Skip to main content

Full text of "Zeus : a study in ancient religion"

See other formats






- o 



fiMiWJ/i)l/\iS/M)'ij'('i«WiI'*ifrtjiJiMHi > »i'i»ii*i 

J •»— 

? CO 


3 f>- 

M '"'It ill* fll'l'lui 

Ijiilljif ' 

f}?lnllli'ir MtVIm* i'^''^} ^'tlJIfiJllilll! •{■II 



?|J> isf ^ ? 

^ m m 



'-.Wi •! .pfilri^lffi 'Mi i|f jiiili -tl fj< li*f WJ«J }/lll/i 


Ir'H' •• ' 

ill i* lillif 1 Ifljl ii-'ilnilf 

11 iV 





Inrni'i iillilHl'lif* 1 ' ilnvi 1 \)\ir H { 'i !! 

lltwilll'l' [If < j i JffVl t [J ] II rttlsMfilllMf 'if (ill 111 iif 11 \ 

II 1*1 Hill! Iffi illlflf fill lillfiv 1! 1 hi \lv\\ lllllillll 



It ilrii illlii '"' *'''*■■' . 

illi jllifll IP! P I ii IPil 

• * '''■''■ '''',''' '■ ' ■ ' ■ ' ■ 


IB 1 

fiillfj ' : ■■''■',•'•,'''. • ii/i}'] 




C. F. CLAY, Manager 


CDinburgf): 100, PRINCES STREET 

Berlin: A. ASHER AND CO. 

Ifipjig: F. A. BROCKHAUS 

$eto Sort: G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS 

Bombap. ano Calcutta: MACMILLAN AND CO., Ltd. 

Toronto : J. II. DENT AND SONS, Ltd. 


All rights reserved 


i I'umpcian wall painting. 

S, ( fagc 34 ft. 












Zey? aWotca fiev iriXec aWpio<i, aWoica £' vet 

Theokritos 4. 43 

Cambridge : 

at the University Press 



Cambridge : 





Zeyc, octic ttot ecTiN, — ei toA' ay- 

T(T <J)lAON KeKAHM€N(p, 

toyto nin npoceNNemo — 
oyk e)(to npoceiKACAi 


ttAhn Aide, ei to matan 

a'tTO (f)pONTlAOC A)(80C 

• Aischylos Agamemnon i6ofT. 




MORE than eighty years have elapsed since the last compre- 
hensive monograph on Zeus was written, a couple of octavo 
volumes by T. B. Emeric-David issued at Paris in 1833. In the 
interval much water has gone under the classical mill. Indeed the 
stream flows from remoter ranges and some of its springs rise from 
greater depths than our grandfathers guessed. Nowadays we dare 
not claim to understand the religions of Greece and Rome without 
an adequate knowledge of contiguous countries and at least an 
inkling of prehistoric antecedents. In both directions pioneer work 
of inestimable value has been accomplished. The discoveries of 
Rawlinson and Layard in Babylonia, of Lepsius and Mariette in 
Egypt, of Humann and Winckler in Asia Minor — to mention but a 
few of many honoured names — have enormously increased our area 
of interest. Again, Schliemann and Dr Dorpfeld, Prof. Halbherr 
and Sir Arthur Evans, Piette and the Abbe Breuil, have opened to us 
vista beyond vista into the long-forgotten past. We realise now that 
Mycenaean and 'Minoan' and even Magdalenian culture has many 
a lesson for the student of historical times. But above all a new 
spirit has little by little taken possession of archaeological research. 
Under the universal sway of modern science accuracy of observati< >n 
and strictness of method are expected not only of the philological 
scholar but of any and every investigator in the classical field. 

Changed conditions have brought with them a great influx of 
material, much of which bears directly on the main topic of this 
book. Important sites where Zeus was worshipped have been 
identified and examined. His caves on Mount Dikte and Mount 
Ide, his precinct on the summit of Mount Lykaion, his magnificent 
altar on the Pergamene Akropolis, his temples at Olympia and 
Athens and many another cult-centre, have been planned and 
published with the minutest care. Inscriptions too are discovered 
almost daily, and not a few of them commemorate local varieties of 


tin- ubiquitous deitv iinw thirty or forty questions scratched on 
slip . i ml addressed t<> his i »r,u !<• at Dodonu, now a contract 

t'i>i the building i >f his temple at Lebadcia, now again a list of his 
: at K«ir\ k"s, odd details of hi- rites at lasos, a hymn sung in 
his set \ i, c at l'aiaik.istn ., and \ otive otierings to him from half the 
tow us , t ( ,i , cee Such information, fresh and relevant, accumulates 
apace. Moreover, those who can neither < 1 i-^ nor travel carry on 
the quest at home. Year in, \ ear out, the universities of Lurope 
\nieiiea pour forth a ne\ er-ending flood of dissertations and 

a.imines, pamphlets and articles, devoted to the solution of 
particular problems in ancient religion; and a large proportion of 

c I- more or less intiniatelv concerned with Zeus. 

In cope with an output so vast and so varied would be beyond 
the strength < >l any man, were it not for the fact that intensive 
study lollnws hard upon the heels of discovery. On manv aspects 
of what K. Schenkl called die Zeusrcligion standard books have 
' • been penned bv well-qualified hands. .\m\ more than 
admirable summary of results is already before the public. 
( j reek and Latin literature has been ransacked by writers galore, 
who have sketched the conceptions of Zeus to be found more 
espei ially in the poets and the philosophers: it would be tedious to 
enumerate names. Others again have dealt with the worship of 
Zeus as it affected a particular area : recent examples are Maybaum 
/>,r Zeuskuit in /><>eoticn ( Doberan 1901) and K. Xeustadt Dc Jove 
( it/la' ( Berlin 190b). Yet others have written on some specialised 
form ot /.eiis: ( '. J. Schmitthenner Dc Jove Hammoue (Weilburg 
i s ) !, i. II 1). Muller I'eber den Zeus Lykaios (Gbttingen 1S51), and 
■ V II Kan Pe fovis Dolichcui cultu (Groningen 1901) will serve as 
[«| miens .it the class. Notable attempts have been made to cover 
parts ot the subject on more general lines. Inscriptions about Zeus 
are grouped to-ethei by W. I )ittenberger Sylloge inscriptionum 
(,)nee<iriiiu led. 2 Leipzig 1 898, 1900, 1901), C. Michel Recueil 
din scnpt;<>us ^ reo/iit s { I'aris 1900, 1 9 1 2), and II. Dessau I nscriptiones 
LiittiKie st/ectue (Berlin 1N92, 1902, 1906, 1914). Descriptions of Zeus 
111 bark and Latin poetry are analysed by C. F. II. Bruchmann 
l:pithct<i deoruni quae apud poetas (iraecos leguntur (Leipzig 1893) 
and J. B. ( aiter I-.pitheta deoruni quae apud poctas Latinos leguntur 
1 Leipzig 1902). The festivals of Zeus in Athens and elsewhere are 
discussed by A. Mommsen Feste der Stadt A then (Leipzig 1898) 
and, with greater circumspection, by M. P. Xilsson Griechische l : este 
von rehgioser Hedeutung /nit Aussc/i/uss der attiscJien (Leipzig 1906). 



The monuments too have received their fair share of attention. 
Statues and statuettes, reliefs, vase-paintings, coins, and gems are 
collected and considered in primis by J. Overbeck Griechische 
Kunstmythologie (Besonderer Theil i. i Zeus Leipzig 1871 with 
Atlas 1872, 1873) — a book that is a model of archaeological 
erudition. Further, every worker on this or kindred themes must 
be indebted to the Repertoires of S. Reinach, whose labours have 
now reduced chaos to cosmos, not merely in the reproduction of 
previously known sculptures and vases, but also in the publication 
of much unpublished material. For surveys of the whole subject 
we turn to the handbooks. And here again good work has been 
done. C. Robert's revision of L. Preller Griechische Mythologie 
(Theogonie und Goetter Berlin 1894) deals with Zeus in a clear 
conspectus of 45 pages. O. Gruppe, the greatest mythologist of 
modern times, compresses the Father of gods and men into 22 of 
his well-packed pages {Griechische Mythologie und Religionsgeschichte 
Miinchen 1897, 1906). Probably English readers will derive most 
benefit from the lucid chapters of Dr L. R. Farnell, who in his 
Cults of the Greek States (Oxford 1896, 1896, 1907, 1907, 1909) 
spends 144 pages in discussing 'Zeus,' 'The Cult-monuments of 
Zeus,' and ' The Ideal Type of Zeus ' with a wealth of learning and 
aesthetic appreciation that leaves little to seek. Other treatments 
of the topic are no doubt already being designed for two at least of 
the three huge dictionaries now approaching completion. The 
Dictionnaire des Antiquith grecques et romaines edited by 
C. Daremberg and E. Saglio (Paris 1877- ) has given some 
account of Zeus in its article on 'Jupiter' (vol. iii pp. 691 — 708 by 
E. P[ottier], pp. 708—713 by P. Perdrizet). But W. H. Roscher's 
Ans/uhrliches Lexikon der gricchischen und rbmischen Mythologie 
(Leipzig 1884- ), though it includes an excellent article on 
'Iuppiter' by Aust (vol. ii pp. 618 — 762), is not likely to reach 
'Zeus' for some years to come. And the great syndicate of 
scholars who are re-writing Pauly's Real-Encyclopadie der classisclnn 
Altertumswissenschaft (Stuttgart 1894- ) have not yet got as far 
as ' Iuppiter,' let alone ' Zeus.' 

The present volume is the first of two in which I have 
(^endeavoured to trace the development and influence of Zeus,) It 
would seem that the Greeks, starting from a sense of frank childish 
wonder, not unmixed with fear, at the sight of the animate sky, 
mounted by slow degrees of enlightenment to a recognition of the 
physical, intellectual, and moral supremacy of the sky-god, Dion 



Chrysostomos in a memorable sentence declared Zeus to be 'the 
giver of all good things, the Father, the Saviour, the Keeper of 
mankind.' On the lower levels and slopes of this splendid spiritual 
ascent the Greeks found themselves at one with the beliefs of many 
surrounding peoples, so that a fusion of the Hellenic Zeus with this 
or that barbaric counterpart often came about. On the higher 
ground of philosophy and poetry they joined hands with a later 
age and pressed on towards our own conceptions of Deity. I have 
therefore felt bound to take into account not only the numerous 
adaptations of Levantine syncretism but also sundry points of 
contact between Hellenism and Christianity. It is obvious that 
the limits of such an enquiry are to a certain extent arbitrary. 
I shall expect to be told by some that I have gone too far afield, 
by others that I have failed to note many side-lights from adjacent 
regions. Very possibly both criticisms are true. 

Indeed, given the subject, it is not altogether easy to determine 
the best method of handling it. As a matter of fact I have tried 
more ways than one. In the Classical Review for 1903 and 1904 
I published a series of six papers on 'Zeus, Jupiter and the Oak/ 
which aimed at summarising the Greek and Roman evidence that 
might be adduced in support of Sir James G. Frazer's Arician 
hypothesis. Satisfied that the evidence was much stronger than I 
had at first supposed, I next attempted, rashly enough, to pursue 
the same theme into the Celtic, the Germanic, and the Letto- 
Slavonic areas. With that intent I wrote another series of eight 
articles on 'The European Sky-God,' which appeared in Folk-Lore 
between the years 1904 and 1907. Of these articles the first three 
restated, with some modifications, the results obtained on Graeco- 
Italic ground ; and the remaining five were devoted to a survey of 
analogous phenomena among the Insular Celts. I had meant to 
go further along the same road. But at this point Dr Famell 
in the friendliest fashion put a spoke in my wheel by convincing 
me that the unity of an ancient god consisted less in his nature 
than in his name. Thereupon I decided to abandon my search for 
' The European Sky-God ' ; and I did so the more readily because 
I had felt with increasing pressure the difficulty of discussing 
customs and myths without a real knowledge of the languages in 
which they were recorded. After some hesitation I resolved to 
start afresh on narrower lines, restricting enquiry to the single case 
of Zeus and marking out my province as explained in the previous 
paragraph. Even so the subject has proved to be almost too wide. 



I incline to think that a full treatment of any of the greater Greek 
divinities, such a treatment as must ultimately be accorded to 
them all, properly demands the co-ordinated efforts of several 

Be that as it may, in this instalment of my book I have traced 
the evolution of Zeus from Sky to Sky-god and have sought to 
determine the relations in which he stood to the solar, lunar, and 
stellar cults of the Mediterranean basin. I need not here anticipate 
my conclusions, since the volume opens with a Table of Contents 
and closes with a summary of results. But I would warn my 
readers that the story runs on from Volume I to Volume 1 1, and that 
the second half of it is, for the history of religion in general, the 
more important. Zeus god of the Bright Sky is also Zeus god of 
the Dark Sky ; and it is in this capacity, as lord of the drenching 
rain-storm, that he fertilises his consort the earth-goddess and 
becomes the Father of a divine Son, whose worship with its rites of 
regeneration and its promise of immortality taught that men might 
in mystic union be identified with their god, and thus in thousands 
of wistful hearts throughout the Hellenic world awakened longings 
that could be satisfied only by the coming of the very Christ 

To some it may be a surprise that I have not made more use 
of ethnology as a master-key wherewith to unlock the complex 
chambers of Greek religion. I am far from underestimating the 
value of that great science, and I can well imagine that the 
mythology of the future may be based on ethnological data. But, 
if so, it will be based on the data of future ethnology. For at 
present ethnologists are still at sixes and sevens with regard to the 
racial stratification of ancient Greece. Such a survey as K. Penka's 
Die vorhellenische Bevblkerung Griechenlands (Hildburghausen 191 1 ) 
shows that progress is being made ; but it also shows the danger of 
premature constructions. Hypotheses that stand to-day may be 
upset to-morrow ; and to build an edifice on foundations so insecure 
would be seriously to imperil its stability. I shall therefore be 
content if certain ethnological conclusions can be drawn, as I believe 
they can, from the materials here collected, materials that have 
been arranged on other principles. Again, I may be taxed with 
an undue neglect of anthropological parallels. In defence I might 
plead both lack of knowledge and lack of space. But, t<> be honest, 
I am not always satisfied that similarity of performance implies 
similarity of purpose, and I hold that analogies taken from a 
contiguous area are much more likely to be helpful than analogies 

xiv Preface 

gathered, sometimes on doubtful authority, from the ends of the 
habitable earth. 

Mention must here be made of sundry minor points in method 
and arrangement I have as far as possible refrained from mottling 
my text with Greek and Latin words, and have relegated the 
necessary quotations to foot-notes, which can be ' skipped ' by the 
expeditious. The perennial problem of orthography I have solved 
along arbitrary, but I trust consistent, lines. My plan is to trans- 
literate all Greek names (Aischylos, Phoinike, etc.) except those 
that have been so far Englished as to possess forms differing not 
only from the Greek but also from the Latin (Homer and Aristotle, 
the Achaeans and Thessaly). Greek words and phrases cited in 
the text are further italicised and accentuated. References in the 
foot-notes have the author's name transliterated, but the title of his 
work given in Latin to suit prevailing custom, unless that title 
includes the name of a Greek deity {e.g. Aisch. P.v., Plout. v. Aem. 
Paul., but Kallim. //. Zeus, Orph. h. Dent. Eleus.). To facilitate 
occasional usage I have provided two Indexes at the end of 
Volume I, the first dealing in detail with Persons, Places, and 
Festivals, the second more summarily with Subjects and Authorities. 
On the other hand, considerations of space have led me to reserve 
the Appendixes to the end of Volume II. I may add that the 
manuscript of that volume is already far advanced : its publication 
will not, I hope, be unduly delayed. 

There remains the pleasant task of thanking those that have in 
a variety of ways helped towards the making of this book. It was 
Sir James G. Frazer who first advised me to put together in perma- 
nent form the materials that I had collected : he has seen about a 
third of the present volume, and, though well aware that I differ 
from him on certain vital issues, he has with characteristic generosity 
more than once encouraged me to persist in my undertaking. I am 
conscious that I owe much also, both directly and indirectly, to 
Dr O. Gruppe, who in his Handbuch and elsewhere has set up a 
standard of thoroughness that must for many a long day be kept 
in view by all writers on the subject of classical religion. Prof. G. 
Murray, with proofs of his own on hand, has yet given time to 
reading mine and has sent me a flight of pencilled marginalia, 
which I have been glad here and there to incorporate. Most of 
this book has been perused, either in manuscript or in slip, by 
Miss J. E. Harrison, to whose wide range and quick synthetic 
powers I am indebted for several valuable suggestions : I am the 



more anxious to acknowledge this debt because on matters of the 
deepest import we do not see eye to eye. Other helpful criticisms 
have reached me from my friend Dr J. Rendel Harris, whose studies 
of ' Dioscurism ' have obvious bearings on certain aspects of Zeus, 
and from Mr F. M. Cornford, especially in connexion with Dionysiac 
drama, a subject which he has made peculiarly his own. 

Life in Cambridge has indeed afforded me, not merely ready- 
access to a great Library, but — what is better still — ready access to 
many personal friends both able and willing to enlighten ignorance. 
On questions of etymology I. have time after time trespassed on 
the scanty leisure of Dr P. Giles, Master of Emmanuel College, 
or all too rarely had the benefit of a flying visit from the 
Rev. Dr J. H. Moulton, Greenwood Professor of Hellenistic Greek 
and Indo-European Philology in the Manchester University. Prof. 
E. J. Rapson has answered various queries with regard to Sanskrit 
myths and has furnished me with a detailed note on the Vedic 
Dyaus. One who deals with the syncretistic worships of the nearer 
East must perforce make excursions into the religions of Egypt, 
Babylonia, Syria and Asia Minor. In things Egyptian I have 
consulted Mr F. W. Green, Mr H. R. Hall, and Mrs C. H. W.Johns. 
For Mesopotamian cult and custom I have gone to my friend and 
former colleague Dr C. H. W. Johns, Master of St Catharine's 
College. Semitic puzzles have been made plain to me, partly in 
long-suffering talks and partly on learned post-cards (that boon of 
modern University life), by the Rev. Prof. R. H. Kennett of Queens' 
College, by Profs. A. A. Bevan and F. C. Burkitt of Trinity College, 
by Mr N. McLean of Christ's College, and by Mr S. A. Cook of 
Gonville and Caius College : to each and all of them I tender my 
cordial thanks. 

In a book of this character, with its constant appeal to the 
monuments, textual illustration is not a luxury but a necessity. 
And here again many friends have laid me under lasting obliga- 
tions. Photographs of unpublished scenes or objects have been 
sent to me by Mr K. Kourouniotes, Dr C. G. Seligmann, 
Mr E. M. W. Tillyard, Mr P. N. Ure, Mr A. J. B. Wace, and by 
my brother Dr A. R. Cook. Mr A. H. Smith, Keeper of Greek 
and Roman Antiquities in the British Museum, has allowed me to 
have photographs and drawings made of numerous art-treasures in 
gold and silver, bronze, marble, and terra cotta : not a few of them 
are figured here for the first time. I am specially indebted to 
Mr H. B. Walters, Assistant-Keeper of the same collection, who 

xvi Preface 

has compared the drawings of vases with the vases themselves, and 
t<> Miss P. E Mudie Cooke, who has verified illustrations and 
references for me in the Reading Room. In the Department of 
Coins and Medals Mr G. F. Hill and the late Mr W. Wroth like- 
wise gave me valuable help, partly by discussing various numismatic 
problems, and partly by supplying me with scores of casts taken 
from the coins under their charge. Mr F. H. Marshall, formerly of 
the British Museum, has sent me impressions of gems in the Gold 
Room, and Monsieur E. Babelon has furnished me with the cast 
of an unpublished coin in the Paris cabinet. Permission to have 
drawings made from objects in their possession was granted to 
me by Mr R. M. Dawkins, Mr F. W. Green, and Dr W. H. D. 
Rouse ; permission to reproduce blocks, by Messrs F. Bruckmann 
and Co., Monsieur l'Abbe H. Breuil, and Sir William M. Ramsay. 
Mr J. R. McClean, who was always eager to put his magnificent 
collection of Greek coins at the service of classical scholarship, 
generously allowed me to anticipate his Catalogue by figuring 
several of his most interesting specimens, and but a few weeks before 
his death contributed a large sum towards the better illustration of 
this work. Another liberal donation to the same object, enhanced 
by a letter of rare kindness, has reached me from my friend and 
fellow-lecturer the Rev. Dr A. Wright, Vice-President of Queens' 

Of the subjects represented in my first volume thirteen coins 
and one relief were drawn for me by the late Mr F. Anderson, 
official draughtsman to the British Museum. But the main bulk 
of the drawings has been made by an equally gifted artist, 
Miss E. N. Talbot of Saint Rhadegund's House, Cambridge. To 
her scrupulous exactitude and unremitting industry I am indebted 
for no fewer than three hundred and twenty-five of my cuts, in- 
cluding the two coloured designs and the restorations attempted in 
plates vi, xv, xxiii, and xl. Nor must I omit to thank another 
craftsman of first rate ability, Mr W. H. Hayles of the Cavendish 
Laboratory, who visited more than one museum on my behalf and, 
though working against time and not always in ideal conditions, 
produced a series of exceptionally good photographs. 

The Syndics of the University Press by undertaking financial 
responsibility for the whole work have shouldered a heavy burden 
with little or no hope of ultimate remuneration. Apart from their 
timely assistance this book would have remained a pile of musty 
manuscript. Moreover, at every stage of its production I have 

Preface xvii 

met with unwearied courtesy and consideration from the Manager 
and Staff of the Pitt Press. In particular I wish to express my 
obligation to Mr N. Mason, whose resourceful skill has frequently 
surmounted obstacles in the way of satisfactory illustration, and to 
Mr W. H. Swift, whose vigilance and accuracy in proof-reading 
have been to me a perpetual marvel. 

Finally, my wife has devoted many hours to the monotonous 
work of Index-making. I am glad to think that in consequence of 
her labours this volume will be decidedly more useful than it could 
otherwise have been. 


19 Cranmer Road, Cambridge. 
22 July 1914. 






S 1. Zeus and the Daylight 

(a) Zeus the Sky 

(b) The Transition from Sky to Sky-god 

(c) Zeus Am&rios 

(d) Zeus Pandmaros, Panemeros, Panemtrios 

2. Zeus and the Burning Sky 

id) AitMr as the abode of Zeus 

(b) Zeus Aitk/rios, Zeus Aithrios 

(c) Zeus identified with Aithtr (sometimes with Aer) in Philosophy 

and Poetry 

(d) Zeus as god of the Blue Sky in Hellenistic Art . 
i. The Blue Nimbus . . . - . 

ii. The Blue Globe 

iii. The Blue Mantle 

3. Zeus Lykaios ........ 

(a) Wolf-god or Light-god? 

Peloponnesian coin-types of Zeus Lykaios 

Human sacrifice to Zeus Lykaios . . . 

The Precinct of Zeus Lykaios 

The Cult of Zeus Lykaios at Kyrene 

Zeus Lykaios on a Spartan ('Cyrenaic') kylix 

Zeus-like deities in wolf-skin garb . 









25 — 62 




;$ 4. Zeus and Olympos 

The Cult of Zeus on Mount Olympos .... 

(b) Dionysiac traits in the Cult of Zeus on Mount Olympos 

(c) Development in the meaning of dlympos. Zeus Olympios 

~k 5. The Mountain-cults of Zeus 

(a) Chronological Development of the Mountain-cults 

(b) The Mountain as the Throne of Zeus . 

(c) The Mountain as the Birth-place of Zeus 

(d) The Mountain as the Marriage-place of Zeus 

(e) The Mountain as the Burial-place of Zeus 

(/) Zeus as a Mountain-god superseded by Saint Elias 

100 117 






§ 6. Zeus in relation to the Sun 

(«t) Direct identifications of Zeus with the Sun 
(£) Cult-epithets of Zeus that may be solar 
(c) The Sun as the Eye of Zeus . 






The Sun as a Wheel 
i. The Solar Wheel in Greece 
(a) Ixion . . . . 



Medeia . . 


Isis, Nemesis, Tyche, Fortuna 
Zeus and the Solar Wheel 
Zeus and the Solar Disk . 
The Lycian Symbol . 
The Lycian Symbol and the Kyklops 
The Kyklops of the East and the Kyklops of 
The Kyklops and Zeus 
The Blinding of the Kyklops' Eye 
Prometheus' Theft of Fire 
The Fire-drill in relation to Prometheus, the Kyklops 

and Zeus 

The Solar Wheel combined with Animals 

The Solar Chariot 

The Solar Wreath 











(e) The Sun as the Bird of Zeus 

(/) The Sun and the Ram 

i. The Ram and the Sun in Egypt. Zeus Amman 






(a) Khnemu and Amen 

03) Amen and Zeus Thebaieus 

(y) Amen and Zeus Ammrm ~ . 

(8) Ba'al-hamman and Zeus Amnion 

(«) Zeus Ammon and the Snake ' . 

(() Zeus of the Oasis a Graeco-Libyan 

(17) The youthful Amnion 

(0) The Oasis of Siwah . 
The Ram and the Sun in Phrygia. Zeus Sabdzios 
The Golden or Purple Ram of the Etruscans and Italian 
The Golden or Purple Lamb of Atreus 

The Cattle of the Sun 

The Golden Lamb in a folk-tale from Epeiros 

The Golden or Purple Ram of Phrixos 

Zeus Aktnios or Akraios and his Fleeces 

Zeus Meilichios, Zeus Ktteios, and the Fleece of Zeus 

The Significance of the Ram in the Cults of Zeus 




The Sun and the Bull 
i. The Bull and the Sun in Egypt 
ii. Zeus, Io, and Epaphos . 
iii. Priests and Priestesses with Animal Names 
iv. Hera and the Cow . 
v. Kleobis and Biton . 
vi. Trophonios and Agamedes 
vii. The Proitides .... 
viii. Hera and Io 
ix. Zeus and Argos 
x. The Myth of Pasiphae . 
xi. The Bull and the Sun in Crete 
xii. The Cow and the Moon in Crete 
xiii. The Sacred Cattle of Gortyna 
xiv. The Labyrinth at Knossos 
xv. The Minotaur .... 
xvi. ' Minoan ' Bull-fights 
xvii. Ritual Horns .... 
xviii. The Marriage of the Sun and the Moon in Crete 
xix. Zeus and the Bovine Figures of Cretan Mythology 
xx. The Bull and the Sun in Syria 

(a) Zeus Adados a nd Iupiter Heliopolitanus . 

(/3) iupiter Heliopolitanus and the Bull . 

(y) Adad or Ramman and the Bull 

(5) Zeus (Adad) and Hera (Atargatis) at Hierapolis 

(e) Zeus (Adad) at Dion, Rhosos, etc. . 

(f) Characteristics of the Syrian Zeus (Adad) 
(17) Ba'al-tars and Zeus Te'rsios 

(6) Zeus Dolichaios and Iupiter Dolichenus . 
xxi. The Significance of the Bull in the Cults of Zeus 

(a) The Bull as a Fertilising Power 
(/3) The Influence of Apis .... 
(y) Spread of the Hittite Bull-cult . 
(8) The Cretan Zeus and Zagreus . 
(e) The Cretan Zeus and Human Omophagy 
(() The Cretan Zeus and Bovine Omophagy 
(?/) The Origin of Tragedy 
(d) The Attic Festivals of Dionysos 
(t) The Satyric Drama 
(k) Zeus, Dionysos, and the Goat 
xxii. Animals sacrificed to Zeus" 

(k) The Sun as a Bronze Man 

i. Talos in Crete .... 

ii. Talos in Sardinia 

iii. Talos and the Bronze-founder's Art 

iv. Talos at Athens 

v. Talos identified with Zeus 



44 1 







XX 11 



| 7. Zeus in relation to the Moon 73°— 74° 

(<i) Direct identifications of Zeus with the Moon . . 730 

(*) Zeus paired with Selene (Pandtal) 73 2 

(c) Zeus paired with Io, Pasiphae, Europe 733 

(</) Zeus paired with Antiope 734 

(e) Zeus and his Lunar Consorts 739 

S 8. Zeus in relation to the Stars 74°— 775 

(</) Zeus Astfrios, Zeus Seinfn, Zeus Oromasdes .... 740 

(b) Zeus as god of the Starry Sky 751 

(c) Zeus in Astronomy and Astrology 754 

(d) Zeus transformed into a Star 760 

(e) The Dioskouroi as Stars . 760 

i. The dedication of Stars after the battles of Salamis 

and Aigos Potamos . 761 

ii. The Dioskouroi as Stars in Hellenic Literature . . 763 
iii. The Dioskouroi with Stars in Hellenistic Art . . 764 
iv. The Dioskouroi identified with the Heavenly Twins in 

Hellenistic Literature 770 

v. The Dioskouroi identified with various Stars by modern 

writers 771 

vi. The Dioskouroi identified with Saint Elmo's Fire in 

Hellenistic Literature 771 

vii. The Stars of the Dioskouroi and of Helene as a good 

or bad omen . . . . . . . . 772 

viii. Saint Elmo's Fire 774 

s' 9. General Conclusions with regard to Zeus as god of the Bright 

Sky 776—780 

Addenda 781—786 

Index I (Persons, Places, Festivals) 787—859 

Index II (Subjects, Authorities) . . . . . 860—885 


Frontispiece and to face 

Plate page 
I Wall-painting from Pompeii : Zeus enthroned with pillar 

behind him 34 

II Well-mouth at Naples : Zeus enthroned with pillar beside 

him 34 

III Amphora from Ruvo : pillar-cult of Zeus . . . . 36 f. 

IV 1, 2 Krate'r from Apulia : pillar-cults of Zeus .... 39 

V Krate'r from Lecce : pillar-cult of Zeus .... 39 

VI Wall-painting from Pompeii : Zeus enthroned with globe 

beside him 42 

VII Relief on the so-called ara Capitolina : Zeus enthroned 

with globe beside him . . 42 

VIII View of the summit of Mount Lykaion, showing bases of 

eagle-columns 83 

IX, 1 View of Mount Olympos as seen from the port of Litokhoro 
• 2 Diagram of the same view, showing Mount Olympos as it 

rises through ae'r into azth/r 100 

X Restored view of Pergamon, showing the great altar of Zeus 1 19 

XI Hydria from Ruvo : Zeus and the judgment of Paris . 125 

XII Pelike from Ruvo: Zeus and the defeat of Marsyas . 129 

XIII Relief signed by Archelaos of Priene : Zeus and the apo- 

theosis of Homer 129 

XIV View of Mount Taygeton as seen from Sparta . . . 155 
XV Upper half of colossal figure from Eleusis : kistophdros 

known as Saint Demetra 172 

XVI Amphora from Cumae : Ixion on his wheel . . . 203 

XVII Etruscan mirror: Ixion on his wheel 204 

XVIII Krate'r from Agrigentum : Triptolemos . . . . 219 

XIX Amphora from Ruvo: Triptolemos 223 

XX Krate'r from Cumae : Triptolemos 223 

XXI Coin of Gaza Minda (?) : the Hebrew Godhead as a solar 

Zeus 232 

XXII Krate'r from Canosa : the vengeance of Medeia . 252 

XXI II, 1 Restoration of the cult-statue of Nemesis at Rhamnous 
i°, i 6 Front and side of extant fragment of the head 

2°, 2 6 Coin of Kypros : obv. Zeus enthroned ; rev. Nemesis 

standing *74 f- 

XXIV, 1 Silver-gilt plaque from Elis : Helios rising 

2 Bronze crescent from Elis : lily-work etc 336 


List of Plates 

to face 
1'l.ATK s page 

XXV May-garland of flowers and corn from Eleusis 338 

XXVI, 1 Terra-cotta statuette from Kypros : Ba'al-hamman en- 

2 Leaden plate from Caesarea Iol : heads of Ba'al-hamman 

3 Silver diadem from Batna : Ba'al-hamman, Tanit, etc. . 354 f. 

XXVII Bronze relief at Copenhagen: Zeus Sabdzios . . . 392 

XXVIII Corn-maiden from Lesbos 396 

XXIX Mosaic in the oicfu'stra of the theatre at Athens : sivastika- 

pattern 480 

XXX Hydria from the Canino collection : a Minotaur-dance (?) 497 

XXXI HeW-krati'r in the Hope collection : Herakles in Olympos 

taking fruit from the cornu copiae of Zeus . . . 502 

XXXI I White-ground kylix from Aigina : Zeus and Europe . 526 f. 

XXXIII Marble st<!le from Marseille: Iupiter Heliopolitanus . 570 

XXXIV Bronze plate from Heddernheim : Iupiter Dolichenus . 620 

XXXV Bronze tympanon from the Idaean Cave in Crete : Zeus 

and the Kouretes 644 

XXXVI Hydria from Kameiros : Zagreus devoured by the Titans . 654 f. 

XXXVII Terra-cotta mask from Anthedon : a Satyric choreutds . 696 

XXXVIII Krate'r from Altemura : (a) the decking of Pandora ; (6) a 

Satyric chorus 700 f. 

XXXIX, 1 BeW-krattfr in the Hope collection : preparations for a 
2 Be\\-krat/r in the Hope collection : preparations for a 

Satyr-play . . . 702 

XL, 1 — 4 Reliefs decorating the stage of Phaidros in the theatre at 
Athens : (1) the infancy of Dionysos ; (2) the advent 
of Dionysos ; (3) the marriage of Dionysos ; (4) the 
enthronement of Dionysos [A restoration of these 
reliefs is printed on a transparent overleaf] . in pocket at end 

of Volume I 
XLI Krate'r from Ruvo : the death of Talos .... 720 f. 
XLII Kj/lix at Taranto: Zeus Lykaios 782 


This List of Abbreviations has been drawn up in accordance with two principles. 
On the one hand, the names of Authors have not been shortened, save by the omission 
of their initials. On the other hand, the titles of Books and Periodicals have been cut 
down, but not — it is hoped — beyond the limits of recognizability. 

The customary abbreviations of classical writers and their works (for which see 
supra p. xiv) are not here included. 

Abh. d. bayer. Akad. Philos.-philol. Classe = Abhandlungen der philosophisch-philologischen 

Klasse der koniglich bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften Munchen 1835 — 
Abh. d. berl. Akad. Phil. -hist. Classe a Abhandlungen der koniglich prettssischen Akademie 

der Wissenschaften Philosophisch-historische Classe Berlin 1804 — 
Abh. d. gott. Gesellsch. d. Wiss. Phil. -hist. Classe = A bhandlungen der kbniglichen 

Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Gottingen Historisch-philologische Klasse Got- 

tingen 1838 — 
Abh. d. sacks. Gesellsch. d. Wiss. Phil. -hist. Classe = A bhandlungen der philologisch- 

historischen Klasse der koniglich sdchsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften Leipzig 

Amelung- Sculpt. Vatic— W. Amelung Die Sculpturen des Vaticanischen Museums i ii 

Berlin 1903, 1908. 
Am. Journ. Arch. = American Journal of Archaeology Baltimore 1885 — , Second 

Series Norwood, Mass. 1897 — 
Ann. Arch. Anthr. = Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology Liverpool 1908 — 
Ann. Brit. Sch. Ath. = The Annual of the British School at Athens London 1894-5— 
Ann. d. Inst. =Anna/i delf Instituto di Corrispondenza Archeologica Roma 1829 — 1885. 
Anson Num. Gr. = L. Anson Numismata Graeca Plates and Index London 1910, Text 

i — v London 191 1 — 1914. 
Ant. Denkm. = Antike Denkmaeler herausgegeben vom Kaiserlich Deutschen Archaeo- 

logischen Institut Berlin 1886 — 
Ant. du Bosph. Cimm. — Antiquitis du Bosphore Cimmirien conservSes au Musie Imperial 

de I'Ermitage i ii St.-Petersbourg 1854 with Atlas of pis. 
Ant. Miinz. Berlin — Kbniglic he Museen zti Berlin: Beschreibung der antiken Munzen 

i— iii Berlin 1888— 1894. 
Ant. Skulpt. Berlin = Konigliche Museen zu Berlin: Beschreibung der antiken Skulpturcu 

mit Ausschluss der pergamenischen Fundstiicke Berlin 1891. 
Arch. Anz. Seejahrb. d. kais. deutsch. arch. Inst. 
Arch.-ep. Mitth. = Archaeologisch-epigraphische Mittheilungen aus Oesterreich- L'ngarn 

Wien 1877— 1897 Register Wien 1902. 
Arch. Zeit. = A rchdologische Zeitung herausgegeben vom Archaologischen In>titut des 

Deutschen Reichs Berlin 1843 — 1885. 
'Apx- E0. See 'E#. 'Apx- 

Archivf. Rel. = Archiv fur Religionswissenschaft Leipzig 1898 — 
Ath. Mitth. = Mittheilungen des kaiserlich deutschen archaeologischen Institut s : athemscke 

A btheilung Athen 1876 — • 

xxvi Abbreviations 

Babelon Cat. Camies dc la Bibl. A T at. = E. Babelon Catalogue des Camies antiques et 

modernes de la Bib/iothcque Nntionale Paris 1897. 
Babelon Monti, gr. torn. = E. Babelon Traiti des monnaies grecques et romaines I Theorie 
tt doctrine i Paris 1901, II Description historique i ii Paris 1907, 1910 with Atlas 
of pis. 
Babelon Monti, rip. row. = E. Babelon Description historique et chrottologique des monnaies 
de la ripublique romaine vulgairetnent ' appelies monnaies consulaires i ii Paris 1885, 
Babelon — Blanchet Cat. Bronzes de la Bibl. Nat. = E. Babelon et J. A. Blanchet Cata- 
logue des bronzes antiques de la Bibliothique Nationale Paris 1895. 
Bartoli — Bellori Admir. Rom. ant. = Admiranda Romanarum antiquitatum ac veteris 
sculpturae vestigia, a Petro Sancti Bartolo delineata incisa. Notis Jo. Petri Bellorii 
illustrata. Romae 1693. 
Baumeister Denkm. = A. Baumeister Denkmaler des klassischen A Iter turns zur Erlduterimg 
des Lebens der Griechen und Rotner in Religion, Kunst und Sitte i — iii Mlinchen und 
Leipzig 1885— 1888. 
Bekker anecd. = 1. Bekker Anecdota Graeca i — iii Berolini 1814 — 1821. 
Ber. sacks. Gesellsch. d. Wiss. Phil.-hist. Classe = Berichte iiber die Verhandlungen 
der kbniglick sachsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig Philologisch- 
historische Classe Leipzig 1848 — 
Berl. p/iilol. Woch. = Berliner philologische Wochenschrift Berlin 1 885 — 
Boetticher Baiintkultus = C Boetticher Der Baumkultus der Hellenen nach den gottes- 

dienstlichen Gebrauchen und den iiberlieferten Bildwerken dargeslellt Berlin 1856. 
Hoisacq Diet. etym. de la Langue Gr. = E. Boisacq Dictionnaire etymologique de la 
lungue grecque itudiie dans ses rapports avec les autres langues indo-curopiennes 
Heidelberg et Paris 1907 — 
Boissonade anecd. = J. F. Boissonade Anecdota Graeca i — v Parisiis 1829 — 1833. 
Bonner Jahrbiicher = Bonner Jahrbticher (Continuation of the Jahrbiicher des Vereins von 

Altcrthumsfreunden im Rhcinlande) Bonn 1895 — 
Brit. Mus. Cat. Bronzes =H. B. Walters Catalogue of the Bronzes, Greek, Roman, and 
Etruscan, in the Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities, British Museum 
London 1899. 
Brit. Mus. Cat. Byz. Coins=W. Wroth Catalogue of the Imperial Byzantine Coins in 

the British Museum i ii London 1908. 
Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins = A Catalogue of the Greek Coins in the British Museum London 

Italy 1873 by R. S. Poole ; Sicily 1876 by B. V. Head, P. Gardner, R. S. Poole ; 
The Tauric Chersonese, Sarmatia, Dacia, Moesia, Thrace, <S"V. 1877 by B. V. 
Head, P. Gardner; Seleucid Kings of Syria 1878 by P. Gardner; Macedonia, 
Etc. 1879 by B. V. Head; The Ptolemies, Kings of Egypt 1883 by R. S. Poole; 
Thessaly to Aetolia 1883 by P. Gardner; Central Greece 1884 by B. V. Head; 
Greek and Scythic Kings of Bactrta and India 1886 by P. Gardner; Crete 
and the Aegean Islands 1886 by W. Wroth ; Peloponnesus 1887 by P. Gardner; 
Attica — Megaris — Atgina 1888 by B. V. Head; Corinth, Colonies of Corinth, 
Etc. 1889 by B. V. Head ; Pontus, Paphlagonia, Bilhynia, and the Kingdom of 
Bosporus 1889 by W. Wroth; Alexandria and the Nomes 1892 by R. S. Poole; 
Ionia 1892 by B. V. Head; Mysia 1892 by W. Wroth; Troas, Aeolis, and 
Lesbos 1894 by W. Wroth; Caria, Cos, Rhodes, &>c. 1897 by B. V. Head; 
Lycia, Pamphylia, and Pisidia 1897 by G. F. Hill; Galatia, Cappadocia, and 
Syria 1899 by W. Wroth ; Lycaonia, Isauria, and Cilicia 1900 by G. F. Hill ; 
l.ydia 1901 by B. V. Head; Parlhia 1903 by W. Wroth; Cyprus 1904 by 
(.. F. Hill; Phrygia 1906 by B. V. Head; Phoenicia 1910 by G. F. Hill; 
Pttlestim 1914 by G. F. Hill. 
Brit. Mus. Cat. Gems = A. H. Smith A Catalogue of Engraved Gems in the British 
Museum {Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities.) London 1888. 

Abbreviations xxvii 

Brit. A/us. Cat. Jewellery = F '. H. Marshall Catalogue of the Jewellery, Greek, Etruscan, 

and Roman, in the Departments of Antiquities, British Museum London 191 1. 
Brit. A/us. Cat. Medallions =H. A. Grueber Roman Medallions in the British Museum 

London 1874. 
Brit. Mus. Cat. Rom. Coins =H. A. Grueber Coins of the Roman Republic in the 

British Museum i — iii London 19 10. 
Brit. Mus. Cat. Sculpture = A. H. Smith A Catalogue of Sculpture in the Department of 

Greek and Roman Antiquities, British Museum i — iii London 1892 — 1904. 
Brit. Mus. Cat. Terracottas =H. B. Walters Catalogue of the Terracottas in the Depart- 
ment of Greek and Roman Antiquities, British Museum London 1903. 
Brit. Mus. Cat. Vases = Catalogue of the Greek and Etrusc in Vases in the British 

Museum London 1893 — 

i. 2 Cypriote, Italian, and Etruscan Pottery 191 2 by H. B. Walters; ii Black- 
figured Vases 1893 by H. B. Walters; iii Vases of the Finest Period 1896 by 
C. H. Smith ; iv Vases of the Latest Period 1896 by H. B. Walters. 
Brit. Mus. Guide Gk. Rom. Life = British Museum. Department of Greek and Roman 

Antiquities. A Guide to the Exhibition illustrating Greek and Roman Life. London 

Brit. Mus. Marbles— A Description of the Collection of Ancient Marbles in the British 

Museum; with engravings Parts i — xi London 181 2 — 1861. 
Bruchmann Epith. deor.=C. F. H. Bruchmann Epitheta deorum quae apud poetas 

Graecos leguntur Lipsiae 1893. 
Brunn — Bruckmann^ Denkm. der gr. und rdm. Sculpt. = Denkmdler griechischer und 

romischer Sculptur unter Leitung von H. Brunn herausgegeben von F. Bruckmann 

1. Serie (Tafeln 1 — 500) Miinchen 1888 — 1900; Brunn — Bruckmann's Denkmdler 

griechischer mid romischer Sculptur fortgefiihrt und mit erlauternden Texten versehen 

von P. Arndt i (Tafeln 501 — 550) Miinchen 1902, ii (Tafeln 551 — 600) Miinchen 

1906, iii (Tafeln 601 — 650) Miinchen 1912, iv (Tafeln 65 1 — ) Miinchen — . 
Bull. Arch. Nap. = Bullettino archeologico Napoletano i — vi Napoli 1843 — 1848, Nuova 

Serie i— viii Napoli 1853 — 1863. 
Bull. Comm. Arch. Comun. di Roma = Bullettino delta Commissione Archeologica Muni- 

cipale Koma 1872 — 1876 continued as Bullettino delta Commissione Archeologica 

Comunale di Roma Roma 1877 — 
Bull. Corr. Hell. — Bulletin de correspondance hellenique Paris 1877 — 
Bull. d. Inst. = Bullettino deW Instituto di Corrispondenza Archeologica Roma 1829 — 

Carelli Num. It. vet. = Francisci Carellii Numorum Italiae veteris tabulas CCII, edidit 

Ccelestinus Cavedonius. Accesserunt Francisci Carellii numorum quos ipse collegit 

descriptio F. M. Avellinii in earn adnotationes. Lipsiae 1850. 
Carter Epith. deor.=]. B. Carter Epitheta deorum quae apud poetas Latinos leguntur 

.Lipsiae 1902. 
Clarac Mus. de Sculpt. = Musee de Sculpture antique et moderne par le C ,r F. de Clarac 

Texte i — vi Paris 1841 — 1853 Planches i — vi Paris 1826 — 1853. 
Class. Philol. = Classical Philology Chicago 1906 — 
Class. Quart. = The Classical Quarterly London 1907 — 
Class. Rev.= The Classical Review London 1887 — 
Cohen Monn. emp. rom.' i =H. Cohen Description historique des monnaies frappCts sous 

P empire romain commune'ment appelees midailles imperiales Deuxicme edition i— viii 

l'aris 1880 — 1892. 
Collignon Hist, de la Sculpt, gr. = M. Collignon Histoire de la sculpture grecque i ii Pari* 

1892, 1897. 
Collignon— Couve Cat. Vases d'Alhenes=M. Collignon et L. Couvc Cataltgue des rases 
peints du Musee National d' A thine s l'aris 1902, Index 1903, Table <lc Concordance 

1904, Planches 1904. 
Collitz— Bechtel Gr. Dial.-Inschr. = Sammlung der griechischen lUalekt • InsckrifteH too 

xxviii Abbreviations 

F. Bechtel, A. Kezzenberger, F. Blass, H. Collitz, W. Deecke, A. Kick, G. Hinrichs, 
K. Meistcr. Herausgegeben vun H. Collitz. Gottingen 1884 — 
Com. Rom. frag. — Comicorum Roinanoruvi praeter Plautum et Syri quae feruntur 

sententias Frmgmtnta tertiis curis recognovit Otto Ribbeck Lipsiae 1898. 
Compte-rendu St. Pit. — Compte-rendu de la commission imperiale archiologique avec un 

Atlas St. Petersbourg 1859— 188 1. 
Comptes rendus de /'Acad, des inscr. et belles-lettres = Acadimie des Inscriptions & Belles- 

Lettres. Comptes Rendus des Stances de V Annie Paris 1859 — 
Corp. inscr. Alt. = Corpus inscriptionum Atticarum 

i Inscriptiones Atticae Euclidis anno vetustiores ed. A. Kirchhoff [Inscriptions 

Graecae i] Berolini 1873. 
ii Inscriptiones Atticae aetatis quae est inter Euclidis annum et Augusti tempora 

ed. U. Koehler [Inscriptiones Graecae ii] 1 — 3 Berolini 1877, 1883, 1888 

4 Indices comp. J. Kirchner Berolini 1893. 
iii Inscriptiones Atticae aetatis Romanae ed. W. Dittenberger [Inscriptiones 

Graecae iii] 1 — 2 Berolini 1878, 1882. 
iv. 1. 1 — 3 Supplementa voluminis primi comp. A. Kirchhoff [Inscriptiones 

Graecae i Supplementa] Berolini 1877, 1887, 1891. 
iv. 2 Supplementa voluminis alterius comp. U. Koehler, Indices conf. J. Kirchner 

[Inscriptiones Graecae ii. 5] Berolini 1895. 
Appendix continens defixionum tabellas in Attica regione repertas, ed. R. Wuensch 

[Inscriptiones Graecae iii. 3] Berolini 1897. 
Corp. inscr. Gr.=A. Boeckh Corpus inscriptionum Graecarum i — iv Berolini 1828, 

;843, 1853, l8 5o- Indices comp. H. Roehl Berolini 1877. 
Corp. inscr. Gr. sept. — Corpus inscriptionum Graecarum Graeciae septent?-ionalis 

i Inscriptiones Megaridis et Boeotiae ed. W. Dittenberger [Inscriptiones Graecae vii] 

Berolini 1892. 
iii. 1 Inscriptiones Phocidis, Locridis, Aetoliae, Acarnaniae, insularum maris Ionii 

ed. W. Dittenberger [Inscriptiones Graecae ix. 1] Berolini 1897. 
Corp. inscr. Lat. = Corpus inscriptionum latinarum 

i Inscriptiones Latinae antiquissimae ad C. Caesaris mortem, ed. Th. Mommsen 

Berolini 1863. Voluminis primi editio secunda : pars 1 cura Th. Mommsen, 

W. Henzen, C. Huelsen Berolini 1893. Tabulae lithographae, ed. F. Ritschelius 

Berolini 1862. 
ii Inscriptiones Hispaniae Latinae, ed. Aem. Huebner Berolini 1869. Supple- 

mentum Berolini 1892. 
iii Inscriptiones Asiae, provinciarum Europae Graecarum, Illyrici Latinae, ed. 

Th. Mommsen Berolini 1873. Supplementi fasc. 1—5 Berolini 1889, 1891, 

1893, 1902. 
iv Inscriptiones parietariae Pompeianae Herculanenses Stabianae, ed. C. Zange- 

meister Berolini 1871. Supplementi pars 1 — 2 Berolini 1898, 1909. 
v. 1—2 Inscriptiones Galliae Cisalpinae Latinae, ed. Th. Mommsen Berolini 1872, 

vi. 1—5 Inscriptiones urbis Romae Latinae, coll. E. Bormann, G. Henzen, 

C. Huelsen, I. B. de Rossi Berolini 1876, 1882, 1886, 1894, 1902, 1885. 
vii Inscriptiones Britanniae, ed. Aem. Huebner Berolini 1873. 
viii Inscriptiones Africae Latinae, coll. G. Wilmanns Berolini 1881. Supplementi 

pars 1 — 3 Berolini 1891, 1894, 1904. 
ix Inscriptiones Calabriae, Apuliae, Samnii, Sabinorum, Piceni Latinae, ed. Th. 

Mommsen Berolini 1883. 
x Inscriptiones Bruttiorum, Lucaniae, Campaniae, Siciliae, Sardiniae Latinae, ed. 

Th. Mommsen Berolini 1883. 
xi. i—2. 1 Inscriptiones Aemiliae, Etruriae, Umbriae Latinae, ed. E. Bormann 

Berolini 1888, [901. 
xii Inscriptiones Galliae Narbonensis Latinae, ed. O. Hirschfeld Berolini 1888. 

Abbreviations xxix 

xiii. I. i — 2, 2. i — 2, 3. 1 — 2 Inscriptiones trium Galliarum et Germaniarum 
Latinae, ed. O. Hirschfeld, C. Zangemeister, Th. Mommsen, A. Domas- 
zewski, O. Bohn, Aem. Esperandieu Berolini 1899, 1904, 1905, 1907, 1901, 
1 906. 
xiv Inscriptiones Latii veteris Latinae, ed. H. Dessau Berolini 1887. 
xv. 1 — 2. 1 Inscriptiones urbis Romae Latinae. Instrumentum domesticum, ed. 
H. Dressel Berolini 1891, 1899. 
Corp. inscr. Sem. = Corpus inscriptionum Semiticarum ab Academia Inscriptionum et 
Litterarum Humaniorum conditum atque digestum. Pars I — Tom. i — 
Parisiis 1881 — 
Cougny Anth, Pal. Append. = E. Cougny Epigrammatum Anthologia Palatina cum 

Planudeis et Appendice Nova iii Appendix Nova Parisiis 1890. 
Cramer anecd. Oxon.=J. A. Cramer Anecdota Graeca e codd. manuscriptis Bibliothecarum 

Oxoniensium i — iv Oxonii 1835 — 1837. 
Cramer anecd. Paris. = J. A. Cramer Anecdota Graeca e codd. manuscriptis Bibliothecae 

Regiae Parisiensis i — iv Oxonii 1839 — 1841. 
Daremberg — Saglio Diet. Ant. — Dictionnaire des Antiquites grecques et romaines d'apres 
les textes et les monuments... ouvrage redige par une societe d'ecrivains speciaux, 
d'archeologues et de professeurs sous la direction de Mm. Ch. Daremberg et 
Edm. Saglio i — Paris 1877 — 
AeXr. ' Apx- = AeX-no? ' ApxouoXoytKov itcdiSofJievov virb tou yevueov e<popov II. Ka.ppa.5ia, 

iv 'A0rivais 1885 — 
Denkschr. d. Akad. fVien = Denkschri/ten der kaiser lichen Akademie der Wissenschaften. 

Philosophisch-historische Classe. Wien 1850 — 
De Ridder Cat. Bronzes de la coll. de Clercq= Collection de Clercq. Catalogue publie par 
les soins de l'Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres et sous la direction de 
Mm. de Vogue, E. Babelon, E. Pottier. Tome iii Les Bronzes par A. de Ridder 
Paris 1905. 
De Ridder Cat. Vases de la Bibl. Nat. = Catalogue des Vases Peints de la Bibliothique 

Nationale par A. de Ridder i ii 'Paris 1901, 1902. 
Dessau Inscr. Lot. sel. = H. Dessau Inscriptiones Latinae selectae i, ii. 1, ii. 2, iii. 1 

Berolini 1892, 1902, 1906, 1914. 
De Visser De Gr. diis non ref. spec. Aum. = M. W. de Visser De Graecorum diis non 

re/erentibus speciem humanam Lugduni-Batavorum 1900. 
De Vit Lat. Lex. = Totius Latinilatis Lexicon opera et studio Aegidii Forcellini lucu- 
bratum et in hac editione post tertiam auctam et emendatam a Josepho Furlanetto... 
novo ordine digestum amplissime auctum atque emendatum cura et studio Doct. 
Vincentii de-Vit... i — vi Prati 1858 — 1879. 
De Vit Onomasticon= Totius Latinilatis Onomasticon opera et studio Doct. Vincentii 

de-Vit lucubratum i — iv Prati 1859 — '887. 
Dittenberger Orient. Gr. inscr. sel. = Orienlis Graeci inscriptiones selectae. Supple- 
mentum Sylloges inscriptionum Graecarum, ed. Wilhelmus Dittenberger i ii 
Lipsiae 1903, 1905. 
Dittenberger Syll. inscr. Gr.' 1 = Sylloge inscriptionum Graecarum, iterum ed. Guilelmus 

Dittenberger i — iii Lipsiae 1898, 1900, 1901. 
Ducange Gloss, med. et inf. Lat. = C. du Fresne Du Cange Glossarium media- et infim* 

Latinilatis. Editio nova a Leopold Favre i — x Niort 1883 — 1887. 
Durm Baukunst d. Etrusk?= Handbuch der Architektur. Unter Mitwirkung von 
J. Durm und H. Ende herausgegeben von E. Schmitt. Zweiter Teil : Die Bau>tile. 
2 Band: Die Baukunst der Etrusker. Die Baukunst der Komer. Von J. Durm. 
Zweite Auflage. Stuttgart 1905. 
Durm Baukunst d. Gr.' 1 - 3 = &andbucA der Architektur. Unter Mitwirkung m 
Fachgenossen herausgegeben von J. Durm, H. Ende, K. Schmitt und H, Wagner. 
Zweiter Theil : Die Baustile. 1 Band: Die Baukunst der Griechen. Von J. Durm. 
Zweite Auflage. Darmstadt 1892, Dritte Auflage. Leipzig 1910. 

xxx Abbreviations 

Durm Baukunst d. Rom .'• = tfandbuch tier Architektur. Unter Mitwirkung von J. Durm 

und H. End* herausgegetien von E. Schmitt. Zweiter Teil: Die Baustile. 2 Band: 

Die Baukunst der Etrusker. Die Baukunst der Rbtner. Von J. Durm. Zweite 

Autlage. Stuttgart 1905. 
Kckhcl Doitr. num. vet.* = Dottrina numorum veterum conscripta a Iosepho Eckhel i 

Vindobonae 1791, ii — viii Editio secunda Vindobonae r839, '828, Addenda ad 

Eckhelii Dottrinam numorum vtterum ex eiusdem autographo postumo Vindobonae 

Einielaufnahnun = Photographische Einzelaufnahmcn antiker Sculpturen Serien zur 

Yorl»ereitung eines Corpus Statuarum Unter Mitwirkung von Fachgenossen heraus- 

gegel>en von I'aul Arndt und Walther Amelung Miinchen 1893 — Register zu 

Serie 1 — 5 Bearbeitet von Georg Lippold Miinchen 191 1. 
'E<p. 'Apx- = E^Tj/xt pit ' ApxatoXoyiK-f] 4ic8i8ofi4vr) vwb rrjs iv 'AO-quais ' Apxcuo\oyiKT)S 

'Eraipflas iv 'AOfyais 1837—1843, 1852 — 1860, 1862, 1883 — 1909 continued as 

'ApxcuoXoyiKi) 'V,<prjfiepis inSiSofjiivr] vtrb tjJs ' ApxatoXoytKrjs 'Eroupelas 'Adr)vr)<r<. 

Ephem. epigr. = Fphemeris epigraphica, Corporis inscriptionum Latinarum supplementum, 

edita jussu Instituti archaeologici Romani Romae 1872 — 
Epic. Gr./rug.=Epicorum Graecorum Fragmenta. Collegit disposuit commentarium 

criticum adiecit Godofredus Kinkel i Lipsiae 1877. 
Farnell Cults of Gk. States = L. R. Farnell The Cults of the Greek States i — v Oxford 

1896 — 1909. 
Folk- Lore = Folk- Lore. Transactions of the Folk-Lore Society. A quarterly review of 

Myth, Tradition, Institution, and Custom. [Incorporating The Archceological 

Rifiew and The Folk-Lore Journal-} London 1890 — 
Forrer Reallex. = Reallexikon der priihistorischen, klassischen und friihchristlichen Alter- 

tiimer von Dr. Robert Forrer Berlin & Stuttgart (1907). 
Fouiiles de Delphes — £cole francaise cTAtkenes. Fouilles de Delfhes (1892 — 1903) 

Executees par ordre du Gouvernement francais et publiees sous la direction de 

II. Theophile Homolle. 

ii. Topographie & Architecture. Releves et Restaurations par M. Albert Tournaire. 
Fasc. 1. Paris 1902. 

iii. Epigraphie. Texte. Fasc. 1 par M. Emile Bourguet Paris 1910, 191 1, 
Fate, a par M. G. Colin Paris 1909, 191 1, 1912, 1913, Fasc. 3 par M. G. Colin 
Paris 191 1. 

iv. Monuments Figures— Sculpture. Texte par M. Th. Homolle Fasc. 1 Paris 
1909, Planches Fasc. 2 Paris 1905, 1906. 

\ Monuments Figures— Petits Bronzes, Terres Cuites, Antiquites Diverses. Texte 
par M. P. Perdrizet Fasc. 1—3 Paris 1906, 1908, 1908, Planches Fasc. 1—3 
Paris 1905, 1905, 1909. 
Frag. com. Gr. = Fragmenta comicorum Graeeorum. Collegit et disposuit Augustus 

Meineke i— iv Berolini 1839—1841^ Index. Coinposuit Henricus Iacobi Berolini 

hist. Gr. = Fragmenta historicorum Graecorum. Collegit, disposuit, notis et prolego- 

menis illustravit, indicibus instruxit Carolus Mullerus i— v Parisiis 1885, 1878, 1883, 

1885, 1883. 
Frazer Golden Bough- = ). G. Frazer The Golden Bough A Study in Magic and Religion. 

Second edition, revised and enlarged i— iii London 1900. 
Frazer Golden Bough' = J. G. Frazer The Golden Bough A Study in Magic and Religion. 

Third edition. 

Part I . The Magic Art and the Evolution of Kings i ii London 1 9 1 1 . 

Part II. Paboo and the Perils of the Soul London 1911. 

I ait III. The Dying God London 191/. 

Part IV. Adonis Attis Osiris Studies in the History of Oriental Religion. Second 
edition, revised and enlarged London 1907 (Third edition, revised 
and enlarged i ii London 1914). 

Abbreviations xxxi 

Part V. Spirits of the Corn and of the Wild i ii London 1912. 

Part VI. The Scapegoat London 1913. 

Part VII. Balder the Beautiful The Fire-festivals of Kurope and the Doctrine of 
the External Soul i ii London 1913. 

(General Index London 1914) 
Frazer Lett. Hist. A'ingship — ). G. Frazer Lectures on the Early History of the Kingship 

London 1905. 
Frazer l\iusanias= Pausanias' s Description of Greece translated with a commentary by 

J. G. Frazer i — vi London 1898. 
Friederichs — Wolters Gipsabgiisse = Kdnigliche Museen zu Berlin. Die Gipsabgiisse 

antiker Bildiverke in historischer Folge erklart. Bausteine zur Geschichte der 

griechisch-romischen Plastik von Carl Friederichs neu bearbeitet von Paul Wolters 

Berlin 1885. 
Frohner Med. emp. ■ rom.= Numismatique Antique. Les midaillons de P empire 

romain depuis le regne d'Auguste jusqu'a Priscus Attale par W. Frcehner Paris 

Frohner Sculpt, du L.ouvre = Musies Nationaux. Notice de la sculpture antique du 

Mus/e national du Louvre par W. Frohner i Paris s.a. 
Furtwangler Ant. Gemmen = Die antiken Gemmen Geschichte der Steinschneidekunst im 

klassischen Altertum von Adolf Furtwangler i Tafeln ii Beschreibung und 

Erklarung der Tafeln iii Geschichte der Steinschneidekunst im klassischen Altertum 

Leipzig Berlin 1900. 
Furtwangler Gescluiitt. Steine Berlin = Konigliche Museen zu Berlin. Beschreibung der 

geschnittenen Steine im Antiquarium von Adolf Furtwangler Berlin 1896. 
Furtwangler Glyptothek zu M tinch en = Beschreibung der Glyptothek Kbnig L.udwig's /. 

zu Miinchen von A. Furtwangler Munchen 1900 (Zweite Auflage, besorgt von 

P. Wolters Miinchen r9io). 
Furtwangler Masterpieces of Gk. Sculpt. = Masterpieces of Greek Sculpture A Series of 

Essays on the History of Art by Adolf Furtwangler edited by Eugenie Sellers 

London 1895. 
Furtwangler Samml. Sabourojff '= La Collection Sabouroff Monuments de Part grec 

publies par Adolphe Furtwrengler i ii Berlin 1883 — 1887. 
Furtwangler Statuencopien = Ueber Statuenkopieen im Alterthum von Adolf Furtwangler. 

Krster Theil (Aus den Abhandlungen der k. bayer. Akademie der Wiss. 1. CI. xx. 

Bd. 111. Abth.). Miinchen 1896. 
Furtwangler Vasensamml. Berlin — Konigliche Museen zu Berlin. Beschreibung der 

Vasensammlung im Antiquarium von Adolf Furtwangler i ii Berlin 1885. 
Furtwangler — Reichhold ( — Hauser) Gr. Vasenmalerei = Griechische Vasenmalerei 

Ausvvahl hervorragender Vasenbilder mit Unterstiitzung aus dem Thereianos-Fonds 

der kgl. bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften herausgegeben von A. Furtwangler 

und K. Reichhold Serie 1 Text und Tafeln Miinchen 1900 — 1904, Serie II nach 

Furtwangler's Tode fortgefiihrt von Friedrich Hauser Text und Tafeln Munchen 

1905 — 1909, Serie in Text und Tafeln Munchen 1910 — 
E. A. Gardner Cat. Vases Cambridge = A Catalogue of the Greek Vases in the Pitzwilliam 

Museum Cambridge by Ernest Arthur Gardner Cambridge 1897. 
P. Gardner Cat. Vases Oxford^ Museum Oxoniense. Catalogue of the Greek Vases in 

the Ashmolean Museum By Percy Gardner Oxford 1893. 
P. Gardner Types of Gk. Coins = The Types of Greek Coins An archaeological essay by 

Percy Gardner Cambridge 1883. 
Garrucci Mm. Lt. ant.=Le monete delf Ltalia antica Raccolta generate del P. KafTaclc 

Garrucci Parte prima : monete fuse. Parte seconda: monete con iate. Rnina 1885. 
Gaz. Arch. = Gazette Archhlogique Recueil de monuments pour servir a la onn.iissance 

et a l'histoire de Part antique publie par les soins de J. de Wittc.ct Francois 

Lenormant... Paris 1875 — 1889. 
General-Karte von Griechenlatui= General- Karte des Konigreiches Griechenland im 

xxxii Abbreviations 

Masse i : 300 000 der Natur. Nach Berichtigungs-Daten des k. griech. Oberst- 

lieutenants J. Kokides und revidirt von Dr. H. Kiepert. Bearbeitet und heraus- 

gegeben vom K. K. Militiir-Geographischen Institute in Wien. 13 Sheets with 

Index Wien 1885. 
Geogr. Gr. min.= Geographi Graci minores. E codicibus recognovit, prolegomenis, 

annotatione, indicibus instruxit, tabulis aeri incisis illustravit Carolus Miillerus. 

i ii Parisiis 1882. 
Gerhard Ant. Bilctw.=Antike Bildwerke zum ersten male bekannt gemacht von Eduard 

Gerhard Munchen Stuttgard & Tubingen (1827 — 1844). Text zu Eduard Gerhard's 

Antiken Bildwerken. In drei Lieferungen. Munchen, Stuttgart und Tubingen 

1828— 1844. 
Gerhard Auserl. Fasenb. = A userlesene griechische Vasenbilder, hauptsachlich etruskischen 

Eundorts. Herausgegeben von Eduard Gerhard i — iv Berlin 1840 — 1858. 
Gerhard Etr. Spiegel = Etruskische Spiegel herausgegeben von Eduard Gerhard Text und 

Tafeln i — iv Berlin 1839 — 1867, im Auftragedes kaiserlich deutschen Archaologischen 

Instituts bearbeitet von A. Kliigmann und G. Korte v Berlin 1884 — 1897. 
Gerhard Gr. Myth. — Griechische Mythologie von Eduard Gerhard i ii Berlin 1854, 1855. 
Gilbert Gr. Gbtterl. = Griechische Gbtterlehre in ihren Grundziigen dargestellt von Otto 

Gilbert Leipzig 1898. 
Gnecchi Medagl. Rom. = Erancesco Gnecchi / medaglioni Romani i Oro ed argento, 

ii Bronzo gran modulo, iii Bronzo moduli minori, Medaglioni del senato Milano 191 2. 
Got/, gel. Anz.= Gbttingische gelehrte Anzeigen Gottingen 1753 — 
Graef Ant. Vasen Athen = Kaiserlich deutsches Archdologisches Institut. Die antiken 

Vasen von der Akropolis zu Athen unter Mitvvirkung von Paul Hartwig Paul Wolters 

Robert Zahn veroffentlicht von Botho Graef Text und Tafeln i ii Berlin 1909, 191 1. 
Grimm — Thayer Gk-Eng. Lex. of the Neiu Test. = A Greek-English Lexikon of the Netv 

Testament being Grimm's Wilke's Clavis Novi Testamenti translated revised and 

enlarged by Joseph Henry Thayer Edinburgh 1888. 
Gruppe Cult. Myth, orient. Rel. = Die griechischen Culte und Mythen in ihren Bezieh- 

ungen zu den orientalise hen Religionen von Otto Gruppe i Einleitung Leipzig 1887. 
Gruppe Gr. Myth. Rel. = Griechische Mythologie und Religionsgeschichte (Handbuch der 

klassischen Altertums-wissenschafl herausgegeben von Dr. Iwan von Muller V. Band, 

2. Abteilung) von Dr. O. Gruppe i ii Munchen 1906. 
Gruppe Myth. Lit. = Die mythologische Literatur aus denjahren 1898 — 1905 {Jahresbericht 

fur Altertumswissenschaft. Suppl. 1907). Von O. Gruppe Leipzig 1908. 
Gruter Inscr. ant. tot. orb. Rom.= Inscriptiones antiquae totius orbis Romani in absolut- 

issimum corpus redactae olini auspiciis Iosephi Scaligeri et Marci Velseri industria 

autem et diligentia Iani Gruteri: nunc curis secundis ejusdem Gruteri et notis 

Marquardi Gudii emendatae et tabulis aeneis a Boissardo confectis illustratae ; denuo 

cura viri summi Ioannis Georgii Graevii recensitae i — iv Amstelaedami 1707. 
Guida del Mus. Napoli— Guida illustrata del Museo Nazionale di Napoli approvata dal 

Ministero della Pubblica Istruzione compilata da D. Bassi, E. G£brici, L. Mariani, 

O. Marucchi, G. Patroni, G. de Petra, A. Sogliano per cura di A. Ruesch 

Napoli 1908. 
Harrison Myth. Mon. Anc. Ath. = Mythology <Sr Monuments of Ancient Athens being a 

translation of a portion of the 'Attica' of Pausanias by Margaret de G. Venal] with 

Introductory Essay and Archaeological Commentary by Jane E. Harrison London 

Harrison Proleg. Gk. Rel.- '■= Prolegomena to the Study of Greek Religion by Jane Ellen 

Harrison Second edition Cambridge 1908. 
Harrison Themis— Themis A Study of the Social Origins of Greek Religion by Jane 

Ellen Harrison with an Excursus on the Ritual Forms preserved in Greek Tragedy 

by Professor Gilbert Murray and a Chapter on the Origin of the Olympic Games by 

Mr F. M. Cornford Cambridge 1912. 
Head Coins of the Ancients = Synopsis of the Contents of the British Museum. Depart- 

Abbreviations xxxiii 

ment of Coins and Medals. A Guide to the principal gold and silver Coins of the 

Ancients, from circ. b.c. 700 to a.d. 1. by Barclay V. Head Second edition London 

Head Hist. num. l - = Historia numorum A Manual of Greek Numismatics by Barclay 

Y. Head Oxford 1887, New and enlarged edition by Barclay V. Head assisted by 

G. F. Hill, George Macdonald, and W. Wroth Oxford 191 1. 
Helbig Guide Class. Ant. Rome = Guide to the Public Collections of Classical Antiquities 

in Rome by Wolfgang Helbig translated from the German by James F. and Findlay 

Muirhead i ii Leipsic 1895, 1896. 
Helbig Wandgem. Camp.— Wandgemalde der vom Vesttv verschiilteien Sladte Campaniens 

beschrieben von Wolfgang Helbig. Nebst einer Abhandlung liber die antiken 

Wandmalereien in technischer Beziehung von Otto Donner. Leipzig 1868. 
Hertnathcna — Hermathena, a Series of Papers on Literature, Science, and Philosophy, 

by Members of Trinity College, Dublin. Dublin- London 1874 — 
Hermes = Hermes Zeitschrift fur classische Philologie Berlin 1866 — 
Herrmann Denkm. d. Makrei— Denkmaler der Malerei des Altertums herausgegeben 

von Paul Herrmann Miinchen 1906 — 
Heydemann Vasensamml. Neapel= Die Vasensammlitngen des Museo Nazionale zu Neapel 

beschrieben von H. Heydemann Berlin 1872. 
Hist. Rom. frag. — Historicorum Romanorum fragmenta collegit disposuit recensuit 

Hermannus Peter Lipsiae 1883. 
Hoops Reallex. = Reallexikon der Germanischen Altertumskunde unter Mitwirkung zahl- 

reicher Fachgelehrten herausgegeben von Johannes Hoops i — Strassburg 

1911 — 
Hunter Cat. Coins = Catalogtte of Greek Coins in the Hunterian Collection University of 

Glasgow by George Macdonald i— iii Glasgow 1899, IOOI > I 9°5- 

i Italy, Sicily, Macedon, Thrace, and Thessaly. 

ii North Western Greece, Central Greece, Southern Greece, and Asia Minor. 

iii Further Asia, Northern Africa, Western Europe. 
Imhoof-Blumer Choix de monn. gr. l <*= Choix de Monnaies grecques du cabinet de 

F. Imhoof-Blumer Winterthur 1871, Choix de Monnaies grecques de la collection de 

F. Imhoof-Blumer Deuxieme edition. Paris-Leipzig 1883. 
Imhoof-Blumer Gr. Miinzen = Griechische Miinzen. Neue Beitrage und Untersuchungen 

von F. Imhoof-Blumer (Aus den Abhandlungen der k. bayer. Akademie der Wis*. 

1. CI. xviii. Bd. III. Abth.) Miinchen 1890. 
Imhoof-Blumer Kleinas. Miinzen = Sonderschriften des osterreichischen Archaologischen 

Institutes in Wien Band 1, Band m. Kleinasiatische Miinzen von F. Imhoof- 
Blumer i ii Wien 1901, 1902. 
Imhoof-Blumer Monn. gr. = Verhandelingen der Koninklijke Akademie van Weten- 

schappen. Afdeeling Letterkunde. Veertiende Deel. Monnaies grecques par 

F. Imhoof-Blumer Publie par l'Academie Royale Neerlandaise des Sciences. Am- 
sterdam 1883. 
Imhoof-Blumer and P. Gardner Num. Comm. Paus. = A Numismatic Commentary oh 

Pausanias by F. Imhoof-Blumer and Percy Gardner. Reprinted from the Journal 

of Hellenic Studies 1885, 1886, 1887. 
Immerwahr Kult. Myth. Arkad.=Die Knit, und Mylhcn Arkadi.m dargestftllf von 

Walter Immerwahr I. Band Die arkadischen Kulte Leipzig 1891. 
Inghirami Vas. fitt.=Pitture di Vasi fittili esibite dal Cav. Francesco Inghirami per 

servire di studio alia mitologia ed alia storia degli antichi popoli i— iv l'ohgr.itia 

Fiesolana dai torchi dell' autore 1835 — 1837. 
Inscr. Gr. Arc. Lac. Mess. = Inscriptions I.aconiae Messeniae Arcadia,- 

i Inscriptiones Laconiae et Messeniae [Inscriptiones Graecac x. 1] ed. W. Koll»c 
Berolini 191 3. 

ii Inscriptiones Arcadiae [Inscriptiones Graecae V. a] ed. F. Hiller de Gaertringen 
Berolini 191 3. 
C. C 

xxxiv Abbreviations 

/.,,.(/; /> t /•..'/ filii.u- i-i'iisilio et iiucluritalc Academiac inscriptionum 

i itsui 1' i .iiu'i ■ < iallii ae. 
ii Ii.^ii; n< I >t! i lilu-i.ic'iil.u- sirchi mtiiiii, tabulae hieropoeoruni aim. 
;i 4 :-o -I ed. 1'- Diirrbacli Berolini 1912. 

I >cli Iil' I almlae hieropoeoruni ami. 250 166, leges, pactiones 
- . _;] ,-d. I . Ihirrbach. 
iv I I 1 1. ii-. I >>■( Tela, foedcia, catalogi, dedicationes, varia [In- 

{■ : .1 (ill, I'. knu.sse! Berolini 1914. 

■■ insulariim maris Aegaei 
|-,..::i ; ;.- (hakes Carpalhi cum Sain ( 'asi \Inscriptiones Graecae 
Mi. 1 r . I- . Ilil'ci 1I1 1 ! ringen Berolini 1X9;. 
|u-ci 1 ; 1 ii-- I < -'•; Ne-i Tencdi [Inscripliones Graecae xii. 2] ed. \V. Baton 

!'.< |-.ll||li IS09. 

I up! ■ - Svnics Tcutlussae Teh Nisyri Astypalaeac Anaphes Therae et 

TIni.i-i.i< I'lmlegamlii Mcli Cimoli [Inscripliones Graecae xii. ,;|cd. !•*. Miller 

11 I'nT'.lini iN(jS. Supplementa ed. Y. Miller de (iaertringen 

I '.i- 1 1'! 1 ni 11,04. 

\ i ■ ■ 1. iu-> 1 vcladuin f ///.'i riptiones Graecae xii. •.] ed. I''. Miller de (iaertringen 

I'.u ■ i • • 1 : I ii-c'iiptiones Cvcladuin praeter Tenuni Berolini 1903. Par.-, altera: 

In-ei iptmne> Teni iusulae et totius fasciculi indices Berolini 1909. 

i Ainmgi el in.sidarum vicinarum [I use riptiones Graecat xii. 7] 

|. ! »i -l.'.inai ii-. Indices coniposuit V. Miller de (iaertringen. Berolini 


1 - 1 : '!-<!u- in-ularuni mari> Thracici [Inscriptiones Gym ae xii. 8] ed. C. 
I- 1 i-i ;i ii li I icii ilini 1 909. 

C ; •, ripl'h<nui)i Graccaritin Graeciae septentrionalis 

i Ii M-ripti'.ne* Megaridis et Boeotiae [Inscriptiones Graecae \\\] ed. \V. Dittenberger 

Berolini [N9I. 

ni. 1 1 : .-■ ; i: • \< iu-- l'li(icidi>, I.ucridis, Aetoliae, Acarnaniae, insularum maris lonii 

[/// rtpti, iu G/iie 1/1 ix. 1] ed. \Y. Dittenberger Berolini 1X97. 
. . : In riptiones Thev->aliae [Inst ipliones Graecae ix. 2] ed. O. Kern. Indices 
composiiit I . I lilk-r de (iaertringen Herolini [908. 
In t. • . It. hi si riptiones Italiac </ Siciliae [Inst riptiones Graecae xiv] ed. 

<■■ K.isl>el. Cdliae inscripliones ed. A. Lebegue. Berolini 1890. 

ir h. Inst. - fahrhitch des kaiserlich dentschcn Arehaologischen 
In titut mil lem Beiblatl Archaologischtr Anzeiger Berlin 1886— 
/ •■■' ■ ■■■ i - ;. A Li 1 thanisfrcund. im A'heinl. =Jahrbiicher des Vereins von Alter- 
iii.'andi (Continued as the Bonner Jahrbiicher) Bonn 1842— 
/ • /./',/. JahrbUcher fiir classische Philologie (Continued as the Neue 

/a. 1 ■ 1 llliiium Geschichte /aid dentsche I.itteratur mid fiir 

/'.tat 1 I Leipzig 1 IS;: 1 ' s 97- 

A'eiii faht hiithcr Jiir Philologie und Paedagogik. Zweite 

Al ' In llung I.i ipzig i S:; 1897. 
Jalm la en iminl. Una, h, a /»',-., hreibung der I'asensanimhttig Kbniir Ludwigs in tier 

I'll. 1 ■'•■ " >>'■>■■ hiit von 1 ittn Jsihn Miinchen 1854. 
Jah, 1 '. arch, in t. Jahnshi/ti a'cs ostcrreichischen arclniologischen Institutes in 

H'li n W ien 1 S9S 
J urn. A nth/ /. /// /. I h, Journal oj tit, (A',>j>al) Anthropological Institute of Great 

Ihitam ind h land London 1S72 . New Series London 1899— 

J. urn. II,::. Stud. I he J tirua. ,f J/rll, nil Studies London 1881 — 
/. ////;. Intern, d Ar, h. Aunt. \u<hr\s lv/n/u'/jis r^s Xo/unT/uarw?}? ' Afixo-coXoylas Journal 

Intern ition .Yui/iis/nalii/ui dirige par [. N. Svoronos Athenes 

J :>u. A'cu. Stud. I'he Journal of Konian Studies London 1911 — 

Abbreviations xxxv 

Kaibel Epigr. Gr. = Epigram mala Graeca ex lapidibus conlecta edidit Georgius Kaibel 
Berolini 1878. 

Kubitschek Rom. Medallions Wien = Ausgewahlte rbtnische Medallions der kaiser lichen 
Miinzcnsammlung in Wien aus dem Illustrationsmaterial der Bande i — xi des 
Jahrbuches der Kunstsammlungen des a. h. Kaiserhauses neu herausgegeben von 
Wilhelm Kubitschek Wien 1909. 

Laborde Vases Lam6erg = A. de La Borde Collection des vases grecs de M. le comte de 
Lamberg i ii Paris 1813 — 1824, 1824 — 1828. 

La Grande Encyclopedic ~ La Grande Encyclopedic Inventaire raisonne des sciences, des 
lettres et des arts par une societe de savants et de gens de lettres... i — xxxi Paris s.a. 

Lanzone Dizion. di Mitol. Eglz. = K. Lanzone Dizionario di Mitologia Egiziana i Testo 
ii Tavole Torino 1881. 

L , Anthropologie = Maleriaux pour l'histoire de l'homme — Revue d'anthropologie — Revue 
d'ethnographie reunis. E 'Anthropologic Paris 1890 — 

Lebas — Foucart Peloponnese=V\\. Le Bas et W. H. Waddington Voyage archeologique en 
Grece et en Asie Mineure pendant 1843 el 1844 11. Partie : Inscriptions grecques et 
latines. ii. 2 Megaride et Peloponnese. 3. Beotie, Phocide, Etolie, Acarnanie, 
Epire, Thessalie, Macedoine, Thrace, Colonies du Pont-Euxine. 4. lies. (Trans- 
cription and Commentary by P. Foucart) Paris 1847 — 1876. 

Lebas — Reinach Voyage Arch.= Bibliothique des Monuments Eignrh grecs et romains. 
Voyage Archiologique en Grece et en Asie Mineure sous la direction de M. Philippe 
Le Bas. ..(1842 — 1844). Planches de topographie, de sculpture et d'architecture 
Gravees d'apres les dessins de E. Landron publiees et commentees par Salomon 
Reinach... Paris 1888. 

Lebas — Waddington Asie AIineure = Ph. Le Bas et W. H. Waddington Voyage archio- 
logique en Grece et en Asie Alineure pendant 1843 et 1844 11. Partie : Inscriptions 
grecques et latines. iii. 5 Asie Mineure. 6. Syrie proprement dite. (Transcription 
and Commentary by W. H. Waddington) Paris 1847 — 1876. 

Lenormant — de Witte £l. mon. cer. = Elite des monuments cdramographiques Materiaux 
pour l'histoire des religions et des mceurs de Pantiquite rassembles et commented par 
Ch. Lenormant et J. de Witte. Texte et Planches i — iv Paris 1844 — 1861. 

Leroux Cat. Vases de Madrid= Vases grecs et italo-grecs du Musie Archiologique de 
Madrid (Bibliotheque des Universites du Midi Fascicule xvi) par G. Leroux 
Bordeaux 191 2. 

Lobeck Aglaophamus = Aglaophamus sive de theologiae mysticae Graecorum causis libri 
tres. Scripsit Chr. Augustus Lobeck idemque poetarum Orphicorum dispersas 
reliquias collegit. i ii Regimontii Prussorum 1829. 

Luynes Descr. de vases peints = Description de quelques vases peinis, Jtrusques, italiotes, 
siciliens et grecs, par H. D. de Luynes,... Paris 1840. 

Masner Samml. ant. Vasen u. Terracotten Wien = K~. K~. Oesterreieh. Museum Jiir Kunst 
und Industrie. Die Sammlung antiker Vasen und Terracotten im K. K. Oesterreieh. 
Museum. Katalog und historische Einleitung von Karl Masner. Wien 1892. 

Matz — Duhn Ant. Bildw. in Rom — Antike Eildiverke in Rom mil Ausschluss der 
grbsseren Sammlungen beschrieben von Frkdrich Matz, nach des Verfassers Tode 
weitergefiihrt und herausgegeben von F. von Duhn i — iii Leipzig 1881 — 1882. 

L. Meyer Handb. d. gr. Etym.= Handbueh der grieehischen Etymologic von I.eo Meyer 
i — iv Leipzig 1901 — 1902. 

Michel Recueil d'/nscr. gr.=Recueil d' Inscriptions grecques par Charles Michel Paril 
1900, Supplement — Fascicule i Paris 191 2. 

Milani Stud, e mat. di arch, e num. = Sludi e materiali di archeologia e numismatica 
pubblicati per cura di Luigi Adriano Milani i — iii Firenze 1899 — l 9° l > '9 01 ' '9°5' 

Milet= Kbnigliche Museen zu Berlin. Milet Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen und Unter- 
suchungen seit dem Jahre 1899 herausgegeben von Theodor Wiegaml. 
i Karte der milesischen Halbinsel (1 : 50 000) mit erlauterndem Text von Paul 
Wilski Berlin 1906. 

xxxvi Abbreviations 

ii Das Kathaus von Milet von Hubert Knackfuss mit Bcitragen von Carl Fredrich, 
Theodor Wiegand, Hermann Winnefeld Berlin 1908. 

iii I )as I )elphinion in Mild von ( ieorg Kawerau und Albert Rehm unter Mitwirkung 
von Friedricb Freiherr Ililler von Gaertringen, Mark Lidzbarski, Theodor 
Wiegand, Erich Ziebarth Berlin 1 9 1 4- 

iii. 1 Der Latinos von Theodor Wiegand unter Mitwirkung von Konrad Hoese, 
Hippolvte Delehaye, Hubert Knackfuss, Friedrich Krischen, Karl Lyncker, 
Walther von Marees, Oskar WulfF Berlin 1913. 
Mionnet Descr. de me'd. ant. = Description de me'dailles antiques, grecques et romaines, 

avec leur degri de rarete et leitr estimation. Ouvrage servant de catalogue a plus de 

vingt mille empreintes en soufre prises sur les pieces originales, par T. 1'.. Mionnet 

i — vi Paris 1S06 — 1813 vii Recueil des planches Paris i<So8, Seconde edition Paris 

1837, Supplement i— ix Paris 1819 — 1839. 
Mnemosyne = Mnemosyne Tijdschrift voor classieke Litteratuur Leyden 1852 — 
Momnisen Feste d. Stadt Athen^Feste der Stadt A/hen im A/ter/itm, geordnet nach 

attischem Kalender, von August Mommsen. Umarbeitung der 1864 erschienenen 

I leortologie. Leipzig 1898. 
Mon. .Inn. e Bull. d. Inst. — Monumenti Annali e Bullet tint pubblicati dalT Instiluto di 

Corrispondcnza Archeologica nel 1854 Roma, nel 1855 Gotha-Lipsia. 
Mon. d. Inst. = Monumenti inediti pubblicati dalP Insiitu/o di Corrispondenza A 

logica Rome et Paris 1829-1833 — 1839-1843, Roma 1844-1848 — 1849-1853, 1857- 

1863 — 1884-1SN5. Supplemento Berlin 1891. 
Mon. d. Line. =Mcnumenti antichi pubblicati per cura delta Keale A ccademia del Lined 

Milano 1889 — 
A fon. ed .inn. d. Inst. = Monumenti ed Annali pubblicati daW Institute di Corrispondenza 

Archeologica nel 1856 Lipsia. 
Mon. Piot = Fondation Eugene Plot. Monuments et memoires publics par VAcadim 

Inscriptions et Belles- Lett res Paris 1894 — 
Morell. Tins. .Yum. Fain. Pom. = Thesaurus Morelliauus, sive Familiarum Romanarum 

numisniata omnia, Diligentissime undique conquisita, ad ipsorum nummorum (idem 

accuratissime delineata, & juxta ordinem Fulvii Ursini & Caroli Patini disposita, a 

Celeberrimo Antiquario Andrea Morellio. Accedunt nummi miscellanei, Urbis 

Komae, Hispanici, & Goltziani dubiae fidei omnes. Nunc primum edidit et 

Commentario perpetuo illustravit Sigebertus Havercampus i ii Amstelaedami 


Morell. I'hes. Num. Imp. Pom. = Thesauri Morel Hani tomus primus (secundus, tertius), 
Sive Christ. Schlegelii, Sigeb. Haverkampi, & Antonii Francisci Gorii Commentaria 
In XII. Priorum Imperatorum Romanorum numisniata aurea, argentea, & 
Cujuscunque Moduli, diligentissime conquisita, & ad ipsos Nummos accuratissime 
delineata, a Celeberrimo Antiquario Andrea Morellio... Cum Praefatione Petri Wes- 
selingii i- iii Amstelaedami 1752. 

Midler — Wieseler Denim, d. alt. Kunst. = Denkmaler der alten Kunst nach der Auswahl 
und Anordnung von C. O. Midler. Zweite Bearbeitung durch Friedrich Wieseler. 
i ii (iottingen 1854 — 1856. 

Muller — Wieseler — Wernicke Ant. Deiihm. — Antike Denkmaler tur griechisrhen Got- 
lerlehre. Zusammengestellt von C. O. Muller und F. Wieseler. Vierte umge- 
arbeitete und vermehrte Ausgabe von Konrad Wernicke. Denkmaler der alten Kunst 
von C O. Midler und F. Wieseler. Teil II. Vierte umgearbeitete und vermehrte 
Ausgabe. Lieferung i — iii Text und Tafeln Leipzig 1899, 1900, 1903. 

Mus. Capit. Cat. Sculpt. See Stuart Jones Cat. Sculpt. Mus. Capit. Pome. 

Mus. Etr. Gregor. — Museum Flruscum Gregorianum Musei Ltrusci quod Gregorius XV] 
pon. max. in aedibus Vaticanis constituit monhnenta linearis picturae exemplis 
expressa et in utilitatem studiosoruin antiquitatum et bonarum artium publici iuris 
facta i ii ex aedibus Vaticanis 1842. 

Musie Beige— Le Musi'e Beige Revue de philologie classique I.ouvain 1897 — 

Abbreviations xxxvii 

Ntichr. d. kbit. Gesellsch. d. IViss. Gottingen I'hil.-hist. CIlMt ■ JVfciJJ iiJJJH von der 
Georg- Augusts- Unive>sit'it mid der Konigl. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften zu G.-t- 
tin gen Gottingen 1856 — , Nachrichten von der K. Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften 
mid der Georg- Augusts- Universitiit Gottingen 1864 — , Nachrichten von der 
A'bniglichen Gesellschaft der IVissenschaften zu Gottingen. I'hilologisch-historische 
Klasse Berlin 1906 — 
Xtiic Jahrb. f. klass. Altertum = Netie Jahrbiichcr fiir das klassisihe Altertum Geschichte 
und deutsche Lit/eratitr mid fiir Padagogik (Continuation of the Jahrbiicltcr fur 
classische Philologie) Leipzig 1898 — 
Nicole Cat. Vases d' Athhtes Suppl. — Catalogue des vases peints du Afusc'e Motional 
d Atheues. Supplement par Georges Nicole... avec une Preface de Maxime Col- 
lignon... Paris 191 1 with an Atlas of pis. 
Nilsson Gr. Feste = Griechische Feste von religibser Bedeutung mil Ausschluss der attischen 

untersucht von Martin P. Nilsson Leipzig 1906. 
Not. Scavi = Notizie degli Scavi di Antichita, comunicate alia R. Accademia dei Lincei 

per ordine di S. E. il Ministro della pubh. Istruzione Roma 1876 — 
Nottv. Ann. = Nouvelles Annates publiees par la section f ran false de V Institut archiologique 

i ii Paris 1836, 1839 with Atlas of pis. (facsimile-reproduction 1905). 
Num. Chron. = The Numismatic Chronicle London 1839 — » The Numismatic Chronicle 
arui Journal of the Numismatic Society London 1843 — , New Series London 
1 86 1 — , Third Series London 1881 — , Fourth Series London 1901 — 
Num. Zeitschr.—Numismatische Zeitschrift Wien 1869 — 

Ohnefalsch-Richter A'ypros= Kypros The Bible and Homer. Oriental Civilization, Art 
and Religion in Ancient Times. Elucidated by the Author's own Researches and 
Excavations during twelve years' work in Cyprus. By Max Ohnefalsch-Richter. 
i Text ii Plates London 1893. 
Olympian Olympia Die Ergebnisse der von dem deutschen Reich veranstalteten Ausgrab- 
ung fan Auftrage des koniglich preussischen Ministers der geistlichen Unterrichts- 
und Medicinal-angelegenheiten herausgegeben von Ernst Curtius und Friedrich 

i Topographie und Geschichte von Olympia von Friedrich Adler, Ernst Curtius. 
Wilhelm Dorpfeld, Paul Graef, Joseph Partsch, Rudolf Weil. Textband zur 
Mappe mit den Karten und Planen Berlin 1897. 
ii Die Baudenkmaler von Olympia bearbeitet von Friedrich Adler, Richard Borr- 
mann, Wilhelm Dorpfeld, Friedrich Graeber, Paul Graef. Textband Tafelband 
i ii Berlin 1892 — 1896. 
iii Die Bildwerke in Stein und Thon bearbeitet von Georg Treu. Textband Tafel- 
band Berlin 1894 — 1897. 
iv Die Bronzen und die iibrigen kleineren Funde von Olympia bearbeitet von 

Adolf Furtwangler. Textband Tafelband Berlin 1890. 
v Die Inschriften von Olympia bearbeitet von Wilhelm DittenbOfCT und K.ul 
Purgold. Berlin 1896. 
Or. Lit. = Orienlalistische Litteratur-Zeitung Berlin 1898 — 

Orelli laser. Lai. set. = Inscriptionum Latinarum selectarmu nmplissima collectio ad illus- 
trandam Rotuanae antiijuitatis discipliuam accommodata ac magturUM ftt t eti o m um 
suppleme'nta complura emendationesque exhibens. Cum ineditis Io. C*«p. 1 Ugenbuchii 
suisque adnotationibus edidit Io. Casp. Orellius. Insunt lapides Helveti.u- (MUMS. 
Accedunt praeter Fogginii kalendaria antiqua, Hagenbuchii, Maffeii, Erncstii, Reiskii, 
Seguierii, Steinbruechelii epistolae aliquot epigraphicae nunc prinium editte. 1 11 
Turici 1828. 
Orelli — Henzen Inscr. Lat. sel. = Inscriptionum Latinarum sehctarum amplissima collectio 
ad illustrandam Romanae antiquitatis discipliuam accommodata. Volumen U-rtium 
collections Orellianae supplementa emendationesque exhibens edidit GuihdaMM 
Henzen. Accedunt Indices rerum ac notarum quae in tribus volominibui invciiiuntur. 
Turici 1856. 


xxxviii Abbreviations 

Overtook Gall. her. Bildw.= Gallerie heroischer Bildiuerke der alten Kunst, bearbeitet 
von Dr. [ohannes Overbeck. Enter Hand. Die Bildwerke zum thebischen und 
troischen Heldenkreis. Braunschweig 1853 with an Atlas of pis. 
Overbeck Gr. KunstDiyth. — GriechischeKunstmythologie von J. Overbeck. Zweiter 
Band (Besonderei Theil). Erster Band. Erstes Buch : Zeus Leipzig 187 1, Zweiter 
Hand. Zweites, drittes und viertes Buch : Hera, Poseidon, Demeter und Kora 
Leipzig 1873 — 1878, Drifter Band. Fiinftes Buch : Apollon Leipzig r88o. Atlas 
der griechischen Kunstmythologie herausgegeben von Johannes Overbeck Lieferung 
i— v: Tafel 1—26 Leipzig 1872— 1888. 
Overbeck Gr. Plastil A = Gesc/iichte der gi'iechischen Plastik von J. Overbeck. Vierte 

umgearbeitete und vermehrte Auflage. i ii Leipzig 1893, 1894. 
Overbeck Schriftqutllen — Dieantikcn Schriftquellen znr Geschichte der bildendeu Kiinste 

bei den Griechen. Gesammelt von J. Overbeck. Leipzig iS6n. 
l'auly Rcal-Enc. = Real- Encyclopiidie der classischen Alterthumswissensckaft in alp/ia- 
betischer Ordnung. Von. ..and dem Herausgeber August Pauly. i (Zweite vdllig 
umgearbeitete Auflage) Stuttgart 1864, 1866 ii — vi Stuttgart 1842 — 1852. 
Pauly — Wissowa Real-Enc. = Paulys Real- Encyclopiidie der classischen Altertumswissen- 
schaft Neue Bearbeitung unter Mitwirkung zahlreicher Fachgenossen herausge- 
geben von Georg Wissowa i — Stuttgart 1894 — , Supplement i — Stutt- 
gart 1903— 
Pellegrini Cat. vas. ant. dipint. Bologna = Mnseo Civico di Bologna. Catalogo dei vasi 
antichi dif-inti Jelle collezioni Palagi ed Universitaria descritti dal Dott. Giuseppe 
Pellegrini... Ed ito per cura del Comune di Bologna. Bologna 1900. 
Pellegrini Cat. vas. gr. dipint. Bologna = Museo Civico di Bologna. Catalogo dei vasi 
grcci dipinti delle necropoli Felsinee descritti da Giuseppe Pellegrini. Edito per cura 
del Comune di Bologna. Bologna 19 12. 
Pergamon = Konigliche Museen zn Berlin. Altertiimer von Pergamon herausgegeben im 
Auftrage des kdniglich preuszischen Ministers der geistlichen und Unterrichts- 
angelegenheiten Berlin 1885 — 
i Stadt und Landschaft von Alexander Conze, Otto Berlet, Alfred Philippson, 

Carl Schuchhardt, Friedrich Graber mit Beitragen von Johannes Mordtmann, 

Kurt Regling, Paul Schazmann, August Senz, Adam Zippelius. Text 1 — 3 

with Atlas of pis. 1912 — 1913. 
ii Das Heiligtum der Athena Polias Nikephoros von Richard Bohn mit einem 

Beitrage von Hans Droysen. Text with Atlas of pis. 1885. 
iii, 1 Der grosze Altar. Der obere Markt. Yon Jakob Schrammen. Text with 

Atlas of pis. 1906. 
iii, 2 Die Friese des groszen Altars von Hermann Winnefeld. Text with Atlas 

of pis. 1910. 
iv Die Theater-Terrasse von Richard Bohn. Text with Atlas of pis. 1896. 
v, 2 Das Traianeum von Hermann Stiller mit einem Beitrage von Otto Raschdorff. 

Text with Atlas of pis. 1895. 
vii Die Skulpturen mit Ausnahme der Altarreliefs von Franz Winter mit einem 

Beitrage von Jakob Schrammen. Text 1—2 with Atlas of pis. 190S. 
viii, 1 Die Inschriften von Pergamon unter .Mitwirkung von Ernst Fabricius 

und Carl Schuchhardt herausgegeben von Max Frankel. *i— 2. 1890, 

Perrot— Chipiez Hist, de PArt= His/oire de r Art dans /' A ntiquite ... par Georges Perrot... 

et Charles Chipiez... i— Paris 1881 — 
i L'Egjrpte t88l, ii Chaldee et Assyrie 1884, iii Phenicie— Cypre 1885, iv Jude'e 
laigne— Syrie— Cappadoce 1887, v Perse— Phrygie— Lydie et Carie— Lycie 
1890, vi La Grice primitive: Part Mycenien 1894, vii La Grece de l'epopee— 
La Grece archaique: le temple 1898, viii La Grece archai'que: la sculpture 1903, 
i\ La Grece archaique: la glyptique— la numismatique— la peinture — la ceramique 
191 1, x La Grece archaique: la ceramique d'Athenes 1914. 

Abbreviations xxxix 

Philologtts — Philologtts . Zeitschrift ftir das klassische Alterthum. Stolberg 1846, 

Gottingen 1847 — , Neue Folge Gbttingen 1889— , Leipzig 1897 — 
Poet. Lat. min. = Poetae Latini minores. Recensuit et emendavit Aemilius Baehrens 

i — vi Lipsiae 1879 — '886. 
Poet. lyr. Gr. = Poetae lyrici Graeci. Recensuit Theodoras Bergk. Editionis quartae 

i — iii Lipsiae 1878 — 1882. 
Pottier Cat. Vases du Louvre =Mu see National du Louvre. Catalogue des vases antiques 

de terre cuite par E. Pottier. Etudes sur l'histoire de la peinture et du dessin dMM 

l'antiquite. i . Les origines, ii L'ecole ionienne, iii L'ecole attique Paris 1896", 

1899, 1906. 
HpaKT. apx. tr. = lTpa.KTiKa ttjs iv 'Atfijvais apxa<-o\oyiKrjs iraiplat Athens 1872 — 
Preller Rom. Myth. 1 - 2 = Romische JLylhologie von L. Preller Berlin 1858, Zweite Auflage 

von R. Kohler Berlin 1865. 
Preller — Jordan Rom. .)Lyth. :i = Romische Mythologie von L. Preller. Dritte Auflage von 

H. Jordan i ii Berlin 1881, 1883. 
Preller — Robert Gr. Myth. = Griechische JLylhologie von L. Preller. Erster Band. 

Theogonie und Goetter. Vierte Auflage bearbeitet von Carl Robert. Berlin 1894. 
Prellwitz Elym. Worttrb. d. Gr. Spr? = Etymologisches Wbrterbuch der Griechischen 

Sprache von Prof. Dr. Walther Prellwitz...?. verbesserte Auflage. Gottingen 1905. 
Priene — Konigliclie Museeti zu Berlin. Priene Ergebnisse der Ausgrabungen und Unter- 

suchungen in den Jahren 1895 — 1898, von Theodor Wiegand und Hans Schrader 

unter Mitwirkung von G. Kummer, W. Wilberg, H. Winnefeld, R. Zahn. Berlin 1904. 
Rasche Lex. Num. = Lexicon universae rei numariae veterum et praecipue Graecorum ac 

Romanorum cum observationibus antiquariis geographicis chronologicis historicis 

criticis et passim cum explicatione monogrammatum edidit Io. Christophoras Rasche. 

i — xi (Tomi 1 — VI, 1) Lipsiae 1785 — 1795, Supplementorum i — iii (Tomi vi, 2 — 

vii, 2) Lipsiae 1802 — 1805. 
Reinach Bronzes Figure's = Antiquite's Nalionales. Description raisonnie du ALusie de 

Saint-Gcrtnain-en-Laye. Bronzes Jiguris de la Gaule romaine par Salomon Reinach 

...Paris (1895). 
Reinach Pierres Gravies = Bibliotheque des monuments Jiguris grecs et romains. Pierres 

gravies des collections Marlborough et d'Orleans, des recueils d'Eckhel, Gori, 

Levesque de Gravelle, Mariette. Millin, Stosch reunies et reeditees avec un texte 

nouveau par Salomon Reinach... Paris 1895. 
Reinach Rip. Art. Quat. = Salomon Reinach Ripertoire de Part quaternaire Paris 


Reinach Rep. Peintures = Salomon Reinach Repertoire de peiutures du moyen dge et de la 
renaissance (1280 — 1580) i — iii Paris 1905, 1907, 1910. 

Reinach Rep. Reliefs = Salomon Reinach Ripertoire de Reliefs Grecs et Romains i Le> 
ensembles, ii Afrique — lies Britanniques, iii Italie— Suisse Paris 1909, 191 2, 191 2. 

Reinach Rep. Stat. = Salomon Reinach Ripertoire de la statuaire grecque et romaine 
i Clarac de poche, contenant les bas-reliefs de l'ancien fonds du Louvre et les 
Statues antiques du Musee de sculpture de Clarac, avec une introduction, des notices 
et un index, ii Sept mille statues antiques, reunies pour la premiere fois, avec de* 
notices et des index, iii Deux mille six cent quarante statues antiques, reunies 
pour la premiere fois, avec des notices et les index des trois tomes, iv Quatre mille 
statues antiques avec des notices et les index des quatre tomes. Paris 1X97, [89] 
1898, 1904, 1910. 

Reinach Rip. Vases = \ Salomon Reinach Ripertoire des vases peints grecs et etrusques 
i Peintures de vases gravees dans V Atlas et le Compte-rendu de St.-Pctersl>ourg, les 
Motmmenti, Annali et Memorie de l'lnstitut de Rome, YAiehaco.'ogische Zeitung, le 
Bnllettino Xapolitano, le Bullettino Italiano. YEphemeris (1X^.5—1894). le Museo 
Llaliano, avec des notices explicatives et bibliographiques. ii Peintures de vases 
gravees dans les recueils de Millingen (Coghiil), Gerhard (Auserl. Vasenoilder), 
I^borde, Luynes, Roulez, Schulz (Amazonenvase), Tischl>ein (Tome* I— v) avec des 

xl Abbreviations 

notices explicative* et bibliographiqnes,' une bibliographic de la ceramique grecque 

ci , inisque, el HO index dea tomes i et ii. Paris 1899, 1900. 
Reinach lasts Ant.- Bibliothlque des monuments figure's grecs et romains. Pcintures de 
antiques recueillies par Millin (1808) et Millingen (1813) publiees et com- 

mentees par Salomon Reinach...raris 1891. 
Rendiconti d. Lined = Rendiconti della /raid accademia dei l.incei Classe di scien/.e morali, 

storiche e filologiche. Serie Quinta. Roma 1892 — 
Rev. Arthurs Revut arehiologiqtu Paris 1844— , Nouvelle serie Paris i860— , 

•Troisieme serie Paris 1883— , Quatrieme serie Paris 1903— 
Rev. Bttgt dt Num. — Revue beige de numismatique (Continuation of the Revue de la 

numismatique beige Bruxelles 1841— 1874) Bruxelles 1875— 
Reo. fit. Gr. = Revue des eludes grecques Paris 1888 — 

Rev. Num. = Revue numismatique (Continuation of the Revue de la numismatique 
francoise Blois 1836—1837) Blois 1838— , Nouvelle seVie Paris 1856 — , 

Troisieme serie Paris 1883— , Quatrieme serie Paris 1897— 
Rev. Philol. = Revue de philologie, de literature et dliistoire anciennes Paris 1845—1847, 

Nouvelle serie Paris 1877 — 
Rhciu. Mus. = Rheinisches Museum Jit r Philologie, Geschichte und griechische Philosophie 

Bonn 1827— , Rheinisches Museum fur Philologie Bonn 1832— , Neue Folge 

Frankfurt am Main 1842 — 
Robert Sark.-Relfs—Die antiken Sarkophag- Reliefs im Auftrage des kaiserlich deutschen 

archaeologischen Instituts mit Benutzung der Vorarbeiten von Friedrich Matz 

herausgegeben und bearbeitet von Carl Robert. Zweiter Band : Mvthologische 

(yklen Berlin 1890. Dritter Band: Einzelmythen. Erste Abtheilung: Actaeon — 

Hercules Berlin 1897, Zweite Abtheilung: Flippolytos — Meleagros Berlin 1904. 
Roberts Gk. Epigr. = An Introduction to Greek Epigraphy. Part I The Archaic Inscrip- 
tions and the Greek Alphabet. Edited for the Syndics of the University Press by 

E. S. Roberts... Cambridge 1887. 
Roberts — Gardner Gk. Epigr. = An Introduction to Greek Epigraphy. Part II The 

Inscriptions of Attica. Edited by E. S. Roberts. ..and E. A. Gardner... Cambridge 

Robinson Cat. Vases Boston— Y,. Robinson Catalogue of Greek, Etruscan and Roman 

Vases Cambridge, U.S.A. 1893. 
Roehl Inscr. Gr. ant. = Inscriptiones Graecae antiquissimae praeter Atticas in Attica 

repertas. Consilio et auctoritate Academiae Litterarum Regiae Borussicae edidit 

Hermannus Roehl Berolini 1882. 
Rohde Psyche* — Psyche Seelencult und Unsterblichkeitsglaube der Griechen. Von 

Frwin Rohde. Freiburg i. B. und Leipzig 1894, Zweite Auflage. i ii Tubingen und 

Leipzig 1897, Dritte Auflage. i ii Tubingen und Leipzig 1903. 
Rom. Mitth. — Miltheilungen des kaiserlich deutschen archaeologischen Instituts : roemische 

Abtheilung Rom 1886— 
Roscher Lex. Myth. = Ausfuhrliches Lexikon der griechischen und rdmischtn Mythologie 

im Verein mit...hera-usgegeben von W. H. Roscher i — Leipzig 1884-1890 — 
Roulez Vases de Leide= Choix de vases peints du Musie d'Anliquiles de Lcidc ; publies et 

commentes par J. Roulez. ..Gand 1854. 
Roux — Barre Here, et Pomp. = Herculanum et Pompii Recueil general cles peintures, 

bronzes, mosaiques, etc. decouverts jusqu'a ce jour, et reproduits d'apres Le antichita 

di Ercolano, II Museo Borbonico et tous les ouvrages analogues augmente de sujets 

inedits graves au trait sur cuivre par H. Roux aine Et accompagne d'un Texte 

explicatif par M. L. Barre i — viii Paris 1870 — 1872. 
Sambon Monn. ant. It. = Bibliotheque du "Musee." Les monnaies antiques de V Italie 

par Arthur Sambon i Etrurie — Ombrie — Picenum — Samnium— Campanie Fascicule 

1 — 5 Paris 1903 — 1904. 
Sihi.ll— Studemund anecd. = Anecdota varia Graeca et Latina. Ediderunt Rud. Schoell 

et Guil. Studemund. i Anecdota varia Graeca mustca metrica grammatica. 

Abbreviations xli 

Edidit Guilelmus Studemund. ii Procli commentariorum in Rempublicam Platonis 

partes ineditae. Edidit Rudolfus Schoell. Berolini 1886. 
Schrader Real/ex. = Reallexikon der indogermanischen Altertumskunde. Grundziige einer 

Kultur- und Volkergeschichte Alteuropas von O. Schrader. Strassburg 1901. 
Sieveking — Hackl Vasensamml. Alunchen = Die konigliche Vasensammluttg zu Munchen 

herausgegeben von Johannes Sieveking und Rudolf Hackl. i Die iilteren nicht- 

attischen Vasen. Text von R. Hackl. Munchen 191 2. 
Sitzungsber. d. Akad. d. Wiss. Berlin = Sitzungsberichte der kbniglich preussischen 

Akademie der Wissenschaften (zu Berlin) (Continuation of the Monatsberiehte der 

Koniglichen Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin Berlin 1854 — ) 

Berlin 1882— 
Sitzungsber. d. kais. Akad. d. Wiss. in Wien Phil. -hist. Classe = Sitzungsberichte der 

Philosophisch-historischen Classe ( Kiasse) der kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften 

Wien 1848— 
Sitzungsber. d. kais. bayr. Akad. d. Wiss. Phil. -hist. Classe = Sitzungsberichte der konigl. 

bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften Munchen 1861 — , Sitzungsberichte der 

philosophisch-philologischen und (der) historischen Classe (Kiasse) der k. b. Akademie 

der Wissenschaften zu Munchen Munchen 1878 — 
Smith Diet. Biogr. Myth. = Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology. 

Edited by William Smith... i — iii London 1853, I ^54> 1856. 
Smith Diet. Geogr. = Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography. Edited by William 

Smith... i ii London 1854, 1857. 
Smith — Cheetham Diet. Chr. Ant. — A Dictionary of Christian Antiquities comprising 

the history, institutions, and antiquities of the Christian Church, from the time of the 

Apostles to the age of Charlemagne. By various writers, edited by Sir William 

Smith. ..& Samuel Cheetham... Fifth impression, i ii London 1908. 
Smith — Marindin Class. Diet. = A Classical Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography, 

Mythology, and Geography based on the larger dictionaries by the late Sir William 

Smith... Revised throughout and in part rewritten by G. E. Marindin... London 1899. 
Smith — Wace Diet. Chr. Biogr. = A Dictionary of Christian Biography, Literature, 

Sects and Doctrines ; being a continuation of ' The Dictionary of the Bible.' Edi t e d 

by William Smith... and Henry Wace... i — iv London 1877, 1880, 1882, 1887. 
Smith — Wayte — Marindin Diet. Aut.=A Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities. 

Edited by William Smith... William Wayte... G. E. Marindin... Third edition, 

revised and enlarged, i ii London 1890, 1891. 
Sogliano Pitt. mur. Camp. = Le pitture murali campane scoverte ingli anni 18S7—79 

descritte da Antonio Sogliano. Supplemento all' opera dell' Helbig " Wandgemalde 

der vom Vesuv verschiitteten Stadte Campaniens, Leipzig 1868." Xapoli 1879. 
Sta'i's Marbres et Bronzes: Athenes-= Guide illustri ^ u edition corrigee et augmenu'c 

Marbres et Bronzes du Musee National par V. Stai's... r r volume Athenes 1910. 
Stephani Vasensamml. St. Petersburg = Die Vasen-Sammlung der kaiserlichen Enmtagt 

i ii St. Petersburg 1869. 
Stephanus Thes. Gr. Ling. = Qr)<ravp6s rrjs 'E\\t)i>ikt)s yXwffffrjs. Thesaurus i inn-cue 

linguae, ab Henrico Stephano constructus. Post editionem Anglicain novis addita- 

mentis auctum, ordineque alphabetico digestum tertio ediderunt Carolus Henedictus 

Hase,... Guilielmus Dindorfius et Ludovicus Dindorfius... i — viii Parisiis (1831 — 

Stevenson— Smith— Madden Diet. Rom. Coins = A Dictionary of Roman Coins, repu 

and imperial ': commenced by the late Seth William Stevenson. ..revised, in part, 

by C. Roach Smith. ..and completed by Frederic W. Madden... London i sv w 
Stuart- Jones Cat. Sculpt. A/us. Capit. Rome = A Catalogue of the AntittU Sculptures 

preserved in the Afunicipal Collections of Rome. The Sculptures of the Muse I apitolmo. 

By members of the British School at Rome, edited by H. Stuart |omv. with Athuof 

pis. Oxford 191 2. 
Svoronos Ath. National mus. = Das athener Nationalmuseum phototypische Wiedergabe 

xlii Abbreviations 

-ciner Schat/e mit erlauterndem Text von J. N. Svoronos... Deutsche Ausgabe 
beiOCgt von Dr W. Barth Heft i — xxiv Athen 1903 — 191 2. 
Thus. Ling. Iat.= Thesaurus linguae I.atinae editus auctoritate et consilio Academiarum 

quinquc- < Jennanicarum BeroliHensis Gottingensis Lipsiensis Monacensis Vindo- 

lxmensis i — . Lipsiae 1900 — . Index librorum scriptorum inscriptionum 

ex (|uilnis exempla adferuntur. Lipsiae 1904. Supplementuni : nomina propria 

Latina. Lipsiae 1909 — 
The Year's Work in Class. Stud. = The Year's Work in Classical Studies 1906 — 

London 1907 — 
Tiryns = Kaiserlich dcutsches archaeologisches Inst i tut in Athen. Tiryns. Die Ergebnisse 

der Ausgrabungen des Instituts. 

i 1. Die Hera von Tiryns, von August Frickenhaus. 2. Die ' geometrische ' 
Nekropole, von Walter Midler und Franz Oelmann. Athen 1912. 

ii Die Fresken des Palastes von Gerhart Rodenwaldt mit Beitragen von Rudolf 
Hacklt und Noel Heaton. " Athen 1912. 
Vasos griegos Madrid - Francisco Alvarez-Ossorio Vasos griegos etruscos e" italo-griegos 

que se conservan en el Museo Arqueologico Nac/onal Madrid 19 10. 
Verh. d. 40. rhilologenversamml. in Gbrlitz = Verhandlungen der vierzigsten Versavunhtng 

deutscher Philologen und Schulmanner in Gbrlitz vom 2. bis 5. Oktober 1889. Leipzig 
• 1890. 
Villoison anecd.=Anecdota Graca E Regia Parisiensi ; & e Veneta S. Marci Bibliothecis 

deprompta Edidit Johannes Baptista Caspar d'Ansse de Villoison... i ii Venetiis 1781. 
Yisconti Mm, Pie-Clem. = CEuvres de Ehnius Quirinus Visconti. Musee Pie-CUmentin 

i — vii Milan 1818 — 1822, Monumens du Musie Chiaramonti, decrits et expliques 

par Philippe Aurele Visconti et Joseph Guattani, Servant de suite et de complement 

au Musee Pie-Clementin, traduit de l'italien par A. F. Sergent-Marceau Milan 1822. 
Von Rohden — Winnefeld Ant. Terrakotten — Die antiken Terrakotten im Auftrag des 

archaologischen Instituts des deutschen Reichs herausgegeben von Reinhard Kekule 

von Stradonitz. Band iv, 1 Architektonische romische Tonreliefs der Kaiserzeit 

bearbeitet von Hermann von Rohden unter Mitwirkung von Hermann Winnefeld. 

Text und Tafeln. Berlin und Stuttgart 191 1. 
Von Sacken Ant. Bronzen Wien = E. von Sacken Die antiken Bronzen des k. k. Miinz- 

itnd Antiken-Cabinetes in Wien Wien 1871. 
Waddington— Babelon— Reinach Monn. gr. cTAs. Min. = AcadSmie des Inscriptions et 

Belles- Lettres (Fondation Piot) . Recueil general des monnaies grecques d 'Asie Mtneure 

commence par feu W. H. Waddington... continue et complete par E. Babelon... 

Th. Reinach... Tome premier. Premier fascicule: Pont et Paphlagonie. Paris 

1904. Deuxieme fascicule : Bithynie (jusqu'a Juliopolis). Paris 1908. Troisieme 

fascicule: Nicee et Nicomedie. Paris 1910. 
Walde lot. etym. Wbrterb. = Lateimsches etymologise lies Worterbuch von Dr. Alois 

Walde... Heidelberg 1906. 
Welcker Alt. Deukm. = Alle Denkmaler erklart von F. G. Welcker. 

i Die Giebelgruppen und andre Griechische Gruppen und Statuen. Gottingen 1849. 

ii Basreliefe und geschnittne Steine. Gottingen 1850. 

Hi Griechische Vasengemalde. Gottingen 1851. 

iv Wandgenialde. Mit einer Abhandlung iiber Wandmalerei und Tafelnialerei. 
Gottingen 1861. 

v Statuen, Basreliefe und Vasengemalde. Gottingen 1864. 
Welcker Gr. GbtterL= Griechische Gbtterlehre von F. G. Welcker i— iii Gottingen 1857, 

i860, 1863. 
Wide Lakon. Kulte = Lakonische Kulte dargestellt von Sam Wide Leipzig 1893. 
Wim. Vorlegebl.= Vorlegebldtter fiir archaeologische Ubungen Serie i— viii herausgegeben 

von A. Conze Wien 1869— 1876, Serie A— E herausgegeben von O. Benndorf 

Wien 1879—1886, Serie 1888, 1889, 1890/91 herausgegeben von O. Benndorf 

Wien 1889, 1890, 1 89 1. 

Abbreviations xliii 

Wilmanns Ex. inscr. Lat. — Exempla inscriptionum l.atinarum in usum praecipue 
Academicum composuit Gustavus Wilmanns. i ii Berolini 1873. 

Wiiiikclmaunsfest-Progr. Berlin = Feslgedanken an Winckelmann von Kduard Gerhard 
Berlin 1841, Ziveites — Programm zum berliner Winckelmannsfest Berlin 1842 — , 
Antikenkranz zum neunten — berliner Winckelmannsfest Berlin 1849 — , Z-wlftes 
Programm der archiiologischen Gesellschaft zu Berlin zum Geddchtnisstag Winckel- 
manns Berlin 1852, Vierzehntes — Programm zum Winckelmannsfest der archdolo- 
gischen Gesellschaft zu Berlin Berlin 1854 — 

Winckelmannsfest- Progr. Halle = Erstes ( — Dreizehntes) hallesches (hallisches) Winckel- 
mannsprogramm ... von Heinrich Heydemann. Halle a/S. 1876 — 1888, Vierzehntes 
( — Postumes vierundzioanzigstes) hallisches Winckelmannsprogramm . . . von Carl 
Robert. Halle 1890— 1903. 

VVinnefeld Vasensamml. Karlsruhe = Grossh. Vereinigte Sammlungen zu Karlsruhe. 
Beschreibung der Vasensammlung son Hermann Winnefeld Karlsruhe 1887. 

Winter Ant. Terrakotten = Die antiken Terrakotten im Auftrag des archaologischen 
Institute des deutschen Reichs herausgegeben von Reinhard Kekule von Stradonitz. 
Band iii, i Die Typen der figiirlichen Terrakotten bearbeitet von Franz Winter, 
i ii Berlin und Stuttgart 1903. 

Wissowa Pel. Kult. Rom. — Religion und Kultus der Romer (Handbuch der klassischen 
A Itertums-wissenschaft herausgegeben von Dr. Iwan von Midler v. Band, 4. Abteilung) 
von Dr. Georg Wissowa... Miinchen 1902, Zweite Auflage Mlinchen 1912. 

Zeitschr.f. Num.=ZeitschriftfurNumismatik~2>zxX\\\ 1874 — 



§ i. Zeus and the Daylight. 
(a) Zeus the Sky. 

THE supreme deity of the ancient Greeks, during their historical 
period at least, was Zeus. H|s„name, referable to a_jx>ot that 
means 'to shine,' may be rendered 'the Bright One 1 .' And, since 
a whole series of related words in the various languages of the 
Indo-Europaean family is used to denote 'day' or 'sky 2 ,' it can 
be safely inferred that Zeus was called ' the Bright One ' as being 
the god of the bright or day-light sky 3 . Indeed a presumption 

1 K. Brugmann Grundriss der vergleichenden Gramtnatik der indogtrmanischen 
Sprachen* Strassburg 1897 i. 204, 210, 263, 276 f., 307, 527, 797, 1906 ii. 1. 133 f., 
id. Kurze vergleichende Grammatik der indogermanischen Sprachen Strassburg 1904 
p. 312, Schrader Reallex. p. 670, H. Hirt Die Indogermanen Strassburg 1907 ii. 506. 
The Greek Zei^j and the Old Indian Dyatis represent an Indo-Europaean * from 
the root di: die: de{a, 'to shine.' 

2 This series as collected by Walde Lat. etym. Wbrterb. s.w. deus, dies, and Hirt 
op. cit. ii. 734 f. includes the following forms: Greek frStos 'at mid-day,' evdla 'clear 
sky' ; Latin sub divo 'under the open sky,' dies 'day'; Welsh dim dyw dydd 'day,' 
Breton dez 'day,' Cornish det 'day,' Irish indiu 'to-day'; Gothic sin-teins 'daily'; 
Lithuanian diena ' day,' Slavonic dini ' day ' ; Albanian dit» ' day ' ; Armenian tiv ' day ' ; 
Old Indian diva 'on the day,' divdm, ' day, sky.' 

3 Two misleading explanations may here be noted. (1) E. H. Meyer Germanische 
Mythologie Berlin 1891 pp. 182, 220 holds that Zei/s denotes properly the 'hurler' or 
'discharger' of rays (cp. H. Grassmann Wdrlerbuch turn Rig-veda Leipzig 1873 — 1875 
p. 600 s. v. div.) and infers that he must have been the lightning-god, not as is com- 
monly supposed the god of bright day-light. But the frequent use of the word dyaus in 
the Rig-veda for 'sky' or 'day' (A. A. Macdonell Vedic Mythology Strassburg 1897 
p. 21, P. von Bradke Dy&us Asura Halle 1885 p. no) and the existence of the forms 
recorded in the foregoing note are conclusive in favour of the common view. 

(2) Frazer Golden Bough} ii. 369, ib.- iii. 456 f., suggested that Zeus was named 
' Bright' as being the oak-god, i.e. god of the tree whose wood was used in lire-making. 
Against this view I protested in the Class. Rev. 1902 xvi. 372, as did Gruppe Gr. Myth. 
Rel. p. 1100 n. 2. And Frazer op. cit? ii. 358 n. 1 admits that he ' was disused t<> >ct 
aside much too summarily what may be called the meteorological side of Zeus and 
Jupiter,' though he still regards the oak-tree as the primary, not a secondary, element in 
their composite nature (ib. ii. 373 ff.). I now hold, and shall hope in vol. ii of the 
present work to show, that the oak was originally the tree of the earth-mother rather 
than the tree of the sky-father, and that the latter acquired it in the first instance through 
association with the former. 

2 Zeus the Sky 

is raised that Zeus was at first conceived, not in anthropomorphic 
fashion as the bright sky-god, but simply as the bright sky itself. 
True, the Greeks at the time when their literature begins had 
advanced far beyond this primitive view. Zeus in the Iliad is 
already the potent, if not omnipotent, ruler of the gods, the 
description of whose nod is said to have inspired Pheidias' master- 
piece at Olympia 1 : 

So spake the son of Kronos and thereto 
Nodded with darkling brow 2 : the lordly locks, 

1 Strab. 354, Val. Max. 3. 7. ext. 4, Dion Chrys. or. 12 p. 383 Reiske, Macrob. Sat. 
5. 13. 23, Eustath. in II. p. 145, 10 ff., cp. Polyb. 30. 10. 6, Plout. v. Aem. Paul. 28. 

2 Kvavtrjffiv tir' 6<ppv<rt. ' Blue ' here implies ' black ' (see Stephanus Thes. Gr. Ling, 
s.w. icvdveos and its compounds) — a confusion characteristic of early thought and as such 
well known to anthropologists. A seated figure of Zeus from a sixth-century poros pediment, 
now in the Akropolis Museum at Athens, has undeniably black hair, eyebrows, and 
beard (T. Wi^egand Die archaische Poros- Architektur der Akropolis zu Athen Cassel and 
Leipzig 1904 p. 97 ff. pi. 8, 1 — 2). 

It is probable that Pheidias' chryselephantine Zeus and its copies had hair and beard 
of gold ; for Lucian makes Zeus complain that a couple of his curls, weighing six minas 
apiece, were cut off and stolen from Pisa by burglars (Loukian. Iup. trag. 25), and 
Pausanias states that Theokosmos of Megara, helped by Pheidias, made for the Megarian 
Olympieton a statue of Zeus, which had irp6auirov e\£<pavTos Kai xpvaov (Paus. 1. 40. 4). 
Put it would be rash to infer from this that the god was essentially fair-haired. The 
Minoans of Knossos made ivory statuettes of athletes with hair of gilded bronze (Ann. 
Brit. Sch. Ath. 1901 — 1902 viii. 72 f. pis. 2 f.). Were they blondes? Herodes Attikos 
erected a chryselephantine statue of Poseidon in the Isthmian temple (Paus. 2. 1. 7 f.). 
But Poseidon was not xanthotrichous. 

A terra-cotta head of Zeus found at Olympia and dating from the first quarter of the 
fifth century B.C. bears traces of a blackish brown varnish on the hair, on the forehead, 
and round the eyes : this was either a protective coating (G. Treu in Olympia iii. 35 f. 
pi. 7, 4 and fig. 37), or more probably a lustre intended to imitate the effect of bronze 
(A. Furtwangler Die Bronzefunde aus Olympia Berlin 1879 p. 90, W. Deonna Les 
statues de terre cuite dans I'antiquite: Sicile etc. Paris 1908 p. 25 f.). The terra-cottas 
from Smyrna that show Zeus or Zeus Sarapis with gilded head and hair (Brit. Mus. Cat. 
Terracottas C 445, cp. D 392, S. Reinach Esquisses archiologiques Paris 1888 p. 223 f.) 
may denote a similar attempt to copy gilt bronze. A terra-cotta head of Zeus, found "by 
Lord Savile at Lanuvium and now in the Fitzwilliam Museum at Cambridge, came 
probably from a pediment of the third century B.C. (W. Deonna op. cit. p. 138) : it shows 
traces of red in the hair and beard ; but here we have to reckon with the conventional 
colouring of architecture (A. Furtwangler Aegina Mtinchen 1906 i. 304 ff.). 

Greek vase-painters, bound by their artistic traditions, commonly of course represent 
Zeus with black hair, but occasionally give him a grey beard or white hair (Overbeck 
Gr. Kunstmyth. Zeus p. 29). 

Not till Roman times do we get a demonstrably light-haired Zeus. On wall-paintings 
from the Villa Farnesina (Gaz. Arch. 1883 viii. 99 f. pi. 15 Zeus with the attributes of 
Dionysos, Ann. d. Inst. 1884 lvi. 320, Mon. d. Inst. xii. pi. 7, 5, P. Girard La Peinture 
Antique Paris- 1891 p. 309 fig. 188, Helbig Guide Class. Ant. Pome ii. 246 no. 1083) an d 
from Pompeii (listed in Helbig Wandgem. Camp. p. 30 ff., Sogliano Pitt. mur. Camp. 
p. 19 ff., Herrmann Deni'tn. d. Malerei pis. 11, 46, 2, etc.) his hair varies from dark to 
light. A wall-painting of the Hadrianic age from Eleusis shows him enthroned with a 
Nike in his right hand, a sceptre in his left : his head is unfortunately mutilated, but 

Zeus the Sky 

Ambrosial, on his immortal head 

Shook — at their shaking all Olympos quaked 1 . 

Nevertheless, although Zeus as conceived by the Homeric minstrel 
is fully anthropomorphic, certain traces of the earlier conception 
persisted even into post-Homeric times-. The evidence is linguistic 
rather than literary. I shall begin by passing it in review. 

Closely akin to the substantive Zeiis is the adjective dios, which 
denotes properly ' of or ' belonging to Zeus 3 .' This meaning it 
actually bears in Attic drama 4 . But how comes it that in the 
much earlier Homeric poems it has the force of 'bright' or 
' glorious ' without any such restriction to the property of a 
personal Zeus 5 ? Probably because the word was formed before 
Zeus became a personality, when as yet he was the Zeus, the 
radiant sky credited with an impersonal life of its own. Dios in 
fact meant at first 'of or 'belonging to the bright sky'; and a 
vestige of its primary meaning is to be found in the frequent 
Homeric phrases 'the bright upper air 6 ' and 'the bright dawn 7 .' 
The transition from brightness in this sense to glory or splendour 
in general is hot hard to follow. Further, when Zeus came to be 
regarded as an individual sky-god, the way was open for dios, 
' of the bright sky,' to take on the more personal meaning, ' of the 

enough remains to prove that the beard, like the body, was red-brown in colour shaded 
with black ('E<p. 'Apx- 1888 p. 77 ff. pi. 5). 

1 //. 1. 528 ff., cp. 8. 199 (of Hera). For a similar explanation of earthquakes in 
modern Greece see infra ch. ii. § 5. 

2 Wissowa Rel. Kult. Rom. p. 100 contrasts Zeus the personal sky-god with Iupiter 
the actual sky (cp. W. Warde Fowler The Religious Experience of the Roman People 
London 1911 pp. 128, 141). But the contrast was neither originally nor finally 
valid : at the first both Zeus and Iupiter were the sky ; at the last both were the 

3 Brugmann Grundriss etc. 3 ii. 1. 187 (' himmlisch'), id. Kurze vergl. Gram. etc. 
pp. 99 ('himmlisch'), 360 ('gottlich'), L. Meyer Handb. d. gr. Etym. iii. 175 f. ('von 
Zeus herrlihrend, Zeus angehorend,' dann allgemeiner 'himmlisch, gottlich, herrlich ' 
oder ahnlich), I'rellwitz Etym. Wbrterb. d. Gr. Spr.* p. 117 ('gottlich'), Boisacq 
Diet. e"tym. de la Langue Gr. p. 189 f. ('divin'), treat Stos as *Slfios from Ai/"-, 

* E.g. Aisch. P. v. 619 /3oi5Xeu/xa ftiv rb Alov, ' H<paLffTov Si x f ^P> E ur - Ion 1144 
duddrjfia Aiov 7rat56s. 

8 According to H. Ebeling Lexicon Homericum Lipsiae 1885 i. 310 f. Hornet has 
5tbs in the sense 'bright' or 'glorious' of goddesses (but not gods, though in frag. h. 
Dion. 2 Slov yivot is Dionysos son of Zeus, and in //. 17. 581 Zenodotos wrote Siot'Apm), 
nymphs, men and women, peoples and places, divine horses, rivers and mountain-peaks, 
land and sea. 

6 //. 16. 365, h. Dem. 70 al6ipo% ht Slt\<i, Od. 19. 540 ii alOipa Stay, cp. Kmped. frag. 
109, i Diels aldipa. b'lov, Aisch. P. v. 88 w Slot ald^p, Orph. frag. 53, 1 Abel aitipt Jiy, 
167, 1 aldipa btov. 

7 //. 24. 417 ijwj 5r« 5?a (parim, ib. 9. 240, 662, 11. 723, 18. 25$, Od. 9. 151, 306, 436, 
"• 375. «• 7. 16. 368, 19. 50, 342 i)w Slay. 

I — 2 

Zeus the Sky 

«nxl Zeus.' Thus, on the assumption that Zeus began life as the 
Zeus, both Homeric and Attic usages arc satisfactorily explained 1 . 
We note in passing that in north-eastern Phrygia Zeus was 
worshipped as Zeus l)ios\ a double appellation which recalls the 
Pea Dia of the Romans and very possibly attests the survival 
anion- the Thraco- Phrygian folk of an early, not to say primitive, 

Another adjective atdios occurs in epic verse with the meaning 
"in broad day-light' or 'at mid-day 11 .' For example, Nestor in 
the Iliad describes an expedition in which he had once taken part: 

At mid-day endioi came we to the sacred stream 

Kidothca too in the Odyssey tells Menelaos the habits of her father 
Proteus : 

What time the Sun bestrides mid heaven, there comes 
Shoreward the unerring Ancient of the Sea 5 . 

And fifty lines further on her word is made good : 

At mid-day (radios) came the Ancient from the sea . 

1 Another possible, hut -as it seems to me — less probable, explanation would be to 
say that A;y5 meant originally 'of Zeus,' i.e. of the personal Zeus, and that its meaning 
had been widened am! weakened by epic usage till dios came to signify merely 'divine,' 
while yet Attic poetry retained the primary force of the word AZos, 'of Zeus.' That 
different dialect- should he ai different stages in the evolution of the meaning of a given 
word, audi even that the earl\' poetry of one dialect should give only the later meaning 
while the later poetry of another dialect gave only the early meaning, is certainly thinkable. 
Hut the hypothesis -el forth in the text involves fewer assumptions. 

- A. Korte in the Gotl. Gel. Air.. 1897 clix. 409 f. publishes (after G. Radet 'En 
I'hrygie' in the Xonve/i, Air birrs de.s Missions Scientific/lies Paris 1895 vi. 425 — 594) a 
limestone altar at KA.bcliehir in the Kiitschiik-1 Ian inscribed 'KyaOri rvxv I 'SoXuv iepos 
^tt T'i iwi-a-ji^ A[ t ] i. Aiw fi'xW' <¥ \ *« iavTw fQv. On the upper part of the altar are 
two bunches of grapes ; on the base, a plough of a kind still much used in Anatolia. 
Korte observe- that the >pi; unity of 1 in Aios is doubtful, and suggests that we have here 
perhaps ■ i},n uralten I limmelsgott Ai'os ' (an ancient nominative assumed by II. Usener 
iitii>i,-u lioim 1896 pp. 43. 70 f. to account for Aidadvos, A/os KdpivOos, nu-dius 
:. rtius, I>in fulius, AnAXos). This, however, is highly precarious. I prefer to write 
AiV>? with Sir W. M. Ram-ay Studies in the History and Art 0/ the Eastern Prervinees 
Roman Km /-in Aberdeen 1900 p. 275, who notes that Solon, servitor of Zeus 
Ah*, discharged .1 vow to his god and by the same act of devotion made a tomb for 

• So Souid. ■..:■. (Voios, Ilesych. 1 . tvota, tvSios, eVoiois, et. mag. p. 339, i, el. Gud. 
p. 186, 39, Orion p. 60. 4. Apollon. lex. Horn. s.v. &/<5eios, Cramer aneed. Oxon. ii. 
200, 7 f. 

4 //. 11. 720 with Faistath. in II. p. 881, 5 iieo-qufipiav : schol. V. ad loc. says 
Ota Ou\iai>. 

'■' Od. 4. 400 f. 

'• Il>. 4_;o with scholl. V. U.K. «V5ios - p.caT]/x l 3pi.v6s. 

Zeus the Sky 5 

Similarly Souidas cites the following couplet, perhaps by Kalli- 
machos : 

So, while mid-day (dndios) endured and earth grew hot, 
More brilliant than crystal shone the sky 1 . 

From this adjective are derived verbs meaning ' to take a mid-day 
siesta 2 ,' 'to live in the open air 3 ,' 'to grow up into the air 4 .' But 
the adjective itself must have meant originally 'in the Zeus' or 
' in the bright sky 5 ,' thence passing into the sense ' in broad day- 
light,' ' at mid-day 6 .' 

Lastly, there is the adjective cudios 'with a clear sky, tranquil 7 ,' 
the substantive eudia 'a clear sky, calm weather 8 ,' and the verbs 
eudidn, mdidzesthai ' to be serene 9 .' These all spring from the 
same root as dios, e'ndios™, and alike bear witness to the fact that 

1 Souid. s.v. &<5ios=:Kallim. frag. an. 24 Schneider. Hellenistic poets affected the 
word, e.g. Kallim. h. Devi. 39 itotl tuvSiov with schol. irepl to fj.effr)fif}pivbv, id. J rag. 124 
Schneider tSeos ivSloio, id. Hekale frag. pap. col. iv, 2 dXX' 1) vv£ 1j IvSios 1} Ever' r)p.ap, 
Ap. Rhod. 1. 603 ^s IvSiov with schol. fiixP 1 fito-qufjplas, id. 4. 13 10 f. tvSiov rinap hjv, 
irepl 5' b^vrarat dlpov avyal \ r)e\lov At^vrjv, Theokr. 16. 95 irotpiivas ivSlovt with schol. 
vet. Kara rrjv /xecxrifi^plav and gloss M. SeiXivoOs (imitated by Antiphilos in Anth. Pal. 
9. 71), Arat. phaen. 498 wevre p.iv ivdia arpirperai icad' viriprepa yalrjs with schol. rb Si 
ZvSta iififpivd, b\j/i)\a inrip yrjv, irapa tov ivSiov Kaupbv tov fj.eo-r)fji{ipivbv, id. 954 f. Kal /36« 
ijSi) toi irdpos CSaros ivSloio \ ovpavbv el&aviSbvres air' aidepos ixxupp-qaavro with schol. rb Si 
vSaroi iv Sloio ijyovv /xeo-qu^ptvov Kal ovpavlov. 

2 'EvSidfctv : Plout. symp. 8. 6. 5, v. Rom. 4, v. Lucull. 16. Cp. Hesych. ivSiwvrai' 

3 'EvSiav : Theokr. 16. 38, 22. 44, Anth. Pal. 5. 291. 6 Agathias. The verb came to 
mean simply 'to dwell': Anth. Pal. 2. 122 Christodoros, ib. 4. 4. 10 Agathias, it. 5. 
269. 10 Paulus Silentiarius. The (Alexandrine?) author of the Homeric h. Sel. says of 
the full moon 6 d/c-riWs 8' ivSidourai, which E. E. Sikes ad loc. would render : ' are as 
bright as day.' 

4 'EvSiovv. Tad. Heracl. 1. i2of. ravra Si irdvra (se. ra SivSpa) Tt<pvTtvfjiiva xap- 
i£bvri Kal ivSelSiuiKdra, which G. Kaibel in the Inscr. Gr. Sic. It. p. 174 renders 
'arbores quae in aerem succreverunt.' 

6 "EvSios is related to iv Ad as is ivvtix 10 * to tv vvktI or ivdXtos to iv d\i: see L. Meyer 
Handb. d. gr. Etym. i. 423, Prellwitz Etym. Wbrterb. d. Gr. Spr? p. 142, Boisacq Diet. 
e"tym. de la Langue Gr. p. 250. 

W. Prellwitz Eine griechische und eine lateinische Etymologie Bartenstein 1895 p. 8 
notes that tvSTos is for ivSifios and ivSlos for ZvSifos, both being derived from iv AifL, ' fan 
Zeus, im lichten Tage. ' 

8 Cp. Od. 8. 449 aMSipv, 'straightway,' lit. 'on the self-same day' (so I'rellwit/ 
Etym. Worterb. d. Gr. Spr? p. 66, Boisacq op. eit. p. 103, on the analogy of avrrjuap). 

7 E.g. Arat. phaen. 823 evSiov...i}uaTos, Geopon. 18. 3. 6 rifrfpas tvSlov, Orph. h. Aith. 
5. 6 Xlro/xal <re (se. Aither) KeKpauivov evSiov elvai, id. h. Hel. 8. 13 f. addvart Z(Q, \ tCStt, 
icaoHpai* of the sun, Arat. phaen. 784 eQSifo k etr) of the moon, Anth. Pal. 9. 806. 3 
xavaiyX-qevra Kal eOSiov of a space cleared for a sun-dial. 

8 E.g. Pind. 1st Am. 7 (6). 37 f. euSiav Sxacatv \ ix x"/^'". Theophr. eaus. pi. 3. 23. 5 
idv yap evSLai Kal rd vbrta iviffx^ u<ri - 

9 E.g. Arat. pAaen. 899 irdvTi\ Atbs evSibwvrot wilh schol. tvSiat odrft, Plat. AaukM. 
370 D /9fos, d<ra\e&r<f> yavxia (vSiafb/jievos. 

10 Prellwitz op. eit. p. 162, Boisacq op. eit. p. 293. 

Zeus the Sky 

Zeus once signified the animate sky. It is interesting to observe 
that the tenth-century scholar, who compiled the great Greek 
lexikon known as the Etymologicum Magnum, seems to have had 
an inkling of the truth ; for in discussing the words eiidios and 
eudia he suggests as a possible derivation — 'or because Zeus 
denotes "the sky" also 1 .' 

When the pre-anthropomorphic conception of Zeus had de- 
veloped into the anthropomorphic, the natural tendency would be 
to forget the former in the latter. We can hardly expect, therefore, 
to find in extant Greek literature the name Zetis used as a simple 
equivalent of ' the sky.' Still, there are occasional passages of a 
more or less colloquial sort, in which the ancient usage may be 
detected. Thus Aristophanes in his comedy Friends of the Frying- 
pan makes one of the characters exclaim : 

And how should Plouton bear the name he does bear, 

Had he not got the best of it? I'll explain. 

The things of earth surpass the things of Zeus. 

When you are weighing, 'tis the laden pan 

Seeks earth, the empty one goes up towards Zeus 2 . 

The remark gains in point, if we may suppose that 'towards Zeus' 
was a popular expression for ' sky-wards 3 .' It certainly appears 
to be used in that sense by Euripides : he has in his Kyklops the 
following conversation between Polyphemos, who has returned 
home unexpectedly, and the Chorus of Satyrs, who are caught 
idling and so face their ferocious master with hanging heads : 

Kyklops. Look up, not down. 

Chorus. There ! We are staring up towards Zeus himself : 
I see the stars ; I see Orion too 4 . 

Plutarch, again, quotes a witty epigram on Lysippos' statue of 
Alexander the Great with its characteristic upturned gaze: 

The man of bronze who looks to Zeus 
Says (so I should opine) — 

1 Et. mag. p. 389, 35 f) Uti 6 Zebs 0-qp.aLvei Kai rbv ovpavbv, cp. ib. p. 409, 6 (Zet>$ 
(rrinalvei.) rbv 0ebv rj rbv ovpavbv. So Lyd. de mens. 4. 176 p. 183, 9 ff. Wiinsch Zet>s yap 
b drip... ware dtoar/fitla rb rod aipos o-qntiov, wo-irep etibiov rb^irpaov Kai ya\y]vbv tov aepos 
kclXcitcu ffxwa, Eustath. in II. p. 88 r, 9 Zvdioi. fous Se Kai rrapa rbv vypbv Ala, 8 iariv 
dipa, Tzetz. alleg. II. 1. 375 koI Zei>s ai/ros r/pifirjaev etibios aiiv aidtpi. On the equation of 
Zetfs with df)p see further infra p. 30. 

2 Aristoph. Tagenistaefrag. 1. 1—5 Meineke ap. Stob. flor. 121. 18 (ed. Gaisford iii. 
417) : the last clause is orav yap lcrrq.s, tov toX&vtov rb ptirov \ Karu /3a5^et, rb 8i Kevbv 
rrpbs rbv Ata. 

3 For a Latin parallel see Ap. nut. 10. 21 (cod. Laur. 54. 24) dentes ad Iovem elevans 
(of an ass looking up). 

4 Eur. Cycl. 211 ff. KT. /3\^7rer avu Kai fir] k6.tu. \ XO. loot, rrpbs avrbv rbv At' avaxe- 
K<u<pap.ev, I Kai T&<rrpa Kai tov 'ilpluva bipKopiai. 

Zeus the Sky 

' This earth I keep for my own use ; 
The sky, Zeus, is for thine 1 .' 

With these passages of comedy and quasi-comedy should be 
compared certain others of more serious tone, in which the poet 
says • the rays of Zeus ' or ' the light of Zeus ' where we should 
say ' the light of day.' The Iliad thus describes the crash of a 
battle between Argives and Trojans: 

The din of both 
Rose to the upper sky and the rays of Zeus 2 . 

Hekabe in the tragedy that Euripides named after her speaks of 
her dead son Polydoros as — 

No longer in the light of Zeus 3 . 

In the same poet's Iphigeneia at Aulis the heroine, when she 
departs to her death, bids adieu to the day-light : 

O lamp of day 
And light of Zeus, 
Another life, 
Another lot 
Henceforth be mine. 
Loved light, farewell 4 . 

In such passages it is difficult to determine whether Zeus is 
conceived as anthropomorphic, or not. Anthropomorphism is, 
however, apparent in the Rhesos, where Euripides writes not only 
' the light of the god 5 ' but also ' Zeus god of Light 8 .' 

1 Plout. de Alex. magn. i. 9, 2. 2 ( = Cougny A?ith. Pal. Append. 3. 53) avSaaovvTi 
8' 2oiKev 6 xa^teos eis Aia XeiWow | 'yotv vir' e/xol rtdefiai, Zev, ai> 8' "QXvfxicov exe.' 

2 //. 13. 837 t'lXV S' atupoTipwi/ '(k€T aWipa. /ecu Aids avyds. Schol. B. Aids yap airyds 
Xtyei tov 01/pavbv. Schol. V. tov ovpavbv Si cuWpos ovpavbv rjnev (II. 2. 458). So schol. T., 
adding oi Si "Aids" tov tjXLov, IIXcitwj'i/cws. Cp. Eustath. in II. p. 962, 64 f. Aids abydi, 

£<ttiv ijXlov /caret toi)s 7ra\aiotfs and et. mag. p. 409, 9 which quotes the line as proof that 
Zetfs sometimes means 'the sun.' Hesych. Aids avydf rijs yntpas rb <p£>s. rbv aldipa. 
The phrase recurs in a Greek metrical inscription found at Ostia (Inscr. Gr. Sic. It. 
no. 940 [eV aldi]pi ical Aids aiiyats). 

8 Eur. Hec. 707 ou/ceV ovra Aids iv <pdei. 

4 Id. I. A. 1505 ff. Iw lu>, I XafiiraSovxos dp^pa | Aids re cpiyyos, k.t.\. 

5 Id. Rhes. 331 Toviribv oiXas 8eov = ' to-morrow.' 

6 Id. id. 355 Zeus d $avaios. Perhaps we should rather render ' He that Appeareth ' ; 
cp. ib. 370 <pdv7}0i. The same title was borne by Apollon in Chios (Hesych. s.v. *cweuos), 
and is thus explained by Macrob. Sat. 1. 17. 34: <&avaiov (MSS. Qavtbv) ixeiSr) Qabrcrat 
vtos, quia sol cotidie renovat sese. Cornut. theol. 32 p. 67, 3 f. Lang has (' AwbXXwva) 
$avdiov dirb tov SrjXovadat St' ai>Tov to. ovto. koX <pioTlfcffOat tov Kbjpov. But, as applied to 
the Chian Apollon, and presumably also to Zeus, the epithet was at first a mere iQvtKbr, 

1 the god of Phanai ' ; for Strab. 645 in describing Chios mentions Qdvat, Aim'?* pctOvi, 
/cat vews 'AirbWcovos ko.1 iXaos (poivUwv, though Steph. Byz. s.v. 4>dvai says dxpuriiptw rift 
Xlov, dirb tov ticetOev dva<pavi)vai ry Ar)rot tt\v AfjXov. ol olieffropfs <b<watoi k.t.X. The 
port and promontory are referred to by other writers (Aristoph. av. 1694 with schol., 

8 Zeus the Sky 

For fifteen hundred years and more, in fact till the decay of 
paganism, the anthropomorphic conception of Zeus held the field. 
Yet the older view was never very far below the surface, and from 
time to time, as we shall see, it cropped up in a variety of ways. 
Even in the extreme decadence of Greek letters there was a 
scholastic resuscitation of it. Thus, the original Zeus was simply 
the radiant day-light Sky. With the rise of anthropomorphism 
this belief was obscured and overlaid. The Zeus of Hesiodic 
mythology is described as grandson of an older god Ouranos, the 
starry midnight ' Sky 1 .' In Hellenic times the two Spartan kings 
were respectively priests of Zeus Lakedaimon and Zeus Ourdnios 
('of the Sky 2 '). In the Hellenistic age the latter title was much 
used by the poets 3 : it afforded a point of contact between the 
Greek Zeus and the Semitic Ba'al-samin, 'Lord of Heaven 4 .' 
Finally, Byzantine learning spoke of Zeus ouranos, Zeus the 
' sky 5 ,' a title which in letter, though not in spirit, recalled the 
primary idea of the animate Sky. 

Thouk. 8. 24, Ptolem. 5. 2 p. 323, 19, Liv. 36. 43, 44. 28, 45. 10, Verg. georg. 2. 98 with 
Serv. ad loc). 

Orphic writers occasionally gave the name Zeus to their first-born deity Qdvqs 
(Damaskios quaest. de primis principiis p. 38o=Orph._/raf. 48 Abel TLpurbyovov dvvfivei 
Kal Ala Ka\ei irdvruv SiardKropa, Euseb. praep. ev. 3. 9. 1 f. = Stob. eel. 1. I. 23 = Orph. 
frag. 123 Abel Zeus irpwTos yivero k.t.X. : see O. Gruppe in Roscher Z&r. Myth. iii. 2260), 
whose own name was explained sometimes as referring to Light (Io. Malal. ehron. 4 p. 74 
Dindorf, Souid. s.v. 'OpQevs 7 <pws) or to Day (Theon Smyrn. expos, rerum mathemat. ad 
legendum Platonem utilium p. i05 = Orph. frag. 171 Abel <&avr) re piyav km vvKra 
p.i\aivav), but usually as a description of the Sun (Macrob. Sat. 1. 18. 13, Diod. 1. n, 
Iambi, theol. arith. p. 60 : see E. Zeller A History of Greek Philosophy trans. S. F. Alleyne 
London 1881 i. 106 n. 4, O. Gruppe in Roscher Lex. Myth. iii. 2255 f.). On a relief at 
Modena representing Phanes with a thunderbolt in his right hand see R. Eisler IVelten- 
mantel und Himmelszelt Miinchen 1910 ii. 399 ff. fig. 47. 

1 The relation of Ouranos to Gaia, and of both to Zeus, will be considered later. 

2 Hdt. 6. 56. Wide Lakon. Kulte p. 3 cites Corp. inscr. Gr. i no. 1241, 8 ff. 
[ayw]i>o6tTTi$ \ [twv] fieydXuv Ov[pa\vlu]v, no. 1258, 6 ff. [i]|e/>ei)s ye[v6p.evos ?J | Aids 
Ovp[avlov], no. 1276, 9 f. lepei/s \ Ovpavlwv, Lebas-Foucart Peloponnlse no. 179 a, 3 f . 
vtiK-qcavTa. rpayudovs 0iipav\id8a y ( = Corp. inscr. Gr. i no. 1420, cp. nos. 1421, n f., 
1429, 4f., 1473, 1, 17 19, 6), Corp. inscr. Gr. i no. 1424, 1 ff. tQiv p.eylo-ruv Ovpavluv | 2e- 
paareluv 'Sepova.i'i5el\u>i'. 

3 Kallim. h. Zeus 55, ep. 52. 3 Wilamowitz, Anth. Pal. 9. 352. 4 (Leonidas Alex.), 
Anth. Plan. 293. 3, Kaibel Epigr. Gr. no. 618. 21, Eratosth. epist. ad Ptolem. 15 Hiller, 
Nonn. Dion. 21.4, 24. 279, 25.348, 27.76, 31.97, 43. 1 74 f-, 47- 694 f. (cp. 46.39 Z^os 
iwovpavloio) — collected by Bruchmann Epith. deor. p. 136. So Aristot. de mundo 7. 
401 a 25. 

4 Infra ch. i § 6 (a). See also C. Clermont-Ganneau Recueil d' Arche"ologie Orientale 
Paris 1903 v. 66 ff. 

8 Tzetz. antehom. 208 Ti-qvbs tppad/xoovvricriv ev ovpavov avrepSevTos, Horn. 171 f. Zei>s 8e 
t6t' ovpavbs dpyv<f>4as v«p4\as arvtpeXlfav \ fipbvTa xu&P-cos, alleg. Od. 6. 198 eirel Kal Zei>j 
6 ovpavbs Kal Ztvs avrbs rvyxdvet, 9. 81 Aids 6p.(3pov$ (leg. ofMf3pos) de"fei de, rov ovpavov vvv 
X^-yei, 12. 25 f. ai he FlXeidSes a<f>u>v irarpl Ail, rip oiipavif de, | tpfpovaiv, 102 Zei>s uaev 
avefwv £wr)v, 6 ovpavbs iv$d6e, cp. 9. 78 Atl x«pas dve'crxofiev, t$ ovpavly 6if/ei. 

The Transition from Sky to Sky-god 9 

(b) The Transition from Sky to Sky-god. 

The precise steps by which men advanced from a belief in 
Zeus the Sky to a belief in Zeus the Sky-god are hidden from 
us in the penumbra of a prehistoric past. The utmost that we 
can hope is to detect here and there survivals in language or 
custom or myth, which may enable us to divine as through gaps 
in a mist the track once travelled by early thought 1 . In such 
circumstances to attempt anything like a detailed survey or recon- 
struction of the route would be manifestly impossible. Nevertheless 
the shift from Sky to Sky-god was a momentous fact, a fact which 
modified the whole course of Greek religion, and its ultimate 
consequence was nothing less than the rise of faith in a personal 
God, the Ruler and Father of all. In view of this great issue we 
may well strain our backward gaze beyond the point of clear vision 
and even acquiesce in sundry tentative hypotheses, if they help 
us to retrace in imagination the initial stages of the journey. I 
shall make bold, therefore, to surmise that in Greece, as elsewhere, 
religion effected its upward progress along the following lines. 

When those who first used the word Zeiis went out into the 
world and looked abroad, they found themselves over-arched by 
the blue and brilliant sky, a luminous Something fraught with 
incalculable possibilities of weal or woe. It cheered them with 
its steady sunshine. It scared them with its flickering fires. It 
fanned their cheeks with cool breezes, or set all knees a-tremble 
with reverberating thunder. It mystified them with its birds 
winging their way in ominous silence or talking secrets in an un- 
known tongue. It paraded before men's eyes a splendid succession 
of celestial phenomena, and underwent for all to see the daily 
miracle of darkness and dawn. Inevitably, perhaps instinctively, 
they would regard it with awe — that primitive blend of religious 
feelings 2 — and would go on to conciliate it by any means in their 
power. This is the stage of mental and moral development 
attributed by Herodotos to the ancient Persians. ' I am aware,' 
he says 3 , ' that the Persians practise the following customs. They 

1 The only writer, so far as I know, who has recognised and done justice to this 
blank stretch in our knowledge of Zeus is Gruppe in his masterly handbook (Or. Myth. 
Kel. p. 753 'die Entstehung der Vorstellung von den einzelnen Gdttern das dunkelstc 
Gebiet der gesamten griechischen Religionsgeschichte ist,' p. 1102 'Zwischen dem UiMM 
und dem historischen Zeus liegen tiefe Kliifte, die wir in Gedanken zwar leicht Uber- 
springen konnen, aber nicht Uberspringen diirfen'). 

2 R. R. Marett The Threshold of Religion London 1909 p. 13 ( - ■■' I 're- Animistic 
Religion' in Folk-Lore 1900 xi. 168), W. Wundt Vblkerpsychologie Leipzig 1906 ii. 1. 
171 ff. 'Die praanimistische Hypothese.' 

3 Hdt. I. 131. The passage is paraphrased also in Strab. 73J. 

io The Transition from Sky to Sky-god 

are not in the habit of erecting images, temples, or altars ; indeed, 
they charge those who do so with folly, because — I suppose — they 
do not, like the Greeks,. hold the gods to be of human shape. 
Their practice is to climb the highest mountains and sacrifice to 
Zeus, by which name they call the whole circle of the sky 1 . They 
sacrifice also to the sun and moon, the earth, fire and water, and 
the winds. These, and these alone, are the original objects of 
their worship.' The same stage of belief has left many traces of 
itself in the Latin language and literature 2 . To quote but a single 
example, a popular line of Ennius ran : 

Look at yonder Brilliance o'er us, whom the world invokes as Jove 3 . 

There can be little doubt that in this expressive sentence the 
poet has caught and fixed for us the religious thought of the 

1 Hdt. I. 131 ol de vofiifrovat Ad p&v ewl to, vrf/rfK&rara tQ>v ovptuiv dvafialvovres dvalas 
tpbeiv, tov k6k\ov irdvra tov ovpavov Ala KaXewras. 

My friend the Rev. Prof. J. H. Moulton, our greatest authority on early Persian 
beliefs, in a very striking paper ' Syncretism in Religion as illustrated in the History of 
Parsism ' (Transactions of the Third International Congress for the History of Religions 
Oxford 1908 ii. 89 ff.) observes a propos of this passage: "It is generally assumed that he 
[i.e. Herodotos] calls the supreme deity 'Zeus' merely from his Greek instinct. But it is 
at least possible that he heard in Persia a name for the sky-god which sounded so much 
like 'Zeus,' being in fact the same word, that he really believed they used the familiar 
name. (The suggestion occurred to me [J.H.M.] independently, but it was anticipated by 
Spiegel, Eran. Alt. ii. 190.) This incidentally explains why the name 'ilpofido-brjs 
(Auramazda) does not appear in Greek writers until another century has passed. In 
Yt. iii. 13 (a metrical passage, presumably ancient) we find patat dyao"s...Anrb~ Mainyus, 
'Angra fe\\ jrom heaven': see Bartholomae, s.v. dyav. Since Dyaus survives in the 
Veda as a divine name as well as a common noun — just as dies and Diespiter in Latin — 
it is antecedently probable that the Iranians still worshipped the ancestral deity by his 
old name." Prof. Moulton further writes to me (June 23, 191 1) that Herodotos 'is 
entirely right, as usual : his general picture of Persian religion agrees most subtly with 
what we should reconstruct on other evidence as the religion of the people before 
Zarathushtra's reform began to affect them. It is pure Aryan nature-worship — and 
probably pure Indogermanic ditto — , prior alike to the reform of Z. on the one side 
and the Babylonian contamination that produced Mithraism on the other.' 

Auramazda appears in later Greek authors as Zeus fityurros (Xen. Cyr. 5. 1. 29, cp. 
pseudo-Kallisthen. 1. 40) or Zeus /3a<riXet)s (Xen. Cyr. 3. 3. 21, 7. 5. 57, anab. 3. 1. 12, 
6. 1. 22, Arrian. 4. 20. 3 iirl rdiade dvareivai Aapelov e's rbv ovpavbv ras x e 'P a * KC ^ df^curdcu 
wSe • 'AXX' w Zeu /SacriXeu, oVy iiriTiTpairTat, vipeiv to. fiaaiktuv wpdyp.aTa ei> avdpihwots, 
k.t.X. = Souid. s.v. 'AX^avSpos) or Zeus /cat 'fipo/xdaSris (Aristot. frag. 8 Rose ap. Diog. 
Laert. proam. 8) or Zeus 'ilpofidffbrjs (Michel Recueil d 1 Inscr. gr. no. 735 = Dittenberger 
Orient. Gr. inscr. sel. no. 383, 41 f. irpds ovpavlovs Atds | 'fipo/xdoSov dpbvovs, 54 At6s re 
'ilpo/xdaSov k.t.X.). Cp. Agathias hist. 2. 24 rb fih yap iraXaibv Ala re /cal Kpbvov Kai 
toutous 87) airavras tous irap "EWrjffi OpvWov/xivovs £tI/jlwv (sc. ol Mpcrai) Qeotis, Tr\rji> ye 
Sri 8tj aureus 7? irpoariyopla o\>x b/xolws iffu^ero, a\\a Brj\oi> fiev rbv Ala rvxbv 2dt>dT)i> re 
rbv 'Hpa/cX^a Kai 'Avatrida rr\v ' ' A<ppoblrr)v nal aXXws tous fiXXous eK&kovv. 

2 I have collected the evidence in Folk-Lore 1905 xvi. 260 ff. 

3 Ennius ap. Cic. de nat. deor. 2. 4 and 65 aspice hoc sublime candens, quern 
invocant omnes Iovem. 

The Transition from Sky to Sky-god 1 1 

Italians in its transitional phase. Behind him is the divine Sky, 
in front the Sky-god Iupiter. 

Now an animate Sky, even if credited with certain personal 
qualities, does not necessarily become an anthropomorphic Sky- 
god. It may even develop in the opposite direction. Xenophanes 
of Kolophon in the sixth century B.C. appears to have based his 
reformed theology directly on the ancient Greek conception of 
Zeus. As Aristotle puts it, he ' looked upon the whole sky and 
declared that the One exists, to wit God 1 .' To this cosmic Unity 
'equal on all sides 2 ' Xenophanes, again in all probability following 
the lead of early religious thought, ascribed various personal 
powers : 

As a whole he sees, as a whole he thinks, and as a whole he hears 3 . 
But the poet explicitly repudiates anthropomorphism : 

One God there is, greatest among gods and men, 
Like to mortals neither in form nor yet in thought 4 . 

We have therefore, it would seem, still to determine the circum- 
stances that occasioned the rise of the anthropomorphic view. In 
plain words, we must answer the question : How came the Greeks 
in general to think of Zeus, not as the blue sky, but as a sceptred, 
king dwelling in it ? 

To solve this problem we turn our attention once more to the 
primitive idea of a living Sky. One point about it, and that the 
most important of all for practical folk, we have thus far omitted 
to mention. Vegetable life, and therefore animal life, and therefore 
human life, plainly depends upon the weather, that is upon the 
condition of the Sky 5 . Hence unsophisticated man seeks to 

1 Aristot. met. i. 5. 986 b 21 ff. %ivo<p6.vt\% 5t...els tov 8\ov ovpavbv &Tofi\4\pas to hv 
etvai <(>T)<n rbv 9e6v. J. Burnet Early Greek Philosophy London and Edinburgh 1892 
prefers to translate: 'Xenophanes... said, with reference to the whole universe, that the 
One was God.' But this, I believe, misses the point. Xenophanes, like Pythagoras 
and many another reformer, starts with a revival of half-forgotten beliefs. 

2 H. Diels Die Fragniente der Vorsokratiker" 1 Berlin 1906 i. 41,6 vavTaxodtv o/ju>i<h>. 

3 Xenophan. frag. 24 Diels a/>. Sext. adv. math. 9. 144 oCXos opij., oCXos Si r<xi, ot'Xot 
& t &Kovet, Diog. Laert. 9. 19. Cp. the Homeric tvpvoira ZeiJj and the Hesiodic T&vra 
ISuv Atos 6<pda\/ji.ds Kal irdura vo-fiaas (o. d. 267). 

4 Xenophan. frag. 23 Diels ap. Clem. Al. strom. 5. 14 p. 399, 14 ff. Stahlin, cp. 
frag. 10 ff. Diels. 

5 The Greeks persistently attempted to connect Zeus, Z?)va, etc. with fj)>-. Grappe 
Gr. Myth. Rel. p. 1101 n. justly remarks that their attempts, though etymologically 
mistaken, have a certain value as throwing light on their conception of the got!. He 
distinguishes: (1) Zeus as the only living son of Kronos (et. mag. p. 408, 55 (., cp. et. Gad. 
p. 230, 16 f.); (2) Zeus as the world-soul (Cornut. theol. 2 p. 3, 3 ff. Lang, et. mag. 
p. 408, 52 f.) ; (3) Zeus as the cause of life to all that live (Aristot. de mund. 7. 401 a 1 3 ff. ■ 
Apul. de mund. 37, Chrysippos infra p. 29 n. 4, Cornut. theol. 2 p. 3, 6 l^ing, Diog. 

12 The Transition from Sky to Sky-god 

control its sunshine, its winds, above all its fructifying showers by 
a sheer assertion of his own will-power expressed in the naive arts 
of magic 1 . Modern investigators have shown how great was the 
role of the magician, especially of the public magician, in early 
society. And not the least of Dr J. G. Frazer's services to 
anthropology has been his detailed proof 'that in many parts of 
the world the king is the lineal successor of the old magician or 
medicine-man 2 .' 'For sorcerers,' he urges, 'are found in every 
savage tribe known to us; and among the lowest savages... they 
are the only professional class that exists. As time goes on, and 
the process of differentiation continues, the order of medicine-men 
is itself subdivided into such classes as the healers of disease, the 
makers of rain, and so forth ; while the most powerful member 
of the order wins for himself a position as chief and gradually 
develops into a sacred king, his old magical functions falling more 
and more into the background and being exchanged for priestly 
or even divine duties, in proportion as magic is slowly ousted by 
religion 3 .' But if so, it becomes highly probable, nay practically 
certain, that the real prototype of the heavenly weather-king was 
the earthly weather-king, and that Zeus was represented with 
thunderbolt and sceptre just because these were the customary 
attributes of the magician and monarch. 

So Zeus, in a sense, copied Salmoneus. But it remains to ask 
what led the community side by side with their Salmoneus to 
postulate a Salmoneus-like Zeus. I incline to the following ex- 
planation as possible and even probable. With the age-long 
growth of intelligence it gradually dawned upon men that the 
magician, when he caused a storm, did not actually make it 
himself by virtue of his own will-power but rather imitated it 
by his torches, rattling chariot, etc., and so coaxed it into coming 

Laert. 7. 147, Aristeid. or. 1. 6 (i. 9 Dindorf), et. mag. p. 408, 54, et. Gud. p. 230, 18 f., 
schol. //. 15. 188 f., cp. Athen. 289 a, Eustath. in II. p. 436, 11 ff.); (4) Zeus as life- 
giving breath, i.e. £rjv + dw (et. mag. p. 408, 57 f. ). 

1 On 'will-power' as a rough equivalent of the mana of the Pacific and the orenda 
of the Iroquois see R. R. Marett The Threshold of Religion London 1909 p. 99, 
cp. pp. 115— 141. 

Even sophisticated man has his moments of hyperboulia. When I hit a ball too far at 
lawn- tennis, I ejaculate 'Don't go out!' and while speaking feel as if my voice actually 
controlled the ball's flight. Or again, I find myself rising on tip-toe to make a ball, 
already in mid air, clear the net. What is this but rudimentary magic? 

In Folk-Lore 1903 xiv. 278 f. I attempted to show that magic, whether ' mimetic ' or 
' sympathetic,' ultimately depends upon a primitive conception of extended personality — 
a failure to distinguish aright the / from the not-/. 

2 Frazer Golden Bough 3 : The Magic Art i. 371, cp. i. 215, 245, and especially 332 ff. 

3 Id. id. i. 420 f. 

The Transition from Sky to Sky-god 13 

about. If, then, the magician or king imitated a storm made by 
Zeus, how did Zeus make it ? The spirit of enquiry was awake 
(with the Greeks it awoke early), "and the obvious answer was that 
Zeus must be a Master-mage, a King supreme, beyond the clouds. 
Doubtless, said nascent reflexion, Zeus makes his thunder in 
heaven much as our magician-king makes it upon earth, only on 
a grander, more sonorous scale. But observe : if this was indeed 
the sequence of thought, then the change from Sky to Sky-god 
was occasioned not by any despair of magic 1 — for people might 
well come to believe that Zeus the Sky-god made thunderstorms 
and yet not cease believing that the magician-king could produce 
the like — but rather by the discovery that magic, whether effective 
or not, was a matter of imitation. In short, the transition from 
Sky to Sky^gooVwas a result, perhaps the first result, of conscious 
reflexion upon the modus operandi of primitive magic. 

On this showing the cult of an anthropomorphic Zeus was the 
outcome of a long evolution comprising three well-marked stages, 
in which the feelings, the will, and the intellect played successively 
the principal part. First in order of development came emotio n— 
the awe felt by early man as he regarded the live azure above him, 
potent to bliss or blight. Feeling in turn called forth will, when 
the community was parched with drought and the magician by 
his own passionate self-projection made the rushing rain-storm to 
satisfy the thirst of man and beast. Later, much later, intellect 
was brought to bear upon the process, distinguishing the imitation 
from the thing imitated and expressing heaven in terms of earth. 

1 Dr Frazer in a memorable chapter (op. cit. i. 220 — 243) argues that, when little by 
little the essential futility of magic was discovered, the shrewder intelligences casting 
about for an explanation of its failures would ascribe them to the more powerful magic 
of great invisible beings — the gods — and thus would escape from the 'troubled sea of 
doubt and uncertainty' into the 'quiet haven' of religion. Magic, he conjectures, every- 
where came first, religion second, the latter being directly due to the unmasking of the 

The eloquence with which Dr Frazer has stated his case is only less admirable than 
his learning. But for all that I believe him to be wrong. The baffled magician would 
most plausibly account for his failure by attributing it to the counter-charms of some rival 
practitioner on earth, say a neighbouring chief, or else to the machinations of a ghost, 
say a dead ancestor of his own. Why should he — how could he — assume a sky-god, 
unless the sky was already regarded as a divine Potency? And, if this was the Ctte, then 
religion was not subsequent to magic, but either prior to it or coeval with it. No 
doubt, as Dr Frazer himself remarks (id. i. 223), much turns upon our exact definition 
of religion. But personally I should not refuse the term 'religious' to the attitude of 
reverential fear with which I suppose early man to have approached the animate Sky. 
Indeed, it would not be absurd to maintain that this pre-anthropomorphic conception 
was in some respects higher, because more true, than later anthropomorphism. After 
all, 'God is not a man,' and early thought could hardly be drawn nearer to the idea 
of the Infinite than by contemplating the endless blue of Heaven. 

14 The Transition from Sky to Sky-god 

Thus a movement, which began on the plane of feeling, passed 
upwards through that of volition, and ended by evoking all the 
powers of the human soul. 

Incidentally we have arrived at -another conclusion, deserving 
of a moment's emphasis. We have, if I may use the phrase, 
ventured to analyse the divinity of Zeus. This analysis, tentative 
(be it remembered) and provisional in character, has detected two 
distinct elements, both of a primitive sort, — on the one hand the 
vast mysterious impersonal life of the blue sky, on the other the 
clear-cut form and fashion of the weather-ruling king. To speak 
with logical precision, though in such a matter logic was at best 
implicit, the primeval sanctity of the sky gave the content, the 
equipment of the magician-turned-king gave the form, of the 
resultant sky-god Zeus 1 . 

(c) Zeus Amarios. 

The transition from the day-light Sky to the day-light Sky-god 
is perhaps best exemplified by the Latin terms dies, 'day,' and 
Diespiter, ' Day-father.' The vocative case of Diespiter came to be 
used as a new nominative, the more familiar Iupiter 2 . 

1 An objection must here be met. It may be argued that, if my view were true, the 
Homeric Zeus ought to be recognisable as a magician, whereas notoriously magic is 
scarce in Homer and never associated with the Homeric Zeus. 

To this I should reply (i) that the Homeric poems as we have them bear ample 
traces of earlier expurgation affecting many savage practices (see the convincing chapter 
of Prof. G. Murray The Rise of the Greek Epic" 1 Oxford 191 1 pp. 141 — 166), and (2) that 
such expurgation has in point of fact failed precisely where failure might have been 
expected, viz. in eliminating the pre-Homeric 'fixed epithets' of Zeus. These are simply 
redolent of the magician. Zeus is often Kp6vov irais dyKvXofi^reu, 'son of the wizard 
Kronos.' He is himself ix^rlera, a 'mage' rather than a 'sage.' The word /xr)Ti6eis is 
used thrice, in h. Ap. 344 and h. Hest. 5 of Zeus (so Hes. 0. d. 51, theog. 457, Moiro ap. 
Athen. 491 b), in Od. 4. 227 of magic herbs prepared by the daughter of Zeus. Again, 
Zeus alone is &<pOiTa fi^Sea eld&s {II. 24. 88, h. Aphr. 43, Hes. theog. 545, 550, 561, 
frag. 35, 2 Flach), cp. the names of the sorceresses Medeia, Agamede, Perimede, Mestra. 
Thirty-six times in the II. and Od. he is described as ve^eX-qyep^ra, a transparent 
synonym of 'rain-maker.' And what of his constant appellation alyioxos? The aiyis, 
when shaken, produced a thunderstorm (//. 17. 593 ff., cp. 4. 166 ff.), and Virgil at 
least seems to have regarded it as part of the rain-maker's paraphernalia (A en. 8. 352 ff. 
Arcades ipsum | credunt se vidisse Iovem, cum saepe nigrantem | aegida concuteret 
dextra nimbosque cieret, cp. Sil. It. 12. 719 ff.). It was presumably as a magical means 
of securing fertility that at Athens the priestess brought the sacred alyis to newly-wedded 
wives (Souid. s.v. alyls). Further, Zeus causes an earthquake by nodding his head and 
shaking his hair (supra p. 2 f.) — a procedure that savours strongly of the magician's art. 
Lastly, the frequent mention of the fHovk-ri or fiovXal of Zeus (from II. 1. 5 Atds 5' ireXelero 
/SofXij onwards: see H. Ebeling Lexicon Homericum Lipsiae 1885 i. 236) gains fresh 
meaning, if seen to imply the will-power characteristic of the magician-king. 

2 F. Stolz Historische Grammatik der lateinischen Sprache Leipzig 1894 i. 1. 305, 

Zeus Amdrios i 5 

But, confining our attention to the Greek area, we may further 
illustrate the same change. 

Macrobius states that 'the Cretans call the day Zeus v — a 
startling, but by no means incredible, assertion. Unfortunately 
he does not go on to tell us whether this usage was restricted to 
any particular tribe or town in Crete. That island was a meeting- 
place of the nations. Already in Homeric times its population in- 
cluded Achaeans,Eteo-Cretans,Cydonians, Dorians and Pelasgians 8 ; 
and to choose between these, and perhaps others, is a precarious 
undertaking. Nevertheless the dialect of Crete as a whole through- 
out the classical period was undoubtedly Doric, and we are therefore 
free to contend that in some variety of Cretan Doric the word Zeus 
had retained its primitive meaning. 

This contention gains in probability from Prof. R. C. Bosanquet's 
discovery at Palaikastro in eastern Crete of a late Doric hymn to 
Zeus Diktaios*. The hymn appears to have been written down 
about the year 200 A.D. ; but its wording is perhaps five centuries 
older 4 , and its refrain preserves what I venture to regard as a 
survival of the original conception of Zeus: — 

Hail, greatest Lad of Kronos' line 5 , 

Almighty Brilliance, who art here 
Leading thy followers divine : 

To Dikte come for the new year 
And dance with joy this dance of mine 6 . 

W. M. Lindsay The Latin Language Oxford 1894 p. 389, Walde Lot. etym. Wbrterb. 

P- if 3* 

1 Macrob. Sat. 1. 15. 14 Cretenses Ala tt)v rnxtpav vocant. 

2 Od. 19. 175 ff. 

3 Ann. Brit. Sch. Ath. 1908 — 1909 xv. 339 ff. 

4 G. Murray, ib. xv. 364 f. 

5 With Kovpe...Kp6vie cp. Aisch. P. v. 577 f. w Kpbvie \ vai, Pind. 01. 2. 22 w Kpfone 
wal'Pias. For Kovpos = irais see Stephanus Thes. Gr. Ling. iv. 1895 A. 

6 lw, I pAyiare Kovpe, x a <W /*oi, I Kp6«'te, ira.yKpa.Tes yavos, \ planes | 5atfi6vuy 
ayw/j-evos ' | Mktov is iviavrbv ip-\ire Kal 7^>a0i p.o\irq.. 

Two copies of the hymn are engraved on the back and face of the same stone. The 
back, which contains a text full of blunders, nowhere preserves the termination of the 
word 7di/os. The face has in line 2 TTATiKpATec r A NOC altered into TTANKpAT6C 
fANoyc, and in line 20 nANKpATec r A NOyc This suggests an attempt to make KBM 
of an old defective copy, and on reading it I conjectured (see Trinity College Lecture 
Room paper of Nov. 4, 19 10) that the original phrase was KayKparis y&vos, cp. Knn. 
ap. Cic. de nat. deor. 2. 4 aspice hoc sublime candens, quern invocant omnes Iuviin 
{Folk-Lore 1905 xvi. 261). Prof. G. Murray printed wayKparis yduovs in his restored text 
and translated it 'Lord of all that is wet and gleaming.' He now (Aug. 15, iyn) 
writes to me apropos of ydvos: ' I think it a very probable suggestion hut do not on the 
whole think there is sufficient reason for altering the text.' He adds that in a letter 
to himself Prof. U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff had independently made the same 

1 6 Zeus Amdrios 

A possible but by no means certain parallel to this survival occurs 
in the Tabula Edaliensis, a Cypriote inscription, which thrice uses 
the word zan in the sense of • time 1 .' Dr Hoffmann suggests that 
this word is related to the Sanskrit dj'dus, 'day,' and to the Latin 
dies, ■ ' day,' — in fact is akin to the name Zeils": Some such 
primitive usage, we may suppose, underlies and explains the 
Homeric and Hesiodic belief that ' days are from Zeus 3 .' 

Far more advanced was the cult of Zeus Amdrios, whose name 
appears to denote Zeus • of the Day-light ' (award) 4 . According 
to Strabon, the Achaeans of the northern Peloponnese, like the 
Ionians before them, were wont to assemble for deliberation and 
the transaction of common business at a place called the Amdrion 5 : 
this was a grove sacred to Zeus in the territory of Aigion 6 . Hence, 
when about the year 230 B.C. the town of Orchomenos in Arkadia 
joined the Achaean League, it was agreed that the Achaean 
magistrates at Aigion and the Orchomenian magistrates at Orcho- 
menos should swear to the terms of a treaty by Zeus Amdrios, 
Athena Amaria, Aphrodite and all the gods 7 . And, when in 
217 B.C. Aratos the Achaean general had settled certain serious 
disputes at Megalopolis, the terms of the settlement were engraved 

1 W. Deecke 'Die griechisch-kyprischen Inschriften' in Collitz-Bechtel Gr. Dial.- 
Inschr. i. 270*". no. 60, 10, 23, 28 C/a« faX 

2 O. Hoffmann Die griechischen Dialekte Gottingen 1891 i. 68 ff. no. 135, 10, 23, 28 
vfcus fa*. Id. id. i. 71 f. rejects Meister's view that fdp = epic dfy and translates 'fur alle 
Zeit,' taking vf-cu$ = 4irl aei (ah accus. for *atfs cp. Indian dyus 'life-time') and fd> as 
akin to djdus, dies, diu. But all this is very doubtful, as Hoffmann himself (id. p. 228) 
admits. C. D. Buck Introduction to the Study of the Greek Dialects Boston etc. 19 10 
p. 182 n. says: 'fa? is possibly connected with f??a> and fww, live, on the basis of a third 
by- form fa-.' 

3 Od. 14. 93 vi)KT€s re xal i)fjJpai iic At6s daiv, Hes. 0. d. 765 ij/iara 5' e/c Aibdev, 
ib. 769 aide yap irip.e'pai elal Aids irdpa prjTibevTos. Cp. //. 2. 134 ivvia 5tj f}e(3dacri Atbs 
ney&Xov iviavrol. This last line supports the contention of W. Prellwitz Eine griechische 
tind eine lateinischc Etymologic Bartenstein 1895 p. 1 ff. that eviavTos is strictly the day 
on which the year starts again ' in the same ' (hi avry) position as before, and that it was 
originally an appellation of Zt6t=dils (id. p. 8). 

4 P. Foucart 'Fragment inedit d'un d^cret de la ligue acheenne' in the Rev. Arch. 
1876 N.S. xxxii. 2. 96 — 103 first propounded the explanation, now commonly accepted, 
of 'Afidpiot as 'le dieu de l'atmosphere lumineuse' (id. p. 100). , Afidpa = r)pApa is found 
in Locrian inscriptions (Collitz-Bechtel op. cit. nos. 1478, 42, 1479, 5, cp. 1478, 33), 
and xtfranapiTtvuv in a Delphian inscription (id. no. 2561, D 16, = Dittenberger Syll. 
inscr. Gr.- no. 438, 183). ' Ap.dpi.os = r)p.4pios may well have been in use on the other side 
of the Corinthian Gulf also. 

G. Kramer on Strab. 389 and F. Hultsch on Polyb. 2. 39. 6 (praef. p. lv) hold that 
the name was 'Andpios = 'Op.dptos, cp. ap,aprri = bpjapTrj. Gruppe Gr. Myth. Rel. p. 11 16 
n. 3, following Collitz and Schulze Quaestiones epicae p. 500 n. 1, takes 'ApApios='OpAptos. 

8 Strab. 385. MSS. Alvdpiov or 'Apvdptov. Koraes cj. 'Op.dpi.ov, Kramer 'ApApwv, 
Foucart 'Apudpiov. 

6 Strab. 387. MSS. and cjj. as before. 

7 Dittenberger Syll. inscr. Gr? no. 229 = Michel Recueil cC Inscr. gr. no. 199. 

Zeus Amdrios 17 

on a tablet and set up beside an altar of Hestia in the Amdrion 1 . 
This is in all probability the spot described by Pausanias in the 
following extract : ' Near the sea at Aigion is a sanctuary of 
Aphrodite, after that one of Poseidon, one of Kore Demeter's 
daughter, and in the fourth place one to Zeus Homagyrios. Here 
there are statues of Zeus, Aphrodite and Athena. Zeus was 
surnamed Homagyrios, "the Assembler," because on this spot 
Agamemnon gathered together the chief men of Hellas to consult 

how they should make war on the kingdom of Priam Adjoining 

the sanctuary to Zeus Homagyrios is one of Demeter Panac/iaid, 
"goddess of all the Achaeans 2 ."' Zeus Amdrios was on this 
showing one with Zeus Homagyrios ; and it is possible that the 
former title was, owing to the influence of the latter, popularly 
changed into Homdrios, which might be understood as ' the Joiner- 
together 3 .' However that may be, it is clear that from Aigion 
the cult made its way to Magna Graecia, where Kroton, Sybaris 
and Kaulonia, in avowed imitation of the Achaeans, erected a 
common temple to Zeus Amdrios*. 

How this Zeus 'of the Day-light' was conceived by his 
worshippers, can be inferred from representations of him on coins of 
the Achaean League. A unique silver stater of Aeginetic standard, 
probably struck at Aigion about 367 — 362 B.C., has for its reverse 
type an enthroned ..Zeus, who holds an eagle in his right hand 
and rests on a sceptre with his left (fig. i) 5 . Bronze coins of the 
League, as reconstituted in 281 B.C., exhibit on the obverse side 
a standing figure of Zeus : he is naked and supports on his right 
hand a winged Nike, who offers him a wreath, while he leans 

1 Polyb. 5. 93. 10. MSS. 'Ofiaply. Foucart restored 'Afiaplip, cp. J. L. Strachan- 
Davidson Selections from Polybius Oxford 1888 p. 145. On the connexion of Hestia 
with Zeus, see infra ch. iii § 1 (a) ix (o). 

2 Paus. 7. 24. 1 f. O. Jessen in Pauly-Wissowa Real-Etic. i. 1741 would distinguish 
between the 'ApApiov and the precinct of Zeus 'Ofiayvpios; but Frazer Pausanias iv. 161 
identifies them. 

3 Dittenberger Syll. inscr. Gr. 2 p. 370 thinks that 'Ofiayvpios is a corruption of 
'A/udptos; but this is not necessary. ' 'Qfiapios (Polyb. 2. 39. 6 with v.ll. opapiov sic A 
dfioplov C, 5. 93. 10) suggests comparison with Hesych. dfiapis' 6fiov. aviupwvw*. Those 
that take it to be the original form will quote Steph. Byz. 'Ofiapiov tcSXis Qtrraklat. 
Qebtrofiwos <Pi\tiririKwi> eUoar^ devrtptp. ev rairri Tt.fxa.Tai Zeus ical ' AOTjva.. to iO*iKW 
'OpApiot, 'Qfiapevs. 

4 Polyb. 2. 39. 6. The MSS. vary: sic A. ofwpiov C. Foucart restored 

5 W. Wroth in the Num. Chron. Fourth Series 1902 ii. 324 ff. pi. 16, 4, G. F. Hill 
Historical Greek Coins London 1906 p. 73 ff. pi. 5, 38, Head Hist, num* p. 416 
('the reverse type of Zeus seems to have been suggested by the seated Zeus on 
the early Arcadian coins.' Cp. infra ch. i § 3 (b)). The coin is now in the British 

1 8 Zeus Pandmaros, Pandmeros^ Panetndrios 

with his left hand on a long sceptre (fig. 2) x . The later silver 
coins, from some date earlier than 330 B.C., show a laureate head 
of Zeus as their obverse (fig. 3), a wreath of bay as their reverse 
design*. Such representations drop no hint of Zeus as a day-light 
deity. The physical aspect of the god had long been forgotten, or 
at most survived in a cult-title of dubious significance. 

Fig. 1. 

Fig. 2. 

Fig- 3- 

(d) Zeus Panamaros, Panemeros, PanemSrios. 

Near the Carian town of Stratonikeia was a village called 
Panamara, situated on the mountain now known as Baiaca. Here 
in 1886 MM. G. Deschamps and G. Cousin discovered the precinct 
of the Carian god Zeus Panamaros and over four hundred inscrip- 
tions relating to his cult 3 . It is probable that the name Panamaros, 
which appears more than once without that of Zeus 4 , was originally 
a local epithet denoting the deity who dwelt at Panamara 5 . If so, 
it is useless to speculate on the real meaning of the word. But 
when the district was subjected to Hellenic influence — Stratonikeia, 
we know, was a Macedonian colony 6 — the local divinity by an 
instructive series of changes became Zeus Panamaros 1 , Zeus 

1 Overbeck Gr. Kunslmyth. Zeus pp. 113, 162, 219, Miinztaf. 2, 17 and 17 a, 
M idler- Wieseler- Wernicke Ant. Denkm. i. 94 pi. 9, 18, Head Hist, num.- p. 417 f., 
Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Peloponnesus p. 12 ff. pi. 2, 15 — 20, pi. 3, 1 — 14. I figure pi. 3, 7. 

2 Overbeck Gr. Kunslmyth. Zeus pp. 97 f., 105, Miinztaf. 1, 29, Brit. Mus. Cat. 
Coins Peloponnesus p. 1 ff. pi. 1, 1 — 23, pi. 2, 1 — 14, Head Hist, num. 2 p. 417, 
W. Wroth in the Num. Chron. Third Series 1900" xx. 286 f. pi. 14, 1. 

3 Bull. Corr. Hell. 1887 xi. 373 ff., 1888 xii. 82 ff., 249 ff., 479 ff., 1891 xv. 1696°., 
1904 xxviii. 20 ff., 238 ff. See further the article by O. Hofer in Roscher Lex. Myth. iii. 
1491 — 1497. Nilsson Gr. Feste pp. 27 — 31. 

* llavdixapos without Zetfs occurs in Bull. Corr. Hell. 1888 xii. 85 no. 9, 11, ib. p. 86 
no. 10, 15, ib. p. 88 no. 11, 5. llavdixopos (sic) was one of the Carian Kouretes along 
with A&fipcu>6os and II<£Xa£os or 2?rdXa£os (et. mag. p. 389, 55 ff.). 

6 So Hofer loc. cit. 1492 f., Nilsson op. cit. p. 31 n. 6. On A. Dieterich's conjectural 
*Amaros ~ Amara see Append. B Egypt. 

* Strab. 660, cp. Steph. Byz. s.v. "LrparovlKua.. 

7 Zei>f Ilav&napos, sometimes Zei>s 6 Ilamfutpot or 6 Zei)s 6 Ilavafiapos, is the common 
form of his name in the inscriptions (Hofer loc. cit. 1492, 1 ff.). 

Zeus Pa?idmaros^ Pan^meros, Panemtrios 19 

Panemeros 1 , Zeus Panevierios-. The unintelligible Carian name 
was thus Hellenised into a cult-title that suited the Greek con- 
ception of Zeus. Pandmaros to Greek ears would mean the god 
'of the live-long Day' (pandmeros, pan^meros, pancmcrios) 3 . 

Imperial coins of Stratonikeia, both in silver and in bronze 
(fig. 4), exhibit a bearded horseman, who carries a long sceptre 
over his left shoulder and apparently a phidle in his right hand 4 . 
On one specimen in the British Museum (fig. 5)*, probably struck 
in Hadrian's time, this equestrian figure is radiate. Dr B. V. Head 

Fig. 4 . 

Fig- 5- 

Fig. 6. 

conjectures that it is not the emperor, but Zeus Pandmaros conceived 
as a solar deity 6 . The identification of the rider as Zeus might 
be supported by the fact that some imperial bronze coins of 
Stratonikeia have as their reverse type Zeus enthroned with a 
sceptre in one hand, a phidle in the other (fig. 6) 7 . And the radiate 
crown would be appropriate to Zeus 'of the live-long Day,' whether 
he was regarded as a sun-god or not. 

The precinct found by MM. Deschamps and Cousin occupied 
the summit of a steep hill furrowed by ravines. It contained 

1 Zeus Tlavquepos is found in Bull. Corr. Hell. 1888 xii. 97 no. 12, ib. p. 98 no. 16, 
ib. p. 101 no. si, ib. p. 487 nos. 63, 65, 66, ib. p. 488 nos. 72, 75, 78 ff. 

2 Zeiiy HavrjpJptoi or Zet>s 6 Jlavriixepios or 6 Zei)s 6 Ilavr)fji4pios, more rarely llafr)ix(ptoi 
Zevs, occurs in Corp. inscr. Gr. ii no. 2715 s , Bull. Corr. Hell. 1887 xi. 29 no. 41, ib. p. 376, 
1888 xii. 488 nos. 68, 69, 70, ib. p. 489 no. 101, ib. p. 490 nos. 105, 109, 1890 xiv. 371, 
Lebas-Waddington Asie Mineure no. 518. Cp. Kaibel Epigr. Gr. no. 834. 1 Z17W 

3 Hesych. iravafxepof Si 8\i)s rj/xtpas, Phot. lex. wavatiepov Si' o\rp rrjt rintpat, 
Aisch. P.v. 1024 &k\t]tos Zpiruv SairaXevs iravquepos, 11. 1. 472 oi Si travy)(iipi<n ho\ttj 
Oebv VKaxTKovTo, alib. Not the god 'of the Day-light' (E. Meyer), nor the god 'of the 
luminous atmosphere' (P. Foucart), nor merely 'a divinity of the light' (L. K. Farnell): 
see Hofer loc. cit. 1493. 

4 Brit. A/us. Cat. Coins Caria etc. pp. lxxi f. 151 pi. 24, 1, p. 153 pi. 24, 4, p. 154 
pi. 24, 5, pp. 156, 158 pi. 24, 10. I figure a specimen in my collection. 

5 Ib. pp. lxxii, 153 pi. 24, 4. 

8 Ib. p. lxxii. Mr G. F. Hill kindly informs me (Aug. 11, 1910) that he too takes ihc 
rider to be Zeus. 

7 Imhoof-Blumer p. 316 no. 87 a (Hadrian), id. Gr. Miinun p. 200 no. 615 
(Hadrian), Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Caria etc. p. 159 pi. 24, u (Severus Alexander). 

2 — 2 

20 Zeus Pandmaros, Pangme?"os, Panemdrios 

three temples, that of Zeus Pandmaros, that of Hera Teleia}, and 
a building called the Komyrion, the name of which recalls the title 
of Zeus Kdmyros at Halikarnassos 2 . Corresponding with the two 
temples of Zeus and the one of Hera were three public festivals, 
the Panamareia, the Komyria, and the Heraia. 

The principal festival of the place was the Panamareia, an 
annual affair, which at first lasted for ten days 3 and later for a 
whole month 4 . It began with a procession from the precinct at 
Panamara to the council-chamber at Stratonikeia 5 . And, since 
the ten days of the festival were known as the ' Sojourn' (epidemid) 
of the god 8 , it has been concluded that the image of Zeus paid an 
actual visit to the neighbouring town. This visit appears to be 
identical with the ' Entry of the horse ' mentioned in a local in- 
scription 7 , so that Dr Hofer is doubtless right in regarding the 
rider on the coins of Stratonikeia as Zeus entering the town on 
horseback 8 . His entry was the signal for a great outburst of 
rejoicing. Citizens and strangers alike received at the hands of 
the priests largesse of oil for gymnastic contests and baths, besides 
perfume, corn, meat, and money. The merry-making was kept up 
day and night during the ' Sojourn ' of the god 9 . 

1 Bull. Corr. Hell. 1887 xi. 389 no. 5, 1 f. Ail llava/xapu Kal \"Hpa TeXet'a, 1888 xii. 
256 no. 36, 2 f. [Ad] Tlava/idpu | [/c]at "Hpa TeX/a (sic), 1891 xv. 426 no. 8 "Upas 
Te\\tas (sic). 

- Lyk. Al. 459 (Aias) OfoOXa, Kufxtipip with schol. ad loc. Kufujptp rip Ad ' 
KwfJLvpos yap 6 Zet!>s iv ' AXiKapvaoip tijuStcu. At Panamara Kofitpiov, Ko/xvpta always have 
the short. Nilsson Gr. Fesie p. 28 n. 1 cp. Zeus Kvpiupios at Bargylia in Karia (Bull. 
Corr. Hell. 1889 xiii. 39 no. 62). 

3 Bull. Corr. Hell. 1887 xi. 380 no. 2, 12 f. ras rrjs ioprrjs rQv Tlavafiapeluv [i)\fxip]as 
SiKa, 385 no. 3, 12 f., 1891 xv. 192 no. 136, 6f. Cp. 1891 xv. 198 no. 140, 14 f. airb 
Trfoi] I thaSos ptxP 1 T V* rptaKados. 

4 Bull. Corr. Hell. 1891 xv. 204 no. 144, 16 ff. ijtfi^lMac irpwrot ras [tu>]v [Ilav]afia- 
[pio>y rrjs i [oj/rnjs r)nipas [SiKa iws] r[p]ia.Kovra (?), 191 no. 135, 5 f . ras rrjs lepofxrjveias 
ro[v] I 0(ov rjfiipas iraaas. 

8 Here Zeus and other deities had statues (Bull. Corr. Hell. 1888 xii. 85 
no. 9, 10 f. ayd(\)fj.ara dewv Ilavafidpov, 'EKa[r]rjs, 'Aprifxidos, 'A<TK\r]Triov,"Tyflas, Corp. 
inscr. Gr. ii no. 2715a 2 ff . [Atds T0 C Il]avr]fie[plov Kal 'EK]dTi}s....Ka0i8pvrai 8i iv tu 
oepaoTU (3ov\evT7jpta) rwv wpoeipr)/j.ivu[v dedv]). Stratonikeia was under the special 
protection of Zeus Havdfiapos and Hekate (O. Hofer in Roscher Lex. Myth. iii. 
1494 f.). 

8 Bull. Corr. Hell. 1891 xv. 198 no. 140, 16 f. iravrl rw XP 0VU T ^ s ivi8r)/das | rod 
0eov, 1904 xxviii. 238 no. 42, 7 rrjs iiri8r)/j.las oOo-rjs. 

7 Bull. Corr. Hell. 1891 xv. 204 no. 144, 15 ff. iyv[](ndpxno-av Kal | iv rrj rod 
trrrov elff6[o]w rb [£', Kal] i)8£r)\[o]av irpuroi ras \tQ>]v [Uav]afia[plw]v rrjs i\[o]prrjs r)p.ipas 
k.t.\. (supra p. 10* n. 4). 

8 O. Hofer in Roscher Lex. Myth. iii. 1494. 

9 Bull. Corr. Hell. 1887 xi. 376 no. 1, 24 ff, 380 no. 2, 12 ff., 385 no. 3, 12 ff., 1888 
xii. 103 no. 22, 13 ff., 250 n. 2, 1891 xv. 186 no. 130 a, 25 ff., 188 no. 131, 8 ff, 
198 no. 140, i2ff. 

Zeus Pandmaros^ Pandmeros, Panemirios 21 

The Komyria lasted for two days only 1 and involved certain 
mysteries 2 . Since the inscriptions speak of the ' Ascent ' (dnodos 
or anabasis) of the god in this connexion 3 , MM. Deschamps and 
Cousin infer that the Komyria was essentially the return-journey 
of Zeus from Stratonikeia to Panamara 4 . Mr M. P. Nilsson, 
however, points out that the ' Ascent ' is said to take place in 
the sanctuary, not to it, and conjectures that Zeus then paid a visit 
to his wife 5 . Probably we should do well to combine these views 
and hold that the ' Ascent ' of the god from Stratonikeia to 
Panamara culminated in the sanctuary on the mountain-top, where 
Zeus was annually married to his bride. On this occasion the 
men were entertained by the priest in the Komyrion and the women 
separately in the sanctuary 6 . Wine was served out in abundance — 
no distinction being made between citizens, Romans, foreigners, and 
slaves. Money-gifts and portions of sacrificial meat were likewise 
distributed with a lavish hand. Booths were erected for the accom- 
modation of the celebrants. Sirup and wine were even provided by 
the road-side for old and young 7 . And the horse that had served 
the god, presumably in the procession, was duly dedicated to him 8 . 
In short, the whole account, so far as it can be reconstructed from 
the inscriptions, reads like that of a joyous wedding cortege. 

The Heraia was another important festival involving a long 
programme of games 9 , religious shows 10 , and mystic rites 11 . It 
seems to have been celebrated yearly and on a grander scale once 
every four years 12 . The rendez-vous was the temple of Hera. The 

1 Bull. Corr. Hell. 1887 xi. 380 no. 2, 19 f., 385 no. 3, 34 f. 

2 Bull. Corr. Hell. 1887 xi. 380 no. 2, 16 f., 385 no. 3, 26 f., cp. the fiwrrayuydi 
mentioned in 1891 xv. 186 no. 130 B, uff., 188 no. 131, 13. 

3 Bull. Corr. Hell. 1887 xi. 384, 10 rij dvSSto rod deov, 1891 xv. 186 no. 130 A, isf. 
iv rij dvddw ttj iv tu Upw, 1 88 no.' 131, 5 [iv rij dv]65w rrj iv ru> lepQ, 203 no. 144, 10 
[iv] ttj dvafidvei t[ov d]eov. 

* Bull. Corr. Hell. 1891 xv. 178. So O. Hdfer in Roscher Lex. Myth. iii. 1495. 

5 Nilsson Gr. Feste p. 29. 

6 Bull. Corr. Hell. 1887 xi. 385 no. 3, 28 ff., 1891 xv. 186 no. 130A, uff., 1904 
xxviii. 24 no. 2, 6 ff. 

7 Bull. Corr. Hell. 1887 xi. 380 no. 2, 17 ff, 385 no. 3, 30 ff, 1904 xxviii. 24 no. 2, 
6 ff, 247 no. 57, 8 ff. 

8 Bull. Corr. Hell. 1891 xv. 174 f.= 1904 xxviii. 247 no. 57, 11 dvidyxav 5i koI rd* 
tirirov tQ de£> t6v virr]peT[iK6v]. 

9 Bull. Corr. Hell. 1891 xv. 174 = 200 no. 141, 8 ff. -y[i'/wa<rtap]!xi7Va»'T« «(ai) vfiipas 
k/3' iic vvktos Is vl>kt\o. iv Ajjuporl p]ois rots yvp.vaaiot.% *(at) iv tQ iepQ xeptjroXiw. 

10 Bull. Corr. Hell. 1891 xv. 173 = 204 no. 145, 4f. dew[pl]at 5t irotiJ<r« To\vrt\ttr- 
Taras | ical KaWlvras. 

11 Bull. Corr. Hell. 1891 xv. 174 iv toU fivarriplots 8i kcU ioprrj tuv 'Hpiwv, cp. 1894 
xxviii. 241 no. 48, 6 [ ]ou Mvuvldov nv<TTayu>y6[dvTos]. 

12 This is deduced by M. P. Nilsson op. cit. p. 28 from the fact that the inscriptions 
employ two distinct formulae, viz. Upefc (Uparevffas, k.t.\.) iv 'H/xiiott :md Itpti't 
(lepartfoas, k.t.X.) iv 'Hpaiois Kara TrcvraerriplSa. 

22 Zeus Pandmaros, Panfrneros, Panemdrios 

priest and priestess invited all the women, whether bond or free, 
and gave them a banquet with plenty of wine and a present of 
money for each guest 1 . They also furnished a repast for the men 2 . 
It is at first sight puzzling to find this apparent duplication of the 
Komyria. But, if — as we shall later see reason to suppose 3 — Zeus 
was not originally the consort of Hera, it is likely enough that he 
had his own marriage- feast to attend and she hers 4 . At Panamara, 
even when Zeus was paired with Hera, the two celebrations were 
on the foregoing hypothesis kept up side by side. This bizarre 
arrangement had its practical advantages, and it obviously made a 
powerful appeal to the appetites of the mob. 

The priest and priestess who presided over these wholesale 
entertainments were acting not merely as public host and hostess 
but as the visible representatives of the god and goddess. Their 
inauguration was a function lasting four days and involving 
gymnasiarchal duties, in particular the distribution of oil for the 
gymnasia and the baths 5 . It is called the 'reception of the crown 6 ' 
or 'reception of the god 7 '; and the officials themselves are described 
as 'receiving the crown of the god 8 ' or 'receiving the god 9 .' The 
termination of their office, the tenure of which was annual 10 , is 
correspondingly called the ' putting off of the crowns 11 .' Not 
improbably these persons wore a golden crown decorated with a 
small image of their deity. Crowns of the sort are mentioned in 
literature 12 and figured both on coins of Tarsos ls and on portrait- 
heads from Ephesos 14 and elsewhere 15 . 

1 Bull. Cotr. Hell. 1887 xi. 376 no. 1, 32 ff., 1891 xv. 182 no. 123, 5 flf., 198 no. 140, 
24 ff., 200 no. 141, 7 f., 204 no. 145, 3ff., 1894 xxviii. 40 no. 23 B, iff. 

2 Bull. Corr. Hell. 1891 xv. 174 &77wai>res iv rots 'Hpalois iravras j3ov\evras Kal 
▼oXirai. 3 l n f ra c h. ijj. 

4 The evidence of the published inscriptions suggests, but does not prove, that the 
Ileraia at Panamara was a marriage- feast. Such was in all probability the character 
of the Heraia at Argos {infra ch. iii). 

6 Bull. Corr. Hell. 1887 xi. 377. 

6 t\ Tapa\i)\J/is tov <TTe<f>avov: Bull. Corr. Hell. 1891 xv. 173, 186 no. 130 A, 18 f., 198 
no. 140, 11 f., 1904 xxviii. 37 no. 21, 8f. 

7 {f)) Tapa\r}\]/ts tov deov: Bull. Corr. Hell. 1891 xv. 173, 191 no. 135, 5, 192 no. 136, 
7 f., 1904 xxviii. 243 no. 51, 6f. 

8 -rapakanPayovTv . . .rbv ortQavov tov deov: Bull. Corr. Hell. 1887 xi. 375 no. 1, 9 ff., 
384 no. 3, 7 f. 

• TapaXafipdvuv tov Oebv : Bull. Corr. Hell. 1887 xi. 380 no. 2, 11. 

10 Bull. Corr. Hell. 1891 xv. 169. 

11 7iixod€<ns tuv oTt<f>avw. Bull. Corr. Hell. 1888 xii. 102 no. 22, 15 f., 1891 xv. 173. 
11 Suet. v. Domit. 4, Tertull. de cor. mil. 13, Athen. 21 1 B. 

la Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Lycaonia etc. pp. 198, 208 pi. 36, 11, p. 220 pi. 37, 8, F. 
Imhoof-Blumer in the Journ. Hell. Stud. 1898 xviii. 180 f. pi. 13, 21, G. F. Hill 
' Priester-Diademe ' in the Jahresh. d. oesl. arch. Inst. 1899 ii. 247 f. fig. 135. 

M G. F. Hill ib. p. 245 ff. pi. 8. 

15 Daremberg-Saglio Diet. Ant. ii. 1523 and 1525 fig. 1986 (a priest of Bellona); 


Zeus Pandmaros, Pantmeros, Panemfrios 23 

One odd rite deserves to be noticed. Many of the inscriptions 
found at Ba'iaca record the dedication of 
human hair 1 . The custom was for the 
dedicator to erect, either inside the temple 
of Zeus or outside it in the sacred precinct, 
a small stfle of stone containing the tress 
or tresses in a cavity sometimes closed 
by a thin marble lid (fig. y) 2 . Those that 
could not afford such a stele would make 
a hole in the stone wall, or even in the 
corner of another man's slab, and inscribe 
their names beside it. MM. Deschamps 
and Cousin point out that the dedi- 
cants were invariably men — not a single 
woman's name occurs 3 ; that the dedica- 
tion was always made to Zeus, never to 
Hera; that the occasion is sometimes 
specified as the Komyria and the place 
once at least as the Komyrion — the Heraia and the Heraion are 
not mentioned at . all ; that slaves were allowed to participate in 
this act of devotion ; and that the act itself might be repeatedly 
performed by the same person 4 . These scholars suggest that the 
votive hair may have been offered by those who were initiated into 
the mysteries of the Komyria 6 . 

If we may judge from analogous customs existing here and 
there throughout the Greek world 6 , the rite was probably connected 




Fig. 7. 

Helbig Guide Class. Ant. Rome i. 151/. no. 221= A. J. B. Wace in the Journ. Hell. 
Stud. 1 905 xxv. 94 f. ('a priest of the cult of one of the later Diadochi ') = A melung Sculpt. 
Vatic, ii. 475 ff. no. 275 pi. 63; Helbig op. cit. i. 309 f. no. 425 (an archigallus); 
D. Simonsen Skulpturer og Indskrifterfra Palmyra i Ny- Carlsberg Glyptothek Kjflbenhavn 
1889 p. 7f. 

1 Bull. Corr. Hell. 1888 xii. 487 ff. nos. 60—120. 

2 lb. p. 480. 

s The conjecture of Frazer Pausanias iii. 280 f. is, therefore, in part mistaken. 

* Bull. Corr. Hell. 1888 xii. 486. " lb. p. 487. 

6 lb. pp. 481 — 484, Daremberg-Saglio Diet. Ant. i. 1358, 1362, Frazer Pausanias ii. 
534 f., iii. 279 ff., iv. 128, Golden Bough 3 : The Magic Art i. 28flf., Gruppe Gr. Myth. 
Pel. p. 913 f. The fullest collection of evidence from the Greek area is that of W. II. I). 
Rouse Greek Votive Offerings Cambridge 1902 pp. 240 — 245. See too G. A. Wilken 
' Ueber das Haaropfer und einige andere Trauergebrauche bei den Vdlkern Indonesien's ' 
in the Revue Coloniale Internationale 1886 iii. 225 ff., 1887 iv. 353 ff. 

Dr Wilken explained the rite as a substitute for human sacrifice, the hair being 
deemed the seat of the soul. Dr Frazer suggests that the gift of hair was tantamount to 
a gift of virility or fertility. Dr Rouse regards hair-offering as a ' practice connected 
with puberty.' Dr Gruppe concludes that the rite was originally • vorzugsweise cine 
I nitiationszeremonie. ' 

I incline to think that we have in this custom the relics of a puberty-rite once 

2\ Zeus Pa?idmaros, Pantmeros^ Panetntrios 

with marriage or with arrival at a marriageable age. As such it 

widespread throughout Greece, and that further proof of the practice may be found in the 
terms xdpos, Kdpr) for 'young man, young woman,' literally 'shaveling' (Kelpia, ' I shave'). 
My friend l)r Giles kindly informs me that this derivation is quite possible, and that the 
WOtds in question should be grouped as follows : Kopos, Ionic Kovpos, Doric Kwpos, etc. 
oc6p-/o-s; K&pr), Ionic Kovpr), Doric Kwpa, etc. <ic6p-fa. (Collitz-Bechtel Gr. DiaL-Inschr. 
i. 143 no. 373 rat Kbpfai) and Kovpetis 'barber' <Kop<r-e6s (Hesych. s.v.); Kovpd 'hair- 
cutting' 'tress' < *Kop<r-&. He refers me to F. Solmsen in the Zeitschrifl fiir vergleich- 
ende Sprachforschung 1888 xxix. 128 f., who conjectures that Kopd (Kelpio) became Kovpd 
by analogy with Kovpetis < Kopcrefa. That this whole series of words was interrelated had 
already been guessed by the ancients: see et. mag. p. 534, 4ff. Kovpd- dirb tov Kelpu 
KtKapfxai Kopd Kal Kovpd. Kodpi\- ...1) irapk rb Kelpu, rb Kovpeiw, Kbpfj Kal Kotipi) k.t.\., ib. 
P- 53.?' 57 f« Xiyerai Se Kal 6 i;vpQv avrov rb yiveiov (sc. Kovpos). So ib. p. 529, 36 f. , et. 
Gud. pp. 338, 8f., 341, 40 ff. 

The foregoing derivation strongly supports Miss J. E. Harrison's contention that the 
Kovprjrei were the young initiates of the tribe (see her cogent article in the Ann. Brit. 
Sch. Ath. 1908 — 1909 xv. 308 — 338). Archemachos of Euboia frag . 8 (Frag. hist. Gr. 
iv. 315 f. &f tiller) ap. Strab. 465 states that the Kouretes of Chalkis oiriodev KOfiCivTas 
yeviadai, rd 5' UpLirpoedev KeipeeOai, Sib Kal Kovpijras dirb rrjs Kovpas KXrjOrjvai. This may 
be a speculation based on ihe" Apavres. . .Siridev KOfibuvres (II. 2. 542). But it was certainly 
believed in the fifth century B.C. that the Kovpyres got their name from their peculiar 
coiffure : Aisch. frag. 313 Nauck 2 yXibSiv re irXbKap.os uxrre irapde'vois d/3/xus- | bdev KaXeiv 
Kovpijra \abi> rjveaau, Agathon Thyestes frag. 3 Nauck 2 Kb/xas eKeipdp.eo~da Lidprvpas 
Tpixprp, I 7) irov irodeivbv XPV^ iraifroijari <ppevl. \ eirwvv/xov yovv evOtis Zaxop-ev /cXe'os, j 
Kovpr)res elvai, Kovplp-ov x^P lv Tpixbs. Cp. et. mag. p. 534, 14 ff. Kovprjres- ...?) dirb ttjs 
Kopds, irapa to p.r) Kelpeadai = et. Gud. p. 342, 1 ff., Hesych. s.v. Kovprjres- ...Sid to KovpiKws 
dvaSeSiadai t&s, Eudok. viol. 518 et Si rives Tuv'EWrjvuv ovk r\aav KaprjKOfibiovTes, 
■/rapeffrifieiwffaTo avrovs i) laropla, Kovpijras ai)roi)s ovop.di'eadai Xiyovcra k.t.X. = Eustath. 
in II. p. 165, 8 ff. 

At Athens the third day of the Apatouria was called KovpeQris — say the lexicographers 
— not merely because the Kovpoi and Kovpai were then enrolled on their phratry-lists 
(Souid. s.v. ' Airarovpia), but also because on that day children's hair was cut and dedicated 
to Artemis (Hesych. s.v. KovpeQris) or the Kovpoi had their hair cut and were enrolled in 
their phratries (Souid. s.v. Kovpewns). The sacrifice offered for those of full age (els 
ijXiKlav irpoeXdbvrwv) was termed Kovpeiov in the case of the boys, yap.i]Xla in that of the 
girls (Poll. 8. 107). These terms point to an original puberty-rite of hair-clipping. 
Further, Miss Harrison notes that the Athenian £<jyr)poi presented Herakles with a big 
cup of wine (olviar-qpia) and then clipped their hair (Athen. 494 F, Hesych. s.v. olvioT-npia, 
Phot. lex. s.v. olvi[a]<TTi)pia, Eustath. in 11. p. 907, 19, Favorin. lex. p. 469, 20 f. ; cp. 
Poll. 3. 52, 6. 22, who connects the rite with the Apatouria). 

The exact character of such tonsures can seldom be determined. Yet there is a certain 
amount of monumental evidence available. In Minoan art youthful figures, both male 
and female, often have a single curl hanging over the forehead (e.g. Ann. Brit. Sch. Ath. 
1900— 1901 vii. 56 f. fig. 17, Mon. d. Line. 1908 xix. 156°. pi. 1 f.) : was this the x^^wv 
irX6Kap.os of the Kouretes ? The owtdev Kou-buvres appear on an archaic sherd from Aigina, 
which shows a man's head beardless and bald on top, but with bushy hair behind tied in 
a bunch on the neck (F. Diimmler in the Jahrb. d. kais. deutsch. arch. Inst. 1887 ii. 20 f. 
pi. 2, 3), and also on certain oblong plates of gold found at Corinth, which represent 
Theseus slaying the Minotaur and Ariadne standing at his back, both figures being bald 
on top, but long-haired behind (A. Furtwiingler in the Arch. Zeit. 1884 p. 106 ff. pi. 8, 
2—7) : this was known as the Qi\ar\ls Kovpd, since Theseus at Delphoi shaved the front of 
his head only (Plout v. Thes. 5, Eustath. in II. p. 165, 7 f.). The head of a Lapith from 
the west pediment of the temple of Zeus at Olympia has a smooth surface reserved in the 
hair above the middle of the forehead (Olympia iii. 83 fig. 136): G. Treu ib. assumes an 

Aithtr as the abode of Zeus 25 

tends to confirm our conjecture that the Komyria was the 
marriage-feast of Zeus 1 . 

It is probable that the crowds which in Roman times thronged 
the precinct looked upon the Komyria as the ' Hair '-festival ; for 
the published dedications, sixty or so in number, regularly describe 
the votive hair as kdme or kdmai. This appears to be another 
case of an obvious Greek meaning thrust upon an unobvious 
Carian term. It is thus comparable with the name of Zeus 
Pandmaros himself 2 . 

§ 2. Zeus and the Burning Sky. 

(a) Aither as the abode of Zeus. 

As a bright sky-god Zeus lived in the aither or ' burning sky 3 .' 
Homer and Theognis speak of him as • dwelling in aither 4 .' And 
a notable line in the i/iad says: 

Zeus' portion was 
Broad heaven in the aithe'r and the clouds 5 . 

Hence, when he punished Hera, he hung her up ' in the aither and 

upright tongue attached to a fillet (cp. a stele in the Naples collection figured by Collignon 
Hist, de la i. 256, the Lapiths on a vase published by H. Heydemann Mittheil- 
ungen aus den Antikensammlungen in Ober- und Miltelitalien Halle 1879 pi. 3, 1, etc.), 
but admits that there is no trace of the fillet. On the shaved moustache of the Spartans 
as a tribal mark see infra ch. i § 3 (f). 

The relation of Kcup6s to this group of words is dealt with in Append. A. 

1 In Anth. Pal. 6. 242 Krinagoras records the dedication of his brother's first beard 
reXelcp I Zrjvl ko.1 wdlvuv /\ixv Apri/xtdi. Dr Rouse op. cit. p. 241 says: ' Agamemnon 
in perplexity tore out handfuls of hair as an offering to Zeus' (//. 10. 1 5 f - iroXXeks 4k 
Ke<pa\rj$ irpodeXti/ivovs fKKero x a ^ Tas I i>xf/68' idvri Ati). But this strange couplet has been 
variously interpreted. Eustath. in II. p. 786, 46 ff. presses the preceding metaphor to 
mean that, just as Zeus thundered, rained, and snowed, so Agamemnon groaned, shed 
tears, and scattered his hairs broadcast ! Probably the whole passage is due to some 
bombastic rhapsode, who was trying to outdo the more commonplace phrase Ad x € 'P aJ 
dvaffxeiv (\\. Leaf ad loc). 

2 Supra p. 18. A puzzling epithet, perhaps another example of the same inter- 
linguistic phenomenon, is that given in the Bull. Corr. Hell. 1891 xv. 186 no. 130 A, 1 
[Ati \Y\a.vr\ix.ipu 'Apyupov Kal"R[pa]. MM. Deschamps and Cousin take 'Apyupov to be an 
indeclinable divine title, which has given rise to such personal names as Bull. Corr. Hell. 
1888 xii. 487 no. 60 (Panamara) 'Eva<ppd [K]6firj 'Ap[y]vpov, Bull. Corr. Hell. 1887 xi. II 
no. 6, 5 f. (Lagina) Mpeia t\ yvvr) a[v]rov | 'Apre/xeis 'Apyvpou K(<i)pa){(ls), Corp. inter. Or. 
iv no. 8753 (Pergamon) 'Ap[y]vpov. But to Greek ears 'Apytpov spelled 'Silver,' and 
silver was the metal specially assigned to Zeus by the Byzantines (infra ch. i § 6 (g) 
on Iupiter Dolichenus). 

3 L. Meyer Handb. d. gr. Etyni. ii. 91, Prellwitz Etym. Worterb. d. Gr. Spr. 3 p. 15, 
Boisacq Di(t. e'tytn. de la Langue Gr. p. 23. 

4 //. 2. 412, 4. 166, Od. 15. 523, Theogn. 757 aldtpi valw. 

8 //. 15. 192 Zeis 5' IXax' ovpavbv eupbv iv aldipt xal vetpiXyffw. See infra ch. ii §6. 

2() Zeus Aitherios, Zeus Aithrios 

the i loud- 1 .' On one occasion he sent a portent to the Achaeans 
"out «.f f///,v, ';■'•',' on another he helped Ilektor 'from aither 3 ,' on 
another he came near to flinging 1 Iypnos 'from aithe'r' into the 
sea'. Kuripides in hi-- Melanipfe the Wise made one of the 
characters cry : 

I -.ue.ii li\ hiily ti/t/it'r, home of Zeus'". 
Aristophanes alter the in, inner of a caricaturist slightly distorts 
the phrase and ridicule-- the poet for saying 'dither, room of Zeus".' 
Again in hi-- Chrysiffos Kuripides wrote an invocation of earth and 
sky beginning — 

Mightiest Harth and aitlicr of Zeus" - 
and in another fragment described Perseus as — 

The liui-un -layer that winded his way to the holy aitlicr of Zeus s . 

The Latin poets followed suit and used the borrowed word aether 

to denote the habitual abode of Iupiter'. 

(b) Zeus Aitherios, Zeus Aithrios. 

Writers of both nationalities call Zeus (Iupiter) aitherios 
(aetheri/ts), 'god of the burning sky 1 "' — an epithet which gains 
importance from the tact that it was a cult-title possibly in 
Arkadia" and certainly in Lesbos. A decree found at Chalakais, 
on the site of the ancient town Hiera, records the sacred offices 
held by a certain Bresos, among them the priesthood of Zeus 
Aitherios 1 -. Aristotle in his treatise On the Universe links with 
Aitherios the epithet Aithrios, 'god of the Bright Sky 11 '.' This too 

I //. is. is IV. - //. ii. 54. ;i //. is. 610 Interpol. 4 //. 14. 258. 
lair. J/r'.' mippeji a . 4N7 Naucl - op.vvfxi 5' iepov aWlp , oiKijaiv Aios. 

" Ari.-toph. //tfft/i. 27 2 quotes the line correctly, but ran. 100 and 311 substitutes 
a, Aios iiw/xaTiof, which reduces die sublime to tlie ridiculous. 

7 lair. Chry . fra^. N39 Nauck'-, ijunted infra ch. ii. -5 9 (e) ii. I - 'or the combination 
c\>. fra^. 1023 Nauck 1 \lOipa ku.1 Valav ttuvtwv ^tviTtipav atiStj). 

' Yaw. /rat,: V\- Naili k J . 

: ' /■:..;. Very. ./,;/. 1 :. 140 1., ( »v. fa I. 2. 131, Val. Flacc. 2. 1 17 ft'., Sil. It. is,. 363 f., 
Stat. /'//</'. 5. 177 f. 

'" Anlh. /\i/. 9. 4;;. 1 Melt a-i"-. N'onn. /)ion. 7. 267 (to. 312 iitpios), 18. 263, 
Mousaios 8. Loukian. philapalr. 4, Thcod. 1'rodr. ep. 2. 3 (not. et extr. viii. 2 p. 184), 
Anon. Ainhr. 19 (Scholl-Studemund an,., 1. i. 26s), Schol. B. I.. //. 15.610. Cp. Niket. 
hue. z.. 10S i'.ois.ionade Zee.. aiOcpoKparop. 

()v. //>ii 476, laican. = . </>, Stat. </'/-'. 3. 1. 108, 7'heb. 1. 704, n. 207, Ach. 2. 53, 
/lias Latina 536 1 I'.ahren- l'o tac Latini minorcs iii. 34), 1'riscian. 1. 126 (Bahrens op. cit. 
v. 269). 

II Am pel. 9 cited infra \>. 2; 11. 3. 

- /// r. (,'r. in . ii no. 4 x 4 , {) f. ; )lT a Atos | Ai0eplu...(? etpea), O. Hoffmann Die 
Gritihii'hcn Dialektc (idttingen 1S93 ii. 1 10 f. no. 168. 
Ari.stot. de mum/. 7. 401 a 17 *ai aiOpios tcai aidtpios. 

Zeus identified with Aithtr 27 

was a cult-title at Priene in Karia. A small marble altar found 
there and dating from the first century of our era or later is 
inscribed : 

Atos Of Zeus 

Aldpiov Aithrios 1 . 

Another altar of similar provenance, period, and size is adorned 
with a bay- wreath, beneath which is the inscription : 

ee/LucrroicAqr Themistokles 

M(vdv8pov son of Menandros 

Ati Aldpiat to Zeus Aithrios 

fiiXV" n fulfilment of) a vow 2 . 

(c) Zeus identified with AithSr (sometimes with A6r) 
in Philosophy and Poetry. 

Lying at the back of such usages is the half- forgotten belief 
that Aitke'r, 'the Burning Sky,' itself is Zeus 3 . Zoi'sm 4 dies 
hard ; and this belief can be traced here and there throughout the 
whole range of Greek literature. In particular, it has left its 
impress on philosophy and poetry. 

Pherekydes of Syros, one of the earliest writers of Greek 
prose, has preserved for us some exceedingly primitive notions 
with regard to Zeus, or Zds as he terms him. Of these I shall 
have more to say : for the moment we are concerned with the 
tradition that by Zeus Pherekydes understood aither, ' the burning 
sky,' or ignis, ' fire 5 .' He may doubtless have given some such 

1 F. Hiller von Gaertringen Inschriften von Priene Berlin 1906 no. 184. 

2 Id. ib. no. 185. 

3 As Zeus 'AfiAptos presupposed dpdpa = Zei/s, so Zeus AiWpios presupposes ai6-/)p= ZeiJs. 
Hes. theog. 124 (Cornut. theol. 17 p. 28, 6 f. Lang) makes Aither the brother of Hemera, 
as does Hyg. fab. praef. p. 9, 2 Schmidt (Dies and Aether), cp. Cic. de nat. deor. 3. 44. 
Aither and Hemera appear fighting side by side on the frieze of the great Pergamene 
altar to Zeus: see Die Skulpturen des Pergavwn- Museums in Photographien Berlin 1903 
pi. 10, Pergamon iii. 2. 31 ff. Atlas pi. 6. In Cic de nat. deor. 3. 53 f. Aether is father of 
an Arcadian Iupiter, cp. Ampel. 9 loves fuere tres. primus in Arcadia, Aetheris filius, cui 
etiam Aetherius cognomen fuit: hie primum Solem procreavit, Lyd. de nuns. 4. 67 
p. 121, 25 f. Wiinsch fjrrd 'HpaKXeU yevtedai, irpQiTov Aids rod AlOipos, ib. 4. 71 p. 122, 
22 ff. rpeh Alas etnai ftotiXovrai, Zva fxiv AlOipos, rbv 5i Irtpov iv 'ApKaSia. Pan was the 
son of Oinoe by Aither (Pind. at. Maxim. Holobol. in Syringein p. 112 b 15 f. Diibner, 
Ar&ilhos frag. 5 ap. schol. Eur. Rhes. 36 = Frag. hist. Gr. iv. 319 Miiller: cp. Gruppe 
Gr. Myth. Rel. p. 1390 n. 5), or of Oinei's by Aither (schol. Theokr. I. 121) or by Zeus 
(Aristippos/rrtf. 2 ap. schol. Theokr. 1. 3 and Eudok. viol. 747 = Frag. hist. Gr. iv. 327 

4 By zoism I mean what Mr J. S. Stuart-Glennie means by ' zoonism ' and Mr R. R. 
Marett by ' animatism ' — the primitive view that things in general, including inanimates, 
possess a mysterious life of their own. 

8 Hermias irrisio gentilium philosophorum 12 = 11. Diels Doxog raphi Graeci Berolini 

28 Zeus identified with Aithir 

interpretation of his own cosmological myth. But the tradition 
that he actually did so is late, and so mixed up with Stoic 
phraseology that it would be unsafe to build upon it 1 . 

Whatever Thales of Miletos meant by his statements that ' all 
things are full of gods 2 ' and that even inanimates, to judge from 
the load-stone and amber, have life 3 , it is at least clear that his 
teaching was in a sense zo'fstic. It is therefore of interest to find 
that Jlerakleitos ^-the greatest of his followers, uses the expression 
4 Aithrios Zeus ' as a direct equivalent of ' the Bright Sky.' In 
a fragment preserved by Strabon he writes : 

The limits of Morning and Evening are the Bear, 

and over against the Bear is the boundary of Aithrios Zeus 4 . 

Nay more, may we not venture to assert that Herakleitos' cardinal 
doctrine of the universe as an Ever-living Fire 5 is but a refinement 
upon the primitive conception of Zeus the Burning Sky? For 
not only does the philosopher speak of his elemental Fire as 
Keraunds, 'the Thunderbolt 6 ,' a word peculiarly appropriate to 
Zeus 7 , but he actually applies to it the name Zm or Zeus 8 . The 
author of the pseudo-Hippocratean work On Diet borrows both 

1879 p. 654, 7 ff. $ep€Kvdr)s fiev dpxas elvcu Xtywp Zrjva koI Xdovlrjv /cat Kpovov ' Zijva /xev 
rbv aiOtpa, XOovlriv 5& tt\v yrp>, Kpbvov 5£ rbv xP 0V0V ' ° P-tv &10VP rb itolovv, tj Se 777 rb 
Taoxov, 6 5^ xpbvos iv $ to. yivbfieva, Probus in Verg. eel. 6. 31 p. 355 Lion Pherecydes... 
Z7j»>a, inquit, Kal X06p<a> xai Kpbvov, ignem ac terrain <ac> tempus significans; et 
esse aethera, qui regat terram, qua regatur tempus, in quo universa pars moderetur. 

1 This was seen by E. Zeller op. cit. i. 91 n. 3. 

2 Aristot. de anima 1. 5. 411a 8, Plat. legg. 899 B, Diog. Laert. 1. 27, Aet. 1. 7. 11. 

3 Diog. Laert. 1. 24, Aristot. de anima 1. 2. 405 a 20 f. 

* Herakl. ap. Strab. 3 avrlov 7-77$ apKrov ovpos aldplov At6s=frag. 30 Bywater, 120 Diels. 
On the interpretation of these words consult E. Zeller A History of Greek Philosophy 
trans. S. F. Alleyne London 1881 ii. 46 n. 1, who renders 'the sphere of bright Zeus,' 
and J. Burnet Early Greek Philosophy London and Edinburgh 1892 p. 136 n. 23, who 
says: 'It seems to me to be simply the clear noon-day sky, put for ixeaTjuPpia.' 

5 Ilvp aeifaov Herakl. frag. 20 Bywater, 30 Diels. 

6 Herakl. ap. Hippolyt. ref. haer. 9. 10 iravra oia/dfci Ke paw bs= frag. 28 Bywater, 
64 Diels, cp. Kleanth. h. Zeus 10 wvpbtvr' aettyovTa Kepawbv, Philodem. nepl ewre/3etas 
6* p. 70 Gomperz Kepavvbs Tr-cavr' o/a/otfet. 

7 Infra ch. ii § 3 (a) i. 

8 Herakl. ap. Clem. Al. strom. 5. 14 p. 404, 1 Stahlin (Euseb. praep. ev. 13. 13. 42) 
tv to ao<pbi> fwvvov XtytoOai ovk idiXei icai idiXei Zr/vbs 6vop.a=frag. 65 Bywater, 32 Diels. 
Schuster punctuates after fiovvov (Khein. Mtts. 1854 ix. 345), Cron after edtXei (Philologus 
N.F. 1889 i. 208 ff.). Bernays transposes idtXei Kal ovk idiXei (Rhein. Mus. 1854 ix. 256 f.). 
6vo(w. vulg. oHvoim Bywater with Euseb. cod. D. ovvbfxari Mullach. 

Probably Zj/vis, for Aids, in order to suggest a connexion with pr)v, 'to live' (supra 
p. 11 n. g). 

That Herakleitos called his first principle Zeus, appears also from Chrysipp. ap. 
Philodem. Ttpl evcefidat 14 p. 81 Gomperz tov TlbXefiov Kal rbv Ala tov avrbv elvai, 
Kadawtp xai 'HpaKXeirov X^etv, Clem. Al. paed. 1. 5 p. 103, 6 Stahlin roia\ni\v nva 
iralfeu/ iraibib.v rbv iavrov Ala 'HpdjcXeiroj X^yet. 

Zeus identified with Aithtr 29 

the style and the tenets of the enigmatic Herakleitos, when he 
declares : 

All things are the same and not the same : 
light is the same as Zen, darkness as Aides, 
light is the same as Aides, darkness as Zen 1 . 

The^Stoics^ whose physical theories were profoundly influenced by 
those of Herakleitos, held that matter alone has real existence. 
But matter is not inert and dead. It can act as well as be acted 
upon, thanks to a certain tension or elasticity (tSnos), which is 
found to a greater or less degree in all matter. This tension is 
described by a variety of names, among them those of Constructive 
Fire 2 , Aither z , and Zeus 4 . Krates, a distinguished Greek gram- 
marian who was also a Stoic philosopher 5 , held that Aratos of 
Soloi, who began his astronomical poem the Phaenomena with a 
famous invocation of Zeus, was in reality invoking the sky 8 : he 

1 Hippokr. de viciu I. 5 (vi. 476 Littre = i. 633 Kiihn) wivra ravra ical ov rb. airri- 
(paos Ztjvi, <tk6tos' ALdrj, <pdos'Al5rj, <tk6tos Ztjvl. 

2 IIDp rexviKbv Stob. eel. 1. 25. 5 p. 213, 15 ft". Wachsmuth, ib. 1. 26. 1' p. 219, 12 f. 
Wachsmuth = Zenon Jrag. 71 Pearson; ib. 1. r. 2Q b p. 37, 20 ff. Wachsmuth, Clem. Al. 
strom. 5. 14. p. 393, iff. Stahlin, Diog. Laert. 7. 156, Cic. de nat. deor. 2. 57 ignem... 
artificiosum, cp. ib. 3. 37 naturae... artificiose ambulantis, Acad. 1. 39 ignem, Tert. ad 
nat. 2. 2 cuius (ignis) instar vult esse naturam Zeno = Zenon frag. 46 Pearson. 

Again, Zenon spoke of God as the Fiery Mind of the Universe (Stob. eel. 1. 1. 29 b 
p. 35, 9 Wachsmuth) or as Fire (August, adv. Acad. 3. 17. 38)=Zenon/ra^. 42 Pearson. 

3 Cic. de nat. deor. 1. 36 Zeno...aethera deum dicit, Acad. 2. 126 Zenoni et reliquis 
fere Stoicis aether videtur summus deus, Minuc. Fel. 19. 10 Cleanthes...modo aethera... 
deurn disseruit. Zenon... aethera interim. ..vult omnium esse principium, Tert. adv. 
Mareion. 1. 13 deos pronuntiaverunt...ut Zeno aerem et aetherem = Zenon frag. 41 
Pearson; Cic. de nat. deor. 1. 37 Cleanthes...ardorem, qui aether nominatur, certissimum 
deum iudicat, Lact. div. inst. 1. 5 Cleanthes et Anaximenes aethera dicunt esse summum 
deum = Kleanthes frag. 15 Pearson; Chrysippos ap. Cic. de nat. deor. 1. 39 deum dicit 
esse... aethera. Cp. Stob. eel. 1. 1. 29 b p. 38, 2f. Wachsmuth dvurrdru fe tt&vtuv vovv 
ivaidipiov elvai 6eoi>. 

4 Cic. de nat. deor. 1. 36 neque enim Iovem, neque Iunonem, neque Vestam, neque 
quemquam, qui ita appellator, in deorum habet numero (sc. Zeno), sed rebus inanimis 
atque mutis per quandam significationem haec docet tributa nomina = Zenon frag, no 
Pearson; Minuc. Fel. 19. 10 Zenon. ..interpretando Iunonem aera, Iovem caelum, 
Neptunum mare, ignem esse Vulcanum et ceteros similiter deos elementa esse monstrando 
= Zenon frag. 111 Pearson; Chrysippos ap. Philodem. irepi «i)<re/3eiaj i2 = H. Diels 
Doxographi Graeei Berolini 1879 p. 546 b 24^ A/a 5£ tov aldipa; Diog. Laert. 7. 147 
Ala fiiv yap <paai St' tv to. vdvra, Z^vo 5^ /caXoCfft Trap 1 oaov tov jyjv atrids iariv ^ Sta tov 
frjv Kex&pyKcv , \K6t}vdv 5£ Kara tt)v eis aiOipa Stdrotrtj', ..."Hpa? Si Kara tt\v (Is d(pa, *ai 
"H^ato-To? Kara rqv ds to rexvtKbv xvp, k.t.\.; Chrysippos ap. Stob. eel. I. I. 16 p. 31, 

1 1 ff. Wachsmuth Zei)s /jxv ovv (palverai u)v6pM<rdat dirb rod wcurt deSuictvai rb £ijp. Sla 8i 
avrbv \6yovatv, 8rt Trdvruv iarlv afrtoj ical St' avrbv Tdvra; Chrysippos a/. Cic. de Mat. 
deor. 1. 40 aethera esse eum, quern homines Iovem appellarent, etc. 

8 Souid. s.v. KpdTi/j ii. 395 a 14 ff. Bernhardy. 

8 Krates ap. schol. Caes. Germ. Aratea p. 379, 11 ff. Eyssenhardt. The same inter- 
pretation is put upon the phrase by Macrob. Sat. 1. 18. 15, in somn. Seip. 1. 17. 14. 

30 Zeus identified with Aithir 

added that it was reasonable to invoke the air and aithir, since in 
them were the stars: Homer — he said — had called the sky Zeus 1 , 
as had Aratos elsewhere 2 ; Hesiod 3 and Philemon 4 had used the 
same word of the air. Other rationalists propounded similar 
explanations 5 ; for allegory is ever popular with those who have 
outgrown their creeds. Thus what had once been a piece of 
genuine folk-belief was first taken up into a philosophical system 
by Herakleitos, then pressed into the service of various Stoic 
speculations, and finally treated as a commonplace by allegorists 
and eclectics. 

The comedians of course lost no opportunity of deriding such 
vagaries. Philemon, the first representative of the New Attic 
Comedy, is known to have penned a play called The Philosophers 
in which he made mock of Zenon the Stoic 6 . When, therefore, 
we find that the prologue to one of his other comedies was spoken 
by a personage named Air and identified with Zeus, we may fairly 
suspect a travesty of Stoic teaching. The personage in question 
announces himself as follows : 

One who knows everybody and everything 
That every one did, does, or ever will do, 
And yet no god, and yet no man, am I. 
Air, if you please, or Zeus if you prefer it ! 
For, like a god, I'm everywhere at once, 
I'm here in Athens, at Patras, in Sicily, 
In every state and every house, indeed 
In each man Jack of you. Air's everywhere 
And, being everywhere, knows everything 7 ! 

1 //. 19. 357. 

* Axa.1. phaen. 223 f. aiirap 6"Iiriros \ iv Aids eiXeiTcu, 275 ijroi yap Kal Zyvl iraparp^Xft 
alb\os"Opvts with schol. 

3 Hes. o.d. 267, cp. schol. Arat. phaen. 1 p. 49, 24 Bekker. 

4 Philemon/ra^. incert. 2. 4 Meineke: infra p. 30. 

5 E.g. schol. 77. 15. 21 A.D., 188 B. L., Lyd. de mens. 4. 22 p. 80, 15 ff. Wiinsch, it, 
4- 34 P- 9"> l8ff > Serv. in Verg. eel. 10. 27. Herakleitos, a late Stoic, in his quaest. 
Horn. pp. 23, 14 ff., 35, 1 iff., 37, if., 38, 1, 52, igff., 57, 16 ff., 60, 7ff., 62, 3ff., 64, 
1 ff. Soc. Philol. Bonn, also equates Zeus with aW-ffp. 

A last echo of Herakleitos the Ionian is audible in Lyd. de mens. 4. 21 p. 80, 4 rbv de 
Ala rb wvp, Cornut. theol. 19 p. 33, 12 ff. Lang b fiev yap aW^p Kal rb States Kal KaOapbv 
rvp Zti/i ion k.t.X., Tert. adv. Marcion. 1. 13 vulgaris superstitio...figurans Iovem in 
substantial) fervidam et Iunonem eius in aeriam, etc. 

• Diog. Laert. 7. 27, Clem. Al. strom. 2. 20 p. 179, 8 ff. Stahlin, Souid. s.v. Ztjvuv 
i. 726a 10 Bernhardy= Philemon Philosophi frag. (Frag. com. Gr. iv. 29 f. Meineke). 

7 Stob. eel. 1. 1. 32 p. 39, 9 ff . Wachsmuth, Vita Arati ii. 438, schol. Caes. Germ. 
Aratea p. 380, 1 ff. Eyssenhardt, et. mag. p. 389, 38 ff. where TlXarwv is a mistake for 
$i\4)tiiu» =■ Philemon frag, invert. 1 Meineke. 

With this identification of Zeus and 'Ajp cp. Krates supra p. 29, Chrysippos ap. 
Philodem. xepl «foe/3«'aj 13 = 11. Diels Doxogr. p. 546 b 36 ff. Ala (tii> elvai rbv irepl tt)v 
-fyv aipa, rbv St (XKortwbv 'Kibyv, rbv U 5ia rij% yrjs K al daXdrTTjs IloffeiSu, Lyd. de mens. 

Zeus identified with Aith£r 31 

Another philosopher, who availed himself of the belief that 
the fiery sky is Zeus, was Empedokles of Agrigentum. This 
remarkable thinker recognised four elements or ' roots ' of things, 
viz. Fire, Air, Earth, and Water, particles of which were combined 
and separated by the moving forces of Friendship and Enmity. 
In the extant fragments of his poem On Evolution he clothes his 
ideas in mythological language, speaking of the elements as Zeus, 
Here, Ai'doneus, and Nestis respectively, and of the moving forces 
as Aphrodite (Kypris) and Ares (Eris). Thus he writes: 

For first hear thou the four roots of all things : 

Bright Zeus, life-bringing Here, Aidoneus, 

And Nestis, whose tears flow as a fount for men 1 . 

The author of the compilation On the Dogmas of the Philosophers, 
a work wrongly ascribed to Plutarch 2 , quotes the second line as 
commencing with the words 'Zeus Aither' instead of 'Zeus arge's,' 
i.e. ' Zeus the Burning Sky ' instead of ' Zeus the Brilliant' But 
that is perhaps an emendation on the part of a copyist familiar 
with Stoic phraseology and ignorant of the poet's vocabulary 3 . 
The word arge's means 'bright' or 'brilliant' and is used by Homer 
five times of the thunderbolt hurled by Zeus 4 , once of the shining 

4. 176 p. 183, 9 Wiinsch Zei)s yap 6 drjp Kara rovs <pv<riKoi>s Xeyerai k.t.X., ib. I, 12 p. 6, 
■25 Aios ijroi depos. 

Diogenes of Apollonia, a belated follower of Anaximenes, likewise equated Zeus with 
'Ar)p: Philodem. irepi ewre/Setas 6 b = H. Diels Doxogr. p. 536 b 2 ff . Aioyivrj^ iiratvd rbv 
"Ofir/pov, ws ov fivOtKQs dXX' a\r]0£>s virtp rod Oeiov StetXeynivov. rbv dipa yap avrbv Ala 
vofiLfeiv <py)<jlv, iireidi] irav eldivat rbv Ala Xtyei. 

The same equation is found many centuries later in Tzetz. alleg. Od. 6. 132 trdvra to. 
Stvbpa yap 6 Zefa ■fjyovv ar]p inrpifai, 8. 76 Zei)j be drip tis k.t.X. 

1 Empedokl./ra^ - . 6 Diels rtaaapa yap irdvruv ptfwyoiara irpdrov aicove' | Zeitj dpyi]s 
Hpt) re 0ep^ff/3ios i)5' At5weei5s | N^ffrts 6', rj baKpiiois rfyyei Kpovuu/xa fipbreiov. 

2 See e.g. W. Christ Geschichte der griechischen Litteratur 5 Miinchen 191 1 ii. 1. 391. 

3 Plout. de plac. phil. 1. 3. 20 Zeus aldrip MSS. The passage is cited from Plutarch by 
Euseb. praep. ev. 14. 14. 6, where the MSS. have Apr/*. Herakleitos the Stoic in his 
exposition of the line ((/uaest. Horn. p. 38, 1 ff. Soc. Philol. Bonn.) says Zrfva fiev dire rbv 
alOipa. But there is no doubt that dpyr)s is the true reading: see H. Diels Poetarum 
philosophorum fragmenta Berolini 1901 p. 108. With the pseudo-Plutarch's comment 
Aia yap Xiyu r\\v ^4<nv ical rbv aide" pa cp. the erroneous derivation of Zei/s from few in 
et. mag. p. 409, 4 f., et. Gud. p. 230, 30, Clem. Rom. horn. 4. 24 (ii. 173 Migne), 6. 7 
(ii. 201 Migne), Athenag. supplicatio pro Christianis 6 p. 7 Schwartz and 22 p. 26 
Schwartz, Prob. in Verg. eel. 6. 31 p. 351, interp. Serv. in Verg. Aen. 1. 47, cp. Arnob. 
adv. nat. 3. 30 flagrantem vi flammea atque ardoris inextinguibili vastitate, Lact. div. 
ins/. 1. 11 a fervore caelestis ignis, Myth. Vat. 1. 105 est ignem ; unde et 
Z«i>s (quod est vita sive color) dicitur, ib. 3. 3. 1 est ignem... Graece Iuppiter 
Zeus dicitur, quod Latine calor sive vita interpretatur, quod videlicet hoc elementum 
caleat ; et quod igni vitali, ut Heraclitus vult, omnia sint animata. See also supra 
p. 30 n. 5. 

4 //. 8. 133, Od. 5. 128, 131, 7. 249, 12. 387. Cp. dpyiKipawt of Zeus in //. 19. 121, 
20. 16, 22. 178. 

32 Zeus identified with Aithdr 

raiment worn by Helen 1 , and twice in a slightly different form of 
white glistening fat 5 . From the same root springs the word argds, 
'bright, glittering, shimmering 3 ,' — a fact which raises the question, 
In what relation did Zeus stand to the various mythical persons 
named Argos*} This complicated problem, which in one shape or 
another has exercised the minds of mythologists for the last 
seventy years 5 , has been recently attacked with the utmost care 
by Dr K. Wernicke 6 and Dr O. Jessen 7 . They arrive at sub- 
stantially identical results, viz. (i) that the numerous personages 
named Argos are, for the purposes of serious investigation, reducible 
to two — the eponymous hero of the town Argos and the sleepless 
watcher of Io; (2) that these two were originally one and the 
same; and (3) that the ultimate Argos was a sky-god, 'a sort of 
Zeus' says Dr Wernicke 8 , 'essentially similar to Zeus' as Dr Jessen 
puts it 9 . If this be so, it is permissible to regard Argos 'the 
Glittering' as another name of Zeiis 'the Bright One 10 ,' and we 
obtain confirmation of our view that Empedokles, when he spoke 
of Fire as Zeus arges, Zeus ' the Brilliant,' was utilising a popular 
and originally zoistic conception of the bright sky-god. 

Euripides sometimes identifies Zeus with the burning sky. 
He says, for example: 

Or again 

But Aither is thy father, maid, 
Whose name on earth is Zeus 11 . 

Thou seest yon boundless aithe'r overhead 
Clasping the earth in close and soft embrace? 
That deem thou Zen, that reckon thou thy god 12 . 

1 //• 3- 4'9- 

2 II. 11. 818, 21. 127. 

3 Prellwitz Etym. Worterb. d. Gr. Spr? p. 49 f. , Walde Lat. etym. Worterb. p. 43 f. 

* Prob. in Verg. id. 6. 31 p. 351 Lion already connects Zeus dpyqs with "Apyos. See 
further infra ch. i § 6 (g) ix. 

5 T. Panofka Argos Panoptes Berlin 1838 pp. 1—47 (extr. from the Abh. d. berl. 
Akad. /8j7 Phil.-hist. Classe pp. 81—125) was the first to deal in detail with the subject. 

• In Pauly-Wissowa Real-Enc. ii. 790 — 798 (1896). 

7 In Roscher l*x. Myth. iii. 1540 — 1550 (1902). 

8 Wernicke loc. cit. p. 798, 24 f. ' eine Art von Zeus.' 

9 Jessen loc. cit. p. 1549, 42 ff. ' ein Gott Argos Panoptes (Maass, Gotting. Gel. An*. 
1889, 2, 808), dem Wesen nach nicht verschieden von Zeus Panoptes bezw. Helios 

10 I called attention to this equation in the Class. Rev. 1904 xviii. 82 n. 3, cp. ib. p. 75, 
and in Folk- Lore J904 xv. 265. 

11 Eur. frag, incert. 877 Nauck 2 d\\' al0r}p rUrei <re, icbpa, | Zei>$ 8s &v9pibwois 

18 Eur. frag, incert. 941 Nauck 2 op^ts rhv v\pov t6v5' aireipov al04pa | ical yyjv 7r<fpt£ *x°"0' 
irypoTj iv iyn&Xau; | tovtov v6fufr Zr,va, t6v5' rryov 6e6v. Cp. Euripides' prayer to 0% 
in Aristoph. rati. 892. 

Zeus as god of the Blue Sky 33 

It is usual to suppose that in such passages Euripides was writing 
as a disciple of Anaxagoras. But, though Euripides was certainly 
influenced by Anaxagoras 1 , and though Anaxagoras in his cosmo- 
gony derived the world from the reciprocal action of a rare warm 
bright dry principle termed aither and a dense cold dark moist 
principle termed ae'r 2 , yet inasmuch as the philosopher nowhere 
calls his aither by the name of Zeus, his influence on the poet is 
not here to be traced. Nor yet can these Euripidean passages be 
ascribed to Orphic teaching. For the Orphic Zeus was pantheistic 
and only identified with aither in the same sense as he is identified 
with all the other elements of Nature 3 . Thus Aischylos in his 
Heliades writes probably under Orphic influence : 

Zeus is the aither, Zeus the earth, and Zeus the sky, 
Zeus the whole world and aught there is above it 4 . 

Orphic poems describe aither as the 'unerring kingly ear' of Zeus 5 , 
or as 'holding the ever tireless might of Zeus' high palace 6 '; but a 
direct identification of Zeus with aither is attributed to Orpheus 
only by Ioannes Diakonos, a late and untrustworthy author 7 . 
What then was the source of Euripides' teaching in the matter? 
Possibly Herakleitos' use of ' Aithrios Zeus' for 'the Bright Sky 8 '; 
but possibly also the old zoi'stic conception that lay at the base 
of all these philosophical superstructures. 

(d) Zeus as god of the Blue Sky in Hellenistic Art. 

Pompeian wall-paintings have preserved to us certain Hellenistic" 
types of Zeus conceived as god of the blue sky. He is characterised 
as such by the simplest of means. Either he wears a blue nimbus 
round his head, or he has a blue globe at his feet, or he is wrapped 
about with a blue mantle. 

1 See P. Decharme 'Euripide et Anaxagore' in the Rev. £t. Gr. 1889 ii. 234 ff. 

2 E. Zeller A History of Greek Philosophy trans. S. F. Alleyne London 1881 ii. 354 ff. 

3 Qrp\i.frag. 123, 1 off. Abel irvp koX 08wp iced yaia nal al&jp, »»•>£ re nai ijuap, | ... 
■k6lvto. yap if Zijvds ntydXip rdSe auifxan /cetrat. 

4 Aisch. Heliades frag. 70 Nauck 2 Zeus ionv aldiip, Zei/s di yrj, Zci>5 8' ovpai>6$, | Zeui rot 
to. T&vra. x^ri tujvS' viripTepov. 

5 Orph. frag. 123, 19 ff. Abel. 
8 Orph. h. Aith. 5. 1 Abel. 

7 Io. Diak. in Hes. theog. 950 = Orph. frag. i6t f. Abel. 

8 Supra p. 28. For the influence of Herakleitos on Euripides see A. E. Haigh Tkt 
Tragic Drama of the Greeks Oxford 1896 pp. 234, 272. 

9 Overbeck Gr. Kunstmyth. Zeus p. 190. 

c. 3 

34 The Blue Nimbus 

i. The Blue Nimbus. 

In a painting from the Casq del naviglio (pi. i. and Frontispiece) 1 , 
now unfortunately much faded, a fine triangular composition of 
Zeus enthroned is seen against a red background. The god's right 
hand, raised to his head, betokens thoughtful care. His left hand 
holds a long sceptre. His flowing locks are circled by a blue 
nimbus". Wrapped about his knees is a mantle, which varies in 
hue from light blue to light violet. His sandalled feet are placed 
on a footstool, beside which is perched his eagle, heedfully turning 
its head towards its master. The throne has for arm-rests two 
small eagles, and is covered with green drapery. Immediately 
behind it rises a pillar rectangular in section and yellowish grey in 
colour, the sacred stone of Zeus. We have thus in juxtaposition 
the earliest and the latest embodiment of the sky-god, the rude 
aniconic pillar of immemorial sanctity and the fully anthropo- 
morphic figure of the Olympian ruler deep in the meditations of 
Providence 3 . 

The same striking combination occurs on a well-mouth of Luna 
marble in the Naples Museum (pi. ii.) 4 . Here too we see Zeus 
seated in a pensive attitude, his right hand supporting his head, his 
left placed as though it held a sceptre. There is again a pillar 

1 Helbig Wandgem. Camp. p. 30 f. no. 101. Uncoloured drawings in the Real Museo 
Borbonico Napoli 1830 vi pi. 52, W. Zahn Die schdnsten Ornamente und merkwiirdigsten 
Gemiilde aits Pompeji, Hcrkulanum und Stabiae Berlin 1844 ii pi. 88. E. Braun Vorschule 
der Kunstmythologie Gotha 1854 pi. 1 1, Overbeck op. tit. Atlas pi. 1, 39, Midler- Wieseler- 
Wernicke Ant. Denkm. i. 48 f. pi. 4, 11 (with the fullest bibliography), alib. 

My pi. i is a reproduction of Zahn's drawing on a smaller scale. My Frontispiece is 
a restoration of the painting based, partly on the full notes as to colouring given by 
Zahn, partly on a study of the much better preserved paintings from the same atrium 
(Helbig Wandgem. Camp. p. 50 no. 175, p. 98 no. 392, cp. p. 47 no. 162), especially of 
the wonderful enthroned Dionysos (Herrmann Denkm. d. Malerei col. pi. 1). 

2 L. Stephani Nimbus und Strahlenkranz St Petersburg 1859 P* I 3^ (extr. from the 
Memoires de V Academie des Sciences de St. -Pdtersbourg. vi Serie. Sciences politiques, 
histoire, philologie. ix. 361 ff.). 

3 Overbeck Gr. Kunstmyth. Zeus p. 190 compares the thoughtful attitude of Zeus on 
the Naples well-mouth (infra n. 4) and on a medallion of Lucius Verus (infra ch. i § 5 (b)). 
Wernicke op. cit. i. 48 f. objects that in the Pompeian painting the arm of Zeus is not 
supported on the back of the throne, but raised to his head in a Roman gesture of 
' meditative care ' [sinnende Fiirsorge) like that of Securitas on imperial coins (e.g. Muller- 
Wieseler Denim, d. ail. Kunst i. 80 pi. 67, 362 : list in Rasche Lex. Num. viii. 333 — 
402, Stevenson-Smith-Madden Diet. Rom. Corns pp. 726 — 728) or that of Minerva in the 
pediment of the Capitoline temple (Wernicke op. cit. i. 43, 52 pi. 5, 1, Overbeck op. cit. 
Atlas pi. 3, 20, Durm Baukunst d. Etrusk.' 1 p. 102 f. figs. 112 f.). For more pronounced, 
but less dignified, gestures of the sort see C. Sittl Die Gebarden der Griechen und 
Rdmer Leipzig 1890 p. 47 f. 

* Guida del Mus. Napoli p. 94 f. no. 289, figured in the Real Museo Borbonico Napoli 
1824 i pi. 49, Overbeck op. cit. Atlas pi. 3, 16. My pi. ii is a drawing from the cast at 

Plate I 

Zeus in a wall-painting from the Casa del Navi^lio. 

See page 34 ft- 

Plate II 



Zeus on a well-mouth at Naples. 

See page 34 ff. 

The Blue Nimbus 35 

beside him : on it rests his eagle, the lightning-bearer, turning 
towards him and spreading its wings for instant flight. 

Both designs are clearly variations (the one chromatic, the 
other plastic) of a common original by some sculptor of repute, 
who — to judge from the abundant but not as yet exaggerated 
locks of the god, his earnest deep-set eyes, his broad athletic 
shoulders, the naturalistic gesture of his right hand, and the multi- 
facial character of the whole work — may well have been Lysippos. 
The Italian provenance of the wall-painting and the well-mouth 
suggest that this Lysippean masterpiece was executed for some 
city in Italy. Our only further clue is the presence of the pillar 
as an essential feature of the composition. Now pillar-cults of 
Zeus lasting on into the classical period are of extreme rarity. 
There was, however, one such cult, of which I shall have more to 
say 1 , at Tarentum in south Italy. If it could be shown that 
Lysippos made an image of the Tarentine pillar-Zeus, it would 
be reasonable to regard that image as the prototype of our later 
figures. At this point Pliny may be brought forward as a witness. 
A propos of colossal statues he says : ' Yet another is that at 
Tarentum, made by Lysippos, forty cubits in height. It is note- 
worthy because the weight is so nicely balanced that, though it can 
be moved by the hand — so they state — , yet it is not 
overthrown by any gale. The artist himself is said 
to have provided against this by placing a pillar 
a little way off on the side where it was most 
necessary to break the violence of the wind'-.' 
Lucilius 3 and Strabon 4 mention that the statue in 
question represented Zeus and was set in a large 
open market-place. Whether it was seated we are 
not definitely told and cannot certainly infer 5 . On 
the one hand, its great height and carefully calculated balance 
suggest a standing figure (cp. fig. 8) 6 . On the other hand, Lysippos' 

1 Infra ch. ii § 3 (a) ii (3). . 

'-' Plin. nat. hist. 34. 40 talis et Tarenti factus a Lysippo, XL cubitorum. mirum in co 
quod manu, ut ferunt, mobilis ea ratio libramenti est, ut nullis convellatur procellis. 
id quidem providisse et artifex dicitur modico intervallo, unde maxime Hatum opus erat 
frangi, opposita columna. 

3 Lucil. frag. 380 Baehrens ap. Non. Marc. s.v. 'cubitus' p. 296, I4& Lindsay 
Lysippi Iuppiter ista | transibit quadraginta cubita altu' Tarento. 

4 Strab. 278 ?x« Si (sc. Tarentum) yvixvdaibv re KdWiarov kclI dyopar tvneyiOq, i» jj 
ko\ 6 tov Aids XSpirrai KoXovcrds xa^fous, /iiyiffros /nerd, rbv 'VoSiuv. 

8 Overbeck Gr. Kunstmyth. Zeus p. 57. 

6 Miiller-Wieseler- Wernicke Ant. Denkm. i. 58 pi. 5, 11, a brown paste of late 
Roman work at Berlin (Furtwangler Geschnitt. Steine Berlin p. 122 no. 2641 pi. 24) 
shows Zeus leaning his left arm on a pillar and holding a phidle in his right hand. Upon 


36 The Blue Nimbus 

intention may well have been to eclipse the Olympian Zeus of 
Pheidias by a seated colossus of yet vaster bulk. Moreover, both 
Strabon 1 and Pliny 2 speak in the next breath of another colossal 
bronze made by Lysippos for the Tarentines: this represented 
Herakles without weapons, seated and resting his head on his left 
hand 8 — a fitting pendant to a Zeus in the Pompeian pose. Pliny's 
curious remark about the weight being moveable by hand might 
refer to some accessory such as the eagle of Zeus 4 ; and his idea that 
the pillar set up beside the statue was intended to break the force of 
the wind is due to an obvious misunderstanding of the sacred stone. 
In short, the evidence that our painting and bas-relief presuppose 
Lysippos' famous work, though not conclusive, is fairly strong. 

In this connexion it should be observed that Apulian vases — 
Tarentine vases, as Prof. Furtwangler called them on the ground 
that they were much used, if not manufactured, at Tarentum 5 , — 
more than once represent an ancient cult of Zeus by means of a 
simple pillar closely resembling that of the Pompeian painting or 
that of the Neapolitan relief. Thus a vase in the Louvre (fig. g) 6 
depicts Hippodameia offering a phidle to her father Oinomaos, who 
is about to pour a libation over a primitive squared pillar before 
starting on the fateful race with Pelops. An amphora from Ruvo, 
now in the British Museum (pi. Hi.) 7 , has the same scene with 

the pillar is perched his eagle. In the field to right and left of his head are a star (sun ?) 
and a cresceat moon. The god is flanked by two smaller figures of the Dioskouroi, each 
with lance in hand and star on head. This design probably represents a definite cult- 
group e.g. at Tarentum, where the worship of the pillar-Zeus may have been combined 
with that of the Dioskouroi. If Lysippos' colossal Zeus (supra p. 35) was a standing, 
not a seated, figure, the Berlin paste perhaps gives us some idea of it. 

1 Strab. 278. - Plin. nat. hist. 34. 40. 

8 Niketas Choniates de signis Constantinopolitanis 5 p. 859 f. Bekker. The type is 
reproduced on an ivory casket (s. ix — x) : see A. Furtwangler in the Sitzungsber. d. konigl. 
bayer. Akad. d. Wiss. Phil. -hist. Classe 1902 pp. 435 — 442, O. M. Dalton Byzantine 
Art and Archaeology Oxford 1911 pp. 122, 216. 

* Cp. what he says about the stag of Kanachos' Apollon in nat. hist. 34. 75. 

5 Furtwangler Masterpieces of Gk. Sculpt, p. 109 f., Furtwangler- Reichhold Gr. 
Vasenmalerei i. 47, ii. 107 (giving both appellations), 139 (reverting to the older nomen- 
clature). See further H. B. Walters History of Ancient Pottery London 1905 i. 486. 

8 Arch. Zeit. 1853 xi. 44 f. pi. 54, 2. 

7 Brit. Mus. Cat. Vases iv. 164 f. no. F 331, Ann. d. Inst. 1840 xii. 171 ff. pis. N, O, 
Arch. Zeit. 1853 xi. 42 ft". pi. 54, 1, Class. Rev. 1903 xvii. 271 f. fig. 1. These 
illustrations being inexact, I have had a fresh drawing made. My friend Mr H. B. 
Walters in a letter dated May 15, 1911 writes — 'The following parts of the principal 
subject are restored : Oinomaos from waist to knees and left side of chlamys. Myrtilos all 
except head and shoulders, right hand and part of left arm. Aphrodite lower part of 
right leg and knee with drapery. There are also bits of restored paint along the lines of 
fracture. All the rest is quite trustworthy, except that I am a little bit doubtful about 
the AI02 inscription. The A is certainly genuine, but the other letters look suspicious, 
especially the 2.' 

Plate III 

\ora from Ruvo. 

See page 36 ff. 


The Blue Nimbus 


further details and names. In the centre a four-sided pillar with 
splayed foot and moulded top bears the inscription DiSs, '(the 
pillar) of Zeus 1 .' It rises above, and probably out of, an altar, 

Fig. 9. 

over which Oinomaos, faced by Pelops, is in act to pour his 
libation. The king is flanked by Myrtilos, his faithless charioteer; 
the claimant, by Hippodameia, whom an older woman — possibly 

1 AIOS here is commonly supposed to mean ' (the altar) of Zeus.' Overbeck Gr. 
Kunstmyth. Zeus p. 5 f. fig. 1 objects that in this case the word would have been written 
on the blank side of the altar, and prefers to supply Aids (ayaXfia or ?5os). If, however, 
the pillar actually rises out of the altar (as does the female herm on the Dareios-vase : 
Furtwangler-Reichhold op. at. ii. 148 pi. 88), the distinction ceases to be important; the 
altar is virtually the base of the pillar. 

An interesting parallel is furnished by a series of bronze weights found at Olympia — 
the very spot represented on the vase {Olympia v. 801 — 824). They are shaped like an 
altar of one, two, three, or four steps, and are regularly inscribed AIOS, sometimes AIOS 
IEPQN, or with the addition of a cult-title AIOP OATMIUfi, AIOP OATNIIin, AIOS 
KAA(\tviKov? Miss J. E. Harrison), AIOS KAA(6You? cp. Paus. 5. 10. 7. H. B. 
Walters in Brit. Mus. Cat. Bronzes p. 361 no. 3008, followed by E. Michon in Daremberg- 
Saglio Diet. Ant. iv. 552 n. 50, suggests KXapiov). Some of them are further decorated 
with a thunderbolt, or with an eagle attacking a snake. If these weights really represent 
an altar and not merely — as is possible —a pile of smaller weights, that altar was pre- 
sumably the great altar of Zeus, which is known to have been a stepped structure formed 
from the ashes of the thighs of the victims sacrificed to Zeus (Paus. 5. 13. 8 ff.). Fig. 10 
is a specimen inscribed AIOS (Brit. Mus. Cat. Bronzes p. 49 no. 327). 

Copper coins of Nikaia in Bithynia, struck under Domitian, show a (laming rect- 
angular altar inscribed A I OC | A TO | PA 1 1 Y (Morell. Thes. Num. Imp. Rom. ii. 48^ f. 


The Blue Nimbus 

K-.ul- loruard l»> the ^n 

,t. Aphrodite and liros 
r wall in the background 

lui inotlui ^ )() llu 

■MM^1'' i - 1 >' 1 >- , '' m f' ,r, ;;'7'\ , "!' ri l and 1" uUhcr side of it two 
"■'"^ •> »'""■ '"" '■■' , ,,„„„.'„,;,„ named Mfe*"")' wearing 

human head- ..,, ■.!,...... •■ •■ ' ■•» „ f a y „uth called 

i In Oin.'inaos. 

Fie. 10. 

illustrate trti "'mi'' 111 n ,,-,1-rrl hv Mvrti los and 

"f /—• 1I ^ l,M ' lhc °T ^ UrCS r t ht latter ^ bridal torch. 
i;il . lhr f ()rmc r bears armoui, the lattei 

^UUnLrton-Babclon-Reinach Mom. gr. *As. 

,ii. ,,|.2..s.. cp.ii.5o: iii- ! 

,. 1. If| , 2(( ; «;«,„■>,. — ! eMl y laid with 

„!„.,,. struck under Trajan, lune a large altar iu 

f tlu . altar and beneath .« the word AIOC ("«"< 
, , , m Ulltlcr Antoninus Pius, have a flaming J altar insenbed 
' ' ' "' 1: ' :t7 ' ". /Wnddin.'lon-Halielon-Reinach <V». «M- 407 

1. 6s. ;l. 

rly jiltiir* wcr. ..t'l- n inscribed with llu 
\\ -,u.i h'ral-Jinr. i. 16X1). 

,e name «,f the deity in the genitive case 

"' Sl) ' - ,~, (following P. Wei/.sacker 

' X..: l'eith-,,a. I .u^tcl in 6V,,, AY; .<£3 x. , ,,■ (MJ™ "8 ^ ^ 

,, |rhrr /,,..,/.... ,j. -,,), f„r she ,s wh.te-haired. II. »■"*> 
f,,/. fa - ■ iv. 1''.- n -'. '!>' ^ a . vs Sl,, n.|H'. 

F 278, /V"//. /irfA. tf«A »8 5 8 vi. 145 ff. 

/,';■/'/. ,l/«y. Cut. •''; iv. 132 It. IK 

i,l.,. s 10. C'/(t.>i. AV?\ 170.1 * 

My'i'l.iv, , and 2, are from a fresh drawing 

' ^'nt Aphrodite, a- S. Keinacli * up p,.scs (A',/. F<M« i. 49?)- 







The Blue Nimbus 39 

Herakles is present as founder of the Olympic games. The Altis 
or ' Grove ' is indicated by a couple of tree-stumps to right and 
left, while the two doves hovering above them are probably the 
equivalent of Aphrodite and Eros in the last design 1 . It will be 
noticed that the four-sided pillar with its altar- base is now topped 
by a statue of Zeus, who stands clad in cliitdn and himdtion, his 
left hand leaning on a sceptre, his right raised as if to hurl a bolt 2 . 
A second kratir of the same sort, found in 1790 near Lecce and 
known as the ' Cawdor vase ' because purchased for a thousand 
guineas by Lord Cawdor, is now in the Soane Museum at 
13 Lincoln's Inn Fields. It exhibits a somewhat later moment — 
the sacrifice by Oinomaos (pi. v) s . Pelops and Hippodameia have 
started. But the king still stands at the altar, holding a phidle, a 
wreath and a flower in his right hand, a spear in his left, while a 
youth (Myrtilos ?) brings up a ram for the sacrifice. On the right 
of this group sits a retainer with armour ; on the left a female 
figure wearing diadem, ear-ring, and necklace (Sterope ?) approaches 
with a basket, a fillet, and three epichyseis. The altar is horned, 
and above it rises a pillar with moulded top, on which is placed 
a small undraped image of Zeus advancing with uplifted bolt. 
Between Zeus and Oinomaos a small prophylactic wheel is seen 
suspended 4 . 

Similarly on a Campanian amphora from Capua, now at 
Dresden, Orestes stab's Aigisthos in the presence of Elektra(fig. 1 i) s . 
Aigisthos has apparently fled for refuge to an altar-base of Zeus 8 , 

1 In Class. Rev. 1903 xvii. 272 I accepted Minervini's contention (Bull. Arch. Nap. 
1858 vi. 148 f.) that these doves should be identified with those of the Dodonaean Zeus, 
who spoke his oracles SiaaQtv e/c 7re\etd5a»' (Soph. Track. 172 with schol. ad loc). But, 
though Aphrodite's doves are ultimately comparable with those of Zeus, we must not 
suppose any such recondite significance here. 

2 The opposite side of the same vase, which depicts the capture of Troy, shows inter 
alia Neoptolemos stabbing Priamos as he clings to a very similar pillar-altar of Zeus 
(pi. iv, 2) : infra n. 6. 

3 J. B. Passeri Picturae Etruscorum in Vasculis Rome 1775 iii pi. 282 ff., H. Moses 
A Collection of Vases... London 1814 pi. 23, J. Britton The Union of Architecture, 
Sculpture, and Painting... London 1827 p. 51 Title-page fig. 1, 6, A general description 
of Sir John Soane's Museum London 1876 p. 5 fig., T. Panofka in the Abh. d. berl. 
Akad. 1853 Phil. -hist. Classe pis. 1, 2 no. 5, L. Stephani in the Cotnpterendu St PH. 
1863 p. 268 n. r, 1868 p. 169, A. Conze in the Arch. Zeit. 1864 xxii Anz. p. 165*, 
Overbeck Gr. Kunstmyth. Zeus pp. 6, 208 f., 602, A. Michaelis Ancient Marbles in Great 
Britain Cambridge 1882 p. 481. 

My illustration of the top register (7^ inches high) was drawn over photographic blue- 
prints taken by Mr W. E. Gray of Bayswater. 

* On these prophylactic wheels see infra ch. i § 6 (d) i (e). 

6 G. Treu in the Jahrb. d. kais. deiWseh. arch. Inst. 1890 v Arch. Anz. p. 90, 
O. Heifer in Roscher Lex. Myth. iii. 969. 

6 The scene as conceived by the vase-painter differs from the literary tradition (cp. 

4 o 

The Blue Nimbus 

whose archaic statue holding thunderbolt and eagle surmounts a 
pillar on the right 1 . Before it upon the wall hangs a shield. 

These vases prove that the pillar- 
cult of Zeus as conceived in south 
Italy passed from the aniconic to the 
iconic stage without discarding the 
primitive pillar. They thus afford a 
fair parallel to the painting from 
Pompeii, though there we have Zeus 
by the pillar and here Zeus on the 

It remains to speak of the blue 
nimbus. Despite the express denial 
of L. Stephani 2 , there is something to 
be urged for the view put forward by 
E. G. Schulz, that painters varied the 
colour of the nimbus in accordance 
with the character of the god they 
portrayed, and that a blue nimbus in 
particular suited Zeus as representative 
of the aither*. It is — I would rather 
say — a naive device for depicting Zeus 
as a dweller in the blue sky, and is 
therefore no less suitable to other 
denizens of Olympos 4 . 

Christian art retained the symbol 
with a like significance. A fourth 
century painting from the top of an 
arcosolium in the Roman Catacombs 

Fig. it. 

shows Elias ascending to heaven in his chariot of fire. The saint 

however Eur. El. 839 ff.) : it was perhaps inspired by the death of Priamos at the altar of 
Zeus Herketos {supra p. 39 n. 2). 

1 A milder type of pillar-Zeus, with phidle in right hand and sceptre in left, occurs on 
a kratCr from Gnathia, now at Bonn (infra ch. i § 6 (d) i (f)). 

2 L. Stephani Nimbus und Strahlenkranz St Petersburg 1859 P* 9^ ( extr - fr° m the 
Mtmoircs de F Academie des Sciences de St.-Petersbourg. vi Serie. Sciences politiques, 
histoire, philologie. ix. 456). 

:1 Hull. d. Inst. 1841 p. 103 'Tra le altre divinita e specialmente il Giove quasi 
sempre fregiato di quest' ornamento, al quale come ad una divinita universale e rap- 
presentante 1' etere viene per lo piu attribuito il nimbo azzurro. Cosi lo vediamo tra 
altri esempj in un dipinto del Museo borbonico ed in un altro esistente nel cavedio della 
casa delle Baccanti,' with n. 'Mus. borb. vi, t. 52.' 

On the meaning of gold, silver, red, green, and black nimbi in later art see Mrs H. 
Jenner Christian Symbolism London 1910 p. 91 f. 

4 Blue nimbi are attached to the following deities : Aphrodite (Helbig Wandgem. 
Camp. nos. 118?, 991, 317), Apollon (Helbig nos. 189?, 232, 4, Sogliano Pitt. mur. 

The Blue Globe 41 

has a blue nimbus about his beardless head and obviously per- 
petuates the type of Helios 1 . An interesting miniature on linen 
of about the same date comes from a priestly mitre found at 
Panopolis (Aclimim). On it we see Christ as a youthful brown- 
haired figure, standing in a blue robe trimmed with carmine and 
holding a cross in his right hand : he too has a blue nimbus round 
his head 2 . A clavus of polychrome wool-work, found on the same 
site but in a Byzantine grave of the sixth century or thereabout, 
represents a white-robed saint between two trees : his left hand 
holds a staff, and his head is circled by a blue nimbus*. The 
magnificent mosaic on the triumphal arch of S. Paolo fuori le mura 
at Rome, which was designed in the middle of the fifth century 
but has undergone substantial restorations, culminates in the bust 
of Our Lord wearing a golden radiate nimbus rimmed with dark 
blue 4 . 

ii. The Blue Globe. 

The blue nimbus marked Zeus as a dweller in the blue sky. 
More intimate is the connexion denoted by another symbol in the 
repertory of the Pompeian artist, the blue orbis 5 or globe. 

Camp. no. 164?), Demeter (Helbig no. 176 'blaulich'), Dionysos (Helbig no. 388), 
Helios (Sogliano no. 164?), Hypnos (Helbig no. 974 ' blaulich, zackig'), Kirke (Helbig 
no. 1329), Leda (Helbig no. 143), Selene (Sogliano no. 457 ' azzurognolo '), young god 
with white or golden star above him (Helbig nos. 964, 971), young radiate god (Helbig 
no. 969, Sogliano no. 458, cp. Helbig no. 965 youth with blue radiate crown and white 
star above), mountain-nymphs (Helbig no. 971), wood-nymph (Sogliano no. 119), radiate 
female figure with bat's wings (Sogliano no. 499) or bird's wings (Sogliano no. 500). See 
also Stephani op. cit. pp. 19, 22, 23, 47, 49, 65. 

1 J. Wilpert Die Malereien der Katakomben Horns Freiburg 1903 pi. 160, 2, infra 
ch. i § 5 (f). 

2 Forrer Reallex. p. 485 fig. 401. 

3 Id. ib. p. 939 pi. 292, 1. 

4 G. B. de Rossi Musaici cristiani e saggi dei pavimenti delle chiese di Roma anteriori 
al secolo xv Roma 1899 pi. 13, L. von Sybel Christliche Antike Marburg 1909 ii. 328 
pi. 3 (after de Rossi), W. Lowrie Christian Art and Archeology New York 1901 p. 31 1. 
On the blue nimbus in Christian art see further O. If. Dalton Byzantine Art and 
Archaeology Oxford 191 1 p. 682. 

s The word is found in the description of a silver statue of Iupiter Victor, which 
stood on the Capitol of Cirta : Corp. inscr. Lot. viii no. 698 1 — Dessau Inscr. Lot. sel. no. 
4921" (Wilmanns Ex. inscr. Lot. no. 2736) SYNOPSIS | Iovis • VICTOR • argbntevs | 

folior • xxxx • I [in mantt] sinistra • hastam • arc • tenens.... Cp., however, 
Amm. Marc. 21. 14. 1 sphaeram quam ipse {sc. Constantius ii) dextera manu gestabat, 
25. 10. 2 Maximiani statua Caesaris...amisit repente sphaeram aeream formatam in 
speciem poli quam gestabat. Souid. s.v. '\>% also uses the term ff<polpa (infra 
p. 52 n. 4). 

42 The Blue Globe 

This occurs in a painting from the Casa dei Dioscuri (pi. vi) 1 . 
Against a red ground we see Zeus seated on a throne, which is 
draped in shimmering blue. Its arm-rests, of which one is visible, 
are supported by carved eagles. A violet-blue mantle with gold- 
embroidered border covers the lower part of his figure. The right 
hand resting on his knee holds a thunderbolt ; the left is raised 
and leans on a sceptre banded with gold. Before him is his eagle 
looking up to him in an attitude of attention. Behind hovers 
Nike in a light violet chitdn, with a green veil over her left arm, 
placing a golden bay-wreath on the head of the god. Beside him 
is a blue globe on a square base. 

An engraved chalcedony of imperial date, now in the Berlin 
collection (fig. 12) 2 , repeats the motif with slight 
variations. The right foot, not the left, is advanced, 
and the globe is omitted, perhaps to leave room 
for the inscription. 

With regard to this interesting composition 
two questions may be mooted. What were its 
antecedents? And what were its consequents? 

The facing type is certainly suggestive of a 
cult-statue ; and we observe, to begin with, that 
our figure bears a more than superficial resemblance to the Iupiter 
Capitolinus of Apollonios, a chryselephantine copy of Pheidias' Zeus 
made for the temple dedicated by Q. Lutatius Catulus in 69 B.C. 3 
The main features of Apollonios' Iupiter were recovered by 
A. Michaelis from a torso at Naples and from sundry early drawings 
by Heemskerck, Giuliano da Sangallo, and dal Pozzo 4 . The right 
hand probably held a sceptre, but not high enough for the upper 
arm to assume a horizontal position. The left hand was lowered 
and probably grasped a thunderbolt. The right foot was thrust 
forward till it projected horizontally beyond the footstool of the 

1 Helbig Wandgem. Camp. p. 31 no. 102, Guida del Mus. Napoli p. 346 no. 1461, 
W. Zahn Die schbnsten Ornamente etc. iii pi. 14 (coloured, but including Zahn's 
restoration of the head and wings of Nike), V. Duruy History of Rome English ed. 
London 1884 ii pi. 10 (coloured). Uncoloured drawings in the Real Museo Borbonico 
Napoli 1835 xi pi. 39, E. Braun Vorschule der Kunstmythologie Gotha 1854 pi. 14, 
Overbeck Gr. Kunstmyth. Zeus Atlas pi. 1, 40 (after Braun). 

My pi. vi is a reduced copy of Zahn's colour-plate with a fresh restoration of Nike's 
head and wings. 

2 Furtwangler Geschnitt. Steine Berlin p. 108 f. no. 2306 pi. 21, Muller-Wieseler- 
Wernicke Ant. Denkm. i. 49 pi. 4, 12. 

3 H. Jordan Topographie der Stadt Rom im Alterthum Berlin 1885 i. 2. 25 n. 24, 
O. Richter Topographie der Stadt Rom 2 Miinchen 1901 p. 125, Pauly-Wissowa Real-Enc. 
iii. 1534, Overbeck Gr. Kunstmyth. Zeus p. 61 f., id. Gr. Plastik* ii. 431. 

4 A. Michaelis in Ihejahro. d. kais. deutsch. arch. Inst. 1898 xiii. 192 ff. 

Plate VI 



Zeus in a wall-painting from the Casa dei Dioscuri. 

See fage 41 ff. 

Plate VII 

Zeus enthroned on the ara Capitolina. 

See pagt 4.?- 

The Blue Globe 43 

throne. The left foot was drawn back till it rested only on its 
toes. The Mutation covered the top half of the god's left arm, 
and the end of it hung down between his knees. Now all, or 
almost all, these traits are to be found in an extant relief, the 
consideration of which would have materially strengthened 
Michaelis' case — I mean the principal face of the so-called ara 
Capitolina. This beautiful monument represents on its four sides 
scenes from the life of Zeus, and has by way of climax Zeus 
enthroned among the other denizens of Olympos (pi. vii) 1 . The 
form of the god is precisely that described by Michaelis, except 
for the unimportant circumstance that the sculptor has here chosen 
to bring forward the left rather than the right foot. The com- 
paratively low position of the arm holding the sceptre, the 
somewhat unusual arrangement of a thunderbolt grasped by the 
left hand, the feet thrust forward and drawn back respectively, 
the Mmdtion swathing the whole of the upper arm — all these 
characteristics are present, together with a head of would-be 
fifth-century type admirably suited to a copy of the Olympian 
Zeus 2 . I take it, therefore, that the seated Zeus of the ara 
Capitolina is on the whole our best evidence for the aspect of 
Apollonios' Iupiter Capitolinus z . If this be so, it becomes probable 
that the latter, like the former, had a large globe placed on the 
left hand side of his throne. 

Next we have to compare the type of Zeus attested by the 
Pompeian wall-painting and the intaglio at Berlin with that of 
Iupiter Capitolinns thus determined. The two types have un- 
doubtedly much in common. Both show a seated Zeus half-draped 
in a Mmdtion, holding a sceptre in his raised, a thunderbolt in his 
lowered hand. The pose of the feet and legs is similar, not to 
say identical ; and the Pompeian Zeus at least agrees with the 

1 Helbig Guide Class. Ant. Rome i. 379 f. no. 515, Friederichs-Wolters Gipsabgiisse 
p. 815 f. no. 2142, Overbeck Gr. Kunstmyth. Zeus pp. 170, 175 fF., Hera pp. 129, f 37 fT., 
Atlas pi. 1, 49 (Zeus only), E. Braun Vorschule der Kunstmythologie Gotha 1854 pi. 5, 
Baumeister Denkm. iii. 2139 ^S- 2397. 

2 The substitution of a fillet for a wreath is noteworthy, since Petillius Capitolinus 
was accused of carrying off the wreath of Iupiter Capitolinus (Acron and 1'orphyrimi 
ad Hor. sat. 1. 4. 94). This accusation was a time-honoured joke (Flaut. Men. 941, 
Trin. 83 ff.). 

3 The colossal statue of Nerva seated as Iupiter in the Rotunda of the Vatican 
(Helbig Guide Class. Ant. Rome i. 217 no. 303) looks like an adaptation of the same 
type, as Miss M. M. Hardie of Newnham College pointed out to me. But lx>th MM 
with the mantle covering the left shoulder are restorations by Cavaceppi, and the lower 
half belongs to another seated male figure. A similar adaptation of the type may be seen 
in the Berlin 'Trajan' (Ant. Skulpt. Berlin p. 144 no. 354), a seated emperor of the 
first century a.d. (head not belonging; arms, feet, etc. much restored). Cp. also the 
Augustus of Ankyra (Gaz. Arch. 1881 — 1882 vii. 73 fT. pi. 13). 


The Blue Globe 

Iupiter Capitolinus in the fall of its drapery between the knees 
as also in the presence of the big globe to the left of the throne. 
Nevertheless close inspection reveals important points of difference. 
The wall-painting and the intaglio give Zeus a fourth-century, not 
a fifth-century, head. They place the thunderbolt in his right 
hand, the sceptre in his left, not vice versa. They raise the hand 
leaning on the sceptre till the upper arm is horizontal. Conse- 
quently they dispense, either wholly or in part, with the covering 
of the arm. Lastly, they introduce an entirely new feature, Nike 
appearing behind the throne and wreathing the head of the god. 
These similarities and differences can be readily explained, if we 
suppose that the wall-painting and the intaglio have preserved 
to us a later modification of the type of Iupiter Capitolinus. We 
know that Catulus' temple was burnt by the Vitelliani or their 
opponents in the eventful year 69 A.D. 1 And we know that 
Pompeii was destroyed by the eruption of Mount Vesuvius in 
79 A.D. It is reasonable to conjecture that the new statue of 
Iupiter Capitolinus necessitated by the disaster of 69 would be 
during the first decade of its existence a favourite theme with 
the painters of the day. On this showing we may well believe 
that the Pompeian painting represents the cult-statue of Jupiter 
Capitolinus in the temple which Vespasian began to build in 
70 A.D. 2 Confirmation of the surmise is not far to seek. The 
reverse of a copper coin struck by Vespasian 
shows the facade of the new building (fig. 13) 3 . 
Between its central columns is seen a statue 
of Iupiter seated in exactly the same pose 
and holding exactly the same attributes as 
in the Pompeian painting. The globe at 
the side and the Victory behind are omitted 
on account of the small scale of the design. 
But that they were present in the temple 
itself can hardly be doubted 4 . 

Fig. 13. 

1 Tac. hist. 3. 7 if., Plout. v. Public. 15, Suet. Vitell. 15, Euseb. chron. ann. Abr. 
2086, Aur. Vict, de Caes. 8. 5, 9. 7, Kedren. hist. comp. 217 A (i. 380 Bekker). 

2 Tac. hist. 4. 53, Plout. v. Public. 15, Suet. Vesp. 8, Dion Cass. 66. 10, Euseb. 
chron. ann. Abr. 2087, Aur. Vict, de Caes. 9. 7, Kedren. hist. comp. 217 A (i. 380 Bekker). 
Suetonius' expression nolle deos mutari veterem formam is satisfied by the general 
resemblance of the Vespasianic Iupiter to his predecessor. 

3 Drawn from a specimen in my possession. See further T. L. Donaldson Architectura 
Numismatica London 1859 p. 3 (pi.), Morell. Thes. Num. Imp. Rom. ii. 314 
pl- '3. 23. 375 f- Pi- 10, 9, Cohen Monn. emp. rom.' 2 i. 405 f. 

4 The Victory may have stood on a column behind the throne of Iupiter. Cp. e.g. 
copper coins of Ptolemais in Phoinike struck by Septimius Severus etc., which show Nike 

The Blue Globe 


Vespasian's building did not last for long. Another great con- 
flagration occurred in 80 A.D. and burnt it to the ground 1 . It was 
rebuilt by Titus and Domitian 2 , and, thus restored, had a longer 
lease of life. Despite some damage done by lightning and fire 
in the reign of Commodus 3 , it remained substantially the same 
building till the fall of the western empire 4 . To determine the 
type of Domitian's Iupiter is not easy, since the silver coin that 
expressly commemorates the rebuilding is undecisive 5 , while the 
ordinary issues of this emperor in silver 6 and copper 7 may have 
been influenced by Vespasian's coin. 

However, it is probable that succeeding centuries saw sundry 
minor changes introduced. Thus there is reason to think that 
the globe, originally at the left side of the throne, came to be held 
in the god's right hand. A coin of Neapolis in Samaria, struck 
by Caracalla, shows Iupiter Capitolinns on a throne facing us. 

Fig. 14. 

Fig- i5- 

He holds a globe in his right hand, a long sceptre in his left, 
and is flanked by Iuno and Minerva (fig. 14) 8 . Similarly coins of 
Capitolias, a town near Gadara founded in the reign of Nerva or 
Trajan 9 , have the same deity enthroned in an octostyle temple, 

on a column behind Tyche, crowning her with a wreath in a tetrastyle temple (Brit. 
Mus. Cat. Coins Phoenicia p. 133 pi. 16, 15, p. 135 ff. pi. 17, 4, 9). 

1 Dion Cass. 66. 24 KariKavaev. 

2 Corp. inscr. Lot. vi no. 2059, ll "*• ( = &cta Fratrum Arvalium for Dec. 7, 80 A.D.), 
Plout. v. Public. 15, Suet. Domit. 5, Eutrop. 7. 23. 5, Aur. Vict, de Cats. 11.4, Chronogr. 
ann. 354 p. 646 Mommsen (Chron. min. i. 117 Frick). 

3 Euseb. chron. ann. Abr. 2201. 

4 Pauly-Wissowa Real-Enc. iii. 1533. 

8 Eckhel Doctr. num. vet? vi. 377 f., Stevenson-Smith-Madden Diet. Rom. Coins 

p. 170 fi g- 

8 Morell. Thes. Num. Imp. Rom. ii. 432 pi. 9, 1. 

7 Morell. Thes. Num. Imp. Rom. ii. 455 pi. 14, 14 first brass ; id. ib. ii. 467 pi. 17, 35 
second brass. 

8 F. De Saulcy Numismatique de la terre sainte Paris 1874 p. 257 pi- 13. 5« 

9 Pauly-Wissowa Real-Enc. iii. 1529. 

4 6 

The Blue Globe 

the gable of which supports a solar chariot. Iupiter again holds 
a sceptre in his left hand, a globe in his right (fig. 15) 1 . It seems 
likely that in the Capitoline temple at Rome Victory still held 
her wreath over the head of the god; for not only do coins of 
Antoninus Pius and others show the emperor seated on a curule 
chair with a globe in one hand and a sceptre in the other 2 , but 
such coins sometimes add a Victory hovering behind him with 
a wreath in her outstretched hand (fig. 16) 3 . Gold coins of the 
later Roman emperors frequently exhibit a design of kindred 
origin. For example, Valentinianus i and his son sit side by side 
holding a starry globe between them, while Victory with spread 
wings is seen in the background behind their throne (fig. 17) 4 . 

Fig. 17. 

These representations imply on the one hand that the emperor 
has stepped into the shoes of Iupiter, on the other hand that his 
duties descend in unbroken succession from occupant to occupant 
of the imperial seat. Both conceptions could be further illustrated 
from Roman coinage. Frequently from the time of Commodus 
to that of Diocletian we find Iupiter delegating the globe to his 
human representative (fig. 18) 5 . Sometimes, as in the case of 

1 H. Norisius Chronologica {Opera omnia: tomus secundus) Veronae 1729 p. 338 
fig., Eckhel Doctr. num. vet. 2 iii. 329, Rasche Lex. Num. ii. 341, Suppl. i. 1626. The 
specimen here figured after Norisius is a copper coin of Alexander Severus inscribed 
KATTiTa)(Xi^av) iep(as) AC(tf\oi;) Ay{Toi>6fj.ov) Hp (=the date, reckoned from 97/98 A.D.). 
The British Museum possesses a very similar specimen, but in poor preservation. 

2 K. Sittl Der Adkr und die Weltkugel ah Attribute des Zeus (Besonderer Abdruck 
aus dem vierzehnten Supplementbande der Jahrbiicher fur classische Philologie) Leipzig 
1884 p. 49. 

3 Rasche Lex. Num. x. 1300. The illustration is from a first brass of Antoninus Pius 
in my collection. TR pot XV cos mi and s c. 

* From a specimen in the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge. See Cohen Monn. emp. 
rom? viii. 93 no. 43, Stevenson-Smith-Madden Diet. Rom. Coins p. 867. victoria 
avog and tr • ob • 

8 Rasche Lex. Num. iii. 1464, Sittl op. cit. p. 49. The illustration is from a coin of 
l'robus in my collection, iovi conservat(^v') and VXXT. 

The Blue Globe 


Trajan and Hadrian, it is the emperor who passes on the symbol 
to his successor (fig. 19) 1 . 

Fig. 18. 

Fig. 19. 

Yet another modification of the same cult-statue produced the 
type of Iupiter enthroned with his left foot planted on the globe. 
This may be seen from sundry late sarcophagus-reliefs supposed to 
portray the birth of Apollon 2 . The best-preserved of them is that 
of a sarcophagus-lid in the Villa Borghese. The central scene 
(fig. 20) 3 , with which alone we are here concerned, shows Iupiter 
enthroned in heaven. Once more he sits facing us, with a sceptre 
in his raised left and a thunderbolt in his lowered right hand 4 . But 
this time the globe is transferred from his left side to a new position 
beneath his left foot. On either side of him are a boy and a girl 
interpreted as the youthful Apollon and Artemis 5 . They in turn 
are flanked by Iuno with her sceptre and Minerva with her helmet 
and spear. In short, we have before us the heavenly region re- 
presented by the three Capitoline deities and their new proteges. 

That the Iupiter of this relief is in truth only a variation of the 
Vespasianic type, appears from a curious circumstance noted by 

1 Rasche Lex. Num. iii. 15, 1464, Sittl op. cit. p. 49. The illustration is from a coin 
of Hadrian in my collection. DAC • parthic[o P • m • TR • p] • COS P P and s • c. 

2 Raoul Rochette Monumens inedits d 1 antiquite" figiirie Paris 1833 p. 401 ff. pi. 74, 1 
and 2 (birth and death of an Eleusinian mystic), H. Heydemann in the Arch. Zeit. 1869 
xxvii. 21 f. pi. 16, 1 — 4 (the story of Eros and Psyche), C. Robert in Hermes 1887 xxii. 
460 — 464, id. in the Jahrb. d. kais. deutsch. arch. Inst. 1890 v. 220 n. 6, id. Sark.-Rel/s. 
iii. 1. 39 ff. pi. 6 — 7, 33, 33'a (scenes relating to the birth of Apollon). Robert's view is 
accepted by Helbig Guide Class. Ant. Rome ii. 145 f. no. 921 and, in part at least, by 
Overbeck Gr. Kunstmyth. Apollon pp. 368 — 370 Atlas pi. 3, 18, K. Wernicke in Pauly- 
Wissowa Real-Enc. ii. 108, B. Sauer in Roscher Lex. Myth. ii. 1975 f., H. Steuding 
ib. ii. 2091, 21 18. 

3 Redrawn from Arch. Zeit. 1869 xxvii pi. 16, 3 with the help of Overbeck Gr. 
Kunstmyth. Atlas pi. 3, 18. The lines of restoration are taken from Eichler's drawing 
in C Robert Sark.-Relfs. iii. 1. 40 fig. 33. 

4 The thunderbolt is due to the restorer (Robert op. cit. iii. 1. 41), but is prolwbly 

s Large parts of the Artemis are modern, viz. the head, the left fore-arm with its 
pyxis, the right fore-arm, the left leg, and the right foot. 


The Blue Globe 

1a ega. He states that on the background (between the head of the 
supposed Artemis and that of Iupiter) were still to be seen the 

Fig. 20. 

shoulder and bare right arm of some formerly existing figure 1 . 
These were subsequently chipped away by the zealous restorer. But 



Fig. ax. 

very fortunately the missing figure can be determined by means of 
a replica in the Capitoline Museum (fig. 2l)*, which exhibits Victory 

1 Robert op. cit. iii. 1. 42. 

- Raoul Rochette op. cit. p. 401 ft", pi. 74, 2, Overbeck op. cit. Zeus p. 172, Hera 
p. 131 Atlas pi. 10, 23. A drawing by Eichler is given in Robert op. cit. iii. 1. 42. 

The Blue Globe 


holding a shield above Iupiter and the globe — later transformed 
into a vase — resting on a high base to the left of Iuno 1 . It would 
thus seem that the Iupiter Capitolinus of the Borghese relief pre- 
supposes a statue with Victory behind and a pedestalled globe at 
its side. That Vorbild can hardly have been other than the cult- 
image of Vespasian's temple. 

The god enthroned with the globe as his footstool was a type 
readily adopted by Christian art. A gilded glass of the fourth 
century, found in one of the Roman catacombs (fig. 22) 2 , shows 
a beardless figure of Our Lord (CRISTVS) seated with his foot on a 


Fig. 22. 

starry globe. He takes a scroll from its case at his side and 
instructs S. Stephen (iSTEFANVS). The Godhead with a nimbus 
in the background, who raises his hands to bless both Master and 
disciple, recalls the Victory appearing behind Valentinianus i and 
his son. 

1 Robert in Hermes 1887 xxii. 4631". and in his Sark.-Kelfs. Hi. 1. 42 f. condemns the 
whole work as a forgery, arguing that it was made about 1615 A.D. in free imitation of 
the Borghese relief. But in view of what is said by Raoul Rochette op. tit. p. 401 f. 
further investigation seems desirable. In any case the Capitoline replica may fairly be 
used (Robert uses it so himself) as evidence of the original aspect of the Borghese 

2 F. Buonarruoti Osservazioni sopra alcuni frammenti di vast' antichi di vetro Fircnze 


The Blue Globe 

A somewhat similar type, that of the Father or the Son seated 
on a large globe, occurs in church-mosaics of the fourth, fifth 

Fig. 23. 

and sixth centuries 1 . For example, the right lateral apse in the 
Mausoleo di S. Costanza near the Via Nomentana at Rome — a work 

Fig. 24. 

1 J. Ciampinus Vetera Monimcnta Romre 1747 i. 271 ft. pi. 77 (S. Agatha in Subura 
= 5. Agata dei Goti at Rome, 460—468 a.d.), ii. 72 f. pi. 19 (S. Vitalise. Vitale at 

The Blue Globe 

5 1 

Fig. 25. 

dated by de Rossi shortly after 360 A.D. — shows God the Father, 

not only with a blue nimbus and a blue robe, but also seated on a 

blue globe, as he presents the scroll of the law to Moses (fig. 23) 1 . 

Similarly the apse of the church of S. Teodoro at the foot of the 

Palatine — circ. 600 A.D. — has God the Son seated on a blue globe 

spangled with gold stars between St Peter, who 

presents S. Teodoro, and St Paul presenting 

another saint hard to identify (fig. 24)*. This 

type too in all probability derives from a pagan 

prototype 3 . Silver and copper coins of Ourano- 

polis, a town founded by Alexarchos, brother of 

Kassandros, on the peninsula of Akte, represent 

Aphrodite Ourania seated on a globe (fig. 25)*. On autonomous 

copper coins of Klazomenai the philosopher Anaxagoras is seen 

sitting on a globe (fig. 26) 5 : on an imperial 

copper of the same town he holds a small 

globe in his extended right hand, while he sets 

his left foot on a cippus*. A silver coin of Do- 

mitia Longina, wife of the emperor Domitian, 

shows a child seated on a globe and surrounded 

by seven stars (fig. 2y) 7 . The child has been 

identified as the empress' son, who was born in 

73 A.D. and died young 8 . He is here represented as the infant 

Zeus of Crete. A Cretan copper, struck under Trajan, has the 

Ravenna, 547 a.d.), ii. 101 ff. pi. 28 (S. Laurentius in Agro Verano = 1 S'. Lorenzo fuori 
le mttra, 578 — 590 A.D.). 

On the relation of the globe to the rainbow in early mediaeval art see O. M. Dalton 
Byzantine Art and Archaeology Oxford 191 1 p. 672. 

1 G. B. de Rossi Musaici cristiani e saggi dei pavimenti delle chiese di Roma anteriori 
al secolo xv Roma 1899 pi. 3. 

2 Id. ib. pi. 17. 

3 Demetrios Poliorketes was represented on the proske"nion of the theatre at Athens 
exi rrjs oIkovix.4vt)s 6xov/j*vos ( Dou ris frag. ?,\=Frag. hist. Gr. ii. 477 Miiller ap. Athen. 
536 A, Eustath. in II. p. 570, 9f.). This, however, does not imply that Demetrios was 
seated on a globe (Sittl op. cit. p. 44), but that he was upborne by an anthropomorphic 
figure of Oikounu'ne: cp. the relief by Archelaos {infra ch. i § 5 (b)), the gemma Augustea 
at Vienna (Furtwangler Ant. Gemmen i pi. 56, ii. 257), and above all the great Paris 
cameo (Id. ib. i pi. 60, ii. 269). 

4 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Macedon etc. p. 133 f., Head Hist, num? p. 206. I figure a 
specimen in my possession. 

5 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Ionia p. 28 pi. 7, 4, J. J. Bernoulli Griechische Ikonographie 
Miinchen 1901 i. 118 Munztaf. 2, 2. 

8 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Ionia p. 33 pi. 7, 9, Bernoulli op. cit. i. 118 MUnztaf. 3, 3. 

7 Stevenson-Smith-Madden Diet. Rom. Coins p. 341. My illustration is from a cast 
of the specimen in the British Museum. 

8 Pauly-Wissowa Rcal-Enc. v. 1513^ 



The Blue Globe 

same motif (fig. 28) ' : Zeus as a child sits on the globe with a 
goat at his side and seven stars above his head. The ideci was 
popularised by coins of Antoninus Pius (fig. 20,) 2 and Commodus, 
on which occurs the fine figure of Italia enthroned on a starry 
globe as mistress of the world. 

The symbol of the globe was still further Christianised, when 
Valentinianus I added a cross on the top of it*. In this form it 
occurs on the coins of many of the later Roman emperors 4 . An 
obvious exception is afforded by Julian the Apostate, who sub- 

Fig. 27. 

Fig. 28. 

Fig. 29. 

stituted a small figure of Victory for the cross 5 . The globus 
cruciger, or globe and cross, is again a constant emblem of 
Christian sovereignty on Byzantine coins 6 . As the 'orb' of 
mediaeval and modern regalia it has survived to our own times 7 . 

We have now passed in review the different conditions under 
which the globe is associated with Zeus. It remains to ask what 
was the origin of the symbol, and what was its significance. 

Its origin appears to have been twofold. On the one hand, the 

1 Overbeck Gr. Kunstmyth. Zeus p. 330 Munztaf. 5, 2, J. N. Svoronos Numismatique 
de la Crete ancienne Macon 1890 i. 348 pi. 35, 1. 

'-' Rasche Lex. Num. iv. 1002 f., Stevenson-Smith- Madden Diet. Rom. Coins p. 488 
tig. The illustration is from a first brass of Antoninus Pius in my collection. 

3 Sittl op. cit. p. 49 f. states that Constantine had already placed the Christian mono- 
gram upon the globe (but Cohen Monti, emp. rom. 2 vii. 231 no. 14 was struck after his 
death). On coins of Nepotianus (350 a.d.) etc. we see Roma enthroned holding a globe 
surmounted by the monogram (Cohen op. cit: 1 viii. 2 no. 2 fig., W. Lowrie Christian Art 
and Archaeology New York 1901 p. 241 fig. 82, a, Roscher Lex. Myth. iv. 153). 

4 A list is given by Rasche Lex. Num. iii. 1464. Cp. Souid. s.v. 'lov<rrwiav6f...Kal 
(<TT7)<re tt)v iavTov eUbva dm kIovos (tpiinrov nal rrj fxev apiarepq. x«/h HP" <T(patpav, 
f>T«ir7^y6ros aravpov iv avrrj, viroarifiaivovTos lis 5ia rrjs eh rbv aravpbv irio-rtus rrjs yrjs 
iyKparijs yiyove. atpaipa fxiv yap ij yrj Sta to <r<paipoet8es tov avri)s oxhuaros, mans 
5e 6 oravpbs Sia tov iv avrcp vapid -rrpoa-qkudivra 6e6v. 

8 Rasche loc. cit. 

6 Brit. A/us. Cat. Byz. Coins ii. 654 s.v. 'Globus.' 

7 Ducange Gloss, med. et inf. Lai. ed. 1886 vi. in s.v. 'palla' cites from Gotefridus 
Yiterbiensis the couplet— Aureus ille Globus Pomum vel Palla vocatur, | Quando c'oro- 
natur, Palla ferenda datur. 

The Blue Globe 53 

type of the infant Zeus seated on a globe surrounded by stars is 
of Greek extraction. On the other hand, most of the representa- 
tions considered above can be legitimately derived from the cult- 
statue of Iupiter Capitolinus, which had at its left side a ball resting 
on a pedestal or pillar. This was a definitely Roman adjunct : it 
had no counterpart in the temple of Zeus at Olympia. 

Enquiry might be pushed further. The temple of Iupiter 
Capitolinus was, as is well known, essentially an Etruscan 
building. Now a ball resting on a pedestal or pillar occurs in 
Etruscan art sometimes as a grave-st/Ze 1 , sometimes as a sacred 
land-mark or boundary-stone 2 . Such monuments varied much 
in shape and size. A fine example from Orvieto, now in the 
Museum at Florence, consists of a rectangular moulded base 
topped by a spheroidal black stone (fig. 30) 3 . Another, in 
the Orvieto Museum, is a cone of tufa hollow inside, and bears 
an inscription {Tinia Tinscvil) which connects it with Tinia, 
the Etruscan Iupiter (fig. 31) 4 . Are we then to infer that in the 
cella of Iupiter Capitolinus, side by side with the most august 
statue in Rome, there was a grave-st/le or a boundary stone ? 
The fact is luckily beyond question 5 . When the foundations of 
the temple were first laid by Tarquinius Priscus, the god Terminus 
— otherwise known as Iupiter Terminus — was already in possession 
of the site and resisted the process of exauguration. Hence the 
ancient boundary-stone that passed as his image was allowed to 
remain in close proximity 6 to the statue of Iupiter Capitolinus. 
Moreover, a small opening was contrived in the roof above it, 
since sacrifices to Terminus had to take place in the open air. 
Lactantius asserts that the rude stone worshipped as Terminus 

1 Dunn Baukunst d. Etrusk. 2 p. 128 fig. 141, Raoul Rochette op. tit. pp. 141 n. 5, 
402, 405. These balls on pillars were originally Grabphalli (Forrer Reallex. p. 297) : see 
A. Koerte in the Ath. Mittk. 1899 xxiv. 6 if. pi. 1, 1, A. Dieterich Mutter Erde Leipzig 
and Berlin 1905 p. 104 f. 

2 Raoul Rochette op. cit. p. 404 f. pi. 75 (a funeral urn in the museum at Volterra) : 
G. Korte / Rilievi delle Urne Etrusche Berlino 1890 ii. 1. 97 pi. 38, 3 describes and 
figures the object on the pillar as ' un vaso tondo.' Cp. the stone balls on our lodge- 
gates (see, however, S. Baring-Gould Strange Survivals* London 1905 p. 53). 

3 L. A. Milani in the Rendiconti delta Reale Accademia dei Lincei. Classe di Scienze 
Murali, Storiche e Filologiche. Serie Quinta. Roma 1900 ix. 295 fig. 4, Studie materiali 
di archeologia e numismatica Firenze 1902 i. 60 f. fig. 226. 

A similar Grabaufsalz from Orvieto, now at Berlin, is an elliptical block of polished 
serpentine resting on a moulded base of trachyte (Ant. Skulpt. Berlin p. 481 no. 1 244 fig.). 

4 Milani locc. citt. ix. 293 fig. 3 cp. ib. p. 294 'un cono tufaceo vuoto internamente,' 
i. 60 f. fig. 227. Cp. J. Six ' Der Agyieus des Mys' in the Ath. Mittk. 1894 xix. 340 if. 

8 The evidence is collected by Preller-Jordan Rom. Myth. 3 i. 255 f., Wissowa Rel. 
Kult. Rom. p. 124^, C. Hiilsen in I'auly-Wissowa Real-Enc. iii. 1532. 
6 Dion. Hal. 3. 69 it\r\(ji.ov rod HSovs. 


The Blue Globe 

was that which Saturn was said to have swallowed in place of 
Iupiter 1 . This confusion suggests that Terminus' stone had a 
round top to it 2 — as was in fact the case, if I am right in my 
conjecture with regard to the globe of Iupiter Capitolinus. 

Fig. 30. 

But, it will be asked, if this globe was originally the stone of 
Terminus, how came it to be regarded as a symbol of the sky ? 
Partly, I suppose, because it was a round object standing under 
the clear sky ; but partly also because a globe on a pillar was used 
by Greek astronomers as a model of the sky 3 . Thus imperial 

1 Lact. div. inst. 1. 20. 

2 In Roman art the stone of Kronos is figured as a half-egg on the top of a short 
pillar {infra ch. ii § 10 (<1)). 

* See F. Hultsch in Pauly-Wissowa Real-Enc. ii. 1853 f. 

The Blue Globe 


copper coins of Samos figure Pythagoras seated or standing before 
a globe, which rests on a pillar, and pointing to it with a rod 1 . 

Fig. 3'- 

Enthroned as master in the realm of knowledge with a long 
sceptre in his left hand and a himdtion loosely wrapped about him 

1 L. Burchner in the Zeitschr. /. Num. 1882 ix. Ml ff., Brit. Mits. Cat. Coins Ionia 
PP- 373. 376, 381, 390, 391, pi. 37, 14, J.J. Bernoulli Griechische Ikonografhu Milnchen 
1901 i. 75 Miinztaf. 1, 21 and 23. 


The Blue Globe 

he is, as J. J. Bernoulli points out, a decidedly Zeus-like personage 
(fig. 32) 1 . Similar in pose and pretension is 
the figure of Hipparchos on imperial coppers 
of Nikaia in Bithynia 2 . And analogous 
scenes could be cited from Roman mosaics 3 . 
Lastly — to pass from the origin to the 
significance of the symbol — we observe that 
the globe is coloured blue in the Pompeian 
painting 4 , blue 8 or blue-green 6 in the Roman 
mosaics. Obviously therefore it signifies the 
sky rather than the earth, a conclusion 
confirmed by the fact that it came to be 
banded with the astronomical zones (figs. 25, 
27), or quartered into templa and spangled 
Fig. 33. with stars (figs. 22, 24, 29, 33'). 

iii. The Bhie Mantle. 

A third method of characterising Zeus as god of the blue sky 
may perhaps be detected in the practice of giving him a blue or 
bluish mantle. 

Zeus with the blue nimbus had his knees enveloped in a 
hitndtion of gleaming violet lined with blue 8 . Zeus with the blue 
globe wore a violet-blue cloak with a blue gold-embroidered border 
and sat on a throne mantled in greenish blue 9 . A decorative panel 

1 Bernoulli op. cit. i. 75 ' in zeusartiger Haltung ' Miinztaf. 1, 21. 

2 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Pontus etc. p. 167 pi. 33, 9, Bernoulli op. cit. i Miinztaf. 2, 
15, ii. 186. 

3 E.g. one from Pompeii now at Naples, and another from Sarsina now in the Villa 
Albani (Bernoulli op. cit. ii 34 ff. figs. 3 f.). One at Brading in the Isle of Wight is pub- 
lished in the Transactions of the Royal Institute of British Architects 1880 — 81 p. 138 f. 
with pi. 

4 Supra p. 42. Several other paintings of the same provenance represent a globe 
among the attributes of Zeus (eagle, thunderbolt, sceptre, wreath, mask of Zeus) : see 
Helbig Wandgem. Camp. p. 3 if. nos. 105, 106, 108 — 112, Sogliano Pitt. mur. Camp. 
p. 19 no. 72. 

6 Supra p. 51, L. von Sybel Christliche Antike Marburg 1909 ii. 329 (S. Agata dei Goti). 

6 J. Ciampinus Vetera Monimenta Roma? 1747 ii. 101 ft. pi. 28 (S. Lorenzo fuori 
le mura). 

7 From a third brass of Constantine the Great (Cohen Monn. emp. rom. 2 vii. 231 f.) 
in my collection. The globe, with three stars above it, rests on an altar inscribed 
votis XX (votis vicennalibus). The legend is beata tranqvillitas. In the exergue 
STR (signata Treveris) is the mint-mark of money struck at Treves. See further 
Stevenson-Smith-Madden Diet. Rom. Coins p. 125. 

8 Supra p. 34. 9 Supra p. 42. 

The Blue Mantle 57 

with black ground from the Casa del bronsi shows him clad in a 
sky-blue wrap and sitting on a seat which is draped in reddish 
brown 1 . An important painting of the hierbs gdmos from the 
Casa del poeta tragico represents Zeus seated on a rock with a 
light violet robe hanging like a veil over his hair and thrown 
loosely round his shoulders, back, and legs*. Again, a picture of 
Zeus drawing lots has him enthroned with a peacock-blue himdtion 
about his knees 3 . The splendid wall-painting of a youthful 
fair-haired Zeus found in the Casa del Vettii similarly shows 
the god with a peacock-blue himdtion round his legs 4 . Other 
Pompeian examples portray him seated, his legs wrapped in 
a red mantle with a blue 5 or green 6 border. A painting from 
Herculaneum gives him a whitish nimbus and drapes him from the 
waist downwards in a reddish himdtion ; but it is to be observed 
that here Zeus is represented as reclining among the clouds with 
a rainbow arched above him and a background of blue sky 7 . 
Finally, in a fresco of the Hadrianic age, found at Eleusis, he is 
once more seen on a throne, his legs swathed in a violet-blue 
himdtion edged with green 8 . 

It would seem, then, that Hellenistic art normally depicted 
Zeus as wearing a mantle of violet-blue. And this in all probability 
corresponded with cult-practice. Alexander the Great is known 
to have worn a purple cloak, when he masqueraded as Zeus 
Amnion 9 . Anaxenor, a famous musician of Magnesia on the 
Maiandros in the days of M. Antonius the triumvir, was clad in 
purple by his fellow-countrymen as priest of Zeus Sosipolis 10 . And 

1 So Zahn Die schbnsten Ornamente etc. ii pi. 54 (coloured). According to Helbig 
Wandgemalde etc. p. 31 no. 103, his garment is reddish and his seat covered with a 
blue robe. 

2 Helbig op. cit. p. 33 f. no. 114, infra ch. iii § 1 (a) iii. 

3 Sogliano op. cit. p. 19 f. no. 73, Arch. Zeit. 1868 xxvi. 35 pi. 4. 

4 So A. Sogliano in the Mm. d. Line. 1898 viii. 2631". fig. 11 ('le gambe coperte di 
mantello paonazzo'). A. Mau in the Rom. Mitth. 1896 xi. 23 had stated that the robe 
was red with a blue border (' in veste rossa con margine turchino '). A fine, though 
uncoloured, photographic reproduction is given by Herrmann Denknt. d. Malerei pi. 46, 2. 
See further J. Six in the fahrd. d. kais. deutsch. arch. Inst. 1910 xxv. 155. 

5 Sogliano op. cit. p. 21 no. 75. 
8 Id. id. p. 20 no. 74. 

7 Helbig op. cit. p. 32 f. no. 113, H. Roux-M. L. Barre Herculanum et Pomjxfi Paris 
1870 ii. 184 f. pi. 54, Guida del Mtts. Napoli p. 289 no. 1259. 

8 'E<p. 'Apx- 1888 pi. 5, supra p. 2 n. 2, Collignon Hist, de la i. 528 says: 
1 le bas du corps couvert d'un hi mat ion bleu.' 

9 Ephippos ap. Athen. 537 E'E^tmros 64 <pt}<rtv wj 'AX^twSpot ical rat lepat i<r6^rat 
£<p6pei iv rots SeLwvois, 6ri fxh -H\v rod "Anjiuvos wofxpvplda ical Ttfuixx^et! ical ictpara 
Kaddirep 6 0e6s, ore 6t k.t.X. 

10 Strab. 648, infra p. 58 n. 6. 

58 The Blue Mantle 

a Roman dedication to Iupiter Purpurio may be taken to imply 
that the god wore a purple garb 1 . 

The first and most obvious explanation of this conventional 
colouring is the fact that Zeus was king of all and, as such, would 
of course wear the purple or blue of royalty. If we pursue the 
enquiry and ask why royal robes were blue or purple, we enter the 
region of conjecture. In its origin perhaps the usage was pro- 
phylactic, red {i.e. blood-colour) 2 passing into purple, and purple 
into blue. 

But, whatever the ultimate significance, it is probable that by 
Hellenistic times, if not earlier, a fresh meaning had been read 
into the ancient custom, the purple or blue robe of Zeus and of 
his earthly representative being interpreted as a symbol of the 
sky*. Hence in both cases it came to be spangled with golden 
stars. At Elis the god Sosipolis was painted as a boy clad in a 
starry chlamys*. His name recalls the Zeus Sosipolis of Magnesia 
on the Maiandros 6 , who is known to have had a sacred purple 
robe 8 . It is highly probable that these two divinities were alike 
related to the Cretan Zeus 7 . Again, Demetrios Poliorketes, who 
posed as Zeus 8 , had a dark-tinted chlamys inwoven with stars of 
gold and with the twelve signs of the zodiac 9 . Scipio, when he 
triumphed in 201 B.C., was 'dressed according to ancestral custom 

1 Corp. inscr. Lat. vi no. 424 = Dessau Inscr. Lat. sel. no. 3040 (found at Rome near 
the Monte Testaccio) : 


(A thunderbolt) (Three female figures standing) (A patera) 


It is commonly assumed that Iupiter Purpurio took his name from one of the three 
dedicants, Licinia Purpuris (Preller-Jordan Rom. Myth? i. 208 n. 1): it should be further 
assumed that the god was clad in purple. 

2 See my note in the fourn. Hell. Stud. 1898 xviii p. xlivf., W. Headlam ib. 1906 
xxvi. 268 flf., F. von Duhn • Rot und Tot' in the Archiv f. Rel. 1906 ix. 1 ft. 

* This conception is illustrated with a wealth of examples from ancient, mediaeval, 
and modern life by Dr R. Eisler Weltenmantel und Himmehzelt Miinchen 1910, to whose 
diligent collection of materials I am much indebted, though I cannot always agree with 
his conclusions. 

4 Paus. 6. 25. 4, cp. 6. 20. 2 ff. 

6 Dittenberger Syll. inscr. Gr. 2 no. 553, 48, 51 f., Head Hist, tiu.m. 2 p. 892. 

8 Anaxenor the ^'/Aara-player of Magnesia as a token of high honour was painted in 
the purple robe of Zeus ZwvliroXts (Strab. 648), supra p. 57. 

7 See Gruppe Gr. Myth. Rel. p. 142, p. 1526 n. 6. 

8 Plout. v. Demetr. 10, 42, Clem. Al. protr. 4. 54. 6 p. 42, 24 fT. Stahlin. See Folk- 
Lore 1904 xv. 302 f. 

9 Douris frag. 31 {Frag. hist. Gr. .ii. 477) ap. Athen. 535 F, Plout. v. Demetr. 41. 

The Blue Mantle 59 

in a purple garment with golden stars woven into it 1 ' ; and, as 
triumphing general, he would be clad in the tunica palmata and 
the toga picta of Iupiter*. Nero after his Greek agonistic successes 
entered Rome in the triumphal car of Augustus, wearing a purple 
robe and a chlamys sprinkled with golden stars 3 . These are but 
a few out of many who in their day, as victorious kings or kingly 
victors, aped the style and claimed the honours of the sky-god. 
Martianus Capella in his high-flown way tells how Iupiter himself, 
when assuming his robes of state, ' over a garment of glittering 
white drew a glassy vesture, which, dotted here and there with 
starry eyes, shone with quick quivering fires 4 .' 

In this connexion we may notice a representation of the sky, 
which appears repeatedly in Roman art 5 , but has been traced back 
to a Hellenistic source 6 . The half-length figure of a bearded man 
is seen holding a mantle arched above his head. E. Q. Visconti 7 
proposed to name him ' le Ciel,' i.e. Caehts, the Latin rendering of 
the Greek Ourands; and this proposal has been universally adopted, 
for the mantle-bearer, though never accompanied by an inscription, 
clearly symbolises the sky. He is, as Prof, von Duhn observes, a 
Zeus-like figure 8 . Indeed, the Roman writers from Ennius down- 
wards make Caelus first the grandfather and then the father of 
Iupiter 9 . Nay more, oriental, especially Syrian 10 , worshippers 
identified him with Iupiter himself 11 . Hence his type affected that 

1 Appian. Pun. 66. 

2 Liv. 10. 7. 10, Suet. Aug. 94, Iuv. 10. 38 f., Ael. Lamprid. Alexander Severus 
40. 8, Iul. Capitol. Gordiani tres 4. 4, Vopisc. Probus 7. 7. 4 f., Serv. in Verg. eel. 10. 27. 
See further Frazer Lect. Hist. Kingship p. 197 flf. 

3 Suet. Ner. 25. Dion Cass. 63. 20 calls it aXovpylSa xP va ^ >ira<Irov i which — as 
J. E. B. Mayor on Iuv. 10. 38 points out — is the phrase used by Plout. v. Aein. Paul. 
34 of the triumphal robe. 

4 Mart. Cap. 66 dehinc vesti admodum candidae obducit amictus hyalinos, quos 
stellantibus oculis interstinctos crebri vibratus ignium luminabant. 

8 O. Jahn Archaologische Beitrdge Berlin 1847 p. 85 n. 28 and in the Ber. sacks. 
Gesellsch. d. Wiss. 1849 p. 63 ff., Matz-Duhn Ant. Bildiv. in Rom ii. 185 no. 27 11, 429^ 
no - 3315 f-> 445 fT. no. 3341, iii. 4 f. no. 3449, R. von Schneider in the Arch.-ep. Mitth. 
1895 xviii. 185 f. 

6 H. Dressel Fun/ Goldmedaillons aus dem Funde von Abukir Berlin 1906 pp. 25 — 31 
(extr. from the Abh. d. berl. Akad. 1906) makes it highly probable that the superb portrait 
of Alexander the Great on the obverse of a gold medallion found in Egypt (ib. p. 9 f. 
pi. 2, C), though executed in the third century a.d., reproduces with fidelity a cameo of 
the Hellenistic age. If so, then, as Eisler op. cit. i. 65 points out, the sky-god in the 
centre of Alexander's shield is our earliest monumental evidence of the type. 

7 Visconti Mus. PU-Cle'm. iv. 159 f. 

8 Matz-Duhn op. cit. iii. 5. 

9 G. Wissowa in Pauly-Wissowa Real-Enc. iii. i2 76f. 

10 F. Cumont in Pauly-Wissowa Real-Enc. i. 696 f. 

11 Corp. inscr. Lot. vi no. 81 = Dessau Inscr. Lot. sel. no. 3949 optvmvs • MAXIMVS • | 

60 The Blue Mantle 

of Iupiter, who on the column of Trajan appears as a half-length 
figure with arched mantle launching a thunderbolt against the 
Dacians (fig. 34) 1 — a design destined to influence both Raphael 2 
and Michelangelo 3 . 

By a curious duplication, not to say triplication, Caelus with 
his mantle spread above him is seen immediately beneath the 
throne of Iupiter on a sarcophagus at Amalfi (fig. 35) 4 and on 
another in the Villa Medici at Rome 5 . This conception too was 
taken over by Christian art 8 . The famous sarcophagus of Iunius 
Bassus, a prefect of Rome who died in 359 A.D., shows the same 

Fig. 34- 

personification of the sky supporting, not Iupiter with a thunder- 
bolt enthroned between Iuno and Minerva or between Sol and 
Luna, but Christ with a roll enthroned between Saint Peter and 
Saint Paul (fig. 36) 7 . Another fourth-century sarcophagus in the 

PATRONI • HOMINIS • [>]JET • helpidis • svaes • CVM ♦ s[/tis]. Dessau, however, reads 
optumus maximus .. \ Caelus aeternus, Iupp\i\\ter, and thinks that optumus maximus 
was a later addition intended to be taken with Iuppiter. He interprets [s~\ as s[ancti}]. 
See further Cumont Textes et mons. de Mithra ii. 104, 233 ff. 

1 C. Cichorius Die Reliefs der Traianssdule Berlin 1896 ii. 1 16 f. pi. 19. 

2 A. P. Oppe Raphael London 1909 pi. 174, 2 'The third day' and pi. 182, 1 'God 
appearing to Isaac ' in the Loggia of the Vatican. 

3 G. S. Davies Michelangelo London 1909 pi. 36 'The separation of land and sea' 
and pi. 37 • The creation of Adam ' in the Sistine Chapel at Rome. 

4 M. Camera Isloria della cilia e costiera di Amalfi Napoli 1836 p. 40 ff. pi. 3 (poor), 
E. Gerhard Antike Bildwerke Miinchen Stuttgard & Tubingen 1828—1844 p. 371 pi. 118 
(Caelus with a rayed crown rises from the sea, adjoining which is the figure of Mother 

5 O. Jahn in the Ber. sdchs. Gesellsch. d. Wiss. 1849 Phil. -hist. Classe pi. 4, Wien. 
Vorlegebl. A pi. 1 r, 3, Robert Sark.-Relfs. ii. 13 ff. pi. 5, 1 1 and 1 1\ Roscher Lex. Myth. iii. 
1625 f. figs. 10 and 10 a. 

8 See O. Jahn Archdologische Beitrage Berlin 1847 P- 85 n. 28 and F. Piper Mythologie 
der christlichen Kunst Weimar 1851 ii. 44 ff. 

7 The sarcophagus stands now in the crypt of the Vatican and in such a position that 

The Blue Mantle 

Fig- 35- 

Fig. 36. 

it cannot be well photographed. Illustrations of the whole front side are given ^ r . by 
A. Bosio Roma Sottcrranea Roma 1632 p. 45 (good), G. Bottari Sculture e pitture sagre 
Roma" 1737 i. 35 ff. pi. 15 (fair), E. Pistolesi // Vaticano descritto ed illustrate) Roma 
1829 — 1838 ii pi. 19, E. Guhl und J. Caspar Denkmaler der Kunst etc. Stuttgart 1851 
ii. 56 f. pi. 36, 8, W. Lowrie Christian Art and Arc/urology New York 1901 p. 262 fig. 100, 
K. Woennann Geschichte dcr Kunst Leipzig and Vienna 1905 ii. 58 pi. 10, and of the 


The Blue Mantle 

Lateran Museum repeats the type 1 , which was probably a stock- 
pattern. A last trace of it may be detected in a painting at Lucca 
by Fra Bartolommeo. God the Father, enthroned in heaven, 
uplifts his right hand in blessing and holds in his left an open 
book inscribed A 00. Beneath his feet is a small cherub over- 
arched by drapery 2 . 

Fig- 37- 

Fig. 38. 

That such drapery really represents the sky may be proved 
by the fact that on a coin commemorating the consecratio or 
apotheosis of the elder Faustina (fig. 37) 3 the empress, carried up 
to heaven by the eagle of Jupiter, has the same wind-blown 
mantle spangled with stars. Again, the drapery held by Caelus 
in a relief at Berlin (fig. 38)* is not merely an arc, but almost 
a complete circle enclosing other concentric circles — an obvious 
symbol of the sky. 

central group in the upper register by F. Miinter Sinnbilder und Kunstvorstellungen der 
Altai Christen Altona 1825 ii. 85, A. N. Didron Iconographie chrdtienne Paris 1843 
p. 156. 

1 W. Lowrie op. cit. p. 266 f. fig. 102. 

* S. Reinach Riper toire de peintures du moyen dge et de la renaissance Paris 1905 
i. 606, 1. 

3 Cohen Monti, emp. rem.* ii. 427 no. 185 fig. My illustration is from a cast of a 
specimen in the British Museum. 

* Ant. Skulpt. Berlin p. 364 f. no. 900, a fragmentary relief of white Italian marble. 
The subject is uncertain : two female figures approach Iupiter, and one of them clasps 
his knees (in supplication ?) ; the god is seated on the top of a square pillar, Caelus 
appearing below his footstool. 

Wolf-god or Light-god ? 63 

§ 3. Zeus Lykaios. 

(a) Wolf-god or Light-god ? 

On the summit of Mount Lykaion in Arkadia was a far-famed 
.cult of Zeus Lykaios. Tradition said that Lykdon, son of Pelasgos, 
J had founded the town of Lykosoura high up on the slopes of the 
^mountain, had given to Zeus the surname of Lykaios, and had 
instituted the festival called Lykaia\ On the significance of this 
group of names scholars are by no means agreed. Some take 
them to be pre-Greek or non-Greek 2 . Thus Fick maintains that 
they represent a Hittite tribe to be identified with the Lycaonians 
and Lycians of Asia Minor 3 , while Berard argues for a Phoenician 
cult comparable with that of Baal 4 . Most critics, noting the 
essentially Greek aspect of the names in question, are content 
to seek an explanation in the language of Greece. But even 
here opinions are divided. Some, starting from the undeniable 
fact that the wolf (/j/kos) plays a part in the local myths 5 , hold 
that Zeus Lykaios was in some sense a 'Wolf-god 6 .' This view, 
however, is open to a grave objection. The word Lykaios cannot 

1 Paus. 8. 2. r, Aristot. frag. 594 Rose ap. schol. Aristeid. p. 323, i2f. Dindorf, 
schol. Eur. Or. 1647, marm. Par. ep. 17 p. 8 Jacoby, Plin. nat. hist. 7. 205. 

2 P. Weizsacker in Roscher Lex. Myth. ii. 2173. 

3 A. Fick Vorgriechische Ortsnamen Gottingen 1905 pp. 92, 132. 

4 V. Berard De Vorigine des cultes arcadiens (Bibliotheque des holes francaises d'Athenes 
et de Rome Paris 1894 lxvii) pp. 48 — 93. Cp. also J. A. Hartung Die Religion und 
Mythologie der Griechen Leipzig 1865 — 1866 iii. 6, 26 ff., W. Mannhardt Wald- und 
Feldhulte 2 Berlin 1904 — 1905 ii. 342, 346. 

5 Infra pp. 70 ff., 77 ff. 

6 F. Creuzer Symbolik und Mythologie* Leipzig and Darmstadt 1841 iii. 76 f. At/xcuos 
= Avic6epyos, Lupercus, 'Protector against the Wolf.' J. A. Hartung op.cit. iii. 6, 27 
n. 45 Avkoios, ' Wolf-god,' the wolf (\vkos connected with XiWa) denoting fierceness. 
O. Jahn 'Uber Lykoreus' in the Ber. sachs. Gesellsch. d. IViss. 1847 Phil. -hist. Classe 
p. 423 drew a parallel between Zeus Avkolios of Mt. Lykaion and Zeus Aviaopeiot of 
Mt. Parnassos (Steph. Byz. s.v. AvKwpeia), pointing out that in the myths of both localities 
the ' wolf symbolises the exiled founder of the cult. W. Immerwahr Kult. Myth. Arkad. 
i. 21 ff. andW. H. Roscher in the Jahrb.f. class. Philol. 1892 xxxviii. 705 follow O. Jahn. 
O. Gruppe Gr. A/ylh. Rel. p. 805 likewise takes Zeus Avkclios to be Zeus god of 'wolves' 
i.e. exiles (ib. p. 918 n. 7). H. D. Miiller Ueber den Zeus Lykaios Gottingen 1851 p. 13 ff. 
and in his Mythologie der griechischen Stamme Gottingen 1857 — i86r ii. 78 ff. Ai<«atos, 
' Wolf-god,' the wolf being a symbol of his chthonian character (il>. p. 93 f.). V. Jurgiewic/ 
De love Lycceo Odessoe 1859 pp. 1 — 32 reaches the same conclusions as II. D. Miiller, 
adding Slavonic and Germanic parallels (id. p. 19 ff.). 

Others with more circumspection abandon the slippery path of symbolism. 
W. Mannhardt Wald- und Feldkulte 1 ii. 336 ff. explains the Avkcucl as a solstice- 
festival involving a procession of ' Harvest-wolves' (cp. the Hirpi Sorani). W. Robertson 
Smith in The Encyclopedia Britannica 9 Edinburgh 1886 xxi. 136 s.v. 'Sacrifice,' Lectures 
on the Religion of the Semites 2 London 1907 p. 366 n. 5, regards Zeus Avkclios as the god 

64 Wolf-god or Light-god ? 

be derived from lykos : it must be an adjective formed from a sub- 
stantive lyke 1 . But there is in Greek no such word as *lyke y ' wolf ; 
and, if there were, it would mean ' a she-wolf-,' whereas the myths 
of Mount Lykaion mention none but he-wolves. Far more probable 
is the theory of those who understand Lykaios as 'god of Light 3 .' 
The word lyke is quoted by Macrobius as an old Greek word for 
'day-break 4 ,' and its compound amphi-lyke is used in the Iliad of 
' twi-light 5 .' They belong to a well-known family of words with 

of a totemic Wolf-clan. L. R. Farnell Cults of Gk. States i. 41 is disposed to accept his 
theory. J. G. Frazer on Paus. 8. 38. 7 (iv. 386) says : ' The connexion of Lycaean Zeus 
with wolves is too firmly established to allow us seriously to doubt that he is the wolf- 
god.' C. W. Vollgraff De Ovidi mythopoeia Berolini 190 1 pp. 5 — 36 holds that the 
ritual of Zeus Ai//tcuos and the myth of Awcdaw presuppose the Arcadian cult of a sacred 
wolf, to which human victims were offered. 

1 Adjectives in -atos naturally derive from a- stems. The only exceptions are words 
like bSatot, vyaalos, Krfjraios, which have been formed on the analogy of ayopaios etc. and 
so go back to locatives in -at (K. Brugmann Griechische GrammatiP Miinchen 1900 
p. 181: see also F. Bechtel in Collitz-Bechtel Gr. Dial.-Inschr. iii. 2. 507 no. 5295 and 
O. Hoffmann Die Makedonen Gottingen 1906 p. 173 f. )• But Atf/rcuos, even if we write it 
as Awceuoy, can hardly be thus explained as a locatival formation. 

2 'A she-wolf is regularly MKatva (cp. K&wpatva), never *Xi5ao?. See W. Pape 
Etymologisches Worterbuch der griechischen Sprache, zur Ubersicht der Wortbildung nach 
den Endsylben Berlin 1836 p. 36. Lyk. Al. 481 \vicaivo/x6p<pui> Nu/cri'yiioi; Kpeavbfiwv is 
criticized as a gross blunder by Tzetzes ad loc. 6 rpdyos (sic) kclkus (<pr) • \vK0fj.6p<pwu yap 
u<f>tt\(v elireiw ov yap Xijicaivat, dXXd \6koi yeybvaaw ol AvKaovos iraides Kara tovtov. 

3 C. O. Miiller The History and Antiquities of the Doric Race trans. H. Tufnell and 
G. C. Lewis Oxford 1830 i. 326 ff., id. Prolegomena zu einer wissenschaftlichen Mythologie 
Gottingen 1825 p. 290 f., J. F. Lauer System der griechischen Mythologie Berlin 1853 
p. i8off., Gerhard Gr. Myth. p. 161 f., K. Schwenck Die Mythologie der Griechen 
Frankfurt a/M. 1843 p. 19, id. in the Rhein. Mus. 1839 vi. 541 f., Welcker Gr. Gbtterl. 
i. 210, L.-F. A. Maury Histoire des Religions de la Grece antique Paris 1857 — 1859 i. 
58 ff., L. Preller in Pauly Real-Enc. iv. 589, P. Welzel De love et Pane dis Arcadia's 
Vratislaviae 1879 pp. 4, 22 (' luce enim clarius est Iovem 'Apapiov eundem esse ac Dies- 
pitrem et Avkoiov eundem ac Lucetium' cp. Macrob. Sat. 1. 15. 14), Preller- Robert Gr. 
Myth. i. 127. E. Meyer Forschungen zur alien Geschichte Halle 1892 i. 61 (followed by 
C. Albers De diis in locis editis cultis apud Graecos Zutphaniae 1901 p. 33 f.) argues that 
'ein in Wolfsgestalt verehrter Gott zum Lichtgott Zeus geworden ist,' but that the 
names Aifoaios, Avk&uv, etc. 'sind Ableitungen von dem verschollenen nomen Xwca 
(\vkij) "Licht (Tag?)," und haben mit Xi/ico-s...nichts zu thun.' The latest and most 
efficient champion of the ' light '-theory is H. Usener Gbtternamen Bonn 1896 pp. 177 
— 216, who holds that A6kos was an ancient god of light replaced by Zeus Avicaios and 
Apollon Ari/cetos or Atf/cios. 

4 Macrob. Sat. 1. 17. 37 ff. prisci Graecorum primam lucem, quae praecedit solis 
exoitus, \6kt)v appellaverunt dirb rov \evKov. id temporis hodieque \vi<6<pus cognominant. 

8 //. 7. 433 ti/jlos 5' otir' ap 7tw 1706s, £7-1 5' ap.<pi\vKri v6% with schol. A. D. V. to koKov- 
fievov \vic6<pm, rb irpbs opdpov. Tovricriv 6 fiadiis opOpos, wapd rty \^kt)v (Xvyrjv D. V.), o 
iari. ffKorlav (ffKlav V. ), olovei Xvicbtpws ri 6v, rb fii) Kadapbv <pus dXX' #ri cr/foru)5es, schol. 
T. ira/>o tt)v Xfrfriv, 6 iixri ffKiav Kal \vKb<pm rb ixtra^ii <tk6tovs xal <pur6s, and Eustath. in 
II. p. 689, 15 ff. rb irap' Tjfuv ISiutTiKioTtpoi/ Xeybfievov \vx6<pus, adding derivations from 
Xvyri 'darkness' and XvKirj 'a wolf-skin' as also ib. p. 809, 40 ff. 

Wolf-god or Light-god? 65 

numerous relatives in both Greek and Latin 1 . Indeed, our word 
' light' is of kindred origin. 

But etymology, unless supported by ritual and myth, can afford 
no certain clue to the nature of an ancient deity. Fortunately in 
the present case that support is forthcoming. Zeus Lykaios was 
sometimes at least conceived as a sky-god, for his priest acted as 
rain-maker to the district 2 . Again, Achaios the tragedian, a 
younger contemporary of Sophokles, appears to have spoken of 
Zeus Lykaios as 'starry-eyed' (aste'rdpos)*. An epithet of similar 
formation and of the same meaning (asteropos) is used by Euri- 
pides of the aitlter or ' burning sky ' in connexion with Zeus 4 . 
This suggests that Zeus Lykaios was a god of the aithir. Indeed, 
Creuzer long since pointed out that Zeus Lykaios is none other 
than the Arcadian Zeus 5 , whom Cicero and Ampelius describe as 
the son of Aether*. H. Usener further observes that, just as a 
Boeotian myth makes Lykos succeed his brother Nykteus on the 
throne 7 , so the Arcadian myth makes Lykaon succeeded by his 
son Nyktimos, the inference being that both pairs of names denote 
the alternation of 'daylight' (lyk-) and 'darkness' {nykt-) % . If Zeus 
Lykaios was thus a god of daylight, certain statements made by 
Pausanias a propos of his cult gain a fresh significance. Lykosoura 
founded by Lykaon was ' the first city that ever the sun beheld 9 .' 

1 Prellwitz Etym. Wbrterb.d. Gr. Spr. 2 pp. 266, 275 cites for the stronger form of the 
root the Latin lux, luceo, /Una, for the weaker the Greek dp.(f>i\i'iKij, Xi/xd/Saj 'year' (lit. 
Might-circuit': Fick in the Gblt. Gel. Anz. 1894 clvi. 240 cp. Hesych. d/3cr rpoxfc), 
XvKdvyfy 'twi-light,' \vk6(J>ws 'twilight,' \i}x"os 'lamp,' etc. See further L. Meyer 
Handb. d. gr. Etym. iv. 519 ff. , who adds Xvicoif/la 'twi-light,' and Walde Lat. etym. 
Worterb. s.v. luceo p. 349 f., who connects \6y80s 'white marble' with the same group 
of words. 

1 Infra p. 76. 

3 Achaios Azanes frag. 2 Nauck 2 ap. schol. Eur. Or. 383 rijs darepbirov (MSS. 
dcTTepoirov) Zrjvbs Bvalas, cp. F. G. Welcker Die Griechischen Tragbdien Bonn 1841 iii. 
963. Arcad. p. 67, 13 Barker vouches for the accent dcrrtpoiros: the analogy of x&poirfa > 
'bright-eyed,' suggests aarepoirbs, cp. dare pwirbs. 

W. H. Roscher in ihefahrb.f. class. Philol. 1892 xxxviii. 705 supposes that doripoiro* 
denotes ' the god of lightning ' (dtrrpairri, darepoir-q). 

* Eur. Jon 1078 f. Aids dorepwirds | dvex^pevcrev aidrip, cp. Kritias Sisyphus frag. I, 
33 Nauck- ap. Flout, de plac. philos. 1. 6 and Sext. adv. math. 9. 54 t6 t darepwrw 
ovpavov crAas (so Plout., 5^/zas Sext.). 

5 F. Creuzer Symbolik und Afythologie 3 Leipzig and Darmstadt 1841 iii. 74 f. 
8 Cic. de not. deor. 3. 53, Ampel. 9. Cp. supra p. 27 n. 3. 

7 Infra ch. i § 7 (d). 

8 H. Usener Gbtternamen p. 199. The myths are collected and analysed in Roscher 
Lex. Myth. ii. 2169 ff., 2183 ff., iii. 492 ff., 498 f. W. H. Roscher Selene und Verwandtes 
Leipzig 1890 p. i4off. regards Nykteus and Lykos as personifications of the Evening- 
and the Morning-star: he is followed by Worner in the Lex. Myth. iii. 496 f. 

* Paus. 8. 38. 1. 

C. 5 

66 Wolf-god or Light-god ? 

On the very top of Mount Lykaion was a mound of earth, known 
as the altar of Zeus Lykaios, from which the greater part of the 
Peloponnese was visible : before the altar stood two columns bearing 
gilded eagles and f facing the sun-rise 1 .' Finally, Pausanias says : 
'Of the wonderful things to be seen on Mount Lykaion the most 
wonderful is this. There is a precinct of Zeus Lykaios on the 
.mountain, and no man is allowed to enter it. Should any one 
disregard the rule and enter, he cannot possibly live longer than 
a year. It was said too that within the precinct all things, both 
beasts and men, alike cast no shadow. Consequently, when a beast 
takes refuge in the precinct, the hunter will not break in along 
with it, but waits outside and looking at the beast sees no shadow 
cast by it. Now at Syene on the frontier of Aithiopia, so long as 
the sun is in the sign of Cancer, shadows are cast neither by trees 
nor by animals ; but in the precinct on Mount Lykaion there is 
the same lack of shadows at all times and seasons 2 .' This marvel, 
which is attested by other grave and respectable authors 3 , though 
sceptics were not wanting 4 , probably hangs together with the Py- 
thagorean belief that ' the souls of the dead cast no shadow and 
do not wink 8 .' The shadowless creature would on this showing 
be the man or beast already devoted to death. Dr Frazer, com- 
menting on the passage quoted above from Pausanias, writes : 
' Untutored people often regard the shadow as a vital part of a 
man and its loss as fatal. This belief is still current in Greece. 
It is thought that to give stability to a new building the life of 
an animal or a man is necessary. Hence an animal is killed and 
its blood allowed to flow on the foundation stone, or the builder 
secretly measures a man's shadow and buries the measure under 
the foundation stone, or the foundation stone is laid upon a man's 
shadow. It is supposed that the man will die within a year — 
obviously because his shadow is believed to be buried under the 

1 Paus. 8. 38. 7, cp. Pind. 01. 13. 152 ff. with schol. ad loc. and ad Nem. 10. 87, Polyb. 
4. 33. 2, and infra p. 83 f. L.-F. A. Maury Religions de la Grece i. 59, following 
K. O. Muller Prolegomena zu einer wissenschaftlichen Mythologie Gottingen 1825 p. 290 f. 
and W. Baumlein in the Zeitschrift fiir die Alterthumswissenschaft 1839 vi. 1193, in- 
ferred that Zeus Au/ccuos was a solar god. But K. Schwenck in the Rhein. Mus. 1839 
vi. 541 f. already urged that he was a light-god rather than a sun-god. 

2 Paus. 8. 38. 6. 

3 Theopompos ap. Polyb. 16. 12. 7 quoted below, schol. Kallim. h. Zeus 13 irav £(oov 
elffibv iKel (sc. to the birth-place of Zeus on the mountain in Parrhasia) fitfioXvafiivov 
Ayovov iyiyvero Kal tnuhv t6 aQfia airrov ovk4ti iwolei. 

* Polyb. 16. 12. 7, Plout. quaestt. Gr. 39. 

5 Plout. id. On shadowless ghosts see J. von Negelein in the Archiv f. Rel. 1902 
v. 18 ff. 

Wolf-god or Light-god ? 67 

building 1 .' Trespassers on the precinct of Zeus Lykaios not only 
lost their shadows, but were actually put to death 3 . Plutarch 
states that such persons were called 'deer' (/laphoi)*, that if they 
had entered the precinct voluntarily they were stoned to death, 
and that if they had entered it through ignorance they were sent 
away "to Eleutherai 4 . But, if the ultimate explanation of the 
shadowless precinct on Mount Lykaion lies in the connexion 
once thought to exist between shadow and soul, it by no means 
follows that this was the explanation given by Greeks of the 
classical period. They may well have forgotten the real meaning 
of a belief to which they still clung and have attributed it to 
some irrelevant cause. That is what in point of fact they did. 
Polybios the historian, who as a native of Megalopolis would take 
a personal interest in matters Arcadian, writes as follows anent 
certain Carian superstitions : ' It appears to me that such tales 
are only fit to amuse children, when they transgress not merely 
the limits of probability but those of possibility as well. For 
instance, to assert that some bodies when placed in light cast 
no shadow argues a state of extreme obtuseness. Yet Theo- 
pompos has done this ; for he declares that those who enter 
the holy precinct of Zeus in Arkadia cast no shadow, which is 
on a par with the statements that I mentioned just now 8 .' Theo- 
pompos, then, the historian of Chios, explained the miracle of 
Mount Lykaion by saying that beasts and men on the summit 
cast no shadow because they were there ' placed in light 6 .' This 
can only mean that a divine light encircled the mountain-top and 
made all shadows impossible. Mount Lykaion, in fact, resembled 

1 J. G. Frazer on Paus. 8. 38. 6 (iv. 384), citing B. Schmidt Das Volksleben der 
Neugriechen Leipzig 1871 i. 196 f. See also infra ch. i § 6 (g) vi. The way for this 
explanation was prepared by Plout. loc. at., F. G. Welcker Kleine Schriftcn Bonn 
1850 iii. 161, E. L. Rochholz Deutscher Glaube und Branch im Spiegel der heidnischen 
Vorzeit Berlin 1867 i. 119, H. D. Miiller Mythologie der griechischen Stiimme Gottingen 
1869 ii. 96 f. On the identification of soul with shadow see further E. B. Tylor Primitive 
Culture* London 1891 i. 430 f., cp. 85 f., W. Wundt Vblkerpsychologie Leipzig 1906 ii. 2. 
40 ff., 84 ff. 

2 Pseudo-Eratosth. catast. 1, schol. Arat. phaen. 91, schol. Caes. Germ. Aratea 
p. 381, 16 ff. Eyssenhardt, Hyg.poet. astr. 2. r, 2. 4. 

3 They may have been dressed as deer before being chased or killed. To the examples 
of human Aa^oi that I collected in the Journ. Hell. Stud. 1894 xiv. 133 ff. should be 
added the stag-mummers of Syracuse (schol. Theokr. it. ttjs eiipiatus tCj* /JowroXiKw* p. 5, 
7 ff. Ahrens) and the man disguised as a stag, slain and eaten, in an epic fragment dealing 
with Dionysos (F. G. Kenyon in H. van Herwerden's Album Gratulatorium Trajecti ad 
Rhenum 1902 p. 137 ff. and A. Ludwich in the Berl. philol. Woch. Jan. 3, 1903 p. 27 ff). 

4 Plout. quaestt. Gr. 39. 
„ 8 Polyb. 16. 12. 6ff. 

8 Id. 16. 12. 7 iv (porri Ttdtneva. 

68 Wolf-god or Light-god ? • 

Olympos as described in the Odyssey 1 , and was itself called 
Olympos. Pausanias says: 'They speak of it also as Olympos, 
while others of the Arcadians name it the Sacred Peak' 2 .' This 
Olympic glory, though not, as Theopompos presumably held and 
as Roscher 3 certainly holds, the true explanation of the shadowless 
precinct, would be in thorough keeping with the character of Zeus 
Lykaios as a god cf light. 

(b) Peloponnesian coin-types of Zeus Lykaios. 

It is almost certainly Zeus Lykaios whose figure appears on the 
federal silver coinage of Arkadia throughout the greater part of 
the fifth century B.C. 4 These coins bear on their reverse side the 
legend Arkadikon, more or less abbreviated, and appear to have 
been struck by the Heraeans as presidents of the national Arcadian 
games held on Mount Lykaion 5 . Early specimens show Zeus 
seated on a throne with a himdtion wrapped about his waist : 
he holds a sceptre in one hand, and over the other flies an eagle 
(figs. 39, 40) 6 . On later specimens the back of the throne terminates 
in a swan's neck (figs. 41, 42) 7 , and the eagle occasionally flies to- 
wards Zeus (fig. 43) 8 . Sometimes a thunderbolt is held on the 
lap of the god (figs. 43, 44) 9 . Sometimes, but rarely, he is repre- 

1 Od. 6. 41 ff. Eustath. in Od. p. 1550, 63 alyX^evra yap tcl iKel Kal neara atdprjs ko.1 
i>e<p£\ais a<TKia<TTa. 

2 Paus. 8. 38. 2. An Arcadian Olympos is mentioned by schol. Ap. Rhod. i. 598, 
cp. Serv. in Verg. Aen. 8. 352, Hyg. fab. 225 p. i32f. Schmidt. Roscher {Jahrb.f. class. 
Philol. 1892 xxxviii. 706) and Mackrodt (Roscher Lex. Myth. iii. 848, 24 f.) understand 
Apollod. 2. 5. 8 to \ey6/j.(vov 6pos"0\vfj,iroi> of Mount Lykaion, cp. Pedias. 21. 

3 W. H. Roscher ' £)ie Schattenlosigkeit des Zeus-abatons auf dem Lykaion ' in the 
Jahrb.f. class. Philol. 1892 xxxviii. 701 — 709. 

4 Head Hist, num. 2 p. 447 f., Babelon Monn. gr. rom. ii. 1. 843 ff. pi. 38, 8 — 18, 
Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Peloponnesus p. 1696°. pi. 31, 11 — 24, pi. 32, 1 — 9, P. Gardner 
Types of Gr. Coins pi. 3, 15, 16, 43, Overbeck Gr. Kunstmylh. Zeus pp. 26 f., 155, 
Munztaf. 2, 1 — 3. Cp. infra p. 90. 

5 This was first shown by Imhoof-Blumer Monn. gr. p. 196. 

8 Babelon Monn. gr. rom. ii. 1. 843 ff. pi. 38, 8, 9, 12, Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Pelo- 
ponnesus p. 169 f. pi. 31, 11 — 15, P. Gardner Types of Gk. Coins pi. 3, 43. I figure two 
specimens from my collection. 

7 Fig. 41 is from a specimen in the British Museum, fig. 42 from another in my 

8 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Peloponnesus p. 171 f. pi. 31, 23 (fig. 43), pi. 32, 3, 
Imhoof-Blumer Choix de monn. gr. (1871) pi. 2, 76, id. in the Zeitschr. f Num. 1876 
iii. 291 pi. 7, 3 and 4, Overbeck Gr. Kunstmyth. Zeus Miinztaf. 2, 2 a. 

9 Babelon Monn. gr. rom. ii. 1. 845 ff. pi. 38, 13 describes a specimen in the Luynes 
collection on which Zeus holds corn-ears (fig. 44). I take the object in his right hand 
to be a thunderbolt, as did F. Imhoof-Blumer in the Zeitschr. f. Num. 1876 iii. 290 pi. 7, 2. 

Peloponnesian coin-types of Zeus Lykaios 69 

sented as standing with himdtion, sceptre and eagle (fig. 45 )\ After 
the victory of Epameinondas at Leuktra in 371 B.C. the Arcadian 
League was reconstituted and issued coins with the types of Zeus 

Fi g- 39- 

Fig. 40. 

Fig. 41. 

Fig. 42. 

Fig- 43- 

Fig. 44. 

Fig- 45- 

Lykaios and Pan Lykaios' 1 . The obverse design of the silver stater 
(fig. 46) is a magnificent head of Zeus wearing a bay-wreath : the 
reverse (figs. 47, 48) is Pan seated on a rock, over which he has 

Fig. 46. 

Fig. 47- 

Fig. 48. 

Fig. 49. 

spread his cloak ; he is human except for his horns and holds in 
his right hand a throwing-stick (lagobdlon), while a pipe (sj>ri/ix) 
lies at his feet. The rock is inscribed Oly- (OAY) or Olym- 
(OAYM) 3 , and in one die (fig. 49) Chart- (XAPI) 4 , There can be no 
doubt that the laureate head is that of Zeus Lykaios. It used to 

1 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Peloponnesus p. 169 pi. 31, 10 (fig. 45). Babelon Motin. gr. 
rom. ii. 1. 849 f. pi. 38, 18. F. Imhoof-Blumer publishes a similar specimen in his 
Choix d/ 1871 pi. 2, 79 and in the Zeitschr.f. Num. 1876 iii. 291 pi. 7, 7. 

s On Pan Aikcuos see Roscher Lex. Myth. ii. 2168, 20 ff., iii. 1350 f. 

3 Head Hist, num. 2 pp. 444 f., 450, Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Peloponnesus pp. lix, 173, 
pi. 32, 10, P. Gardner Types of Gk. Coins pi. 8, 33 and 37, Overbeck Gr. Kunstmyth. 
Zeus pp. 93, 105 f., G. F. Hill Historical Greek Coins London 1906 p. 71 f., pi. 5. 37- 
Figs. 46 — 47 and fig. 48 are drawn from two specimens in the British Museum. 

4 F. Imhoof-Blumer in the Zeitschr. /. Num., 1874 i. n8 n. 3, ib. 1876 iii. 188 f. pi. 
7, 1 (in the Hague collection), cp. ib. 1875 ii. 6, 1396°., 246 ff., and in the Num. Zeitschr. 
1884 xvi. 264 pi. 5, 7 (at Klagenfurt, from the same die). I figure the latter specimen. 

70 Peloponnesian coin-types of Zeus Lykaios 

be commonly supposed that the rock inscribed Oly- or Olym- was 
the Arcadian Olympos, i.e. Mount Lykaion. Prof. Brunn alone 
maintained that the inscription was the signature of the die- 
engraver 1 . Since the publication of the specimens reading Chari- 
Brunn's view has met with almost universal acceptance 2 . Recently, 
however, Dr Head has suggested that Olym- and Chari- may be 
abbreviated names of festivals for which the coins were issued 3 . 
Still, the old view is not definitely disproved. It remains possible 
that the name of the mountain, placed on the coin for purposes 
of identification 4 , was afterwards replaced by the name of a self- 
satisfied engraver. 

(c) Human sacrifice to Zeus Lykaios. 

Across the brightness of Mount Lykaion we have already seen 
one cloudlet pass. Such was its awful sanctity that the wilful 
intruder upon the holy ground was doomed to die, while even the 
unintentional trespasser must needs be banished. But those who 
knew more intimately the ritual of the mountain-top were aware 
that a gloom far deeper than this habitually hung about it. There 
is indeed a persistent rumour of human sacrifice in connexion with 
the cult. For the said ghastly tradition^ Platon is at once our 
earliest and our most explicit authority.^ Sokrates in the Republic 
remarks that at the sanctuary of Zeus Lykaios he who tasted the 
one human entrail, which was cut up and mixed with the entrails 
of other victims, was believed to become a wolf ^ The author of 
the Platonic Minos implies that human sacrifice occurred on Mount 
Lykaion 6 ; Theophrastos — as quoted by Porphyrios and Eusebios — 
states that it was offered at the festival of the Lykaia 7 . Pausanias 

1 H. Brunn Geschichte der griechischen Kiinstler Stuttgart 1859 ii. 437. 

2 E.g. F. Imhoof-Blumer locc. citt., Head Hist, mini. 1 p. 373. 

3 Head Hist, num. 2 p. 445 cp. OAVN P I KON on coins of Elis, and suggests the 
104th Olympiad celebrated by the Arcadians in 364 B.C. He interprets XAPI of the 
Charisia or Charitesia, festivals of the Charites, and notes that Charisios was the founder 
of Charisiai in Arkadia (Paus. 8. 3. 4). 

4 Cp. n G I O N on a coin of Ephesos figured infra ch. i § 5 (b). It should also be noticed 
that the reverse-type of a unique tetradrachm of Messana, now at Berlin, shows a similar 
figure of Pan, with his lagobdlon and a hare (symbol of the city) : the god is seated on a 
rock, over which he has thrown his fawn-skin, and by him is the inscription PAN 
(G. F. Hill Coins of Ancient Sicily London 1903 p. 130 f. pi. 8, 15). If PAN describes 
Pan, presumably OAYM may describe Olympos. 

8 Plat. rep. 565 D, cp. Polyb. 7. 13. 7, Isid. origg. 8. 9. 5. 
B Plat. Mm, 315 c. 

' Theophr. ap. Porphyr. de abst. 2. 27 and Euseb. praep. ev. 4. 16. 10. But see 
infra p. 76 n. 3. 

Human sacrifice to Zeus Lykaios yi 

veils the ugly fact by a decent circumlocution : 'On this altar they 
offer secret sacrifices to Lycaean Zeus, but I did not care to pry 
into the details of the sacrifice. Be it as it is and has been from 
the beginning 1 .' 

The concurrent testimony of these writers may be held to 
prove that Zeus Lykaios was indeed served with human flesh, 
but it hardly enables us to determine how long this hideous 
custom survived. Theophrastos, who succeeded Aristoteles as 
head of the Peripatetic school in 322 B.C., says— 'up to the 
present time ' ; and he is in general a trustworthy witness. But 
whether we can infer from the guarded language of Pausanias 
that five centuries later, in the reign of the refined and philo- 
sophical Marcus Aurelius, the same gruesome rite was still kept 
up seems to me at least very questionable 2 . It would of course 
be talked about for many generations after it had been as an 
actual practice mitigated, superseded, or simply discontinued. 

We should like to know more of the cannibal who was turned 
into a wolf. And here fortunately further evidence is forthcoming. 
We have in fact three parallel accounts, which deserve to be studied 
side by side. They unfold a most remarkable sequel : 

nat. hist. 8. 81—82. 

'Euanthes, who holds 
a high place among the 
authors of Greece, reports 
the following tradition as 
derived from Arcadian 
writings. A man belong- 
ing to a clan descended 
from a certain Anthos is 
chosen by lot and led to 
a particular pool in that 
locality. Here he hangs 
his clothes on an oak-tree, 
swims across, and goes 
off into desert places, 
where he is transformed 
into a wolf and for nine 
years associates with 

Saint Augustine 
de civ. Dei 18. 17. 

' To prove this, Varro 
narrates other equally 
incredible tales — that of 
the notorious magician 
Kirke, who likewise 
changed the comrades 
of Odysseus into ani- 
mals, and that of the 
Arcadians, who were 
taken by lot, went across 
a particular pool, and 
there turning into wolves 
lived with beasts like 
themselves in the desert 
places of that locality. 
But, if they did not feed 
on human flesh, then 

6. 8. 2. 

1 Paus. 8. 38. 7 trans. J. G. Frazer. 

2 From Plin. nat. hist. 8. 82 Scopas qui Olympionicas scripsit narrat Demaenetum 
Parrhasium in sacrificio, quod Arcades Iovi Lycaeo humana etiamtum hostia faciehant, 
immolati pueri exta degustasse etc. (infra p. 73 n. 3) E. Meyer Forschungen zur alten 
Geschichte Halle 1892 i. 53 n. 1 infers that the human sacrifice, still kept up in the days 
of Demainetos, had l>een already abandoned when the Olympionicae was written. 

72 Human sacrifice to Zeus Lykaios 

Saint Augustine 
de civ. Dei 18. 17. 

after nine years had 
gone by they swam 
once more across the 
same pool and were 
transformed into men 

In conclusion he has 
actually mentioned by 
name a certain De- 
mainetos, asserting that 
he, having tasted the 
sacrifice of an immo- 
lated boy, which the 
Arcadians were wont 
to make to their god 
Lykaios, was thereupon 
changed into a wolf; 
and that in the tenth 
year he was restored to 
his own form, practised 
boxing, and won in a 
match at Olympia.' 

6. 8. 2. 

nut. hist. 8. 81—82. 

other wolves of the same 
sort. If during this time 
he has abstained from 
attacking men, he returns 
to the same pool and, 
having swum across it, 
gets back his shape look- 
ing nine years older than 
before. The story adds 
that he resumes the same 
clothing. The lengths to 
which Greek credulity will 
run are really amazing. 
Any falsehood, however 
outrageous, has its due 

Again, Skopas, writer 
of a work on Olympic 
Victors, relates that De- 
mainetos the Parrhasian 
at a human sacrifice, 
which the Arcadians were 
even in his day making 
to Zeus Lykaios, tasted 
the entrails of the boy 
that had been immolated 
and thereupon turned into 
a wolf; but that in the 
tenth year he was restored 
to athletics, came back, 
and won a victory in 
the boxing - match at 

Pliny and Saint Augustine are obviously drawing from the 
same well, viz. Varro 1 . Only, whereas Pliny cites Varro's sources 
without Varro's name, Saint Augustine cites Varro's name without 
Varro's sources. The sources in question are both satisfactory for 
our purpose — the ascertaining of popular belief. Euanthes was 
an author of repute, and moreover bore a name which is known 
to have occurred in Arkadia 2 : he professedly follows Arcadian 
writers. Skopas 8 was probably wrong about the victor's name ; 

1 Varro de gente populi Romani frag. 17 (Hist. Rom. frag. p. 233 f. Peter). 

2 Collitz-Bechtel Gr. Dial.-Inschr. i. 357 no. 1247 B 3 cp. 20. 

C. Miiller Frag. hist. Gr. iii. 11 no. 33 would read Neanthes for Euanthes. But see 
Jacoby in Pauly-Wissowa Real-Enc. vi. 846. 

3 C Miiller Frag. hist. Gr. iv. 407 suggests that Pausanias derived the story of 

' As to a certain boxer 
named Damarchos, a 
Parrhasian of Arkadia 
by race, I was not pre- 
pared to believe — with 
the exception of his 
victory at Olympia — the 
story told by sundry 
braggarts. For they say 
that he changed from 
a man into a wolf at 
the sacrifice of Zeus 
Lykaios, and that in 
the tenth year after- 
wards he became a 
man again.' 

Human sacrifice to Zeus Lykaios 73 

for Pausanias read and copied the actual inscription on the man's 
statue-base 1 . But whether the name was Demainetos or Dam- 
archos makes no difference to us : the story told of him is 

Varro's statement, as evidenced by the foregoing extracts, 
is twofold. It contains on the one hand Euanthes' general 
account of the Arcadian custom, on the other Skopas' particular 
exemplification of it. Comparing the two, we at once detect a 
discrepancy. Both agree that a man became a wolf for a period 
of nine years, after which he returned to human shape. But, 
whereas Euanthes speaks of him as having been chosen by lot, 
Skopas describes him as having tasted the entrails of an im- 
molated boy. This discrepancy would indeed vanish altogether, 
if we assumed that the method of selection indicated by Platon 
in a passage already quoted — 'he who tasted the one human 
.entrail,' etc. — might be viewed as a kind of cleromancy or sortition. 
But it is better to suppose that the casting of lots was a later and 
more civilised substitute for the arbitrament of the cannibal feast. 

Be that as it may, Euanthes has preserved various details of 
primitive import. He tells us that those who thus cast lots among 
themselves (and therefore, presumably, those who at an earlier # date 
gathered about the banquet of human flesh) belonged to a clan 
descended from a certain Anthos. Now H. W. Stoll 2 and J. 
Topffer 3 have pointed out that the names Anthos, Anthas, Anthes, 
Antheus were given in sundry parts of the Greek world to mythical 
figures of a common type — the handsome youth who comes early 
to a cruel death just because he personifies the short-lived vege- 
tation of the year 4 . One of these ' Flower '-heroes, Anthas or 

Damarchos from Euanoridas of Elis, whose 'OXvpiriovTicai he had just mentioned (Paus. 6. 
8. t). Miiller further conjectures that in Plin. nat. hist. 8. 82 we should read itaque 
Euanoridas qui Olympionicas scripsit (MSS. item or ita or itaque copas, whence Jan cj. 
Scopas, Schwartz in Pauly-Wissowa Real-Enc. i. 896 Harpocras, Gelenius Agriopas). 
But again see Jacoby in Pauly-Wissowa Real-Enc. vi. 845, and cp. Plin. nat. hist, index 
to 8 Euanthe apoca or apocha (so MSS. : Scopa Jan, Agriopa Gelenius, Agrippa vulg.) qui 
'OXvfjLirioplKas. Immerwahr Kult. Myth. Arkad. p. 13 f. pushes Midler's speculation one 
stage further and proposes to identify Euanthes with Euanoridas, whom he calls 
' Euanoridas-Euagriopas-Euanthes Agrippa' ! 

1 Paus 6. 8. 2. Both AaMa^eros (Collitz-Bechtel op. cil. i. 352 no. 1231 B 26, 38, 
C 42) and Ad/xapxos (id. i. 341 no. 1189 A minor 15, 358 no. 1246 D 4) are Arcadian 

2 H. W. Stoll in Roscher Lex. Myth. i. 369 f. 

g J. Topffer in Pauly-Wissowa Real-Enc. i. 2358. 

4 Thus Anthos, son of Hippodameia and Autonoos the nder of a neglected and 
therefore barren land, was attacked and eaten by his father's horses, which he had 
driven from their scanty pasture : he was transformed by Zeus and Apollon into the bird 
dvOos, and as such still retains his hostility to horses (Ant. Lib. 7 I see also D'Arcy W. 

74 Human sacrifice to Zeus Lykaios 

Anthes, the son of Poseidon, was driven out of Troizen and 
founded Halikarnassos 1 . His descendants the Antheadai 2 formed 
a priestly clan which, as we happen to know from an inscription 
found at Halikarnassos 3 , managed the cult of Poseidon in that 
city for over five hundred years. Poseidon was worshipped at the 
mother-city Troizen as Poseidon Phytdlmios*, so that the functions 
of the Antheadai were almost certainly concerned with the propa- 
gation of vegetable life 5 . Arguing from analogy, I conclude that 
in Arkadia likewise the descendants of Anthos were a priestly clan 
charged with the upkeep of vegetation in connexion with the cult 
of Zeus Lykaios 6 . 

That the ' Flower '-hero might be associated with Zeus no less 
than with Poseidon we see from an inscription of Roman date 
found at Athens 7 . It is a list of persons combining to build a 
gymnasium 'for Zeus Keraids and Anthas.' Mr J. G. C. Anderson, 
who published this inscription with a careful commentary, remarked 
that many of the contributing members bore Boeotian names. He 
therefore proposed to identify Zeus Keraids with Zeus Amnion of 
Thebes 8 and to regard Anthas either as a separate personage, the 

Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds Oxford 1895 p. 33). Anthos, eponym of Anthedon 
or Anthedonia the old name of Kalaureia, was lost as a child but found again by his 
brother Hyperes acting as cup-bearer to Akastos or Adrastos at Pherai (Mnasigeiton ap. 
Plout. quaestt. Gr. 19). Anthes, son of Poseidon and eponym of Anthana, was slain by 
Kleomenes, brother of Leonidas, who flayed him and wrote on his skin roi>s xPV°~/a°vs 
Trjpelffdai (Philostephanos frag. Sap. Steph. Byz. s.v. 'Avddva: but see C. Midler's note 
in Frag. hist. Gr. iii. 30). Antheias, son of Eumelos, was killed by falling from the car 
of Triptolemos (infra ch. i § 6 (d) i (£)). Antheus, son of Antenor, was a beautiful youth 
loved by Dei'phobos and Alexandras, but accidentally struck and slain by the latter (Tzetz. 
in Lyk. Al. 132). Antheus, a prince of Halikarnassos, served as a hostage under Phobios, 
ruler of Miletos : Kleoboia or Philaichme, wife of Phobios, loved him and, unable to 
compass her desires, asked him to recover a tame partridge or a golden trinket for her 
from a deep well, and while he was doing it dropped a heavy stone on the top of him 
(Parthen. narr. am. 14). 

1 Strab. 374, 656, Steph. Byz. s.v. 'AXucapvaffads. 

2 Steph. Byz. s.v. 'Adrjvai. 

3 Corp. inscr. Gr. ii no. 2655, Dittenberger Syll. inscr. Gr. 2 no. 608, Michel Recueil 
denser, gr. no. 877. 

* Paus. 2. 32. 8, Bull. Corr. Hell. 1893 xvii. 98 no. 18 : see further O. Hofer in 
Roscher Lex. Myth. iii. 2490. The inscription from Halikarnassos records the priests rod 
Ilo[<r«8w] I vos rov KanSpvO^vros virb twv ttjv diroiKl[av eV] \ Tpoi(i)i]vos dyaydvrwv TLoaeidQpi 
koJ. 'At6\\(w)[vl]. 

8 See J. Topffer in Pauly-Wissowa Real-Enc. i. 2358 ff. 

6 On Zeus Aikcuos with corn-ears see supra p. 68 n. 9. 

7 Ann. Brit. Sch. Ath. 1896 — 1897 iii. 106 ff. no. 1 Hvvdurcu ol Karao-KevdaavTes to 
yv\ (ivdffiou Ail Ke/Mu£ Kal'Avdo:' k.t.X. 

8 Paus. 9. 16. 1, cp. Kaibel Epigr. Gr. no. 833. 1 "A/jl/xuvos Ktpaiolo (Alexandreia), 
no. 835. 5 'Afifiwvoi Kepaov (Beirut), Phaistos ap. schol. Pind. Pyth. 4. 28 Zeus AtjSifys 

Annwv Kepa.77)<t>6pe. 

Human sacrifice to Zeus Lykaios 75 

eponym of Anthedon in Boiotia 1 , or more probably as a cult-title 
of Zeus comparable with that of Zeus Anthaleils, who is mentioned 
in a sacrificial calendar from the Epakria district 2 . The cult would 
thus be one of a Zeus presiding over animal and vegetable fertility, 
a god presumably worshipped by a guild of farmers. Mr Anderson's 
conclusion is sound, though his premises are shaky. I doubt 
whether Zeus Keraids is a mere synonym of Zeus Ammon. His 
'horns' may be those of a bull, not a ram. In that case he 
resembled Zeus Olbios, a god of fertility who in northern Greece 
had bovine horns 3 , or Zeus Xhiios (?) of Kypros, to whom the 
horned Kerdstai were wont to sacrifice strangers till Aphrodite, 
offended at their savagery, changed them all into bullocks 4 . Again, 
O. Hofer objects that, if Anthas had been merely a cult-epithet, 
we should have expected a repetition of the name Zeus before it 5 . 
But this objection only brings into clearer light the indisputable 
fact that in Attike the hero Anthas stood in intimate relation to 
Zeus. Anthos occupied a like position on Mount Lykaion. 

Now Anthos, son of Autonoos and Hippodameia, deprived his 
father's horses of their pasture and was therefore devoured by 
them 6 — a fate recalling that of Lykourgos, king of the Thracian 
Edonoi, who in order that his land, might not remain barren was 
taken by his subjects to Mount Pangaion and there destroyed by 
horses 7 . That a similar end overtook Anthos on Mount Lykaion 
is at least a permissible conjecture ; for the charred bones found 
nowadays on the summit of this mountain 8 are said by the peasants 
to be ' the bones of men whom the ancients caused to be here 
trampled to death by horses, as corn is trodden by horses on a 
threshing-floor 9 .' 

Conjecture apart, there is good reason to think that in time of 

1 He is called Anthas (Paus. 9. 22. 5, Steph. Byz. s.v. ' A.v6vSu)v), Anthios (schol. 
//. 2. 508, Eustath. in II. 271, 13 ff.), Anthedon (Steph. Byz. and Eustath. locc. citl.), 
and Anthes (Herakleid. Pont. ap. Plout. tie musica 3) ; for all these local heroes are 
obviously one and the same. 

2 Am. Journ. Arch. 1895 x. 210, J. de Prott Leges Graecorum sacrae Lipsiae 1896 
Fasti sacri p. 46 ff. no. 26, 47 y /cptds A(-K Ad 'AvdaXeT oh Af -!-, itpdxrvva H-. 

:i Infra ch. ii § 9 (h) ii (f). 

4 Ov. met. 10. 2 2off., Lact. Plac. narr.fab. 10. 6, infra loc. cit. 

5 O. Hofer in Roscher Lex. Myth. iii. 2491. 
8 Supra p. 73 n. 4. 

7 Apollod. 3. 5. 1, Folk-Lore 1904 xv. 312 f. Other examples of men done to death 
by horses with a like intent are cited in the Class. Rev. 1904 xviii. 82, Folk-Ijjre 1904 xv. 
388 n. 92. See further S. Reinach ' Hippolyte' in the Archivf. A'el. 1907 x. 47 — 6o = i</. 
Cultes, Mythes et Religions Paris 1908 iii. 54 — 67. 

8 Infra p. 82. 

9 J. G. Frazer on Paus. 8. 38. 1 (iv. 382). 

76 Human sacrifice to Zeus Lykaios 

drought Zeus Lykaios was placated with the sacrifice of a boy. 
Theophrastos indeed is reported to have said that this took place 
'at the Lykaia' 1 — an expression which, strictly taken, denotes 
the regular festival celebrated probably at the beginning of May'-. 
But the context of that very passage implies that human sacrifice, 
at least as exemplified by the cults of the Arcadian Zeus and the 
Carthaginian Kronos, was not a rite recurring at stated intervals 
but the last resort of a starving populace, practised only when 
crops failed and famine was imminent 3 . Even then the responsible 
clan devolved its blood-guiltiness upon a single man, who expiated 
his crime by disappearing from the neighbourhood. He hung his 
clothes upon a certain oak, swam across an adjoining pool, and 
was lost to sight in the wilderness beyond. What happened to 
him there nobody knew. It was whispered that he became a 

The same combination of drought, oak-tree, and water occurs 
again in Pausanias' account of rain-magic on Mount Lykaion. It 
appears that, when the ground was parched and the trees blasted 
by the heat, the priest of Zeus Lykaios took the branch of an 
oak-tree, stirred with it the water of the spring Hagno, and so 
caused the long-desired shower to fall 4 . It can hardly be doubted 
that the oak-tree and the pool of the one case are the oak-tree and 
the spring of the other. If so, we have every right to say that 

1 Supra p. 70 n. 7. 

2 P. Welzel De love el Pane dis Arcadicis Vratislaviae 1879 p. 23 n. 5 on the strength 
of Xen. 1. 2. 10 ivravd' (at Peltai) ffieivev y)pApas Tpels- iv als Sepias 6 'Apneas to. Ai5«ata 
(6v<T€ Kal dyuva fdrjKe- to. 5e aOXa rj<xav o~T\eyyl8es xP V0 ~ a ?' ede&pei be tov dyuva Kal Kvpos. 
See also Immerwahr Kult. Myth. Arkad. p. 20 f. 

3 Theophrast. ap. Porph. de abst. 2. 27 dw' dpxys p.ev yap ai tCiv KapirQiv iylvovTo tois 
Oeots Ovalai ' XP^vip °^ T7 ) s bo~t6TrjTos i)p.uv e^ape\7]<rdvTUv, eirel Kal tCiv Kapw&v 
Kal bid tt)v ttjs vop.ip.ov Tpo<prjs Zvbeiav els to aapKocpayelv aW-qKwv oipp-qaav, rdre piera 
7to\Xujj' XltQv Ik€T€uoi>t€s to 5aip.bvi.ov o~<pG>v avTwv airiip^avro rots 0eots trpwrov, ov p.6vov 6V1 
k&Wio-tov ivijv avToh Kal tovto tois deois KadoaiovvTes, dXXd Kal iripa tQv Ka\\lo-Twv 
Trpoo-tiri\ap.fidvovTes tov 7^ovs- dip' ov p£xP l T0V v ^ v 0VK tv 'ApKadla p.6vov tois Au/caiots 
oi/5' iv Kapxybbvt T <i> Kpbvy koivtj irdvTes dvdpuwodvTovo-iv, dXXd /card ireploSov, ttjs tov 
vonlp.ov x&P lv P-vVP-ys* ep.<pv\iov atp.a palvovai irpbs tovs fiup-ovs, Kalirep ttjs trap' avrois 
balas i£eipyovo-QS tQv iepwv rots ireptppavTijplois <ml> K-qpvypxiTi, el tis a'ip.aros dvdpwirelov 
Merairtos. The excerpt in Euseb. praep. ev. 4. 16. 10 agrees with this verbatim, but is 

shorter, including only d<p' ov m^XP' tov vvv wpbs tovs fiu>p.ovs. The words tois 

AvKalois are, I think, either a loose expression for ' in the rites of Zeus Lykaios ' or — less 
probably— a blunder for r£ AvKaly Ad, due to haste and inattention on the part of 
Porphyrios, who did not realise that ry AvKaly Ait is needed to balance ry Kpbvy and 
that both together are contrasted as extraordinary sacrifices with the ordinary ritual 
described in the words /card ireploSov k.t.X. On the other hand M. Mayer in Roscher 
Lex. Myth. ii. 1503^ holds that the words Kara ireploSov are corrupt and have expelled 
the name of some locality. 

4 Lnfra ch. ii § 9 (a) iii. 

Human sacrifice to Zeus Lykaios 77 

an oak-tree sacred to Zeus Lykaios grew beside the spring Hagno. 
The primitive cults of Greece, as of other lands, constantly 
associated a holy tree with a holy well. 

The simple folk of Arkadia were acorn-eaters 1 . Pelasgos, their 
first king, — says Pausanias 2 — ' introduced as food the fruit of oak- 
trees, not of all oaks, but only the acorns of Xhe phegSs oak. Since 
his time some of the people have adhered so closely to this diet 
that even the Pythian priestess, in forbidding the Lacedaemonians 
to touch the land of the Arcadians, spoke the following verses: — 

There are many acorn-eating men in Arcadia 

Who will prevent you; though I do not grudge it you.' 

Plutarch goes further and declares that there was ' a certain 
kinship ' between the Arcadians and the oak-tree : they believed 
that they were the first of men to spring from the ground, just as 
it was the first of trees 3 . But the relation of the oak to Zeus on 
the one hand and to his devotees on the other is a subject to 
which we shall have to return. For the present I pass on, noting 
merely that the existence of a clan whose business it was to 
promote vegetation at an ancient centre of oak-worship, if viewed 
in connexion with this alleged ' kinship ' between the worshippers 
and the tree, is a phenomenon curiously suggestive of totemism. 

A rite so unusual and impressive as the human sacrifice on 
Mount Lykaion had of course its explanatory myth. I quote 
again the garrulous but profoundly interesting Pausanias. From 
Pelasgos, introducer of the acorn-diet, he slips on to Pelasgos' 
son Lykaon, who gave to Zeus the surname Lykaios and founded 
the Lycaean games. ' In my opinion,' he continues, ' Lycaon was 
contemporary with Cecrops, king of Athens, but the two were not 
equally sage in the matter of religion. For Cecrops was the first 
who gave to Zeus the surname of Supreme, and he refused to 
sacrifice anything that had life ; but he burned on the altar the 

1 Hdt. U 66, Paus. 8. i. 6, 8. 42. 6, Ail. var. hist. 3. 39, Plout. v: Coriol. 3, Artemkl. 
oneirocr. 2. 25 (citing Alkaios frag, 91 Bergk 4 "Apicades taoav pa\avr)<pdyoi), Philostr. 
v. Apoll. 8. 7 p. 320 Kayser, Norm. Dion. 3. 287, Galen, de alimentorum facultatibus 
2. 38 (vi. 621 Kiihn), cp. de probis pravisque alimentorum sucis 4 (vi. 778 Kiihn). See 
further P. Wagler Die Eiche in alter und neuer Zeit Wurzen 1891 i. 34 ft". Acorns figure 
frequently on coins of Mantineia (Brit. A/us. Cat. Coins Peloponnesus p. 184 f. pi. 34, 19 
— 22, 24 — 28). 

2 Paus. 8. 1. 6 trans. J. G. Frazer. 

3 Plout. quaeslt. Rom. 92 f) TraXatdp air' 'ApicdSwv rb tdos, oh tori t« ovyylvua. wpb% 
tt)v Spvv ; irpwroi ydp avdpdiirwv ytyovivai Sokoiktiv 4k 777$, wairtp ii 8pvs rQv tfurrdv. That 
this 'kinship ' with the oak was no mere metaphor appears from Lykophron's mention of 
the Arcadians as iyybvuv 8pv6s (.41. 480: Tzetz. ad loc. has ittytvw bpvot) and the myth 
of Arkas and the oak-nymph Chrysopeleia (Class. Rev. 1903 xvii. 185). 

78 Human sacrifice to Zeus Lykaios 

national cakes which the Athenians to this day call pclcutoi. 
Whereas Lycaon brought a human babe to the altar of Lycaean 
Zeus, and sacrificed it, and poured out the blood on the altar ; and 
they say that immediately after the sacrifice he was turned into 
a wolf. For my own part I believe the tale : it has been handed 
down among the Arcadians from antiquity, and probability is in 
its favour. For the men of that time, by reason of their righteous- 
ness and piety, were guests of the gods, and sat with them at 
table ; the gods openly visited the good with honour, and the bad 
with their displeasure. Indeed men were raised to the rank of 
gods in those days, and are worshipped down to the present 
time.... But in the present age, when wickedness is growing to 
such a height, and spreading over every land and every city, men 
are changed into gods no more, save in the hollow rhetoric which 
flattery addresses to power ; and the wrath of the gods at the 
wicked is reserved for a distant future when they shall have gone 
hence. In the long course of the ages, many events in the past 
and not a few in the present have been brought into general 
discredit by persons who build a superstructure of falsehood on 
a foundation of truth. For example, they say that from the time 
of Lycaon downwards a man has always been turned into a 
wolf at the sacrifice of Lycaean Zeus, but that the transforma- 
tion is not for life ; for if, while he is a wolf, he abstains from 
human flesh, in the ninth year afterwards he changes back into 
a man, but if he has tasted human flesh he remains a beast for 
ever 1 .' 

The myth of Lykaon has come down to us through various 
channels with a corresponding variety of detail. A useful con- 
spectus is drawn up by O. Gruppe 2 , from which it appears that 
the sacrifice was offered either by Lykaon himself (this was the 
common tale) 3 or by his sons 4 (a variant meant to save the face 
of Lykaon). The victim is described occasionally as a guest of 
Lykaon 8 , or a Molossian hostage 6 , more often as a child 7 of the 

1 Paus. 8. 2. 2—6. 

2 Gruppe Gr. Myth. Rel. p. 920 n. 4. 

3 It went back to Hesiod (pseudo-Eratosth. catast. 8, schol. Arat. phaen. 27, Eustath. 
in II. p. 302, 18 f. Cp. Hes. frag. 136 Flach). 

4 Apollod. 3. 8. 1, Hyg. fab. 176, Nikolaos Damask, frag. 43 {Frag. hist. Gr. iii. 378 
Miiller), Souid. sv. Avk&wv, schol. Lyk. Al. 481, pseudo-Hekat./ra^. 375 {Frag. hist. 
Gr. i. 31 Miiller) ap. Natal. Com. 9. 9. 

5 Serv. in Verg. Aen. 1. 731, Myth. Vat. 2. 60. 

6 Ov. met. 1. 226 f. 

7 Paus. 8. 1. 3 /Sp4<t>os...&v0pwirov, Nikol. Dam. and Souid. locc. cilt. OiKravris riva, 

Human sacrifice to Zeus Lykaios 79 

neighbourhood 1 , more often still as Lykaon's son 2 Nyktimos 3 or 
grandson Arkas 4 . The child was according to one account 
sacrificed on the altar of Zeus 8 , but according to the usual version 
dished up for his consumption at table 6 . Punishment for this 
impious act fell on Lykaon, who was transformed into a wolf 7 , or 
struck by lightning 8 , or had his house struck by lightning while 
he himself became a wolf 9 . Some said that his sons suffered with 
him, all alike being killed by lightning 10 , or that they were killed 
by lightning and he changed into a wolf 11 ; some even said that 
the sons were punished as guilty and not the father 12 . Many added 
that the flood followed in consequence of the crime 13 . 

These rillets of tradition cross and recross one another with 
such complexity that it is difficult to map them or to make out 
which after all is the main stream. Nevertheless it seems certain 
that many, if not most, of them derive from distant sources of 
genuine folk-lore. Probably we shall not be far wrong, if — 
anticipating the results of a later section — we attempt to rewrite 
the story thus. Lykaon, king of the country and representative 
of Zeus Lykaios, was as such held responsible for the weather and 
the crops 14 . If the land were distressed with drought, the king, 
in accordance with primitive custom 15 , must be put to death, 
passing on his divine rights and duties to a less impotent successor. 
In course of time this stern rule was modified 16 . The king might 

1 Apollod. 3. 8. 1 iva tQv tirixupiwv waiSa, Tzetz. in Lyk. Al. 481 ivix<iptov rraida, 
pseudo-Hekat. loc. cit. %va. tQv 4yxM ! P^ uv iraidapiwv. 

2 Interp. Serv. in Verg. eel. 6. 41, Arnob. adv. not. 4. 24. 

3 Clem. Al. protr. 2. 36. 5 p. 27, igff. Stahlin, Nonn. Dion. 18. 20 ff., schol. Lyk. 
Al. 481. 

* Pseudo-Eratosth. catast. 8, Hyg. poet. astr. 2. 4, schol. Caes. Germ. Aratea 89. 
8 Paus. 8. 2. 3. 

6 Zeus had come in the guise of a working-man (Apollod. 3. 8. 1, Tzetz. in Lyk. Al. 
481, pseudo-Hekat. loc. cit.) or stranger (Nikol. Dam. and Souid. locc. citt.). 

7 Paus. 8. 2. 3, Serv. in Verg. Aen. 1. 731, Myth. Vat. 1. 17, 2. 60. 

8 Interp. Serv. in Verg. eel. 6. 41. 

9 PseudQ-Eratosth. catast. 8, Hyg. poet. astr. 2. 4, schol. Caes. Germ. Aratea 89, Ov. 
met. 1. 230 ff., Lact. Plac. in Stat. Theb. 11. 128. 

10 Apollod. 3. 81, Tzetz. in Lyk. Al. 481. The youngest, Nyktimos, escaped, for Ge 
held up her hands, clasped the right hand of Zeus, and assuaged his anger. 

11 Hyg. fab. 176. 

12 Nikol. Dam. and Souid. locc. citt., schol. Lyk. Al. 481. A second version given by 
schol. Lyk. ib. states that Zeus destroyed the sons of Lykaon with lightning till Ge 
stretched forth her hand and interceded for them, and that he turned some of them into 
wolves (cp. pseudo-Hekat. loc. cit.). 

13 Apollod. 3. 8. 2, Tzetz. in Lyk. Al. 481, interp. Serv. in Verg. eel. 6. 41, Myth. 
Vat. 1. 189. 

14 Frazer Golden Bough 2 i. 154 ff., 3 The Magic Art i. 396 ff. 
18 Id. ib. 2 i. i58f., 3 The Magic Art i. 352 ff. 

18 Id. ib 2 ii. 55 f., 3 The Dying God p. 160 ff. See also Folk-I^re 1904 xv. 392 ff^ 

So Human sacrifice to Zeus Lykaios 

sacrifice his son, or grandson, or the son of one of his subjects, or 
even. l>v a further relaxation, a stranger from afar in lieu of his 
own life, lie thus discharged his original debt: but only to incur 
another of etjua] magnitude, for by slaying his son or grandson 
or subject he would render himself liable to the early law of 
bloodshed'. It ,i man slew a member of an alien tribe or city, 
he must either be slain himself in return or else pay a sufficient 
blood-price. Hut if he slew a member of his own tribe or city, 
no blood-price was allowed: he must be put to death, or — it was 
the only possible alternative — flee into perpetual exile. The king, 
therefore, taken in this dilemma, sought to escape by the expedient 
of the common feast, which enabled him to share his guilt with 
others. The feasters in turn transferred it to a single member of 
the ' flower '-clan. And he had forthwith to pay the penalty 
otherwise incumbent on the king; he had, that is, either to die 
the death or to flee the country. 

It would seem, then, that the myth of Lykaon has in effect 
preserved the first stages of a custom whose final form is given 
in the statements of Skopas and Euanthes. Not often does an 
aetiological myth supply so satisfactory an aition. Viewing the 
story as a whole, we cannot but feel that the connexion of Zeus 
Lykaios with the light sky is a more fundamental feature of it 
than the transformation of his worshippers into wolves. He as 
god of the light sky normally bestowed the sunshine and ripened 
the crops. They on certain rare and exceptional occasions incurred 
bloodguiltiness in his service and had to disappear. They might 
be killed, or they might be exiled. Some of our authorities declare 
that Zeus struck them with lightning — an appropriate end for 
worshippers of a sky -god 2 . Others state that they became were- 
wolves again an appropriate fate for exiles and vagabonds 3 . 
This belief in were-wolves, which has from time immemorial 
prevailed throughout Europe 4 and is even now to be traced in 

: II. I'.. Secbohm On the Slim lure of Greek Tribal Satiety London 1895 p. 41 ft'. 
('The Liability for Bloodshed'). Moreover, ' the sanctity of the stranger-guest, who as 
early a> llomer and probably much earlier was placed under the protection of Zeus, was 
;ihii"-t a> great a> the >anctity ol the kinsman's life, and to slay him was a religious sin, 
for which, according to one legend. Heracles was sold into slavery to Omphale' (Farnell 
Culti of lik. Stat, • 1. 7,; with note d). 

- l-olk-I.orc 1904 xv. 38s f., 1005 xvi. 324 f. 

See the facl- collected by (.ruppe (,'r. Myth. Rel. p. 918 n. 7. 

Note also that, according to Macii/.i />■■ 7-a/le Hadhramaut Bonn 1866 p. 19 f. (quoted 
by W. Robert son Smith l.eetures, on the Religion oj the Semites' 1 London 1907 p. 88, 
R. Campbell Thompson S, miti, Wagie London [908 p. 57 11. 1), the Sei'ar in Iladramaut 
in change to were-wolves in time of drought. 

' Recent monographs on the subject are S. Baring-Gould The Book of Were- Wolves 

The Precinct of Zeus Lykaios 8 1 

Arkadia 1 , naturally attached itself to the rite of eating human flesh 3 . 
And lycanthropy often involved metamorphosis for a given term of 
years, after which the were-wolf returned to human shape 8 . But 
nowhere else, so far as I am aware, did this superstition stand in 
any special relation to the cult of Zeus. I conclude, therefore, that 
Zeus Lykaios was not essentially, but only as it were by accident, a 
'Wolf-god. His original character was that of a 'Light '-god 
controlling the sunshine, the rain, and the crops. 

(d) The Precinct of Zeus Lykaios. 

In 1903 Mr K. Kourouniotes trenched the altar and laid bare 
the precinct of Zeus Lykaios. I will here summarise the results of 
the excavation 4 . 

The top of Mount Lykaion (fig. 50) 5 has three crests — StepJuini, 
the highest point (about 4615 ft above sea-level); Ae Lids, some- 
what lower (about 4550 ft); and Diaphorti, on which is a ruined 
tower, probably Turkish in origin. It is with Ae Lids that we are 
concerned. This summit takes its name from Saint Elias 6 , whose 
little chapel stands on the south-east edge of a small level space 
adjoining the crest on its south side. The level is known locally 
as Taberna from a shop, which was once established here to supply 
necessaries for the saint's festival. 

London 1865, W. Hertz Der Werwolf Stuttgart 1862, W. Fischer Ddmonische Wesen, 
Vampir u. Werwolf, in Geschichte und Sage (Aberglaube aller Zeiten iii) Stuttgart 
1906. See also R. Leubuscher Dissertatio de Lycanthropia Medio aevo Berlin 1850, 
F. G. Welcker ' Lykanthropie ein Aberglaube und eine Krankheit' in his Kleine 
Schriften Bonn 1850 iii. 157 — 184, W. H. Roscher 'Das von der " Kynanthropie " 
handelnde Fragment des Marcellus von Side ' in the Abh. d. sacks. Gesellsch. d. Wiss. 
Phil. -hist. Classe 1897 xvii. 3. 1 — 92. 

1 J. C. Lawson Modern Greek Folklore and Ancient Greek Religion Cambridge 1910 
p. 240. On the were-wolf in modern Greece generally consult N. G. Polites irtpl 
AvKOKavOdpwv in the journal Uavduipa 1866 xvi. 453 f., MeX^n; evl rov filov twv xtewrtpwv 
'EWfyuw Athens 1871 i. 67 ff., and Ilapaddoeis Athens 1904 ii. 1240 ff., where a full 
bibliography is given. 

2 Hertz op. cit. p. 39 (quoted by Gruppe Gr. Myth. Rel. p. 920 n. 3) adduces Indian 
and German examples of men transformed into beasts after tasting human flesh. 

3 E.g. S. Baring-Gould op. cit. pp. 58 (Ireland: seven years), 59 ('Ossyrian' sic: 
seven years), P. Sebillot Le Folk-lore de France Paris 1906 iii. 55 (Normandy: seven 
years, sometimes three). 

4 K. Kourouniotes in the 'E<p. 'A.px- '904 pp. 153 — 214. See also F. H. Marshall in 
the Class. Rev. 1905 xix. 280 f. Kourouniotes has further excavated the hippodrome 
etc. on Mt Lykaion (Upaicr. ipx- ex. 1909 pp. 185 — 200 with figs., cp. Am. foum. 
Arch. 191 1 xv. 417). 

8 From a photograph kindly sent to me by Mr Kourouniotes, through whose 
generosity I am enabled also to make use of the unpublished photograph (pi. viii) and 
the illustrations in the 'E<f>. ' A.p\. loc. cit. 

8 "A17 Atcts="A7tos 'HXi'as. 

c. 6 

82 The Precinct of Zeus Lykaios 

The altar of Zeus forms the apex of Ae Lids. It is circular in 
shape and flat like a threshing-floor, measuring 97 ft 6 ins. across. 
It is composed mainly of the remains of sacrifices, the rock being 
covered to a depth of 5 ft with a layer of ashes etc. In this layer 
are numerous bones, mostly those of small animals, but also of 
oxen and pigs : no human bones were recognised. All the bones 
had been burnt. Among the debris are large charred stones at 

Fig. 50. 

irregular intervals, lying singly or gathered together in small heaps. 
These served to prevent the ashes from being blown away from the 
exposed and wind-swept height 1 . Small fragments of phidlai and 
skyphoi dating from the fifth and fourth centuries B.C. were found 
in the sacrificial stratum, also two small kotyliskoi, sundry portions 

A P 

of lamps, chips of roof-tiles — one inscribed qeI m l etterm S °f tne 

1 Cp. PHn. fiat. hist. 2. 240 in Laciniae Iunonis ara sub diu sita cinerem inmobilem 
esse perflantibus undique procellis (quoted by Kourouniotes) and the evidence collected 
infra p. 103 nn. 1 — 4, with regard to the summits of Olympos, Kyllene, and Athos. 

Proof of the sanctity attaching to ashes has come to light at Orchomenos in Boiotia. 
Inside the houses of the second pre-Mycenaean stratum H. Bulle found numerous $6dpoi, 
carefully lined with yellow clay. These pits were circular in plan and U-shaped in 
vertical section. They were for the most part filled with ashes, which appear to have 
been kept for religious reasons (H. Bulle Orchomenos Mtinchen 1907 i. 25 ff.). 







2 $> 
o jf 

"3) &> 

The Precinct of Zeus Lykaios 83 

fourth century — and an almost shapeless terra cotta bird. The 
metal finds included a silver coin of Aigina (c. 500 B.C.), two small 
tripods of beaten bronze, and an iron knife — altogether a meagre 
and disappointing collection. 

The precinct, which occupies the level called Tabe'rna, is 
approximately 180 ft broad by 400 ft long. It is marked out 
by a line of unworked stones, a boundary that men or beasts could 
easily cross 1 . The earth here is blackish, but has no bones in it. 
Kourouniotes believes that the discoloration is due to the blood of 
animals slain as it were on the prothysis before they were burnt on 
the altar. Perhaps a geologist or an analytical chemist could 
supply a less gruesome explanation. In the soil of the precinct 
were found fragments of roof-tiles, part of an iron chain, a large 
key, a greave decorated with swans and serpents in relief and 
inscribed fchAA:>ANfc AIA<8>ANAI 2 , a bronze statuette- 
base, and two bronze statuettes. One of these was a beardless 
Hermes {c. 490 — 470 B.C.) in chitontskos, chlamys, pilos, and winged 
boots ; the other a later figure, probably of the same god, with 
cldamys and petasos 3 . 

A little lower down than the eastern limit of the precinct 
Kontopoulos had discovered in 1897 two large bases about 23 ft 
apart, undoubtedly those of the two eagle-bearing columns 
mentioned by Pausanias 4 . In a gully north-east of the summit 
he had found also one marble drum from a Doric column of 
twenty flutes, and had erected it on the southern base (pi. viii) 5 . 
Kourouniotes continued the search, and was rewarded for his pains. 
He obtained other blocks belonging to the bases, which were thus 
proved to have resembled the three-stepped statue-bases of the 
fifth and fourth centuries B.C. The columns themselves were still 
standing in Pausanias' day, but the gilded eagles had gone 6 . 
Kourouniotes accounts for their disappearance as follows. He 
points out that in the market-place at Megalopolis Pausanias saw 
an enclosure of stones and a sanctuary of Zeus Lykaios containing 
altars, two tables, and two eagles 7 ; and he suggests that these 

1 'Etf>. 'A/>x- 1904 p- 159 f - fi g- »• 

2 Kourouniotes restores [Evr]e\l5as dvi[0t]Ke t£ Avicaitf Ad kclI r]<j. 'Affdvq.. 

3 'E<p. 'Apx- 1904 pis. 9—10. 
' Supra p. 66 n. i. 

8 'E<p. 'Apx- 1904 p. 173 f. fig. 7, cp. pi. 8, 1. 

6 Paus. 8. 38. 7 irpb de rod j3u)(iov Kioves 5vo ws iirl dvlffxovra iorjJKaxriv ijXiov, derol 6i 
iw avTOtt iirixpvaoi rd ye £ri waKaidrepa iirciroLi\VTO. 

7 Paus. 8. 30. 1 ireplfioko'i 54 ianv iv To-tirr) \Wwv ko.1 Upbv AvkclLov Ai6y, (ffoSos 5i 4s 
afa-d ok £<m- rd yap ivrds ion Srj crtivowTa, f}wp.ol ri flirt rod Ocov Kal rpdirefat oiio koX 
derol rais Tpairtfats tool. 


84 The Precinct of Zeus Lykaios 

cables had been rallied off from the precinct on Mount Lykaion. 
However that mav be, digging close to the northern base on the 
mountainside, Kourouniotes came upon an interesting series of 
bron/e statuettes illustrative of the cult 1 . 

The earliest of them, which he refers to the seventh century 15.C, 
is a clumsy figure of Zeus with short legs and long body. The 
-od stamU erect. His raised right hand grasps a thunderbolt, his 
outstretched left has an eagle perched upon it (fig. 51) 2 . 


.= '• 

The second statuette shows Zeus striding forward with uplifted 
right hand and extended left. In the former there was once a bolt, 
in the latter perhaps an eagle (fig. 52) ;! . Similar statuettes, which 

Id addition to the bronzes here described there were found two figures of Hermes, 
.showing trace* of l'olykleitos' style ('E<p.'Apx. 1904 p. 200ft". figs. 20 — 22), another in 
the attitude of a runner (//>. p. 206 fig. 24), a coiled snake with two heads (id. p. 211 
tig. 27). and a votive d<r«6s (if>. p. 212 fig. 28). The fact that at least three, probably 
four, statuettes of I lennes were found in or near the precinct requires explanation. Was 
'•'ere •< cult of Hermes on the spot? For the dedication of one deity in the temple of 
another see the careful collection of facts in W. II. I). Rouse Greek Votive Offerings 
Cambridge 190: p. 391 II. But, as Miss Harrison has pointed out to me, T. Zielinski in 
the A re hi? J. Rel. 1900 viii. .',21 II., ix. 25 fC shows that the Hermes of the Hermetic 
cosmogony came to Kyrene from Arkadia. The remaining finds included ten engraved 
rings, one of bron/e, the rest of iron. 

- 'K<p.'.\px. 1004 p. 1 Si f. figs, s i, 

:: lb. p. 185 fig. ie 





The Precinct of Zeus Ljkaios 

exemplify a type current about 480 B.C. 1 , have been found at 
Olympia (fig. 53) a and at Dodona (fig. 54)". 

Thirdly (fig. 55)* we have Zeus seated squarely on a throne, 
which is now lost. His hair is long and falls over his back; his 
beard is pointed ; and his lips are drawn up in the usual archaic 
expression. He wears a chitdn with short sleeves, and a himdtion 
draped under his right arm and over his left shoulder. His feet, 
which are bare, rest on a footstool. Both arms are bent at the 
elbow, and both hands hold attributes. In the left is the lower 

Fig. 55- 

half of a thunderbolt; in the right — not, as we should have expected, 
a sceptre — but a short rod with a knob at the bottom and a crook 
at the top closely resembling the Roman lititos, the direct ancestor 
of the pastoral staff still borne by our ecclesiastical hierarchy 5 . 

1 See the discussion by Miss C. A. Hutton in the Ann. Brit. Sch. Ath. 1896 — 1897 
iii. 149 — 152 pi. 10, 1. 

2 Olympia iv. 18 f. nos. 43 — 45 pi. 7, 43, 45, pi. 8, 44. See infra ch. ii § 3 (c) iv (a). 

3 C. Carapanos Dodone et ses mines Paris 1878 pi. 12, 4, Stais Marbres et Bronzes: 
Athbies* p. 362 no. 31. The finest specimen of this type is at Berlin: R. Kekule von 
Stradonitz and H. Winnefeld Bronzen aus Dodona in den kbniglichen Museen zu Berlin 
1909 pi. 1, A. Frickenhaus in the Jahrb. d. kais. deutsch. arch. Inst. 191 1 xxvi. 30. 

4 'E<f>.'Apx- 1904 p. 187 f. figs. 12 — 14, A. de Ridder in the Rev. At. Gr. 1906 xix. 

5 On the derivation of the pastoral staff from the lituos see the Rev. H. T. Armfleld 
in Smith-Cheethani Diet. Chr. Ant. ii. 1565 ff. 

The Precinct of Zeus Lykaios 87 

Kourouniotes reminds us that, according to tradition 1 , Euandros, 
son of Hermes, led a colony from Pallantion in Arkadia into Italy, 
where he built a town Pallantion on the Palatine, and introduced 
the cult of Pan Lykaios and the festival of the Lykaia, later known 
as the Lupercalia. This tradition points to an early connexion 
between Arkadia and Italy ; and it is open to us to believe that 
the use of the lituos came to the latter from the former. But what 
exactly was the lituos ? In shape it differs but little from that 
of the ordinary crooked stick carried by old-fashioned Greeks 2 . 
Monsieur H. Thedenat, after a review of the evidence, concludes — 
on the strength of a note by Servius 3 — that the augur's lituos may 
have been a royal sceptre 4 . This conclusion is borne out by the 
Hittite rock-carvings of Boghaz-Keui(c. 1271 B.C.), where the priestly 
king carries a large reversed lituos*. I would venture one step 
further and suggest that the lituos is ultimately the conventionalised 
branch of a sacred tree 6 . If Zeus Lykaios bears a lituos, it is 
because his sceptre, so to speak, was an oak-branch. His priest — 
we have seen — took an oak-branch in hand, when he acted as rain- 
maker on Mount Lykaion 7 . But, whether the lituos represents 
an original branch or not, it certainly serves as a quasi-sceptre. 
For this statuette (c. 550 — 500 B.C.) can hardly be dissociated from 
the fifth-century coinage of Arkadia, which — we have said 8 — shows 
Zeus Lykaios seated on a throne with a sceptre in his hand. In 
all probability both the statuette and the coins represent the cult 
image of the god 9 . 

1 Pauly-Wissowa Real-Enc. vi. 839 ff. 

2 E. Saglio in Daremberg-Saglio Diet. Ant. i. 639 ff. A black- figured amphora shows 
Zeus enthroned with a crooked stick as sceptre (Mus. Etr. Gregor. ii pi. 48, 2, 2(>). 

3 Serv. in Verg. Aen. 7. 187 lituum, id est regium baculum, in quo potestas esset 
dirimendarum litium. 

4 H. Thedenat in Daremberg-Saglio Diet. Ant. iii. 1277 f. L. Siret in V Anthropologic 
19 ro xxi. 303 would connect it with neolithic axe-handles: he sees in its form and theirs 
the arm of a cuttle-fish ! 

5 J. Garstang The Land of the Hittites London 1910 pp. 217, 229 pis. 68, 7r. 

6 Walde Lat. etym. Worterb. p. 345 derives lituus, Gothic /i]>us, Old High German 
lid, 'limb,' from a root * lei-t-, 'to crook or bend,' which with another determinative 
gives the Old Icelandic limr, 'limb,'//w, 'branch,' and the Anglo-Saxon /////, 'limb, 

On the royal sceptre as a conventionalised tree see Folk-Lore 1904 xv. 370 ff. 

7 Supra p. 65 ; infra ch. ii § 9 (a) iii. 

8 Supra p. 68. Specimens were found by Kourouniotes on Mt Lykaion. 

9 The lituos is not elsewhere known as an attribute of Zeus. A bronze statuette found 
at Olympia shows him holding in his left hand a broken object, which ends l>elow in a 
stud or knob. This Furtwiingler Olympia iv. 17 pi. 7, 40, 40 a took to be the handle of 
a sword : Kourouniotes would restore it as a lituos (so also Stais Marbret et Ihonzts : 
Athines- p. 289 f. no. 6163). 

88 The Precinct of Zens Lykaios 

A fourth figure, more clumsy in style, gives us Zeus standing 
on a square base, lie is clothed in a long Jiimation. In his 
clenched right hand In- holds the remains of a thunderbolt; in 
his clenched left, no attribute- at all (fig. 56) 1 . 

Fig. 56. 

A few other fragments — a right hand grasping part of a bolt 2 , 
the fore-part of a right foot", and an eagle with spread wings 
(ng. 57 ^i b)*- possibly belong to a larger statue, or statues, of 
Zeus, and may be assigned to the early fifth century". 

' 'E0- 'Apx- '9°4 ]'■ 19.'. fig- '.=• :i //'• p. 194 fig. 17. 

- II: p. 194 fig. 16. 4 //,_ p- l95 f figs , 8 _ l9 

It may here he mentioned that the Hritish Museum possesses a silver ingot, said to 
have been found in Sicily, which is inscribed AlO^AVKA on one side, T^VTON 
on the other, and was doubtless dedicated to Zeus I.ykaios by one Trygon (Brit. Mus. 
(iuide Gk. Rom. Life 1908 p. 37 f. no. 70, Inscr. Gr. Sir. It. no. 597). The romance 
imagined by Roehl ///srr. (,'r. ant. no. 523 is baseless. 

The Cult of Zeus Lykaios at Kyrene 89 

Fig. 57 a. 

Fig- 57''- 

(e) The Cult of Zeus Lykaios at Kyrene. 

The cult of Zeus Lykaios spread from Arkadia to Kyrene. 
There appears, indeed, to have been some ancestral link between 
these two places ; for more than once Arcadians were called in to 
settle with authority political disputes that had arisen at Kyrene 1 . 

1 Hdt. 4. 161 (Demonax of Mantineia, shortly after 550 B.C.), Polyb. 10. 11. if. and 
Plout. v. Philopoim. \ (Ekdemos and Demophanes, or Megalophanes, of Megalopolis, in 
the third century B.C.). See also Archivf. Rel. 1906 ix. 42 n. i. 

90 The Cult of Zeus Lykaios at Kyrene 

Herodotos relates that the Persian army, on its return from the 
capture of Barke (512 B.C.), encamped upon the 'hill of Zeus 
Lykaios' near Kyrene 1 . This certainly implies a Cyrenaic cult 
of that deity. Moreover, Ludvig Miiller pointed out that the figure 
of Zeus Lykaios on the early silver coins of Arkadia (fig. 43)* is 
reproduced on a gold stater of Kyrene (fig. 58) 3 . Here too we 
see the god enthroned towards the left with a sceptre in his right 
hand, while an eagle flies directly towards him. Other specimens 
of the Cyrenaic stater vary, as did the Arcadian coins, only with 
more freedom, the position of the eagle, which sometimes flies 
before Zeus with a snake in its talons 4 , sometimes rests on the 

Fig. 58. 

Fig. 59- 

Fig. 60. 

Fig. 61. 

Fig. 62. 

Fig. 63. 

right hand of the god 5 , sometimes perches behind him on a stem 
or branch curved like a lituos (figs. 59, 60) 6 , and sometimes is absent 
altogether 7 . The remarkable adjunct of the eagle on a lituos- 
shaped branch cannot, so far as I know, be precisely paralleled. 

1 Hdt. 4. 203. 

1 Cp. supra p. 68 f. 

3 L. Miiller Numismatique de VAncienne Afrique Copenhague i860 i. 48 no. 184 
fig. 184, ib. p. 67. 

4 Id. ib. i. 49 no. 188, Hunter Cat. Coins iii. 568 (cp. ib. pi. 92, 2). 

6 L. Miiller op. cit. i. 49 no. 190, Supplement p. 9 pi. 1, 190, Bunbury Sale Catalogue 
1896 ii. 95 no. 717, Montagu Sale Catalogue 1896 i. 104 no. 801 pi. 10. 

9 L. Miiller op. cit. i. 49 nos. 185—187 fig. 185 (my fig. 59). Fig. 60 is from a 
specimen in the British Museum. 

In the Montagu Sale Catalogue 1896 i. 104 no. 799 pi. 10 the eagle appears to be 
seated on a rock. Cp. G'Hagan Sale Catalogue 1908 p. 79 no. 786 (?). 

7 L. Miiller op. cit. i. 49 no. 189 fig. 189. 

The Cult of Zeus Lykaios at Kyrene 91 

An eagle above and in contact with a transverse lituos is said to 
occur on a late bronze coin of Panormos (fig. 6i)\ But a better 
analogy is afforded by the eagle on a pine-tree before the seated 
figure of Zeus Aitnaios, which appears on a unique tetradrachm of 
Aitne (fig. 62) -, or by the eagle on a crooked bough, probably 
representing the oaks of Zeus Strdtios, which is found on imperial 
bronze coins of Amaseia (fig. 63)*. In view of the fact that the 
eagle and the lituos were both attributes of Zeus at the precinct 
on Mount Lykaion 4 the combination of the two furnishes an addi- 
tional reason for believing that the throned Zeus of Kyrene was 
indeed Zeus Lykaios 6 . 

Fig. 64. 

In one detail the Zeus of these Cyrenaic coins differs from the 
Zeus of the Arcadian coins. His free arm is consistently shown 
resting on the low back of his seat in an attitude of easy indolence. 
Now this is a trait which is not seen in any other representation of 
Zeus on Greek coins. In fact, the only close parallel to it 6 in the 
whole range of ancient Zeus-types is the careless and yet majestic 

1 P. Paruta Sicilia Ntimistnatica Lugduni Batavorum 1723 pi. 3, 33. 

2 Infra Append. B Sicily. 

3 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Pontus etc. 8 pi. 1, 15; 11 pi. 2, 7 ( = my fig. 6.}) Waddington 
— Babelon — Reinach Monti, gr. a" As. Min. i. 35 pi. 5, 11 ; 40 pi. 6, 5. On the oaks of 
Zeu^ ^rpdrtos see Class. Rev. 1904 xviii. 79 f., 372 fig. 5, Folk-Lore 1904 xv. 296, 306 f. 

4 Supra p. 83 ff. 

6 Mead Hist, num. 1 p. 729, to. 2 p. 869 says ' Zeus Amnion ' — a curious blunder. . 
6 Overbeck Gr. Kunsttnyth. Zeus p. 161. 

92 Zeus Lykaios on a Spartan Kylix 

pose of Zeus in the Parthenon frieze (fig. 64) 1 . It is, therefore, 
highly probable that the cult-statue of Zeus Lykaios existing at 
Kyrene in the period to which the gold coins belong was the work, 
if not of Pheidias himself, at least of some sculptor much under his 
influence. If further evidence be required, one may point to the 
fact that in a temple of Helios and Selene at Byzantion there was 
preserved as late as the eleventh century a white marble statue of 
Zeus ascribed to Pheidias, of which we are told that it ' seemed to 
be seated on a sofa 8 .' Whether the product of Pheidiac art or not, 
Zeus at Kyrene reclined on his throne in an attitude of unusual 
repose. This, if I am not mistaken, earned for him the curious 
sobriquet of E/inymenos 3 , Zeus ' Taking his Siesta*! 

(f) Zeus Lykaios on a Spartan (' Cyrenaic ') Kylix. 

F. Studniczka 5 in dealing with the cults of Kyrene observed 
that a seated Zeus on a ' Cyrenaic ' kylix in the Louvre (fig. 65)" 
bore a striking resemblance to the seated Zeus of the Arcadian 
coins, and proposed to identify the former with the latter as Zeus 
Lykaios. And such he may well be. For the force of Studniczka's 
comparison is in no way weakened by Mr J. P. Droop's discovery 
that the original home of ' Cyrenaic ' ware was not Kyrene but 
Sparta 7 . From Mount Lykaion to the Eurotas valley was no far 

1 A. H. Smith The Sculptures of the Parthenon London 19 10 pi. 34, M. Collignon 
Le Parthenon Paris 1909 pi. 127, 30. Cp. Montfaucon Antiquity Explained trans. 
D. Humphreys London 1721 i. 29 pi. 10 no. 6 after Bartoli-Bellori Admir. Rom. ant. 
pi. 27. 

2 Kedren. hist. comp. 323 c (i. 567 Bekker) airov 8i irpbs yrjv rjv Pptras Atos eK XevicoO 
\idov, tpyov $u8lov, l£dvov t$ doKelv iiri kXIvtjs. 

3 Hesych. 'EXiviJuevos- Zei>j 4v Kvp^fji. 

4 Hesych. iXivtiuv dvairavd/jiepos. L. Midler op. at. i. 67 f. regards the /*Yw<w-shaped 
branch of the Cyrenaic coins as a vine-shoot, and conjectures that Zeus 'EXivti/xevos meant 
not only 'le dieu qui repose' but also the god 'of the Vine-shoot' (el. mag. p. 330, 39 f. 
i\iv6i-...r6v k\&8ov rrjs &fi.irt\ov). But the epithet is obviously a participle. 

8 F. Studniczka Kyrene Leipzig 1890 p. 14 f. 

6 Pottier Cat. Vases du Louvre ii. 529, Vases antiques du Louvre 2 me Serie Paris 1901 
p. 63 no. E 668, Arch. Zeit. 1881 p. 237 ff. pi. 12, 3. 

7 Ann. Brit. Sch. Ath. 1907— 1908 xiv. 2, 44 ff. See also R. M. Dawkins in the 
Journ. Hell. Stud. 1908 xxviii. 322 f. and in The Year's Work in Class. Stud. 1908 p. 17, 

A. J. B. Wace id. 1909 p. 48 f. W. Klein Euphronios* Wien 1886 p. 77 had previously 
conjectured that the 'Cyrenaic ' vases were made in Lakonike. 

The subject cannot here be discussed in detail. But we must bear in mind that 
Sparta, as the mother of Thera, was the grandmother of Kyrene. It would not therefore 
be surprising to find that a ware originating in Sparta was made at Kyrene also. And 
this seems on the whole to be the simplest assumption in the case of the Arkesilas-zty//.*- 
(De Ridder Cat. Vases de la Bill. Nat. i. 98 ff. no. 189). See J. R. Wheeler A Lland- 
book of Greek Archaeology New York etc. 1909 p. 468 n. 1. 

Zeus Lykaios on a Spartan Kylix 93 

cry; and, if Alkman the great lyric poet of Sparta composed a 
hymn to Zeus Lykaios 1 , the Spartan potters very possibly represented 
the same deity on their cups. The Louvre kylix is on this showing 
the artistic counterpart of Alkman's poem. Zeus, wearing a chiton 
and tightly swathed in an ornamental himdtion, is seated on his 
altar — a large stepped structure of stone blocks 2 —, while his eagle 
wings its way directly towards him. The god's long hair hangs 
over his back, and his upper lip is shaved in genuine Spartan 
style 3 . 

Fig. 65. 

Another 'Cyrenaic' kylix, now in the Royal Museum at Cassel, 
shows a male figure enthroned in conversation with Hermes (fig.66) 4 . 
It is at first sight tempting to regard this too as a representation of 
Zeus Lykaios, in whose precinct sundry statuettes of Hermes were 

1 Alkman frag, i ff. Bergk 4 . Himer. or. 5. 3 (Alkman) Myxa-vc /*€•» 5td ttjs "Zx&prris 
eis Aids AvKaiov KOfiifav payiara, k.t.X. 

2 See W. Reichel Uber vorhellenische Gbtterculle y N\en. 1897 p. 40 f. 

3 W. Ridgeway in Anthropological Essays presented to Edward Burnett Tyler Oxford 

'9°7 P- 3°5- 

4 fahrb. d. kais. deutsch. arch. Inst. 1898 xiii Arch. Anz. p. 189 f. figs. 2 — 3. 

94 Zeus Lykaios on a Spartan Kylix 

Fig. 66. 

"ig. 67 

Zeus Lykaios on a Spartan Kylix 95 

found 1 . But the bird behind the throne is, as J. Boehlau remarked 1 , 
merely put in to fill up the blank space and cannot pass muster as 
the eagle of Zeus. Moreover the vase is not to be dissociated from 
two others of the same sort. One of these, a kylix in the Munich 
collection, again depicts a male figure on a lion-legged throne, 
conversing with similar gestures. His interlocutor is a female 
figure, conceived on a smaller scale 
and enthroned over against him. 
The supports of the larger throne 
are in the shapes of a tree and an 
animal — species difficult to deter- 
mine (fig. 6y) 3 . The second vase, a 
fragmentary kylix in the British 
Museum, once more shows a man 
on a lion-footed throne. Before him 
stands a woman, who raises her left 
hand with a gesture of reverence 
and in her right hand presents a 
pomegranate (fig. 68) 4 . This last 
vase fortunately enables us to fix the 
character of the other two ; for its 
resemblance to the contemporary 
funereal reliefs of Lakonike 5 is quite 
unmistakeable. Indeed, further in- 
spection reveals numerous points of 
contact between all three vases and 
the reliefs in question. I conclude, 
therefore, that what the reliefs were 
in sculpture the vases were in ceramic art — a memorial of the 
divinised dead. This satisfactorily accounts for the enthronement 

Fig. 68. 

1 Supra p. 83. 

2 Jahrb. etc. loc. cit. 

3 Jahn Vasensantml. Miituhen p. 229 f. no. 737, Arch. Zeit. 1881 xxxix pi. 13, 5, 
F. Studniczka op. cit. p. 8 fig. 3. 

This vase is commonly thought to represent a genre scene — a man talking with a 
woman. But on 'Cyrenaic' ware religious or mythological types predominate (H. B. 
Walters History of Ancient Pottery London 1905 i. 341), and we may fairly suspect a 
deeper meaning. Studniczka op. cit. p. 23 suggests Apollon with the Hesperid Kyrene. 

The animal supporting the throne has been variously interpreted as a hare (O. Jahn 
loc. cit.) or a dog (A. Dumont — E. Pottier Les dramiques de la Grece propre Paris 1884 
i. 302, Reinach Rep. Vases i. 434). 

4 Brit. Mus. Cat. Vases ii. 51 no. B 6 (Apollon ? and Kyrene), Studniczka op. cit. 
p. 23 fig. 18 (Apollon or Aristaios? or Battos?? and Kyrene) and in Roscher Lex. Myth. 
ii. 1729 (Battos and Kyrene). 

5 The best collection of facts concerning these reliefs is that given by M. N. Tod and 
A. J. B. Wace A Catalogue of the Sparta Museum Oxford 1906 p. 102 ff. 

96 Zeus-like deities in wolf-skin garb 

of the man and the woman, for the presence of Hermes the 
'Conductor of Souls,' for the reverential attitude of the worshipper, 
and for her gift of a pomegranate. Finally, just as the funereal 

Fig. 69. 

reliefs tended towards simplification of type 1 , so a 'Cyrenaic' kylix 
in the National Museum at Athens reduces the whole scene of the 
enthroned dead to a mere head and shoulders (fig. 69) 2 . 

(g) Zeus-like deities in wolf-skin garb. 

A small bronze statuette, found in the Rhine-district and pro- 
cured by F. G. Welcker for the Museum of National Antiquities at 
Bonn, was believed by J. Overbeck to represent Zeus Lykaios. The 
god stands erect holding a deep bowl or pot in his outstretched 
right hand and leaning with his raised left hand on some object 
now lost. He is clad over head, shoulders, and back in a wolf-skin, 
the fore-paws of which have been cut off, sewn on inside, and 

1 M. N. Tod and A. J. B. Wace op. cit. p. 107 f. 

2 J. P. Droop in the/oum. Hell. Stud. 1908 xxviii. 176 ff. figs. 1 b—\. 

Zeus-like deities in wolf-skin garb 97 

Fig. 70. 

Fig. 71. 

98 Zeus-like deities in wolf-skin garb 


Fig. 73- 

Zeus-like deities in wolf-skin garb 99 

knotted round the wearer's neck (fig. 70) 1 . It will not be denied 
that this interesting bronze shows a Zeus-like god wearing a wolf- 
skin. But we shall not venture to describe him as Zeus Lykaios. 
For there is neither literary nor epigraphic evidence to prove that 
the Arcadian Zeus travelled as far north as he did south. And, 
even if that had been the case, his cult-type was widely different 
from this. Rather we shall agree with S. Reinach 2 , who ranges the 
Bonn statuette 3 along with a whole series of bronzes representing 
the Gallo-Roman Dis pater, the ancestor — Caesar tells us 4 — of all 
the Gauls. Such figures regularly hold a bowl in one hand and 
rest the other on a long-handled mallet. Many of them also wear 
a wolf-skin hood (fig. 71)*, though the nature of the skin is seldom 
so clearly marked as in this example. Reinach himself suggests 
that the Gaulish mallet-god may have got his wolf-skin from some 
Greek identification of him with the Arcadian Zeus Lykaios 6 . But 
it must not be forgotten that in Etruscan tomb-paintings at Orvieto 
(fig. 72) 1 and Corneto (fig. 73) 8 Hades likewise is coifed in a wolf- 
skin 9 ; and from the Etruscan Hades to the Gallo-Roman Dis pater 
there is but a short step. 

1 J. Overbeck in the fahrb. d. Vereins v. Alterthumsfreund. im Rheinl. 1851 xvii. 
69 — 74 pi. 2, id. Katalog der konigl. preuss. rhein. Mus. vaterldnd. Alterthiimer Bonn 
1851 p. 98 no. 5, id. Gr. Kunstmyth. Zeus p. 266 f. Overbeck is followed by Gruppe 
Gr. Myth. Rel. p. 1116 n. 8. 

2 Reinach Bronzes Figure's pp. 137 — 185. 3 Id. id. p. 181. 

4 Caes. de bell. Gall. 6. 18. 

5 Drawn from a cast of the bronze found at Saint-Paul-Trois-Chateaux (Drome) and 
now in the Museum at Avignon (Reinach op. cit. p. 141 no. 146, Rep. Stat. ii. 21 no. 8). 
Another fine specimen from Vienne (Isere) is in the British Museum {Brit. Mus. Cat. 
Bronzes p. 142 no. 788, Gaz. Arch. 1887 xii. 178 pi. 26). 

8 Reinach op. cit. p. 141 n. 2, cp. p. 162 n. 8. 

7 G. Conestabile Pitture murali e suppellettili etrusche scoperte presso Orvieto nel 1863 
da Domen. Golini Firenze 1865 pi. 11, Roscher Lex. Myth. i. 1807 f. 

8 Mon. d. Inst, ix pis. 15 and 15 a, W. Helbig in the Ann. d. Inst. 1870 xlii. 27, 
C. Scherer in Roscher Lex. Myth. i. 1805. 

9 W. H. Roscher in the Abh. d. sacks. Gesellsch. d. fViss. Phil. -hist. Classe 1897 
xvii. 3. 44 f., 60 f. compares Lykas the hero of Temesa, who was 'horribly black' and 
wore a wolf-skin (Paus. 6. 6. n) and Lykos the hero of Athens, who had the form of a 
wolf (Eratosth. ap. Harpokr. s.v. Seicdfav, alib.), arguing that in Greece as elsewhere 
'die Todtengeister Wolfsgestalt annehmen.' A gold pendant seal of the sixth century B.C. 
from Kypros shows a male figure with the head and tail of a wolf thrusting a sword 
through a panther or lion (Brit. Mus. Cat. /ewellery p. 167 no. 1599 fig. 49 pi. 26). 
Furtwangler Masterpieces of Gk. Sculpt, p. 80 n. 1 recognises as Thanatos a winged 
youth with a wolf-skin or dog-skin cap, who carries off a girl on an Attic statuette-vase 
belonging to the end of the fifth century B.C. (Ath. Milth. 1881 vii. 381 ff. pi. 12). A 
beardless head wearing a wolf-skin occurs on a copper coin of Sinope (H. Drcssel in the 
Zeitschr. /. Num. 1898 xxi. 218 pi. 5, 6, Waddington-Babelon- Reinach d'As. 
Min. i. 196 pi. 26, 15); but this, to judge from a copper coin of Amisos (Brit. Mus. Cat. 
Coins Pontus etc. xvi, 20 pi. 4, 3, Head Hist, num.* p. 497 (Amazon Lykastia?), Imhoof- 
Blumer Gr. Miinzen p. 46 pi. 3, 20), is probably female. Furtwangler toe. cit. interprets 

7— 2 

ioo The cult of Zeus on Mount Olympos 

§ 4. Zeus and Olympos. 
(a) The cult of Zeus on Mount Olympos. 
Olympos was an ancient, perhaps a pre-Greek 1 , name for a whole 
series of mountains in Greece and Asia Minor. Of the Arcadian 
Olympos I have already spoken. Lakonike had its Olympos near 
the town of Sellasia 2 . Pisa in Elis was situated between two 
mountains named Ossa and Olympos 3 , homonyms of the greater 
Ossa and Olympos in Thessaly and Makedonia. A mountain 
near Laurion in Attike is still called Olympos 4 , as is another and 
loftier height near Eretria in Euboia 5 , and a third in Skyros 6 . A 
mountain-village in Karpathos bears the same name 7 . The Mysian 
Olympos is a mountain-chain forming the boundary between 
Bithynia and Mysia. It was sometimes confused with Mount 
Ide: indeed four peaks of Mount Ide opposite to the town of 
Antandros bore the name Olympos 8 . There was another Olympos 
in Galatia 9 , unless we should identify it with the Mysian range, 
another in Lydia 10 , another in Lykia 11 , yet another in Kilikia 12 . 
Lesbos too had its Mount Olympos 13 , and Kypros had two heights 
that bore that name 14 . Finally Panchaia, the fabulous island of 
Euhemeros, had an Olympos of its own 15 . 

the head on the Amisos coin as that of Perseus wearing the cap of Hades, and similarly 
explains the wolf-skin or dog-skin cap of Athena in the Villa Albani (Helbig Guide Class. 
Ant. Rome ii. 46 no. 781, Brunn-Bruckmann Denkm. der gr. und roin. Sculpt, pi. 226) and 
on two Roman monuments found near Treves (F. Hettner Die romischen Steindenknidler 
des Provinzialmuseums zu Trier Trier 1893 p. 20 f. no. 27 d, p. 40 f. no. 55). Cp. also 
the antefixes from Ruvo (A/on. d. Inst, iii pi. 8, b, Ann. d. Inst. 1839 xi. 225 ff.) and 
Tarentum (British Museum, Terracotta Room, case 43 — uncatalogued) showing the 
Gorgon's head in a skin cap. For a late (s. xii?) relief of a man with a wolf's or dog's 
head see O. M. Dalton Byzantine Art and Archaeology Oxford 191 1 p. 160 fig. 92. 

1 A. Fick Vorgriechische Ortsnamen Gdttingen 1905 pp. 77, 127, 164 suggests that it 
may have been a Phrygian name. Id. Hattiden und Danubier in Griechenland Gottingen 
1909 prefers to regard it as ' Pelasgian.' 

2 Polyb. 2. 65. 8f., 66. 8 and 10, 69. 3, 5. 24. 9. 

3 Strab. 356, Eustath. in Dionys./6-r. 409, schol. Ap. Rhod. 1. 598. 

4 K. Baedeker Greece Leipsic 1889 p. 131. 

9 K. Baedeker op. cit. p. 202, J. Murray Greece London 1900 pp. 702, 734. 
8 General- Karte von Griechenland Wien 1885 pi. 5. 

7 R. M. Dawkins in the Ann. Brit. Sch. Ath. 1902 — 1903 ix. i88ff. 

8 Strab. 470, Eustath. in II. p. 27, 44^ 

9 Polyb. 21. 37. 9, Liv. 38. 18 ff., Val. Max. 6. 1. 2 ext., Flor. 1. 27. 5, Oros. 4. 20. 
25, Amm. Marc. 26. 9. 2, Sex. Ruf. 11. 

10 Athen. 38 v, Plin. nat.hist. 5. 118, Val. Max. 1. 7. 4 ext. 

11 Strab. 666, Plin. nat. hist. 21. 31, Phot. bibl. p. 298 b 23^ Bekker. See further 
I)e Vit Onomasticon iv. 796 f. 

'- Strab. 671, schol. Ap. Rhod. 1. 598. 

13 Plin. nat. hist. 5. 140. 

14 Strab. 682 f., Eustath. in II. p. 27, 40 f. 15 Diod. 5. 44. 

Plate IX 

Mount Olympos (the Homeric naicpos "OXu/n7ros) from the port of Litokhoro. 

[This photograph was taken by Mr A. J. B. Wace about 7.30 o'clock on 

an August morning, when there was still a little snow on the summit.] 

See page 10 1. 


Diagram showing Mount Olympos rising through the acr into the aittUr. 

Sic page 101 fl". 

The cult of Zeus on Mount Olympos 101 

Of all these mountains the most important, from a religious 
and mythological point of view, is the great Macedonian ridge 
that culminates in a peak still known as Efymbo 1 . Soaring to 
a height of 9,754 feet above sea-level, it affords a wide panorama : 
the eve travels south to Mount Parnassos, south-west to the range 
of Pindos, north to the confines of Makedonia, east to Mount Athos 
and the sea beyond 2 . Equally striking is the view of the mountain 
from below 3 . Dr Holland, who saw it from LitSkhoro, writes : ' We 
had not before been aware of the extreme vicinity of the town to 
the base of Olympus ; but when leaving it. . .and accidentally looking 
back, we saw through an opening in the fog, a faint outline of vast 
precipices, seeming almost to overhang the place ; and so aerial in 
their aspect, that for a few minutes we doubted whether it might 
not be a delusion to the eye. The fog, however, dispersed yet 
more on this side, and partial openings were made ; through which, 
as through arches, we saw the sunbeams resting on the snowy- 
summits of OlympusV Dr Holland adds that these summits 
' rose into a dark blue sky, far above the belt of clouds and mist 
that hung upon the sides of the mountain.' 

The ancients were much impressed by the fact that Olympos 
rears its crest above the rain-clouds 5 . They fancied that birds 
could not fly over it 6 , and that at such an altitude the air was 
too thin to support human life 7 . In short, Olympos penetrated 
the aer or ' moist sky ' and reached the ait/i/r or ' burning sky ' 
(pi. ix 1, 2) 8 . It was in the Greek sense of the term an 'aetherial ' 

1 E. Dodwell A Classical and Topographical Tour through Greece London 1819 
ii. 106, W. M. Leake Travels in Northern Greece London 1835 iii. 342, 349, 407, A. Fick 
Vorgriechische Ortsnamen p. 77. 

The same form of the name £lymbo or £lymbos is given by the modern Greeks to the 
mountains in Attike and Euboia (supra p. 100 nn. 4, 5). 

2 L. Heuzey Le Mont Olympe et V Acamanie Paris i860 p. 135. 

3 E. Dodwell Views in Greece London 182 1 ii. 105 has a coloured plate of Alymbo as 
seen from the south between Larissa and Baba. The views given in most books of travel 
and topography are very inadequate. Heuzey devotes a large illustrated volume to the 
mountain, but provides no picture of it at all ! 

4 H. Holland Travels in the Ionian Isles, Etc. Lon- 
don 1 81 5 p. 302. 

8 Plout. frag. 96 Dlibner ap. I'hilop. in Aristot. met. 
1 p. 82, Lucan. 2. 271, Lact. Plac. in Stat. Theb. 3. 262, 
Claud, de cons. Mall. Theod. 206 ff., Vib. Seq. p. 31 
Oberlin, Aug. de Genesi ad lift, imperf. 1. 14, de Genesi 
ad lit t. 3. 2, de civ. Dei 15. 27. 

5 Apul. de deo Socr. p. 138 Oudendorp, Aug. de 
Genesi locc. citt., cp. Mart. Cap. 149. 

7 Aug. de Genesi ad litt. 3.2. 

8 The schol. A. T. //. 8. 13 gives the diagram here 
reproduced (fig. 74). , Fig. 74. 

102 The cult of Zeus on Mount Olympos 

height 1 , and therefore formed a fitting abode for Zeus the 'aetherial' 
god 2 . It is sometimes stated 3 that the only evidence of a Zeus- 
cult on Mount Olympos is the name of the town Dion 4 at its foot. 
But that is a mistake. Maximus Tyrius informs us that ' in 
primitive times men dedicated to Zeus likewise, in place of statues, 
the 'tops of mountains, Olympos and Ide and any other mountain 
that nears the sky 5 .' An anonymous Latin mythographer records 
an actual cult of Zeus on Mount Olympos 6 . And sundry details 
concerning it are mentioned by Solinus, Plutarch and Augustine. 
On the summit of the mountain there was an altar to Zeus, and 
it was believed that offerings left upon it would not be affected by 

1 Cp. aetherius used of Olympus by Verg. Am. 8. 319, 10. 621, If. 867, Mart. 

*P- 9- 3- 3- 

2 Supra p. 26. 

3 Farnell Cults of Gk. States i. 51. 

4 At Alov Archelaos king of Makedonia established a festival of Zeus '0\i>(j.irtos (Diod. 
17. 16, Arrian. 1. 11. 1, Ulp. in Dem. defals. leg. p. 242, cp. Steph. Byz. s.v. Aiov, Dion 
Chrys. or. 2 p. 73 Reiske), which was celebrated also by Philippos ii (Dem. de fals. leg. 
192, Diod. j6. 55, Dion Chrys. or. 2 p. 73 Reiske), and by Alexandros iii (Diod. 17. 16, cp. 
Arrian. 1. 11. 1), who intended to rebuild the temple there (Diod. 18. 4). The existing 
temple was pillaged by a band of Aetolians under Skopas in the reign of Philippos v 
(Polyb. 4. 62, 5. 9). In 169 B.C. the Romans under the consul Philippus treated the 
temple with greater respect (Liv. 44. 7). Later a Roman colony was founded at Dium 
(Ptolem. 3. 13. 15, Plin. nat. hist. 4. 35) ; and coins struck there in imperial times show 
Zeus standing with phidle, sceptre, and eagle {Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Macedonia etc. 
p. 71, Rasche Lex. Num. iii. 349 f. cp. 351, Suppl. ii. 605 ff.), with a snake erect before 
him (fig. 84) or on either side of him (Rasche op. cit. iii. 350, Suppl. ii. 607), with 
thunderbolt and sceptre (id. id. Suppl. ii. 606), standing in a distyle temple (id. ib. iii. 
349 f., Suppl. ii. 606). The snakes occur also with the figure of Athena (Brit. Mus. Cat. 
Coins Macedonia etc. p. 71, Rasche op. cit. iii. 350, Suppl. ii. 605 f., 608). L. Heuzey — 
H. Daumet Mission Archeologique de Macedoine Paris 1876 Texte p. 268 identify the site 
of the temple of Zeus at Dion with that of the church of Haghia-Paraskevi. 

5 Max. Tyr. diss. 8. 1 Diibner eire<p-f)fu<rav de Kal Ad aydX/iara ol irpCrroi avdpwiroi 
Kopv<pas 6pdbv,"0\vfnrov Kal "I5tji> Kal el rt #XXo opos irXrjcndfrei rf ovpavi^, cp. Loukian. 
de sacr. 10. 

We must distinguish from this dedication of a mountain to a definite deity the old and 

originally zoistic belief that the mountain had a divine life of its own : Dion Chrys. or. 

12 p. 405 f. Reiske 7roXXo2 tG>v papfidpiov irevia re Kal diropia rix v V^ op 7 ? 0eoi)s iirovo- 

fxa£ov<n, Max. Tyr. diss. 8. 8 Diibner opos Kal 6e6s Kal opKos Kal dyaXfia, cp. the 

dyaX/ui of Mount Argaios on coins of Kaisareia in Kappadokia (Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins 

Galatia etc. p. xxxviiiff., G. Macdonald Coin Types Glasgow 1905 

pp. 167 ff., 216). On the later personification of mountains in 

general see A. Gerber Die Berge in der Poesie itnd A'uiist der Alien 

Miinchen 1882, Gruppe Gr. Myth. Pel. p. 1059 n - 2 > an ^ on tnat 

of the Mysian Olympos in particular, W. Drexler in Roscher Lex. 

Myth. iii. 859 f. Fig. 75 shows Mt Sipylos on a copper coin of 

Magnesia ad Sipylum in my collection (cp. Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins 

Fig. rr, Lydia p. 141 f.): the type is probably derived from that of Zeus 

(see ib. p. 139 f. pi. 16, 2 f.). 

6 Myth. Vat. 1. 192 Iovis Olympici, id est caelestis; qui dictus Olympicus ab Olympo 

monte, ubi colebatur, et poetae pro caelo ponere solent; est enim mirae altitudinis. 

The cult of Zeus on Mount Olympos 103 

wind or weather, but would be found again after a year's interval 
precisely as they had been left 1 . Every year victims were led in 
procession up the mountain-side, and those who led them, on 
reaching the top, found intact certain letters formed in the ashes 
on the occasion of their last visit 2 . The same beliefs attached to 
Mount Kyllene in Arkadia 3 and to Mount Athos in Chalkidike 4 . 
The Zeus-cult of Mount Olympos has even survived, in a modified 
form, to the present day. On the highest peak of the mountain 
is a small chapel of Saint Elias, built of rude stones collected on 
the spot. To it once a year go the monks from the monastery of 
Saint Dionysios in the ravine of LitSkhoro. Their procession starts 
at night by torch-light, and they say a mass in the chapel on the 
summit 5 . Here, as elsewhere 6 , Zeus himself has been replaced by 
Saint Elias. But his eagle still haunts the height, at least in the 
popular imagination. A folk-song heard by Mr J. S. Stuart- 
Glennie, when ascending from the pass of Petra, makes Olympos 
exclaim : 

1 Solin. 8. 6 ara est in cacumine Iovi dicata, cuius altaribus si qua de extis inferuntur, 
nee difflantur ventosis spiritibus nee pluviis diluuntur, sed volvente anno cuiusmodi relicta 
fuerint eiusmodi reperiuntur : et omnibus tempestatibus a corruptelis aurarum vindicate 
quidquid ibi semel est deo consecratum. After • consecratum codd. A. P., two good 
manuscripts, insert litterae in cinere scriptae usque ad {ad usque P.) alteram anni ceri- 
moniam permanent. Th. Mommsen does not admit this addition into his text (Berolini 
1864); but at least it agrees with the authorities cited infra n. 2. See further supra 
p. 82 n. 1. 

2 Plout. frag. 96 Diibner ap. Philop. in Aristot. met. 1 p. 82 to. yap v\pTJ\braTa twv opCiv 
vvepve<p?i ri tori Kal virepTjvepu. ri<ppav yap iv run to(itwv atrod4p.evoi rifes ^ ical etc dv<xiu>v 
ru>i> iv eKtivois yevopAvwv airo\e\onrbTes, pxra irXeiffTovs eviavrofc nepiepyaadp-evoi, Keiputvqv 
evpov airrrjv oCrws ws tdeaav. Kal iv KuXXfy-g $t (paaiv (' ApKaSias 5' opos) ^Xrjdeiffav, p-jre 
virb irvevp.&Twi' SiecrKeSaa'p.ivqv. io-ropel de IlXoi/rapx * Kal ypdp.p.aTa p.eivai eh iripav tCiv 
Itpelwv avaflavLv iK rrjs wporepas ev rip 'OXvp-irip Tip MaKedoviK(p, Aug. de Genesi ad litt. 
imperf. 1. 14 in illo autem neque nubes concrescere asseruntur neque aliquid procellosum 
existere, quippe ubi ventus adeo nullus est, ut in vertice Olympi montis, qui spatia huius 
humidi aeris excedere dicitur, quaedam literae in pulvere solere fieri perhibeantur et post 
annum integrae atque illaesae inveniri ab iis qui soleinniter memoratum montem 

Probably omens were drawn not only from the flame and the smoke of the sacrifice 
(L.-F. A. Maury Religions de la Grfre Paris 1857 ii. 444 ft".), but also from the accidental 
arrangement of the ashes on the altar. It was customary to leave these undisturbed from 
one sacrifice to the next (Pers. sat. 6. 44 f., Plin. nat. hist. 2. 240). 

3 Plout. loc.cit., Gemin. elem. astr. 1. 14 (the thigh-pieces and ashes of the yearly 
sacrifice to Hermes on the top of Mount Kyllene are found undisturbed by those who take 
part in the next year's procession, because the summit is cloudless and windless). 

4 Solin. 1 1. 33 (Mount Athos is believed to be too high for rain to fall on its summit, 
because the altars there have none of their ashes washed away and lose nothing of their 

5 H. Holland Travels in the Ionian Isles, Etc. p. 303, L. Heuzey Lt Mont Olympe et 
'.Jcamaniepp. 135, 138. 

Infra ch. i § 5 (f). 

104 Dionysiac traits in the cult of Zeus 

I seventy mountain-summits have, and two-and-sixty fountains; 
To every bush an Armatole, to every branch a Klephte. 
And perched upon my highest peak there sits a mighty eagle ; 
A mirror, in his talon grasped, he holds on high exalted, 
And in it he his charms admires, and on his beauty gazes! 1 

(b) Dionysiac traits in the cult of Zeus 
on Mount Olympos. 

The Zeus of Olympos was associated with other mountain 
powers. Such were the Muses, whose name — as Prof. J. Wacker- 
nagel has shown — is most simply derived from mont- c mountain 2 .' 
According to the orthodox tradition, the Muses were daughters of 
Zeus 3 , the Zeus of Olympos 4 , by Mnemosyne 5 ; but variants are 
not wanting 6 , and it is permissible to suppose that in the far past 
Zeus had as his consort the Motisa or ' Mountain '-mother, whose 
pipes and timbrels were borne by a band of inspired female 
followers. Zeus, says Ovid 7 , took the form of a shepherd when 
he met Mnemosyne — a tale which recalls that of Attis and Kybele; 
indeed hundreds of terra-cottas representing Attis as a shepherd 

1 L. M. J. Garnett — J. S. Stuart-Glennie Greek Folk Poesy London 1896 i. 51 f. 
The mirror probably stands for the sun. The eagle's test of its genuine offspring was 

that it should look straight at the sun (D'Arcy W. Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds 
Oxford 1895 p. 6 collects the evidence, from Aristot. hist. an. 9. 34. 620 a 1 ff. onwards) ; 
and certain philosophers, very possibly following popular belief, conceived the sun to be 
a sort of mirror (so Philolaos the Pythagorean in Stob. eel. phys. 1. 25. 3d Wachsmuth 
and in Plout. de plac. phil. 2. 20 e<roirTpoei.5te; Kmpedok\es /rag. 44 Diels ap. Plout. de 
Pyth. or. 12, cp. Plout. de plac. phil. 2. 20 and ap. ~Euseb.praep.ev. 1. 8. 10). 

2 J. Wackernagel in the Zeitschrift fur vergleichende Sprachforschung 1895 xxxiii. 
571 — 574, Walde Lai. etym. Worterb. p. 393. 

This derivation (which occurred independently to Dr Giles, to myself, and doubtless 
to others also) is supported by the fact that all the most important cult-centres of the 
Muses were on mountains or hills. O. Bie in Roscher Lex. Myth. ii. 3239 m shows that 
their worship originated on Olympos and spread thence to Helikon (Strab. 471, Paus. 9. 
29. 1 — 4), Delphoi, Athens, etc. Gruppe Gr. Myth. Rel. p. 1077 n., though not accepting 
the derivation from *fiovr- 'mountain,' cites in its support Cornut. theol. 14 p. 17, 16 
Lang iv 5£ rots 6pe<rl </>ctcri xopetfeti/, k.t.X. Cp. also Hes. theog. 54 Mvrjfj.oau'vr) yovvoiaiv 
''WYKevOripos fxeSiovcra with schol. 

8 Already in the Homeric poems they are Kovpai Aios alyi6xoio (II. 2. 598), Kovpai 
KpovlSeu Ai6s (h. Sel. 2), Kovpai At6s, dy\aa riKva (Horn. ep. 4. 8), Atds alyidxoio | Ovyaripes 
(II. 2. 491 f.), Aids dvydTTjp /xeydXoio (h. met. th. 2), Aids writs (Od. 8. 488). 

* 'OXvuiri&Ses (II. 2. 491 and Zenodot. in //. 2. 484), '0\vfjnria Sii/iar' £x ovo ~ at (L 1 . 2. 
484, 11. 218, 14. 508, 16. 112). 

8 First in Hes. theog. 915m, h. Herm. 429 f., Eumelos frag. 16 Kinkel Mvr)fxo<nji>7is 
Kal Zt)vbs 'OXv/Mirlov ivvta Kovpai ap. Clem. Al. strom. 6. 2 p. 430, 9 f. Stahlin, alib. 

6 See Gruppe Gr. Myth. Rel. p. 1075 n. 2. 

7 It was as a shepherd that Zeus wooed Mnemosyne (Ov. met. 6. 114, Clem. Rom. 
horn. 5. 14 (ii. 184 Migne)), with whom he passed nine nights (Hes. theog. 56 f. with 
schol., Cornut. theol. 14 p. 17, 20 ff. Lang, Nonn. Dion. 31. 168 ff.). 

Dionysiac traits in the cult of Zeus 105 

were found by Monsieur P. Perdrizet at Amphipolis 1 . Again, not 
only in the Muse-mother Mnemosyne, but also in the prominence 
originally accorded to one of the Muses, Kalliope 2 or Thaleia', \vc 
may detect a trace of the ancient goddess, whose glory had paled 
before the rising light of Zeus. Kalliope was said by some to have 
borne children to Zeus 4 . And as to Thaleia we have evidence both 
monumental and literary. A red-figured vase-painting from Nola 



Fig. 76. 

1 Bull. Corr. Hell. 1895 xix. 534, Roscher Lex. Myth. ii. 2906 f. 

2 O. Bie in Roscher Lex. Myth. ii. 3243 notes that in lies, theog. 79 Kalliope i> 
irpo<t>epe<rTd.Ti)...aira<r£u)v, and that on the Francois-vase (600 — 550 B.C.) she is distinguished 
from the other Muses by her full-face position and her syrinx (Furtwangler — Reichhold 
Gr. Vasenmalerei i. 5 pi. 1— 1 KAHOPE). She is not named by Homer (h. Hel. 1 f. 
is late), though Eustath. in LI. pp. 10, 9 f. and 161, 31 ff. cp. //. I. 604 6-ri ica\fj. 

3 Lnfra p. 105 f. 

4 Strab. 472, infra p. 106. 

106 Dionysiac traits in the cult of Zeus 

formerly in the Hamilton collection (fig. 76) 1 shows Zeus as a 
mighty eagle in a blaze of celestial splendour carrying Thaleia 
from earth to heaven. The maiden has been playing at ball and 
picking flowers on a mountain-side. The mountain is indicated 
by the little Satyr on high ground. To the right are the ball and 
the basket of Thaleia ; to the left, the flowers and the altar of Zeus, 
too near to which she had ventured. The myth, as preserved for 
us by Clement of Rome 2 , Rufinus 3 , and Servius 4 , makes this Thaleia 
a nymph of Mount Aitne in Sicily, whom Zeus in the form of a 
vulture (or eagle?) wooed and won. He subsequently entrusted her 
to the earth-goddess, in whose domain she brought forth the twin 
Palikoi. In all probability Thaleia the mountain-nymph is only 
the romanticised Sicilian form of Thaleia the mountain-muse ; and, 
if so, her story hints at a relationship between Zeus and the Muses 
other than that of the Homeric and Hesiodic tradition. 

Thaleia the muse became by Apollon mother of the Korybantes 6 . 
Another account made their parents Zeus and Kalliope, and ex- 
plained that the Korybantes were one with the mystic Kabeiroi 6 . 
Others declared that Korybas, eponym of the Korybantes, was 
a son of Iasion by Kybele 7 , the Asiatic mountain-goddess. Others 
again — for the theme had many variations 8 — spoke of the 

1 Tischbein Hamilton Vases i. 90 ff. pi. 26, Lenormant — de Witte £l. mon. cir. i. 31 ff. 
pi. 16, Overbeck Gr. Kunstmyth. Zeus pp. 401 f., 418 f. Atlas pi. 6, 6, Muller-Wieseler- 
Wernicke Ant. Denkm. i. 64 f. pi. 6, 3. 

2 Clem. Rom. horn. 5. 13 (ii. 184 Migne) 'Epeaiov vvfutpri, yevdfievos ytij/, i£ 77s ol Iv 
"Ziicekla irdXai ao<poi. 'Epcraiov has been amended into Alrvaiif (Valckenaer) or Mtv-q 
(Migne) or 'H<palarov (Bloch) or "Epaalq. (Levy); iraKai <ro<pol, into HaXiKol. 

3 Rutin, recognit. 10. 22 Thaliam Aetnam nympham mutatus in vulturem, ex qua 
nascuntur apud Siciliam Palisci. 

4 Serv. in Verg. Aen. 9. 584 Aetnam nympham [vel ut quidam volunt Thaliam] 
Iuppiter cum vitiasset et fecisset gravidam, timens Iunonem, secundum alios ipsam 
puellam, Terrae commendavit, et illic enixa est. Etc. Interp. Serv. id. alii dicunt 
Iovem hunc Palicum propter Iunonis iracundiam in aquilam commutasse. On the fre- 
quent confusion of eagles and vultures see D'Arcy W. Thompson A Glossary of Greek 
Birds Oxford 1895 p. 3 f. 

For Zeus ~ Thaleia see further Aisch. Aetnaeae frag. 6 f. Nauck 2 ap. Macrob. Sal. 5. 
19. 17, 24, and Steph. Byz. s.v. IlaXiKri; and for Zeus ~ Aitne, Lact. Plac. in Stat. Theb. 
12. 156, Myth. Vat. 1. 190, 2. 45. The best account of the Palikoi is that by L. Bloch 
in Roscher Lex. Myth. iii. 1281 — 1295. 

8 Apollod. 1. 3. 4, Tzetz. in Lyk. Al. 78. 6 Strab. 472. 

7 Diod. 5. 49, cp. interp. Serv. in Verg. Aen. 3. III. 

8 The Korybantes were sons of Kronos and Rhea (Strab. 472 fri 5£ Kpovov rivh<Kal 
'P^os> : the last two words have been expelled by tovs Koptpavras repeated from the line 
below. Cp. schol. Aristoph. Lys. 558 r)<rav dl ttjs 'P^as ira?5es = Souid. s.v. Koptf/Scu/res), 
sons of Apollon and Rhytia (Pherekyd. ap. Strab. 472 : see Roscher Lex. Myth. iv. 127), 
sons of Helios and Athena (a Rhodian version ap. Strab. 472), sons of Sokos and Kombe 
(Nonn. Dion. 13. 1 35 ff.). Korybas was the son of Kore without a father (interp. .Serv. 
in Verg. Aen. 3. 1 1 1 ). 

Dionysiac traits in the cult of Zeus 107 

Korybantes as the first men, who had sprung from the ground in the 
shape of trees 1 . It all comes to the same thing. The Korybantes 
were akin to the great mountain-goddess or earth-mother, whom 
they served with wild enthusiastic rites. Their name, if I am not 
mistaken, is derived from *koryb£ the Macedonian form of koryphe, 
'a mountain-peak,' and means the ' Peak '-men 2 . In Roman times, 
if not earlier, the Korybantes were connected with Mount Olympos. 
According to Clement of Alexandreia 3 , they were three brothers, 
two of whom slew the third, wrapped his head in a crimson cloak 4 , 
decked it with a wreath and buried it, bearing it on a bronze shield 
to the foot of Olympos. Bloodshed and burial were the essential 
features of their mysteries 5 . The priests of the mystics, who were 
known as Anaktotelestai 6 or 'initiates of the Kings 7 ,' forbade wild 
celery (selinon) with its roots to be placed on the table, believing 
it to be sprung from the blood of the slain Korybas 8 . Further, 
these Korybantes — says Clement — were called Kabeiroi ; and the 
story told of them was that the two fratricides took up the basket 
containing the member of Dionysos and brought it to Etruria 9 , 
where they lived in exile teaching the Etruscans to worship the 

1 Frag, adesp. 84 Bergk 4 (33 Hiller), 6 f. ap. Hippol. ref. haeres. 5. 7 p. 97 Miller 7} 
4>pt>yioi Kopvftai>Tes, | oOs "AXtoj irpurovs eireldev 5ei>5po<pv€fc ava^Xaarduras. Cp. Nonn. 
Dion. 14. 25 f. Ytryevtes Koptifiavres ofirjXvdes, wv wore Peiy | 4k x^ "^ auTorAeoTos 
avefUXdaTTjae yevidXr], 

2 Dr Giles, whom I consulted on the matter, writes (July 15, 191 1): Kopvj3avTes 
'might as you say be Macedonian. The formation is odd. It looks like a participle 
from Kop6<pap.i — not Kopv<pd<>) — if, as Hoffmann argues, Macedonian was a kind of Aeolic' 

A. F. Pott in the Zeitschrift fur vergleichende Sprachforschung 1858 vii. 241 ff. derived 
Kopi^Scwres from Kopv<pr), ' crown of the head,' and rendered the word : ' im wirbel sich 
drehend,' 'taumelnd,' 'in orbem saltantes' (cp. Ktfp/Sas, /«fy>/3eis). He is followed by 
O. Immisch in Roscher Lex. Myth. ii. 1607. Gruppe too (Gr. Myth. Rel. p. 257 n. 12, 
p. 899 n. 1) favours the connexion of Kopvpas with Kopv<pri, but appears to interpret the 
name of a 'peaked' head-dress. He compares the alternative form Kvpfias (Soph. frag. 
778 Nauck 2 , Kallim. h. Zeus 46, Lyk. Al. 78, Strab. 472, Orph. h. Koryb. 39. 2, Nonn. 
Dion. 14. 35, Souid. s.v. Kvppas, Hesych. s.v. Kvpfiavrts, et. mag. p. 547, 39 ff.) with 
Kvpfiaala (used of a cock's crest, the upright tiara of the Persian king, the conical cap of 
the Salii, etc. : see Stephanus Thes. Gr. Ling. iv. 2137 A — c). 

3 Clem. Al. protr. 2. 19. 1 — 4 p. 15, 1 ff. Stahlin. Cp. the abbreviated accounts in 
Arnob. adv. nat. 5. 19, Firm. Mat. 11. 

4 So the Korybantes found the infant Bacchos, left as a horned child among the rocks, 
irop<pvp4(f} KtKaXv/ifiivov otvovi wiirXy (Nonn. Dion. 13. 139). 

5 Orph. h. Koryb. 39. 6 <polviov, al/xaxBivra Ka<rtyv^Twv viro 8i<t<twv. 

6 Hesych. dvaKToreXevral (leg. dvaKTOTeXtarai) ■ ol ras reXevrks (leg. reXerAj) eiriTe- 
Xovvres tuiv itpwv (? leg. rCiv Kaftdpuv or twv UpGiv <o.v6.kt<i)v>). 

7 Orph. h. Koryb. 39. 1 pafftXfja ntyurrov, 5 AvaicTa. On the "AvaKey, 'Avanoi,"\yaKTft 
see O. Jessen in Pauly-Wissowa Real-Enc. i. 2033 f., Gruppe Gr. Myth. Rel. p. 718 F. 

8 The wreath of aiXtvov worn by the Nemean and Isthmian victors perhaps originally 
marked them out as re-incarnations of the dead — a point to which I must return. 

9 See further Roscher Lex. Myth. ii. 162 1 f. 

io8 Dionysiac traits in the cult of Zeus 

basket and its contents 1 . Note that the dead Kabeiros is here 
termed Dionysos and that a portion of him is kept in a basket 
to serve as a nucleus of fresh life. 

Firmicus Maternus adds that the slain brother ' consecrated 
beneath the roots of Mount Olympos ' was ' the Kabeiros to whom 
the inhabitants of Thessalonike used to make supplication with 
blood-stained mouth and blood-stained hands 2 .' This Kabeiros 
is known to us from coins (figs. J7, 78)* as a young man with a 

Fig. 78. 

Fig- 79- 

large ring or rings round his throat, who holds a species of double- 
axe and a rhyton or drinking-horn. The rhyton ends in the forepart 
of a goat 4 — a fact which leads us to conjecture that it was a cormi 
copiae, like the horn of Amaltheia 5 . Indeed, a horn or horns must 
have been part of the ritual furniture of the cult ; for some coins 
show the Kabeiros with a horn apparently planted in the ground 
beside him (fig. 79)", others with a horn erect on a base to the right 
and a flaming altar to the left (fig. 80) 7 . others again with a pair of 
horns set in bases on either hand (fig. 81) 8 . The double-axe, the 

1 When the usurper Amphitres was besieging the sons of Leodamas at Assesos, 
&<f>iKvovvTai veavioKoi, Totttjs koX 'Ovvtfi, 4k •Ppvyias, lepa ^x " 7 "" Kafieipuv iv /uVret 
KeKaXvfifiiva, taught the people their rites and helped them to rout the besiegers : see 
Nikol. Damask, frag. 54 {Frag. hist. Gr. iii. 388 f. Midler). 

* Firm. Mat. 1 1 . 

3 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Macedonia etc. p. 113 fig., pp. 114, 121 ff., Hunter Cat. 
Coins i. 368 f., 373 ff., pi. 25, 5; Roscher Lex. Myth. ii. 2534 fig. 1, Daremberg-Saglio 
Diet. Ant. i. 770 fig. 911 (Nero as Kabeiros). 

4 T. Panofka Die griechischen Trinkhdrner und ihre Verziernngen Berlin 1851 p. 1 
pi. 1, 2. 

8 On the horn of plenty held, not only by Amaltheia, but also by Hades, Ge, the 
chthonian Hermes, the Horai, the Hesperides, the Naiades, river-gods, Eniautos, the 
Agathos Daimon, Tyche, Sosipolis, etc., see K. Wernicke in Pauly-Wissowa Real-Enc. 
i. 1 72 1 ff. 

6 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Macedonia etc. p. 114 no. 54. Cp. Hunter Cat. Coins i. 375 
Gordianus iii. 

7 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Macedonia etc. p. 123 Maximinus, p. 125 Gordianus iii, 
p. 129 Salonina, Hunter Cat. Coins i. 374 Maximus, Ant. Miinz. Berlin Paeonia etc. 
ii. 152 Maximinus fig.. 154 Gordianus iii. I figure an uncatalogued specimen (Iulia 
Mamaea) in the British Museum. 

8 Brit. Afus.' Cat. Coins Macedonia etc. p. 121 Caracalla, Hunter Cat. Coins i. 373 
Elagabalus, Ant. Miinz. Berlin Paeonia etc. ii. 152 f. Maximinus. 

Dionysiac traits in the cult of Zeus 109 

horns, the goat, the feast of raw flesh, all suggest a religious con- 
text resembling that of the Cretan Kouretes. 

Fig. 80. Fig. 81. 

Elsewhere too the Kabeiroi were marked by the same character- 
istics. One of Strabon's sources, after identifying the Korybantes, 
children of Zeus by Kalliope, with the Kabeiroi, states that the 
latter departed to Samothrace, previously called Melite, and adds 
that their doings were of a mystical nature 1 . The names borne by 
the Samothracian Kabeiroi — Axieros, Axiokersa, Axiokersos — 
are probably to be connected with a word for ' axe ' 2 . An amulet 
found at Vindonissa ( WindiscJi) represents the head of a double- 
axe or hammer inscribed with these three names reduced in each 
case to the significant abbreviation AXI (fig. 82) 3 . The initiates 
wore purple waist-bands 4 and rings of iron 
and gold 5 . Statius definitely compares 
the sacred dances of the Samothracians 
to those of the Kouretes 6 . A relief of 
imperial date from Hierapolis in Phrygia, 
now at Berlin (fig. S^) 7 , shows three youths 
advancing side by side : they have bushy 
hair, a thick ring round the neck, a loin- 
cloth about the waist, and a heavy double- 
axe or hammer resting on the right 

Fig. 82 

shoulder ; part of a fourth youth is visible beside them. O. Kern 

1 Strab. 472. See further R. Pettazzoni ' Le origini dei Kabiri nelle isole del mar 
tracio ' in the Memorie della R. Accademia dei Lincei. Classe di Scienze Morali, Sto- 
riche e Filologiche. Serie Quinta. Roma 1909 xii. 635 ff. summarised by R. VVunsch in 
the Archivf. Rel. 191 1 xiv. 575 f. 

- So at least I have argued in the Transactions of the Third International Congress 
for the History of Religions Oxford 1908 ii. 194, infra ch. ii § 3 (c) i (0). 

3 Orelli Inter. Lat. sel. no. 440, Roscher Lex. Myth. i. 742, Daremberg-Saglio Diet. 
Ant. i. 759 fig. 900. Besides the threefold AXI ( = Axierus, Axiocersa, Axiocersus) the 
amulet is inscribed casm (= Casmilus) and, in scattered letters, YP e, A ('Tyltia): 
T. Mommsen in the Mittheilungen der Antiquarischen Gesellschaft in Ziirich 1854 x. 115 
no. 30 says : ' vide ne lusus magis quam fraus subsit huic Cabirorum enumerationi.' 

4 Schol. Ap. Rhod. 1.917 cod. Paris. 

5 Lucr. 6. 1044, Plin. nat. hist. 33. 23, Isid. orig. 19. 32. 5. 

6 Stat. Ach. 1. 831 f. (2. 157 f.). 

7 Ant. Skulpt. Berlin p. 386 f. no. 953, inscribed J 4>iXo«5m<wj and drrat. 

no Dionysiac traits in the cult of Zeus 

Fig. 83. 

in 1900 recognised these youths as the Kabeiroi wearing their 
Samothracian rings: their loin-cloths too are clearly the Samo- 
thracian bands. Kern further adduced another relief, which he had 

seen in 1893 at Uzumlii, a village near Mag- 
nesia on the Maiandros : this represented 
four nude males, each carrying a hammer 
on the right shoulder and moving to the 
left, led by a fifth, draped and hammerless 1 . 
A. Conze 2 and O. Puchstein 3 have made it 
probable that yet another Kabeiros swing- 
ing a double-axe or hammer is to be seen 
in the nude bearded god attacking a 
bovine giant on the southern frieze of the 
great Pergamene altar 4 . At Pergamon, as 
Puchstein observes, the Kabeiroi were said 
to have witnessed the birth of Zeus 5 . Their 
general resemblance to the Cretan Kouretes 
is, in fact, beyond dispute ; and we are free to contend that in 
the district of Olympos the Korybantes and Kabeiroi were es- 
sentially Curetic. 

Their cult was flourishing in the third Christian century. 
Cyprian, bishop of Antioch, was as a youth of fifteen initiated 
for forty days on Mount Olympos by seven hierophants into 
certain obscure mysteries 6 . In this home of the gods he was 
taught the meaning of musical notes and sounds. He had a vision 
of 'tree-trunks and' herbs of divine potency. He witnessed the 

1 O. Kern in the Strena Helbigiana Lipsiae 1900 p. 158 f. He cp. the coins of 
Thessalonike, a bronze at Rumeli-Hissar, and the frieze of the Pergamene altar. 
8 A. Conze in the Sitzungsber. d. Akad. d. IViss. Berlin 1881 p. 275. 

3 O. Puchstein ib. 1889 p. 330 f. 

4 Pergamon iii. 2. 20 f. fig. 1, 148 f., pi. 3, Die Skulpturen des Pergamon- Museums in 
Photographien Berlin 1903 pi. 7, Overbeck Gr. Plastik* ii. 277. 

8 Corp. inscr. Gr. ii no. 3538, 17 ff., infra Append. B Mysia. 

8 Acta Sanctorum edd. Bolland. Septembris vii. 222 ('Confessio S. Cypriani' 1 — 2) 
iyev6pr)v teal iv rip 'QXvfjLiriu opei, rwv deuv ws \tyovaiv oiKTjTrjpiu, /cat ip.vrj6rjv fix ovs 
bfitXiQv (leg. bfuXlav) Kai \pb<puv bi-fiyqatv . etdov iice? <f>avrd^ovra irpi/xva /cat irbas 
ivepyeiv ooKowas Otwv iiricrKOwais. el8oi> iK€? wpCov biadoxas, Trvev/j.dTwv vTraWacrffbvrwv, 
Kai r)fifpQv 8ia<popbT7)Ta vwb nvwv ivepyeiQv ivavrlwv ovvicTa.iJ.tvwv. eldov iicei x°povs 
baifibvuv 0/j.vovvtwv /cat aWwi" woKffiovvTWv ko.1 iripwv ivedpevbvTwv, dwaTuvruv, ffvyxebvruv, 
Kai iK<ioTov deov Kai Oeas ideaad/xrjv iicei ttjv <pd\ayya, fittvas avrbdi iifitpas Te<r<rapd- 
KovTa- birbdev us in /SacrtXetwy dwocrTiWovTai rd irvevfiaTa, ivepyeiv fKacrrov atirwv iv 
rrj 737 »cai iv 7ra<rt rots idveiri. Kai iaiTovfirjv dicpodpva, fxbvov fierd 86<riv i)\lov, /cat 8i] 
uv tn irwv irevreKalbeKa i/j.vov'fnjv rrjv iicdaTOV avrdv ivipyeiav inrb tQv iirra iepocpavTwv • 
Xlav yap ol ifiol yovels (airevbbv fie iiriyvuivai rd yrjs, dtpos /cat 0aXdW?7S, oil fibvov ra 
/card (pviriv <p6opas Kai yevioews irouiv Kai irpifwwv Kai aofxdrwv (leg. crufiaTuv), dXXd 
/cal <rdj> iv tedaiv avrols ivepyeias, as 6 apxuv rov aluvos tovtov ivervwaxrev, 
ivavriovfievos irpbs rijv rov Oeov diaTViruaiv. 

Dionysiac traits in the cult of Zeus 1 1 1 

succession of seasons and the difference of days, the changing 
spirits that caused the former and the opposing influences that 
determined the latter. He beheld choruses of daimones chanting, 
warring, lying in ambush, deceiving and confounding each other. 
He saw too the phalanx of each several god and goddess. After 
sundown he fed on fruits (not meat). And, generally speaking, he 
was initiated into the decay and birth of herbs, trees, and bodies. 
It is altogether a singular recital, but we can hardly be wrong in 
supposing that these were puberty-rites, Corybantic or Cabiric in 
character 1 . 

It would seem, then, that from first to last certain orgiastic 
quasi-Dionysiac elements appear in the cults of Olympos, and 
it is highly probable that throughout the worship of Zeus was 
affected by them. In early days the Muses were to Zeus what 
the mountain-roaming Maenads were to Dionysos. This explains 
Hesychios' statement that the Macedonians called the Muses 
thotirides 2 — a name elsewhere given to the Maenads 3 . Eustathios' 
assertion that the Muses, like the Maenads, were nurses to Diony- 
sos 4 may be a Byzantine blunder 5 ; but the very possibility of such 
blundering proves the similarity of Muse and Maenad. At Dodona 6 , 

1 L. Preller in Philologus 1846 i. 349 ff. argues that the reference is to Orphic rites in 
the neighbourhood of Olympos. Orphic admixture is indeed likely enough. Orpheus, him- 
self the son of one of the Muses, played for them on Olympos (Eur. Bacch. 560 ff.), there 
taught Midas (Konon narr. 1), and there according to many met his death (Hyg. poet, 
astr. 2. 7) and was buried (Anth. Pal. 7. 9. 1 f. Damagetos, cp. Apollod. 1. 3. 2) : see 
further O. Gruppe in Roscher Lex. Myth. iii. 1082 f. L. Heuzey — H. Daumet Mission 
Archeologique de Macedoine Paris 1876 Texte p. 270 f. identify Orpheus' tomb with a 
tumulus near the village of Karitza. 

- Hesych. BoOptdes- vvn<pat. fiovaai. Ma*ceS6«'es. 

3 O. Hoffmann Die Makedonen 4 Gottingen 1906 p. 97 n. 132 argues that doupides is a 
Thessalian or Macedonian form of dewpides (Hesych. dewpides- ai irepl tov Atdwaov 
pdicxcu, cp. Nonn. Dion. 9. 261 and probably Soph. frag. 698 Nauck 2 ap. Athen. 592 b). 

4 Eustath. in Od. p. 1816, 4 ff . Xiyovrai 5£, <paat, ical Movcrai Aiovdaou TpoQoL, i>6/j.(pa.t 
rtvcs ovffat Kal avrai, tl>s /ecu 7rapd AvK6<ppovi eOprjTai. 

5 Yet Dionysos was often associated with the Muses : see Gruppe Gr. Myth. Pel. 
pp. 76 n. 9, 213 f., 245 n. 6, 743 n. 3, 829 n. 3, 1427 n. 7, 1435 n. 1. 

6 Six nymphs of Dodona, identified with the Hyades and named Kisseis, Nysa, 
Erato, Eriphia, Bromie, Polyhymno, or Arsinoe, Ambrosie, Bromie, Kisseis, Koronis, 
were by some apparently regarded as the nurses of Zeus (Hyg. fab. 182), though others 
explained that Zeus had given them Dionysos to tend (Pherekyd. //•«£-. 46 (Frag. hist. 
Gr. i. 84 Miiller) ap. schol. //. 18. 486, Myth. Vat 1. 120, alio.). See Gruppe Gr. 
Myth. Pel. p. 825 n. 4 : ' Die Hyaden sind Erzieherinnen des Bakchos... ; in verschollenen 
dodonaiischen Legenden vielleicht auch des Zeus, wie ihre Gleichsetzung mit den Dodo- 
nides...und der N. der Hyade Dione nahelegen.' 

Strab. 329 relates on the authority of Souidas the historian ( = Kineas//-ai,'. 3 (Frag, 
hist. Gr. ii. 463 Miiller)) that the cult of the Dodonaean Zeus came originally from the 
Pelasgian district about Skotoussa, that most of the women of Skotoussa followed along 
with it, and that the priestesses of Dodona were descended from them. 

ii2 Dionysiac traits in the cult of Zeus 

at Tegea 1 , at Megalopolis 2 , on Mount Ide near Gortyna 1 ', on Mount 
Ide in Phrygia 4 , on Mount Arkton near Kyzikos 8 , Zeus had his 
troop of nursing nymphs. Why not on the slopes of Mount 
Olympos? In late times the Dionysiac connexion was intensified. 
Korybantes and Kabeiroi came to the fore ; and certain shrewd 
persons recorded their conviction that the original Kabeiroi had 
been two in number — Zeus the elder and Dionysos the younger 6 . 

1 The altar of Athena 'AXia at Tegea, made by Melampous, was decorated with 
figures of Rhea and the nymph Oinoe holding the infant Zeus, flanked by two groups — 
Glauke, Neda, Theisoa, Anthrakia on the one side ; Ide, Hagno, Alkinoe, Phrixa on the 
other. Near it were statues of the Muses and Mnemosyne (Paus. 8. 47. 3). 

2 In the precinct of the Great Goddesses at Megalopolis on a table set before Herakles 
the Idaean Daktylos were represented not only two Horai, Pan, and Apollon, but also 
Neda holding the infant Zeus, Anthrakia another Arcadian nymph with a torch, Hagno 
with hydria and phidle, Anchiroe and Myrtoessa with hydriai from which water was 
flowing. Within the same precinct was a temple of Zeus Philios. The statue, by 
Polykleitos of Argos, represented Zeus in the guise of Dionysos : he was shod with 
buskins, and held a cup in one hand, a thy"rsos with an eagle perched upon it in the other 
(Paus. 8. 31. 4). 

3 Et. mag. p. 227, 39 f. TepatiTTiddes • oOtu vvfx<pai Kakovvrai iv YoprCvri rfjs Kp^-njs, 
6ti rbv Ala rpi<povffai iytpaipov. Cp. ib. p. 227, 44k Tepaloriov • x u P' i0t ' T V* 'Ap/caStas, 
irapb. rb ytpaf 6V1 rlfiibv £<tti 5ia rb iicei rbv Ala (nrapyavudrjvai. An inscription found at 
Phaleron records a dedication 'Ecrria, Kr)<pt(r\ifi, 'AirbWwvt. \ Hvdlq), At/to?, | 'Aprifiibt 
Aox\la, 'l\ei0via, 'AxJeXy^, KaW'ipbri, TepaL(TT\ah Nu/u0cu|s yevedXl'ais, 'Pa\f/ol (B. Staes 
in the 'Ecp. 'Apx- 1909 p. 244 ft". fig- "> Svoronos Ath. Nationalmiis. p. 493 ft*, pis. 181 f.). 

Helike and Kynosoura, two Cretan nymphs, nursed the infant Zeus. He, when 
pursued by Kronos, changed them into bears and himself into a snake. Hence the 
constellations Ursa Maior, Ursa Minor, and Serpens (schol. Q. Od. 5. 272, schol. Arat. 
phaen. 46, alib.: see Roscher Lex. Myth. i. 1985, ii. 1706). Arat. phaen. 26ft. and 
Aglaosthenes Naxiaca frag. 1 (Frag. hist. Gr. iv. 293 Miiller) ap. pseudo-Eratosth. 
catast. 2, Hyg. poet. astr. 2. 2, schol. Caes. Germ. Aratea p. 382, 9 ff. Eyssenhardt 
connect both Helike and Kynosoura with the Cretan Ide. 

Melisseus or Melissos, king of Crete, was father of the nymphs Adrasteia and Ide 
(Apollod. 1. 1. 6, Zenob. 2. 48, Orph. frag. 109 Abel ap. Herm. in Plat. Phaedr. p. 148, 
cp. Plout. symp. 3. 9. 2, and Hyg. fab. 182 Idothea Amalthea Adrastea), or Adrasteia 
and Kynosoura (schol. Eur. Rhes. 342), or Amaltheia and Melissa (Didymos ap. Lact. div. 
inst. 1. 22), who reared the new-born Zeus on the milk of a goat accustomed to bearing 
twins (Parmeniskos ap. Hyg. poet. astr. 2. 13). 

4 Chz.rz.x frag. 2 f . (Frag. hist. Gr. iii. 637 Miiller) ap. Steph. Byz. s.vv. ' Abpaoreia 
and'ISi; connects Melissos, Adrasteia and Ide with the Phrygian Mt Ide: cp. Ap. Rhod. 
3. 133 ff., Diod. 17. 7, Plout. de fiuv. 13. 3, and see further Roscher Lex. Myth. ii. 104. 

5 Schol. Ap. Rhod. 1. 936 (cp. 1. 941 cod. Paris.) "ApKTov (leg. "ApKruu 6poi)...£ireid^ 
<paai tos Tpcxpovs tov Aids iicei biarpifiouffas (Is apicrovs ixerafl\r)dTJva.i. 

¥. W. Hasluck Cyzicus Cambridge 1910 p. 221 in this connexion remarks that both 
Adrasteia (Ap. Rhod. 1. 11 16 weblov 'Sriiri)iou ' A5 prjffTelrjs) and Kynosoura (Corp. inscr. 
Gr. ii no. 3679, 5 a society of Bd/cxot Kwoo-oi'pen-cu at Kyzikos) appear to have been local 
goddesses. See also Gruppe Gr. Myth. Rcl. p. 942 n. 8. 

8 Schol. Ap. Rhod. 1. 917 cod. Paris, ol 54 <pa<ri 860 irpbrepov elvai rovs Kafielpovs, Ala 
T£ Tfxa^ijrepov Kal Ai6i>v<tov veCirepov. So also et. mag. p. 482, 31 ff., et. Gud. p. 289, 
25 ff. Cp. the notion that Dionysos, a king of Asia, was the son of Kabeiros (Cic. de not. 
deor. 3. 58, Ampel. 9. 11, Lyd. de mens. 4. 51 p. 107, 9 f . Wiinsch). The Dionysiac 
character of the Kabeiros e.g. at Thebes is well attested (Roscher Lex. Myth. ii. 2536 ff.). 

Development in the meaning of Olympos 113 

If the Zeus worshipped at Dion was thus Dionysiac in character, 
akin to the Phrygian Zeus Sabdztos 1 , we can understand why he 
has the snake as his attribute (fig. 84)-: the slain 
Korybas became a snake 3 , and snakes were all- 
important in the mysteries of Sabdzios*. Twelve 
miles south of Dion was a town, which the Tabu/a 
Peutingeriana calls Sabatium*, i.e. Sabdzion, a 
cult-centre of Sabdzios 6 . It may even be sug- 
gested that the monastery of Saint Dionysios, 
from which starts the modern counterpart of the lg " 4 ' 

ancient procession to the altar of Zeus 7 , has in the name of its 
patron saint preserved a last echo of the Dionysiac cult. 

Whether these Dionysiac traits in the worship of Zeus were 
original and essential, or whether they are to be explained as 
merely the result of contamination with an alien cult, is a large 
problem that still awaits solution. It will be convenient to deal 
with it, not at the present stage of our argument, a propos of 
Olympos, but in a later chapter, when we shall be taking a more 
comprehensive survey of the relation of Zeus to Dionysos. 

(c) Development in the meaning of Olympos. 
Zeus Olympios. 

In the Homeric, the Hesiodic, and the Orphic poems Olympos, 
the seat of the gods, is to be identified with the Macedonian moun- 
tain ; and the same identification holds good for the Alexandrine 
epic of Apollonios Rhodios 8 . The poet of the Odyssey describes 
Olympos in a passage of surpassing beauty: 

1 Roscher Lex. Myth. iv. 232 ff. 

* Rasche Lex. Num. iii. 350 and Suppl. ii. 607 records a small copper of Gallienus 
with Zeus standing between two snakes. The specimen figured is in the Leake collection 
(W. M. Leake Numismata Hellenica London 1856 European Greece p. 46 Gallienus). 

3 Orph. h. Koryb. 7 f. At/oOj 5s yvdifxyaiv ivrjWa^as d^/ms ayvov, \ Qr\pbr\)icov dfyevos 

[1.0p<f>T)V OVOCpepOLO dp&KOVTOS. 

4 Roscher Lex. Myth. iv. 252 ff. 

5 F. C. de Scheyb Tabula Ltineraria Peutingeriana Lipsiae 1824 segm. 7 b, 
K. Miller Weltkarte des Castor ius genannt die Peutinger 'sehe Tafel Ravensburg 1888 
segm. 8, 1. 

8 L. Heuzey Le Mont Olympe et V Acarnanie Paris i860 p. ioo. 7 Supra p. 103. 

8 The evidence is collected and considered by Mackrodt in Roscher Lex. Myth. iii. 
849 ff. He holds that only in two Homeric passages (//. 8. 18 — 27 and Od. 6. 41 — 46) 
does the later conception of 'QXvfiiros as ' heaven ' or ' sky ' occur. But, to my thinking, 
even in these passages the mountain is meant. In II. 8. 18 ff. Zeus boasts that if he let 
down a golden rope from heaven and all the other gods and goddesses hung on to it, they 
could not pull him down from heaven to the plain, but he could pull them up, land ajid 
sea and all, bind the rope about a peak of Olympos and let them dangle there. Whatever 

c. 8 

ii4 Development in the meaning of Olympos 

So spake bright-eyed Athena and withdrew 

To Olympos, where men say the gods' sure seat 

Stands firm for ever: neither wind can shake, 

Nor rain can wet, nor snow come nigh the same. 

Cloudless the brilliance that is there outspread 

And white the glitter that is over all. 

Therein blest gods have joyance all their days 1 . 

This is the literary echo of the folk-belief that attributed a windless, 
cloudless aither to the mountain-top 2 . Homeric and Hesiodic poetry 
spoke of ' the palace of Zeus,' sometimes ' the palace of Zeus with 
its floor of bronze,' as built by Hephaistos upon Olympos 3 . And 
here too we may detect the creed of the country-side. For 
L. Heuzey, writing in 1 860 of the villagers from the neighbour- 
hood of Olympos, says 4 : ' If you tell them that you have ascended 
the highest peaks, they always ask — " Well, what did you find 
there ? " Some of them described me a mysterious palace adorned 
with columns of white marble, adding that these had been seen long 
ago by a shepherd, but that they would not be seen now-a-days. 
Others spoke to me of a huge circus in which the ancients held 
their games. The Klephts too have always attributed marvellous 
virtues to the fresh air of Olympos, its snows, and its icy mountain- 
springs. It figures in their songs as a paradise, whither they go 
to recover from the contests of the plain below : here the body 
gets stronger, wounds heal themselves, and limbs grow lithe for 
fresh fighting. Throughout the rest of Greece a magic potency 
attaches to the following words : 

From Olympos, the summit, 
From the three peaks of Heaven, 
Where are the Fates of Fates, 
May my own Fate 
Hearken and come! 5 ' 

may be the precise picture here intended, the phrases iredLovde and Trepi plov OuXvfjnroio 
surely prove that the poet is contrasting the gods on the plain with Zeus on the mountain. 
As to Od. 6. 41 ff., cited on p. 114, the absence of wind, rain, snow, and cloud, there 
described as characteristic of Olympos, agrees well with Greek beliefs about the mountain- 
top (supra p. 102 f.), while the presence of 'bright sky' and 'white glitter 'is no less suitable ; 
indeed atyXrj recalls alyX-rjeis, which Mackrodt takes to be an epithet of the earthly 
mountain in //. i. 532, 13. 243, Od. 20. 103. 

1 Od. 6. 41 ff. 2 Supra p. 101 ff. 

3 //. 1. 425 f., 531 ff., 566 ff., 11. 75 ff., 20. 4 ff., 31. 438, 505, Hes. sc. Her. 471. 

4 L. Heu/.ey Le Mont Olympe et V Acamanie Paris i860 p. 138 f., N. G. Polites 
Uapa86ff(ii Athens 1904 i. 97 no. 173, ii. 777. My friend Mr A. J. B. Wace, when at 
Salonika, was told by a man from the neighbourhood of Olympos that somewhere on the 
mountain there are said to be the remains of a temple with columns. 

5 'Ajt6 tov "OXv/jutov rbv Kdpvfifiov, j tA rpla &Kpa tov Ovpavov, \ 8nov ai Moipai twv 
MoipQv, I kcli i) itiK-i) fj.ov Mo/pa | &s clkovcxi ko.1 b\s A0}? ! B. Schmidt Das Volksleben 
der Neugriechen Leipzig 1871 i. 219 n. 1 would read Tirbv for 'A7r6 tov, t' ovpavov for tov 

Development in the meaning of Olympos 115 

By the fourth, and even by the fifth, century before our era the 
word Olympos had acquired a further significance. It meant no 
longer the mere mountain, but the 'sky' above it. Thus Sophokles 
in his Antigone makes Kreon, when at Thebes, swear ' by yon 
Olympos 1 ,' and Euripides in his Andromeda makes the heroine 
apostrophise Night as follows : 

O holy Night, 

How long the course thou drivest, 

Charioting the starry ridges 

Of holy ail her 

Through dread Olympos 2 . 

Both poets contrast Olympos in the sense of 'sky' with 'earth 3 .' 
The same usage is found in prose. The author of the Platonic 
Epinomis speaks of the visible heaven as ' the kdsmos or Olympos 
or sky, whichever you choose to call it 4 ,' while the author of the 
Aristotelian treatise On the Universe declares that God ' being pure 
has his station above in a pure place, even that which we truly 
name ouranos, since it is the " boundary" (/toros) of things "above" 
(dno), and Olympos as " wholly-shining " (Jiolo-lampes) and separate 
from all such darkness and disorderly movement as arises among 
us by means of storm and stress of winds 5 .' 

The change in meaning from Olympos the ' mountain ' to 
Olympos the ' sky ' would readily follow from the belief that the 
mountain rose into the ait her. And for the prevalence of this 
belief there is abundant evidence 6 . It is even probable that in 
ancient days the inhabitants of the district actually spoke of the 

Oiipavov, Moipa for 'M.olpa. N. G. Polites MeX^r?; eiri rov filov twv 'Neuripuv 'EW-qvuv 
Athens 1874 ii. 228 gives k' i] for ical i). J. C. Lawson Modern Greek Folklore and 
Ancient Greek Religion Cambridge 1910 p. 128 prints the third line as Sirov 17 Moipais twv 
MoipCov. He justly draws attention to the ancient word K6pv(i(iov , citing variants with 
K6\vpif$oi> (a dialect form, or else a corruption due to assonance with "OXv/jlttov) and 
Kbpoifiov (for which he proposes Kbpvfiov). The word Kopv/mfJos is akin to Kopv<pr), which 
was used of Olympos {e.g. II. 1. 499, Aristoph. nub. 270) and gave rise to its KoptiPavTcs 
{supra p. 107). 

1 Soph. Ant. 758, cp. At. 1389. 2 Eur. Andromeda frag. 114 Nauck'-'. 

3 Soph. O. C. 1653 ff., Khizotomi frag. 492 Nauck 2 ; Eur. Phoen. 1184. 

* Plat, epinovi. 977 B. 

5 Aristot. de mundo 6. 400 a 6 ff . This impossible derivation of "OXv/xtos from 
6\o-\a.fxirris is given also by Plout. ap. Stob. eel. 1. 22. 2 p. 198, 11 f. VVachsmuth, et. 
mag. p. 623, 8f., et. Gud. p. 426, 25 f., schol. D. //. 1. 18, Eustath. in II. pp. 38, 38, 694, 
51 (., in Od. p. 1389, 57 f., Io. Diak. in Bandin. anecd. p. 155 and Psell. opusc. p. 171 
(both cited by Boissonade in Stephanus Thes. Gr. Ling. v. 1902c), Serv. in Verg. .ten. 
4. 268; from 6\6-Xa/x7roj by Eustath. in It. p. 27, 34 ff., Tzetz. exeg. in 11. p. 81, 26 f. 
Hermann, Priscian. part. p. 507, 10 ff. Keil; from fiXos \afnrpbs by inter]). Serv. /'// 
Verg. Aen. 4. 268, 10. 1. It was revived by G. Curtius Grundziige der g ritekist km 
Etyuiologie 6 Leipzig 1875 p. 266. 

6 Supra p. 10 1 f. 


1 1 6 Development in the meaning of Olympos 

summit of Mount Olympos as 'heaven 1 .' Modern peasants call it 
' the three peaks of Heaven 2 .' And a primitive notion that has 
left traces of itself in almost every country of Europe regards 
a mountain as the natural abode of souls 3 . 

Mount Ide in the Troad, which also bore the name of Olympos 4 , 
was likewise supposed to rise into the aitJi^r. Aischylos in his 
Xiobe mentions Tantalos and his family as — 

near akin to gods 
And nigh to Zen, men who on Ide's height 
Have built an altar of Ancestral Zeus 
In aithcr and still vaunt the blood divine 6 . 


A E NAompoaEIE! £ EK^IAOANAToirioE Oiri* 



Fig. 86. 

Zeus was worshipped under the title Olympios not only at the 
foot of the Macedonian Mount Olympos 6 , at Pisa near the Elean 
Olympos', and on the slopes of the Mysian Olympos 8 , but also far 

1 Solin. 8. 5 primum excellenti vertice tantus attollitur, ut summa eius caelum accolae 
vocent, Lact. Plac. in Stat. Theb. 3. 262 Olympi ardua. quod caelum dixere ideo, quia 
apex eius omnibus invisibilis est, Eustath. in Od. p. 1550, 51 f. 
ol 5e iraKaiol (pacri nai irrovpdviov KaKeiffdai tt\v tov Matcedovticov 
'OM/xirov Kopv<f>-fjv. The combination of ovpavbs and "0\u/U7ros 
occurs in //. 1. 497, 5. 750, 8. 394, 16. 364, 19. 128. 

2 Supra p. 114. 

3 The latest (1912) article on the subject is E. Mogk 
'Bergkult' in Hoops Reallex. p. 255 f. 

4 Supra p. 100 n. 8. 8 Aisch. Niobefrag. 162 Nauck 2 . 

6 Supra p. 102 n. 4. 

7 As lord of Olympia and patron of the famous Olympian 
games (Roscher Lex. Myth. iii. 844). 

8 Mnaseas frag. 30 {Frag. hist. Gr. iii. 154 Mliller) ap. schol. //. 20. 234. A copper 
coin of Prousa ad Olympum (at Berlin), struck in the reign of Commodus, has for its 
reverse type a bearded god reclining on the Mysian Olympos (fig. 85). He has a mantle 
wrapped about his legs, and his left arm rests on the rock. Trees and a gorge with a 

Fig. 85. 

Sequence of the Mountain-cults 117 

and wide throughout the Greek area (fig. 86) 1 , even where there 
was no mountain with which his cult could be associated' 2 . 

§ 5. The Mountain-cults of Zeus. 

(a) Chronological Development of the Mountain-cults. 

The mountain-cults of Zeus may be grouped roughly in chrono- 
logical order according as they centred round (i) a simple altar, 
(2) an altar with a statue of the god, (3) an altar with a statue 
enclosed in a temple 3 . 

Examples of the earliest type occur in several Greek myths. 
Deukalion, for instance, according to one version of his legend, was 
borne safely over the waters of the flood to a mountain-height above 
Argos and in gratitude for his escape built upon it an altar to Zeus 
Aphe'sios*. Althaimenes, who fled from Crete to Rhodes lest he 
should unwittingly become the slayer of his father Katreus, put in 
to shore at a place which in memory of his former home he named 
Kretenia : on climbing Mount Atabyrion he got a distant view of 
Crete and, thinking still of Cretan cults, there set up an altar to 
Zeus Atabyrios*. Herakles, after sacking Oichalia and carrying off 
Iole the daughter of king Eurytos, went to Mount Kenaion the 
north-western promontory of Euboia, and there dedicated altars 
and a leafy precinct to Zeus Patroios 9 . On Mount Helikon, near 
the spring Hippokrene, Zeus Helikonios had an altar, round which 
the Muses were believed to dance 7 . On the peak of Mount Ide 
called Gargaros there was an altar and a precinct of Zeus Idaws, 
where Hektor was wont to sacrifice 8 . Mount Arachnaion in Argolis 
had altars of Zeus and Hera 9 . The singular ritual of Mount 

river flowing to the right show the nature of the mountain-side. This god has been 
taken to be Zeus (Overbeck Gr. Kunstmyth. Zeus pp. 155, 161, Miinztaf. 2, 16, Miiller- 
Wieseler-Wernicke Ant. Denkm. i. 89 pi. 9, 5, Class. Rev. 1904 xviii. 80). But Imhoof- 
Blumer Gr. Miinzen p. 82 f. no. 144 pi. 6, 16 regards him as the mountain-god Olympos. 
Infra p. 1 24. Another coin of the same town has a seated Zeus inscribed [~| PO YCA6 1 C 
AIA OAYMniON (Head Hist, num.- p. 4+4). 

1 Inscr. Gr. ins. iii Suppl. no. 1345 (a rock-cut inscription of the third century B.C. 
in the precinct of Artemidoros at Thera : see F. Hiller von Gaertringen Die Inset Thera 
Berlin 1904 iii. 89 ft".) Ail 'OXvpuritp. derbv v\piireTrj Aids a^eW ' A/>T£/xi5wpos ] divaon t6\« 
ftoe Kai ddavdroiot dtolot. | atpOtroi, dOdvaroi xal dy-fipaoi divaoi re | fiui/J-oi, Scott Uptvs 
rf/xtvos KTioep 'Apre/xiSwpos. 

2 See the list given in Roscher Lex. Myth. iii. 840 — 847, cp. Farnell Cults of Gr. 
States i. 155 f. 

3 The evidence is collected in Append. B, where the arrangement of it is topo- 

* Id. Phliasia. 6 Id. Rhodes. 6 lb. Euboia. 

7 lb. Boiotia. 8 lb. Troas. » lb. Argolis. 

1 1 8 Sequence of the Mountain-cults 

Kithairon, which will claim our attention later, involved the erection 
on the mountain-top of temporary wooden altars destined for the 
bonfires of Zeus Kithairdnios 1 . High up on the Cretan Mount Ide 
was a permanent rock-cut altar of Zeus Idaios 2 . Thus with some 
variety ot detail, according to local circumstances, the primitive 
cult of Zeus required an altar on the summit or as near it as 
might be. 

Even where that cult was celebrated 

On a tall mountain, citied to the top, 
Crowded with culture ! 

hieratic conservatism was apt to maintain the open-air altar. A 
case in point is furnished by Pergamon. The Akropolis of that 
marvellous city crowns a hill that rises a thousand feet above sea- 
level and commands a view of unequalled beauty over the valleys 
of Teuthrania. Thanks to the excavations begun by A. Conze and 
K. Humann on behalf of the Prussian government in 1878, a fairly 
accurate picture may be drawn of Pergamon in its glory, as it was 
when Pliny called it ' by far the most famous town in the province 
of Asia 3 .' The silhouette of the city seen from below against the 
sunrise (pi. x) 4 shows the sky-line cut by two magnificent temples. 
In the centre rises the Doric fane of Athena Polids or Nikephoros, 
a building of greyish trachyte, flanked on its northern and eastern 
sides by a two-storeyed stod or 'colonnade.' Immediately behind 
the northern stod are the halls in which the Pergamene Library 
was lodged. Further north, and therefore in our illustration more 
to the left, stands out the huge temple of the deified Trajan, a 
sumptuous Corinthian pile of white marble, surrounded on three 
sides by airy colonnades. Athena, then, had her temple, and 
Trajan had his. But Zeus 5 was content with the altar that smokes 

1 Append. B Boiotia. 

2 lb. Crete. 

3 Flin. nat. hist. 5. 126. The most convenient summary of what is known about 
Pergamon is still that contained in Baumeister Denkm. ii. 1206 — 1227 (history, topography, 
and architecture by E. Eabricius), ib. 1227 — 1287 (art by A. Trendelenburg). But the 
great Berlin publication {Allertumer von Pergamon, here cited as Pergamon) is slowly 
approaching completion : two volumes have already been devoted to the altar built by 
Eumenes ii (197 — 159 B.C.), viz. Pergamon iii. 1. 1 — 128 (Der grosze Altar. Der obere 
Markt. Berlin 1906) with an Atlas of 34 plates, by J. Schrammen ; Pergamon iii. 2. 
1 — 250 {Die Friese des groszen A/tars Berlin 1910) with an Atlas of 36 plates, by 
H. Winnefeld. 

4 Based on the Berlin panorama by A. Kips and M. Koch (Baumeister Denkm. ii 
pi. 36), which in turn utilised the drawing by R. Bohn in Die Ergebnisse der Ausgrab- 
ungen zu Pergamon Berlin 1888 iii pi. 2. See also E. Pontremoli and M. Collignon 
Pergame, restauration et description des monuments de Vacropole Paris 1900. 

5 J. Schrammen in Pergamon iii. 1. 82 points out that the name of the deity to whom 


Sequence of the Mountain-cults 119 

on the terrace adjoining the Akropolis. True, it was an altar on a 
colossal scale (fig. 87) \ A substructure, measuring about 100 feet 

Fig. 87. 

square by about 18 feet in height, was mounted by means of a 
broad staircase and adorned all round with a frieze, which repre- 
sented in high relief the battle of 
the Gods and the Giants. The sub- 
structure was topped by an Ionic 
colonnade, the back wall of which 
was decorated with a smaller frieze 
depicting scenes from the mythical 
history of the town. Above all rose 
the actual altar of burnt offering, 
which, to judge from our only repre- 
sentation of it, a Pergamene coin 
struck by Septimius Severus (fig. 88) 2 , 
was protected by a soaring balda- 
chin ; the adjoining colonnades were 
surmounted by statues of deities, 

Fig. 88. 
and the flight of steps was 

the great altar was dedicated is not attested by the extant blocks of the votive inscription. 
M. Frankel in Pergamon viii no. 69 supposes that the altar was that of Zeus and Athena 
Nikeph6ros; A. Bruckner in the Jahrb. d. kais. deutsch. arch. Inst. 1004 xix Arch. An/. 
p. 218 ff., that it was dedicated to all the gods. But it is commonly regarded as the altar 
of Zeus alone. 

1 Pergamon iii. 1 pi. 19. Ground-plan ib. pi. 15. Elevation of west side ib. pi. 18. 

2 Brit. A/us. Cat. Coins Mysia p. 152 pi. 30, 7. That this coin shows the great altar 
was first recognised by A. Heron de Villefosse in the Comptes rendus de i'Acad. des inscr. 
et belles-lettres 1901 p. 823 fif. figs, and in the Rev. Num. 1902 p. 2340°. See aXso/ahrb. 
d. kais. deutsch. arch. Inst. 1902 xvii Arch. Anz. p. 12 fig., Am. fourn. Arch. 1902 vi. 
461, Pergamon iii. 1. 4 f. fig., 65 f., Head Hist, num.' 2 p. 536. 

120 Sequence of the Mountain-cults 

flanked by two figures of humped bulls on large pedestals. The 
whole complex of marble was reckoned one of the wonders of the 
world 1 . Built into and concealed by its foundations was a previously 
existing building with an apse at one end-. It bears so close a 
resemblance to the apsidal Kabeirion of Samothrace 8 that I would 
venture to see in it a shrine of the Kabeiroi, who appear on another 
coin of Pergamon 4 and are said to have witnessed the birth of Zeus 
on this very hill 5 . But, if the site of the great altar was once 
occupied by a Kabeirion, where was the former altar of Zeus ? 

- r ^/p'^ 


Just where we should have expected it to be — higher up, on the 
actual summit. J. Schrammen observes that the extreme point 
still shows traces of a square structure (fig. 89)®, and acutely 

1 Ampel. 8. 14. 

2 Pergamon iii. i. 83 ff. figs. Atlas pi. 2. 

" A. Conze — A. Ilauser — G. Niemann Archaeologische Untersuchungen auf Samo- 
thrake Wien 1875 P- 45 ff - %s. 15—29 pis. 11 — 52, 69 f., A. Conze —A. Hauser— 
O. Benndorf Neue archaeologische Untersuchungen auf Samothrake Wien 1880 p. 19 ff. 
figs. 4 — 8 pis. 2 — 16, Durm Baukunst d. Gr? pp. 195, 231, id. 3 p. 424. 

4 Zeitschr.f. Num. 1901 xxiv. i2of., Head Hist, num.- p. 536. 

5 Supra p. no n. 5. 

8 Pergamon iii. 1. 74 f. fig. 

Sequence of the Mountain-cults 121 

conjectures that the altar of Zeus mentioned by Pausanias was not 
the gorgeous monument of Eumenes ii but this more homely 
place of sacrifice 1 . If so, it was impressive from its sheer simplicity. 
Like the altar of Zeus Olympics in the Altis at Olympia, it was 
a mere heap of ashes, consisting entirely of the calcined thighs of 
victims sacrificed to Zeus 2 . 

The dedication of an altar with neither temple nor statue of the 
god is characteristic of the early so-called aniconic stage of Greek 
religion. But it must not be supposed that the absence of a visible 
representation of Zeus was due merely to the backward state of 
sculptural art at the time when the cult in question was founded. 
Rather it must be traced back to the primitive conception of Zeus 
as the Bright Sky, alive and potent, but not as yet anthropomorphic 3 , 
and therefore not as yet represented by a statue. 

With the change to anthropomorphism came the introduction 
of statues into the mountain-cults of Zeus. Where there had been 
an altar and nothing more, there was now, if the cult moved with 
the times, an altar and a statue of the god standing beside it. Thus 
on the top of Mount Hymettos there was an altar and statue of 
Zeus Hymettios*. On Mount Parnes Zeus was worshipped under 

several names : as Ombrios and Apimios he received sacrifices on 
one altar, as Semaleos on another ; and, apparently beside this 
latter, was a bronze statue of Zeus Parnethios*. Mount Laphystion, 
near Orchomenos in Boiotia, had a precinct and a stone statue of 
Zeus Laphystios : tradition told how king Athamas was here on 
the point of sacrificing his own son and daughter, Phrixos and 
Helle, when in the nick of time Zeus sent the ram with the golden 
fleece to aid their escape 6 . The summit of Mount Athos was sacred 
to Zeus Athoios, who had there one or more altars and a (bronze?) 
statue 7 . Doubtless too the statue of Zeus A itnaios on Mount Aitne 8 , 
that of the Chaeronean Zeus on the crag called Petrachos 9 , and that 
of Zeus Anchesmios on Mount Anchesmos near Athens 10 had altars 
of their own. 

A third and final stage in the evolution of the cult was reached, 
when the figure of the god came to be suitably housed in a temple. 
But this was an innovation not brought about all at once. Zeus 
Ithomdtas, for example, was worshipped on the top of Mount Ithome 

1 Id. ib. 

2 Append. B Mysia. On altars made of ashes see E. Reisch in l'nuly-Wissowa 
Real-Em. i. 1668 f., J. G. Frazer on Faus. 5. 13. 8 (iii. 556 f.). 

* Supra p. 1 ff. « Append. B Attike. 8 lb. 

6 lb. Boiotia. 7 lb. Makedonia. 8 lb. Sicily. 

9 lb. Boiotia. 10 lb. Attike. 

122 Sequence of the Mountain-cults 

in Messene ; but the statue of the god, made by the famous Argive 
sculptor Hageladas, was kept in the house of a priest annually 
appointed for the purpose 1 . At last Zeus was installed in a house 
of his own. And splendid indeed must have been the effect of a 
Greek temple with its ivory-white columns and its richly-coloured 
entablature seen against the dazzling blue of a southern sky. 
Hardly less beautiful would it appear when its marbles glimmering 
in the moonlight contrasted with the mysterious shadows of its 
colonnade 2 . The first temple built upon a height for Zeus of which 
we have any record is the temple of Zeus Polieiis constructed by 
Phalaris in the first half of the sixth century on the Akropolis of 
Akragas some 1200 feet ahove sea-level. Polyainos 3 tells the 
following tale with regard to its foundation: 

' Phalaris was a contractor of Akragas. The citizens of that town desired to 
make a temple of Zeus Polieiis at a cost of 200 talents on their Akropolis : the 
site was rocky, the foundation very solid, and moreover it would be the right 
thinjj to establish the god on the highest available point. So Phalaris tendered 
an offer that, if he were appointed as overseer of the work, he would use the 
best craftsmen, furnish materials without extravagance, and provide satisfactory 
sureties for the funds. The people, considering that his life as a contractor had 
given him experience in such matters, entrusted him with the task. On receipt 
of the public moneys, he hired many strangers, purchased many prisoners, and 
brought up to the Akropolis plenty of materials — stones, timber, and iron. 
While the foundations were being dug, however, he sent down a crier with this 
proclamation : " Whosoever will denounce those persons that have stolen stone 
and iron from the Akropolis shall receive such and such a reward." The people 
were angered at the theft of the materials. " Well then," said Phalaris, " suffer 
me to fence in the Akropolis." The city granted him permission to fence it in 
and to raise a circuit-wall. Hereupon he freed the prisoners and armed them 
with his stones, axes, and double-axes. He made his attack during the festival 
of the Thesmophoria, slew most of the citizens, secured the women and children, 
and thus became tyrant of Akragas.' 

Again, on the summit of the Larisa or Akropolis of Argos, a 
rocky cone rising abruptly from the plain to a height of 950 feet, 
there was a cult of Zeus Larisaios. Pausanias, who visited the spot 

1 Append. B Messene. 

2 Time has broken and defaced all existing Greek temples. Among the least imperfect 
are the ' Theseum ' at Athens, a temple of unknown dedication at Segesta, the temple of 
' Concordia ' at Girgenti. But though these have preserved the form, they have lost the 
colour, of a Doric structure. Nor is there to be seen any really accurate model or even 
complete picture, say of the Parthenon, showing its shapes as they were, optical corrections 
and all, and its colouring as it probably was. Doubtless some details would be conjectural, 
but the facts are so far certain that an attempt at adequate representation might be, and 
ought to be, made. 

3 Polyain. 5. 1. 1. See further Append. B Sicily. The site of the temple is shown in 
W. Wilkins The Antiquities of Magna Graecia Cambridge 1807 Agrigentum pi. 1 view, 
Pauly-Wissowa Real-Enc. i. 1 189 f. plan. 

Sequence of the Mountain-cults 123 

in the second century of our era, says that the temple of Zeus 
Larisaios had no roof and that his statue, made of wood, was no 
longer standing on its base 1 . This implies that the temple was 
then a ruin ; but when it was first founded is not known. Mount 
Saginatas, the ancient Mount Hypatos, is a bold, rocky eminence 
above Glisas in Boiotia, attaining a height of 2434 feet. ' From 
the summit,' says Dr Frazer, 'the view is extensive and fine, 
embracing the great expanse of the Copaic plain (a lake no longer), 
the dark blue water of the deep lake of Hylica environed by barren 
and rugged mountains, the Euboean sea, and on the horizon the 
peaks of Parnassus, Helicon, and CithaeronV Upon the flat top 
of this mountain Pausanias found a cult-statue and temple of Zeus 
Hypatos* ; but again we cannot tell the date of its foundation. The 
same is true of the temple of Zeus Akraios on the Pindos range 
between Thessalia and Epeiros 4 , of the temple of Zeus Kdsios built 
by the descendants of the Dioskouroi on Mount Kasion in Egypt 8 , 
and of the temple dedicated to Zeus Kdsios at Kasiope in Korkyra 8 . 
Probably they were all comparatively recent. The temple of Zeus 
Solymeiis on Mount Solymos in Pisidia does not appear to have 
been a very ancient structure 7 . And in several cases it is clear 
that the primitive altar of Zeus received the additional glory of 
a temple at a much later date. Althaimenes, we saw, set up a 
simple altar to Zeus Atabyrios on the Rhodian Mount Atabyrion : 
but Mr C. Torr notes that the temple-walls and precinct-wall of 
Zeus are still to be seen on the mountain 4070 feet above the sea 8 . 
Herakles, we said, dedicated altars and a leafy precinct to Zeus 
Patroios on the headland of Mount Kenaion : but Seneca in his 
tragedy Herakles on Oite writes — 

Here on a soaring rock no cloud may strike 

Shines the old temple of Kenaian Zeus . 0<diM+d»-**L4^ 

The precinct of Zeus Kynthios and Athena Kyntlua on the top / t ' 1 (" 
of Mount Kynthos in Delos included a small temple, the position ~LjLL^ 
of which can still be traced ; but this is expressly said by M. Lebegue 
to be of late date 10 . 

1 Append. B Argolis. 2 J. G. Frazer on Paus. 9. 19. 3 (v. 61 f.). 

3 Append. B Boiotia. * lb. Thessalia. 8 lb. Aigyptos. 

8 lb. Korkyra. 7 lb. Pisidia. 8 lb. Rhodes. 

9 lb. Boiotia. Sen. Here. Oet. 786 f. hie rupe celsa nulla quam nubes ferit annosa 
fulgent templa Cenaei Iovis. Mr G. A. Papabasileiou, who most courteously travelled 
from Chalkis to the Kenaion promontory on my behalf, reports (Oct. 17, 191 1) that at 
Dion in a spot named after a church of Saint Konstantinos he could trace the foundations 
of a temple and fair-sized precinct with a circular base of three steps at the east end. 
These remains he took to be those of a temple and altar of Zeus built in historic times on 
the site consecrated by Herakles. 10 Append. B Delos. 

124 The Mountain as the Throne of Zeus 

(b) The Mountain as the Throne of Zeus. 

The mountain sacred to Zeus was sometimes regarded as his 
seat or throne. Coins of Gomphoi or Philippopolis from about 
350 B.C. onwards show Zeus Akraios seated on a rock and holding 
a sceptre in his right hand (fig. 90) 1 : in place of the rock, which 
must represent Mount Pindos, later specimens substitute a throne 
(figs. 91, 92) 2 . Again, coins of Kyrrhos in Syria struck by Trajan and 

Fig. 90. 

Fig. 91. 

Fig. 92. 

other emperors have Zeus Kataibdtes sitting on a rock with thunder- 
bolt, sceptre, and eagle 3 : the rock is presumably some neighbouring 
height. Similarly a coin of Ankyra in Galatia struck by Antoninus 
Pius represents Zeus, with a sceptre in his right hand and a Victory 
in his left, seated on a rock 4 : Ankyra too was situated in a 
mountainous district. We have already noted an imperial coin 
of Prousa in Bithynia, which shows Zeus or a Zeus-like mountain- 
god reclining on the summit of the Mysian Olympos (fig. 85)'. 

Fi g- 93- 

1 add a few other numismatic examples, the interpretation of 
which is more doubtful. Copper coins of Larisa on the Orontes, 
struck in the first century B.C., have the head of Zeus as their 
obverse and the throne of Zeus as their reverse type (fig. 93)". 
This perhaps -implies that a neighbouring height was regarded as 

1 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Thessaly etc. p. 19 pi. 3, 2, Head Hist, num. 2 p. 295. 
Append. B Thessalia. 

2 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Thessaly etc. p. 19 (I figure no. 3) pi. 3, 4, Hunter Cat. 
Coins i. 450, Head loc. cit. Fig. 92 is an unpublished variety (with the Thessalian form 
r"OM<t>ITOYN) in my collection. 

3 Infra ch. ii § 3 (a) ii. 

4 Rasche Lex. Num. Suppl. i. 663, iii. 252. 
s Supra p. 116 n. 8. 

B Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Galatia etc. p. 264 pi. 31, 8, Head Hist, num. 2 p. 782. 



The Mountain as the Throne of Zeus 125 

the god's seat. Similarly the throne and thunderbolt of Zeus on 
coppers of Olba in Kilikia, struck probably at the end of the first 
century B.C. (fig. 94) 1 and the beginning of the first century A.D. 
(fig. 95 ) 2 , may mean that Uzundja-Burdj, 'Tall Castle' (3800ft. 

Fig. 94. Fig. 95. 

above sea-level), on which Zeus Olbios had his kieron*, was con- 
ceived as his sacred seat, though here an allusion to an actual 
throne occupied by the priestly king 4 is equally possible. 

Vase-painters of the fourth century B.C. sometimes represent 
Zeus seated or reclining on a mountain in the upper register of 
their design. Thus a fine hydria from Ruvo, painted in the style 
of the potter Meidias 5 and now preserved at Karlsruhe 6 , introduces 
the god as part of a Polygnotan background to a familiar scene — 
the judgment of Paris (pi. xi) 7 . In the midst sits Paris himself, 
here as often named Alexandros. As a Phrygian he wears a rich 
Oriental costume ; but as a shepherd he carries a short thick staff 
and is accompanied by his dog. He turns to speak with Hermes, 
who has brought the three goddesses to Mount Ide. The 
laurels and the rocky ground mark the mountain-side. Aphrodite, 

1 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Lycaonia etc. pp. Hi f., 119 pi. 21, 7, Zeitschr.f. Num. 1883 
xii. 369 (from the same die), Head Hist, num.' 1 p. 726. 

2 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Lycaonia etc. p. 124 pi. 22, 7, Head Hist, num. 2 p. 727, 
G. F. Hill in the Num. Chron. Third Series 1899 xix. 189 f. no. 3 7 (no. 3 /3 has throne 
turned to left), Anson Num. Gr. i. 137 f. nos. 1354 f. pi. 26. The legend of the 
specimen here figured is AYNAITO[Y] OABE[nN] THZ IEPAI KAI 
KEN NAT | KAI-AAAAZZEHN ■*-\M = frovs to'). 

3 J. T. Bent in the Journ. Hell. Stud. 1891 xii. 220 ff., R. Heberdey and A. Wilhelm 
' Reisen in Kilikien ' (cited infra ch. ii § 9 (h) ii (f)). 

4 Infra id. 

5 G. Nicole Meidias et le style fleuri dans la ceramique attique Geneva 1908 pp. 65 — 
69 pi. 2, 2. 

8 Winnefeld Vasensamml. Karlsruhe p. 63 ff. no. 259. 

7 Furtwangler-Reichhold Gr. Vasenmalerei i. 141 ff. pi. 30. 

In sarcophagus-reliefs etc. representing the judgment of Paris this seated Zeus is 
sometimes transformed into a seated mountain-god: see Robert Sark.-Relfs. ii. 11 ff. 
pi. 4, 10, 10', 10" (Villa Pamfili)= A/on. d. Inst, iii pi. 3, Ann. d. Inst. 1839 xi. 2 14 fT. 
pi. H, Overbeck Gall. her. Bildw. p. 240 f. pi. 11, 5, Roscher Lex. Myth. iii. 1624 fig. 9, 
9a; Robert op. cit. ii. 18 pi. 5, 12 (Palestrina); cp. Robert op. n't. ii. 17 fig. (Villa 
Ludovisi) = ;Wi?«. d. Inst, iii pi. 29, Ann. d. Inst. 1841 xiii. 84 ff., Overbeck Gall. her. 
Bildw. p. 2381!. pi. 11, 12. 

126 The Mountain as the Throne of Zeus 

confident of success, is seated quietly behind Hermes. She rests one 
hand on a sceptre, the other on a little Eros, whose brother she has 
already sent forward to whisper seductive words in the ear of the 
judge. Above her we see Eutychia, the goddess of good luck, and 
an attendant maiden preparing wreaths for the coming victory. 
In front of Paris, but wholly disregarded by him, stands Athena — 
a majestic figure closely resembling the Parthenos of Pheidias. 
Hardly less majestic, and not a whit more successful in attracting 
the notice of Paris, is Hera, who draws near on the left supported 
by her maid Klymene. In the background appears Eris, who first 
brought about the strife and now would watch its denouement. On 
the right Helios drives up his four-horse chariot from behind the 
mountain, recalling an analogous figure in the eastern pediment 
of the Parthenon. On the left sits Zeus, leaning on the rocky slope. 
He wears a laurel-wreath in his hair and a himdtion wrapped about 
his knees. His right hand holds a sceptre; his left, a winged 
thunderbolt. Helios and Zeus give the setting of the scene in time 
and place 1 . For Ide is the home of Zeus. Idaios-. Moreover, it 
was in obedience to the bidding of Zeus that Hermes brought the 
goddesses before Paris 3 . 

Equally essential is the relation of Zeus to the main design in 
the case of the Poniatowski vase — a great Apulian krater with 
medallion handles, which was found near Bari and is now in the 
Vatican collection 4 . Its obverse (fig. 96) shows Triptolemos on 
his winged car drawn by two serpents. He is wreathed with myrtle, 
and holds in his left hand a sceptre and a bunch of corn. One of 
his serpents is feeding from a phidle held by a seated goddess, 
possibly one of the Horai. The other turns towards a standing 
goddess, almost certainly Demeter, who holds a wheel-torch under 
her left arm and is offering more corn to Triptolemos. Behind her 
at a lower level stands another goddess, probably Hekate, bearing 
a lighted torch. Above and beyond these figures rises a mountain, 
indicated by broken dotted lines, upon which we see two goddesses 
and higher up two gods. The goddesses cannot be identified with 

1 Cp. the vase at St Petersburg (Stephani Vasensamml. St. Petersburg ii. 339 fT. 
no. 1807) figured in the Compte-rendu St. Pet. 1861 p. 33 fT. Atlas pi. 3 f., Wien. Vorlegebl. 
a pi. II| 1. 

* Append. B Troas. 

:f Kypria ap. Prokl. chrestom. 1 (p. 17 Kinkel), Loukian. dial. deor. 20. 1, 7, 8, 
Kolouth. rapt. Hel. 690"., Ov. her. 16. 71, Apul. met. 10. 30 and 33. 

4 A. L. Millin Peintures de vases antiques Paris 1810 ii pi. 31 f. = Reinach Vases Ant. 
p. 31 f., Inghirami Vas.Jitt. i. 22 ff. pi. 11 f., Lenormant — de Witte El. vion. a'r. 
iii. 177 ff. pi- 63, Overbeck (Jr. Kuiislmyth. Demeter — Kora p. 55a ft". Atlas pi. 16, 15, 
infra ch. i § 6 (d) i (/3). 

The Mountain as the Throne of Zeus 127 

certainty, but are in all probability meant for Aphrodite and Peitho'. 
The gods are Hermes and Zeus. Hermes has his usual attributes, 
and, with one foot raised on the rocky ground, balances the similarly 
posed figure of Peitho. Zeus, crowned with laurel, reclines on the 
mountain-top. He has a himdtion folded about his legs, shoes on 
his feet, a bracelet on his left arm, and an eagle-sceptre in his 
left hand. The moment depicted seems to be this. Zeus has 

Fig. 96. 

sent Hermes to bring back Persephone from the Underworld 2 . 
Demeter — her wrath thereby appeased — is instructing Triptolemos 
in the art of agriculture and sending him forth on his mission of 

1 The identification of the goddesses on this vase has been much canvassed : see 
Overbeck op. cit. pp. 552 — 562. I have relied on another Apulian vase, now at 
St Petersburg (infra ch. i § 6 (d) i (/3)), which represents the same scene in a very similar 
fashion and fortunately supplies us with the inscribed names TPI PTOAEMOZ ('» 
serpent-car), AHMHTHP (on the left filling a phidle for him), r-HPAl (further to 
the left, one standing, the other seated), A<J>POAITH (on the right at a higher level, 
seated), PEIOH (further to the right, standing beside Aphrodite with knee raised on 
rock), NEIAOZ (river at foot of main design). 

2 H. Dent. 334 ff., alib. (see R. Foerster Der Raub und die Riickktkr der Persephone 
Stuttgart 1874 pp. 29—98 ' Der Mythus in der Dichtkunst '). 

128 The Mountain as the Throne of Zeus 

civilisation. On this showing the mountain upon which Zeus 
reclines is the Macedonian Olympos 1 . 

An Apulian pelike from Ruvo, now at Naples 2 , has on one side 
a design (pi. xii) 3 , the background of which somewhat closely 
resembles that of the vase just described. The scene is laid on 
a mountain near the Phrygian Kelainai, where Marsyas the flute- 
playing Silenos was defeated and flayed by Apollon 4 . In the 
centre of the composition sits Apollon, wreathed with laurel and 
wearing a himdtion drawn up over the back of his head. He is 
already victorious, and a winged Nike is presenting him with the 
victor's fillet, but his fingers still play with the four chords of his 
lyre. Below him on a spotted skin sits the defeated Silenos. His 
skin flute-case lies behind on the ground. He holds the flutes in 
his left hand and leans his head on his right in deep dejection. 
And no wonder. For of the three Muses, who are present as judges 
of his skill 5 , one, though she has flutes herself, stands spell-bound 
listening to Apollon's strains, another is seated harp in hand 
chanting the victor's praises to the delight of a pet-dog from 
Malta, while the third has risen from her judgment-seat and is 
reading out of a roll the fearful penalty prescribed for the 
vanquished. Behind her a girl is already bringing up a basket 
with flowers and a fillet, as though for a sacrifice. Marsyas himself 
will be the victim. On the mountain-top are three seated deities ; 
but not one of them is likely to help. Zeus naturally sympathises 
with his son, Artemis with her brother. Aphrodite, who scoffed at 
the effects of flute-playing 6 , is unconcernedly holding a.phidle to serve 
as a divining-glass for Eros 7 . Still less does the she-goat cropping 
its food in the corner take thought for Marsyas' fate. Confining 
our attention to Zeus, we note that his connexion with the tragedy 
is but slight. He is here mainly 8 as the divine dweller on the 

1 H. Dew. 331,341, 449> 484- 

2 Heydemann Vasensamml. Neapel p. 529 ff. no. 3231. 

3 A. Michaelis Die Verurtheilun* ties Marsyas auf einer Vase atts Ruvo Greifswald 
1864 pi. 2, 3, and more accurately in the Arch. Zeit. 1869 xxvii pi. 17, Overbeck Gr. 
Kunstmyth. Apollon p. 439 ff. Atlas pi. 25, 4. 

4 O. Jessen in Roscher Lex. Myth. ii. 2441 ff. 

5 O. Jessen id. ii. 2442. 

6 Hyg./fl£. 165. 

7 A. Michaelis Die Verurtheilung des Marsyas etc. p. 13 f., Arch. Zeit. 1869 xxvii. 46, 
and Overbeck Gr. Kunstmyth. Apollon pp. 431, 442 argue that Aphrodite, in whose cult 
the flute was used, is present on the side of Marsyas. If so, she is strangely apathetic : 
cp. other vase-paintings of the same scene in Lenormant — de Witte £l. nwn. cer. ii pi. 64, 
the Arch. Zeit. 1884 xlii pi. 5, Overbeck op. cit. p. 433 no. 12 Atlas pi. 25, 3. 

8 Overbeck op. cit. p. 441 holds that Zeus is present as witness of things in general 
and of his son's victory in particular. 







. n- /\ 1 1 I 

% * 





'# II I 




— ir 

^ - «-•*■■■ *■* ■ ^ 

Relief signed by Archelaos of Priene. 

See page 129 ff. 

The Mountain as the Throne of Zeus 129 

heights above Kelainai, and he adopts the attitude now familiar to 
us as that of the mountain-god. 

This type of Zeus reclining occurs again on a relief signed by 
Archelaos son of Apollonios, a native of Priene 1 . That well-known 
work of art, referable to the end of the third century B.C., was found 
near Bovillae about 1650 A.D. and is now in the British Museum 
(pi. xiii) 2 . Its subject is usually described as the apotheosis of 
Homer. Before us rises a steep mountain-side, at the foot of 
which Homeros is seen enthroned. He holds a roll in his right 
hand, a sceptre in his left. His throne is supported by two kneeling 
female figures inscribed I lids and Odysseia : the former carries a 
sheathed sword, the latter holds up the stern-ornament of a ship. 
In front of Homer's footstool lies another roll with a mouse at one 
end of it, a frog (?) at the other, to indicate the Battle of the Frogs 
and Mice. Behind the poet stands a woman named Oikonme'ne, 
' The World,' who is holding a wreath above his head, and a man, 
named Chrouos, 'Time,' who is uplifting a roll in either hand. Since 
in features and hair these two figures (fig. 97) resemble Ptolemy iv 
Philopator and his wife Arsinoe, it has been conjectured that we 
have here the king and queen of Alexandreia portrayed as allegorical 
personages 3 . Before the poet is a lighted altar inscribed A\ be- 
hind which stands a humped bull. The sacrificial attendant with 
jug and bowl is Mythos. Historia strews incense on the altar, 
Poiesis holds up two flaming torches, while Tragodia, Komodia, 
a smaller figure named Physis, ' Nature,' and a group of Arete', 
' Virtue,' Mneme, ' Memory,' Pistis, ' Faith,' and Sophia, ' Wisdom,' 

1 Inscr. Gr. Sic. It. no. 1295. 

2 Brit. Mus. Cat. Sculpture iii. 244 ff. no. 2 191 fig. 30, Baumeister Denkm. i. 112 
fig. 118, Collignon Hist, de la Sculpt, gr. ii. 674 ff. fig. 354, Overbeck Gr. Plastih* ii. 
463 ff. fig. 226, Roscher Lex. Myth. ii. 3266 ff. For further details and divergent theories 
see the monographs of G. Cuper Apotheosis Homeri Amsterdam 1683, Schott Explication 
ttouvelle de I'Apothe'ose d' 'Hornet e etc. Amsterdam 17 14, E. Braun Apotheose des Homer 
Leipsic 1848, .A. Kortegarn De tabula Archelai Bonn 1862, C. Watzinger Das Relief des 
Archelaos von Priene {Winckelmannsfest-Progr. Berlin lxiii) Berlin t903, and the other 
authorities cited by A. H. Smith in the Brit. Mus. Cat. Sculpture iii. 253 f. 

3 C. Watzinger op. cit. p. i7ff. figs. 8 — 9, following and improving upon the identi- 
fications proposed by S. Sharpe, viz. Ptolemy vi Philometor and his mother Kleopatra. 
Both E. Braun and Sir C. T. Newton remarked a family likeness between the head of 
Xpovos and those of the later Ptolemies. F. Hauser in the /ahresh. d. oest. arch. Inst. 
1905 viii. 85 f. fig. 28 (=Imhoof-Blumer Monn. gr. pi. H, 13, cp. Num. Chron. Fourth 
Series 1904 iv 307 ff. pi. 15, 11) proposes a fresh identification based on the coin-portraits 
of the Syrian king Alexandros i Balas and his wife Kleopatra. The alleged likeness is 
to me, I confess, hardly convincing. Mr A. II. Smith, however, whom I consulted by 
letter, kindly writes (Oct. 17, 191 1) : ' I think Hauser has a better case than Watzinger. 
His coin is surprisingly like. But I gather, from what Hauser says, that the other 
version of the coin rather shook his own faith.' 

130 The Mountain as the Throne of Zeus 

draw near with gestures of acclamation. The whole scene takes 
place in front of a curtained colonnade. Above it stands Apollon 
in a cave with a kithdra in his hand and an ompJialds at his feet : 
against the omphalos lean the bow and quiver of the god, and one 
of the Muses 1 raising a roll stands before him. To the right of 
the cave and immediately in front of a large tripod with domed 
cover is the statue of a man holding a roll, which statue — as Goethe 
was the first to suggest — probably represents a poet 2 who has won 

Fig. 97. 

a tripod in some poetical contest 3 and has celebrated the event by 
dedicating this votive relief. To the left of the cave and above it, 
winding up the mountain-height, are the eight remaining Muses, 

1 This figure has often been called the Pythian priestess. Her true character was 
determined by S. Reinach, and replicas were cited by W. Amelung : see C. Watzinger 
op. cit. p. 6. 

2 Others have interpreted the figure as Homer, Hesiod, Orpheus. But, had a famous 
poet of ancient date been meant, his name — as in the case of 0MHP02 — would have been 
inscribed below him. The existing head is a restoration. 

3 C. Watzinger op. cit. p. 21 cp. Paus. 9. 31. 3. Bruckner id. cites a yet closer 
parallel, viz. an inscribed slab from Teos (middle of 2nd cent. B.C.), now in the Fitzwilliam 
Museum at Cambridge, which concludes a decree in honour of the flute-player Kraton 
thus: iraparldeffdat 5t ical iv reus 0^cus ical &v reus irofiirais ira\pa rbv dvbpidvra. rbv 
Kp&TWi>os, rbv iv t( dcdrpip rplirodd re ical dv/juaT^piov k.t.X. (Corp. inscr. Gr. ii 
no. 3068, 22 ff. = Michel A'ccueil d* Inscr. gr. no. 1016, 22 ff.). 

The Mountain as the Throne of Zeus 131 

arranged in typical attitudes and furnished with conventional attri- 
butes. Higher still, and on a larger scale than the Muses, is their 
mother Mnemosyne 1 . All these lead upwards to Zeus himself 
(fig. 98), who is seated or reclining on the mountain-top with a 
himdtion wrapped about his legs, a sceptre in his right hand, and 
an eagle at his feet. 

The significance of the whole design is tolerably clear. The 
ideal poet, inspired by Apollon and the Muses, ultimately derives 
his message from their omnipotent sire; he delivers to mankind 
the oracles of Zeus. Nay more, in a sense he is Zeus. Enthroned 
as a divine king on earth he is a human counterpart of the divine 
king enthroned in heaven 2 , heaven being located on the summit of 

the mountain. Nor was this a mere fancy-flight of Hellenistic 
imagination. It was, as we shall see in due course, a religious 
conviction inseparably bound up with immemorial Hellenic customs. 
But the relief before us has a special as well as a general signi- 
ficance. C. Watzinger, who follows W. Amelung in ascribing the 
types of Apollon and the Muses to Philiskos of Rhodes*, and 
further attempts to explain the reclining Zeus as a Rhodian 
development of an originally Dionysiac motif 1 , suggests the fol- 
lowing possibilities. Apollonios Rhodios, or some other epic poet 

This identification, first proposed by G. Cuper in 1683, is now commonly accepted. 
C. Watzinger op. cit. p. 17 justly says: ' In zeusahnlicher Haltung sitzt Homer,' and 
ib. p. 20 calls attention to the actual cult of Homer established at Alexaiulreia by 
Ptolemy iv Philopator (Ail. var. hist. 13. 22) and existing also at Smyrna (Strab. 646). 
8 C. Watzinger op. cit. p. 4 ff. 
4 Id. ib. p. i 4 ff. 

i^2 The Mountain as the Throne of Zeus 

• it" tin- Rhodian school, was successful in a poetical contest, held 
at Alexandreia on behalf of Apollon and the Muses 1 . He com- 
memorated his victory hy dedicating in a temple at Rhodes a 
votive relief made for him by Archelaos of I'riene, a sculptor 
belonging to the khodian school of art. The locality of the 
contest thus accounts for the portraits of Ptolemy iv and Arsinoe, 
for the divine honours paid to Homer-, and for the emphasis laid 
on Apollon and the Muses, while the nationality of the poet and 
the artistic traditions of the sculptor explain the adoption of Phi- 
liskos' types. Zeus, himself of a Rhodian type, is Zeus Atabyrios 
reclining on the highest peak of the island 3 . He was worshipped 
also mi the akropolis of Rhodes, as was Apollon, in whose sanctuary 
Philiskos' group presumably stood. 

Watzinger's reconstruction of the circumstances is attractive 
and hangs well together. But it is beset by uncertainties. We 
do not knoiv that these types of Apollon and the Muses were 
those devised by Philiskos 1 , or that the motif of a reclining Zeus 
originated in Rhodes. The former is at most a probable guess; 
the latter is at most an improbable guess. Again, we do not know 
that Archelaos the sculptor belonged to the Rhodian school of 
sculpture, or that the supposed poet belonged to the Rhodian 
school of poetry, or that the contest took place at Alexandreia, 
or that it had anything to do with the cult of Apollon and the 
Muses. In short, the whole explanation is hypothetical. And 
other hypotheses are equally possible. For example, it might be 
maintained that an epic poet of the Alexandrine school won a 
prize-tripod ' at the Panionia, the great festival of Poseidon Heli- 
kthiios held in the territory of Priene 8 . He naturally got a local 
sculptor to carve his votive tablet. The sculptor of course intro- 
duced 1 loiner as the prototype of all epic poets, paid the customary 
compliment to the king and queen of his patron's town, and — 
possibly prompted by the epithet HelikSuios — represented Mount 
I lelikon with Zeus fleliktmios 1 on its summit and the Muses 
descending its side. The Muses suggested Apollon, and, at the 
expense of topographical accuracy, Mount Helikon is merged in 
another height of the same range and reveals Apollon, omphalos 
and all, standing in his Delphic cave*. 

1 Vitr. -/■/■<!,/. 4. '-' Supra p. [31 n. 2. 

'■ Append. I! Rhodes. ' I'lin. uat. hist. 36. 34 f. 

■ Hron/.e tripod* were given as prizes at the games of Apollon Tpioirios (Hdt. 1. 144). 

,; Nilsson Gr. /•',./,■ p. 74 If. 

7 Append. I> iioiotia. 

" A. II. Smith in the />'/-//. Mus. Cat. Sculpture iii. 248: 'It lias been generally 
<»ed that the rocky teiraces on which the Muses appear in this relief represent 

The Mountain as the Throne of Zeus 133 

But guess-work is fatally facile. It will be more profitable to 
notice a point which, so far as I am aware, has escaped the observa- 
tion of Watzinger and his predecessors — the extraordinary similarity 
of the Archelaos relief to the Marsyas vase from Ruvo. In both 
the artist has portrayed success in a contest of poetry or music. 
In both we see a mountain-side with Apollon half way up it 
playing the kithdra or lyre. In both there are the Muses arranged 
at different levels on the slope — one holding two flutes, another 
seated to play the kithdra or harp, a third standing with a roil in 
her hand. Lastly, in both the mountain is topped by a strikingly 
similar figure of Zeus. I would infer that Archelaos was indebted 
for his design, or at least for essential elements of his design, — not 
indeed to vase-painters of the fourth century B.C. — but to contem- 
porary fresco-painters, who like their humbler brethren of the 
potter's trade were still at work under the far-reaching influence 
of Polygnotos 1 . 

Fig. 99. 

There are extant two other representations of Zeus on the 
mountain to which allusion must here be made. A bronze 
medallion of Lucius Verus shows Zeus seated on a mountain, 
holding a thunderbolt peacefully on his knee with his left hand, 
while his right arm leaning on the mountain-top supports his 
head. The emperor in military costume and himself crowned by 

Parnassus, and in this case the cave within which Apollo is standing would be the 
Corycian cave on that mountain.' Not necessarily: it might be the actual ftavretov at 
Delphoi, which is described as avrpov (Strab. 419, Eur. Phoin. 232 cp. I.T. 1245ft".: 
A. P. Oppe in the Journ. Hell. Stud. 1904 xxiv. 214 ft". nas not said the last word on the 

1 Thus in the case of the art-type of Zeus reclining on a mountain-top the vase- 
paintings appear to form a link between some lost fresco of Polygnotos in the fifth 
century B.C. and the relief of Archelaos in the third. Later (ch. iii § 1 (a) iii) we 
shall see, in the case of the art-type of Zeus seated on a rock with Hera standing before 
him, how the vase-paintings bridge the interval between a Selinuntine metope of the fifth 
century B.C. and a Pompeian fresco of the first century A.D. 

134 The Mountain as the Throne of Zeus 

an armed figure of Roma is offering to the god a small wreath- 
bearing Nike (fig. 99) l . The inscriptions on this medallion 2 
prove that it was struck in the year 167 A.D. and commemorates 
the victories won for Verus in the east by his stern lieutenant 
Avidius Cassius. Not improbably the artist hinted at the name 
of the actual victor by depicting the emperor making his presenta- 
tion to the mountain-god Zeus Kdsios 3 . Lastly, a bronze coin of 
Ephesos, struck under Antoninus Pius, represents Zeus seated on 
a throne, which is set upon the flat summit of a mountain. Beneath 
this mountain lies another mountain-god holding a horn of plenty 
and inscribed Peion. Over his head descends a shower from the 
raised right hand of Zeus, while the left hand of that deity supports 
a thunderbolt. At the foot of the mountain on which Zeus sits 
enthroned is a temple ; at the back of the same mountain, a three- 
storeyed building ; and in the distance, perched upon rocks, appear 
two similar buildings and a clump of cypress-trees between them 
(fig. ioo) 4 . There can be no doubt that Zeus is here represented as 

enthroned on Mount Koressos, a height 
which dominates the whole valley of 
Ephesos and looks down on its neigh- 
bour Mount Peion. 

The foregoing examples of a mountain 
conceived as the throne of Zeus must not 
be attributed to any original effort of 
imagination on the part of the Hellenistic 
artist. Behind the die-sinker and the 
sculptor lay popular belief and long- 
standing ritual practice. Those who in 
ancient days visited Argos to see the famous statue of Hera, made 
by Polykleitos of ivory and gold, found the goddess in her temple 
seated on her throne. In one hand she carried a pomegranate, in 
the other a sceptre ; and about both of them stories were told. 
The story about the pomegranate was mystic in character and too 
sacred to be. rashly bruited abroad. That about the sceptre aimed 
at explaining the odd fact that a cuckoo was perched on the tip 
of it, and was as follows. When Zeus was in love with the maiden 
Hera, he transformed himself into a cuckoo, was caught and petted 

1 Overbeck Gr. Kunstmyth. Zeus pp. 156, 161, 190 Munztaf. 2, 32, Froehner MM. 
emp. rom. p. 90 fig., supra p. 34 n. 3. 


Monn. emp. rom? hi. 197 no. 291). Cp. Num. Chron. Fourth Series 1906 vi. 101 no. 3 
a tooled specimen in the Hunter collection. 

3 Append. B Syria. 

4 lb. Lydia. 

Fig. 100. 

The Mountain as the Throne of Zeus 135 

by her, and so gained his desires. The scene of this idyll was 
Mount Kokkygion, or the ' Cuckoo ' Mount, near Hermione, on 
the top of which there was a sanctuary of Zeus, while on the top 
of the neighbouring Mount Pron was a corresponding sanctuary 
of Hera. Now the older name of Mount Kokkygion was Thdrnax 
or Thrdnax, which means the ' Throne 1 .' It seems, therefore, highly 
probable that this mountain was regarded by the Greeks as the 
throne of Zeus. Indeed, it is possible that an actual throne, 
reputed to be that of Zeus, was visible on the mountain. When 
Pythagoras made a pilgrimage to Crete, he entered the cave near 
the top of Mount Ide wearing black wool, stayed there according 

Fig. ior. 

to custom thrice nine days and, among other ritual acts, inspected 
the throne which was strewn for Zeus once a year 2 . It is notice- 
able, too, that Pergamon, whose altar to Zeus we have already 
considered, is described in The Revelation of S. John the divine as 
the place ' where Satan's throne is 3 .' 

It is not, then, to be wondered at, if the Greeks brought into 
connexion with their Zeus a remarkable series of cult-monuments 
scattered up and down the mainland of Asia Minor, the islands of 
the Archipelago, and even Greece itself. Throughout these districts 
the tops of mountains and hills have been by some unknown people 

1 Append. B Argolis. a lb. Crete. * lb. Mysia. 

136 The Mountain as the Throne of Zeus 

at some unknown date — possibly by the Hittites in the fourteenth 
and following centuries B.C. — adorned with thrones, large or small, 
cut out in the living rock. H. Gelzer records a ' throne of Nahat ' 
on a mountain in Armenia 1 . Near Ikonion in Lykaonia F. Sarre 
climbed an isolated rocky mound named Tuzuk-Dagh, some 1 50 
feet above the level of the plain, and found on the summit a rock- 
cut seat or throne with traces of steps leading up to it 2 . On the 

Kara-Dagh or ' Black Mountain,' an out- 
lying ridge of Tauros, is an isolated hill 
the Kizil-Dagh, which rises sharply from 
the plain to a height of about 360 feet. 
Ll\<F>>7mI Here in 1907 Prof. Sir W. M. Ramsay 

A yCT^ anc * Miss G. Bell found 'a pinnacle of 

rock forty feet high, roughly carved into 
the shape of a seat or throne with high 
back '(fig. ioi)...'On the throne is incised a 
figure of the god, sitting, holding a sceptre 
in the left hand and a cup in the rightV 
Prof. A. H. Sayce regards the seated figure 
as that of a king and interprets the Hittite 
inscription that accompanies it as the 
royal name Tarkyanas (fig. 102) 4 . Dr J. 
Garstang accepts this reading as against 
Prof. Ramsay's Tarkuattes, but adds : 
' it is conceivable that we have here a 
representation of the deity called by a name which was that used 
also by the priest 5 .' The priestly king thus postulated was doubt- 
less the dynast of Barata at the mountain-foot 6 . Rock-cut thrones 
have been repeatedly seen in Phrygia by A. Korte 7 . The rock-cut 

Fig. 102. 

1 Ber. sacks. Gesellsch. d. Wiss. Phil. -hist. Classe 1896 xlviii. 115. Gelzer cites from 
the Armenian version of Faustus of Byzantion 5. 25 the following statement about the 
Greek anchorite Epiphanios : • Und er sass auf dem grossen Berge an der Statte der 
Gdtzen, welche sie Thron der Nahat nennen.' 

2 Arch.-ep. Mitth. 1896 xix. 34. 

3 W. M. Ramsay Luke the Physician London 1908 p. 160 pi. 16. 

4 A. H. Sayce in the Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology 1909 xxxi. 83 ff. 
pi. 7, 1. 

6 J. Garstang The Land of the Hittites London 19 10 p. i76ff. 

6 A copper of Barata struck by Otacilia Severa shows Tyche with kdlathos, branch (?) 
and cornu copiae seated on a rock, a river-god at her feet (Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins 
Lycaonia etc. p. 2 pi. 1, 3). Another noteworthy coin-type of the same town is a standing 
Zeus, who rests on a sceptre and holds a phidle or globe, with an eagle beside him 
(ib. p. xix). Head Hist, num. 2 p. 713. Is Tyche enthroned on a rock the successor of 
a pre-Greek mountain-mother? 

7 W. Reichel Uber norhellenische Gbtlerculte Wien 1897 p. 31. 

The Mountain as the Throne of Zeus 137 

altars of Kybele discovered by Prof. Sir W. M. Ramsay on the 
plateau of Doghanlu, the Phrygian town of Midas, resemble 
thrones at least as much as altars 1 . The most striking example 
of these rock-cut thrones is, however, one on Mount Sipylos in 
Lydia. Pausanias, a native of the locality, calls it the ' throne of 
Pelops 2 .' And Dr Frazer in his commentary describes the scenery 
as follows 3 : ' On the south side of the fertile valley of the Hermus, 
Mount Sipylus {Manissa-dagh) towers up abruptly, like an immense 
wall of rock. Its sides are very precipitous, indeed almost perpen- 
dicular. The city of Magnesia, the modern Manissa, lies immediately 
at its foot. About four miles east of Magnesia the mountain wall 
of rock is cleft, right down to the level of the Hermus valley, by 
a narrow ravine or canon, which pierces deep into the bowels of the 
mountain. It is called by the Turks the Yarik Kaya or " rifted 
rock." The canon is only about ioo feet wide ; its sides are sheer 
walls of rock, about 500 feet high ; there is a magnificent echo in it. 
A small stream flows through the bottom ; it is probably the 
Achelous of Homer {Iliad, xxiv. 616). It is plain that the ravine 
has been scooped out in the course of ages by the stream wearing 
away the limestone rock ; but it would naturally be regarded by the 
ancients as the result of a great earthquake, such as are common 
in this district. On the western edge of the canon, half-way up 
the mountain-wall of Sipylus, there shoots up a remarkable crag, 
which stands out by itself from the mountain-side. On one side 
it is possible from its summit to drop a stone 900 feet sheer into 
the canon ; on all other sides it rises with a perpendicular face 100 
feet from the mountain. Even to reach the foot of this crag from 
the plain, stout limbs and a steady head are needful ; for the ancient 
mule-path, partly hewn out of the rock, partly supported on walls 
on the edge of precipices, has mostly disappeared ; and there is 
nothing for it but to cling as best you can to the bushes and the 
projections of the rock. In this way you at last reach the foot of 
the cliff, the sheer face of which seems to bar all further advance. 
However, on the western side of the crag there is a cleft or "chimney" 
(cheminSe), as they would call it in Switzerland, which leads up to 
the top, otherwise quite unapproachable, of the crag. In antiquity 
there seems to have been a staircase in the "chimney." The first 
few steps of it may be seen under the bushes with which the rocky 
fissure is overgrown. The upper surface of the crag, reached 

1 Perrot-Chipiez Hist, de VArt\. 148 ff. figs. 102—104, W. M. Ramsay in /mm. 
Hell. Stud. 1882 iii. 1 3 f . figs. 4f., 42 fig. 9, pL 21 B. On the thrones of Kybele and the 
Korybantes see further Gruppe Gr. Myth. Rel. p. 1523 n. 4. 

8 Append. B Lydia. * J. G. Frazer on Paus. 5. 13. 7 ('»• 55» ?•)• 

i }8 The Mountain as the Throne of Zeus 

through tin's cleft, is nowhere level ; on the contrary, it slopes like 
the roof of a house and is indeed so steep that to climb up it is 
difficult. There are, however, twenty or thirty foundations of 
houses cut in the rock and rising one above the other like the 
steps of an immense staircase. Also there are seven or eight 
bell-shaped cisterns. 

The ancient settlement on the summit of this remarkable crag 
would seem to be that to which classical writers gave the name of 
Tantalis or the citv of Tantalus. They affirmed, indeed, that the 

[ t 



city had disappeared into a chasm produced by an earthquake; 
but probably the immense ravine beneath suggested the idea of 
the earthquake, and popular mythology completed the legend by 
asserting that the old city had been hurled clown into its depths. 
See Pausanias, vii. 24. 13 ; Pliny, Nat. Hist. ii. 205, v. 1 17 ; Aristides, 
Orat. xv. vol. 1. p. 371 ay/., cd. Dindorf; cp. Strabo, i. p. 58. 

On the very topmost pinnacle of the crag there is a square 
cutting in the rock, resembling the seat of a large armchair, with 
back and sides complete. It is about 5 feet wide, 3 feet from front 
to back, and 3 feet high at the back. The back of the seat (as it 
may be called) is simply the top of the precipice, which falls straight 
clown into the ravine, a sheer drop of 900 feet. Across the ravine 
soars the arid rocky wall of Sipylus. On the other side the eye 

The Mountain as the Throne of Zeus 139 

ranges over the valley of the Hermus, stretched like a map at one's 
feet. There seems to be little doubt that this remarkable rock-cut 
seat, perched on the pinnacle of the dizzy crag, is no other than 
the "throne of Pelops" mentioned by Pausanias in the present 
passage. What the original intention of the cutting may have 
been, is a different question. Professor W. M. Ramsay thinks it 
was probably an altar on which offerings were laid.' 

C. Humann, who discovered this throne in the year 1880, 
gives a most graphic account of his experiences in reaching it; 
and I am indebted to his article for the accompanying sketch 
(fig. 103) 1 . W. Reichel adds the suggestion that the houses built 
on the upper part of the peak belonged in reality to a colony 
of priests, whose duty it was to serve the god represented by the 
throne above them. He also conjectures that this god was Apollon 
or some other form of the sun-god, if not Hypsistos himself, and 
that the name of Pelops became attached to the throne as did that 
of Danaos to the throne of Apollon Lykios at Argos, or that of 
Midas to the throne at Delphoi 2 . Reichel holds that in all these 
cases the empty throne was by rights the throne of a god, which 
came to be regarded wrongly as the throne of a by-gone king. Its 
transference from a god to a king is — I would point out — much 
facilitated, if we may suppose that the king was viewed as the god 
incarnate. And in the case before us there are good reasons for 
suspecting that Pelops was regarded as in some sense a human 
Zeus 3 . Thus a rocky seat connected by the Greek inhabitants of 
Magnesia with Zeus, the chief Magnesian god 4 , would readily come 
to be called the ' throne of Pelops.' This does not of course pre- 
clude the possibility that the original possessor of the throne was 
neither Pelops, nor Zeus, but some other pre-Greek occupant such 
as Plastene, Mother of the Gods, whose primitive rock-cut image 
is still to be seen in its niche on the mountain-side 300 feet above 
the plain 5 . 

1 C. Humann 'Die Tantalosburg im Sipylos' in the Ath. Mitth. 1888 xiii. 22 — 41. 
The measurements of the throne, as given by him, are : height above sea-level 350" 1 or 
1 120 feet, length 1.55" 1 , depth 1.30'", height i.2o m . 

2 W. Reichel Uber vorhellenische Gotterculte p. 32 f. For the throne of Danaos in the 
temple of Apollon Lykios at Argos (Paus. 2. 19. 5) see ib. p. 18, and for that of Midas at 
Delphoi (Hdt. 1. 14) ib. p. 17. 

3 Class. Rev. 1903 xvii. 271 ff., Folk-Lore 1904 xv. 398 ff. See further an important 
chapter on the origin of the Olympic games by Mr F. M. Cornford in Miss J. E. Harrison's 
latest book Themis (ch. vii). 

4 W. M. Ramsay in the Journ. Hell. Stud. 1882 iii. 56 : 'on the autonomous coins of 
Magnesia Zeus is the most characteristic type.' Cp. Append. B Lydia. 

8 W. M. Ramsay in the Journ. Hell. Stud. 1882 iii. 33 ff., C. Humann in the Ath. 
Mitth. 1888 xiii. 26 ff. with map and pi. t, 2, J. G. Frazer on Paus. 5. 13. 7 (iii. 553 f.). 

140 The Mountain as the Throne of Zeus 

However that may be, the Greeks do seem to have associated 
these rock-cut thrones with Zeus. High up on the south-eastern 
slope of Mount Koressos at Ephesos is another example of them. 
At the top of a precipitous cliff two steps are hewn out, which give 
access to a large oblong seat with end-pieces or arms and a high 
vertical back. In the angle made by this seat and its back another 

Fig. 104. 

Fig. 105. 

step is contrived, standing on which a man can easily reach a hole, 
presumably a receptacle for offerings, excavated behind the back 
in a second and higher horizontal surface. The whole arrangement 
isjclearly seen in a sketch and section by Niemann (figs. 104 — 105) 1 . 
There is no traditional name attached to this throne ; nor is there 

1 From O. Benndorf Forschungen in Ephesos Wien 1906 p. 56 f. figs. 19, 20. 

The Mountain as the Throne of Zeus 141 

any inscription showing to what deity it was dedicated. Never- 
theless, in view of the fact that the coin of Antoninus Pius cited 
above (fig. ioo) actually represents Zeus enthroned upon Mount 
Koressos, it will hardly be denied that the Ephesians must have 
deemed this rock-cut seat the throne of Zeus. Whether the throne 
itself was the work of a Hellenic or of a pre-Hellenic population 
remains, as before, an open question. Possibly it had once belonged 
to the Amazonian mother-goddess, who continued to be worshipped 
at Ephesos as Artemis Protothronie, ' She of the First Throne 1 .' 

Fig. 106. 

Sometimes the name of the god to whom the Greeks referred 
the throne is happily settled by means of an inscription. Off the 
west coast of Rhodes lies the little island Chalke, where on a hill- 
top are to be seen numerous traces of an ancient Greek Akropolis. 
Among these traces F. Hiller von Gaertringen noted a double 
rock-cut throne (fig. 106) 2 . A single step leads up to two seats 
with a common arm between them. The seats exhibit a circular 
smoothing or polish ; and on their front surface in late and rude 
characters is an inscription recording the names of Zeus and 

1 Paus. 10. 38. 6 uirtp rod /9u/uoD rrjs lYpwrodpovlif^ Ka\ov/j.ivr]s ' AprtfuSos, cp. Kallini. 
h. Artem. 228 irpurddpove. 

2 Arch.-ep. Mitth. 1895 xviii. 3f. fig. 2. The dimensions are: width about 1.30'", 
height o.95 m ( = back 0.40'" + seat 0.55"'), depth of seat o.55 m , height of step 0.14'". 

142 The Mountain as the Throne of Zeus 

Hekate 1 . In Rhodes itself, not far from Lartos, there is a rock- 
cut throne some nine or ten feet above the road-way : over against 
this throne, on the opposite side of the road, is an inscription carved 
on t"he face of a steep rock, eighteen feet or so above the ground, 
in letters not later than the third century B.C. ; the inscription is a 
votive couplet dedicating a tablet (now lost) to Hekate 2 . Again it 
must be considered doubtful whether Zeus and Hekate were the 
original occupants of these thrones. 

That doubt hardly arises in connexion with a remarkable series 
of rock-cuttings accompanied by inscriptions found at Thera in 
1896 s . At the south-eastern end of the ridge on which the town 
of Thera stood, and fully 1000 feet above sea-level, are the ruins of 
a very ancient building in polygonal masonry, possibly a heroion of 
the eponym Theras 4 . Below the floor of this building, and there- 
fore older yet, is a group of inscriptions graved on the underlying 
rock 5 . Three of them give the name Zetis % , two Koure's 1 , one both 
Zeiis and Koures*, the rest Apdllon*, Boreaios 10 i.e. Zeus Boreaios, Deii- 
teros 11 , Didskouroi 12 , Khiron™, Lokhaia Dam/a 14 , Hdidas or Potidds 15 , 
Pe/drios 16 and Po/ietis 17 i.e. Zeus (?) Peldrios and Zeus Polieiis. Out- 

1 Inscr. Gr. ins. i no. 958 Aids. 'EKdr??[s]. 

2 Inscr. Gr. ins. i no. 914 Evi-dfievos iepq. SwreipP r6i>de av\Jd-qKa] \ rbp. irlvaKa. Eu^J/cp 
$<i)<r<p6p(f) 'Evvod[lq.]. Wilamowitz cj. 'Ewddios. 

a F. Hiller von Gaertringen Dielnsel Thera Berlin 1899 — 1904 i. 283 ff., iii. 62 ff. 
with figs, and pis. 

4 Id. ib. i. 284. 

• 5 Inscr. Gr. ins. iii nos. 350 — 363, ib. iii Suppl. nos. 1307 — 1309, Collitz-Bechtel 
Gr. Dial.-Inschr. iii. 2. 167 ff- nos. 4407 — 4720. 

6 Inscr. Gr. ins. iii nos. 351 Zei/j, 352 Zetf[s], 353 Z«'/[s] = Collitz-Bechtel ib. 
nos. 4708 — 4710. 

7 Inscr. Gr. ins. iii nos. 354 9 opes, 355 9opes = Collitz-Bechtel ib. nos. 471 1 f. 

8 Inscr. Gr. ins. iii no. 350 Zei/s rds fie- near the figure of a small ladder and 9 opes by the 
rock-cutting = Collitz-Bechtel ib. nos. 4707 a (where it is suggested that roap.e .. probably 
belongs to a different inscription), 4707 b. Possibly we should read Zei>y rod 2fie(p)[8lov] 
or the like. 

9 Inscr. Gr. ins. iii no. 356 'Air6\wp = Collitz-Bechtel id. no. 4713. 

10 Inscr. Gr. ins. iii no. 357 Bopecuos (sc. a,vefios) = Collitz-Bechtel ib. no. 4714 
(sc. /3w/it6s). I prefer to supply Zetfs, since Zeus Bdpetos occurs in Kilikia (Denkschr. 
d. Akad. Wien 1896 vi Abh. p. 102 n. 182). 

11 Inscr. Gr. ins. iii no. 358 and Suppl. AeCrepoy (by mistake for Aetrre/>os) = Collitz- 
Bechtel ib. no. 4715. On the significance of this name see infra p. 144 n. 9. 

12 Inscr. Gr. ins. no. 359 Ai6cr ( ?opot = Collitz-Bechtel ib. no. 4716. 
1S Inscr. Gr. ins. iii no. 360 Khipwv = Collitz-Bechtel ib. no. 4717. 

14 Inscr. Gr. ins. iii no. 361 Ao/cala Aa/ = Collitz-Bechtel ib. no. 4718. 

19 Inscr. Gr. ins. iii no. 362 - - das (perhaps [H<£i]5as or [Ilort]5as) = Collitz-Bechtel ib. 
no. 4719- 

18 Inscr. Gr. ins. iii no. 366 and Suppl. no. 1309 (U)e(\)u(p)ios — Collitz-Bechtel ib. 
no. 4724. 

17 Inscr. Gr. ins. iii no. 363 and Suppl. IIo\i(e)i>s (the first three letters alone certain) 
= Collitz-Bechtel ib. no. 4720. 

The Mountain as the Throne of Zeus 143 

side the ancient building, but close to it, are other similar inscrip- 
tions naming a variety of gods — Af>o//dn\ . 
Artamis*, Athanaia 3 , Biris*, Erinyes 6 , Ga 6 , "nr 3 "T^l V %, « : 

Hermds", Kotira*, K/idrites 9 , and perhaps JL-* L \ \f^\M- 

T/i/ro 10 . In this miscellaneous company 
Zeus or some epithet of Zeus is of fre- 
quent occurrence. We find Zeus in letters 
of the seventh century together with lines 
of uncertain meaning (fig. 107) 11 , Hike'sios 
i.e. Zeus Hike'sios in sixth-century script 12 , 
Zeus again from the beginning of the fifth 
century onwards 13 , perhaps Zeus Polieiis 
or Zeiis Patroios 14 and certainly Stoichaios 
i.e. Zeus Stoichaios in the fifth century 15 , 

1 Inscr. Gr. ins. iii no. 372 ' Avb\KK\uvo\ s Ma\e\dTa 
XoipiTr 1 7ri5aj' = Collitz-Bechtel ib. no. 4737. 

2 Inscr. Gr. ins. iii no. 373 'Aprdfii | tos = Collitz- 
Bechtel ib. no. 4738. 

3 Inscr. Gr. ins. iii no. 364 'A^aca/oj = Collitz-Bechtel ib. no. 4721. 

4 Inscr. Gr. ins. iii no. 365 B?p[i]s- - = Collitz-Bechtel ib. no. 4722 
Paus. 3. 19. 3 and see Pauly-Wissowa Real-Enc. iii. 490. 


Fig. 107. 

For Biris cp. 

5 Inscr. Gr. ins. iii no. 367 'Ept[vv]es (so Kern, cp. Hdt. 4. i49) = Collitz-Bechtel ib. 
no. 4725. 

6 Inscr. Gr. ins. iii no. 374 Fay | lap6v = Collitz-Bechtel ib. no. 4739. 

7 Inscr. Gr. ins. iii no. 370 Hep/Aas = Collitz-Bechtel ib. no. 4727. 

8 Inscr. Gr. ins. iii no. 371 and Suppl. no. 131 1 C6pos or Cofy>as = Collitz-Bechtel ib. 
no. 4728. 

9 Inscr. Gr. ins. iii Suppl. no. 13 12 Kdptres = Collitz-Bechtel ib. no. 4728. 

10 Inscr. Gr. ins: iii no. 369 ^eperifias and 9ep6s (so Wilamowitz) = Collitz-Bechtel ib. 
no. 4726. 0ijp6$, gen. of Q-qp, would refer to the ' Beast ' Chiron (supra p. 142 n. 13). But 
F. Hiller von Gaertringen ad loc. notes that in the reign of Pheretime a tribe of Q-qpaioi 
was established at Kyrene (Hdt. 4. 161). This suggests that Qepot may be Qripovs, gen. 
of Bripd), an eponymous nymph (cp. Paus. 3. 19. 8, 9. 40. 5 f., and see L. Malten Kyrene 
Berlin 1911 p. 76). 

11 Inscr. Gr. ins. iii Suppl. no. 13 13, F. Hiller von Gaertringen Die Inset Thera iii. 

63 f- fig- 45- 

12 Inscr. Gr. ins. iii nos. 402 [H]iK&rios, 403 Huc^[<rtos], 404 H«/c6r[tos] = Collitz-Bechtel 
ib. nos. 4731—4733- 

13 Inscr. Gr. ins. iii nos. 401 [Z]eii$ T6x uv °s and later 399 Z«uj | ['A}ya(rt#cXeOj, 400 
Suppl. nos. 1315 'ExeKpdT(e)v[s] | Ze[«J]s, 13 17 Ze(i>)$ | t[u]v irep[l A]diciov, 13 18 Zet/j | tCiv 
irepl '0\[v/i] I TtdSwpov = Collitz-Bechtel ib. nos. 4730, 4753. Cp. Inscr. Gr. ins. iii no. 425 
Zei<6[j] = Collitz-Bechtel ib. no. 4734. 

14 Inscr. Gr. ins. iii no. 375 Z»j«'6[i] | Il[o\«'os] or ll[arpu>iov] (the initial II alone mi 
engraved and possibly represents the name of a dedicant) = Collitz-Bechtel ib. no. 4740 a. 

15 Inscr. Gr. ins. iii no. 376 ^rotxalov= Collitz-Bechtel ib. no. 4740 b. Cp. Bekkei 
anecd. ii. 790, 26 ff. ~2.Te<pdvov. ^roixtlov elprjrat, ws fiiv llivdapos 6 ypanfnarticdt, dwb 
2toIxov tu>6s, iv6$ tG>v airroxOdvuf ' Ad rjvaluv • wj di tvtot, dirb tov 5t* avrdv rot's dpidfioi'i 
rinroCffdai " <tto?xo* t&P ira-pd toU iraXcuoi? 6 dptdfidt. roiyapovv ~ikvuvioi icard ^>i'\dj 
iairroiis rd^avrts kox dpiOfi-fioavres, Aid* Zrotx^ws Upbv Idptjaavro; Cramer anecd. O.von. iv. 
320, 28 reads Aids SrotxaS^ws and Villoison anecd. ii. 187, n Aid* -roixtlov. 

144 The Mountain as the Throne of Zeus 

lastly Melichios in the fourth 1 and Zeus Melichios in the fourth 
or third century 2 . Beside most of these inscriptions, both within 
and without the old building, certain small sinkings, round, 
square, or irregularly shaped, and hardly more than a foot in 
length and breadth, are made in the rock. These look as though 
they had been intended to receive altars or dedications of some 
sort, or perhaps, as F. Hiller von Gaertringen suggests, to serve 
instead of altars themselves 3 . P. Wolters, however, describes 
them as 'seat-shaped cuttings' (sitzartigen EinarbeitungenY, and 
W. Reichel goes so far as to call them ' rock-thrones ' (Fe/s throne) 6 . 
The principal deities worshipped at an early date in this ' agora 
of the gods 6 ' were clearly Zeus and Koures. Not improbably — 
as E. Maass has argued 7 — Koures was a cult-epithet of Zeus him- 
self 8 . If so, the Curetic cult of Thera was analogous to the Curetic 
cult of Crete 9 . In this connexion a dedication of hair to the 
Dymanian nymphs is noteworthy 10 . Moreover, it can hardly be 
accidental that the same site was later occupied by the Gymnasium 
of the e'pheboi"-. It is likely too that the cult stood in some relation 
to the adjoining grotto, where warm currents of moist air issue from 
two holes in the rock-wall and an intermittent roar — perhaps that 
of the sea far below — can be faintly heard. The explorers' work- 
men would not risk sleeping in the cave. If it was to the Kouretes 
of Thera what the Dictaean and Idaean caves were to the Kouretes 
of Crete 12 , we may legitimately suspect that it once contained a 
throne of Zeus. 

1 Inscr. Gr. ins. iii no. 406 ewrrci | M??\{xi[os] = Collitz-Bechtel ib. no. 4752. On 
evffrdp see L. Ziehen in the Ath. Mitth. 1899 xxiv. 267 ff. 

2 Inscr. Gr. ins. iii Suppl. no. 1316 Zeus ~M.r)\l\xios tQ>v | wepl Ho\v \^evo\v. 

3 F. Hiller von Gaertringen on Inscr. Gr. ins. iii nos. 350 — 363. 

4 P. Wolters in the Atk. Mitth. 1896 xxi. 255. 

5 W. Reichel Uber vorhellenische Gotterculte Wien 1897 p. 31. 

6 On the deities named in the rock-inscriptions of Thera see F. Hiller von Gaertringen 
Die archaische Kultur der Inset Thera Berlin 1897 p. 17 ff. and Die Insel Thera i. 149 ff., 
iii. 63 f. 

7 E. Maass in Hermes 1890 xxv. 406 n., taking Koup^s to be for Kovporp6<pos (which 
is improbable) and comparing Apollon Kovptas of Teos (Dittenberger Syll. inscr. Gr. 2 
no. 445 'Av&KKuvos \ Kovptov | UoWidQv ] /ecu [^]atviaSQi>, cp. Michel Recneil a" Inscr. gr. 
no. %o-,=Bidl. Corr. Hell. 1880 iv. 168). 

8 Cp. supra pp. 15, 104 ff. 

9 H. Usener in F. Hiller von Gaertringen Die Insel Thera i. 149 n. 34 compared the 
Kovprf)s of Thera with the irpuroKoijpTjs of Ephesos and most ingeniously suggested that the 
enigmatic personage Ae&repos may have been the ' second ' in command of a band of 
human Kovprjres. I incline, however, to think that Aevrepos means ' re-born ' (6evrep6- 
ttot/jlos) and is an epithet of Kovp-qs, the youthful Zeus. 

10 Inscr. Gr. ins. iii no. 377 [A](v)(n)dv(w)v | [Ni5/a]0cu I K6(/x)(ct)i...j3' = Collitz-Bechtel 
ib. no. 4741. See F. Hiller von Gaertringen Die Insel Thera i. 284. 

11 Id. ib. i. 33 f., 289 ff., iii. 115 ff. " Append. B Crete. 

The Mountain as the Throne of Zeus 145 

Between Megara and Eleusis lies the mountain-range of Kerata. 
The highest of its four peaks (1527 ft) — as Prof. A. Milchhofer 
first noted 1 — is thought by the peasants of Megara to have been 
the spot whence Xerxes on his throne watched the battle of 
Salamis. Since the site agrees with Akestodoros' description 2 , 
W. Reichel twice visited it in order to verify Milchhofer' s report. 
At the south-east corner of the little plateau that crowns the 
topmost peak he found an isolated rock partially hewn into 
the shape of a seat with rounded back and projecting footstool 
(fig. 108) 3 . The seat commands a wide view, but is so placed 
that one sitting on it would face north and look directly away 
from Salamis ! Reichel concludes that it is a very ancient 

Fig. 108. 

mountain-throne, to which in popular belief the story of Xerxes 
has become attached 4 . 

In an angle of the Mouseion Hill at Athens there are no less 
than seven such seats (figs. 109-no) 5 . Carefully cut in the rock 
along one side of a platform or terrace, with a single step in 
front of them, they give the impression of being a row of seats 

1 See W. Reichel Uber vorhellenische Gdtterculte Wien 1897 p. 21. 
1 Akestodoros (Frag. hist. Gr. ii. 464 Miiller) ap. Plout. v. Them. 13 iv nedopii? tijs 
"Sleyapldos inrip twi> KaKov/iivuv Kepdruv. 

3 W. Reichel ' Ein angehlicher Thron des Xerxes' in the Festschrift fit r Otto Benndorf 
Wien 1898 pp. 63—65 with tig. (sketched by K. Gillieron from a photograph). 

4 The actual throne was a golden chair (Akestodoros loc. at.) with silver feet, preserved 
on the Akropolis at Athens (I)eni. in Timocr. 129 with schol.) in the Parthenon (Harpokr. 
s.v. apyvpdirovs 8l<j>pos). 

5 E. Curtius and J. A. Kaupert Atlas von Athen Berlin 1878 p. 19 f. description, 
plan, and section; pi. 6, 4 view. 

146 The Mountain as the Throne of Zeus 

Fig. 109. 

The Mountain as the Throne of Zeus 147 

for judges or the like, forerunners perhaps of the Council on the 
Areiopagos. They are about two hundred yards from the rock-cut 
niche in the Pnyx where Zeus HypSistos was worshipped 1 . It seems 
possible, therefore, that we have here an open-air tribunal at which 
decisions were delivered under the inspiration of Zeus. In fact, 
I incline to identify the seven seats with the so-called ' Seats of 
Zeus,' the place at Athens where, according to old tradition, 
Athena when she contended with Poseidon for possession of the 
Akropolis, begged Zeus to give his vote for her, promising on her 
part to sacrifice the first victim on the altar of Zeus Polietls-. 

At Phalasarna in western Crete three sandstone thrones are 
hewn in the lower slopes of a coast-hill near the necropolis. The 
best-preserved of them was described by R. Pashley in 1837 as 
' a great chair — cut out of the solid rock : the height of the arms 
above the seat is two feet eleven inches ; and its other dimensions 
are in proportion 3 .' But the most interesting feature of this throne, 
the pillar carved on the inner surface of its back, was first observed 
and drawn by L. Savignoni and G. de Sanctis in 1901 (figs, hi, 

1 Infra Append. B. 

2 Hesych. s.v. Aids $3.koi ko.1 ireaeol, Souid. s.v. Aids frj4>os, Kratin. Archilochi frag. 4 
(Frag. com. Gr. ii. i8f. Meineke). 

3 R. Pashley Travels in Crete Cambridge and London 1837 ii. 64 fig. Cp. T. A. B. 
Spratt Travels and Researches in Crete London 1865 ii. 234 f. fig. ('the monolith bema of 
Phalasarna ' !). 

148 The Mountain as the Birth-place of Zeus 

112) 1 . If we may press the analogy of other Cretan pillar-cults, 
the divine occupant of the throne was either Rhea 2 or Zeus 3 . 

Fig. 112. 

(c) The Mountain as the Birth-place of Zeus. 

The Zeus-legends that clung about the mountain-tops related 
to the birth or infancy of the god, his marriage-unions, his sons, 
and his death. 

1 L. Savignoni and G. de Sanctis in the Mon. d. Line. 1901 xi. 363 ff. figs. 60 — 6r ; 
plan ib. p. 349 f. fig. 47. Cp. F. Studniczka in the fahrb. d. kais. deutsch. arch. Inst. 
191 1 xxvi. 85 fig. 20. 

- A.J. Evans in the Jo urn. Hell. Stud. 1901 xxi. 165 ff. L. Savignoni and G. de 
Sanctis loe. cit. p. 366 f. cite Paus. 2. 4. 7 (on the way up the Akrokorinthos) Mrjrpbs 
diCov va6s eari Kal arifKT) koX Opovos ' \l6wv /coi avrr) Kal 6 dp6vos. 

1 A. J. Evans loe. eit. pp. 163 ff., i7off. Cp. infra ch. ii § 3 (a) ii (5) and, for the 
u>v>ciation of a pillar with the throne of Zeus, supra p. 34 f. 

Recently A. Fick in the Zeitschriftfiir vergleichende Sprachforschung 191 1 xliv. 341 ff. 
has drawn attention to Hesych. 'E\\d- Kadidpa. A&Kwves. Kal Aids lepbv ii> Auddivr). He- 
points out that ?AXa (for *?5Xa, as sella for *sedla) is 'ein uraltes Wort,' which survived 
in Laconian till late times, cp. Hesych. Ka<ri(\\)a- tcadtSpa, and suggests that Dodona 
was called"EXXo as being the 'Seat' or 'Throne' of Zeus. In support of this view he 

The Mountain as the Birth-place of Zeus 149 

Zeus Kretagentfs 1 (figs. 113, 114, 115) or Kretogentfs % was 'Born 
in Crete,' his birth being located first in a cave of Mount Dikte s (on 


Fig. 114. 

Fig. 115. 

might have cited Simniias Rhod. ap. Steph. Byz. s.v. Awdibvrj • . . . Ztjpos ?5os KpovlSao 
fj-anaip uire54£aTo Aw8w, Aisch. P.v. 830 f. tt)v alirvvurbv t dfi<pi Au8wvqv, iVa | fxavrua 
6S.k6s t iarl Qeo-irpwov Ai6s, cp. Hes. frag. 192 Flach ap. Strab. 327 AuSdivr/v (prrydv re. 
HeXao-yuiv ZSpavov, rjev, Ephoros frag. 54 {Frag. hist. Gr. i. 247 f. Midler) ap. Strab. 327 
neXao^wK iSpvpa, Skymn. Chi. per. 450 'iSpvfi . . .IleXao-ytKov. But?? 

1 J. N. Svoronos Xumistnatique de la Crete ancienne Macon 1890 i. 194 no. 45 pi. 18, 
2 a copper of Hierapytna struck by Augustus (Gotha) with head of Zeus to right wearing 
fillet and legend TAX KPHTArEXH ,2 IEPA (fig. 113), ib. i. 284 no. 52 pi. 26, 30 a 
copper of Polyrhenion struck by Augustus (Paris) with laureate head of Zeus to right, 
thunderbolt below, and legend TAX K[PHTArE]NH2 nOATP (fig. 114), id. i. 342 no. 45 
pi. 33, 10 a copper of Crete in genere struck by Titus (Paris and Vienna) with a nude 
Zeus erect, thunderbolt in raised right hand, chlamy"s round left arm, surrounded by seven 
stars and legend ZETC KPH|TArEXHC (fig. 115), Head-ffw/. num.- pp. 469, 475, 479, 
Overbeck Gr. Kunstmyth. Zeus pp. 107, 216 Miinztaf. i, 38, 3, 19, cp. Svoronos in the 
'E0. 'Apx- J 893 p. 203 f. pi. 1, 8; Lebas-Waddington Asie Mineure no. 394 (cp. no. 406) 
Mylasa= Michel Recueil a" 'Inscr. gr. no. 472, 10 Upebs Atos Kpr)Tay[t]vovs Kal Kovpn/rwv, 
cp. \V. Judeich in the Ath. Mitth. 1889 xiv. 395 ; Steph. Byz. s.v. Yd^a- ..AKX-t\di\ Si icai 
TtUvcpa, on Mtvws ffhv rots d8(X(pots Alany Kal 'PadapAvdvi iwv e^ aiiTov ravr-qv eKdXecev. 
tvdev koX rb tov Kprjralov Aids Trap' avrois elvai, 8v Kal Ka6' t)/jlcLs iKdXovv ~Mapvav, ip/j.r]vev6- 
fieuov KpTjTayevi). ras vapOtvovs yap ovtu Kpfjres Trpoaayopevovai Ttlapvdv (fiapvdvs cj. 
M. Schmidt in the Zeitschrift fur vergleichende Sprachforschung 1863 xii. 220), Marcus 
Diaconus v. Porphyrii episcopi Gazensis 64 (Abh. d. berl. Akad. 1874 Phil. -hist. Classe 
p. 199, 22 ff.) ri<rav 8e ev rrj irbXei vaoi eiSuXuv Srj/xoaioi. 6kt(1>, tov re 'HXioi> nal ttJs 
' A<ppo5tTT)s Kai tov ' AirbXXwvos Kal t^s K6pi]s icai rf)* 'E/cdTTjs Kal t8 Xey6p.evov iepwtov Kai 
t^s ("Hpyov xal rb tt)s M. Haupt) Ti/x^s ttjs irbXews, 8 iKaXovv tvx^ov (Tvxcuov M. Haupt), 
Kai to Ttlapvelov, 8 iXeyov elvai tov Kpira . •yeVovs. (KpyjTayevovs M. Haupt) Aids, 8 
iv6p.i£ov elvai ev8oi-6repov irdvTwv tGiv lepQv tu>v aravTaxov with a Latin version by 
Gentianus Hervetus in the Acta Sanctorum edd. Holland. Februarius iii. 655 Erant 
autem in ciuitate simulacrorum publica templa octo : nempe Solis, et Veneris, et Apollinis, 
et Proserpinae, et Hecates, et quod dicebatur Hierion seu sacerdotum, et Fortunae ciuitatis, 
quod vocabant Tycheon, et Marnion, quod dicebant esse Critae generis (Creiagenis 
Henschen) Iouis: quod existimabant esse gloriosius omnibus templis, qua- sunt vbique. 
The context enables us to form some idea of the character, ritual, and temple of Manias 
(infra ch. ii § 9 (g)). See further O. Hdfer in Roscher Lex. Myth. ii. 1422, \V. Drexler 
ib. ii. 2379, Gruppe Gr. Myth. Kel. p. 1673 n. 1. 

2 Corp. inscr. Gr. ii no. 2554, 1 76 ff. (oath between Latos and Olous) bpjr\y\v> top 
'Etrrlav Kal tov Zi)va tov KprjToyevla Kal Tav"Hpav k.t.X. = Collitz-Bechtel Gr. Dial.-Inschr. 
iii. 2. 333 ff. no. 5075, 73. 

3 Append. B Crete. 

150 The Mountain as the Birth-place of Zeus 

which he is said to have built a city 1 ) and, later 2 , in a cave high up 
on the side of Mount Ide 3 . Both districts had strange stories to tell 
of the way in which the divine child had been nurtured by doves 

Fig. 116. 

Fig. 117. 

or bees, a goat or a pig, while Kouretes and Korybantes clashed 
their weapons to drown his infant cries (figs. 1 16, 1 17) 4 . But Lydia 

1 Diod. 5. 70 6.v8p{i30ivra 8' avrbv <pacn irpwTOV ir6\iv /cr/cat Trepl ttjv Alnrav, oirov ko.1 ryu 
yivevip airrov yeviadai /xvOoXoyouaiv • ^s eK\et(pdeL(rr)s iv rots ilaTepov xpb" 0ls Siafitveiv frt 
nod vvv tpyuxra ruv defieXluv. Sir Arthur Evans identifies this city with the extensive 
prehistoric ruins at Gotdas (see his 'Goulas: The City of Zeus' in the Ann. Brit. Sch. 
Ath. 1895 — 1896 ii. 169 IT.; cp., however, the more thorough investigations of J. Demargne 
in the Bull. Corr. Hell. 1900 xxiv. 222, 1901 xxv. 282 ff., 1903 xxvii. 206 ff., and of 
A. J. Reinach in the Jahrb. d. kais. denisch. arch. Insl. 1910 xxv Arch. Anz. p. 404 f.). 

2 There is evidence that the cult of the Dictaean cave was in time superseded by that 
of the Idaean cave. ' With very rare and sporadic exceptions, the Dictaean antiquities do 
not come down lower than the Geometric period, i.e., probably the opening of the eighth 
century B.C.' (D. G. Hogarth in the Ann. Brit. Sch. Ath. 1899 — 1900 vi. 115). Further, 
a treaty between Lyttos and Olous {Corp. inscr. Att. ii. 1 no. 549 £, 5 = Collitz-Bechtel 
Cr. Dial.-Inschr. iii. 2. 380 f. no. 5147 £, 5) makes the Lyttians swear by T^a Biddrav, 
' Zeus of Ide,' while another inscription (id. iii. 2. 301 ff. no. 5024, 22 f.) mentions a temple 
of Zeus tw BtSordw on the frontier of Priansos: Lyttos and Priansos are so near to 
Mt Dikte that, had the Dictaean cult still been flourishing, Zeus would presumably have 
been invoked as Aiktcuos, not BiSdras (K. C. Bosanquet in the Ann. Brit. Sch. Ath. 
1908— 1909 xv. 349). 

8 Append. B Crete. 

* Von Rohden-Winnefeld Ant. Terrakotten iv. 1.8 f., following E. Braun (Mon. 
d. Inst, iii pi. 17, Ann. d. Inst. 1840 xii. 141 ff. pi. K), distinguish two types of terra-cotta 
reliefs: (1) the Caeretan type shows the infant Zeus in the arms of a female seated on a 
throne with two Kouretes to right and left ; the best example is in the Ny Carlsberg 
collection (Ant. Terrakotten pi. 10). (2) The Roman type, referable to the Augustan 
age, shows the infant Zeus seated on a rock and introduces a third Koures ; the best 

The Mountain as the Birth-place of Zeus 151 

was prepared to dispute with Crete the honour of having been 
his birth-place 1 : Mount Sipylos 2 , Mount Tmolos (fig. n8) 3 , and 
Mount Messogis (figs. 1 19, 121) 4 were in that respect rivals of Dikte 

Fig. 118. 

Fig. 119. 

Fig. 120. 

Fig. iai. 


and Ide. It is probable that the legends of Zeus' birth and 
infancy were localised on the mountains of Phrygia also ; for coins 
of Akmoneia(figs. 122, 123) 5 , Apameia (fig. 124) 6 , Laodikeia on the 

example is in the British Museum (Ant. Terrakotten pi. 25, cp. pi. 135 a variant of the 
second century in the Louvre). 

I figure two specimens of the second type: (a) fig. 116 (after O. Benndorf in the 
Jahresh. d. oest. arch. Inst. 1902 v. 151 f. fig. 38) a fragment of terra-cotta, the design of 
which differs in some respects from that of the reliefs enumerated by Overbeck Gr. 
Kunstmyth. Zeus p. 336 f. Atlas pi. 4, 4: the infant is named Z6YC and is seated on a 
rock with a wingless thunderbolt behind him. — (b) Fig. 117 the corresponding part of 
the above-mentioned relief from Cervetri (?) acquired by the British Museum in 1891 
{Brit. Miis. Cat. Terracottas p. 379 no. D 501 pi. 39, H. B. Walters The Art of the 
Romans London 191 1 p. 136 pi. 58): the inscription is here Z€)Y[C]. 

1 Lyd. de mens. 4. 71 p. 123, i2ff. Wiinsch. 

2 Append. B Lydia. 3 lb. 

4 lb. The coin of Tralleis here figured for the first time (fig. 1 19) is at Paris (Mionnet 
Descr. de m<fd. ant. Suppl. vii. 471 no. 715): I am indebted to M. Babelon for the cast 
from which my illustration was made. ...TPAAAIANHN and AIOCTONAI. 

5 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Phrygia pp. xxiv, 20 pi. 4, 4 a copper struck by Trebonianus 
Gallus A KM O N EHN, Head Hist, num.* p. 663 (fig. 122). F. Lenormant Monnaies 
et nUdailles Paris 1883 p. 181 fig., E. Babelon in the Rev. Num. 1891 ix. 38 f. pi. 4, 4 
(fig. 123) a bronze medallion of Gordianus iii showing Rhea with her foot raised on a rock. 

6 Mionnet Descr. de mid. ant. iv. 238 no. 268 and 239 no. 270, Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins 
Phrygia p. xl, Head Hist, num. 2 p. 667, Muller-Wieseler Denkm. d. alt. Kunstn. 16 f. 


1^2 The Mountain as the Birth-place of Zeus 

Lykus d"i.;. u<,) : . .m-1 Synnada (fig- i-O)"-, represent Zeus as a babe 
i-il l>\ Uhe.t Inside him and the Kouretes grouped 

, ir , ■ |n ,„ii:r from it e.-in of Mamma (fig. 125) 4 , a similar 

l-'ig. 124- 



'w~*v. " \ ■ -* 

i*'ig. 1 26. I'"ig. 1 27. 

I >>i >ome mountain in the volcanic region known as;i -Hi- And an almost identical type occurring at 

' : /( ls !'• .>.'>r f- Miinztaf. 5. 6, Roscher /.<\v. Myth. ii. 

, V\ M. li.un- \ /•'/. ('/.'/,. ,///,/ Itishoprics of Phrygia Oxford 1897 ii. 43: 

I 1 iamis Dei-ill-, and Valerianus I Paris). In F. Wieseler's 

ed iVnni KoMclicr loc. (■/'/., the head and shield of the 

n-iiiaial.k- above the child's nurse: TTAPA • AVP • 


' Mi nil' /' . iv. ; ;o nus. 7S1. 7S2, ( )verbeck (jr. Kunstmylh. Zeus 

...'/'. I • !iu! " / !■'.:■ . <>'. r,:i, dcutsih, arch. hist. 1888 iii. 290 pi. 9. 

19. W M.I: : > ;,'.;. i. ;: a copper struck by Caracalla (Venice, a/id.) 

Iiii-i Kuurete-, an eagle above, the genius of the town with 

' ■• 1 "'U. the Kapros and the Lykos. 

" ' |>. c, 396 no. 25 drawn from a cast: CVNNA 

A (- I IV ■■''■"■ " ' •' ' (94 M siniiis pi. 57, 6, Head Hist, num.- p. 686. 

' > >te> that, according to the author of the Sibylline 

led to three Cretans to be reared in I'hrygia (prac. 

1 >S If. < Iftl 

* Mon. d. hi t. 1 pi. V) \. 2 with .//;/;. d. Inst. 1X33 v. 114, 125 If., id. 1840 xii. 143, 

< (verbeck (//•. hiiiitmyth. At:- p. ; ■- Miin/taf. 5. 8 a copper struck by Caracalla (in the 

na cabinet al Tsie^t): £T\ I H PA K A(- I AOY B • SEYSAPXATOTA CTC4> 

MAION11N iri H/ja«\tt5oi i'. /•::. o-t>\- a Toy' a UTecp. Maiovuv. 

The Mountain as the Birth-place of Zeus 153 

Seleukeia on the Kalykadnos (figs. 126 1 , \2j") may have reference 
to the Corycian Cave in Mount Korykos 3 . It is not, however, 
certain that the child seated on a throne and surrounded by 
dancing Kouretes is Zeus, at least in the ordinary acceptation of 
that name. It may be that the Greeks would rather have termed 
him Dionysos ; for a coin of the Ionian Magnesia (fig. 128) 4 shows 

Fig. 128. Fig. 129. 

the same childish figure seated in like manner on a princely seat 
with a covered basket and snake visible beneath it 5 . But we have 
not yet exhausted the list of mountains where Zeus was said to 

1 Imhoof-Blumer Kleinas. Miinzen ii. 484 no. 13 pi. 18, 21 a copper struck by 
CaracallaCeAeVKenNHTflN | nPOi[C] KA[AVK-. 

2 Mionnet Descr. de me~d. ant. v. 260 no. 911, A. von Rauch in the Berliner Blatter 
fiir Miinz-Siegel uttd Wappenkunde 1870 v. 23 pi. 56, 31, Overbeck Gr. Kunstmyth. 

Zeus p. 337 a copper struck by Macrinus (von Rauch) C6A€Y[K6niM] \ THN 
nPOC • TH • [KAAYKAANH]. For other specimens see W. Wroth in the Num. 
Chron. Third Series 1895 xv. 103 no. 24 pi. 5, 16, G. F. Hill in the Jotim. Hell. Stud. 
1897 xvii. 90 f. pi. 2, t8 and in the Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Lycaonia etc. p. 134 pi. 24, 2, 
Imhoof-Blumer Kleinas. Miinzen ii. 484 n. 2 pi. 18, 22; and for a copper of similar 
design struck by Severus Alexander, E. Babelon Inventaire de la collection Waddington 
Paris 1898 no. 4467 pi. 11, ir. 

3 Gruppe Gr. Myth. Rel. pp. 327^, 1393. 

4 Imhoof-Blumer Gr. Miinzen p. 121 no. 315 pi. 8, 33 a copper struck by Caracalla 
(Paris) with legend eni I" • M • AVP • VA AOV • GniKPATOYC- and 

5 Cp. Imhoof-Blumer ib. p. 120 ff. no. 314 pi. 8, 34, no. 316 pi. 8, 32, no. 317, 
no. 318 pi. 8, 31, no. 318 a. 

An ivory relief in the Milan Museum (Arch. Zeit. 1846 iv. 217 ff. pi. 38, Ann. Brit. 
Sch. Ath. 1908 — 1909 xv. 320 fig. 5) shows the child Dionysos seated on a stool in front 
of a rocky cave flanked by Kouretes and Maenads. 

Another relief (E. Gerhard Antike Bildwerke Munchen Stuttgard & Tubingen 1828 — 
1844 P- 348 ph 104, 1), said to be in the Vatican (but see F. Matz in the Ann. d. Inst. 
1870 xlii. 100 n. 3), represents him seated on a shield, while Kouretes clash their weapons 
about him : to the right a snake crawls out of a half-open basket on the lid of which a 
goat-footed Pan is stamping ; beyond Pan is a shaggy Silenos. 

1 54 The Mountain as Marriage-place of Zeus 

have been born. Pergamon 1 certainly, and possibly Mount Ide in 
the Troad'-, were of the number. Among the Greek islands Naxos 
had its own story of the birth of Zeus 3 , connected perhaps with 
Mount Drios 4 . Kronos was said to have swallowed the stone that 
Rhea gave him instead of Zeus at Chaironeia in Boiotia, on a 
rocky height called Petrachos 5 : Thebes too claimed to be the 
birth-place of Zeus 6 and could point to a place that took its name 
from the event 7 . In Messenia local piety declared that Zeus had 
been, if not born, at least brought up by the nymphs upon the 
summit of Mount Ithome 8 . But of all the non-Cretan districts 
Arkadia had established the strongest claim to be considered the 
cradle of Zeus 9 : here on Mount Thaumasion Kronos had swal- 
lowed the stone 10 , and here on Mount Lykaion Zeus was born 11 and 
reared **. 

(d) The Mountain as the Marriage-place of Zeus. 

The union of Zeus with Hera was likewise referred by the 
Greeks to a variety of mountain-tops. The Iliad in a passage of 
more than usual beauty describes how the two slept together on 
a peak of the Trojan Ide : 

So Kronos' son, and clasped his bride to his breast. 

Beneath them Earth divine made grass to grow 

New-nurtured, and the dewy lotus-bloom, 

Crocus and hyacinth, thick and soft withal, 

Which raised them from the ground. Thereon they lay, 

And o'er them spread a cloud magnificent 

And golden : glittering dew-drops from it fell. 

Thus slumbered still the Sire on Gargaros' height, 

Vanquished by sleep and love, his wife in his arms 13 . 

1 Append. B Mysia. 

2 Prop. 3. 1. 27 Idaeum Simoenta Iovis cunabula parvi — if that is the right reading of 
the line, and if Propertius is not guilty of confusing Mt Ide in the Troad with Mt Ide in 

3 Aglaosthenes Naxiaca frags . 1, 2 (Frag. hist. Gr. iv. 293 Miiller). 

4 Infra p. 163 ff., Append. B Naxos. 

5 lb. Boiotia. 

6 Lyk. Al. 1 194 with schol. and Tzetz. ad loc. 

7 Aristodemos ap. schol. //. 13. 1, cp. Paus. 9. 18. 5. 

8 Append. B Messene. 

9 See e.g. Clem. Al. protr. 2. 28. 1 p. 20, 30 ff. Stahlin, Cic. cie not. deor. 3. 53, 
Anipel. 9. 1. 

10 . Steph. Byz. s.v. eavfidffiov, Paus. 8. 36. 2 f. 

11 Kallim. h. Zeus 4 ff., Strab. 348, Paus. 8. 36. 3. Zeus was washed at his birth in 
the cold waters of the river Lousios (Paus. 8. 28. 2), and swaddled at Geraistion {et. mag. 
p. 227, 44 f.). 

12 Paus. 8. 38. 2 f. 

13 //. 14. 346 ff., cp. Petron. sat. 127. 9. 




tt> ^ 

The Mountain as Marriage-place of Zeus 155 

Others named Mount Oche in Euboia, Mount Kithairon in Boiotia, 
Mount Kokkygion in Argolis, as the scene where Zeus took Hera 
for his bride 1 . It was said too that Zeus met Semele on Mount 
Sipylos 2 , that he consorted with Leto in a shady nook and natural 
bower on Mount Kithairon 3 , that he seduced Kallisto in the neigh- 
bourhood of Mount Lykaion 4 , that he carried off Europe to his 
cave in Mount Dikte 5 . He formed liaisons, moreover, with more 
than one mountain-goddess or mountain-nymph. Mount Agdos, 
a rocky summit of Galatia, bore to him a bisexual child Agdistis, 
about whom one of the wildest and most archaic of all Greek 
tales was told 6 . According to the Orphic cosmogony, the original 
rulers of 'snowy Olympos' were Ophion and the Oceanid Eury- 
nome : the former gave place to Kronos, the latter to Rhea, who 
in their turn were eclipsed by Zeus 7 . But Eurynome became by 
Zeus the mother of the Charites 8 and of Asopos the river-god 9 . 
Again, the ancient systematisers of mythology, who recognised 
five different Athenas, distinguished one as the daughter of Zeus 
and Koryphe, adding that this, the fourth, Athena was identical 
with the inventress of four-horse chariots, whom the Arcadians 
called Koria 10 . Pausanias speaks of the Arcadian temple of Athena 
Koria as standing on the koryphe or 'peak' of a mountain 11 . It 
is, therefore, practically certain that in Arkadia Zeus was paired 
with a mountain-goddess or mountain-nymph named Koryphe. 
Another of his amours was with Taygete, Atlas' daughter 12 , of 
whom was born Lakedaimon, the eponym of the Lacedaemonians 13 . 
But Taygete was herself the eponym of Mount Taygeton 14 , the fine 
range which stretches some seventy miles from Belbina toTainaron 
and culminates in Mount Taleton (7902 feet) above Sparta (pi. xiv). 
Colonel Mure says of this majestic mountain-mass: 'Whether from 

1 Append. B Euboia, Boiotia, Argolis. 

2 lb. Lydia. 

3 Euseb. praep. ev. 3. 1. 3. 

4 Pseudo-Eratosth. catast. 1. 8, schol. Arat. phaen. 91. 

5 Append. B Crete. 

6 lb. Galatia. 

7 Ap. Rhod. 1. 503 ff., Tzetz. in Lyk. Al. 1 191 ff., schol. Aristoph. nub. 247. 

8 Hes. theog. 907, Paus. 9. 35. 5, Orph. h. Char. 60. 1 ff. 

9 Apollod. 3. 12. 6. 

10 Cic. de nat. deor. 3. 59; cp. Clem. Al. protr. 2. 28. 2 p. 21, if. Stahlin, who states 
that the fourth Athena was the daughter of Zeus and derived her Messenian title of 
Kopv<paaia from her mother. 

11 Paus. 8. 21. 4. 

12 Schol. Pind. 01. 3. 53. 

13 Hellanikos/ra^. 56 {Frag. hist. Gr. i. 52 MUller) ap. schol. //. 18. 486, Apollod. 3. 
10. 3, pseudo-Eratosth. catast. 23, Paus. 3. 1. 2, Yiyg.fab. 15?, Myth. Vat. 1. 234. 

14 Paus. 3. 1. 2. 

156 The Mountain as Marriage-place of Zeus 

its real height, from the grandeur of its outline, or the abruptness 
of its rise from the plain, (it) created in my mind a stronger im- 
pression of stupendous bulk and loftiness than any mountain I 
have seen in Greece, or perhaps in any other part of Europe 1 .' 
Here surely was a mountain-bride worthy of Zeus himself. Pelasgos, 
the forefather of the Pelasgians, was, according to one account, the 
son of Zeus by Larissa 2 , whose name repeatedly occurs as that of 
a Pelasgian burgh or rock-fortress 3 . And lastly a Sicilian myth 
told how Aitne, the name-sake of Mount Aitne, had been embraced 
by Zeus and then, through fear of Hera, hidden away in the Earth 
till she bore twin sons, the Palikoi, whose strange volcanic springs 
still interest travellers that visit the Lago dei Palici near the town 
of Patagonia*. 

Mountain-eponyms were either female or male. Zeus not only 
consorted with the former, but also became the father of the latter. 
Thus Gargaros 5 , Geraistos G , Olympos (?) 7 , Solymos 8 , Tainaros", 
were all regarded as his sons. Atlas, the supporter of the sky, 
who as early as the middle of the fifth century B.C. was identified 
with a great mountain in north-western Africa 10 , was, according to 
one genealogy, the son of Zeus 11 . A daughter of Atlas 12 named 
Plouto 13 bore to the same god Tantalos, whose name was given to 

I W. Mure Journal of a Tour in Greece Edinburgh and London 1842 ii. 221. 

- Serv. in Verg. Aen. 1. 624: cp. Rufin. recognit. 10. 23, who makes Tityos the son 
of Zeus ex Larisse...Orchomeni, unless we should read ex (£)lar[iss]e, as O. Hofer in 
Roscher Lex. Myth. iii. 940 suggests on the strength of Pherekydes/roi,'-. 5 (Frag. hist. 
Gr. i. 71 Muller) ap. schol. Ap. Rhod. 1. 76i = Eudok. viol. 338 and Apollod. 1. 4. 1, 
Eustath. in Od. p. 1581, 56 ff. 

3 A. Fick Vorgriechische Ortsnamen Gottingen 1905 Index p. 165 s.vv. Adptaa, 
AapHTatai irirpai. 

4 Append. B Sicily. 

s lb. Troas. 6 lb. Euboia. 

7 De-Vit Onomasticon iii. 729 without citing his source. If this was the epigram in 
Oros. 4. 1. 14 pater oplinic Olympic it is far from convincing, since Olympus may be 
merely a poetic term for the gods collectively (see Roscher Lex. Myth. iii. 857). 

8 Append. B Pisidia. 

II lb. Lakonike. 

10 Hdt. 4. 184: see also Pauly-Wissmva Rcal-Enc. ii. 21 19. 
" Rufin. recognit. 10. 23. 

12 Myth. Vat. 1. 204, cp. Rufin. recognit. 10. 21 and 23. In Hyg. fab. 155 Tantalus 
ex Plutone Himantis filia R. Unger cj. Atlantis, B. Stark Mimantis. The father of 
Plouto is Tmolos in schol. Eur. Or. 5, Tzetz. chil. 5. 444 ff., Mantis t. proverb. 2. 94, 
Kronos in schol. Pind. 01. 3. 41. 

13 Asklepiades of Tragilos/ra°\ 20 (Frag. hist. Gr. iii. 30-; Muller) ap. schol. Od. 11. 
582, 1'aus. 2. 22. 3, Ant. Lib. 36, Nonn. Dion. 1. 145 ff., 7. 119, 48. 729 ff., Apostol. 16. 
16, Phot. lex. s.v. TavrdXov rdXavra, Souid. s.v. to TavrdXov TaXavri^erai, schol. Eur. 
Or. 345, Hyg. fub. 82, 155. Her name is otherwise given as Piute (Rufin. recognit. 10. 
23), Plota (Natalis Comes mytholog. 6. 8 p. 337, cp. 335, ed. Patav. 1616), Plutis (Rufin. 
recognit. 10. 21), or Plotis (Lact. Plac. in Stat. Theb. 2. 436). 

The Mountain as the Burial-place of Zeus 157 

a mountain in Lesbos 1 and whose town was situated on an almost 
inaccessible crag of Mount Sipylos 2 . 

The remarkable tradition, current in the vicinity of Mount 
Olympos, that heaven and earth once met upon the summit will 
be discussed in another connexion. 

(e) The Mountain as the Burial-place of Zeus. 

The Cretans declared that Zeus was a prince, who had been 
ripp ed up by a wild hoar and buried in Crete, — an assertion which 
^Ts^upposed to have earned for them their traditional reputation as 
liars 3 . Numerous writers of Hellenistic and Byzantine times men- 
tion the tomb of Zeus as an object of interest in Crete 4 , though 
they do not agree as to its exact locality. Ennius 5 places it at 
Knossos, Varro 6 and Porphyrios 7 on Mount Ide, Nonnos 8 on the 
top of Mount Dikte. Conceivably more districts than one had 
a local legend of Zeus dead and buried on a mountain. His tomb 

1 Steph. Byz. s.v. Tavra\os, cp. s.v . H6\iov. 

2 Supra p. 137 ff. 

■"• My friend Dr J. Rendel Harris ' The Cretans always Liars' in the Expositor 1906 
PP- 3°5 — 3 ! 7 cites from the Gannat Busame or 'Garden of Delights' (a Nestorian com- 
mentary on Scripture full of extracts from Theodore of Mopsuestia etc.) the following 
note on Acts 17. 28 : ' " In Him we live and move and have our being." The Cretans 
used to say of Zeus, that he was a prince and was ripped up by a wild boar, and he was 
buried: and lo! his grave is with us. Accordingly Minos, the son of Zeus, made over 
him a panegyric and in it he said: " A grave have fashioned for thee, O holy and high 
One, the lying Kretans, who are all the time liars, evil beasts, idle bellies ; but thou diest 
not, for to eternity thou livest, and standest; for in thee we live and move and have our 
being ".' Dr Rendel Harris suggests that the panegyric in question may be the poem by 
Epinienides on Minos and Rhadamanthys (Diog. Laert. 1. 112) and cp. Kallim. h. Zeiis 
8f. Kprjres del ipevarw ical yap rdcpov, w (Sva, aeio | KprJTet ireKTrivavro. <rv S' ov $dvef 
iaffl yap alel. Another explanation of the proverb is given in Athenodoros of Eretria 
frag. 1 (Frag. hist. Gr. iv. 345 Mliller) : cp. also lo. Malal. chron. 4 p. 88 Dindorf. 

4 Kallim. h. Zeus 8f. with schol. , Enn. sacr. hist. ap. Lact. div. inst. 1. 11, oracl. 
Sibyll. ib„ yarr. ap. Solin. 11.7, Cic. de nat. deor. 3. 53, Diod. 3. 61, Anth. Pal. 7. 275. 
6 Gaetulicus, Lucan. 8. 872, Mela 2. 112, Stat. Theb. 1. 278 f., Tatian. or. adv. Graec. 
27, Loukian. lup. trag. 45, de sacrif. 10, philopatr. 10, philopseud. 3, Timon 6, Theophil. 
ad Autol. 1. 10, 2. 3, Clem. Al. protr. 2. 37. 4 p. 28, 7 ff. Stahlin, Philostr. v. soph. 
2. 4 p. 74 Kayser, Orig. c. Cels. 3. 43, Min. Fel. Oct. 21. 8, Cypr. de idol. van. 1, 
Porph. v. Pyth. 17, Arnob. adv. nat. 4. 14, 4. 25, Firm. Mat. 7. 6, Serv. in Verg. Aen. 
7. 180, Epiphan. adv. haer. 1. 3, Rufin. recognit. 10. 23, Chrysost. in ep. Paul, ad Tit. 3, 
Paulin. Nol. 19. 86 (lxi. 515 Migne), Kyrill. Al. c. Iulian. 10. 342 (lxxvi. 1028 Migne), 
Nonn. Dion. 8. ii4ff., Sedulius Scotus in ep. Paul, ad Tit. 3, Souid.f.f. IItJkos, Kedren. 
hist. comp. 15 D (i. 29 Bekker). 

8 Enn. sacr. hist. ap. Lact. div. inst. [.II. 

• Varr. ap. Solin. 1 1. 7. 

7 Porph. v. Pyth. 17, Kyrill. Al. c. Julian. 10. 342. 

8 Nonn. Dion. 8. 1 14 ff. 

158 The Mountain as the Burial-place of Zeus 

appears to have been marked by a stone 1 , and to have borne an 
inscription, which is variously recorded 2 . In the first century of 
our era Pomponius Mela says that the tomb with its inscribed 
name affords ' hardly a clear trace of Zeus who is there buried 8 .' 
But a thousand years later Michael Psellos notes the legend as still 
living, and relates that the Cretans show a hill or cairn above the 
grave of Zeus 4 . Buondelmonti, who visited Mount Juktas in 141 5, 
speaks of a cave on the right hand side of a road leading thither 
and states that at the upper end of the cave is the tomb of Zeus 
bearing an illegible inscription 5 . Belon in 1555 reports that the 
sepulchre of Jupiter as described by the ancients is yet to be seen 
on the mountain of the Sphagiotes 6 . Modern travellers have the 
same tale to tell. When R. Pashley visited Crete in 1834, he 
stayed at Arkhanes on the eastern side of Mount Juktas. ' I was 

1 Loukian. Iup. (rag. 45. 

2 Enn. loc. cit. ZAN KPONOT, Chrysost. loc. cit. ivTavda Zdv Ketrai tv Ala kikX^kovo-i, 
Porph. loc. cit. nTGArOPAS TOi All followed by an epigram beginning wSe davlav 
Kttrat Tidv 6v Ala kikX^o-kovo-lv (Kyrill. cites it with Liiyas for Oavwv), schol. Kallim. 
h. Zeus 8 Mlvuos rod Aids rd<pos with the first word obliterated through age, Kedren. loc. 
cit. ivddbe Kelrai Oavuv Uikos 6 /ecu Zetfs (Souid. reads IlrJKOs). 

3 Mel. 1. 112. 

4 Psell. dva7W777 e/s rbv TdvraXov cited by J. Meursius Creta p. 81 : roO 5e (sc. A(6s) 
tov iirl tv Td<f>({) deiKvtiovffi KoXwvbv. The passage is printed in Tzetzes' Allegoriae Iliadis 
etc. ed. J. F. Boissonade Lutetiae 1851 p. 348. 

5 E. Legrand Description des ties de fArchipel par Christophe Buondelmonti Paris 
1897 i. 148 f. = Christophorus Bondelmontius descriptio Cretae : 'Versus autem trionem 
per tria miliaria iuxta viam euntem ad montem Jurte (hide Legrand) ad dexteram spileum 
in saxo parvo ore est, cuius longitudo xlii, latitudo vero iv passuum, in cuius capite 
sepulcrum Iovis maximi est cum litteris deletis. Haec autem spelunca in durissimo 
silice fabricata sine aliqua figura ; super eundem tumulum, magna circum sedificia quasi 
per quartum in circuitu unius miliaris hodie per totum campum frumentum et prata 
crescunt. Post haec ecce ad meridiem viam capiendo ad montem hodie Jurtam (Iuctam 
Legrand) devenitur per periculosissimam viam. Hie mons a longe faciei effigiem habet, in 
cuius fronte templum Iovis usque ad fundamenta deletum invenitur ; in naso tres ecclesise 
sunt congestae, scilicet Salvatoris, Pandon Aghion, id est ecclesia Omnium Sanctorum, 
et Sancti Georgii. Versus austrum, prope Ideum montem, ubi est barba, sub monte 
atro, Tegrinnum castrum inexpugnabile videtur, et prope ipsum est rus Sancti Blasii 
amplissimum. Ab alia parte, versus orientem, planus est bachi fertilissimus Archanes 
nomine, in quo plura et ampla rura manent. Versus trionem, in radicibus montis 
huius monasterium Dominarum existit.' Id. ib. i. 20 f. = Christophorus Bondelmontius 
wepl tuiv vriawv 1 1 Airodavcov 6i (sc. 6 Zeus) ridawrai rb eavrov au/xa 6771)$ tov tppovplov 
tov xaXovnivov AtiXaupa, el ical iv ovpavip Xiyerat avrd e2Vcu dirodewffiv. 'Ev TavT-g t# 
vr)oq) Kal opos cotI t(J> Ait Tovrip bixdivvtxov, irepl 5e tous irpbirobas avTov Trpbs Tb dp/CTi- 
KLjrtpov, u>$ 6 lWoXe/xaloi SiaXaupdvet, oirifKaiov x e P cr ' 1 KaTeoKtvaafiivov evplo-Kerai, XevKov 
dibXov, TeaaapdnovTa ittjxcuv to firJKOs, /ecu t6 7r\aros Teo-ffdpwv, ot6/ui fx " cTevbv. 'Ev 
yovv tjj /rec/>a\77 toOtov Tatpov Acds tov fieydXov, dwb tlvos iyKeKoXajxfjiivov iv avr<$ 
iiriypiLi.p.aTOS, irirb Si tov XP°" 0V tf?>V i<p9ap/xivov, tyvuntv elvai. 'E/ctos oi tov oir-qXalov 
oUodonal tov itpov fiiyiffTat naTa<palvovTai. 

6 P. Belon Observations sur Plusieurs Singularity Paris 1555 i cap. 17 p. 31 cited by 
N. G. Polites Ilapadbatis Athens 1904 ii. 778. 

The Mountain as the Burial-place of Zeus 159 

of course anxious,' he says 1 , ' to hear something of the sepulchre of 
Zeus ; but it was in vain that I inquired of my host... for any cave 
on the mountain. He knew of nothing of the kind ; and all that 
I could learn from him was that, about a mile off, there is a foun- 
tain with an inscription on it. When I had thus failed in obtaining 
any information about the cave, I said, rather meaning to tell him 
an old story, than supposing that I should learn any thing, that 
one Zeus, a god of the Hellenes, was said to have been buried 
there ; and that it was his tomb that I wished to see 2 . I had 






Fig. 130. 

pronounced the very name by which a place on the summit of the 
mountain is known to all the people in the neighbourhood, although 
only a few shepherds have ever seen it. My host had never heard 
it called by any other name than the tomb of Zeus, and therefore 
had not understood me at first, when I inquired after a cave.... I 
found, as a guide up the mountain, a shepherd, who had become 
acquainted with the tomb of Zeus in tending his flock. A good 
hour was spent in reaching the summit, towards the northern 

1 R. Pashley Travels in Crete Cambridge 1837 i. 21 1 ft. 

2 Id. ib. i. 211 n. 2 says: "ToO Aids rb /j.vr)fj.eiov, or rod Aids rd (ivfj/jui, were my words. 1 
N. G. Polites Ilapaddoeis Athens 1904 i. 97 no. 174 gives the name in actual iwe U 's 
tov Ala to fivrj/jLa. 

160 The Mountain as the Burial-place of Zeus 

extremity of which I observed foundations of the massive walls of 
a building the length of which was about eighty feet. Within this 
space is an aperture in the ground, which may perhaps once have 
led into a moderate-sized cave ; but, whatever may have been its 
former size, it is now so filled up, that a man cannot stand in it, 
and its diameter is not above eight or ten feet' 

In 1899 Mr A. Taramelli published a sketch-plan of Mount 
Juktas (fig. 130) 1 , marking a grotto near its southern summit and 
the precinct-wall on its northern summit. The grotto is a natural 
cavern facing west and known as the Nostb Nero. , It is about six 
metres from front to back and has two small fissures running left 
and right into the rock (fig. 13 1) 2 . The earth on the floor of the 


Fig- I3 1 - 

Fig. 132. 

cavern, perhaps a metre in depth, has yielded terra cotta figures of 
animals and fragments of pottery 3 . The precinct-wall forms an 
irregular square of Cyclopean' masonry (fig. 132) 4 . On the north, 
where it rises to an average height of three metres and at a few 
points to five metres (fig. 133) 5 , there seems to have been a gateway. 

1 A. Taramelli in the Mon. d. Line. 1899 ix. 350 fig. 23. 

2 Id. ib. 1899 ix. 357 fig. 27. 

8 My friend Prof. R. C. Bosanquet writes (June 9, 191 1): 'There is a cave on 
Mt Juktas, a long narrow cleft, into which I have crawled and in which I have found 
Hellenic pottery. It is on the left of the present path from Arkhanais to the peak 
on which Evans has begun to explore a Minoan sanctuary. There was a monastery 
of some importance on the peak in Buondelmonti's time; he obtained a manuscript 
from it. See Legrand's edition of B. (preface, I think)' [E. Legrand op. cit. p. xxv 
Anno Domini M.COCC.XV, V tnensis septembris, ego presbyter Christoforus de Bondel- 
montibtts de Florentia end nunc librum in monte Iucta in monasterio S. Salvatoris 
insula Creta, hyper peris xi.]. 

4 A. Taramelli in the Mon. d. Line. 1899 ix. 353 ff. fig. 25. 

5 Id. ib. 1899 ix. 353 fig. 24. 

The Mountain as the Burial-place of Zeus 1 6 1 

To the south the wall abuts on a rocky elevation, which forms the 
highest peak of the mountain and shows clear traces of artificial 
cutting. Mr Taramelli, who notes ' scanty traces of a building in 
the middle of this precinct 1 ,' inclines to regard it as a stronghold. 
He found in it much broken pottery of various dates, including 
pieces of Minoan pithoi. 

This account is confirmed by Sir Arthur Evans, who was told 
by Dr J. Hazzidakis, president of the Cretan Syllogos at Kandia 
and now ephor of antiquities, that the remains on the top of Mount 
Juktas are still known to the country folk as Mnema toil Zid, 'the 
Tomb of Zeus 2 .' Sir Arthur Evans himself explored the summit 

Fig. 133- 

twice, and says 3 : ' All that is not precipitous of the highest point of 
the ridge of Juktas is enclosed by a " Cyclopean " wall of large roughly 
"oblong blocks, and within this enclosure, especially towards the 
summit, the ground is strewn with pottery dating from Mycenaean 
to Roman times, and including a large number of small cups of 
pale clay exactly resembling those which occur in votive deposits 
of Mycenaean date in the caves of Dikta and of Ida, also intimately 
connected with the cult of the Cretan Zeus. No remains of build- 
ings are visible in this inner area, which tends to show that the 

1 Id. ib. 1899 ix. 355 'dalle scarse traccie di un edificio sorgente nel centro di questo 
recincto si puo pensar ad un temenos fortificato, dove, in caso di pericolo, fosse possibile 
agli abitanti del piano di rifugiarsi e difendere le prowiste ed i tesori del tempio,' etc. 

2 fourti. Hell. Stud. 1901 xxi. 121 n. 8. 

3 Ib. 1901 xxi. 131 f. 

C. II 

1 62 The Mountain as the Burial-place of Zeus 

primitive enclosure was the temenos of a sanctuary, rather than 
a walled city. On the uppermost platform of rock, however, are 
remains of a building constructed with large mortarless blocks of 
which the ground-plan of part of two small chambers can be 
roughly traced. A little further on the ridge is the small church 
of Aphendi Kristos [sic], or the Lord Christ, a name which in Crete 
clings in an especial way to the ancient sanctuaries of Zeus 1 and 
marks here in a conspicuous manner the diverted but . abiding 
sanctity of the spot. Popular tradition, the existing cult, and the 
archaeological traces point alike to the fact that there was here 
a " holy sepulchre " of remote antiquity.' 

Mount Juktas is not the only Cretan locality that claims 
connexion with Zeus. A. Soutzo 2 , writing in 1829, states that 
a village situated at the foot of Mount Ide is called Zoillakkon 3 , 
' the Valley of Zeus,' and records the local tradition that the god, 
when he came to visit the summits of Ide, used to descend here. 
Soutzo adds that the inhabitants of the country still invoke Zeus 
by using the ejaculation ' Hear me, god Zonos* ! ' This is confirmed 

1 Sir Arthur Evans adds in a footnote : 'See Academy, June 20, 1896, p. 513. The 
eastern and western ranges of Dikta, the sites respectively of the Temple and Cave 
of Zeus, are known as the Aphendi Vouno, from Avdivrtjs Xpiardt, or "Christ the 
Lord." A votive deposit, apparently connected with some Zeus cult, on a peak of 
Lasethi is also known as Aphendi Christos. It is, perhaps, worth noting in this con- 
nexion that at "Minoan" Gaza Zeus Kretagenes was known as Mamas, a form of 
the Syrian word for "Lord."' B. Schmidt Das Volksleben der Neugriechen Leipzig 
1871 i. 27 thinks it possible that ''Et<p£vTT}-[$ovv6, the local name for a high peak in 
the easternmost part of Crete (eparchy Siteia), has reference to a former cult of Zeus, 
and ib. n. 4 cites 'A<p£vrr)s as the name of a summit in the eparchy of Lasithi. These 
are the ' eastern and western ranges ' mentioned by Sir Arthur Evans. 

2 A. Soutzo Histoire de la revolution grec que Paris 1829 p. 158 ' D'apres une tradition 
orale des Cretois, Jupiter avait coutume d'y descendre lorsqu'il venait visiter les sommets 
de l'Ida : c'est pour cette raison qu'on le nomme ZovXclkkop, " vallee de Jupiter," et, ce qui 
n'est pas moins curieux, les indigenes du pays conservent encore l'invocation suivante de 
leurs ancetres, corrompue par le temps 'H.kout£ fiov Z&ve Bet ! " Exauce-moi Jupiter ! " ' 
cited by N. G. Polites MeX^rij iirl rod filov tup Newipuv 'EW^wc Athens 1871 i. 41 n. 1, • 
Hapaddfffis Athens 1904 ii. 778, B. Schmidt Das Volksleben der Neugriechen Leipzig 
1871 i. 27, R. Rodd The Customs and Lore of Modern Greece London 1892 p. 132 n. 1, 
J. C. Lawson Modern Greek Folklore and Ancient Greek Religion Cambridge 19 10 p. 74. 

3 With Zov\o.kkov B. Schmidt op. cit. i. 27 n. 5 compares Zovtov\&ko (another name 
of the same village in the eparchy Mylopotamo), Zov (in Siteia), Zijura (in Arkadia). The 
last of these has, he considers, most claim to be connected with Zeus. 

I have failed to find either Zoi5\a»c/co«' or ZovrovXdico on the Admiralty Chart of western 
Crete. There is, however, a Zutulana in Mylopotamo, the position of which is approxi- 
mately 24 . 50' E. by 35 . 18' N. Is this a third name of the same place? The German 
reduction of Capt. Spratt's map (Die Insel Candia oder Creta) marks Zutulako about i\ 
miles S.W. of Axos. 

On Mt Kentro in the eparchy Amario is a field called Zov (N. G. Polites 
llapaSdffeis Athens 1904 i. 98 no. 174). 

4 With 'ftKovrt jxov ZQve dei C. Wachsmuth cp. the Albanian oath irtp Tift $bvt, ' By 

Zeus superseded by Saint Elias 163 

by A. Papadakes, who in 1879 reports that at Anogeia 1 in Mylo- 
potarao there is a place named Zoti to lakko after the tomb of Zeus. 
The dwellers in the district, if troubled or displeased at what they 
hear, will sometimes throw up their hands and cry ' Hear me, god 
Zonos ! ' or ' Hear me for the sake of God's seat ! ' or ' for the sake 
of God's throne 2 !' I. D. Kondylakes in 1896 gives their exclama- 
tion in the form ' God Zdnos* ! ' 

If these names are indeed to be connected with that of Zeus, 
they must be regarded as masculine forms corresponding with the 
feminine Didne*. In that case we should obtain a Greek parallel 
to the Latin Dianns, Diana. 

(f) Zeus as a Mountain-god superseded by Saint Elias. 

Apart from the tomb of Zeus in Crete, the surviving traces of 
these mountain-cults in the place-names of modern Greece are few 
in number. 

In the centre of Naxos rises a conical mountain, 3737 feet in 
height, from the summit of which it is possible to count some 
twenty-two islands and to see on the horizon the mountain-chains 
of Asia Minor 5 . This peak, known as Drios in ancient times 6 , now 
bears the name Zia 7 or Dia 8 — a name which connects it not only 

our Lord,' or ircp tc Vfoe«, 'By the Lord, by God' (Das alte Griechenland im neueti 
Bonn 1864 p. 50, J. G. von Hahn Albanesische Studitn Jena 1854 ii. 106, iii. 37). 

The expressions 6ee rrjs KpT)rr)s or w See ttjs Kpijnjs or yi& rb deb rrjs Kpjjr^s, often 
used at Arachova on Mt Parnassos and elsewhere in the sense of ' Tell that to the 
marines !,' are explained by B. Schmidt op. cit. i. 28 as a survival from the days when 
the Christians ridiculed the Cretan belief in a buried Zeus (Orig. c . Cels. 3. 43 Karaye\u/j.ev 
rwv TrpoaKwotivruv rbv Ala, cirel ra<f>os avrov ev KpJjTj] SelicvvTcu). 

1 Prof. R. C. Bosanquet informs me that Anogeia ' is the nearest village to the Idaean 
Cave. It lies very high on Ida, and the natives, shepherds and snow-carriers, are different 
from their neighbours in dress, customs, etc' 

- 'H/foOre fiov, ZQive Oet, or 'HkoOtc fiov 71a ra dpovla. rod Oeov or 710 to $povo$ rov Otou 
(N. G. Polites Uapa86<reii Athens 1904 i. 97 f. no. 174, ii. 777 f.). 

3 I. D. Kondylakes in the Athenian journal 'E<rWa June 26, 1896, quoted by N. G. 
Polites loc. cit. 

4 Zeus is paired with Dione at Dodona, and the oath irtp rive f6xe is described as 
Albanian (supra p. 162 n. 4). The geographical coincidence is noteworthy. 

My friend Mr R. M. Dawkins kindly tells me that a priori he would have expected 
the name Zetfs to survive in modern Greek as Atds. The ace. Afa would normally become 
A/a or Mav, pronounced Aid or Aid?, whence a new nom. Aidt with gen. Atd would be 

8 Smith Diet. Geogr. ii. 406. 

6 Diod. 5. 51. See further A. Meliarakes Ki/«c\a5ucd Athens 1874 p. 18 n. 51. 

7 Pauly-Wissowa Rcal-Enc. v. 298. 

8 lb. v. 1709. 

II — 2 

1 66 Zeus superseded by Saint Elias 

second was a revolution from beneath— the spiritual unrest and 
upheaval of the lower orders, which found expression in many an 
upward effort, the passionate cult of Dionysos with its rites of death 
and rebirth, the pure precepts of Orpheus bringing hopes of a 
bright hereafter, the Pythagorean propaganda eager to explain the 
true course of human lite, the sacramental mysteries claiming to 
guard men's souls through the grave itself. Thirdly there was a 
revolution from without— the influx of foreign faiths from Egypt 
Svria, Asia Minor, Persia, which in bewildering succession poured 
into the Mediterranean area till Mithraism, modified into the solar 
monotheism of Aurelian, seemed like to merge all other creeds in 
that ^A' So/ hivictus, ' the Unconquered Sun.' These were indeed 
Titanic forces. Hut Zeus, who had vanquished the Titans, some- 
how still held his own. Philosophers, elaborating the presupposi- 
tions of popular belief, found it convenient to give the name of 
Zeus to their ultimate principle or at least to one of their cosmic 
elements'. Again, points of contact between the Orpheo-Dionysiac 
rites and the religion of Zeus were not wanting. If Orpheus was 
priest of Dionysos, and if Dionysos was son of Zeus, a modus 
Vivendi was after all not impossible'-'. Further, the importers of 
strange cults from the east inevitably began by identifying their 
unfamiliar sanctities with the familiar gods and goddesses of 
Greece, and in an age of syncretism soon obtained recognition for 
various types of solar Zeus 3 . In short, the Hellenic sky-god, thanks 
to his own all-embracing character, was not readily submerged by 
the rising waters of rationalism, mysticism, and orientalism. 

The revolution from above, the revolution from beneath, the 
revolution from without, had alike ended in something of a com- 
promise. Then for the first time — and here I desert the lead of 
Dieterich ' came a revolution from within. It was in its essence 
a movement oi great simplicity, nothing more than the response 
of human hearts to the call of Jesus Christ. Nothing more, but 
also nothing less. And that call, once heard, left no room for 
compromise, ''liny forsook all,' — we read — 'and followed him.' 

Had they but continued as they began, the victory was already 
assured. There is a sound of coming triumph in the words 

1 Sn/>ra p. :; It'. - Supra pp. 104 If.. 153, a /id. :i Infra p. 186 ff. 

x I Mutt-ridi op. 1//. p. 480 -.ays ' Die Revolution von uiiten ist /.ugleich aber auch eine 
Revolution von ininn.' 1 1 hat is in a sense true; and accordingly we find the nearest 
approaches to < hristianity neither in the rationalism of Greece nor in the orientalism of 
Rome, hut in the heart-fell aspirations of Orphic and Dionysiac devotees. It was by no 
accident that the art of the Catacombs repeated again and again the figure of Orpheus, or 
that the literature of the dark ages described the tragedy of Calvary in language borrowed 
from the Bacchants of Euripides. 

Zeus superseded by Saint Elias 167 

of Paul : ' The weapons of our warfare are not of the flesh, but 
mighty before God to the casting down of strong holds.' His 
converts should have gone on conquering and to conquer. But, 
alas for champions who knew not of what Spirit they were. Fain 
to reinforce that Spirit's sword, they turned aside to the old armoury 
of argument, altercation, and abuse. Pagan attacks were met by 
Christian counter-attacks, and the apologists with all their merits 
were in some cases men mainly remarkable for their erudition. As 
the new religion spread, matters were equalised externally and more 
than equalised : the persecuted became the persecutors. Gratian 
urged on by the influence of Ambrose began to plunder heathen 
temples for the benefit of Christian priests. Theodosios prohibited 
under the severest penalties the perpetuation of pagan worship. 
Justinian carried on and completed the outward victory. But 
meantime those who thus tried to secure an intellectual and 
temporal ascendancy were shrewd enough to perceive that the 
scathing periods of church-fathers 1 and even imperial mandates 
of extermination were powerless to suppress the long-standing 
rites of paganism. They concluded that definite substitutes must 
be found for the discredited objects of popular cult. And found 
they were. Indeed, it is not too much to say that in the fourth 
century of our era a momentous transformation was already in 
progress, by which Christian saints gradually usurped the position 
of pagan gods and demigods. 

How far this process of substitution was due to deliberate policy 
and official action on the part of church or state, is a question 
hotly disputed, and in the comparative dearth of contemporary 
evidence 2 hard to decide. A priori arguments of course are not 
wanting. On the one hand the great majority of Christians then, 
as now, were ' corrupted from the simplicity and the purity that 
is toward Christ.' Such persons presumably followed the dictates 
of worldly wisdom 3 . On the other hand we have also to reckon 
with a cause less conspicuous than ecclesiastical interference, but 

1 The Christian apologists largely ignored the small fry of Greek mythology and saved 
their finest scorn for the inconsistencies and immoralities of Zeus : see e.g. Clem. Al. 
protr. 2. 36. 5 — 1. 37. 4 p. 27, 19 ff. Stahlin, Arnob. adv. nat. 5. 20 — 23, Firm. Mat. 12. 

i — 9, Rufin. recogn. 10. 20 — 23, Aug. epist. 5, de civ. Dei 4. 25, a/id. 

2 See, however, Beda hist, eccles. 1. 30, Ioul. epist. 78 Hertlein, Leo Magnus serm. 
8. 9 — cited by Miss M. Hamilton Greek Saints and Their Festivals Edinburgh and 
London 1910 p. 4ff. Add cod. Theod. 16. 10. 3. 

3 An instructive case is the proposed rebuilding of the Marneion at Gaza as a Christian 
church with the old pagan ground-plan : <rwej3ov\evov ovv rives KTurdijvai avrr\» icard. t)\¥ 
diaiv tov (ISuXeLov (Marcus Diaconus v. Porphyrii episcopi Gazensis 75) — a course 
eventually disallowed (infra ch. ii § 9 (g)). 

1 66 Zeus superseded by Saint Elias 

second was a revolution from beneath — the spiritual unrest and 
upheaval of the lower orders, which found expression in many an 
upward effort, the passionate cult of Dionysos with its rites of death 
and rebirth, the pure precepts of Orpheus bringing hopes of a 
bright hereafter, the Pythagorean propaganda eager to explain the 
true course of human life, the sacramental mysteries claiming to 
guard men's souls through the grave itself. Thirdly there was a 
revolution from without— the influx of foreign faiths from Egypt 
Syria, Asia Minor, Persia, which in bewildering succession poured 
into the Mediterranean area till Mithraism, modified into the solar 
monotheism of Aurelian, seemed like to merge all other creeds in 
that of Sol Invictus, ' the Unconquered Sun.' These were indeed 
Titanic forces. But Zeus, who had vanquished the Titans, some- 
how still held his own. Philosophers, elaborating the presupposi- 
tions of popular belief, found it convenient to give the name of 
Zeus to their ultimate principle or at least to one of their cosmic 
elements 1 . Again, points of contact between the Orpheo-Dionysiac 
rites and the religion of Zeus were not wanting. If Orpheus was 
priest of Dionysos, and if Dionysos was son of Zeus, a modus 
vivendi was after all not impossible 2 . Further, the importers of 
strange cults from the east inevitably began by identifying their 
unfamiliar sanctities with the familiar gods and goddesses of 
Greece, and in an age of syncretism soon obtained recognition for 
various types of solar Zeus 3 . In short, the Hellenic sky-god, thanks 
to his own all-embracing character, was not readily submerged by 
the rising waters of rationalism, mysticism, arid orientalism. 

The revolution from above, the revolution from beneath, the 
revolution from without, had alike ended in something of a com- 
promise. Then for the first time — and here I desert the lead of 
Dieterich 4 — came a revolution from within. It was in its essence 
a movement of great simplicity, nothing more than the response 
of human hearts to the call of Jesus Christ. Nothing more, but 
also nothing less. And that call, once heard, left no room for 
compromise. 'They forsook all,' — we read — 'and followed him.' 

Had they but continued as they began, the victory was already 
assured. There is a sound of coming triumph in the words 

1 Supra p. 27 ff. 2 Supra pp. 104 ff., 153, a/id. 3 Infra p. 186 ff. 

4 Dieterich op. cit. p. 480 says ' Die Revolution von unien ist zugleich aber auch eine 
Revolution von tnnen.' That is in a sense true; and accordingly we find the nearest 
approaches to Christianity neither in the rationalism of Greece nor in the orientalism of 
Rome, but in the heart-felt aspirations of Orphic and Dionysiac devotees. It was by no 
accident that the art of the Catacombs repeated again and again the figure of Orpheus, or 
that the literature of the dark ages described the tragedy of Calvary in language borrowed 
from the Bacchants of Euripides. 

Zeus superseded by Saint Elias 167 

of Paul : ' The weapons of our warfare are not of the flesh, but 
mighty before God to the casting down of strong holds.' His 
converts should have gone on conquering and to conquer. But, 
alas for champions who knew not of what Spirit they were. Fain 
to reinforce that Spirit's sword, they turned aside to the old armoury 
of argument, altercation, and abuse. Pagan attacks were met by 
Christian counter-attacks, and the apologists with all their merits 
were in some cases men mainly remarkable for their erudition. As 
the new religion spread, matters were equalised externally and more 
than equalised : the persecuted became the persecutors. Gratian 
urged on by the influence of Ambrose began to plunder heathen 
temples for the benefit of Christian priests. Theodosios prohibited 
under the severest penalties the perpetuation of pagan worship. 
Justinian carried on and completed the outward victory. But 
meantime those who thus tried to secure an intellectual and 
temporal ascendancy were shrewd enough to perceive that the 
scathing periods of church-fathers 1 and even imperial mandates 
of extermination were powerless to suppress the long-standing 
rites of paganism. They concluded that definite substitutes must 
be found for the discredited objects of popular cult. And found 
they were. Indeed, it is not too much to say that in the fourth 
century of our era a momentous transformation was already in 
progress, by which Christian saints gradually usurped the position 
of pagan gods and demigods. 

How far this process of substitution was due to deliberate policy 
and official action on the part of church or state, is a question 
hotly disputed, and in the comparative dearth of contemporary 
evidence 2 hard to decide. A priori arguments of course are not 
wanting. On the one hand the great majority of Christians then, 
as now, were ' corrupted from the simplicity and the purity that 
is toward Christ.' Such persons presumably followed the dictates 
of worldly wisdom 3 . On the other hand we have also to reckon 
with a cause less conspicuous than ecclesiastical interference, but 

1 The Christian apologists largely ignored the small fry of Greek mythology and saved 
their finest scorn for the inconsistencies and immoralities of Zeus : see e.g. Clem. Al. 
protr. 2. 36. 5 — 2. 37. 4 p. 27, 19 ff. Stahlin, Arnob. adv. nat. 5. 20 — 23, Firm. Mat. 12. 

1 — 9, Rufin. recogn. 10. 20 — 23, Aug. epist. 5, de civ. Dei,\. 25, a/id. 

2 See, however, Beda hist, ecc/es. 1. 30, Ioul. epist. 78 Hertlein, Leo Magnus serm. 
8. 9 — cited by Miss M. Hamilton Greek Saints and Their Festivals Edinburgh and 
London 1910 p. 4ff. Add cod. Theod. 16. 10. 3. 

3 An instructive case is the proposed rebuilding of the Marneion at Gaza as a Christian 
church with the old pagan ground-plan : <rvvt{iou\evoi> ovv rives KTiffdrjvai oi/ttj* icari. tV 
dtatv tov (ISuXtiov (Marcus Diaconus v. Porphyrii episcopi Gazensis 75) — a course 
eventually disallowed {infra ch. ii § 9 (g)). 

1 68 Zeus superseded by Saint Elias 

even more potent the incalculable force of old associations. 
These affected at once places, circumstances, and names. Men 
would resort to the familiar cult-centre and expect the new 
occupant of the shrine to bestow the customary blessing. Again, 
folk-tales, even if raised to the rank of myths by the sanction of 
literature, would readily attach themselves afresh to new heroes, 
provided that these in their doings and sufferings bore some 
resemblance to the old. Especially would Christian saints whose 
names happened to be derived from those of heathen deities tend 
to acquire powers and prerogatives properly belonging to the said 
deities. In these and other such ways the old order changed; 
or rather, the old order did not change, but at most submitted 
to a new nomenclature. Causation apart, the practical result was 
this; the old gods and goddesses, the old heroes and heroines, 
often with their precincts, their temples, and their very statues 1 , 
were re-christened and re-consecrated in the service of the new 
religion-'. For a second time and in a subtler sense Graecia capta 
ft' nan victorem cepit. 

A few typical cases will be in point. At Byzantion the pagan 
twins Kastor and Polydeukes had been wont to cure the sick by 
means of incubation. The Christian twins Kosmas and Damianos 
followed suit, doing the same thing at the same place; indeed, 
unconverted Greeks are reported to have called them Kastor and 
Polydeukes and to have been solemnly rebuked by them for the 
very pardonable misnomer. These Christian Dioskouroi, like their 
pagan predecessors, appeared to persons imploring their aid as 

■ Examples, arc collected by L. Friedlander Erinnerungen, Reden und Studien 

Stra-sburg 1905 i. 370 ft., who inter alia cites- from E. Miintz Histoire de V art pendant la 
renai :>:■, iss,^ [. 2 i a mediaeval misinterpretation of lupiter with his eagle as John the 
Evangelist . 

- A general treatment of the subject will be found in !•'. 1'iper Mythologie mid 
.Sym/>olil. der ehristlichen kitiist Weimar 1S47 — 1 85 1 , V. Schult/.e Geschichte des Unter- 
^ni- ,:', ^no hi > 'n->\>)iii.s, iiai Hcidentuins Jena 1887 — 1892, T. Trede Das Heidentum 
in ,i, r >;■////',,//, 1: A'irelu fiotha 1889 — 1891, id. Rilder aus dan rcligibsen und sittlichen 
.' vm Suditaliens (iotha 1909. E. v. Arneth Das elassisehe Heidentum und die christ- 
liehe Religion Wien 1*05. E. Lucius Die A nf tinge des Heiligenkults in tier ehristlichen 
Kir he la posthuniou-, work ed. by G. Anrich) Tubingen 1904, W. Soltau Das Fortleben 
</> Ueidentums in tier altehristlichen Kirehe Merlin 1906, A. Dieterich Kleine Schriften 
Leipzig and Berlin 191 1 pp. 441; 559 ' Der Untergang der antiken Religion.' Recent 
French and English book, bearing on the same theme are II. Delehaye Les Lc'gendes 
l/agi iraphii/ue - IJruxelles 1900, Lei legendes grecques des saints militaires Paris 1909, 
T. R. (Mover Tin Con flirt of Religions in the Early Roman Empire* London 1910, 
J. ('. Law Mm Modern Greek Folklore and Ancient Greek Religion Cambridge 1910, Miss 
M. Hamilton Greek Saint- and Their Festivals Edinburgh and London 1910. A 
survey of articles etc. dealing with special points is given by Gruppe Myth. Lit. 1908 
pp. .',02 — 320 ' Das Fortleben des Heidentums im Christentum.' 

Zeus superseded by Saint Elias 169 

horsemen, and even as stars 1 . Other cases are recorded by Ioannes 
Malalas 2 . After telling how the Argonauts founded at Kyzikos 
a temple of Rhea Mother of the gods, which the emperor Zenon 
transformed into a church of Mary Mother of God, he continues : 
'The Argonauts... were next attacked by Amykos, and fearing his 
might took refuge in a certain bay thickly covered with wildwood. 
Here they saw in a vision a man of dreadful aspect with wings as 
of an eagle on his shoulders, a spirit who came to them from the 
sky and announced that they should conquer Amykos. So they 
took heart and attacked him. Having conquered him they showed 
their gratitude by founding a sanctuary on the spot where they had 
beheld the vision and erecting there a statue of the spirit seen by 
them. They called the place or the sanctuary itself Sosthfries, 
because they had fled thither and been saved ; and the place still 
bears the name. When Byzantion had become the seat of empire, 
Constantine the Great saw this sanctuary, in fact he left home in 
order to restore it. Being now a Christian, he observed the statue 
standing there on its pillar and remarked that from the Christian 
point of view it looked like an angel in the garb of a monk. Awed 
by the place and its fane, he went to sleep there after praying that 
he might learn what angelic spirit the statue represented. He was 
told in a vision the name of the spirit, offered prayer towards the 
east, and called the place of prayer, or the locality, by the name of 
the holy archangel Michael.' Again, one of the principal deities of 
Byzantion was, as we might have expected, Poseidon 3 . The emperor 
Justinian selected a spot on the Golden Horn and there built a 
church to Saint Priskos and Saint Nikolaos, laying the foundations 
of it actually in the water 4 . Similarly at the entrance to the 
harbour of Mykonos — another centre of Poseidon-worship 8 — stands 
a shrine of Saint Nikolaos, who calms the waves 6 . It may be 
supposed that in these and many other places the saint has 
succeeded to the god, but the continuity of the mariner's cult 
remains unbroken. 'There is no vessel, great or small, upon 

1 L. Deubner De incubatione Lipsiae 1900 pp. 68 — 79, J. Rendel Harris The Cult of 
the Heavenly Twins Cambridge 1906 pp. 53 f., 100. 

2 Io. Malal. chron. 4 p. 78 f. Dindorf. E. Maass 'Boreas und Michael' in the 
Jahresh. d. oest. arch. Inst. 1910 xiii. 117 ff. argues that 2W06't;s was a cult-epithet 

of Boreas, denoting the ' Fresh ' north wind. 

3 Gruppe Gr. Myth. Rel. pp. 138, 223, 1138 n. 2. 

4 Procop. de aedificiis 1. 6 (iii. 193 Dindorf). The house of Basilides, a quaestor of 
Justinian, was also turned into a church of St Nikolaos (Codinus de aedificiis Constantino- 
politanis 62 B), who was in fact titular saint of four churches at Byzantion (C d. F. 
Ducange Constantinopolis Christiana 4. 6. 67 — 70 p. 130 ed. Paris. 1680). 

8 Dittenberger Syll. inscr. GV. s no.6i5, 5ff. = Michel Recueil <f Inscr. gr. no. 714, 5 ff. 
6 N. G. Polites Me\^T7/ «ri rod piov rS»v 'Sttartpwv 'EXXiivoic Athens 187 1 i. 58 n. 4. 

170 Zeus superseded by Saint Elias 

Greek waters,'— says Mr G. F. Abbott — 'which has not the saint's 
icon in its stern, with an ever-burning lamp in front of it, or a small 
silver-plated picture of the saint attached to its mast. In time of 
storm and stress it is the name of St Nicholas that instinctively 
rises to the lips of the Greek mariner, and to him candles are 
promised, and vows registered. He is to the modern sailor all that 
Poseidon was to his ancestors 1 .' 

As in cult, so in legend pagan elements are still to be traced. 
Saint Niketas has a cavern with a painted roof by way of a chapel 
near Cape Sudsuro in south-eastern Crete. Four or five centuries 
ago, says local tradition, a girl was carried off from the chapel by 
a Barbary corsair but miraculously restored on the anniversary of 
her captivity by Saint Niketas. He flies through the air on a 
white-winged horse, and marks on the rock still show where the 
horse alighted. Captain T. A. B. Spratt, who visited the chapel, 
mindful of Pegasos and Hippokrene, justly concludes that the 
saint is 'a sort of Bellerophon 2 .' Again, many well-known figures 
in classical mythology are said to have been saved from the sea by 
riding on the back of a dolphin (Arion, Eikadios, Enalos, Koiranos, 
Phalanthos, Taras, Theseus, etc.): others had their corpses brought 
ashore by a dolphin, which itself expired on reaching land (so with 
minor variations in the case of Palaimon or Melikertes, Dionysios 
and Hermias of Iasos, Hesiod, and an anonymous boy at Naupaktos). 
Both incidents reappear in the records of the hagiographers. Saints 
Martinianos of Kaisareia, Kallistratos of Carthage, Basileios the 
younger of Constantinople, were each rescued from a watery grave 
by a couple of dolphins ; and the corpse of Saint Loukianos of 
Antioch was brought ashore by a gigantic dolphin, which breathed 
its last on the sand 3 . Or again, — to take an example that will 
appeal to students of Homer — ' Saint Elias had been a sailor, but 
left the sea repenting of the evil life he had led. Others say he 
left because of the hardships he had suffered. He determined to 
go where it was not known what the sea or boats were. Shoulder- 
ing an oar, he went on asking people what it was. When he came 
to the top of a hill he was told it was wood. He saw that they 

1 G. F. Abbott Macedonian Folklore Cambridge 1903 p. 241. See also B. Schmidt 
Das Volksleben der Neugriechen Leipzig 187 1 i. 37, N. G. Polites op. cit. i. 57 ff., D. H. 
Kerler Die Patronale der Heiligen Ulm 1905 p. 306. 

2 T. A. B. Spratt Travels and Researches in Crete London 1865 i. 343 ff., 
N. G. Polites IIopa86ff«y Athens 1904 i. 1 1 1 f . no. 199, ii. 798 f., Miss M. Hamilton 
in the Ann. Brit. Sc/t. Ath. 1906 — 1907 xiii. 349 and in her Greek Saints and Their 
Festivals Edinburgh and London 1910 p. 27 f. 

3 The evidence is collected and discussed by K. Klement Arion Wien 1898 pp. 1 — 64 
and H. Usener Die Sintfluthsagen Bonn 1899 pp. 138 — 180. 

Zeus superseded by Saint Elias 171 

had never seen boats or the sea, and he stayed on the hilltops 1 .' 
Who fails to recognize Odysseus 2 ? 

Sometimes the shift from heathen deity to Christian saint 
is barely disguised by a slight deflection of the ancient name ; 
sometimes it dispenses with any disguise at all. At Athens the 
Tritopatreis were superseded by the Trinity 3 . Dionysos lives on 
in the person of Saint Dionysios, to whom his cult 4 and myth 5 

1 Miss M. Hamilton in the Ann. Brit. Sell. Ath. 1906 — 1907 xiii. 356 n. 1 after 
N. G. Polites HapaSdaeis Athens 1904 i. 116 no. 207, ii. 801 f. My friend Dr W. II. 
D. Rouse in The Cambridge Review 1905 — 1906 xxvii. 414 tells how he heard the same 
tale from an old Coan skipper : — ' " Ah well," says Giorgis, " 'tis a poor trade this, as 
the holy Elias found." "What was that?" I asked. "The prophet Elias," quoth he, 
"was a fisherman; he had bad weather, terrific storms, so that he became afraid of the 
sea. Well, so he left his nets and his boat on the shore, and put an oar over his shoulder, 
and took the hills. On the way, who should he see but a man. 'A good hour to you,' 
says he. 'Welcome,' says the man. 'What's this, can you tell me?' says St Elias. 
' That ? ' says the man, ' Why that's an oar.' Eh, on he goes till he meets another man. 
' A good hour to you,' says St Elias. ' You are welcome,' says the man. ' What's this?' 
says St Elias. 'Why, that's an oar, to be sure,' says the man. On he goes again, until 
he comes to the very top of the mountain, and there he sees another man. 'Can you 
tell me what this is?' asks St Elias. 'That?' says the man, 'Why, that's a stick.' 
' Good ! ' says St Elias, ' this is the place for me, here I abide.' He plants his oar in the 
ground, and that is why his chapels are all built on the hill tops." ' 

2 Od. 11. ii9ff., 23. 266 ff. 3 A. Struck Gri ec he nland Wien u. Leipzig 191 1 i. 131 f. 
4 The ancient deme of Ikaria is habitually called by the peasants Dionyso — a clear 

trace of the god Dionysos. When Chandler visited the place in 1766, its church was 
sacred to St Dionysios, presumably Dionysios the Areopagite (C. D. Buck in Papers of 
the American School of Classical Studies at Athens 1886 — 1890 v. 47 ff. : see also Miss M. 
Hamilton Greek Saints and Their Festivals Edinburgh and London 1910 p. 15 f.). 

Mr J. C. Lawson Modern Greek Folklore and Ancient Greek Religion Cambridge 1910 
p. 43 says: ' It is perhaps noteworthy too that in Athens the road which skirts the 
south side of the Acropolis and the theatre of Dionysus is now called the street of 
S. Dionysius the Areopagite. I was once corrected by a Greek of average education for 
speaking of the theatre of Dionysus instead of ascribing it to his saintly namesake.' 

8 Prof. C. Siegel of Hamburg at Kokkino in Boiotia in 1846 heard the following 
folk-tale : — ' When Dionysios was still a child, he travelled through Hellas on his way to 
Naxia. But, since the road was long, he got tired and sat on a stone to rest. As he sat 
there looking in front of him, he saw a little plant spring from the ground at his feet, and 
thought it so pretty that he at once resolved to take it with him and plant it. He pulled 
it up and went off with it. But the sun was so hot that he feared it might wither before 
he reached Naxia. Thereupon he found a bird's leg, stuck the plant in it, and went on. 
However, in his holy hand the plant grew so fast that it soon came out at both ends of 
the bone. Again he feared it might wither, and thought what he could do to prevent it. 
He found a lion's leg, which was bigger than the bird's leg, and stuck the bird's leg with 
the plant into the lion's leg. But the plant soon grew out of the lion's leg also. Then 
he found an ass's leg, which was still bigger than the lion's leg, and stuck the plant with 
the bird's leg and the lion's leg into the ass's leg, and so came to Naxia. When he 
wanted to plant the plant, he found its roots twined fast about the bird's leg, the 
lion's leg, and the ass's leg. As he could not pull the roots out without hurting 
them, he planted the plant just as it was. It sprang up quickly and to his delight 
bore the finest of grapes. Of these he at once made wine for the first time and gave 
it to men to drink. But now what wonders followed ! When men drank of it, at 

I "2 

Zeus superseded by Saint Elias 

have inevitably passed. Saint Merkourios, who nowadays cures 
ear-ache in S; linos', is described by Malalas in terms of Mercurius 
as a divine messenger commissioned to slay the emperor Julian 2 . 
Another Latin deitv first canonised in Italy and then naturalised 
in lireece is Venus, who is known .is Saint Venere in western 
Albania and as the Holy Mother Venere among the Vlachs of 
I'indos . The nivth of Hippolytos is told afresh of his Christian 
name-sake 4 , while his consort the virgin goddess has handed over 
her festival to the Virgin of the victorious faith 8 . Even gender 
proved no bar to such reformations. Saint Artemidos in Keos 
is the protector of ailing children, being — as Mr J. T. Bent was 
the first to observe— credited with the attributes of Artemis". 

lii*! :iu\ -ang like bird-. When they drank deeper, they became strong as lions. 
When thev drank deeper still, they resembled asses.' The tale is published in trans- 
lation li\ I. <;. vim [ latin (Iricchiscln and allninesische Miirchen Leipzig ICS64 ii. 746*". 
1. 70, V II. I'ohte- MeXe'r?; e'iri roe jiiov ru>v 'StuiTepuv 'EWrjviov Athens 1871 i. 43 f., 
II. 1 .unov in la Tradition 1887 i. 89. For parallels see (J. Dahnhardt Natursagen 
g .mil Berlin 1007 i. 30H f. Cp. also C. Wachsmuth Das altc Griechenland im 
Bonn 1804 p. 24I., ami Miss M. Hamilton in the .-/;///. Brit. Sell. Ath. 1906 
11,07 v,u - ,ir° "■ :lll 'l nl Greek Saints and Their Festivals p. 16 f., who concludes 
that the I>ionysio> in question was the monk of Meteora of the twelfth century because 
according in X. (i. I'olites \\a f >ao6cri is i. 98 f. no. 175, ii. 778 ff. — the saint was 
n eviii^ to \a\os from Mt Olvmpos. 

: Mi-- M. Hamilton (ire el- Saints and Their Festivals p. 32, citing ^a/xia/cd 
p . n n. 

- !". . 'iron. 1 3 p. 333 f. Dilldorf iv aurrj 8e Ty vvkti d5(v ev opapLari ko\ 
-j-a-os iirictK otto's HatriXeios 6 Kaicrapeias KamradoKLas rocs ovpavovs -qveipyixivowi 
Ken rov tTU'Tr]i>a X/n<rroi' eiri t)p6vo\> KadrjUfvov Kai e'nrovra Kpavyri, ^ilepKovpce, drreXOwv 
ifiovfi rov Im \iavi>v rov tiaaiXia. rov Kara tlcv Xpamaviiv. 6 be ayios Mfp\'oepios fcrajj 
~ xrHtv 70 Kipiou i<pbpti OuipaKa o i!)T)povv awo<TTLX(3ovra' Kai aKovaas tt)v KtXevcriv 
■ i>:>:i:- s i-fivfTo. Kaii 7raW ({•petit) r<TTu)s tuirpoadev rov Kvpiov Kai HKpaijev, lovXtavos 6 
Ja(Ti\f\<; iT0a-,«is airiRavnv, ws iVAtuffas, Kupie. Kai rrroyOeU Ik rrjs Kpavyrjs 6 irriaKOTros 
Ba<ri\<io5 on TTi'i'Tlr) TtTapay/jiivos. 

■'■ Mi- \l. Hamilton ,/. eit. p. 33 f. 

4 S. Keinai h ''nit, . Mytlie.s et Religions Paris 1908 iii. 56 f., who gives references to 
earlier w ritei - on the subject. 

' |. Kende! Harris Tin Annotators of the Codex Hezae London 1901 p. 102, Class. 

loo 2 36S !. 

The ground-plan of the precinct at I.ousoi in Arkadia published by W. Reichel and 
A. W'llln Im \/ahr It. :. , '. arch. Inst. 1901 iv. 26 f. tig. 16, cp. ib. p. 23 fig. 13 
section and p. 32 fig. 19 view) -hows in direct superposition : ( 1 ) the temple of Artemis 
Hiui.u. 12) a By/antine church. (3) a chapel of the I'anagia built c. r8jO. 

" |. T. Bent 'Tin ( 'ye/aii London 1885 p. 457: ' In Keos St Artemidos is the patron 
of these weaklings, and the church dedicated to him is some little way from the town on 
the hill-lope- ; thither a mother will take a child afflicted by any mysterious wasting, 
"-truck by the Nereid-," as they say. She then strips off its clothes and puts on new 
one-, blessed by the priest, leaving the old ones as a perquisite to the Church; and then 
if perchance the child grow- strong she will thank St Artemidos for the blessing he has 
vouchsafed, unconscious that by -o doing she is perpetuating the archaic worship of 
Artemis, to whom in classical times were attached the epithets Trat56rpo<pos, Kovporpoipos, 
(ptXoutipai; [leg. Ttaidorpoipos, KovpoTpxp^s, i/nXo/xfipa^] ; and now the Ionian idea of the 

Plate XV 



Kistophdros from Eleusis, known as Saint Demetra. 

See page 173 «. 1. 

Zeus superseded by Saint Elias 173 

Similarly Demeter changed her sex, but retained her sanctity, 
in the cult of Saint Demetrios 1 ; Eileithyia in that of Saint 

fructifying and nourishing properties of the Ephesian Artemis has been transferred to her 
Christian namesake. We found traces of the worship of Artemis having existed in Keos 
along with that of Apollo in ancient times, for Barba Manthos had a little image of the 
Ephesian Artemis in his collection, which he had found in a temple at Karthaia.' See 
further J. T. Bent in The Journal of the Anthropological Institute 1885-6 xv. 392, 
J. C. Lawson Modern Greek Folklore and Ancient Greek Religion p. 44, Miss M. Hamilton 
Incubation London 1906 p. 174, in the Ann. Brit. Sch. Ath. 1906 — 1907 xiii. 352, and in 
Greek Saints and Their Festivals p. 1 7 f. 

1 At Eleusis the cult of Demeter was hard to kill, as will be admitted in view of the 
following facts. In the Fitzwilliam Museum at Cambridge is the upper half of a colossal 
Ki<TTO(f>6pos in Pentelic marble, referable to the fourth or third cent. B.C. (pi. xv). It was 
found at Eleusis in 1801 by E. D. Clarke and J. M. Cripps 'on the side of the road, 
immediately before entering the village, and in the midst of a heap of dung, buried as 
high as the neck, a little beyond the farther extremity of the pavement of the Temple. 
Yet even this degrading situation had not been assigned to it wholly independent of its 
antient history. The inhabitants of the small village which is now situate among the 
ruins of Eleusis still regarded this Statue with a very high degree of superstitious veneration. 
They attributed to its presence the fertility of their land ; and it was for this reason that 
they heaped around it the manure intended for their fields. They believed that the 
loss of it would be followed by no less a calamity than the failure of their annual 
harvests; and they pointed to the cars of bearded wheat, among the sculptured ornaments 
upon the head of the figure, as a never-failing indication of the produce of the soil ' 
(E. D. Clarke Travels in various countries of Europe Asia and Africa* London 1818 
vi. 601). * The Eleusinians, whose superstitions b [ b It was their custom to burn a lamp 
before it, upon festival days.] respecting it were so great that Dr. Chandler paid a large 
sum for permission to dig near it, relate, that as often as foreigners came to remove the 
statue, some disaster ensued. They believed that the arm of any person who offered to 
touch it with violence, would drop off; and said, that once being taken from her station 
by the French, she returned back in the night to her former situation ' (E. D. Clarke 
Greek Marbles brought from the shores of the Euxine, Archipelago, and Mediterranean, 
etc. Cambridge 1809 p. 32 f.). On the evening preceding the removal of the statue 
an ox, loosed from its yoke, butted with its horns against the marble and then ran 
off, bellowing, into the plain of Eleusis. This roused all the terrors of the peasantry, 
whose scruples were not removed till the priest of Eleusis arrayed in his vestments 
struck the first blow with a pickaxe. Even then the people maintained that no ship 
would ever get safe to port with the statue on board. Curiously enough the Princessa, a 
merchantman conveying it home from Smyrna, was wrecked and lost near Beachy 
Head, though the statue itself was recovered. As to the notion that the absence of 
the statue would cause the crops to fail, E. D. Clarke adds : ' The first year after the 
departure of the Goddess, their corn proved very abundant, and they were in constant 
expectation that Ceres would return. The next year, however, was not so favourable; 
and they begin to fear she has deserted them.' He justly cp. Cic. in Verr. 2. 4. 1 14 Cerere 
violata, omnes cultus fructusque Cereris in his locis interiisse arbitrantur (id. ib. p. 35 ff.). 
The statue — on which see also A. Michaelis Ancient Marbles in Great Britain trans. 
C. A. M. Fennell Cambridge 1882 p. 242 ff. — has been called successively Demeter, 
a Kavrj<f>6po%, a Ka\a07)<p6pos, and more accurately a Kiffro<p6pos. Lenormant states that 
the inhabitants of Eleusis spoke of it as 'Ayla A-finyrpa and, in order to secure good 
harvests, used to present it with garlands of flowers (F. Lenormant Mmographie de 
la voie sacrit tfleusinienne Paris 1864 i. 398 n.). In i860, when he undertook his 
excavations at Eleusis, he made careful enquiries concerning this 'Ayla A^rirpa — a 
saint unknown to the calendar. An Albanian papas or priest, who was said to be 

174 Zeus superseded by Saint Elias 

114 wars old .ind was certainly a centenarian, told him the tale here summarised 
(it/, in. i. m \i)i)ti. n. ): 

•St Dliimitr.i \\.i> a charitahle old woman, who lived at Athens. She had a 
d.ueditct of wondious lieauty : none ><> fair had been seen since mistress Aphrodite 
iKi.Ht 'lvt>r>;r>;i. < >ne 1i.1v as the girl wa-. combing her hair, which was golden in 
colom .on! u-ached to the ground, a Turkish aga from the neighbourhood of Souli 
vlM | u .| ;lI1 ,| d-H m |,,ve with her. He was a wicked man and a magician. When 
die lejeclcd hi> advances, he resolved to carry her off to his harem. So one Christmas 
ni'dit, while Dhimitra was at church, the agi burst open the house-door, seized the 
maiden, and despite her ciies of distress rode off with her on his horse. The horse 
wa> a marvellous creatine: it was black with fiery nostrils, and could in a single 
bound M'ting from cast to west. In a few moments it carried the ravisher and his 
victim into the mountains of Epeiros. Dhimitra on her return from church was broken- 
hearted at the loss of her daughter. She asked the neighbours, who, dreading Turkish 
vengeance, dared not tell what they knew. She questioned the Tree that grew in front 
of the house, but the Tree could give no information. She enquired of the Sun, the 
Moon, the Stars, but all in vain. At last the Stork that nested on the roof of her 
hou>e said: "We have long been living side by side. You are as old as I am, and 
have alwavs been kind to me. Once you helped me to drive off a bird of prey, which 
wanted to steal my little ones. So I will tell you what has happened. A Turk on 
a black horse has carried off your daughter towards the west. Come, I will help you 
look for her." They set out together over the snowy mountains. But those whom 
thev met by the way either mocked at them or gave no answer to their questions. 
Dhimitra wept and wailed, and men — since they do not care for sorrow — closed their 
doors against her. On reaching Lepsina (Eleusis) she fell, overcome with fatigue ; 
indeed she would have died, had not Marigo, wdfe of Nicolas the khodja-bachi or 
headman of the village, seen her by the road-side and taken her in. In return for 
the hospitality of Nicolas and Marigo, Dhimitra blessed their fields and made them 
fruitful. Nicolas' son, the smartest pallikar in the district, pursued the quest, on con- 
dition that he might wed the stolen girl. Accompanied by the faithful Stork, he walked 
for many days, and one night in the heart of the mountains found forty dragons watching 
a great cauldron, which was boiling on a fire. lie lifted the cauldron with one hand, 
lighted a torch at the lire, and replaced the pot. The dragons; astonished at his strength, 
took him with them to help in getting possession of a maiden kept by a magician in a 
very high tower. Nicolas' son drove nails into the tower, climbed up withdrawing 
the naib after him lest the dragons should follow, and squeezed through a narrow 
window at the top. He then told the dragons to do the same. This gave him time 
t<> kill them one by one as they entered and to throw their bodies down on the other 
side of the tower, where there was a large court-yard and a magnificent garden and 
castle. He afterwards went down into the tower and found Dhimitra's daughter. 
While he was making love to her, the aga fell upon him, and they wrestled together. 
The aga transformed himself into a lion, a serpent, a bird of prey, a flame, and in 
these various disguise's struggled for three days, till at last he slew and quartered the 
young pallikar. He then forced the daughter of Dhimitra to yield to his desires, 
though he had hitherto respected her virginity. But in the night the Stork flew off, 
fetched a magic herb, and rubbed it on the lips of the dead youth; wdiereupon he 
came to life again, and attacked the aga with greater fury than before. He invoked 
the aid of the I'anaghia, vowing that, if successful, he would become a monk in the 
monastery of I'haneromeni (in Salamis). He thus prevailed and overthrew his adversary. 
The Stork pecked out the aga' s eyes and also a white hair from his black top-knot — the 
hair on which the magician's life depended. The pallikar brought the girl back to 
Lepsina just at the beginning of spring, when the flowers first appear : he then became 
a monk in accordance with his vow. St Dhimitra with her daughter quitted the place, 
and no one knows where they have gone; but ever since, thanks to her benediction, 
the fieids of Lepsina have been fertile.' 

Zeus superseded by Saint Elias 175 

Eleutherios 1 . Sometimes the actual name of the deity was dropped, 
but the cult-title preserved and the distinctive characteristics that 
went with it assigned to the Christian homonym. Thus H. Usener 
has made it probable that behind Saint Pelagia lurks the goddess 
Aphrodite Pelagia?, behind Saint Tychon the god Hermes Tychon 

This folk-tale has been impugned by J. Psichari Atudes de philologie ne'o-grecque Paris 
1892 p. lxxxix, but is justly vindicated by L. M. J. Garnett Greek Folk Poesy London 
1896 ii. 171 ff., 451 ff. and J. C. Lawson Modern Greek Folklore and Ancient Greek 
Religion Cambridge 1910 p. 79 ff. N. G. Polites MeX^r?; iwl rod filov tG>v ^eusripwv 
"EXX-qvu>v Athens 187 1 i. 46 ff. cites as partial parallels J. G. von Hahn Griechische und 
albanesische Marchen Leipzig 1864 ii. 33 ff. no. 68 and 112 ft". no. 97. It would seem, 
then, that the rape of Persephone by Hades (transformed under Ottoman misrule into 
a Turkish ago), the wanderings and woes of Demeter, the hospitality of Metaneira 
and Keleos (here Marigo and Nicolas : the latter name — as Lenormant remarks — has 
in Albanian the diminutive Kolid), and the travels of Keleos' son Triptolemos, all 
survive in the long-lived memory of the people. 

Lenormant op. cit. i. 402 n. supposes that a shift of sex has taken place in the legend 
of St Demetrios, a young man who on account' of his good looks was carried off by a 
tchiflik-bachi named Kara-Sche'itdn ( ' Black Devil ') and done to death for refusing his 
infamous desires. The cult of this saint originated near Jannina. J. G. Frazer Pausanias 
v. 6 records G. B. Grundy's conjecture that the church of St Demetrios or Demetrion 
about a mile to the north of Kriekouki in Boiotia occupies the site of a sanctuary of 
Demeter mentioned by Hdt. 9. 57, 62, 65 and Plout. v. Aristid. 11. Miss M. Hamilton 
in the Ann. Brit. Sch. Ath. 1906 — 1907 xiii. 350= Greek Saints and Their Festivals p. i3f. 
writes : ' St Demetrios is the popular patron of Greek husbandmen and shepherds, and the 
protector of agriculture in general. The functions of the Earth-Mother are perpetuated 
in him, and his festival in October [Oct. 26], just before sowing-time, has great importance 
in the land of peasant- farmers. All over the country, at Eleusis as in every other district, 
his churches are found.' Miss Hamilton does not, however, consider it proved 'that 
St Demetrios was given" to the new converts as representative of the banished Demeter.' 
But, whether this is a case of ecclesiastical policy or not, J. T. Bent is at least justified in 
asserting that ' the attributes of Demeter have been transferred to St Demetrios ' ( The 
Journal of the Anthropological Institute 1885-6 xv. 392). The same writer elsewhere 
observes : ' Demeter, in the present order of things, is also represented by a man, 
St Demetrius, who in certain places is the special protector of flocks, herds, and 
husbandmen, and in this capacity is called "of the dryland" (Srepiavos), as opposed 
to St Nicholas, the saint of the sea' {The Cyclades London 1885 p. 339): cp. J. C. 
Lawson op. cit. pp. 43 f., 79. 

1 The old metropolitan church of Athens is called not only after the Panagia 
Gorgoepekoos (infra ch. ii § 9 (h) ii (o)) but also after St Eleutherios, a saint invoked by 
women in childbirth (iXevdepwvei rals ywcuices, they say). The church stands on ground 
once occupied by a cult of Eileithyia (Corp. inscr. Alt. ii. 3 no. 1586, cp. Paus. 1. 18. 5). 
Popular etymology transformed ElXeiOvta, 'EXeldvia into 'EXetidvia, 'EXevffla, 'EXevdA etc. 
(Pauly-Wissowa Keal-Enc. v. 2102 f.), whence the transition to 'EXevdipios was simple: 
see B. Schmidt Das Volksleben der Neugriechen Leipzig 1871 i. 38 n. 7 and especially 
K. Michel and A. Struck in the Ath. Mitth. 1906 xxxi. 314 ft*. In Crete too Eileithyia 
has been succeeded by St Eleutherios (E. Bybilakis Neugriechisches Leben Berlin 1840 
p. 2). Indeed, the same thing has happened throughout the archipelago (J. T. Bent 
in The Journal of the Anthropological Institute 1885-6 xv. 392). See further 
Miss M. Hamilton Greek Saints and Their Festivals p. 18 f. 

2 H. Usener Legenden der heiligen Pelagia Bonn 1879 P* i y ^ (supplemented by 
F. C. Burkitt in The Journal oj Theological Studies 19 10 xi. 61 ff. and E. Maas 
'Aphrodite und die heilige Pelagia' in the Neue Jahrb. f. klass. Altertum 19 10 xxv 

176 Zeus superseded by Saint Elias 

or Aphroditos Tychon 1 ; and Dr J. Rendel Harris has shown some 
reason for believing that Saint George himself is but Zeus Georgds 
in a thin disguise 2 . 

457 ff.) argues that the cult of Aphrodite in the Levant produced a whole crop of saints. 
These include among others of like origin (1) Pelagia nicknamed Margarito, a dancer of 
Antioch, who being converted by Bishop Nonnos donned male attire and lived for three 
years on the Mount of Olives as the monk Pelagios. Festival Oct. 8. (2) Margarita, who 
fled from her bridal chamber in male costume to become the monk Pelagius. On account 
of her blameless conduct she was made prior of a nunnery ; but, when the nuns' female 
porter was found to be with child, the prior was accused and driven out. She now retired 
to a cave and led the hard life of a hermit. Shortly before her death, however, she avowed 
her sex, thereby proving her innocence, and was thenceforth known as St Reparata. The 
legend probably belongs to the Maronite monastery of Kanobin on Mt Lebanon. On Oct. 8 
the Romish church worships a St Reparata, a virgin of Kaisareia in Palestine, of whom it is 
said that, when she was beheaded by Decius, her soul flew up to heaven in the form of a white 
dove. (3) Porphyria, a prostitute of Tyre, who became the nun Pelagia. (4) Pelagia, a 
virgin of Antioch, who finding her house surrounded by troops dressed herself as a bride 
and committed suicide probably by leaping from the roof. Festival, according to the 
Roman calendar June 9; according to the Greek synaxdria June 9, June 10, or more often 
Oct. 8. (5) Pelagia of Tarsos, who was betrothed to a son of Diocletian, but became a 
Christian and was baptised by Klinon. The news of her baptism caused the young man 
to kill himself; whereupon Pelagia, after refusing to marry his father, was done to death in 
the jaws of a red-hot bronze bull. Festival May 4, May 5, Oct. 7, or more commonly Oct. 8. 
For IleXa7/a as an epithet of Aphrodite see Artemid. oneir. 2. 37 ' AQpodiri) 17 ireXayia, 
Lyd. de mens. 4. 64 p. 117, 21 Wiinsch weXayla de 17 'Aippoblrri, Corp. inscr. Lat. iii 
no. 3066 (Dessau Inscr. Lat. sel. no. 3179) Veneri Pelagiae. For Porphyria, Anakr. 
frag. 2, 3 Bergk 4 irop<pvpiri r 'Acppodlrri, interp. Serv. in Verg. Aen. 1. 720 Venus... Purpurissa. For Mapyapird), Margarita, Plin. not. hist. 9. 116 divus Iulius 
thoracem quem Veneri Genetrici in templo eius dicavit ex Britannicis margaritis factum 
voluerit intellegi (cp. id. 37. 11). The shift from UeXayta to UeXdytos suggests the shift 
from 'Aippodirri to 'A<pp68iTos and the cult of the masculine Venus, on whom see K. Tiimpel 
in Pauly-Wissowa Real-Enc. i. 2794 f. and Gruppe Gr. Myth. Kel. p. 1359 n. 3. 

1 H. Usener Der heilige Tychon Leipzig and Berlin 1907. St Tychon was bishop of 
Amathous in Kypros. The central incident in his career is the following. He was 
present, when certain vine-dressers were pruning vines at a place called Ampelon. Taking 
one of the withered branches rejected by them, he prayed that it might have UfidSa fwTjs, 
evtpopiav KapirQv, oTatpvXrjs i]dvT7]Ta ko.1 wpdiifJLov §iXdarq<nv. He then planted it with his 
own hands and bade the- vine-dressers witness the result. It sprang up to be a memorial 
of him ; and on his festival, June 16, when grapes are not yet fit to eat, the vine of 
St Tychon bears clusters that are either ripe or rapidly ripening. Indeed, when laid 
on the holy table and distributed to the communicants, they at once become dark and 
sweet, though a moment before they may have been light and bitter. 

Usener detects as the heidnische Unterlage of this saint the minor Dionysiac divinity 
Ti^xwi sometimes identified with Hermes (O. Kern Die Inschriften von Magnesia am 
Maander Berlin 1900 p. 136 no. 203 'E/>/u^j elfil Tvxuv k.t.X., Clem. Al. protr. 10. 102. 1 
P- 73> 1 7 Stahlin rbv Ttfxwj'a 'Epurjv — so Meursius for mss. rv<pwva, cp. Theognostos in 
Cramer anecd. Oxon. ii. 33, 31 Ttfxw T6x<ovos ' 6 'Ep/iijs, Hesych. T^x^"' tvioi rbv 'Epfirjv, 
dXXoi Si top vtpl tt)v ' A<ppo8lT7}v) , sometimes with Aphroditos (Papadopulos-Keramevs 
Lexicon Sabbailicum St Petersburg 1892 p. 3, 19 ' AiroXXo<p&vi)s Kpri<riv ' A<ricXr)irids 
Kfoveios, 'A<pp68iroi Ti/xw). 

2 Zeus Ttwpybs was worshipped at Athens on Maimakterion 20 with bake-meats and 
a dish of mingled grain (Corp. inscr. Att. iii. 1 no. 77, i2ff. MaifiaKT-qpicovos Ad Vewpyw 
k irdiravov | x 0ivlKLC " 0V ^p6bv<paXov 5w8eK6p<paXov, \ vaarbv x oiviKla * ov£irXa<rnivov,\ 

Zeus superseded by Saint Elias 177 

Cases of this kind could be multiplied without much difficulty. 
But the facts are sufficiently notorious. Confining our attention to 
the mountain-cults of Zeus, we note that as a rule they were 
transferred to Saint Elias. The precise extent to which this was 
done on Greek soil will be seen from the map accompanying 
Appendix B. Inspection shows that Saint Elias has succeeded to 

iravKapiriav vt)<j>akiov). His import was obviously agricultural, and his festival fell in the 
season of sowing: see Nilsson Gr. Feste p. 115. 

St George too is an agricultural power. F. C. H. L. Pouqueville Voyage de la Grece 2 
Paris 1827 vi. 142 f. says: 'saint Georges protege les laboureurs et les moissons.' 
G. F. Abbott Macedonian Folklore Cambridge 1903 p. 44 quotes a folk-song from Sochos, 
in which St George carries ' wheat and barley, and grains of pearl,' and is asked to 'Give 
to the bride chestnuts and to the groom walnuts.' J. Rendel Harris The Annotators of 
the Codex Bezae London 1901 p. 83 shows that in south Italy St George 'is the protector 
of cattle' with an 'agricultural and pastoral value,' and op. cit. p. 100 f. cites from Frazer 
Golden Bough' 2, i. 209 ff. [id. 3 The Magic Art ii. 75 f., cp. 79 for a Russian parallel] 
evidence that in Carinthia and among the gypsies of Transylvania and Roumania the 
chief figure on the festival of St George (April 23) is a ' Green George ' clad in leaves and 
blossoms, who is carried in procession along with a tree, or officiates beside a young 
willow tree set up in the ground, and is finally ducked in person or in effigy with the 
express intention of securing rain and food for the cattle. 

Dr Rendel Harris can therefore urge similarity of name and similarity of function in 
favour of his proposed identification. Yet we must not jump to hasty conclusions with 
Mr J. O'Neill, who in his book The Night of the Gods London 1893 i. 198 wrote : ' Of 
course we have... a supreme antique origin for St George's Day in the Athenian pagan 
calendar which put the feast of Zeus Georgos [sic] in the month of Memakterion [sic] 
(Nov.-Dec.).' Dr Rendel Harris op. cit. p. 100 does not thus blink the difficulty: 'the 
confirmation is lacking of a connexion between Zeus Georgos and April 23rd, the 
inscription being incomplete, and we must leave this part of the problem unsolved, merely 
remarking that on the Latin side of the house the date in question is that of the Vinalia, 
which can be demonstrated to be sacred to Jupiter.' 

Further evidence is, however, available. The chief centre of the cult of St George 
was Lydda or DiSspolis — the ' city of Zeus ' — in Samaria. Here he was born ; here, after 
his martyrdom at Nikomedeia, he was buried; and here a church was subsequently 
erected in his honour (E. Robinson Biblical Researches in Palestine etc. London 1841 
iii. 51). The saint stood in some relation to a sacred pillar. According to the Greek 
tnenata as reported in the Acta Sanctorum edd. Bolland. Aprilis iii. 142, when the church 
at Ramleh was being built, a pious widow wished to contribute a column. She had 
bought it and conveyed it as far as the coast, when the prefect or curator Palatinus refused 
her gift and would not transport it by sea with the other columns. Hereupon the widow 
besought St George, who appeared and, after writing on the marble with his finger ' Let 
this column of the widow occupy the second place on the right hand side of the church,' 
helped her to fling it into the sea. Next day it was found lying in the mouth of the 
harbour, having reached its destination before all the other columns, to the amazement of 
Palatinus, who acknowledged his error. Arculfus de locis Sanctis 3. 4, a work written 
down by Adamnan c. 688 a.d. and translated by J. R. Macpherson (Palestine Pilgrims' 
Text Society London 1895 iii. 1 ff.), states that in a house at Diospolis there was a 
' marble column of George the Confessor, to which, during a time of persecution, he was 
bound while he was scourged, and on which his likeness is impressed.' An unbeliever, 
mounted on horseback and instigated by the Devil, struck with his lance at the saint's 
likeness. The head of the lance penetrated the marble as if it were mere snow and could not 
be withdrawn ; its shaft was broken against the outside. The horse too fell dead on the 

C 12 

178 Zeus superseded by Saint Elias 

Zeus at many, not to say most, of the important cult-centres both 
on the mainland (Mount Olympos, Mount Lykaion, Mount 
Arachnaion, Mount Taleton, etc.) and in the archipelago (Mount 
Kenaion, Mount Oche, Mount Kynados, etc.). 

Mr N. G. Polites in a valuable monograph on the sun in 
modern Greek folk-tales has argued that Saint Elias represents, 
not only the mountain-Zeus, but Helios as well 1 . There is, to 

pavement, where the bloodmarks from its haunch were still to be seen. Its rider put out 
his hands to the marble column and his fingers stuck fast in it. He was released by 
prayer and penitence ; but his finger-prints remained, and Arculfus had seen them. 
Again, a layman on horseback, before starting on an expedition, vowed that, if he 
returned in safety, he would present St George with his horse. He did return in safety, 
and tried to cheat the saint by depositing 20 solidi of gold as the price of his horse ; but 
he found that the horse remained rooted to the spot. A second time he tried, depositing 
30 solidi, with the same result. Four times he mounted and dismounted, till 60 solidi lay 
before the column. At last he offered the saint the 60 solidi and the horse ; after which 
he departed with joy. It seems probable that the column represented St George as 
a horseman armed with a lance, and by no means impossible that it portrayed his triumph 
over the dragon ; for as early as 346 A.D. an inscription from Ezr'a or Edhr'a in southern 
Syria speaks of him as rod koXKivIkov ayiov fiAprvpos Fewpyiov {Corp. inscr. Gr. iv no. 8627, 
7), and, when the race of the Bagratides ascended the throne of Georgia towards the end 
of the sixth century, one of the devices that they emblazoned on their arms was that of 
St George slaying the dragon (Rev. S. C. Malan A Short History of the Georgian Church 
London 1866 p. 15 n. 10, p. 28 n. 19) : see the Rev. G. T. Stokes in Smith-Wace Did. 
Chr. Biogr. ii. 646. If the column at Diospolis was of this type, it must have resembled 
the 'Jupiter-columns' of Germany, Belgium and France, which are commonly surmounted 
by a sky-god, probably Ziu, conceived as a warlike Iupiter on horse-back spearing a 
serpent-legged giant (E. Wagner 'Neptun im Gigantenkampf auf romischen Monumenten' 
in the Westdeutsche Zeitschrift 1882 i. 36 ft"., F. Hettner 'Juppitersaulen' id. 1885 iv. 
365 ff. , Haug ' Die Wochengottersteine ' ib. 1 890 ix. 1 7 ff. , id. ' Die Viergbttersteine ' id. 
1891 x. 9 ff., 125 ff., 295 ff. , A. Prost ' Les travaux consacres au groupe de l'Anguipede et 
du Cavalier jusqu'en 1891 ' in the Mhnoires de la Socie"te des Antiquaires de France 1891 
pp. 15 — 54, Friedhof Die sogen. Gigantensdulen (Beilage zum Jahresbericht des Lyzeutns 
Metz 1892), G. A. Miiller Die Reilergruppe auf den romisch-germanischen Giganten- 
Siiulen Strassburg and Biihl 1894, A. Riese ' Uber die sogen. Juppitersaulen' in the 
fahrbuch der Gesellschaft fiir lothringische Geschichte und Altertumskunde 1900 xii. 
3240"., Forrer Keallex. p. 389 f. s.v. ' Jupitersaulen,' and especially F. Hertlein Die 
Jtippitergigantetisaulen Stuttgart 19 10). However that maybe, the legend of St George 
and the dragon suggests comparison with that of Zeus and Typhoeus, and furnishes a 
fresh point d'appui for the conjecture that St George is a modification of Zeus Georges. 

I may here note one or two recent works bearing on the subject. The monograph by 
E. Siecke Drachenkampfe : Untersuchungen zur indogermanischen Sagenktinde Leipzig 
1907 must be used with the greatest caution (see R. Wiinsch in the Archiv f Rel. 1911 
xiv. 561 ff.). C. S. Hulst St. George of Cappadocia in Legend and History London 1909 is 
chiefly of value for its list of monuments (pp. 135 — 149) and bibliography (pp. 150—156). 
J. F. Campbell The Celtic Dragon Myth with additions by G. Henderson Edinburgh 191 1 
includes many Celtic folk-tales. The most important contribution of late years is that of 
Dr J. G. Frazer Golden Bough 3 : The Dying God pp. 105 — 112 'The Slaughter of the 
Dragon' (a suggested reconciliation of the totemic with the cosmological interpretation). 

1 N. G. Polites 'O'HXtos /card rous 8i)p.w8eis /xOOovs Athens 1882 p. 45 ff., cp. MeXirri 
eirl rod fllov tQv Newripwv 'E\\rjvui> Athens 1871 i. 19 ff. Others too have held that 
St Elias is the successor of Helios (e.g. T. Trede Das Heidentum in der romischen Kirche 

Zeus superseded by Saint Elias 179 

begin with, the obvious fact that Elias or Helias and Helios sound 
much alike — a fact expressly noted by Sedulius, a Christian poet 
writing c. 430 A.D. 1 Again, Christian art in the fourth century 

Fig- J 34- 

portrayed the translation of Saint Elias under the type of Helios 
driving his chariot up the sky (fig. 134) 2 . When in the course of 

Gotha 1889 i. 315, cp. ii. 143, G. F. Abbott Macedonian Folklore Cambridge 1903 p. 240 f., 
Miss M. Hamilton Greek Saints and Their Festivals \>. 19 ff. ), but without advancing any 
fresh arguments in support of that view. 

1 Sedul. carm. pasch. 1. 168 ff. (after describing the translation of Elijah) quam bene 
fulminei praelucens semita caeli | convenit Heliae, merito qui et nomine fulgens | aethere 
dignus erat : nam, si sermonis Achivi |,una per accentum mutetur litera, Sol est. On the 
forms 'HXias, 'HXefos, 'HXkis, 'HXefas see Grimm-Thayer Gk-Eng. Lex. of the New Test, 
s.v. 'HXtos. 

2 F. Piper Mythologie und Symbolik der christlichen A»«rf Weimar 1847 — 1851 i. I. 
7r f- 2 - 504 f- (a sarcophagus in St Peter's at Rome = G. Bottari Sculture e pitture sagre 
estralte dai cimiterj di Roma Rome 1737 i pi. 29 ; another in the Louvre at Paris = Clarac 
Mas. de Sculpt, pi. 227 fig. 356 = my fig. 134, Reinach KCp. Stat. i. 117; a third at 
Milan = G. Allegranza Spiegazione e reflessioni . . .sopra alcuni sacri monumenti antichi di 
Milano Milano 1757 pi. 5), G. Bottari op. cit. Rome 1746 ii pi. 52 (sarcophagus), 

180 Zeus superseded by Saint Elias 

the same century Chrysostom declared that poets and painters had 
borrowed their conception of Helios' car from the scriptural 
account of the prophet Elias 1 , his blunder was not unnatural. 
Finally, rites that are probably derived from a primitive sun-worship 
are still celebrated in honour of Saint Elias. On July 20 — a day 
described in the Greek calendar as that of ' The fiery ascent to 
heaven of the holy and glorious prophet Helias the Thesbite 2 ' — 
pious folk toil up to the topmost peak of Mount Taygeton, now 
known as Hdgios Elias or Hagiolids. Here, when it gets dusk, 
they kindle numerous bonfires and throw plenty of incense on to 
them as an offering to Saint Elias. The dwellers of the district, 
especially those inhabiting the village of Kardamyle, as soon 
as they see the blaze on the mountain-top, set light to heaps of 
hay and straw, and keep the day by dancing round or leaping 
over them. This custom takes the place of the midsummer fires 
kindled elsewhere in Greece, and indeed throughout Europe, on 
June 24, the festival of Saint John the Baptist 3 . Miss M. Hamilton 
notes ' that the ikon of St Elias in the shrine on the top of 
Taygetos bears the inscription, " The Prophet of the Sun 4 ." ' 

The foregoing arguments may be held to prove that in the 
fourth century and later Saint Elias was sometimes viewed as the 
Christian counterpart of Helios. But they do not suffice to prove 
that Saint Elias is worshipped on mountain-tops in virtue of his 
equation with that deity. For of all the heights on which Saint 
Elias has a chapel, and they are very numerous, the only one 
possessing a definite tradition of Helios-cult is Mount Taleton in 
Lakonike, where horses used to be sacrificed to the sun 8 . On the 

pi. 70 (wall-painting), W. Lowrie Christian Art and Archeology New York 1901 p. 258 
fig. 97 (fourth century sarcophagus in the Lateran Museum at Rome), L. von Sybel 
Christliche Antike Marburg 1906 i. 222 f. (wall-paintings of the fourth century = J. Wil- 
pert Die Malereieii der Katakomben Roms Freiburg 1903 pi. 160, 2 and pi. 230, 2). 
Cp. a rough eUuv in the little church of St Elias on the summit of the pass between 
Livadia and St Luke's monastery (Miss M. Hamilton in the Attn. Brit. Sch. Ath. 1906 
— 1907 xiii. 354 and in Greek Saints and Their Festivals p. 21). 

1 Io. Chrys. 6/ju\. 7' et's'HX. 27 cited by N. G. Polites. The statement of E. Burnouf 
La scietice des religions Paris 1872 p. 266 ff. that in early Christian art, e.g. in the sixth 
century mosaic of St Apollinaris at Ravenna, Elias and Moses flanking the cross represent 
the sun (^Xtoj) and the moon (Skt mds), is rashly accepted by Polites, but must be 
regarded as quite chimerical. 

2 N. Nilles Kalendaritim mannale utriusque ecclesiae orientalis et occidentalis CEniponte 
1896 i. 218 'H irvp<p6pos avafiaais els ovpavovs rov aylov 4v86l-ov wpo<t>r}Tov 'HXlov rod 

8 N. G. Polites '0"H\toy (card, rows Srjfiwdeis /xuOovs Athens 1882 p. 45 f. 

4 Miss M. Hamilton Greek Saints and Their Festivals p. 21 "O irpo<prrn)s rov 'HXiov 
(sic), citing*A7« 9^pos, Atj/jlotiko, Tpayovdia, p. 11. 

8 Append. B Lakonike. A text which appears to have escaped notice in this con- 
nexion is Fest. p. 181 a 2 ff . Muller multis autem gentibus equum hostiarum numero haberi 

Zeus superseded by Saint Elias 181 

other hand, a fair number of the heights in question, including 
Mount Taleton, were well known as centres of Zeus-worship. It 
appears, therefore, that on the mountains Saint Elias is the 
successor of Zeus rather than of Helios 1 . 

But we have yet to ask why the mountain-Zeus was replaced 
by this saint in particular' 2 . Probably, in the first instance, the 
memorable scene on Mount Carmel, where Elijah prevailed over 
the priests of Baal 3 , impressed the popular mind with a vivid 
picture of the prophet as a mountain-power. The still more 
majestic scene of Elijah on Mount Horeb 4 doubtless deepened the 
same impression. And the final appearance of Elijah on the 
Mount of Transfiguration 5 would give a Christian sanction to the 
Jewish tradition. Again, Elijah, like Zeus, controlled atmospheric 

testimonio sunt Lacedaemoni, qui in monte Taygeto equum ventis immolant, ibidemque 
adolent, ut eorum flatu cinis eius per finis quam latissime differatur. et Sallentini, apud 
quos Menzanae Iovi dicatus vivos conicitur in ignem, et Rhodi, qui quod annis (quotannis 
Lindemann) quadrigas soli consecratas in mare iaciunt, quod is tali curriculo fertur 
circumvehi mundum. This passage not only gives us fresh and interesting information 
with regard to the burnt-sacrifice of a horse on Mt Taygeton, but also compares it with 
the burning of a live horse for Iupiter Menzana by the Sallentini. Now these Sallentini 
were Messapians (K. Penka Die vorhellenische Bevolkerung Grieehenlands Hildburghausen 
191 1 p. 35) or, more exactly, a Cretan colony settled in south Italy by Idomeneus of 
Lyttos (Strab. 282, Varro ap. Prob. in Verg. eel. 6. 31 p. 352 f. Lion and Fest. p. 329 a 
32 ff. Muller, Paul, ex Fest. p. 328 Muller, Verg. Aen. 3. 400 f.). I should conjecture 
that their Iupiter Menzana (perhaps — Montamts, cp. mentum, mentula, etc. as related to 
mons) was a mountain-god closely akin to the Cretan Zeus, whose solar character is shown 
by his cult-title TaXcu6s, TaXXatos {infra ch. i § 6 (h) v). On this showing the horse 
burnt on Mt Taygeton was originally a sacrifice to Zeus TaXer/ras (Append. B Lakonike), 
a Cretan solar Zeus. The Rhodians' annual rite of flinging a solar team into the sea can 
be paralleled from Illyricum : nonnulli Saturno, cum suos devoraret, pro Neptuno equum 
oblatum devorandum tradunt, unde lllyricos quotannis ritu sacrorum equum solere aquis 
immergere : hoc autem ideo, quod Saturnus humoris totius et frigoris deus sit (interp. 
Serv. in Verg. georg . 1. 12), vel quod equuleus, ut putant, loci eius suppositus Saturno 
fuerit, quem pro Neptuno devoraret ;...cui ob hoc in Illyrico quaternos equos iaciebant 
nono quoque anno in mare (Paul, ex Fest. p. 101 Muller : see G. Wentzel in Philologus 
1891 I. 389). 

1 Zeus was in Hellenistic times not infrequently identified with Helios, especially with 
the solar Sarapis and Mithras (infra p. 186 ff.). But it is reasonable to suppose that the 
early Christians would have based their substitution of St Elias for Zeus on some 
universally recognised characteristic rather than on some exceptional aspect of the latter. 
Besides, we have no cause to think that Zedi Helios was worshipped on mountains. 

- We cannot here assume any verbal confusion. Of Zeus 'EXtetfs nothing is known 
beyond Hesych. 'EXietV Zei>s iv GiJ/Sats. 

: * 1 Kings 18. 18 — 40. Mount Carmel ' became known as Mount St Elias, and behind 
the high altar in the chapel is shown the grotto in which St Elias is said to have dwelt. 
Pilgrimages to this place have always been made, and on return home pilgrims would in 
many cases piously erect a local Carmel, dedicating the chapel to the saint' (Miss M. 
Hamilton in the Ann. Brit. Sch. Ath. 1906 — 1907 xiii. 355). 

4 1 Kings 19. 8—18. 

8 Matthew 17. 1 ff., Mark 9. 2 ff, Luke 9. 28 ff. 

1 82 Zeus superseded by Saint Elias 

phenomena. ' He prayed fervently that it might not rain ; and it 
rained not on the earth for three years and six months. And he 
prayed again ; and the heaven gave rain, and the earth brought 
forth her fruit 1 .' On the former occasion ' the heaven was shut 
upV On the latter, as a Greek liturgy has it, ' Elias by his fasting 
opened the heavens 3 .' Carmel was connected with ' clouds and 
wind, and... a great rain 4 ; ' Horeb, with ' a great and strong wind 5 ' : 
even on the Mount of Transfiguration ' there came a cloud over- 
shadowing them 6 .' During the time of drought Elijah was fed by 
ravens 7 , as Zeus was fed by doves 8 . Lastly, Elijah, like Zeus, was 
associated with various manifestations of celestial brightness. On 
Carmel 'the fire of the Lord fell 9 .' Horeb witnessed 'after the 
earthquake a fire ; but the Lord was not in the fire : and after the 
fire a still small voice 10 .' Twice Elijah, from the hill-top on which 
he dwelt, called down fire from heaven and destroyed the troops of 
Ahaziah king of Israel 11 . When the end came, ' there appeared 
a chariot of fire, and horses of fire,... and Elijah went up by 
a whirlwind into heaven 12 .' Such an one fitly shared in the glory 
of the Transfiguration. And such an one, we may add, was not 
unsuitably substituted by the Christian church for the Greek 
sky-god Zeus. 

'This hilltop saint,' says Miss M. Hamilton 13 , 'is believed by the 
peasants to be lord of sunshine, rain, and thunder. In several 
ways these powers are indicated in his worship ; the site of his 
chapels is the place where the sun shines longest from its rising to 
its setting, and where rain is first seen and felt... On the island 
of Kastellorizo 14 ...the festival of St. Elias is celebrated by the 

1 James 5. 17 f., cp. 1 Kings 17. 1, 18. 1 — 46. 

2 Luke 4. 25. 

3 N. Nilles Kalendarium manuale utriusque ecclesiae orientalis et occidetitalis 
CEniponte 1881 ii. 105 'HMas v7)OTe<u<ra.s oipavoi/s airtic\et<re. 

4 1 Kings 18. 45. 

5 1 Kings 19. 11. 

6 Mark 9. 7. 

7 1 Kings 17. 3 — 6. St Elias has a raven as one of his attributes, and is invoked 
against drought (D. H. Kerler Die Patronate der Heiligen Ulm 1905 p. 71 f.). 

8 Od. \2. 62 ff. with scholl. ad loc. and Eustath. in Od. p. 1712, 35 ff., Moiro ap. Athen. 
491 B. See Class. Rev. 1903 xvii. 185 f. 

9 1 Kings 18. 38. 

10 1 Kings 19. \i. 

11 2 Kings 1. 9ff., cp. Luke 9. 54. 

12 2 Kings 2. 1 1. The attribute of St Elias at Naples, viz. a wheel (T. Trede Das 
Heidentum in der romischen Kirche Gotha 1890 ii. 143), presumably refers to the chariot 
of fire. 

13 Miss M. Hamilton in the Ann. Brit. Sch. Ath. 1906 — 1907 xiii. 353 f. 

14 'Earia 1889 p. 63 cited by Miss M. Hamilton id. 

Zeus superseded by Saint Elias 183 

performance of a rain-charm wrought through the imitative magic 
of vicarious drenching. In the morning all the children throw 
each other into the sea, and later on old men and young join with 
them, until no person clad in dry clothes can walk through the 
streets with impunity. Those who resist are dealt with by strong 
fishermen. This compulsory bathing continues till Vespers, and 
then the bells call the drenched multitudes to church. The town 
itself looks as if a heavy rain-storm had fallen. And then the 
dwellers on that island, where drought causes the greatest suffering, 
pray to St. Elias for a good wet season.' 

At Constantinople and in its vicinity people think that thunder 
is caused by the prophet Elias speeding across the sky on his 
chariot — a relic of the belief, which in the middle ages was common 
throughout Greece, that thunder was due to God or Saint Elias 
pursuing a dragon in heaven. Another relic of the same belief is 
the frequent phrase : ' The lightning is chasing the snakes 1 .' A 
manuscript at the monastery of Leimon in Lesbos records the 
following conversation between Epiphanios and Andreas with 
regard to Byzantine notions on the subject : 

Epiphanios. Do they speak truly who declare that the prophet Elias is in 
his chariot thundering and lightening among the clouds, and that he is pursuing 
a dragon ? 

Andreas. Far from it. To accept such a statement on mere hearsay 
is utter folly. Men bereft of sense have concocted the tale out of their own 
imagination, as also the story that Christ made sparrows out of clay in the 
sight of the Jews, threw them into the air, and away they flew, or that he turned 
snow into flour. Those stories are false, and so is this, and all the extravagant 
doctrines forged by heretics.... Elias, then, did not go up to heaven (far from 
it !), nor does he sit on a chariot ; but he has power over the rain, and can ask 
God that in time of drought he will give rain to the earth.... As to the fact that 
lightning burns a dragon, I have no doubts. The thing is true. Only, the 
hurler of the lightning is not Saint Elias but the angel of the Lord appointed 
for the purpose. A dragon is produced thus : the Devil observes etc. 2 

Saint Elias has taken the place of the thunder-god not only in 
Greece but throughout a wide area of Europe and even of Asia. 
A folk-tale from Bukowina in Austria makes Saint Elias steal 
thunder and lightning from the Devil, who had misused them 3 . 
Another from the same place, current also in Hungary, tells how 

1 N. G. Polites Arj/jLudeis fieTeupoXoytKol (j.v6ot (extract from Hapvaaabi) Athens 1880 
p. 4 AT., where further evidence bearing on the phrase i) darpawrj nvvq-yq. rk '<pl8ta is 

2 Id. ib. p. 7 f. and earlier in his MeX^r?? iicl rod fllov tG>v T^euripuv 'EWfyuy Athens 
1871 i. 23 f. (after D. A. M. Charikles in S^P»"J Aug. 6, 1871), J. T. Bent The Cycladts 
London 1885 p. 87. 

* O. Dahnhardt Natursagen Leipzig and Berlin 1907 i. 139. 

184 Zeus superseded by Saint Elias 

Elias drove all evil spirits out of heaven by causing thunder, 
lightning, and a torrent of rain for forty days and nights 1 . In 
a Rumanian tale Judas steals the sun and moon from heaven, while 
Petrus is asleep: Elias offers to vanquish him, is armed with 
lightning and thunder, and succeeds in binding him to a column 
with iron fetters 2 . In Servian songs Elias is expressly called 
gromovnik Iliya, the ' thunderer Elias ' : hecontrolslightning, thunder, 
and the clouds of heaven 3 . According to Mr W. R. S. Ralston, 
' The Servians say that at the division of the world Ilya received 
the thunder and lightning as his share, and that the crash and 
blaze of the storm are signs of his contest with the devil. Where- 
fore the faithful ought not to cross themselves when the thunder 
peals, lest the evil one should take refuge from the heavenly 
weapons behind the protecting cross. The Bulgarians say that 
forked lightning is the lance of Ilya who is chasing the Lamia 
fiend : summer lightning is due to the sheen of that lance, or to the 
fire issuing from the nostrils of his celestial steeds. The white 
clouds of summer are named by them his heavenly sheep, and 
they say that he compels the spirits of dead Gypsies to form pellets 
of snow — by men styled hail — with which he scourges in summer 
the fields of sinners 4 .' Mr Ralston further shows that Elias has 
inherited the attributes of the old Slavonic thunder-god Perun. 
The Russians hold that ' the Prophet Ilya thunders across the sky 
in a flaming car, and smites the clouds with the darts of the 
lightning. In the Vladimir Government he is said "to destroy 
devils with stone arrows".... On his day the peasants everywhere 
expect thunder and rain, and in some places they set out rye and 
oats on their gates, and ask their clergy to laud the name of Ilya, 
that he may bless their cornfields with plenteousness. There are 
districts, also, in which the people go to church in a body on Ilya's 
day, and after the service is over they kill and roast a beast which 
has been purchased at the expense of the community. Its flesh is 
cut up into small pieces and sold, the money paid for it going to 
the church. To stay away from this ceremony, or not to purchase 
a piece of the meat, would be considered a great sin ; to mow or 
make hay on that day would be to incur a terrible risk, for Ilya 
might smite the field with the thunder, or burn up the crop with 
the lightning. In the old Novgorod there used to be two churches, 
the one dedicated to " Ilya the Wet," the other to " Ilya the Dry." 

1 O. Dahnhardt Natursagen i. 133 f. 

2 Id. id. i. 145. 

3 J. Grimm Teutonic Mythology trans. J. S. Stallybrass London 1882 i. 173. 

4 W. R. S. Ralston Russian Folk-tales London 1873 p. 339. 

Zeus superseded by Saint Elias 185 

To these a cross-bearing procession was made when a change in 
the weather was desired : to the former in times of drought, to the 
latter when injury was being done to the crops by rain. Diseases 
being considered to be evil spirits, invalids used to pray to the 
thunder-god for relief. And so, at the present day, a zagovor or 
spell against the Siberian cattle-plague entreats the " Holy Prophet 
of God Ilya" to send "thirty angels in golden array, with bows 
and with arrows" to destroy it 1 .' Similarly J. Grimm argued that 
Saint Elias had stepped into the shoes, not only of the Slavonic 

Fig- «35- 

Perun, Perkun, but also of the Germanic thunder-god Thor or 
Donar. As Thor overcame the Midhgardh-serpent and yet, 
touched by its venomous breath, sank dead upon the ground, so in 
the ninth-century Bavarian poem Jlfuspilli Eliah does indeed destroy 
Antichrist, but in the act himself receives a deadly wound 2 . ' The 
comparison,' says Grimm, ' becomes still more suggestive by the 
fact that even half-christian races in the Caucasus worship Elias 

1 W. R. S. Ralston Russian Folk-tales London 1873 p. 337 ff., cp. his earlier work 
The Songs of the Russian People 1 London 1872 p. 246 f., where however the date of Ilya's 
festival should be given as July 20, not July 29. 

2 J. Grimm op. cit. i. 173 f., cp. id. 810 ff., 1341, P. D. Chantepie de la Saussaye The 
Religion oj the Teutons trans. B. J. Vos Boston and London 1902 p. i3of. 

1 86 Direct identifications of Zeus with the Sun 

as a god of thunder. The Ossetes think a man lucky who is 
struck by lightning, they believe Ilia has taken him to himself; 
survivors raise a cry of joy, and sing and dance around the body, 
the people flock together, form a ring for dancing, and sing : 
Ellai, Ellai, eldaer tchoppei ! (O Elias, Elias, lord of the rocky 
summits). By the cairn over the grave they set up a long pole 
supporting the skin of a black he-goat, which is their usual manner 
of sacrificing to Elias.... They implore Elias to make their fields 
fruitful, and keep the hail away from them 1 . Olearius already had 
put it upon record, that the Circassians on the Caspian sacrificed 
a goat on Elias's day, and stretched the skin on a pole with 
prayers (fig. 135) 2 . Even the Muhammadans, in praying that 
a thunder-storm may be averted, name the name of Ilya 9 .' 

In view of the wide popularity of Saint Elias both within and 
without the confines of Greece, it is not surprising that the very 
name of Zeus has been erased from the memory of the people or 
at most drags on a hole-and-corner existence in out-of-the-way 

§ 6. Zeus in relation to the Sun. 
(a) Direct identifications of Zeus with the Sun. 

That Zeus as god of the bright sky was essentially connected 
with the sun is a priori probable enough. But in the domain of 
religion a priori argumentation is apt to be misleading; and, owing 
to the notorious vagaries of solar mythology, it must be rigorously 
excluded from the present section of our subject. 

Philosophical writers of Hellenistic and Byzantine times defi- 
nitely identify Zeus with the sun. Thus Cornificius Longus, a 
grammarian of the Augustan age, said that, when Homer spoke 
of Zeus visiting the Aithiopes, he really meant the sun 4 . Diogenes 
Laertios about the year 200 A.D. commemorates the death of 
Thales in the following epigram: 

Thales the sage once watched the racers' strife 
When thou, O Zeus the Sun, didst snatch his life 
Hence to the very heaven : I praise thee, for 
Grown old on earth he saw the stars no more 5 . 

1 H. J. von Klaproth Reise in den Kaukasus etc. Halle und Berlin 1814 ii. 606, 601. 

2 G. A. Erman Archiv fiir wissenschaftliche Kunde von Russland 1 &&x\m 1841 p. 429. 
[Cp. Voyages .. .f aits en Muscovie, Tartarie et Perse Par le Sr. Adam Olearius 
augmentez Par le Sr. De Wicquefort Amsterdam 1727 i. 1083 — 1084, where an illustration 
of the 'Sacrifices des Tartares Circassiens ' (my fig. 135) is given.] 

3 A. Olearius Reisebeschreibung 1647 P- 5 22 t 

4 Cornific.yra^. 6 Funaioli ap. Macrob. Sat. 1. 23. if. 

5 Anth. Pal. 7. 85. 1 i)Aie Zed, cp. Diog. Laert. 1. 39. 

Direct identifications of Zeus with the Sun 187 

A century later Arnobius describes the identification of Zeus with 
the sun as a tenet of the philosophers 1 . The emperor Julian, a 
neo-Platonist of the Syrian school, who wrote his remarkable 
oration in praise of The Sovereign Sun for the Saturnalia of 
361 A.D., is a case in point 2 . He notes that the Cypriote priests 
had common altars and common precincts for the Sun and for 
Zeus 3 ; nay more, that Apollon himself had declared — 

Zeus, Hades, Helios Sarapis — one 4 . 
About 400 A.D. Macrobius, an equally enthusiastic advocate of 
solar cult, devotes a whole chapter to proving that Zeus must 
be the sun 5 . Ioannes Laurentius the Lydian in his work on 
the Roman calendar, which was written in the early part of the 
sixth century, repeatedly takes that view 6 . And Eustathios, arch- 
bishop of Thessalonike, who lived during the latter half of the 
twelfth century, does the same in his learned commentary on 
the Iliad and Odyssey 1 . These authors and others like them 
attempt to justify their opinion by citing certain passages from 
Homer 8 , Hesiod 9 , Orpheus 10 , Pherekydes 11 , Sophokles 12 , and Platon 13 . 
But it is obvious that speculations of this sort, whether ancient 
or modern, deserve no credence whatever unless they are supported 
by evidence of actual cult. 

1 Arnob. adv. nat. 3. 30. 

2 See Ioul. or. 4. 136 A, 143 D, 144 c, 149 B and c. 

3 Id. ib. 135 D, [ 4 JD. 

4 Id. ib. 135 Df. eh Zetfs, eh 'Aidys, ers"HXi6s 4<tti Cp. the Orphic verse eh 
Tiefc, ets ' Aldrjs, eh "HXtos, els Aidvvcros (frag. 7, 1 Abel ap. Ioustin. cohort. 15 and frag. 
169 Abel ap. Macrob. Sat. 1. 18. 18). ' 

8 Macrob. Sat. 1. 23. r ff. 

6 Lyd. de mens. 3. 10 p. 45, 20 f. Wiinsch, ib. p. 47, 8 and 10 f., 4. 3 p. 67, 3 f. and 10. 

7 Eustath. in II. pp. 40, 29, 128, i4ff., 728, 16, id. in Od. pp. 1387, 26, 1713, 14 f., 
1726, 61 f. 

8 //. 1. 423 ff. (the visit of Zeus, escorted by the other gods, to the Aithiopes) is 
interpreted in this sense by Macrob. Sat. 1. 23. 1 f., sotnn. Scip. 2. 10. 10 f., Eustath. in 
II. p. 128, 14 ff. //. 13. 837 iKer aldipa Kal Atos avyds (on which see supra p. 7 n. 2) is 
similarly understood by et. mag. p. 409, 9 : cp. infra ch. i § 6 (g) ix. //. 2. 134 Aids 
fj.eyd.Xov iviavroi has schol. B. L. Aids 8e tov i)\lov ij tov SiepxofJ.e'vov XP 0V0V > schol. T. tov 
ifXlov 7) rov xpovov. 

9 Macrob. Sat. 1. 23. 9 explains lies. 0. d. 267 irdura IStov Aids 6<p0a\fids icai irdvra 
fori<ras (infra p. 196 n. 6) by //. 3. 277 'HAt6s 6' 8s vdvr i<popq.s Kal wdvr' iiraicofais : cp. 
infra ch. i § 6 (g) ix. 

10 Macrob. Sat. 1. 23. 22 cites Orph. frag: 235 Abel, of which the last couplet runs: 
•d/yXai ZeO Atdvvffe, irdrep -kovtov, irdrep atr)s, | "HXte irayyevtrop, iravraloXe, xpweo^eyy^ 
Cp. infra p. 197 n. 2 f. 

11 Lyd. de mens. 4. 3 p. 67, 3 f. Wiinsch rip Ad — Kal yd.p"H\tos avrbs /card <bepeKv8i}v. 

12 Soph. frag. 1017 Nauck 2 : see infra ch. i § 6 (g) ix. 

18 Arnob. adv. nat. 3. 30, Macrob. Sat. 1. 23. 5, Eustath. in Od. pp. x 713, 14 f., 1716, 
61 {., schol. Od. 12. 62 cite Plat. Phaedr. 246 K 6 nkv dq (j.e'yas rryeni}» iv ovpavy Zei)$, 
iXavvwv irrrfvbv apfia. 

1 8 8 Direct identifications of Zeus with the Sun 

And, even if such evidence is forthcoming, we must not at once 
conclude that Zeus was a sun-god in his own right. It may be 
merely a case of international worship, the syn- 
cretistic identification of Zeus with a foreign 
solar deity. 

For instance, among the religious phenomena 

of the Hellenistic age few are more remarkable 

than the vogue of Sarapis or Serapis. This 

deity, whatever his origin 1 , was regarded by 

Egyptians of the Ptolemaic period as the Apis 

of Osiris (Asar-Hdpi), a human mummy with 

a bull's head and the sun's disk between his horns 2 . The Greeks 

conceived him as a chthonian Zeus 3 (fig. 136) 4 and indicated his 

solar powers by means of a rayed crown (fig. 137) 5 . All round 

1 In recent years there has been much discussion as to the origin of Sarapis (see e.g. 
the resumes of Gruppe Myth. Lit. 1908 p. 611 ff. and of R. Wlinsch in the Archiv f. Rel. 
191 1 xiv. 579 n. 1). Three possible views have been mooted : (1) that Sarapis was from 
the first an Egyptian deity, who arose from the fusion of Osiris with the Apis of Se-n-hapi, 
the ' Place of Apis,' near Memphis. This is held to explain not merely the compound 
names '0<r6pairtj, 'Oa^pan-is, '0 a I paw is, etc. (Gruppe Gr. Myth. Rel. p. 1576 n. 1), but also 
the tradition that the statue of Sarapis was brought to Alexandreia from Sinope (Plout. 
de Is. et Os. 28 f., Tac. hist. 4. 83 f.), since Se-n-hapi was known to the Greeks as 
^tvibiriop (Dionys. per. 254 f. yiaKT)56viov wroXiedpov, | i-vda l.tvuirirao Aids fxeyaXoio 
fj-ikadpov with Eustath. ad loc. HtvwwiTrjs dt Zeus fj 6 Me/x<plrr)i ' 1,ivwwlov yap opos M4/jl- 
<pidof f) awb Zivunrr)s t^s IlovTiKrjs, k.t.X.). So A. Bouche-Leclercq in the Revue de 
rhistoire des religions 1902 xlvi. 1 ff., I. Levy id. 1909 lx. 285 ff., 1910 lxi. 162 ff., 
G. Lafaye in Daremberg-Saglio Diet. Ant. iv. 1248 ff. 

(2) That Sarapis was originally the Babylonian god Ea, whose cult-title far apsi y 
' King of the Ocean, King of the Dtep Sea,' became by a series of normal changes 
far apsi, *Iar aps, *$ar ap i s, *sar apis. Sarapis is first mentioned in connexion with 
Babylon (Plout. v. Alex. 73, 76, Arrian. 7. 26. 2). His ancient cult at Sinope may go 
back to an early Assyrian occupation of the town. His worship was introduced into 
Egypt by Ptolemy i Soter, who deliberately identified him with Osiris-Apis. Thi& 
arrangement of the facts explains inter alia the relation of Sarapis to Iao, whose name is 
the final form of the Babylonian Ea {Eau or Eati, later Iau or lau). So C. F. Lehmann- 
Haupt in Roscher Lex. Myth. iv. 338 — 364, cp. A. Dieterich Kleine Schriften Leipzig 
and Berlin 191 1 p. 159 ff. 

(3) That Sarapis was a barbaric Europaean deity known to the Macedonians and by 
them equated with the Babylonian god (evidence discussed in Roscher Lex. Myth. iv. 352 ff.). 

8 E. A. Wallis Budge The Gods of the Egyptians London 1904 ii. 195 ff. with figs., 
P. D. Scott-Moncrieff in the Journ. Hell. Stud. 1909 xxix. 87, C. F. Lehmann-Haupt in 
Roscher Lex. Myth. iv. 345 f., infra ch. i § 6 (g) i. 

3 Plout. de Is. et Os. 28 tov IIXoi/towos, Tac. hist. 4. 83 Iovis Ditis; Dessau Inter. 
Lat. sel. no. 4391 Lambaisa in Numidia (Iovis Plutonis Serapis sacer). 

4 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Lydia p. 369 pi. 39, 4 a copper of imperial date struck at 
Tripolis in Lydia : SEVC CAPATTIC wearing a modius on his head and extending his 
right hand over Kerberos at his feet. A similar figure and legend appear on coppers of 
Alexandreia «truck by Vespasian, both as a seated and as a standing type {Brit. Mus. Cat. 
Coins Alexandria p. 31). 

8 Brit. Mus. Cat. Bronzes p. 173 no. 939. Height 2% inches. Restored: left fore- 

Direct identifications of Zeus with the Sun 189 

the Mediterranean are found frequent dedications to ' Zeus the 
Sun, the mighty Sarapis 1 ,' or simply to 'Zeus the Sun, Sarapis 2 .' 

Fig- J 37- 

arm, right hand, sceptre, and chair. We may assume that the eagle at his left side was 
originally balanced by a Kerberos at his right side. 

Examples of Sarapis with a rayed crown, including a marble bust, lamps, gems, coins, 
etc., are collected by L. Stephani Nimbus und Strahlenkranz St Petersburg 1859 p. 42 ff. 
(extr. from the Memoires de V Academie des Sciences de St.-Pe"tersbourg. vi Serie. Sciences 
politiques, histoire, philologie. ix. 361 ff.). 

1 Au 'HX/i^ fieydXcp Zapdiridi Corp. inscr. Gr. iii nos. 4683 Alexandreia, 4713 Djebel- 
Dokhan, 4713*? Djebel-Fateereh, 4713/ (=Dittenberger Orient. Gr. inscr. sel. no. 678) 
Djebel-Fateereh, Inscr. Gr. ins. ii no. 114 Mytilene, Inscr. Gr. Sic. It. nos. 914 — 916 
Ostia, 1023 — 1024 Rome, 1030 — 1031 Rome, 1127 Praeneste, cp. 1084 Rome. 

So Dessau Inscr. Lat. sel. nos. 4395 Lutri in Crete (Iovi Soli optimo maximo Sarapidi), 
4396 Rome (I. o. m. Soli Sarapidi). 

1 Ail 'UXUp 2a/>d7rt5i: Corp. inscr. Gr. ii no. 2716 Stratonikeia ('HXiy At2 Zepdxei), 
iii nos. 4042 Ankyra in Galatia (Ad HXlu 2apdiri5i), 4262 Sidyma in Lykia (Au 'HXi^ 

190 Direct identifications of Zeus with the Sun 

A papyrus of the second century A.D. found at Oxyrhynchos pre- 
serves the following question addressed to his oracle : 

To Zeus the Sun, the mighty Serapis, and to the gods that share his temple. 
Nike asks whether it is expedient for her to buy from Tasarapion her slave 
Sarapion also called Gaion. Grant me this 1 . 

The so-called Anastasy papyrus in the British Museum, a book 
of magical formulae written probably in the fourth century A.D. 2 , 
equates Zeus the Sun not only with Sarapis but also with the 
ancient Indo-Iranian god Mithras 3 , who under Chaldean influence 
came to be regarded as the sun 4 , commencing one of its mystic 
sentences with the words : 

I invoke thee, O Zeus the Sun, Mithras, Sarapis, the Unconquered, etc. 5 

ZepdiriSt), Inscr. Gr. Sic. It. no. 2244 Auximum in Picenum (Iovi Soli Serapi Ad'HXlq> 

So Dessau Inscr. Lot. sel. nos. 4398 Apulum in Dacia (Sarapidi Iovi Soli), 4399 Rome 
(Sol. Serapi Iovi). Cp. ib. no. 4397 Sassoferrati in Umbria (Iovi Soli invicto Sarapidi). 

1 A. S. Hunt in The Oxyrhynchus Papyri London 191 1 viii. 250 no. 1149 Ad 'HXiV 
ficyaXifi 2epa7r[i]5i k.t.X., cp. ib. viii. 249 f. no. 1148. 

2 F. G. Kenyon The Palaeography of Greek Papyri Oxford 1899 p. 116. 

* Dr J. H. Moulton Early Religious Poetry of Persia Cambridge 191 1 p. 36 f. 'An 
extremely important Aryan god whose province came very near that of Dyaus was Mithra 
(Skt. Milra, Av. Midra etc.). He seems to have belonged to the upper air rather than 
to the sun. Prof. E. V. Arnold says there is little support in the Veda for the solar 
connexion, unless it be in hymns which compare Agni to Mitra. Nor is the Avestan 
yazata decisively sun-like. His name has no very convincing cognates in Indo-European 
languages, and we are rather tempted to speculate on a prehistoric link between the 
Aryans and Babylon, or some source influenced by Babylon. The "firmament" of the 
first chapter of Genesis was very prominent in early Semitic mythology ; and it is remark- 
able that the Assyrian metru, " rain," comes so near to Mithra's name*. [*I owe this to 
my colleague Prof. H. W. Hogg. See further p. 47 below. J. H. M.] If this is his 
origin, we get a remarkable basis for the Avestan use of the word to denote a contract, as 
also for the fact that the deity is in the Avesta patron of Truth, and in the Veda of 
Friendship. He is "the Mediator" between heaven and earth, as the firmament was by 
its position, both in nature and in mythology: an easy corollary is his function of 
regulating the relations of man and man.' 

F. Cumont Die Mysterien des Mithra^ trans. G. Gehrich Leipzig 191 1 p. 1 ff. is still 
content to regard Mithra as an Indo-Iranian god of light (' Beide Religionen erblicken in 
ihm eine Lichtgottheit, welche zugleich mit dem Himmel angerufen wird, der dort Varuna, 
hier Ahura heisst' etc.). 

The now famous cuneiform records of Kappadokia show that Mitra, Varuna, Indra, 
and Nasatya were already worshipped by the Mitani, an Indo-Iranian people dwelling 
next to the Hittites in the north of Mesopotamia, as far back as c. the fourteenth 
century B.C. (E. Meyer * Das erste Auftreten der Arier in der Geschichte ' in the Sitzungs- 
der. d. Akad. d. IViss. Berlin 1908 p. 140°. and in his Geschichte des Altertums Stuttgart 
1907 i. 2*. 579, 829, 837). 

4 F. Cumont in Roscher Lex. Myth. ii. 3056 ff. Dr J. H. Moulton op. cit. p. 35: 
' Mithra... is sufficiently solar to give his name to the Sun in modern Persian (Mihr).' 

5 C. Wessely Griechische Zauberpapyrus Wien 1888 p. 103, sf. ewiKaXovfiat. <re feu • 
rj\ie • /xidpa • ffa'paTTi • aviK-qn k.t.X. 

Cp. F. Cumont Textes et monuments figure's relatifs aux mysteres de Mithra Bruxelles 

Direct identifications of Zeus with the Sun 191 

Philon of Byblos, who flourished c. ioo A.D., wrote what pur- 
ported to be a translation of an ancient Phoenician history by a 
certain Sanchouniathon of Berytos 1 . An extract from the translation 
preserved by Eusebios states : 

The descendants of these men (Aion and Protogonos) were called Genos 
and Genea, and dwelt in Phoinike. When a drought befell, they stretched their 
hands to heaven towards the sun ; for he was the one god that they worshipped 
as lord of heaven, calling him Bee/sdmeu, which signifies ' Lord of Heaven ' 
among the Phoenicians or 'Zeus' among the Greeks 2 . 

Fig. 138. 

Zeus is here the Greek equivalent of the Phoenician Ba'al-samin, 
'Lord of Heaven,' who was honoured not only in Phoinike and its 
colonies but throughout the whole of Syria 3 , and was sometimes at 
least conceived as a sun-god 4 . It is he who appears on a fine 
bronze disk at Brussels published by Monsieur F. Cumont (fig. 138) 5 . 

1896 ii. 134 no. 256 a Mithraic relief at Dorstadt (figured ib. ii. 307 f. no. 191) inscribed 
Io(vi) S(oli) invi(cto) | deo genitori | r(upe) n(ato) etc., ib. ii. 140 no. 319 Dalmatia? 
D(eo) S(oli) I(ovi?) o(ptimo?) m(aximo?) I aeterno j etc.,/£. ii. 174 no. 556 Rome I(ovi?) 
S(oli?) I(nvicto?) P(raestantissimo ?) d(eo?) M(agno?) | etc. 

1 Gruppe Cult. Myth, orient. Rel. i. 350 — 409, W. Christ Geschichte der griechischen 
Litteratur* Miinchen 1898 p. 764. 

2 Philon Bybl. frag. 2 {Frag. hist. Gr. iii. 565 f. Miiller) ap. Euseb. praep. ev. 1. 10. 7. 

3 F. Cumont in Pauly-Wissowa Real-Enc. ii. 2839 f., W. W. Baudissin Adonis und 
Estnun Leipzig 191 1 p. 26. 

* C. J. M. de Vogii6 Inscriptions semitiques Paris 1868 p. 19 no. 16 a bilingual 
inscription in Aramaic and Greek from Palmyra, [JD]^ [?yj3 being rendered by 
[toO 'H]\fov. 

6 F. Cumont in the Festschrift fur Otto BenndorfWien 1898 pp. 291 — 295. 

192 Direct identifications of Zeus with the Sun 

The mask of Zeus wearing an oak-wreath is seen between the 
spread wings of an eagle, which stoops its head and grips with its 
talons a snake coiled in a circle. The tail of the reptile, first seized 
by its jaws and then passed round its neck, symbolises both the 
universe and eternity 1 , and attests the character of the Syrian Zeus. 
At Tripolis in Phoinike the local Bctal was Hellenised as a 
celestial and probably solar Zeus Hdgios. Coins of imperial date 
show a square-topped and sometimes battlemented structure with 
a radiate bust of the god in a pediment and a lighted altar below 

Fig- '39- 

Fig. 140. 

between figures representing the sun and moon (figs. 139, H ) 2 - 
This is perhaps a great altar of semi-oriental form, comparable with 
the Persian fire-altars 3 . 

1 Horapoll. hierogl. i. i alu>va...ypd\pai pov\bpt.evoi 6<piv £wypa<pou<riv ^x 0VTa r V v otipdv 
virb rb Xoiirbv <rwfx.a KpvTrTOixivTjv, ib. i. 2 Kdcrfxov ^ov\6/j.(voi ypdxj/ai 6<piv faypcMpovai ttjv 
iavrov IgBIovto. otipdv, Macrob. Sat. i. 9. 12 hinc et Phoenices in sacris imaginem eius 
exprimentes draconem finxerunt in orbem redactum caudamque suam devorantem, ut 
appareat mundum et ex se ipso ali et in se revolvi, Lyd. de mens. 3. 4 p. 39, 1 ff. Wlinsch 
iviavTbs...Kinc\os ydp iariv £</>' iavrbv d\o\jix.evos...6dev ical Myuwrioi Kad' lepbv \6yov 
dpdKovra ovprjpbpov rah irvpa/xltriv iyy\v<povcriu, Myth. Vat. 3. 1. 1 Saturnum... draconem 
etiam flammivomum, qui caudae suae ultima devorat, in dextra tenentem inducunt — 
collected by Cumont, who cites also a Mithraic relief showing a bearded serpent of this 
sort with rays on its head and a crescent on its tail (F. Cumont Textes et monuments 

figures relalifs aux mysteres de Mithra Bruxelles 1896 ii. 208 no. 25 fig. 36). The same 
idea recurs in the magical papyri : G. Parthey Zwei griechische Zauberpapyri Berlin 1866 
p. 124 pap. 1, 145^ kvk\(0 8t avrov dpcucovTa | oupofibpov in a charm 
irpbs tj'Xioj', C. Wessely Neue griechische Zauberpapyri Wien 1893 
p. 39 pap. Lond. 121, 596 f. o dpaicwv | ovpo^opos — F. G. Kenyon 
Greek Papyri in the British Museum London 1893 i. 102 f. no. 121, 
586 f. in a charm wpbs balfiovas, wpbs <pavrda/xara, irpbs irdcav vbaov 
koX wddos, cp. Corp. inscr. Att. App. defix. p. xiii tab. Berol. 1 a 
7 dupovpofibpy) with R. Wunsch's n. ib. p. xx b. 

Many illustrations may be found in the Abraxas-gems published 
by Montfaucon Antiquity Explained 'trans. D. Humphreys London 1721 ii. 227 ff. pi. 48 ff., 
e.g. p. 230 pi. 50 no. 8 (my fig. 141) after Chifflet, obviously a solar talisman. 

2 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Phoenicia pp. cxxii 214 ff. pis. 27, 14, 17, 28, 3, 4, 43, 11 
(my fig. 140), 12 (my fig. 139), Hunter Cat. Coins iii. 262 pi. 76, 30. 

8 Sir Cecil Smith ib. p. cxxii n. 2. See, however, G. F. Hill in the Journ. Hell. 
Stud. 191 1 xxxi. 62 n. 28. 

Direct identifications of Zeus with the Sun 193 

Again, a series of inscriptions from Trachonitis establishes the 
cult of a deity, whose full title was 'Zeus the unconquered Sun, the 
god AumosV Thus a stone over the door of a cell in the monastery 
of Deir el Leben records the following act of piety : 

Of Zeus the unconquered Sun, the god Aumos. The enclosure of the court 
was founded by Kassios Malichathos of the village of Reimea and by Paulos 
Maximinos of the village of Faithful Mardochoi 2 . 

... &M 

[Tl AM GYjc AI MHM ["l^eANNQl 

Fig. 142. 

Passing from Palestine to Asia Minor, we still find local sun- 
gods identified with Zeus. A sample will serve. A stele from 
Maionia (Menne/i) now at Koloe {Koula) associates the radiate bust 
of a Lydian sun-god, here called Zeus Masphalatends, with that of 
the moon-god Men (fig. 142) 3 . 

1 Tubs avUriTos HXtos debs Atfios Lebas-Waddington Asie Mineure etc. nos. 2392 — 
2395 Deir-el-Leben, 2441 Aerita, 2455 Agraina, 2390? Merdocha. 

2 Corp. inscr. Gr. iii no. 4590 Aids avucfyrov HX/ou 0eov Av[8l ]ov, where for Av[St]ov 
we must read ACfiov (Lebas-Waddington op. cit. no. 2394, W. Drexler in Roscher Lex. 
Myth. ii. 2164). 

3 Lebas-Reinach Voyage Arch. p. 136, r. The inscription (cp. Corp. inscr. 
Gr. ii no. 3439) runs : /card tt\v tCiv Qedv iirira\yr)v iepbs dov/xos evxv" | Ati MaaQaXaTrjutp 
Kal MtjW Tia/iov Mi;W Tvpdwip | irfXevaev rrjpeladai dvb T)p.epG>v 0. etns 8e roiruv direiffjffi, 
dvayvwaerai I rds dvvdfiis tov Aids. iirifj.e\r}aane'i>ov AiovvcLov \ AioSwpov Kal 'Ep/xoyivovs 
BaXeplov, frovs <jv{ \ p.(ijvbs) Av<rrpov. Cp. Lebas-Reinach id. p. 118 pi. 136, 2. 

At Baluklaou, a day's ride south from Lystra, W. M. Calder and Sir W. M. Ramsay 
found a dedication of the first century A.D., which associates 'Epp.r)y | yUyiorov with Ail 

C. 13 

1 94 Direct identifications of Zeus with the Sun 

Obviously these and other such identifications 1 do not suffice to 

prove that Zeus himself, the 
Greek Zeus, was essentially solar 
in character. At most they show 
that his attributes permitted of 
his being identified roughly and 
/ I a j$- * ^ or P ract ^ ca ^ purposes with a 

it /* » ^^ variety of barbaric sun-gods. The 

X only example of Zeus being wor- 
shipped as the Sun on Greek soil 
is to be found at Kastri, on the 

^ site of Arkesine, in Amorgos, 
Fig. 143- . i 1 * • 

where a very early rock-cut in- 
scription reads (fig. 143) : 

Ztiis Zeus 

*HX[«>> the Sun 2 . 

If the second word has been rightly deciphered by Monsieur Dubois 3 , 
we are driven to conclude that at least as early as the fifth century 
B.C. the inhabitants of Amorgos recognised a solar Zeus. This 
isolated case must then be due, as Dr Farnell saw, to 'some peculiar 

['H\/y] and so illustrates Acts 14. 12 Barnabas = Zeus, Paul = Hermes (The Times Nov. 
n, 1909, Am. [ourn. Arch. 1910 xiv. 102). 

1 Zeus Adados (lupiter Heliopolitanus), Zeus Dolichaios (Iupiter Dolichenus), Zeus 
TalaiSs, Tallaios, Taletitas, Zeus Ammon, Zeus Askralos, etc. will be separately con- 
sidered in later sections. 

A seated Zeus radiate occurs on silver coins of Antialkidas {Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins 
Greek and Scythic Kings p. 25 f. pi. 7, 9, 14) and Hermaios (id. p. 62 pi. 15, 1, 2, 3, 5) 
and on copper coins of Manes (id. p. 70 pi. 16, 9) and Spalirises (id. p. 101 pi. 22, 2); a 
standing Zeus radiate on silver coins of Heliokles (id. p. 21 pi. 7, 3; p. 23 pi. 7, 5 f.), 
Azes (id. p. 73 pi. 17, 8 — 11), Spalahores with Vonones (id. p. 98 pi. 21, 7f.), Spalaga- 
dames with Vonones (id. p. 99 pi. 21, 10), and Spalirises (id. p. 100 pi. 22, 1). The 
majority of these are described as laureate, not radiate, by Prof. P. Gardner locc. citt. : he 
admits, however, that pi. 17, 8 Azes and pi. 22, 2 Spalirises are radiate, and such may 
well be the character of them all. 

Iupiter Capitolinus has a rayed crown on a terra cotta lamp from Herculaneum now 
at Naples (Antichita di Ercolano Napoli 1792 viii (Le Lucerne ed i Candelabri d'Ercolano) 
1 f. pi.). Doubtful examples of a radiate Iupiter in wallpaintings are Helbig Wandgem. 
Camp. p. 22 no. 67 Atlas pi. 2 = Overbeck Gr. Kunstmyth. Zeus p. 189 /x. Atlas pi. 1, 42, 
and E. Gerhard Hyperdoreisch-Romische Sludien fur Archdologie Berlin 1833 p. 106 = L. 
Stephani Nimdus und Strahlenkranz p. 14 no. 3. Denarii of the gens Egnatia show a 
distyle temple in which are two standing deities, Iupiter with sceptre and radiate head, 
and Libertas ; above the former is a -thunderbolt, above the latter a Phrygian cap (so 
Babelon Monn. rip. rom. i. 474 f. fig. after Cavedoni, cp. H. A. Grueber in the Brit. Mus. 
Cat. Rom. Coins Rep. i. 399 n. 3, 400 pi. 42, 16 : on the temple of Iupiter Libertas see 
H. Jordan — C. Hulsen Topographie der Stadt Rom im Alterthum Berlin 1907 i. 3. 167). 

a H. Roehl Imagines inscriptionum Grcecarum antiquissimarum 2 Berolini 1898 p. 55 
no. 28, E. S. Roberts An Introduction to Greek Epigraphy Cambridge 1887 i. 191 
no. i6of. 8 Bull. Corr. Hell. 1882 vi. 191. 

Cult-epithets of Zeus that may be solar 195 

local syncretism or foreign influences 1 .' But unfortunately it is far 
from certain that Monsieur Dubois' restoration of the second line is 
sound. Monsieur Delamarre, who has recently edited the inscrip- 
tion for the Berlin Corpus, argues from the analogy of dedications 
in Thera that we need rather the name of the dedicator in the 
genitive case 2 . And, if that be so, the inscription is no longer in 

(b) Cult-epithets of Zeus that may be solar. 

But, if it must be admitted that the Greeks did not directly 
identify Zeus their sky-god with the sun, it can hardly be denied 
that indirectly Zeus was connected with solar phenomena. Some 
of his cult-epithets are suggestive of such a connexion. Thus at 
Chios Zeus was entitled Aithiops, ' He of the Burning Face 3 ,' a name 
elsewhere given to a son of Hephaistos, eponym of Aithiopia 4 , and 
to one of the horses of the Sun 5 . Conceivably, however, Zeus may 
have been termed AitJiiops in his character of Aitfar, 'the Burning 
Sky 6 ,' rather than in any solar capacity. Again, at Thorikos on 
the south-east coast of Attike, an unworked block of stone has 
been found bearing the inscription 7 : 

Hopos Boundary 

Upoii of the precinct 

Aios of Zeus 

AvavTfj- Auanti- 

pos r. 

This Zeus Auantir, 'the Scorcher,' is explained by Mr N. G. Polites 
as the god of summer heat 8 — a conception which might refer to the 
glowing sky in general, but with more probability attaches to the 
sun in particular. 

1 Farnell Cults of Gk. States i. 44. 

2 J. Delamarre in Inscr. Gr. ins. vii no. 87, citing id. iii nos. 400 if. 

3 Tzetz. in Lyk. Al. 537, cp. Eustath. in Od. p. 1385, 62. 

4 Plin. nat. hist. 6. 187. 

5 Yiyg.fab. 183 Aethiops quasi flammeus est, concoquit fruges...huic rei auctor est 
Eumelus Corinthius. M. Schmidt reads Aethops, a conjecture based on the fact that 
Eur. frag. 896 Nauck 2 ap. Athen. 465 B and ap. Eustath. in II. p. 883, 62 called one of 
the Sun's horses AWo\p in the lines BaK\iov <t>i\cu>04nov | Atdowa veiralvovT dpx&Tovs 
dtrupivofc, I ££ ov (iporol KaXovaiu otvov aWoira. Cp. Nonn. Dion. 29. 301 alOovos 'HeX/oto 
fMtffrjfifipitowav lfxdffd\vy. 

6 Supra p. 27 ff. 

7 AeXr. 'Apx- 1890 p. 140 f. in letters of the fourth century B.C. ATANTHP02 is a 
blunder for ATANTHPOZ. 

8 N. G. Polites 'Zet>s AvavT-/)p' in "Earla 1890 no. 41 (see Ath. Mitth. 1890 xv. 443, 
Pauly-Wissowa Real-Enc. ii. 2264) derives AiavT-qp from the same root as aialuu, 'I 
scorch ' or ' parch,' cp. Aristoph. ran. 194 rbv Avalvov \idov. 

13 — 2 

196 The Sun as the Eye of Zeus 

(c) The Sun as the Eye of Zeus. 

Fortunately evidence of a less equivocal nature is to hand. 
There is reason to think that the Greeks, like various other peoples 1 , 
at one time regarded the sun and moon as the eyes of the animate 
sky*. The sun especially was the eye of A ither, ' the Burning Sky 3 ,' 
and might therefore be called the eye of Zeus. Euripides in his 
tragedy The Mysians spoke of Zeus as 'sun-eyed 4 .' A magical 
hymn preserved in a papyrus of the Berlin Museum addresses the 
sun-god thus: 

Sun famed-for-steeds, Zeus' earth-embracing eye, 
All-bright, high-travelling, fallen-from-Zeus, heaven-ranging 5 . 

And Macrobius states that 'antiquity calls the sun the eye of 
Zeus 6 .' The phrase seems to have been current in the jargon of 
later oracles also — witness sundry responses of Apollon first 
published by N. Piccolos 7 . The god bade one Poplas attain his 
ends — 

Praying the ageless eye of all-seeing Zeus 8 . 

On another occasion he advised the same man to propitiate — 
The brilliant eye of Zeus, giver of life 9 . 

1 See e.g. E. B. Tylor Primitive Culture* London 1891 i. 350 ff., J. Grimm Teutonic 
Mythology trans. J. S. Stallybrass London 1883 ii. 702 f., 1888 iv. 1500, A. Erman 
A Handbook of Egyptian Religion trans. A. S. Griffith London 1907 pp. 7, 81, E. A. 
Wallis Budge The Gods of the Egyptians London 1904 i. 298 f., H. Oldenberg La religion 
du Veda Paris 1903 pp. 40, 158. 

2 N. G. Polites '0"HXtos /caret robs c%u65eis fujOovs Athens 1882 p. 33 f., Gruppe Gr. 
Myth. Rel. p. 380. 

3 Aristoph. nub. 285 f. 0/j.p.a yap aldipos aKa/j,arov <re\ayeiTai \ fiap/xapiais iv atfyats 
with schol. adloc. and Souid. s.v. 5fj.fia yap aldipos. Cp. Soph. Ant. 102 f. xpwr&is | a/nipas 
p\i<papov, 879 f. r65e Xafitrddos lepbv \ Sfifia, Eur. /. T. 194 f. lepbv...5fifi' aiiyas | aXios, Ov. 
met. 4. 228 mundi oculus, Mart. Cap. 185 mundanusque oculus, Georg. Pisid. hexaemeron 
218 to Koivbv opL/jLa ti\v iravoirrplav Kbpr)v. 

4 Eur. frag. p. 531 Nauck 2 ap. Philodem. irepi evaepdas 50 p. 22 Gomperz <Ei)pi7u> 
5ijs 5' ec Mixirois Kal>rbv Ala ical <ovpavb>v rjkiwwbv (sc. \tyei). 

5 H. mag. 2. 13 (Abel Orphica p. 288) i^Xte (cXuroVwXe, Atds yarfoxov {yairidxov cj. 
Schenkl) o/x/ua. 

8 Macrob. Sat. 1. 21. 12 solem Iovis oculum appellat antiquitas. Whether Hes. 0. d. 
267 navra Idwv Aids 6<p6a\/ibs /cat iravra vo^aas can be referred to the sun, is doubtful : 
cp. Soph. 0. C. 704 f- o yap aliv bpuv /ci5/c\os | XeiWei viv Moplov Aids, supra p. 187 n. 9. 
To judge from Hesych. uxrirtp oi/tpda\fibt Aids' ws aarpav-q, 'the eye of Zeus' was an 
expression used also of lightning; on which conception see infra ch. i § 6 (d) vi, (g) xx 
(7), ch. ii § 1. 

7 N. Piccolos Supplement a VAnthologie Grecque Paris 1853 p. 183 fT. 

8 Cougny Anth. Pal. Append. 6. 152. 2 Xiffffo^v^ Zrjvbs iravbtpictos acpdirov 

9 Id. ib. 6. 153. 1 iXdffKov Zrjvbs fiioSdrropos ayXabv ofi/j-a. 

The Sun as a Wheel 197 

And again he announced to a second worshipper, Stratonikos by 

Thou still hast long to live ; but reverence 

The eye of life-giving Zeus with offerings meet 1 . 

An Orphic hymn, after identifying Zeus with various parts of the 
cosmic whole — the sun and moon included, goes on to say more 

As eyes he has the sun and the shining moon 2 . 

Another Orphic hymn likewise describes the sun as at once the eye 
of the world and Zeus: 

Immortal Zeus, 
Clear-skied, all-radiant, circling eye of the world 3 . 

In a somewhat similar vein Nonnos of Panopolis in Egypt, a poet 
who wrote about the year 400 A.D., makes Dionysos address to the 
sun-god of Tyre a remarkable hymn, in which that divinity is 
saluted not only as 'Sun' and 'all-bright eye of Aitherl but also by 
a fusion of religious ideas as 'the Assyrian Zeus' and 'the cloudless 
Zeus of Egypt 4 .' 

It may be added that the Greeks of the Peloponnese still speak 
of the sun as 'God's eye 5 ,' and that the Albanians swear by the eye 
of the sun or of the star 6 . 

(d) The Sun as a Wheel, 
i. The Solar Wheel in Greece. 

Another conception of the sun that has left its mark upon 
Greek mythology and religion is that of a revolving wheel 7 . 

1 Cougny ib. 6. 154. 1 f. iWa ffefidfoy | £wo86tov Atds oftpa OvrjiroKlaii dsyavrjaiv . 
- Qrph.frag. 123, 6 Abel Zeus ijXtos 17& fft\i}V7j, ib. 18 ty.txa.Ta. 5' 17A10S koX iraLHpa- 
vbuxra acX-qvi). 

3 Orph. h. Hel. 8. 13 f. aOdvare ZeO, | eCdic, traoupais, k6ollov to irepldpofiof 6/xp.a. 
Cp. supra p. 187 n. 10. 

4 Nonn. Dion. 40. 370 'He"Xie... 379 irafupaes aWipos o/ifia... 393 'Aoaipios Zei/y... 399 
tiTf Zdpairts fcpvs, AiyvvTios &v£<t>e\os Zeus. Count de Marcellus ad loc. cp. Mart. Cap. 
185 ff., where Philologia addresses the sun-god in an equally syncretistic strain. 

6 N. G. Polites op. cit. p. 33. 

6 J. G. von Hahn Albanesische Siudien Jena 1854 ii. 106. 

7 For this conception among other peoples see J. Grimm Teutonic Mythology trans. 
J. S. Stallybrass ii. 701 f., iv. 1499 f., H. Gaidoz in the Rev. Arch. 1884 ii. 7 ff., 136 ff., 
1885 i. 1798"., 364(1"., ii. i6ff., 167 ff., A. Bertrand La religion des Gaulois Paris 1897 
p. 185 ff., J. Rhys Hibbert Lectures 1886 3 London 1898 p. 450 ff, Folk-Lore 1906 xvii. 58, 
W. Simpson The Buddhist Praying-wheel London 1896, G. Maspero The Dawn of 
Civilization* London 1901 p. 656 f. 


The Solar Wheel in Greece 

Euripides the poet-philosopher is represented by Aristophanes 
as declaring that A ithir at the creation devised — 

The eye to mimic the wheel of the sun 1 . 

Again, Aristophanes, who makes fun of everybody including himself, 
in his comedy Daidalos seems to have shown the sun as a wheel 
spinning in the air, and puts into the mouth of one of his characters 
the illusion-destroying couplet: 

Stage-carpenter, when you want to send the wheel 
Spinning aloft, say, 'Hail, thou light of the sun 2 !' 

/ The conception of a solar wheel is, however, seldom expressed in 
1 extant Greek literature. For the most part it has been obscured 
by progressive civilisation and lies half-hidden beneath later accre- 
tions. For all that, it can be detected by patient search as the 
ultimate explanation of not a few myths, ritual objects, and divine 

(a) Ixion. 

I begin with the myths — and in primis that of Ixion, a personage 
of paramount importance for the proper understanding of early 
Greek beliefs. The orthodox tale with regard to him is told 
succinctly by the scholiast on Euripides: 'Ixion was a Lapith by 
race, and married Dia the daughter of Eioneus. He plotted against 
his father-in-law, when he came to fetch the bridal gifts. He dug 
a pit in his house, filled it with fire, and flung Eioneus into it. 
Wherefore he incurred the wrath of heaven. But Zeus took pity 
on Ixion and received him and let him be in his own holy place, 
giving him a share of immortality too. He in his wantonness saw 
Hera and was enamoured of her. She, not brooking his mad 
desires, told Zeus. Whereupon Zeus was wrathful and, wishing to 
learn whether the thing was true, made a cloud (fiephde) in the 
likeness of Hera. Ixion on seeing it thought it to be Hera and lay 
with it and begat a child of double nature, part man, part horse, 
wherefrom the rest of the Kentauroi are sprung. But Zeus in anger 
bound Ixion to a winged wheel and sent him spinning through the 
air. Ixion under the lash repeats the words: "We must honour 
our benefactors." Some say that Zeus hurled him into Tartaros. 
Others, again, that the wheel was made of fire 3 .' 

1 Aristoph. thesm. 17. In Soph. Ant. 1065 rp6xovs ani\\r)Trjpas i)\lov all the MSS. 
have rpoxofa, 'wheels'; but Jebb rightly accepts Erfurdt's cj. rpdxovs, 'courses.' 

2 Aristoph. Daedalus Jrag. 234 Dindorf ap. Erotian. p. 42 Klein 6 fi.i)xavoTroi6s, oirort 
/3ou\ei rbv rpoxbv \ tap (i\av cj. Bergk, ZXiceiv Cobet) aveK&s, \tye, x a W e <p£jyos yXlov. 

3 Schol. A. C. M. Eur. Phoen. 1185. The ultimate source of the schdlion appears to 
be Pherekydes/ra^. 103 {Frag. hist. Gr. i. 96 f. Miiller). 



To Ixion and his offence we must return at a later stage of our 
argument: it is the peculiar character of his punishment that is 
here in point. Since Theodor Panofka first discussed the matter 
in 1853 1 , it has been commonly agreed that Ixion bound to his 
blazing wheel and sent spinning through the upper air or under 
the nether gloom must be the sun-god and no other 2 . Hence his 
constant association with fire : he was called the son of Phkgyas, 
the 'Flaming,' by Euripides 3 , the son of Aithon, the 'Glowing,' by 
Pherekydes 4 ; and it was by means of a fiery pit thinly covered 
with logs and dust that he entrapped and slew Ei'oneus the father 
of Dia 5 . ; 

Moreover, Ixion's wheel as represented in Greek, Etruscan, and 
Roman work is possibly solar. At least, its claims to be regarded 
as solar are deserving of further investigation. The extant repre- 
sentations include the following: 

A brown chalcedony scarab from the Castellani collection, now 
in the British Museum, shows Ixion as a nude bearded figure, 
whose hands are bound to the rim of a large wheel. Between the 
spokes is the Etruscan inscription Ichsiun. This gem 
(fig. 144) 6 may be assigned to the second half of the 
fifth century. 

Contemporary with it, if not somewhat earlier (about 
450 — 440 B.C.), is a red-figured kdntharos of fine style, 
likewise in our national collection. Its reverse design 
(fig. 145) 7 depicts the preparations for the punishment Fig. i 44 . 
of Ixion. The culprit, held fast by Ares and Hermes, 
stands before the throne of Hera, while Athena 8 brings up a four- 
spoked wheel fitted with a pair of wings. 

1 T. Panofka ' Zufluchtsgottheiten ' in the Abh. d. berl. Akad. iSjj Phil.-hist. Classe 
p. 285 ff. 

- RoscherZ^jr. Myth. ii. 770. L. Laistner /tor Ratsel der Sphinx Berlin 1889 i. 299 ff. 
holds that the myth of Ixion is essentially akin to German folk-tales of elves appearing in 
the form of a fiery wheel, which creaks, pipes, screams etc. But such tales are themselves 
meteorological in origin (E. H. Meyer Germanische Mythologie Berlin 1891 p. 62). 

3 Eur. Ixion frag. 424 Nauck 2 . Strab. 442 makes him the brother of Phlegyas. 

* Pherekyd. loc. cit. Atruvos, which Miiller corrected into AWuvos. 

5 Pherekyd. ib. 

8 Brit. Mus. Cat. Gems pp. 22, 68 no. 334 pi. E, Furtwangler Ant. Gemmen i pi. 18, 
10, ii. 87. 

7 Brit. Mus. Cat. Vases iii. 143 f. no. E 155. The most satisfactory interpretation of 
the vase as a whole is that propounded by Sir Cecil Smith in the Class. Rev. 1895 ix. 
277 — 280. I have borrowed his fig. b, which is more accurate than Raoul-Rochette 
Monumetis inedits d'antiquite figurie Paris 1833 pi. 40, 1, being based on a tracing by 
Mr F. Anderson. 

8 Infra p. 231 n. 8. 

200 The Solar Wheel in Greece 

A great Apulian amphora with volute handles, found at Ruvo 
and now preserved in the Hermitage at St Petersburg, has for its 
obverse decoration a pair of contrasted scenes. The body of the 
vase shows Hades enthroned in his palace between Persephone and 
Hermes. Grouped near by are Apollon and Artemis on the one 
side, Aphrodite, Eros and Pan on the other. And below are six of 
the Danaides with their water-pots 1 . The neck (fig. 146) 2 gives us 
the upper, not the under, world. Here in the centre we see Ixion, 
clothed indeed, but fast fettered to a triple wheel, from whose outer 

Fig. 145. 

rim rays dart forth in all directions. On the right Hephaistos 3 
leans against a tree-trunk, still holding the hammer with which he 
has riveted the fetters. On the left a winged Erinys 4 with snakes 
in her hair is engaged in turning the wheel. Two other figures 
complete the scene — Iris 5 the counterpart of Hermes, and Zeus 6 the 
counterpart of Hades. Iris with wings and a caduceus occupies the 

1 Infra ch. ii § 9 (d) ii (7), where the bibliography of the vase is given. 

2 Raoul-Rochette op. cit. pi. 45. 

3 ' Le Charon grec ' (Raoul-Rochette op. cit. p. 179 n. 3), ' Eaque (?) ' (Reinach Rtp. 
Vases i. 355) ! 

4 • Iris (?) ou Erinys (?) ' (Reinach loc. cit.) ! 
8 * Erinys ' (Reinach id.) ! 

6 ' Jiacos' (Raoul-Rochette loc. cit.), ' Hades (?)' (Reinach loc. cit.). But these sug- 
gestions miss the intended contrast between the Upper- and the Under-world. Apulian 
vases that have the Under-world on the body normally have the Upper-world on the neck, 
either on the obverse or on the reverse side. Thus Karlsruhe 388 (Reinach op. cit. i. 108) 
has obverse Helios in his quadriga (id. i. 258). Munich 849 (id. i. 258) has obverse 
Helios and Heos in quadrigae conducted across the sea by Phosphoros (Furtwangler- 
Reichhold Gr. Vasenmalerei i. 51). Naples 3222 (Reinach op. cit. i. 167) has reverse 
Helios in his quadriga, Selene on horseback, and Eros between them, crossing the sea 
(id. i. 312). St Petersburg 426 (ii. i. 479) has obverse Eros in a quadriga — presumably 
the sun's chariot (id.). In fact, the only exception among the large-sized Under-world 



202 The Solar Wheel in Greece 

extreme right; Zeus enthroned and holding his eagle-sceptre, the 
extreme left. 

A Campanian amphora from Cumae, now at Berlin, has another 
striking representation of the scene as its principal design (pi. xvi) 1 . 
The figures composing it have been first drawn in accordance with 
the usual technique of the vase-painter and subsequently coloured 
in more or less natural tints — the result being a polychrome 
decoration suggestive of fresco-work. Raised aloft in mid air is 
Ixion. He is naked and bound, spread-eagle fashion, to the four 
spokes of a double wheel. His bonds are so many serpents ; and 
two of them, twining about his legs and body, raise their heads to 
bite him on the shoulders. The rims of his wheel, which are painted 
a whitish yellow, a bright and a dark red, send forth red tongues of 
flame; these, however, do not radiate light outwards, but heat 
inwards, and so add to the anguish of the sufferer. Immediately 
beneath him a winged Erinys rises from the ground with snaky 
hair and uplifted torch. Ixion's wheel is turned by a couple of 
winged female figures, who have been interpreted as Nephelai 2 . 
Hephaistos, having completed his ghastly work, stands back to 
survey it, cap on head and hammer in hand. He is balanced by a 
second spectator, Hermes, who turns his back upon the scene but, 
fascinated by it in spite of himself, glances upwards in the direction 
of Ixion. 

A wall-painting, which still adorns a dining-room in the house 
of the Vettii at Pompeii, provides us with yet another type (fig. 147) 3 . 
The artist, realising that the agony of Ixion must be suggested to 
the mind rather than presented to the eye, has given us but a 
glimpse of the hero fastened face downwards on a mighty eight- 
spoked wheel. Behind him stands the grim figure of Hephaistos, 
who lays his left hand on the wheel and with his right is about to 
grasp a spoke and set it in motion. His anvil, hammer and pincers 
are near him on the ground. At this supreme moment, when the 
torture is on the point of commencing, Hermes the mandatory of 

vases is Naples Santangelo 709 (ib. i. 455), which has obverse a female head in a floral 
device, reverse a horse attacked by griffins. 

1 Furtwangler Vasensamml. Berlin ii. 840 f. no. 3023. The best reproduction is that 
by A. Kluegmann in the Ann. d. Inst. 1873 xlv. 93 — 98 pi. I — K (badly copied in 
Baumeister Denkm. i. 767 fig. 821 and Roscher Lex. Myth. ii. 769 f.). 

2 Nephelai (Kluegmann after Helbig loc. cit., Furtwangler loc. cit., Baumeister loc. cit., 
Wagner in Roscher Lex. Myth. iii. 182), Erinyes (P. Weizsacker ib. ii. 771), Nikai 
(Reinach op. cit. i. 330). 

3 Herrmann Denkm. d. Malerei pi. 39 Text p. 49 ft". For other reproductions see 
A. Sogliano in the Mon. d. Line. 1898 viii. 296 ff. pi. 9 and G. Patroni in Arte Italiana 
decorativa e industriale ix. 24 pi. 13. 



Zeus 1 arrests the wheel and looks round to see if there is any sign 
of relenting on the face of Hera. Hera, however, is already enjoy- 
ing her anticipated triumph and, prompted by Iris 2 at her elbow, 
hardens her heart : the dread sentence will be duly carried out. In 
the foreground sits a swathed figure, who turns with an imploring 
look and gesture, not indeed towards Hera — that would be useless, 

Fig. 147. 

— but towards the more sympathetic Hermes. She has been justly 
regarded as Nephele 5 interceding for her lover. The whole picture 

1 Hyg-./^' 62. 

2 Iris is neatly characterised by the nimbus round her head. 

3 See Herrmann loc.cit., who successfully disposes of the rival interpretations — Erinys 
or Nemesis (Herrlich), the mother of Ixion (Sogliano), 'a personification of the spirit of 
one who has died ' (Mau). Wagner in Roscher Lex. Myth. iii. 18 J argued that she must 
be Nephele on account of her swathed form. 

204 The Solar Wheel in Greece 

is finely conceived and almost certainly repeats a Greek motif. 
Indeed, we have seen the same dramatis personae in the vase- 
paintings already reviewed — Hera seated on her throne, Iris 
standing with raised right hand, Hephaistos with his hammer 
beside the wheel, Hermes with his caduceus glancing round, and 
even Nephele, though here by a fine original touch she is repre- 
sented as doing her best to avert, not to forward, the punishment 
of Ixion. It seems possible to go one step further and to determine 
the date of the Greek prototype. Here much help is afforded by 
the style of Hermes, its most prominent figure. He might well be 
a bronze statue by Lysippos. The proportions of head, trunk, and 
legs, the pose of the feet, the attitude of the head turned away 
from the leg that bears the weight, would all support this con- 
tention. And the resemblance of the whole figure to the 
Lansdowne Herakles, pointed out by G. Rodenwaldt 1 , would go 
to confirm it, if — as Prof. P. Gardner has urged 2 — the Herakles is 
essentially Lysippian in character. On this showing we may 
conclude that the Pompeian picture had as its direct ancestor a 
Greek fresco dating from the age of Alexander the Great. 

An Etruscan mirror recently acquired by the British Museum 
and hitherto unpublished 3 (pi. xvii) figures Ixion bound to a great 
winged wheel in the early 'running' attitude 4 , which here denotes 
rapid revolution. He is nude except for the fillet about his hair 
and the bands that fasten him to the eight-spoked wheel. The 
flower twice introduced between adjacent spokes serves as a stop- 
gap and has no special significance. The mirror is referred by 
Mr H. B. Walters to the third or possibly to the fourth century B.C. 
The ivy-wreath and the rendering of hands, feet, etc. suffice to 
prove that it is archaistic, not archaic. 

Finally, a Roman sarcophagus, found in a brick sepulchral 
monument behind the second mile-stone on the Via Appia Nuova 
and now in the Galleria dei Candelabri of the Vatican, has its right 
end decorated with reliefs symbolic of the Under- world (fig. 148) 5 . 

1 G. Rodenwaldt Die Komposition der pompejanischen Wandgemalde Berlin 1909 
p. 178. 

2 P. Gardner in the Journ. Hell. Stud. 1903 xxiii. 128 ft"., 1905 xxv. 240, 256. The 
attribution of this type to Lysippos was first suggested by A. Michaelis Ancient Marbles 
in Great Britain trans. C. A. M. Fennell Cambridge 1882 p. 451. B. Graef in the Rom. 
Milt A. 1889 iv. iSgff. referred it to Skopas; Furtwangler Masterpieces of Gk. Sculpt. 
p. 296 ft"., to Skopas in his first or Polyclitan period ; A. Kalkmann Die Proportional des 
Gesichts in der griechischen Kunst Berlin 1893 p. 60 n. 3, to Polykleitos himself. 

3 Exhibited now in Case C of the Bronze Room at the British Museum. 

4 See E. Schmidt 'Der Knielauf in the Miinchener archdologische Studien Miinchen 
1909 pp. 249—398. 

5 fVien. Vorlegebl. B pi. 11, $c, Helbig Guide Class. Ant. Rome i. 282 ff. no. 399. 

Plate XVII 



Etruscan mirror: Ixion on his wheel. 

See page 204. 



Sisyphos raises the stone above his head. Tantalos lifts the water 
towards his mouth. And between them Ixion revolves on a strong 
seven-spoked wheel, his attitude recalling the earlier representation 
of him on the Etruscan mirror (pi. xvii). 

Fig. u 

It remains to enquire how far the foregoing figures bear out the 
suggestion that Ixion's wheel was solar. A wheel, a winged wheel 
a wheel darting rays outward, a wheel flaming inwards and bound 
about with snakes — all these are beyond question conceivable ways 


Fig. 149. 

of depicting the sun. For example, the Egyptians used to place a 
winged solar disk flanked by two «ra£«.r-snakes over the gateway 
of every temple-court (fig. 149) 1 . This custom was explained by 

1 On the origin of the winged disk see S. Reinach ' Aetos Prometheus' in the Rev. 
Arch. 1907 ii. 59 — 81 — id. Cultes, Mythes et Religions Paris 1908 iii. 68 — 91, infra 
ch. i § 6 (d) i (e) ; and on its development Count Goblet d'Alviella Recherches sur P histoire 
du globe aile /tors de PE\gypte Bruxelles 1888 (extr. from the Bulletins de V Acacttmie 
Royale des Sciences, des Lettres et des Beaux-Arts de Belgique iii Serie 1888 xvi. 623 ff. 
no. 12). Cp. also Stevenson 'The Feather and the Wing in Mythology' in Oriental 
Studies (Oriental Club of Philadelphia) Boston 1894 pp. 236 — 239. In Egypt the winged 
disk is found as early as the sixth dynasty, e.g. on a triumphal ste"le of Pepi i in Wadi- 
Maghara (Sinai) published by J. de Morgan Recherches sur les origims de P Egypte Paris 
1896 i. 235 fig. 596. I figure a fine eighteenth-dynasty example from the door to the 
chapel of Thothmes i at Deir el Bahri, drawn by R. E. F. Paget for A. Wiedemann 
Religion 0/ the Ancient Egyptians London 1897 p. 75 fig. 14. The wings are probably 
those of the falcon (falco peregnnus), not the sparrow-hawk : see G. Benedite in the 
Mon. Plot 1909 xvii. 5 ff. 



The Solar Wheel in Greece 

means of the following myth 1 . Heru-behutet 2 , the Horos of Edfu, 
when he fought the enemies of his father Ra, changed himself into 
a winged disk of many colours. As such he flew up to the sun, 
sighted his foes, and started in pursuit. He took with him Nekhebet 
the goddess of the South and Uatchit the goddess of the North in 
the form of two snakes that they might destroy the adversaries. 
Having gained the day, Heru-behutet was thenceforward called 
' the Darter of Rays who emergeth from the horizon ' ; and Ra 
ordained that the winged solar disk should be set over every sacred 
spot for the banishing of evil. 

The winged disk is found also, with slight modifications, in 
Phoinike, where it was similarly used to consecrate the lintels of 
temple-buildings 3 . An interesting example, discovered by E. Renan 4 

1 The text was published by E. Naville Textes relatifs an mythe cPHorus dans le 
temple d 'Edfou Geneve 1870 pis. 12 — 19. It is translated into German by H. Brugsch in 
the Abh. d. gbtt. Akad. 1869 Phil. -hist. Classe xiv. 173 — 236, and into English by 
A. Wiedemann op. cit. p. 69 ff. Cp. also E. A. Wallis Budge The Gods of the Egyptians 
London 1904 i. 483, A. Erman A Handbook of Egyptian Religion trans. A. S. Griffith 
London 1907 p. 10 fig. 8. 

2 The precise form and significance of the name borne by the solar disk is disputed : 
see A. Erman in the Zeitschrift fiir agyptische Sprache und Altertnmskutide 1882 xx. 8, 
Le Page Renouf in the Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archeology 1886 viii. 143, 
A. Wiedemann ib. 1895 xvii. 1966°. 

3 Count Goblet d'Alviella op. cit. p. 5 ff. 

* E. Renan Mission de Phtfnicie Paris 1864 p. 68 ff. Atlas pi. 9, V. Berard De 
Porigine des cultes arcadiens (Bibliolheque des icoles francaises d'Athines et de Rome Paris 
1894 lxvii) p. 89, Miss J. E. Harrison in the Transactions of the Third International 
Congress for the History of Religions Oxford 1908 ii. 159 fig. 1 1. 

Ixion 207 

at A'in el-Haydt, the 'Fountain of the Serpents,' is confronted by 
an eagle with spread pinions (fig. 1 50). This arrangement suggests 
that the solar disk was regarded as a sort of bird 1 . 

Without attempting to trace in detail the further fortunes of 
the winged disk — a task which has been undertaken by Count 
Goblet d'Alviella 2 — we may glance for a moment at its oriental 
analogue. The symbol has two main varieties in Mesopotamian 
art. One is a disk, sometimes transformed into a rosette or a 
wheel, with open wings and a fan-shaped tail: this disk is sur- 
mounted by a scroll resembling a pair of inverted volutes, from 
which depend two undulating streamers (fig. 15 1) 3 . The other 
shows a half-length human figure emerging from its centre : the 

Fig. 151. Fig. 152. 

tail serves him for a kilt, and the scroll appears on either side of 
his head (fig. 152) 4 . This is the well-known sign of Ashur (Zeus 
Assyrios) 5 , patron god of the city Ashur and head of the Assyrian 
pantheon. On sculptured slabs and cylinders it is commonly seen 
hovering above the king or priest. And, mounted on a pole, it was 
actually borne as a sacred standard into battle 6 . 

From Assyria both varieties of winged disk passed into Persia. 
The first lost its scroll, but retained its two undulating appendages. 

1 Infra ch. i § 6 (e). 

2 Count Goblet d'Alviella op. cit. p. 8 ff. I have followed this lucid and well- 
informed writer in the main lines of his classification. 

3 A. H. Layard The Monuments of Nineveh First Series London 1849 pi. 6. 

4 Id. to. First Series pi. 13. 

8 Nonn. Dion. 40. 393, supra p. 197 n. 4. 

6 M. Jastrow The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria Boston etc. 1898 p. 194 n. 1 
cites a description of this symbol given in a text of Sennacherib (Meissner — Rost 
Bauinschriften SanheriFs p. 94). While not committing himself to the view that Ashur 
was ever a nature-god, Dr Jastrow concludes {op. cit. p. 195 f.) : 'it we are to assume 
that Ashur personified originally some natural power, the symbol of the winged disc 
lends a strong presumption in favor of supposing him to have been some phase of the 


The Solar Wheel in Greece 

The second with equally little alteration served as the emblem of 
Auramazda (Zeus Oromasdes) 1 . He appears in the reliefs of 


®gL$®@®®3g~S&®g>®®%> ®~W 


Fig. 153- 

Persepolis encircled by the same solar 2 ring, which is winged and 
furnished with the like appendages : his royal robe {kdndys), as 
before, passes into the tail-feathers 3 . A specimen 
figured by F. Lajard illustrates both types at once, 
the latter being superposed on the former (fig. 1 53) 4 . 
Cilician coins struck by the Persian satrap Tiri- 
bazos (386 — 380 B.C.) show the same deity Aura- 
mazda rising from a similar ring or wheel : he 
holds a wreath in one hand, a lotus-flower in the 
other (fig. 154) 5 . 

Fig- 154- 

1 Supra p. 10 n. 1. 

2 Sepulchral reliefs from Persepolis give the symbol a lunar significance, the crescent 
moon being inscribed in the ring (see G. Hiising ' Iranischer Mondkult ' in the Archivf. 
Rel. 1901 iv. 349—357)- 

3 G. Maspero The Passing of the Empires London 1900 p. 577, cp. 681. 

4 F. Lajard Recherches sur le culte, les symboles, les attributs, et les monuments figure's 
de Vinus Paris 1837 pp. 156 f. 

6 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Lycaonia etc. Issos p. 90 pi. 15, 3; Mallos p. cxxii (cp. 
Hunter Cat. Coins ii. 537 pi. 59, 15); Soloi p. 148 pi. 26, 2; Tarsos p. 164 pi. 29, 1. 
I have figured the coin of Tarsos. Head Hist, num. 2 pp. 722, 724, 728, 730. 



Sir G. Ravvlinson 1 and Monsieur J. Menant'-' have argued that 
the winged disk of Mesopotamia had its prototype in a sacred bird. 
And it is certainly possible to 
arrange an evolutionary series of 
extant forms, if we may assume 
the successive loss of head, legs, 
and tail (fig. 155) 3 . But it is 
doubtful whether such a series 
affords the best explanation of 
the scrolls and curvilinear ap- 
pendages noticed above. These 
suggest rather a combination of 
snake-forms with bird-forms, as 
was demonstrably the case in 
Egyptian art. 

However that may be, the 
various types of solar disk do 
make it possible to believe that 
Ixion's wheel stood for the sun. 
And this possibility is raised to 
a probability, when we take into 
account certain other features of 
his myth to be discussed later 
and certain other myths to be 
considered almost immediately. 

Assuming, then, that Ixion's wheel in some sense stood for 
the sun, we have yet to explain the peculiar use that is made of it 
in the myth. A mortal man, raised to the abode of Zeus and gifted 
with immortality, aspires to the hand of Hera. He expiates his 
sacrilege by being bound to a solar wheel, on which he is both 
lashed with a whip and burnt with fire. Prof. G. Lafaye has 
recently argued that the punishment meted out to Ixion was 
but the mythological echo of a punishment actually inflicted on 
delinquents 4 . The culprit was stretched upon a wheel and, while 
it revolved, was flogged, burnt, and on occasion beheaded. This 

Fig- 155. 

1 Sir G. Rawlinson The Five Great Monarchies of the Ancient Eastern World London 
1862 — 1867 ii. 235. 

3 J. Menant Les pierres gravies de la Haute- Asie Paris 1883 — 1886 ii. 17. 

3 Fig. 155 contains five of the symbols collected by F. Lajard in the Man. d. Inst, iv 
pi. 13, viz. (a)=no. 1 from the cylinder figured ib. no. 34, (£) = no. 8 from a relief at 
Persepolis (?) supra fig. 153, (r)=no. 2 from a cylinder (?), cp. ib. no. 26, (</) = no. 9 from 
a cylinder formerly owned by Lajard, (^) = no. 5 from a relief at Naksch-i- Houston. See 
further Ann. d. Inst. 1845 xvii. 13 ff. 

4 G. Lafaye in Daremberg — Saglio Diet. Ant. iv. 896 s.v. 'rota.' 

C 14 

2io The Solar Wheel in Greece 

mode of torture, which can be traced back to the fifth 1 and even 
to the sixth century B.C. 3 , is often mentioned by Hellenic and 
Hellenistic writers. Aristophanes, for example, in his Peace makes 
the chorus curse any man that seeks war for his personal profit : 

May he be stretched and flogged upon the wheel 3 . 

Similarly in the romance of Achilleus Tatios the ill-starred 
Leukippe, brought to bay by her tyrannical master, defies him in 
the following terms: 'Order up your tortures. Bid him bring a 
wheel. Here are my hands; let him stretch them out. Bid him 
bring whips too. Here is my back; let him lay on. Bid him fetch 
fire. Here is my body, ready to be burnt. Bid him bring a sword 
as well. Here is my throat; let him cut it ! Behold a novel sight — 
a single woman pitted against your whole array of tortures and 
triumphant over all 4 !' Later, her lover Kleitophon finds himself 
in an equally sensational plight: 'I, as. a condemned criminal, 
was to be tortured that they might discover whether Melitte had 
been privy to the murder. Already I was bound, stripped of my 
clothing, and hoisted up by nooses. Some were fetching whips, 
others fire and a wheel. Kleinias with a groan was calling upon 
the gods, when lo, the priest of Artemis, wreathed with bay, was 
seen approaching.' Etc. 5 The verb commonly used of this torture, 
trochizein, 'to punish on the wheel,' is employed by the epigram- 
matist Asklepiades in an allusion to Ixion 6 ; and the emperor 
Elagabalos, who bound parasites to a water-wheel, spoke of them 
as 'Ixions of the stream 7 .' Torture by the wheel, regarded by the 
Romans as a specially Greek institution 8 , is well known in connexion 
with Christian martyrdoms and mediaeval punishments. The final 
relic of it — the 'Catharine wheel' of our November fireworks — by a 
curious reversion, or rather by an interesting survival, still brings 
before us, if we have eyes to see it, the blazing wheel of Ixion. 
But, while fully admitting Prof. Lafaye's contention that the 

1 Antiph. or. I. 20. 

2 Anakreon/ra^. 21, 9 Bergk 4 ap. Athen. 534 A. 

3 Aristoph. pax 452. 

4 Ach. Tat. 6. 20. 

5 Id. 7. 12, cp. Chariton de Chaerea et Callirrhoe 3. 4, 3. 9. 

6 Anth. Pal. 5. 180. 3 f . ov rpoxiei tis \ rbu Aairtdriv ; 

7 Ael. Lamprid. Heliog. 24. 5 Ixiones amnicos (so Hirschfeld for MSS. Ixionios 

8 Apul. met. 3. 9 nee mora cum ritu Graeciensi ignis et rota, turn omne flagrorum 
genus inferuntur, 10. 10 nee rota vel eculeus more Graecorum tormentis eius apparata 
iam deerant sed offirmatus mira praesumptione nullis verberibus ac ne ipso quidem 
succumbit igni. Plaut. cist. 206 ft', is probably based on a Greek original. And in Cic. 
Tusc. 5. 9. 24 rotam is glossed by the word Graecos. 

Triptolemos 211 

wheel of the mythical Ixion was the torture-wheel of real life, 
I would urge that we have not thus got to the bottom of the matter. 
Why were men burnt upon a revolving wheel ? Why on a engine of 
this particular shape ? Why not tied to a stake, or cross-bar, or 
triangles, for instance ? Because — I venture to reply — this form of 
punishment, like so many others (impaling, hanging, crucifixion, 
perhaps even ordinary flogging), originated in the service of religion, 
or at least in a definitely religious idea. And the idea in the 
present case was that the victim represented the sun. The mythical 
Ixion, if I am not mistaken, typifies a whole series of human 
Ixions, who in bygone ages were done to death as effete embodi- 
ments of the sun-god. Evidence in support of this view will be 
forthcoming in subsequent sections. 

(/3) Triptolemos. 

Triptolemos is first mentioned in the Homeric Hymn to Demeter, 
a poem referable to the seventh century B.C., as one of the 'kings' 
or chiefs at Eleusis, whom Demeter instructed in mystic rites for 
the fertility of the soil 1 . Apart from the fact that his name thrice 
heads the list, there is nothing to distinguish him from the other 
chieftains of the place — Diokles or Dioklos, Dolichos, Eumolpos, 
Keleos, Polyxeinos. The position of divine nurseling and favourite 
is reserved for Demophon, son of Keleos and Metaneira. But in 
course of time Triptolemos appears to have usurped the place of 
Demophon. His story is thus told by Apollodoros 2 : 'Metaneira 
the wife of Keleos had a child, whom Demeter took and reared. 
Wishing to make the babe immortal, she put it down every night 
in fire and so took off its covering of mortal flesh. Demophon — 
for that was the child's name — grew so fast by day that Metaneira 
kept watch, found him plunged in tire, and shrieked aloud. Conse- 
quently the babe was destroyed by the fire 8 , and the goddess 
revealed herself. But for Triptolemos, the elder of Metaneira's 
children, she made a chariot-seat (diphros) of winged snakes. She 
gave him grain, and he, soaring aloft through the sky, sowed the 
whole world with it.' Others make Triptolemos the son of Eleusis 4 , 

1 H. Dem. 474 AT., cp. 153 ff. 
8 Apollod. 1. 5. 1 — 2. 

3 In the h. Dem. 250 ff. (cp. Ov./ast. 4. 555 ff.) the child is not destroyed by the fire, 
but only robbed of immortality through his mother's interruption of the rite — a ceremony 
of purification (F. B. Jevons An Introduction to the History of Religion London 1896 
P- 365. E. E. Sikes on h. Dem. 239) and initiation (W. R. Halliday in the Class. Rev. 
191 1 xxv. 8ff). 

4 Pauyasisyroi,'. 24 Kinkel ap. Apollod. 1. 5. 1. 

14 2 

212 The Solar Wheel in Greece 

or of Eleusius by Hioma 1 , or of Eleusinus by Cathonea 2 or 
Cyntania 3 — variants which attest his connexion with Eleusis. The 
hero Eleusis was said by some to be the son of Hermes by Daeira, 
daughter of Okeanos 4 ; and it is noteworthy that another account 
represented Triptolemos as the child of Okeanos and Ge 5 . Verses 
ascribed to Orpheus asserted that Eubouleus and Triptolemos were 
sons of Dysaules, and that Demeter, as a reward for information 
given her about her daughter, entrusted them with grain to sow 6 . 
Dysaules, Triptolemos, and Eubouleus were reckoned by the 
Orphists among the 'earth-born' dwellers of Eleusis 7 . Choirilos, an 
early tragedian of Athens, took Triptolemos to be the son of Raros 8 . 
Others made him the son of Rar 9 , or the son of Keleos son of 
Raros 10 — names which point to the Rarian Plain near Eleusis. One 
late writer, doubtless by a mere confusion, has him as the son of 
Icarus (sic), eponym of the Attic deme Ikaria 11 . But in the time of 
Pausanias there was only one real rival to the Athenian tradition, 
namely that of the Argives, who maintained that Trochilos, a priest 
of the mysteries, had fled from Argos to Attike and had become 
by an Eleusinian wife the father of two sons — Eubouleus and 
Triptolemos 12 . 

In this tangle of names Aristophanes found ample material for 
a parody of the divine pedigree 13 . But it will be observed that, so 
far as Triptolemos is concerned, all roads lead to Eleusis. His cult 
left traces of itself from Syracuse to Gordyene, from Scythia to 
Egypt ; but all such traces are compatible with the belief that 
Eleusis was its prime centre 14 . It is, therefore, to Attic art that we 
naturally turn for further light on the wheeled seat of Triptolemos 15 . 

I Lact. Plac. in Stat. Theb. 2. 382. 2 Hyg. fab. 147. 
3 Interp. Serv. in V erg. georg. 1. 19. 4 Paus. 1. 38. 7. 

8 Mousaiosp. 222 Kinkel ap. Paus. 1. 14. 3, Pherekyd. //-«£•. 12 (Frag. hist. Gr. i. 72 
M tiller) ap. Apollod. 1. 5. 2. 

6 Orph. frag. 217 Abel ap. Paus. 1. 14. 3. 

7 Orph. frag. 215 Abel ap. Clem. Al. protr. 2. 20. 2 p. 15, 27 ff. Stahlin. 

8 Choirilos A lope frag. 1 Nauck 2 ap. Paus. 1. 14. 3, Hesych. s.v. 'Pa/>os. 
B Phot. lex. s.v. 'Pdp. 

10 Souid. s.v. 'Papi&s. 

II Interp. Serv. in Verg. georg. 1. 19. 

12 Paus. 1. 14. 2. 

13 Aristoph. Ach. 47 ff. 

14 Gruppe Gr. Myth. A'el. p. 11 73 n. 5. 

13 The vases, sculptures, wall-paintings, coins, and gems, illustrating the myth of 
Triptolemos have been collected and studied by Gerhard Auserl. Vasenb. i. 217 ff. 
pis. 41 — 46, id. Ueber den Bilderkreis von Eleusis Berlin 1865 ii Beilage A (Gesammelte 
akademische Abhandlungen Berlin 1868 ii. 370 ff., 415 ff.), Lenormant — de Witte El. mon. 
dr. iii. 97 ff. pis. 46 — 48, L. Stephani in the Compte-rendu St. Pe"t. 1859 p. 82 ff., 1862 
PP* 3 2 > 58) 1873 p. 115 n. 1, C. Strube Studien iiber den Bilderkreis von Eleusis Leipzig 



Vase-illustrations of the sixth century differ in some respects 
from those of the fifth, and again from those of the fourth. Sixth 
century vases, of which some seven are known, show Triptolemos 
as a bearded man holding a bunch of corn and sitting on a wheeled 
seat. The seat is a more or less simple affair, and is arranged in 
profile towards the right. Hence one wheel only is visible. This 

has four spokes and sometimes rests on .the ground, sometimes rises 
into the air (fig. 156) 1 . Wings and snakes are wholly absent 2 . 

1870, id. Supplement zu den Studien ilber den Bilderkreis von Eleusis Leipzig 1872, and 
above all by that master of detailed investigation Overbeck Gr. Kunstmyth. Demeter — 
Kora pp. 530 — 589 Mtinztaf. 9, Gemmentaf. 4, Atlas pis. 14 — 16. 

1 Gerhard Auserl. Vasenb. i pi. 44, Lenormant — de Witte op. cit. iii pi. 67, Overbeck 
op. cit. Atlas pi. 15, 1, Reinach Rep. Vases ii. 33, 7 f . This black-figuied amphora, once 
in the Fontana collection at Trieste, is now at Berlin. 

2 A black-figured lekythos from Boiotia now at Athens (Collignon — Couve Cat. Vases 
d\4thenes p. 308 no. 967) shows Triptolemos with a sceptre in a car winged and drawn 
by a snake. This vase is presumably a belated example of the black-figure technique 
like the pseudo-archaic I'anathenaic prize-jars, on which the columns of Athena are 
soimtiims surmounted by a small representation of Triptolemos holding corn-ears in 

214 The Solar Wheel in Greece 

Further, there is a remarkable similarity between the equipment of 
Triptolcmos and that of Dionysos. A small amphora, formerly in 
the collection of M. Lenormant, has Triptolemos with corn-ears 
and sceptre on its obverse, Dionysos with kdntharos and vine- 
branches on its reverse, side. Both are seated in the same attitude 
on approximately similar thrones, and are obviously travelling 
across the world to dispense their respective bounties of corn and 
wine (fig. 157 a and by. Another amphora, which passed from the 

Fig. 157 a. Fig. 157 £. 

collection of Viscount Beugnot into the Mus6e Vivenel at 
Compiegne, represents Triptolemos conducted by Hermes on one 
side, Dionysos conducted by Seilenos on the other. Triptolemos 
has corn-stalks ; Dionysos, a kdntharos and a vine with grape- 
branches. Their travelling seats are similar, but not identical; for 
that of Dionysos has old-fashioned spokes 2 and is fitted with wings 

a winged car drawn by snakes (Brit. Mus. Cat. Vases ii. 277 ff. nos. B 603, B 604, 
B 607, B 608). 

1 Lenormant— de Witte op. cit. iii pi. 49 a, Overbeck op. cit. Atlas pi. 15, 5 a and 5 /;. 
C. Strube Sludien iiber den Bilderkreis von Eleusis Leipzig 1870 p. 8 takes the figure 
with the kdntharos and vine-branches to be Ikarios, not Dionysos. The hero favoured 
by Dionysos would then balance the hero favoured by Demeter. 

2 On these see A. C. Haddon The Study of Man London and New York 1898 
p. 161 ff. ('The Evolution of the Cart') and H. L. Lorimer 'The Country Cart of 
Ancient Greece' in the Journ. Hell. Stud. 1903 xxiii. 132 ff. 



Fig. 1 58 a. 

Fig. 158*. 

216 The Solar Wheel in Greece 

(fig. 158 a and fr) 1 . A propos of this resemblance between Tripto- 
lemos and Dionysos we must here notice a red-figured kylix from 
Vulci, now at Berlin (fig. 159) 2 . Dionysos is again seen sitting on 

Fig. 159. 

a winged and wheeled seat. As on the Lenormant and Beugnot 
vases, he is wreathed, wears a chitdn and a hitndtion, and carries a 
kdntharos. Only, in place of a vine he grasps a double axe, the 
'ox-slaughtering servitor of king Dionysos,' as Simonides termed it 3 . 

1 Gerhard op. cit. i pi. 41, Lenormant — de Witte op. cit. iii pis. 48 f., Overbeck op. cit. 
Atlas pi. 15, 4, Reinach op. cit. ii. 32, 4 — 6. For Strube's view see supra p. 214 n. 1. 

2 Furtwangler Vasensamml. Berlin ii. 548 no. 2273, Gerhard op. cit. i pi. 57, if., 
Lenormant — de Witte op. cit. i pi. 38, Reinach op. cit. ii. 38, 8f. The inscription 
according to Furtwangler, reads KE0I • T05KA ■ O^, »•*« perhaps Kr)<f>l[a]Los /ca[\]<5s, 
not — as had been previously supposed— -H0a«n-os iea\6s. The god with a double axe on 
a mule escorted by a Satyr and two Maenads in Laborde Vases Lamberg i pi. 43 
( = Inghirami Vas. fitt. iii pi. 263) is probably Hephaistos rather than Dionysos, cp. 
Tischbein Hamilton Vases iv pi. 38 ( - Inghirami op. cit. iii pi. 265, Lenormant— de Witte 
op. cit. i pi. 43). 

3 Simonid. frag. 111 Bergk 4 ap. Athen. 84 eft. For further evidence connecting 
Dionysos with the double axe see infra ch. ii § 3 (c) i (o). 

Furtwangler loc. cit. takes this axe-bearing figure to be Triptolemos, not Dionysos, — 
a most improbable view, though accepted by Reinach op. cit. ii. 38. 

Triptolemos and Dionysos dispensing their several bounties of corn and wine from a 
two-wheeled throne suggest comparison with a spring custom observed at Kosti in 
northern Thrace. ' A man, called the x^X w<7T0S or xovK-qphs, dressed in sheep or goat 


em os 


Passing from the sixth century to the fifth, or at least from 
black-figured to red-figured vases, we find Triptolemos invariably- 
depicted as a beardless youth, not a bearded man. His seat is al- 
ways winged and sometimes, especially on the later 1 vases, furnished 
with snakes. In the great majority of cases the scene represented 
is that of Triptolemos starting on his long journey. Demeter for 

Fig. 16 1. 

the most part fills him ophidic, that he may pour a libation before 
he goes. Two vases, out of many, will serve as illustrations. A 

skins, wearing a mask and with bells round his neck, and in his hand a broom of the kind 
used for sweeping out ovens, goes round collecting food and presents. He is addressed 
as king and escorted with music. With him is a boy carrying a wooden bottle and a cup, 
who gives wine to each householder, receiving in return a gift. They are accompanied by 
boys dressed as girls. The king then mounts a two-wheeled cart and is drawn to the 
church. Here two bands are formed of married and unmarried men respectively, and 
each tries to make the king throw upon themselves the seed which he holds in his hands. 
This he finally casts on the ground in front of the church. He 
is then thrown into the river, stripped of his skin clothes (6\6yv/i- 
vos), and then resumes his usual dress ' (R. M. Dawkins in the 
Jonrn. Hell. Stud. 1906 xxvi. 201 f.). 

1 Cp. an electrum slater of Kyzikos c. 450 — 400 B.C., which 
shows the hero with his corn-ears drawn by two winged snakes 
(Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Mysie p. 26 pi. 6, 9, Babelon Monn. gr. 
rom. ii. 2. 1425^ pi. 175, 1, W. Greenwell in the Num. Chron. 
Third Series 1887 vii. 53 f. no. 16 pi. 1, 17). I figure a specimen 
in the M c Clean collection, Cambridge (fig. 160). 

Fig. 160, 












Fourth-century vase-paintings of Triptolemos may be sub- 
divided into an earlier and a later group. The earlier group, 
comprising two specimens referable to the first half of the century, 

represents the initiation of Herakles, or of Herakles and the 
Dioskouroi, either into the lesser mysteries at Agra 1 or Melite 2 , or 

Overbeds op. cit. Atlas pi. 15, 21, Reinach op. cit. i. 398, 1 ff. Overbeck ib. p. 540 n. d. 
and p. 587 compares a late jasper at Berlin (Furtwangler Geschnitt. Steine Berlin p. 1 31 f- 
no. 2913 pi. 25), on which Triptolemos appears in a chariot drawn by two winged snakes 
and surrounded by enormous grains of corn. For similar coin-types see Overbeck ib. 
p. 584 f. Miinztaf. 9, 4 — 6, Brit. Mm. Cat. Coins Alexandria pp. 49, 71, 82, 120, 148, 
163, 264 pi. 2, nos. 408, 582, 1332 (Alexandreia), ib. Pontus etc. pp. 156, 158 pi. 32, 11 
(Xikaia), ib. Lydia p. 260 pi. 27, 4 (Sardeis), ib. Lycaonia etc. p. 195 f. (Tarsos). 

1 Steph. Byz. s.v.'Aypa nal "Aypat. The schol. Aristoph. Phut. 1013 states that the 
tuicpa fivarripia were devised by the Athenians in order to provide for the initiation of 
Herakles, who as a stranger could not otherwise have been initiated, but does not 
mention Agra. 

2 Schol. Aristoph. ran. §01. 

220 The Solar Wheel in Greece 

(more probably) into the greater mysteries at Eleusis 1 . A pelike 
from Kertsch, now at St Petersburg (fig. 163) 2 , shows Demeter 
seated in the centre with Persephone standing beside her. The 
former has a high head-dress and a sceptre; the latter leans on a 
column and holds a long torch. Between them stands the youthful 
Ploutos with a horn of plenty. To the left we see Aphrodite, 
Eros, and a male figure holding two torches — probably Eumolpos 
rather than a mere daidoilchos ; to the right, a seated female figure, 
whom we cannot identify with any assurance, and Dionysos 

Fig. 163. 

characterised by his ivy-wreath and his thyrsos. In the background, 
on the left, Herakles approaches. He carries his club in his right 
hand, but as an initiate wears a myrtle-wreath and holds in his left 
hand a bdechos or bundle of sacred boughs 3 . Above all — like the 

1 Apollod. 1. 5. 12, Diod. 4. 25, cp. Soranos V. Hippocratis (iii. 853 Kiihn), Corp. 
inscr. Gr. ino. 434, ;f. = Cougny A nth. Pal. Append. 1. 224. -ji. Xen. Hell. 6. 3. 6\iyerai 
fiev Tpiirr6Xfyuos 6 rjfitrepos irp6youos to. \-qpniTpos kclI Koprjs app-qra iepa. irpwrois ^vois 5d^ai 
'HpaxXei re rip vfieripip dpxvy^ T V « aJ AioffxoiJpoiv tolv vfieripoiv iroKiraLV, kclI tov Arifirirpos 
5e Kapvov els irpwr-qv ttjv Jle\oir6vv7)ffov air4pp.a dwp-fjaaadai is spoken by Kallias 6 
5q.8ovxos to the Spartans and probably refers to Eleusis. See further A. Furtwangler 
in Roscher Lex. Myth. i. 2185 f., Mommsen/vj/^ d. Stadt Athen pp. 411 f., 41?, and infra 
ch. i § 6 (0 ix. 

2 Stephani Vasensamml. St. Petersburg p. 322 ff. no. 1792, Compte-rendu St. Pit. 
1859 p. 73 ff. Atlas pi. 2, Overbeck op. at. Atlas pi. 18, 18. 

: * Schol. Aristoph. eq. 408, Eudok. viol. 215, Souitl. s.7'. j3d/cxos, Bekker anecd. i. 
224, 32 f., el. mag. p. 185, 13 f., Hesych. s.v. §&k\os, Favorin. lex. p. 349, 17 fl. The 


em os 


sun-god in the sky — hovers Triptolemos on his winged car. A 
be\\-krater from Santa Agata de' Goti, now in the British Museum 
(fig. 164) l , again depicts Demeter seated and Persephone standing 
beside her — the one with a sceptre, the other with a torch. Tripto- 
lemos on his wheeled seat, which is fitted with large wings and 
snakes, faces towards and converses with Demeter. To this 
Eleusinian company two daidoiichoi (perhaps we may venture 
to regard them as Eubouleus and Eumolpos) are about to 
introduce Herakles and the Dioskouroi. Herakles has his club; 

Fig. 164. 

one of the Dioskouroi is accompanied by his star; all three wear 
wreaths and carry the mystic bdcchoi. In the background, over a 
hill, appears a Doric building and two Doric columns: these may 
be taken to represent the Telesterion. In the foreground is set a 
stool (?), near which lie two uncertain objects of oblong shape, 
possibly tablets (?) required by the initiates. 

The later group of fourth-century vases is decorated with a 
scene probably drawn from the theatre, not the Telesterion, though 

pdicxos appears on silver (Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Attica, etc. p. 29 pi. 8, 3, p. 73 pi. 13, 6) 
and copper coins of Athens (ib. p. 23 pi. 6, 14 f., pp. 81, 91 pi. 15, 17), and on copper 
coins of Eleusis (id. p. 112 ff. pi. 20, 1 — 4). It is also carved on the frieze of the small 
Propylaea (Durm Baukunst d. Gr? p. 118 coloured plate) and on that of the great altar 
at Eleusis ( Daremberg-Saglio Diet. ant. ii. 561 fig. 2633), as well as on that of the altar 
from the Eleusinion at Athens (ib. ii. 570 fig. 2638). 

1 Brit. Mus. Cat. Vases iv. 45 f. no. F 68, Lenormant — de Witter/, fit. iii. i8of. 
pi. 63 A, E. Gerhard Gesammelte akademische Abhamilungen Berlin 1868 pi. 71, 1, 
Overbeck op. cit. Atlas pi. 18, 19. 

2 22 The Solar Wheel in Greece 

attempts to connect it with the Triptolemos of Sophokles have 
failed for lack of evidence 1 . These vases, of which four are known 2 , 
regularly exhibit the departure of Triptolemos, though with con- 
siderable variations and innovations as to the surrounding figures, 
landscape, etc. A common feature is their treatment of the hero's 
wheeled seat, which in three out of the four cases has become a 
chariot facing us full-front and drawn by two monstrous snakes. 
As the snakes increase in size, the wings diminish 3 and on two of 
the vases are absent altogether. One of these, an Apulian ampliora 
from the Pizzati collection now at St Petersburg, is here reproduced 
(pi. xix) 4 . It shows Demeter, as on the earlier red-figured vases, 
filling the phidle of Triptolemos, who richly clad in a stage costume 
stands erect in his chariot. A trait new to the vase-painters is that 
two ears of corn are visible in his hair, which is confined by a white 
band 5 . Close to Demeter and Triptolemos are two Horai appro- 
priately holding corn-stalks. The background is occupied by 
figures frequent on Apulian vases and of no special significance 
here, viz. a group of Aphrodite, Eros, and Peitho on the right, and 
Pan with his syrinx leaning against a tree-trunk on the left. In the 
foreground flows a river inscribed Nei/os, 'the Nile.' The locality 
is further indicated perhaps by the flora, certainly by the fauna. 
Lotiform plants are growing on the river-bank, and a lynx-cat with 
a bird in its mouth is decidedly reminiscent of Egypt 6 . 

With the St Petersburg amphora F. Matz 7 and O. Kern 8 justly 
compare two other monuments that exhibit Triptolemos in an 
Egyptian setting — the tazza Farnese of the Naples Museum, a 
magnificent sardonyx cup probably fashioned at Alexandreia in the 
Ptolemaic period 9 , and the Petrossa cup of the Vienna collection, a 
gold phidle of later, clumsier workmanship found in 1837 by a 

1 See Overbeck op. cit. p. 552. 

2 (1) Heydemann Vasensamml. Neapel p. 557 f. no. 3245, Overbeck op. cit. Atlas 
pi. 16, 16. (2) Supra p. 126 n. 4. (3) Heydemann op. cit. p. 19 ff. no. 690, C. Strube 
Supplement zu den Studien iiber den Bilderkreis von Eleusis Leipzig 1872 pi. 2, Overbeck 
op. cit. Atlas pi. 16, 14 and pi. 13, 15. (4) Stephani Vasensamml. St. Petersburg i. 
162 ff. no. 350, id. Compte-rendu St. Pet. 1862 p. 54 ff. Atlas pi. 4 f., Overbeck op. cit. 
p. 551 f. Atlas pi. 16, r3, Harrison Myth. A/on. Anc. Ath. p. liii fig. 10, supra p. 127 n. I. 

3 Supra p. 126 fig. 96. 
* Supra n. 2 no. (4). 

6 Cp. the head of Triptolemos on an ' Underworld ' vase at Munich (Jahn Vasensamml. 
Miinchen p. 273 ff. no. 849, Furtwangler — Reichhold Gr. Vasenmalerei i. 48 pi. 10). 

8 O. Keller Die antike Tierwelt Leipzig 1909 p. 71 ff. 

7 F. Matz 'Goldschale von Pietraossa ' in the Arch. Zeit. 1872 xxix. 136. 

8 O. Kern ' De Triptolemo aratore ' in the Genethliacon Gottingense Halis Saxonum 
1888 p. 103 f. 

9 Furtwangler Ant. Gemmen i pis. 54 — 55, ii. 253 — 256. 















— k 

Triptolemos 223 

peasant between Jassy and Bucharest 1 . Both these cups associate 
Triptolemos with Isis and the Nile-god, the inference being that 
on Egyptian soil the Greek agricultural hero was identified with 

On the tazza Farnese Triptolemos has not only a bag of seed 
on his left arm, but a plough-pole and yoke in one hand, a plough- 
share in the other. On the Petrossa phidle he holds a couple of 
ploughs. O. Kern- argues that all the evidence, whether literary :i 
or monumental*, connecting Triptolemos with the plough is com- 
paratively late, in fact that he first became a ploughman in the 
Alexandrine age owing to his identification with Osiris, who was 
regarded by the Greeks and Romans as the inventor of the plough 5 . 
This view has, however, been successfully refuted by O. Rubensohn 6 , 
who points out that in genuinely Egyptian sources Osiris is never 
conceived as a ploughman, so that in Hellenistic times he must 
have got the plough from Triptolemos, rather than Triptolemos 
from him. Moreover, Rubensohn is able to adduce two vases of 
the pre-Hellenistic period, on which Triptolemos is definitely 
associated with a plough. One is a h&W-krater of Attic make, 
which may be dated about 450 B.C. It was found at Cumae and 
is now in the Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris. On it we see 
(pi. xx) 7 Triptolemos, who has had his lesson in ploughing from 
Demeter and is about to start on his tour of instruction. He is in 
the act of mounting his winged seat, the high back of which 
terminates in a griffin's head. He takes with him his sceptre and 
a bunch of corn, but turns for a final word of advice or farewell to 
Persephone, who carries two torches, and her mother, who still 
holds the plough 8 . The other vase cited by Rubensohn is a skyphos 

1 F. Matz loc. cit. pp. 135 — 137 pi. 52. 

2 O. Kern loc. cit. pp. 102 — 105. 

3 Varro fragg. 77, 78 Funaioli ap. interp. -Serv. in Verg. georg. r. 19, Ov. fast. 
4. 559 f., Plin. not. hist. 7. 199, Anth. Pal. 11. 59. 4ff. (Makedonios), cp. Souid. s.v. 

4 Overbeck op. cit. p. 588 f. Gemmentaf. 4, 15 — 16, 18 (Furtwangler Geschnitt. Sleine 
Berlin p. 316 no. 8630 pi. 61, p. 248 no. 6747 pi. 48), id. id. p. 625 f. Atlas pi. 17, 
24 (Mazzara sarcophagus). 

8 Philostephanos irepl (vprifidrui/frag. 28 (Frag. hist. Gr. iii. 32 f. Miiller) ap. interp. 
Serv. in Verg. georg. 1. 19, Serv. in Verg. georg. 1. 147, Prob. in Verg. georg. 1. 19, 
Myth. Vat. 3. 7. 1, cp. what is said of Horos by Nigidius ap. interp. Serv. in Verg. 
georg. 1. 19. 

8 O. Rubensohn 'Triptolemos als Pfluger' in the Ath. A/ilth. 1899 xxiv. 59 — 71. 

7 De Ridder Cat. Vases de la Bibl. Nat. ii. 315 f. no. 424, Lenbrmant — de Witte op. 
cit. iii. 1 12 f., 183 f. pi. 64, Overbeck op. cit. pp. 518 ff., 538 f. Atlas pi. 15, 13. 

8 So Gerhard, Lenormant and de Witte, Rubensohn, de Ridder. Overbeck thought 
that the holder of the torches was meant for Demeter, the holder of the plough for 
Persephone. But cp. Souid. s.v. 'Paptds-...^ Arifi^rrip rbv dxbyovov 'Pdpov TpiTT6\f/io* 

224 1 ' le Solar Wheel in Greece 

of Boeotian fabric at Berlin, referable to the fifth century or at latest 
to the early decades of the fourth century B.C. Triptolemos here 
(fig. 165) 1 holds the plough himself, while Demeter presents him 
with the corn-stalks and Persephone, as before, carries a couple of 
torches 2 . The skyphos thus forms a pendant to the krater. On the 
krater the goddess grasped the plough, her protege the corn. On 
the skyphos their positions are precisely reversed. But it can 
hardly be doubted that both vases alike represent Triptolemos 
about to start on his mission. The winged car is absent from the 
skyphos, either because this vase depicts a slightly earlier moment 

Fig- 165. 

than the other, or perhaps merely by way of simplifying a some- 
what ambitious design. 

However that may be, it is plain that Triptolemos' association 
with the plough is not only Hellenistic, but Hellenic too. We 
need not, therefore, hesitate to accept the derivation of his name 
put forward by Agallis of Korkyra in the third century B.C. 3 
Triptdlemos is indeed the hero of the 'thrice-ploughed' {tripolos) 
field 4 . And Dr P. Giles has argued from the form of his name 

idlSaJ-e ttjp rod alrov yewpylav irapi<7x e Si aiir<£ /ecu ap/ia TtTqvGjv 5pa.K6vTwv, els 6 
iiroxovfievos 6 TptwrdXe/jLos irepirjet iracrav ttjv yrjv, diddaKwv ttjv toD <titov yewpyiav — a 
passage well illustrated by our vase. 

1 Ath. Mitth. 1899 xxiv. 67 ff. pi. 7. 

2 The mother is clearly distinguished from the daughter by her sceptre, her more 
imposing head-dress, her richer clothing, and her more matronal form. 

3 Schol. //. 18. 483 TpiwoKov 5t tt]v apovp&i> <prj<nv iwel TpnrrdXejios np&Tos laveipe 
alrov, 6p fiafftXt'a. <pr)<rlv. Infra ch. ii § 9 (h) ii (5). 

4 Cp. Flout, coning, praecept. 42 'Adrjvawi TpeTs dpdrovs iepovs ayovtri' irpwrov iwi 

Triptolemos 225 

with its -//-, not -p-, that his worship came to Eleusis along with 
improved methods of cultivation from the fertile plains of northern 
Greece 1 . 

If such be the name and nature of Triptolemos, what are we to 
make of his wheeled seat ? I believe it to have been simply an 
early expression to denote the sun. Just as Herakles, when he 
crossed the sea, voyaged in the solar cup lent him by Okeanos or 
Nereus or Helios himself 2 , so Triptolemos, when he crosses the 
earth, travels on the solar wheel received at the hand of Demeter. 
It will be observed that this explanation of the myth squares well 
with its progressive representation. The earliest vase-paintings 
showed Triptolemos sitting on a one-wheeled seat. This we 
naturally took to be a two-wheeled seat seen in profile 3 . But I now 
suggest that it arose from a yet earlier religious conception, that of 
the hero sitting on the single solar wheel. A possible survival 
of this conception occurs in the Astronomica of Hyginus, where we 
read that Triptolemos 'is said to have been the first of all to use a 
single wheel, that so he might avoid delay on his journey 4 .' It is 
noteworthy, too, that in the Argive tradition 5 the father of Tripto- 
lemos was Trochilos, 'he of the Wheel' (trochds), the inventor — 

Hicipip rod iraXaiOTdTov rwv airdpuv virbfivrnxa' hetirepov iv Trj'Vapiq.' rpirov virb ir6\iv t6v 
Ka\ovp.€vov Bovfyyiov. toCtuiv Se irdi/Twv iepwrards £jtiv 6 yanr/Xios airdpos Kal aporos iirl 
vaiScjv TeKi>w<Tei with the remarks of O. Kern in Pauly — Wissowa Real-Enc. ii. 1215 ff. 
s.v. "Aporoi iepoi. 

1 P. Giles in the Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society igo8 p. 16. 

2 Gruppe Gr. Myth. Pel. p. 468 n. 6. 3 Supra p. 213. 

4 Hyg. poet. astr. 2. 14 qui primus omnium una rota dicitur usus, ne cursu moraretur. 

J. Dechelette Manuel oT archeologie Paris 1910 ii. 1. 416 n. 3 calls attention to a 
passage in the Rig-veda i. 164, 2, which describes the solar chariot ' of the single wheel ' 
drawn by ' the single horse ' of seven-fold name. 

This raises a suspicion that more than one mythical charioteer, who lost a wheel and 
thereby came to grief, was originally a solar hero. Myrtilos, the charioteer of Oinomaos, 
who compassed his master's death by inserting v. linch-pin of wax, or by not inserting a 
linch-pin at all, and was subsequently thrown out of Pelops' car into the sea near 
Geraistos, is a figure comparable with Phaethon ; indeed, according to one version he 
was the son of the Danald Phaethousa (schol. Ap. Rhod. 1. 752, schol. Eur. Or. 998) : on 
Apulian vases he often has as his attribute a wheel (Reinach Pep. Vases i. 128, 3, 140, 2, 
290) or a couple of wheels (id. i. 167, Heydemann Vasensatnml. Neapel p. 524 f. no. 3227). 
In a parallel myth (Class. Pev. 1903 xvii. 2 7of.) from Thrace Dryas, like Oinomaos, is 
killed through the removal of his linch-pins (Parthen. narr. am. 6, cp. Konon narr. 10). 

K. Tiimpel in Roscher Lex. Myth. ii. 3318, 3320, Pauly — Wissowa Peal-Enc. ii. 2261 
has drawn up a list of handsome young charioteers, who came to an untimely end. He 
regards them all as various forms of the solar hero common to the coast-districts of the 
eastern Aegean. They include the following names — Apsyrtos, Atymnos, Killas, Malaos, 
Myrtilos, Phaethon, Tenages. To these we may add Sphairos, a suggestive name given 
by the Troezenians to Killas (Paus. 5. 10. 7), and the great Troezenian hero Hippolytos 
himself, not to mention his alter ego Virbius. 

4 Supra p. 212. 



226 The Solar Wheel in Greece 

some said — of the first chariot 1 . But the word trochilos means also 
'a wren.' And it can hardly be fortuitous that the Athenians made 
Triptolemos the son of Keleds, the ' Green Woodpecker,' while the 
Argives made him the son of Trochilos, the 'Wren.' Conceivably 
both birds were bound to a wheel, like the iynx, and used as a 
solar charm 2 . But, to return from fancy to fact, red-figured as 
distinct from black-figured vases added wings and snakes to 

Fig. 166. 


Triptolemos' seat 3 . In this again it followed the example of the 
solar vehicle ; for a whole series of black-figured Attic vases at 
Cambridge 4 , Paris 5 , Berlin 6 , Vienna 7 , Athens 8 , Boston 9 , represents 

1 Tertull. de spectac. 9. 2 The matter is discussed infra ch. i § 6 (d) i (e). 

3 Su/>ra p. 217. The snakes themselves are not winged till the second century B.C. 
(Apollod. 1. 5. 2 U<ppov . . .irTtjvQv SpaKbvruv). The earliest extant monuments that so 
represent them are of Roman date (Overbeck op. cit. p. 554 Atlas pi. 16, 11, 12 : infra 
p. 248 n. 7). See further Gruppe Gr. Myth. Bel. p. 807 n. 2. 

4 E. A. Gardner Cat. Vases Cambridge p. 52 no. 100 fig. The reproduction in 
E. Gerhard Uber die Lichtgottheiten auf Kunstdenkmdlern Berlin 1840 pi. 1,5 after 
Stackelberg Grader der Hellenen pi. 15, 5, and in Roscher Lex. Myth. i. 1995 from the 
same source, is inadequate. I figure the central portion of the scene infra ch. i § 6 (d) xii. 

8 De Ridder Cat. Vases de la Bibl. Nat. i. 128 f. no. 220, Lenormant — de Witte £l. 
mon. cir. ii. 386 f. pi. 115. This vase has four unwinged in place of two winged horses. 

6 Furtwangler Vasensamml. Berlin i. 421 no. 1983, unpublished. 

7 Laborde Vases Lamberg ii Frontispiece, Lenormant — de Witte El. mon. cir. ii. 
387 f. pi. 116, Reinach Re'p. Vases ii. 211, 1. 

8 L. Savignoni in the Journ. Hell. Stud. 1899 xix. 265 ff. pi. 9. 

9 Robinson Cat. Vases Boston no. 335. 

Triptolemos 227 

Helios rising as a draped male figure standing between {i.e. on a 
car drawn by) two winged horses, the solar disk being visible over 
his head. The Berlin vase joins to the disk a couple of serpenti- 
form appendages, thereby recalling the winged and snaky disks of 
Egyptian and Assyrian art 1 . Indeed, a late bas-relief in black stone 
brought by E. Renan from Gharfin near Gabeil, the ancient Byblos, 
shows Triptolemos, who stands in a car drawn by two snakes and 
scatters grain, within a naiskos actually decorated with the 
Egyptian disk (fig. 166) 2 . This, however, — as F. Lenormant was 
careful to point out — may be a matter of mere decoration. The 
crescent moon associated with the hero suggests rather that 
Triptolemos was here identified with the Phrygian god Men 3 , as 
elsewhere with the Egyptian Osiris 4 , the Lydian Tylos 5 , and the 
Cilician Ba'al-tarz 6 . Finally, the corn-ears borne along on Tripto- 
lemos' wheeled seat are comparable with the corn-ears attached to 
the triskeles on the coins of Panormos, etc. 7 — a symbol which, as we 
shall see, was solar in origin and, moreover, equipped with both 
wings and snakes. 

In the foregoing section we have traced the gradual development 
of Triptolemos' snake-drawn chariot from the simple solar wheel. 
This derivation is emphatically confirmed by the myth of Antheias, 
as told in Pausanias' account of Patrai : 

'Those who relate the earliest traditions of Patrai declare that Eumelos, a 
native of the soil, was the first to dwell in the land as king over a few people. 
When Triptolemos came from Attike, Eumelos received cultivated crops and, 
being taught to build a city, named it Aroe after the tilling of the ground. They 
say that once, when Triptolemos had fallen asleep, Antheias the son of Eumelos 
was minded to yoke the snakes to the chariot of Triptolemos and to try his own 
hand at sowing. But fate overtook him and he fell out of the chariot. There- 
upon Triptolemos and Eumelos founded a city in common and called it Antheia 
after the name of Eumelos' son 8 .' 

Antheias falling off the car of Triptolemos is, as O. Gruppe 

J Supra p. 205 ff. 

2 F. Lenormant 'Triptoleme en Syrie' with fig. in the Gaz. Arch. 1878 iv. 97 — 

3 So O. Rubensohn in the Ath. Mitth. 1899 xxiv. 61 n. I. Lenormant had thought 
of Amynos and Magos ot Kar^Sei^av kw/mu ical Tof/iva* (Philon Bybl. frag. 2. 11 (Frag, 
hist. Gr. iii. 567 Muller)). 

4 Supra p. 222 f. 

5 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Lydia p. cxiii, 260 pi. 27, 4, Head Hist, num. 3 p. 657, 
Muller— Wieseler Denkm. d. alt. A'unst ii. 79 pi. 10, 114, Overbeck op. cit. p. 585. 

,; M. Mayer in the Verhandlungen der XL Versammlung deutscher Phiblogen und 
Sihulmanner Gorlitz 1889 p. 338 cited by Gruppe Gr. Myth. Rel. p. 1 173 n. 5. 

7 Infra ch. i § 6 (d) v. 

8 Paus. 7. 18. 2 — 3. 



The Solar Wheel in Greece 

observes 1 , 'a genuine variant of the Phaethon legend,' and supports 
our contention that Triptolemos' car was of solar origin. 

Triptolemos was said to have received his car from Demeter 2 — 
a statement which cannot be traced back beyond the second 
century B.C. 8 It must, however, have been commonly accepted in 
Roman times, for a cameo at Paris (fig. 167) 4 shows Claudius and 
Messalina in the guise of Triptolemos and Demeter; the former 
scatters the grain from his palitdamentiim, the latter leans forward 
with corn-ears and poppies in her left hand, a roll in her right. 

Fig. 167. 

Moreover, later literature makes Demeter travel in a snake-drawn 
chariot when in search of her daughter Persephone. In this way 

1 Gruppe Gr. Myth. Rel. p. 544 n. 5. 

Possibly Demeter HoT7)pto<p6pos of Antheia (Athen. 460 d) was a figure analogous to 
the drink-bearing Demeter of the Triptolemos vases (supra p. 2i7f.). 
a Gruppe Gr. Myth. Rel. p. 807 n. 2. 

3 Apollod. 1. 5. 2 is our earliest authority. 

4 Babelon Cat. Camhs de la Bibl. Nat. p. 144 f. no. 276 Album pi. 30. Muller — 
Wieseler Denkm. d. alt. Kunst'x. 92 f. pi. 69, 380 identify the divinised pair as Germanicus 
and Agrippina, arguing that Germanicus appears again as a Roman Triptolemos on the 
silver patera from Aquileia at Vienna (Mon. d. Inst, iii pi. 4, Ann. d. Inst. 1839 xi. 78— 
84). In the middle ages this cameo was thought to represent the triumph of Joseph in 
Egypt ! 

Triptolemos 229 

she approached Eleusis 1 , and in this way she quitted it again 2 . 
Art follows suit. Demeter in her snake- 
chariot appears first on Roman denarii of 
the moneyer M. Volteius about the year 
88 B.C. 3 , then on those of C. Vibius Pansa 
in 43 B.C. 4 , and not infrequently on late 
Greek coins 8 . Occasionally she holds 
corn-ears and a sceptre 6 , or a poppy- 
head and a sceptre 7 , more often a couple 
of torches (fig. 168) 8 , rarely corn-ears and 
torches too 9 . The scene of her quest was 
common on sarcophagi of Roman date; lg ' l ' 

1 Ov. met. 5. 642 ff., fast. 4. 497 f. In Orph. h. Dem. Eleus. 40. 14 f. Demeter 
'E\ev<xivla has a snaky chariot. 

2 Ov. fast. 4. 561 f. In Ov. met. 8. 794 ff. Ceres sends an Oread in her snake- 
chariot to fetch Fames from Scythia. But the mode of conveyance may be a touch due 
to Ovid himself. 

3 Babelon Monn. rep. rom. ii. 566 no. 3. 

4 Id. ib. ii. 545 f. no. 17. 

8 See Overbeck op. cit. pp. 502 f., 660 f. Munztaf. 8, 38 — 40, 9, 17 — 21. 

6 So on late bronze coins of Athens (Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Attica etc. p. 90 pi. 15, 
15, p. 91 pi. 15, 17, cp. p. 89). The earlier bronze coins of Eleusis, which are said to 
represent ' Demeter or Triptolemos seated 1. in winged car drawn by two serpents, and 
holding in r. two ears of corn' (id. Attica etc. p. 112 pi. 20, 1), show Triptolemos rather 
than Demeter (Overbeck op. cit. p. 581 ff. , Head Hist, num. 2 p. 391 : yet see E. Beule" 
Les monnaies cTAtheties Paris 1858 p. 289 ff.). 

7 So on an imperial coin of Nikomedeia in Bithynia (Imhoof-Blumer Gr. Miinzen 
p. 81 no. 135). 

8 So on imperial coins of Thessalonike (Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Macedonia etc. p. 117), 
Hadrianopolis in Thrace (Overbeck op. cit. p. 661), Kretia-Flaviopolis (Brit. Mus. Cat. 
Coins Pontus etc. p. 137 pi. 29, 4, Waddington — Babelon — Reinach Monn. gr. cTAs.Min. 
i. 334 no. 8 pi. 54, 2, 338 no. 30), Nikaia in Bithynia (Overbeck op. cit. p. 660), Erythrai 
in Ionia (id. ib., Imhoof-Blumer Gr. Miinzen p. 117 no. 296 pi. 13, 19), Magnesia ad 
Maeandrum (Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Ionia p. 165 pi. 19, 8), the Ionian League (ib. Ionia 
p. x6), Kyzikos (ib. Mysia p. 47 pi. 12, 12), Ankyra in Galatia (Overbeck op. cit. p. 661 
Munztaf. 9, 21), Amorion (Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Phrygia p. 54), Brouzos (ib. Phrygia 
p. 114 pi. 14, 6, Imhoof-Blumer Monn. gr. p. 394 no. 69= Choix de monn. gr. 1871 
pi. 5, 187), Hierapolis in Phrygia (Overbeck op. cit. p. 660), Pessinous (id. ib. Munztaf. 
9, 20, Imhoof-Blumer Gr. Munzen p. 229 f. no. 762 = id. and O. Keller Tier- und 
Pftanzenbilder auf Munzen und Gemmen Leipzig 1889 p. 73 no. 31 pi. 12), Apollonis in 
Lydia (Head Hist, num. 1 p. 548), Gordus-Iulia (Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Lydia p. 96 
pi. 10, 6), Magnesia ad Sipylum (ib. Lydia p. 152), Maionia (ib. Lydia p. 134 pi. 14, 8), 
Nysa (ib. Lydia p. 178, Overbeck op. cit. p. 660 Munztaf. 9, 17), Sardeis (Brit. Mus. 
Cat. Coins Lydia p. 254), Stratonikeia (Overbeck op. cit. p. 660), Kelenderis (Brit. Mus. 
Cat. Coins Lycaonia etc. p. 58 pi. 10, 14, Imhoof-Blumer Monn. gr. p. 351 no. 19), 
Korakesiori (Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Lycaonia etc. p. xxxv n. 6). 

The goddess has one torch only on imperial coins of Kretia-Flaviopolis (Waddington — 
Babelon— Reinach op. cit. i. 337 no. 25 pi. 54, 10), Claudio-Seleucia (Brit. Mus. Cat. 
Coins Lycia etc. p. 254). 

9 So on imperial coins of Hyrkanis (Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Lydia p. 125 pi. 13, 6), 
Sardeis (ib. Lydia p. 273). 

230 The Solar Wheel in Greece 

and here she is seen holding a torch and drawn by two monstrous 
snakes usually winged near the chariot- wheels 1 , or in more agitated 
guise holding two torches and drawn by snakes winged at the 
neck 2 . Sarcophagi of the former type show the snake's tail twined 
about the hub of the wheel, which takes the form of a lion's 
head (fig. 169) 8 . This detail perhaps points to the solar character 
of the vehicle in question 4 . For Greeks and Romans alike, 
therein agreeing with the Egyptians 3 and the nations of the 

Fig. 169. 

nearer east 6 , looked upon the lion as an animal full of inward 
fire and essentially akin to the sun 7 . The lion on Roman military 

1 Overbeck op. cit. p. 6i2f. Atlas pi. 17, 1, 3 = R. Foerster in the Ann. d. Inst. 1873 
xlv. 72 ff. pi. EF 1, 2. 

2 Overbeck op. cit. pp. 6241"., 642 Atlas pi. 17, 7, 9, 22, 24, cp. ib. 20, 21. 

3 Overbeck op. cit. Atlas pi. 17, 3. 

4 Against this explanation is the apparent presence of a leonine head on the hub of 
Hades' chariot-wheel (Ann. d. Inst. loc. cit. pi. EF 1 — it is not clearly seen in Overbeck 
op. cit. Atlas pi. 17, 1). Yet Hades too may well have been credited with a fiery, if not 
with a solar (Class. Rev. 1903 xvii. 176), car. 

5 E. A. Wallis Budge The Gods of the Egyptians London 1904 ii. 14, 359 ft". See 
Plout. symp. 4. 5. 2, Ail. de nat. an. 5. 39, 12. 7, Horapoll. hierogl. 1. 17, Macrob. Sat. 
I. 21. 16 f., Mart. Cap. 183. 

6 F. X. Kortleitner Depolytheismo universo Oeniponte 1908 pp. 201 f., 268, F. Cumont 
in Roscher Lex. Myth. ii. 3041, A. Jeremias ib. iii. 255. 

7 Ail. de nat. an. 12. 7, Tertull. adv. Marc. 1. 13, Macrob. Sat. 1. 21. 16, Myth. Vat. 
3- 8. 13. 

Triptolemos 231 

standards was interpreted as a solar emblem 1 . The Mithraic 
sun-god was figured with a lion's face 2 . The sign Leo was called 
'the house of the sun 3 ,' and — be it noted — the sun was in Leo 
when Persephone was carried off 4 . What is perhaps more to the 
point, it was Helios that took pity on Demeter and told her where 
her daughter was to be sought 5 . Did he not also lend her his 
chariot for the search 6 ? 

Other deities too on occasion appear in a like conveyance. 
Dionysos, according to certain ceramic artists of the sixth and fifth 
centuries B.C., roamed the world a la Triptolemos on a wheeled and 
winged seat 7 . And even Athena is represented, on a red-figured 
Pyxis of fine style at Copenhagen, as drawn in a chariot by yoked 
snakes to the judgment of Paris 8 . 

1 Lyd. de mens. i. 22 p. 12, 15 Wunsch. 

2 Lact. Plac. in Stat. Theb. 1. 720 = Myth. Vat. 2. 19, Tertull. adv. Marc. 1. 13, 
Porph. de abst. 4. 16. 

3 Ail. de nat. an. 12. 7, Macrob. Sat. 1. 21. 16, Serv. in Verg. georg. 1. 33. 

4 Schol. Arat. phaen. 1 50. 8 H. Dem. 62 ff. 

6 In h. Dem. loc. cit. 63, 88 Helios has a chariot drawn by horses. So has the 
questing Demeter on many sarcophagi (Overbeck op. cit. p. 627 ff. Atlas pi. 17, 4, 8, 10, 
11, 17, 18, 19, 23). But another line of tradition gave Helios a snake-drawn chariot: 
see infra ch. i § 6 (d) i (7, 5). 

Gruppe Gr. Myth. Rel. pp. 130, 538 n. 2, 546, 1138 n. 2, 1145, "49. "67 n. 1 
suggests that Helios was often associated in cult with Demeter. But of this I find no 
convincing proof. 7 Supra p. 214 ff. 

8 A. Conze Heroen- und Gottergestalten der griechischen Kunst pi. 102, 1, A. Dumont — 
J. Chaplain — E. Pottier Les ceramiques de la Grece propre Paris 1888 i. 368 f. pi. 10= 
Roscher Lex. Myth. in. 161 7 f. fig. 7. Hera's chariot on this vase is drawn by four 
horses ; that of Aphrodite by two Erotes. Probably the artist gave Athena a team of 
snakes because the snake was associated with her on the Akropolis at Athens: cp. also 
the cults of Athene Ilopeta on the road from Sparta to Arkadia (Paus. 3. 20. 8), of 
Athena 'Tyeia at Acharnai (Paus. 1. 31. 6) and Athens (Paus. 1. 23. 4 with J. G. Frazer 
ad loc), and the word Sp&icaiva used of Athena in Orph. h. Ath. 32. 11. 

Athena is not normally connected with the solar wheel. In a vase-painting already 
described [supra p. 199) she brings up the winged wheel of Ixion and may 
perhaps be regarded as Athena 'Epy&vr) later ' replaced by Hephaistos 
(supra p. 200 ff.). Certain small silver coins of Lampsakos (fig. 170) have 
as their reverse type a head of Athena, whose helmet is marked with a 
wheel (Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Mysia p. 80 no. 21. The specimen figured 
is from my collection) : cp. a silver obol of Massalia c. 500 B.C. with obv. '£* '7°* 
archaic head wearing a helmet on which is a wheel, rev. a four-spoked 
wheel (E. Muret — M. A. Chabouillet Catalogue des monnaies gauloises de la Bibliotheque 
Nationale Paris 1889 p. 12, H. de la Tour Atlas de monnaies gauloises Paris 1892 no. 520 
pi. 2, Head Hist, num. 2 p. 6), and a barbarised copy of it — both found at Morella in Spain 
(E. Muret — M. A. Chabouillet loc. cit., H. de la Tour op. cit. no. 524 pi. 2, R. Forrer 
Keltische Numismatik der Rhein- und Donaulande Strassburg 1908 p. 81 figs. 154, 155 
pi. 7). A. de Ridder Collection de Clercq Paris 1905 iii (Les Bronzes) 206 f. no. 296 pi. 48 
publishes a bronze statuette of Athena holding lance and owl. The crest of her helmet is 
supported by * une rouelle,' as on Panathenaic amphoras found in Kyrenaike (ib. p. 203 ; but 
see G. von Brauchitsch Die panatheniiischen Preisamphoren Leipzig and Berlin lyiop^ff.). 

232 The Solar Wheel in Greece 

In this connexion we must take account of a unique silver drachmt 
or quarter-shekel, which has been for many years in the British 
Museum 1 (pi. xxi and fig. 171 a, by. It is struck on the Phoenician 

standard 3 . The obverse shows a bearded 
head in three-quarter position (not dou- 
ble-struck) facing towards the right and 
wearing a crested Corinthian helmet 
with a bay-wreath upon it. The reverse 
a , has a square incuse surrounded by a 

spiral* border, within which we see a 
bearded divinity enthroned. He wears a long garment, which 
covers his right arm and extends to his feet. He is seated on 
a winged and wheeled seat : the wing is archaic in type and rises 
high behind his back ; the wheel has six spokes and an inner ring 
round its axle. The god has an eagle (or hawk?) 4 on his out- 
stretched left hand. Before him in the lower right hand corner of 
the square is an ugly bearded head. In the field above the seated 
deity are the Phoenician letters HA/V, that is, YHW*. 

The credit of being the first to decipher and to interpret aright 
the inscription belongs to Monsieur C. Clermont-Ganneau. As far 
back as 1 880 he suggested to Prof. P. Gardner and Dr B. V. Head 
that it was the triliteral form of the divine name Jehovah ; and in 

1 Taylor Combe Veteruvi populorum et regum numi qui in Museo Britannico adser- 
vantur London 1814 p. 242 no. 5 pi. 13, 12, H. de Luynes Essai sur la Numismatique 
des Satrapies et de la Phtnicie sous les rots Achceme'nides Paris 1846 p. 29 no. 1 pi. 4, 
C. D. Ginsburg in the Palestine Exploration Fund. Quarterly Statement for 1881 
London p. 19 ('Jehu in his carriage... the name Jehu in the old Hebrew characters 
exactly resembling the letters on the Moabite stone, only in fact more perfectly written '), 
A. Neubauer in the Revue des E\tudes juives 1881 ii. 290 cp. id. 154, E. Babelon Les 
Perses Ache'me'nides Paris 1893 p. lxvi fig. 30, J. P. Six in the Num. Chron. New Series 
1877 xvii. 229 no. 43, id. 1878 xviii. 1236°. no. 3 pi. 6, 8 (Obv. the Syrian god Hadran, 
cp. Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Sicily p. 109 Mamertini no 2 AAPANOY [and K. Wernicke 
in Pauly — Wissowa Real-Enc. i. 405].* Rev. Jahu = \he Chaldaean god Iao, cp. Lyd. 
de mens. 4. 53 p. Hi, iff". Wiinsch), E. J. Pilcher in the Proceedings of the Society of 
Biblical Archaology 1908 xxx. 45 ff. pi. 1, 1, A. Blanchet in the Rev. Num. iv Serie 
1908 xii. 276 f., A. W. Hands in the Num. Chron. Fourth Series 1909 ix. 121 ff. fig. 1, 
G. Macdonald in The Year's Work in Class. Stud, ipocj p. 53, R. Weil in the Zeitschr.f. 
Num. 1910 xxviii. 28 — 34 (the Hellenising of Semitic cults in Syria began before the 
expeditions of Alexander the Great), Babelon Monti, gr. rom. ii. 2. 655 f. pi. 124, 5. 

2 PI. xxi is an enlarged photograph of a cast of the reverse. 

3 It weighs 507 grains (3*3 grammes), and is therefore somewhat lighter than the 
average quarter-shekel. It is a well-preserved specimen. 

4 The bird is described as a hawk by Taylor Combe, J. P. Six, and E. Babelon (with 
a query). 

5 See e.g. the comparative tables of Phoenician, Egyptian Aramaic, Old Hebrew, etc., 
forms given by J. Euting Tabula scripturae Hebraicae Argentorati 1882, Forrer Reallex. 
p. 714 pi. 202. 

Plate XXI 




Quarter-shekel of Gaza showing the Hebrew Godhead as a solar Zeus. 

See page 232 ff. 

Triptolemos 233 

1892, when lecturing at the College de France he treated it as such 1 . 
Dr Ginsburg's rival attempt to read it as the name of Jehu, king of 
Israel, makes shipwreck — as A. Neubauer was prompt to point out — 
on the chronology, the coin being nearly five centuries later than 
Jehu's reign 2 . There can, in fact, be little doubt that we have 
here a gentile representation of the Hebrew Godhead. 

Now a bearded god enthroned with an eagle on his hand is 
a common art-type of Zeus. And it will be remembered that 
in 168 B.C. Antiochus iv Epiphanes transformed the temple at 
Jerusalem into a temple of Zeus Olympios and the temple on 
Mount Gerizim into a temple of Zeus Xenios 3 or Helle'uios*. 
Further, the winged wheel is, as we have seen, solar in its origin. 
It follows that the coin represents Jehovah under the guise of 
a solar Zeus 5 . 

This conclusion is confirmed by the fact that Ido — the form 
usually taken by Jehovah's name in magical texts of the Hellenistic 
age 6 — was equated sometimes with Zeus, sometimes with Helios. 
A papyrus at Berlin, acquired by Lepsius at Thebes in Egypt and 
published by Parthey in 1866, records an incantation, which begins 
by summoning Apollon in company with Paian to quit Parnassos 
and Pytho, and then continues in a quasi-Semitic strain : 

Come, foremost angel of great Zeus /do, 
And thou too, Michael, who holdest heaven, 
And, Gabriel, thou the archangel, from Olympos 7 . 

The Anastasy papyrus of the British Museum, published by Wessely 
in 1888, includes among other magical formulae the following prose 
invocation : ' I summon thee the ruler of the gods — Zeus, Zeus, 

1 In the Judaeo-Aramaean papyri recently found at Elephantine (Assouan) the name 
of Jehovah is similarly triliteral (A. H. Sayce and A. E. Cowley Aramaic Papyri discovered 
at Assitan London 1906 p. 37 n. on pap. B, 4, E. Sachau Aramdische Papyrus ttnd Oslraka 
aus... Elephantine Leipzig 191 1 p. 277 Index). 

2 C. D. Ginsburg and A. Neubauer locc. citt. 

3 2 Maccab. 6. 1 f., Euseb. chron. ann. Abr. 1850 (v. I. 1848) ii. 126 f. Schoene. 

4 Ioseph. ant. Iud. 12. 5. 5, Zonar. 4. 19 (i. 317 Dindorf). See Append. B Samaria. 
8 Mrs H. Jenner Christian Symbolism London 1910 p. 67 states that in the convent 

church of Kaisariani on Mt. Hymettos ' the winged fiery wheel is a throne for the Divine 
feet of Almighty God.' 

6 W. W. Baudissin Studien zur semitischen Religionsgeschichte Leipzig 1876 i. 179 — 
254, G. A. Deissmann Bibelstndien Marburg 1895 pp. 1 — 20, Gruppe Gr. Myth. Pel. 
p. 1603 n. 3 ff . This is not, of course, necessarily inconsistent with the view that Iao is 
the final form of the Babylonian god Ea (see C. F. Lehmann-IIaupt in Roscher Lex. 
Myth. iv. 358 ff., supra p. 188 n. 1). 

7 G. Parthey Zwei griechische Zauberpapyri des Berliner Museums Berlin 1866 p. u8. 
Pap. 1. 300 ayyeXe irpurreviw (so Kirchhoff for MS. irpwrtvov sic) Z'jjvos /ityaXoio 'Idw 
k.t.X. Baudissin op. cil. i. 198 observes that a-^eXe here refers to Apollon, the theme of 
the preceding lines. Zeus is identified with Jehovah, and Apollon his mouthpiece with 
the angel of Jehovah. 

234 The Solar Wheel in Greece 

that thunderest on high, king Adona'f, lord Iaoouee 1 .' Apollon 
Kldrios, whose ancient oracle near Kolophon in Asia Minor enjoyed 
a new lease of life in Roman times 2 , was once questioned concerning 
the nature of the dread mysterious Iao 3 . His answer has — thanks 
to Macrobius — been preserved : 

They that know mysteries should conceal the same. 
But, if thy sense be small and weak thy wit, 
Mark as the greatest of all gods Iao — 
In winter Hades, Zeus when spring begins, 
Helios o' the summer, autumn's soft Iao 4 . 

1 C. Wessely Griechische Zauberpapyrus von Paris und London Wien 1 888 p. 115 
Brit. Mus. pap. 46. 483 flf. iinKaXoOfiaL <re rbv Swdar-qv twv deuv, vxj/L^pe/xiTa Zed Zed, 
nbpavve 'Abwvat (so Buresch for MS. abaivat sic), Kipie 'lawovrje (sic) = F. G. Kenyon 
Greek Papyri in the British Museum London 1893 i. 80 no. 46, 469 ff. 

2 K. Buresch Klaros Leipzig 1889 p. 38 ff. 

8 Hardly less remarkable was the response given by Apollon Kldrios touching his 
own godhead (Cougny Anth. Pal. Append. 6. 140, cp. the Tubingen Xpri<rfiol rwv 
'EXXtjv ucwv OeG>v in Buresch op. cit. p. 97 f. ; Lact. div. inst. 1. 7). The two oracles are 
confused in Kedren. hist. comp. 41 c f. (i. 73 f. Bekker). 

4 Oracl. (Cougny Anth. Pal. Append. 6. 135) ap. Macrob. Sat. 1. 18. 19 ff. Macrobius 
introduces the oracle as follows: eh Zeis, eh'ALd^s, ehUXios, eh Awvvcros. huius versus 
auctoritas fundatur oraculo Apollinis Clarii, in quo aliud quoque nomen soli adicitur, qui 
in isdem sacris versibus inter cetera vocatur T<£w. Clearly, then, the autumn-god of the 
oracle must be some form of Dionysos. Hence for the concluding words aftpbv 'law 
C. A.- Lobeck Aglaophamtis p. 461 ingeniously conjectured k§pbv " A5wvlv and L. Jan 
ad loc. yet more ingeniously afipbv "Iolkxov. Baudissin op. cit. i. 215 quotes in support of 
Jan's emendation a gem inscribed |AG0 IA H ABPA IAXH ICO <t>G0E AGO, which he 
renders: 'Iao, la, der voile Jubelruf, Io, Licht, AO.' But Buresch op. cit. p. 52 f. 
surmises that the gem should be read | A 00 I AH ABPAZAE HI CO etc. ; in which case 
Baudissin's argument collapses. Indeed, Baudissin now (Adonis und Esmun Leipzig 
191 1 p. 124) supports Lobeck's conjecture. Buresch himself op. cit. p. 49 and Gruppe 
Gr. Myth. Pel. p. 1603 n. 4 defend the text afipbu 'law, on the ground that the epithet 
afipbv suffices to describe the Dionysiac character of the Jewish deity. 

This identification of Jehovah with Dionysos is later than the identification with Zeus. 
In fact it seems possible to trace the steps by which the transition was effected. On the 
Phoenician coin under discussion Jehovah appears as a solar Zeus (supra p. 232 f.). To 
Antiochos Epiphanes he was Zeus Olympios, Xtnios, Hellenios (supra p. 233). Varro, 
perhaps following Poseidonios, equated him with Iupiter Capitolinus (Gruppe Gr. Myth. 
Rel. p. 1603 n. 4, quoting Reitzenstein Zwei religionsgesch. Fr. p. 78 n.). The first hint 
of the new comparison occurs in the age of Tiberius (Val. Max. 1. 3. 3 Cn. Cornelius 
Hispalus...Iudaeos, qui Sabazi Iovis cultu Romanos inficere mores conati erant, repetere 
domos suas coegit). After this we find successive identifications with Bacchos (Plout. 
symp. 4. 6. 2), Liber pater (Tac. hist. 5. 5), Dionysos (Lyd. de mens. 4. 53 p. in, 7 ff. 

The connexion of Jehovah with Helios may have been facilitated by the belief that 
Iao meant 'Light' (Lyd. de mens. 4. 53 p. no, 25 ff. Wiinsch 6 5£'Pw/«uos Bdppuv irepi 
avrov oiaXaftwv <pr)ai wapa XoX5a/ots 4v tois fivcriKoh avrov Xe"yea6ai. Taw dvri rov (f>u>s 
vorfrbv Ty <&oivIku)v yXwaar), ws <jyqaiv 'Ept'vpios, Kedren. hist. comp. 169 a (i. 296 Bekker) 
6tl Haw 7rapd XaXSaiois epfxrivetjerai. <f>Cis vorjrbv rj) ^oivIkwv yXuxrffri where for Haw 
Baudissin rightly read 'law). The gem cited above has </>w£ for <£ws, as another gem 
gives M/0pa£ for Mldpas (Baudissin Studien zur semitischen Keligionsgeschichte i. 215). 
The Anastasy papyrus invokes (pu<r(p6p Tdw (C. Wessely op. cit. Brit. Mus. pap. 46. 



Iao is here expressly identified with both Zeus and Helios. These 
identifications might be illustrated by some of the bizarre devices 
to be seen on Gnostic amulets. For example, an onyx published 
by Spon (fig. 172) 1 represents a youthful, 
beardless Zeus enthroned with sceptre, 
thunderbolt, and eagle, the legend on 
the back being Iao Sabao{thy. 

The Phoenician quarter-shekel — to 
judge from its weight, style, and fabric — 
was struck about 350 B.C., and therefore 
furnishes our earliest evidence of Jehovah 
conceived by the gentiles as Zeus. Un- 
fortunately we do not know where the coin was issued. The 
eminent numismatist J. P. Six ascribed it, along with a series of 
somewhat similar pieces, to Gaza Minda in southern Palestine 3 . If 
this attribution is sound — and it has been widely accepted 4 , — I 
would suggest that the hel meted head with a bay- wreath on the 
obverse is that of Minos the eponymous founder, who figures as 
a helmeted warrior holding the branch of a sacred bay-tree on later 
coins of the town (fig. 174) 8 . The grotesque face or mask on the 

Fig. 172. 

1 79 f. = F. G. Kenyon op. cit. i. 70 no. 46, 1 75 f.) and hto-Kor 'law <pwo~<p6pe ( Wessely ib. 46. 
304 f. = Kenyon ib. i. 74 no. 46, 300 f.) : see H. van Herwerden in Mnemosyne N.S. 1888 
xvi. 323 f. Finally, in the Gnostic gospel Pistis Sophia 26, 34, 193, 322 we get left (who 
is distinguished from three several divine powers named lab: see Baudissin op. cit. i. 186) 
described as the ' iirlaKOiros of Ligfit,' cp. the prayers ib. 357 airipavrov Light: aeijiovio, 
iaw, aut, wi'a...I«oi», 2a;9aa>#, 375 airipavrov Light : law t'ovw taw au'i' tttd...VaX' tat. The 
ultimate source of these conceptions is, doubtless, 'the glory of the lord' familiar to 
us from the Old Testament (B. Stade Biblische Theologie des Alten Testaments Tubingen 
1905 i. 94 f.). 

1 J. Spon Miscellanea eruditw antiqititatis Lugduni 1685 p. 297 f. 'Amuleta' no. 14, 
Montfaucon Antiquity Explained trans. D. Humphreys London 1721 ii. 232 pi. 50, 34. 

2 Another gem given by Montfaucon op. cit. 1725 Suppl. i. 242 pi. 52, 4 = fig- 173 
bears no inscription, but exhibits the same latter-day syncretism. 

It shows Zeus enthroned with a sceptre (?) in his hand amid a 
group of signs apparently representing the heavenly bodies — 
a winged globe, the moon, the evening star, the constellation 
Cancer, and other symbols of more doubtful meaning. For 
Babylonian and Greek ideas were freely blended in an omni- 
credulous age. 

3 J. P. Six in the Num. Chron. New Series 1877 xvii. 229 f., 
cp. ib. 1878 xviii. 125 'dans le sud de la cinquieme satrapie.' 

4 E.g. by Head Hist, num. 2 p. 805, Babelon rom. ii. 
2. 655 f. pi. 124, 5. 

5 Eckhel Doctr. num. vet? iii. 449, 451, Rasche Lex. Num. 
Suppl. ii. 1196* Head Hist, num. 2 p. 805, inscr. ME I N CO. K. B. 
Stark Gaza und die philistiiische Kiiste Jena 1852 p. 580 ff. regards 
the alleged connexion of Minos with Gaza as ' eine gelehrte Sagenbildung aus roinischer 
Zeit ' ; but he is over-sceptical. 

Fig. 173- 


The Solar Wheel in Greece 

reverse is probably, as E. Babelon surmised, that of Bes 1 ; and the 
bust of Bes too is a known type on autonomous silver coins of 
Gaza 2 . Further, there was at Gaza an image of Io the moon- 
goddess with a cow beside it 3 . And Iao, the supposed sun-god, 
was early represented as a golden calf 4 . Is it not permissible to 
think that the inhabitants of Gaza imported the cult of the Jewish 
deity as a pendant to that of their own Io? Certainly their 
Cretan ancestors had worshipped the sun and the moon as a bull 
and a cow respectively 5 . Nor need we be surprised at their 

Fig. 174. 

Fig- 175- 

Fig. 176. Fig. 177. 

borrowing the type of Triptolemos' throne, wheeled and winged. 
Triptolemos, according to Argive tradition, was the son of Trochilos, 
the 'Wheel '-man 6 ; and Trochilos in turn was the son of Kallithea 1 , 
another name of Io 8 . Moreover, Triptolemos is said to have gone 
eastwards in quest of Io, taking with him a company of Argives, 
who founded Tarsos in Kilikia 9 , lone 10 or Iopolis on Mount Silpion 

1 E. Babelon Les Perses Achiminides Paris 1893 p. lxvi. E. J. Pilcher's contention 
[supra p. 232 n. 1) that this is the promontory near Tripolis called rb tov Qeov irpoauirov 
(Strab. 754, 755, Eustath. in Dionys. per. 914) or Theuprosopon (Mela 1. 67) is ingenious, 
but unconvincing. 

2 Babelon rom. ii. 2. 657 ff. pi. 124, 8f., 18 ff., Head Hist, num.' 2 p. 805. 

3 Steph. Byz. s. w. Tdfa, 'loviov, Eustath. in Dionys. per. 92. On imperial coins of 
Gaza representing 6100 (fig. 175) see Eckhel op. cit. iii. 449 ff., Rasche op. cit. iii. 
1331 ff., Suppl. ii. 1 198 ff., Head Hist, num. 2 p. 805, Stark op. cit. p. 5856°. These 
coins (figs. 176, 177) often show the Tyche of Gaza with a bull or cow or cow's head at 
her feet (Eckhel id. iii. 450, Rasche id. iii. 1333 f., Suppl. ii. 1199^, Head id., Stark id. 
p. 585 f. pi. 1, 4)— a type inspired, as Eckhel pointed out, by the image of Io. 

4 B. Stade op. cit. p. i2of. 5 Infra ch. i § 6 (g) xi. 

6 Supra pp. 212, 225 f. 7 Schol. Arat. phaen. 161. 

8 Infra ch. i § 6 (g) viii. 9 Strab. 673, 750. 

10 Liban. or. 11. 44 ff. (i. 451 ff. Foerster), cp. Steph. Byz. s.v. 'Itivr}. Liban.^r. ii. 51 

Triptolemos 237 

in Syria 1 — better known as Antiocheia on the Orontes 2 — , and 
even settled in Gordyene beyond the Tigris 3 . If Triptolemos 
followed Io thus far afield, he may well have pursued her to Gaza 4 . 

(i. 453 Foerster) states that Triptolemos founded at lone a sanctuary of Zeus N^/xeios, 
whom the inhabitants after learning agriculture called Zeus 'Eiri*capirioj. 

1 Io. Malal. chron. 2 p. 28 ff. Dindorf, Chron. Paschale i. 74 ff. Dindorf, cp. Io. 
Antioch. frag. 6. 14 (Frag. hist. Gr. iv. 544 Miiller), Kedren. hist, cotnp. 20Dff. (i. 37 f. 
Bdcker), Souid. s.v. ' Iw, Exc. Salmasii in Cramer anecd. Paris, ii. 387, 22 ff. The 
narrative of Ioannes Malalas, our fullest source, is as follows : — In the days of Pikos Zeus 
a certain man named Inachos, of the tribe of Japheth, arose in the west. He was the 
first king over the land of Argos, where he founded a town and named it Iopolis ; for he 
worshipped the moon, and 16 is a mystic name by which the Argives have known the 
moon from that day to this (infra, ch. i § 6 (g) viii). Inachos, then, built a temple to the 
moon with a bronze stile inscribed 'Iw fidicaipa Xaixiradrjipope. His wife Melia bore him 
two sons, Kasos and Belos, and a fair daughter called Io after the moon. Pikos Zeus, 
king of the west, sent and cairied off Io, by whom he became the father of Libye. Io, in 
shame and anger, fled to Egypt and stayed there; but on learning that Hermes, son of 
Pikos Zeus, ruled over Egypt she was afraid and went on to Mt. Silpion in Syria, the 
site of the later town of Antiocheia. According to Theophilos, Io died in Syria; accord- 
ing to others, in Egypt. Inachos meantime sent her brothers and kinsfolk in search of 
her under the guidance of Triptolemos. The men from Iopolis in Argos heard that she 
had died in Syria. So they went and sojourned there awhile, knocking at the door of 
each house and saying ^vxv 'lovs aw&adu. But, when they had a vision of a heifer that 
spoke with human voice and said to them 'Evravda efyu iyw rj 'Iw, they decided to stop 
where they were on Mt. Silpion, arguing that Io must be buried on that very mountain. 
They therefore founded a sanctuary for her there and a town for themselves, named 
Iopolis. They are in fact still called Ionitai by the Syrians of the district. And to this 
day the Syrians of Antiocheia, in memory of the search-party of Argives sent out to find 
Io, year by year at the self-same season knock on the doors of the Hellenes. The reason 
why these Argives took up their abode in Syria was because Inachos had bidden them 
either return with his daughter to Argos, or not return at all. So the Ionitai aforesaid 
founded a sanctuary of Kronos on Mt. Silpion. The sources other than Malalas give no 
important variants (Itpbv Kpoviwvos for itpbv Kpovov Chron. Paschale : tcpovovrts els ras 
aXX-ifXwv Ovpas icar Itos IXeyov 'Iw 'Iw Souid.). 

In this, as in other Levantine stories of Io, we may suppose that the Argive heroine 
was but the Greek equivalent of a foreign deity. In Egypt she was identified with Isis, 
cow-goddess and moon-goddess (infra ch. i § 6 (g) viji) ; in Syria, with Astarte, whose 
art-type with bovine horns and lunar disk was determined by that of Isis (E. Meyer in 
Roscher Lex. Myth. i. 652). Cp. Philon Bybl. frag. 2. 24 (Frag. hist. Gr. iv. 569 Miiller) 
'AardpTr) 5e rj p.eyl<TTr) ko.1 Z«i>j Arjpiapovs kclI "A5w5oj ftaaiXevs Oeuv ifiaalXevov tt}s x&pa-s 
Kpovov 7VW/X3. i) be 'AffTaprrj iiridifKe ry Iblq: KeQaXjj fJaaiXelas Tapaffrj/xov Ke<paXijv ravpov 
irepivoo-Tovaa be ttjv oUovfiivriv k.t.X. (infra ch. ii § 10 (b)). The Ovpoxoiria of the 
Antiochenes probably implies a ritual search for Astarte as a goddess of fertility annually 
lost and found (cp. Gruppe Gr. Myth. Rel. p. 970 n. 8, infra ch. iii § 1 (a) i). The 
Babylonian form of this incident was the well-known 'descent of Ishtar,' daughter of 
the moon-god Sin, into the nether world (M. Jastrow The Religion of Babylonia and 
Assyria Boston etc. 1898 p. 563 ff. ). a Strab. 750. 

3 Strab. 747, 750, Steph. Byz. s.v. Topbvaia. (from Gordys, son of Triptolemos). Cp. the 
supposed image of Io with budding horns at Nineveh (Philostr. v. Apoll. 1. 19 p. 19 Kayser). 

Others told how Inachos sent out Kyrnos (not Triptolemos), who founded Kyrnos in 
Karia (Diod. 5. 60), and Lyrkos, son of Phoroneus, who settled at Kaunos in Karia 
(Parthen. narr. am. 1. 1 ff. = Frag. hist. Gr. iv. 313 f. Miiller). 

* That the influence of Triptolemos was felt at Gaza might be inferred from the fact 

2 3 8 

The Solar Wheel in Greece 

( 7 ) Kirke. 
Another mythological personage that travelled in the sun's 
wheeled chariot was Kirke, the first mistress of magic. In the 
Argonaut ica of Valerius Flaccus she is carried off from Kolchis by 
a team of winged snakes 1 , and Aphrodite, personating Kirke, is 
believed to have returned thither in the same equipage 2 . O. Gruppe 
thinks that this trait was borrowed by the poet from the myth of 
Medeia 3 ; and that is certainly a possibility to be reckoned with 4 . 
At the same time it must be remembered that Kirke was the 
daughter of Helios and as such might well claim to use the solar 
car. Apollonios of Rhodes had in fact described how Helios once 
took her in his own car from east to west, from Kolchis to Etruria 5 ; 
and Apollonios, according to a Greek commentator, was but follow- 
ing the still earlier narrative of Hesiod 6 . So that, whether Valerius 
Flaccus was or was not the first to mention Kirke's team of snakes, 
Kirke riding in the solar chariot is a much older conception. 
Conformably with it the author of the Orphic Argonautikd invests 
her with a solar halo : 

Straightway a maiden met them face to face, 
The sister of Aietes great of soul, 
Daughter of Helios — Kirke was the name 
Asterope her mother and far-seen 
Hyperion gave her. Swift to the ship she came, 
And all men marvelled as they looked upon her; 
For from her head floated the locks of hair 
Like glittering sunbeams and her fair face shone, 
Yea, gleamed as with a gust of naming fire". 

In a Pompeian wall-painting Kirke's head is surrounded by a 
circular blue nimbus*. But a Roman lamp and a contorniate medal 

that Dagon the chief god of the Philistines is described as Zeus ArStrios in Philon Bybl. 
frag. 2, 20 (Frag. hist. Gr. iii. 568 Miiller) 6 Si Aayuv, eireiSTi evpt a'trov koI aporpov, 
4k\-/i6ti Zei)s 'Apdrpios, cp. ib. 14 (iii. 567) Lay&v, 6s £<tti 21tq}i> with F. Cumont's note in 
]> au ly — Wissowa Real-Enc. iv. 1985 f. 

1 Val. Flacc. 7. 120 ut aligeri Circen rapuere dracones. 

2 Id. 7. 217 ff. o tandem, vix tandem reddita Circe | dura tuis, quae te biiugis serpen- 
tibus egit | hinc fuga? 

3 Gruppe Gr. Myth. Rel. p. 544 n. 5. 

4 Cp. Val. Flacc. 1. 224 aligeris secat anguibus auras (5. 453) of Medeia. For the 
supposed influence of the Medeia-myth on the Kirke-myth see further K. Seeliger in 
Roscher Lex. Myth. ii. 1194, 38 ff., 1202, 5 iff. 

8 Ap. Rhod. 3. 309 ft". 

8 Schol. Ap. Rhod. 3. 3n=Hes. /rag. 195 Flach. K. Seeliger in Roscher Lex. 
Myth. ii. 1200 denies it. 

7 Orph. Arg. 1214 — 1221. In Ap. Rhod. 4. 725 ft". Kirke recognizes Medeia by her 
possession of a similar halo : iraaa yap'HeXlov yeveij apldyXos idfodcu \ riev, ixel j3\e<p'&pwi' 
aTTorr)\6di fiapfiapvyrjaiv | olov re xpvvtv dfrunnov 'ieaav atyXrjv. 

8 Helbig Wandgem. Camp. p. 293 no. 1329, F. Mazois Lcs mines de Pompei Paris 

Kirke 239 

show her Wearing a rayed crown 1 , the proper attribute of a solar 
power, whose island-home is placed by Homer precisely at the 

That Kirke was in some sense solar is further shown by the 
parallels to her myth which can be adduced from various quarters. 
Thus in the Celtic area we have many accounts of the Otherworld- 
visit. These fall into two well-defined groups. On the one hand, 
in such tales as The Voyage of Bran, The Adventures of Connla, 
Oisin, The Sick-bed of Cuchulain, and Laegaire mac Crimthainn the 
hero crosses the sea to an Elysian island, where he mates with a 
divine queen and so becomes its king. On the other hand, in such 
tales as The Adventures of Cormac, The Adventures of Tadg, and 
The Baile an Scat/ he is entertained, but not married, by the queen, 
and receives at her hands a magic cup, after which he returns home 
in safety. Intermediate between the two groups is The Voyage of 
Mael-Duin, where we get at once the marriage, the entertainment, 
and the safe return. I have discussed these tales elsewhere 3 and 
here would merely point out that the goddess-queen inhabiting 
with her maidens the Otherworld island is regularly solar 4 . Indeed, 
in the story of Laegaire mac Crimthainn she bears the appropriate 
name Deorgreine, ' Tear of the Sun.' J. G. von Hahn compared 
the Kirke-myth with a modern Greek folk-tale from Wilza in 
(^agori, in which a princess living with her maidens in an island 
mates with a prince described as ' sprung from the sun ' and subse- 
quently tries to kill him through the machinations of an iron dervish . 
But the closest parallel 6 to the Homeric story is cited by 

1824 ii. 85 pi. 43, W. Zahn Die schbnsten Ornatnente und merkwiirdigsten Gemdlde aus 
Pompeji, Herkulanum uttd Stabiae Berlin 1859 iii pi. 44, Overbeck Gall. her. Bildw. 
i. 784 Atlas pi. 32, 11, R. Engelmann Bilder-Atlas zum Homer Leipzig 1889 Od. 
pi. 9, 47- 

1 Arch. Zeit. 1865 xxiii pi. 194 figs. 4 and 3, J. E. Harrison Myths of the Odyssey 
London 1882 p. 77 f. pi. 24a, b, Roscher Lex. Myth. ii. 1197 — 1199 figs. 3, 4. 

2 Od. 12. 3 f. vrjcov t Alairjv, 60t T 'HoOs ripiyevelrj^ \ oiicia ical YOpo/ elai Kal dvroXal 

3 In Folk-Lore 1906 xvii. 141 — 173. The latest writer on the Celtic island-Elysium is 
the Rev. J. A. MacCulloch The Religion of the Ancient Celts Edinburgh 191 1 p. 385 ft". 

4 Folk-Lore loc. cit. p. 156 ft. For a criticism of my view see G. L. Gomme Folklore 
as an historical science London 1908 p. 106 ft. 

5 J. G. von Hahn Griechische und albanesische Marchen Leipzig 1864 i. 79 ft. no. 4, 
ii. 186 ft. In another Greek folk-tale, translated by E. M. Geldart Folk-Lore of Modern 
Greece London 1884 p. 22 ft". ' My lady Sea' (Thera) from the original text in the journal 
Tlapvaoaos, the prince marries a beautiful maiden whose sire is the Sun and whose mother 
is the Sea. On children of the Sun in Greek folk-lore see N. G. Polites'O'HXtot Kara 
tous S-qnudeis txvdovs Athens 1882 p. 24 f. 

6 For Indian parallels see G. Gerland Altgriechische Marchen in der Odysee Magde- 
burg 1869 p. 35 f., E. Rohde Der griechische Roman und seine I'orlaufer Leipzig 1876 
p. 173 n. 2; for a Mongolian parallel, F. Bender Die miirchenhaften Bestandtheile der 

240 The Solar Wheel in Greece 

Miss J. E. Harrison 1 and K. Seeliger 2 from The Thousand and Otie 
Nights, viz. The Tale of King Bedr Bdsim*. I quote Miss Harrison's 
summary of it : 

' King Bedr Basim, like Odysseus, is seeking to return to his kingdom. He 
is shipwrecked, and escapes on a plank to [a tongue of land jutting out into the 
deep, on which is a white city with high walls and towers] ; he desires to go up 
to it. But as he tries to approach, "there came to him mules and asses and 
horses, numerous as the grains of sand, and they began to strike him and prevent 
him from going up from the sea to the land." Later on a sheykh, who plays the 
part of Hermes, tells him that this is the city of the Enchanters, wherein dwells 
Queen Lab, an enchantress, who is like to a she-devil. A curious, and, I think, 
significant fact is, that the [Old] Persian word " lab " means sun 4 . We remember 
that Circe was daughter of Helios. The conceptions of magic and sun-worship 
seem to have been closely interwoven, and this seems the more natural if the 
Greek myth were of Eastern origin. The sheykh tells Bedr Basim that the 
strange mules and horses and asses are the lovers of this wicked witch. With 
each of them she abides forty days, and after that enchants them into beast- 
shapes. Queen Lab sees Bedr Basim, and falls in love with him. He goes up 
to her castle, but after some suspicious experiences begins to fear that his 
appointed day is drawing nigh. [He has seen a white she-bird consorting with 
a black bird beneath a tree full of birds, and has learnt that this was Queen Lab 
with one of her many lovers.] His friend the sheykh gives him a magic "saweek." 
This "saweek," which he is to give to the queen in place of her own magic 
potion, is the meal of parched barley made into a sort of gruel — thick, but not 
too thick to drink — a curious parallel to the " mess of cheese and barley meal 
and yellow honey mixed with Pramnian wine." Queen Lab fares worse for her 
evil deeds than did Circe. Bedr Basim gives her the "saweek," and commands 
her to become a dappled mule. He then puts a bridle in her mouth and 
rides her forth from the city, and the sheykh thus addresses her : — " May God, 
whose name be exalted, abase thee by affliction."' 

The name Kirke denotes a ■ Hawk ' (kirkos) h . But this does 
not militate against our solar interpretation of the myth. For not 
only in Vedic mythology is Surya, the sun, sometimes conceived as 
a bird 6 , but Mithraic worshippers spoke of Helios as a hawk 7 . In 

homer. Gedichte Darmstadt 1878 p. 22 ff. ; on both, Gruppe Gr. Myth. Bel. p. 708 n. 2. 
Cp. also the tales noted by the Rev. J. A. MacCulloch op. cit. p. 385 f. 

1 J. E. Harrison op. cit. p. 86 f. 2 K. Seeliger in Roscher Lex. Myth. ii. 1195 f. 

3 Nights 751 ff. ed. Captain Sir R. F. Burton. The name Badr Bdsim means ' Full 
moon smiling.' 

4 So Burton; but Profs. E. G. Browne, A. A. Bevan, and J. H. Moulton, to whom I 
have applied, all view the statement with the greatest suspicion. The last-named wittily 
declares that lab is ' moonshine ' ! 

8 This rather obvious derivation has, I find, been anticipated by C. de Kay Bird 
Gods New York 1898 p. 164, of whose ornithological interpretations ('/Eetes' = eagle, 
'Oulixes' = owl, etc.) the less said, the better. 

6 A. A. Macdonell Vedic Mythology Strassburg 1897 pp. 31, 152, E. W. Hopkins 
The Religions of India Boston etc. 1895 pp. 45, 49, 113, 123 f., 140, 164. 

7 Porph. de abst. 4. 16 rbv 5i "H\io«» aavpov, Xiovra, Sp&Kovra, ItpaKa with the 
preceding context. 

Kirke 241 

Egypt too the hawk was sacred to the sun 1 , or to Horos, Ra, Osiris, 
Seker, and other solar deities 2 : it was here regarded as the only 
bird that could look with unflinching gaze at the sun 3 , being itself 
filled with sunlight 4 and essentially akin to fire 5 . These beliefs 
certainly found an echo in Greek literature 6 ; and they may serve 
to explain the frequent association of the hawk with Apollon 7 . To 
Homer the hawk was the ' swift messenger of Apollon 8 ,' who himself 
on occasion took its form 9 . Aristophanes implies that Apollon was 
sometimes represented with a hawk on his head or on his hand 10 . 
The mythographers told how Apollon had transformed Daidalion 
son of the Morning Star into a hawk 11 . And later writers agreed 
that the hawk was the sacred bird of Apollon 12 or of Helios 
Apollon 13 . All this goes to make it probable that Kirke was 
originally a solar power conceived as a ' Hawk.' A relic of her 
ornithomorphic state may perhaps be traced in the curious Homeric 
description of her as a ' dread goddess endowed with human 
speech 14 .' Had she been purely anthropomorphic, the phrase would 
have been superfluous, not to say impertinent. Given that her 
name betokened her nature, the explanation is not only pardonable, 
but necessary. Again, it might fairly be urged that the Italian 
myth of Kirke's love for Picus 15 becomes more intelligible if the 

1 Porph. de abst. 4. 9, Euseb. praep. ev. 3. 12. 2. 

I E. A. Wallis Budge The Gods of the Egyptians London 1904 ii. 372, A. Erman 
A Handbook of Egyptian Religion trans. A. S. Griffith London 1907 pp. 7, 10, 22, 187. 
See Ail. de not. an. 7. 9, 10. 14, 12. 4 (Horos) ; Plout. de Is. et Os. 51 (Osiris) ; Philon 
Bybl. frag. 9 {Frag. hist. Gr. iii. 572 Midler) ap. Euseb. praep. ev. 1. 10. 48 (Kneph). 

3 Ail. de not. an. 10. 14. 

4 Porph. de abst. 4. 9 ev oh rb i}\iaKbi> KaroiKeiv ireiriffTeijKaat #ws. 

5 Ail. de nat. an. to. 24. 

6 Infra ch. i § 6 (e). 

7 Ail. de nat. an. 10. 14 expressly equates Horos the hawk-god with Apollon. 

8 Od. 15. 526 idp/cos, 'Air6A\weos rax^J ayyeXos. 

9 //. 15. 237 tpr]Kl ioiKdis. 

10 Aristoph. av. 516, schol. ad loc. " 

II Ov. met. n. 339 ff., Hyg. fab. 200, infra ch. i § 6 (e). 

12 Porph. de abst. 3. 5, Eustath. in II. p. 10 14, 22. 

13 Eustath. in II. p. 87, 6 Upa.^ Se Upurai 'RXly 'AirbWuvi k.t.X. 

14 Od. 10. 136, ti. 8, 12. 150 dfivi] Oeos ab8r)co-<ra. The same expression is used of 
Kalypso (Od. 12. 449), who in various respects is the doublet of Kirke (O. Immisch in 
Roscher Lex. Myth. ii. 940 ff.) and may well have borrowed an epithet belonging to her. 
Similarly of the horse Xanthos, gifted with human speech, we read: //. 19. 407 avd^evra 
5' ZdriKe dea \tvKw\evos "Hpr). Conversely Leukothea, 17 icpiv piev tyv /3poros ai55i)w<ra 
(Od. 5. 334), dives into the sea aldvly efrcwa (ib. 353, cp. 337). 

13 K. Seeliger in Roscher Lex. Myth. ii. 1202, 22 ff. collects the evidence. IIik6\oos, 
the giant who fled to Kirke's isle and was there slain by Helios — the plant /*w\i> springing 
from his blood — (Alexandros of Paphos ap. Eustath. in Od. p. 1658, 49 ff.). is possibly 
related to the Lithuanian deity Pikitlas or Pikullos (H. Usener Gbtternamen Bonn 1896 
P- 98). 

C 16 

242 The Solar Wheel in Greece 

former was, like the latter, a humanised bird. And the parallel of 
the ' Speaking Bird,' which in a Sicilian folk-tale turned men into 
statues 1 , is at least worth noting. 

The exact species of the kirkos cannot be determined from the 
casual notices of it found in ancient authors 2 . But the same word 
is used by the modern Greeks 3 of the gyr- falcon (falco gyrfalco 
Linnaeus), a bird so called from its wheeling flight. Now there was 
another word kirkos in ancient Greek, which was akin to the Latin 
circus, circulus, and meant 'circle 4 .' It is, therefore, tempting to 
suppose with A. Kuhn 8 that the bird kirkos derived its name from 
the circularity of its motion. Circular motion would make it all the 
more appropriate as a symbol of the sun. Still, in view of the 
enormous number of purely onomatopoeic bird-names, it is safer to 
assume 6 that kirkos the 'hawk' was so called on account of the shrill 
cry kirk! kirk! with which it wheels its flight 7 . If so, any connexion 
with kirkos a ' circle' must be due to popular misconception 8 . 

J. F. Cerquand long since surmised that Kirke's name was 
related to circus, a 'circle'; but he regarded Kirke as a moon- 
goddess and Odysseus as a sun-god 9 . Obviously, however, the 
connexion with circus would suit a sun-goddess as well as, if not 

1 Append. F. 

2 D'Arcy W. Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds Oxford 1 895 p. 83 f. 

Ail. de nat. an. 4. 5, 4. 58 distinguishes the KipKtj from the Ktpxos, as does Eustath. in 
II. p. 1262, 50 ff., id. in Od. p. 1613, 65 f. But one author is late, the other later. 

3 N. Contopoulos Greek-English Lexicon* Athens 1903 p. 320. 

4 L. Meyer Handb. d. gr. Etym. ii. 409, Prellwitz Etym. Wbrterb. d. Gr. Spr. 2 p. 224, 
Boisacq Diet. itym. de la Langue Gr. p. 458, Walde Lat. etym. Wbrterb. p. 122. 

5 A. Kuhn Die Herabkunft des Feuers und des Gbttertranks 2 Giitersloh 1886 p. 144 
n. 1. See also L. Hopf Thierorakel und Orakelthiere in alter und neuer Zeit Stuttgart 
1888 p, 93. 

• So Boisacq op. cit. p. 458, cp. p. 440 f. s.v. KipKa.%. See also Eustath. in II. pp. n 26, 
46 ff., 1262, 59 ff, in Od. p. 1734, 21 ff. 

7 L. Hopf op. cit. p. 93. 

8 Since this paragraph was written A. Fick has discussed the word idpicos in the 
Zeitschrift fur vergleichende Sprachforschung 191 x xliv. 345 ff. He rejects the rendering 
'der Kreisende' and inclines to the onomatopoeic explanation 'der Kreischer.' He adds, 
however, a thkd possibility, that the bird was so called from its 'crooked ' claws, cp. 
Aristoph. nub. 337 ya.p.\povf oliovofc for ya/nxf/uivvx^, Paul, ex Fest. p. 88 MuWer falcones... 
a similitudine falcis, Hesych. apirrj- etdos bpviov. ical $p£Travov...r) iktlvov Kpip-es. After 
this he gives free rein to his fancies. Klpnr) Malt) is the goddess of the circular or rather 
semicircular path described by Eos and Helios in the course of the year. She is in- 
constant, because the point at which Eos rises is always shifting. As mistress of the 
zodiac she is surrounded by the lion (summer), the swine (winter : vs suggests vei), the 
wolf (Xtf/cos plays on Mkt), Xwd/3as). Her four maidens are the four Seasons. Etc. etc. 

9 J. F. Cerquand Eludes de Mythologie grecque. Ulysse et Circe". Les Sirenes. Paris 
1873 pp- 28 ff., 67 ff. So too R. Brown The Myth of Kirke" (reviewed by H. Bradley in 
The Academy 1884 xxv. 40 f.). W. H. Roscher Uber Selene und Verwandtes Leipzig 1890 
pp. 15, 99, 144 likewise derives Klpicq from KLpicos = the moon's disk. 

Kirke 243 

better than, a moon-goddess 1 . Moreover, it is easy to imagine 
more ways than one in which a circle might be fittingly attributed 
to a solar Kirke. She was a ' Hawk,' and the hawk may have been 
fastened fynx-\ike to a solar wheel'-. She was a magician, and 
magicians have always dealt in magic circles 3 . But above all she 
was a goddess comparable with the island-queen of Celtic myths 4 , 
and Celtic myths — especially in their Welsh form — spoke of the 
island-palace as the 'Revolving Castle 5 .' In that castle was a mystic 
vessel, the pagan original of the Holy Grail. And it is to be 
noticed that the heroes best qualified to seek the Grail on the one 
hand are the chief representatives of the 'Table Round,' and on the 
other stand in intimate relation to the hawk 6 . Thus Arthur's 
favourite knight was Givalchtnei, the ' Hawk of May,' whose brother, 
even stronger than himself, was Gwalchaved, the ' Hawk of Summer.' 
The latter is better known to us as Galahad ; the former, as Gawain 
— a name which Sir John Rhys derives from Gwalch-gwyn, the 
'White Hawk,' or Gwalch-hevin, the 'Summer Hawk 7 .' Now in 
the myth of Kirke it is easy to recognize the mystic vessel and the 
human Hawk. But can we also detect any trait to correspond with 
the ' Revolving Castle' or the 'Table Round'? In short, has the 
notion of circularity left any mark upon it? Not, I think, on Greek 
soil, real or imaginary. But it is to Italy rather than to Greece 
that we should look for correspondence with Celtic myth ; and the 
Italian Kirke seems to have dwelt on a circular island. In the ter- 
ritory of the Volsci — whose name may be akin to that of the Welsh 9, 

1 Io. Antioch. frag. 24. 10 {Frag. hist. Gr. iv. 551 Muller) Ka\v\j/u kuI KlpKrj'HXlov 
Kal ZeX^^s qaav Upeia.1 is indecisive. 

2 Supra p. 226, infra p. 253 ff. Cp. Ail. de not. an. 10. 14 (the leg-bone of a hawk 
attracts gold) tvyyi awopprfry run. 

3 A wall-painting from the Casa dei Dioscuri at Pompeii shows a peasant consulting 
a sorceress, who is seated in the middle of a circular base, holding her wand and present- 
ing him with a cup (Helbig Wandgem. Camp. p. 392 f. no. 1565, Daremberg — Saglio Diet. 
Ant. iii. 1500 fig. 4781). This sorceress has been sometimes identified with Kirke (e.g. 
Smith — Marindin Class. Diet. p. 233), but the identification is precarious. 

Supra p. 239. 

5 J. Rhys Studies in the Arthurian Legend Oxford 1891 pp. 116, 302 f., 325, 392, 
A. C. L. Brown ' I wain ' in Studies and Notes in Philology and Literature (Harvard 
University) 1903 viii. 53, 56, C. Squire The Mythology of the British Lslands London 1905 
pp. 319 n. 3, 366 ff., J. L. Weston The Legend of Sir Perceval London 1909 ii. 266 n. 1. 

6 Peredur Paladr-hir, the ' Spearman of the Long Shaft ' (Sir Percivale), is not so 
related to the hawk. But then Miss J. L. Weston The Legend of Sir Perceval London 
1906 i. 171 f., 1909 ii. 301, 305 ff. proves that Perceval was not the original hero of the 

7 J. Rhys op. cit. pp. 1 3 f . , 166 ff., C. Squire op. cit. p. 369. 

8 F. Kluge Etymologisches Wbrterbuch der deutschen Sprache* Strassburg 1899 p. 420 
compares welsch with the Celtic tribal name Volcae. So do W. W. Skeat A concise 
Etymological Dictionary of the English Language new ed. Oxford 1901 p. 599 s.v. 

l6 2 

244 The Solar Wheel in Greece 

and consequently denote a 'Hawk' tribe 1 — was the coast town 
of Cercei, later called Circei (the modern Circelli), at the foot 
of the Cerceius or Circeius mons {Monte Circello). This calcareous 
and cavernous mountain was originally an island; and here the 
myth of Kirke, the 'Hawk/ was localised 2 , where her image was 
said to catch the first rays of the rising sun 3 . Nonnos makes her 
as the mother of the Italian Faunus inhabit — 

Deep-shaded circles of a rocky home 4 . 

He is presumably referring to Monte Circello and, if I mistake not, 
intentionally hinting at its circularity. 

On the whole I am disposed to conclude that Kirke began life 
as a solar hawk, that originally and in Greece she had nothing to 
do with Revolving Castles or Tables Round, but that later and in 
Italy 5 , under the influence of folk-etymology, she may have been 
brought into connexion with Celtic ideas of the solar circle. 

(8) Medeia. 

We come now to Medeia, the niece or, according to some, the 
sister of Kirke 6 . As grand-daughter of Helios she too could 
summon the solar chariot at need. Diodoros 7 relates that Medeia, 
when she fled from Kolchis with the Argonauts, put in to Iolkos 
and there plotted the death of king Pelias. She made a hollow 
image of Artemis, stuffed it with all sorts of charms, and passed 
herself off" as a priestess of the goddess. She declared that Artemis 
had come from the country of the Hyperboreoi, travelling through 
the air in a car drawn by serpents and seeking the world over for 
the most pious of kings, in order that she might establish her cult 
with him and bless him with renewed youth. As proof of her 

' Walnut,' J. Rhys op. cit. p. 13 n. 1, and A. Nutt in Folk-Lore 1910 xxi. 233 n. 3. The 
Volcae were a tribe of southern Gaul (Tolosa, Nemausus, etc.). ?Cp. Volci in Etruria 
and Volceii in Lucania. On Volsci (for * Volc-sci) corresponding with the Celtic Volcae 
see H. Hirt Die Indogermanen Strassburg 1905 i. 164, cp. ib. 127, 169. 

1 See J. Rhys op. cit. p. 13. 

2 K. Seeliger in Roscher Lex. Myth. ii. 1201 f., C. Hlilsen in Pauly — Wissowa Real- 
Enc. iii. 2565 ff. 

3 Eustath. in Od. p. 1705, 31 f. v\f/r)\ov <f>aalv ovtos tov Kipxaiov "HXios £k vvktos 
iiriX&fxvti to Ti)t KlpKT)i ijdavov. 

4 Nonn. Dion. 13. 332 y/cee jrerpat'oio /3a0i5<r/cia kvkXo. fj.eX6.dpov. 

5 Near Luna in northern Etruria was an aicpov 2e\rjvr)s (Ptol. 3. 1. 4). VV. H. Roscher 
i/der Selene und Verwandtes Leipzig 1890 p. 15 identifies this with the 1,eXt]va.iov &pos, 
on which were shown the mortars used by Medeia and Kirke for pounding their charms 
(schol. Theokr. 2. 15). This supports a lunar rather than a solar connexion. 

6 Roscher Lex. Myth. ii. 2482. 

7 Diod. 4. 51 f. 

Medeia 245 

words, Medeia changed her own looks from those of an old woman 
to those of a maid, and further by means of her enchantments 
caused the alleged serpents to appear in visible form. The king, 
convinced of her powers, bade his daughters do whatever she com- 
manded. Medeia came by night to the palace and ordered them 
to boil the body of their sleeping father in a caldron. When they 
demurred, she took an old ram, bred in the house, cut it limb from 
limb, boiled its body, and by her magic art produced out of the 
caldron the figure of a lamb. The maidens, thus persuaded, slew 
their father, whom Medeia cut up and boiled. She then sent them 
up to the palace-roof with torches, saying that she must offer a 
prayer to Selene. The torches served as a fire-signal to the Argo- 
nauts, who were lying in wait outside the city. They at once 
attacked it, overcame all resistance, and secured the palace. In 
this romantic narrative Diodoros is following the Argonautai or 
Argonautika of Dionysios Skytobrachion, an Alexandrine gram- 
marian of the second century B.C. 1 The snaky chariot is here that 
of Artemis the moon-goddess, as on a copper coin of Aureliopolis 
in Lydia, struck under Commodus, which shows Artemis with a 
crescent moon on her head in a chariot drawn by two serpents 2 . 
But Artemis, thinly disguised as Hekate 3 , is in this story made the 
mother of Medeia and daughter of Helios. The serpent-chariot, 
therefore, may have been either solar or lunar in its origin. 

Ovid, after recounting the murder of Pelias, adds that Medeia 
would have had to pay the penalty of her crime, had she not forth- 
with mounted into the air on her winged snakes 4 and made her 
way by a devious track to Corinth. His version of her escape 
seems modelled on the common account of her disappearance from 
Corinth, not without some admixture of Triptolemos' tour. 

As to what happened at Corinth, various tales were told 5 . 
According to our oldest authority, Eumelos 6 , whose Korinthiaka 
was composed about 740 B.C., Helios had by Antiope two sons, 
Aloeus and Aietes: Helios gave Arkadia to the former, Corinth to 

1 Pauly — Wissowa Real-Enc. v. 919 ff. 

2 Rasche Lex. Num. i. 1350, viii. 713, Head- Hist, num. 2 p. 659. 

3 Diod. 4. 45 'T^KaT7)v...<(n.\oicuvq-fOv...aLvdpiJiirov^ fori rdv 0-qplwv KaraTo£evew...lhruT' 
'Aprt/uSos Upov ISpvaanivriv ko\ toi)s Ka.Tair\tovTa.s l-ivovs OOeadai ttj 0e<p KaradfU-aaav ir' 
u>/a6ttjti diovo/MKrdrjvai.. Medeia herself was said to have founded a sanctuary of Artemis 
on one of the islands in the Adriatic, whither Iason had sailed vid the river Istros ! 
(Aristot. mir. ausc. 105). 

4 Ov. met. 7. 350 f. quod nisi pennatis serpentibus isset in auras | non exempla foret 
poenae. fugit alta etc. 

8 These are collected and discussed by K. Seeliger in Roscher Lex. Myth. ii. 2493 ff. 
8 Eumel. frag. 2, 3, 4 Kinkel. 

246 The Solar Wheel in Greece 

the latter. But Aietes, dissatisfied with his portion, went off to 
Kolchis, leaving Bounos 1 , a son of Hermes by Alkidameia, as 
regent on behalf of himself and his descendants. On the death of 
Bounos, Epopeus, son of Aloeus, succeeded to the throne. Marathon, 
son of Epopeus, fled to Attike to escape the lawless violence of his 
father, and, when Epopeus died, divided the kingdom between his 
own two sons, Sikyon and Korinthos. Korinthos leaving no issue, 

Fig. 178. 

the Corinthians sent to Iolkos for Medeia, daughter of Aietes, to 
come and reign over them. Iason was king in virtue of his wife's 
descent. The children born to them Medeia hid in the sanctuary 
of Hera, thinking to make them immortal. In this she failed. 
Iason detected her action and would not forgive it, but sailed away 
to Iolkos. So Medeia too took her departure and left the kingdom 
to Sisyphos. 

1 The eponymous founder of the sanctuary of Hera Bovvala (Paus. 2. 4. 7), 'of the 
Hill' (/3ow6s), = Hera 'A/cpata (Pauly — Wissowa Real-Enc. i. 1193). 

Medeia 247 

This genealogy throws some light on early Corinthian religion ; 
for it enables us to see that the kings of Corinth were regarded as 
near akin to Zeus, or perhaps even as successive incarnations of 
him. Korinthos, the eponym of the town, — who must be carefully 
distinguished from Korinthos, the personification of the town 1 , — is 
represented on a bronze mirror, found at Corinth and now in the 
Louvre, as a majestic Zeus-like man seated on a throne and holding 
a sceptre. A himdtion is wrapped about him, and Leukas the 
Corinthian colony is in the act of placing a wreath upon his head 
(fig. 178)-. This Korinthos, according to Eumelos, was the son of 
Marathon. But Pausanias, who cites the Eumelian pedigree, 
begins by the following na'fve admission: 'That Korinthos was the 
son of Zeus has never yet, to my knowledge, been seriously asserted 
by anybody except by most of the Corinthians themselves*! The 
claim of the Corinthians was indeed so well known to the Greeks 
in general that it passed into the proverb 'Korinthos son of Zeus ' 
used in cases of wearisome iteration 4 . If then the Corinthian 
populace regarded Korinthos, son of Marathon, as the son of Zeus, 
it is not unlikely that Marathon was held to be an embodiment of 
Zeus. Indeed, a scholiast on Aristophanes — if the text of his 
schdlion is sound — declares: 'This "Korinthos son of Zeus" was the 
son of Zeus a king of Corinth 6 .' Again, Marathon in his turn was 
the son of Epopeus; and an epic poet, probably of the seventh 
century B.C., informs us that Epopeus had the same wife as Zeus 6 . 
It would seem then that, when Medeia came to Corinth, the kings 
of the town had for three successive generations (Epopeus, Marathon, 
Korinthos) stood in a relation of peculiar intimacy to Zeus. What 

1 The former is masculine (Roscher Lex. Myth. ii. 1381 f.), the latter feminine (Athen. 
201 d). 

2 A. Dumont in the Monuments grecs publics par V Association pour f encouragement 
des Etudes grecques en France No. 2 1873 p. 23 ff. pi. 3, K. D. Mylonas in the 'E<f>. 
'Apx- J 8/3 p- 440 ff. pi. 64, id. 'EWrjvLKa /cdroirrpa Athens 1876 p. 17 ff. pi. a', 3, 
V. Duruy History of Greece English ed. London 1892 ii. 130 n. x fig. 

3 Paus. 2. 1. 1. 

4 Pind. Nem. 7. 155 with schol., Aristoph. ran. 439 with schol., eccl. 828 with schol., 
frag. 434 Dindorf, Plat. Euthyd. 292 E with schol., Ephor. frag. 17 {Frag. hist. Gr. 
i. 237 Midler), Liban. ep. 565, Theodoros Hyrtakenos in Boissonade anecd. ii. 433, 2 f., 
Zenob. 3. 21, Makar. 7. 46, Apostol. 6. 17, 12. 30, Hesych. s.v. At6s Kbpivdos, Phot. lex. 
s.w. 6 Ai6s K6ptv0os, Hvdude 656s, iiiripov irtpirpoir^, Souid. s.tjv. Atos Kopivdos, 6 Atos 
KopivOos, viripov irepiTpoir^. On the attempts made by the later grammarians to explain 
this proverb see Appendix C. 

8 Schol. Aristoph. ran. 439 6 5i At6s Kopivdot irats Atos ftaoihiut KopLvOov. Unfor- 
tunately the text is not free from suspicion. Cod. V omits the word /UewtX^ws ; and 
F. II. M. Blaydes ad loc. would read /3a<rtXet/j. Blaydes' emendation may be right, for 
another schdlion on the same passage has 6 6e At6s K6pti>0os irats At6s /3ao-t\*t>s KopbOov. 

8 Infra ch. i. § 7 (d). 

2 4 8 

The Solar Wheel in Greece 

now of Medeia herself? 'Zeus,' says the old scholiast on Pindar, 
'was enamoured of her there; but Medeia would not hearken to 
him, as she would fain avoid the wrath of Hera 1 .' Curiously enough 
the love of Zeus for Medeia was balanced by the love of Hera for 
Iason 2 . Analogous cases 3 , to be considered later, suggest that this 
reciprocity implies the Zeus-hood, so to speak, of Iason 4 and the 
Hera-hood of Medeia. 

Thus the myth of Medeia as told by Eumelos serves to connect 
the earliest dynasty of Corinth with Zeus; but it does not help us to 
decide whether the serpent-chariot was of solar or lunar origin. On 
this point Euripides is the first to satisfy our curiosity. His Medeia, 
when about to be banished from Corinth by king Kreon, makes her 
escape to Athens in the car of Helios — a device somewhat unfairly 
criticised by Aristotle 8 . Ere she goes, she flings the following 
defiance at her husband: 

Cease this essay. If thou wouldst aught of me, 
Say what thou wilt: thine hand shall touch me never. 
Such chariot hath my father's sire, the Sun, 
Given me, a defence from foeman's hand 6 . 

Euripides does not, indeed, definitely state that the Sun's chariot 
was drawn by serpents. But later writers are unanimous. Medeia, 
say they, received from the Sun a chariot of winged snakes and on 
this fled through the air from Corinth to Athens 7 . That her 

1 Schol. Pind. 01. 13. 74^ iKei 8e avryjs 6 Zei>s 7)pdo~6r), ovk iwddero 8e ij Mr)8eia tov ttjs 
"Upas iKKXlvovaa xoXov k.t.X. 

2 Od. 12. 72 dXX'"T&pr) wapiirep.ypev, iirei <piXos rjev^I^irwv, Ap. Rhod. 3. 66 ?ti koli irpiv 
ifwl (sc. Hera) ptya <pL\a.T"Iri<rwv, schol. Pind. Pyth. 4. 156 b 6'ri 5e evirpeiri)s t\v 6 'Ido-uv, 
SrjXov 4k tov Kal rr)v"Yipav kcltA, rivets afrrcp £irip.a.i>7)vai, — cited by K. Seeliger in Roscher 
Lex. Myth. ii. 68. 

3 See Class. Rev. 1906 xx. 378. 

4 For AiopriSijs as the alleged older name of Iason see K. Seeliger op. cit. ii. 64 and 
C. von Holzinger on Lyk. Al. 632. 

5 &r&\o\. poet. 15. 1454b if., with the comment of A. E. Haigh The Tragic Drama 
of the Greeks Oxford 1896 p. 289. See, however, E. Bethe Prolegomena zur Geschichte 
des Theaters im Alterthum Leipzig 1896 p. 143 fT. 

6 Eur. Med. 1319 ff. trans. A. S. Way. 

7 Dikaiarch. hyp. Eur. Med. eirl app-aros 8pai<6t>Twv irrepwruv, 5 Trap' 'HXiov fXafiev, 
?7roxos yevoptvij k.t.X., Apollod. 1. 9. 28 Xa/3o0cra Trapa'JIXlov appa ttttjvCjv 8pa.K6vrwv eirl 
tovtov <p(0yovaa k.t.X., Tzetz. in Lyk. Al. 175 (p. 83 Scheer) £<p' apparos 5po.k6vtwv 
TTTepuyr&v [tQv Trapa' HXlov XrjipdtvTow ins. Midler, om. Scheer] els ' Ad-rjvas dirodripLtl. 

Cp. Ov. met. 7. 398 f. hinc Titaniacis ( = Solis) ablata draconibus intrat | Palladias 
arces, Val. Flacc. 5. 453 aligeris aut quae secet anguibus auras. Hor. epod. 3. 14 serpente 
fugit alite uses the singular, and is followed by Myth. Vat. 1. 25 and 2. 138 alato 
serpente aufugit. The schol. Eur. Med. 1320 says vaguely 6xovp^vr) dpaKovrivois 

In Sen. Med. 1031 ff. squamosa gemini colla serpentes iugo | submissa praebent. 
recipe iam gnatos parens. | ego inter auras aliti curru vehar we have a description of the 
older type of solar vehicle, in which the chariot is winged, not the snakes (supra 
p. 226 n. 3.) 



peculiar conveyance was long felt to be of a specially fiery sort, 
may be gathered from a high-faluting description of it by Dracontius, 
who wrote at the close of the fifth century A.D. : 

Then came the snakes 
Raising their combs aloft and viperous throats 
Scaly ; and lo, their crested crowns shot flame. 
The chariot was a torch, sulphur the yoke, 
The pole bitumen ; cypress was the wheel ; 
Yea, poison made that bridle-bit compact, 
And lead that axle, stolen from five tombs 1 . 

In art, as in literature, Medeia escapes from Corinth on a serpent- 
chariot. Roman sarcophagi, which date from the second century of 
our era, represent her mounting a car 
drawn from left to right by two 
winged snakes of monstrous size 2 . 
In her right hand she grasps a short 
sword. Over her left shoulder hangs 
the body of one of her children. The 
leg or legs of the other child are seen 
projecting from the car. Of this type 
there are two varieties. In the first, 
of which but a single specimen is 
known, Medeia has a comparatively 
quiet attitude*. In the second, of 
which there are seven examples, she 
adopts a more tragic and pathetic 
pose, raising her sword aloft and 
turning her head as if to mark Iason's futile pursuit (fig. 179) 4 . 
There can be little doubt that this sarcophagus-type was based 
on the tradition of earlier paintings. In fact, almost identical 
with it is the scene as shown on an amphora from Canosa now at 

1 Dracont. carm. prof. 10. 556 ff- (Poet. Lat. Min. v. 212 Baehrens). 

2 The sarcophagi are collected, figured, and discussed by Robert Sark.-Relfs ii. 205 ff. 
pis. 62 — 65. See also K. Seeliger in Roscher Lex. Myth. ii. 2508 — 251 1. 

3 Robert op. cit. ii. 205 pi. 62 no. 193, a fragment formerly at Florence in the Palazzo 
Martelli. Robert notes that the purse in Medeia's right hand is due to a mistake 
of the draughtsman or of the restorer — it should be a sword — , and that the scalloped 
side of the chariot probably implies a misunderstanding of the second dead child's leg. 
The attempt to distinguish the male snake (bearded and crested) from the female is like- 
wise a suspicious trait. 

* Id. ib. ii. 2i3f. pi. 64 no. 200, formerly at Rome in possession of an engineer 
named Cantoni ; now in the Berlin Museum. This sarcophagus was found in 1887 near 
the Porta S. Ix>renzo. See further the monograph by L. von Urlichs Kin Medca-Sarho- 
phag Wiirzburg 1888 pp. 1 — 22 pi. 

Fig. 179. 

250 The Solar Wheel in Greece 

Naples (fig. 180) 1 . Medeia on a car drawn by two snakes, which 
are not winged, holds the reins in her left hand and one end of a 
fluttering sail-like himdtion in her right. She turns her face towards 
Iason, who pursues her hotly on horseback. He is accompanied by 
a couple of followers, probably the Dioskouroi, for one of them 
wears a pilos and above them we see two stars. Of the children, 
one lies dead upon the ground, fallen on his face beside the fatal 
sword ; the other, dead also, is with Medeia in the car ; the back of 
his head and one arm being visible beside her. In front of and 
facing Medeia stands Erinys, a nimbus round her head ; she holds 
a sword in one hand, a torch in the other. Lastly, on the extreme 
right Selene rides her horse: she too has her head circled with a 
nimbus, which is painted red-brown and yellow. She is present 
possibly as a goddess of magic, who might naturally be associated 
with Medeia 2 , but more probably to -furnish a variation on the 
hackneyed sun-and-moon theme, Selene on the lunar horse forming 

Fig. 180. 

a pendant to Medeia on the solar car. There is every reason to 
think with L. von Urlichs 3 and C. Robert 4 that the above-mentioned 
sarcophagi — and this amphora cannot be separated from them — 
present us with a scene ultimately derived from Euripides' play. 
Mr J. H. Huddilston 5 says with justice: 'I know of no monuments 
of ancient art that grasp the spirit of a Greek tragedy more effectu- 
ally than the Medeia sarcophagi. The strange and secret power of 
the sorceress hovers over and pervades the whole. The dreadful 
vengeance exacted by the slighted queen is shown in the most 
graphic manner. Standing before the Berlin replica, which is the 
best preserved and most beautiful of all the sculptures, one cannot 

1 Heydemann Vase nsa in nil. Neapel p. 506 ff. no. 3221, O. Jahn in the Arch. Zeit. 1867 
xxv. 62 ff. pi. 224, 1, Reinach Rip. Vases i. 402, 2. 

2 Supra p. 245. 

8 L. von Urlichs op. cit. p. 13 ff. 

4 Robert op. cit. ii. 205, cp. K. Seeliger in Roscher Lex. Myth. ii. 2511. 

5 J. H. Huddilston Greek Tragedy in the light of Vase Paintings London 1898 p. 19. 

Medeia 251 

but feel that he is face to face with a marvellous illustration of the 
great tragedy. The marble all but breathes; the dragons of 
Medeia's chariot may be heard to hiss.' 

Euripides was not the last to compose a drama about Medeia ; 
and it is in all probability a post-Euripidean play that is illustrated 
by another Apulian vase, the famous Medeia-krat/r of Munich 1 . 
This magnificent example of later ceramic art has for its principal 
theme a representation of the vengeance taken by Medeia on Iason, 
who in her despite contracted wedlock with king Kreon's daughter 
(pi. xxii) 2 . In the centre of the scene rises the royal palace con- 
taining a throne surmounted by two eagles and a pair of circular 
shields slung from the roof. The king's daughter Kreonteia 3 
{Kreonteid) has just received from Medeia the fatal gift of a 
poisoned crown 4 . The casket in which it came stands open on the 
ground before her. But the poison is potent and is already doing 
its deadly work. The princess falls in her agony across the throne. 
Her father ([Kr/]on), dazed with grief, drops his eagle-tipped 
sceptre, and with one hand clutches at his grey locks, while he 
supports her prostrate form with the other. From right and left 
two figures hasten to the rescue. Kreon's son (HifipdtesY is first to 
arrive and vainly attempts to pluck the crown from his sister's head. 
The queen too (Merope) 6 hurriedly approaches with gestures of grief 
and alarm. Behind her are an old paidagogos and a young hand- 
maid; the former cautiously advancing, the latter disposed to pull 
him back. Behind Hippotes is an elderly veiled woman, evidently 
the princess's nurse, who hastens to escape from the horrible sight. 

1 C. Robert Bild und Lied Berlin 1881 p. 37 ff. and J. H. Huddilston op. cit. p. 145 ff. 
hold that this vase was intended to illustrate the Medeia of Euripides, and that the points 
in which its design differs from the subject as conceived by Euripides are to be regarded 
as natural and legitimate additions or subtractions on the part of the painter. A. Furt- 
wangler in his Gr. Vasenmahrei ii. 164 ff. refutes their view and concludes that the vase 
echoes the work of some unknown poet. 

2 Jahn Vasensamml. Miinchen p. 260 ff. no. 810, Furtwangler — Reichhold op. cit. ii. 
161 — 166 pi. 90 (which supersedes all previous reproductions). The vase was found in a 
tomb near Canosa, Sept. 16, 181 3. 

8 Kpeovreia is her name, not an abbreviation of Kpeovreia (irais), nor of Kpedvreia 
(avdKTopa), nor yet the title of a drama comparable with Ol8nr65eia, 'Optoma, etc. Other 
sources name her T\avK-n (Roscher Lex. Myth. i. 1676 no. 4) or YLptovoa. (in. ii. 1426 f. 
no. 3). In Euripides she is nameless. 

4 Hyg. fab. 25 coronam ex venenis fecit auream eamque muneri filios suos iussit 
novercae dare. 

5 The name Hippotes is attested by Diod. 4. 55, schol. Eur. Med. 20, Hyg.yfr^. 27, 
though none of these authors describes him as playing the part here assigned to him. 

6 The painter of this vase is our sole authority for Merope as the mother of Iason's 
bride, though elsewhere she is mentioned as the wife of Sisyphos or as the wife of Polybos 
(Roscher Lex Myth. ii. 2838 f.). 

252 The Solar Wheel in Greece 

Meantime still greater horrors are in progress before the palace. 
Medeia (M/deia), wearing a Phrygian cap and an embroidered 
oriental costume, has grasped by the hair one of her two boys and 
is about to run him through with a sword, in spite of the fact that 
the little fellow has taken refuge on a square altar 1 . He is making 
desperate efforts to reach his father {Idson), who with spear and 
sword, followed by an armed retainer, is hurrying towards him— 
but just too late to prevent the murder. Another retainer behind 
Medeia's back safeguards the second boy , who otherwise would 
share his brother's fate 2 . Between Iason and Medeia is the chariot 
drawn by two monstrous snakes, which will carry her beyond reach 
of his vengeance. In it stands her charioteer, a sinister-looking 
youth with snakes in his hair and torches in his hands. His name 
Oistros shows that the artist, doubtless copying the dramatist 3 , con- 
ceived him as a personification of Medeia's frenzy, past, present, and 
future 4 . Standing on a rocky eminence at the extreme right and 
pointing with a significant gesture to the over-turned bridal bath 5 
and the whole tragic scene before him is a kingly figure draped in 
a costume resembling that of Medeia. The inscription eidolon 
Aeton, the 'ghost of Aetes,' suggests that in the play Medeia's 
father, who during his lifetime had done his best to thwart her 
marriage, appeared after his death to point the moral. If so, he 
probably spoke from the theologeion, a raised platform here indicated 
by the rock. Finally, in the background by way of contrast with 
all the human action and passion we get the tranquil forms of the 
gods — Herakles and Athena on one side, the Dioskouroi on the 
other. Their domain is bounded by a pair of Corinthian columns 
supporting votive tripods, perhaps a hint that the whole painting 
was inspired by a successful play. 

1 J. H. Huddilston op. cit. p. 149 inclines to think that Medeia has lifted the boy on 
to the altar in order to slay him there. That is certainly a possible interpretation. 

2 Cp. Diod. 4. 54 itXtjv yap ivbs rod 8ia<pvy6vros toi/j &X\ovs vioiis airo<j<pa£ai. 

3 Poll. 4. 142 includes Olffrpos among a list of iKaiceva wpoawira (along with A1V77, 
Qdvaros, 'Eptvtis, AiWa,"T/3pis etc.). See also E. Bethe Prolegomena zur Gesehichte des 
Theaters im Alterthum Leipzig 1896 p. 147 ft". 

4 This figure is usually taken to represent the mad rage that drove Medeia to commit 
the desperate deed. Furtwangler op. cit. ii 165 f. prefers to regard it as the embodiment 
of Medeia's remorse, at least of the torments that await her as a murderess of her own 
child. He holds that, whereas Euripides had allowed his Medeia to escape, exulting and 
unpunished, the later dramatist thus hinted at repentance to come. Furtwangler may 
well be right ; but it must be remembered that, from a Greek point of view, the infatua- 
tion that instigates to the deed and the punishment that avenges it are one and the same. 
See e.g. K. Wernicke in Pauly-Wissowa Real-Enc. ii. 1898 s.v. Ate, 'Personification der 
Unheil bringenden Verblendung, ebenso aber auch eines durch diese herbeigefiihrten 
Frevels und des ihm als Strafe folgenden Unheils.' 

5 Furtwangler op. cit. ii. 163 n. 1. 

r u 

Plate XXII 

Krater from Canosa : the vengeance of Medeia. 

See page 251 f . 

rom Furtwangler-Reichhold GriechUch* Vateitmalerti pi. 90 by permission of Messrs F. Bruckmann A.-G., Munich.] 

lynx 253 

(e) lynx. 

When the Argonauts first came to Kolchis, Aphrodite helped 
Iason to win Medeia by means of an tyiix or 'wry-neck' fastened 
to a magic wheel. Pindar describes the incident in a noteworthy 

Kyprogeneia, queen of the quick shaft, 

Down from Olympos brought 
The wriggling wry-neck bound beyond escape — 
The mad bird— to a wheel of four-spoked shape. 

And then first gave it unto men and taught 
The proper craft 

To the son of Aison, that he might be wise 

With all the wisdom of her sorceries 
And thereby steal Medeia's shame 
Of her own parents, — yea, the very name 

Of Hellas her desire 

With Peitho's whip should spin her heart on fire 1 . 

We are nowhere told that this fynx-wheel stood for the sun. But 
that it did, is — I think — a possible, even a probable, inference from 
the following facts. To begin with, the heroes had after a long 
series of adventures reached their goal — Aia, the land of the sun- 
rise 2 , ruled by Aietes the offspring of Helios, — and more than one 
event that befell them in this locality is susceptible of a solar 
interpretation. Again, Aphrodite is stated to have brought the 
fynx-wheei 'from Olympos,' an obvious source for celestial magic 3 . 
In his description of the bird on the wheel Pindar uses a peculiar, 
indeed barely logical, phrase, to which only one precise parallel 

1 Pincl. Pyth. 4. 213 ff. It should be noticed that there is a certain parallelism 
between the beginning and the end of this extract. As Iason spins the magic /j'wx-wheel, 
so Peitho with her whip spins the heart of Medeia (wodeivk 5"EX\aj avrav \ iv <ppaal 
Katofievav | Sovioi fidcTiyt Hetdovs). One form of magic wheel is said to have resembled 
a whip- top (schol. Ap. Rhod. 1. 1 139 bbfijios 8£ £<tti rpoxlvKos bv arpiipovai Ifxaai t6wtovt(s, 
Koi oifrw KTinrov airoTe\ov<ru>, id. ib. 4. 144 citing Eupolis Baptae frag. 15 Meineke 
w pi''/u|Soi<ri /xaarl^ai ifii, Eustath. in Od. p.' 1387, 42 ff. rpox^Kov 5r)\ot rbp ko.1 pbfi^ov 
KaXovnevov, bv tvtttovtcs Ifioiffi ical a~Tpk$ovre% iwoiovv SiveTaOai. kclI \f/6<f>ov diroreXeiv, et. 
mag. p. 706, 29 ff. tori Se rpox^xos, 8v TvirTovres Ifiacri xal arpiQovTes iroiovai Trepi8ovet<r(/ai 
Kai \pb<pov airoreXelv) : see P. C. Levesque in Histoire et mimoires de Vinstitut royal de 
France, classe oThist. el de lift. anc. Paris 18 18 iii. 5 ff., who argues that the pbpfios 'avoit 
le plus souvent la forme du jouet nomme parmi nous sabot ou tonJ>ie,' and O. Jahn in the 

hte sdchs. Gesellsch. d. IViss. Phil. -hist. Classe 1854 p. 257. A vase representing 
such a top is figured by G. Fougeres in Daremberg — Saglio Diet. Ant. ii. 1 154 fig. 3087. 

2 See J. Escher-BLirkli in Pauly — Wissowa Real-Enc. i. 919^, 942 f. 

3 Prof. J. B. Bury in the foum. Hell. Stud. 1886 vii. 157 ff. argues that the tvy£ was 
iginally a moon-charm or invocation of the moon-goddess 'Iw. But it is very doubtful 

whether Io was ab initio a moon-goddess (infra ch. i § 6 (g) viii), and quite impossible to 
annect her name with lvyi= (tvfa). See also the criticisms of DArcy W. Thompson 
Glossary of Greek Birds Oxford 1895 p. 73. 

254 The Solar Wheel in Greece 

could be quoted; and that occurs in the same poet's previous 
description of Ixion 1 . But Ixion's four-spoked wheel, as I have 
already pointed out 2 , probably represented the sun. It may, there- 
fore, fairly be surmised that the four-spoked zy«;r- wheel also was a 
mimic sun. We have in fact definite evidence that on the shores 
of the Euxine Sea the sun was conceived as a four-spoked wheel. 
Coins of Mesembria in Thrace c. 450-350 B.C. have the name of the 
town (META or MES^) inscribed between the four spokes of a 
wheel, which is surrounded by rays diverging from its rim (fig. 181) 3 . 
This, as Dr B. V. Head observes, is the radiate wheel of the midday 

Fig. j 81. 

Fig. 182. 

Fig. 183. 

Fig. 184. 

{mesembria) sun 4 . Again, coins of Kalchedon in Bithynia c. 48c- 
400 B.C. show a four-spoked radiate wheel (fig. 182) 5 , which on 
other specimens c. 400 loses its rays (fig. 183) 6 : this example is 

1 Cp. Find. Pyth. 4. 214 iroaciXav tvyya T€Tpa\Kva/xov (462 B.C.) with Pyth. 2. 40 
rbv de TfTpa\Kt>a/j.oi> iirpa^e 8e<r/j.6v (475? B.C.).' B. L. Gildersleeve's remark — 'It was 
poetic justice to bind Ixion to his own iynx wheel ' — is ingenious, but misleading. 

2 Supra p. 205 ff. 

3 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Thrace etc. p. 132, Hunter Cat. Coins i. 421 pi. 28, 8. 
I figure a specimen in my collection. 

* Head Hist, num. 2 p. 278, following P. Gardner in the Num. Chron. New Series 

5 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Pontus etc. p. 124 pi. 27, 1 (my fig. 182), 2, Waddington — 
Babelon — Reinach Monn. gr. d'As. Min. i. 290 pi. 45, 9 — 13, Babelon Monn. gr. ro?n. 
ii. 2. 1493 ff. pi. 181, 7 — 9, 10?, 11, Anson Num. Gr. vi. pi. 20, ni4f., Head Hist. 
num. 2 p. 511. 

6 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Pontus etc. p. 124 pi. 27, 3 (my fig. 183), Waddington — 
Babelon — Reinach Monn. gr. d'As. Min. i. 290 f. pi. 45, 14, 15 ?, Babelon rorn. 
ii. 2. i495f. pi. 181, 12, 13?, Anson Num. Gr. vi. pi. 20, 11 16, Head Hist, nurii.- 
p. 511. 



instructive for the light that it sheds on a numerous series of 
wheel-types in the coinage of Greece and Italy 1 . The toothed or 
radiate wheel is found once more as a countermark on a coin of 
Populonia in Etruria (fig. 184) 2 . It is also known as a motif on 

Fig. 186. 

'Dipylon ' pottery (fig. 185) 3 , where again it may well have denoted 
the sun. 

The magic wheel as seen on Greek vase-paintings (fig. 186) 4 has 

1 See Appendix D. 

2 Garrucci Man. It. ant. p. 55 pi. 74, 2. 

8 F. Poulsen Dipylongraber und Dipylonvasen p. 117. I figure a sherd from Delos 
after F. Poulsen and C. Dugas in the Bull. Corr. Hell. 191 1 xxxv. 371 fig. 29. 

4 (a) Brit. Mus. Cat. Vases iv. 136 rT. no. F 279 an Apulian kratdr. (b) lb. iv. 186 f. 
bo. F 399 an Apulian Ukythos. (c) lb. iv. 180 no. F 373 pi. 12, 1 an Apulian prdchoos, 
Ti>clibein Hamilton Vases iii pi. 1, J. Millingen Ancient Unedited Monuments London 

256 The Solar Wheel in Greece 

likewise a jagged or more probably a pearled edge. This little 
object was strung on a double cord passing- through its centre and 
was set spinning with a jerk 1 : made of glittering bronze 2 and 
rotating rapidly on its axis, it would provide the magician with a 
very passable imitation ol the sun (fig. I S~). 

'ig. 187. 

( >n this showing the magic wheel of the Greeks was the western 
analogue of the eastern 'praying-wheel,' whose essential relation to 
sun-worship has been satisfactorily established by \Y. Simpson 3 . 

iS:2 i pi. 16. (V) J. V. Millingen Peintures antiques et inedites de vases grecs Rome 
1 S 1 > pi. 45 an Apuliun kratt'r. 

for other varieties see /hit. Mits. Cat. Vases iv. 164 If. no. F 331 = Arch. Zeit. 1853 
xi. 47 f. pi. 54. 1 an Apulian amphora, ib. iv. 1 10 no. F 223 pi. 9, 1 a Campanian hydria. 

1 I-;. Saglio in Daremherg Saglio Diet. Ant. iv. S63 f. 

- Theokr. 2. ; ',o. 

■'■ \Y. Simpson The Buddhist Praying- Wheel London [896 passim. 



It remains to ask why a wry-neck was attached to the solar 
wheel. And here we are naturally reduced to mere conjecture. 
Two main reasons suggest themselves. On the one hand, the bird 
can and does twist its head round in a most surprising fashion: 
hence its names wry-neck or writhe-neck in our own country, 
Drehhals or Wendehals in Germany, torcol, tourlicou, tourne tete, etc., 
in France, torcicollo in Italy, capn tortn in Sicily 1 . This odd faculty 
of rotary movement may well have been thought to quicken or 
intensify the rotation of the solar .wheel. On the other hand, the 
wry-neck breeds in the hole of a tree and, if disturbed, utters 
a peculiar hissing noise calculated to make the observer believe 
that its hole is tenanted by a snake 2 : this reason, added to the 
mobility of its neck and tongue, has earned for it the sobriquet of 
snake-bird in Sussex, Hampshire, and Somerset, Natterwendel in 
Switzerland, Nattervogel in Germany, co de conleuvre in the depart- 
ment of Meuse 3 . Now the solar wheel, as we have had occasion to 
note more than once 4 , tends to be represented with the wings of a 
bird and a couple of snakes. The wry-neck, combining as it did 
the qualities of both bird and snake, was a most desirable appen- 

Alexandrine wits were busied over the task of providing the 
wry-neck with a suitable myth. According to Zenodotos, lynx 
was called by some Mintha, being a Naiad nymph whose mother 
was Peitho 5 . Kallimachos in his work On Birds made lynx a 
daughter of Echo, who by her spells attracted Zeus to Io and 
suffered the feathery change at the hands of Hera 6 . Nikandros 
told how Pieros, king of Pieria, had nine daughters, who vied with 
the nine Muses in dance and song. A contest was arranged on 

1 C. Swainson The Folk Lore and Provincial Names of British Birds London 1886 
p. 103, E. Rolland Faune populaire de la France Paris 1879 "• (Les oiseaux sauvages) 66 f. 

2 J. L. Bonhote Birds of Britain London 1907 p. 178 pi. 53, W. P. Pycraft A Book 
of Birds London 1908 p. 109 pi. 23, 6. Cp. Aristot. hist. an. 2. 12. 504 a 12 ff. (t\ tvyt;) 
(X e t- ■ ■ ■ T V>' y\&TTav bfioiav rots 6<f>eaiv..Jri 8e irepiarpi^ei rbv TpdxffKov els Tovirlcru rod 
XoittoO (tuhcltos i)pe/xovfTos, xaddwep oi otpeis, Plin. not. hist. 11. 256 iynx...linguam serpen- 
tium similem in magnam longitudinem porrigit. 

3 C. Swainson and E. Rolland locc. citt. 

4 Supra pp. 205 ff. , 227, 228 ff, 248 f. 

5 Zenod. ap. Phot. lex. s.v. (ilvda. Menthe or Minthe was beloved by Hades and, 
when maltreated by Persephone or Demeter, was changed by him into the herb ' mint ' 
(Roscher Lex. Myth. ii. 2801, Gruppe Gr. Myth. Kel. p. 852). 

6 Kallim. irepl bpviuv frag. ioo c , 8 Schneider ap. schol. Theokr. 2. 17, schol. Pind. 
New. 4. 56, Tzetz. in Lyk. Al. 310, Nikephoros Gregoras in Synes. irepi iwirvlwv p. 360 
Petavius, Phot. lex. j.z>. "Iiryf, Souid. lex. s.v. "Iiryf. In schol. Theokr. loc. cit. H. L. 
Ahrens restores (papticaceveiv de rbv Ala <iirl To?>, 6wws av ai/rp /mxOv, O. Schneider 
oiran av aH tj} <'Ioi> /ux^V' I n Phot, and Souid. locc. citt. we should probably read 
arwpviOJidi) for dire\i6u6rj (G. Bernhardy cj. dirwpveudr), cp. Tzetz. in Lyk. A I. 310). 



The Solar Wheel in Greece 

Mount Helikon. The mortals, vanquished by the immortals, were 
transformed into birds; and the iynx was one of these 1 . 

But the earlier unsophisticated view saw in the wry-neck merely 
a bird appropriate to the solar wheel, and useful therefore as a 
fertility-charm. This explains its connexion with Dionysos, who 
bore the titles Iyngies and Iyngyi*. Finally, the fertility-charm, as 
so often happens, dwindled into a love-charm, and the iynx or iynx- 
wheel was associated with the deities of soft emotion — Aphrodite 
and Eros, Himeros and Peitho 3 . 

If the tynx-whee\ was indeed a representation of the sun, we 
might reasonably expect to find it in the entourage of Apollon. 
For this god, though not himself primarily or originally solar, can 
be shown to have absorbed into his cult certain features of early 
sun-magic 4 . In point of fact there is some ground for thinking 
that the iytix was admitted into the Apolline cult at Delphoi. 
That past master in magic Apollonios of Tyana, when wishing to 
prove that the Delphic god did not disdain wealth and luxury, 
remarked that at Pytho Apollon had required temple after temple, 
each greater than its predecessor, and added that 'from one of them 
he is said to have hung golden iynges which echoed the persuasive 
notes of siren voices 5 .' This obscure passage has been brought 
into connexion with another equally obscure. Pausanias, a propos 
of the third or bronze temple at Delphoi, states: T do not believe 
that the temple was a work of Hephaestus, nor the story about the 
golden songstresses which the poet Pindar mentions in speaking of 
this particular temple: — 

And from above the gable 
Sang charmers all of gold. 

Here, it seems to me, Pindar merely imitated the Sirens in Homer 6 .' 

1 Nikandros ap. Ant. Lib. 9. 

2 Hesych. 'Ivyyir/s ■ 6 Ai6vv<ros and 'Ivyyv'i' 6 At6i>v<ros. M. Schmidt suggests' I vy/crfo 
' quasi ejulator' in both cases. 

The names /dvaidos (schol. Theokr. 2. 17), Kival8iov (schol. Plat. Gorg. 494 E, Phot. 
lex. s.v. "Ivy}-, Hesych. s.w. tvyj;, Kivatdiov, Souid. s.v. Tiry£), and aeiaoirvyis (Souid. s.v. 
tvyli, schol. Theokr. 2. 17, schol. Aristeid. iii. 307 Dindorf, Tzetz. in Lyk. Al. 310, el. 
Gud. p. 285, 12, cp. p. 625, 53 f., Zonar. lex. s.v. tvytj) imply that the wry-neck was 
confused with the wag-tail, but afford no proof of ' phallic symbolism ' (DArcy W. 
Thompson op. cit. p. 71). 

3 E. Saglio op. cit. iv. 864, R. Engelmann in Roscher Lex. Myth. ii. 772 f. 

4 See the excellent discussion by Farnell Cults of Gk. States iv. 136 ff., especially 
pp. 143, 285. 

5 Philostr. v. Apoll. 6. 11 p. 221, 32 ff. Kayser ivbs 6t ovrwc ical xpwa-s tvyyas dvd^ai 
\tyercu "Zetfrfjvwv rivd eirexovaas (leg. 4ir7]xov<ras) ireidib. 

Prof. G. Murray thinks that iwexoiffas might be rendered 'exerting a kind of Siren 
persuasion,' but himself suggests iirixeotio-at, ' shedding a. kind of Siren spell.' 

6 Paus. 10. 5. 12 trans. J. G. Frazer. The fragment of Pindar is here cited in the 

lynx 259 

Now Monsieur S. Reinach in an ingenious and penetrating article 
has argued that the early Greeks, conforming to a custom wide- 
spread throughout western Europe, sought to protect their temples 
against lightning by means of an eagle, the lightning-bird par 
excellence, bound and fastened to a post in either pediment: the 
pediment in fact thence derived its name aetds, aetoma 1 . I would 
suggest that on or in both pediments of the primitive temple at 
Delphoi was another bird bound and fastened with like intent — the 
iynx on its wheel (later replaced by a simple lynx-wheel), which 
secured the protecting presence of the sun itself. This suggestion 
may be reinforced by two lines of argument. On the one hand, 
when we come to deal with the solar disk, we shall find that the 
pediment of a sacred edifice was the favourite place for that 
symbol 2 . On the other hand, Apuiian vases often depict a pair of 
four-spoked wheels hanging from the roof of a temple 3 or palace 4 
or chieftain's hut 5 . These wheels are commonly supposed to be 
chariot wheels 6 . But, although in heroic days the wheels of a 
chariot when not in use might doubtless be taken off and kept 
separately 7 , we should hardly imagine that they were habitually 

following form : xP vcreal $' ^i virepirov (or virapirov) SieiSov KT)\-finoves. But Galen, in 
Hippocrat. de articulis 3. 23 (xviii. 1. 519 Kiihn) has Kal 6 HLvSapds <pi\aw iv rah IlXeidcnv 
(leg. rots iraiacn)- xP vfffa b" b^virrepa aierov AeiSov K\i]86ves. Hence Schneidewin proposed 
t% inrcp aierov, Bergk e£virepd' aierov, Casaubon K7]\r]86vei. Of recent editors C. A. M. 
Fennell frag. 30 prints Xpvcrtai 8' i% vireptpov | AeiSov KrjXriSdves, W. Christ frag. 53 Xpvfftai 
8' i£virepO' aierov | aeiSoi* Krj\7]86i>es, O. Schroeder frag. 53 xpvoeai 5' i^virepd' aierov \ 
Aeidoi' Kr/XTjSoves. The fragment is referred to by Athen. 290 E r&v wapa HivSapy Kij\ij- 
86pwv, at Kara rbv avrbv rpSirov rah Tleiprjcri rovs atcpob>fi.4vovs evoiovv e'lriXavdavojie'vovs rdv 
rp<xpwv 8ta rr\v j)8ovy\v acpavalveadai. The passage from Athenaeus in turn is alluded to 
by Eustath. in Od. pp. 1689, 33 f., 1709, 58 ff. 

1 S. Reinach 'Aetos Prometheus' in the Rev. Arch. 1907 ii. 59 ff. — Cultes, mythes et 
religions Paris 1908 iii. 68 ff., cp. J. E. Harrison ' Promethee et le culte du pilier' in the 
Rev. Arch. 1907 ii. 429 ff. and 'Bird and Pillar Worship ' in the Transactions of the Third 
International Congress for the History of Religions Oxford 1908 ii. 159. 

2 Infra p. 292 ff. 

3 The temple of Apollon at Delphoi (O. Jahn Vasenbilder Hamburg 1839 p. 1 ff. pi. I, 
K. Boctticher Der Omphalos des Zeus zu Delphi ( Winckelmannsfest-Progr. Berlin) Berlin 
1859 P'- ' 5 an d perhaps Reinach Rip. Vases i. 351). The temple of Hera at Thebes (?) 
(Id. ib. i. 161, 4 ). 

4 The palace of Hades (Id. ib. i. 258, ^ = in/ra ch. ii § 9 (d) ii (y), i. 35< l =supra 
p. 2co, i. 455, 1). The palace of Lykourgos at Nemea (Id. ib. i. 235). 

5 The hut of Achilles (Am. Journ. Arch. 1908 xii. 406 ff. pi. 19). 

6 Raoul-Rochette Monumens inidits d 'antiquite ' figtirie Paris 183 1 p. 210 n. 2, Preller — 
Robert Gr. Myth. i. 805 n. 1. In the Class. Rev. 1903 xvii. 176 I adopted this explana- 
tion myself, but took the chariot in question to be that of the sun. I was, as I now see, 
half-wrong, half-right. 

7 //. 5. 722 f. "H/37; 5' a/up' 6x^o-o-i 6oQs @&\e KapurvXa Ki/tXa, | x<& Kfa 6KTOKvrifj.a, 
vifoipey d£ i»t ificpis. The chariot itself, as distinct from the wheels, was put on a stand and 
carefully covered with a cloth (//. 8. 441, cp. ib. 2. 777 f.). Before the wheels were removed 
the chariot might be set atilt against the front wall of the building (//. 8. 435, Od. 4. 42). 

17 — 2 

260 The Solar Wheel in Greece 

hung from the ceiling of a palace, still less from that of a temple 1 . 
And why — we may pertinently ask — is the rest of the supposed 
chariot never shown 2 ? A wheel can perhaps serve on occasion as 
a tachygraphic sign for a chariot 8 . But the painters of these great 
Apulian vases would surely sometimes have represented the vehicle 

Fig. i 

as a whole had that been their meaning. 

It is therefore permissible 
to conclude that the wheels depending from the roof of temple 
and palace are rather to be Interpreted as I magic wheels of a 

1 Raoul-Rochette loc. cit. adduces Paus. 2. 14. 4 tou 5£ 'AvaKrbpov koXov/m^vov irpbs rip 
6p6<p<^ HiXoiros apfia Xtyovcriv duaKeicrdai. But J. G. Frazer translates : ' On the roof of 
what is called the Anactorum stands a chariot which they say is the chariot of Pelops.' 
And, if the 'Avdicropov at Keleai resembled that at Eleusis (cp. Paus. 2. 14. 1), this may 
well be right. 

2 On an Apulian amphora from Ruvo at St. Petersburg (Stephani Vasensamml. St. 
Petersburg'i. 215 ff. no. 422 and in the Compte-rendu St. Pit. 1863 p. 267 n. 4, Mon. d. Inst. 
v pi. 11 f., Ann. d. Inst. 1849 xxi. 240 ff., Overbeck Gall, her: Bildw. i. 472 ff. Atlas 
pi. 20, 4, Reinach Rip. Vases i. 138, 3, 139), which shows the ransoming of Hektor'l 
body {Ann. d. Inst. 1866 xxxviii. 246), a chariot is apparently suspended in the back- 
ground along with a pair of greaves, a shield, and a pflos ; but, though the scene is 
probably laid before Achilles' hut, there is no indication of architecture. 

3 E.g. the wheel of Myrtilos, on which however see supra p. 225 n. 4, or the wheel 
m the exergue of a Syracusan coin signed by Euainetos {Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Sicily 
pp. 166, 173, G. F. Hill Coins of Ancient Sicily London 1903 p. 63, Head Hist, num." 
p. 175), or the wheel held by a reclining female figure named Via Traiana on coins of 
Trajan (Rasche Lex. Num. x. n 16, Stevenson — Smith — Madden Diet. Rom. Coins 
p. 858 fig.), or that held by a figure commemorating the Circus-games of 121 A.D. on a 
medallion and coins of Hadrian (Gnecchi Medagl. Rom. iii. 16 no. 56 pi. 144, 5, Rasche 
op. cit. i. 648 ff. Suppl. i. 691 f., Stevenson — Smith — Madden op. cit. p. 46 f. fig.). 



prophylactic sort, in a word as iynges. However that may be, the 
Delphic iynx is evidenced by other works of art. A series of 
Etruscan funerary reliefs at Florence, Volterra, etc., represents the 
death of Neoptolemos 1 . A cista in the Museum at Volterra 
(fig. 188) 2 will serve as an example. The hero, suddenly attacked 
by Orestes, has fled for refuge to the altar in front of the Delphic 
temple 3 , and, in order to put himself still more effectually under 
the protection of the god, clasps with uplifted hand a six-spoked 

Fig. 189. 

wheel apparently conceived as hanging from the entablature. A 
priestess on the left would wrest the sacred wheel from his grasp. 
A priest on the right is horror-struck at the murder. And the 
scene is completed by the presence of a winged Fury. The wheel, 

1 A list of these reliefs is drawn up by Raoul-Rochette op. cit. p. 209, Overbeck Gall, 
her. Rildw. p. 746 f. pi. 30, 15, P. Weizsacker in Roscher Lex. Myth. iii. 176, and above 
all by Korte Rilievi delle Urne Etrusche 1890 ii. pi. 53 ff. 

J Korte op. cit. ii pi. 54, 4. 

8 Cp. the scene of the tragedy as depicted on an Apulian amphora in the Jatta 
collection {Ann. d. Inst. 1868 xl. 135 ff. pi. E=Baumeister Denkm. ii. 1009 fig. 1215 = 
Roscher Lex Myth. iii. 175 — 176 fig. 5). 

262 The Solar Wheel in Greeee 

with which alone we are concerned, has been very variously inter- 
preted 1 . It is 1 submit -none other than the Delphic iynx. That 
this symbol should be found so far west as Ktruria need not surprise 
us. We have here attain t<> reckon with the possibility of Celtic 
influence. A silver disk forming part of a hoard unearthed in 1836 
at Notre- 1 )ame d'Alencon near Brissac (Maine-et-Loire) and later 
acquired by the Louvre brings the wheel — presumably the Gallic 
solar wheel- — into close relation with Apollon (fig. i<So) :i . 

1'hilostratos, who in his Life of Apollotiios spoke of the golden 
lYHgi's that hung from the Delphic temple as 'echoing the persuasive 
notes of siren voices 4 ,' records an interesting parallel from the far 
east. In describing the palace of the king of Babylon he mentions 
'a hall, whose ceiling was vaulted like a sky and roofed with 
sapphire, a stone of the bluest and most heavenly colour. Images 
of the gods whom the}' worship are set up above, and appear as 
golden figures emerging from the upper air. Here the king passes 
judgment; and iynges of gold are hung from the roof, four in 
number, assuring him of divine Necessity and bidding him not to 
be uplifted above mankind. These the Magians declare that they 
themselves attune, repairing to the palace, and they call them the 
voices of the gods"'.' We should, I think, attempt to elucidate 
Philostratos' account in the light of a stone tablet found by the 
veteran explorer Mr Hormuzd Rassam at Abu-Habbah, the site of 
the old Babylonian city Sippar (fig. icjo)' 1 . This monument, which 
is now in the British Museum, is officially described as follows: 

1 K"iti- op. cit. ii. 130 argues that the figure holding the wheel must be Myrtilos, not 
Neoptolenn - at all, because in one example (pi. 56, 8) four horses are present. But the 
horses may quite well be those of Xeoptolemos or Orestes, or may even represent the 
raei course at Delphoi, where Orestes according to the feigned tale (Soph. EL 681 ff.) 
was killed by his own restive team. The pillar in the background nf our illustration is 
equally indecisive: it stands, I think, for the Delphic omphalos, though it might perhaps 
be explained as the goal-post of Oinomaos' race. Our real and conclusive reason for 
regarding the scene as the deatli of Neoptolemos, not Myrtilos, is that the former was 
notoriously dain at the altar of Apollon (Roscher Lex. Myth. iii. 172), while the latter 
was no le>> notoriously tiling into the sea by Pelops (/'/>. ii. 3315 ff.). 

- Infra p. 2SSf. 

:; V. l.ajard /uchi rc/ui sur le citlte dit cypres pyramidal Paris 1854 pp. I0 7> 261 ff., 
;/>2 pi. 20, - r . 

4 Supra p. 2.-S n. 5. 

•' I'hilostr. r. A poll. 1. :; p. 29. 1 It. Kayser... St/idfei p.ei> drj 6 [iaaiXcus evravOa, ^pii<rat 
5( luyyts dirvKpifj.wTuL too 6p6<f>ov Tirrapes ttjv Xopacrrtiav avTa> vrapeyyvQacu kclI t6 /a}j 
i'lrip roes avOjiJoTTov; aXptaHai. rairas oi pdyoi avrol <pacriv ap/j.6TT€a6ai <poiTuii>T€S es rk 
ftauiXcia, kuXovul 01 arras Otuiv yXuirras. 

h T. (•■ Pinches iu the Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archceology 1885 viii. 
164ft"., C.J. Pall l.ieht front the East London 1800 pp. 155 — 157, L. W. King Baby- 
lonian Religion and Mythology London 1899 p. 19, (1. Maspero The Dawn of Civilization* 
London 1001 p. 6,57. 



'Tablet sculptured with a scene representing the worship of the Sun-god in the 
Temple of Sippar, and inscribed with a record of the restoration of the temple 
by Nabu-pal-idinna, king of Babylonia, about B.C. 870. In the upper part of 
the tablet the Sun-god is seen seated within a shrine upon a throne, the sides 
of which are sculptured with figures of mythical beings in relief; in his right 
hand he holds a djsk and bar, which may be symbolic of the sun's orbit, or 
eternity. Above his head are the three symbols of the Moon and the Sun and 
the planet Venus. The roof of the shrine is supported by a column in the form 
of a palm-trunk. Before the shrine upon an altar or table stands the disk of 
the sun, which is held in position by means of ropes tightly drawn in the hands 
of two divine beings who form part of the celestial canopy. Approaching the 
disk are three human figures ; the first of these is the high priest of the Sun-god, 
who is leading by the hand the king to do worship to the symbol of the solar 

deity, and the last figure is either an attendant priest or a royal minister. The 
shrine of the god stands upon the Celestial Ocean, and the four small disks 
upon which it rests seem to indicate the four cardinal points. The text describes 
the restoration of the Temple of the Sun-god by two kings called Simmash- 
Shikhu (about B.C. 1050) and E-ulbar-shakinshum (about B.C. 1020). It then 
goes on to say that Nabu-pal-idinna, king of Babylonia, found and restored the 
ancient image of the Sun-god and the sculptures of the temple, which had been 
overthrown by the enemies of the country.... He also beautified the ancient 
figure of the Sun-god with gold and lapis-lazuli....This tablet was made by 
Nabu-pal-idinna in the ninth century before Christ, but he probably copied the 
sculptured scene at the top from a relief of a very much older period 1 .' 

1 E. A. Wallis Budge British Museum. A Guide to the Babylonian and Assyrian 
Antiquities London 1900 p. 128 f. pi. 22 no. 91,000. 


264 The Solar Wheel in Greece 

Comparing now the tablet with the words of Philostratos, we note 
that it exhibits a throne-room with a ceiling vaulted like the sky, 
from which emerge certain divine figures. It also mentions lapis- 
lazuli and gold, thereby recalling the sapphire vault and golden 
images of the Greek author. Above all, the solar disk suspended 
by cords and the emblems of sun, moon, and star seen beneath the 
ceiling are analogous to the four iynges said to have been hung 
from the roof. I shall venture to conclude that Philostratos was 
not talking at random, but was describing an actual chamber in the 
Babylonian palace, such as we know to have been constructed by 
various grandees from that day to this 1 . Golden disks representing 
the principal heavenly bodies there dangled from a mimic sky. 
That of the sun, upheld by two genii of gold, announced by its 
mobility and resonance the divine will. Indeed, all alike were 
known as 'the voices of the gods.' 

We have thus won our way to an explanation, which further 
clears up the only difficulty remaining with regard to the Delphic 
iynges. They — we argued — were wheels on or in the pediments of 
the early temple at Delphoi. Now if, as Philostratos says 2 , these 
golden iynges 'echoed the persuasive notes of siren voices' (literally, 
'echoed a certain persuasion of Sirens'), and if, as Pindar says u , 
'from above the gable sang charmers all of gold,' we may suppose 
that the Delphic wheels were suspended from the hands of 
siren-like figures placed upon the roof much as we see the solar 
disk suspended on the Babylonian tablet. 

That the iynx as a bird was sacred among the ancient Baby- 
lonians and Persians has been inferred by Dr L. Hopf 4 and 
Prof. D'Arcy Thompson 5 . This inference, so far as it is based 
on the Philostratos-passage above discussed, is obviously precarious. 
Marinos, it is true, states that Proklos was familiar with Chaldean 
rites 'and by moving a certain iynx in the correct manner caused a 
rain-fall and freed Attike from a destructive drought 6 .' But that 
this charm was strictly Chaldean, may well be doubted. And, even 
if it was, the wheel rather than the bird is probably meant 7 . The 

1 See R. Eisler Weltenmantel und Himmelszelt Miinchen 1910 ii. 614 n. 1. 

2 Supra p. 258 n. 5. 3 Supra p. 258 n. 6. 

4 L. Hopf Thierorakel und Orakelthiere in alto und neuer Zeit Stuttgart 1888 p. 144. 

8 D'Arcy W. Thompson A Glossary of Greek Birds Oxford 1895 p. 72. 

8 Marin, v. Prod. 28 ouppovs re iidvricev, Ivyyd riva Trpocr<p6pws Kivr/aas, icai abxpuv 
e'i-a.HTlwv rrjv 'Attiktjv iiXevOe'pwarev. Cp. Proklos in Plat. Crat. p. 33, 14 f. Pasquali 
roiovrov Sri ri voetv {fiotye doicei Kai rb 5ia.ir6pd/xiov ovofia rQv Ivyywv, 5 nraaas avix eiv Xiyerax 
ras irriyds, and see further G. Kroll De oraculis Chaldaicis Vratislaviae 1894 pp. 39 — 44. 

7 Yet L. Hopf loc. cit. notes that near Radolfszell on the Bodensee wry-necks are 
called 'Rain-birds' {Kegenvogele). 

Temple Wheels 265 

same consideration disposes of an allusion to the iynx in a supposi- 
titious fragment of Zoroastres 1 . The Rev. W. Houghton, who has 
minutely studied the birds of the Assyrian monuments and records, 
discusses no fewer than fifty-seven species; but the wry-neck is not 
among them 2 . Clearly, then, we cannot without further proof assert 
that the wry-neck was a sacred bird in Babylonia and Persia. At 
most we might maintain that the bird-like solar wheel or disk or 
ring of Assyrian and Persian art 3 originated in the custom of 
binding a bird, some bird, not necessarily the wry-neck, upon a 
revolving wheel to serve as an imitative sun-charm. 

{£) Isis, Nemesis, Tyche, Fortuna. 

The zj^-^-wheels suspended at Delphoi suggest comparison with 
other temple-wheels. Aristotle in his treatise on Mechanics alludes 
to certain revolving wheels of bronze and iron as dedicated in 
sanctuaries 4 . Dionysios the Thracian (c. 170-90 B.C.) wrote a book 
on the symbolism of wheels; and Clement of Alexandreia cites 
from it a passage in which mention is made of 'the wheel that turns 
in the precincts of the gods, being derived from the Egyptians 5 .' 
Plutarch too has a reference to these Egyptian wheels. By way of 
explaining Numa's precept that men should turn round when they 
pay adoration to the gods, he remarks: 'The turning round of the 
worshippers is said to bean imitation of the rotatory movement of 
the world. But the meaning would rather seem to be as follows. 
Since temples face the east, the worshipper has his back to the 
sun-rise. He here changes his position and turns round towards 
the (sun-) god, completing the circle, and with it his prayer, by 
means of both deities (i.e. by turning from the sun-god to the god 
of the temple again). Unless indeed the Egyptian wheels have a 
hidden significance and this change of position in like manner 
teaches us that, inasmuch as no mortal matter stands still, it is 
right to accept with contentment whatever turns and twists God 
gives our life 6 .' Still more explicit is Heron, an Alexandrine 
mathematician of the third century B.C., who twice describes the 
wheels in question. 'In the sanctuaries of the Egyptians,' he says, 

1 Pseudo-Zoroastres frag. 54 Co.ty 2 vootinevai l\ry/es irarpbOev votovai Kal avral' \ 
/SouXaJS &<f>d4yKToi<ri Kivoti/jLevcu iSo-re vorjircu. 

2 W. Houghton in the Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaology 1885 viii. 

8 Supra p. 207 ff. 

4 Aristot. mech. 1. 848 a 24 f. 

8 Dion. Thrax ap. Clem. Al. sir. 5. 45. 4 p. 356, gff. Stahlin. 

I 8 Plout. v. Num. 14. 


The Solar Wheel in Greece 

'by the door-posts are bronze wheels that can be made to revolve, 
so that those who enter may turn them about, because bronze is 
believed to exercise a purificatory influence. There are sprinklers 
too so that those who enter may sprinkle themselves.' Heron 
proposes to make a wheel, which, if turned round, shall emit water 
for the sprinkling 1 . Again, another of his problems is the 'con- 
struction of a treasury provided with a revolving wheel of bronze, 
termed a purifier; for this those who come into the sanctuaries are 
accustomed to turn round.' Heron's idea is to decorate the treasury 
with a bird, which, as often as the wheel is turned, shall turn itself 
about and whistle- 1 . The first of these passages is accompanied by 

a diagram of the wheel, or rather disk, 
which is thin, solid, and vertical. In 
the second the wheel is thin and ver- 
tical, with six spokes. 

In 1900 Prof. A. Erman drew the 
attention of Egyptologists to these 
alleged Egyptian wheels 3 , and with 
excellent result; for the next year 
Prof. F. W. von Bissing published a 
wheel of the sort that he had procured 
at Thebes (fig. 191) 4 . It is a copper 
disk revolving on an iron pin in such 
a way as to project from a copper box 
once sunk in a wall or gate-post. The 
box bears an inscription hard to de- 
cipher, but apparently referring to the 
wheel as a 'golden ring {or disk)': 
hence the discoverer infers that the 
wheel was formerly gilded. 

Whether these wheels were Egypt- 
ian in origin or imported into Egypt 
from some foreign religious system, is 
a further question. Prof. W. M. Flinders 
Petrie surmised that Buddhist mission- 
aries in the time of Asoka must have found their way to the valley 
of the Nile; and Mr W. Simpson, who has done so much for the 

1 Heron Al. pneumatica i. 32 p. 148 Schmidt. On the purificatory powers of bronze 
see \\uzJourn. Hell. Stud. 1902 xxii. 14 ff. 

2 Id. ib. 2. 32 p. 298 Schmidt. 

1 A. Erman ' Kupferringe an Tempelthoren ' in the Zeitschrift fiir iigyptische Sprache 
unci Altertumskunde 1900 xxxviii. 53 f. 

4 F. W. v. Bissing 'Zu Ermans Aufsatz "Kupferringe an Tempelthoren"' ib. 1901 
xxxix. I44f. with fig. 






Fig. 191. 

Temple Wheels 


elucidation of ritual wheels, inclines to accept that view 1 . Count 
Goblet d'Alviella suggests the following lines of transmission 2 : 

10th cent. 
7th cent. 

3rd cent. 





1st cent. Greece 





None of these authors call in question Plutarch's statement that the 
Greeks derived their temple-wheels from Egypt. J. Capart, how- 
ever, thinks that the current may have set the other way, the 
custom being introduced into Egypt by the Greeks 3 . Decisive 
considerations are not as yet to hand. But, whatever the precise 
lineage* of these Graeco-Egyptian temple-wheels may have been, it 
can hardly be doubted that they were akin to the 'wheel of Fortune' 
— a common sight in mediaeval churches, where it was made of 
wood, hung up to the roof, worked with a rope, and regarded as an 
infallible oracle 4 . Indeed, it seems probable that the automatic 
gypsy-wheel of our railway platforms is a degenerate descendant 
of the same respectable stock. 

1 W. Simpson 'The Buddhist Praying Wheel' in The Journal of the Royal Asiatic 
Society of Great Britain and Ireland 1898 pp. 873 — 875. 

8 Goblet d'Alviella 'Un curieux probleme de transmission symbolique. — Les roues 
liturgiques de l'ancienne Egypte ' in the Bulletins de PAcade'mie RoyaJe des Sciences, des 
Lettres et des Beaux- Arts de Belgique iii Serie 1898 xxvi. 439 — 462 and in his Croyances, 
Rites, Institutions Paris 191 1 i. 25 — 40. 

8 J. Capart in the Zeitschrift filr agyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 1901 
xxxi\. 1451". 

4 H. Gaidoz in the Rev. Arch. 1884 ii. 142 ff. Such wheels are still, or at least were 
recently, to be found in some continental churches (W. Simpson The Buddhist Praying- 
Wheel London 1896 p. 229 n. 1). 

268 The Solar Wheel in Greece 

The wheel as a cult-utensil gave rise to the wheel as a divine 
attribute. Fortune's wheel is often mentioned in Latin literature 
from the time of Cicero onwards 1 , but is comparatively seldom 
seen on the monuments 2 . An example or two from imperial 
coin-types will serve to illustrate the conception 8 . Thus a coin of 
Elagabalos shows Fortuna with a rudder in her right hand, a 
cornu copiae in her left, seated on a throne beneath which is a 
four-spoked wheel (fig. 192) 4 . On another of Gordianus Pius the 

Fig. 192. Fig. 193. Fig. 194. 

throne has almost vanished and we have Fortuna Redux seated 
apparently upon a mere wheel (fig. 193) 5 . On a third of Gallienus 
her attributes have passed by a somewhat cynical transition to 
Indulgentia Augusti, who stands leaning on a short column and 
holding a rod in her right hand (fig. 194) 6 . 

1 Cic. in Pis. 22, Tib. 1. 5. 70, Tac. dial, de or. 23, Fronto de orat. p. 157 Naber, 
Amm. Marc. 26. 8. 13, 31. 1. 1, Boeth. de cons. phil. 2 pr. 1, 2 pr. 2, cp. Sen. Agam. 
7 if. So Hor. od. 3. 10. 10 ne currente retro funis eat rota, according to Acron and 
Comm. Cruq. ad loc. ; but see W. Hirschfelder's note on the passage. Later references 
are collected by J. Grimm Teutonic Mythology trans. J. S. Stallybrass ii. 866 ff., iv. 1567 f. 

2 Fortuna standing — a bronze statuette (K. Friederichs Berlins antike Bildwerke 
Dlisseldorf 1871 ii. 424 no. 1978 cited in Roscher Lex. Myth. i. 1506). Fortuna, with 
rudder in right hand and cornu copiae in left, seated over a wheel — a brown paste at Berlin 
(Furtwangler Geschnitt. Steine Berlin p. 87 no. 1510 pi. 16; id. Ant. Gemmen'x. pi. 27, 61, 
ii. 137). Fortuna standing with rudder and cornu copiae in her hands and a wheel at her 
feet — two gems (Montfaucon Antiquity Explained trans. D. Humphreys London 1721 i. 
197 pi. 89 nos. 16, 17 after A. Gorlay. Modern work?). Cp. Fatum personified as a 
female standing with left foot raised on a six-spoked wheel and body inclined in the act 
of writing {Fata Scribundd) — a grave-relief (Roscher Lex. Myth. i. 1445 after Zoega 
Bassirilievi i pi. 15). 

3 The coin-types of Fortuna are most fully listed by Rasche Lex. Num. iii. 1135 — 
1 179, Suppl. ii. 1089 — ti 10. I figure three specimens from the Cambridge collection. 

4 Cohen Mon. emp. rom. 2 iv. 338 no. 147. A similar design is found on the reverse of 
a bronze medallion of Albinus (W. Kubitschek Ausgeunihlte romischc Medallions der kaiser- 
lichen Munzensammlung in Wien Wien 1909 p. 8 no. 71 pi. 5, Gnecchi Medagl. Rom. 
ii. 73 nos. 1, 2 pi. 92, 1 — 3). 

5 Cohen op. cil. 2 v. 31 no. 98. Id. ib. no. 96 (the same type in gold) is well figured 
in the Sale Catalogue of M. le Vicomte de Ponton d'Amecourt Monnaies d'or romaines 
et byzantines Paris 1887 p. 71 no. 481 pi. 18. Mr F. W. Lincoln has a fine specimen of 
it. A very similar reverse occurs on coppers of the same emperor (Cohen ib. nos. 99, 100). 

6 Cohen op. cil. 2 v. 337 no. 331. On a bronze medallion of Gallienus Fortuna Redux 
is standing with a rudder in her right hand, a cornu copiae in her left, and a wheel at her 
feet (Gnecchi Medagl. Rom. ii. 107 no. 8 pi. 113, 9). 


The Wheel of Nemesis 


The wheel of Nemesis, on 
the other hand, though rarely- 
alluded to in literature 1 , is 
common enough in art 2 . A 
marble relief, found in the 
Peiraieus and now in the Louvre 
(fig. 195) 3 , represents the god- 
dess as winged and standing on 
the back of a naked man. In 
her left hand she holds a 
measuring rod ; beneath her 
right is a large four-spoked 
wheel. Beside her a bearded 
snake raises its head. This 
sinister figure occupies the in- 
terior of a little chapel and is 
accompanied by the following 

I am — you see — the Nemesis of men, 
Well-winged, immortal, dwelling in 

the sky. 
I flit throughout the world exult- 

And have all mortal tribes within my 

Artemidoros, proud and wise — I 

trow — , 
Wrought me in stone and duly paid 

his vow. 



,..TAkY k aone yo^r^rroiAor 


Fig. 195- 

1 Mesomedes h. Nemes. 1 ff. N^t/ecn irrepoecraa... | ...ii7r6 abv rpoxov &<, aarifirj | 
Xapo7rd p-epowuv o~Tp4<f>€Tou tvxo-, Nonn. Dion. 48. 375 ff. N^ueaii' 8k fier^iev . . . | /cat rpoxos 
aiiTOKv\i.<rTos irjv irapa iroaalv avd<T<rr)s, | ffrj/iaivuv on irdvTas dyr/vopas el% irlSov £\/cet | 
v\f/6dev el\v<pow<ra diicr)s ■wouvy\ropi KVK\<f>, \ 8aifiuv iravSandretpa, |3tou OTpo<t>6u>o~a iropetrjv, 
Amm. Marc. 14. 11. 25 f. Adrastia...quam vocabulo duplici etiam Nemesin adpellamus : 
ius quoddam sublime numinis efficacis, humanarum mentium opinione lunari circulo 
superpositum...pinnas autem ideo illi fabulosa vetustas aptavit, ut adesse velocitate volucri 
cunctis existimetur, et praetendere gubernaculum dedit, eique subdidit rotam, ut univer- 
sitatem regere per elementa discurrens omnia non ignoretur, Claud, de bello Getico 63 1 f. 
sed dea, quae nimiis obstat Rhamnusia votis, | ingemuit flexitque rotam. 

2 O. Rossbach in Roscher Lex. Myth. iii. 144 f. , 156 ff., and in greater detail 
H. l'osnansky Nemesis utid Adrasteia (Breslauer philologische Abhandlungen v. 2) 
Breslau 1890 pp. 109 if. 

3 P. Perdrizet in the Bull. Corr. Hell. 1898 xxii. 600 pi. 15, J. Delamarre in the 
rhilol. N.s. 1894 xviii. 266 — 270. Cp. the coins of Alexandreia and the statuettes 

from Memphis (?) and Sebennytos (?) discussed by P. Perdrizet in the Bull. Corr. Hell. 
ujii xxxvi. 248 — 274 pi. if. 

270 The Solar Wheel in Greece 

A limestone relief in the museum at Gizeh (fig. 196) 1 shows 
Nemesis in the act of flitting through the world. The sculptor has 
made a clumsy attempt to combine three different modes of pro- 
gression — wings spread for flight, limbs in the attitude of running, 

Fig. 196. 

and a wheel as a vehicle. Beside the goddess is her familiar 
animal, the griffin, one of its forepaws likewise resting on a wheel. 
Griffin and wheel are frequently associated with Nemesis on coins 
and gems 2 . An interesting development of the type occurs at 
Smyrna, where there was an ancient cult of 
two wingless Nemeseis 3 . On the reverse 
of a coin struck by Commodus (fig. 197) 4 
we have a corresponding duplication of 
attributes; the two Nemeseis are drawn by 
a pair of griffins in a two-wheeled car. The 
wheel has become a chariot. The same 
thing has happened on a red jasper in the 
British Museum (fig. 198)*. A winged 
Nemesis holding her robe with her right 
hand and an apple-branch in her left is standing in a car drawn 
by a large snake. The transformation of the wheel into a chariot 

1 Bull. Corr. Hell. 1898 xxii. 601 pi. 16, 1. 

2 H. Posnansky op. cit. p. 131 ff. pi. 1. 

3 Paus. 1. 33. 7, 7. 5. 1 ff., 9. 35. 6, A. Boeckh on Corp. inscr. Gr. ii nos. 2663, 3148, 
3163, 3193. H. Posnansky op. cit. pp. 61 — 67, O. Rossbach in Roscher Lex. Myth. 
iii. 121 {. 

4 H. Posnansky op. cit. p. 136 pi. 1, 2. 

8 Brit. Mus. Cat. Gems p. 138 no. 1141, H. Posnansky op. cit. p. 166 pi. 1, 40. 
Posnansky would here recognize ' eine Verschmelzung der Nemesis mit Hygieia.' This 
is hardly necessary. Nemesis had a bearded snake on the Peiraieus relief (supra p. 269) ; 
and Zeus, according to one version, wooed her in the form of a snake (schol. Clem. Al. 
protr. 2. 37. 2 p. 308, 13 Stahlin cited infra p. 279 n. 4). 

Fig. 197. 

The Wheel of Isis 271 

even led to the total disappearance of the former. On a small 
prase at Berlin the goddess with a wreath or branch in her left 
hand and a measuring-rod in her right is drawn 
by a couple of snakes in a car, the wheels of which 
are not visible at all 1 . 

Isis too was occasionally represented with a 
wheel'-. A billon statuette found in France and 
formerly in the Charvet collection 3 shows the 
goddess fairly laden with attributes. On her 
wings are the busts of Sun and Moon. In her left 
hand she holds a twofold cornn copiae\ in her right 
a rudder, corn-ears, fruit, and a purse. Round her right arm coils 
a snake; and at her feet is a wheel with projecting hub. Again, 
on an engraved cornelian 4 she is recognisable by her characteristic 
head-dress. A snake in her right hand is feeding out of & phidle in 
her left ; and at her feet, as before, is the wheel. 

It is supposed that Isis borrowed her wheel from Nemesis 5 , and 
that Nemesis in turn borrowed it from Fortuna 6 . These borrowings 
would be facilitated by the general resemblance subsisting between 
the deities in question. 

Fortuna is commonly regarded as the goddess of luck or 
destiny 7 , and such she undoubtedly became. But that this was her 
original character can be maintained only by those who are pre- 
pared to leave many features of her cult unexplained, Mr Warde 
Fowler in his admirable book on The Roman Festivals hinted that 
Fortuna might be ranked among ' deities of the earth, or vege- 
tation, or generation 8 ,' being 'perhaps not only a prophetess as 
regards the children, but also of the good luck of the mother in 

1 Furtwangler Geschnitt. Steine Berlin p. 115 no. 2451 pi. 22, O. Rossbach in 
Roscher Lex. Myth. iii. 164. Furtwangler, however, regarded this gem as figuring Nike 
with wreath and staff standing behind a round altar on the forepart of a ship (?). 

a Roscher Lex. Myth. i. 1551, ii. 544, Gruppe Gr. Myth. Rel. p. 1040 n. 6. 

3 Catalogue de la vente Charvet Paris 1883 p. 171 f. no. 1831, Reinach Rep. Stat. ii. 
263 no. 7, Roscher Lex. A/yth. i. 1551, ii. 546. 

4 A. L. Millin Galerie Mythologique Paris 181 1 i. 88 no. 350 pi. 79. The bibliography 
of this gem is given by W. Drexler in the Zeitschr.f. Num. 1887 xiv. 127 f. 

5 For'Ierts N^ueo-is see Roscher Lex. Myth. ii. 544 f., iii. i4of., H. Posnansky op. cit, 
pp. 57, 123, 167. We have also to reckon with an T I<m Ti^x^i /*** Tyche or Lsityche 
(Roscher Lex. Myth. i. 1530 ff., 1549 ff., ii. 545 f.). Cp. P. Perdrizet in the Bull. Corr. 
Hell. 191 2 xxxvi. 256 ff. 

" In X^ueats in relation to Tuxv or Fortuna see Roscher Lex. Myth. iii. 135 ff., H. 
Posnansky op. cit. pp. 38 n. 1, 52 ff., 166. 

7 Preller — Jordan Rom. Myth? ii. 1 79 ff. , R. Peter in Roscher Lex. Myth. i. 15036°., 
va Rel. Kult. Rom. p. 206 ff. 

1 W . Warde Fowler The Roman Festivals London 1899 p. 67, cp. The Religious 
Experience 0/ the Roman People London 191 1 pp. 235, 245. n. 30. 

272 The Solar Wheel in Greece 

childbirth 1 .' This suggestion was published in 1899; and in 1900 
Prof. J. B. Carter considered the problem of Fortuna's origin ' un- 
solved as yet 2 .' Nevertheless in 1905 I felt justified in urging that 
she was at the first no mere personification of luck, but rather a 
great goddess of fertility 3 . And that is still my conviction, based 
on a variety of accepted facts — the derivation of her name from the 
root of ferre, 'to bear 4 ,' the agricultural and horticultural character 
of her reduplicated self Fors Fortuna 6 , her own intimate association 
with the Mater Matuta 6 , her worship by women under the titles 
Virgo or Virginalis 7 , Mu/iedris 8 , Virilis 9 , Mammosa 10 , by man as 
Barbata 11 , her cult at Praeneste as Primigenia 12 , at Rome as Viscata 13 , 
her tutelage of latrines 14 , her attributes the cornu copiae 15 , the modius 
or grain-measure 18 , and the ears of wheat 17 . The transition of 
meaning from fertility to luck, and from luck to destiny, is not hard 
to follow. 

Nemesis is popularly conceived as an embodiment of divine 
indignation or vengeance, her name being explained as the verbal 
substantive from ne'mo, 'I impute 18 .' H. Usener regarded her as 

1 W. Warde Fowler The Roman Festivals p. 167, cp. The Religious Experience of the 
Roman People pp. 297, 310 n. 15. 

2 J. B. Carter 'The Cognomina of the Goddess "Fortuna"' in the Transactions and 
Proceedings of the American Philological Association 1900 xxxi. 60. 

3 Folk-Lore 1905 xvi. 285 n. 4. 

4 Walde Lat. etym. Wbrterb. p. 239 s.w. 'fors,' 'fortuna,' etc 
6 Wissowa op. cit. p. 206 f. 

6 Id. id. p. 207. 

7 Roscher Lex. Myth. i. 1519. 

8 lb. 1 5 19 f., W. Otto in Philologus 1905 lxiv. 193 ff. 

9 Roscher Lex. Myth. i. I5i8f. 

10 lb. 1520. J. B. Carter op. cit. p. 62 n. 1 suggests that this epithet 'was probably 
merely the popular name for a statue with many breasts, very likely a statue of the 
Ephesian Diana.' But?? 

11 Roscher Lex. Myth. i. 15 19. J. B. Carter op. cit. p. 66 : 'Whether the cognomen 
arose out of a popular epithet applied to a bearded statue- of an effeminate god or hero 
(possibly Dionysius [sic] or Sardanapalus), which, by a mistake in the gender, was called 
'Fortuna with a beard,'' we cannot decide.' Again?? 

12 Roscher Lex. Myth. i. 1541 ff., cp. 1516 f., J. B. Carter op. cit. p. 66 ff., Class. Rev. 
1903 xvii. 420 f., 1904 xviii. 362, Folk-Lore 1905 xvi. 280 f. , 296 f. 

13 Roscher Lex. Myth. i. 1515, Class. Rev. 1903 xvii. 421, Folk-Lore 1905 xvi. 285. 

14 Clem. Al. protr. 4. 51. 1 p. 39, 15 ff. Stahlin. D. Vaglieri has recently found in 
the barracks of the vigiles at Ostia a well-preserved latrine with two dedications to 
Fortuna Sancta (T. Ashby in The Year's Work in Class. Stud. 191 1 p. 11): see Not. 
Scavi 191 1 p. 209 ff. 

15 Roscher Lex. Myth. i. 1503 ff. 

16 lb. 1506. 
M Jb. 1506. 

18 H. Posnansky op. cit. p. iff., O. Rossbach in Roscher Lex. Myth. iii. 117ft., 
Wissowa Rel. Kult. Rom. p. 315 f. 

Nemesis 273 

the personification of distributive rather than retributive fate, 
connecting the name with nchno, T assign 1 .' In so doing he revived 
an etymology already current in Graeco-Roman times 2 . There are, 
however, grave objections to any such abstract interpretation. The 
cult of abstractions was comparatively late. The cult of Nemesis 
was comparatively early. Thus at Rhamnous it was flourishing in 
the fifth century B.C. 3 , and at Smyrna in the sixth 4 . Moreover, the 
attributes of the goddess at Rhamnous and her twin statues at 
Smyrna do not suggest a transparent personification of the sort 
required by these hypotheses. There is more to be said for 
O. Gruppe's view that Nemesis was an earth-goddess, essentially 
' wroth' {netnesizomai) with those who annually oppressed her, but 
willing at the same time to give them oracles 5 . Nevertheless this 
explanation too has its weak spot. We must not derive Nemesis 
from nemesizomai, but netnesizomai from nemesis. Thus Nhnesis 
will not mean 'wroth,' but 'wrath.' In short, we are once more 
involved in the difficulty of supposing that Nemesis was a personi- 

In seeking an escape from this impasse we should, I think, start 
from the analogy of Lachesis. As Ldchesis was a goddess of the 
lot (lachein, 'to get by lot,' lachos, 'lot'), so Nemesis was a goddess 
of the greenwood (ne'mo, 'I pasture,' ne'mos, 'glade') — a patroness of 
animal and vegetable life. As such she would correspond with 
Nemetona, a Diana-like deity of the Celts (Celtic nemeton, 'sacred 
wood') 8 . Indeed, she would be the Greek counterpart of the Italian 
Diana Nemorensis (Nemus, 'the Glade'). This is no merely specu- 
lative philological equation, but a fact borne out by a comparison 
of cult with cult. Diana Nemorensis as a woodland goddess had 

1 H. Usener Gotternamen Bonn 1896 p. 371. 

- Aristot. de mundo 7. 401 b 12 f. ISiyaaiv hk a.irb tt\% eKaartf) Stave/U^crews, Cornut. theol. 
13 p. 13, 17 f. Lang Txifieffis 5t dirb ttjs ve/Ar/creus irpoirrrydpevTai — Siaipei y&p rb eirijidWov 

3 Roscher Lex. Myth. iii. 1246°. 

4 lb. iii. 1 2 1 ff. 

5 Gruppe Gr. Myth. Rel. pp. 45 n. 8, 1086 n. 2, cp. 45 n. 9. 

• On Nemetona see M. Ihm in Roscher Lex. Myth. iii. 166 f., A. Holder Alt-celtischer 
Sprachschatz Leipzig 1904 ii. 713. She is compared with Diana by A. Bacmeister 
Keltische Briefe ed. O. Keller Strassburg 1874 p. 47. 

Tlu.- word nemeton appears in place-names such as Augustonemetum, Apvvtutrov, 

uemetum, etc. See Holder op. cit. ii. 712, who cites also from the Cartulaire de 

Quimper/e" a. 103 1 silva quae vocatur Nemet. Hence the Old Irish itemed, 'sacred grove, 

tuary,' the Old Frankish nimid, 'sacred place in the wood,' and other related words 

ler loc. cit., L. Meyer Handb. d. gr. Etym. iv. 275 ff., Prellwitz Etym. Wiirterb. d. 

<f>r.- p. 309, Walde Lat. etym. Worterb. p. 409^, M. Schcinfeld Worterbuch der 

riiianischen Personen- und Volkernamen Heidelberg 191 1 p. 171 s.irv. ' Nemetes,' 



c. 18 


The Solar Wheel in Greeee 

both beasts and trees in her charge. On the one hand, many 
bronze statuettes from her precinct at Nemi represent her as a 
huntress 1 , and two bronze figures of hinds were found at the 
entrance of her temple-'. On the other hand, Grattius in his poem 
t>n hunting describes as follows the huntsman's festival: 'In the 
glades beneath the sky we fashion cross-road altars: we set up split 
torches at Diana's woodland rite; the puppies are wreathed with 
their wonted adornment; and in the midmost part of the glade 
men lay their very weapons upon flowers, weapons that are idle 
during these rites and the festal time of peace. Then comes the 
cask: the cakes that smoke on their green tray are brought forward, 
the kid with horns just budding from his gentle brow, and the 
apples still hanging on their boughs, after the manner of the lustral 
rite, whereby our whole company purifies itself fur the goddess and 
praises her for the year's capture 3 .' It is a legitimate inference 
from this passage that apple-branches 
played an important part in the ritual of 
Diana Nemorensis*. A. Furtwangler has 
acutely recognised the goddess on a whole 
series of Italian gems and pastes 5 . The 
specimen here figured exhibits her as a 
draped female standing by a wreathed altar 
with a stag at her side; she holds an apple- 
branch in her right hand, a bowl of apples 
in her left (fig. 199)". Furtwangler was at 
first disposed to identify the goddess on 
this and other examples of the type with 
Nemesis — an identification justified in one 
case at least, where she is lifting her hand 
towards her chin in the regular Nemesis- 
attitude ( fig. 200) 7 . This raises the question whether we have here 
Nemesis contaminated with Diana Nemorensis, or whether Nemesis 
in her own right could have apple-branch and stag. Pausanias' 

1 G. II. Wallis Illustrated Catalogue of Classical Antiquities from the site of the 
Temple of Diana, A'e/ni, Italy Nottingham 1893 p. 34 f. nos. 614, 616 — 632. 

- Id. Hi. p. 35 ii"-. 6;,;,, 634. ;i Gratt. cyneg. 483 ff. 

4 I have discussed the matter further in Folk-Lore 1906 xvii. 445 f. Note that a votive 
offering in the form of an apple made of terra cotta was found by Lord Savile in Diana's 
precinct at Nemi ■■(',. II. Wallis />/>. at. p. 1= no. 69). 

'' Furtwangler .hit. Gcmmen i. pis. 20, 66 ; 22, iS, 26, 30, 32, ii. 101, 108 f., iii. 231, 
id. Geschnitt. Steine Berlin p. 37 no. 371; pi. 7, p. 59 f. nos. 856 — 861 pi. 11. 

'' Furtwangler Ant. Gemiucn i pi. 22, 18, ii. 10S. id. Geschnitt. Steine Berlin p. 37 
no. 370. pi. 7. The gem is a cornelian scarab of the later elongated shape. 

7 Furtwangler Geschnitt. Steine Berlin p. 59 f. no. 858 pi. 11. This is a green paste 
handed with blue and white. 






i. Restoration of the cull 
\ a , i* . Extant fragment < 
2" , 2* . Statir of Kypros : 

. s 

y A 



Plate XXIII 


' -* W^ 







1; rev. Nemesis standing. 

See pages 275, 281. 


Nemesis 27 c 

account of Nemesis at Rhamnous enables us to decide in favour 
of the latter alternative: 'On the head of 
the goddess is a crown decorated with stags 
and small figures of Victory ; in her left hand 
she carries an apple-branch, and in her right 
a bowl, on which are wrought Aithiopes 
(pi. xxiii, i)V Thus Nemesis at Rhamnous 
had the same insignia as Diana at Nemi, to 
wit, an apple-branch 2 and stags; and pre- 
sumably for the same reason, because the 
Greek, like the Italian, goddess was a wood- 
land 3 power controlling both vegetable and 
animal life. After this we are not surprised Fig " 20a 

o find that Nemesis was in Roman times identified with Artemis 
or Diana*. Of their identification we have .both literary and 
monumental evidence. A metrical inscription found in 1607 on 
the App,an Road and commemorating the munificence of Herodes 
Attikos invokes Nemesis in the following hexameter line- 

Thou too that watchest the works of men, Rhamnusian OAfiis*. 
Oupis, as Dr Farnell remarks*, 'was an ancient and half-forgotten 
name of Artemis... resuscitated by later poetry' and interpreted 
by the Greeks as the 'Watcher' {opizesthat). The cult-image at 
Rhamnous is described by Pomponius Mela as 'PheirJias' 
Nemestr and by Julius Solinus as ' Pheidias' statue of Diana" I 
Adjoining the amphitheatre at Aquincum {Alt-Ofen) in Lower 
Pannoma was a chapel to Nemesis. Here a dedication 'To the 

occur, or, Gracco-Roman gems (Bri,. Mm. Co,. G«J f . .38 L T 40 _*? 4 

£££,& t ": but ,s "■" Den,cier(?) by b - v - H - d ** m«, c^i:l 

.«» 1.5 ? r " f °' d POi °'? °" '° me <"*' ">• '9") "»"• wording ,„ Hes . d 
«3 cp. . .5 f. , Ne„,es,s was of the same family a, (he apple.guardiog HesLde" 

see iIZTT Pa " Kl Wi ' h Si ' VanUS "■*■ DeSS " "«"■ *■«■ '"■ ■>£*%-„<*■ 

7 Mel , ,,^1, • , *arnell <?«//., o/G*. .»*,« .488. 

WiS Nemesf ^ ' nlUStnS ^^ qUOd in ea fanum est Amphiarai et 

IHn. 7- 2 6 Ramne quoque, in qua Amphiarai fanum et Phidiacae signum Dianae. 


The Solar Wheel in Greece 

goddess 'Diana Nemesis Augusta ' came to light, dated in the 
year 259 A.D. 1 Similarly at Carnuntum {Petronell) in Upper 
Pannonia the amphitheatre had attached to it a sanctuary of 
Nemesis, the excavation of which in modern times has led to 
some remarkable finds 2 . In the apse of the building, on an 
inscribed base, stood the statue of Nemesis herself (fig. 203) 3 . 
The goddess conforms to the late Roman type of Artemis or 
Diana. She is dressed in a short chitdn, which leaves the right 
breast bare, and an outer garment worn like a girdle round the 
upper part of her figure and falling over her left arm. On her head 
is a crescent moon with a small disk above it. On her feet are 
high hunting-boots. She has a winged griffin on one side, a 
wheel on the other. Her right hand holds both a rudder and a 
whip; her left hand, a sheathed sword 4 . Close to her and sheltered 
by the same apse stood a second statue, that of Commodus, on a 
base which was inscribed in the year 184 A.D. but was subse- 
quently, owing to the official condemnation of the emperor's 
memory, turned with its face to the wall. The statue seems to 
have represented Commodus as Iupiter with an eagle at his feet 5 . 
If he was king, Nemesis was queen ; for a neighbouring altar 
erected in 199 A.D., was inscribed as 'Sacred to Nemesis the 

1 Corp. inscr. Lat. iii Suppl. no. 10440 = Dessau Inscr. Lat. sel. no. 3742. 

2 Arch.-ep. Mitth. 1897 xx. 2056°. (C. Tragau), 228 ff. (J. Zingerle), 236 ff. (E. 
Bormann). 3 Lb. p. 210 fig. 19. 

4 The nearest parallel to this statue with its complex symbolism is a relief dedicated 
to Nemesis Regina found at Andautonia in Upper Pannonia and now in the Agram 
Museum (ib. p. 229 f. fig. 35 a). Cp. also a sarcophagus from Teurnia in Noricum 
(Philologus 1894 liii. 408). 

5 Arch.-ep. Mitth. 1897 xx. 211, 237 fif., 243 f. Coins of Commodus show not only 
ivppiter conservator protecting the emperor (fig. 201), but also the emperor himself 

Fig. 201. Fig. 202. 

as Jupiter standing with thunderbolt in right hand, spear in left, and eagle at his feet 
(fig. 202) inscribed iovi ivveni etc. (Rasche Lex. Num. iv. 885 f., cp. Gnecchi Medagl. 
Rom. ii. 56 no. 43 pi. 81, 3), or advancing with thunderbolt in right hand and spear in 
left, surrounded by seven stars (Rasche ib. iv. 878 f. iovi defense? etc.), or seated with 
branch in right hand, spear in left, or again with patera in right hand and eagle at his 
feet (id. ib. iv. 882 f. iovi exsvp or exsvper etc. See Dion Cass. 18. 15, Lamprid. 
v. Conunod. 11. 8). 



Fig. 203. 


The Solar Wheel in Greece 

Queen and Diana 1 .' It thus appears that at Carnuntum the 
consort of this Diana-like Nemesis was a human Jupiter — a fact 
to be borne in mind when we are comparing the cult of Nemesis 
with that of Diana Nemorensis. It may be objected that the cult 
of Nemesis at Carnuntum was late, that emperor-worship was 
ubiquitous, and that therefore the combination of the former with 
the latter was accidental and of no special significance. But the 
same combination occurs elsewhere and has 
antecedents that deserve investigation. A 

copper coin of Akmoneia in Phrygia (fig. 204)'- 
shows the emperor Septimius Severus gallop- 
ing towards a mountain. He holds a whip 
in' his right hand, and before him flies an 
eagle apparently grasping a thunderbolt. On 
the mountain are two female figures in the 
F ~ 2a T attitude of Nemesis ; at its base is a re- 

cumbent youth, naked to the waist, who is 
probably meant for the local river-god. The interpretation of this 
scene is difficult and in some points doubtful ; but at least it is 
clear that the emperor, regarded as Zeus, was at Akmoneia brought 
into connexion with the Nemeseis. Confirmation is afforded by 
a somewhat analogous coin-type of Smyrna. Pausanias a propos 
of the Smyrnaeans writes 3 : ' The present city was founded by 
Alexander, son of Philip, in consequence of a vision which he had 
in a dream. They say he had been hunting on Mount Pagus, and 
when the chase was over he came to a sanctuary of the Nemeses, 
and there he lighted on a spring and a plane-tree before the 
sanctuary, the tree overhanging the water. As he slept under the 
plane-tree the Nemeses, they say, appeared to him, and bade him 
found a city there and transfer to it the Smyrnaeans from the old 
town. So the Smyrnaeans sent envoys to Clarus to inquire about 
the matter, and the god answered them : — 

Thrice blest, yea four times, shall they be 

Who shall inhabit Pagus beyond the sacred Meles. 

So they willingly removed, and they now believe in two Nemeses 
instead of one.' Copper coins of Smyrna struck by Marcus 
Aurelius 4 and Philippus Senior (fig. 205) 6 represent this vision of 

1 Arch.-ep. Mitth. 1897 xx. 241 f. Nemesi Reg(inae) et Dean{a)e sa{cru»i) etc. 

2 Iiphoof-Blumer Monn. gr. p. 391 f. no. 50 pi. G, 24 (Vienna). Cp. similar coins, 
but without the eagle, struck under Volusianus (Imhoof-,Blumer op. cit. p. 392 no. 51 
pi. G, 25, Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Phrygia p. 21 pi. 4, 6). 

3 Paus. 7. 5. 1 ff. trans. J. G. Frazer. 4 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Ionia p. 279. 
8 lb. p. 296 pi. 29, 16, G. Macdonald Coin Types Glasgow 1905 p. 171 f. pi. 6, 14. 

Nemesis 279 

Alexander. The king, a recumbent youth naked to the waist, 
is sleeping- beneath a plane-tree, at the foot of which is a bucranium. 
Beside him lie his shield, spear, and greave. 
Beyond him stand the two Nemeseis holding 
a bridle and a cubit-rule respectively, and 
making their customary gesture. The sig- 
nificance of this gesture has been much 
discussed 1 . I take it to have been origin- 
ally that of a bride, comparable with Hera's 
handling of her veil' 2 . The goddess, in 
short, needed a partner ; and Alexander, 
whom Apelles painted at Ephesos with a Fig. 205. 

thunderbolt in his hand 3 , may have passed 

muster as her divine consort. This is of course mere surmise. But, 
if we follow the figure of Nemesis back into the past as far as we 
are able, we still find her paired with Zeus, not to say with a human 
Zeus. For the Kypria, an early epic of uncertain authorship, told 
how ' Zeus king of the gods ' became by her the father of the 
Dioskouroi and of Helene 4 . Moreover, since the Dioskouroi and 

1 C. Sittl Die Gebarden der Griechen und Rb'mer Leipzig 1890 pp. 120, 301, Roscher 
Lex. Myth. iii. 146. 

2 Infra ch. iii. 

3 Plin. nat. hist. 35. 92, cp. Class. Rev. 1903 xvii. 404 n. 1. 

4 Cypria frag. 5 Kinkel ap. Clem. Al. protr. 2. 30. 5 p. 22, 22 ff. Stahlin and frag. 
6 Kinkel ap. Athen. 334 B — D. According to frag. 6, Nemesis, when pursued by Zeus, 
fled across sea and land transforming herself into a fish and other animals to escape his 
embraces. Cp. Eustath. in II. p. 1321, 38 f. \e~ywv dia rod TrorfiravTOS to Kiiirpia on 
AioffKovpovs Kai 'EXivrjv ij N^u.e<ns HreKev, rj 5iwKOfx4v7], <f>r)0-lv, virb Albs /xerefxop(povTo. 

.0. Rossbach in Roscher Lex. Myth. iii. 119 thinks that the end of the story as told in the 
Cypria is preserved for us by Apollod. 3. 10. 7 Xiyovai de ivioi Xe/u&rews 'E\4t>T)v etuat Kai 
Aids. Tavrrjv yap tt\v Aids <f>etiyov<jav avvovalav els XV va T V V fJ-op<pr]v /jierafiaXeiv, ofMoiudivra 
Se Kai Ala kvkvw awtKOelv • ri)v Sf ipbv iK rrjs trvvovfflas airoTeKelv, tovto Se ev rois &\o~ecriv 
(aXaeffip excerpt. Sabb., fXeaiv cj. Preller cp. Ptol. Heph. ap. Phot. bibl. p. 149b 5, 
Tzetz. in Lyk. Al. 88, Saaeaiv cj. Bekker) evpSvra riva iroip.e'va A-f)5q KOfxloavra dovvai, 
tt]v 5e KaTa0e/j.frr)v els \&pi>aKa <pv\a<ro~€iv, Kai XP° V V KaBriKovri yevvrjdeiffav 'E\di>rjv us £3- 
avrrjs Ovyaripa Tp£<puv. If so, the myth was not yet localised : &\<reaiv ( = v4fieo-iv) may 
have been suggested by N^ueo-is, as $\e<nv by 'EX^. Others (U. v. Wilamowitz-Mollen- 
dorf in Hermes 1883 xviii. 262 n. 1, R. Kekule Festschrift zur Feier des fiinfzigjahrigen 
Bestehens des archiiolog. Insliiuts zu Rom Bonn 1879 p. 9, H. Posnansky op. cit. p. 17) 
suppose that the final scene of the Cypria was laid at Rhamnous. 

The love of Zeus for Nemesis is variously told. Almost all accounts agree that Zeus 
took the form of a swan (Clem. Rom. horn. 5. 13 (ii. 184 Migne), however, has NfM^cft 
T77 tov Qeffrlov, ry Kai Aijda vofxia delay, kvkvos t) XV" yevbixevos k.t.\. = infra ch. i § 8 (d) 
and schol. Clem. Al. protr. 2. 37. 2 p. 308, t3 Stahlin says dp&Kwv iirl H4neaiv = supra 
p. 270 n. 5). Hyg. poet. astr. 2. 8 adds that Zeus as a swan was fleeing from Aphrodite 
as an eagle. Nemesis was. secured in the form of a goose (Apollod. 3. 10. 7, Tzetz. in 
Lyk. Al. 88) or of a woman (Isokrat. 10 Helene 59, Hyg. poet. astr. 2. 8). 

A red-figured krater from Gnathia, now at Bonn (fig. 206), shows the egg deposited 
on an altar in the precinct of a pillar-Zeus {supra p. 40 n. 1 ), where Leda — originally a 

280 The Solar Wheel in Greece 

Helene are elsewhere termed the children of Tyndareos 1 , it seems 
reasonable to conjecture that the original consort of Nemesis was 
a king who bore the part of Zeus. Be that as it may, Nemesis 
was already associated with Zeus in epic times 2 . The myth was 
localised at Rhamnous by the comedian Kratinos in his Nemesis 5 ; 
and it is a curious coincidence, if no more, that the same poet in 

Fig. 206. 

the same play spoke of Perikles as a human Zeus 4 . The fact that 
this myth first emerges in the Kypria recalls a famous stater of 

doublet of Nemesis — discovers it with a gesture of surprise. To the right stand the 
Dioskouroi, brothers of the unborn Helene ; to the left, Tyndareos, reputed father of all 
three. See further R. Kekule Ueber cin griechisches Vasengetnalde im akademischen 
Ktmstmuseum zu Bonn Bonn 1879 pp. 1 — 26 with figs, and pi. 

1 Roscher Lex. Myth. i. 11 58 ff. 

2 Were Zeus N^«oj and Ne/^a {infra ch. i § 6 (g) viii) originally an analogous pair 
of woodland deities? 

3 Kratinos ap. pseudo-Eratosth. catast. 25 and schol. Caes. Germ. Aratea p. 405, 9 ff. 
Eyssenhardt, cp. schol. Kallim. h. Artem. 232 : see A. Meineke Frag. com. Gr. ii. 81, 
H. Posnansky op. cit. p. 16 ff. 

4 Kratinos Nemesis frag. 10 ap. Plout. v. Per. 3 fiok', c3 Zev 1-ivie ko.1 fj.aKa.pie (v.l. 
Kipif, Meineke cj. KapaU, Sintenis cj. Kapaie : Append. B). 

Nemesis 281 

Kypros (pi. xxiii, 2) 1 , which has Zeus enthroned as its obverse, 
Nemesis standing as its reverse type. In the former J. P. Six 
detected a modification of the masterpiece at Olympia ; in the 
latter, a copy of the cult-statue at Rhamnous. The god has a 
phidle (?) in his right hand, a sceptre in his left. The goddess is 
wearing a head-dress, which may no doubt be a mere wreath but 
is possibly 2 the Rhamnusian crown of stags and small Victories. 
The fibula on her right shoulder is decorated with the head of a 
griffin, her favourite animal. In her lowered left hand she holds 
the apple-branch 3 ; in her extended right, a phidle with a thymia- 
tfrion beneath it. 

The final proof that Nemesis was near akin to Diana Nemorensis 
may be found in a consideration of the term Nemesiaci. Com- 
modianus, a Christian poet of the fifth 4 century, describes the 
devotees of Diana as Nemesiaci 5 or ' followers of Nemesis ' — a 

1 Brit. A/us. Cat. Coins Cyprus pp. lxxiv f. 43 pi. 8, 7, J. P. Six 'Aphrodite- 
Nemesis ' in the Num. Chron. Third Series 1882 ii. 89 — 102 pi. 5 (enlarged photograph), 
id. in the Rev. Num. iii Serie 1883 i. 287 ff. no. 24 pi. 6, 13, id. in the Zeitschr.f. Num. 

1887 xiv. 144 n. 1, id. in the Num. Chron. Third Series 1888 viii. 130, P. Gardner Types 
of Gk. Coins p. 170 pi. 10, 27, Head Hist, num. 2 p. 741. Besides the specimen in the 
British Museum, there is said to be one in the collection of the late W. H. Waddington 
at Paris (J. P. Six in Num. Chron. Third Series 1883 i. 288). The legend on the reverse 
was read by J. P. Six (Zeitschr. f. Num. 1886 xiv. 144 and Num. Chron. Third Series 

1888 viii. 130) £ao-iX<?/bs Tinoxdf>t.fos. G. F. Hill (Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Cyprus 
p. lxxiv f.) prefers Ti • fw xa • pt\ • Fo • ae (cp. /SaatX^/os etc.) and dates the coin c. 385 B.C. 
(id. p. 43 Paphos no. 45). 

- G. F. Hill id. p. lxxv. 

3 G. F. Hill id. p. 43 ' a branch (of apple).' J. P. Six in the Num. Chron. Third 
Series 1882 ii. 90 n. 3 says : ' Sur le statere les feuilles et les fleurs font penser a ceux du 
grenadier.' For fjLij\ov = ' pomegranate ' see infra ch. ii § 9 (h) ii (X). 

4 See the Class. Quart. 191 1 v. 268. 

5 Commod. instruct/ones 1. 19 an acrostic nemesiacis VANIS — 

N on ignominium est uirum seduci prudentem 

Et colere tale(a)m aut Dianam dicere lignum? 

Mane ebrio, crudo, perituro creditis uno, 

E x arte qui fincte loquitur quod illi uidetur ; 

S euere (diuinum) dum agit, sibi uiscera pascit. 

I ncopriat ciues unus detestabilis omnes 

Adplicuitque sibi similis collegio facto, 

C um quibus historiam fingit, ut deum adornet. 

I pse sibi nescit diuinare, ceteris audet. 

S uccollat, quando libet, eum, et quando, deponit ; 

Vertitur a se(se) rotans cum ligno bifurci, 

A c si putes ilium adflatum numine ligni. 

N on deos uos colitis, quos isti false prophetant : 

I psos sacerdotes colitis in uano timentes. 

Sed si corde uiges, fuge iam sacraria mortis. 

I print the poem as it stands in the latest edition, that of B. Dombart (Corpus scriptorum 

282 The Solar Wheel in Greece 

metathesis of names intelligible on the assumption that the Diana 
in question was Diana Xnuoirtisis. That assumption is borne 
<>ut by the wording of the poem: 

Is it not infamous a prudent man 

Should be seduced to worship a cut branch 1 

Or call ,1 log- Diana? Ye believe 

One drunk .it dawn, full-fed, and doomed to die 3 , 

Who speaks just what he thinks with feigned art 

And, whilst he plays the god 4 full solemnly. 

Feeds his own entrails'. Thus abominable, 

He fouls his fellow-citizens wholesale, 

(lathers a brotherhood akin to himself 

And with them feigns a tale to adorn the god. 

He knows not how his own fate to foretell'', 

Yet dates to do the like for other folk,— 

Shoulders the god at times, at times just drops him. 

He turns himself about revolving still 

With a two-pronged stick, till you might think he were 

Inspired by the godhead of the same". 

t\r/t>iast/tvru>H l.atinontm xv| Yindobonae 1887 p. 24 f. The chief variants are men- 
tioned in the following notes. 

1 The manuscript reading in the first line is uiritm C. A. edd. aim., itirium B. A 
marg., and in the second line talem C. B. A. edd. antt. Two hriiliant emendations have 
been proposed. K. Ludwig in the Teubner text (1878) adopts his own cj. Non igno- 
minium est Virbium seduci prudentem ' et colere taleni aut Dianam dicere lignum? and 
comments (p. xwiv) : hoc 1. nonien proprium desiderari ex uerbis hisce 'colere talem aut 
Dianam dicere lignum' adparet ; neque uero deae nemoris numen quodlibet coniungi 
potest, seJ solus deus nemoris ac uenationis Dianae similis uel eiusdem deae sacerdos, 
quern esse I'irhium, antiquissimum Regem Nemorensem ac sacerdotem Dianae in nemore 
Aricieiisi cultae, eodicum script ura probatur. B. Dombart keeps itiruiu, which has the 
support of (' (cod. Cheltenhamensis, s. xi) our best MS., and very ingeniously cj. taleam, 
'a cut bough ' or 'branch.' In favour of retaining talem is Commod. instr. 1. 14. 6 non 
te pudet, slulte, tales adorare tabellas? 1. 17. 12 sed stipem ut tollant ingenia talia 
quaerunt, 1. iS. is gestabant enim, et aruit tale sigillum, 2. 17. 1 fit'. CURISTIANVM 
I'ai.i-.m k.ssk. The wind is, in fact, something of a mannerism in this poet. 

J B. Dombart up. Arnob. ad:', //at. 6. ii coluisse... lignum ICariost (so MSS., but the 
text has been corrected to Icar/os by the aid of Clem. Al. protr. 4. 46. 3 p. 35, 1 7 f . 
Stahlin and Strab. 03m pro Diana indolatum. 

•' Dom'.iari atlloe.: ' peiit/tr/is ideo dicitur sacerdos Dianae Aricinae, quia cogebatur 
cum eo certamen singulare inire, qui locum eius petebat.' 

' I-'. Oehler (ed. 1S47), content to follow the MSS. (d/7 C. dum B. A. edd. antt.), prints: 
Seiu-r..- dum agit. 1.. Ludwig cj. Seuere ileum agit. B. Dombart, alter Hanssen's cj. 
d(iuii/)it/ii, reads : Seuere (divinum') dum agit. We are not elsewhere definitely told that 
the priest of I liana acted the part of a god ; but cp. 14 ipsos sacerdotes colitis. 

3 The MSS. have p<<s, it (so ('. A. : p'qscit B.) which gives a possible sense — 'begs 
entrails for himself.' But all the editors adopt the reading pascit : this probably means 
'feeds his own entrails, gorges himself (cp. 3 crudo). 

'' Since every moment he is liable to be attacked by his would-be successor (cp. 3 

7 The poet appears to mean that the priest of Diana held a forked stick, like a 
dowser's divining-rod, and spun himself round as though inspired by the movement of 

Nemesis 283 

These are no gods ye worship : false the claim 
Their priests put forward. 'Tis the priests themselves 
Ye worship with vain fears. Nay, if thou art wise, 
Flee even now the sanctuaries of death 1 . 

A decree of Honorius and Theodosius, dated 412 A.D., after pro- 
viding for the recall of runaway slaves, deals with several societies 
and sects among which runaway slaves might be sought. One such 
sect is that of the Nemesiaci or fanatic followers of Nemesis 2 . They 
are mentioned again, and for the last time, about the middle of the 
fifth century by Maximus, bishop of Turin, who in one of his 
sermons gives an interesting account of their rustic cult and crazy 
priest (Dianaticusy. 

Dr Farnell has argued that Nemesis was from the first no 

his stick. 'Nearly all dowsers assert that when the rod moves in their hands... they 
experience a peculiar sensation, which some describe as felt in the limbs like the tingling 
of an electric shock, others as a shivering or trembling, and others as an • unpleasant 
sensation in the epigastric region. With all there is more or less of a convulsive spasm, 
sometimes of a violent character ' (Sir W. F. Barrett in the Proceedings of the Society 
for Psychical Research xv. 299 cited by F. W. H. Myers Human Personality London 
1904 i. 481). This seems to be the first explicit mention of the dowser's rod. But 
I have elsewhere suggested that it was the origin of the Pythagorean y (Class. Rev. 1902 
xvi. 375 f.)- 

For similar 6eo<j>opov/xevoi see J. E. B. Mayor on Juv. 4. 123. 

1 The phrase sacraria mortis would be especially appropriate to such a cult as that of 
Diana Nemorensis, whose priest was ever the murderer of his predecessor. 

'- Cod. Theod. 14. 7. 2 collegiatos et vitutiarios et Nemesiacos signiferos cantabrarios 
et singularum urbium corporatos simili forma praecipimus revocari. quibus etiam suppli- 
candi inhibendam facultatem esse censuimus, ne originem (quod fieri non potest) 
commutare ulla iussio videatur ; ac si forte per sacram auctoritatem cognoscitur aliqui 
liberatus, cessante beneficio ad originem revertatur. dat. vi kalend. Decembr. Rav. 
Honor, ix et Theod. v AA. Coss. 

It will be remembered that the rex Nemorensis was regularly a runaway slave (Frazer 
Led. Hist. Kingship p. 16). 

:; Maximus Taurinensis serin. 101 (lvii. 734 Migne) nihil ibi liberum est a scelere, ubi 
totum versatur in scelere. cum cellam ingressus fueris, reperies in ea pallentes cespites 
mortuosque carbones, dignum sacrificium daemonis, cum mortuo numini rebus mortuis 
supplicatur. et si ad agrum processeris, cernis aras ligneas et simulacra lapidea, con- 
gruens ministerium, ubi diis insensibilibus aris putrescentibus ministratur. cum maturius 
vigilaveris et videris saucium vino rusticum, scire debes quoniam, sicut dicunt, aut 
Dianaticus aut aruspex est ; insanum enim numen amentem solet habere pontificem ; talis 
enim sacerdos parat se vino ad plagas deae suae, ut dum est ebrius poenam suam ipse 
non sentiat. hoc autem non solum de temperantia, sed et de arte faciunt, ut minus 
vulnera sua doleant, dum vini ebrietate iactantur. vanus plane vates est, qui putat crude- 
litate astruere pietatem. quam misericors in alienos deos ille qui in suos est pontifices 
tarn cruentus ! nam ut paulisper describamus habitum vatis huiusce : est ei adulteriuis 
criuiculis hirsutum caput, nuda habens pectora, pallio crura semicincta, et more 
gladiatorum paratus ad pugnam ferrum gestat in manibus, nisi quod gladiatore peior 
est, quia ille adversus alterum dimicare cogitur, iste contra se pugnare compellitur. ille 
aliena petit viscera, iste propria membra dilaniat, et, si dici potest, ad crudelitatem ilium 
lanista, istum numen hortatur. 

284 The Solar Wheel in Greece 

vague personification of a moralising sort, but a definite figure 
of ancient religion. Her name — he thinks — was a title given at 
Rhamnous to a goddess of birth and death resembling Artemis, 
and at Smyrna to two goddesses (originally to one goddess) of 
vegetation resembling Aphrodite. He holds that the appellative, 
if Homeric or post-Homeric in date, marked 'the goddess who 
feels righteous indignation at evil acts and evil words,' if pre- 
Homeric, 'denoted distribution of any lot, the lot of life to which 

Fig 207. 

each is born 1 .' I agree with this able scholar in thinking that 
Nemesis was a substantial deity of early date akin to Artemis, if 
not also to Aphrodite; but for that very reason I cannot be content 
to saddle her with a cult-title denoting either ' indignation ' or 
'distribution.' The cult of -ations and -utions is late, not early. 
I inclin e to beli eve -that Nemesis, a concrete ' godde ss __of the 

1 Farnell Cults of Gk. Slates i. 487—498. 

The Midsummer Wheel 285 

Greenwood ' (nemos), became a goddess of vengeance simply 
through an illogical but almost inevitable confusion with the 
abstract substantive nemesis meaning ' righteous wrath.' Mimesis 
and nemesis, so far as etymology is concerned, were doubtless 
sprung from -the same parent stem, but in point of usage they 
belonged to widely divergent branches of it. In the apple-bough 
held by Nemesis at Rhamnous, perhaps too in the plane-tree 
before the sanctuary of the Nemeseis at Smyrna, we may detect a 
last trace of the original character of the woodland goddess. 

Returning now to the main topic of the present section — the 
ritual wheels of Isis, Nemesis, Tyche, and Fortuna — we have yet 
to notice one extant specimen of a different but analogous sort. 
It is a wheel of cast lead from the Millingen collection in the British 
Museum (fig. 207), which was in all probability used for purposes 
of divination. It revolves upon a central pin, and has four spokes 
radiating from the angles of an inner square. Between every pair 
of adjacent spokes is a standing male figure, who holds a wreath 
in his right hand, a spear or sceptre in his left 1 . Round the rim 
are Roman numerals (VI VII etc.) and groups of letters. Some of 
these are to me illegible ; but over the figure uppermost in my 
illustration can be clearly seen PREPE, presumably the Greek prepei, 
1 it is fitting,' — a word appropriate to the diviner's art 2 . 

It is probable, though not quite certain 3 , that all such wheels of 
Fortune were once intended to figure forth the sun. For — apart 
from the fact that the sun was sometimes, as we have seen, 
conceived as a wheel by the Greeks — -there is the noteworthy 
circumstance that the dedication-day of the temple of Fors Fortuna 
was June 24 4 , the summer solstice 5 . Moreover, on the third 
Sunday in June, which would correspond approximately with 
Midsummer Day, at Douai a large wheel called the rone de fortune 
used to be carried in procession before a wicker-work giant known 

1 Mr F. H. Marshall in a note dated May 4, 19 [i compares the magical disk 
published by R. WUnsch Antikes Zaubergerat aits Pergamon (Jahrb. d. kais. deutsch. 
arch. Inst. Erganzungsheft vi) Berlin 1905 p. 45 ff. pi. 2, figs. 8f.— a convex plate of 
bronze fitted with a swing handle and engraved with concentric circles and two series of 
radii, between which are numerous Greek and Egyptian characters and cabalistic signs. 
'The figure with parted arms on the Pergamon disk recalls,' says Mr Marshall, \ those on 
the lead disk.' 

- M. Breal in the Rev. £t. Gr. 1908 xxi. x 13 ff. argues that the use of irpivn, 'il 
convient,' explains the second element in Oeoirpbiriov, 'oracle' (yet see Prellwitz Etym. 
Wortcrb. d. Gr. S/>r. 2 p. 182, Boisacq Diet, e'tym. de la Langue Gr. p. 339). 

3 W. Warde Fowler The Roman Festivals London 1899 PP- 161, 169 f. adopts an 
attitude of cautious reserve. 

4 R. Peter in Roscher Lex. Myth. i. 1501. 

5 H. Gaidoz justly emphasised this fact: see W. Warde Fowler op. cit. p. 169 f. 

286 The Solar Wheel in Greece 

as le grand Gay ant and other figures termed les enfants de Gayant x . 
This enables us to bring the wheel of Fortune into connexion with 
a whole series of customs observed by the peasants of central 
Europe. Dr Frazer has shown that at Midsummer a blazing 
wheel is trundled down hill 2 ; burning disks or wheels are flung 
into the air 3 ; a tar-barrel is kindled and swung round a pole 4 ; and 
fresh fire is made by rotating a wheel on a wooden axle 8 . A clue 
to the meaning of these rites is furnished by G. Durandus in his 
account of the feast of Saint John the Baptist (Midsummer 
Day) 6 : 

'At this festival three special rites are performed. For in some districts on 
the eve of the feast men and boys, in accordance with ancient custom, collect 
bones and certain other unclean things, and burn them together, so that a 
smoke rises from them into the air. Moreover, they bring brands or torches, 
and with them go the round of the fields. There is a third rite too ; for they 
roll a wheel. Those who burn the unclean things and make the smoke rise aloft 
derive this practice from the heathen. For in ancient days dragons, stirred 
to lust at this time of year on account of the heat, used to fly through the air and 
often let fall their seed into wells and springs. Thus the waters were infected ; 
and the year was then deadly by reason of the corruption of the air and the 
waters, for whosoever drank of them died or suffered some grave disorder. 
Philosophers, remarking this, bade fire be made frequently and everywhere 
round wells and springs, and any unclean things likely to cause an unclean 
smoke be burnt there ; for they were aware that dragons could be put to flight 
by a smoke of that sort. And, since such things took place especially at this 
time of year, the custom is still kept up by some. For dragons are actual 
animals, as it says in the psalm "Praise the Lord from the earth, Ye dragons," 
not thracones, that is passages of the earth, as some have asserted. These 
animals fly in the air, swim in the waters, and walk through the earth. They 
cannot abide anything unclean and flee before a stinking smoke, like elephants 
before the grunting of swine. There is another reason why the bones of animals 
are burnt, to wit in memory of the fact that the bones of John the Baptist were 
burnt by the heathen in the city of Sebaste. Or this may refer to the New 
Testament ; for the boys cast away and burn what is old to signify that, when 
the new law comes, the Old Testament must cease ; for it is said " Ye shall not 
eat the oldest of the old, and when the new comes in ye shall cast out the old." 
Brands too or blazing torches are brought and fires are made, which signify 
Saint John, who "was a burning and a shining light," the forerunner who came 
before "the true light, even the light which lighteth every man that cometh into 

1 H. Gaidoz in the Rev. Arch. 1884 ii. 32 ff. These wicker giants may be descended 
from the Druid divinities, whose colossal images of wicker-work are described by Caesar 
de bell. Gall. 6. 16. 

2 Frazer Golden Bough- iii. 268 f., 271, 273. 

3 Id. ib. iii. 270 f., 273, 278. 

4 Id. ib. iii. 272. 

5 Id. ib. iii. 276 f. 

6 G. Durandus Rationale divinorum officiorutn Lugduni 161 2 lib. 7 cap. 14 no. ioff. 
This important book was first printed at Mentz in 1459. 

The Midsummer Wheel 287 

the world." As it is said in John vi, He is a burning light, shining before the 
Lord, who hath prepared a way for the Lord in the wilderness. In some places 
a wheel is rolled, to signify that just as the sun comes to the highest parts of its 
circle and can get no higher but then descends in the circle, so too the glory of 
John, who was thought to be the Christ, descends, according to the witness that 
he himself bore when he said " He must increase, but I must decrease." And 
some say that this was said because the days then begin to decrease and at the 
nativity of Christ to increase. But as to their decreasing before the feast of 
Saint John and increasing before the birthday of Our Lord, this we must under- 
stand of their nativity in the mother, that is to say, of the time when each was 
conceived ; because John was conceived when the days were decreasing, as in 
September, Christ when they were increasing, as in April. Or take it of the 
death of each ; for the body of Christ was uplifted on the cross, whereas the 
body of John was cut short by being beheaded.' 

From this singular medley of superstition and piety, which agrees 
with the accounts given by other mediaeval Latinists and can be 
traced back to the twelfth century 1 , one fact stands out clearly. 
The Midsummer wheel represented the sun. Dr Frazer, after 
recording in detail a large number of examples, concludes as 
follows-: 'The best general explanation of these European fire- 
festivals seems to be the one given by Mannhardt, namely, that 
they are sun-charms or magical ceremonies intended to ensure a 
proper supply of sunshine for men, animals, and plants.... This 
view of the festivals is supported by various arguments drawn 
partly from the rites themselves, partly from the influence which 
they are believed to exert upon the weather and on vegetation. 
For example, the custom of rolling a burning wheel down a hill- 
side, which is often observed at these times, seems a very natural 
imitation of the sun's course in the sky, and the imitation is 
especially appropriate on Midsummer Day when the sun's annual 
declension begins. Not less graphic is the mimicry of his apparent 
revolution by swinging a burning tar-barrel round a pole. The 
custom of throwing blazing discs, shaped like suns, into the air 
is probably also a piece of imitative magic. In these, as in so 
many cases, the magic force is supposed to take effect through 
mimicry or sympathy ; by imitating the desired result you actually 

1 John Beleth, a Parisian divine, who wrote his Summa de divinis officii* about 
1 161 A.n., appears to have been the immediate source of G. Durandus ; for the extract, 
which J. Grimm Teutonic Mythology trans. J. S. Stallybrass ii. 620 f. gives from Beleth 
Summa Dillingen 1572 cap. 137 fol. 256, agrees substantially, in part even verbally, with 
the corresponding sections of Durandus Rationale, which was written in 1286 A.D. Very 
similar again is cod. Harleian. 2345 art. 100 cited by J. Brand Popular Antiquities rev r . 
Bit H. Ellis London 1849 •• 2 9% n - x an( ^ mot *^ m Hy by J. M. Kemble The Saxons in 
England- London 1876 i. 361 f. See further E. Kuhn Die Herabkunft des Feuers und 
des Gottertranks Glitersloh 1886 p. 47 ff., W. Mannhardt Wald- und Feldkulte* Berlin 
1904 i. 109, Frazer Golden Bough 2 iii. 267. 

2 Frazer Golden Bough 2 iii. 300 f. 


Zeus and the Solar Wheel 

produce it ; by counterfeiting the sun's progress through the 
heavens you really help the luminary to pursue his celestial 

journey with punctuality and despatch. 
The name "fire of heaven," by which 
the midsummer fire is sometimes popu- 
larly known 1 , clearly indicates a con- 
sciousness of the connection between the 
earthly and the heavenly flame.' 

ii. Zeus and the Solar Wheel. 

But — it may be objected — although 
it is certain, or almost certain, that the 
wheel in such ceremonies stands for the 
sun, what reason is there to suppose that 
the solar wheel was in any special way 
connected with Zeus ? That is a question 
to which a full and complete answer can 
be returned only when we shall have dis- 
cussed further the relation of Ixion to 
Zeus. Meantime it may be shown that 
Iupiter on Celtic soil and Zeus among 
the Greeks were somehow associated with 
the wheel. 

A Celtic god, whose solar character 
was determined by Monsieur H. Gaidoz, 
is represented as holding a wheel on his 
shoulder 2 . He is sometimes equated 
with the Roman Iupiter, and then holds 
the wheel either on a support beside him 
(fig. 208) 3 or on the ground at his feet 

1 A. Birlinger Volksthumliches aus Schwaben Freiburg im Breisgau 1861 ii. 57, 97, 
W. Mannhardt op. cit. i. 5x0, cp. F. Panzer Beitrag zur deutschen Mythologie Munchen 
1855 ii. 240 — cited by Dr Frazer. 

2 H. Gaidoz in the Rev. Arch. 1884 ii. 7 ff. figs. 1 — 5. 

3 A bronze statuette (height "227 m.) originally silvered over. It was found in 1872 
at Landouzy-la-Ville (Aisne) and is now in the Musee de Saint-Germain. The god, 
whose head and neck resemble Hercules rather than Iupiter, held in his right hand some 
attribute now lost : this may have been a thunderbolt (so A. Heron de Villefosse, com- 
paring fig. 209) or some object with a long staff-like handle (so S. Reinach, noting a possible 
trace of it on the upper surface of the base). The left hand holds a six-spoked wheel 
resting on the capital of a pilaster. The base is inscribed IOM | ET N AVG I{ovi) 
O[ptimo) M(aximo) \ et n(umini) Aug(usti). See further A. Heron de Villefosse in the 
Rev. Arch. 1881 i. 1 ff. fig. 1 pi. 1, Reinach Bronzes Figure's p. 31 ff. no. 4. 

Zeus and the Solar Wheel 


Fig. 209. 

(fig. 209) 1 . Altars dedicated to Iupiter and marked with one or 
more wheels, a wheel and a thunderbolt, a wheel between two 
thunderbolts, etc., are not uncommon in the 
Celtic area 2 and attest the widespread worship 
of the same solar deity. 

In Greece the evidence is literary, not 
monumental. Lykophron the pedant, who c. 
274 B.C. composed his outrageously obscure 
tragedy the Alexandra, included in it the fol- 
lowing comparatively lucid lines : 

Howbeit one there is, who past all hope 
Helpeth us friendly, he the Oak-tree-god 
Promantheits Aithiops Gyrdpsios called 3 . 

A colossal stone statue found in 1876 at Seguret (Vaucluse) 
and now in the Museum at Avignon shows Iupiter in Roman 
military costume. His lowered right hand grasps a ten-spoked 
wheel resting on a support. Beside his left foot is his eagle, 
behind which a snake issues from a tree-trunk {Rev. Arch. 
1884 ii. 11 f. pi. 1). 

1 A bronze statuette (height •14 m.) found in 1774 at Le 
Chatelet near Saint-Dizier (Haute-Marne) and now in the 
Musee de Saint-Germain. The god holds a thunderbolt in 
his raised right hand, a six-spoked wheel in his lowered left. 
On a brass hoop, which passes over his right shoulder and 
through a handle affixed to his back, are slung nine S-shaped pendants of bronze. See 
further A. Heron de Villefosse loc. cit. i. 3 ff. fig. 2, Reinach op. cit. p. 33 ff. no. 5, 
J. Dechelette Manuel d' Archiologie prthistoriqiie Paris 1910 ii. 1. 466 fig. 196. 

An altar from Vaison shows Iuno with patera and peacock, Iupiter in military costume 
with a thunderbolt in his right hand, a wheel in his left, and an eagle at his feet (Rev. 
Arch. 1881 i. 5f., 1884 ii. 12). 

On an altar from Theley in the Museum at Treves a youthful deity with cloak and 
crown held an object now lost in his right hand, and raises a six-spoked wheel like a shield 
in his left hand: a smallish bird is perched at his feet (Rev. Arch. 1884 ii. 10 f. fig. 7 after 
F. Hettner 'Juppiter mit dem Rad' in the Westdeutsche Monatsschrift 1884 iii. 27 — 30). 

With the foregoing monuments Reinach op. cit. p. 35 compares two others not 
definitely identified with Iupiter: (1) A bronze statuette found at Hartsbourg, formerly 
Saturbourgh, shows the Germanic god Chrodo (? cp. M. Schonfeld Wdrlerbuch der 
altgermaiiischen Personen- und Volkernamen Heidelberg 191 1 p. 142 s.v. ' Chrodebertus ') 
standing on a fish : he holds a six-spoked wheel in his uplifted left hand, a basket of fruit 
and flowers in his lowered right (Montfaucon Antiquity Explained trans. D. Humphreys 
London 1721 ii. 261 pi. 56, 3 after H. C. Henninius, cp. M. Mayer in Roscher Lex. 
Myth. ii. 1481). (2) On the marvellous silver bowl found at Gundestrup in Jutland 
a bearded and partly bald or tonsured god raises both hands and thereby eclipses half of 
a many-spoked wheel, which is apparently turned by a beardless male figure in a horned 
helmet (S. Midler ' Det store solukar fra Gundestrup i Jytland' in the Nordiske Fortids- 
"linder 1892 pi. 5, A. Bertrand La Religion des Gaulois Paris 1897 p. 368 f. fig. 58). 

2 To the lists in the Rev. Arch. 1881 i. 56"., ib. 1884 ii. 13 f., Reinach op. cit. p. 35, 
J. Dechelette op. cit. ii. 1. 467 f. add now J. Curie A Roman Frontier Post and its 
People Glasgow 191 1 p. 334 f. fig. 49 an earthenware mould showing Iupiter with helmet, 
shield, club, and eight-spoked wheel. 

3 Lyk. Al. 535 ff. d\\' 1<jtl ydp rts, (<tti kclI Trap' i\wi8a | r)/uv apwyds wpev/xtvi)* 6 
Api/jwioi I 8a.ip.wv>Oevs AiBiorff Vvpdxf/ios. 

C , 19 

290 Zeus and the Solar Wheel 

Isaac Tzetzes in his twelfth-century commentary on Lykophron's 
work informs us that the deity here in question was Zeus, and adds 
that he was named ' the Oak-tree-god ' in Pamphylia, Promantheiis 
at Thourioi, Aithiops and Gyrdpsios in Chios 1 . Not much is known 
about the Zeus-cults of Chios 2 ; but there are traces of solar deities 
in the myths of the island 3 , and the name Aithiops or Ait/tops, ' He 
of the Burning Face,' is applied elsewhere to one of the sun-god's 
horses 4 . It is, therefore, not unreasonable to suppose that Aithiops 
Gyrdpsios denoted Zeus in his solar aspect. But Gyrdpsios means 

« He of the Round Wheel 6 ,' so 
that the Chian Zeus is here de- 
scribed as ' He of the Burning 
Face, He of the Round Wheel ' 
— a combination of epithets that 
may fairly be referred to the 
Ig * 2I °* conception of the sun as a glow- 

ing wheel. Nevertheless it would be unwise to infer from this 
passage an early cult of a solar Zeus in Chios. Lykophron, writing 
in the third century B.C., not improbably found the local worship 
influenced by that of some Asiatic sun-god. After all, it is but 
a few miles from Chios to the coast of Asia Minor, where Zeus- 
cults in general tended to take on a solar character 6 . And the 
title Gyrdpsios has the air of being a late and erudite compound 
rather than an early and popular formation. 

1 Tzetz. ad loc. Apiifivios 6 Zeus iJTot dal/xwv oirrw irapa TLafj.<pv\Lois, Hpofiai'deits 5e irapa. 
Oovplois, Aldloxp Se ical Tvpdipios traph Xiois. 

2 Zeus*E<£i7rj'os (Hesych. s.v. "Efairvos) has been regarded as a god who presided over 
ovens (lirvds): see O. Jessen in Pauly — Wissowa Real-Enc. v. 2853, Gruppe Gr. Myth. 
Rel. p. 932 n. 3, Boisacq Diet. e"tym. de la Langue Gr. p. 379 f. There were also cults 
of Zeus MeiMx'o* (Ath. Mitth. 1888 xiii. 223) and Zeus Uarpyos (Dittenberger Syll. 
inscr. Gr. 2 no. 571, 35); and Zeus HeXiwaios was worshipped on Mt. Pelinnaion 
(Append. B Chios). 

3 According to Ion of Chios ap. Paus. 7. 4. 8, Oinopion came from Crete to Chios 
with his sons, including TdXos (cp. TdXws infra ch. i § 6 (h)). Orion, when blinded by 
Oinopion, recovered his eyesight by walking eastwards through the sea in such a way as to 
face the rays of the rising sun (Pherekyd. ap. Apollod. 1. 4. 3; Hes. ap. pseudo-Eratosth. 
catast. 32, Hyg. poet. astr. 2. 34, schol. Nik. ther. 15, schol. Caes. Germ. Aratea 331; 
Serv. in Verg. Aen. 10. 763). 

* Supra p. 195 n. 5, infra p. 337 n. 3. 

5 J. Potter on Tzetz. in Lyk. At. 536 ' qui formae est orbicularis, et circularem 
motum circa terram nostram quolibet die et anno peragit.' The epithet is compounded 
of yvp6t, 'round,' and di/'/s, 'the felloe of a wheel,' which (as I pointed out in the Class. 
Rev. 1903 xvii. 4 19) is used of the wheel of the Sun's chariot (Eur. Phaethon frag. 779, 
2 f. Nauck 2 a^?5a ffrjv | k&tu Si^crei, Ion 87 f. rty yfnepiav \ a\f/2ba) or of the curved course 
described by the Sun (Archestratos/r<xf. 33 Brandt ap. Athen. 326 B orav QaiQuv irvp.&T7)v 
a\f/t8a Supptuy). 

6 Folk-Lore 1904 xv. 273^ 

Zeus and the Solar Disk 


iii. Zeus and the Solar Disk. 

Closely akin to the wheel is its genetic precursor 1 the disk. 
'The Paiones,' says Maximus Tyrius, 'worship Helios, and the 
Paeonian image of Helios 
Is a small disk on the top 
of a long pole 2 .' With 
this ritual object I have 
elsewhere 3 compared the 
sceptre surmounted by a 
circle held by Aphrodite 
Ourania on coins of Ouran- 
opolis in Makedonia 4 (fig. 
210) and the kopS or olive- 
wood staff topped by a 
bronze ball representing 
the sun in the Boeotian 
Daphnephoria 5 . But in- 
deed the same conception 
could be traced much fur- 
ther afield : it accounts 
satisfactorily, as I shall 
hope to show on another 
occasion, for the various 
forms taken by May- 
poles and ' Celtic ' crosses 
throughout Europe. 

• Confining our attention 
to Greece, we note that a 
revolving disk of bronze, 
originally mounted on a 
long columnar handle, was 

1 On the evolution of the wheel from the disk see A. C. Haddon The Study of Man 
London 1898 p. 168 ff., cp. Schrader Reallex. p. 929 ff., H. Hirt Die Indo-germanen 
Strassburg 1905 i. 354 f., M. Hoernes Natur- und Urgeschichte des Menschen Vienna and 
Leipzig 1909 ii. 475 ff. N. Gordon Munro in the Transactions of the Asiatic Society 
of fa pan 1911 xxxviii. 3. 37 f. rightly assumes the sequence O O i-*> the pictograph 
of the sun, the solar disk, the solar wheel. 

- Max. Tyr. diss. 8. 8 Diibner Ilaiovts ffijiovai pJv"H\iov, &ya\fM di 'R\tov llaioviKov 
SIckos fipaxus virtp /Maicpov %v\ov. 

3 Folk-Lore 1904 xv. 410 n. 221. 

; Anson Num. Gr. vi pi. 1, 102, pi. 2, 122 f., 126, Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Macedonia 
etc. p. 133 f., Head Hist, num. 2 p. 206. I figure a fine specimen in the McClean collection 
at Cambridge. 

5 Frokl. chrestomath. 25 p. 352 f. Gaisford ap. Phot. bibl. p. 321 a 34 ff, schol. Clem. 
Al. protr. p. 298, 29 ff. Stahlin, Folk-Lore 1904 xv. 409*?. 

Fig. 211. 

19 2 

2()2 Zeus and the Solar Disk 

found at Corinth and is now in the Berlin Museum. It is decorated 
on both sides with a love-scene in relief (fig. 21 i) 1 . A very similar 
disk, likewise found .it Corinth, is in the Louvre'-. Almost the only 
difference between the two is that on the Paris specimen the young 
man and the maiden have each a tkyrsos in hand. The fact that 
both di^ks hail from Corinth, where Helios and Aphrodite held 
the citadel in succession and were worshipped in the same temple 4 , 
is suggestive oi solar magic. Nor need the intrusion of a Dionysiac 
uiotij make difficulties. A well-known Orphic verse identified 
Dionysos with Helios'". However, the exact purpose to which 
these implements were put, and indeed the precise name by which 
they were called, escapes us. 

Sometimes the solar disk was affixed to buildings by way of 
prophylaxis". ( ). Benndorf has shown that the earliest Greek 
akrotcria were developments from the ornamented end of the ridge- 
pole and consequently were circular or nearly circular in form 7 . 
He further observes that they were patterned in a variety of ways. 
The oldest example known to us, that of the Heraion at Olympia 
(1: 700—650 B.C.), is a great disk of terra cotta measuring some 
seven and a half feet in diameter. Its interior is strengthened with 
spoke-shaped ribs. Its exterior is painted with concentric zones 
and has a radiate rim 8 . Another akroterion from the same precinct 
was the golden phidle with a relief of Medousa, which the Lace- 
daemonians and their allies set up over the temple of Zeus after 
the battle of Tanagra (457 B.C.) 9 . In other cases too the disk of 
terra cotta or marble bore an apotropaeic face 1 ". Thus an Apulian 
kratcr in the Louvre shows both gables of a richly decorated 

1 A. Kurtwangler in the Jahrb. d. kais. deutsch. arch. Inst. 1894 ix Arch. Anz. 
p. ii(j(. no. 17, i t l. Ant. Gem men ii. 122. 

'-' fahrh. d. kais. deutsch. arch. Inst. 1900 xv Arch. Anz. p. 157 no. 11 1, E. Saglio in 
Darcniberg Saglio Diet. Ant. iv. S64 fig. 5942. 

;; Bans. 2. 4. 6. 

I III. 1. 5. 1. Sec also Gruppe Gr. Myth. Rel. p. 132 f. 
5 Supra p. 1 87 11. 4. 

,; Northern parallels are not wanting : see S. Baring-Gould Strange Survivals 
London 1905 pp. 36—61 'On Gables' with frontisp. and figs. 2 — 13. 

7 (). Benndorf ' L'her den Ursprung der Giebelakroterien ' in the fahresh. d. oest. 
arch. Inst. 1 899 ii. 1 51, Am. fourn. Arch. 1899 iii. 602 f. 

" A. Boett idler Olympia: das Fest und seine Stiitte- Berlin 1886 p. 201 ff. fig. 44 and 
pi. 4. K. Borrinann in Olympia ii. 190 ft'. col. pi. 115, cp. ih. pis. 84 f. and 129, A. Mar- 
ciuand Greek Archi/ectuii New York 1909 p. 238 II. 

II Olympia v. 370 ff. no. 253, Roberts Gk. Epigr. i. 1 2 5 f . no. 93. Bans. 5. 10.4 
cites the inscription caos /xii> <j>id\av xP v ^^ av ?x eL k.t.X. but describes it as being eirl rrj 
dffirioi. lienndorf loc cit. p. 8 cp. I'aus. 6. 19. 13 denris uirip rod aeroO of the Megarian 
treasury at ( )lyinpia. 

10 Benndorf lac. cit. \>. iof., cp. Ant. Uenkm. ii. ;. 7 f . pis. ^, 53 a (antefixes from 

Zeus and the Solar Disk 


building surmounted by a round Gorgoneion (fig. 212) 1 . Finally, 
two Doric temples of a late date near the monastery of Kourno on 
the Taygeton promontory have akrote'ria shaped like a ring with 
an inner wheel or rosette 2 . Now all these forms are intelligible as 
variations of the solar disk ; and that they really symbolised the 
sun may be inferred from the fact that in Roman times they were 
often replaced by the four-horse chariot of the sun-god himself 3 . 

Again, when we remember the Egyptian custom of putting the 
solar disk with its uraeus-snakes over every sacred doorway 4 , we 

Fig. 212. 

shall be emboldened to assign a solar origin to the phidle or 
circular shield so frequently found in representations of classical 
pediments. This piddle or shield is at first flanked by a couple 
of snakes (fig. 213) 5 . But the snakes gradually degenerate into 

1 O. Jahn in the Ann. d. Inst. 1848 xx. 212 f. pi. L, Overbeck Gall. her. Bildw. 
i. 741 f. pi. 30, 8, Lenormant — de Witte £l. mon. cir. iii. 189 f. pi. 71. 

2 Lebas — Reinach Voyage Arch. p. 139 f. pis. ii — 2, ii — 5, 3, ii — 7, ii — 11, 5. 

3 Prop. 2. 31. ir, Plin. nat. hist. 28. 16, 35. 157, Plout. v. Poplic. 13, Fest. p. 274^ 
9 It. Miiller. Cp. T. L. Donaldson Architectura Nutnismatica London 1859 P - ^ff 
no. 3, p. 12 ff. no. 4, p. 35 ff. no. 8, Stevenson — Smith — Madden Diet. Rom. Coins p. 1 70 f., 
Daremberg — Saglio Diet. Ant. i. 45 fig. 82, Durm Baukunst d. Rom? p. 102 ff. figs. 112 — 
115, supra p. 45 fig. 15. 

Occasionally the quadriga of the sun-god occupies the pediment : so on a bronze- 
relief of Zeus Sabdzios in his shrine (infra p. 392 n. t). 

4 Supra p. 205 f. 

s Roulez Vases de Leide p. 79 ff. pi. 19. Cp. an Apulian amphora at Naples, on 
which the pediment of Hades' palace has a Gorgdneion between two fish-tailed monsters 
(Ikydemann Vasensamml. Neapel p. 5ioff. no. 3222, Mon. d. Inst, viii pi. 9, Baumeister 
Denkm. iii. 1927 fig. 2042 a). 

Early Greek architects commonly filled the angles of their pediments with the tails of 
snaky or fishy figures, and their example was followed far and wide (see e.g. A. Foucher 

294 Zeus and the Solar Disk 

Fig. 213. 

Fig. 214. 

Fig. 215. 

Zeus and the Solar. Disk 295 

Fig. 216. 

Fig. 217. 

Fig. 2 18. 


Zeus and the Solar Disk 

a mere pattern (figs. 214 — 217) 1 , and end by vanishing altogether 

Whether the disks or shields suspended in temples 3 and palaces 4 
were ever regarded as apotrdpaia, we do not know. But at least 
they afford a close parallel to the wheels hung in 
like positions, which we took to be iynges*. 

On an early silver coin of the Thraco- Macedonian 
region a disk is borne through the sky by a winged 
and long-haired figure in the attitude of Knielauf* 
or speedy flight (fig. 219) 7 . This figure is best inter- 
preted as that of the local sun-god 8 . Its nearest 

V Art grt'eo-bouddhique du Gandh&ra Paris 1905 p. 241 ff. figs. 119 — 123, 125). I surmise 
that this practice originated in the representation of a solar disk with a snake on either 
side of it. Artistic convenience may have dictated that the snakes should turn towards 
the disk, not away from it. But the device was from the first intended to serve a practical 
purpose, that of safe-guarding the edifice. 

1 Fig. 2 14 is from an Apulian pelike at Naples, which depicts the rape of the Pallddion 
from the temple of Athena (Heydemann op. cit. p. 529 ff. no. 323 1, Ann. d. Inst. 1858 
xxx. 246 ff. pi. M). 

Fig. 215 is from an Apulian krattr in the British Museum {Brit. Mus. Cat. Vases iv. 
142 f. no. F 284, Inghirami Vas.fitt. i. 41 ff. pis. 19, 20). 

Fig. 216 is from an Apulian kdlpis at Cambridge (E. A. Gardner Cat. Vases Cambridge 
p. 83 no. 247 pi. 39). 

Fig. 217 is from another Apulian kratir in the British Museum {Brit. Mus. Cat. Vases 
iv* F 286 unpublished : cp. an Apulian hydria ib. iv. 174 no. F 351 unpublished). 

2 Furtwangler — Reichhold Gr. Vasenmalerei ii. 161 ff. pi. 90 the Medeia-vase at 
Munich, on which see supra p. 251 f. Many other examples could be cited, e.g. 
Furtwangler — Reichhold op. cit. i pi. 10, Mon. d. Inst, x pi. 27, Bullettino Italiano 
1862 i pi. 7, Lenormant — de Witte El. mon. ctfr. iv pi. 27. 

In numismatic art too a similar sequence of types could be made out : a good collection 
of materials is in Anson Num. Gr. v pis. 4 — 13, cp. Stevenson — Smith — Madden Diet. 
Rom. Coins pp. 128, 458, 485, 526 f., etc. 

The pediment of the Ionic propylon at Magnesia was ornamented with a round shield 
[Magnesia am Maeander p. 133 with p. 127 fig. 133). 

3 E.g. Comptt-rendu St. Pit. 1863 p. 251 ff. Atlas pi. 6, 5 (temple of Apollon at 
Delphoi), supra p. 40 fig. 11 (precinct of Zeus at Mykenai). 

4 E.g. Furtwangler — Reichhold op. cit. ii pi. 90 (palace of Kreon at Corinth), Mon. d. 
Inst, viii pi. 9 (palace of Hades). 

5 Supra p. 259 ff. 

8 E. Schmidt ' Der Knielauf und die Darstellung des Laufens und Fliegens in der 
alteren griechischen Kunst' in the Miinchcner archdologische Studien Miinchen 1909 
pp. 249—397. 

7 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Macedonia etc. p. 136 fig., Babelon Monn. gr. rom. ii. 1. 
1 257 f. pi. 59, 6. B. V. Head's suggestion {Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Macedonia etc. 
pp. xix f., xxv ff. ; but see Hist, num. 2 p. 203) that the object carried by the running figure 
may be O, the initial of the town Therma, is most improbable (Imhoof-blumer Monn. 
or. p. 106 ff.). E. Babelon loc. cit. describes it as ' une couronne ' : but this is ruled out 
by the central dot. 

A silver coin at Paris nearly related to the foregoing shows a similar figure clad in a 
long chiton (Babelon op. cit. ii. 1. 1255 ff. pi. 59, 5). 

8 So P. Gardner in the Num. Chron. New Series 1880 xx. 58. 

Zeus and the Solar Disk 297 

analogue occurs on silver coins of Mallos in Kilikia c. 425 — 385 B.C. 
(fig. 220) l . Here we see a beardless god, draped from the waist 
downwards, winging his way in hot haste and 
holding in both hands a disk, on which is an eight- 
rayed star. Two details deserve attention. The 
spiral on the top of the god's head recalls the 
similar adornment of other winged figures 2 and is 
suggestive of a feather head-dress 3 : as such it would 
point us towards Crete and north Africa. The 
god's skirt too might be compared with those of the young men on 
the Haghia Triada sarcophagus 4 . Now Talos the sun-god appears 
on coins of Phaistos as a beardless youth, winged and hastening 
along with a round stone in either hand 5 . And the Minotaur, 
another solar personage, is a very similar figure on coins of 
Knossos 6 . I should conjecture, therefore, that the disk-bearing 
god on the coins of Mallos is a solar deity akin to the Cretan 
Talos or Minotaur. Fortunately it seems possible to trace his type 
back to earlier forms. A stater at Berlin shows him with Janiform 

1 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Lycaonia etc. pp. cxx, 97 f. pi. 16, 8 — 13, Imhoof-Blumer 
Kleinas. Miinzen ii. 467 pi. 18, 2, Babelon op. cit. ii. 2. 873 ff. pis. 137, 21 — 23, 138, 
1 f., Head Hist, num. 2 p. 723. 

- Cp. the coiffure of the winged goddess on certain silver pieces originally attributed 
by Imhoof-Blumer to Mallos [Monn. gr. p. 356 f.), but now to Aphrodisias in Kilikia 
{Kleinas. Miinzen ii. 435 f., Head Hist, num? p. 717), though Babelon adheres to the 
former attribution {op. cit. ii. 1. 557 f. pi. 25, 7, 9); that of the Sphinx on 'Minoan' ivories 
etc. (Perrot — Chipiez//it'.rt. cU VArt vi. 833 f. figs. 416 — 418, E. Pernice in the Ath. Mitth. 
1895 xx. ii9f.), a gold plate from Kypros {Rev. Arch. 1897 ii. 333), electrum coins of 
Chjos (Babelon op. cit. ii. 1. 1896*". pi. 8, 6), and certain early vase-fabrics ((1) Rhodian 
pinakes — De Ridder Cat. Vases de la Bibl. Nat. i. 30 no. 73 pi. 2, id. ib. i. 30 f. no. 74, 
Bull. Corr. Hell. 1895 xix. 75 fig. 2, Arch. Zeil. 1872 xxx. 38 fig., Reinach Rip. Vases i. 
413, 1: (2) ' Cyrenaic ' kylix — Pottier Cat. Vases du Louvre ii. 528 no. E 664, id. Vases 
antiques du Louvre 2 me Serie Paris 1901 p. 62, Arch. Zeit. 1881 xxxix pi. 12, 4 and pi. 13, 
6, Reinach Rip. Vases i. 435, 4 and 12 : (3) the ' Francois '-vase — Furtwangler- Reichhold 
Gr. Vasenmalerei'x. 59 pi. 13) ; that of the Seiren (H. Thiersch " Tyrrhenische" Atnphoren 
Leipzig 1899 p. 97, G. Weicker Der Seelenvogel Leipzig 1902 p. 107 ff. figs. 38 f., p. 124 
fig. 49, p. 145 ff. figs. 69 f. , id. in Roscher Lex. Myth. iv. 623 f. figs. 16 f.) and Griffin 
(A. Furtwangler in Roscher Lex. Myth. i. 1751, 1752 fig., 1753, 1761 fig., 1767, 
Furtwangler — Reichhold Gr. Vasenmalerei i. 7 pi. 3, 1) in archaic art. On 'Cyrenaic' 
ky likes not only Nike (?) but also the cavalier, whom she attends, is similarly plumed 
(Pottier Cat. Vases du Louvre ii. 528 f. no. E 665, id. Vases antiques du Louvre 2 me Serie 
p. 62 f., Arch. Zeit. 1881 xxxix pi. 13, 3, Reinach Rip. Vases i. 435, 9; Brit. Mus. Cat. 
Vases ii. 49 no. B 1, Arch. Zeit. 1881 xxxix. 217 pi. 13, 2). 

3 See G. Weicker Der Seelenvogel Leipzig 1902 p. 76 and the reff. cited ib. n. 1, to 
which add O. Hofer in Roscher Lex. Myth. iv. 385, H. R. Hall in iht/ourn. Hell. Stud. 
191 1 xxxi. 119 — 123. 

4 Infra ch. ii § 3 (c) i (p). 

5 Infra ch. i § 6 (h). 

8 Infra ch. i § 6 (g) xv. 


Zeus and the Solar Disk 

head, holding a disk which is not stellate 1 . A stater in the Hunter 
collection gives him four wings and a plain disk (fig. 221)-. Another 
in the same cabinet in. ikes him both Janiform and four-winged, 
placing beneath him the front part of a man-headed bull (fig. 222) 3 . 
Vet another from the same collection adds a bull's head facing us 
upon the disk (fig. 223 )'. It may fairly be claimed that these coins 

Fig. 222. 

Fig. 223. 

go some way towards connecting the Cilician god with the 
Minotaur. F. Imhoof-Blumer would see in him Kronos 5 , whose 
head he identified on a later silver coin of Mallos". And certainly 
this explanation suits the bull's head borne by the Janiform figure ; 
for Kronos appears elsewhere with that attribute 7 . But we need 
not therefore disallow the comparison with Talos and the Minotaur. 
Kronos is essentially connected with both 8 . Perhaps we may 
venture to regard the older disk-bearer as a solar Kronos, the 
younger as a solar Zeus. Further, it has been argued by J. N. 
Svoronos a that. Mallos in Kilikia was a colony of Malla in Crete, 
where the principal cult was that of Zeus Monnitios™. If Svoronos 
is right, we are justified in pressing the analogy of the Cretan 
solar deities. 

1 Imhoof-Blumer Aleinas. Miinzen ii. 467 no. 2 pi. 18, 3, Babelon rom. 
i. :. 87 1 f. no. 1 39 1 fig. 

- Hunter Cut. Coins ii. 536 pi. 59, 13, Babelon op. cit. ii. 2. 873 f. pi. 137, 20 cp. 19. 

• ; Hunter Cat. Coins ii. 536 pi. 59, u, Babelon op. cit. ii. 2. 872. 

4 Hunter Cut. Coins ii. 536 pi. 59, 12, Babelon op. cit.n. 2. 869 ft", pi. 137, 16 f. See 
also V.. Gerhard (/her die A'unst der Phonicier Berlin 1848 p. 31 pi. 3, 23. 

' Imhoof-Blumer Klcinas. Miinzen ii. 407. 

'■ I- . Imhoof-Blumer 111 Koscher Lex. Myth. ii. 1572 cp. 1553 figs. 4 b, id. Aleinas. 
Munzt/t ii. 46s f. pi. is. 6. 

' < m an octagonal altar found at Ilavange in 1825 and now in the museum at Metz. 
(I'. ('. Robert hpigraplue gallu-romaine de la Moselle Paris 1873— 1888 p. 37ft'. pis. 2, 2; 
3, 4 10. I ->a rem berg Saglio Diet. .hit. ii. 172 iig. 2403). 

M. Mayer in koschei I. ex. Myth. ii. 1505 (., infra ch. i §6 (h) ii. 

'■' J. X. Svorono.i ' Die Mi'm/.typen der Stadt Mallos in Kilikien ' in the Zeitschr. f. 
Num. 1888 \vi. 2 1 o 1 1 . . ill. Nuniismatique de la Crete aueienne Macon 1890 b 241. 

10 Collitz -Beehtel Cr. Dial.-Inschr. iii. 2. 350 ft. no. 5100, 1 8 f . oi Avtti[oi iv 
Ma\]\ai ewi Mofj'iriiam, it), iii. 2. 413 no. 5184, 14 dvatirjao/xeu els rd iepbv tw 'Lr)vbs tG> 
yiovptriu. Coins of Malla m the third or second century B.C. have obv. head of Zeus 
bearded and laureate, rev. eagle, thunderbolt (Svoronos op. cit. i. 240b, Head Hist. 
num.- p. 472). 

Zeus and the Solar Disk 299 

Hellenistic literature once or twice connects Zeus with the solar 
disk. Lykophron describes how the body of Aias, cast up on the 
beach, will be parched by ' the ray of Seirios ' and hidden in the 
sea-weed by Thetis — 

Helper of Diskos, mightiest power, Kynaitheiis x . 

The scholiast states that the word Seirios, which properly denotes 
the Dog-star, is here used improperly of the sun ; that Diskos 
means Zeus, who was so called in memory of the diskos or stone 
swallowed in his stead by Kronos ; and that Kynaitheus was a 
cult-title of Zeus in Arkadia 3 . The scholiast's comment is repeated 
by Tzetzes 3 and apparently postulates a solar Zeus known as 
Diskos. This squares with Nonnos' hymn to the sun, in which the 
poet invokes that luminary not only as the Assyrian and Egyptian 
. Zeus 4 / but also as — 

Driving around all heaven with fiery disk 5 . 

Finally, it may be suspected that, when Mithraic (?) sun-worshippers 
spoke of the Diskos as ' Father ' and ' god 6 / they were not inde- 
pendent of the same religious conception. 

iv. The Lycian Symbol. 

Lycian coins of the fifth and fourth centuries B.C. are character- 
ised by a symbol, which might be called indifferently a wheel or a 
disk. It consists of a central ring or circle, from which radiates a 

} Lyk. Al. 397 olktis 2etpia, 400 Alaicov p-eylarov rdppodos KvvaiOtus. 

3 Schol. Lyk. Al. 397 ff. 2e//>io$ is used of the sun by Archil, frag. 58 Hiller ap. 
Plout. symp. 3. 10. 2 and ap. Hesych. s.v. 'Zeiplov Kvvbs blK-qv, cp. Hesych. s.v. aelpios' 
6 tjXios. Kal 6 rov Kwbs darrip, Orph. Arg. i2of. ffelpios...r)^Xios, Souid. s.v. <reip, veipbs' 
b rjXios and "Zdpiov ' rbv Ktfca* brk be /cat rbv rjkiov. See further L. Meyer Handb. d. gr. 
Etym. iv. 49 f., Prellwitz Etym. Wbrterb. d. Gr. Spr* p. 407. KvvaiOevs is understood 
by Welcker Gr. Gotlerl. ii. 197 as an epithet of Zeus in the Dog-days, cp. C. von Holzinger 
on Lyk. Al. 400. Paus. 5. 22. 1, 8. 19. 1 describes a statue of Zeus dedicated at Olympia 
by the KvvaiOaets of Arkadia as holding a thunderbolt in either hand — which hardly 
supports the connexion with the Dog-star (see, however, Paus. 8. 19. 2f.). 

3 Tzetz. in Lyk. Al. 397, 400. 

4 Supra p. 197. 

8 Nonn. Dion. 40. 371 lirirevow eXiKtfbbv 6Xov irbXov aWoiri bUrK<f>. 

6 A. Dieterich Eine Mithrasliturgie 2 Leipzig and Berlin 1910 p. 6, 9 fF. o\f/ei yap 
iKelmrfs rfjs rjfiipat Kal tt)s upas delav 6io~iv, tovs troXtiovras avafialvovras els oiipavbv deovs, 
aXXovs be KarafiaivovTas, i) 5t iropela twv bpwfxivwv 6ewv Sia rov blffKov, irarpbs /xov, $eov, 
<pa.vr)<7eTai ' b/xoluis be Kal b KaXotifievos ai/Xbs, i) apxv tov XeiTOvpyovvros avtuov ' o\pt 1 yap 
axb tov Mokov as avXbv Kpe/Md/xevov, k.t.X., ib. p. 8, 9 fT. avpiaov tils Kal icbinrvaov bis Kal 
evdtws ctyei dvb tov bio~Kov ao~ripas irpoo-epxopAvovs irevTabaKTvXialovs wXelffrovs Kal wiirXQv- 
tos 5Xov rbv atpa- crv be irdXiv XCye' aiyri, <rty^' Kal tov Mctkov dvoiyivTos o\f/et aveipov 
kvkXupai Kal Ovpas irvplvas diroKeKXeio~n£vas. 


The Lycian Symbol 

variable number of lines curving either to the left or to the right, 
but never straight. Of these lines there are usually three 1 (fig. 224), 
sometimes four 2 (fig. 225), occasionally two 3 (fig. 226), and in a 
single exceptional case but one* (fig. 227). The symbol in question 

Fig. 224. 

Fig. 225. 

Fig. 226. 

Fig. 227. 

is now and again subjected to further complications. An example 
in the Paris collection 8 (fig. 228) has the ring with three radiating 
lines mounted on a round shield or disk from behind which appear 
four similar lines curving alternately to left and right. Or, again, 

Fig. 229. 

Fig. 230. 

animal forms are introduced. One branch may end in the head of 
a monster 6 (fig. 229), or snake 7 (fig. 230); or all the branches may 
be furnished with the heads of cocks 8 (fig. 231), or of swans or 

1 Brit. A/us. Cat. Coins Lycia etc. pp. xxvii f. 6 ff. pis. 2 ff., Babelon Monn. gr. rom. 
ii. 1. 493 ff., 509 ff., pis. 21, 20 ff., 22, 1 ff., Head Hist, num. 2 p. 688 ff. 

2 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Lycia etc. p. 18 ff. pi. 5, 4ff. , p. 25 pi. 6, 13. 

3 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Lycia etc. p. 23 pi. 6, 7, p. 24 pi. 6, 8, 9, 11, p. 26 pi. 6, 16, 
p. 28 pi. 7, 10, Babelon Monn. gr. rom. ii. 2. 225 f. pi. 95, 12 ff., 303^ pi. 101, 18. 
Sometimes this type appears as S with an appendage like a handle affixed to its centre 
(id. id. ii. 2. 201 f. pi. 93, 13 f.). 

4 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Lycia etc. p. 25 pi. 6, 13. The supposed hook (iLpirrj) on a 
silver coin of Arpi in Apulia (Garrucci A/on. It. ant. p. 112 pi. 93, 8, Brit. Mus. Cat. 
Coins Italy p. 130, Head Hist, num. 2 p. 44, Anson Num. Gr. vi pi. 13, 759) closely 
resembles this form of the Lycian symbol. 

5 Babelon rom. ii. 1. 501 ff. pi. 22, 17. 

8 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Lycia etc. p. 12 pi. 3, 14, Babelon A/onn. gr. rom. ii. 2. 
233 f. pi. 96, 1, Head Hist, num.' 2 p. 690. 

7 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Lycia etc. p. 18 pi. 5, 3, Head Hist, num.' 2 p. 690 
(' serpent '). 

8 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Lycia etc. p. 9 pi. 3, 1 — 4, Babelon A/onn. gr. rom. ii. 1. 
497 ff., pi. 22, 8 — 10, Head Hist, num. 2 p. 689 f. 

The Lycian Symbol 


ducks 1 (fig. 232). On occasion an owl occupies the central ring 2 
(fig. 233). But on the Lycian series the radiating lines are never 
modified into human legs. The significance of this symbol has 
been frequently debated. Monsieur Babelon, after passing in 

Fig. 231. Fig. 232. Fig. 233. 

review the various hypotheses that have been put forward, con- 
cludes in favour of the solar explanation advanced by L. Miiller 
and Mr E. Thomas 3 . L. Miiller, comparing analogous symbols 
throughout the west of Europe 4 , and Mr Thomas, doing the same 
for India and the east 8 , arrived independently at substantially 
similar results. Both regard the Lycian sign and its parallels as 
representations of the sun. Mr Thomas sums up in the following 
sentence : ' As far as I have been able to trace or connect the 
various manifestations of this emblem, they one and all resolve 
themselves into the primitive conception of solar motion, which 
was intuitively associated with the rolling or wheel-like projection 
of the sun through the upper or visible arc of the heavens, as 
understood and accepted in the crude astronomy of the ancients 6 .' 
This verdict, for Lykia at least, is confirmed by the fact that on 
Lycian coinage after the time of Alexander the Great the radiate 
head of Helios is a constant type 7 . But, when we seek to define 
the deity to whom the Lycian wheel originally belonged, we are 
deserted by the evidence. The conjecture of C. von Paucker 8 and 
E. Curtius 9 , that it marked the worship of a three-fold Zeus, is 
disposed of by the examples with one, two, and four branches. 

1 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Lycia etc. pi. 44, 5, E. Babelon Les Perses Achhn^nides Paris 
1893 nos. 476, 532, pis. 12, 11, 15, 5, id. Monn. gr. rom. ii. 2. 227 f. pi. 95, 16, 235 ff. 
pi. 96, 5, Head Hist, num.' 1 p. 690 (' cygnets'). 

* Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Lycia etc. p. 23 pi. 6, 6, pi. 44, 9, Babelon Monn. gr. rom. 
ii. 1. 510, ii. 2. 275 ff. pi. 99, 24 ff., Head Hist, num.' 2 p. 691. 

3 E. Babelon Les Perses Achtmtnides p. xc f. 

4 L. Miiller La croix gamntie Copenhagen 1877. 

5 E. Thomas ' The Indian Swastika and its western Counterparts ' in the Num. Chron. 
New Series 1880 xx. 18 — 48. See also P. Gardner 'Ares as a Sun-god' ib. 1880 xx. 

6 E. Thomas ib. 1880 xx. 19. 

7 Babelon rom. ii. 1. 482. 

I 8 Arch. Zeit. 1851 ix. 380. 
9 Ib. 1855 xiii. 11, Babelon rom. ii. 1. 510 f. 

302 The Lycian Symbol and the Kyklops 

There is more to be said for Monsieur Babelon's view that it was 
the symbol of a national god of light, who perhaps originated in 
Crete, perhaps came from the east 1 , but in any case at a later date 
entered the Greek pantheon and was assimilated to Apollon, being 
famed throughout the classical world as Apollon Lykios' 1 . 

v. The Lycian Symbol and the Kyklops. 

This, however, is to leave unsolved the problem — who or what 
was the national light-god before the advent of the Greek Apollon ? 
I am disposed to think that he was, or became, the monstrous form 
known to the Greeks as the Kyklops 3 . Objections will at once 
occur to readers familiar with the Odyssey and its myth of Poly- 
phemos. How is the plural Kyklopes to be reduced to a singular 
Kyklops ? What had the Kyklopes who kept sheep on the 
mountains of Sicily, or for that matter the Kyklopes who worked 
at the underground smithy of Hephaistos, to do with a sun-god ? 
How are we to bridge the distance from Magna Graecia in the west 
to Lykia in the east ? And by what process did a solar wheel 
develop into a ferocious giant? These are questions that must 
be answered, if my hypothesis is to be regarded as tenable at all. 

To begin with, then, Hellanikos asserts that ' the Kyklopes 
derived their name from one Kyklops, son of Ouranos 4 .' It follows 
that his readers in the fifth century B.C. knew of certain Kyklopes, 
different from the Kyklopes of the Homeric tradition, inasmuch as 
they were named after a single Kyklops, who passed as being the 
son of 'the Sky.' This sky-connexion is elsewhere insisted on. 
The scholiast on Aristeides the rhetorician writes : ' They say that 
there are three kinds of Kyklopes, those in the Odyssey, who are 
Sicilian ; the Cheirogastores ; and the so-called Sky-dwellers 5 .' 

1 N. Gordon Munro in the Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan 191 1 xxxviii. 
3. 52 ff. supposes that this symbol, as emblem of the solar god Sandas, Sandes, Sandon, 
travelled across Asia from the west to the farthest east. But he adduces no valid 
evidence of its connexion with Sandas. 

2 Babelon op. cit. ii. 1. 482, 509. 

3 Class. Rev. 1904 xviii. 326 f. 

4 Hellanik./ra^. 176 (Frag. hist. Gr. i. 69 Miiller) ap. schol. Hes. theog. 139 'EWa- 
vi/cds 5e tovs Ktf/cXw7ras 6vopA$eo6ai airb K6k\u)ttos vlov Oipavov, ov irepl tQv Trap' 'Op.r)p(p 
KvkXwttuv \t~yei. 

8 Schol. Aristeid. p. 408, 26 ff. Dindorf rpla yap yivrj <paclv dvai KvkX&ttow, tovs 
Kara rbv 'OSvoata, 2,iKe\ovs ovras, ical roiis Xeipoydaropas, /cat tous KaXov/j.t'vovs Ovpavlovs. 
M. Mayer Die Giganten und Titanen Berlin 1887 p. 1 10 f. thinks that the scholiast drew his 
information from Hellanikos, because the schol. Hes. theog. 139 after the passage quoted 
in n. 3 immediately continues KvkXwttwv yap yivrj rpla' Ku/cXaiTres ol ri)v Mvkt]V7)i>, 
reixlaavres, Kal ol irepl rbv Ho\v<pr]p.oi>, ical avrol ol Otol. But it is far from clear that this 
last sentence was taken from Hellanikos : C. Miiller Frag. hist. Gr. i. 69 does not include 
it in the excerpt. 

The Lycian Symbol and the Kyklops 303 

Nor can we dismiss this as the figment of a late grammarian ; for 
Hesiod 1 , perhaps a thousand years earlier, had spoken of the 
Kyklopes as Ouranidai, ' sons of the Sky,' and Zenon the Stoic 
c. 300 B.C. gave a physical explanation of the name 2 . 

Again, there is reason to connect the Kyklopes with Lykia. 
The seven Kyklopes, who built the great walls of Tiryns for king 
Proitos, were brought over for the purpose from Lykia 3 . Thus, 
whereas Theophrastos declared that towers were invented by the 
Tirynthians, Aristotle referred their invention to the Kyklopes 4 . 
Towers to the modern ear are not suggestive of a sky-god ; but we 
must bear in mind Pindar's mysterious statement that the souls of 
the righteous — 

travel the road of Zeus to Kronos' tower 6 i 

and also the names applied by the Pythagoreans to the central 
fire of the universe, viz. 'the tower of Zan,' 'the watch-tower 
of Zan,' 'the house of Zeus 6 .' A revolving tower, as we have 
seen 7 , was a Celtic conception of the Otherworld. Some such 
belief may underlie the reputation, which the Kyklopes enjoyed 
in ancient times 8 , of being master-builders. We still speak of 
' Cyclopean ' masonry. 

Next we have to consider the possibility of deriving the one- 
eyed giant of Sicily from the solar wheel of Lycia in point of actual 
shape. The Lycian symbol appears to have developed in two very 
different directions. On the one hand, by the beginning of the 
fourth century B.C. it had become reduced to a simpler combination 
of lines 9 . The central circle had dwindled to a dot, from which 

* Hes. theog. 502 Otipai'lSas. 

2 Zen. frag. 116 Pearson ap. schol. Hes. theog. 139 7ro?5as U (prj<nv avrovs rod Oipavov 
iweidij wdvra ravra ra ir&d-q irepl rbv ovpavbv elai. The reference is to the names Bpbvrrjs 
Srepdir^s, "Apyrjs, which Zenon may have found in Hes. theog. 140. 

3 Apollod. 2. 2. 1, Strab. 372 (cited also by Eustath. in II. p. 286, 301., in Od. 
p. 1622, 53 f.). Cp. schol. Eur. Or. 965. 

4 Plin. nat. hist. 7. 195. 

6 Pind. 01. 2. 70 eretXav Aids 656*' irapa Kpbvov rvpaiv. The context is Pythagorean 
(schol. vet. Pind. 01. 2. 104, 106, 123). 

6 Aristot. de caelo 2. 13. 293 b 3 f . 8 Aids <pv\a.K7]v bvofid^ovai, to rairqv tx ov T V" X^P av 
vvp, Simplic. ad loc.-= Aristot. frag. 199 Rose ol /xiv Zavds (Ztjvdt Diels) iripyov avrb 
KaXovjiv, us avrbs if rots WvOayopwoh l<TTbpr)<rev, ol 5t Aids <pv\a.Kr)v, ws iv roi/rou, ol Si 
Aids dpbvov, ws aXXoi <paaiv, Prokl. in Plat. Tim. ii. 106, 2 1 ff . Diehl (cp. i. 199, 2 ff.) ko\ 
ol llvdaybpeiot 5i Zacds irOpyov i) Zavds <(>v\aKr)i> direKdXovv to fiiaou, Philolaos ap. Stob. 
eel. 1. 22. i d p. 196, 18 ff. Wachsmuth 4>i\6Xoos irup iv fxeau irepi rb icivrpov, Strep iorloLV 
toO va.vTb'i KaKei iced Aids oIkov ko.1 ixr^ripa BeSiv, ^(Ofibv re icai ffwoxv" Ka -i ftirpov (fttioews. 

7 Supra p. 243. 

8 Roscher Lex. Myth. ii. 1687 ff. Note Sen. Thy. 407 f. Cyclopum sacras | turres. 

9 The change is already noticeable on a coin of the Lycian dynast Thibd.. (Babelon 
lonn. gr. rom. ii. i. 211 f. pi. 94, 12). 

304 The Lycian Symbol and the Kyklops 

Fig. 234. 

radiated three curved lines or crescents. This form occurs at Olba 

in Kilikia 1 (fig. 234); at Thebe 
in Mysia 2 ; at Abydos 3 , Birytos 4 , 
and Rhoiteion 8 in the Troad ; 
in Makedonia 6 ; at Argos 7 ; and 
at Megara 8 . On the other 
hand, the tendency towards 
theriomorphism and anthropo- 
morphism was also at work. 
The addition, already observed, of animal heads to the component 
members of the symbol 9 was but the commencement of changes, which 
were carried further in neighbouring lands. Thus the silver coins of 
Aspendos in Pamphylia from about 500 B.C. onwards are character- 
ised by three human legs, turned either to the right or to the left, but 
radiating from a common centre and so constituting a genuine tri- 
sketes 10 . Sometimes this triskeles is centred about a small four-spoked 
wheel 11 (fig. 235). Occasionally it is superposed on a lion 12 (fig. 236) 
or an eagle 13 (fig. 237). But usually it consists of three human legs 

1 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Lycaonia etc. pp. liii, 119 pi. 2r, 8f., Head Hist, man! 1 
p. 727, on bronze coins of Aias, son of Teukros, high-priest of Zeus'OXjSios, c. 10 — 
14 A.D. ; and Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins id. p. 124 pi. 22, 7, Head loc. cit., on bronze coins of 
M. Antonius Polemo, high-priest, C 17 — 36 A.D. G. F. Hill in Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins 
id. p. liii notes ' that the triskeles occurs as a rock-cut symbol at various places in this 
district.' See further infra ch. ii § 9 (h) ii (f). 

2 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Mysia p. 179, Head Hist, num.* p. 538 ('three crescents 
united ') on a bronze coin of the fourth century B.C. 

3 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Troas etc. p. 2 pi. 1, 8 on a silver coin c. 411 — 387 B.C.: the 
three curves radiating from a common centre are inscribed in a circle. 

4 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Troas etc. pp. xlv, 41 pi. 8, 5, Head Hist, num.- p. 542, on 
a bronze coin c. 300 B.C. : the three curves are enclosed by a circle. 

5 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Troas etc. p. xxxi f., Head Hist, num.* p. 548, on a unique 
silver coin c. 350 — 300 B.C. 

6 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Macedonia etc. p. 9 f., Head Hist, num.- p. 234 (' crescent- 
rayed star'), on silver coins c. 185 — 168 B.C.: in the centre of a round Macedonian shield 
is a wheel-like ornament of six or four crescents radiating from a central dot and enclosed 
by a circle. See P. Gardner ' Ares as a Sun-god ' in the Num. Chron. New Series 1880 
xx. 49 ff. 

7 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Peloponnesus p. 1 40 on a silver coin of the fourth century B.C. 

8 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Attica p. 118 pi. 21, 2 f., Head Hist^num.'- p. 393, on silver 
coins of the fourth century B.C. : five or three crescents radiating from a central dot and 
enclosed by a circle. 

9 Supra p. 300 f. 

10 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Lycia etc. pp. lxxiif., 93 ff. pi. 19 ff., Babelon Monn. gr. rom. 
ii. 1. 524 ff. pi. 23, 11—21, Head Hist, num.* p. 699 f. 

11 Babelon rom. ii. 1. 525 ff. pi. 23, 12; 527 f. pi. 23, 16. 

u Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Lycia etc. p. 94 pi. 19, 6, Babelon Monn. gr. rom. ii. 1. 
529 ff. pi. 23, 20 f., Head Hist, num. 2 -p. 699. 

13 Hunter Cat. Coins ii. 507 pi. 58, 1, Babelon Monn. gr. rom. ii. 1. 529^ no. 868. ( )n 
the three-legged crow of Chinese legend and the eight-handed ( = many-handed) crow of 

The Lycian Symbol and the Kyklops 305 

and nothing more. The same design recurs at Selge 1 , Etenna 2 , and 
Adada 3 in Pisidia ; at Hierapytna 4 in Crete ; in Melos 5 , at Athens 6 , 

Fig. 235. Fig. 236. Fig. 237. 

in Aigina 7 , at Phlious 8 ; at Syracuse 9 ; at Kaulonia 10 and Terina 11 in 
Bruttium ; at Suessa Aurunca 12 in Latium ; and probably elsewhere 
too 13 (fig. 238). Some of these examples exhibit a well-marked 
central disk ; for instance, a recently discovered silver coin of Melos 14 
c. 500 — 450 B.C. (fig. 239), a unicum of Aigina c. 480 B.C. 16 , or certain 

Kojiki and Nihongi tradition see N. Gordon Munro in the Transactions of the Asiatic 
Society of Japan 191 1 xxxviii. 51 fig. 40, 63. 

1 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Lycia etc. pp. cxvf. 258 f. pi. 39, 10 — 13, Head Hist, num. 2 
p. 711. 

2 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Lycia etc. p. cxix, Head Hist, num. 2 p. 708. 

3 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Lycia etc. p. cxvii pi. 30, 2 f., Head Hist, num. 2 p. 705. 

4 J. N. Svoronos Numismatique de la Crite ancienne Macon 1890 i. 188 pi. 17, 6, 
Head Hist, num. 2 p. 468. 

5 Infra n. 14. 

6 Babelon Monn. gr. rom. ii. 1. 717 f. pi. 33, 10 ff. notes other examples of the 
triskele"s occurring at Athens, on lead tokens and small bronze counters. On the pre- 
Solonian silver coinage it is inscribed in a circle. 

7 Infra n. 15. 

8 Babelon Monn. gr.'rom. ii. 1. 718, 811 ff. pi. 33, 12, Head Hist, num. 2 p. 408. 

9 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Sicily p. 191 ff., ib. Corinth etc. p. 98 f. pi. 25, 5 — 9, Head 
Hist, num. 2 p. 180 f. G. F. Hill Coins of Ancient Sicily London 1903 p. 152 f. suggests 
that the triskeltfs, which appears first on the coins of Agathokles, from 317 B.C. onwards, 
was originally his private signet, adopted at a later date, perhaps by the Romans, as the 
emblem of all Sicily. Cp. Hill id. p. 152 ff. fig. 44 pi. 11, 8, 9 and 14, Babelon Monn. 
rip. rom. i. 191, 351 f., 401 ff., 414, 427, ii. 7 (no. 175), 66, 277 f., 499, 539. A. Allienus, 
proconsul in Sicily in 48 B.C., struck a denarius, which shows Trinacrus, son of Neptunus, 
holding the triskelh in his hand: see Hill op. cit. p. 224^ pi. 15, 5, Babelon Monn. re"p. 
rom. i. 137 f., ii. 13. 

10 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Italy p. 336, Garrucci Mon. It. ant. p. 157 pi. 111, 30. 

11 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Italy p. 393, Carelli Num. It. vet..p. 99 pi. 179. 35 f. (symbol). 

12 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Italy p. 123, Carelli Num. It. vet. p. 17 pi. 64, 7 (symbol). 

13 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Italy p. 57 aes grave of uncertain provenience, Garrucci Mon. 
It. ant. p. 23 pi. 45, 4. 

14 From the specimen in the M c Clean collection at Cambridge : obv. pomegranate ; 
rev. triskeUs with central disk in dotted circle AA/AAI [..]• See R. Jameson in the 
Rev. Num. iv Serie 1909 xii. 192 ff. pi. 5, n and pi. 6, 25, Head Hist, num. 2 p. 892. 

15 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Attica etc. p. 136 pi. 24, 8, Babelon rom. ii. 1. 
657 ff., 813 ff. pi. 30, 20, Head Hist, num. 2 pp. 397, 408. Babelon and Head following 
J. 1'. Six in the Num. Chron. Third Series 1888 viii. 97 regard the coin as proof of an 
alliance between Aigina and Phlious. 


306 The Lycian Symbol and the Kyklops 

scarce specimens of pre-Solnnian coinage at Athens 1 . The Thraco- 
Macedonian tribe of Derrones added palmettes between the legs 2 
(fig. 240). The I'isidians of Selge' ! (fig. 241) and the Lucanians of 

• -.V s - Fig. 2 39- Fig. 240. 

Velia 4 fitted the ankles with wings. Elsewhere the humanising 
tendency transformed the central disk into a face 5 . That was the 
case in Sicily' 1 . Silver and copper coins of Agathokles, issued 

Fig. 24 1. Fig. 242. Fig. 243. Fig. 244. 

between 317 and 310 B.C., have for their reverse type a triskclcs 
with wings attached to the feet and a Gorgon's head in the middle 7 

1 Supm p. 305 11. 6. 

- Hi it. Mus. Cat. Coins Macedonia etc. p. 150, Babelon Monn. gr. roi/i. ii. 1. 1039 ff. 
pi. 44. (\ <), Head Hist, num.' 2 p. 202. I figure the specimen in the M c Clean collection 
at Cambridge. 

:: /in'/. Mus. ('(it. Coins Lycia etc. pp. lxxiii, 263 pi. 40, 12. 

4 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Italy p. 314 f . , Carelli Ntim. //. vet. p. 74 pi. 139, 42 

•' At [stros in Lower Moesia occurs the strange type of two young male heads in 
juxtaposition, one of the two being upside down (/irit. A/us. Cat. Coins Thrace etc. 
p. 25 I.. Head Hist, num.- p. 274). Head i/'. 1 p. 235 held that this design 'probably 
refers to the cult of the Dioskuri, which was very prevalent on the coasts of the Fuxine,' 
hut /'/'.' ; p. :74 suggests that it ' may he meant for the rising and the setting sun-god' and 
compares ' the rayless I lelios on the early coins of Rhodes.' Since other coins of Istros 
show a four-spoked wheel (Append. D), 1 would rather conjecture that the two heads in 
question are a naive attempt to represent the face of the sun-god in actual rotation. 

8 Babelon Menu. rip. row. i. 192 a bronze coin of M. Antonius showing as symbol a 
triskelt's, the central dot of which is marked like a fare: the coin is of Sicilian mintage. 

7 C. V. Hill Coins of Ancient Sicily p. 155 pi. 11, 10 (my fig. 242), Brit. Mus. 
Cat. Coins Sicily p. 193. 

The Lycian Symbol and the Kyklops 307 

(fig. 242). On an aureus struck by the Roman moneyer L. Aquillius 
Florus in 20 B.C. to commemorate the Sicilian exploits of M'. Aquil- 
lius eighty years earlier there is a similar device, but the winged 
Gorgdneion is larger 1 (fig. 243). Bronze coins of Panormos from 
254 B.C. onwards adopted the same combination of triskelds and 
aig/s: moreover, they complicated it still further by the introduction 
of three ears of barley between the revolving legs 2 (fig. 244). The 
design recurs on late copper coins of Iaita 3 ; and on the denarii struck 
in Sicily by L,Cornelius Lentulus Crus and C.Claudius 
Marcellus, the consuls of 49 B.C., who fled from Rome 
at the approach of Caesar 4 (fig. 245). From a numis- 
matic point of view, therefore, Mr G. F. Hill is justified 
in describing this 'contamination' of the triskelh with 
the Gorgdneion as 'of Agathoclean origin 5 .' But it 
would be interesting to know whether the combined de- Flg * 245 ' 
vice was invented by Agathokles himself, or borrowed from elsewhere. 
It may be surmised that Agathokles, who was a soldier rather than 
an artist, saw it first on the shields of some of his numerous foreign 
mercenaries. For, not only was the simple triskelds a frequent 
emblem on shields 6 , but Dioskourides, an Alexandrine epigram- 
matist of the third century B.C., represents a Cretan warrior as 
dedicating a shield that was adorned with precisely this combination 
of iriskeles and Gorgdneion : 

Not vain, methinks, the blazon that Polyllos' son doth please, 
Hyllos, who bears his buckler as a mighty man from Crete. 

The Gorgon that turns men to stone and eke the triple knees 

He bade them paint : you'll find them there, saying to all they meet — 

* Look not thou down on me, my foe ; that look of thine will freeze ' 
Or ' Flee the man who runs apace with these his threefold feet 7 .' 

However that may be, it is practically certain that the central face 
was originally not that of the winged and snaky-tressed Gorgon, 
but that of the sun-god pure and simple — witness a Punic stele, 
dating from about the time of Iuba, which was found in 1823 near 

1 Babelon Monti, re"p. rom. i. 114, 218, ii. 71. 

2 G. F. Hill op. cit. p. 207 ff., pi. 14, 17, Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Sicily pp. 112, 115, 
Head Hist, num. 2 p. 163. Cp. Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Sicily p. 128. Supra p. 227. 

3 Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Sicily p. 85, Hunter Cat. Coins i. 191 pi. 14, 5, Head Hist. 
num.- p. 148. 

4 G. F. Hill op. cit. p. 224 pi. 15, 4, Babelon Monn. re~p. rom. i. 350, 425. 

5 G. F. Hill op. cit. p. 208. 

6 P. Hartwig in the Journ. Hell. Stud. 1891 xii. 341 n. 1 writes: 'The triskeles is 
very often used as the device on shields on black-figured vases (cf. [K. W. Goettling 
Commentatio de crttre alio in clipeis vasorum Graecorum Jenae 1855]); more rarely on 
red-figured (cf. £/. Cirarn. i. 9, where it is painted black, as here).' See further H. B. 
Walters History of Ancient Pottery London 1905 ii. 198 f. 

7 Anth. Pal. 6. 126. 

20 2 

308 The Lycian Symbol and the Kyklops 

Vacca (Bedja) or Sicca Venerea {Kef) in Tunis and is now in the 
museum at Lyon. This stone was erected as a votive offering to 
Betal-hammdn, the principal Punic deity of north Africa, who, 
though the word hatntn&n probably does not mean ' Fiery 1 ,' 
appears to have been a sky-god or sun-god of some sort 2 . 
W. Gesenius 3 translated the accompanying inscription as follows : 

To Lord Baal the Sun-god, king eternal, 

who hath heard the words of Hicmath- 

o and of thy servant Hicembal the governor... 

Fig. 246. 

Baal had blessed the cattle of this Hiempsal (so his name should 
be written), governor of a Numidian province. Hiempsal, there- 
fore, by way of a thank-offering caused a representation of himself 
to be carved (fig. 246) with a cow standing beneath it. The inter- 
vening symbol, which for us has the main interest, Gesenius does 
not attempt to elucidate. But it may fairly be regarded as a sign 
and token of Baal himself, the sky-god or sun-god, and cited in 
support of the contention that the triskeles had a solar significance. 
The same explanation probably applies to a very similar triskeles 

1 Infra ch. i § 6 (f) i (y). 

2 Cp. G. Maspero The Struggle of the Nations London 1896 p. 155, E. Meyer in 
Roscher Lex. Myth. i. 291 'einer Form des Sonnenba'als,' id. id. i. 2869 ff. 

3 W. Gesenius Scripturae linguaeque Phoeniciae monumenta Lipsiae 1837 p. 204 ff., 
pi. 23. 

The Kyklops of the East and West 309 

found on copper coins of Ebora Cerialis, one of the chief towns of 
the Turduli in Hispania Baetica 1 (figs. 247 — 248) ; for the district, 

Fig. 247. Fig. 248. 

according to M. Agrippa and M. Varro 2 , was over-run by Cartha- 
ginians, who would presumably bring the cult of their Punic Baal 
with them. 

vi. The Kyklops of the East and the Kyklops of the West. 

Taking into account these zoomorphic transformations of the 
solar wheel, I shall venture to propound a fresh classification of 
the Kyklopes in Greek mythology. Let us distinguish the Kyklopes 
of the eastern Mediterranean (including the Aegaean) from those 
of the western Mediterranean (especially Sicily). What is common 
to the two groups, what in fact enables them to be considered 
species of a single genus, is the central disk representing the actual 
orb of the sun : hence the appropriate name for both was Kyklops, 
I the Round One,' or more exactly, ' He of the Round Aspect.' 

The eastern Kyklopes were called also Cheirogdstores* or Gas- 
terocheires*, that is, 'Arm-bellies' or 'Belly-arms,' in connexion 
with Lykia and Tiryns ; Encheirogdstores or Engastrocheires*, that 

1 A. Heiss Description gintrale des monnaies antiques de VEspagne Paris 1870 
p. 322 ff. pi. 47 Turduli 3, 4, 5, 10. I reproduce no. 3 with a Celtiberian legend to be 
transliterated ibovri-r (genitive of Ebora) and no. 10 with a Latin legend read by 
Heiss (EB)ORENTi(N)<?r«/«. See also G. D. de Lorichs Recherches numismatiques 
concernant principalement les me'dailles celtibe'riennes Paris 1852 pi. 76, 12. 

2 Ap. Plin. nat. hist. 3. 8. 

8 Eustath. in II. p. 286, 30 f., apparently quoting Strabon either from memory or in 
a text different from ours. A comparison of schol. Aristeid. with schol. Hes. (supra 
p. 302 n. 4) shows that the Kyklopes who built Mykenai were sometimes at least known 
as Cheirogd stores. 

* Strab. 372 and ap. Eustath. in Od. p. 1622, 53 f. 

6 Deiochos/raf. 5 (Frag. hist. Gr. ii. 17 f. Miiller) ap. schol. Ap. Rhod. r. 989 mentions 
certain Thessalian iyx el P°yd-<rTopas (vulg.) or iyyaarpdxftpas (cod. Paris.). The scholiast 
identifies them with the Tiryevies of Ap. Rhod. loc. cit., monstrous forms with six arms, 

3 1 o The Kyklops of the East and West 

is, 'Bellies-in-arms ' or ' Arms-in-bellies,' in connexion with Thessaly, 
Kyzikos, Thrace, Euboia, and Mykenai. Such names would be 
not unsuitably given to giants, who represented in anthropo- 
morphic guise the solar symbol with its central ring and radiating 

A distant echo of this mythopoeic stage may be heard in 
Platon's Symposium 1 , where Aristophanes, as usual half in jest and 
half in earnest, makes a speech in praise of Love and in the course 
of it describes humanity as it was in the remote past : 

1 Our nature long ago was not what it is now, but otherwise. In the first 
place, mankind was divided into three sexes. It comprised not only the present 
two, male and female, but a third as well, which was a compound of them both. 
The name of this third sex still survives, though it has itself become extinct. In 
those early times the androgynous was at once a name and a species, being a 
blend of male and female in one common nature ; whereas now-a-days it is 
merely a name given by way of reproach. Then again, every man's shape was 
rounded throughout, his back and sides being in the form of a circle 2 . He had 
four arms, and as many legs as arms, and two faces on a round neck, resembling 
each other in every respect. On his two faces, which looked opposite ways, he 
had a single head with four ears. Moreover, he had two sets of generative 
organs, and everything else to match. He walked upright, as he does still, 
in whichever of the two directions he pleased. When he started to run fast, 
he looked like tumblers who bring their legs round so as to point upwards 
and tumble along in a circle : just in the same way did the men of those 
days move rapidly along in a circle, resting their weight on their limbs, which 
were eight in number. The reason why the sexes numbered three may 
be put thus. The male was originally the offspring of the sun ; the female, of 
the earth ; the common sex, of the moon, for the moon too shares the nature of 
both. They and their mode of progression were alike circular because they 
resembled their parents. So it came to pass that in point of power and strength 

two attached to their shoulders and four to their ribs (id. 944 ff.), who dwelt about the 
"ApitTw 6pos, a mountainous island in the Propontis, and, coming from their mountain, 
essayed to block the Xvros \ip.-f)v at Kyzikos with rocks and so secure the Argonauts. The 
scholiast adds that Polygnostos (vulg.) or Polygnotos (cod. Paris.) in his work On Kyzikos 
rationalised them into pirates, but that tradition made them the offspring of the Nemean 
lion. According to the latter part of schol. Eur. Or. 965 the walls of Mykenai were 
built by Kyklopes called iyxeipoydaropes, who were said to have made the thunderbolt 
for Zeus. Other scholia on the same verse derive the Kyklopes, who came to aid Proitos, 
from Kouretis (~ Euboia) and ultimately from Thrace, where there was a tribe of 
Kyklopes with an eponymous king Kyklops. See further G. Knaack ' Encheirogastores ' 
in Hermes 1902 xxxvii. 292 ff., Gruppe Myth. Lit. 1908 p. 441 f. 

1 Plat. symp. 189 D — 190 C. 

a Id. id. 189 E 8\ov r)v fKaarov rod avdpwirov to eI5os arpoyytiXov, v&tov ko.1 irkevpcis 
kvk\(p Zx° v - That is, every man had the shape of two men joined back to back, so that 
his body was cylindrical, being circular in horizontal section. The words can hardly be 
taken to mean that his body was a sphere or disk. Cp. Tim. 44 D — E, 73 c — D, where 
he contrasts the globular (irtpupepris) brain in its spherical (<r<paipoei8fy) cranium with the 
cylindrical (ffrpoyyOXoi kclI wpofnfjKr)?) spinal marrow in its vertebral column, and my 
comment in The Metaphysical Basis of Plato's Ethics Cambridge 1895 p. 138 f. 

The Kyklops of the East and West 311 

they were terrible ; and in their pride they attacked the gods. Indeed, what 
Homer says of Ephialtes and Otos refers in reality to these ; I mean, that they 
attempted to scale the sky, intending to make an assault upon the gods.' 

Aristophanes goes on to tell how Zeus frustrated their efforts 
and punished their pride by cutting them in halves like so many 
eggs. Ever since that fell catastrophe man has gone about the 
world in search of his other half. And, if Zeus hears much more 
of his insolence, he will cut him in halves again, so that in future 
he will go hopping on a single leg ! This interesting recital, despite 
the humorous turn given to its denouement, is evidently based on 
the serious beliefs of the past. When Platon speaks of a third sex 
compounded of the other two, he has in mind the ' whole-natured 
types' of Empedokles 1 , that is to say, types neither male nor 
female, but both. And, when Platon relates his human Catherine- 
wheels to the sun, the earth, and the moon, he recalls the same 
philosopher-poet's expression 'the swift limbs of the Sun 2 .' But 
he is also throughout thinking of Pherekydes' twin Moliones 3 and 
of the Orphic Phanes, first-born of the gods, a strange bi-sexual 
being 4 , perhaps two-bodied 5 , certainly four-eyed 6 , and commonly 
identified with the sun 7 . According to one account, Phanes had 
the heads of rams, bulls, a snake, and a lion 8 , together with golden 
wings 9 : according to another, golden wings on his shoulders, heads 
of bulls attached to his sides, and on his head a monstrous snake 
resembling all manner of wild beasts 10 . This composite conception 
suggests comparison with the various theriomorphic and anthropo- 
morphic modifications of the Lycian solar wheel". 

In the western Mediterranean anthropomorphism went a step 
further. We hear of no Cheirogdstores with multiple limbs. The 

1 Emped. frag. 62, 4 Diels otj\o<f>veh...Tijirot. 

2 Id. frag. 27, 1 Diels 'He\ioto...wK^a 7u?a. 

3 Append. F (t). 

4 Orph. frag. 62 Abel ap. Prokl. in Plat. Tim. i. 429, 28 ff. Diehl (cp. ib. i. 450, 
22 ff.) and Lact. div. inst. 4. 8, Rufin. recognit. 10. 30. With Plat. symp. 191 B cp. the 
Orphic texts cited by Lobeck Aglaophamits i. 491 f. 

6 In Orph. frag. 36 Abel ap. Damask, quaest. de primis principiis p. 387 debs 
aewficLTos was corrected to deds diffd/iaros by Lobeck Aglaophamus i. 486 n. : see further 
O. Gruppe in Roscher Lex. Myth. iii. 2251 f. 

6 Orph. frag. 64 Abel ap. Herm. in Plat. Phaedr. p. 135 rerpdviv 6(p$a\/xoi<nv 
opwfievos hda kclI fvda. Lobeck op. cit. i. 491 remarks that the same verse was used to 
describe Argos by the author of the Aigimios (schol. Eur. Phoen. 11 16). Is it accidental 
that <$avw and'A/ryoy are names of similar meaning? See further infra ch. i § 6 (g) ix. 

7 Supra p. 7 n. 6. 

8 Orph. frag. 63 Abel. 

9 Orph. frag. 65 Abel. 

10 Orph. frag. 36 Abel. 

11 Supra pp. 299 ff., 304 ff. 

312 The Kyklops of the East and West 

Kyklopes of Sicily and Italy had originally one large circular eye 
in the middle of the forehead 1 (fig. 249) 2 . This is throughout the 
prevailing type of the Kyklops in Greek and Latin literature. 
But with vase-paintings, wall-paintings, engraved gems, bas-reliefs 
and sculpture in the round the case was different. Here a growing 
sense of artistic fitness prescribed, first that the Kyklops should 
have his normal eyes, whether shut or open, as well as his abnormal 
eye 3 , and last that his abnormal eye should dwindle away into 
nothing, leaving him two-eyed like other folk 4 . Thus it comes 
about that Servius in the fourth century A.D. can write : ' Many say 
that Polyphemos had one eye, others that he had two, others 

Fig. 249. 

again that he had three ; but the whole tale is a make-belief 5 .' 
Virgil, in the passage on which Servius was commenting, adheres 
to the original conception of the western Kyklops and speaks of his 
eye as — 

1 In the case of Polyphemos this is implied by Od. 9. 333, 383, 387, 394, 397, 453. 
503, 516, 525, and stated in Kratin. Odysses frag. 14 Meineke, Eur. Cycl. 77, Lyk. Al. 
659 f. with Tzetz. ad loc, Theokr. 6. 22, 36, 11. 33, 53, Philostr. mai. imagg. 2. 18. 2, 
Anth. Pal. 14. 132. 2, 7, Ov. met. 13. 772 f. The Homeric Kyklopes in general had one 
eye, according to Strab. 21. The Kyklopes of Aitne are one-eyed in Eur. Cycl. 21 f. ; 
those of Lipara in Kallim. h. Artem. 52 f. ; Brontes, Steropes, and Arges in Hes. theog. 
144 f. Eustath. in Od. pp. 1392, 36 ff., 1622, 39 ff. inclines to regard Polyphemos as 
iT€p6<pda\fi.ov, not /Mov6<f>0aKfjiov ; cp. Guido de Columna (1287 A.D.), who in his account 
of the Trojan war gives Polyphemos two eyes and makes Odysseus pluck out one of them 
(W. Grimm in the Abh. d. berl. Akad. 1857 Phil. -hist. Classe p. 27). 

2 Mon. d. Inst, ix pi. 15, 7, W. Helbig in the Ann. d. Inst. 1870 xlii. 41 f.. 74 
a wall-painting in an Etruscan tomb at Corneto. 

a Roscher Lex. Myth. i. 1588, ii. 1685, iii. 2703 ff., 271 1 f. 
4 Roscher ib. ii. 1685, Daremberg — Saglio Diet. Ant. i. 1695. 
* Serv. in Verg. Aen. 3. 636, Myth. Vat. 2. 174. 

The Kyklops of the East and West 313 

Huge, lurking there alone 'neath his fell brow, 
Like to some Argive shield or torch Phoebean 1 . 

This last line draws from Servius the just remark that the one 
simile refers to the size (and shape), the other to the glow, of 
Polyphemos' eye: the 'Argive shield' was circular, and the 'torch 
Phoebean' must be either the moon or the sun 2 . Parmenides in 
one of his fragments mentions 'the round-eyed (literally kyklops) 
moon 3 .' But it is more probable that Virgil is comparing the eye 
of the Kyklops with the sun. Ovid does so expressly in the 
Metamorphoses, where Polyphemos defends his claim to good looks 
in the following lines : 

One only eye my midmost forehead bears, 

But like a mighty shield. Yea, all these things 

Yon sun beholds, and with one only orb 4 . 

Of course no simile or collection of similes can prove that the 
Kyklops' eye stands for the sun in heaven. But we have seen 
that according to one version, which can be traced back to Hesiod, 
the Kyklopes were known as ' children of the Sky 5 ' ; that, in the 
words of Hellanikos, they ' derived their name from one Kyklops, 
whose father was the Sky '; and that the Greeks regarded the sun 
as the eye of the animate sky 7 . A presumption is thus raised that 
we are on the right track in investigating the story of the Kyklops 
as though it were a nature-myth and in identifying the round eye, 
from which he took his name, with the shining orb of the sun 8 . 

The distinction that I have drawn between the many-armed 
Kyklopes of the east and the one-eyed Kyklopes of the west 

1 Verg. Aen. 3. 636 f. 

2 Serv. in Verg. Aen. 3. 637. 

3 Parm. frag. 10, 4 Diels tpya re kOkXwttos ireva-ij irepl<f>ovra aeK^vrji. 

4 Ov. met. 13. 851 ff. 

5 Supra p. 303. 6 Supra p. 302. 7 Supra p. 196^ 

8 L. Frobenius Das Zeitalter des Sonnengottes Berlin 1904 i. 367 — 412, after a wide 
survey of analogous myths all the world over, comes to the conclusion that the man- 
eating ogre (or ogress), who lives in a cave and is a famous builder, must be regarded as a 
star if he has one eye, as a constellation if he has many heads and arms : he is attacked 
by the solar hero or sun-god, who wrests from him the means of making fire. On this 
showing Odysseus would be the sun-god and Polyphemos a star ! W. Schwartz 
Indogermanischer Volksglaube Berlin 1885 p. 169 ff. argues that one-eyed beings such 
as the Kyklopes are storm-powers, their fiery eye denoting fhe lightning (see infra ch. ii 
§ 3 (b)). W. H. Roscher Lex. Myth. ii. 1689, 59 ff. suggests that the one eye of the 
Kyklops refers to the crater of Mt. Aitne, and V. Berard Les Ph<*niciens et FOdyssee 
Paris 1903 ii. 130 has given a similar volcanic explanation: cp. R. Browning Paracelsus 
sc. 5 'groups I Of young volcanos come up, cyclops-like, | Staring together with their 
eyes on flame.' I follow W. Grimm 'Die Sage von Polyphem' in the Abh. d. berl. 
Akad. 1857 Phil.-hist. Classe p. 27 and A. Kuhn Die Herabkunft des Fetters und des 
Gottertranis 2 Gtitersloh 1886 p. 63. 

314 The Kyklops of the East and West 

corresponds fairly well with a difference indicated in Hesiod's 
Tlieogony. The poet, enumerating the children of Earth (Gam) 
and Sky (Ourands), writes : 

She brought forth too Kyklopes proud of heart, 
Brontes and Steropes and strong-souled Arges, 
Who gave the thunder and wrought the bolt of Zeus. 
They verily in all else were like the gods, 
But had one eye amid their forehead set. 
[Kyklopes were they named by reason of 
A round eye, one, upon their forehead set.] 
Power, violence, and guile were in their deeds. 

Others again from Earth and Sky were sprung, 
Three sons of size and strength, not to be named, 
Kottos, Briareos, Gyes, prideful brood. 
A hundred arms were waving from their shoulders, 
All unapproachable, and fifty heads 
Grew from the shoulders on each stalwart neck. 
Monstrous their power, strong to match their size 1 . 

The one-eyed Kyklopes are here mentioned side by side with 
certain many-armed giants of the self- same parentage. If we may 
regard these Hekatonclieires* as analogous to the Cheirogdstores, 
Hesiod's division is just that between the Kyklopes of west and 

Nor need we be surprised to find the sun conceived in two 
forms so widely different by people residing within the same area 
of civilisation. A useful parallel is afforded by the religion of 
ancient Egypt. The oldest group of Egyptian deities was headed 
by a divine pair named Nu and Nut, god and goddess respectively 
of the watery mass of the sky. The pyramid text of Pepi i 
addresses 'Nut, in whose head appear two eyes 3 ' — presumably the 
sun and moon. Similarly a late papyrus in the British Museum 4 
makes Nu speak of his Eye in terms which can only refer to the 
sun 5 . Again, when the attributes of Nu were transferred to the 
god Ra 6 , the Eye of Ra was identified with a variety of solar 

1 Hes. theog. 139 ff. 

2 ' EicaTdyxeipes Apollod. 1. 1. 1, Palaiph. 19 (20), Eudok. viol. 221, et. mag. p. 213, 
14 f., ib. p. 327, 41, Plout. de amic. mult. 1. cp. v. Marcell. 17. Briareos is eKardyxeipos 
in //. 1. 402, Eustath. in II. p. 123, 42. Gyas is centimanus in Hor. od. 1. 17. 14, 3. 4. 
69, Ov. am. 2. 1. 12, trist. 4. 7. 18, as is Typhoeus in Ov. met. 3. 303: cp. Boeth. de 
inst. arithmet. 1. 19 p. 40, 26 Friedlein, and Pompon, digest. 1. 2. 2. 36 (Centemmauus as 
nick-name of Appius Claudius Caecus). • 

3 Pap. 10, 188, written for Nes-Amsu, or Nes-Min, priest of Panopolis, c. 312 B.C. 

4 E. A. Wallis Budge Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection London 191 1 i. 156. 
6 E. A. Wallis Budge The Gods of the Egyptians London 1904 i. 298 f., 306. 

8 E. A. Wallis Budge The Gods 0/ the Egyptians i. 135. According to G. Maspero 
The Dawn of Civilization* London 1901 p. 88 n. 1 the name Rd 'means the sun, and 
nothing more.' 

The Kyklops of the East and West 315 

powers K Ra himself was fused with the Theban deity Amen, and 
a hymn written in the time of the twentieth or twenty-first dynasty 
for the great resultant god Amen-Ra says : 

'Thou art the beautiful Prince, who risest like the sun with the White 
Crown, and thou art the lord of radiant light and the creator of brilliant rays.... 
Thy flame maketh thine enemies to fall, and thine Eye overthroweth the Seb&u 
fiends 2 .' 

Ra was likewise fused with Tern the local sun-god of Annu, 
that is On or Heliopolis, thus forming the double god Ra-Tem 3 : 
accordingly we hear of the Eye of Tern as another designation of 
the sun 4 . Lastly, Ra was fused with Horos 5 (Heru), who was 
regarded as the Face (Her or Hra) of heaven, and said to have 
two eyes, the sun being the right eye, and the moon the left 6 . But 
these numerous descriptions of the sun as the eye of this, that, or 
the other deity by no means prevented the Egyptians from depict- 
ing it in curiously incongruous ways. For example, Amen-hetep iv 
or Amenophis iv, the Horos of Manethon, about the year 1430 B.C., 
despite the first element in his own name, cut himself off from the 
old capital Thebes and the Theban cult of Amen. He adopted a 
new name, Khut-en-Aten, and founded a new capital, Khut-Aten, 
some two hundred miles south of Cairo on the east bank of the 
Nile : the site of his foundation is now marked by the Arab villages 
of Haggi Kandil and Tell el-'Amama. Khut-en-Aten means the 
' Spirit ' or ' Glory of Aten ' ; and Khut-Aten, the ' Horizon of 
Aten.' This Aten was a very old Egyptian deity, whose original 
home was near Annu or Heliopolis. 'Aten,' says Dr Wallis 
Budge, 'was the physical body of the Sun 7 .' And monuments of 
Khut-en-Aten often show the king, with or without his family, 
illuminated by the sun's rays 8 . In these representations the rays 

1 E. A. Wallis Budge The Gods of the Egyptians i. 422 f. Meh-urt, ib. i. 365 Hathor, 
ib. i. 446 Bast, ib. i. 517 Sekhet. Id. Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection i. 144, 346, 
ii. 172, 203, 277, 328. 

8 E. A. Wallis Budge The Gods of the Egyptians ii. 8. 

8 E. A. Wallis Budge ib. i. 330, ii. 87. 

4 E. A. Wallis Budge ib. i. 158, 305, 446 identified with Bast. 

5 G. Maspero op. cit. pp. 100, 137. 

8 E. A. Wallis Budge The Gods of the Egyptians i. 467, cp. ib. i. 109, 165, 202, 248, 
363* 457> Osiris and the Egyptian Resurrection ii. 386 Index s.v. 'Eye of Horus,' 
G. Maspero op. cit. pp. 88, 92. 

7 E. A. Wallis Budge A History of Egypt London 1902 iv. 119, The Gods of the 
Egyptians ii. 73. 

8 E. A. Wallis Budge A History of Egypt iv. iio, 127, 133, The Gods of the Egyptians 
•'• 70, 73, 74. 77- 

316 The Kyklops of the East and West 

of Aten are made to terminate in human hands (fig. 250) 1 , 
which sometimes hold emblems of life and sovereignty in their 
grasp 2 . 

Such solar symbols are, indeed, deep-seated in human nature, 
and, like many other natural phenomena, contrive to coexist in 
spite of obvious inconsistencies. A Greek of the classical period 
at least might speak of the sun as a revolving wheel and yet credit 
tales of the Kyklopes and the C/ieirogdstores, though logically the 
former should have forced him to identify the disk with the eye of 
a giant and the latter should have called up the image of a 
monster's circling hands. Of course, the further we are removed 

Fig. 250. 

from the exclusiveness of primitive religion, the easier it is to hold 
simultaneously ideas that in their origin were incompatible. For, 
as belief wanes, convictions become views, and views pass into a 

1 E. A. Wallis Budge A History of Egypt iv. 133 Khut-en-Aten on a portable throne, 
fanned by attendants, beneath the rays of Aten, The Gods of the Egyptians ii. 74. 

2 E. A. Wallis Budge A History of Egypt iv. 121, 123, The Gods of the Egyptians ii. 
81, A. Erman A Handbook of Egyptian Religion trans. A. S. Griffith p. 63, G. Maspero 
The Struggle of the Nations London 1896 pp. 322, 328. 

An Assyrian obelisk shows two hands issuing from a solar disk, the right hand open, 
the left holding a bow (Count Goblet d'Alviella The Migration of Symbols London 1894 
p. 26, after G. Rawlinson The Five Great Monarchies of the Ancient Eastern World* 
London 1879 ii. 233). 

The Kyklops and Zeus 317 

mere succession of pictures or metaphors. A fin-de-sucle poet 
opens his Sunset in the City with the lines — 

Above the town a monstrous wheel is turning, 

With glowing spokes of red, 
Low in the west its fiery axle burning 1 — 

but at a distance of half a dozen pages changes the scene — 

The sun has shut his golden eye 
And gone to sleep beneath the sky 2 — 

while elsewhere in the same little volume he prefers to speak of 
the sunbeams as — 

the curious fingers of the day 3 . 

vii. The Kyklops and Zeus. 

But, to return to the Greeks, we have next to enquire in what 
relation the Kyklopes, whether eastern or western, stood towards 
Zeus. So far as the eastern Kyklopes are concerned, the evidence 
is of the scantiest. The scholiast on Euripides, probably confusing 
the many-armed with the one-eyed Kyklopes, states that the 
former, the Encheirogdstores, fashioned the thunderbolt for Zeus 4 . 
And the Platonic Aristophanes in his whimsical narrative tells 
how certain wheel-shaped and quasi-human beings, who might 
have been, but are not, called C heir ogds tores, made an attack upon 
Zeus and the other gods 5 . Clearly no conclusion can be based on 
such premises. At most it may be said in quite general terms 
that the Cheirogdstores belong to the same category as the Titdnes. 
They are, that is, elder and unsuccessful rivals of Zeus. 

In dealing with their western compeers, the Kyklopes par 
excellence, we are on firmer ground. Hesiod speaks of the Kyklopes 
that made the thunder and the thunder-bolt for Zeus as ' like the 
gods 6 .' And the names that he gives them 7 — Brontes, Sterdpes, 
Arges — are all but identical with sundry titles of Zeus, namely 

1 R. Le Gallienne English Poems* London 1895 p. 89. 

•-' Id. ib. p. 83. 

3 Id. ib. p. 18. Mr Owen Seaman in The Battle of the Bays London [896 p. 39 has 
an altogether delightful parody entitled 'An Ode to Spring in the Metropolis. (After 
R. Le G.),' in which occurs the following allusion to our metaphor : 'And O the sun ! | See, 
see, he shakes | His big red hands at me in wanton fun ! | A glorious image that ! it might 
be Blake's, I Or even Crackanthorpe's ! ' 

* Schol. Eur. Or. 965, supra p. 309 n. 5. 

5 Supra p. 310 f. 

8 Supra p. 314. 

7 Ibid. 

3 1 8 The Kyklops and Zeus 

Brontdn, 'the Thundering 1 ,' steropegereta, 'the lightning-gatherer 2 ,' 
arg^s, 'the brilliant 3 .' Again, the Kyklopes not only made the 
thunder and lightning of Zeus, but could on occasion wield his 
weapons on their own behalf. The late epic of Nonnos describes 
in bombastic style how ArgUipos, Sterdpes, and Brdntes fought on 
the side of the gods against the Indians : 

The stout Kyklopes circled round the foe, 
Helpers of Zeus. Above that murky throng 
Argilipos was flashing as he swung 
A radiant brand and, armed with chthonian bolt 
Fire-tipped, took torches for the fray. Thereat 
Quaked the dark Indians, mazed at such a flame 
That matched the fiery whirl-wind from the sky. 
He, blazing, led the way: 'gainst hostile heads 
Sparks from his earth-born thunderbolt were shot. 
Ash spears he beat and many a blade, that Kyklops, 
Swaying his hot shafts and his burning pike, 
A brand his dart, and, man on man destroying, 
Still scorched the Indians with his archer flame. 
[Not one Salmoneus only he convicted 
Of bastard bolts, not one god's-enemy 
Alone he slew, nor only one Euadne 
Made moan for Kapaneus extinguished there.] 

Steropes next had armed him and was wielding 
A mimic blaze, a gleam that echoed back 
The lightning of the sky, both flash and fade, 
Sprung into being from the western flame, 
Seed of Sicilian fire and glowing hearth. 
A cloud-like robe he wore, within whose fold 
He hid his sheen and then the same revealed 
With double quivering, like the light of heaven ; 
For lightning's gleam now goes, now comes again. 

Then Brontes went a-warring and beat out 
A song sonorous, while he bellowed back 
The clappings of the thunder and with spray 
Unwonted, made of earth-born snow, shed water 
False-fashioned, little-lasting, from the sky — 
He and his drops, a bastard, cloudless Zeus. 

But Zeus the Father marked the Kyklops aping 
His own fell din and laughed amid his clouds 4 . 

On terra-cotta brasiers of Hellenistic date there is often stamped 
a grotesque bearded head, sometimes wearing a pointed cap and 

1 Infra ch. ii § 4 (d). 

2 Infra ch. ii § 3. 

3 Supra p. 31. 

4 Nonn. Dion. 28. 172—201, cp. id. 14. 52—60 where Brdntes, Sterdpes, and Arges 
are named among other Kyklopes opposed to the Indians. For the Kyklops' imitation 
of Zeus' thunder see Eur. Cycl. -3,17 f. 

The Kyklops and Zeus 


accompanied by a thunderbolt or thunderbolts 1 (figs. 251 — 253). 
W. H. Roscher 2 follows A. Furtwangler in regarding this type as 
that of the Kyklops. If they are right — and Furtwangler's argu- 
ments are plausible 3 — , we have here monumental evidence of the 
Kyklops conceived as the owner of the thunderbolt. 

Again, a connexion of some sort between the Kyklops and Zeus 
is implied by the myth of Geraistos. Minos, after the death of 
Androgeos went to war with Athens, the direct or -indirect cause of 
his bereavement. When the war dragged on and he failed to 
capture the town, he prayed to Zeus that he might be avenged on 
the Athenians. Thereupon famine and pestilence befell them, and, 
at the advice of an ancient oracle, they first slew the daughters of 
the Lacedaemonian Hyakinthos on the tomb of Geraistos the 

Fig. 253. 

Kyklops (or the son of the Kyklops). This proved unavailing ; 
and they had in the end to listen to Minos' demand of seven youths 
and seven maidens as food for the Minotaur 4 . But Geraistos, the 
eponym of the village and promontory in Euboia*, who is presum- 
ably to be identified with the Geraistos of the Athenian myth, is 
said to have been the son of Zeus 6 . Thus either Geraistos the 

1 A. Conze ' Griechische Kohlenbecken ' in the Jahri. d. kais. deutsch. arch. Inst. 1890 
v. 118 ff., Brit. Mus. Cat. Terracottas pp. xix. 68 no. A 448. 

2 Roscher Lex. Myth. ii. 1681, 1685. 

3 A. Furtwangler 'Die Kdpfe der griechischen Kohlenbecken' in the Jahrb. d. kais. 
deutsch. arch. Inst. 1891 vi. no ff. 

Apollod. 3. 15. 8 itrl rbv Tepalffrov rod KvkXuttos rdupov Kartatpa^av, cp. Steph. 
Byz. s.v. Aouffia, Harpokr. and Souid. s.v. 'YaicivOides, liyg./ao. 238. 
8 Supra p. 156 n. 6, Append. B Euboia. 
8 Steph. Byz. s.w. Tepaiarbs, Talvapos. 

320 The Kyklops and Zeus 

Kyklops was the son of Zeus*; or Geraistos was, according to some, 
the son of the Kyklops, according to others, the son of Zeus. 
Both inferences presuppose that the Kyklops was somehow related 
to Zeus. 

Lastly, T. Panofka 1 and W. Grimm 2 long since pointed out that 
the three-eyed Kyklops of Sicily bears a striking resemblance to 
an extremely archaic statue of Zeus with three eyes seen by 
Pausanias on the Argive Larisa 3 . M. Mayer 4 arrived independently 
at a similar conclusion. He holds that the original Kyklops was 
one with the three-eyed Zeus of Argos, who in turn is strictly 
comparable with other three-eyed figures in Greek mythology in 
particular with the three-eyed Argos Pandptes"', with the three-eyed 
guide of the Herakleidai 6 , and with the various heroes named 
Triops or Triopas 7 . On this showing, then, the three-eyed Kyklops 
is but another form of the three-eyed Zeus. When, however, 
M. Mayer over the section of his work devoted to this question 
prints the words 'Zeus Kyklops 8 ,' he is going too far. Polyphemos, 
it is true, boasts that the Kyklopes care nothing for Zeus, deeming 
themselves superior to the gods, and that he, the speaker, would 
not refrain from laying hands on Odysseus through any fear of 
incurring Zeus' enmity 9 . But nowhere in Greek literature do we 
get a definite identification of the Kyklops with Zeus. The nearest 
approach to it is Nonnos' description of the Kyklops Brontes as 
'a bastard Zeus 10 .' Rather, we must suppose that the Kyklops was' 
originally a sky-god like Zeus, his round eye being the sun and his 
weapon the thunderbolt. He was, in fact, analogous to, but not 
identical with, the Hellenic god. 

It is not at present possible to determine the race to which this 

1 T. Panofka Archdologischer Commentar zu Pausanias Buck II. Kap. 24 p. 30 f. 

2 W. Grimm 'Die Sage von Polyphem' in the Abh. d. berl. Akad. 1857 Phil. -hist. 
Classe p. 28. 

3 Class: Rev. 1904 xviii. 75 f., 325, Folk-Lore 1904 xv. 288 f., Append. B Argolis. 

4 M. Mayer Die Giganten und Tilanen in der antiken Sage und Kunst Berlin 1887 
p. no ff. 

5 Class. Rev. 1904 xviii. 75, 325, Folk-Lore 1904 xv. 287. 

6 Class. Rev. 1904 xviii. 87, 325, Folk-Lore 1904 xv. 289 f. 

7 Class. Rev. 1904 xviii. 75 ff., 325, Folk-Lore 1904 xv. 288 f. 

8 M. Mayer op. cit. pp. 113, 115. 

9 Od. 9. 275 ff. Dr W. W. Merry ad loc, taking a hint from the scholiast, observes: 
'This is inconsistent with what the Cyclopes acknowledged about the power of Zeus, 
inf. 410; and with Polyphemus' boast that Poseidon was his father.' D. Muelder 'Das 
Kyklopengedicht der Odysee' in Hermes 1903 xxxviii. 431 ff. draws attention to the similar 
inconsistencies of Od. 9. 107, in, 358. Eur. Cycl. 320 f. Z^6s 5' iyu Kepawbv ov <ppi<rffu, 
i-dve, I oW old' 6 ti Zetfs i<rr' ifiov Kpel<r<rwv Oeds is following the Homeric passage. 

10 Supra p. 318. 

The Blinding of the Kyklops' Eye 321 

one-eyed sun-god properly belonged 1 . Precisely similar figures are 
to be met with in Celtic 2 and Germanic 3 mythology — a fact which 
is suggestive of a remote origin in the past. Moreover, in the 
Celtic area at least the one-eyed giant is regularly black-skinned 4 . 
Does this point to his connexion with a melanochrous race ? 

viii. The Blinding of the Kyklops' Eye. 

Polyphemos' claim that the Kyklopes were 'much superior' to 
the gods has in one respect been substantiated. For Zeus, as we 
have seen, lives no longer in the mind of the modern peasant, 
whereas far and wide through southern and central Europe folk- 
tales still tell the old story of the Kyklops and his lawless deeds. 
In Appendix E I have collected a number of such tales, and shall 
here say something by way of comment upon them. 

A constant feature of the Kyklops- Marclien is the boring out of 
the giant's eye by means of a red-hot stake. This incident is 
repeated in a variety of slightly differing forms: we hear of a sharp 

1 According to the schol. Eur. Or. 965 the Kyklopes, a Thracian tribe (cp. Aristot. 
mir. ausc. 121) named after its king Kyklops, were driven from their land by war and 
settled in various parts, most of them in Kouretis : from Kouretis they came to help 
Proitos and built the walls of Tiryns for him, those of Argos for Akrisios. Lobeck 
Aglaophamus ii. 1132 note d identified this Kouretis with Euboia, where there are other 
traces of the Kyklopes {supra p. 319 f., Istros ap. schol. //. 10. 439). Maass in Hermes 
1889 xxiv. 644 f. thinks that colonists from Chalkis in Euboia brought the Kyklops-myth 
to Chalkidike, arguing that the mother of Polyphemos, viz. Thoosa daughter of Phorkys 
(Od. 1. 71 f.), who according to one account seems to have lived on the coast of Euboia 
(Lyk. Al. 376 $6pKvvos olK-tirripiov), was a nymph of Mt. Athos (Qbwtra. from *96<os 
= 'A06ws). W. H. Roscher Lex. Myth. ii. 1689, 47 ff. further observes that the Sicilian 
Kyklopes are located in the Chalcidian colonies Naxos and Leontinoi (Strab. 20, Eustath. 
in Od. pp. 1618, 2, 1644, 42). But these combinations, however ingenious, are altogether 
too speculative. 

Timaiosyra^-. 37 (Frag. hist. Gr. i. 200 Miiller) ap. et. mag. p. 220, 5 f. states that 
Galatia took its name from Galates, son of Kyklops and Galatia. Appian. Illyr. 2 says 
that Polyphemos the Kyklops had by Galateia three sons, Keltos, Illyrios, and Galas, 
who ruled over the Keltai, Illyrioi and Galatai respectively. 

Io. Malal. chron. 5 p. 114 Dindorf asserts that Sikanos, king of Sicily, had three 
sons, Kyklops, Antiphantes (sic), and Polyphemos, who divided the land between them. 

2 E.g. Balor (H. D'Arbois de Jubainville Le cycle mythologique irlandais et la mytho- 
logie celtique Paris 1884 p. 208 ff., J. Curtin Hero-Tales of Ireland Boston 1894 p. 283 ff., 
C. Squire The Mythology of the British Islands London, Glasgow and Dublin 1905 
pp. 48 f. , 112 f., 238 f., J. A. MacCulloch The Religion of the Ancient Celts Edinburgh 
191 1 pp. 59, 89), Searbhan Lochlannach (Folk-Lore 1906 xvii. 438 ff.), or the giants and 
ogres of France (P. Sebillot Le Folk-Lore de France Paris 1904 i. 37, 272, 295, 434 f., 
1905 ii. 125). 

1 E. H. Meyer Germanische Mythologie Berlin 1891 Index p. 312 s.v. Einaugigkeit, 
J. Grimm Teutonic Mythology trans. J. S. Stallybrass London 1888 iv. 1440. 

4 Append. E. J. Grimm op. cit. ii. 516 n. 2 speaks of 'sooty Cyclops' on the strength 
of Kallim. h. Artem. 66 ff. 

C 21 

322 The Blinding of the Kyklops' Eye 

red-hot pole ( Athens), of a sharp piece of wood (Servia), of red-hot 
spits (France, Abruzzo, Zakynthos, Kappodokia, Kypros, Sindbad), 
of a red-hot iron (llarz Mountains, Finland), of a red-hot poker 
(Frice), of a red-hot knife (Oghuzians), of a stabbing in the eye 
(larelia, Yorkshire), or of a molten mass poured in the eyes 
(Dolopathos, Roumania, Fsthonia). 

The oldest obtainable version of the story is of course the 
Kyklops-myth of the Odyssey, which in its present shape must be 
placed .it least as early as the year 800 B.C.' and in its original 
form goes back doubtless some centuries further. D. Muelder, after 
a minute and painstaking criticism of the myth, sets aside all later 
accretions and interpolations and prints what he conceives to have 
been the primitive Kyklops-poem 2 . In this the episode of the 
red-hot stake is of fundamental importance. The passage, as 
reconstituted by Muelder, runs thus: 

This to my thinking seemed the best advice. 

Beside the fold the Kyklops' great club lay 

Of olive-wood yet green, which he had felled 

To bear when dry. We, looking on the same, 

Likened its si/e to the mast of a black ship, 

Some merchantman broad-beamed and twenty-oared 

That gets to harbour far across the main, 

So huge its length, so huge its girth to view. 

Therefrom I, standing close, cut off a fathom, 

Cave to my men, and bade them fine it down. 

They smoothed it: I stood by and pointed it, 

And took and turned it in the blazing fire. 

Then neath the heap of embers I thrust in 

The bar to heat it; and my comrades all 

1 heartened, lest in terror they should fail me. 

but, when the olive-bar was like to catch, 

(been as it was, and glowed with dreadful light, 

1 fetched it from the fire, while they stood round. 

And some god breathed great courage into us. 

They took the olive-bar, so sharp at the point, 

And full in his eyeball plunged it. I uplifted 

Twirled it above, as a man drills with a drill 

A timber for ship-building, while below 

His fellows spi n their strap and hold amain 

Its either end. and still the drill runs on. 

Just so we took the fiery-pointed bar, 

And twirled it in his eye: the blood flowed round 

Its hot end. and the blast singed all about 

I lis lids and eyebrows, as the ball was burnt 

1 A. an<l \I. Croiset Mstcire </r la littc'rature grecque 1 Paris i .S96 i. 402, W. Christ 
Gesihuhte der griechischen I ' ill mil it r'' Munchen 1908 i. 62. 

- I). Muelder ' Das Kyklopengedicht tier Odysee' in Hermes 1903 xxxviii. 414 — 455. 

Prometheus' Theft of Fire 323 

Till even its roots were crackling in the fire. 

And, as a man that is a coppersmith 

Dips a great axe or adze all hissing hot . 

In water cold to temper it, for this 

Is the strength of steel, so hissed the Kyklops' eye 

About that bar of olive; and he groaned 

A ghastly groan— yea, round us rang the rock— 

And we in a panic fled, while he from his eye 

Plucked out the bar bedabbled with much blood'. 

aT' u r?w Ve u bCen dght in su PP° sin &> ™th W. Grimm and 

£n£? ' I Smgle ^ ° f thC Kykl °P S was an earI y ^Pre- 

sentation of the sun in the sky, it remains to enquire what was the 

original significance of this rather gruesome scene? Why should 

the hero thrust a sharp stake into the solar eye ? And why is that 

stake regularly described as being red-hot ? 

ix. Prometheus' Theft of Fire. 

An answer to these questions would hardly have been forth- 
coming-since even in the Odyssey the incident has been already 
worked oyer and incorporated into a wonder-voyage-had it not 
been for the fortunate preservation of a more or less parallel myth, 
that of Prometheus. He is said to have stolen fire from Zeus <in a 
hollow fennel-stalk*'-an expression cleared up by J. T. Bent, who, 
wrung of the Greek islands, says: 'One can understand the idea 
well: a peasant to-day who wishes to carry a light from one house 
to another will put it into one of these reeds to prevent its being 
Dlown out*. As to the manner in which Prometheus obtained the 

\ ° d - 9- 318-328, 375-397- 

3 Su P ra PP- 313 n- 8, 320, infra ch. i § 6 (h) i. 

vara ^?15? *"*"" *° * * "** "*"*"' PHn - ** ** '" ^ ig"em...adser- 
vare ferula Prometheus, Hyg. poet. astr. 2. i 5 devenit ad Iovis ignem ; quo deminuto et 

fc ^erulamconiecto etc../*. r 44 Prometheus in ferula detulit i/terras, interp. Serv In 
f^famlgnis^T. ^ ^ * "** """^ **» * "<»' « * ** 37 raptor per 

called^W I% t ?, da 7f- L °? d ° n l885 P - 365 - M ib - : ' In Lesbos ™s «*» * still 
called {vdpOtf).' Id. m ihe/oum. Anthrop. Inst. ,885-6 xv. 401 (in Karpathos) 

If a woman wishes to carry a light from one house to the other she puts t into a reed 
^ for tn e ete n d e TV ^f™* ""*"■ or «*** the same word and the lam 
dTwnfirefr o r h neology teaches us Prometheus employed when he brought 

X 2 21 Z7 f ^ same c , ustom isfound in Kypros ' accordii * to Si «> on Hlu 

iteog. 507 cued by E. E. Sikes in his ed. of Aisch. P. v. p. xvii n. , where a further 

•InTo* d S glV ? l ° f SS k M - H - KingSlCy TraVdS in "* V>- London 8 9 7 X 

P an atl T C ^ T^' ^ ^ E<fikS °' the ^'^ if ^ « ^g out to thei 

t^iri of h T ^ a l iV w StiCk " a h0ll ° W piCCe ° f a Certain sort "'wood, which 
n ng of its interior pith left in it, and they will carry this "fire box" with them.' 

soft ,*„ t t ^ t h "^ Pr ° klOS iH HCS - °' d '* observe that the .dp**, having a 
« pith, wiU keep a fire smouldering within it; and Plin. not. hist. 13. 1 ,6 says that 

21 — 2 

324 Prometheus' Theft of Fire 

stolen fire, different accounts were current in antiquity. Aischylos 
possibly, and Accius certainly, represented the fire as stolen from 
Mount Mosychlos, a wooded volcano in Lemnos now submerged 
by the sea 1 . Platon supposes that Prometheus stole it from 'the 
common abode of Athena and Hephaistos 2 ,' in fact from the 
celestial Erechtheion, where presumably, as in its terrestrial counter- 
part, a perpetual fire was kept burning. Platon, however, is 
philosophising, and an obviously older explanation is given by 
Servius 3 : 

' It is said that Prometheus, when he had made mankind, ascended by the 
help of Minerva into the sky, and, applying a small torch to the wheel of the 
sun, stole fire, which he showed to men.' 

An anonymous mythographer of the ninth or tenth century, 
plausibly identified by Angelo Mai with a certain Leontius men- 
tioned in J. Brassicanus' commentary on Petronius 4 , expands this 
meagre statement: 

'Prometheus was helped by Minerva; and about him the following tale is 
composed. Prometheus made man out of clay, and moulded him without life 
or feelings. Minerva, admiring Prometheus' handywork, promised him what- 
ever heavenly gift he would to help him with his work. He said that he did not 
know at all what good things there were in heaven, but asked whether it was 
possible for the goddess to raise him to the gods above, in order that he might 
see with his own eyes and choose what suited his work. So Minerva placed him 
on her shield and took him to the sky. When he saw there the heavenly bodies 
animated and invigorated by their flaming heat, he secretly applied a reed to 
the wheel of Phoebus and stole the fire, which he applied to the breast of man, 
thereby making his body alive 5 .' 

Egyptian ferulae are best for the purpose. See further Frazer Golden Botigh 3 : The 
Magic Art ii. 260, who notes that Bent is mistaken in calling the vdpd-qi- or 'giant fennel' 
a reed. 

1 Aisch. frag. 193 Nauck 2 and Ace. 532 ff. Ribbeck 3 p. 237 ap. Cic. Tusc. 2. 23. 
Cp. Hellanikos frag. 112 {Frag. hist. Gr. i. 60 Mliller) ap. Tzetz. in Lyk. Al. 227. On 
the submerged volcano see R. C. Jebb's ed. 2 of Soph. Phil. p. 243 ff. 

2 Plat. Prot. 321 D — E. Hephaistos in Loukian. Prom. 5 says to Prometheus: to irvp 
v<f>t\6fj.€vos \pv\pdv /xoi tt\v ndp-ivov diro\i\oiiras. Cp. Ibyk.y^a^. 25 Bergk 4 , Soph. frag. 
335 Nauck 2 , etc. ap. Ail. de nat. an. 6. 51 prefaced by rbv JlpofxTjOia K\4\f/ai rb wvp 
'H(f>ai<rT<p k.t.X. 

3 Serv. in Verg. eel. 6. 42 Prometheus, [Iapeti et Clymenes filius,] post factos a se 
homines dicitur auxilio Minervae caelum ascendisse : et adhibita facula ad rotam Solis 
ignem furatus, quern hominibus indicavit. The same statement in almost the same words 
occurs in Myth. Vat. 2. 64, and is quoted from Servius in Myth. Vat. 3. 10. 10. 

4 See G. H. Bode Scriptores rerum mythicarum Latini ires Romae nuper reperti 
Cellis 1834 pp. x f., xx f. 

5 Myth. Vat 3. 10. 9 clanculum ferulam rotae Phoebi applicans, but later ib. a sole 
faculam accendit. This version of the myth, which occurs with some slight variations 
also in Myth. Vat. 2. 63 Phoebiacis rotis applicans faculam, can be traced back to Fulgent. 
2. 9 clam ferulam Phoebiacis adplicans rotis, i.e. to a date c. 480 — 550 A. D. For the reed 
cp. a Zakynthian tale infra ch. ii. § 3 (c). 

The Fire-drill 325 

x. The Fire-drill in relation to Prometheus, 
the Kyklops, and Zeus. 

A. Kuhn in his remarkable study on The Descent of Fire has 
lade it probable, not to say certain, that this myth of Prometheus 
trusting a torch into the solar wheel rests upon the actual custom 
>f obtaining fire by the use of a fire-drill 1 . If so, Diodoros was not 
ir wrong when he wrote: 

' Prometheus son of Iapetos is said by some mythographers to have stolen 
re from the gods and given it to men ; but in truth he was the inventor of the 
re-sticks, from which fire is kindled 2 .' 

The fire-drill, an instrument employed by primitive or backward 
ribes all the world over 3 , consists essentially of two sticks, the one 

/ertical, the other horizontal. The former is commonly made of 
irder wood and regarded as male, the latter of softer wood and 
;garded as female, the production of fire between them being 

spoken of as a sexual act. The Rev. J. G. Wood states that the 

ire-drill may be seen any day in South Africa : 

' The operator lays one stick on the ground, and holds it down with his feet, 

yhile he places the pointed end of the other stick upon it. This second stick is 

lostly of harder wood than the first. He then twirls the upright stick between 

is palms, pressing it slightly downwards, and in a short time he works a small 

snical hole. Presently, the sides of the hole begin to darken, and a quantity of 

le dust falls into it. By the continuous friction so much heat is evolved that 

the sides of the hole become black, the dust becomes red hot, and, when blown 

upon, bursts into an evanescent flame. A little fine and very dry grass is then 

carefully laid upon it, and the blowing continued until the grass takes fire. It is 

then covered with small dry sticks, and those again with larger, until a good 

fire is made 4 .' 

My illustration (fig. 254) shows a couple of fire-sticks of this sort 
obtained for me from a Mutoro of Central Africa by my brother-in- 
law the Rev. H. E. Maddox: three holes have already been drilled in 
the under stick and a fourth has been commenced. Sometimes the 

1 A. Kuhn Die Herabkunft des Feuers und des Gottertranks 2 Glitersloh 1886 
pp. 18 ff., 35. 

1 Diod. 5. 67. 

3 On the fire-drill see E. B. Tylor Researches into the Early History of Mankind and 
the Development of Civilization 3 London 1878 p. 238 ff. More recent literature on the 
subject is cited by Frazer Golden Bough 3 : The Magic Art ii. 207 ff. (ch. xv 'The Fire- 
Drill'). Add the illustrated chapters of N. Joly Man before Metals 3 London 1883 
p. 188 ff., J. G. Wood Man and his Handiwork London 1886 p. 415 ff., M. Hoernes 
Natur- und Urgeschichte des Menschen Wien und Leipzig 1909 ii. 1 ff. and the mono- 
graphs of M. Planck Die Feuerzeuge der Griechen und Rb'mer Stuttgart 1884, G. Sarauw 
Le feu et son emploi dans le Nord de F Europe aux temps prihistoriques et protohistoriques 
(lent mjo; (extr. from the Annales du xx. Congres archeol. et histor. de Belgique i. 
196 — 226). 

* Rev. J. G. Wood op. cit. p. 415. 


The Fire-drill 

upper stick is made to rotate by means of a cord or strap. Thus 
the Rev. J. Stevenson describes the Brahman's method of getting 
fire from wood: 

' It consists in drilling one piece of ararii-wood into another by pulling a string 
tied to it with a jerk with the one hand, while the other is slackened, and so on 
alternately till the wood takes fire. The fire is received on cotton or flax held 
in the hand of an assistant Brahman 1 .' 

This type of fire-drill has survived as a toy among the Swiss in the 
canton of Neuchatel 2 , and as an implement of every-day use among 
the Eskimo and the inhabitants of the Aleutian Isles (fig. 255)*. 
Further modifications are occasionally introduced, such as the 
employment of a bow instead of a strap, or the weighting of the 

A. Fire-stick of thin 


B Fire -stick of thicker 


A FTre-stick of hard won 
B Soft dry wood 
C Handle held by 
the teeth 
D Thong 

Fig. 254 

spindle with a heavy disk: the former may be seen in a Dacotah 
fire-drill (fig. 256)*, the latter in an ingenious self-winding apparatus 
used by the Iroquois Indians (fig. 257)*. This Iroquois drill bears 
some resemblance to an eye pierced with a stake. And primitive 
folk are quick to catch at quasi-human features. Thus Dr Frazer 
reports that the fire-boards of the Chuckchees in the north-east 
extremity of Asia 

1 J. Stevenson Translation of the Sanhitd of the Sdma Veda London 1842 p. vii f. Cp. 
W. Crooke Things Indian London 1906 p. 209 on the fire-drill as used by the Brahman 
fire-priests or Agnihotri. A full account of their procedure is given by Frazer Golden 
Bough 3 : The Magic Art ii. 248 ff. 

a J. Romilly Allen 'Need- Fire' in The Illustrated Archceologist 1894 — 1895 ii. 77 f. 
figs. 1, 2. 

8 E. B. Tylor op. cit? p. 242 fig. 25 from an example in the Edinburgh Industrial 
Museum, N. Joly op. cit. 3 p. 193 fig. 69. 

4 J. G. Wood op. cit. p. 419, cp. E. B. Tylor op. cit. 3 p. 243. 

8 J. G. Wood op. cit. pp. 420, 422, cp. E. B. Tylor op. cit? p. 244 f. 

The Fire-drill 


'are roughly carved in human form and personified, almost deified, as the super- 
natural guardians of the reindeer. The holes made by drilling in the board are 
deemed the eyes of the figure and the squeaking noise produced by the friction 
of the fire-drill in the hole is thought to be its voice. At every sacrifice the 
mouth of the figure is greased with tallow or with the marrow of bones 1 .' 

Now, if uncivilised people can regard the fire-stick in its hole as 
turned about in the eye of a voracious and supernatural herdsman, 
who squeaks at the process, it becomes — I think — credible that the 
myth of Odysseus plunging his heated bar into the Kyklops' eye 
originated in a primitive story concerning the discovery of the same 
simple utensil. Is it a mere coincidence that the Homeric episode 
culminates in a simile drawn from a strap-drill 2 ? 

On this showing the hero of the Kyklops-adventure must have 
been originally a divine or semi-divine figure comparable with that 

A Fire- stick of 


B Soft dry wood 
C Handle, of bone 


D Bow 

A Fire-stick of 


B Soft dry wood 
C Spindle-weight 
D- Bow 

of Prometheus. Recently K. Bapp has sought to prove that 
PrometJietis was an appellative or cult-title of the Titan whose true 
name was Ithas or Ithax 3 . He relies on two glosses of Hesychios. 
One of these informs us that Ithas or Ithax was Prometheus the 
herald of the Titans 4 . The other enables us to connect the name 
with a verb meaning 'to be heated' (ithainesthai)*. The root of this 
verb is idh-, the weak grade of aidh- from which aitho, 'I burn,' 

1 Frazer Golden Bough 3 : The Magic Art ii. 225. 

2 Supra p. 322. Nonnos unconsciously hit the mark, when he described the Kyklops' 
blaze as 'Seed of Sicilian fire and glowing hearth ' (supra p. 318). 

2 K. Bapp in Roscher Lex. Myth. iii. 3034. 

4 Hesych. s.v. 'I6df 6 tQ>v Tiravuv K-fipv£ IlponrjOefa. Tivh'lOa!-. 

5 Hesych. s. v. Walveadw dep/jiaLveffdcu, cp. s.v. IdalveiV eixppoveiv and idapds, 'pure, 



The Fire-drill 

ait/te'r, 'the burning sky,' etc. are formed 1 . It thus appears that 
Prometheus was essentially a ' Fire'-god — a conclusion that suits 
well his relations to Hephaistos and the Kabeiroi'-. But his name 
Ithax can hardly be dissociated from Ithake', the home of Odysseus 
Ithakesios or Ithakos 1 . In short, I suspect that behind Odysseus the 
hero stands an older and more divine personage akin to Prometheus 
the tire-god. It is surely significant that Odysseus, when pressed 
by Penelope on his return to declare his lineage, gives himself 
out as the grandson of the Cretan Minos and says totidem verbis: 

My famous name is Aithon 5 . 
Further, I would suggest that this is the reason why the art-type 
of Odysseus, e.g. on coppers of Ithake (fig. 258)", is indistinguishable 

Fig- 2 59- Fig. 260. 

from the art-type of Hephaistos, e.g. on coppers of Methana 
(fig. 2^)) 7 . and virtually identical with that of the bearded Kabeiros 8 , 
e.g. on coppers of Birytos (fig. 260)". 

1 On tin's point our philological authorities are unanimous : see L. Meyer Handb. d. 
gr. Etym. ii. 47 and Prcllwitz Etym. Worterb. d. Gr. Spr? p. 194 s.v. Wapds, Boisacq 
Diet, t'tytn. d, /a I.angne Gr. p. 23 s.vv. aidr/p, aWw. 

Hyg. fa 1 -. 31 gives the name of Prometheus' eagle as Aithon (cp. //. 15. 690). 

- I\c, seller Lex. Myth. iii. 304O f. 

' ; Akousileos frag. 30 {Frag. hist. Gr. i. 103 Miiller) ap. schol. Od. 17. 207 states that 
Ithake was named after Ithakos — IIrepe\ctoi> 7rcu5es"I#aKos koX N^piros, dtrb Aids e^oeres 
to -,(Vos. ^moi j tt\v K«pa\r]viai>. k.t.X. Cp. Eustath. in II. p. 307, 8, in Od. p. 1815, 44 ff., 
Steph. Pay. .r.7'. '\Qa.Kf], el. mug. p. 470, 7 f. 

4 Steph. liy/.i.r'. 'IOolki)'.. 'IOukos \)5i'acrevs bpiotpwvus tu oIkkttt), Eustath. in II. p. 307, 
<■){. So Eur. Cyel. 103 " I Vaxo? "OdYcro"ei'<s, cp. Aristoph. vesp. 185 "IOcikos ' Xirobpaannrldov. 

' Od. 19. 1X3 e'/uoi 5 bvop.a k\vtov Afflwv, cp. Lyk. At. 432 with Tzetz. ad loc., 
Eustath. in Od. p. 1861, 36 ff. E. E. Zielinski in Philologus 1N01 I. 146 fi'. argues that 
Odysseus assumed the name Atdwv because his mother Antikleia, daughter of Autolykos 
and Mestra (Ov. met. 8. 738), was granddaughter of Mestra's father Aithon (Nik. ap. 
Ant. Lib. 17) son of Helios (Souid. s.v. A'iduv) : see I'auly— -Wissowa Real-Enc. i. 1106. 
It has been conjectured that Achaios' satyric drama Aithon {Trag. Gr. frag. p. 747 ff. 
Nauck-'j had reference to Odysseus: but? 

'' Brit. A/as. Cat. Coins Peloponnesus p. 105 f. pi. 21, 8, 9, 11, 13 (my fig. 258), 
Head Hist, num.' p. 4:*. 

• Brit. Mas. Cat. Coins Peloponnesus p. 163 pi. 30, 10, 11 (my fig. 259), Head 
Hist, num.- p. 442. 

* A votive vase from the Theban Kabeirion is inscribed '0\va(rel5as Kafiipoi (Alh. 
Mitth. 1K90 xv. 399). 

! ' Brit. Mas. Cat. Com* Troas etc. p. 40 f. pi. 8. 4 f., Head Hist, num.- p. 542. 
I figure a specimen in my collection. See also Roscher lex. Myth. iii. 680. 

Other points of resemblance between the hero of the Kyklops-tale, Prometheus, and 

The Fire-drill 329 

The Sanskrit word for 'fire-drill' is pramantha, and persistent 
attempts have been made to bring the name Prometheus into con- 
nexion with it 1 . Strictly speaking, however, we cannot regard 
Promcihetis as the phonetic equivalent of pramantha' 1 \ and it is 
only by invoking the uncertain aid of popular etymology that we 
are enabled to set the two side by side 8 . On the other hand, it is 
highly probable 4 that pramantha the 'fire-drill' does explain 

the Kabeiros are not lacking. Several versions of the Kyklops-tale make the giant give 
the hero a ring that binds him to the spot etc. (Append. E Abruzzo, Dolopathos, 
Oghuzians, Roumania). Zeus, when he fastened Prometheus to Mt. Kaukasos, swore 
never to release him from his chains ; but, on being warned by Prometheus not to marry 
Tethys, lest he should beget a son to dethrone him as he had himself dethroned Kronos, 
he did out of gratitude release Prometheus, and, to keep his oath, gave him a ring to 
wear fashioned out of his chains, in which was set a stone from Mt. Kaukasos (interp. 
Serv. in Verg. eel. 6.42, cp. Hyg. poet. astr. 2. 15, Plin. not. hist. 37. 2, Isidor. orig. 19. 
32. 1). Aisch. frags. 202, 235 Nauck 2 ap. Athen. 674 D appears to have given 
Prometheus a garland instead of a ring. An Etruscan mirror shows him wearing a 
willow(?) -wreath and presented by Herakles and Kastor with two rings (Gerhard Etr. 
Spiegel iii. 131 pi. 138, Roscher Lex. Myth. iii. 3094 f. fig. 5 b). On the rings of the 
Kabeiroi see supra p. 108 f. 

Again, Prometheus, like the Kabeiros (supra p. 108 ff.), was an axe-bearer (infra 
ch. ii § 9 (h) ii (1?)); and K. Bapp in Roscher Lex. Myth. iii. 3041 acutely compares 
Axiothea the name of his wife (Tzetz. in Lyk. Al. 1283) with the Cabiric names Axieros, 
Axiokersa, Axiokersos (supra p. 109). Odysseus' wife too is famous for her ordeal of the 
' axes ' ( Transactions of the Third International Congress for the History of Religions 
Oxford 1908 ii. 194, infra ch. ii § 3 (c) i (x)). 

1 A. Kuhn Die Herabkunft des Fetters und des Gottertranks 1 Glitersloh 1858 p. 17, id. 2 
Glitersloh 1886 p. 18, A. F. Pott in the Zeitschrtft fiir vergleichende Sprachforschung i860 
ix. 189 f., cp. id. 1857 vi. 104, A. Kaegi The Rigveda trans. R. Arrowsmith Boston 
1886 p. 132 n. 121, E. W. Hopkins The Religions of India Boston etc. 1895 pp. 107, 

Miss J. E. Harrison has kindly drawn my attention to W. Schultz ' Das Hakenkreuz 
als Grundzeichen des westsemitischen Alphabets' in Memnon 1909 iii. 1756°. This in- 
genious, but over-venturesome, writer attempts to connect Prometheus as inventor of the 
fire-drill with Prometheus as inventor of the alphabet, the link being the swastika. 

2 J. Schmidt Zur Geschichte des indogermanischen Vocalismus Weimar 1871 i. 118, 
A. A. Macdonell Vedic Mythology Strassburg 1897 p. 91. 

3 E.g. by assuming that Prometheus' name was originally Hpofj.avdevs or *Hponevdeut, 
'He of the fire-drill,' and that it was distorted into Hpo/j,r)6evs to suit the supposed con- 
nexion with irpo/j.Ti0eia, ' fore-thought.' 

* Pramantha, the 'fire-drill,' can hardly be separated from Pramanthu, the younger 
brother of Manthu and son of Vtra-vrata, the son of Madhu and Sumanas (Sir M. 
Monier-Williams A Sanskrit- English Dictionary new ed. Oxford 1899 pp. 685, 1006), 
who is mentioned in the Bhagavata Pur ana. My friend Prof. E. J. Rapson writes to 
me : ' The names Manthu and Pramanthu occur in a long genealogy of one Priyavrata* 
a kingly sage, but none of their achievements are recorded. It is quite possible that they 
may occur elsewhere in the Puranas, but at present I have failed to find them mentioned 
anywhere else. They belong to a class not of deities, but of mighty men of old who as ( 
kin^s and priests became almost gods on earth.' It is certainly tempting to suppose 
that the brothers Pramanthu and Manthu correspond with the brothers Promethetis and 
Eptmethetis; but evidence is lacking. 

330 The Solar Wheel combined with Animals 

Promanthcus,* title under which Zeus was worshipped atThourioi 1 . 
Lykophron mentions him in juxtaposition with Zeus Aithiops 
Gyrdpsios of Chios 2 — a combination that strengthens his claim to 
be considered a god 'of the Fire-drill.' Dr Frazer has cited 
examples from south-west Africa (the Herero) and north-east Asia 
(the Koryaks and Chuckchees) of the male fire-stick or fire-board 
being identified with an ancestor, addressed as 'Father,' and 
venerated as the supernatural guardian of the hearth and home 3 . 
He has further suggested a like origin for the association of I upiter 
with Vesta in Italian religion 4 . It is not, therefore, difficult to 
believe that at Thourioi, a Greek colony in south Italy, analogous 
ideas expressed themselves in a cult of Zeus 5 . 

xi. The Solar "Wheel combined with Animals. 

From the vantage-ground gained in preceding sections we can 
explain a whole series of bronzes found by Messrs Saltzmann and 
Biliotti at Kameiros and now in the British Museum. The graves 

1 Supra p. 289 f. A. F. Pott in the Zeitschrift fiir vergleichende Sprachforschung 1 8 = 7 
vi. 103 connected Tlpo/tiavdevs with ixavddvo) and A. Kuhn Die Herabkunft des Feuers und 
des Gottertranks 1 Giitersloh 1858 p. 17, ib. 2 Giitersloh 1886 p. 18, associated both words 
with pramantha. 

K. Bapp in Roscher Lex. Myth. iii. 3034 f., following Gerhard Gr. Myth. p. 97, 
would read Ilpo/irjOeOs for Upo/iavdevs in Lyk. Al. 537 and recognise a Zeus Upo/x-qBeOs at 
Thourioi. But the 'early variant' on which he relies is merely a bad reading in Tzetzes' 
note adloc. (vpo/Madevs : ed. M idler i. 97 f., 674 'fors. rectius'), not even recorded by 
E. Scheer (ii. 191). 

2 Supra p. 289 f. 

s Frazer Golden Bough*: The Magic Art ii. 222 ff. 

4 Id. ib. ii. 227 ff. On the similar coupling of Zeus ~ Hestia see infra ch. iii § 1 (a) 
ix (a). Note also the Pythagorean identification of the earia rov naprds with the Aids 
oIkos (supra p. 303 n. 6). 

s The name Ilpo/j.avOefc recalls 'VaSdfiavdvs (Aeolic Bpa5a.fia.vdvs for Fpadd/Aavdvs), 
which might be explained as the 'Rod-twirler,' a compound of the digammated root of 
(Moa/wos, /JoSif, rtidius, radix (L. Meyer Handb. d. gr. Etym. i. 563, iv. 471 ff., 
Prellwitz Etym. Wbrterb. d. Gr. Spr. 2 p. 393 f., Walde Lat. etym. Wbrterb. p. 513 f.) and 
of the root that appears in Sanskrit as math or manth, 'to stir or whirl about' (Sir M. 
Monier-Williams op. cit. p. 777). A. Kuhn in the Zeitschrift fur vergleichende Sprach- 
forschung 1855 iv. 90, 123 f. long since anticipated this derivation, but took the Rod- 
twirler (' Gertenschwinger'') to be Rhadamanthys as judge of the dead. Certainly in that 
capacity he had a fidfidos (Plat. Gorg. 526 c) or anrjinpov (Inscr. Gr. Sic. It. no. 1389 
i 47); and Miss J. E. Harrison reminds me of Pind. 01. 9. 33 ov8"At8as a.Kivf)Tav tx e 
frdfioov (see her Proleg. Gk. Rel. 2 p. 45). Yet the second element in Rhadamanthys' 
name suits my interpretation better. If he was thus connected with the fire-drill, we 
can understand his genealogy as set forth by Kinaithon frag. 1 Kinkel ap. Paus. 8. 53. 
5 <ws> 'PaSafiavdvs fdi> 'H<paLffTov, "H^aioros 5£ efy TdXw, TaXwi' 5£ elvai K/)t;t6s 7rat5a. 
But further evidence deest. 

The Solar Wheel combined with Animals 331 

from which these little objects came contained geometric pottery 
of the eighth and seventh centuries B.C. The bronzes themselves 
are in the form of a wheel with four, six, seven, eight, or nine spokes, 
from the centre of which rises a shaft supporting either a duck 
(fig. 263) ! or the heads of two animals adoss/s. The animals thus 
combined are mostly goats (figs. 261, 262)*, but cows 3 , rams 4 , and 
asses (?) 8 also occur. In one case (fig. 26 1) 6 the wheel has become 
a square base, but remains four-spoked. In another the central 
shaft terminates in a mere loop, no animals being added to it 7 . In 
yet another we have a rude human figure winged and mounted on 

Fig. 261. 

Fig. 262. 

Fig. 263. 

a similar wheel 8 . Since the principal cult of the early Rhodians 
was that of Helios 9 , it can hardly be doubted that the wheel repre- 
sents the sun. And it is reasonable to conjecture that the 

1 Brit. Mus. Cat. Bronzes p. 12 nos. 158 — 160, cp. p. 13 no. 174 and Olympia iv. 36 
no. 210b pi. 13 (bird on wheel-base), ib. p. 61 no. 420 pi. 24 (cock on wheel-base). 

2 Brit. Mus. Cat. Bronzes p. 12 f. nos. 161 — 166, cp. Olympia iv. 36 no. 206 pi. 13 
(stag on wheel-base). 

3 Brit. Mus. Cat. Bronzes^. 13 nos. i68f. 

* Ib. p. 13 no. 170, cp. Olympia iv. 66 no. 477 pi. 25 (two rams back-to-back). 
8 Ib. p. 13 no. 167. 
8 Ib. p. 12 no. 161. • 

7 Ib. p. 13 no. 175. 

8 Ib. p. 11 no. 136. 

9 Gruppe Gr. Myth. Bel. p. 265 ff. 

332 The Solar Wheel combined with Animals 

animals placed upon the solar wheel are in some sense devoted to 
Helios 1 . If so, the absence of horses is noteworthy 2 . 

Fig. 264. 

An early colony of the Rhodians was Rhode, the modern Rosas, 
in the north-east corner of Spain. It was founded, according to 

1 J. Dechelette ' Le culte du soleil aux temps prehistoriques ' in the Rev. Arch. 1909 
i. 3056°., ii. 946°. and Manuel d? archiologie Paris 1910 ii. 1. 413 ff. claims to have dis- 
covered dozens of swans or ducks associated with the solar wheel in the art of the bronze 
age throughout Europe. 

2 Supra p. 180 n. 5. 

The Solar Chariot 333 

Strabon 1 , many years before the establishment of the Olympic 
festival (776 B.C.). In its neighbourhood therefore we might look 
to find a parallel for the Rhodian bronzes. In point of fact it was 
near Calaceite in the province of Teruel that a farm-labourer in 
19x33 discovered, along with a bronze cuirass and two iron swords, 
the remarkable bronze here shown (fig. 264)1 It is a horse which 
stands on a wheel and bears on its back a column topped by a 
similar wheel, the whole being some 20 cm. in height. Column 
and wheels alike are decorated with gui/foc/ie-patterns. The former 
has a bell-shaped capital and base ; the latter have smaller wheels 
serving as spokes. The body of the horse is connected with the 
wheel-base by means of a stay or support with spreading foot. 
This Iberian bronze may be referred to the ' Dipylon ' or ' Villa- 
nova ' period of the Early Iron Age, i.e. approximately to the 
same date as the Rhodian bronzes. Like them it represents an 
animal on the solar wheel, or rather in between a pair of solar 
wheels. We are well on the road towards the conception of the 
solar chariot. 

xii. The Solar Chariot. 

The transition from solar wheel to solar chariot was perhaps 
facilitated by a half- forgotten belief that the sun itself was a horse. 
That belief meets us in the mythologies of various Indo-Europaean 
peoples 3 and very possibly underlies the Greek practice of offering 

lorses to Helios 4 . When the growth of anthromorphism made 
men no longer content to regard the sun either as a wheel or as a 

lorse, it needed no great effort of imagination to combine both 
ideas and henceforward to believe in the driver of a celestial 
chariot 5 . 

1 Strab. 654. 

2 J. Cabr£ ' Objetos ibericos de Calaceite ' in the Bolelin de la Real Academia de 
Buenas Letras de Barcelona 1908 p. 400 pi., Rev. Arch. 1909 i. 320 f. fig. 10, Jahrb. d. 
kais. deutsch. arch. Inst. 1910 xxv Arch. Anz. p. 2941". fig. 7 (from a photograph of the 
bronze as pieced together in the Louvre. Its discoverer, believing it to be of gold, had 
broken it into fragments; but fortunately J. Cabre had seen it while yet entire). 

8 A. Kuhn Die Herabkunft des Feuers und des Gottertranks 2 Gutersloh 1886 p. 51 ff., 
A. Rapp in Roscher Lex. Myth. i. 1998^, A. A. Macdonell Vedic Mythology Strassburg 
1897 p. 31, H. Oldenberg La religion dn Vida Paris 1903 pp. 38, 64 ff., 300, E. W. 
Hopkins The Religions of India Boston etc. 1895 p. 41, W. Mannhardt Wald- und Feld- 
kulte' 2 Berlin 1905 ii. 203, E. H. Meyer Germanische Mythologie Berlin 1891 pp. 59, 94, 
293, R. M. Meyer Altgermanische Religionsgeschichte Leipzig 1910 p. 105. 

4 Supra p. 180 n. 5. 

4 A. Kuhn op. cit? p. 51 ff., A. Rapp loc. cit., J. Dechelette in the Rev. Arch. 1909 i. 
307 ff. and Manuel d'archSologie Paris 19 10 ii. 1. 413 ff. 

The conception of Helios as a rider on horse-back is not Greek (pace Rapp loc. cit. 
p. 1999), but hails from Asia Minor (Gruppe Gr. Myth. Rel. p. 381 n. 13 and p. 1532 


The Solar Chariot 

Evidence of the combination has been found here and there in 
Greek ait. A silver band from a prehistoric grave at CJialandriant 

J S 


-•■..■■■T.-KV.-T^a i<rK T 

Fig. 265. 

in Syros {Syni) shows a horse with a collar, a solar disk, and a 
bird-like human figure (?) side by side (fig. 265) 1 . Monsieur 
J. Dechclette claims that this is the pre-Mycenaean prototype of 


the solar equipage'-'. Again, bronze tripods of geometric style from 
Olympia have two large ring-shaped handles, on which is set a 

n. 4 quotes l)ittcnberger Syll. in so: Gr? no. 754, 3 ll\ioi> i<p' 'iTnr<fi at Pergamon and 
the numerous representations of a solar rider whose type is discussed by R. Dussaud in 
the Per. Anli. 190;, 1. 300 If.). 

1 Ch. Tsountas in llie'E(/>. "A/iX- '^99 p. 123 f . ])1. 10. 1. 

-J. Dechelette Ion: fit/., comparing the famous Trundholm chariot (S. Muller 
I'rgeschichtc Europas Strassburg 1905 col. pi. 7, M. Iloernes Natur- unci Urgeschichte 
d< Mctischen Wien unil Leipzig 1909 ii. 476 f. fig. 206) and its Irish counterparts (R. A. 
Smith in the Proceedings pj the Society of Antiquaries of London 1903 6 — 13 figs. 5 — 7). 

The Solar Chariot 


horse (fig. 266) 1 , more rarely a bird 2 or bull's head 8 or lion 4 . 
Since the Delphic tripod is sometimes treated as a winged vehicle 
bearing Apollon across the sea 5 , it is conceivable that tripod- 
handles were assimilated to the sun. But neither of the band from 
Syros nor of the handles from Olympia can we say that they must 
be solar ; they may be merely decorative. More to the point is 
the earliest type of Helios as a charioteer on Attic black-figured 
vases 6 (figs. 267, 268) 7 . The god emerges from the sea with a 
team of two or four horses. But the only wheel visible is the disk 
above his head ; and his horses turned inwards or outwards, as the 

Fig. 267. 

Fig. 268. 

case may be, recall in effect the back-to-back arrangement of the 
Rhodian bronzes (figs. 261, 262)". 

1 A. Furtwangler in Olympia iv. 72 ff. e.g. no. 574 pi. 30, no. 607 pi. 33, no. 624 
pi. 30, no. 640 pi. 30, and the restorations pi. 34, c, d, e. I figure pi. 33, a. 

2 Id. ib. p. 73 no. 539 pi. 27, p. 79 no. 573 pi. 28 (two birds), p. 93 no. 638 pi. 29, 
and the restoration pi. 34, b. 

3 Id. id. p. 79 no. 572 pi. 29, cp. no. 576 fig. 

4 Id. ib. p. 93 no. 641 pi. 30. 

8 On a red-figured hydria in the Vatican (Mon. d. Inst, i pi. 46, Ann. d. Inst. 1832 
> v - 333 ff-. Lenormant — de Witte £l. mon. cir. ii. 20 ff. pi. 6, Overbeck Gr. Kunstmyth. 
Apollon pp. 63, 360 Atlas pi. 20, 12, Daremberg — Saglio Diet. Ant. i. 315 fig. 370, 
Baumeister Denkm. i. 102 fig. 108, Gruppe Gr. Myth. Rel. p. 1235 n. 2). Lenormant — 
de Witte op. cit. ii. 20 n. 10 cite a winged tripod from a coin of Agrigentum (G. L. Castelli 
Prince of Torremuzza Sicilice populorum et urbium, regum quoque et tyrannorum veteres 
tmmmi Palermo 1781 pi. 7, 17). 

6 Supra p. 226 f. 

7 Fig. 104 = supra p. 226 n. 4 : fig. 105 = *$. n. 5. 

8 Doubtless the grouping of the horses is primarily due to the fact that the artist could 
not as yet correctly foreshorten his chariot: cp. the metopes from temple C at Selinous 

Perrot— Chipiez VArt viii. 483 ff. fig. 245, Brunn— Bruckmann Denkm. der gr.und 


The Solar Chariot 

Later this type of Helios and his chariot came to be enclosed 
in the solar disk. A fine example is furnished by a silver-gilt 
plaque found in a tomb at Elis and acquired in 1906 by the British 
Museum (pi. xxiv, i) 1 . Its embossed design shows Helios with 
radiate head driving his horses up from the sea. His cloak is 
fastened with a big circular stud. A curved exergual line repre- 
sents the horizon, and two plunging dolphins the sea. Nothing of 
the chariot is visible. But the whole disk with its shining concave 
surface and its divergent lines suggests the on-coming sun in a 
marvellously successful manner. A crescent of bronze (pi. xxiv, 2) 2 
likewise embossed with acanthus-leaves, lotus-work, and two large 
lilies, equally well suggests the quiet moon. This latter plaque was 
found in another tomb at Elis along with a whole series of phdlara 
or 'horse-trappings'; and such no doubt was the character of our 
solar disk also. Mr F. H. Marshall dates them all c. 300 B.C. 
These phdlara, as L. Stephani pointed out, had an apotropaeic value 3 . 
Indeed, they have it still. My brother-in-law Mr C. H. C. Visick, 
who owns a good collection of modern horse-amulets ('horses' 
money'), informs me that most of them are demonstrably deri- 
vatives of the sun or moon. 

On a red-figured kratir from Apulia now at Vienna (fig. 26c/) 4 
the complete chariot appears surrounded by a rayed disk. The 
oval shape of this disk was determined by the turn of the horses to 
right and left, and can hardly have been meant to reproduce the 
optical illusion of the sun's orb flattened on the horizon. An 
interesting reminiscence of the solar wheel is the swastika on the 

rbm. Sculpt, pi. 287 a) ; many black-figured vases (Gerhard Auserl. Vasenb. i pis. 1, 2, 62, 
2, 106, 6, P. Gardner Cat. Vases Oxford p. 6, no. 190 pi. 1, E. A. Gardner Cat. Vases 
Cambridge p. 28 no. 53 pi. 15, Masner Samml. ant. Vasen u. Terracotteti Wien p. 231". 
no. 220 fig. 14, p. 25 no. 223, p. 29 f. no. 235, p. 30 f. no. 237 pi. 4, Nicole Cat. Vases 
d 'Athenes Suppl. p. 167 f. no. 889 pi. 8, alib.); bronze plates from Athens (A. G. Bather 
in the Journ. Hell. Stud. 1892 — 3 xiii. 257 f. pi. 8), Eleutherai (id. ib. p. 255 pi. 9, 2), 
Dodona (C. Carapanos Dodone et ses mines Paris 1878 p. 36 pi. 19, 1, 2, 4), Olympia 
(A. Furtwangler in Olympia iv. 104 f. no. 706 pi. 39). But the Rhodian bronzes too 
were presumably meant to represent a pair of animals apiece. 

1 Brit. Mus. Cat. Jewellery p. 239 no. 2108 pi. 40, F. H. Marshall in the Jour n. 
Hell. Stud. 1909 xxix. 160 fig. 13. Diameter 6*2 cm. Mr Marshall remarks that an 
exactly similar disk was published by L. Pollak Klassisch-antike Goldschmiedearbeiteii in 
Besilze Sr. Excellent A.J. von Nelidow Leipzig 1903 no. 533 pi. 20. 

2 F. H. Marshall in the Journ. Hell. Stud. 1909 xxix. 159 fig. 12. Width u'j cm. 

3 L. Stephani in the Compte-rendu St. Pit. 1865 p. 1646". Atlas pi. 5, 2 — 6, 8. Cp. 
O. Jahn in the Ber. sacks. Gesellsch. d. IViss. Phil. -hist. Classe 1855 p. 42 n. 48. 

4 T. Panofka 'Helios Atabyrios' in the Arch. Zeit. 1848 ii. 305 ff. pi. 20, I, 2, 
F. G. Welcker Alt. Denkm. iii. 66 ('Helios steigt wahrend eines Gewitters, das durch den 
Blitz angedeutet ist, empor'), Reinach Rip. Vases i. 368, 3, A. Bertrand La religion des 
Gaulois Paris 1897 p. 171 f. fig. 28. 

Plate XXIV 



Phdlara from tombs at Elis: 

i. Helios rising, on a silver-gilt disk. 
2. Lily-work etc., on a bronze crescent. 

See page -336. 

The Solar Chariot 33 -, 

driver's breast'. The addition of a thunderbolt to the left of the 

t sc r :„:rtnat p ' a ; ia Ph on ;„ At6 r- sight jt is ^^ » ^S5 

„.„'* SS that ° f p ha«ho„ ,„ his father's chariot struck by the 
£* the n US ' f B , Ut ' aS T ' Panof ka long ago observed, this would ill 
tart the peaceful pose of the charioteer, who extends his hand in 


Fig. 269. 

and 5,^, -Thundef' and'ljgh mn^ '^TuLoThl *t 
to common with the thunder-god. g haS much 

resents Ihe fou, points of "he coin, T^ ' he S °'" Wheel *™> ^mply 

WW arrange,,/,,;: ! V ry pZf, ^ IT a,"/ ', *"" POi " t! **"' '° """"^ 
<>»«.; Sodologiiuc ,co 3 p , and 34 ' P y »«ge s - se e Durkhein, « M.UK 

■M r,rlV« NapL 3 " 5 ' ° P - a ^ fr ° m ApU ' iil ° f " ke d »*" - 4* >k. in .h« 

The snn's horses bear the following names' 
™»f»"A Hyg.». l83 Eous 

SE: £:££/;: ?- 

scho,.soph. £ , 8 4:::;;;;;;:: :::: ^r 

In, ,' 1' ,53f " CP ' HyB ' /A ''J-PrroU 

^o.".? 3 - 67 - 5 rr 

■— (^H^Miii-::::::::^!^ 









Aethon Phlegon 





The Solar Wreath 

Zeus too was sometimes conceived as driving a chariot 1 . But 
his chariot, in the Greek area at least-, is regularly connected with 
storm 3 , not sunshine 4 . It cannot, therefore, be maintained that 
Zeus the charioteer was directly identified with the sun. 

xiii. The Solar Wreath. 

The first of May is kept as a day of jest and jollity by the 
modern Greeks. Parties go to picnic in plains and meadows, 
returning with sprays of the fragrant protomaid. The young folk 
make wreaths of flowers and corn. These must be left hanging 
over the door of the house till May-day comes round again. They 
are then replaced by next year's garlands, and the withered relics 
are burnt 8 . I figure (pi. xxv) a wreath of the sort, which I obtained in 
1 90 1 at Eleusis, where it was hanging over the door of an inn. The 
inn-keeper told me that such wreaths are thrown on to the bonfire 
of Saint John the Baptist (June 24), and that the master of the 
house is expected to jump over the flames 6 . We have already 

1 First in //. 8. 438 ff. Zei)s de varrip "Idrjdev idrpoxov apfxa teal 'iirnovs \ OflXvfiirov 
5' ediwKe k.t.X., cp. Tib. 4. 1. 130 f. This conception is utilised by Plat. Phaedr. 246 E 
6 fiiv 8rj fieyas rryepiuv iv oiipavip Zei)s eXadivuv irrqvbv app-a irpwTos Tropeverai SiaKoap-Qiv 
irAvra naX einpLeXov/j.evos k.t.X. 

2 The Persians, who called the whole circle of the sky 'Zeus' {supra p. 10 n. 1), had 
a chariot sacred to him. When Xerxes' army was on the march, this chariot went 
immediately in front of Xerxes himself (cp. Longin. de sublirn. 3. 1 to. rod Aeovrlvov ropylov 
yeXarai ypa.<povTos H^/>£??s 6 tusv Ulepawy Zeus); it was drawn by eight white horses, 
and their driver followed them on foot, since no man might ascend the chariot-throne 
(Hdt. 7. 40, cp. 7. 55, 8. 115). When Kyros the elder went in procession from his 
palace, first came four fine bulls for sacrifice to Zeus etc. ; then horses for sacrifice to the 
Sun ; next a white chariot with a golden yoke, adorned with garlands, sacred to Zeus ; 
after that the white chariot of the Sun similarly adorned ; then a third chariot, the horses 
of which were spread with scarlet cloths ; behind it a fire on a great hearth or portable 
altar; and lastly Kyros himself in his chariot (Xen. Cyr. 8. 3. 11 ff.). In the time of 
Alexander the Great it was the custom of the Persian kings to set out in procession at 
sunrise: first went the sacred eternal fire borne on silver altars; then the Magi chanting; 
after them 365 youths in scarlet cloaks; next a chariot sacred to Zeus, drawn by white 
horses and followed by a magnificent horse called the horse of the Sun — the leading 
horses being decked with gold rods and white cloths (Curt. 3. 3. off.)- The sumptuous 
chariot of Dareios iii is well shown in the great mosaic from Pompeii (F. Winter Das 
Alexandermosaik aus Pompeji Strassburg 1909 col. pi. 1, J. Overbeck — A. Mau Potnpcji* 
Leipzig r884 p. 613 ff. with col. pi.). Note that the chariot of Zeus is throughout 
distinguished from the chariot of the Sun. 

3 Infra ch. ii § 4 (c). 

4 A copper coin of Alexandreia struck by Trajan has for reverse type Zeus Amnion in 
a chariot drawn by two rams {Brit. Mus. Cat. Coins Alexandria pp. xl, 49 no. 405, Head 
Hist, num. 2 p. 862). This may be solar [infra ch. i § 6 (f) i). 

8 G. F. Abbott Macedonian Folklore Cambridge 1903 p. 46, J. C. Lawson Modern 
Greek Folklore and Ancient Greek Religion Cambridge 1910 p. 35, Miss M. Hamilton 
Greek Saints and Their Festivals Edinburgh and London 1910 p. 163 ff. 

6 See further Miss M. Hamilton op. cit. p. 157 ff. 

Plate XXV 


May-garland of flowers and corn from Eleusis. 

See page 338. 

The Solar Wreath 339 

seen that Saint John's bonfire was in all probability a sun-charm 1 . 
If so, the wreath burnt upon it may well have represented the sun 
itself — another case of the solar apotrdpaion being fixed above the 

Analogous customs are, of course, common throughout Europe. 
Here in Cambridge the children are out early on the first of May 
begging all and sundry to ' Remember the May Lady.' They 
carry garlands, which vary much in shape. The most complete 
form that I have come across consisted in two hoops set at right 
angles to each other and decorated with a branch of may : from 
the point of intersection dangled a doll (fig. 270, a). Other forms 
in use are a single hoop of flowers or coloured tags with crossed 
strings and a doll in the centre (fig. 2jo,b), a hoop without the cross 
and doll (fig. 270, c), a cross and doll without