strongly.  Still  I  have  grave  misgivings  as  I  read  his  pages. 
Of  Finnian  as  writer  we  only  know  that  he  was  the  author  of 
a  Penitential,  still  extant,  and  that  he  was  the  beginner  at 
Clonard  of  a  great  revival  in  monasticism:  of  Columba's  sayings 
we  have  only  what  Adamnan  chose  to  teil  us  in  the  Life  which 
he  wrote  about  A.  D.  688.  We  have,  however,  writings  of 
Columbanus  —  letters,  a  Regula,  a  Penitential,  and  short  Sermons, 
but,  if  I  am  not  mistaken,  they  were  all  written  after  he  had 
left  Ireland  and  settled  on  the  continent.')  Of  these  the  most 
important  in  this  connection  will  be  the  Letters,  but,  in  looking 
through  them,  I  can  find  no  reference  to  any  Celtic  ecclesiastic 
whatever  exeept  Finnian  and  the  Welshman  Gildas,  though  at 
no  rare  intervals  we  read  of  patres  nostri  and  maiores  nostri. 


1)  Seebass,  Ueber  Columba  von  Luxeuils  Klosterregel  und  Bußbuch, 
and  Zeitschrift  für  Kirchengeschichte  VIII,  XV:  his  Letters  I  read  in  Mon. 
Germ.  Hist.  Ep.  IH,  pp.  156—186. 

36* 


560  HUGH   WILLIAMS, 

Under  tliese  circumstances  we  cease  to  wonder  that  such  writings 
make  no  mention  of  Patrick.  When  we  turn  to  the  account 
given  of  the  Conference  at  Whitby,  we  feel  how  utterly  flimsy 
and  worthless  were  the  'historical  arguments'  on  both  sides; 
when  Colman  speaks  he  is  very  careful  to  explain  that  he  Stands 
for  the  Paschal  usage  which  he  received  from  the  seniores  who 
sent  him  to  North  Britain  as  bishop  (qui  me  huc  episcopum 
miserimt),  adding  that  onines  patres  nostri  had  celebrated  Easter 
in  the  same  manner.  It  was  quite  natural  he  should  name 
Columba  in  North  Britain,  for  Lindisfarne  was  in  the  provincia  of 
lona,  but  not  that  he  should  Single  out  Patrick.  Dr.  Zimmer's 
argument  turns  out  not  to  be  as  formidable  as  it  seenied  at  first, 
and  especially  so  when  we  revert  to  the  evidence  furnished  by  the 
so  called  '  earliest  records '  themselves,  that  are  survivals  of  many 
other  nameless  records  previously  existing,  which  they  used  up. 
As  to  where  we  have  now  reached,  having  the  two  Statements 
of  Prosper  and  the  two  writings  of  St.  Patrick  himself,  both  sets 
regarded  in  a  light  that  differs  greatly  from  that  in  which 
Dr.  Zimmer  regards  them,  having  also,  if  the  position  taken  in 
this  article  be  approximately  correct,  evidence  that  records  and 
traditions  of  St.  Patrick  did  exist  long  hefore  '  the  second  third 
of  the  seventh  Century',  I  feel  tempted  to  quote  words  of 
Dr.  Scholl,  'Dagegen  finden  sich  in  diesen  Schriften  (the  Con- 
fessio  and  Epistula),  außer  ein  par  summarischen  Angaben  über 
das  nordwestliche  Irland,  über  den  Erfolg  der  Predigt  und  die 
Gefahren  und  Drangsale  des  Patricius,  keine  näheren  Nachrichten 
über  den  Kreis  seiner  Tätigkeit,  über  die  Fürsten  und  Stämme, 
mit  denen  er  in  Berührung  kam,  die  Kirchen,  die  er  gründete, 
die  Schüler,  die  er  bildete  u.  dgl.'.')  Here,  as  he  remarks,  the 
Life  by  Muirchu  and  the  Collectanea  of  Tigernach  come  in,  and 
the  Problem  remains  of  estimating  how  far  these,  and  other 
Lives,  and  materials,  represent  historic  truth,  in  the  fulness  of 
detail  that  is  furnished  by  them.  But  putting  aside  the  con- 
sideration  of  such  a  question,  the  mention  of  it  leads  me  to 
remark  that  for  Dr.  Zimmer  to  leave  uunoticed  the  Hymn  of 
Secundinus  seems  almost  unexplainable.  This  Hymn  supplies 
partly  what  Dr.  Scholl  desires  after  the  writings  of  St.  Patrick, 
in  its  general  tenour.    Its  genuineness  is  upheld  by  most  writers 


»)  Realencykl.,  Patricius  XI,  297:  2^  edition. 


ZIMMER   ON  THE  HISTORY   OF  THE  CELTIC  CHÜRCH.  561 

capable  of  giving  an  opinion;  Dr.  Stokes  names  it  among  the 
documentary  proofs  of  the  Fifth  Century  after  Patrick's  own 
compositions.  'The  internal  evidence  of  the  antiquity  of  this 
Hymn'  he  says  'is  strong.  First  the  use  of  the  present  tense 
(except  in  one  or  two  stanzas)  in  describing  the  saint's  actions; 
secondly,  the  absence  of  all  reference  to  the  miraeles  with 
which  the  Tripartite  Life  and  other  Lives  are  crowded;  and 
thirdly  the  absence  of  all  allusion  to  the  Roman  mission,  on 
which  many  later  writers  fi'om  Tirechan  downwards,  insist  with 
such  persistency'.')  The  use  of  the  future,  cum  Christo  regni 
celesiis  possessurus  gaudium  (v.  20),  percepüirus  praemium  (v.  91), 
suggests  that  Patrick  was  alive  when  Secundinus  wrote  the 
Hymn.  The  Editors  of  the  Liber  Hymnorum  agree  with 
Dr.  Stokes  as  to  the  high  probability  of  its  being  the  work  of 
a  contemporary,  while  Irish  tradition  makes  Secundinus,  or 
Sechnall  as  he  is  called  in  Irish,  the  kinsman  of  St.  Patrick 
and  successor  at  Armagh.  I  can  well  conceive  that  Zimmer 
might  have  regarded  the  Hymn  as  a  later  production,  yet  it  is 
mentioned  by  Tirechan,  or  by  the  scribe  of  the  Collectanea 
(Gwynne  and  Bury).  One  is  tempted  to  put  the  case  more 
strongly:  it  would  seem  that  the  very  general  acceptance  of 
this  Hymn  as  a  production  of  the  Fifth  Century,  made  it 
incumbent  on  Zimmer  not  to  leave  his  Omission  of  it  un- 
explained.  The  Hymn  is,  in  fact,  important;  it  supplies  a  link 
between  the  writings  of  Patrick  and  those  writings  in  which 
Muirchu  and  Tirechan  sum  up  the  tradition  of  their  ancestors.-) 
Its  verses  cannot  be  quoted  at  length  in  this  place,  but  a  few 
main  traits  of  its  contents  may  be  given.  It  begins, 
Hear  all  ye  that  love  God,  the  holy  merits 
Of  a  man  in  Christ,  the  blessed  Patrick  bishop, 
How  for  his  good  deed  he  is  like  the  angels. 
And  for  his  perfect  life  equal  to  the  apostles. 

1)  Tripartite  Life,  CXXIX,  CX.   The  Irish  Liber  Hymnorum,  H.  Bradshaw 

Society,  I,  7 ;   also  H,  p.  96. 

«)  It  seems  Strange  that  Prof.  G.  T.  Stokes,  in  his  'Ireland  and  the 
Celtic  Chnrch',  should  speak  of  the  Hymn  of  St.  Fiacc  and  the  Hymn  of 
St.  Secundinus  together  as  follows.  'Examine  them  in  conjunction  with  the 
Tripartite  Life.  They  simply  teem  with  miracle,  some  of  them  not  very 
creditable  to  the  temper  or  the  courtesy,  nay  even  the  common  humanity  of 
the  Saint.'  The  Hymn  of  Secundinus,  certainly,  Stands  quite  apart,  as 
Dr.  Whithy  Stokes  remarks  in  the  words  quoted  aboye. 


562  HUGH  WILLIAMS, 

I  give  but  a  free  translation :  still  it  serves  to  show  tlie 
exalted  estimation  in  which  the  man  was  held  by  a  contemporary, 
and,  if  we  believe  tradition,  an  associate. 

V.  4  The  Lord  chose  him  to  teach  barbarian  nations, 
To  fish  with  the  nets  of  bis  teaching-, 
That  he  might  draw  believers  unto  grace, 
And  to  follow  the  Lord  to  His  heavenly  throne. 

We  mark  that  Ireland,  according  to  this  verse,  was  still 
heathen  when  St.  Patrick,  as  the  elect  of  God,  came  to  its 
people:  such  also  is  the  witness  of  the  foUowing. 

V.  7   Glory  he  hath  with  Christ,  honour  in  the  world, 
Who  by  all  is  revered  as  the  angel  of  God; 
Whom  God  sent,  as  Paul,  an  apostle  to  the  heathen, 
That  he  might  give  men  a  leading  to  the  kingdom  of  God. 

V.  12  For  greatest  shall  he  be  called  in  the  kingdom  of  heaven, 
Who  fulfils  by  good  deeds  what  he  teaches  in  holy  words. 
And  excels  by  good  example  the  character  of  the  faithful. 
And  holds  his  trust  in  God  with  pure  heart. 

V.  15  Pastor  good  and  faithful  of  the  gospel  flock, 
Whom  God  chose  to  watch  the  people  of  God. 

V.  16  Whom,  for  his  merits,  the  Saviour  promoted  to  be  bishop, 
So  that  he  might  admonish  the  clerics  in  the  heavenly 

warfare. 
That  later  stories  should  represent  this  man  as  going  for 
teaching  to  Germanus  of  Auxerre,  and  for  Ordination  to  Amatorex, 
or  to  Pope  Celestine,  'the  Abbot  of  Rome',  and  afterwards  as 
metropolitan  at  Armagh,  an  office  not  found  in  Celtic  Britain 
until  the  conquest,  and,  in  Patrick's  time,  only  very  partially 
developed  in  Gaul  itself,  —  that  such  wild  stories,  with  a  host 
of  others  should  grow  about  this  man,  simply  eclioes  what  this 
Hymn  modestly  and  reverently  implies.  Of  Patrick  it  is,  we 
hold,  impossible  to  say,  with  Zimmer,  that  'he  failed  to  influence 
the  Irish  Church',  that  'he  was  soon  forgotten  every^liere'  and 
'was,  in  the  seventh  Century,  resuscitated,  under  the  influence 
of  a  specific  tendency,  with  the  help  of  his  own  writings  and  of 
documents  about  him',  and  thus  'was  created  apostle  to  the 
Gentiles  in  Ireland'.  It  has  been  shown,  I  believe,  that  Zimmer 
has  unwittingly  read  meanings  into  St.  Patrick's  writings  which 


ZIMMER   ON   THE   HISTORY   OF   THE   CELTIC   CHÜRCH.  563 

are  not  there,  has  not  taken  due  accoimt  of  intimations  evident 
in  the  earliest  autliorities,  lias  demanded  from  certain  writings 
what  in  tlieir  peculiar  circumstances  might  well  be  absent  from 
them,  lias  left  others  imnoticed,  and,  consequently,  wliile  accu- 
mulating  facts,  lias  drawn  wrong  judgments  without  even 
preserving  bis  deductions  within  tbe  bounds  of  sobriety.  I  am 
led  to  speak  thus  though  I  admire  liis  deep  learning  and  the 
extent  of  bis  Information. 

IV. 

In  this  section  I  would  endeavonr  to  pass  in  review  the 
account  given  of  tbe  Second  Period,  so  far  as  it  concerns  the 
history  of  the  Ghurch  in  my  own  country.  'It  is  in  the  second 
third  of  the  sixth  Century  that  again  we  meet  with  the  British 
Church.  By  that  time  the  Angles  and  Saxons  had  driven  the 
independent  Britons  into  the  mountainous  districts  of  the  West, 
and  henceforth  we  can  distinguish  four  separate  groups  of  British 
nationality:  Britons  who  had  fled  over  to  Armorica  (the  Bretons 
of  to  day),  Britons  in  Wales  and  Britons  in  Cumberland  and 
Stratbclyde.  But  it  is  in  Wales  alone  that  we  obtain  a  tolerably 
distinct  picture  of  the  Church.'  One  could  have  wished  that  in 
this  place  Dr.  Zimmer  had  given  us  a  snmmary  of  reliable 
autliorities  as  to  this  particular  period,  though,  of  course,  they 
appear  in  the  general  list  of  'Sources'  at  the  beginning  of 
the  book. 

He  does  not  touch  on  the  Isolation  which  must  have  ensued 
when  the  Roman  army  was  withdrawn  from  Britain  somewhere 
about  410,  and  the  barbarian  Invasion  of  Gaul  and  Spain  which 
occured  not  long  after,  nor  upon  other  counteracting  influences. 
Certain  views  of  my  own  that  had  appeared  in  a  Paper  pub- 
lished  in  the  '  Transactions  of  the  Society  of  Cymmrodorion 
(1893—94)',  it  is  said,  "can  only  be  explained  by  an  insufficient 
knowledge  of  the  State  of  things  in  Britain  before  and  after  the 
'withdrawal'  of  the  Romans  and  by  a  wrong  conception  of  the 
alleged  desertion  of  Britain".  Presently  I  shall  come  to  the 
bearing  of  such  'wrong  conception'  upon  the  history  of  the 
British  Church.  In  this  place  I  simply  observe  that  I  have 
before    me    as    I    write    a    volume    of   'Social  England';!)    o^ 

1)  Social  England,  edited  by  H.  D.  Traill,  D.  C.  L.  and  I.  S.  Mann.  M.A., 
Cassell  &  Co. 


564  HUGH  WILLIAMS, 

pp.  73,  74  of  wMch,  in  treating  of  the  'Fall  of  the  Eoman 
Power',  the  view  is  strongly  advanced  tliat  'by  the  final  test  of 
history,  the  Roman  government  of  Britain  Stands  condemned'. 
Such  is  the  view  taken  by  Mr.  F.  T.  Richards  who  wiites  on 
Roman  Britain  (43 — 410);  but  on  pp.  105,  106  quite  the  opposite 
view  is  given  by  Mr.  Haverfield,  and  the  Editors  add  a  note: 
'The  matter  is,  of  course,  purely  one  of  inference  from  extremely 
imperfect  evidence.  The  two  conflicting  views  are  allowed  to 
stand  that  he  (the  reader)  may  realise  that  the  question  is  still 
unsettled  among  scholars'  (p.  74).  There  was  a  withdrawal  of 
the  Roman  troops  and  a  great  number  of  others,  wives,  skilled 
artizans  and  traders,  dependent  lipon  them,  must  also  have  left 
the  Island.    This  would  cause  a  momentous  change. 

But  what  I  had  chiefly  in  view  is  the  important  fact  that 
soon  after  the  dismemberment  of  the  empire,  there  came  into 
the  Church  a  new  power  which  by  way  of  re-uniting  distant 
and  separated  countries,  proved  of  immense  Service.  This  was 
monasticism.  Soon  it  was  seen  that  men  would  wander  far  to 
Visit  places  made  sacred  and  attractive  by  this  new  powerful 
idea  of  ascetic  holiness.  Jerome  and  a  host  of  others,  travel  to 
Antioch  and  the  desert  of  Chalcis;  afterwards  he  goes  to 
Bethlehem,  where,  by  the  many  who  travel  thither,  he  held  a 
Wide  correspondence  with  western  friends;  to  South  Gaul  at 
Massilia  and  Lerins,  such  men  as  Faustus  from  Britain,  Caesarius 
from  Burgundy,  Lupus,  Eucher  crowd,  and  St.  Martin  is  surrounded 
at  Tours  by  men  from  all  parts.  Hence  there  were  many  who 
ran  to  and  fro,  and  knowledge  was  increased.  It  was  in  this 
spirit  that  St.  Patrick  yearned  to  visit  Gaul  and  'see  the  face 
of  the  saints',  by  whom  he  means  the  monks.  Through  such 
travelling  monks,  Britain  and  Ireland,  were  again  brought  into 
close  intercourse  with  the  continent  of  Europe,  and  the  two 
islands  with  each  other.  Of  such  was  Riocatus,  mentioned  by 
Zimmer,  a  British  bishop  and  monk  {antistes  ac  monachus),  who 
made  two  Visits  to  his  countryman  Faustus  in  South  Gaul  about  450 
(at  the  very  time  when  the  Saxons  were  arriving  as  settlers), 
and  carried  home  with  him  two  of  the  Abbot's  writings.') 

Monasticism,  however,  had  a  deeper  significance  than  this. 
It   was,    we    repeat,    no    trivial    matter    that    intercourse   and 


1)  Apollin.  Sidonius,  Mon.  Germ.  Eist.  VIII  157. 


ZIMMER   ON  THE  HISTORT   OF  THE   CELTIC  CHURCH.  565 

attachment  was  effected  between  distant  places,  in  a  way,  and 
to  a  degree,  that  the  regulär  Organisation  of  the  Church  could 
not  stimulate.  But  monasticism  by  the  force  of  its  new  ideal 
made  the  Church  feel  young  again;  out  of  weakness  it  waxed 
strong.  This  tide  came  into  the  British  Church  certainly  before 
A.  D.  450,  as  we  know  from  the  facts  mentioned  by  Apollinaris 
Sidonius  of  Eiocatus,  but  probably  not  earlier  than  A.  D.  400. 
Zimmer  says  that  *  monasticism  had  flourished  in  Britain 
since  the  end  of  the  fourth  Century':  there  seem  to  me  many 
reasons  to  doubt  this.  St.  Augustine  did  not  begin  his  cloister 
life  in  Afilca  before  391;  the  monasteries  at  Massilia  and  Lerins 
had-  not  been  founded  by  Cassian  and  Honoratus  until  some  ten 
years  of  the  fifth  Century  had  passed  (cf.  Norisius,  in  Arnold's 
Caesar  ins  von  Arlelate,  s.  57);  St.  Martin,  by  the  account  of 
Sulpicius  Severus,  encountered  long  and  severe  oposition,  princi- 
pally  from  the  bishops,  before  his  death  in  400.  It  is  difficult 
to  believe  that  there  could  be  any  monks  in  distant  Britain 
before  the  fifth  Century  had  advanced  several  years. 

In  this  part  Dr.  Zimmer  criticises  certain  opinions  of  mine 
expressed  in  the  Paper  previously  mentioned.  I  may  be  allowed 
to  State,  first  of  all,  that  he  has  not  accurately  stated  the 
Position  as  stated  in  the  Paper;  he  says:  "Much  has  been  said 
of  late  about  outside  influences  proving  to  be  a  source  of  new 
Ufe  for  the  Church  in  Wales.  Professor  Hugh  Williams  has 
even  tried  to  show  that  'British'  Ohristianity  of  the  sixth  Cen- 
tury had  Utile  or  nothing  to  do  ivith  the  Christian  Church  of 
Britain  during  the  fourth  Century.  According  to  him,  the 
Christian  Church  of  the  fourth  Century  comprised  chiefly  Roman 
residents  in  British  towns,  while  the  British  population  in  the 
country  remained  heathen;  and  he  asserts  that  soon  after  the 
withdrawal  of  the  Romans  and  the  coUapse  of  the  Christian 
Church  of  Britain  there  arose  in  its  place,  perhaps  under  the 
influence  of  Southern  Gaul,  the  Celtic  Church."  The  italics  are 
mine,  and  the  Statements  italicized  convey  or  imply  a  meaning 
which  I  never  intended  to  express.  The  point  in  contention  is 
itself  important,  otherwise  there  would  be  something  unbecoming 
in  my  touching  upon  it  here.    Let  me  quote  what  was  ^Titten. 

The  final  departure  of  the  Eomans,  however,  is  placed  about  A.  D.  410. 
Prefects  and  other  officials  were  left  behind,  and  we  may  take  for  granted 
that  most  of  the  bishops  remained  with  the  weakened  churches.    New  let  us 


566  HUGH   WILLIAMS, 

mark  that  in  Britain,  as  on  the  continent,  the  barbarians  broke  up  the  civic 
life  which  at  that  time  governed  Gaul.  Then  the  Church  chose  its  own  way. 
Taking  regard,  it  may  be  said,  to  its  own  interests,  it  parted  with  the 
Empire.  But  the  interests  of  the  Church  were  the  interests  of  the  human 
race,  and  by  its  care  for  them  it  saved  the  whole  world.  The  Church,  with 
its  superior  culture  and  power  of  admiuistration ,  was  necessary  for  the  new 
masters.    It  mingled  with  them,  and  succeeded  finally  in  subduing  them. 

In  Britain  we  find  something  similar.  The  new  masters  were  not  a 
swarm  of  barbarians  from  a  distance.  They  were  the  British  race,  which 
hitherto  had  been  the  subject  one,  and  kept  at  a  distance  by  the  military 
and  oppressive  rule  of  the  dominant  Latins.  Harassed  by  the  pirates  on  their 
coasts,  the  Britons  conibined  in  self-defence,  but,  as  Zosimus  informs  us,  ended 
by  'expelling  the  Roman  prefects,  setting  up  a  polity  of  their  own  according 
to  their  power '  (Zosimus  VI,  6).  The  Church  in  Britain  now  finds  itself 
placed  exactly  in  the  same  position  as  the  Church  in  Gaul.  Abandoned  by 
th6  Empire,  face  to  face  with  a  new  power,  it  fraternised  with  the  heathen 
Britons,  and  by  its  higher  culture,  by  the  force  of  its  long  tradition,  added 
to  the  influence  of  religiou,  tauglit  them  rule  and  gave  them  guidance.  The 
new  Church  continued  naturally,  as  in  Gaul,  the  ecclesiastical  order  and 
doctrine  of  the  old;  but  the  old  carried  into  the  new  another  potent  factor. 
While  the  people  retained  their  own  tongue  in  ordinary  life,  the  Church 
saved  the  Latin  language  for  worship  and  teaching.  This  was,  perhaps,  in- 
evitable  and  beneficial  on  many  accounts  .  .  .  Christian  communities  begiu  to 
spring  up  in  places  untouched,  or  only  very  partially  touched,  by  Roman 
civilization,  away  from  camps,  or  the  places  where  castra  had  been,  away 
from  eitles.  This  was  especially  the  case  in  Wales.  Of  this  fact  we  have 
evidence  in  the  Christian  inscriptions.  Look  at  the  map  in  Hübner's  seventh 
Vol.  of  Roman  Inscriptions  in  Britain;  Wales  is  almost  a  blank.  Look  at 
the  other  map  which  accompanies  bis  Christian  Inscriptions,  and  Wales  is 
there  dotted  all  over  with  marks  indicating  places  where  inscriptions  — 
Christian  ones  —  have  been  found.  With  the  fifth  Century  there  came  a 
new  power  which  produced  a  marked  transformation.  This  was  monasticism. 
As  a  mighty  current  of  religious  fervour  .  .  .  it  must  have  entered  the  British 
Church  some  time  before  the  visit  of  Germanus  .  .  .  The  author  of  the  Life 
of  St.  Sampson  mentions  a  monastery  built  by  Germanus  {Anal.  Boll.  VI,  104)  .  .  . 
The  two  questions  lead  me  strongly  to  look  towards  the  celebrated  monasteries 
that  clustered  round  Massilia  and  Lerins  as  the  cradle,  not  only  of  monasticism, 
but,  with  it,  of  other  peculiarities  of  Welsh  Christianity. 

Since  the  above  was  written  much  new  liglit  has  come  as 
to  the  influence  of  Gaul  on  the  Liturgy  and  Creeds  of  the  West 
generally,  but  especially  of  Lerins,')  all  which  seems  to  me  to 
sustain  the  opinion  briefly  expressed  in  the  above  extract  from 


1)  I  may  mention  the  Rev.  A.  E.  Burn,  in  'The  Guardian',  'The  Ex- 
positor',  the  Zeitschrift  für  Kircheugeschichte  XIX,  and  in  bis  '  Introductiou 
to  the  Creeds'  (1899). 


ZIMMER   ON   THE   HISTORY   OF   THE   CELTIC   CHURCH.  567 

the  Paper  I  had  written  in  1893,  But  it  will  be  piain  from 
tliis  same  extract  that  I  never  spoke  of  'the  collapse  of  the 
Christian  Church  of  Britain';  much  less  did  I  write  to  the  eifect 
that  Hhe  British  Christianity  of  the  sixth  Century  had  little  or 
nothing-  to  do  with  the  Christian  Church  of  Britain  during  the 
fourth  centuiy'.  I  particularly  emphasised  the  continuity  of  the 
Church  with  its  Organization,  rites  and  language,  but  added 
that,  in  the  new  vigour  of  monasticism,  this  same  Church 
succeeded  in  winning-  to  itself  the  Celtic  British.  It  is  this 
fresh  religious  life  of  Wales,  with  its  cloister  ascetic  rigour,  its 
men  of  sterner  stuff,  its  morning  light  of  liturgic  lore  and 
Scriptural  interpretation,  that  I  connected  with  the  the  influence 
of  Southern  Gaul,  or  of  Lerins,  so  that  it  must  be  piain  that 
Dr.  Zimmer  has,  somehow,  not  understood  my  meaning  when  he 
speaks  of  my  asserting  that  there  was  a  'Collapse  of  the 
Christian  Church'  and  that  there  'arose  in  its  place,  the  Celtic 
Church'.  The  'people'  up  to  such  a  time,  I  hold,  were  heathen, 
but  when  the  Church  that  had  heretofore  existed  won  over  the 
Celtic  Population,  it  became,  in  that  sense,  a  new  Church.  With 
some  modifications,  I  still  hold  as  I  wrote  then, 

'Christian  churches  there  were  in  Britain,  from  very  early  timea;  yet 
I  have  been  driven  to  the  conclusion  that  there  was  no  really  British  Church, 
that  is,  a  Church  of  the  native  Celtic  inhabitants ,  before  the  fifth  Century. 
The  Church,  three  of  whose  bishops  attended  the  Council  of  Arles,  was  the 
Church  of  the  resident  Eoman  population,  not  of  the  people  of  Britain.' 

The  discovery  of  remains  of  churches  and  Christian 
mosaics  &c.,  cannot  teil  against  this  conclusion  any  more  than 
the  remains  of  Hadrian's  wall  in  Northumbria.  The  latter,  we 
know,  tvas  the  work  of  the  Eoman  army,  the  former  may  have 
been  the  work  of  Roman  Christian  provincials;  the  excavations 
themselves  are,  of  necessity,  silent  upon  this  point. 

Dr.  Zimmer  further  says:  'Two  decisive  facts  may  still  be 
added:  first,  the  fugitive  Britons  whom  fear  of  the  Saxons  drove 
from  South  Britain  to  the  coast  of  Armorica  were  Christians, 
and  yet  spoke  British,  since  their  descendauts  have  preserved 
that  language  to  the  present  daj^'  Now  my  contention  had  been 
that  about  the  time  when  the  Empire  was  falling,  in  Britain  as 
elsewhere,  there  came  a  momentous  change  over  the  Church  in 
this  Island.  I  would  fully  agree,  and  the  Paper  in  the  Cymm- 
rodorion    Transactions   implies   it,    with  the   closing  words  of 


568  HUGH  WILLIAMS 


Mr.  Haverfield's  Paper  in  the  English  Historical  Review  of 
July  1896:  'We  have  no  reason  to  doubt  the  essential  continuity 
of  the  Church  in  Britain  from  its  foundation,  somewhere  in  the 
dim  days  of  the  second  or  third  Century,  tili  its  entry  into  the 
füll  light  of  medieval  history.'  What  I  hold  is  in  no  way 
inconsistent  with  this.  Britain  was  peopled  by  men  who  spoke 
two  languag-es,  and  this  duality  of  langiiage  was  then  a  greater 
hindrance  than  it  could  be  af terwards  to  the  spread  of  Christianity. 
Because,  what  we  call  Mission  work  was  at  that  time  unknown: 
in  Gaul  we  have  no  proof  of  it  until  we  come  to  St.  Martin  of 
Tours,  who  found  the  whole  country  to  which  he  had  come  almost 
completely  heathen,  yet  af  terwards  saw  all  places,  in  his  own 
lifetime,  supplied  with  churches  or  monasteries.i)  Christianity  had 
spread  throug-h  individual  Christians,  so  that  not  until  the  Church 
found  men  conversant  with  the  British  tongue,  could  the  con- 
version  of  the  native  British  come  to  pass.  The  well  known 
case  of  Gaul,  where  Eoman  influence  was  a  hundred- fold  more 
potent  than  in  Britain,  leads  me  to  doubt  the  so-called  Romanizing 
of  the  Britons:  a  few  would  of  course  experience  the  change  in 
many  parts.  (Cf.  what  is  said  in  Hauck,  Kircliengeschichte 
Deutschlands,  13  ff.)  The  motive,  just  as  when  Aidan  came  to 
Northumbria,  was  supplied  by  the  ideals  of  the  cloister.  It  is 
well  known  how  vast  the  change  was  in  the  North  during  the 
half -Century,  or  thereabouts,  that  intervened  between  Aidan  and 
the  death  of  Cuthbert.  Suppose  we  place  the  beginning  of  the 
change  I  plead  for,  when  the  Church  instead  of  being  prepon- 
deratingly  Roman,  or  Romano -British,  begins  to  be  truly  Celtic, 
about  A.  D.  410—420.  We  have,  thus,  an  interval,  in  round 
numbers,  of  80  or  100  years  before  the  emigration  to  Armorica 
began.  Judging  from  the  names  of  the  earliest  leaders,  whether 
princes  or  bishops,  and  from  the  fact  that  two  of  the  three 
main  divisions  of  earlj^  Britanny  bore  the  British  names  Dumnonia 
and  Cornovia,  we  can  faiiiy  conclude  that  the  tide  of  emigration 
did  not  set  until  after  the  successes  of  the  West  Saxons,  we 
may  say,  about  A.  D.  520.  It  was  in  the  third,  Bro  War  och, 
that  Gildas  settled;   other  names  from  South  Wales  are  found 

*)  Et  vere  ante  Martinum  pauci  admodum,  immo  paene  nuUi  in  illis 
regionibus  Christi  nomen  receperaut:  quod  adeo  virtutibus  illius  exemploque 
convaluit,  ut  iam  ibi  nullus  locus  sit  qui  non  aut  ecclesiis  frequeutissimis  aut 
monasteriis  sit  repletus.    Sulp.  Sev.  Vita  Mart.  13. 


ZIMMER   ON   THE   HISTORY   OF  THE   CELTIC    CHURCH.  569 

connected  witli  it.  M.  J.  Lotli  puts  '  le  fort  de  l'emigration  de 
ces  deux  peuplades'  between  509,  when  tlie  Domnonii  and 
Cornubii  were  first  compelled  to  fight  foi  tlieir  territory, 
and  577,  the  date  of  tlie  decisive  battle  of  Derliam  (Deorliam).') 
This  seems  a  good  and  valid  conclusion.  We  liave  tlierefore 
more  than  double  the  interval  tliat  separated  the  beginnings  of 
Aidan  from  the  wide  success  of  Cuthbert  for  the  successful 
evangelization  of  the  Celtic  population  of  Britain.  Gildas'  five 
bad  kings  were  Christians,  one  of  them  had  been  a  monk,  tliough 
Gildas  is  inclined  to  deny  the  name  Christian  to  the  bishops. 
Thus  Dr.  Zimnier's  first  argument  falls  to  the  gromid:  he  speaks 
of  A.  D.  509 — 577,  when,  there  can  be  no  doubt,  the  emigrants 
carried  their  British  tongue  over  the  Channel,  along  with  their 
Christian  Church,  but  I  was  speaking  of  a  tiuie  about  a  hundred 
years  earlier.  Then  that  same  British  people,  I  mean  of  course 
in  the  mass,  were  not  Christian,  the  clerics  of  the  churches 
were  Eomani.  It  is  of  no  mean  significance  in  this  connection 
that  British  hagiography  goes  no  further  back  than  the  time  of 
Illtud  {Heldutus  or  Ilchitus),  and  a  few  shadowy  forms,  such  as 
Dubricius,2)  of  the  preceding  generation;  which  brings  us  to 
about  A.  D.  490 — 500.  The  second  argument,  I  feel,  has  great 
f orce,  that  '  the  missionaries  who  came  from  Britain  to  Christianise 
Ireland  in  the  fourth  centuiy  also  used  British  as  their  native 
idiom'.  Here,  in  the  footnote,  we  are  referred  to  a  former  page 
where  the  author,  a  master  in  Celtic,  and  especially,  Irish 
Philology,  treats  of  Irish  loan  words  that  haye  presumably  come 
fi'om  Latin  into  Irish  not  directly,  but  through  British. 
Dr.  Zimmer  is  of  course  one  to  be  listened  to  in  all  this 
province,  yet  the  question  is  one  not  of  pure  Philology,  but  of 
that  special  kind  where  it  dovetails  into  History.  Thus  the 
very  words  'the  missionaries  who  came  fi'om  Britain  to 
Christianise  Ireland  in  the  fourth  Century',  open,  to  my  mind 
several  questions.  Did  they  come  in  the  fourth  centuiy?  All 
that  we  know  foi'  certain  is  that  there  were  Christians  in 
Ii-eland  when  Pope  Celestine  ordained  Palladius  in  the  fifth 
centuiy  (431).     So  far  it  is  easy  to  agree  with  Dr.  Zimmer. 


1)  L'Emigration  bretonne  en  Armorique  p.  158. 

*)  Cf.  the  account  of  Samson's  Ordination  by  Dubricius  in  Vita  Samsonis 
Anal.  Bollandiana,  Vol.  VI. 


570  HUGH   WILLIAMSj 

Yet  this  is  far  from  implying  that  those  Christians  had  been 
numerous  enougli,  since  the  fourtli  Century,  to  cause  tlie  im- 
portation  of  Latin  words  into  Irisli  as  used  in  their  own 
native  idiom.  The  philological  facts  stated  so  instructively  by 
Dr.  Zimmer  would  be  equally  true  if  placed,  so  far  as  date  is 
concerned,  in  the  time  of  St.  Patrick,  while  that  mention  of  'the 
fourth  Century'  assumes  the  very  point  in  dispute.  If  I  under- 
stand  Sarauw^  correctly,  he  proves  that  the  Irish  had  already 
made  p  into  q  (which  later  became  Je  or  c)  at  the  time  of  the 
introduction  of  Christianity;  hence  they  would  of  themselves,  as 
they  Said  cenn  where  we  in  Welsh  say  pen,  write  qrmitir  on 
the  Brandon  Mountain  ogam  for  pre{s)byter,  or  use  casc  for  pasc. 
So  also  the  change  from  f  to  5  was  not  made  artiflcially  by 
British  missionaries,  but  quite  naturally  in  Irish  itself.  It  must 
be  granted,  notwithstanding,  that  British  and  Gallic  latinity  told 
on  Irish  ecclesiastical  Latin  words;  yet  my  difflculty  is  not 
removed,  as  I  feel  that  such  a  process  would  take  time,  and 
that  the  results  we  know  would  be  equally  explained  if  this 
influence  began  at  that  time  in  the  fifth  Century  when,  according 
to  my  belief,  the  people  who  spoke  the  British  tongue  were  be- 
coming  Christian.  That  mere  mention  of  '  fourth  Century '  is  not, 
to  my  mind,  sound  reasoning.  Gildas  is  mentioned  as  still,  in 
the  first  half  of  the  sixth  Century  calling  Latin  'our  tongue' 
{nostra  lingua)^)  This  certainly  is  significant,  because  his  very 
use  of  Latin  betokens  a  wide  circle  of  readers  also,  who  under- 
stood  that  language,  and  illustrates  the  important  place  held  by 
the  Church's  language  as  the  symbol  and  agent  of  continuous 
unity.  Yet  even  here,  one  caunot  forget  that  Nennius  twice 
employs  nostra  lingua  for  his  own  British  tongue  (cc.  37,  44). 

The  terms  in  which  this  book  speaks  of  Gildas  may  in  a  sense 
be  quite  true,  but  they  might  and  ought  to  be  more  copious,  and  so 
more  true.  The  reader  of  SchöH's  article  in  the  secoud  edition  of 
RE.  feels  a  difference  here.  Gildas  must  have  written  the  De 
Excidio  some  time  about  A.  D.  540,  and  he  is  the  only  writer  we 
have  of  this  period;  as  his  birth  may  be  placed  shortlj^  after  the 
arrival  of  the  West  Saxons,  or  in  round  numbers  before  A.  D.  500, 


»)  Chr.  Sarauw,  Irske  Studier,  pp.  1—20  (1900). 

*)  Nostra  lingua   may  well   mean   simply    'the  language  in  which  I 
write',  as  in  explaining  Cuneglasus,  Gildas  speaks  of  Romana  lingua. 


ZIMMER   ON  THE   HISTORY   OF  THE   CELTIC   CHURCH.  571 

he  coiild  have  had  personal  Information  from  men  who  liad  been 
witnesses  of  tlie  sufferings  in  the  internecine  strife  between 
Saxon  and  Briton.  Any  one  intimate  with  the  bock  will  notice 
that  the  narrative  of  Gildas  has,  in  cc.  22 — 26,  a  definiteness  of 
colouring  that  is  elsewhere  wanting,  and  such  that  makes  the 
rest  of  his  book  more  intelligible.  He  seems  consciously  in  a 
line  with  Salvian,  even  with  Orosius,  and  with  Augnstine  in  his 
'  City  of  God '.  Salvian  is  described  as  '  a  truthf ul  man,  enthusi- 
astic,  like  one  of  the  Hebrew  prophets,  on  behalf  of  pure  living 
and  just  dealing';  hence  his  denunciations  of  the  vices  of  his 
fellow-countrymen.  'Our  own  vices  are  the  sole  cause  of  the 
downfall  of  our  Empire',  such  is  the  sum  and  substance  of  his 
whole  treatise  De  Guhernatione  Dei,  written  probably  between 
440  and  450.  We  find  a  true  perspective  of  the  time  and  man 
if  we  regard  Gildas  as  imitating  Salvian  when,  witnessing  a 
similar  downfall  of  his  own  country,  he  rebukes  both  avaricious 
princes  of  depraved  lives,  and  priests  covetous  and  abandoned 
to  idleness.  When  his  book  is  termed  a  'penitential  sermon', 
one  is  inclined  at  flrst  to  ask  whether  the  translation  is  not  at 
fault,  but  on  looking  again  at  the  original  article,  there  it  is, 
the  same  appellation;  the  work,  Zimmer  says,  is  the  'Busspredigt  of 
a  man  who  delights  to-  paint  everything  in  the  blackest  colours, 
a  man  animated  by  the  most  rigid  monastic  ideas,  with  whom, 
f or  instance.  convertere  ad  Deum  '  means  to  go  into  a  monastery '. 
As  a  small  detail,  yet  showing  that  words  may  be  used  without 
due  consideration,  the  very  passages  mentioned  in  proof  of  this 
Statement,  do  not  mean  'to  go  into  a  monastery '.i)  Gildas,  it  is 
conceded,  might  so  speak,  and  in  a  place  not  named,  c.  34,  the  very 
phrase  is  found,  said  of  Maclocunus  when  he  became  a  monk  — 
tua  ad  honam  frugem  conversio.  In  his  reference  to  the  corre- 
spondence  between  Gildas  and  Finnian,  Columbanus  calls  a 
monastery  conversionis  locus.    That  the  monastic  ideas  of  Gildas, 

')  They  stand  thus :  (1)  '  Wilt  thou  (Aurelius  Canimis),  because  of  pious 
deserts  an  exception  to  almost  all  thy  family,  survive  for  a  hundred  years,  or 
be  of  the  years  of  Methuselah?  No.  Bnt  unless,  as  the  Psalmist  says  thou 
be  very  speedily  converted  to  the  Lord  (conversus  fueris  ad  Dominum),  that 
king  will  soon  brandish  his  sivord  against  thee.  (2)  Wherefore  shake  thyself 
from  thy  filthy  dust,  and  turn  unto  Him  (convertere  ad  eum),  with  thy  whole 
heart  unto  Him  who  created  thee.'  Several  other  instances  can  be  giyen,  but 
in  none  is  there  any  allusion  to  the  monastic  meaning. 


572  HTJCH   WILLIAMS, 

again,  were  not  rigid,  is  made  very  clear  by  Fragmenta  III,  IV, 
VII,  pp.  86 — 88  in  Mommsen,  Chronica  Min.  III,  the  very  book 
from  which  tlie  autlior  quotes.  When  he  describes  Gildas  as  '  a 
man  who  delights  to  paint  everything  in  tlie  blackest  colours', 
he  forgets  much.  He  has  not  observed  that  the  book  is  inspired 
and  appropriated  by  a  band  of  companions,  that  it  is,  after  ten 
years  of  brooding,  brought  out  as  a  tardy  payment  of  a  debt 
owing  to  them;  he  forgets  the  many  passages  of  tenderest 
appeals  directed  to  these  princes  of  Britain,  and  the  words  in 
which  he  describes  the  life  of  the  'few'.  The  zealot,  no  less 
than  the  cynic,  we  are  bound  to  admit,  is  prone  to  exaggeration, 
and  tliis  is  true  in  the  case  of  Gildas.  But  it  is  when  we  turn 
to  another  class  that  we  find  the  real  man;  against  these,  he 
allows,  no  Charge  can  be  made  upon  the  score  of  ^scliism  or 
supercilious  pride,  or  uncleanness  of  life',  yet  towards  them,  the 
indolent  good,  he  can  admit  of  no  lenity,  there  is  a  disdainful 
tone  in  his  Indignation  against  them.  An  easy- going  bishop 
such  as  Apollinaris  Sidonius,  '  essentially  an  author  or  a  courtier, 
and  only  accidentally  a  divine', ')  would  have  set  the  ardent 
soul  of  Gildas  ablaze.  I  am  inclined  to  call  him  a  revivalist, 
one  of  a  band  of  such,  probably  Dewi  Sant,  Samson,  Paul 
Aurelian,  Cadoc  and  others.  I  cannot  but  infer  that  Dr.  Zimmer 
has  been  too  hasty,  and  that,  for  this  reason,  his  book  lacks 
some  significant  points  of  history,  which  might  have  been  gleaned 
out  of  the  work  of  this  despised  prophet.  It  would  be  easy  to 
mention  them,  but  the  length  to  which  this  article  has  already 
grown  forbids  it  except  in  barest  outline.  'The  peace  which 
ensued  after  A.  D.  500',  as  our  book  relates,  taking  its  In- 
formation from  Gildas,  was  a  period  when  in  all  likelihood  the 
writings  of  Jerome,  and  Eufinus'  version  of  the  Ecclesiastical 
History  of  Eusebius,  and  probably  the  Ecclesiastical  History  of 
Theodoret,  as  well  as  some  portions  of  Philo,  became  known  (in 
Latin)  and  read  in  Britain.  In  youth  Gildas  had  learnt  the 
Old  and  New  Testament  fi'om  the  Old  Latin  version,  as  all  the 
Short  quotations  of  familiär  Biblical  words,  made  from  memory 
by  him,  testify:  Later  in  life  he  became  familiär  with  the  new 
version  of  Jerome  and,  within  well  marJced  limits,  gives  large 


*)  Dr.  Hodgkin  in  '  Italy  and  her  Invaders '  (Vol.  II,  eh.  3)  gives  a  long 
and  interesting  account  of  Sidonius. 


ZIMMER   ON   THE   HISTORY   OF   TUR   CELTIC   CHURCH,  573 

extracts  from  it,  yet  when  memory  is  tasked,  even  witliin  tliose 
limits,  it  yields  only  tlie  old  version.  In  Ins  older  Codices  of 
tlie  Old  Testament  tlie  prophet  Ezekiel  occupies  tlie  last  place, 
as  some  old  Catalogues  also  place  it;  he  lias  preserved  for  us  a 
text  of  Job  older  tlian  tlie  Hexapla  of  Origen;  in  anotlier  field 
of  literary  interest,  we  have  from  liim  a  fragment  of  almost,  if 
not  actiially,  tlie  oldest  Western  Ordinal.  We  have  in  his  book 
also  good  gTOunds  to  infer  tliat  what  is  called  the  distinctively 
Celtic  type  of  Church,  witli  the  cloister  as  its  centre  alike  of 
mission  and  goveniment,  must,  contrary  to  the  view  presented 
by  Zimmer,  have  been  developed  subseqnently  to  his  time. 

We  find  tliat  the  methods  of  Scriptural  Interpretation  wliich 
St.  Jerome  liad  derived  from  the  Alexandrians,  and  had  made 
familiär  to  the  Latin  West,  were  Avell  known  in  Britain ;  allegory 
and  type,  the  symbolical  meaning  {tropicus  sensus),  the  moral 
signification,  moralis  intelligeittia,  or  moraliter  interpretari,  to  be 
souglit  in  every  narrative,  are  seen  in  Gildas,  so  that  we  may 
regard  his  time,  notwithstanding  the  dark  colours  in  which  he 
paints  it,  as  a  period  of  literary  and  religious  activity.  The  active 
soiils  may  have  been  Hhe  few',  yet  they  appear  to  have  gained 
the  ear  of  the  clergy,  for  the  next  generation  is  progressive. 

I  read  the  following  pages  of  Dr.  Zimmer's  book  with 
genuine  appreciation  of  Hhe  period  of  transition'  of  the  'com- 
bination  in  the  seventh  Century  (?  8th  or  even  9th)  of  the 
separate  districts  into  four  chief  territories,  based  on  the  chief 
monasteries'  in  them.  Can  he  be  correct  when  he  says  that 
'the  tenth  Century  codeO  denotes  the  seven  monasteries  of 
Dyfed  as  the  "seven  bishop's  liouses"  of  the  Bishop  of  Menevia'? 
I  read  as  follows:  'Un  yw  Mynyw  yn  eistedva  arbennic  yg 
Kymry  (One  is,  Menevia,  as  leading  throne  in  Wales),  Eil  yw 
Eglwys  Ismael  (Second  is,  the  Church  of  Ishmael)  &c.,  the  other 
flve  being  Llans  (=  monasteries),  so  that  Menevia  then,  as  far 
as  this  notice  goes,  is  oiie  of  the  seven.  Lower  down  (12.),  we 
read,  'whoever  draws  blood  from  the  abbot  of  one  of  the  prin- 
cipal  thrones  (eisteduaeu  arbennic)  before  mentioned  &c.'  Here 
is  the  same  implication:  each  one  is  a  principal  throne.  Those 
of  US   who   have  read  Dr.  Zimmer's  Nennius  Vindicatus  would 


0  Ancient  Laws  of  Wales  Bk.  II,  c.  24.    I  have  veiitured  to  change 
Aneurin  Owen's  rendermg  'seat'  to  'throne'  for  eisteddva. 

Zeitschrift  f.  oelt.  Philologie  IV.  37 


574  WILLIAMS,   ZIMMER   ON   THE   CELTIC   CHTJRCH. 

wisli  the  last  part  of  tliis  section  to  have  beeu  writteii  at 
greater  lengtli,  as  we  remember  the  materials  collected  there. 
The  remainder  of  the  book  must  be  regarded  as  a  most  valuable 
accoimt  of  the  history  of  the  succeedmg  centuries  in  North 
Britain,  Wales  and  Ireland,  Though  the  writer  has  differed 
from  Dr.  Zimmer  to  a  wide  extent,  on  many  points,  and  on 
others  not  mentioned,  such  as,  especially,  his  idea  of  a  'monastic 
episcopate',  nevertheless  he  heartily  welcomes  these  two  books 
as  those  which  every  student,  henceforth,  will  be  bound  to  read, 
and  abundantly  proflt  by  the  reading  of  them. 

The  Theological  College,  tt         xtt 

T,    ,  HuGH  Williams. 

Bala. 


ERSCHIENENE  SCHRIFTEN. 


H.  d'Arbois  de  Jiibainville,  Elements  de  la  grammaire  cel- 
tique.  Declinaison,  conjugaison.  Paris,  Albert  Fontemoing 
1903.     180  pp.     Kl.  80. 

Dieses  Buch,  mit  dem  sich  der  Verfasser  zunächst  an  seine  Lands- 
leute wendet,  hat  die  Formen  des  Urceltischeu  zum  Gegenstande  und 
gründet  sich  auf  das  Altirische,  zieht  aber  auch  die  britannischen 
Sprachen,  hauptsächlich  das  Armorische,  in  Betracht.  Sichere  Ergebnisse 
können  hier  nur  durch  langwierige  mikroskopische  Untersuchung  ge- 
wonnen werden.  Die  Feststellung  der  sich  entsprechenden  Bildungen 
in  den  celtischen  Dialekten  muss,  wenn  man  in  der  Erschliessung  der 
prähistorischen  Formen  behutsam  vordringen  will,  die  nächst  erreich- 
bare Vorstufe  bilden.  Wenn  die  bisherige  Forschung  in  wesentlichen 
Dingen  ohne  Zweifel  erfolgreich  gewesen  ist,  so  ist  sie  doch  in  andern 
noch  nicht  abgeschlossen.  In  dieser  Hinsicht  kann  man  mancher 
Meinung,  die  der  Verfasser  ausspricht,  nicht  beistimmen:  z.  B.  wird 
der  britannische  Komparativ  auf  ach,  oc'h  p.  38,  115  dem  irischen  auf 
iu  gleichgestellt  und  aus  einer  Endung  tos  hergeleitet.  Wie  ist  das 
möglich?  Der  welsche  Elativ  auf  et  wird  in  der  griechischen  Endung 
la-T-og,  xa-Toq  wiedergefunden  (p.  118),  was  nicht  wohl  denkbar  ist,  da 
seine  älteste  Form  liet  lautet.  Die  armorische  Endung  omp  der  1.  pl. 
wird  aus  mm  gedeutet  (p.  145),  statt  aus  ni-ni,  wie  doch  das  phonetische 
Beispiel  im  lat.  contem-p-nere  recht  nahe  legt.  Das  irische  biu  'ich 
bin'  soll  gleich  lat.  fio  sein,  während  alles  dafür  spricht,  dass  es  lat. 
vivo  ist  und  zu  dem  Infinitive  bith  (Wb.  11  c  11) ,  späteren  beith ,  und 
nicht  zu  buith  gehört.  Das  Passiv  auf  B  deutet  der  Verfasser  p.  152 
aus  sanskritischen  Formen  der  aktiven  3.  pl.;  m.  E.  ist  eine  altlat. 
Bildung  wie  potestur  ein  besserer  Schlüssel.  Das  welsche  y  in  yth 
weleis  '  ich  sah  dich '  (p.  60)  scheint  dem  ir.  do  zu  entsprechen ,  da  es 
Suffixe  anknüpfen  kann,  welche  Eigenschaft  dann  auch  dem  relativen 
a  mitgeteilt  wurde.  In  einem  Anhange  behandelt  der  Verfasser  die  in 
Inschriften  vorkommende  Formel  deck  bratude,  die  er  nicht  für  celtisch 
hält,  sondern  aus  vulgärem  Latein  als  'dedit  merito'  erklärt. 

37* 


576  ERSCHIENENE    SCHRIFTEN. 

Melanges  linguistiques.  Offerts  ä  M.  Antoine  Meillet  par 
ses  eleves.  Paris,  C.  Klincksieck  1902.  YII  +  133  pp.  8». 
(5  fr.) 

Von  den  7  Beiträgen  des  Bandes  berühren  zAvei  die  celtischen 
Sprachen,  nämlich  G.  Dottin,  L'evolution  de  la  declinaison  irlandaise, 
etndiee  dans  deux  dialectes  de  Connacht  (p.  17  — 48)  und  J.  Vendryes, 
Eeflexions  siir  les  lois  phonetiqiies  (p.  115  — 131). 

J.  Vendryes,  De  liibernicis  vocabulis  quae  a  latina  lingua 
originem  duxenint  dissertationem  scripsit  atque  indices  con- 
struxit.  Lutetiae  Paris.,  C.  Klincksieck  1902.  200  pp. 
80.    (7fi\  50  c.) 

Die  Fremdwörter  sind  für  die  irische  Sprachkunde  von  ziemlicher 
Wichtigkeit,  da  die  Bewohner  der  grünen  Insel  zu  allen  Zeiten  zu 
solchen  Entlehnungen  geneigt  gewesen  sind  und  sich  von  den  Eömern, 
den  Skandinaviern  und  Angelsachsen,  den  Franzosen  und  Engländern 
nicht  wenig  zugeeignet  haben.  Die  Erkennung  der  lateinischen  Lehn- 
wörter hat  bei  der  nähern  Verwandtschaft  des  italischen  und  celtischen 
Sprachstammes  ihre  besondere  Schwierigkeit  und  in  zahlreichen  Fällen 
ist  mau  unsicher  geblieben,  ob  ein  urceltisches  oder  ein  fremdes  Wort 
vorliege.  Leider  besitzen  wir  vom  Altceltischeu  keine  Texte  und  können 
daher  die  Sprache  nicht  bis  in  das  Altertum  zurückverfolgen.  Wenn 
man  aber  bedenkt,  wie  viele  alte  Wörter,  die  uns  teils  in  Eigennamen 
und  teils  in  den  alten  Glossaren  überliefert  werden,  in  der  ältesten 
Litteratur  bereits  abgestorben  und  unverständlich  sind,  so  ist  es  von 
vornherein  wahi'scheinlich ,  dass  sich  die  Sprache  aus  fremdem  Schatze 
ergänzt  und  bereichert  habe.  Auch  zeigen  die  Entlehnungen  aus  dem 
Lateinischen,  über  die  ein  Zweifel  nicht  besteht,  dass  die  Erneuerung 
des  Vokabulars  in  erheblichem  Umfange  erfolgt  sein  muss.  Da  sind 
unter  den  alten  Entlehnungen,  an  denen  zum  Teil  auch  die  britannischen 
Dialekte  Teil  nehmen,  solche  Wörter  wie:  laech  laicus,  cathair  :  w. 
caer  castrum,  sacart  sacerdos,  muinter  monasterium,  corp  :  w.  corff 
corpus,  intinn  intentio,  beist  :  w.  bwyst-fil  bestia,  asal  asan  :  w.  asyn 
asinus  asellus,  capall  caballus,  carpat  :  w.  cerbyd  carpentum,  srian 
:  w.  ft'rwyn  frenuni,  buaile  bovile,  long  :  w.  llong  longa,  port :  w.  porth 
portus,  arm  :  w.  arf  arma,  6r  :  w.  aur  aurum,  argat  :  ariant  argentum, 
clüm  :  w.  pluf  pliima,  ceir  :  w.  cwyr  cera,  mias  :  w.  mwys  mensa  (engl, 
dish),  fin  :  w.  gwin  vinum,  lebor  :  w.  llyfr  über,  legim  :  w.  Heu  lego, 
scribaim  :  w.  ysgrifo  scribo,  damnaim  damno,  crochaim  :  w.  crogi  von 
criix,  eis  census,  cöis  causa,  teist  :  w.  tyst  testis,  posaim  sponso,  direch 
directus,  cert  certtis,  secc  :  w.  sych  siccus,  maer  :  w.  maer  maior,  prim- 
:  w.  prif  primus,  umal  :  w.  ufyll  hiimilis.  Die  L'en  waren  keine 
Puristen,  das  Fremdwort  durchdringt  alle  ihre  Verhältnisse.  Unter 
den  gesammelten  Entlehnungen  sind  allerdings  viele  gelehrte,  die  die 
lateinisch  gebildete  Geistlichkeit  im  Altirischen  gebraucht  oder  die 
Glossatoren  im  Mittelirischen  verzeichnet  haben,  ohne  dass  sie  in  der 
Sprache  jemals  ein  eigentliches  Leben  gehabt  hätten.    Von  Bedeutung 


ERSCHIENENE   SCHRIFTEN.  577 

sind  mir  solche  Fremdwörter,  die  durch  den  Mund  des  Volkes  gegangen 
und  durch  seinen  Accent  gekennzeichnet  sind. 

Der  Verfasser  weist  zunächst  aus  der  Geschichte  nach,  wo  sich 
die  Iren  mit  den  Römern  berührt  haben,  und  legt  dann  dar,  welche 
phonetischen  und  phonologischen  Betrachtungen  man  an  den  Formen 
der  entlehnten  Wörter  machen  kann  und  welchen  Begriffsklassen  sie 
angehören.  Daran  schliessen  sich  ein  Indes  der  irischen  Wörter  mit 
ihren  Belegen  und  ein  Index  der  lateinischen  Wörter,  die  in  Frage 
kommen.  Es  sind  ca.  1100  Wörter,  die  der  Verfasser  aus  den  vor- 
handenen Glossaren  und  Listen  der  bewährtesten  Kenner  der  irischen 
Sprache  zusammengestellt  hat.  Aber  vollständig  sind  diese  Verzeichnisse 
nicht.  So  liefert  z.  B.  eine  Seite  LB.  118  a  =  BB.  240  a  die  Wörter 
cinome,  cinife,  scinifi  ('ciniphes'  Ex.  8,  16),  lugusti  (locustae),  bnichi 
bruiche  (bruchi),  ficuilne  (ficulnea,  wie  finemna).  Mitunter  fehlen  echt 
irische  Umbildungen ,  wie  intsliucht  intliucht  KZ.  30,  75 ;  airphortach 
'porticus'  SR.;  esconte  ' excommunicatiis '  Arch.  Mise.  1, 128;  cre  'Credo' 
(CZ.  2,  567);  finit  d.h.  'explicit';  das  alte  'rhetorica'  sollte  erscheinen 
als  rethoric,  retoric,  rithoiric,  rithairic,  retairic,  ritlioirg  und  rithlearg 
(CZ.  1, 133;  O'Grady,  catal.  399).  Neben  gola  .i.  cuithe,  wenn  es  wirklich 
von  'caueola'  und  nicht  vom  engl,  gaol  (jail)  kommt,  giebt  es  gola 
'gula',  ein  lebendes  Wort.  Ir.  grdcl  'Liebe',  das  schon  Cormac  als 
Fremdwort  fühlt,  scheint  nichts  anderes  zu  sein  als  grdd  'grädus', 
die  Stufe  der  Wertschätzung,  die  man  einem  giebt.  Ir.  brüt  bedeutet 
zweierlei:  bruta  (bestia)  RC.  12,  •464:  und  brutus  (chronica)  RC.  13,  505, 
welch  letzteres  von  dem  sagenhaften  Brutus  der  welschen  Urgeschichte 
abgeleitet  wird. 

Sehr  viele  Entlehnungen  hat  der  Verfasser  mit  einem  Frage- 
zeichen versehen,  aber  manche  darunter  muss  man  wohl  überhaupt 
streichen.  Ich  erwähne  nur  einige.  Sehr  unwahrscheinlich,  dass  aball, 
uball  vom  lat.  malum,  malus  kommt,  wenn  wir  im  Deutschen  Apfel, 
im  Litauischen  öbulas  und  im  Slawischen  abluko  haben.  Ebenso  Avenig 
leuchten  mir  ein  adraini  adhaereo,  ard  arduus,  caile  pellex,  cdidh 
castus,  caech  :  w.  coeg  csecus  (cf.  grec  'graecus');  cül  :  w.  eil  'culus', 
döit  'digitus',  fdilte  'valete',  fanas  (recte  fdnas)  'vanus',  fds  'vastus' 
(cf.  cäidh),  glam  'clamor',  sdith  'satietas',  salach  'salax'.  Muair 
'morem'  stützt  der  Verfasser  auf  einen  verlesenen  Text;  amhain 
'amnis'  ist  eine  schlechte  Schreibweise  für  abhainn  (von  abha)  und 
ebenso  aimind  'amoenus'  eine  Laune  für  aibind,  aoibhinn  (von  aoibh); 
xd)  '  Ovum '  ist  von  Rechtswegen  og  zu  schreiben ;  casdn  '  passus '  scheint, 
wenn  nicht  von  cos  'Fuss',  von  casadh,  cas  als  'die  Windiing  des 
Weges'  hergeleitet  zu  sein;  die  Form  mainchille  'manicula'  (st.  muin- 
chille)  ist  meines  Wissens  nicht  nachgewiesen;  die  Verbesserung  von 
armchrith  Trip.  46,  5  in  uimchrith  halte  ich  nicht  für  glücklich.  Auch 
über  nlam  '  coemeteriiim '  und  seine  Ableitungen  habe  ich  Bedenken. 
Der  Verf.  leitet  das  Wort  mit  Cormac  (ruam  quasi  röm)  von  Roma  ab, 
was  man  nicht  unbedingt  verwerfen  kann.  Düiite  man  indes  an  der 
Hauptstelle,  wo  es  vorkommt  (conutsat  ruama,  Trip.  34)  an  Krypten 
und  Katakomben  denken,  so  wäre  darin  eine  Zusammensetzung  aus  ro 


578  ERSCHIENENE   SCHRIFTEN. 

und  üam,  also  'grosse  Höhle',  zii  vermuten,  so  wie  roilbe  'Gebirge' 
von  sliab ,  röecl  '  Wald '  von  fld ,  rind  '  Spitze '  von  ind  gebildet  sind. 
Andrerseits  hat  das  Wort  die  allgemeinere  Bedeutung  '  Sanctuarium, 
(heilige)  Stätte'  angenommen  (nach  den  irischen  Glossatoren  cathair 
'  Stadt '),  und  so  trifft  man  es  bei  den  neuern  Dichtern  nicht  selten :  at 
röim  eiges  is  aoidiodh,  O'Grady,  Catalogue  p.  456;  senröimh  na  naom 's 
na  neimead,  p.  466;  a  romh  oinigh  na  nughdar,  p.  435;  senröimh  oinig 
innsi  Neill,  p.  507.  Hier  passt  die  Bedeutung  '  Friedhof '  nicht.  Gewiss 
können  auch  rüamdae  und  rüamach  von  Koma  (st.  römänach)  abgeleitet 
sein  und  gelegentlich  '  römisch ' ')  oder  allgemeiner  '  edel '  bedeuten, 
aber  für  einen  Bären  (math  rüamdae)  wäre  es  ein  seltsames  Epitheton. 
Andere  Stellen  fordern  überdies  entschieden  noch  eine  andere  Bedeutung 
für  den  Wortstamm:  forsind  rig  ruam,  for  Saul,  SR.  6094,  oder  in  einem 
Gedichte  Maelpatrics  (f  1028) :  eidir  ri  7  rüamha  (Brüssel  MS.  5057—59, 
Bl.  36  a).  Dieses  rüam  scheint  eine  superlativische  Bildung  von  ro 
'  vor '  {pro)  zu  sein  (in  der  Form  nicht  ganz  genau  dem  gr.  n^öfioq, 
goth.  fruma  entsprechend),  so  wie  riam  :  av.  rlnvyf  primus  von  re  '  vor ' 
(prae).  Romcia,  das  der  Verf.  aus  Cath  Ruis  na  rig  p.  56  auch  noch 
anführt,  ist  wieder  ein  anderes  Wort:  bamar  lathi,  romda  rind  'wir 
waren  eines  Tages,  es  war  für  uns  zeitig ' ;  es  ist  offenbar  von  rom  '  früh, 
zu  früh '  abgeleitet  (Windisch  p.  747) ,  rom  i.  moch  nö  luath  (0'  Curry, 
Transcripts  p.  1286). 

Einige  der  vom  Verf.  als  lateinische  Fremdwörter  aufgenommenen 
erklären  sich  besser  aus  dem  Germanischen.  So  kommt  min,  wie  der 
Verf.  falsch  statt  min  schreibt,  schwerlich  vom  lat.  minor,  sondern 
entspricht  dem  altdeutschen  min  d.  h.  gering.  Cuisle  'Ader,  Eohr'  hat 
mit  dem  lat.  pulsus  nichts  zu  thun,  sondern  ist,  wie  ich  denke,  das 
ahd.  hulsa,  hülse,  sowie  cuilen  :  w.  cclyn  dem  deutschen  hüls,  hülst, 
franz.  honx,  an  die  Seite  tritt;  jenes  ist  vielleicht  das  welsche  cors-enn 
'arundo'.  Rüt  'Weg'  wird  ganz  unwahrscheinlich  vom  lat.  rupta  (it. 
rotta)  abgeleitet,  da  man  es  längst  als  das  altnord.  rot,  ags.  räd,  engl, 
road  erkannt  hat.  So  mag  auch  ancoire  :  w.  agkyr  :  c.  ancor,  zunächst 
von  ags.  ancor,  ancre  herkommen. 

Mehrfach  begegnet  es  dem  Verf.,  dass  er  neuirische  Entlehnungen 
aus  dem  Englischen  oder  Französischen  für  solche  aus  dem  Lateinischen 
ansieht.  Cüirt  f.  ist  das  franz.  cour  f.,  altfr.  und  altengl.  curt,  cort 
(von  cohortem),  und  dass  das  mir.  cuaird  damit  zusammenhänge,  ist 
nicht  wohl  glaublich;  clampar  ist  kaum  das  lat.  clamor,  sondern  das 
engl,  clamour ;  so  ist  auch  fdbhar  das  engl,  favour ;  späs  nicht  spatium, 
sondern  engl,  space.  Fiosa  'Becher'  ist  nicht  lat.  pyxis,  sondern  franz. 
piece  (aus  pecia),  im  Niederschottischen  pece,  pese  'ein  Stück  Geschirr, 


1)  Möglich,  dass  sich  rüamdae,  von  Personen  gesagt,  auch  auf  die  Wall- 
fahrt nach  Rom  (teicht  do  Röim,  Goid.  p.  182,  Lism.  Lives  p.  335)  bezieht. 
Solche  Pilger  heissen  im  Italienischen  romei  'in  quanto  vanno  a  Roma', 
während  die  nach  Jerusalem  pilgern  palmicri  und  die  Santiago  de  Compostela 
besuchen  peregrini  genannt  werden.    (Dante,  La  vita  nuova  §  41). 


ERSCHIENENE   SCHRIFTEN.  579 

ein  Trinkgeschirr,  ein  Becher',  wie  Jamieson  lehrt.  Alb.  mnnnda 
'beaiiteous'  ist  vermutlich  eine  Variante  für  müinte  'unterwiesen,  ge- 
bildet' (MP.  1,  70  u.  oft)  und  hat  mit  lat.  rauudus  keine  Berührung.  Ir. 
cörda  ist  nicht  lat.  chorda,  sondern  engl,  cord;  ciipa  nicht  lat.  cupa, 
sondern  engl,  cup;  stdbla  nicht  lat.  stabulura,  sondern  engl,  stähle; 
tomba  tuama  ist  das  engl.  tomb.  Der  Verf.  nennt  das  auslautende  a 
der  letzterwähnten  Wörter  ein  Suffix.  Das  ist  es  nicht  im  gewöhnlichen 
Sinne,  sondern  es  ist  der  Auslaut  der  starken  Konsonanten  im  Neu- 
irischen und  für  die  Zeit  jener  Entlehnungen  wichtig.  So  sagt  man 
auch  balla  wall,  biobla  bible,  bannda  band,  bhdsta  waist,  bücla  buckle, 
cdrta  quart,  card,  cläca  cloak,  cöta  coat,  crüca  crook,  crüsta  crust,  cürsa 
course,  data  date,  dobhta  doubt,  gdrda  guard,  hata  hat,  hüda  hood, 
mala  mail,  piopa  pipe,  pöca  pocket  (anord.  pöki),  j^osta  post,  piica  Puck, 
rata  rat,  rüma  room.  Diesem  a  entspricht  nach  schwachen  Konsonanten 
ein  e,  z.  B.  in  binse  bench,  trinse  trench,  töirse  torch  u.  a.  m. 

K.  Meyer,  Stories  and  song-s  from  Irisli  manuscripts,  VII.    (Otia 
Merseiana  vol.  III,  1903,  p.  46—54). 

Daß  Märchen  vom  Könige  Labraid  Lore  mit  den  Pferdeohren,  von 
seinem  Barbiere,  der  das  quälende  Geheimnis  einer  Weide  anvertraut, 
und  von  der  aus  dem  Holze  dieses  Baumes  verfertigten  Harfe  Craiftines, 
die  es  aller  Welt  verrät,  steht  im  Gelben  Buche  von  Lecan  76  a 34 
(RC.  2,  197.  507).  Darnach  erzählt  Keating  (ed.  Haliday  p.  378).  Die 
jetzt  von  Prof.  Meyer  aus  Stowe  D.  4.  2  veröffentlichte  Version  über- 
trägt die  Sage  auf  Eochaid,  den  König  von  Hui  Failge,  und  seinen 
Bruderssohn  Oeugus  mac  Dichoime ;  auch  sonst  ist  sie  etwas  abweichend, 
aus  der  Harfe  wird  eine  Pfeife.  P.  53  paenult.  ist  '  less  weak '  ver- 
schrieben für  'the  weaker'. 

—  Four  old  Irisli  songs  of  summer  and  winter,  edited  and  trans- 
lated.    London,  D.  Niitt  1903.    27  pp.    8». 

Das  Mailied  Cettemain  cdin  re  aus  Land  610  in  14  Strophen,  von 
denen  O'Douovan  (Oss.  4,  302)  die  ersten  4  veröffentlicht  hat;  das 
Winterlied  Scel  lern  düib  im  Kommentar  zum  Amra  Choluimbchille 
(LU.  Ilb20  ed.  Crowe  1871  p.  44;  LH.  ed.  Atkinson  1898,  1,174.2, 
69.  233;  Rawlinson  B  502  ed.  Stokes,  RC.  20,  258);  das  Wintergedicht 
Fuitt  CO  brdth  (LL.  208a  und  Rawl.  B  502  ed.  Zimmer,  GGA.  1887, 
p.  185)  und  das  Sommergedicht  Tdnic  sdm  sldn  söer  (Rawl.  B  502,  ib.) 
—  diese  vier  poetischen  Stücke,  denen  der  Verf.  eine  Übersetzung  und 
ein  Glossar  beigegeben  hat,  sind  in  einem  ganz  eigenen  knappen  Tone 
gehalten,  bestehen  zum  Teil  aus  lauter  einsilbigen  Wörtern,  vermeiden 
den  Artikel  vor  dem  Nomen  fast  durchaus  und  sind  mit  Allitteration  so 
gespickt,  dass  ihr  Verständnis  nicht  leicht  ist.  Mehr  als  durch  ihren 
dichterischen  Gehalt  sind  sie  uns  bedeutend  durch  den  berühmten  Autor, 
dem  sie  zugeschrieben  werden;  denn  es  ist  kein  Zufall,  dass  diese  vier 
Lieder  von  Finn  mac  Cumaill  gedichtet  sein  sollen.  Man  daif  darauf 
die  Vermutung  gründen  (CZ.  3,  609),  dass  die  Gestalt  des  Finn  mac 


580  ERSCHIENENE   SCHIilFTEN. 

Nüadha  neclit  (LL.  379a8)  zu  den  Jahreszeiten  iu  Bezieliimg  staml  und 
im  wesentlichen  dem  Elfenkönige  Gwynn  ah  Nudd  hei  den  Wallisern 
entspricht. 

Wli.  Stokes,  A  criticism  on  Dr.  Atkinson's  Glossaiy  to  Yolumes 
I — V  of  tlie  Ancient  Laws  of  Ireland.  London,  D.  Nutt 
1903.    49  pp.    80. 

Cf .  CZ.  4,  347—376.  '  In  dealiug  with  0"  Davoren's  numerous  law- 
quotations',  sagt  der  Verfasser ,  'I  constantly  referred  to  Dr.  Atkinson's 
book,  and  found  therein  so  many  additional  errors  and  omissions  that 
I  determined  to  print  an  enlarged  edition  of  my  review'. 

J.  Lotli,  Remarques  et  corrections  au  Lexicou  cornu-britannicum 
de  Williams.    Paris,  E.  Bouillon  1902.    70  pp.    8».    (2  fr.) 

Die  Orthographie  des  Coruischen  ist  verworren  und  die  Texte 
nicht  immer  korrekt,  anch  hat  Williams,  dessen  Wörterbuch  vor  38 
Jahren  erschienen  ist,  sich  nicht  selten  versehen.  Man  wird  daher  die 
Bemerkungen  des  Verfassers  zu  dem  Werke,  die  aus  der  Revue  cel- 
tique  XXIII  gesondert  ausgegeben  werden,  mit  Wertschätzung  auf- 
nehmen. 

Bleuniou  Breiz-Izel.  Fleurs  de  Basse -Bretagne,  choix  de 
poesies  couronnees  par  l'Union  regionaliste  bretonne  ä  Quim- 
perl^.  Rennes,  Plihon  &  Hommay  1902.  232  pp.  8». 
(1  fr.  50  c.) 

Diese  von  J.  Loth  und  E.  Ernault  eingeführte  Sammlung  umfasst 
31  Stücke,  die  sich  ganz  in  der  Anschauung  der  Nieder-Bretague  halten 
und  mehr  oder  weniger  die  Art  und  Weise  des  Volksliedes  treffen.  Die 
bretonischen  Dichter,  von  denen  T.  Le  Garrec  genannt  sei,  besingen 
die  düstere  Erhabenheit  der  Natur,  die  harte  Arbeit  des  Landmanns, 
die  Gefahren  des  seemännischen  Berufs,  aber  ihre  Betrachtung  vertieft 
sich  auch  in  die  reinen  Freuden  des  genügsamen  Lebens,  in  Blumen  und 
Sträucher,  den  Stechginster,  den  Hagedorn,  den  Buchweizen,  die  Lilie; 
gottergebner  Sinn,  Ehrfurcht  vor  den  Heiligen  und  sanfte  Schwermut 
zeichnen  sie  aus,  und  über  alles  geht  ihnen  die  Liebe  zur  Heimat  und 
zu  der  angestammten  Sprache.  Von  den  drei  benachbarten  Haupt- 
dialekten ist  das  Trecorois  am  meisten  vertreten,  aber  auch  im  Dialekt 
von  Vannes  sind  einige  von  Ab-Ineau  bevorwortete  lyrische  Gedichte 
hinzugefügt.  So  bildet  das  Büchlein  mit  seiner  französischen  Über- 
setzung in  mehrfacher  Hinsicht  eine  passende  Einführung  in  diese 
neueste  armorische  Poesie,  die  hinter  der  der  andern  Länder  celtischer 
Zunge  keineswegs  zurückbleibt.  Die  öffentliche  Ermunterung,  die  dem 
Talente  zu  Teil  wird,  trägt  ohne  Zweifel  dazu  bei. 

E.  Ernault,  Gwerziou,  soniou  ha  marvailliou,  brezonek  lia 
gallek,  gant  toniou,  Barz  ar  Gouet.  Poesies  bretonnes  et 
fran^'aises  avec  un  cont6  en  prose  et  airs  notes.  Saint-Brieuc, 
Rene  Prud'homme  1903.    XXI  -f-  293  pp.    8«.    (3  fi\) 


ERSCHIENENE   SCHRIFTEN.  581 

Andrer  Art  ist  ein  Band  bretonischer  Gedichte,  den  man  dem 
'  Barz  ar  Gouet '  verdankt.  Unser  Mitarbeiter  Prof.  Ernaiilt  hat  darin  30 
Stücke  vereinigt ,  die  ziim  Teil  zuerst  in  Zeitschriften  veröffentlicht  sind ; 
Mlle.  Zoe  Ernault  hat  das  Buch  mit  hübschen  Zeichnungen  geschmückt 
und  Mlle.  Lea  Ernault  ist  bei  der  Auswahl  der  beigegebenen  Melodieen 
behülflich  gewesen.  Es  sind  vorwaltend  Balladen,  Schwanke,  Märchen 
und  Fabeln,  darunter  Nachahmungen  französischer,  englischer,  deiitscher 
(namentlich  Uhlands).  Der  Verfasser  hat  viel  Sorgfalt  auf  die  Korrektheit 
der  Sprache  verwandt ;  zur  Entwickelung  des  Leonais  empfiehlt  er  eine 
diskrete  Zulassung  der  Formen  des  Dialekts  von  Cornouaille  und  Treguier. 
Einige  Stücke  werden  aber  nicht  nur  in  dieser  klassischen  Form  des 
Xeuarmorischen ,  sondern  auch  in  venetischer  Übersetzung  dargeboten, 
so  dass  der  Philolog  zu  dialektologischen  Studien  Anlass  und  Stoff  findet. 

Petition  poiir  les  langiies  provinciales  au  Corps  legislatif  de 
1870  par  le  Comte  de  Charenceyj  H.  C4aidoz  &  Cli.  de  Gaulle. 
Paris,  Alphonse  Picard  et  fils  1903.    57  pp.    S«. 

Diese  Petition  zu  Gunsten  der  Volkssprachen,  die  neben  dem 
Französischen  in  einigen  Provinzen  Frankreichs  fortleben,  sollte  vor 
33  Jahren  an  die  gesetzgebende  Körperschaft  gerichtet  werden  und 
wird  nun,  wo  die  Zeiten  dazu  angethan  sind,  von  Prof.  Gaidoz  nach- 
träglich veröffentlicht  und  aufs  neue  befürwortet.  'II  me  parait  ä  la 
fois  iuexact  et  injuste',  sagt  er  und  wir  treten  seiner  Meinung  bei, 
'  de  meler  la  question  de  langue  aux  questions  politiques  ou  religieuses ; 
j'estime  qu'on  devrait  au  contraire  les  distinguer,  et  respecter  les  langues 
que  des  gronpes  nationaiix  parlent  non  par  caprice  ou  par  esprit  d'oppo- 
sition,  mais  par  tradition,  par  habitude  du  foyer,  par  necessite  historique 
et  geographique;  j'estime  qu'on  devrait  les  respecter  comme  nous 
voudrions  qu'ou  respectät  notre  langue  si  nous  etions  annexes  ä  \m 
autre  Etat  ainsi  que  le  sont  aujourd'hui  nos  anciens  compatriotes  de 
Metz!  Ne  songer  qu'ä  soi  et  au  present,  disait  Labruyere,  est  une 
source  d'erreur  dans  la  politique.  C'est  aussi  et  surtout  une  injustice.' 
Einen  besondern  Wert  erhält  das  Büchlein  durch  einen  Artikel  des 
Herausgebers  über  die  bretonische  Kriegspoesie  von  1870  — 1871,  der 
damals  in  der  Eevue  des  deux  Mondes  erschienen  ist.  Die  in  Über- 
setzung mitgeteilten  Beispiele  zeigen,  dass  die  Bretonen  unter  jenen 
Prüfungen  nicht  weniger  patriotisch  empfanden  als  die  Franzosen  selbst. 

Ed.  Halter,  Noel  d'Alsace,  edition  frangaise  augmentee  d'une 
notice  sur  le  mot  Noel,  sur  le  fond  gaiilois  de  la  langue 
frangaise  et  sur  l'origine  des  Gaulois.  Strassbourg,  J.  Noiriel 
1902.    30  pp.    80. 

Die  Etymologieen,  die  der  Verfasser  dem  elsässischcn  Weihnachts- 
festspiele beigiebt,  sind  nicht  annelimbar.  Er  erklärt  7iocl  (natale)  aus 
welsch  no  in  heno  (d.i.  ir.  nocht  :  vf.  noeth  nox)  und  givyl  'Fest'  (ir. 
feil  'vigilia')  und  erblickt  in  giiirlande  und  grenouille  Ableitungen  von 
dem  welschen  gwyr  'grün'. 

38 


582  ERSCHIENENE    SCHRIFTEN. 

A.C.  L.Brown.  Iwain,  a  Study  in  tlie  Origins  of  Arthurian 
Eomance.  Boston,  Ginn  &  Co.  1903.  VI  +  147  pp.  8». 
(Studies  and  Notes  in  Philology  and  Literature ,  vol.  VIII). 

Der  Ursprung  der  Erzählung  von  der  Dame  der  Quelle  und  Iwein 
mit  dem  Löwen,  wie  man  sie  aus  Chretien  de  Troyes  und  den  Mabinogion 
kennt,  hat  die  Gelehrten,  die  sich  bemüht  haben  den  Knäuel  der  mittel- 
alterlichen Sagen  von  König  Arthur  und  seinen  Kittern  zu  entwirren, 
viel  beschäftigt.  Wohl  kann  man  dem  letzten  Herausgeber  des  alt- 
französischen Gedichtes  zustimmen,  wenn  er  den  Ring  des  Gyges  und 
den  Löwen  des  Andi'oclus  darin  erkennt,  aber  die  Wittwe  von  Ephesus 
scheint  nicht  in  diese  Gesellschaft  zu  gehören.  Nach  dem  Verfasser, 
der  die  einzelnen  Fäden  beharrlich  in  das  celtische  Gebiet  leitet,  liegt 
dem  Ganzen  eine  jener  Reisen  in  die  Unterwelt  zu  Grunde,  wie  sie  bei 
den  Iren  im  Schwange  waren,  und  in  der  Tat  bietet  namentlich  'das 
Krankenlager  Cüchulinns '  Berührungspunkte.  Weniger  belangreich  will 
es  erscheinen,  wenn  auch  die  Märchen  vom  Gilla  deacair  und  vom  Gilla 
an  fhiugha  einige  Züge  des  Iwein  aufweisen,  da  sie  aus  einer  Zeit 
stammen,  als  die  Iren  mit  der  'matiere  de  Bretagne'  längst  bekannt 
waren. 

F.  N.  Robinson,  A  variant  of  the  Gaelic  'Bailad  of  tlie  Mantle' 
(Reprinted  from  Modern  Philology  vol.  I,  no.  1,  June  1903, 
p.  145—157).    13  pp.    8«. 

Die  gälische  Ballade  vom  Mantel  (CZ.  1, 294),  deren  litterar- 
historische  Bedeutung  auf  Grund  der  Ausgabe  durch  Th.  Maclauchlan 
zuerst  Th.  Wright  gewürdigt  hat  (Archaeol.  Cambr,  1863,  p.  7ff.),  findet 
der  Verf.  noch  in  irischen  Sammlungen  ossianif^cher  Gedichte  aus  dem 
vorigen  Jahrhundert.  In  dieser  modernen  Form  ist  die  Ballade  auf  das 
Doppelte  ihres  ursprünglichen  Umfangs  ausgedehnt  und  Ossians  Frau 
erweist  sich  darin  als  die  tugendhafteste  unter  den  Frauen  der  Fianna. 
Der  mitgeteilte  Text  aus  dem  Jahre  1842  ist  leider  sehr  schlecht  ge- 
schrieben. Die  Ballade  vom  Mantel  ist,  wie  ich  vermutete,  aus  England 
nach  Irland  getragen.  Fragt  man  aber  nach  dem  Ursprünge  der  Sage 
überhaupt  (vgl.  Gaston  Paris  in  der  Roniauia  28,  219),  so  wird  man  in 
frühe  Zeiten  zurückgehen  müssen  und  sich  an  Moranns  Halsband  er- 
innern, das  den  Schuldigen  erstickt,  den  Unschuldigen  aber  ohne  Schaden 
von  oben  bis  unten  umspannt  (Ir.  Texte  3,  190.  208). 

H.  D'Arbois  de  Jubainvilie,  Le  pantalon  gaulois  (Revue 
archeologifiue  1903,  I,  p.  337  — 342).    6  pp.    8». 

Der  Verfasser  weist  nach,  dass  die  Perser  schon  im  6.  Jahrb.  v.  Chr. 
Hosen  trugen;  sollte  A^iS^^■ort  ava^v^löeg,  für  das  Aristophanes />rAa;<ot 
'Säcke'  sagt,  ein  persisches  sein,  so  haben  es  die  Iranisten  noch  nicht 
erklärt.  Von  den  Persern  hätten  nach  dem  Verf.  die  ihnen  verwandten 
Scythen  die  Tracht  und  van  diesen  die  Germanen,  von  denen  sie  mit- 
samt der  Bezeichnung  bräcae  die  Gallier  aufgenommen  hätten;  schon 
im  3.  Jahrh.  v.  Chr.  ist  sie  bei  ihnen  bezeugt.    Nach  dem  Verf.  wäre 


ERSCHIENENE   SCHRIFTEN.  583 

sie  dem  gallisch -britannischen  Volksstamme  eigen  und  dem  gälischen 
unbekannt.  Aber  die  neuem  celtischen  Sprachen  haben  das  Wort  nicht 
überkommen;  denn  das  angeführte  arm.  hragcz  ist  von  dem  mittellat. 
hragae  abgeleitet,  während  das  irische  hröc  (anord.  brokr)  ebenso  wie 
assa  (anord.  hosa)  aus  Skandinavien  stammt  und  die  Fussbekleidung 
bedeutet.  Die  Iren  haben  die  Hosen  von  den  Engländern,  wie  das  "Wort 
briste  (engl,  breeches)  zeigt.  Es  mag  aber  erwähnt  werden,  dass  es  ein 
einheimisches  Wort  für  diese  Kleidung  giebt,  nämlich  das  von  O'Clery 
verzeichnete  fearbholga  'die  Säcke  (für  die  Beine)  eines  Mannes'.  Auch 
ist  der  Ausdruck  fir  i  mhalggaib,  der  sich  in  einem  alten  Gedichte  über 
die  Firbolg  (LL.  8  b  3)  findet,  auf  diese  Tracht  gedeutet  worden,  als 
würden  damit  die  bracafi  bezeichnet.  Die  Tradition  scheint  den  Ausdruck 
indessen  auf  die  aus  Häuten  verfertigten  Schiffe  der  fremden  An- 
kömmlinge zu  beziehen:  nochar  bho  cranda  au  cobhlach  (Keating  1, 192). 
Wunderbar,  dies  scheint  mir  der  Sinn  der  Legende  zu  sein,  kamen  die 
Firbolg  in  ihren  bulgae  auf  die  Insel,  sowie  nach  ihnen  ebenso  un- 
erklärlich die  Tuatha-de  Danann  in  finstern  Wolken  (i  nnelaib  dorchaib) 
oder  als  Nebelballen  {ina  caipaib  dach).  Dass  übrigens  Bolg  im  Xamen 
der  sagenhaften  Firbolg  nicht  ein  Kleidungsstück,  sondern  die  Be- 
zeichnung eines  Stammes  sei,  habe  ich  sonst  zu  begründen  versucht. 

Herrn.  Krabbo,  Bischof  Virgil  von  Salzburg  und  seine  kosmo- 
logisclien  Ideen.  (Sonderabdr.  a.  d.  Mittlieil.  des  Instituts 
für  österreichische  Geschichtsforschung,  XXIV.  Band,  1902). 

28  pp.    8". 

Der  gelehrte  Ire  Virgil  (Ferghil),  bis  zum  Jahre  743  Abt  des 
Klosters  Achadh-b6-Cainnigh  in  Ossory,  kam  in  der  Folge  ins  Frauken- 
reich und  mit  Sidonius,  dem  spätem  Bischöfe  von  Passau,  und  seinem 
Landsmanne  Dobdagrec,  dem  spätem  Abte  von  Chiemsee,  nach  Baiern 
und  wurde  767  der  vierte  Bischof  von  Salzburg,  wo  er  784  gestorben 
ist.  Er  vertrat  die  Lehre  Isidors  und  Bedas  von  der  Kugelgestalt  der 
Erde,  wurde  der  Apostel  der  karantanischen  Slawen  und  machte  sich 
als  Urheber  des  Liber  confraternitatum  vetustior  von  St.  Peter  in  Salz- 
burg (Mouum.  Germ,  bist.,  Necrologia  11,  6—44)  verdient.  Der  Verfasser 
hat  alle  Nachrichten  über  den  bedeutenden  Mann,  der  1233  heilig  ge- 
sprochen wurde,  gesammelt  und  mit  Kritik  beleuchtet. 

Im  Juni  1903.  St. 


O 


Druck  von  Ehrhardt  Karras,  Halle  a.  S. 


Zeitschrift  Tür  celtische 
Philologie 


PLEASE  DO  NOT  REMOVE 
CARDS  OR  SLIPS  FROM  THIS  POCKET 

UNIVERSITY  OF  TORONTO  LIBRARY 


ii?J  i("(f'if »