Len rein ig. my a beth a os fle ! was * af Aue ‘ Bubest leg’ NS o mie oa UM STENs yt yep es ASS “) Pirie a2 Mae Wig ae BUR eae rts wd ap A nt sha ‘Bie ‘; tio . eae ect il ih ee Uy m4 te, , ca yale nt te Paes oa ke Mak: 4 hep *, oe t a ake oe aes i hi = i Bats aye Ae sy, oh re. 4 at ei a igs fri Fir, Oe Diligent sp ; = e ~~ ey: mit S ae ” ea ay aa ae * yo ate r pat x ie nate sol as ¢ a ees Seiegt eve: = AES; ee Laon =) STR art er oh ay ten wa ey ~ see heats vs) ar [=a pe ut be ations ast gi Mena ty ie. trai rs + ae ie , ~! fe etceeme “>= 4 iy il thes! “ kal : Lone dae : Pil ise ae 1, ?, oa. ¢ cas anes ha: Ng an 5 ae ve Ss Sy a eae we Fs pape * Files aa Ree pinta | ae “< Bi Sea eet igtrees ¥ ’ net ue eke eh) nde ee ' yes f Feist sai ie = iE beta iy eee ae Pig une ee ah ate eS eo gle ae ¥ ae sp hlia sd “ke vs Nie sean ae Santee 5 ke th + Bp s ee wh ‘gua eg Pea sy Ng ah of oe Seu ae hare, Af se ries ow Fe er i ep, os) 2p ins ss at pate rs vs Pasha _ yaa hy he: air y z ~ oe wT ef ts iets OE: ¢ Y Ee i he: ‘a a ae ae 47 ' oe at a ee tlre ve ey Bit ‘al Ar vit Wa en pleays i 1a ate uy 3 uu ee ey Hoot ay iy a Ls M4 “ae ‘ fel tle nt 7. as fi “1 7 ciao! 3 ma Lue oh Preis aS re wit: oP + at - Ae Ath rae Sent nel eel Ya “ee “Be ot vee ah Paid ise he - ice.) B Aces fe : od 6 oy Get a 5 ees 1 ae ae ryt es pier is eG 4 eH Melee jet Se: vy! ee fe wr, pte ere Lat pies tate we * pret Pye tsa Sy ees , yi sete Why ht om tae spies yo ners , pees we Eh my AL! ene Sg 20 pao Nes ie + ’ 4 ome i A r% . ie ‘ We een oe oe . rs ign 1 ae ae “ : yore koa) =) Bae atti Popa ira we foe S. in Cet eitanar a tt a ek, 8 Se ot fie Cet ru Sant ee ae ao + ve i iF ie pa ee ‘ ae ; J ae! sh hee . rap ly ba 7% ol tH tee “a %; ts Se ’ ‘byeye ws = y aah Sys tap vs ay 4 i te ree h 0 state wai pete bates 4, 0 ge a ir, por He! se as iss 9 4 Say : Oy sa + cee hott a e be (Ps oye ne “4 A afte : Wasa LS ari Ale Si Mwy =F " ee ne ae wife lie fas Mi bes, ots tt Discs ~ “GL ae Pig: ge Dake i! = Sh Pe Pras rel or et yee Y iv} 1A te Thee pote ' “ "hn wah Meee tee) 7 ae aed, . tye) yr 9 J ce apne Rat a pen tee sme Mea oe . id deo ree irycee * ty rT a ‘ ae ati ate Pte & 4 =e ” Sy a a ‘S te. - ts ne 2 cs Tama tt . oi re aed yore ie satariodan s debt ne ae 2) va ‘ 5 iy bs} 7 ey ee a LS opr ey ~ sit Nat Toth eer oie " nee te fr sn a, ni nor, , i + sh at Hy ‘i eee ‘ahi’ ea aa ore preg tg on ius able Fee ¢ Pl ie seeks LEA atl ‘ 3 ahy sets ate a al 4 > por fos ral! aon ple 3 we eke! Hae ~ sv jae >! +f ar of: ‘ GS Be) Pe a - ss — . es : oo REEL TELIA LLL AL SALE) LTD LOCA EL LES A OLN LPL L EE LEVEE IY ESE ELISE E DS LTA ED IPA ENDS TNT RR eS : FOR THE PEOPLE | FOR EDVCATION FOR SCIENCE LIBRARY OF THE AMERICAN MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY a eee SL NPB EEE AR FEET ION = SRL NE SANE ey AN LSC . ATS TAA HEN TI EAT ITS nay PEAT MLE TOE PO PE Sa s ERNIE - ¥ PO SOLE DOTS SETS RII SE oT = c Ta eats iy ee aay a e _— BED Raney sual tae ae a eae mares ihn) piping aay tenga EST a A ae SGD aol sine POT Em ee H E.. . i i re x I ; 5 ; 7 \ i] 1 f ‘ ‘ } q | Yo ¢ (a ] ft | | 4 s ; ; NY j ; r ROE ER OLE TTT eT Se ec trea ati oe an neta I OR LE oe me Hm a Oy er fw : > om Ui sl ete fo Ii it a i rere wr ne Tee Se ee i mt ; < ‘ , = —_ Fo RS SEER le eee eS ee eee See A oe One Se 5 oe See ee £0 URN AL He ¥ ; ? saa , i si) DOPAC NNON TeeeO ah it ipa tabrcaireh| uN a lp il Sal ak YORE. tay se vag Ang beep ans tepe nye ea any S fun ak spose ade al ASANTE Se aL ONES UOENY pega ee eee ee a a eS . ¥ ; = OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL, EDITED BY FR 7 f Hy, ty iS ee , bite ‘ 2 r ! ) +S THE SECRETARIES, VOL. XXXIIT. Nes. L. ro V. with a Supplementary No. and an Appendix.—1864 o it will flourish, if naturalists, homies antiquaries, philologers, and men of science in different parts of Asia, will commit their observations to writing, and send them to the Asiatic Society at Calcutta. It will laneuigh if such communications shall be long intermitted : and it will die away, if they Shall entirely cease.” a. Ww, JoNgEs, IPI OT CALCUTTA : SLs EOE AO PRINTED BY ©. B. LEWIS, BAPTIST MISSION PRESS, 1865, Tee NU ian Stay ah Ae AA CU tc aa A ee See ee ee le ee Siew hail RewtReinn te en ex —— - TO ta , » * ~ a | - ne ‘ Pe . {—— 2 - a > x no —_—— ——— i. 4° + rte
@@® Geer a
No. 298.
(Published 27th April, 1864.)
Page
On the history of the Burmah Race.—By Lieut.-Colonel A. P.
Puayreg, C. B., Chief Commissioner of British Burmah, _... 1
Account ot foriher intercourse with the Natives of the dna
Islands, ... 21
Note on fie Bacto Pal. Inscription Frome ‘Tassla: By Major-
General A. CUNNINGIIAM,.. 25,
Remarks on the “Lake of Clear Water” in “the District io
Bassein, British Burmah.—By EH. O’Rimny, Esq. F. G, §.,
Deputy Commissioner, Bassein, 29 |
Extract from a Report on the Dependency. of Bustar. —By Cae q
C. GuasrurD, Deputy Commr. of the Upper Godavery |
Districts, 44.
Enumeration of the Hot Springs of India and High Asia. —By
Ropert DE Scutagintwerr, Esq., AG
Memorandum upon some ancient Tiles obtained at “Pugin in
Burma.—By Lt.-Col. A. P. Puavrs, ae en
Literary Intelligence, Correspondence, &e., 59
Proceedings of the Asiatic Society for the ‘months of N abet
and December. 1863 and January and February, 1864, ee aH
Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observa-
tions taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta, for
the months of August, September, October, November and ..
- December, 1863, _... ies ae os ss i
ae SS Ge
No. 294,
(Published 20th June, 1864.)
An Account of Upper Kash-kar, and Chitral, or Lower Kash-kir,
together with the Independent Afghan State of Panj- korah,
including Tal-ash.—By Capt. UG. Raverty, 3rd Regt.,
Bombay, N. [.,. 125
On the System employed i in Outlining the Figures s of Deities and i
other Religious Drawings, as practised | 10 eke Laskar, we.
—_ By Cant. H. A. Gon Austmen, F. R. G. S. oe
Note on a tank Section at Sealdah, Calcutta, — By i. F. Buan-
ForD, Hsq., A. R. S, M., F. G. S., = or pe doe
\
. Negeri ara ee a a LS
1 Contents,
Memorandum on the life-sized Statues lately exhumed inside the
Palace of Delhi.—By C. Camezetn, Hsq., C. He. =
Memoranda relative to three Andamanese in the charge of Major
Tickell, when Sh ee of Amherst, Tenasserim
in 1861.—By Lt.-Col. 5. KW. LICKELL, ee ee aes
Pas Ruins. of Buddha Gaya—By Babu Ra’senprara’La
Dacre of a new species of Paradoxurus from the Andaman
Islands.—By Lt.-Col. R. OC. Tyrtsr, = es
Bxtract from Journal of a Trip to Bhamo. By Dr. C. WiraMs,
Note on the Gibbon (Hylobates lar), of Tenasserim,—By Lt.-Col.
S. R. Ticket, as a oe a are
iterary Intelligence ee eas a eee
ea ote of the Asiatic Society for the months of March,
April and May, 1864, = 5 tee a
Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observa-
tions taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta, for the
months of January, February and March, 1864, oe
eS Ag PO
No. 295.
(Published 13th September, 1864.)
Remarks on the date of the Pehewa Inscription of Raja Bho-
ja.—By Major-General A. CunnineHam,... ee oS
Extract from a letter from Major-General Cunningham, dated
Nynee Tal, 24th May, 1864, ae ;
Note on the Fossils in the Society’s Collection reputed to be
from Spiti.—By T. Oupwam, Esq., F. R. S., &e. &e.,
Notes on the variation of some Indian and Burmese Helicide,,
with an attempt at their re-arrangement, together with de-
scriptions of new Burmese Gasteropoda.—By W. Tuxozato,
eqs iuior 2 ae
On Ancient Indian Weights.—By E. Tuomas. Kisq., =
On the Language of the Si-ah-pos’h KAfirs, with a short list of
words; to which are added specimens of Kohistani, and
other dialects spoken on the northern border of Aighanistan,
oot Captain H. G. Raverry, 5rd Regiment, Bombay
Some Persian Inscriptions found in- Srinagar, Kashmir.—By
the late Rev. I. LomnwENnTirat, ...
On the Vegetation of the Jhelum District of the Punjab.—By
J. KH. Trerney Arronigon, Esq., M. a), Cs, Bo 8:
_ Assistant Surgeon, Bengal Almiy, @c., @o = Soe
On a Land Grant of Mahehdrapdla Deva of Kkanauj.— By Babu
Ria 'senpraa’tA Mirra, a ee =
Literary Intelligence,
&@ ¢¢@ 998 eee eee
ES a AT tC SRE tn Retina wercenne erence tre PR AOS epg pl Rp ie “il gat : ale pede en ale a
mes \
Contents.
Proceedings of the Asiatic Society for the month of June, 1864,
Abstract of the Meteorological Observations taken at Gangaroo-
wa, near Kandy, Ceylon, in July and August, 1868,
(at Ee sea
No. 296.
(Published 19th December, 1864.)
On the application of the Characters of the Roman Alphabet to
Oriental Languages.—By Capt. W. Nassau Lung,
On the Buddhist Remains of Sultanganj.—By Babu Ra’sEnpRa-
LA’LA Mrrra,
a45
360
Notes on the Didunedlua Strivirostris, or Mooth: Billed Pigeon of 7
the Navigator Tslands—the nearest living Ally to the extinct
Dodo. — Communicated By Sir W. Dunison, 2
Memorandum onthe Hlephant Statues in the Delhi. Palace. —
By Col. J. Assorr, .
Observations on the Geological features, &e., of the Goin a in
the neighbourhood of Bunnoo and the Sanatorium of Shaikh
Boodeen.—By C. P. Cosrutzo, Hsq., Assistant Surgeon, 6th
Punjab Infantry,
Kixtract from Report of the operations ‘of the Great Triconome-
trical Survey of India during the year 1862-63.—By se
J.T. Watxmr, RK. EH. Superintendent G. T. Survey,
On the Antiquities of Guzerat.—By Capt. H. Macxenzin,
Memorandum on the Question of British Trade with Western
China vid Burmah.—By Dr. C. Wiitt1aMs, ;
Table of the Coins of former Governments more or less current
in the Bazars of the Goojrat District in 1859,
Literary Intelligence,
Proceedings of the Asiatic Society for the months of J uly, Au-
gust and September, 1864, :
Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observa-
tions taken at the Surveyor General’s Oliic ce, Calcutta, for the
months of April, May and June, 1864, .
Abstract of the Meteorological Observations taken at Gangaroo-
wa, near Kandy, Ceylon, in September, October and Novem-
ber, 1868, = as
Det ores i]
Supplementary No.
(Published December 28rd, 1864.)
Colonel Cunningham’s Archeological Survey ae for 1863-64,
~~ communicated by the Government of India,
373
875
378
381
402
407
434
441
442,
XXV
XVI
i pa we . es "s “7 “J i a . — * _ . = aa : os
= at ee ae . . a ~~ a - ~~ _ — = - + = m " . . 7 — -
eee a ERS ee a eee ee an i a ae ee OE -
a Contents.
Page
No. 297.
(Published 10th April, 1865)
On the Origin of the Hindvi Language and its relation to the
Urdu Dialect. —By Babu Ra’sunpraua’ta Mitra. Correspond-
ing Member of the German and the American Oriental
Societies, 489
The Mines of Rieics in Rajpootana. —Ry Col. se C. Brooxn, 519
Note on the Hailstorm of Thursday the 24th March—By Henry
I’. Buanrorp, A. R. 8. M., F.G.8., Joint Secretary of the
Asiatic Society, s 530
Observations on keeping Salt-water Fish alive for a considerable
time.—By Lt.-Col. R. C. Tyrrmr,. Da4
Observations on a few species of Geckos alive in the possession
of the Author.—By Lt.-Col. R. C. Tyriur, a i O80
Inscription on the Muqbura at Hailan, 549
Peculiarities and Uses of the Pillar Towers of the British Islands,
by Dr. T. A. Wiss, . Do2
Proceedings of the Asiatic Society for the months of November
and December, 1864, _... O13
Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Dice
tions taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta, for the
months of July, August, September, October, November and
December, 1864, ... xlix
Abstract of the Meteor ological Observations taken at Gangaroowa,
near Kandy, Ceylon, in December 1863, and Jan uary and
February, 1864, ees
Appendix— List of Naturalists, Numismatists, &e., ae oe i
, 7
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Contents. Vil
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS, Ge.
a
/View on the Lake in Bassein, Plates, 1 and 2, 40
_ ‘Sketch showing the Process of Fishery working i in the Lake in
Bassein, ... Pee Pe oa soe = AL
Plan of the ruins at Barsoor, se aE Se ee
» \. Figure of Durga as Mahisamar dini, | ... 44
Tnscription found in a temple at Barsoor, Pls. 1 and 2 Se
J) Outline for drawing Figs. of Deities, : se
7 Facsimile of a Sakya Thubba or Buddha, Pl, IL., er
| Plan of Choortun from Zaskar, Ladakh, Pl. Uil., a os Oe
' x7 Stone Ficures, Dékoo near Padum, Zaskar, Pl. ne Fe
=, Stone Figur es, Dékoo, near Padum, Zaskar, Pl. ... 154
+s Section ‘a Sealdah, Calcutta, Fee ae es Re yee
“Section at Kulnah, Jessore,. ae ee ee
*x Ground plan of the Ruins at Buddha Gayd, Se see
_-‘a7Figure of a Nat at Tagoung, na on
, Plan of Tagoung and Pugan, .. = oe .. 194
|. Hylobates Lar, L., ~ ae ee oe se TUG
Map of the J helum District, th 290
Doorway of Brechin Round Tower, hi.
_Diagramatic Section of the J helum District, Plates ae and ie 290°.
Facsimiles of the Benares and the Dighwa Plates, writing, ~-.... 321
Copper Statue of Buddha at Sulténganj, By hel a ae ea
Didunculus Strigirostris, ~... Sn ee ie
Trade Routes to China vid Burmah, as ... 482,
Trade Routes between Burmah and W. China, 2 We
vPlates I. to IV. of Coins found i in Guzerat, oxi IRS . 440
Town of Khetree,.. ae wie sigs ee
Pounders of ore wine Ghans.’ KABA a ae ee
_Koomar making a Smelting Furnace,.. We, sae
Copper Ore smelting furnace in play, pte Nt .-. o24
Copper Ore refining furnace, < | Wiest LO
vAlum and Sulphate of copper works, ‘Nos. 6 and 7.% Zhe O26
Anterior of boiling house for Alum and a of Copper, © 598 SUIT
\ Sections of Hailstones, Pls. I. and I1., ~ 5930
> Sketches of Pillar Towers, &e., BBA, 556, 559, 561, 564, BG 8
Pillar Tower of Cashel,... »- : sas eo DOL
sas eee Ue
--e~- Stas. a ; - . Ye a et
a — - _ = ~ 2 tn = ———
(ae - a . = ee ~ Seep 9 z ——- = = aah nian a=
SER TEP ERSTE a a Rg nS PE ee noe Se Ss en nS
ae a ee ee ih ag otnnee . Agee “ene Se a AML —
abe
es
‘ sete . Py ok
Ne Pe \
rte Te ie .
JOURNAL
ASIATIG SOULLT®,
IT a EET I SE AT MO NN Oe A LO OT of NT DCE ey pI SF DT pL EON ig OE
On the history of the Burmah face.—By Lieut.-Colonel A. P.
PuHayreE, C. B., Chef Commissioner of British Burmah. |
The Chronicles of the Kings of Burma, called Maha Radza Weng
are preserved with great care. Some years ago, the present writer was
presented by the king of Burma with a complete copy of this national
work. His Majesty is himself a man of learning, and the edition from
which the information now presented is derived, appears to have been
compiled under his direction with careful research. Supposed errors
of former editions are pointed out, and original authorities are in such
cases quoted, All that part of the history, which refers to cosmogony,
and the dynasties of kings in India, is derived from Pali books, and
has no more real connection with Burmese history, than the Hebrew
annals have with British history. The object of the present paper is
to make an epitome of the Burmese narrative, presenting only an
outline of the main facts, yet omitting nothing which is necessar y to
be known to understand the history of the Burmese race as written by
themselves.
The Maha adza Weng commences with describing the self-devel-
opment of the world, and the appearance of man therein. The system
of cosmogony has, together with the Budhist philosophy and religion,
been derived from India, and the Burmese kings profess to trace their
descent from the Budhist kings of Kappilawot of the Sakya tribe, to
which race Gautama Budha belonged. The history contains the
Budhist account of the first formation of human society ; the election
of a king, and the grant to him of a share of the produce of the soil.
These legends constitute to this day the foundation of the authority, —
B
\
- ~ See ree ee IE IE at St et ——
_ a —. < ~ % : F Se — = “
— - ae? pa " " . a - a - Pee - == . a ro’ PUT a DP Oe
. Stas ee Se ESS a ALT I A SR Dien meh minr-wnineie-oreeite-ac wn te ee
2 On the history of the Burmah Race. [No. 1,
temporal and spiritual, of the Burmese kings. ‘The foundation of that
authority they continually refer to, and it 1s ever present to the minds
of their subjects. It is proper therefore briefly to record that portion
of the national history.
The history opens with announcing that after a cycle of the great
revolutions of the universe, wherein worlds are destroyed by fire, by
water, and by air, had elapsed, the present earth ernerged from a
deluge. A delicious substance like the ambrosia of the gods was left
by the subsiding water, spread over the earth. The throne of Gautama
first appeared above the water. At the same time, the beings called
Brahma, who live in the upper world or heavenly regions, had aceom-
plished their destinies. They then changed their state, and became
beings with corporeal frames, but without sex.* Their bodies shone
with their own light, and full of joy they soared like birds in the
expanse of heaven. From eating of the ambrosia, the light of the
bodies of these beings gradually declined, and because of the darkness,
they became sore afraid. Because of the glory of those beings, and
because also of the eternally established order of nature, the sun, of gold
within and glass without, fifty yoodzanas+ in diameter, and one
hundred and fitty in circumference, appeared above the great Eastern
island, (of the solar system,) and threw forth his ight. The inhabi-
tants of the world were then relieved from fear and called the sun (in
Pah) Thoo-ree-ya.
In like manner the first appearance of the moon and stars is described,
the central mount Myenmo (Meru,) and the whole sek ya or solar
system. The history then proceeds :—
“Of the world’s first inhabitants, some were handsome, some not
handsome. As the handsome ones despised the others, in consequence
of the haughty evil thoughts thus engendered, the ambrosia of the
earth disappeared, and they ate of the crust of the earth. Then in
process of time selfishness and desire increasing, the earth’s surface
crust disappeared. They then ate of a sweet creeping plant; when
that disappeared, the Thalay rice came up, which as they gathered, it
was renewed morning and evening. Placing it ina stone jar, flames
* It is from these beings that the
people called by Europeans Burmas, Bur-
mans or Hurmese take their y E ;
Name. In the Burmese language the name is written
Mran-na or Mram-ma and is generally pronounced by themselves Bu-md. See
note at the end. | 7
+ A modern yoodzana equals about thirteen Knglish miles.
a en Cat Ser te energy
h 1864. ] On the history of the Burmah Race. 3 |
issued, and it was prepared for food. Its flavour was whatever the
eater desired. From eating of this food, human passions were develop-
Re ed, and the beings became men and women. ‘Then as evil deeds began
to prevail, the wise censured and severely treated the others. The
tn
latter wishing to hide their evil deeds built houses. Then the lazy
’ among them having stored up the food, the Thalay rice acquired
husk, with a coating of coarse and fine bran, and where it once had
_ appeared, it did not sprout again. They then. said,—“ It is good for
us to divide among us the Thalay vice plants, to possess each his own.”
Nth Then they distributed the Thalay rice plants. After that, an unprinci-
iii ~-pled one among them, fearing that his own share would not sutftice,
le stole the share of another. Once and twice he was warned ; in the
sh third offence, he was beaten. From that time theft, falsehood and
sn punishment existed.”
ni The world’s first inhabitants then assembled and thus consulted
ane together: “ Now wicked times have come; therefore let us select an
IE upright religious man, one having the name and authority of a ruler, to
tip reprove those who deserve reproof, and to expel those who deserve to
mn be expelled, and let us give him a tenth share of our Thalay rice.” This
mv == was agreed to, and an excellent iman, full of glory and authority, the
embryo of our Gautama Phra, being entreated to save them, was
| elected king, and was called Mahd:tha-ma-dé. In verse, it is sung
that he was of pure nature, of exalted authority, and of the race of
si the sun.
nd “like a second sun, he dispelled darkness or ignorance ; his sood
qualities shone as the light, and from his power and authority, and
of from being the first of kings in acts of great diligence, he is called
r Manoo.* After this, men of wisdom who desired to destroy wicked-
ii hess, lived in huts in the forest, and ate only what they received in
ty charity ; they were called Brahmans. Others tilled the eround and
traded; they were called wealthy men and merchants. The rest being
4 poor persons in humble employments were called Soodras, or poor
people. Such were the four classes of men.*”
y This history represents king Maha-tha-ma-dé as reigning for an
BI ey se z e = . e -
a * The word appears to mean generally lawgiver or king. The word is Indian
i not Burman. |
ry + Among the four classes, it will be observed that the ruling power is placed
first according to the Budhist system, The Brahmans appear as literati and
asvetics.
B 2
4 On the history of the Burmah face. [No. 1,
athen-khye, beg a period represented by a unit and one hundred and
forty cyphers. He had twenty-eight successors who reigned in the
eountries of Malla and Kotha wattee. The next dynasty which num-
bered fifty-six kings reigned in Ayooz-za-poora. The next of sixty |
kings reigned in -Bara-na-thee or Benares. Then eighty-four thousand |
kines reigned in Kap-pi-la the native country of Gautama, in distant |
after times. Next thirty-six kings reigned in /at-li-poora.- Numer-
ous other dynasties are mentioned which are represented as established !
in various countries of India, and as lasting for many millions of years.
The first king after Jaha-tha-ma-daé whose history is brought in as I
directly connected with subsequent events, is Awhk-kd-kareet king of i
Bara-na-thee or Benares. It is related that this king had five queens. A
The eldest named //at-¢a had four sons and five daughters. Having
given birth to these children Hat-ta died. The king then married a hs
young Princess who gave birth to a son named Deandoo. The king | if
highly pleased, promised to confer any favour on the young queen i
which she might ask. Prompted by her own kindred, she asked that
her son might be declared heir to the throne. After much entreaty,
the king consented, and calling his sons and daughters, gave them a
retinue of followers, with elephants and horses, and they went forth
to establish a country, and search for a place to build a city.
At this time the embryo of Gautama Phra, a wealthy Kap-pi-la
— Brahman, having abandoned his house, had become a hermit in a teak
“a forest* in the Himalaya jungles or mountains. In the Rad-ca- Weng-
gyee, ib 1s called an En-gyeen forest. There the hermit had built his
lodge. ‘The Princes came to the place in search of a site for a city.
he hermit foresaw that a city built there, would, in after time, be of
great tame in Dzaim-bu-dee-pa, the world of man, and advised them to
build their city there and to call it fiap-pi-la-wot.¢ Then the Princes
consulted together saying “There are with us no king’s daughters of
our own race, nor are there any king’s sons for our sisters ; if marriages
are made with other races the children become impure ; in order to
preserve our race, let us put aside our eldest sister as a mother,f and
we four marry our four younger sisters.” It was done so. From that
* The national chr micler discusses whether the forest in question consisted of
A Ree © | A: : = e = “
Sal or of Teak trees. He finally decides in favour of the teak as the more dignifi-
ed tree of the two, but appears to have come to a wrong conclusion.
7 This appears to signify “the Kap-pi-la Brahman’s place of religious duty.
be is } 2 . a } © => : ° 2 ° 5 .
* Tn Burma to this day the king s eldest daughter is not given in marriage, but
remains unmarried at least during the life of her parents.
—* oe > — ee > = : —— —— - =a - = - * = = , Pa
Fo nn rE ES a a NL RE OT I I Sin eis nintwrninetsrebittnnns mit ee = m7
it
1864. | On the history of the Burmah hace. 5
time the race became known as the Tha-kya-tha-kee race of Kap-pt-
la-wot.
Regarding the origin of the Kaw-le-yé Princes, the elder of these
four brothers named dAwhk-ka-mok-kha, and the others, had put aside
their elder sister Pee-ydé as a mother. She was atflictea with leprosy,
or a similar disease, and they determined to place her apart in a
secluded spot They had her conveyed to a cave with a dwelling
covered by branches of trees, and she was left there. At that time,
in Bara-na-thee, there reigned Rdma, the son of Brah-ma-dat. He
being afflicted with leprosy, gave over his kingdom to his eldest son,
and went into the forest in search of herbs to cure himself. He
established himself in a hollow tree, and before long, was by the use of
herbs restored to health. Not far from this, was the place where the
Princess Pee-ya was shut up. One day the Princess, bemg alarmed
by a tiger, cried aloud, and king Adéma heard her. He came to the
place, made himself known, and they were married. The Princess
bore thirty-two sons, who were instructed by their father in all the
accomplishments fit for Prices. When the kine of Bara-na-thee
heard what had happened, he offered to resign the kingdom to his
father ftdma. But dma refused saying, “ Here leaving my Ka-
3
lan tree, I have built a city,” and from that, the city came to be called
Kau-la-na-ga-ré and thence Kau-le-ya. When the sons of king Rdma
and queen Pee-yt had grown up, their mother said thus to them ;
“The Princes of the Tha-kee race of Kap-pi-la-wot are your uncles ;
their daughters are fond of dress and perfumes; when they come to
bathe in the river /eau-ha-nee,* you go to the river bank and seeing
your comeliness they will love you.” ‘Their mother having said thus,
the sons went tu the river bank, and when the Tha-kee Princesses were
drying their hair after bathing, they listened to the words of the
Prmces and followed them. When the Tha-kee Princes heard this,
as the race of the young men was not different, they acquiesced. Thus
commencing with king Rama and queen Pee-yd, the Kau-le. ya tribe
originated. |
The Dewd-da-hé kings began thus. The Tha-kee Princes of ap-
pr-la-wot had a small lake where they built a pleasure-house. When
the country increased the place was called Dewd-da-hé. The Prince
who lived there was called the Tha-kee Prince of Dewd-da-hé. So the
* This appears to be thé Rohini, one of the feeders of the Rapti.
ow eee ser ne "
a erie" . i we 24 < i A et re ee es + Oe ee 3 Oe FO On et rte 0 Or Rete ee = betel” 68 ree a © ee
a . :
— . -
a — — —— aie . 4. a i 4 ig .
ot c renee SF ERIS a NS EE TL TIE A OTN SS ee Snes Ree Sine ~ ewe Fe Se sh
6 On the history of the Burmah Kace. | No. 1,
three kings of Dewd-da-ha, Kap-pi-la-wot and Kau-le-ya, with numer-
ous elephants, horses, and soldiers, carried white umbrelias, and attained
to the dignity of kings of a great country.
From Auwk-ka-moo-kha king of Kap-pi-la-wot, descended after many
thousand years king Dza-ya-the-na. His son was Thee-ha-ha-noo, and
the latter’s son was Thoo-dau-da-na. The sister of Z’hee-ha-ha-noo was
Ya-thau-dha-ra. The son and daughter of Auk-ka-ka, the king of
De-wé-da-ha, were married to the daughter and son of king Dza-ya-
the-na of Kap-pi-la-wot. The children of the Dewd-da-ha chief were
Inzana the son, and Kinzana the daughter. Thee-ha-ha-noo the son
of Dza-ya-the-na married Kinzana, ard they had five sons named, Thoo-
dau-da-na, Dau-tau-da-na, Thek-kau-da-na, Thook-kau-da-na, A-mee-
tau-da-na ; and two daughters, Amee-td and Pa-lee-ta. Dza-ya-the-
ni’s daughter Ya-thau-da-ya married In-za-na the son of king of
De-wi-da-ha, and had two sons, Dan-da-ba-nee, and Thob-ba-bood-dha ;
and two daughters Th2-ri-ma-ha-ma-ya, and Pa-za-pa-tee-gaw-da-mee.
The elder daughter gave birth to the Phra loung* Prince Theiddatta ;
the younger daughter gave birth to Dza-na-pa-da-ka-lya-nee, called
also ftoo-pa-nan-da and Nanda. Ameeta the daughter of Thee-ha-
ha-noo, warried Thob-ba-bood-dha the son of In-za-na, and had a
daughter Bad-da-kin-za-nd, and a son De-wa-dat.- The Prince or
Phra loung Theid-dat-ta-kooma-ra the son of king Thood-dau-da-na
married Bad-dha-kin-za-na called also Ya-thou-dha-ra, the daughter
of Theb-ba-bood-dhe. king of De-wi-da-hé. They had one son Ya-hoo-la.
The (maternal) grandfather of the Phra, named king JIn-za-na,
corrected the Calendar in the year 8645, and in 67 (of the new era)
the Phra loung entered the womb of Thi-ri-ma-ha-md-ya, and when
ten months were completed he was born in the year 68, on the full of
the moon Ka-tshon. At sixteen years of age, he married Va-thau-dha-
ra the daughter of Thob-ba-bood-dha, and for thirteen years enjoyed
the life of a Prince in the palace. At twenty-nine years old, he went
forth from the palace, and having attained Boodhahood, and preached
* Phra loung 7. e. the embryo Phra, a term for Gautama Budha. The word
Phrd, now adopted into the Burmese language, is according to Professor Wilson
a corruption of the Sanscrit Prabhu Lord or Master. This appears to be the
most probable origin of the word. It certainly is not a pure Burmese word. The
orthography of it m ancient stone inscriptions at Pugin is Bu-rhé and Pi-rha.
The Burmese have used the original much as European nations have the Pali
word Da-go-ba. The modern word is written Phu-ré. -
7 This De-wa-dat was the great opponent of Budha Gautama. They were first
cousins by birth, and Gautama had married Dewa-dat’s sister.
Ee — ee *
ae yee ili Se Svan Sh nee enticetie eare o
1864. | On the history ef the Burmah face. } 7 |
the law during fifty-one years, he, in the year 148,* at the age of
eighty, passed to Weib-ban, or in common language, died. He died in
the country of Koo-thi-na-yoon, where the Malla tribe ruled. In the
month Wagoung of the same year, the first Thenggd-ya-nd or great
council, was called by A-dzd-ta-that the king of Madzagyo, and it was
then agreed, that that year should be counted as the year one, of
religion. f
As the kings of Burma claim to be descended from the DLha-kya
race of Kap-pi-la-wet to which Gautama belonged, the inter-marriages
of the chiefs of that tribe are thus carefully detailed in the history.
Having brought down the narrative of events to the death of Budha
Gautama, the first volume of the work proceeds to give an account of
the geography of the world of Dzam-boo-dee-pa, where the Budhist
kings reigned. In this mythological geography, Dzawm-boo-dee-pa refers
to the earth generally, but that term is constantly confused by being
sometimes apphed to the continent of India only, the other parts of
the world beng considered as too insignificant whether in extent or
in civilization, to be mentioned. Dzam-boo-dee-pa therefore frequently
represents India prominently, and the world remotely.
The great earth, or substratum of rock on which Dzam-boo-dee-pa
rests, 1s represented as being &2,000 yoozanas in depth. On this rock,
rests Dzam-boo-dee-pa or the island of the Dzam-boo or Hugenia tree.
It is broad at the north side, and to the south narrows like the fore-
part of a cart. This represents roughly the form of the continent of
India, which shows that the ancient books followed by the history,
frequently by the term Dzam-boo-dee-pa, referred to India only. From
north to south i6 is ten thousand yoozanus long, and the same from
east to west.
In the great ocean outside and which surrounds it, are five hundred
small surrounding islands. Ceylon is a prominent island to the west-
ward. At the northern extremity of Dzam-boo-dee-pe, grows the Euge-
nia tree with golden fruit, the size of globular water-pots.
In the Himalaya, it is stated there are seven great lakes. From one
named Anau-tat-ta proceed four great aqueducts. By one of these,
a river issues through the elephant mouth into the western sea; by
another, a river fails through the horse-mouth to the northern Sea ;
* This refers to the era established by king In-za-na.
+ According to the Burmese Calendar, the year 2406 of religion commenced
on the 18th of April, 1862, when the year 1224 of the common era commenced.
S On the histery of tre Burmah Race. | No. 1,
one through the lion-mouth to the eastern sea ; and one through the
cow-mouth into the southern sea.
All the eountries of India as mentioned in the Maha Raza Weng
are enumerated below, but there appears to be some confusion, result-
ing apparently from some states having in the course of time subdued
others, and from the historian not knowing, that some small States
appear sometimes as members of a confederacy, in an extensive coun-
try occasionally called by one general name; and at other times are
lost in the establishment of a monarchy. —
The regicn of MMeets-tree-ma-detha or the central land, is bounded
to the east by Ga-dzeng-ga-la-ne-gon village ; to the south-east by |
Lhal-la-wa-tee river; to the south by Lhé-ta-kau-nee-ka-nee-gon vil- ,
lage ; to the west by the Brahman village Dho-na ; to the north by
Oothi-rid-da-dza hill. In the centre is the great Baw-di tree. Around
are the sixteen great countries which are as follows :—
)
:
1. En-ga. | 9. Koo-roo. |
2. Ma-ga-da. | 10. Pin-tsa-la. |
3. Ka-thee. ; 11. Mits-tsa. |
4. Kaw-tha-la. 12. Thoo-ra-the-na. ti
5. Wits-tsee. 13. A-tha-ka.
6. Mél-la. 14. A-wan-tee. z
i 4. -Tsé-ti-ra. 15. Gan-da-ra.
8. Wan-tha. 16. Kam-bau-dza. a
| There are also 21 great countries : , |
1. Koo-roo. 12. Weng-ga. ,
2. Thek-ka. 13. Wee-dé-ha. 7
8. Kau-tha-la. 14. Kam-bau-dza. :
4. Ma-oa-da. 15. Mad-da. |
5. ‘Thee-wee. 16. Beg-ga. If,
6. Ka-lin-ga. 17. Eng-ga. 7.
7. A-wan-tee. 48. 'Thee-ha-la. i.
8. Pin-tsa-la. 19. Kath-mi-ra. 1;
9. Wits-tsee. 20. Ka-thee. :
10. Gan-da-ra. 21. Ban-da-wa.
11. Tse-ti-ra. 7 |
The great kingdoms are twenty : | | | :
1 Ba-ra-na-thee. 3. We-tha-li. i
2. Tha-wat-tee. 4. Mi-hti-la. f ’
a
— ae , + ~ - 4 < eS a - r 4 Ee ae —— SS
~~ Fadamactens = a _ - - a - - = “ — -—.™ ~ sna? s om? > = = .
Sane . — ar
RS ta a nc ee Seen
ere Malet Tee Sir ie a eal i eS pea Se
'
4]
fyi
|
1864. | Account of Natives of the Andaman Islands. 681
Account of further intercourse with the Natives of the Andaman Islands.
(Extract from a letter from Cot. TytLER, Superintendent of Port Blaar,
dated the 14th January, 1863.)
I enclose notes from our daily interview with the aborigines ;
though not very interesting, still they may afford someidea. I think
the time has now come when we may reasonably expect a friendly
intercourse with them ;—pray let me know your views ; this is the first
time they have ever been so friendly, and their women are now
coming forward. Smith and his crew have beyond all doubt cained
their confidence, so I will encourage him as much as possible in this
important duty.
Tor upwards of a month a body of aborigines have been seen at
North Point and in their canoes in North Bay, and when boats have
gone near them, they have evinced a friendly feeling towards Huropeans,
although they are distrustful to natives, and on one occasion they
entered a boat containing a crew of Europeans, and danced; this has
induced me te desire that some, if possible, could be persuaded to visit
Ross Island in order by kindness to establish a friendly intercourse ;
accordingly I suggested to a party of the Naval Brigade to carry
out if possible my views; and on the 7th inst., Smith a Petty Oliicer
went over with six men in the joily-boat, and found the natives very
friendly ; they came down to the boat, and received bottles, plantains
and pieces of old iron which were given to them, and in return they
gave six bows and a lct of arrows and waist belts; this is a large party,
and a fresh arrival here, they are all evidently strangers.
January 8th.—Smith and the same party of Eurepeans went over
again in the morning and had a long interview with them, they gave
their bows and arrows, and anything else they had about then, willingly
in exchange for biscuits and plantains ; this is the first time they have
ever parted with their bows in such numbers. At noon, Smith ard the
Sale crew went across again to induce some to come over to Ross
Island ; though about 24 came down to the boat they did not like
staying in her; at last two of them, a boy and a man, got into the boat,
and as they shewed an inclination to cross over, they were brought to
Ross island where they had clothes given to them; they then walked
up the hill to the Superintendent and then to the barracks ; they shewed
no signs of fear, only did not like being separated ; they were much taken
32 Account of Natives of the Andaman Islands. [No. 1,
with a looking-glass, and kissed it to see what it was, and then looked
behind it to see who was there; the wooden floors of the bungalows
and barracks astonished them at first ; they seemed to wonder at the
noise made when walking. They soon however got over that, and then
danced vigorously, thumping as hard as they could and slapping their
chests, at the same time singing; the boy was about 18 years old and
the man about 25; the former shewed great intelligence, and both
appeared docile ; after remaining two hours they were taken back with
lots of presents. |
9th.—Smith and his crew going across this morning, the natives —
came down without hesitation, and several wanted to be taken to
Ross Island ; five were brought over, one of whom was over yesterday ;
all the way across he was talking to the others and pointing out
the different places, and on reaching Ross Island he took the lead on
shore. On coming into the officers’ quarters where they were at
breakfast, they wanted every thing they saw on the table, and did not
scruple to help themselves to whatever they fancied. They were all
yourg men, very short, from 4 ft. 6 in to 4 ft. 10 inches in height,
roughly tatooed, very black, and all except one quite bald; the hair
is very woolly, and very thick and short; the hair of those that were
quite bald had evidently been shaved ;—one had a little crop of hair
on his head; they were taken to see the pigs and were very much
astonished at seeing such large ones, and seemed to wonder why they
were shut up. A box was put up for them to shoot at with their bows
and arrows ;—they shot very well at 80 yards, but beyond that they
were uncertain, though they, shot with considerable force. A pig was
given to them to take away, and some dogs; on taking them back,
three women were seen, the first that have ever shewn themselves to
Huropeans, and some of the men went on shore, and into the jungie;
the natives wanted Smith and his crew to stop with them and sleep ;
they made signs that they would soon make a hut and bed; their
huts are the simplest things possible—three or four ratans stuck in the
ground and bent together at the top, and a few leaves laid on loosely
at the top; the height of them from the ground is only three feet, and
for all the shelter they afford, one might as well be under a tree or
bush. The fondness they evince for children was unmistakeable ; when
they saw mine, they stroked the head of my little son, who has long
flaxen hair, and carefully..tried to re-part the hair when they had
SS et eee ea
1864. | Account of Natives af the Andaman Islands. oo
ruffled 1t a little. I mention this trifling incident to shew that they
are not devoid of feeling, however savage they may have become from
their miserable wild life, and I have no doubt but that the time has
now arrived when we may reasonably hope to reclaim and civilize these
children of nature. As they trust Smith and his crew, who certainly
have gained their confidence, I will endeavour through their agency
to accomphsh my object.
10¢h.—lt was some time this morning before any natives
came down to the boat on its going across ;—they probab-
ly were gorged with all they eat yesterday, for they had -also kill-
ed and eaten the pig that had been given to them; but by going
into the jungle to their camp, some were soon induced to come
down, and also one of their women and two men; the woman came
into the boat, and came to Ross Island; one of the men had beer over on
both the former occasions, and although clothes had been eiven to him
each time, still he came over in a state of nudity; the woman also,
with the exception of a waist beit, with a buff passing between her
thighs, was quite naked ; she was very timid and kept a tight hold of
the man’s hand, and was very observant of every thing; a large pig
was shot for them to take away, and they stood by when the gun was
fred, without expressing any fear or wonder as to how the pig was
kailled.—On taking them back, the natives crowded round the two
that had been to Ross Island and had a long talk; they evidently —
had been afraid that we should have kept the woman, and were delighted
to see her safe back ; the woman was about 20 years of age, smaller
in height than the men, very black and excessively African looking |
—no hair on the head but a thin line in the shape of a long horse
shoe extending from the centre of the head downwards, so, Q, and
the skull daubed over with clay ; for decency’s sake, the sailors put a
sort of jacket and gown around her. One of the men had his right
' toot amputated, and his right ear nearly eut off,—evidently an old
' warrior, and about 40 years of age, but not grey in his woolly head of
sil” hair ;—the sailors made a crutch for him with which he was delighted
_and used it well ;—the other man was about 30 years old.
1l¢h,—TIwo men and a woman were taken this morning up to
Chatham Island, and were there photographed, they were then
' brought over to Ross Island—the woman was very lively, and laughed
a great deal, going about any where without the shehtest alarm,
E
34: Account of Natives of the Andaman Islands. [No. 1
She had her head shaved, like the men ;—a little patch of woolly hair
was lef on the back of the head,—her height was 4:%. 44 inches. The
men appear to make the women perform all the work, and do not
themselves carry any thing but their bows and arrows, and to-day
when the boat got back from Ross Island, although only three women
were on the beach and about twenty men, the women were made to
carry all the things from the boat ;—the men helped in cooking the
pig ;—the woman who came to-day was rather good looking, and about
20 years of age, very black, but with a pleasing countenance ;—she
frequently repeated the name the sailors had given her (Madam
Cooper—the former one being called Queen Nic)—-she was very much
struck with the appearance of our little children, and begged to have
them to kiss ;—great respect appears to be shewn by the men towards
the women, who appear almost to command the men, notwithstanding
that they seem to do all the work for them; this may be owing
to the apathetic nature of the men; they give every thing up to the
women, who freely take from the men any presents they may have
received. Amongst themselves they have a kind and friendly feeling ;
—they appear to love dogs and small animals, which they hold and
nurse with affection, I remark the men have an aversion to carrying
anything, for when presents are given to them they try to get the
sailors or even the convicts, to carry them. Both the men had their
heads only half shaven, which gave them an odd appearance.
12th.—The second Launch went over with Smith and his crew,
and remained there all day. Some of the men went on shore and
cleared away a piece of ground on which they will build a hut ;—the
natives watched the proceedings very attentively, but on trying to
get them to do anything in the shape of work they only laughed, and
would try for a few minutes and then give up and point to their arms
and legs, On the Launch returning for the evening, five men and three
women came across, and were taken to the barracks, and a pig given
to them for supper,—they singed the hair off first and then cut it up
into joimts and chops ;—they had a common knife to do this with, and
no butcher could have done it better,—each joint came off as easily as
possible,—they never missed the joint or had to cut twice. A room was
given them in the barracks, and they passed the night quite quietly,
—hefore dark they were rather anxious, and seemed to wish themselves
on the other side again, but when they got their supper that wore off;
SS SETS gg A SACS ELS gS I Se GES AR LEAEIORECR AB TERN Ea ER EEG A NRE E LNB SS iii RE I sh oa SS een ae '
1864.] Note on the Bactro-Pali Inscription from Taxila. 35
in the evening they ‘sat outside near a fire and roasted plantains,
yams, and fish, and were not at all timid, and quite pleased.
13¢h.—The Launch started from Ross Island with them, taking
portions of a hut to be erected on North Point for them ; but after
proceeding some distance, it was, owing to an accident obliged to put
back to Ross Island, so the natives or rather aborigines amused
themselves by entering the bazar and receiving presents of rings,
&e. &e. from the convicts and shop-keepers. In the evening, the
Launch put off again, and as it was late when they reached the other
side, the aborigines would not land but returned to Ross Island and
slept in the boat with the sailors.
14¢h.—The Launch went over to North Point with the abori-
gines; this morning upwards of ten women came out to welcome
the party ;—the hut is being erected. Smith and his crew have not
yet returned, and a]l promises to be successful, at least I hope so. If
will continue this Journal, for I must now close this, to send off by
the Burmah Mail Steamer.
PRI NING NIN INN LIVIN L NPN LDAP EIN ON LED
Note on the Bactro-Pali Inscription from Taxila— By Major-General
A. CUNNINGHAM.
In his note on my remarks on the Taxila inscription, Babu Rajendra
ial states that according to me “the Hidda record opens with the
words Samvatsaraye athavisatihi, 20.4.4. (= 28) mase Apilaésa eka-
visitehe ; but that, on referring to the facsimile in Ariana Antiqua, he ~
finds that the only letters visible are 4 4 mase Apeiisa chidasa, and
that the letters from ‘ Samvat’ to ‘20’ do not exist in the original.”
A similar remark has been made by Professor Dowson on my pre-
vious reading of this date as 28, (see Royal As. Soc. Jowr. Vol. XX.
p. 280). The Professor’s words are as follow: “The inscription on
the Hidda jar appears to be the earliest date known, the year being —
xX = 8. Col. Cunningham in his last paper on these dates reads it
as consisting of three figures, but this is a mistake, as there are only
two figures.”’
Notwithstanding these rather startling statements of two well
known scholars, I adhere to my reading as noted in the extract from
Eq
36 Note on the Bactro-Pali Inscription from Taxila. [ No. 1,
Rajendra Lal’s remarks. The words which are so confidently stated
not to exist in the original will be found at the end of the upper
line in the copy of the inscription in Ariana Antiqua. As this record
is stated to be inscribed on an earthen jar, [ concluded that the writing
was continuous round the vessel, and that Masson in making his copy
in a straaght line, had begun with the two remarkable crosses, simply
because he was obliged to begin somewhere ; and, as it is certain that
he-could not read a word of the inscription, I felt no hesitation in
transferring the last twelve letters of his copy of the first line to the
beginning of it.
Rajendra Lal specially objects to my reading of the letter 7 in the
word Apilaésa, as, in his opinion, the word of the original cannot by
any possibility have an Jin it. In reply to this T need only refer the
Babu to the very same form of the letter /, as read by himself through.
out the Wardak inscription. I therefore adhere to my first BoE of
Apilaésa for the Macedonian month of Apeilaios.
I note that Professor Dowson reads afta for eight, whilst I read
atha. The latter form is that which is used in the Indian Pali
inscriptions of the western caves,* and it is also the spoken form of
the present day. Moreover I look upon the character, which he reads
as a double f, to be only a slight modification of the ¢h of the Shab-
bazgarhi inscription. For these reasons I adhere to my own reading.
Rajendra Lal objects to my reading of the word Panemasa for the
Macedonian month of Panemos, for which he proposes to read pancha-
masa, or the “ fifth’? mouth. But there is a serious objection to this
reading in the fact that we have no grounds whatever for assuming
that the Hindus ever numbered their months beyond the four months
of each of the three seasons into which the early Indian year was divided.
There could not therefore be a fifth month. It is true that both
Dr. Stevenson and Mr. Thomas Lane managed to squeeze 32 days
into a fortnight, but this has only been effected by misreading the
final ill-formed letter of the word batiya asa cypher for 30, thus
making “ batt 32” instead of * batiya 2.°+
With reference to Rajendra’s correction of my translation, [ beg
again to state that I only put it forth as an “imperfect version of
such parts of the inscription as I had been able to make out,” (see
* See Bombay As. Soc. Journal, Vol. V. Junir 24, and Nasik 6,
+ Bombay Journ. As, Soc. Vol, V. Karli 18, line 3.
ny OM!
al ply
" my
fi) Ital
yy
1864.] Note on the Bactro-Pali Inscription from Tacila. a7
p. 139, Journ. As. Soc. Bengal, 1863). On all questions of Sanskrit
Grammar, I bow to Rajendra Lal’s acknowledged learning, and I have
therefore only a few words to say regarding his remarks. ‘The word
sapatika (or sepatika in Professor Dowson’s copy) I left untranslated—
but the next word, aprativddita, I rendered by “ matchless teacher’
as a simpler and more characteristic expression than the more literal
form of “ unopposable in argument.” I translated the words saputra-
ddéra, as “together with his son’s wife, ” instead of “together with his
son and wife,’ because I believed that if the latter sense had been
intended, the word cha “and” would have followed dara.
In page 153 Babu Rajendra accuses me of “ dropping cieoee
the wre before hi in my reading of the date of the Wardak inscrip-
tion ;” but in making this statement he is again mistaken, as he will
find by referring to p. 145 of my remarks, where there is a star, thus *
before hz, which is the usual way of marking that a letter is not satis-
factorily legible. But besides this prominent star, the Babu will find,
only just two lines afterwards, the following remark: “One letter only
is doubtful, although according to the form given to it in the copy, it
”» The insertion of the word divasa in
should be ste, or perhaps vr.
my first reading was a simple oversight, as the Babu might have seen
by its omission in my last reading.
In the engraving of my inscription from Ohind, the straight stroke
which follows the syllable San, and precedes the figures, 1s a mistake
of the engraver. On this part of the stone there is a shght irregular
crack the whole way across it, which has been straightened and
shortened by the engraver into a thick upright stroke, which looks
exactly as if it wasa part of the inscription. I notice this the more
particularly, because Professor Dowson has thought it possible that
this stroke might, if it meant any thing, stand for 100.
With reference to the names of the Macedonian months, which |
have read in no less than three of these Bactro-Pali inscriptions,
Babu Rajendra remarks (see p. 152) that “the system of naming days
according to the moon’s age is peculiarly Sanskritic, and the division
of the month into the light and dark halves of the moon is of Indian
or Sanskritic origin.” On this point I wish to draw the Babu’s
attention to the practice of the ancient Greeks, from Homer’s time
downwards, who divided their months exactly in the same way, namely
into the “first”? and “second” halves, pjjvos iorapévov being the first
aN
ah
a
ny hy |
_ Another lithographed plate illustrating Mr. O’Riley’s paper, will be
ily issued with the next number of the Journal. |
a Re RE re ; ~—s a OS AE St i et oe ee
oe ou > My Se
38 Note on the Bactro-Pali Inscription from Taxila. [No. 1,
or waxing half of the moon, and pivos POivovros being the second oy
waning half of the moon. ‘This mode of computing the days of the
month fell into disuse before the time of Alexander, as he is recorded
to have died on the 28th day of Daesius.
I may note here, with reference to early dated inscriptions,that Profes.
sor Hall’s conjecture that the Budha Gupta inscription of Eran had
figured date of three cyphers, as well as a written one, is correct. The date
is given in figures, Saw165. ‘The middle figure is the same as that to
which Mr. Thomas has assigned the value of 50 ; but the true 50 is form-
ed thus, U , and the 60 both of this inscription and of the coin is found
differently thus, y - The cypher for 40 as found on Skanda Gupta’s
coins 1s like the Bactrian ch, % , or the pt in Gupta characters.
The decimal cypher on Budha Gupta’s coins I read as 70. In the early
Indian system of notation, there would appear to have been two dis-
tinct cyphers for 100. Thus on the Gupta coins, and in the early
Mathura inscriptions, I find the Bactrian letter % or A, the initial
of hat or 100 in the spoken dialects of the West; but on the early
coms of Ujain as well as in the inscriptions of the Balabhi copper
plates, the cypher for 100 is the old N agarl 28 or s,—the initial
letter of sat, or 100; and this same letter is still used in Malabar in the
old form as the cypher for 100. The other centenary numbers are
formed by attaching the units on the right hand of the cypher for 100
thus 28 ad is 200, ve is 800, and “Th is 500, in the series formed
from ™) . In the other series we have oo 7 for 100, and also
*) for 100 in the Budha Gupta inscription, and in one of the later
Mathura inscriptions I find the date of Samvatsara SfQ0 which I
read as 780, but with considerable hesitation. This system of forming
the hundreds by joining the unit figures to the centenary cypher
I showed to Mr. Griffith of the Benares College, as well as to
Mr. Bayley some two or three years ago. or the cypher of 500 Iam
indebted to Dr. Bhau Daji: but, as will be seen above, I do not agree
with him in the forms of the ficures for 200 and 300.
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1864. ] Remarks on a Lake in the District of Basse. 39
Remarks on the “ Lake of the Clear Water” in the District of Basse,
British Burmah.— By HK. O’Ritey, & G. S., Deputy Commission-
er, Bassewn. ,
One of the most material branches of the revenue of the Province
of Pegu is that derived from fisheries, which, as the purchase price
of the monopoly of lakes and rivers, tax upon nets and other apparatus
for catching fish, produces to Government the large item of 4,20,000
Rupees annually. Of this item about one-third is formed from the rent
of fresh water preserves situated above the tide-flow in the principal
rivers and their affluents ; and when that amount is taken as a base
of valuation for the quantity of fish obtained, bearing in mind that it
represents simply the right of fishing only, 1¢ will be found that this
source of sustenance of life assumes a character almost miraculous ; in
fact even those who regard the products of nature only as a means
| to the end of their own wants, can form no appreciable idea of the
magnitude of the gift a bountiful Providence has thus bestowed.
Considering the subject of sufficient importance scientifically to
engage the interest of the enquirmg mind, I have taken as “ data”
the ‘ Lake” of these remarks, a preserve formed by nature to
supply the waters of the main river with a never-failinge source of
human sustenance, and characterized by geological features that render
it the more interesting on that account.
Lhe subjoined rough sketch shews the position of the Lake ; its cir-
cumference 1s about 5 miles witha pretty uniform breadth of 280 to 300
yards and depth from 20 to 45 in the centre ; it is connected with the
“ Dugga River,” a large branch of the “ Na-woon” or Bassein River,
by a small outlet which serves to replenish the water of the lake at
) the period of the freshes from the Irrawaddy during the S. W. mon-
soon, and carries off the surplus water on the subsidence of the river.
_ In both the small streams indicated forming the inlet as well as the
| main river, the water is shallower than that of the lake, and the general
breadth of the latter greater than the river, so that, notwithstanding
the impression on first view of its having at some distant period formed
a part of the river, a subsequent exploration induced the conclusion
that the lake has been formed by causes totally independent of stream-
aguion, and from the homogeneous character of the formation of its
40 Remarks on a Lake in the District of Bassein. No. 1,
banks, without any material break in its uniformity of outline, its origin
may be attributable to a gradual subsidence of the substratum, or a
slip of the lower-lying beds of the tertiary shales and clays upon which
the lake rests. It is certainly the fact that the water of the lake
when relieved of the surcharge from the river has a different
eolour (dark opaque olive) from that of the river when uninfluenced
by the efflux from the Irrawaddy, and its properties are such as to
cause the fish init to attain a larger size and greater degree of
fatness than those of either river or lakes in the vicinity. It may be
concluded therefore that at a period perhaps coeval with that of the
river itself, the springs which now feed the lake broke through the
superior beds, leaving the present circular depression with its Island
as one of those eccentric feats of nature usually classed as phenomena,
As a‘ preserve” for fish to which their natural instincts would
direct them for purposes of spawning and breeding, it will be seen that
the lake is eminently adapted; and I am informed by the villagers
who reside on its banks that after the rains of the monsoon have filled
the water-courses, and the “ Dugga’” has become swollen and rapid,
the fish seek the still waters of the lake in vast numbers, making their
entrance through the small channel and shallow water at its southern
entrance, where the land is low and swampy ; this entrance is left open
until the fish have passed through, it is then closed during the height
of the waters ; and on thejr subsidence, when the channel has become
too shallow to admit of the fish escaping, it is again opened.
Under the Burman Government, this lake had a far-famed celebrity
from the abundance and excellence of the fish caught on the occasion
of the annual drawing of its bed during the full moon of June ; on
which occasion, traders from Ava, from Prome, and the larger towns
on the Irrawaddy, assembled to make their investments in smoke-dried
fish cured ‘on the spot, while the fish-dealers from Bassein, and other
towns on the lower streams, as at present obtains, purchased the fish
alive, and transported them in bamboo cages immersed in the water,
from which they were sold still in a live state; owing to the profits
realized in this trade, the competition for the purchase of the fish
at the lake became so great, that it was not unusual to make advances
several seasons previous to the completion of the contract.
So valuable a source of revenue to the Burmese Government as
this fishery afforded, was not allowed to escape easily ; accordingly the
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1864: | On the Vegetation of the Jhelum Dustrict. 291
district. It is situated in Lat. 82° 56’ N. Long. 78° 47’ H. (A. K.
Johnston, 1855) and is about 671 feet above the sea level. It may be
considered as occupying the centre of the Jhelum Tract. Nearly a
mile to the west of this is situated the Military cantonment, once
occupied by a large force of native troops, but since the mutiny, all
but left to ruin.
The Jhelum Tract is the plain country enclosed within the Khari-
an and Ratian ranges of hills, with the Jhelum river running in the
midst. It commences at the fort of Mungla, and ends some miles
above Jelallpore, where the Kharian range and Surafur hills close in
upon the river. It consists on the whole of a beautiful plain, which,
near the bases of these hills, is cut up into ravines, but afterwards
opens out into richly cultivated flat land. This, on the Jhelum side,
is divided into three parts, by the wide sandy beds of the Kuhan
(or Bukrala) and Boonah nullas.
The geological formation of this tract consists of —
Ist. Recent tertiary, close to the river, which, in some places, as
at Doolial and Cyngoee, is made up of a rich mould yielding profuse
and good successive crops.
2nd. Pleistocene tertiary; this lies below the recent tertiary, but
the latter disappears as we go inland, and the Pleistocene crops out
upon the surface, containing beds of kunkur at the river, of some
value, with a tolerable amount of surface soil.
3rd. As we approach the base of these ranges of hills, viz., the
Ratian, &c., we enter upon a Miocene tertiary country, characterised
by deep water-courses or ravines full of huge boulders, shingle and
sand. From this the hills suddenly rise up, consisting of clay, marl,
conglomerates, and sandstone, the last containing fossils similar to
those found in the Sewalik range of hills, of which the geology of
these hills is supposed to be the counterpart.
Water is obtained in this tract at little cost and labour, from
wells about 20 feet deep, which yield a plentiful supply, fresh and
sweet. A well is to be met with, attached to every village, and
to many there are several, all worked with the Persian wheel. Their
water is not used for irrigation, excepting for tobacco and small
patches of cotton, but chiefly for gardens: the former of these
crops indeed may be regarded as garden produce. Water is not
raised from the river for irrigation. One stream of fresh water, the
292 On the Vegetation of the Shelum District. [No. 3,
Kuhan nulla, runs through this tract. Its water is not used for
irrigation, but where this stream passes through the range of hills at
Rhotas, its power 1s used to drive three or four flour mills. The
remains of a canal of the old Seikh time are to be traced from near
Doolial, in a direct line, to a little above the Civil Lines at Jhelum,
across that portion of the country, where the river takes a rapid turn
from a southerly to a westerly course.
AGRICULTURAL PRODUCE.
Two crops are generally produced during the year, viz:, the Rubbee
and Khureef. For the Rubbee crop the Zemindars begin to sow about
the end of October; and collect the harvest during April. The
Khureef crop is sown in June, and is collected about the end of Sep-
tember or during October. ‘The hot weather extends from the middle
of April to the middle of October; the cold weather over the rest of
the year. ‘The chief falls of rain occur about the end of August or
during September. Heavy rains also fallin March and April. The
crops generally throughout the Jhelum district are dependant for
their maturity upon these special falls of rain.
The chief products of the Rubbee crop are, Wheat “ Gohan, ” Triti-
cum estivum, var.; Barley, “ Jhow,” Herdewm hexastichon. Gram,
“ Chunna,” Cicer arietinum ; Rape, “ Surson,” Brassica campestris and
Eruca li. ; Linseed, “ Ulsee,” Linwm usitatissimum ; Saftlower, “ Ku-
soomba,” Carthamus tinctoria ; with a great variety of the Melon tribe.
Those of the Khureef crop are—
Millet, var. ‘ Bajree,” Penicillaria spicata. Millet, var. “ Jowar,”
Andropogon Sorghum; Cotton, “ Kupas,’ Gossypium herbaceum.
Indian corn, “‘ Makee,” Zea Mays. Sugarcane, “ Gunnah,” Saccharum
oficinarum; Oil seed, “Til,” Sesamum Indicum; Indian hemp,
“Sunn,” Crotalarea juncea.
Where irrigation may be resorted to throughout the year, tobacco
and rape are raised during the whole hot season, as in the Goojerat
district.
Wheat. Of this the bearded white variety is that which is chiefly
grown, although the red is not uncommon ; both are of average quality.
A large exportation of this takes place ; chiefly towards Mooltan.
Barley. The six rowed variety is produced of avery superior quality
and is largely cultivated ; the greatest part of this crop being also
exported towards Mooltan.
j
|
.
|
|
1864: | ‘On the Vegetation of the Jhelum District. 293
Gram. This is cultivated, but in small patches in this tract—of a
fine quality. The quantity, however, is not sufficient for local con-
sumption, a large importation taking place from other parts of the
district. Along with it we have the “ Massoor,” Hruwm lens, cultivated,
either mixed with the former or separately.
A very small quantity of the pulses are cultivated in this tract, viz.
“Moth.” Phaseolus acomtifolia.
?
“Mung.” Phaseolus mungo (The split peas of which constitute the
varieties of Dahl). ‘Their quality is good, though the crop is scarcely
sufficient for local consumption.
Bajree and Jowar, both excellent in their quality, are very largely
cultivated, and together with barley and wheat may be considered the
staple crops of the whole district. The Zemindar-class live chiefly on
the Bajree and Jowar, consuming for their food little of either wheat or
barley. Their cattle also are largely dependant for fodder upon the
Boossa obtained from the crushed stalks and leaves of the two former,
owing to the great want of pasturage in this tract. There are several
kinds of Boossa for feeding cattle, viz., that most commonly in use,
which is produced, as already stated, from the crushed leaves and
stalks of the Bajree and Jowar; that made from the straw of wheat
and barley ; that made from the straw and leaves of the pulses and
gram, which last is the highest in price and by the natives oiven
ehiefly to their horses, as also to cattle for fattening. Lastly, Boossa
obtained from the leaves of the “ Baer” the Zizyphus vulgaris.
Oil seeds. Of these we have— : |
“Surson.”” ‘The seeds of Brassica campestris, and Eruca, L. which
by simple expression yield oil called commonly “Surson ka tel,” or
“Thara meera ka tel.” 3B. Hruca yields a darker oil than B. campestris
and hence, to distinguish this oil from that of the latter, it is often
ealled “kala surson ka tel” or “kala surson.” The seed of the Til,
Sesamum Indicwm—also by simple expression, yields “Til ka tel”
viz. Til oil.
The seed of the flax “ Ulsee” yields “ Ulsee ka tel” viz. Linseed oil.
The plants of the above are cultivated, but not in sufficiency for the
uses of the tract, and hence their products are largely imported.
Cotton is grown in tolerable quantities, but as a field crop, 18 very
poor in quality. Where, however, it is grown as a garden crop and
freely watered, some of the produce is exceedingly good, both as
sia eiannie eeeeiiacecines ein.
utilissumus, &e.
294. On the Vegetation of the Jhelum District. | No. 8,
regards quantity and the quality of the fibre. The fact is, that the
soil in general is too poor and too dry, but if this be properly
enriched with manure, freely watered, and under shade, a good crop
is the usual result.
Tobacco. “Tumbakoo,” Nicotiana Tabacum, is cultivated more as
garden produce and undergoes free irrigation. There is not so much
raised as is required for local use, but what is raised, is considered of
a good quality.
Satilower. Of this a large quantity is cultivated, good in quality:
and sufficient both for the local market and for exportation. The
seeds are used, though not extensively, for making oil.
Indigo. Indigofera tenctoria—< Nil,” is cultivated strictly for
home consumption, and is used for dyeing the beard of the cultivator.
Rice. “ Chaul,” Oryza sativa has been cultivated in this tract, but
very rarely. ‘The fact is, there is no soil sufficiently moist and loamy
for its cultivation.
Sugar-cane grows in this tract only as a garden product, not to
have its juice extracted for the preparation of sugar, but to be sold
in the bazar in the cane, and thus eaten by the natives. ‘The cane
is very poor, being small and exceedingly silicious.
“Sunn,” Crotalarea juncea and “Sooja Para,” Hibiscus cannabinus
—are both grown in small patches and in stripes round fields, the first,
however, more commonly. ‘The fibres of both are good, and are
manufactured into-a coarse twine by the zemindar and thus sent to
market, ‘They do not seem to be cultivated for exportation.
GARDEN PRODUCE.
From gardens, which are attached to nearly every village, we have
the markets well supplied with all the vegetables that are usually
cultivated by natives, and which are used extensively by them in the form
ot “thurkarees.” The principal vegetables are “ Moolies,” varieties
of the radish—“ Piaz,” onions--“ Baingons,” egg-plant, Solanum
Melongena ; ‘““Shalgum,” varieties of the turnip-—“ Poluch,” varieties
of the spinach-—“ Gaager,” varieties of carrot—“ Shuker-kund,” species
of Arum—‘ Moukha,” Portulaca oleracea—* Ram-turai,” Hibiscus
longifolius—besides an immense variety of the Cucurbitacee vit.
“ Kudoo,” Cucurbita Pepo ; “ Keera,” Cucumis sativus ; “ Khurbooza,”
Cucumis Melo ; “ Turbooza,” Cucurbita Citrullus ; “ Kukree.” Cucumis
bse Sean ~ |
———-
=
——s
—
ES
wt J
1864. | On the Vegetation of the Jhelum District. 295
And used as condiments we have—
“Lal-mirch,”’ Capsicum frutescens ; “ Ajywain,” Ptychotis Ajowain ;
“Sonf;” Feniculum Panmorium ; “ Aneeson,” Pimpinella aniswm 5
Cichorium intybus ; “ Lusson,” Allium satiwum.
The following may be considered as a rough sketch of the vegetation
round a village of the district. Close to the village there are gene-
rally one or two small plots of garden ground, in the vicinity of the
wells from which they are watered. These gardens are carefully
surrounded by a strong and tolerably high fence of the branches of
the “Keekur,” Acacia Arabica. Round the margin of these plots
principally, and in close proximity to the wells, will be found trees of
the “ Keekur’” Acacia Arabica; “ Baer,” Zizyphus gujuba; a few
“ Lessoora,” Cordia Mysxa ; an occasional “ Burna,”’ Crataeva religiosa ;
sometimes a “Sissoo” Dalbergia Sisseo; and not unfrequently some
fine specimens of the A%eus Indica, “ Bore” and £. religiosa, “ Pipul.”
Then come plots of ground a little larger, enclosing tobacco, cotton
and sugarcane, the last uncommon in this tract. These several plots
are more or less watered from the wells, htt with these exceptions no
further irrigation of the crops in general is carried on.
The rest of the fields open out beyond with no divisions between:
them, except perhaps a footpath ; wherever a hedge of any sort is met
with, one may be certain of the close proximity of the dwellings of
the natives or of places for housing cattle.
A few fruits, the produce of the district, are sold in the market.
The chief of these are the mangoe, in a green and unripe state and
of poor quality ; the orange, sweet lime, and citron, all excellent ; also,
during nearly the whole year, the plantain. In the gardens of
Europeans, however, we have a large number of English vegetables
cultivated, with such fruits as the grape, fig, guava, apricot, peach and
strawberry, all good of their kind.
TREES.
Most of the trees in the Jhelum tract have been introduced, though
many have become naturalised ; few indeed can be said to be
native to it. We will therefore in writing of them, class them
under two heads.
Ist. Trees which have been introduced.
2nd. Trees which are native to the districé.
dst.—Of trees that have been introduced we have—
Cordia Myxa, “ Budda-lessoora.’’ The large-fruited Lessoora. This
yields the large kind of Sebesten. It is a handsome showy evergreen
tree, with good-sized timber, but is only found in gardens.
Cordia latifolia, “ Lessoora.” This tree yields the small Sebesten,
which is scarcely used. It is found in most of the gardens in
the district. It has small timber, which is not put to any use in
particular.
Syzigium Janbolanum, “Goulab Jaman.” Of this there are a few
fine trees, generally near the dwellings of Fakirs. There is one tree
on the summit of Mt. Tilla, fifteen feet in circumference.
Parkinsonia aculeata, “ Velaiti Kekur.”
Sesbania Algyptiaca, Pers.
These two latter exist as tree-shrubs: both are trué garden plants
and are extending their range ; both being now occasionally met with
near villages.
3
Baulima variegata, “ Kochnar.” A garden tree, the flower buds of
which are used largely in curries and pickles.
Morus alba and Morus laevigata, Wall. “Toot,” are in this
tract dwarfed from want of soil and moisture, and do not yield
timber.
Melia Azedarach, U. “ Buchyan,” Persian Lilae is attached to all
villages. ‘The timber is of no use: the foliage gives a good shade and
the ripe fruit is greedily seized upon by goats and sheep.
Moringa pterygosperma, “Sohounja,” or horse-radish tree, in this
tract is a garden product; its fruit is not used for oil making, nor
is its timber applied to any purpose. It affords, however, a good
shade. | 7
oe Populus Euphratica and P. dilatata, Don. “ Safaida” are both the
= | products of the gardens of Europeans.
= Acacia Serissa, Roxb. “ Seriss,” grows to a very handsome tree,
generally near European dwellings.
Cedrela Toena, “Toon,” has been introduced but lately. It both
flowers and fruits.
Bombax heptaphyllum, L., “ Sembul.”
Cassia fistula, L. “ Amultas,” the Indian Laburnum grows near
dwellings, not common; produces good fruit and flowers geuerally
twice during the year,
296 On the Vegetation of the Thelum District. | No. 3,
“
a a
valuable timber, we have but little, and what tree
1864. | On the Vegetation of the Shelwm District. — 297
Salic Babylonica, frequently met with near bunees, tanks, and damp
localities.
Ficus religiosa, “ Pipul,” and & Indica, “ Bore, Burgot,” Banyan
tree. Hine specimens of these are found throughout the district. It
is a matter of opinion as to whether their origin here be due to natural
causes or to their having been introduced. If the former, they must
be upon the confines of their northern limits,
2nd.—T'rees native to the district.
Crateva relogiosa, “ Burna.” This seems to have been at one time
a common tree in this tract, more especially upon the alluvial soil near.
the river, where there are still anumber of very large trees which give
a splendid shade and form large timber. The fruit is used to mix
with mortar for making a strong cement.
Tamaria Indica, Gallica, L. “ Furas.” In this tract the only trees
we have of this, have been planted, but in some other tracts we
find it is prolific. It produces a miserably poor brittle wood, used
chiefly for the fire. This tree resembles a fir and indeed by most
people it is generally mistaken for such.
Acacia Arabica, “ Kekur, Babool.” Of this we have two varieties,
viz.: A. A. var. spina, albida, and A. A. var. cypress. This latter is
the most elegant but the least common in this tract. They are both
large handsome trees yielding good shade, give excellent, useful timber,
and grow rapidly and well, over the whole district. Their wood is
used largely for ploughs, well wheels and tent pegs ; their branches for
feeding sheep, goats, camels and cattle in general, as also for making
hedges. The bark is used for tanning and making country spirits,
besides yielding not unfrequently a large supply of gum, “ Gondh.”
Acacia modesta, Wall “ Phulai.”” In good alluvial soil and where
there is drainage this becomes a fine timber tree. Otherwise, as where
it grows on the hills and ravines of the district, it is but a poor twisted,
stunted shrub, ft only for firewood, but for this purpose it is excellent ,
camels, goats, &e. feed in Spring on its young leaves and flowers. Its
timber is very hard and used greatly for wheels, especially when these
are to be exposed to wetting. The heart wood becomes quite black
and is as hard as iron.
Dalbergia Sissoo, “Sheshum.” Of this, which produces the most
S there are, have
apparently been planted during the rule of the English Government in
a 2
998 On the Vegetation of the Jhelum District. [No. 3
3
the Punjaub. A few trees, however, of Seikh times still exist near
wells, and shew splendid timber. The natives of the district would
induce one to believe that this had formerly been a common tree and
that during the Punjaub campaign it had been cut down. I believe it
has been introduced since our conquest of the country, with the
exception of the specimens near Tullagung.
Zizyphus gujuba, “ Baer,” is a good, rapid growing tree, produces
excelient wood, highly valued by the zemindars, and requires no
care or trouble to rear ; its fruit and leaves yield good fodder to goats,
sheep, &c. and its branches make excellent hedges.
The “ Baer” and the “ Kekur” are the staple woods of the whole
district, from which all the woodwork required by the agricultural popu-
lation is made. They spring up naturally from their seeds, whether
distributed by winds, men or animals. ‘They require no care in their
youth, and both grow freely without water, (or at least under very
straitened cirreumstances for it,) so long as they have some soil to
grow in. Onstony, sandy land they do not grow, but on clay they
spring up readily. At present there are few or no old trees in the
Jhelum tract and decidedly not many in any of the other tracts ; that
is to say, trees fit for timber. This is due solely to carelessness and
negligence on the part of the zemindars to substitute young trees for
those cut down ; hence there is at present a scarcity of timber, which
ina few years, if the present state of things goes on, will end in a
nullity of local produce. It appears to me that Government should
take up this subject in earnest, and only permit trees of above a certain
age to be cut down, making it an established rule, that for every
tree cut down, a proportionate number of young trees be planted.
The greater the age of the tree cut down, the larger should be the
number of young trees required to be substituted for that one re-
moved: and thus, instead of a scarcity of timber, in a few years,
a cheap supply of wood grown on the locality would be the result,
besides the benefit that would otherwise accrue to a country at present
all but destitute of trees. In replacing trees cut down, it is strongly to
be recommended that the Baer and Kekur be preferred to any others:
not even excepting the Sissoo, which, although a valuable timber tree,
takes too long a time to become useful and is too tender, requiring
too much nursing in its youth, to be of real paying benefit. ‘The
rapid growth of the Baer and Kekur and their non-liability to injury
: a. SS
1864. | On the Vegetation of the Shelum District. 299
from want of care, besides their great durability, more especially during
exposure to heat and moisture, are characters which render them of
immense value to the zemindar, who uses their wood for ploughs and
well-wheels where it is continuously exposed to the extremes of moisture
and dry heat; besides which, he gets a quick return for the labour and
trouble expended in rearing the trees, which are grown on the spot
where their wood is required for consumption. ‘Thus he is put to no
expense for carriage, while the branches of both trees are of great
value to him for fences for his fields, and the leaves, blossom and fruit
as fodder for his cattle.
CHARACTERISTIC PLANTS.
The characteristic plants of the Jhelum tract may be classed as
those met with—
1st, On the Islands and banks of the river,
2nd. On the moist marshy soil left by the receding of the river,
ord. in wells,
4th. As weeds in gardens,
5th. As weeds in fields.
6th. The remainder are met with on roads, waysides, fields aud
gardens, in short are not confined to any particular locality.
Ist. The characteristic plants met with on the isiands and banks
of the river Jhelum are :—
Tamarix dioica, Roxb. Called in the vernacular generally “ Pilchee,”
Jhao,” and frequently “ Furas” (the latter name, however, is more
generally applied to the tree 7. Indica). This with Saecharwi spon-
taneum covers the ‘slands (balaa’s) during the hot weather, with a
dense low jungle. Both are considered of some value for thatching ;
the former is also used largely for all kinds of rough basket work.
From the great abundance of both, and their cheapness, they are
used to consolidate the soil laid upon the Grand Trunk Road. By
the end of October, the islands are cleared completely of this jungle,
and nothing but the roots and stumps of the plants are left, which
begin again to send up fresh shoots in March and April. The
fresh shoots of the latter are at this time fed on by cattle. Cattle
will not, however, feed on the full grown grass, which is too coarse
and rough for them. On some of the Balaa’s, but chiefly on the banks
of the river on the Goojerat side, the Saccharum Munja“ Moonj,” is to
be met with in large quantities, forming a much higher and thicker
300 On the Vegetation of the Fhelum District. [No. 8,
jungle than that of the S. spontanewm. Its value is much ereater,
being used for rope-making. The cause of its high price is, that
ropes made from it are able to withstand the effects of moisture
combined with strain, much longer than any other rope made from
muterials as readily obtained. It is largely used by boatmen on the
river, as well as for the anchorage of the boats that form the bridges
on most of the Punjaub rivers. In 1861, the Moonj harvest was a
failure, and in its place large quantities of the leaves of the Chamerops
Ritchiana, “ Puttha” from the Attock district, were imported to the
rest of the Punjaub to supply the bridges with moorage rope. The
ropes are made by steeping the leaves in water for a certain number
of days, then tearing them into ribbon-like strips, which are plaited
together upon the principle of the watchguard plait, and then two or
three of the plaits are twisted into one rope of the required thickness.
The Moon; is said to bear a heavier strain and last longer than the
other, when both are exposed to moisture.
The Anatherum muricatum “ Khus Khus,” is met with in some
quantity, chiefly on the river’s bank, both cultivated and in a wild state,
near Russool ; also a few miles above Jelallpore. It is of value to the
zemindars who sell it for being made into tatties, &e.
2nd. The characteristic plants met with in moist marshy ground
left by the receding of the river, &c., are :— |
Machlys henuspherica, D. C.
Mazus rugosus, Lour.
Mimulus gracilis, R. Br.
Veromca anagalhs, UL.
Paslygonum Persicaria, L,
Lumex acutus, Roxb,
Potentilla supina.
Zeuxine suleata. The only orchid obtained in the whole district
and this only on the banks of the remains of an old canal below the
Government garden at Jhelum.
Alisma Plantago, Ll. ‘This flowers early in April, and its presence
in this part of the Jhelum district, seems to be due to the river bring-
ing down the seeds from a higher elevation ; these vegetate in the
pools of water left by the receding of the river. The seeds of the
Ninghara, Trapa bispinosa are also brought down by the river floods
in large quantities, but I have never seen them vegetate.
.
1864: | On the Vegetation of the Jhelum District. oOL
Potamogeton erispus, La.
Juncus bufonius, L.
Eleocharis palustris.
Lsolepes barbata, R. Br.
Scurpus maritumus.
Cyperus rotundus, Li.
Cyperus niveus.
Cyperus haspan.
Ranunculus sceleratus, L.
2rd. In the wells of the district we meet with—
Adiantum capillus-V eneris.
4th. As weeds of gardens. Garden weeds are in much greater
variety than one would at first be apt to suppose. This is simply
due to the presence of a moister and richer soil than that of the
surrounding country.
Humaria parviflora.
Malcoloua Africana, R. Br.
Sisymbrium Sophia, L.
Sisymbriwm Irio, L.
Capsella bursa-pastoris, R. Br.
Lepidium satiwwm, Li. ?
Goldbachia levigata, D. C.
Oligomeris glawcescens, Camb.
Viola tricolor, Cult. ?
Silene coniea.
Silene rubella, L.
Arenaria serpyllifolia, L.
Portulaca oleracea.
Medicago denticulata.
Trigonella incisa.
Indigofera Senegalensis, D. C.
Vicia sativa, L. and other species.
Centaurea cyanus, L.
Anchusa hispida, Forsk.
f Nonnea Pulla, D. C.
Antirrhinum erontium, Iu.
y? Veronica agrestis, L.
302 On the Vegetation of the Thelum District. LNo. 3,
5th. The characteristic plants met with as weeds in fields.
Harly in March Oxzalis cormiculata, Anagallis arvensis, Lathyrus
aphaca, L., and Asphodelus fistulosus are seen springing up in im-
mense quantities over the whole of the fields, along with the spring
crops. ‘The former are not very injurious, and hence are not weeded
out, but the last if allowed to proceed in its growth would undoubtedly
choke, at all eveuts, wheat and barley. In some fields that have been
sown late and in which none of the corn crop is as yet up, the
Asphodelus at a very little distance may be easily mistaken for the
corn crop. This therefore, when it is large enough to be grasped by
the fingers, is carefully weeded out from the cultivated ground.
Sesbania aculeata is very common throughout the fields, and during
the months of August and September, it may be seen overtopping the
Bajree or other autumnal crops.
Celosia argentea, lL. grows amongst the Bajree and Jowar, and is
found as a weed from a few inches in height to a shrub of fully seven
feet, covered with a profusion of lovely pink flowers. The natives,
upon cutting down the crop, curiously enough always seem to leave
the plants of this, which remain conspicuous over the reaped fields.
Balospermum polyandrum. This seems to be one of the most
difficult shrubs to eradicate, from the large quantity of sceds that
one plant bears, and its readiness to germinate. It is not very
noticeable until the autumnal crop is cut. Immediately after this,
the plant rapidly produces a dark green foliage with flower and fruit,
assuming the characteristics of a shrub. It occupies a belt of land
half way between the Jhelum and the Ratian range of hills, from
which it does not seem to deviate.
6th. Characteristic plants, met with on roads, &c., &c., &e.
Calotropis procera, R. Br., “Ak Madar.” This is to be found in
every part of the district, from the sandy wastes to the most cultivated
soul, from the plains of the Jhelum to the heights of the salt range
and Mt. Tilla. It is a rank weed, but being easily eradicated, does not
give the cultivator much trouble, except on the edges of the fields,
where carelessness permits of its growth.
Adhatoda vasica, Nees, “ Bansa and Bakoor.” This also is
disagreeable neighbour to cultivation, but is easily kept at a proper
distance. It is to be found at an altitude of from 700 to 3,200 ft.
and on the Ratian range of hills forms a belt of vegetation pecu-
ee .-
1864. | On the Vegetation of the Jhelum District. 303
liar to the boulders that form a portion of that range. In the ra-
vine country it grows as a large spreading bush.
Peganum Harmala, “ Hurmool,” forms a thick dense bush about a
foot in height and although met with on the low ranges of hills, &c.,
it is not so flourishing as in the plains, round the edges of fields and
on roadsides.
Lephrosia purpurea, Pers. covers the plain country wherever it is
allowed to grow, and exists as a rank weed especially where there is
no vegetation of higher growth than itself: it is easily choked,
but where grass like the Doob and similar creeping plants, with
Pimpinelia erimita, Boiss, and Trichogyne cauliflora, D. C. cover the
soil, as on the parade ground, the plant quickly spreads itself in great
luxuriance.
Lribulus terrestris, is met with, creeping close to the ground in. great
quantity over the whole district, with Malva parviflora, L.
Centaurea calcitrapa, L.
_Microrhynchus nudicaulis.
Boerhaavia diffusa, L.
Convolvulus arvensis, L.
Convolvulus pluricaulis, Choisy.
Heliotropium undulatum, Vahl.
Heliotropium Huropewn, L.
Solanum Jacquini Willd “ Kuthelee Kunth.”
Withania somnifera, Dun.
Chenopodium album, L.
Crozophora tinctoria, Juss.
Lathyrus aphaea, L.
Alysicarpus nummularifolius, D. C.
Alhagt maurorum.
Nomismia aurea, W. & A.
Aanthium strumania, L.
Artemisia scoparia, W. & K,
Echinops echinatus, Roxb.
Inomea sessiliflora, Roth.
Trichodesma Indica, R. Br,
Solanum nigrum, L.
Giesekia linearifolia, Mog.
Huphorbia dracunculoides, Lam.
BRP a LOGY
wate
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304 On the Vegetation of the Shelum District. [No. 3;
Viola cinerea, Boiss.
Polycarpea corymbosa, Lam.
HERBAGE FOR CATTLE.
Of grass especially cultivated or allowed to grow for the purposes
of pasturage, there is none in the Jhelum tract, for all land
capable of producing grass is at once placed under some kind of
corn crop. All kinds of cattle are chiefly sent to feed upon the
low hill ranges, or upon certaim tracts of land covered with the
Baer, (from a low thorny shrub to a tree of good size, Ziziphus
nummularia, Mulla, and 4. gujuba) the cattle feeding on the leaves
and fruit. Of such Baer jungles there are several in the Jhelum
tract, made up chiefly of the Baer, but also partly of the “Kureel”
and “ Bakoor,” with an occasional “ Kekur” and perhaps rarely a few
bushes of the Grewia betulifolia. Camels manage to piek up their
fodder, (which must necessarily chiefly consist of the Seccharwn.
spontaneum,) from the islands on the river. This, however, except
in a young state, seems to be too hard a grass for cattle generally.
Green corn 1s even cut for horse fodder, and should a cavalry regiment
be stationed at Jhelum, the grass-cutters of the regiment have to
go down the river as far as Russool, (which is situated fifteen miles
further down, on the opposite bank of the river,) for the purpose of
obtaining grass.
The grass-cutters of the usual inhabitants get what grass they can
along the roadsides, between the edges of fields, or footpaths, &c. and
that which is chiefly collected is the Doob, Cynodon Dactylon,,.Pers.
Pennisetum eimchroides.
Aristida depressa, Retz.
Digitaria sanguinalis.
Pamcum Petweri, Trin.
Pameum procumbens, Nees.
Panicum antidotale, Retz.
Aristida murina, Cav.
Lappage biftora.
Hragrostis Pogoides, Beauv.
Dactyloctenium Algyptiacum.
Koeleria phleoides, Pers. This may be called the cold weather grass,
as it flowers as early as February, and if cultivated, might be of great
use as fodder during the cold weather months,
>
“cama ~_ aee ~~
SS ==>
yh
1864. ] On the Vegetation of the Shelum District. 305
Many other grasses are met with, but the above are the only kinds
found generally in the tract. The others in damp and shaded
localities, exist rather as botanic specimens than as herbage for cattle.
7th. Of Parasitical plants, the only one met with as yet, has been
Cuscuta reflexa, “ Akas-bel,” which is in this tract supported by the
“ Baer,” on Mt. Tilla by the “ Bakoor,” and at Choya-siden-sha by
the “ Angeer.” (Ficus caricoides, Rox.)
THe Tract OF THE tow HILL RANGES.
' Under this head are included the Bukrala, Ratian, Surafur and
iXharian ranges of hills. Their geology, physical characteristics and
vegetation are similar, and their average height may be considered
to be from 1,000 to 1,200 feet above the sea level. Mori Peak, the
highest ef the Kharian range, is 1,400 feet, and is situated in the
centre of thatrange. Mt. Tilla the most westerly of the Ratian range,
is 8,200 feet. The botany of the latter, will, however, be considered
by itself hereafter.
These hills are more or less covered with a jungle of low trees and
shrubs, besides a few grasses and other herbs. On the whole, how-
ever, they present a barren aspect, being covered with a dried-
up clay and stony soil, lying chiefly upon sandstone, but here and
there upon boulders, and broken up extensively by deep ravines with
sandy bottoms. However, in some little solitary shaded nooks, where
loamy soil has accumulated, and where there is moisture from some
Spring, we come upon a. herbage of a luxuriance only to be met with
in a tropical climate.
The vegetation upon these hills affords pasturage for immense
flocks of goats and sheep chiefly, but also of many camels and
cattle, which feed upon the blossoms and tender shoots of the shrubs
rather than upon the grass, the latter being very scarce in preportion
to the former. 3
This jungle, besides yielding fodder for the cattle, supphes the main
part of the firewood for the surrounding population.
The chief sources of firewood in the Jhelum tract, are—
Ist. Wood obtained from the river. Jhelum by women wading
into its shallows, and picking up the wood that has been brought
down from the hills, but which is so dense with the amount of
water that it contains, that it sinks to the bottom. The women
2 Re
LLG O NILES vad ery ’ 7
TH LONTTLN RD ET Re Da
306 On the Vegetation of the Jhelum District. [No. 3,
wade out in large numbers at a time, and feeling with their toes for
the bits of wood, pick them up and raise them with their toes. The
wood is then placed in baskets and afterwards dried in the sun. This
is the cheapest kind of firewood.
9nd. The large roots of trees chiefly of the “Cheer,” Pinus
longifolia, carried down with the floods of the river, but not soaked
with water.
8rd. That obtained from the jungles on the low ranges of hills.
The jungle of the low ranges of hills is made up of—
Stunted shrubs of the Acacia modesta, Wall. “ Phulai.” Capparis
aphylla, “ Kureel.” Carissa diffusa, Roxb. “ Karounda.” Sageretia
Brandrethiana,* “ Kohare.” Gymnosporia spinosa, “ Putaker.” Hhere-
tia aspera, “ Chumroor” and “ Kookhun.”
Grewia betulrfolia.
Cocculus leeba,
Periploca aphylla.
Asparagus, several species.
Tavermera nummularea, D. C.
Dedonea Burmanniana.
_ These constitute the main part of it, but in some portions it may
be made up of the Zizyphus gujuba and Acacia Arabica, both very
stunted, with Adhatoda vasica, Nees, and the “ Dhak,’ Butea frondo-
sa, the last chiefly in broken ground, where also we meet with Tecoma
wndulata, “ Loora.” On the higher localities on the ridges of Mt. Tilla,
we may pick up shrubs of Olea Huropea, Cow. ‘
The under-shrubs and herbs growing with the above jungle are;
Salvia pumila, Benth. which in many places covers the ground like
a grass and is much sought after by sheep.
Loucerosia aucheri, “ Choonya,” a very characteristic plant, spring-
ing up from the roots and among the stems of the larger shrubs.
The natives collect it and use it largely as a bitter tonic.
Solanum gracilipes, Jacq.
Linaria ramosissima, Wall.
Commelyna communis, L.
Commelyna Bengalensis, L.
Polygala arvensis, Willd.
* Sageretia Brandrethiana, called after Arthur Brandreth, Hsq., Bengal
Civil Service,
eo
ar Se
1864.] On the Vegetation of the Jhelum District. 307
Polygala Vahliana, D. C.
Astragalus multiceps, Wall.
Pupalea lappacea, D. C.
Dipteracanthus prostratus, Nees.
Arua javanica, Juss.
Ballota limbata, Benth.
Allium rubellum, Bieb.
Cleome linearis, Stocks.
Abuitilon Indicum.
Sida rhombtfolia, L.
Triumfetta angulata, Lam.
Besides the above, we have several grasses :—
Cynodon dactylon, “ Doob.”
Melanocenchris Royleana, Nees.
Pewmnisetum Cinchrordes.
Aristida depvessa, Retz.
Hragrostis Cynesurotdes.
Dactyloctenium Algyptiacum.
In some ravines Saccharum Munja and S. spontaneum and not ute
commonly also Neriwm odorwm are to be met with. The last planti
1s, however, more common where these ravines open out into the
nullahs. It is not to be found on the banks of the river, in its whole
course from the fort of Mungla to Shapore, but seems to prefer
the hills, as no sooner does one get into the hilly country above
Munela, than it is met with in large quantities on the river bank.
Except during the rainy season, water is not obtainable in these low
ranges of hills, unless it be from Bumnnees, which are reservoirs of
water formed more or less artificially in connection with springs. To
these all the cattle are brought from miles round, as the Bunnees are
few in number and generally at some distance from each other,
The inhabitants of this tract always use their water in preference to
any other. Jn nearly all these Bunnees we have a form of aquatic
vegetation peculiar to them. In those of some depth we have
Nelumbium speciosum, the fruit of which is greatly relished by
the natives. In most of them, we have Nymphea eerulea, alba?
and pubescens, with Polygonum barbatum, L. and Persicaria, beside
Sagittaria cordifolia, Roxb.
Marsilea quadrifolia.
S—--
308 On the Vegetation of the Shelum District. — [No. 8,
Potamogeton erispus, L.
Juncus bufonius, Lu.
Celsia Coromandeliana, Vahl.
Feumex acutus.
In their vicinity, the vegetation is usually of much greater luxuri-
ance than that of the surrounding country.
Tract oF RAVINES,
This constitutes that portion of the country between the Ratian
and Bukrala ranges ; as also that to the north of the Bukrala and Salt
ranges. It consists of plain ground broken here and there by low
elevations, and cut up in every direction by ravines. ‘The average alti-
tude of these plains about Chuckowal and Tullagung is 1000 feet
above the sea level. Their geological formation is chiefly tertiary mio«
-cene, with little or no surface soil. The vegetation is much poorer than
that met with in the Jhelum tract. The agricultural products are
chiefly Bajree and Jowar, which are usually very fine, bearing heavy
erops if there has been a good rainy season. Wheat is poor, and cotton
also, except where cultivated in the courses of the nwllahs or ravines in
which alluvium has been deposited: the small garden plots, for they
appear little or nothing more, are then watered from wells sunk at
a little distance from the bank of the nullah: this kind of culti-
vation is well illustrated, at Doomun ; where seven or eight wells,
with their garden plots of cotton and tobacco are seen, on the
margin of the nullah at the base of the fortress. Except near wells
or bunnees or tanks, trees other than the Baer and Kekur are scarcely
to be met with, and these are uncommon. From Chuckowal west-
wards, large and fine crops of gram, Cicer arietinum, with varieties of
Phaseolus are raised, this country supplying much of the gram to the
rest of the Punjaub.
Lo the west of Chuckowal the land spreads out into much more
extensive plains, and is much less eut up by small ravines than that
to the east of it, although traversed by many large nullahs, upon the
banks of which good fodder is obtainable, and where we find the (al-
bergia Sissoo, Sheshum, growing in its natural soil and producing tim-
ber by no means to be despised : especially near Tullagune.
Herbage is not procurable for cattle except on the low ranges of
hills, and in the ravines that run through this tract, or on the banks
1864. | On the Vegetation of the Jhelum District. 309
of the nullahs already spoken of, where Saccharum spontaneum is fre-
quently to be found growing in great luxuriance, vying with Meriwm
odorum.
During the hot weather the cattle of the zemindars suffer oreatly
from the want of good water, and their owners have recourse to build-
ing mud tanks for collecting water during the rains: to these, as
Flemming says, “Men and animals go for drink indiscriminately.”
Tanks not fed by springs have, apparently for this reason, no vegeta-
tion in them, unless it be species of Pistia.
The uncultivated land of this tract has a vegetation very similar
to that described as existing upon the low range of hills; with this
exception, that in the ravines and beds of nullahs, we meet with the
“Dhak” Butea frondosa, in much greater quantity, in some spots
even constituting a jungle, as at Booroo jungle on the Bukrala nullah.
The piece of land, however, on which this jungle grew, has been to
a great extent, reclaimed. Near Tullagung are hedges of the Cactus
Lndica growing in great luxuriance. |
The Colocynth, Cucumis Colocynthis, “‘ Indraun,” covers the hard
sun-baked ground throughout the whole of the hot weather: Limeum
JLndicum is very common.
THE JELALLPORE TRAcT
Constitutes that portion of the district that lies between the river
Jhelum and the Salt range, from where the Surafur hills come down,
upon the river, to the town of Pind-dadun-Khan. This tract con-
sists of an extensive plain, spreading from the baso of the salt hills
to the river, with but a very slight incline towards the latter. The
plain consists of a rich alluvial deposit, except at the base of the hills,
where it is made up of a mass of boulders, shingle and debris,
Interspersed throughout it are tracts of soil impregnated largely
with saline matters: the last increasing in amount as we approach
Pind-dadun-Khan. In some places torrents from a higher level than
that of the salt, deposit loam upon certain lands close under the salt
range, making them the richest in the whole district. To facilitate
the deposition of the loam, as well as to prevent its being carried
off by rains after its deposit, ridges of earth of about eighteen inches
in height are thrown up round the fields.
Over this tract wells are very plentiful, with a large supply of water
310 On the Vegetation of the Jhelum District. [No. 8, ,
at a little depth, but the water except in close proximity to the river
is saline, and decidedly more so the further west we go.
Where the well water is not greatly charged with saline matter, it is
largely used for irrigation, and where the river presents a high bank
its water is also raised for the same purpose. At Baghanwalla a small
a stream from the hills is nearly used up for irrigation. fe
2 oy — : The chief crops irrigated are,—sugar-cane, rape and cotton. i |
a = a The crops are the same as those in the Jhelum tract, but the cotton
a on the whole, is very much finer and the produce much greater.
Sugar-cane 1s cultivated as a field product and is of fine quality.
ported, as also of Til, Sesamum Indicwm.
Rice is occasionally raised on the islands on the river and on land
that is frequently flooded.
Indigo is occasionally grown and brought into the market. “)
Of Trees, the “Kekur,” and in greater numbers, its variety the
cypress, grow in much greater luxuriance than elsewhere, as also do
the “Bore” and Pipul, Aiecus Indica and F. religiosa. In this tract |
we meet for the first time with Salvadora oleoides, “Pelu.” It is
confined, however, in the most easterly part of this tract, to the imme- h
diate base of the hills. nh
Also close to the base of the Hills, growing in its natural state, as
well as introduced into some of the fields near Jelallpore, we have
| Moringa pterygosperma, Sohounja.
= The barren soil alluded to as occurring amidst the cultivated
as land, is covered with alow, shrubby jungle consisting of Caroaylon
jetidum, Mog, Anabasis multiflora, Mog, Sueda fruticosa, L., the
first of which chiefly alone, but not unfrequently with the two latter,
is largely burnt to yield Sugee-muttee, a coarse carbonate of soda and
potash. In this tract, however, but little is made in proportion to
that produced in the tract we shali next speak of, or that of the
district of Shapore. Except near the river’s bank we have scarcely
any of the grasses met with in the Jhelum tract, their place being now
occupied by Alluropus repens, and Cressa cretioa.
At Pind-dadun-khan which may be considered the end of the
Jelallpore tract, we have very rich alluvial soil supporting some fine
trees of Tamarindus Indica “ Imlee Umlai.”
Rape “Surson.” Of this, large quantities are cultivated and ex-
er
ee
Se
1864. | On the Vegetation of the Shelum District. dll
Syzygium Jambolanun, “ Jaman.”
Phyllanthus Emblica, “ Howla—Aowla.”
Heronia elephantum, “ Khair,” which bears fruit.
Mangofera Indica, Mango, highly cultivated in some of the gardens.
Phenix dactylifera, “ Khujjoor,” which, although we meet with
occasional specimens on the river’s bank between Jhelum and this
place, only here occurs as naturalised, producing fruit in some quantity,
and tolerable in quality.
Guilandina Bonducella, “ Kut-karounja,” apparently naturalised, is
found in profusion near gardens.
Besides the trees mentioned, we have all the others enumerated
as occurring in the Jhelum tract, and all, without exception, having
a far finer appearance: this is due no doubt to the depth and rich-
ness of the alluvial soil, with a sufficiency of moisture.
From this point passing westwards we enter upon the tract of the
salt plains, viz. the plains that lie between the river and the salt range
to the west of Pind-dadun-khan for about 30 to 40 miles, that being
about the extent of the Jhelum district.
Tract OF THE SauT Pratrns.
In this division we have a tract of country all but a dead level, and
in which the cultivation is restricted mainly to the margin of the river,
the remainder being near the base of the hills, while between the two,
the land is a jungly waste, owing to the excessive impregnation of the
soil with saline matter. Through the whole tract, except close to the
river’s bank, the well water is so bad, that for water for their own
use and for their cattle, the inhabitants are dependant on that collected
in mud tanks; and for the watering of their crops On rain; except
where, as at Keutha, a stream of fresh water comes down from the
hills; and in that case it is necessarily used for irrigation. Hence
a poor and scanty crop of Bajree and Jowar with a little cotton
may be considered the chief products of this tract. Along the banks
of the river, however, wheat and barley, with the above, and the oil-
seeds are largely cultivated, and yield good crops. ;
On alluvial soil, as on the banks of the river, or where cultivation
is carried on, the Cypress variety of the Kekur, the Baer and the Date-
palm may be considered the characteristic trees,
On the land incapable of cultivation we have a jungle consisting of
stunted trees, bushes and shrubs, viz.—
9
S
312 On the Vegetation of the Jhelum District, [No. 3, Li
Tamarix Indica, ‘ Furas.”
Salvadora oleoides, ‘‘ Pelu.”
Prosopis spicigera, “ Jand.” i
Acacia modesta, “ Phulai.” | fe
: Capparis aphylia, “ Kureel,’ with Acacia Arabica and its variety at
ae =e Oupressus. | ik
Se Sueda fruticosa, L. th
3 ae Anabasis multiflora, Moq. | it
- he Farsetia Jacquemontii, Hf and T. it
Saccharum spontaneum with Aéluropus repens. | Op
Immense herds of cattle are pastured in this jungle, and their fodder te
seems to consist of the abovementioned shrubs and bushes more than of te
either of the grasses : the former when in full growth being apparently fi
too hard for them, while the latter only springs up in any quantity
during the rains, or as long as moisture lasts in the soil. “i
During the month of May and when the fruit of the “ Pelu” is be- lin, y
coming ripe, whole villages of people go out and stop in the jungles, altho
living solely upon it. This occurs more especially in the Shapore
district, where a much greater extent of the jungle exists which is
tremely from the want of good water, for what they drink is solely
that collected from falls of rain.
The fruit of the “Jand” Prosopis spicigera is largely used by the
natives as a vegetable diet, especially before it reaches maturity,
{
there called the Baer. Men and animals suffer in these jungles ex- | Ik
|
and is considered highly nutritious. hy.
From the “ Furas,” Zamariv Indica, both galls and manna are said |
to be obtained; the galls are very poor; of the manna none was met
with by myself on this tree.
Where the gorges of the salt range open out from the hills mto
the plains, and shingle, sand and a little soil with a large amount of
saline deposit, occupy the intervals between the boulders, we come upon e
Rhazya stricta, Deca, forming a shrubby jungle in itself. It spreads
also beyond, to soil that is capable of producing other plants.
On the beds of the saline streams that make their exit through
these gorges, uwmex vesicarius grows in great abundance.
= a From the gorges just mentioned, we naturally enough pass on t0
2) the salt range, of which we will now treat.
1864. | On the Vegetation of the Jhelum District. 313
Hints OF THE SaLT Rane.
In ascending through the gorges, on the red marl of the salt
strata, we meet with two species (undescribed) of Pluchea growing in
great magnificence and presenting the characters of tree shrubs. These
are particularly characteristic plants of the marl.
As we rise still higher, passing above the salt strata, we come upon
the “ Pupper,” Buxus sempervirens, occurring in great quantity, more
particularly at the head of the gorge at Keutha, and producing wood
of good quality which, however, is not used for any particular purpose
by the inhabitants. The branches are, however, largely used for
thatching, for which purpose the durability of the leaves renders
them well fitted.
On the summit of the range, which averages 2000 feet above
the plains on the south, we come upon a jungle very similar to that
existing on the low ranges of hills, but consisting largely of the Olive,
Cow. with Prosopis spicigera and an occasional Acacia Hburnea, in
addition to the plants common in the latter. There is, however, none
of the A. Arabica. Besides these, characteristic of the range, we have
Dodonea Burmamana in great quantity.
Horskolea tenacissuma.
Astragalus leuco-cephalus, Benth.
Barleria cristata.
Lindenbergia polyantha, Royle, with Allium rubellum and. several
species of Asparagus, viz., racemosus, curillus, &e.
On the southern aspect of the range, from its base to its top, pass-
ing up the gorges, we have Salvadora oleoides forming a large por-
tion of the jungle. But the moment we rise to the actual summit,
and bend our way northwards, not a single plant of it is to be seen, its
distribution being limited to the west of the Surafur hills and the
south of the salt range.
These jungles supply large quantities of fire-wood but no timber
whatever.
THE PLAINS ON THE SatT Rana@e.
These are alluvial plains occurring interspersed throughout the
hills, many of them consisting of a limestone formation, and having
occasionally streams of fresh water running through them. These
streams in general make for the river Jhelum, and entering the salt
strata, become impregnated with saline matter, which they deposit on
28 2
B14 On the Vegetation of the Shelum District. [No. 3,
the galt plains beyond. Through these they are not able to cut their
way, but are absorbed by the soil long before they reach the river,
and thus instead of aiding in its irrigation, render 16 incapable of
producing a vegetation useful to man.
The plains wpon the salt range yield splendid crops of wheat and
barley, especially the former, as also all the other crops of the Jhelum
tract, except sugar-cane. In addition to these we have in the fields,
as at Kulakahar and Choya-siden-sha, opium largely cultivated, as also
the rose; from the latter an immense quantity of rose water is distilled,
its manufacture being lucrative.
Irrigation is not common, but where streams supply water, the
cultivation is laid out in terraces, walled round, to aid in a
free distribution of water and to prevent the washing away of
the soil.
Where these streams do not exist, water is scarce, wells being
sunk generally through rock and to some depth. Hence the fields
are solely dependant upon rain, and should a dry season occur, a com-
plete failure of the crops is inevitable.
On the alluvial soil bordering the streams above mentioned, we
have Morus alba, forming fine timber, especially at Kulakahar ; also
thus integerrima, Wall. ; “ Kuker*”’ in great magnificence both at the
last place and at Choya; as also Acacia modesta, “ Phulai,” at-
taining its greatest girth, with Vitis vinifera (naturalised) trailled
to the top of the highest trees. The Sissoo is rare, although the
largest tree of the sort I have ever seen, is at Kutas.
Besides the above—
Salia Babylonica.
Lizyphus vulgaris, “ Jujyuba.”
Neus Indica and religiosa with Melia Azaderach are common.
As shrubs on the hilly ground, we have generally those met with
on the low range of hills, mixed, however, largely with the Olive and
Dodonea, and not unfrequently Gardinia tetrasperma, Roxb.
’ As weeds in the fields, the most characteristic are—
Salvia Moorcroftiana, Wall. “ Kalather,’ met with over all the
fields.
% Called also Kuker-singa, because of the horn-like protuberances that are
developed upon its branches.
Osa
, SEBs bh
=-
= ‘
ee
e——
1864.] On the Vegetation of the Thelum District. 815
EHdwardsia, new* sp. “Koon,” said to be poisonous to cows—in
great quantity at Choya.
Hremostachys Vicaryi, Benth. not common.
Gypsophila Vaccaria, L. is very common in the corn-fields at thi:
elevation, growing along with the corn-crop. |
Lithospermum arvense.
Psoralea corylifolia, UL.
Gnaphaliuwm luteo-albwm.
Avena fatua, L.
Lepidium draba.
Nesha panculata.
Alhagi Maurorum * | :
In moist damp soil near fresh water, we have—
Herpestis monnera.
Stachys parviflora, Benth.
Samolus Valerandi, L.
Cyperus mucronatus, Roth.
Apium graveolens, L. with
Cynodon dactylon, in great profusion.
Some fine grazing for cattle is to be had along most of the fresh
water streams.
Mount Truua. 3
The most westerly of the Ratian range of. hills, is situated 17 miles
due west from the town of Jhelum. Its height is 3,277 feet above
the sea level. On its Hastern and Southern. aspects it presents a
scarped face with a direct ascent of nearly 1500 feet. The usual
route to its summit is by the western side from near the village of
Bagree.
It is covered with a low shrubby jungle at its base, corresponding |
to that met with on the low ranges of hills, but as we ascend to about
1,200 feet above the sea level, the vegetation gradually assumes a
character not found in any other part of the district, and in no way
analagous to that at a similar height in the salt range. This is owing
to the total absence of the salt rock, which in this hill does not
present itself wpon the surface.—A saline stream makes its escape
from the west side of the hill near the village of Bagree.
* Hdwardsia Hydaspica, (Edew.).
ee
7
316 On the Vegetation of the Shelum District: [No. 8, i
SS None of the characteristic plants of the salt marl have as yet been 0
Zz = - a discovered on this hill, nor a single specimen of the Salvadora Ff
= oleoides. :
2 é , The first change that we notice in the vegetation as we ascend the
= = = hill, is that Acacza arabica in the form of stunted bushes gradually s
Stes disappears, so that it 1s quite absent at about 1,200 feet. Secondly, ei
grasses become more numerous and present. a greater amount of ver-
dure than we have as yet seen, except upon the plains on the salt is
range. i
= a These grasses are—
SS Anthistiria anathera, Nees. i
Cymbopogon Twarancusa, Roxb. ik
Andropogon annulatus, Korsk. fl
Heteropogon contortus. te
Crysopogon serrulatus. | “ a
Apluda aristata, Roxb. Ai
Pamcum Petweru, Trur. ; it
Pennisetum cinchroides. they
Pamcum antidotale, Retz. ‘
Aristida depressa, Retz. i
Aristida murina, Cav. Dh
Lappago biflora. bey
Cynodon dactylon, Pers. A is)
Digitaria sanguinalis. ay
Hragrostis pogoides. Dh
| Dactyloctenuum Agyptiacum. bi
Melanocenchris Royleana, Nees. in
, : The first six are the characteristic erasses of Mount Tilla, and cover th
ale 8 : ib with a splendid herbage for cattle, from its base to its summit. he
:. | a L This hill with its lower ridges may be considered as affording the best i
te = a runs for cattle in the whole district. tng
©: | a ‘ | Phaseolus trilobus, Ait., exists in profusion at the base of the 7 a
flee) es escarpment on the east side of the hill, creeping through the long é
grass and matting it together. bes
fie Lantana alba, commences about an altitude of 1,000 feet, be- Ne
1 4 oe | coming more common the higher we ascend, and characterising the | '
bad = = 7 vegetation of the hill with its lovely white inflorescence. ‘
Dalbergia Sissoo, “Sheshum” occurs upon the northwest slopes in
-_ Gay ec*ee...- ers
—
J SS ee
1864. | On the Vegetation of the Shelum District. 317
one or two places, as young trees of from 4 to 5 years’ growth: here
and in some ravines of the Surafur hills it seems to be rapidly becoming
naturalised.
Dodonea Burmaniana—
, . the Burhampooter river.
). From Babu Rajendra Mullick, dead specimens of Dromaius
Nove Hollandie and Struthio Oamelus.
| ry 6. From T. Tomlinson, Esq, on behalf of His Excellency the
y Governor-General, a dead Tiger from the Barrackpore Park Men agerie.
7. From J. R. Macdonald, Esq., a leaf cloak such as is in common
use among the K6l labourers at Hazaribagh.
8. From Lieutenant-Colonel R. C. Tytler through A. Grote, Ksq.,
a specimen of a new species of Varanus from the Andaman Islands,
2k
,
296 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [No. 8,
9. From Mr. C. Swaris, Taxidermist to the Society’s Museum, a
Bhotanese sword. :
10. From Lieutenant-Colonel Thuillier on the part of Mr. Mulheran )
of the Hyderabad Topographical Survey, a set of 18 Stereoscopic :
Views of the Caves of Hllora and Ajunta. E
ll. From A. Carlyle, Esq., copies of his work entitled “the Tale of
the Battle of Padmanabham,” with a Telugu translation of the same,
12. From the Government of India, through H. R. Carnac, Hsq.,
a fine specimen of a fossil Amphibian from the Pachmari Hills.
Mr. Blanford called the attention of the meeting to this very inter-
esting specimen, which had. been expected for some time past, but had
only arrived a few days ago. “It was discovered in the early part of it
last year by Major Gowan, exposed on the face of a block of sandstone |
lying on the mght bank of a small mountain stream about a mile to
the westward of Bijori, in the Chindwarra district. The block lay at “i
a spot where the stream is crossed by the cattle road passing from the
hill plateau of Pachmari via the Rhori pass and Bijori to Mohtoor,
and the fossil appears to have been well-known to the natives as the é
“Machh Satta,” (fish bones.) The exact spot has been marked by i
Lieut. Sin (who subsequently visited the place) on Mr. Medlicott’s
geological map of Central India, and is on a tract coloured by Mr.
Medlicott as the Mahadeva sandstone, a formation of great thickness
forming the mass of the Pachmari Hills and resting unconformably Dh
upon the coal and plant-bearing groups, part of which are contempo-
raneous with the lower part of the coal measures of the Ranigunge
field. ‘The age of the Mahadeva sandstones is unknown, no fossil
remains having hitherto been found in them, but they are overlaid by
trap-rocks with intercalated fresh water deposits, the age of which has
been lately determined by Mr. W. ‘I. Blanford as pre-nummulitic,
while from data afforded by the late Mr. Hislop and others there bn
seems but httle doubt that these fresh water deposits are not older ee th
than the newest deposits of the Cretaceous period. ll
Major Gowan’s report on the discovery of this fossil was forwarded ti
to the Society by the Government of India, in May 1868, and its !
importance having been pointed out, the Chief Commissioner of the 1 i
Central Provinces was requested to have the specimen procured and | r
forwarded to Calcutta. The fossil was shortly afterwards removed i
by Lieutenant Sim, R, EH., carefully packed to prevent injury, and
*
\
ee te
=) oo
1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatic Socvety. 337
forwarded to Nagpore, where it remained in the charge of Mr. H. R.
Carnac, awaiting an opportunity of being forwarded to Calcutta, in the
charge of some trustworthy person. Meanwhile photographs of the
fossils were taken by Mr. Crommelin who had kindly placed the
negatives at the disposal of the Society, prints from which were
exhibited at the April meeting of the Society.
“From an examination of the specimen as al present exposed, it
appears to be allied either to the Archegosaurus or the Labyrinthodon,
but the state of the specimen does not at present admit of its precise
affinities being accurately determined. It exhibits a nearly pertect
cast of the skull, the roof bones being wanting, and probably having
remained attached to the matrix when the fossil was removed. ‘The
form of the skull and the position of the orbits are, however, distinctly
shown; the mandible is partly preserved, but the teeth are all broken
through longitudinally, and so worn away that little more than their
general form can be traced. The palatal bones and all the floor of the
skull are probably preserved, but hidden by the hard sandstone which
fills the cavity of the lower jaw. ‘The base of the skull is also 1m-
bedded, and the existence of condyles, the presence of which would
determine its Labyrinthodont affinities, cannot be ascertained.
“ When found, the position of the specimen was reversed, the ventral
face being uppermost, and a portion of the dorsal vertebre and ribs,
or rather their impressions, being exposed on the surface of the stone.
“The ribs are short, very slightly curved and flattened at their distal
extremities ; their attachments are not seen. ‘There 1s some question
as to the centra of the vertebre; if, as Dr. Partridge thinks, the con-
tinuous series of hour-glass-shaped sandstone bodies visible represent
the centra, the notochord must have been persistent, and this character
would place the fossil nearer to Archegosaurus than Labyrinthodon.
Some squamose plates partially exposed on the ventral surface of the
throat tend to bear out the idea that the present species is Ganoce-
phaloid, but further investigation with hammer and chisel is required
to settle the point.
“To whichever group this fossil may eventually prove to belong, its
geological indications are much the same. The Ganocephala have indeed
hitherto been met with only in rocks of the carboniferous age, whereas
Labyrinthodonts are known to range from Carboniferous to Upper Trias
vey
yaaa
COTE ANY Gg ES
293 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [No. 8,
or possibly the Lias, but no great stress could be laid on such a degree
of difference in range, the remains of such animals being everywhere
rare. Both groups are characteristic of the great transition fauna
intervening between that of the Silurian and Devonian systems and
that of Mesozoic times. So far as one can predicate the geological
age of such remains from our present knowledge, we may refer the
fossil either to the Carboniferous, Permian or Triassic period, with
a preponderant probability in favour of the former.
“Until the geology of that part of the Mahadeva hills in which the
fossil occurs has been re-examined by some one acquainted with the
ocal peculiarities of the rocks, it will be premature to offer any
opinion as to the age of the Mahadeva sandstones. ‘The belief I have
entertained for some years past is, that they are cretaceous, a belief
partly foun¢ed on Mr. Theobald’s inference of their relation to the
Baug beds, partly on their geological relations to the trap rocks
already mentioned, and which rest conformably upon them; but if
the specimen on the table be really from the Mahadevas, this formation
must go back to a very much more ancient period. It should be
mentioned as bearing on this point, that the mineral character of the
matrix of the fossil is a hard gray micaceous sandstone such as 1s very
characteristic of the coal-bearing rocks of India, but is very different
from the typical sandstones of the Mahadevas, which are soft coarse
crits with little specks of Kaolin, and frequently ferruginous.
“ Labyrinthodont remains have twice before been discovered in India,
viz. at Mangali about 120 miles south of Nagpore and in the form-
ation which overlies the upper coal-bearing rocks of the Ranigunge
coal field, and which has been termed by Mr. W. T. Blanford, the
Lower Panchit Group.”
In conclusion Mr. Blanford expressed the indebtedness of the Society
to those gentlemen to whose exertions the Society owes this highly
interesting fossil, and proposed that the special thanks of the Society be
voted to Major Gowan the original discoverer, to Mr. H. Rivett Carnac,
who had throughout taken an active part in procuring the fossil, and
in getting it photographed, and finally in transmitting it to Calcutta ; to
Lieutenant Sim, R. E., who had gone to its site, expressly to obtain
it, and to Mr. Crommelin, who had photographed it and presented the
negative plates and several prints thereof to the Society.
This proposition was unanimously acceded to by the meeting.
1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatic Socrety. 339
A letter from L. Bowring, Esq., relating to the copper Sashana
from Mysore was read.
The following gentlemen duly proposed at the last meeting were
balloted for and elected ordinary members:
Brigadier General H. G. D. Showers; R. E. Goolden, Esq. ; J. O'B.
Saunders, Esq.; Moulvi Moula Bukhsh Khan Bahadoor and Babu
Jadu Nath Mookerjee.
The following gentlemen were named for ballot as ordinary mem-
bers at the next meeting:
Lieutenant H. Trotter, R. E., G.T.8., proposed by Captain
Montgomerie, R. E., seconded by Lieutenant-Colonel 'Thuillier.
J. C. Whishaw, Esq., Civil Surgeon, proposed by Captain W. N.
Lees, seconded by Mr. H. F. Blanford.
Babu Debendra Mullick, proposed by Mr. Grote, seconded by Mr.
H. &. Blanford.
With reference to the proposal of Dr. Jerdon that Mr. Blyth be
elected a corresponding member of the Society, the Council reported
that in their opinion the proposed election would confer no additional
distinction on Mr. Blyth, that gentleman being already an associate
member of the Society.
The Chairman reported to the meeting that the announcement made
at the last meeting that Mr, Beaufort had withdrawn from the Society
was erroneous ; Mr. Beaufort’s name had therefore been restored to the
list of members.
The Secretary read the following letter from Colonel Thuillier:
To H. F. Buanrorp, Esq.
DEAR Sir, 6th May, 1864.
“Having gone out of the Council of the Asiatic on rotation in
virtue of a principle introduced for the benefit of the Society, I do not
consider myself eligible for re-election at so early a period. I regret
therefore that it is not in my power to respond to the honor which
the Council has been so good as to confer on me, and I must beg of
them to excuse me.”
Your’s faithfully,
(Sd.) H. L. THurrrrer.
The report of the Council appointing Mr. H. Scott Smith as a
member of their body in the place of Mr. H. Leonard was confirmed.
sraaew
PCO TE LENE GETS on
340 Proceedings of the Asiatie Society. [ No. 3,
The Council reported that they had elected Mr. H. B. Medlicot¢
and Mr. Oldham to the Council in the place of Colonel Dickens, who
had resigned, and Colonel Thuillier who had been elected, but had
declined to accept the office at present.
They further reported that the following gentlemen had been elected
to the’ Committees :
iMeteorological Committee.—Colonel H. L. Thuillier and T. Martin,
Esq.
Natural History Committee.—Lieutenant R. C. Beavan.
Hinance Committee—H. D. Sandeman, Esq.
They also reported that they had appointed Mr. A. Carlyle ag
Officiating Curator of the Society on a salary of Rs. 250 per mensem,
on the express understanding that the appointment should be a tem-
porary one.
Communications were received —
1. From E. Thomas, Esq., a paper on Ancient Indian Weights.
2. From W. Theobald, Hsq., Jr., a paper entitled “ Observations
on Certain Strictures of Mr. H. F. Blanford on my paper on the distri-
bution of Indian Gasteropoda in Journal, No. 2&9, Page 69.”
0. From Dr. A. Bastian, a copy of a translation of the oldest
stone inscription found in Siam.
4. From Baboo Gopinath Sen, an abstract of the Hourly Meteo.
rological Observations taken at the Surveyor General’s Office for the
month of March last,
The papers of Dr. Bastian and Mr. Theobald were read.*
Mr. Blanford in reply to Mr. Theobald’s remarks, admitted that
Mr. Theobald had very properly corrected him on the question of
authority, and that he must therefore modify his statement somewhat
carelessly made on a former occasion that no Naturalist of any emi-
nence held the view that species were of sporadic origin. He did not
think, however, that this correction made any material difference as to
the real point at issue, viz. whether there were any good grounds
for inferring that one and the same species had commenced its existence
at more than onecentre. Mr. Blanford had not seen the work quoted
by Mr. Theobald, but if Mr. Theobald’s quotations fairly represented
the arguments for sporadic origin, he thought they were quite 1-
conclusive, and the facts adduced in support offered nothing new or
* These will appear in due course in the body of the Journal,
1864. | Proceedings pf the Asiatic Society. B41
not contemplated by Mr. Blanford in his former objections to Mr.
Theobald’s deduction. The argument was that in two distinct drainage
basins, the majority of the species were distinct, whereas one, the
pickerel, was common to both, and the inference drawn was that
therefore the pickerel had commenced its existence as a species in the
two areas independently. But similar phenomena are of common
occurrence, though exceptional, as compared with the general facts
of distribution—and it did not seem that they justified the conclusion
drawn by M. Agassiz. It would be impossible to offer more than
suggestion towards explaining the particular case quoted, in a manner
reconcilable with the view that the species of pickerel had originally
proceeded from a common centre, inasmuch as many very important
data bearing on the case were not at hand. He would therefore make
some general suggestions, and illustrate them by a parallel case, with
which he was more acquainted, being in fact that which had given
rise to this discussion.
When it is said that species are distinct, nothing more is as a rule
really implied than that two series of forms shew such a degree of
difference that it is convenient to distinguish them by different names.
When the differences are small it is usual to call them varieties, but
at the present day the distinction between species and varieties can be
merely regarded as one of degree, and whether a new set of forms is
treated as a species or variety, depends partly on the habit of the
deseriber, partly on the amount of information he possesses as to
the existence of intermediate forms. |
The definition of Cuvier, which had long been accepted by naturalists,
that “A species is a collection of individuals descended from one
another, or from common parents, and from those which resemble
them as much as they resemble themselves,” is clearly of no use when
the question under discussion is whether two given distinct sets of
forms are, or may be, descended from a common stock. Actual
degrees of resemblance are in most cases the only criteria at the
command of a naturalist, and in a few cases the power of interbreeding
and producing fertile progeny. But the inferences drawn from the
latter are by no means always in accordance with those drawn from
the former. The recent investigations of M. Ch. Naudin on the
hybridity of plants proved that in certain cases, species which in external
and anatomical characters were only distinguishable by great practice,
Ab MN LING Hi Kile !
ee |
349 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. No. 3
?
and which indeed “most Botanists fail to distinguish” resist al]
attempts to cross them, while others very different from each other,
and universally recognised as species easily give origin to fertile
hybrids. Man is generally regarded as a single species, but M. Pau]
Broca brings forward a multitude of facts to shew that between the
different races of mankind, the degrees to which crossing is possible
vary greatly, and that the Australian and European do not produce
a permanent mixed breed. The same appears to be the case in Ceylon,
where the Portuguese and Dutch have left scarcely any descendants
of mixed blood, and where there is good reason, on excellent authority,
to infer that were the Inglish now to leave the Island, the same
extinction of the mixed race would shortly supervene. Much more
might be said on this pomt, and to show that hybridity is not a simple
phenomenon, but exists in all degrees and is affected by shght changes
of condition.
If, then, interbreeding be taken as the criterion of species, resem-
blanee of apparent character which is in most cases the only point
ascertained, is clearly not reliable. ‘The Chinese and Indian pheasants
interbreed freely although very different in plumage, &c., and the
mere fact of two forms differmg to such an extent as to be entitled
to receive different names is no argument that their origin is distinct
even according to our present knowledgs, and on the unproved and
apparently improbable assumption that forms of common descent in
all cases interbreed freely.
In the case adduced by M. Agassiz, we do not know how far the
species termed by him distinct are really so on other than grounds of
external difference, and the case therefore cannot be argued. It may
be that at a former geological period communication existed between
the two basins, and that there was a dispersion of species, that since
the separation certain of these have so varied in one or both areas
as now to be regarded as distinct, while the pickerel has not so varied.
Again, two rivers flowing respectively north and south would afford
conditions so different that certain forms formerly common might
become extinct in one case or the other, whether by change of climate,
by collision with new species of other forms of life, in short by a
change in any one of those numerous conditions which affect existence
and the destruction of a balance of favourable conditions previously
existing. All these are possibilities which, although they can be merely
1864.) Proceedings of the Asiatie Society. 343
suggested, still require investigation before the inference drawn by
M. Agassiz can be admitted.—To take a case better capable of argu-
ment; that of the Hill Mollusca of Southern India. It is an actual
fact that while certain of the species, as Helix Castra are common to
two or more isolated groups, others, such as the Diplommatinas differ
on two hill groups, but are more closely allied to each other than to
their congeners on the Himalaya or elsewhere. This latter may be
regarded as a case in which specific variation has supervened since
that communication of conditions existed between the hill groups,
which has been inferred on geological grounds. The Streptawes differ
less than the Diplommatinas, and it is questionable whether on the
score of difference of external characters alone they should be treated as
species or varieties, so that here we have gradations of difference up
to actual identity. This is certainly in accordance with the view that
variation has supervened since separation, and is not accounted for
rationally by the assumption that each hill group is an original centre
oi specific distribution.
Mr. Theobald has much combated and ridiculed the idea of acci-
dental distribution by floating timber, &e., but now apparently admits
it as an occasional though rare phenomenon. It was never regarded
by Mr. Blanford as otherwise than exceptional, but there may be
other modes of distribution by transport, not yet known or fully
appreciated. In a paper lately transmitted to the Linnean Society,
Mr. Blanford had remarked upon certain facts of distribution of
Melame and Paludomi which seemed to support Mr. Darwin’s view
that birds are active unconscious agents of transport. The Melanie
and Paludome of marshes, tanks, estuaries, &c., which are much fre-
quented by water fowl, are of extremely wide distribution. Those
of hill streams, which are not frequented by water fowl are of very
restricted range, and even in small areas, as in the hill region of Ceylon,
two adjacent streams not communicating were tenanted by forms so
different that they had in a great number of cases been described as
distinct, although as Mr. Blanford had shown by the comparison of
large numbers taken from a great variety of localities, they were
almost unquestionably mere varieties, that is, that the most diverse
forms were connected by intermediate gradations. How communication
originally took place can only be surmised, but the comparative
absence or rarity of communication had here admitted of great local
|
344 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society.
variation, which was treated as specific until a thorough investigation
with ample materials had been undertaken. |
The theory of common descent of animals and of plants must
require centuries of investigation to establish it, but reviewing the
whole history of Biology hitherto, Mr. Blanford could not but arrive
at a conclusion similar to that of the veteran Schleiden, “ Wonderfully |
strange and even absurd as the thought may appear to-day to many,
that all organisms on the earth, vegetable as well as animal, extinct
2 a = as well as living forms, are connected with one another as a single
= great family. by natural descent, a man need not be a great prophet
to tell, that before long, this doctrine will be the currently accepted |
oa and unquestioned property of every man of Science. Though at |
=o present many intelligent and many unintelligent voices are making ie
themselves heard against Darwin, he has already a large number of __
powerful allies on his side, and the result cannot be doubtful.”
The chairman then read an extract from a letter from General ‘oh
Cunningham to the address of Mr. Grote on the subject of the '
Pehewa inscription, which extract appears as a postscript to General dy
Cunningham’s paper on that subject in the present number of the tl
Journal, p. 229. . (ey
<0
NI FNRI
a
WNT OLG = shoe ~——F
7 Rh 9 aro pee:
em Ror ee of |
q ci faire
A Seah ere p ne eid
ASR ar 53
A OWN A eas ge
m@ ASTATIC SOCIETY.
Oe
ee
No. IV. 1864.
— So
On the application of the Characters of the Roman Alphabet to
Oriental Languages,—By Capt. W. Nassau Lars.
I cannot call the paper I am about to read to you this Evening
a “scientific paper,’ and perhaps I owe this «meeting some apology
for reading it within these walls: but the name of our illustrious
founder is so often associated with the question which I have discuss-
ty ed, and the subject is so intimately connected with the labours of such
distinguished members of our Society as James Prinsep, H H. Wil-
son, H. Thomas, E. C. Bayley, General Cunningham, Babu Rajendra
Lall Mitra &e., that I have thought it would not prove wholly
i uninteresting to you.
The substitution of the Roman for Oriental alphabets is a question
that about some thirty years ago occupied the attention of educa-
tionists and others in India. I¢ did not make much progress at first,
nor find favour outside missionary circles ; and for a long time the
subject would seem to have slumbered. Within the past few years,
however, it has occupied the attention of certain distinguished mem-
bers of the German school of Orientalists ; Sanskrit books have been
printed in it; and Dr. Sprenger, an eminent Arabic scholar, well
known in India, has written two able and interesting articles in the
: Augsburgh Gazette, which within the last few weeks have been re-
published in Caleutta, advocating the change, as one necessary to
enable the languages of the East to become the vehicles of conveying
western ideas to the people of this country. As long as the d
ay
iscus-
a 2 ey
BAG Application ef the Roman Alphabet. [No, 4, :
sion regarding the introduction of the Roman alphabet, into India,
~
was confined to missionaries, it was not necessary for us to meddle
with it; but when it is taken up by such high authorities, as those
who are now interested in it—and has been removed, as it were, from E
the arena of controversy, considering the important bearing it has on |
Se the intellectual progress of an empire containing very many millions af
3 = : = : = of souls, it is one that ought not to be treated hehtly ; but in a sober
= ee and philosophic spirit, such indeed as that adopted by my esteemed | 0
z eee friend Dr. Sprenger, in his paper alluded to. E
= = In considering every question, however, in which a variety of inter- h
= : ests are involved, or which is peculiarly liable to be acted upon by | i
circumstances outside and foreign to the end ultimately to be arrived i
at, it ought to be a sine gua non, that prior to its diseussion, that jr i
end should be so fixed and determined, that we shall know exactly i
what we desire to accomplish, and that during its discussion the areu- i
ments used shall tend solely to that finite point where proof of the ih
proposition or theorem proposed for demonstration can be found. | ha
Now in the discussions on the subject of romanizing the Oriental ) it
alphabets carried on many years ago, the parties engaged in them ete
had far too much of the character of partizans to arrive at any sound
conclusion. Dr. Sprenger has fallen into error in supposing that Dr.
Tytler, the two Prinseps, and Sir Charles Trevelyan, were in accord in
these discussions. They were wholly opposed ; but their opposition
may be traced, I think in a great measure to partizanship. In those
days there were two schools of educationists in India—the orientalists
and the anglicists. The former, in these discussions, was represented
by James and Thoby Prinsep and Dr. Tytler. The latter by Messrs.
Macaulay and Trevelyan, Dr. Duff and other missionaries. The ques-
tion they fought, though nominally the battle of the alphabets, was
quite as much a battle of languages, and this question has perhaps.
also been too much mixed up with the real one by Dr. Sprenger.
| = SF - Missionaries again,—and I do not suppose they make any secret of
: aoe it,—advocate the adoption of the Roman alphabet, rather because they
ee believe it will aid them in the work of conversion, than from a con-
viction of its greater suitableness for the purposes of writing
ee oriental languages, and from that source, therefore, we can hardly look
a eee
a ip ae
= = ee for wholly unbiassed conclusions.
ee) A third class would adopt the Roman in preference to the Oriental
1864. ] Application of the Roman Alphabet. B47
characters, because books printed in them could be sold cheaper, and
to this school belong, I believe, all German orientalists who are in
favour of the change, except perhaps Dr. Sprenger himself. The Ger-
mans, it is an admitted fact, are the best Oriental scholars in the
world. Indeed, it is almost impossible to find a Sanscrit scholar now,
who is not a German; and it is a grave disgrace to England and to
India that such should be the case. They buy a very great number of
Oriental books, and they would naturally like that the price of these
books should suit their purses. I woald not, however, be understood
to allude to the learned Lepsius. His papers deal chiefly with
unlettered languages. Nowhere would cheap books be of sreater
advantage than in India, but admitting the fact, we must admit also
that ¢had is not the whole, nor yet the main part of the question we
have to decide. Every one will readily grant that it woald be an
immense convenience, and an immense advantage, to have a universal
alphabet—af to the difficulty of learning a new language, we had not
to add the difficulty of learning a new and perhaps complicated SyS-
tem of letters, bristling with hooks and points. In short, since the
general introduction of steam navigation and rail-roads, &c., the idea
of a universal alphabet seems quite natural. Nay, since almost all
civilized nations, though thousands of miles apart, can now communi-
cate with each other, by means of electricity, it seems strange that
we should not ere this have had,—not a universal alphabet ; but a
universal language,—so strange that were Julius Cesar to rise from his
ashes, and to ask why all the world were not speaking and writing
Latin, we should be somewhat puzzled for a ready reply. In regard to
language, the curse of Babel would be a convenient if not a sufficient
answer ; but in the matter of the alphabets we could not unfortunate-
ly excuse ourselves so easily. It will not be a waste of time then to
inquire why such has not taken place; and first I will state that I
propose to look at the question, not as a theological, a philosophical,
or an educational question—nor a question of expediency, nor of
policy, nor yet one of price; but one simply of sounds and symbols :
and viewing it as such, it does not appear difficult to assign reasons
why the Roman alphabet could not take the place of all the alphabets
which are now uszd in India with advantage to the languages them-
selves or the people who read and write them.
Dr. Sprenger, in his article, has given us illustrations from the
2
248 Application of the Roman Alphabet. [No. 4,
Arabic alphabet ; but though he has dealt only with this one charae-
ter, his proposal seems to be more comprehensive. In India, how-
ever, though we have a great many alphabets, all are off-shoots of
two parent stems, or possibly in the remotest antiquity of only one.
These two great progenitors of the large family of alphabets and
modifications of alphabets with which medals and inscriptions have
furnished us, are the Palz, or the true primitive alphabet of India, and
the Phoenician, or Phcenico-Babylonian alphabets. Reading briefly
the historic records of these alphabets, so far as they go, we find,
that though the limits of the Pal language and its alphabets are
not very accurately known, from the widely extended range over
which éd¢ and rock-cut inscriptions in this character have been found,
we must coneede to them an extensive domain. These inscriptions
are chiefly to he found in the central belt and northern part of the
Peninsula, and they carry us back 2,400 years, or to about 550 B. C.
though probably the characters of this alphabet may have been in
use at a much earlier period. The pure Sanskrit element would
not seem to have made its appearance in India for several centuries
later, or rather I should say, we have no rochk-cué record of it.
Coexistent with the Pale alphabet, which occupied the central
division of India, for at least 250 years B. C., were the Bactrian
alphabet of the North-Western, and the Dravidian languages, (ap-
parently without any written characters) of the southern division of
the Peninsula, the limits of the former extending almost to the confines
of Persia, and those of the latter from the Vindian hills and the
river Narbudda, to Cape Commorin. The early history of the Dra-
vidian colony and their languages, is somewhat obscure ; but there is
internal evidence in the structure of some of their languages, viz.
Lamil and Telugu, to prove that, though they have occupied the South
of India from very remote ages, they were of Scythian origin, and it is
assumed that they entered India by the same route as the Sanskrit-
speaking people. ‘Their languages then, though at present not wholly
unallied to the Indo-Aryan family, are not of them ; but their alphabets
would seem to have been remotely derived from the same models, though
how they came to differ in their existing forms so widely is not clear.
That they are more modern does not admit of a doubt, but for the
rest the matter is involved in much uncertainty. The points regarding
which we are left in the dark are— When did theSanskrit-speaking colony
>.
: A a pe ee ae ln et ta —o a
-
1864. | Application of the Roman Alphabet. 349
come, and when they did come, whom did they find in India P Was it
the original tribes of the country, and did they exterminate them so
completely as to leave not a trace of their language —or was it an
earlier emigration of Scythian colonists, and did they drive them
southward before them so effectually as to leave no land-marks of
their cccupation behindthem ? These are questions admitting of much
argument ; but which I must leave to be discussed by those whom
they concern—the students of language and ethnology, and turn
again to our alphabets.
The Bactrian alphabet, on the contrary, owes nothing to the Indian
model. It has been satisfactorily established that it is one of the
many off-shoots from the Pheenician parent tree.
Now the Pheenico-Babylonic alphabet is the most ancient of which
we have any historic record. Mensieur Renan in his Histoire
genérale des langues Semitiques, (probably following Gesenius who
some twenty-live years previously had expressed a similar opinion,)
thinks there is evidence sufficient to shew that the Hebrews wrote in
this alphabet on going up out of Egypt. I cannot say any thing for
or against this surmise; but be ib as it may, there is little doubt
that modifications of this alphabet were in spontaneous use from the
banks of the Indus to the straits of Gibralter, by the people of the
whole world as it was known to the ancients, about the eighth
century before Christ. From it the Greek alphabet was modelled ;
from it the Aramaic, the Syriac, the Hebrew, the Arabic and the
many modifications of these alphabets have sprung ; and from it, also,
we have the Roman alphabet. ;
It would be impossible in a brief, hurried, and imperfect: memoran-
dum, such as this, to give even a cursory outline of the history of the
progressive development of these alphabets, even if I had full materials
for the purpose ; which is not the case. For a long time we had no
better guide than Gesenius’ work, published now some thirty years
ago ; but Dr. Levy’s Phonizische Studien, and the duc de Luynes’ valu-
able tables printed by Mr. EH. Thomas, and since published inscrip-
tions, have added much to the world’s knowledge on this subject,
which is at once so interesting and instructive to the palzographer,
the philologer, and the historian. But still light is required,—more
heht,—and it is satisfactory to know that able scholars are deeply
engaged in investigating the comparative -paleography, as well as its
int ene ag SOO MATS ALAM ne ,
Appleation of the Roman Alphabet. [No. 4,
cognate subject, the comparative philology of Hastern languages. The
Hast it is now acknowledged must be the starting point with all who
would study the history of man as well as the sciense of language,
and the art of writing. The last mail received from England, brought
the announcement of the publication of no less than two books
which promise to be of great value to all who are interested in these
subjects, Levy's Phomziches Worterbuch, or a sequel to his Studien,
and Spregel’s Hran das Land Zwischen der Indus und Tigris, and our
German oriental students work with such a will in the fields of oriental
research, that we may confidently expect each year to increase our
store of information. Whether they will succeed in finding Abraham,
Zarathustra, and the leader ef the Aryan colony which overran India,
sitting under the same fig-tree, framing languages and alphabets for
the whole world, is a question yet admitting of very great doubts, but
there is no doubt that if ever they have done so, and left any traces
behind them, our friends will find them.
Assuming the correctness of the facts above stated, it will be seen
that excluding the immediate consideration of the Pahlawi and Zend
alphabets, we have two primitive alphabets to deal with—the Indian
and the Phoenician; and from these two alone the very numerous
alphabets of almost of all the written languages of Europe, Africa,
America, and half of Asia have been drawn.
We have the very best evidence moreover, viz. clearly written in-
scriptions on tablets, coins, and rocks,—to prove that many of these
derivative alphabets are of very great antiquity, and this of itself,
though not a practical objection to the substitution of a good for a
bad, or a perfect for an imperfect alphabet, must nevertheless always
present a very serious difficulty to the engrafting of new alphabets on
old languages. Most nations take an intense pride in the antiquity
of every thing belonging to them; and no nations possess this cha-
racteristic in a greater degree than Oriental nations, This difficulty,
of course, is much heightened if the character in which the language
is written, as well as the language itself, is sacred, which is the case
with the two classical languages of India. It is almost superfluous
to mention that the Brahmanas are of divine origin; that the lan-
guage of the Vedas is the language of the gods; and as for their
alphabet, its designation, the Deva Nagari, renders it unnecessary
to say whence it has been derived. As if to give weight again to
4
:
;
:
:
}
1864. | Application of the kwman Alphatet. 851
their ideas regarding the antiquity of the Hindu era, its cycles have
been elaborated into a system of yugas, which carry us back to ages
quite sufficiently remote to satisfy the most ardent votary of the
geologic theory. |
Nor if we pursue the enquiry in the opposite direction, do we find
greater encouragement for the reception of a change of alphabets.
We cannot trace the Koran to its origin, for it was not created. The
doctrine is one of the most noted heresies of Islamism. The Koran
is co-existent and co-eternal with the Supreme Being, written in the
Arabic characters on the lawh 7 Mahfiz, or sacred tablet, which is
guarded by the angel Gabriel. As regards the Koran, moreover, an
especial virtue is inherent not only in the words of the text; but in
the actual letters in which they are written, for the bvok would not
be the Koran, if transcribed in any others.
To obtain sympathy or support, then, from the learned in India, for
any system that proposes the general substitution of a foreign alpha-
bet for those they have been led to consider as sacred, I look upon as
impossible. But were it possible, the difficulty of inducing any peo-
ple to accept a new alphabet for the purposes of ordinary reading and
writing, when they have one which they have used for centuries,
which is already familiar to them, and which they find to answer all the
purposes of life, is of itself of sufficient magnitude, to render it unwise
in the advocates for so great a revolution, to encounter any obstacles
that might be avoided. As an illustration of this minor difficulty, I
may instance the Greek, the German, and the Russian alphabets, all
of which still exist in certain portions of Hurope, to the exclusion of
the Roman alphabet, which has been adopted in all other countries.
Some years ago indeed it was proposed to the Greeks to adopt the
Roman characters ; but the patriarchs rejected the idea with scorn.
In Germany it has frequently, I believe, been attempted to introduce
the Roman letters more generally, but except in books intended for
exportation, the change does not appear to have found favour, and it is
a singularly apt illustration of this difficulty, that the very articles in
which Dr. Sprenger has so ably advocated the universal adaptation of
Roman alphabet to Oriental languages, are printed in the old and
familar German type. Now the difference between the German and the
Roman characters is comparatively trifling, and as the powers of the
letters are precisely the same, for all practical purposes, the one alphabet
352 Application of the Roman Alphabet. [ No. 4,
may be considered as good as the other. That the old alphabet then
retains its hold on the Germans, furnishes us, in my opinion, with a
strong proof of the very great tenacity with which a people will cling
to an alphabet, when it has been so widely adopted as to have become
familar to their whole nation. Indeed, if experience is a guide, it
would appear easier to change a language, than to change an alphabet.
These difficulties, however, it may be urged are, more or less, con-
nected with the weaknesses of human nature, and may be traced to
bigotry, vanity, prejudice, force of habit, false ideas of nationality,
&e., all of which might be overcome by a ruling power occupying the
position of the English in India ; and this is in a great measure true ;
but admitting its truth, the most important part of the enquiry—
indeed, I may say, the whole of the enquiry, will still remain, viz. the
suitability of the characters of the Roman alphabet, to represent the
sounds to be expressed in all the languages, both living and dead,
which are in use in India. I have read a great deal that has been
written on the subject, and I must coniess that I have never seen this
portion of it thoroughly well investigated. Indeed it is far more often
settled in a very summary and off-hand manner, by a reference to
some system which has already been adopted, and which has been
used, it is advanced, with great success. Yet it is of the essence of
the enquiry, and until it is satisfactorily disposed of, it is quite need-
less to refer to the many advantages that would result from the adop-
tion of a universal alphabet, a point which { assume nobody will care
to deny. Nor does the fact of a certain currency being obtained for
books printed in a particular type prove what is wanting. Many
people thought that putting pantaloons on Hindustanis would make
English soldiers of sepoys; but it did not do so, a fact which the
English discovered to their cost in 1857, After wearing them, father,
son, and grandson for a whole century, on the very first favourable
opportunity, they tore them off, and cast them away. And why, may
I ask, did they do so? Because they found them not so suitable to
their habits and customs, and the climate of their country, as the
dhotis they had been in the habit of wearing for ages. The educated
Bengalis have for a quarter of a century been familiar not only with
the alphabet we use, but with the language we speak. They speak it
and write it infinitely better than they do their own language, yet we
do not find that when they write Bengali, they use this or any other
1864: | Application of the Roman Alphabet. 353
than the Bengali alphabet. How it would be, if the language and the
Roman alphabet were familiarized, if I may use the expression, I can-
not say; a great many Bengalis now wear pantaloons, but in the
matter of the alphabets experience, as at present available, 1s not cer-
tainly encouraging to a change.
It is surely not unnatural, that a people, after labouring for centuries
to compass an important end, to invent and elaborate a system of
sions and combinations of signs, and to apply them to every sound in
their language, and having accomplished it, should be unwilling to
resign that which had cost them so much time and trouble. The Deva
Nagari alphabet, if it is the most elaborate, is also the most perfect
alphabet in the world. It was modelled and improved from the
Pali or most ancient Indian alphabet expressly for the Sanskrit
language ; it was fashioned for this language ; it was made to fit it, and
therefore 16 does fit 1b better than any other; and it is a singular coin-
eidence, that this fact attracted the attention of, and was noticed by
the very remarkable Chinese traveller, Houen-thsang, upwards of 1000
years ago, and from his memoires, I make the following extract :—
“ Les caractéres de Vécriture ont été inventés par le dieu Fan, (Bra-
ma) et, depuis Porigine, leur forme s’est transmise de siécle en siécle.
Elle se compose de quarante-sept signes, qui sassemblent et se com-
binent suivant Vobjet ou la chose qu’on veut exprimer. Elle s’est
répandue et s'est divisée en diverses branches. Sa source s’étant
élargie par deerés, elle s'est accommodée aux usages des pays et aux
besoins des hommes, et n’a éprouvé que de légeéres modifications. Hn
général, elle ne s’est pas sensiblement écartée de son origine, C’est
surtout dans l’Inde centrale qu’elle est nette et correcte.”
It is unnecessary to go into a comparative analysis of the two alpha-
bets to establish the truth of these remarks. The coat that is made
for aman is likely to fit him better, than the coat that is made for
somebody else, and this, it appears to me is, if not the whole ques-
tion, certainly the major part of it. “Yet” it will be urged by
progressists, “fashions may change, and it would be unjust and a hard-
ship, to condemn an ancient friend always to appear in his antique
costume, because it had once, when in fashion, been made to fit him.”
I answer, that if it becomes him better than any other, it would be
a far greater hardship, to make him change it to suit the taste e to
please the eye of foreigners; but even if he agreed to put on a new
2 Z
854 Application of the Roman Alphabet. No. 4,
coat, you would still be obliged to make one to fit him, and herein lies
a very great difficulty.” I consider it to be a fundamental principle
of the art of paleography, that the power of each symbol should be
so determined that its euphonic value in all combinations of symbols
shall be fixed and not variable, as is the case with the Roman alpha-
bet, as it has been adapted to English and some other modern tongues ;
that these values should be readily ascertainable, and that, as far as
possible, distinct phonetic values should be represented by distinct
symbols and combinations of symbols, and the same always by the
same, wherever they occur. Now if we investigate the history of the
progressive development of alphabets, we will find that while these rules
have been steadily kept in view in the adaptation and modification of
alphabets in the Hast, they have been systematically set aside in mast
modern languages of the West; and the result is, that while an edu-
cated Eastern gentleman, seldom or never makes a mistake in ortho-
eraphy, few Englishmen or Frenchmen can trust themselves to write
their own language without a pocket dictionary at their elbow. There
are again numerous letters in the Deva Nagari alphabet, for which we
have no corresponding signs in the Roman alphabet, and many sounds
in the former language of which no combination of the letters of this
alphabet will convey to the ear even an approximate idea. And the
same may be said of all the alphabets and languages derived from
this source, and also, though in a less degree, of the Arabic and Hebrew
alphabets. All attempts to express certain letters in the Arabic
alphabet in Roman characters have failed, and for obvious reasons all
future attempts will fail likewise. In short, if it be proposed to
make the alphabet of any one language the basis of an alphabet for
another language, its capabilities and powers must first be carefully
examined with reference to the requirements of that language, and its
redundancies eliminated, or its deficiencies supplied, as the case may
require. This was the course adopted by the Brahmans in regard to
the primitive alphabet of India, in the second and third century B. C.,
and this was the course adopted by the learned Lepsius in the 19th
century A. D. when propounding his scheme for a missionary alphabet.
He did not set up the doctrine that any existing alphabet, much less
the Roman alphabet with its twenty-six letters, was perfect, in the
universal application of the term. He assumed rather the converse,
and the plan he adopted was as follows :—
1864. | Application of the Roman Alphabet. 355
Having first arranged all the sounds prevailing in the known lan-
guages of the world, to these he applied the characters of the
Roman alphabet as far as they would go, and for those sounds for
which he could not find corresponding signs in the Roman alphabet,
he indented on other alphabets, or invented new ones, adapting thus
his alphabet to his languages, not vice versd.
But if no existing alphabet is so perfect as to be made applicable
to all existing languages, speaking generally, the alphabets of most
languages which have received such a development as to entitle them
to take rank as literary languages, and all those which may be dis-
tinguished as classical, have been so far perfected in relation to these
languages themselves, and their symbols and sounds have become so
closely identified, that any attempt now to dissever the one from the
other, especially in the case of dead languages, would result in very
serious consequences-—indeed consequences so serious, in my opinion, as
to give grounds for alarm, lest the true phonetic values of the original
letters should soon become irremediably confused, and in the revolu-
tion of epochs, the languages themselves might be lost. This is a view
of the case that will perhaps be disputed, yet it is one which will, I am
sure, be clearly intelligible to all who have occupied themselves with
decyphering ancient inscriptions, and are consequently aware of the
stumbling block those inscriptions prove to archeologists, and numis-
matists, in which a language, foreign to the transcriber, has been
rendered by the ear, in a character equally foreign to the language
in which it is written.
I venture to consider it proven then, that the Roman or any other
modern alphabet, cannot be applied to any of the dead or living lan-
guages of India for which an alphabet has been already perfected,
with advantage to those languages, and that any attempt to do so,
except in so far as the transcription may suit the convenience of
foreigners and ripe scholars, would only lead to very great confusion.
It remains, however, to enquire whether, setting aside those lan-
guages, and patois, which have not been reduced to writing, we have no
languages which have received a considerable development, but for which
no written character, original or adapted, has been perfected. And
here our attention is at once arrested by a language which is some.
what peculiar in its characteristic—a, language which is written in many
characters, yet which has no alphabet of its own ; which hasan ex-
222
eer! i WAR
306 Appleation of the oman Alphabet. [No. 4,
tensive vocabulary ; yet few words in that vocabulary can be said to
belong to it; which is at once the most widely spread, the most popu:
lar, and the most useful of the languages of India, yet of which there is
no definite form or dialect that can properly be called a language of any
part of India; which cannot be developed without losing its identity,
and yet which wanting, as it is, in all these, the attributes of a perfect
language, has a grammatical structure which is essentially its own, and
which it carries with 1¢ into whatever other language it may be merged,
The language I allude to, is that which is commonly called Hindustani.
Jt is the lingua franca of Hindustan, and is so universally familiar,
that many I dare say will say that my remarks are paradoxical, and
some that they are absurd. I venture to think that they are neither
the one nor the other. But, as few will feel disposed to accept my
simple word for the fact, I beg to offer the following explanation. The
Hindustani language, as now existing, can hardly be called an indepen-
dent language,—a language which springing from an original and
ancient source, has existed, first in a primitive and rude form, and by
a gradnal and progressive development, always preserving its original
basis, has finally received a polish, and been imbued with an elasticity,
such as to make it a suitable medium for the expression of complex
ideas. It cannot be said to belong to the Aryan ; it certainly does not
belong to the Semitic; it does not belong to the Scythian family of
languages. It is a language, the elements of which are drawn from all
these sources. ‘The basis, that is the grammatical structure of Hin-
dustani, if ever it was Sanskrit, is now so distinct from it, as to possess
quite a character of its own, and its vocabulary is made up from lan-
suages both of the Aryan, Scythic, and Semitic families. It is so far
then a composite language, but inasmuch as languages of distinct
and separate origin will not readily mix, the moment any attempt
at attaining a high degree of development is made, a conflict of ele-
ments takes place, which generally ends in the complete overthrow of
one and the merging of what is called simple Hindustani into lan-
guages which, while they preserve in a great degree their Indian
structure, indent for their vocabulary either on languages purely of
Aryan, or purely of Semitic origin. This conflict is mainly attribut-
able to the cause here assigned, the hostility of the primitive elements,
and possibly of the races, but there can be little doubt that it is oreatly
fostered and encouraged by the maintenance of a double alphabet, and
»
1864. | Application of the Roman Alphabet. 357
the difficulties of fusing these opposite elements, into a composite
language, in the ordinary acceptation of the words, would be con-
siderably diminished if an alphabet could be invented that would be
~ common to both.
The Deva Nagari alphabet is quite as unsuitable for expressing Ara-
bic and Persian words, as the Greek alphabet is unsuitable for express-
ing Sanskrit words pure and derivative, and the language as now
written, presents as bizarre and outré an appearance, as if a language
composed of English, German, and Russian words, was written in
Hebrew characters. In most composite languages, such as English
or the Romance languges, the whole forms an amalgam in which
sometimes, the original materials can be recognized with difficulty, and
often not at all, as all will be aware who have read Dean Trench’s works
on the English language. Butin Hindustani it is different, the materials,
particularly those of Semitic origin, remain exactly as they were, and
it 1s the same with modern Persian in regard to its Arabic words,
which Sir William Jones has well illustrated in the following pas-
sage. “ This must appear strange to an European reader ; but he
may form some idea of this uncommon mixture, when he is told that
the two Asiatic languages are not always mixed like the words of
Roman and Sazon origin'in this period, ‘ The true law is right reason,
conformable to the nature of things, which calls us to duty by com-
manding, deters us from sin by forbidding ; but as we may suppose
the Latin and English to be connected in the following sentence :
“The true lex is recta ratio, conformable nature rerum, which by
commanding vocet ad officuwm, by forbidding a@ fraude deterreat.”
But the difference in the case of Persian is, that it and Arabic have a
common alphabet while the two languages of which Hindusteni is
chiefly composed, have separate and distinct alphabets.
The obstacles again to fusion under present cireumstances are creat-
ly increased by distinctions of race and creed. Without entering
into nice ethnological distinctions, it will be sufficient +o consider
that we have in India two great classes to deal with, Hindus and
Musalmans. The former, in writing Hindustani, use the Deva.
Nagari, or one of its derivative alphabets ; the latter generally use the
Nas Télig or Persian character. Neither know the characters in
which the others write, and as the races are prevented by religious
differences from intermixing, there is neither inducement nor necessity
OEM SVN LEA weg Pa AT)
OC ———
B08 Application of the Roman Alphabet. [No. 4,
for improving their acquaintance with each other’s customs in this
respect. When letters pass between two educated gentlemen of
different race and creed in India, though written in what may be call-
ed the mother-tongue of both, they must be taken to the village scribe
to be read. This certainly is an anomaly —an anomaly which does
not exist perhaps in any other part of the world. But we have no}
yet reached the end ; we are introducing railways, telegraphs, and all
kinds of mechanical power into India, and we are teaching sciences
bristling with technical terms. A medical student who may be un-
able to speak a word of English, will glibly run over half the Latin
terms in the pharmacopoeia of medical science, and any ordinary native
gardener will give the Latin botanical name for every tree and flow-
erin a well-stocked garden. We have here, then, not an alphabet
seeking for a language; we have a language seeking for an alphabet,
It has greater natural claims perhaps on the Deva Nagari alphabet
than upon any other, because the language, in its ancient dialectic
form must have been closely allied to the Sanskrit, and the present
Deva Nagari alphabet was formed from the Indian alphabet ; but cer-
tain portions of the frame-work of the language are so distinct as to
be deduced with difficulty from Sanskrit, and if English, Sanskrit,
Arabic, and Persian words are to be adopted into the language, and
one of the three alphabets is to be selected to be a common alphabet
for all races who use this language throughout the country, the ba-
lance, on many grounds, is in favour of that alphabet which is used by
the most highly civilized people—the ruling power.
Certainly very great difficulty would attend the inaugural measures
of a comprehensive change of the kind; but these I need not discuss
here, further than to add that any attempt to accomplish so great an
end, must be made gradually, and with much caution.
But besides Hindustani, it must be borne in mind, that there is a
very wide field that the Roman alphabet may occupy at once. I
allude to the very numerous dialects which we find in all parts of
India to which the civilization of the Budhists and Brahmins have not
penetrated. In the province of Assam and neighbouring districts,
we have eight different dialects which, are stated to be distinct lan-
guages,* having no affinity with one another.
* 1. Garow. 5, Abor.
2. Naga. 6. Mishmee.
3. Booteah. 7. Kamptee.
4, Khassiah. 8, Mikir.
1864.| _ Appleation of the Roman Alphabet. 859
This is probably a mistake; but these languages are still so distinct
as to be a bar to intelligible inter-communication. In addition to
these, there are numerous dialects, presenting, for the most part, the
characteristics of the central-Asia type of languages ; but all differing
from each other in a greater or less degree, and almost all not yet
reduced to writing. The same remarks are applicable to Birmah
proper, British Birmah, Pegu, the Tenasserim Provinces, Chittagong
and Akyab.
The great majority of the languages here alluded to, having no
affinity with Sanskrit, the Deva Nagari alphabet cannot be said to
have any peculiar claims on them. The Missionaries on the North East
frontier have adopted the Roman characters in their teachings, while
the Missionaries on the South Hast frontier have adopted the Burmese
characters. Now, much may be said against teaching uncivilized tribes
a character that will not enable them to carry on business relations in
writing with their neighbours ; but if it is ever intended to apply the
Roman alphabets to any of the languages of India, the best languages
certainly on which to experimentalize, are those to which no alphabet
has yet been naturalized.
The Missionaries in British Birmah are making very rapid pro-
gress with the instruction in Burmese and the conversion to Chris- -
tianity of the Karens, and the Welsh Presbyterian Mission at Cherra-
poonjee are printing some books and a dictionary in the Roman cha-
racters. ‘The Education Department in Assam first adopted the books
of the Missionaries, but have discarded them, I believe, for books
printed in Bengali type. The question therefore ought to be authori-
tatively settled, or we shall see, what it must be confessed is not un-
common in India, one generation taking infinite pains to do that which
the next will take equal pains to undo.
The conclusions then at which I have arrived are, that any attempt
to adopt the Roman alphabet to the classical languages of India
would be mischievous; and that all those languages for which an al-
phabet has already been perfected by the people speaking them, have
no need of such a change; but that an attempt might be made to
adopt this alphabet, or a modification of it, to all Indian languages
which at present have no alphabet which can properly be called their
own. 7
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: 360 On the Buddhist Remains of Sultanganj. [No. 4,
On the Buddhist Remains of Sulténganj—By Bébu RAsenpratina
Mirra.
Ascending the Ganges from Bhagalpur, the first object of interest
which arrests the attention of the traveller is a singular mass of oranite
towering abruptly to the height of about a hundred feet from the
bed of the river. Its natural beauty and romantic situation have
long since dedicated it to the service of religion; and J angirah, the
name of the rock in question, has been associated with many a tale of
love and arms. It stands at a distance of about a hundred yards
from the right bank immediately opposite to the mart of Sultangany,
and is surmounted by a small stone temple which is visible from a
great distance, and serves as a beacon tower to the mariner. The pre-
siding deity of the sanctuary is named Gaibinatha, a form of S’‘iva
whose identity I cannot ascertain. Along with him are associated
a number of statues and images whom the resident priests hold in
such slender respect that they did not object to my scratching some
of them with a penknife to ascertain the nature of the stones of
which they are made.
The temple bears no inscription, and the attendant Brahmans could
not give me any information regarding its history. Judging, how-
ever, from its make and appearance, I believe it cannot be more than
two or three centuries old. Around it are situated a few low rooms
for the accommodation of the priests. |
The face of the rock is covered by a number of bassi-relievi, most
of which are Hindu and include representations of Ganes’a, Hanu-
mana, Krishna, Radha, Vamana, Ananta sleeping on a snake, Siva
and other Pauranic divinities. But there are a few which are decided-
ly of Buddhist and Jain origin. The Buddhist figures, mostly
Buddha in the meditative posture, occupy more centrical positions
than the Hindu ones and appear to be more worn away than the latter;
both circumstances affording conclusive evidence of the place having
been originally a Buddhist sanctuary which the Brahmans have ap-
propriated to themselves since the downfall of Buddhism. A Jain
temple still exists on one side of the rock to which a few pilgrims
occasionally come to offer their adoration to Paras'wanatha the 23rd
teacher of the sect.
a
— i Se oe PED
ee
~
~s on
1864. | On the Buddhist Remains of Sultangang. 361
There is only one place at the foot of the rock at which a boat can
be put in where there is a landing-place, and thence a very steep and.
winding path leads to the summit.
According to Montgomery Martin, at the three sacred full moons,
in October, January and April, (Bengali Kartika, Magha and Vaisakha, )
from twenty to thirty thousand persons attend to bathe at this
place ; “but the great emolument of the priests arises from about
50,000 pilgrims who at various times come to carry away a load of
water which they intend to pour on the head of various celebrated
images in distant parts. In the south of India I have met pilgrims
earrying their load from this place ; but by far the greater part goes
to Devaghar in Virabhum where it is poured on the Priapus or Lin-
ga called Baidyanatha, to whom this water, taken from a scene of former
pleasure, is considered as peculiarly acceptable.’’*
To the east of this rock on the river bank there is another mass of
granite having a few carvings on its western face, and a brick-built
mosque on the top of it called the Dargah of Baishkaran.
Lhe village of Sultanganj stretches westward to the extent of about
a mile from the foot of this rock. In a line with Jangirah the posi-
tion of the village is Lat. 25° 19’ 20” N.; Long. 86° 48’ 25” E. At
the time of Mr. Martin’s survey, forty years ago, it contained about
250 houses, of which only two were brick-built and three tiled. The
number of houses has now quintupled, and the main road in front of
the mart which gives name to this place, is lined by a good many
pucka godowns.
The railway station of Sultanganj stands behind this mart and at
a distance of about half a mile to the south of it.
‘The space between the mart and the railway station forms a quad-
rangle of 1,200 feet by 800. It seems never to have been under
much cultivation, and is covered by the debris of old buildings, the
foundations of which have lately been excavated for ballast for the
railway. ‘The trenches opened along the line of the foundations are
not continuous, and in several places have been filled up, but from:
what remains I am disposed to believe that the place was at one time
divided into courtyards having lines of small cells or cloisters on all
four sides. This idea has been strengthened by the discovery of a
series of six chambers ina line at the south-western corner of the
~* Martin’s Hastern India, Vol. IT. p, 38,
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362 On the Buddhist Remains of Sultangany. [No. 4,
quadrangle. These chambers form a part of the western side of a
large courtyard on the north of which Mr. Harris, Resident Engineer,
East Indian Railway, under whose superintendence the excavations
under notice have been carried on, has brought to light the founda-
tions of two similar chambers. ‘The southern and the eastern facades
yet remain unexplored. But the accumulation of rubbish on those sides,
rising to the height of 10 to 20 feet, clearly indicates that chambers
corresponding to those on the west and north are to be met with
under it.
At the middle of this long ridge of rubbish Mr. Harris has found
the foundation and the side pillars of a large gateway which was evi-
dently one of the principal entrances to the quadrangle. Similar
gateways probably once existed on the other three sides, but their
vestiges are no longer traceable.
The accumulation of rubbish at the south-east corner is greater than
any where else, and on it is situated the bungalow of the Resident
Engineer. It would be well if a shaft could be run through this mound,
as it is here that relics of importance are most likely to be met with.
The chambers excavated at the south-western side are not all of the
same dimensions. They measure within the walls from 12 x 10° 6” to
14’ x12’. The depth from the top of the plinth to the lowest part of
the foundation (the only portion now in situ) is 13 feet. This
depth was found full of earth and rubbish, but divided at intervals
of 3 or 4 feet by three distinct floors formed of concrete and stucco.
The lowest shews no trace of plaster. The upper floors had open-
ings or hatchways through which people descended to the bottom, and
used the different stories as cellars or store-rooms. No valuable
property or remains of corn or other goods have, however, been traced
in these cellars, as most probably they had been removed before the
monastery fell into the hands of the destroyer.
The interior of the walls had never been plastered, but the front,
facing the courtyard, has a thick coating of sand and stucco such as
are to be seen in modern Indian houses. |
The bricks used in the building of these chambers measure 13%
9” ~ 22"" and in density, colour and appearance are similar to those
employed in the construction of the great temple at Buddhagaya.
At Sanchi, Sarnath and other old Buddhist remains, bricks of such
large size appear to have been common, and they give a pretty close
1864.| On the Buddhist Remains of Sultdéngany. 363
idea of the era when they were most in use. The largest bricks
known are met with in the ruins of Hastindpur, which, according
to Mauluvi Syad Ahmad,* measure 20 inches long, 10 broad and 2% thick.
if they be, as has been supposed, synchronous with the heroes of the
Mahabharata they are the oldest as well as the largest known. The
next in size are those from the walls of Babylon, for which the
clay thrown out of the trenches surrounding the city supplied the
material; they measure sixteen inches square, with a thickness of three
inches. The next are those from the pyramid of Howara in Egypt. They
measure 173 inches by 8% inches; the thickness being 52 inches.
Next to them are those of Buddhagayd, Sdrnath, Sulténganj and other
Buddhist localities ; they vary from 13” to 14” by 8” to 10 inches, the
thickness ranging from 2} to 84. This kind of brick, was in use for
upwards of seven hundred years down to the fifth or sixth century of the
Christian era. The bricks of the Hindu Rajas of Lilput, Avangpur,
Luckerpoor are much of the same size, but of very different
appearance. The early Pathans also used very large bricks, and in
old Delhi they are very common. The later Pathans reduced the
size of their bricks to 12 inches, and in the days of the Moguls
they were further reduced to 10”, hence it is that in the many palatial
buildings of Akbar, Jehangir and Shah Jehan, the greatest builders
of the race, we find no trace of a single large brick.
Beyond the western wall of the chambers there is the foundation
of another and a broad one, which formed the boundary wall of the
quadrangle. It runs due north and south and is joined by one which
runs along the ridge on the southern side. Similar boundary walls,
no doubt, once existed on the north and the east, but their traces have
long since been effaced.
In front of the chambers there are to be seen the remains of a hall
or verandah which formerly formed the most important part of the
building on this side of the quadrangle. Its floor is on a level with
the highest floor of the chambers, and seems to have been made of con-
erete and stucco, and painted over in fresco of a light ocherous colour.
How it was enclosed in front has not been made out. Probably there
was @ range of square pillars, forming a verandah or pillared hall re-
sembling a modern Bengal dalan or the choultry of Southern India.
The floor of the courtyard has not yet been laid bare, but judging
* Journal of the Archeological Society of Delhi, p. 50.
oA 2
from
864 On the Buddhist Remains of Sultdnganj. [No. 4,
the position of a water-course formed of scooped flags of granite which
runs under the floor of the hall and through one of the partition
walls of the chambers to a drain beyond the boundary wall of the
quadrangle, and which was evidently intended to carry off its drain-
age | am induced to believe that it stood about 8 feet lower than the
hall. Similar water-pipes of granite have been met with at Buddha-
gaya, Sarnath and elsewhere.
Of the relics which have been collected by Mr. Harris in course of
his excavations at this place, the most important appears to be a
colossal figure of Buddha which was found lying on a side of the hall
described above. It had evidently been knocked down by some
iconoclast before the destruction of the hall, and removed several feet
The latter too hac been tilted over, but not
much removed from the centre of the hall which was its original posi-
IL” x 3’—9" the
The statue was secured to this stone by
away from its pedestal.
tion. It was formed of a slab of granite 6’—
thickness being 94 inches.
two bolts, the remains of which are still visible. The statue is of
copper and seems to have suffered no injury from the hands of the
destroyer, except the mutilation of the left foot across the ankle.
Its dimensions are—
Prom the topknot on the crown of the head, along the back to
bheedee of tlie leehet ates) ne .5 5 : 7 3
From do. along the front to the sole of ‘ane foot wie the
IMSbOPysa er sib ule tae es Pee es seen Sie ie
Round the head, ........... Se ens ee a Poe!)
JOIN OU omens ects oe we Soo oe 0 3
From bottom of fontnck 6 forehead, ...... rae ee opecirend aes ae 0 hg
Length of face from forehead to chin, ..... ee iG sesvstets 0 10
Brome bined OWA O=WOIS pccs1 oc oes | Geeks Be
rom pwalstet0 S01 620b 100tssoa, an, could Ge ne Ae 0
Hound sul’ DieaStes co ia. ee eS
Across the shoulders, Se ee ee.
Prom saoulder-joit tose bow, — onc ke oesce a ee vee LO
From elbow to wrist, ................ re ee ee
Hrom wrist-to end-of middle finger, -..<........ cn tcc oa ot 0
Foot from heel to end of 2nd toe, .............00.. So en ee
The above measurements were taken with a common tape without
any reference to the principles followed by artists in the calculation
1864. | On the Buddhist Remains of Sultanganj. 365
of the relative proportion of the different parts of the human figure.
They disclose, however, some curious facts: thus omitting the top-knot
formed of a collection of hair on the crown of the head, we find that
the total length of the figure (7 feet) is to the head (125 inches,)—as 1
to 6 and 22, or in the language of artists 6 heads, 3 parts, 9 minutes,
instead of the usual standard of 1 to 8, and also considerably under that
of the antique statues. In the Hercules the Apollo and the Laocoon
the length of the body varies from 7 heads, 2 parts, 8 minutes to 7
heads, 3 parts,7 minutes. ‘The tallest statue known is that of Mirmillo,
and it measures 8 heads only. The length of the fathom again, which
in Hurope is reckoned to be the same as the height, is in our statue
fully one-third more. This is owing no doubt to the belief common
in India that the simian pecularity of the hands reaching down to the
knees is an emblem of divinity and universal sovereignty. It is worthy
of note, however, that in a table published by Dr. Emil Schlagin-
tweit in his recent work on Tibetan Buddhism,* the fathom of
Brahmans of Upper [ndia, is represented to be greater than the
length of their body,and the Bhots have the same peculiarity in a greater
degree. Itis remarkable also that the latter make their Buddhas
and Bodhisatvas have shorter fathoms than their genii and dragsheds.
The increase in the fathom is effected by an inordinate prolongation
of the hands, leaving the arm and forearm less than their natural
proportions as compared to those of Indian Brahmans, of Bhots, and
of Bhotanese idols; but somewhat longer than the European standard
of 1 head, 2 parts and 3 minutes to the arm and J] head, 1 part and 2
minutes to the forearm. The foot, according to modern artists, should
* T take the following from Dr. Schlagintweit’s book to bring to one view
the relative proportions of the different parts of the human figure compared with
those of Bhot statues. ‘The second column A has been added by me.
A, B. C. D. KE.
Buddha from| Brahmans Bhots. Buddhas, | Dragsheds
Sultanganj.| of Upper Bodhi- Genii, Lamas,
India. Sattvas, of of Tibet.
Tibet.
2g wacnanameoes ay LL | SASS ST ar STO
he rere |
Total height, 5a ea 1.000 1.000 1.000 :
Head, .., = vf 0.119 0.145 0.149 oe tee
Periphery round the forehead, | 0.285 0.322 0.3485 0.350 0.420
Length of Fathom, Sal 188 1.025 1.069 1,080 1.117
Ditto Arm, w.{ 0.214 0.433 0.451 0.449 0.430
Ditto Forearm, | 0.142 0.165 0.164. 0.149 0.155
Ditto Hand, .., | 0.142 0.107 0.110 0.110 0.110
Ditto Foot, ... | 0.148 0.144 0.145 0.140 0.144
366 On the Buddhist Remains of Sulténgan;. [No. 4,
be one-sixth of the body, but in the statue this has been exceeded by a
few minutes. The torso is slightly shorter than the Grecian standard.
On the whole, even after making ample allowances for the fact that the
changes which the human form undergoes from infancy to old age and
in different nationalities and climates preclude the possibility of limiting
its measurements to any ideal standard, it must be admitted that the
artist of the statue had a very imperfect knowledge of proportion. He
had evidently adopted the tall North Indian and not the squat Bhot
for his model.
The figure is erect, standing in the attitude of delivering a lecture,
and in this respect bears a close resemblance to the sandstone statues
so largely found at Sarnath by General Cunningham. The right
hand is lifted in the act of exhortation; the left holds the hem of a
large sheet of cloth which is loosely thrown over the body. Both
hands bear the impress of a lotus, the emblem, according to Indian
chiromancy, of universal supremacy, and as such is always met with on
the hands of Vishnu, Brahma and some other Hindu divinities. The
ears are pendulous and bored, and the hair on the head disposed in
curled buttons in the way they are usually represented on Burmese
figures, and not very unlike the buttons on the heads of some of the
Nineveh bas-reliefs. The lips are thin and the face, though more
rounded than oval, is not remarkable for any prominence of the cheek
bone. On the forehead there is a circular télak or auspicious mark.
The material is a very pure copper cast in two layers, the inner one
in segments on an earthen mould, and held together by iron bands
which were originally ~ of an inch thick, but are now very much
worn down by rust. The outer layer of the copper has also oxidized in
different places and become quite spongy. The casting of the face
down to the breast, was effected in one piece ; the lower parts down to
the knee in another, and then the legs, feet, hands and back in several
pieces. A hole has been bored through the breast, and chips have
been knocked off from other parts of the body since the exhumation of
the figure, evidently with a view to ascertain if it did not contain
hidden treasure such as is said to have been found by Mahmood in
the belly of the famous idol of Somnath, but it has led to the dis-
covery of nothing beyond the mould on which the figure had been cast.
The substance of this mould looks like a friable cinder. Origin-
ally it consisted of a mixture of sand, clay, charcoal and paddy husk,
1864. | On the Buddhist Remains ef Sultangan. 367
of the last of which traces are still visible under the microscope. Babu
Kanaildla De, Assistant Professor of Chemistry, Medical College,
who kindly undertook to analyse this black stuff for me, says that it
consists of—
Siliea, e@eoeoo@eeceevere¢e FSH 8BO9 ECBO FOR HHH FEE OEOGA4BX ocGeoevae HH FHSS CHS OSH 20a ww ° 73 50
Oxide of copper, peroxide of iron, alumina, lime, and
WIdONCSIA.— av. e is ccs FS cnt RE es eee 18 O
Organic matter and moisture, ....... Ve es or pies wir OU
100 00
On the annexed plate, which has been drawn from a photograph, the
statue is represented with two small figures on its sides. These were
found close by it in the chapel hall. They measure 1’-10%” and 1’-5”
inches high respectively. They are carved in basalt and, in style and
attitude, bear a very close resemblance to the copper statue; but they
have each an attendant devotee kneeling before it with folded hands,
and the Buddhist creed “ Ye dharmdhetw’ Sc., engraved in the Gupta
character on the pedestal. The small one has the same also on the back.
Among the other relics found I may mention—
1. |
Y ~ r J t : > ry. et Boe WA
ia, Py bis Mie y Ie esa re f rf 3
LAM MEN ERIN O a titias ree aD REO OA REA
i EMS ep ea i ari , 4
cae ae de oe pepe
ee ; a»
FIGARO yp i ra
382 Leport of the Great Trigonometrical Survey. [No. 4,
The Aree employed, consisted of a set of Compensating
Bars and Microscopes, on the principle of those designed by Colonel
Colby, for the Ordnance Survey of Great Britain, which had been
constructed under the superintendence of Colonel Everest, by whom
they were brought out to India in 1882. This apparatus has been
employed in measuring three Base Lines on the Great Are, two at the
north and south extremities of the Calcutta Meridiona] Series, and
two at the extremities of the Indus Series. The leneth of these bases
has, in each instance, been determined in terms of ten foot Standard
Bar A, the unit of measure of the Indian Survey.
At the time this Standard was constructed, if was believed that
the length of a well made iron bar, supported by rollers at its points
of least flexure, might be considered invariable for any given tempera-
ture. But, of recent years, there has been a growing tendency to
doutt the invariabilicy which has hitherto been assumed. Series of
comparisons made by the Ordnance Survey show there is mush proba-
bility that the texture of an iron bar changes gradually in the course
of years; for the factors of expansion obtained from groups of com-
parisons made at intervals a few years apart, differ from each other by
larger quantities than are due to errors of observation. It is prefer-
able, therefore, to employ several Standards, constructed of different
metals, rather than to trust to the integrity of a single bar.
To ascertain whether our Standard has altered in length,
would be necessary to remeasure the whole, or part, of one of the
Base Lines which were first measured after the arrival of the Bar
from England. I wished to obtain some light on this subject, by
remeasuring certain short sections of the Caleutta Base Line, the
extremities of which were originally indicated by permanent marks:
But, on examining the positions of the section markstones, I found
that, though concealed from view, there had been a regular thorough-
fare over them, for many years, of carts and elephants, as well as foot
passengers ; consequently, they must, in all probability, have been
disturbed, and they cannot be safely referred to, to decide so delicate
a matter as the constancy of the Standard.
Disappointed at being baffled in my efforts to investigate this
matter by any simpler and shorter process than the remeasurement of
a whole Base Line, I determined to mark the intermediate section
stations of the Vizagapatam Base as permanently as the extremities,
ad
eee
<>
me
ee
tar BE
athe
“Theis
hig
eto
th
1864: | Leport of the Great Trigonometrical Survey. 383
in order that any future enquiry regarding the length of the Standard,
at the time of the measurement of this Base Line, may be conducted
without greater labour than the measurement of a short section.
It has been well said, by one of the greatest living authorities
on scientific matters, that “the ends of a base line should be guarded
with religious veneration.” In this country they are liable to be
viewed with mingled cupidity and dread; the natives sometimes
fancy that money is buried below, or they superstitiously fear that the
Englishman’s mark will cast a spell over the surrounding district. In
either case, the mark is liable to be destroyed, as has already happened
at the Seronj Base Line.* To ensure the protection of the ends of
the Vizagapatam Base, I have had substantial domes of cut stone
masonry built over them, without any openings, so that,. before the
marks can be reached, the domes must be pulled down, which will be
so laborious, that the Police should be able to hear of and arrest the
perpetrators, before they have had time to harm the marks.
Captain Basevi, and the Assistants of the Coast Series Party,
shared in the measurement of the Base Line, which occupied about
two months. ‘The length of the line is six and a half miles. It was
divided into three verificatory sections, which were subsequently
checked by two series of triangles, one on each flank of the base, to
test the measure of each section against the others. These tests were
satisfactory ; for the extreme difference between the measured length
of the whole base, and its computed length by triangulation from
either section, has been found to be one inch. The comparison of the
measured length, with the computed value brought down by triangu-
lation from the Calcutta Base Line, is singularly satisfactory, for the
error of the computed value is only a quarter of an inch, though the
triangulation embraces a distance of four hundred and eighty miles,
* On this subject, the following extract is taken from a letter by Colonel Sir
George Everest, C. B., to the President and Council of the Royal Society, dated
Sth April, 1861 :—
“The natives of India have a habit, peculiar to human beings in that state
of society, of attributing supernatural and miraculous powers to our instru-
ments, and the sites which have been occupied by them. In cases of death, or
any other natural visitations, they often offer up prayers to those sites, and if the
object of their prayers be not conceded, they proceed to all sorts of acts of
destruction and indignity towards them ; nay, aS in all cases where it was
practicable, my station marks were engraved on the solid rock in situ, they
have been known to proceed in bodies, armed with heavy sledge hammers, and
beat out every vestige of the engraving.”
a~W .
Ee ad es |
RL ES eee er ter Yer tenet: le
: :
‘Tv Fa wet . .
Party c Tees —
i Be PF ON he? Se ee ie wT A oy 4 why
; PEA toa 1 LOR Bre be cont io) Je
LOA 7 Crp ee ane TEST A i 1 i
; F (at Posie an aa f tye: 5 oer? 4
+ = Wi or ctenby bugis, 7 reed RLU, :
ig ioe bial pos ay SE J. she,
ot : peat Leave rit
4 Db yee te Hine awed eof Welk :
ha MBA ting BAB they iat af DP ks
fre EES Ss ry had Uy: i
Unie OR Rae S ee En UY RISE Ap ME REESE M/s abl 34, PIS abE
SH ish bw ai haba A ai ea Wy ia
nisi my se 5 corte ns pre yt by edeitihd Mor ister 3
Wise nite 5
384, feeport of the Great Trigonometrical Survey. [No. 4,
much of it passing over flat plains, which are covered with dense
forest and jungle, and very difficult to work through.
On the completion of the Base Line, Captain Branfill was deput-
ed to connect it with the principal triangles of the Coast Series,
and to execute the verificatory triangulation between the sections,
Meanwhile, Captain Basevi proceeded, by my instructions, to make a
reconnoisance of the neighbouring territories of the Rajah of J eypore,
It is a singular fact that, in the vicinity of the British sta-
tions of Vizagapatam and Vizianagram, and within sixty miles of a
coast which has been frequented by British traders for upwards of a
century, there is an extensive tract of country, subject to a friendly
Rajah, of which less is known, than of districts occupied by hostile
tribes, along the frontier of our recently acquired Punjab Provinces,
A glance at any map of the Madras Presidency reveals a great blank
in our geographical knowledge, in the tract of country which lies
parallel to the coast, and North-East of the Godavery river. Its
deadly reputation appears to have been a bar alike to the explorations
of the curious and scientific, and to the visits of sportsmen. No
regular survey of it has ever been attempted; the few places given in
the map seem to have been obtained from native information, for
they are generally exceedingly erroneous.
A reconnoisance of this tract was required for our own opera-
tions, in the extension of the Bombay Longitudinal Series to Vizaga-
patam. As any reliable information regarding lands so little known
might be expected to be of much value and general interest, I was
much gratified when Captain Basevi volunteered to reconnoitre this
terra meognita ; though, at the same time, I could not but feel appre-
hensive for his safety in a country so deadly, for his route would have
to pass through dense jungle, in which it would be necessary for him
to preserve his reckoning by the troublesome process of traversing ;
which, under such circumstances, is very laborious, and entails the
necessity of performing the greater part of each day’s march on foot.
The inevitable exposure to be thus undergone is very great, in a
tropical climate, and when the district to be traversed is known to be
exceedingly feverish and unhealthy, no small amount of courage 18
needed, to prompt a man to volunteer for such a task.
Captain Basevi took with him one European Assistant, Mr.
O’Neill, and a few natives. He, himself, fortunately escaped with a
a
1864. | fteport of the Great Trigonometrical Survey. 385
slight attack of fever, but Mr. O’Neill suffered severely, and has not
yet recovered, and the natives of the party were also, more or less,
incapacitated by fever, so that but for the assistance afforded by the
Rajah of Jeypore, the operations would have been stopped almost at
their very commencement. The results are, a good preliminary map
of Jeypore, which has been forwarded to the Surveyor General, to be
lithographed and published ; a report by Captain Basevi, giving details
of his route, and a general description of the country ; several valuable
astronomical determinations of latitudes and longitudes, and baro-
metrical determinations of heights; also memoranda of various other
routes, the details of which were obtained from native information.
In consideration of the great value of Captain Basevi’s services, he
has been permitted to proceed to Hurope on furlough for one year,
during which his appvintment will be kept open for him.
During the summer of 1862, the Field Season of the Kashmir
Survey Party, the triangulation made great progress to the east of
Leh, and stations were fixed on the Chinese Frontier, from which a
number of peaks in Tartary were determined. Some of these were
more than one hundred miles distant, and will materially aid in the
construction, from native information, of maps of districts into which
the surveyors will probably be unable to penetrate. Several of the
stations observed from were over 20,000 feet in height above the sea,
and Mr. Johnson visited one peak of a height of no less than 21,072
feet, but, owing to a very heavy fall of snow, was unable to observe
from it.
A great many points were fixed in the Pangkong district. The
whole of Astor was triangulated, aad several peaks were fixed to
the north of Gilgit; none of these were of any great height, the
highest being only a little over 19,000 feet. The natural difficulties
of the country were at first much enhanced by bad weather, which
came on with the heavy rains in the southern and outer Himalayan
Ranges. Notwithstanding these circumstances the out-turn of work
has been good, and the general progress very satisfactory, the total
area of the triangulation being about 10,500 square miles, and of
topography 10,400 square miles, on the scale of four miles to the
inch.
The topographical operations made good progress, though not
so great as would have been the case had all the assistants Y
3 D
etained
he a <
——- a eis AN wy » ¥
386 Report of the Great Trigonometrical Survey. [No. 4,
their health. Unfortunately two of them, on entering the ligher
ranges, broke down completely, and a third had to leave off work
early in the season. ‘The ground sketched was generally very elevated
and barren, the Surveyor’s chief difficulties arising from the want of
provisions and firewood, and sometimes even of fresh water. The
plane table sketches required for the map of Little Tibet have been
completed, and lodged in the Head-Quarters Office at Dehra. A
glacier, about twenty miles in length, was discovered by Mr. Ryall at
the head of the Nubra Valley. Some large glaciers were also found
in the neighbourhood of the Nanga Parbat.
I fully concur in the testimony which is borne by Captain Mont-
gomerie, to the great zeal with which these arduous Survey opera-
tions have been carried on by all the assistants under his orders.
The good fortune of success has hitherto attended all undertakings
executed under the superintendence of this officer.
There is much reason to expect that, if the snows are not un-
usually heavy, and if most of the Surveyors keep in good health, the
remainder of the country to be surveyed in and around Kashmir and
Ladak, will be completed during the next field season. Captain
Montgomerie has made every effort to persuade the Maharajah of
Kashmir to allow one of our Surveyors to go to Gilgit, and has
obtained a half promise to this effect. Possibly the fear of being
called to account, should any harm happen to a European in his terri-
tories, causes the Maharajah to hesitate to sanction an undertaking
which might be somewhat perilous. He informed Captain Mont-
gomerie that, during the late winter, his troops in Gilgit had been
sleeping ; no exacter information could be elicitedthan what is suggested
by this metaphor. If, as Captain Montgomerie thinks likely, the
sleep was that which knows no waking, the Sikh garrison of the
Maharajah must have been massacred by the hill tribes, in which case
there is little hope of our Surveyors being soon able to penetrate into
Gilgit.
The Eastern Frontier Party, under the charge of Mr. C. Lane,
Chief Civil Assistant, has been employed, throughout the Field Season,
in Independent Tipperah. At the end of the preceding season this
triangulation had reached a point to the South of Cherra Poonjee, on
the confines of Tipperah, where the British Boundary retrogrades
Westward to a considerable distance, so that the triangulation would
mie
ce
Bt
fel
Ad
it
| illo
i
lw ¥
tar
it
| Th
Bin
© {om
| Mer
eonalad
1864. | Report of the Great Trigonometrical Survey. 387
have had to make an extensive circuit, in its onward progress to
Chittagong, had the operations been required to be kept within the
British Boundary. Fortunately, Mr. Buckland, the Commissioner of
Chittagong, had sufficient influence with the Maharajah of Tipperah
to induce him to consent to our operations being carried across his
territory, on the direct line to Chittagong.
Mr. Lane proceeded, in the first instance, to Agartolla, the
chief town of Tipperah, where the Maharajah resides; and there he
succeeded in securing the friendship and good-will of the Prince and
his Court to an extent to justify the expectation, which was subse-
quently realized, of obtaining their cordial assistance and co-operation.
Mr. Lane deserves much credit for the tact he has displayed in eculti-
vating amicable relations with the barbarous races that inhabit the
hill country of Tipperah, who have long been a terror to the industri-
ous population of the piains within the British Frontier. Mr. Lane
has sent a valuable report on the portion of Independent Tipperah
traversed by himself and Assistants during the past Field Season, from
- which extracts will be given in an appendix to this Report.*
* The duty of selecting stations for the Triangulation devolved on Mr.
Rossenrode, than whom the party could not have had a better pioneer. The
following simple narrative of his operations is extracted from his letters :—
“When the Kookies were apprized of my arrival at Heara, they naturally
eoncluded that I had come to apprehend and punish them for the robberies and
murders they had perpetrated on our frontier. They hid themselves in the
jungles, and left their villages. With much persuasion the Rajah’s people
brought them to my camp. They watched all my proceedings, and asked me
no end of questions. I always keep a man near me to interpret, and I answer
every question they put me; all seem satisfied with my answers, and the
confidence I place inthem, Of course my movements are slow, because my
work has the greatest difficulties to contend with; the inhabitants must be
conciliated, the site to be fixed upon must be traced and found, and cleared of
jungle. To fix on sites at all in this dense and almost uninhabited forest, in
which the sun can seldom be seen, is a feat any man may be proud of, especi-
ally when the inhabitants try to mislead. I hope to get on faster, when I divest
the minds of these savages of all suspicion. I am all day long climbing or
descending hills, or wading through water. Wild elephants and buffaloes are
numerous, and may be come upon suddenly, when wading through the water-
courses. Whenever you see a bamboo signal, avoid the direction it points to,
because an unerring arrow is placed there, with a bow strong enough to give an
elephant his death blow, The Kookies think of nothing but eating and drink.
ing. Heeding them occasionally is a good plan, and they would become very
much attached to yon, and follow you like dogs, and, no doubt, prove faithful,
and work well, if well fed. Last year I had to deal with the Nagas and
Kookies of Cachar, as well as those on the Manipoor frontier. They are the
same filthy, naked savages as their brethren in Independent Tipperah. They
frequently enquired whether I knew of Captain Guthrie, who made the road
from Cachar to Manipur, over the hills, and they said he was the best sahib
they had ever met with, and gave them buffaloes, cows, pigs, and goats to eat
daily, and grog to drink, so that, even now, they think of his feasts,
oD 2
+} t
A
= ‘ Phe weaitti
a)
: —— Sf Sis
’ tee é
~ sem Niet
ess #
: 9
ae e
r =h+ ‘
- aE Hae
: =
- ¥ site ahs
: a = %
f i a
ane a - i
. = aay
= | ~ ie 5 :
bal - ~s se ad x F:
- i t : fs
a ~T eee = i
2 — ce if: . Gi ~
4 we: ar eae A ane a
wa 2 Seba pom ME is
“I ; A Pape pieces q i
H Ree arent ig vid
asl Fees slidt es
7 = Rees ; ene i
5 p= Re = th poy 4
, Peet ‘ sak < Heraaiit By?
ae to -* Papier a Si f hier
— :
c ra iss
-
z ms
a 7
ia
;
SA stag
388 feeport of the Great Trigonometrical Survey. [No. 4
The East Calcutta Longitudinal Series Party was formed on
the Ist September, 1862, and placed under the charge of Lieutenant
Thuillier. The object of this Series is to become the basis for the
surveys of the districts of Nuddeah, Jessore, and on, vid Dacca, to
the Eastern Frontier, along a parallel of latitude shghtly North of
Calcutta. ‘The publication of the sheets of the Indian Atlas, which
embrace these districts, has long been delayed for want of this tri-
angulation.
The party proceeded from Dehra Doon, by steamer and railway,
to Calcutta, where they took the field in November, on the termina-
tion of the rainy season. Operations were commenced at Chinsurah,
on a side of the Calcutta Meridional Series. Much assistance wag
derived from a carefully executed Map, prepared in the Surveyor
General’s office, by which Lieutenant Thuillier was enabled to lay out
his lines so as to pass through a minimum amount of property. In
working through forests and jungle, it is usual, in the first instance,
to cut a narrow glade, in a perfectly straight line, through all inter-
mediate obstacles, in the direction of the required station; when this
‘“‘T must notice one peculiarity among the Kookies. They all assemble from
adjoining villages of the same tribe, and perform the work allotted to them, and
share the hire. If you want twenty men from a village, and there are sixty in
that village, all will come, whether you wish it or not. If they have to cut
jungle, they will all do it; if they are to carry loads, they will divide the twenty
loads into sixty, and each man will carry something. One man will never act as
a guide, or do any work singly; he mnst have a companion, and both must be
paid. I have tried to break through this habit, but have been told that, if all
are not allowed to work, they will not come at all. One might suppose that
Sixty men would finish the work sooner than twenty, but this is not the case;
they eat three times a day, will not begin work before nine, they work until
twelve, and then walk off, without asking or telling anybody. They remain
away two hours, cooking and eating, and then return and work till an hour
before sunset During the working hours, some are smoking, some making
drinking mugs from the bamboo, and others amusing themselves; half are thus
occupied, while the remainder are working, and then they change about, and
those who are relieved smoke, making drinking mugs, walking sticks, or other-
wise amuse themselves. The Rajah’s agents have no control over them, and
they do not always obey their own Sirdars.
“A Kossyah coolie is really worth four Kookies. When a Kossyah carries a
light load, or is lazy, he is called a Kookie by his companions, which annoys
him so that he will carry the heaviest load, or tuck up his sleeves, and work in
right good earnest. I attribute the Kookie’s want of energy and inability to
carry loads to the excessive use of spirits, which are distilled in every hut, and
partaken freely by every member of the family. There are many Chiefs among
the Kookies in the Tipperah Raj. These are all called Rajahs ; they have their
Wuzeers, Nazirs, and Sirdars, and a number of servants of both sexes. The
JKookies have no. written language. The Rajahs never pay visits, even to the
Maharajah, and their Wuzeers and Nazirs are sent to the Court only on very
important occasions.”
1864. | Report of the Great Trigonometrical Survey. 389
trial line has been carried over a distance of eight to ten miles, the
ground beyond is carefully reconnoitered for a suitable site, to which
a line is cut from a convenient point in the trial line; thus two sides
and the included angle of a triangle are given, with which data it 1s
easy to ascertain the direct line between the two stations, which is
then cleared to obtain mutual visibility. Owing, however, to the
valuable nature of the property through which the triangles were
earried, it was necessary to run a traverse along each line, with numer-
ous intermediate bends, to avoid houses and orchards. In clearing
the final line, great caution was requisite to prevent any tree from
being cut down needlessly, a matter of some importance in Bengal,
where every tree is more or less valuable, and has to be paid for.
These circumstances greatly increased the labour of the preliminary
operations, and protracted them over a longer period than is usual.
Further delay was caused in building the principal stations. These
are usually, towers, with a central pillar, four feet in diameter, of
burnt brick and lime masonry, surrounded by a platform of unburnt
bricks and mud, fourteen to sixteen feet square, the whole raised to a
height of twenty to forty feet, according to the nature of the obstacles
to be overlooked. This structure has been adopted on account of its
cheapness, and the rapidity with which it can be constructed; it has
hitherto been found to be well adapted for our requirements. But it
appears to be inapplicable for the rainy and moist climate of Eastern
Bengal, where unburnt bricks rarely have an opportunity of drying
suiiciently to be safely used, in raising a structure of such necessarily
large dimensions. At one of Lieutenant Thuillier’s stations, in conse-
quence of the employment of damp materials in the unburnt brick
work, and constant and heavy falls of rain during the construction,
the building gave way, under the weight of the instruments and
observatory tent. Fortunately, the large Theodolite was packed in
its case, and received no injury, but the season was too far advanced
for the tower to be rebuilt before the setting in of the monsoon, and
as the mishap occurred in the first polygon of the principal triangula-
tion, and there were no more towers ready in advance, the out-turn of
work, as measured by the area triangulated, is unusually small, though
much valuable experience has been gained, and there is every reason
to hope that there will be a full out-turn of work next season, The
design of the tower stations wiil have to be altered to suit the climate
De eed ee ee
- ‘
' 4 x
A eA!)
of het tp ¥
ote ee ene
ty :
: 15
ey A LAA NLT 5 he
390 Report of the Great Trigonometrical Survey. [No. 4,
of Hastern Bengal; in lieu of the present solid mass of earthwork, it
will be necessary to build a masonry wall around the central pillar, to
support the observer’s piatform.
The Rahoon Meridional Series, under the superintendence of Mr.
H. Keelan, First Assistant G. T. Survey, was brought to a ter-
mination during the last Field Season, by being extended southwards
until it jomed the Great Longitudinal Series of Triangles, connect-
ing Calcutta and Karachi. The meridional distance triangulated is
sixty-nine miles, by thirteen principal triangles, arranged in polygons,
for mutual verification, and covering an area of 1,603 square miles.
This Series has taken six years to accomplish. It was commenced
by Mr. Logan, late First Assistant G. T. Survey, but has been
chiefly executed by Mr. Keelan. It is double throughout, the triangles
being arranged in successive quadrilaterals and polygons of remarkable
symmetry. its meridional length is 457 miles; the principal and
secondary triangles cover an area of 23,620 square miles. The
computations and maps connected therewith will be completed by
the Ist October, when the party will be transferred to the districts
on the meridian of 84°, between Sumbulpoor and the East Coast.
The total cost of the operations, up to 1st October, will be about
Rupees 2,01,609, which gives a rate of Rupees 8-8-6, or about 17
shillings per square mule.
The field operations of the Gurhagurh Series, on the meridian
of Umritsur, were brought to a termination at the end of season
1861-62, when it formed a junction with the series of triangles on the
same meridian which had been brought up by Captain Rivers as far
as Ajmere, from the Great Longitudinal Series. By the Ist October,
1862, the recess computations and charts were completed, and the
party was available for transfer elsewhere. This Series has taken five
years to complete; the greater portion has been executed by Mr.
George Shelverton. Its meridional length is 557 miles; the area
covered by the principal and secondary triangles, 19,096 square miles ;
the cost, Rupees 1,08,212, which gives a rate of Rupees 5-10-35, or
about 11 shillings per square mile.
The Sutlej Series follows the left bank of the Sutlej from its
junction with the Indus, near Mithunkote, to a side of the Gurhagurh
Series near Ferozepoor. It was commenced towards the close of
Field Season 1860-61 by Lieutenant Herschel, and was completed
eh
1864. | fteport of the Great Trigonometrical Survey. 391
last season by Mr. Shelverton. It is single throughout. The recess
computations will be completed by Ist October, when the party will
be transferred to the meridian of 80°, to execute the required triangu-
lation between Jubbulpore and Madras. During the past Field Season
the triangulation extended over a distance of 112 miles, covering an area
of 1,866 square miles. A very creditable amount of secondary tri-
angulation was also executed. The total cost of the Series, up to Ist
October, the date of its completion, will te about Rupees 80,743 ;
the total area covered by the trangulation is 8,142 square miles, thus
giving a rate of Rupees 9-14-8, or nearly 20 shillings per mile.
The Bombay Party, under the superintendence of Captain Haig,
Royal (Bombay) Engineers, having completed the triangulation
in Northern Bombay, was deputed to execute a series of triangles to
the south of the parallel of Bombay, on the meridian of Mangalore.
While the preliminary operations and selection of stations were pro-
ceeding, Captain Haig marched to the origin of the Bombay Longi-
tudinal Series, with a view to making this Series double throughout,
by adding flank stations, so as to form polygons in parts where there
were only single triangles. On reaching the ground, it was found that
the ends of the Beder Base Line were, fortunately, in good preservation.
Three of the advanced stations had, however, been completely destroy-
ed. Captain Haig judiciously determined to triangulate the Series
anew, as far west as the Mangalore meridian. The revision having
been executed with a much superior instrument to that employed in
the original triangulation, the value of this portion of the Bombay
Longitudinal Series is very greatly enhanced.
Having completed this revision, Captain Haig was proceeding
with the principal triangulation on the meridian of Mangalore, when
an untoward accident brought his operations to an abrupt termination,
The large Theodolite was set up for observation on the tower station
of Palwan, when, without any previous warning, the tower gave way
on one side, causing the fall of the instrument and observatory tent,
whereby the instrument was so seriously injured that it is incapable
of being again used, until it has been repaired by the makers in
England. Fortunately, the horizontal circle, the most valuable portion,
appears to have escaped injury, but the vertical circle was destroyed,
and the injuries are such that the instrument cannot be repaired in
this country. Captain Haig convened a Court of Enquiry to report
OT a SON EY TY LO
399 Report of the Great Trigonometrical Survey. [No. 4,
on the circumstances ; the proceedings of the Court have already been
submitted to Government. The Court came to the opinion, in which
I entirely concur, that the fall of the tower was occasioned by the
sudden and unexpected sinking of the ground below, and that no
blame is attributable to Captain Haig, or any other person, for the
mishap.
Captain Haig had already turned out a very excellent season’s
work, comprising thirty-two principal triangles, covering an area of
6,625 square miles, and extending over a length of 260 miles, whereof
66 appertain to the Mangalore meridian, and 194 to the parallel of
Bombay. :
The Spirit-Levelling Operations were carried on by Mr. Don-
nelly, Civil Second Assistant, under the superintendence of Lieutenant
Thuither. The party accompanied me to Calcutta, to receive the
necessary instructions regarding the programme of the season’s oper-
ations, which could not be decided on until I had obtained reliable in-
formation regarding the Railway levels between Calcutta and Agra. I
had hoped to be able to incorporate these into our work, so as to avoid
the labour and expense of carrying a line of levels ail that distance.
During the previous Field Season, a connection had been made, at Agra,
with the Railway levels brought up from Calcutta, and the Trigono-
metrical Survey levels, brought up from the mean sea level at Karachi.
The two sets of results differed by about twenty-four feet, and it was
hoped that all difference would disappear, on connecting the Railway
datum, the site of Howrah Dock, with the mean sea level of the Bay
of Bengal.
That level had already been closely ascertained, by a Series of
Tidal Observations taken at Kydd’s Dock, and subsequently verified
by others taken at Kejiri, from the description of which (vide foot-
notes, next page,) it is evident that the mean sea level of the Bay of
Bengal may be considered to be known to within a few inches of the
truth. On connecting the Railway levels with Kydd’s Dock, 1t was
found that there still remained a difference of about twelve feet between
the Railway and the Survey height of Agra. On discussing this subject
with the Chief Engineer of the Railway, I ascertained that there were
several breaks in the Railway levels, that, in consequence of the pres-
sure of other work, there had been no opportunity of preparing a
correct and true section of the whole line, and that it was contemplat-
1864. | Report of the Great Trigonometrical Survey. 393
ed to re-level the line, as soon as the Engineers had leisure to do so.
I decided, therefore, on deputing the Levelling Party to re-level the
line of the Railway, and connect all the Trigonometrical Stations
within reach thereof.
Mr. Donnelly made good progress, and accomplished two hundred
and forty-two miles of first-class levelling,* forty-one of which had to
* With an Assistant levelling the line, independently, behind him, station by
station, after the method described in the published volume of Tables of
Heights. |
The following description of the connection of Kydd’s Dock with the mean
sea level of the Bay of Bengal is taken from a Report, dated 1st November, 1854,
on the Calcutta Meridional Series, by Colonel Waugh, Surveyor-General, and
Superintendent G. T. 8. :—
‘‘A Register of the Tides in the River Hoogly is regularly kept at Kydd’s
Dockyard, near Calcutta, the height of each successive tide being referred to a
fixed datum line or zero, which is the bottom or sill stone of the dock, and
therefore, an object of invariable character.
“A transcript of the Register of the Tides for two years viz.,—from May,
1846, to April, 1848, having been obtained from the Marine Department, a
Monthly Abstract of Mean Tides was deduced therefrom.
“The waters of the ocean would maintain a constant level if undisturbed
by the action of the Sun and Moon. La Place has demonstrated that this level
is a mean between the highest and lowest state to which the surface of the
ocean is reduced by the attraction of those bodies, This mathematical truth is
corroborated by observations made on open coasts, from which it results that
the mean of high and low water for two consecutive tides represents, very
nearly, the level of the sea, and that the average for a lunation is constant
within a very small quantity.—Vide Professor Whewell’s Report, 7 vol.,
British Association’s Report
*“ An examination of the Abstract of Monthly Mean Tides will, however,
show that considerable irregularity exists in the River Hoogly, the monthly
means differing as much as six and a-half feet. Now, if the annual average be
considered as the true level of the sea, it would follow that for some months,
consecutively, the mean height of the River is two and a-half feet below the
sea level, a conclusion which is altogether inadmissible.
“The lowest monthly mean tide occurs about February and March, when the
fresh water in the river is lowest, and strong Southerly winds do not prevail.
The mean tide rises gradually, as the river rises during the South Mongoon
until it attains its maximum in September or October, at which time the
monthly mean exceeds that of February by no less than six feet. This rise is,
obviously, the effect of accumulation, produced by inundation in the valley of
the Ganges, and the force of the South-West wind, which dams up the fresheg
in the long and narrow channel of the river.
“Yt has been remarked by Colonel Cheape, Chief Engineer, in his Memoirs,
dated April, 1825, that the surface of the Salt Water Lake, wherein the rise of
the tide is almost imperceptible, would, on account of its wide expanse, repre~
sent very accurately the level of the sea with which it communicates. He also
observes that Captain Taylor’s levels indicate that the surface of the lake in
the dry season, is 2f. 4:3ins. below the mean state of the river, This result
corresponds very nearly with the mean tide of the river itself, which in
February is 2f. 5is. below the level of the annual mean.
“Colonel Cheape further states that the periodic rise of the surface of the
lake in the wet season is ten inches. Now, the contemporaneous rise in the
mean tide of the river has been shown to be six feet, and as the cause of these
elevations is precisely the same, though the effects are in the ratio of seven to
3 E
CE EY 1 (ORL Gaur
394 Report of the Great Trigonometrical Survey. [No. 4,
be re-levelled, on account of large discrepancies which were found in
the Railway levels. The operations had reached the vicinity of Bha-
one, the greater rise in the river can clearly be attributed only to the narrow-
ness of its channel compared with the bay; it is probable that a considerable
portion of the rise of ten inches in the surface of the lake is also due to ac.
cumulation; so that, although a rise may be supposed to take place in the level
of the sea at the head of the bay, during the continued pressure of the S. W,
Monsoon, still, that elevation must be mruch less than what takes place in the
lake, where the effect of this rise is increased by the narrowness of the channel,
and. the influx of fresh water during the inundation,
*‘It has been shown that if the annual average of mean water be taken ag the
sea level, it would lead to the inadmissible conclusion that, in the dry season,
the average level of the river at Calcutta is twenty-nine inches below the sea,
with which it freely communicates. It has also been shewn that the surface of
the Great Salt Water Lake, in the dry season, is on a level, or nearly so, with
the mean tide of the river at the same time. It is likewise manifest that the
periodic rise of mean tide during the monsoon, to the extent of six feet in the
river and ten inches in the lake is occasioned by local causes, independent
altogether of the true level of the sea, which is a constant level, and these
causes, 1b appears, operating in narrow channels, are capable of producing exag-
gerated results in the proportion of seven to one, showing clearly the fact of
accumulation. Hence the conclusion is inevitable, that the lowest monthly mean
tide of the river, observed in February and Mareh, represents the nearest
approximation to the actual sea level, and that the rise of mean tide at Calcutta
during other months, may fairly be ascribed to disturbing causes of an inland
eharacter, altogether independent of the true and constant level of the ocean.
The variable character of the disturbing causes is shewn by the fact that the
monthly means of corresponding months for the two years differ considerably,
except in the months of February and March, the monthly mean tides of which
are very accordant.
“Proceeding upon this principle, I have used the following observations to
refer the datum line in Kydd’s Dock to the sea level :—
** Mean Tide February, 1847, above datum, as measured on Guage, ,.. 8°11 feet.
55 March, a 5 3 = woe =8'40. yy
3 February, 1848, a & e se OAR yy:
33 March, 33 93 59 99 vee 8005 4,
39 February, 1850, 45 5 4s »» O28 5
3 March, 3 = i i wa O62 55
5 February, 1851, 34 - a in beg
99 March, a a5 y 99 .. 836 ,,
es eee
Mean, ... 8'343 feet.
*¢ Correction for Error of Graduation on Guage by Mr. Bedford's
. Measurements, .., ms oa ied ... 0'2388 feet.
“ By Tides measured at Caleutta in February and March, Mean Sea
Level above datum, me Ss ve ... 8'576 feet.
“Again, in the years 1850 and 1851, Mr. Bedford, the Marine Surveyor, took
a@ series of tidal observations at Kejiri, and connecting this point by a series of
levels with Kydd’s Dock, found that the datum line at the latter point is 9°07
feet below the sea level. Mr. Bedford’s observations from whieh this result 1s
derived, are ag follows :—
feet. inches:
“Mean Height of Sea Level above the datum line at Kejiri, ... 8 9°79
‘Datum Line at Kejiri above that of Kydd’s Guage, ... .. «. O 288
“Sea Level above the datum line of Kydd’s Guage, ... «. « 9 0°63
‘Which reduced to decimals of a foot becomes, ... sve + 9:03
®
1864. | Report of the Great Trigonometrical Survey. 395
gulpore, when Mr. Donnelly was compelled, by severe illness, to close
work.
Mean Levels of the River's mouth at Kejiri, at Neap Tides, for the
years 1850 and 1851, excluding the South-West Monsoon.
Highest Lowest
2s hiéw Water ish Water 2s
1850. Het ths Keet. Ins, |\Heet. arn
POUT; oe Ge ne | , 7 : : ae
2
SECORUDIV iy cecadca wie cee i 7 : = - : ie
EATON. oe. creisan oo geod { : - - : ia
PR pcces cea. tacts hf ogee 2 leas da Re gedaees
May, ee ee \ 4 a ; : :
WG, i... <7. oa } ; ay : - a
INOVEMDEL, 0 5..5. 00.25. { ; : o : 3 ee
December, iat teed i . ; : iu
1851.
ONWOAEYs esc pices niece { P 5 ae : : 7
February, eae : a : f a
1
DMAPC ree A : a : : ne
ca. eh oe oboe (ares ale
ee eee
June, Pe, ; 4 ie : i
During the year under review, I was called upon to collect all the
available data of levels, existing in the Public Works, Railway, and
Which differs from my determination by half a foot; but, if the tides at
Kejiri for February and March be alone taken into account, at which period the
inland waters flowing seaward are lowest, the result would agree with tha
derived from my discussion of the tides at Calcutta to about one inch,”
So E-?
a = M — i
a ae ee
: y ( »/ . ;
~ :
i fii side ¢ ty , - iT . - - aes
Reo le t lU at, eon tue ’ rit} i ‘ ray ay ' i dpe? ]
i > Prive oi y ; pt & Eh oe Sr a peer : *
crus it lanpallynoet _ ‘ i
: - ' , \ eel 2s § P| ; Posh D4P pee cy Tie
; a Wires! . mal AE
els ay ¥ . 6b Gee.
= ~—- =n ~ s— : “ ~~ —+ a
— —— t=
i=
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sme
aS
1864. | The Mines of Khetree in Rajpootana. old
The Mines of Khetree in Rajpootana.—By Col. J. C. Brooxz.
[Received 6th April, 1864.—Read 4th May, 1864. |
Khetree is situated at the foot of the Arabullee range of hills, which,
yunning south-west and north-east, divides Rajpootana into two por-
tions, separating the fertile eastern states from the more desert western
- ones. The Arabullee, commencing south of Oodeypore, and touching
the western shores of the fairy lakes of that capital, supports the table-
land of Meywar, till, opening into numerous spurs, among which dwell
the brave and faithful Mhairs, perhaps the only race in India who have
accepted the British rule in full and unreserved confidence, it passes
Ajmere. From Ajmere the Arabullee tends a little more to the east,
dividing Jeypore proper from Shekhawattee, and at the extreme north
eastern corner of the latter district, the Arabullee meets the Toura-
wattee and Ulwar ranges of hills, the direction of which is generally
. north and south. |
At this extreme corner, some lofty spurs occur, on one of which
) the hill fortress of Khetree above the town of that name, Pl. I., and
on another, that of Bagore are placed. The spurs of these hills run
, south east and north west, at right angles to the main range, which
has a south west and north east direction. In these spurs are rich
h mines of Iron, Copper, Alum and Cobalt, and perhaps other minerals
exist, which a careful examination of the rocks may bring to light.
Attention must soon be directed to this region, in the prosecution of
7 the search for coal,* which the extension of railways will necessitate,
1: and to judge from the variety and character of the rocks, there are few
D)
4
)
s
4
i
4
j
af places deserving of more careful examination than Khetree.
\ The little state of Kuerner is an allodial Fief belonging to a Rajah,
6S sob. under the sovereignty of J eypore, to which it pays a quit rent for
some of its pergunnahs, of Rs. 80,000 a year. Khetree enjoys a net
/) _‘fevenue of about three lakhs a year, of which, however, very little is
the produce of the mines.
b The town of Khetree contains about 1000 or 1500 houses, among
| which are those of a few wealthy families, the most notable of whom
has constructed a large and magnificent temple at the entrance of the
* No published notice of the Geology of Rajpootana with which we are acquaint-
ed, mentions the occurrence of the coal- bearing rocks in Rajpootana,—Hps.
-~ ° -
OY sy ee
: 2 y eye Fy a he
520 The Mines of Khetree vn Rajpootana. [No. 5,
town. ‘he founder of it amassed his wealth in the situation of Com-
missariat Gomashtah at Cawnpore, on a small salary. Generally
speaking, the people of Khetree are poor, partly owing to the lawless
character of the Shekhawattee population, which prevents much trade
or commercial enterprize, and partly to the oppressions of the various
Kamdars and managers during the long minority of the present Rajah.
Amongst the poorest of the Khetree population are the miners,
These are of two races, Hindoos and Mussulmans. The Hindoos work
the alum and sulphate of copper works, whilst the Mussulmans confine
themselves to the ores which require smelting.
The mines, as before remarked, are situated in the small ranges of
hills near Khetree. One of the largest of those now worked, though
not the most profitable, is the ‘“‘ Koolhdn’” mine, and a description of
the process, carried on at this, will suffice as an example of the whole.
The approach to the Koolhdn mine, about half a mile from the town,
is over hills of clay slate, through which granite, iron stone and other
rocks have forced themselves. Along the same spur, which runs from
Khetree to Singhana, are several other copper mines, intermixed with
sulphate of copper and alum mines, which predominate as Singhana is
approached.
The entrance to the Koolhdn mine is 300 feet above the plain
below. The mine descends at an angle of about 60° in a zig-zag,
but in a very irregular course, and branches off in various directions.
Sometimes, for ten or twenty yards, it is only just sufficient to admit
the recumbent body of a man, and at others, opens out into considera-
ble chambers, according to the richness of the rock, from which the ore
has been not fairly “ worked,” but one may say, “stolen.” The richest
ore, as frequently happens, is at the greatest depth; but there the
mine is generally choked with water. This is the great difficulty the
miners experience. Their only means of getting rid of the water, in
consequence of the tortuous course of the mine, is to form a chain of
human beings from the mouth of the mine to the water, along which
ghurrahs are passed by hand, filled with water and the rocky debris
which neglect has allowed to accumulate in the mine. This is a slow
and expensive process. In one branch of the Koolhdn mine, no less
than 27 people were required for the purpose, and as each occupied as
nearly as could be estimated, 8 feet, it gave 216 feet as the depth ol
the working. The labour of emptying is continued day and night. On
_
— a, i
1864. ] The Mines of Khetree of Rajpootana. 521
this occasion, upwards of a month had been expended in this primitive
and inefficient process, and the cost was about 200 Rupees. ‘To clear
the whole mine properly would require about Rs. 2,000, which is a
sum, those employed in the trade could ill-afford to lay out.
The richest mines in Khetree are lying useless from being thus
choked. There is one especially, the ore from which the miners con-
fidently affirm contains 75 per cent. of pure metal. It is situated near
a running stream, and various traders have expended large sums to
clear this mine, but hitherto without result.
At Baghore, a fortified hill about 200 feet higher than Khetree,
are other mines of copper intermixed with cobalt, the latter alternating
in thin layers with the copper.
The copper mines are owned by the miners themselves, whose ances-
tors discovered them in former times. The larger are managed by a
punchayet, on behalf of the mining community, who are descended
from the ancient discoverers. Some of the smaller mines are owned by
traders, who have bought them up, either from the original discoverers,
or else gradually from their descendants, as these have become in-
volved in difficulties, and have pawned or made over their shares to the
traders; who pander, for their own interests, to the unthriftiness for
which all such men are noted. The larger mines do not appear to
have shared this fate.
Hach year, after the rainy season the various branches of each
mine are put up to “auction” by the punchayet. The Koolhdn mine
has six or seven branches. The miners themselves are the bidders.
Hach branch of the Koolhan mine sells for from Rs. 50 to 100 a year,
and the whole mine fetches from Rs. 400 to Rs. 600, which is a small
sum, considering the rich treasures existing in it.
Hach branch of the mine is jealously watched by the miner who
purchases it, and who hires other miners as laborers on two annas per
diem. Were the mine not guarded, these laborers might purloin the
ore and sell it. 7
The miners work in gangs, and a party of eight men, starting in the
morning at about 8 o’clock, will bring back from 24 to 3 maunds of
ore by the evening. The ore is brought in small baskets, weighing
about 6lbs. each, and is then put up to auction, in the same manner
as is done with the ore obtained from the mines still in the hands of
the original proprietors, or the traders, The auction takes place at
a x
Se
oF
a2 :
2
Wi
gt we
eA ALAR AR
ard ay esleec terri etearceet sae dice
522 The Mines of Khetree in Rajpootana. [No. 5,
the town of Khetree itself, and furnishes a scene of much excitement,
The purchasers are Mussulman Bhoras, who conduct all the subse-
quent operations; and here the interest of the miners entirely ceases
in the produce -of the mines. If the ore is black sulphuret of the first
class, it will fetch as much as Rs. 10 per maund of 264: seers; but if
good pyrites, perhaps Rs. 4 or 5a maund. The pyrites is much the
most plentiful ore, but there are several poorer ores fetching as low as
Rupee 1 a maund. 3 |
The Borah having concluded his purchase, employs a man with a
small hammer, who receives Rs. 3 per month, to separate the ore from
the schistose rock and quartz, (with which it is intermingled in about
equal quantities), and to break it into small pieces.
The ore has now to be finely powdered. This is done by men
using ‘Ghuns’ or heavy hammers, weighing from 82 to 84 pounds
each. The hammer is lifted with both hands, one on either side of the
hammer head and. brought down with great force on a small heap of
the ore, raked into place with the toes, that never failing substitute
for the hand among natives: as this is the most laborious operation in
the whole process, only the strongest men are employed. Pl. II. The
ore has to undergo the hammering three times before it is fine
enough for the roasting process.' A Ghun man on coming to his work
very early in the cool of the morning has five maunds of ore weighed
out to him, this is his proper quantity for a day’s work, and is as
‘much as can be supplied daily by the coarse breaker. Preparing this
properly, gives the Ghun laborer six hours of hard unremitting
work, and his wages are proportionately high, viz., five rupees a
month. et, | Se
The ore, having been reduced to a proper state, is next mixed with
cow-dung, and made into rolls about four inches long, which are first
dried in the sun, and then roasted in the open air, in a fire of eow-dung
cakes. This is an inexpensive process, costing only a few annas for
cakes to roast five maunds of ore.
The ore 1s now ready for the smelting furnace. For this, Koomhars
or potters are employed. The potter builds and works his own furnace,
and supplies the bellows ; in fact extracts the metal. Four people, one
of whom may be a child 12 or 14 years old, are required for each fur-
nace. ‘They receive collectively Rs. 11 a month. The furnace is
about 33 feet high and 12 inches in diameter, built of pieces of slag
——— —— -
AA,
oe te ae ee ey
mo
wi
wr
o Cay niow
-
zt
: ae hy fe
tA Be be abt
Sal LTRs oo
UT ae
ees A
-7
hy Aa 2
'-
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ay Oa
2 *
pei eee
-
*
PPLE, OPA Orne
a smelting Furnace for Copper Ore
ing
Koomhar mak
eet
*
aie
a
aie
Bah
fe
sr
Shr
Vie ota) ” 1”
OW IAS >
1864.] The Mines of Khetree in Rajpootana. 526
cemented with clay in a most primitive manner Pl. III. ; and the nozzles
of the bellows are built up init. The nozzles are earthen tubes which
are thickest at the furnace end, and at the top of the thick part is a
small air hole, usually closed with a piece of wet rag, but opened
now and then to clear the tubes. The other end of the tube is fixed
to the bellows bag. The bellows valve is formed by two sticks at the
mouth, which are opened when the bag is raised for the admission of
air, and closed when the bellows are pressed down with force by the
bellows men, who use both hands for the purpose. The upper part of
the furnace is formed with rings of fire clay, about 10 inches deep.
The bellows are worked on three sides, while on the fourth is the
opening to the furnace, in which a plate of fire clay is placed, at the
lower part of which is a hole for stirring the molten metal and allowing
it to flow out. Pl. IV.
The furnace 1s prepared daily, each smelting occupying about 12 to 14
hours. After the furnace has been lit and well heated, the roasted ore
is gradually introduced, alternately with charcoal and the flux which is
called “ Reet.” This is the refuse from old iron furnaces, of which
hills of debris still remain, the iron having been worked for ages before
the copper ore was discovered. At each operation, five maunds of
roasted ore is gradually introduced into the furnace; this requires an
equal amount of the “ Reet,” and four maunds of charcoal to smelt it.
~The produce of course varies with the description of ore. The
poorest kind, which is sold for eight annas a Khetree maund, and the
value of which is doubled by the cleaning and crushing, will produce, at
the lowest rate, twenty seers of unrefined copper, which in refining is
agai reduced one-half, leaving only ten seers. This would make about
303 Tukkas in copper pice.
The expenses may be calculated as follows :—
) maunds ore, said sed eo .. ls. 5 0 0
Hammer-men, de aed Xs cos 0 Oe 0
4 maunds charcoal at 831 maunds per 12 Rs. ... 1 4 O
© maunds flux at 20 maunds per rupee, .» O 4 0
Koomhars for smelting 12, ... oo ie cae 0 20 0
Refining, ... as ew i coc vx 0 38 0
Total, ... 7 11 0
eae)
Raj share + of 9 rupees,
wack
524 The Mines of Khetree in Rajpootana.
[No. 5,
The produce will be ten seers as before stated or 303 Tukkas, and
deducting ith, the share of the Raj, &c., 228 Tukkas worth about
Rs. 9 will be left. Ii we take from this the expenses Rs. 7-11, the
net profit will be Rs. 1-5 per diem, but allowing for extras, roasting
not charged, etc. we may reckon it at 1 Rupee per diem, when the ore
1S poor.
There is sometimes’ a loss in the smelting operations, but the
Bohrahs take their chance of this, the gain sometimes being very con-
siderable. On an average it may be reckoned at about 2 rupees on
each smelting. 3 | |
After the ore has been smelted, the metal has to be refined, and the
sulphur driven off. This is done by passing a very strong current of
heated air over the liquid mass, and constantly skimming it. Pl. V.
To obtain the blast a single bellows is used, which is worked by one
man. opening. and drawing it up, and two others pressing it forcibly
down with their feet, placing their whole weight on the bellows, and
maintaining their balance by means of ropes fastened to the roof of the
building. : |
About one maund is refined at a time, which produces about 20 to
25 seers of good copper. .The refining is contracted for at 8 annas
the maund. The process requires about three hours, and the men are
paid 1} annas per diem each. When the pot in which the refining
has been conducted is ready, the ore is poured into small earthen
troughs prepared on the ground for the purpose, and is then taken to
the mint for weighment and duty. |
The measure at the Khetree mint is the Shahjehanee maund,
equal to 86% seers of the Jeypore maund, but only to 30 seers of the
Khetree maund. In the Shahjehanee maund are 1,212 Tukkas or
2,424 pice. Of this, the Khetree Rajah takes 269 Tukkas as his
share, Twenty-two Tukkas go to the coiners for their trouble in con-
verting the copper into pice ;, nine to the Darogah of the mint ; two to
the weighmen, and four to caste charities; total 306, leaving 906 to
the smelter. ‘Twenty-six Tukkas at. Khetree sell for the rupee, whereas
at Jeypore usually only twenty Tukkas can be procured for the
same: The value of 906 Tukkas at Khetree would be Rs. 34-12
nearly.
In.some of the mines, a'sulphuret of cobalt is found in thin layers,
between the masses of copper ore. No great quantity of this 1s pro-
— — a! a
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Wiccan irbyentan hae oll
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NP EN MINIT Ut
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Copper Ore smelting furna
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No.
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7
had p bed d
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Tee Mott,
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Lohr iste
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j
1864.]} The Mines of Khetree in Raypootana. 525
duced however, not above 200 lbs. per month in any particular mine.
It is merely pounded fine, and exported, and finds its way all over
India. It is largely used in enamelling, forming the beautiful blue
enamels which native proficients in this art produce. Its price ‘at
Khetree itself is Rs. 50 per Jeypore maund of 58 lbs. the Raj share
being one-fifth or 10 Rs. per Jeypore maund.
The above is a short description of the rude processes employed in
smelting the rich copper ores found in Khetree. The miners are
wretchedly poor and ignorant: the mines are choked with rubbish,
and worked without system, so that the more valuable ores are not
reached : the ore only passes through the furnace once. The metal
then separated is the only part kept, but the layer next above the
regulus, which is also rich in metal, is thrown away: of this, vast heaps
or rather hills'exist, both at Khetree and Singhana, and the present
furnaces are on these mounds, from which a little enterprize and know-
ledge would extract a large produce.
There 1s no means of knowing what the produce of the copper mines
would be, if worked on Huropean principles, or whether the fuel,
which suffices for the insignificant native works would not soon be
exhausted. The fuel is charcoal from the ‘phog’ plant. It crows
freely all over the neighbouring sandy deserts. The ‘ phog,’ on which
camels feed freely, is a low succulent plant about a foot and a half high,
but the roots of which swell out to a large size and make excellent fuel
for all purposes.
Besides the copper mines at Khetree, the alum mines are deserving’
of attention. They occur indiscriminately with the former, but the
workings are not usually so deep. When the alum and copper ore are
in the same mine, the alum and the resultant sulphate of copper, are
contracted for, separately from the regular copper ores. The miners
who work in the alum mines are Hindoos, whilst those in the copper
mines are Mussulmans. Seventy-two houses are employed in the
twenty alum works, which are in full operation at Khetree; about
double the number are in work at Singhana. In each establishment
about six men are employed, on wages varying from Rs. 2 to Rs. 4
a month; the latter being for able bodied men, who can work from
9 o'clock in the morning till a couple of hours after sunset.
Two men go in the morning to the pits, and bring about seven
maunds of shale during the course of the day, whilst a couple of others
526 The Mines of Khetree in Raypootana. [No. 5,
are employed in breaking it up into small pieces. The broken shale
mixed with the crust from the refuse heap, (hereafter alluded to,) is
then put into gurrahs till they are half full. The gurrahs previously
arranged along the edges of the heap are then filled with water. The
whole is turned and mixed three or-four times a day by one of the men
with a bit of broken gurrah in his hand, so as to expose every
part.
At the end of 24 hours, the water, which now holds a considerable
quantity of the sulphates in solution, is poured off into other gurrahs,
holding a fresh portion of shale, and surface refuse, whilst fresh water
is added to the first shale. The operation is repeated a third time
with the shale, after which, the latter having parted with a considerable
quantity of its sulphates, though not by any means with the whole, (as
the shale was at first only coarsely broken and not pounded,) is
thrown along the slope of the refuse heap, which is purposely kept
smooth and hard. |
The refuse heaps Plates VI, VII, are formed as truncated cones and
are very regularly and evenly kept; so much so, that they appear as i
prepared and kept smooth by a spade. They rise in successive layers to
a considerable height, each being less than that below it, by the
breadth of terrace left at. its base; this terrace is bordered by a low
ridge for the gurrahs containing the shale, and which give to the
whole so peculiar an appearance. The ridge also serves to retain
any water that may be spilt on the terrace, and any rain water, which
sinking into the heap, carries portions of the sulphates to the surtace
slopes, where efflorescence takes place as the heap dries. It is this
surface shale which is mixed with the
fresh: shale from the mines in equal
quantities, to.form the material with
which the gurrahs are charged. The
section of a pile would be something 2%,
like the accompanying figure. Year Y UY Yy
after year the heap increases by the —
deposition of half exhausted shale, and many of the existing heaps are
formed of the refuse materal accumulated by many generations.
It has been already said that each charge of shale is exposed to
three changes of water. The water on the other hand is changed in
the gurrahs, till it has taken up, the sulphates from seven different
iS =
he oad a Yarns ot
ea ited Gd a en a‘ \ ;
‘ t D
REIN RIPE
Pe Ape res
“sdeay asaya Surmays syi0m szoddog jo ayeyding pue unty “9 “ON
qe
othnedebes aid
Bleed lth dbs ph pal
ite
3
2S Rae
es >_ . RR od
No. 7. Alwm and Sulphate of Co; works shewing refuse Leaps (an :
ee eee
Vihdde jf talus
Pe eee oe oe
1864. | The Mines of Khetree in Rajpootana. | 527
gurrahs. It is now of a thick dirty bluish green colour, and is taken
to the boiling house, Plate VIII., where it is boiled in common
gurrahs over a fire in choolas, something like those used in kitchen
ranges. When the liquor is sufficiently concentrated to string, it is left
to cool, and thin sticks being introduced, the sulphate of copper at once
separates and crystallizes on them. The mother liquor is then drained
off into other gurrahs, as it still contains in solution, a considerable
quantity of the sulphate of copper as well as of alumina: it is again
boiled down, and treated with nitrate of potash, which causes alum to
crystallize at the bottom of the vessel.
The residual liquor still contains a quantity of both sulphates, and
is allowed to evaporate in broken gurrahs in the sun, when a con-
siderable quantity of impure and imperfectly crystallized sulphate of -
copper and alum is left, taking the shape of the bottom of the vessel.
Both the sulphate of copper and the alum require another crystallizing
to purily them. The pure sulphate of copper sells at Khetree for Rs. 14
per Khetree maund, the impure for Re. 1. The alum sells for Rs. 4
per maund. Hach maund of ore is said to yield + of a seer of pure
sulphate of copper, 14 seers of impure ditto and + of a seer of alum.
The results of the expenditure and profit of one establishment were
as follows.
Seven to eight maunds of shale, to which an equal quantity of the
crust from the heap had been added, produced four large gurrahs of
good liquor, each weighing 40 to 45 seers. Hach gurrah gave
2 seers of sulphates in about equal proportions, and ) seers of impure
residue.
Four seers sulphate copper at 14 Rs. per maund, Rs. 1 6 5
Four seers alum at 4 Rs. per ditto, ... ano Os 6-5
Twenty seers impure sulphates at 1 Re. ee ditto, eS =()
Reiko = oe 210
Se eee
Or per month Rs. 69-1, which would be for eight working months
Rs. 552-8. From this however, must be deducted the Raj’s due,
which is % of the gross produce, or Rs. 92-1-4, leaving Rs. 460-6-8
per annum to the Bunya.
598 The Mines of Khetree in Rajpootana. [No. 5,
The expenses were.
Five maunds wood (at 16 maunds per rupee) and
oplah (cow-dung cakes) per diem, say Rs. 8-5-4 per
mensem or for 8 months, ... oe --. Hs. O6 10-8 :
; Gurrahs 1 Re. per mensem for 12 months, ... i DS 00)
Baskets, oil, &c., at 8 annas per ditto, 5 ye 1 ee
= e Wages to laborers 2 at 4 Rs. and 4 at 2 Rs. per
ae mensem; total per annum, oe ma 3.5: 192" 0-0
Sis = a . Total of costs, 2... 276:10 8
—— Leaving profit, ... 183 12 0
eer
Total returns, ... 460 6 8
ee ae
The above shows a profit of 183 rupees a year or 15 rupees a month,
but if we allow for festivals, d&c., the profit may be stated at 12 rupees
a month, and the poor condition of the Bunyas who outer the works )
would not induce one to place it at a higher sum. |
During the rains, the boiling of course ceases, as the sulphates will |
not crystallize. At that time the water draining from the lower terraces . |
p=
is poured again and again on the upper ones, to bring to the surface as
much as possible of the undissolved sulphates in the heap. On fine |
days the labourers are employed in storing wood, or in visiting the |
mines to lay in a stock of shale for Sus during the more =
favourable season. |
List or PLatss.
{.—Town of Khetree with hill fort.
I1.—Pounders of copper ore with ‘ ghuns.’
T1l.—Koomhar making a smelting furnace for copper ore.
IV.—Copper smelting furnace in work.
V.—Copper refining furnace with troughs for metal.
Te VI.—Alum and sulphate of copper works, showing refuse heaps.
VII.—The same, (another view.)
VIIT.—Interior of boiling house for alum and sulphate of copper.
; thee ‘ Dt ke ek ein
Troe reer NTH al caer
res ‘ ‘ ; . ) :
,
t -roddog jo ayeyding pur wnyy Ioj esnoy Surplog jo Joweyuy *g “ON
Satay.
SEAR or
Rite
864. ] The Mines of Khetree in Rajpootana, 529
List or SPECIMENS FORWARDED.
1st.—¥irst class glance ores and copper pyrites.
2nd.—Ditto glance ores, sometimes pounded and sold as Soorma
(antimony) for the eyes.
3rd.—Average copper eres, usually smelted.
4th.—Specimen of strata in which the copper ores occur.
oth.— Average copper ores freed from rock, before pounding by the
¢ ohun.”
6th.—Ore mixed with cow-dung and roasted, as put into the
smelting furnace.
7ih.—Slag picked up from mounds, (evidently still containing
copper).
8th.— Alum shale with sulphate of copper ; (average specimen),
91h —Sulphate of copper after first boiling.
10th.—Sulphate of copper (purified).
1ith.—Alum after first boiling.
12th.—Ditto, (purified).
13/h.— Sulphate of iron found in combination with the ether sul-
phates. |
14th—Impure residue of alum, sulphate of copper, and nitrate of
potash.
15th.—Ores, of which the miners desire an analysis.
16th.—Fossil wood encrusted with copper ore as dug out of the
copper mines.
17th.—Cobalt ore, called by natives “‘ Sheta,” as found in the mines
mixed with copper pyrites. —
18%h.—Ditto, ditto pounded.
In the box in which the above have been sent, are specimens of
other ores, having, however, no connection with Khetree or its copper
mines, viz.
19¢h.—Zince ores from zinc mines at Jawur near Qodepoor in Mey-
war; not now worked. The specimens were struck oif the rock in an
old working.
20ih—Specimens of crude yellow ochre from near the same
place.
21st—-Choice and beautiful specimens of carbonates and sulphates
of lead from the lead mines at Ajmere. |
22nd—Antimony from the same mines.
3 ¥
530 Note on the Hail-storm of Thursday the 24th March. [ No. 5,
Note on the hail-storm of Thursday the 24th March.— By Uunry F.
BuanrorD, A. if. 8S. M., £.G.S., Joint Secretary of the Asiatic
Socrety.
[Reeeived 6th April, 1864.—Read 6th April, 1864] _
« The formation of hail is well known to be one of the most. obscure
phenomena of meteorology, more especially in the case of hail-stones
of unusual size, which, from the very circumstances of the case, must' be
formed within the space of the few seconds succeeding the consolidation
of their nuclei, and during which they are fallme, m obedience-to the
law of gravity. In tropical climates, where the temperature at a
considerable height from the earth is much above the freezing point,
and where nevertheless, some of the largest recorded hail-stones have
fallen, the stones must attain their maximum dimensions in the first
portion of their fall, and during some subsequent seconds, must be subject
to the liquifying influence of the lower and denser strata of the. atmos-
phere. It has appeared to me therefore. that a few observations on the
stones which fell in Calcutta in a hail-storm on Thursday the 24th
ultimo, may be not without interest as a contribution ‘to this branch of
Meteorology. For the thermometric, barometric and anemometric ob-
servations I am indebted to Col. Thuillier, the Surveyor-General. -
‘The storm commenced about + to. 6.in the afternoon, the wind being
from the south-east, and for a few minutes previous to the fall blowing
in strong intermittent gusts, though not stronger than commonly pre-
cede the afternoon showers of this season.*. The clouds, a thick mass
ef nimbus, approached or formed from the north-west, but -did not
move. ‘at any great rate, and indeed they appeared to be stationary
during ‘the latter part of the storm. Lightning was frequent, andforked,
radiating in zig-zags from a small mass of cloud to those around, and
the thunder was frequent and almost continuous, but not loud. . Heavy
drops of rain began to fall at to 6, and were soon accompanied by a few
hail-stones about the size of hazel nuts. They were not very numerous,
* At the Botanic Gardens, the stillness ‘of which is more favourable to obsery-
ation than the noise of Chowringhee, Dr. Anderson noticed that the storm was
preceded by a prolonged rushing sound, similar to that which would-be pro-
‘duced by a number of railway trains rushing by at no great distance. ‘This
increased gradually, apparently from the north or north by west, and appeared
to pass overhead, before the hail fell. The direction of the hail near the ground
was from the south-east.
Sections
of Hailstones
Observed on
24” March
et
.
*
x
4
+
every es
Pe ae
; WT PhS Peet, ' i ‘watt t MEP
uf y
» j :
tied
a ie RGA
vu
c
“P981 YOR up Z YO pealesqQ seuoysprepy jo suoysec
Cie
_— =. = — Sots <3 —- -Y~——— —__ _— = —— 7 a — eT ae aes te
= , ——— . . a aay Neat! aoe SO : = £ = == ae — = =
r a w =! ” j ; OTT AR SET de oo SS =
Cond
1864.] Note on the Hail-storm of Thursday the 24th March. 531
perhaps one or two per square yard per second, and although they
increased in frequency and number during the fall, which lasted about half
an hour, they were at no time very thick, and were throughout accom-
panied by rain, which increased in proportion to the hail. As the
stones increased in frequency, so also they increased in size, and the
largest fell just before the end of the storm.
The form and structure of the stones are noteworthy. They had all
of them a more or less oblate or discoid form, some being rudely
elliptical in section, while others, and especially the larger, were irre-
gular discs. The exterior was extremely irregular, resembling the
extremities of a mass of crystals, but I noticed no regular development
of crystalline faces. [It must, however, be remembered that the stones
were partially melted at the time of their touching the ground.| The
interior (nucleal portion) as seen in a fracture or a partially melted
stone, fig. 2a. Pl. I. was formed by alternating opaque concentric bands
(of which in one case I distinguished 7) separated by rings of less
opacity, and the outer portion consisted of transparent ice containing
numerous air-bubbles.* The air bubble which escaped from the largest
of these when the stone was melted under water was as nearly as large
as a grain of mignonette seed. The arrangement of the air bubbles
was irregularly radiate. Many of the more discoid stones exhibited
deep depressions, almost amounting to holes, in their axis, as shown
in fig. 3.
The largest of the stones which I noticed, are those represented in
figs. 1,2. Pl. I. The dimensions of the latter of these, taken when first
picked up, were,—diameter 45 mm. thickness 27 mm. The stone,
fig. 4, is represented of its natural size, and its irregularity appears to
be due to the coalescence of two nuclei. It is the only one I noticed
exhibiting this phenomenon.f
* Dr, Brandis has since furnished me with the accompanying sketches of
sections of the stones made by him during the fall. Pl. I. He points out that
some had transparent, others opaque nuciei. I may also refer to these sketches
as independent evidence of the oblateness of form, which, as I have above
observed, characterized most of the stones.
+ This must have been due to an oversight on my part, and my having been
engaged in sketching the stones, &ec. during the last 5 or 10 minutes of the fall.
Dr. Partridge who lives only at the distance of afurlong, and Dr. Anderson three
miles off, inform me that during the latter part of the fall, the majority of the
stones were agglomerated. rom their description, these appear not to have
been larger than those simple concretions which I have figured. The weight of
the largest weighed by Dr. Anderson was 3 drachms. At the reading of the
Dai 2
La
*
a. for g
Peer
WERYA;
532 Note on the Hail-storm of Thursday the 24th March, [No. 5,
‘The thunder and lightning continued vividly for half an hour or
more alter the cessation of the fall, but gradually the clouds disgolved
and by 9 o’clock the sky was clear. The wind continued from the
south-east for the remainder of the evening.
The fall was very local. At Serampore there was rain but no hail,
(Friend of India) ; at Dum Dum there was no fall simultaneous with
that of Calcutta, but a heavy fall occurred about half or three quarters
of an hour later, which Mr. Boulnois who left Calcutta after the end of
the hail-storm, experienced on the road to Dum Dum (but which
did not reach Calcutta). At Koolnah, according to the newspapers,
there was also a heavy fall, and a stone is said to have fallen there of 5
seers (10 Ibs.) in weight. This, however, wants confirmation. The total
fall at Calcutta, as estimated by the lower Rain guage at the Surveyor
General’s Observatory, was 1.22 inches.
It would be a point of some interest to ascertain the direction of the
wind, temperature and other meteorological data in the northern parts
of Bengal e.g. at Moorshedabad, Purneah, Malda, Kissengunj, &e.,
im order to determine the causes of this interesting hail-fall. Hail, as
is remarked by Sir J. Herschel, seems always to depend on the sudden
introduction of an extremely cold current of air into the bosom of a
quiescent,* nearly saturated mass. Now the dew point at 5 o’clock ag
calculated by Apjohu’s formula from the observed temperatures of the
wet and dry bulbs was 84,° the dry bulb thermometer being 86.6. The
air was therefore very near saturation, as might be expected of a
heated wind, which had recently swept over many hundred miles of a
tropical sea. Were such a wind met by a cold current from the Hima-
jaya, we should have the conditions required to produce hail, but in this
case we should expect to find some indications of the northerly current
in the direction of the wind, and‘in a lower temperature at some of the
northern stations. It is not necessary that the temperature of this
current should be below the freezing point. Its collision with the
above paper it was observed by the Honorable Mr. Beadon, and confirmed by
other observers, that many of the later stones were very irregular and perfectly
transparent lumps of ice. One in particular was described as resembling a
double fanged tooth in form, These appeared to be agglomerated stones.
* The air could scarcely be said to be quiescent in this case as previous to
the storm and again after its close the south-east wind blew strongly, but this
would be checked when met by a strong northerly current, and an ascending
current produced, |
1864.] Note on the Hail-storm of Thursday the 24th March. 533
southerly current would cause a sudden rise of both into the higher
regions of the atmosphere, and if this were very rapid the reduction in
the temperature consequent upon the expansion of the heated air, aided
by the cooling influence of the northerly current, might, I think, reduce
the temperature sufficiently to cause the formation of hail. That such
an upward current existed, is, I think, proved by the barometrical
reading, which at 6 o’clock (@ hours after the afternoon minimum)
gave a reading of 29.712 inches, whereas the corresponding morning
reading was 29.811. At the usual period of the afternoon minimum
(4 o’clock) the pressure was 29.719, at the morning minimum 29.769.
The clouds were not low during any part of the storm, but it is
scarcely probable that the hail was produced in their lower strata.
The quantity of rain which accompanied the hail was greater than
could well result from the mere partial liquifaction of the hail-stones,
and I am inclined therefore to infer, that rain fell from the lower strata
of cloud, the formation of hail being confined to the upper portions of
the mass. ;
The uniformly concentric structure of such stones as that delineated
in fig. 2a, and the air-bubbles of the clear portion, afford interesting in-
dications of the mode of formation of the hail-stones. The clear ice
must have been condensed in the fluid form, and have contained a large
amount of air in solution, which, as in the formation of lake ice, was
squeezed out at the instant of solidification, forming the air-bubbles now
entangled. The concentric zones indicate so many atmospheric strata
of condensation and it is probable that they consist of radiating snow
spicules 7. e. ice condensed from vapour below the freezing point, and
crystallizing on a solid nucleus, instead of forming free flakes. On this
view each clear zone represents a portion of the stone formed in an
atmosphere above the freezing point, and subsequently frozen, while
each opaque zone represents that contributed by an atmosphere below
32°. This would shew a great variability in the upper strata of cloud,
but such might result from the eddying of the mingling currents.
The oblate or discoid form of the stones and their axial hollows are
more difficult to explain. Were they in rapid rotation, they might
indeed acquire the observed form by centrifugal force, but there is no
apparent reason why such a motion should be set up. I do not know
that a similar observation has been previously recorded, but the pre-
valence of the phenomenon in the case of the hail-stones in the storm
534 Observations on keeping Salt-water Fish alive. [No. 5,
recorded, prove that it is not accidental, but due to some cause operating
generally in their formation. |
I bring these remarks forward, in the hope that further observations
may be elicited from some of our members or others, on the pheno-
mena of the storm, as well as to draw attention to the importance
and interest of this branch of meteorology, in case future storms may
afford opportunities of detailed observation. :
"PNA IMPOP IPS SINISE SSIS SL INS POLL ANPP I
Observations on keeping Salt-water Fish alive for a considerable time.—
By Lir.-Cou. BR. C. Tytrer.
[Received 28th Feb., 1864. | [Read 6th April, 1864. |
In offering the following observations for publication, I should here
remark that they are entirely the result of a great many experiments,
made during several months of my stay at Port Blair, and which I am
happy to say have been completely successful.
1. If fresh water from the sea be put into a vessel and changed
every twelve hours, sea fish will live in it. 3
2. It requires a quart beer bottle full of sea water, to keep a fish
the size of a minnow alive for twelve hours. |
3. Atfter twelve hours, the water begins to be offensive, Grom the
escape of Sulphurretted Hydrogen ;) the fish comes to the surface, swims
in circles impatiently, and dies before twenty-four hours: the water
about this time becomes most offensive.
4. If salt water be put into an iron vessel and boiled over a brisk
fire till nothing but the dry salts remain, it will be found that a tea
spoonful and a half of this salt, added to a quart beer bottle of fresh
tank water, will keep alive a fish the size of a small minnow, for a con-
siderable length of time, without any change of water being required for
months: this simple fact took me months and months to arrive at, and
it now affords me the greatest pleasure to make the result of my suc-
cessiul experiments known,
5. No food should be given to the fish, beyond a fly or smashed
cockroach now and then.
6. Freshly caught fish should be kept in a vessel at least twenty-four
hours by themselves, before being placed with those already in the
aquarium.
1864. | Observations on a few Species of Geckos. 535
7. To prove how successful the above plan has been, I should here
add that I have brought fish alive from Port Blair to Calcutta that
had at least been three months in the same water, and the latter
was as fresh as possible up to that time.
Observations on a few Species of Geckos alive in the possession
of the author.—By Lr.-Cou. RK. C. Tyrie.
[Recieved 27th March, 1864. |
Port Blair, 1st Janwary, 1864.
On several occasions lately, interesting living specimens of Geckoid
Lizards have been brought from the jungles, which has induced me
to make an attempt to keep them alive, for the purpose of observing
their habits more closely, than appears generally to have been
done; in order to accomplish this object I have been obliged to
resort to many expedients, and the only one that has proved
successiul has been the following: I have had a great many
boxes made of light deal wood, two sides of which are glass: the
wooden portion is perforated with holes in every direction, so as to
admit of air passing freely through : one of the glass sides forms a slide
to allow of the box being opened when an animal is put into it; at one
end of the box is a small tin trough for water, similar to that used in
Canary cages and at the bottom there is an inch of clean sand : a small
branch put into the box for the use of Arboreal species, completes the
arrangement, the tin for water is always kept full, and a number of
living flies, or young cockroaches are kept loose in the box, and I find
that this is sufficient for all the requirements of these Lizards.
My boxes vary in size, but the most convenient are 10 inches by 6,
and two inches wide, or 6 inches by 4, also two inches in width; but
as the glasses are liable to accidental breakage, I have in a measure
contrived to provide for and meet this, by having a separate light
wooden box made, capable of holding six of the glass cases : this not
only protects the glass, but keeps the freshly caught animal quiet, from
being inthe dark, and undisturbed, which it greatly prefers; and
prevents the restlessness it shews on such oceasions in the heht.
Mia] —s _—
i no a
1864. } Observations on a few Species of Geckos. DAT
iridesof a brownish green. Toes with very minutesuckers, scarcely visible,
appearing as if none existed : toes five on each foot, long and nearly equal.
The colour of the animal is very changeable; a dark variety with deeper
markings has been brought to me from Mount Harriet. The species
appears to be peculiar to the Andamans, where it is found under stones,
stumps of trees, &e.
4, Gecko Tytleri n. s. (Tytler); from 4 to 6 inches long; body and
tail rough, covered with small tubercles; the tail has also spines on it.
Toes five; the thumb small; suckérs on the toes small. General
colour brown, lighter on the under surface; colour very changeable.
Irides brown. Found all my specimens in dark cellars at Moulmein,
where the species is common.
5. Gecko chaus, (Tytler). I think this is Hemedactylus froenatus of
Schl. Length from 4 to 5 inches; tail as long as, or longer than body.
General colour slate grey, lighter on the under surface; colour very
changeable; body smooth with dark marks; tail with spines. Feet with
five toes; thumb small; suckers on toes of moderate size. Lrides brown.
Found on trees, in houses, &c., at Moulmein and Rangoon : those found
at Rangoon are somewhat smaller than those from the former place, and
a slightly darker variety.
6. Gecko caracal, n.s., (Tytler); very similar to the above, but
without any spines on the tail; found in dark cellars, but chiefly in
native huts| at Rangoon. Length about 4 inches, At first from its great
similarity to No. 5, Gecko chaus, I was inclined to think it was
simply a local ‘variety of that animal, but I now feel satisfied it is not
so, but a distinct species. It can at once be distinguished from Gecko
chaws by the absence of prickles or spines on its tail, this latter
being perfectly smooth in Gecko caracal.
7. Gecko pardus, (Tytler); length from 4 to 5 inches; body much
compressed ; tail flat, thick and fleshy at base, passing off to a fine point.
Body dotted with light spots, margined with minute dark spots and
specks ; general colour brown, very changeable ; lower portions lighter,
without marks. Irides metallic yellow like brass. Toes five, full size,
connected by amembrane; suckers full size. A great variety of markings
found in different individuals. Found in houses at Rangoon, Moulmein
and Port Blair: those obtained at Port Blair have a thicker tail than
those I collected in Burmah. I am of opinion that the Port Blair
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548 Observations on a few Species of Geckos. [No. 5,
animals have been introduced into the settlement in boxes, &c., from
Burmah, for I have hitherto only obtained them on Ross island, and
not from the main island. I do not think this can be a new species,
for it is very common.
8. Gecko Harrietr, n. s. (Tytler). This beautiful little Gecko varies
in length from 2 to 8 inches. Its general colour is light brown, with
particularly pretty, dark markings: a dark mark extends from the nose
along the sides, but the colour is so very changeable that it is im possi-
ble to describe it: from a light straw, it instantaneously becomes almost
of adark brown. It has five well developed toes, with full sized suckers
under each. Irides bright copper colour. Tail equal in length to body.
Under portions lighter than upper, without markings. (The tail is curled
when at rest.) It is periectly arboreal, frequenting trees, and is found
concealed under the bark: inhabits the Andamans; all my specimens
are from Port Blair and its neighbourhood. I have named it after
Mrs. Tytler.
All the Geckos which I have described above, have pupils which
contract like those of cats, and are more or less nocturnal in their
habits; but the following species is quite diurnal, and the pupil does
not seem to contract, but remains round and full all day.
9. Gecko chameleon (Tytler.) ; (Phelsuma Andamanense of Blyth);
about 4 to 6 inches long: general colour, in the sun or strong light, rich
emerald green, with blue or green tail; under portions bright yellow;
red marks on head and back in most individuals; in dark places or in a
subdued light, the colour is perfectly dark, nearly black; the markings
slightly visible and the yellow usual on the under portions entirely
disappears. ‘These lizards are quite arboreal. Feet with five toes;
thumb very small; suckers of moderate size: tongue bright red.
Peculiar to the Andamans, where the species is very common.
PPP OL LOL LO lh leh Ah Ll A eB LOLA ah acd LPG oa AL ek ll eg We NS el eel el,
1864. | Inscription at Harlan. 549
Inscription on the Muqbura at Haalan.*
(Communicated by the Punjab Auciliary Committee of the Asiatic Society.)
[Received 16th February, 1864 |
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651
D02 The Pullar Towers of the British Islands.
[No. 5,
Peculrarities and Uses of the Pillar Towers of the British Islands, by
Dr. T. A, Wiss.
[Recewed 25th March, 1864. |
So much has been written on the Pillar Towers of the British Islands,
and so conflicting are the conclusions drawn, that it may be of use to direct
the attention of members of the Asiatic Society, to these remarkable
monuments of antiquity, in the expectation of obtaining more correct
suggestions than have hitherto been made, regarding their use; as
there isa growing belief that they are of Asiatic origin. In the
course of the following remarks several examples of Indian Pillar
Towers will be mentioned; and it is hoped that photography will
afford aid to prove their relationship with those in Hurope. Their
number must necessarily be few, owing to the lapse of centuries, and to
their having been generally destroyed by the persecuting Brahmans;
and they will therefore only be found in distant and unfrequented places.
There are no records of the people who built these Towers, or the
purposes for which they were built in Ireland and Scotland; and
they are so ancient that the most general traditions among the people
are that they were the work either of fairies, or the ‘“ good people,”
or ‘‘the weird people of the Beghts”; or of saintly old women; or of
the Danes, the last conquerors, and cruel devastators of Ireland in
ancient times. Without stopping to criticise such fancies, I shall
confine myself to a general description of the peculiarities and uses of
these remarkable structures, with a few remarks on the probable age in
which they were built.
General description—The graceful outline, and simple style and
construction of the Pillar Towers, standing in the solitary waste,
or rising unchanged amidst mouldering ruins of churches and tomb-
stones, and their mysterious origin and uses, have long occupied
attention, and afforded scope for the ingenuity of antiquarian
speculators.
There are 118 of those Pillar Towers in Ireland, and two in Scotland ;
and they appear to have been constructed by powerful and intelligent
missionaries, animated by religious zeal and a sense of security. Such an
origin would explain theirresemblance to each other, in their graceful form
——)
1864. | The Pillar Towers of the British Islands. DDO
and peculiar structure. They are from fifty to sixty feet in circum-
ference, and eight or nine in diameter throughout, and are divided into
from three to seven or twelve stages, forming apartments of different
heights. Their floors are supported in some instances by ridges
taken off the thickness of the walls, or by abutments or rests four or
six inches in size. In the older Towers, holes are left for the recep-
tion of beams to support the floors.
Some of the Pillar Towers have holes in the lintel-stones to receive
the hinges of the door. In other Towers the door appears to have
been kept shut by a ladder resting upon the opposite wall, and against
the closed door ; in others again by a bar across the back of the door, the
extremities resting im holes behind it, to keep it shut ; which fact, with
the depth of the floor below the door, prove that security was attended
to. The different stages or apartments of the Pillar Towers were reached
by a ladder drawn up from the elevated door, and from floor to floor
as required, in times of danger. The entrance was from eight to twelve
feet from the ground, was generally wider below than above, and flat,
or rounded at the top. There were two kinds of windows; those
near the top were generally four* in number turned to the cardinal
points of the compass, and below these were small oblong openings at
intervals, generally in opposite directions, to give light to the different
stages of the Tower. Their size, position, and number, vary considera-
bly in different Pillar Towers. The Towers are usually covered with a
conical top, sometimes laid with horizontal, and in other cases by
herringbone masonry.
Neither the number of stories, nor the direction of the entrance or
windows were of any material importance to the object of the building,
as they varied so much in different Towers. The Towers generally
resemble each other in the entrance being elevated seven, ten or thirteen
leet above the surface of the ground; whereas the floor of the Towers
is often three or four feet below the level of the door; and up to
this elevation, the Tower is generally solid, sometimes with a projecting
ridge of four inches, on the outside, level with the ground. ‘The
foundation descends two or three feet below the surface, except where
the Tower is built on the solid rock.
* There are nine in the Pillar Tower of Clonmacnoise, and none in that of
Dunnoughmore.
4g
5d4 The Pillar Towers of the British Islands. [No. 5,
The stones of which the Pillar Towers are built were carefully and
judiciously selected, and were often brought from a distance. They are
fashioned into an oblong square form, accurately adjusted to each other,
and embedded in a small quantity of shell lime,* the interior being
common rubble work. The dressed stones are laid in horizontal layers,
or in some cases in a Somewhat spiral form, rising from the left to the
right, in order apparently to add strength to the building.
The Pillar Towers were built by different races of mankind for various
purposes ; their construction extending over a period of several centuries,
which fact will assist us in explaining many of their peculiarities. This
has induced me to arrange them as Pagan or primitive, transition or
Saxon, and Christian or Norman, which classification will be found
more useful, than perhaps, strictly correct.
1. The Irish Pillar Towers of the primitive, early or simple form
are few in number, and are more mutilated than the others owing
to their age, to the stones having been selected with less care, and to
Clondalken near Dublin. Ross Camk near Galloway. | Drumeliff near Sligo.7
* Ulster Journal, vol, I, p. 146. :
~~ A road contractor tried the effects of gunpowder in reducing this vene-
rable tower for road purposes.
x
42)
1864. | The Pillar Towers of the British Isbands. N00
the dressing and arrangement not being so good as in the other
classes. Like the early erect stones or obelisks of the North Hast of
Scotland, they were numerous and were erected by Pagan workmen;
but they underwent considerable changes as the people advanced in
knowledge, social position and religious opinions.
These are examples of the primitive Pillar Towers, which appear to
have been erected by Buddhists between the first and the fourth centuries,
as 1s indicated by the sacred symbols of the sun or deity. They were
unacquainted with the use of the arch. This is a strong indication of
their Asiatic origin : for, amidst the most graceful and splendid remains
of Buddhism in Asia, the absence of the arch is most striking. It was
with the object of propagating their faith, that the Buddhist, Missionaries
visited Ireland ; and at this early period they would find the country ina
rude condition, and governed by numerous chieftains in constant collision
with each other, while exposed to the inroads of seafaring robbers: not
united enough to resist effectually, but too strong to submit to their
tyranny. It was among these turbulent factions that the Buddhists first
found it necessary to erect the Pillar Towers, both as a sacred emblem,
and as the most simple and effectual means of obtaining personal
security, as well asasafe deposit for the sacred relics and most precious
effects of their religious worship.
The Chinese Travellers who visited India to study the Buddhist
religion, and saw the use to which the Pillar Towers were put, enable
us to explain the means employed to call the congregation to their
devotions. This was done by the use of cymbals, horns, and drums ;
and this explains the use to which the brass trumpets were put, which
are still sometimes found in the neighbourhood of the Pillar Towers
in Ireland.
Besides the Pillar Towers figures of which are given, the following
belong to this division: that of Luck in the county of Dublin; those
of Tighado, Kildare ; and Clones, Monaghan.
The Towers of the second class were constructed during the transi-
tion period, and were built by native artists as sacred monuments,
and owing to their acquired power, with more care and skill than
the primitive towers. This may explain the retention in general of
the distinctive form of the earlier edifices, which were intended as
sale places of retreat and defence.
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556 The Pillar Towers of the British Islands. [No. 5,
The Cloyne Pillar Tower may
be instanced as an example of this
class. The top of this graceful
tower was injured by lightning, and
a battlemented top was built upon
it. The reddish coloured sandstone
of which the tower is built, was
obtained in the neighbourhood, and
is still in excellent preservation.
The curvature of the tower was
worked with a chisel-pointed
hammer. The stones are large and
fiat-bedded, and carefully worked
into the form required. The thick-
ness of the wall atthe door is34 feet,
— “yr
fort ie
Cloyne, Ireland. Abernethy, Scotland. ee ee
throughout. The door-way looks
SH by H. and is 114 feet from the ground. It is flat topped, being covered
with a lintel, andis wider below than above. The tower has six stories;
the first being on a level with the door, and the others resting upon
ledges projecting from the wall; the height of these chambers is 114
feet. The four top windows face the cardinal points, and like the door,
are broader below than above, in the Pelasgic and Hegyptian style.
Below, there are, several small openings, one of which, over the door,
is larger than the others, and has a marked modification of the arch.
Only two round Pillar Towers exist in Scotland. These have the
Same peculiar form and structure as those of Ireland, appear to have
been built at the same early period, and afford good examples of the
two varieties already described, while they are surrounded by the same
mystery as to their uses.
The following description of the Abernethy tower is extracted from
@ previous essay of mine.
‘Abernethy,* in Fifeshire, was the capital of one of the Pictish
Governments, but the Pillar Tower which is situated there is not men-
tioned in any of our ancient histories. We only know that the people
~* The name is derived from aber confluence, of the small stream Nethy, that
passes down to the town and into the river Harn ; and the town is sometimes still
called by the Scoto-Irish name Invernethy,
: 13864. ] The Pillar Towers of the Britesh Islands. 557
hy were christianised, and the town and adjacent district were dedicated.
f to God and Saint Bridget, in the fifth century (A.D 456)*. It is
probable, at this early period, that they followed the heathen custom of
worshipping in the open air, (swb dio) at sacred stones; for we find in
the eighth century (A.D. 711) that Nectan IIL, King of the Picts,
being dissatisfied with the primitive custom of worship, and desirous
to follow the Romish ritual, wrote to Ceolfred, Abbot of Jerron, in
Northumberland, requesting information regarding certain disputed
observances, and asking for architects to build a church, which was to
be dedicated to St. Peter, the Prince of the apostles.t The architects
i were accordingly sent, and the church was built of stone, like that of
| the Romish church. This has passed away; new churches, and a
collegiate establishment formed by the Culdees, and a priory, established
He) in 1273, have disappeared : since then, another very old church has been
chi taken down, and in the beginning of this century, another was built
vil rather remarkable for its superior style of architecture. During these
a changes, extending over a long period, the Pillar Tower has stood, and
| is still distinguished by its form, and by the admirable manner in
which the material was selected and the building executed.
x ‘The Abernethy Tower stands on a sloping bank, at a short distance
A from the Ochill hills, and a mile south of the river Tay, near where it
joins the Harn. The view from the tower is contracted towards the
south by the proximity of the hills, where a beautiful valley stretches
ri southwards; while to the north, there is an extensive prospect of a
rich and undulating country, the granary of Scotland, towards which
da direction the entrance of the tower looks. The building is 75 feet in
y height, and 48 feet in circumference; and its extreme diameter at the
top is 13 feet 9 inches, increasing to the bottom, where it is 15 feet 6
inches ; the thickness of the wall at the top being 2 feet 9 inches, and
“ at the bottom 3 feet 74 inches. The tower is now without a roof, and
the coping over the wall is probably modern. It is divided into five
: Stages, each supported by stone abutments. The tower is built of
sand-stone, which is now much disintegrated, except on the lower
and
1a western side, where there are twelve coursesof grey ireestone, little chang-
ed by exposure to the weather. The stones are all carefully dressed,
st convex on the exterior, tapering inwards, and coneave on their inner
* Innes’ Critical Essays, vol, 1, pp. 111, 122, 117,
t Bede, L. 5, c. 21.
558 The Pullar Towers of the Bratush Islands. [No. 5,
surface, to give a circular form to the tower; and they are accurately
adjusted in regular courses with but little lime or cement. The door-
way is six feet above the base of the tower; but in consequence of the
graveyard adjoiming having become greatly elevated above the general
surface of the soul, the door is now only two feet above the ground, It
is 7 feet 94 inches high, 29 inches in width at the spring of the semi-
circular arch, and 274 inches at the base. Four windows near the top
of the tower face the cardinal points: they are 3 feet 102 inches in
height, 1 foot 43 inches in width above, and 1 foot 63 inches below,
and seem to differ from each other in their architectural form. Gordon,
in his /tonerary, mentions, at the beginning of last century, that “ each
window is supported by two small pillars ;” traces of which are still
very evident in one or two of them. Those in the west window are
entirely gone. Dr. Wilson supposes* the windows may be modern ;
but after a careful examination, on the spot, I have come to the conclu-
sion that they were prepared at the same time as the rest of the
tower. Besides the four windows, there are three small openings to
give light.
‘ This tower was repaired thirty years ago, when seven human skulls
were found within it, lying together. Some of them were of a dark
colour, as if they had undergone some process of embalming. Along
with these, several long bones were found, some of which had been so
recently deposited that they had still their ligaments attached to them.+
The tower stands about twenty yards to the SW. of the parish church,
which is a modern structure. It is now used as a belfry, and the
beadle informed me that it is “ pretty well’ adapted for this purpose.
It also contains the village clock; and the ancient Jouge, or pillory,
is attached to it.
‘The Pillar-'Tower of Abernethyt is said to have been built by Nectan
fil, A. D. 720, in the capital of a Pictish kingdom. The Culdees
alterwards had a college there; and in 1273 this was converted into
a priory of regular Canons of the Augustine order.’
* Prehistoric Annals, p. 595.
+ Small’s Roman Antiquities of Fife, p. 154, and Appendix F.
£ The name which the Highlanders give to Abernethy is Obaiv Neachtain, or
Abair Neachtain, i. e., “the work of Nectan.” This Nectan or Nethan desired
architects to be sent to build a church, [see Bede] perhaps that of Abernethy.
“ Fergustus episcopus Scotiee Pictus,’—i,e., Fergus, the Pictish bishop of Ireland,
was in the Roman general council, A.D. 721—|a Binis, t. 3, quoted by Pinkerton,
Inquiry, I1,, 267; see also Statistical Account of Scotland, vol. xX., p. 430.
, 1864. | The Pillar Towers of the British Islands. 5d9
Bu, To this class belong the Pillar Towers of Agharullee Kilkenny ;
x , Kibrie, St. Carrice, Kilkenny ; Cashel and Roscrea, Tipperary ; Castle-
ty dormor, Kilcallen, Kildare; Fertagh and Kelles, Meath; Swords,
Ah. Dublin; Furlough, Killala and Meeleck, Mayo; Kilmallock, Limerick ;
hi, Monasterboice, Louth; Rattoo, Clare; Seven churches, King’s county ;
Keneith, Cork, and Seven churches, Wicklow.
The Pillar Towers being no longer strictly religious edifices, their
original form was modified to suit the fancy of the architect and the
prevailing style of the period. The graceful Pillar Tower of Ardmore, is
built in square-coursed work of reddish sandstone. The courses vary 1
thickness from 6 to 10 inches, and the
inner face of the building is ordinary
rubble-work walling. Its external
circumference diminishes considerably
with the height, and it has three sets-
off externally, with weathered string
courses, with sets-off internally. The
door is 13 feet from the ground and
semicircular at top, and diminishes
in height and width internally; and
Keneith, Ardmore, _ the jambs widen below, with a three-
inch torus round them, at their outer angle.
The Keneith Tower is built of the slate-stone of the locality; and
is very peculiar in its external form, having a hexagonal base ;
each side of which ig 10 feet 4 in. in width, and 20 feet in height.
Including the round part, the tower is 50 feet 4 inches in height, and
it appears to have been left unfinished ; or else a portion of the original
top has been destroyed. The Tower is built upon a levelled rock,
| cropping abruptly from the ground. The door laces the west, and
is fourteen feet from the ground. The whole has undergone recent
repair, and has been provided with iron stairs to the door, and to each
of the four stories, which rest upon ledges leit m the thickness of the
wall; each compartment is 11 feet and 9 inches in height. The diameter
of the Tower contracts as the wall rises ; and the breadth of each ledge,
pi four inches, increases the splaying of the wall. There is a small bell in
the upper stage, supported by cross beams, but it appears to be unused.
The walling of the foundation consists of large rough stones, and the
¢
ae £48 Oty
T
7 4r
ree oF here GPR s fro fa we
560 The Pillar Towers of the British Islands. [ No. 5,
selection of the slate stones has been so good, that it is still in good pre-
servation. The marks of the narrow, flat, and slightly concave chisel-
hammer are still clean cut in the stone. The floor of this Tower is on
a level with the door, and is supported by a flat arch with a well-hole
in the centre, proving the advanced state of the arts at the time of its
construction : a chamber is thus formed below the level of the door. The
whole erection is admirably executed, and cemented with shell-lime, and
the general effect 1s most graceful. This would be much more apparent,
but for the ivy which covers the lower part and has already displaced some
of the stones. If this ivy is not removed it will endanger the Tower.*
8. Tn the third, or Anglo-Saxon period, the Christian religion had
been introduced into Ireland. It extends from the fifth or sixth to the end
of the ninth century ; when the primitive churches were made of mud,
and wattled asin Britain. As the influence of the priests increased, they
absorbed much of the wealth of the country, and brought architects trom
the continent, whose constructive skill they employed in preparing the
first stone edifices, while they enriched their altars with their most
precious ornaments, to increase the splendour of their religious rites.
This explains why these establishments were so frequently attacked by
their unscrupulous neighbours, and the merciless Danish pirates. By
the priests, the Pillar Towers. of Ireland were found most valuable
erections: near them they resided, and took refuge in them with their
most valuable effects; thus following the injunction of Pope Gregory to
Augustine of Canterbury, in the sixth century, to adopt any thing good
from the Pagan places of worship, for Christian purposes ; making such
additions, as were necessary or convenient. They accordingly not only
occupied such as already existed, but partially built some of these useful
erections. These latter may be known by their more modern construc-
tion, and by their rounded doorways being cut into a series ol recesses,
the angles of which are slightly rounded off : also by the addition of a
moulding, a mere incision upon the face and soffit of the arch. Other
of these modern doorways are decorated with the chevron and bead
ornament, as in the gold ornaments found in Irish bogs and in some
very antique cinerary urns, dug up from old Pagan and Htruscan cairns
and tumuli. In some of the Towers, the pediments, and the repeated
columns, and successive arches and various mouldings of the doorway
* In the annals of Munster, still in MS., this Tower is said to have been |
built in 1015, soon after the battle of Clantarif.
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1 864. ] The Pillar Towers of the British Islands. 561
become rich and striking; the latter narrowing as they récede into the
wall. The capitals of some of the columns are heads, the hair of which
is entwined with snake-like animals; as in the Timahoe, and Kildare,
the ornaments of which resemble the rich and elaborate decorations on
Cormac’s chapel Cashel, executed towards the end of the ninth century.
It may be allowed that Norman builders executed these doorways, and
decorated them with the ornaments and symbols of their religion, like
Donnaghmore, MeCarthey’s church and Pillar
Tower, Clonmacnoise.
their churches and other buildings. As they were in the habit of
working in sandstone, these ornamented entrances in the Pillar Towers
were usually of this stone. So much was this prized, and so marked
is the contrast between the entrance and the Tower, that the former
is supposed by that able architect, Mr. R. B. Brush, to have been
subsequently inserted.
The Donnaghmore Pillar Tower has the ruins of a church and
beliry close to it. This having been more modern, and being used as
a place of retreat, has the door elevated, and is without the four upper
windows. A crucifixion is over the door (page 564.) of this Tower.
McCarthey’s church in the N. W. side of the cemetery of
Clonmacnoise, is interesting from its having a Pillar Tower built at
the same time, of the same stone, and similar in the character of the
Masonry. Part of the solidity of the Tower was sacrificed to give full
4g
562 The Pillar Towers of the British Islands. [No. 5,
space to the thaste specimen of the Saxon chancel arch attached to it.
This Tower is 55 feet in height, and 7 feet in diameter, and is built
with lime. The conical cap is built in the herring-bone style. The
door is ona level with the ground, and there are only two small
windows near the top, looking to the north and south.
Another Pillar Tower of this class is that of Brechin* in Scotland, and
is distinguished for the beauty of the workmanship, and the elegance
of its form. It 1s supposed to have been built in the ninth century;
or a century or more earlier than the old church of Brechin, which ig
supposed to have been founded by Kenneth IV. A. D. 990.¢ The present
church, to which the tower is attached, was added long afterwards.
The Tower of Brechin is built on a gentle elevation, to the north
of the old Castle of Brechin, and of the river Hsk. It has a contrac-
ted view of a fruitful valley on the west; while on the east there is
a rich and wide plain, terminating with the Bay of Montrose and the
German Ocean.
The stones of which this tower is built have been carefully selected,
and formed into square shapes, so modified as to give the circular form
to the building; and they are so placed and fitted to each other, for 20
feet from below upwards, and in patches particularly on the east side,
as to give a spiral resing to the tiers or courses, thus throwing the
pressure of the superincumbent mass upon an inclined plane. Iam
not aware that this remarkable circumstance has ever been observed
before; nor does it occur in any of the Irish Round Towers existing.
Very little cement had been employed in the building; but the nature
of this cement cannot readily be ascertained, as the tower has been
thoroughly repaired, and a modern octagon roof erected over it, with
angular-headed windows at each of the abutments and spaces, to give
it the same architectural character as the modern church, which it
joins, and of which it forms the south-west corner. The old tower,
previous to the repairs, was eighty-five feet in height: it is now
increased by eighteen feet, the height of the new roof. Its extreme
circumference at the top is 38 feet 6 inches, sloping outwards to the
bottom, where it is 50 feet; the interior diameter at the top is 7 feet
8 inches, at the bottom, 8 feet; the thickness of the wall at the four
* From the Gaelic name Breaichnain, a “ brae,” or sloping bank.
+ Hic est qui tribuit magnam civitatem Brechne domino, Chr, Pict. Kenneth
died by treachery (per dolum) A. D. 994. Ulster Annals.
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1864. | The Pillar Towers of the British Islands. 563
upper windows is 2 feet 10 inches, and at the doorway 4 feet, including
the projection of the door-lintels, which is 2 inches.
There are seven openings in this tower. One of these is the door-
way, which faces the west; and there are two oblong openings facing
the south and east, to afford light to the interior; and four oblong
rectangular windows, near the top, facing the cardinal points. Over
all these openings are built large stones, and that over the door of
the tower is scooped out, so asto give it an arched form. Those
which surround the doorway are large blocks of sandstone, more
prominent than the other stones of the building, and sculptured with
bas-reliefs. That over the door is the crucifixion; and those on
the lintels are the supposed figures of St. John and the Virgin Mary.
At the side of the bottom of the doorway, are sculptured, on one
side, a crouching animal, and on the other, a monstrous griffin ;* and
the lozenge ornament in the middle of the door-sill appears to have
been filled with tracery. The double rows of button-like orna-
ments surrounding the doorway bear a resemblance to those upon
the Inch-brayoe and Brechin sculptured pillar-stones.t All these
figures and ornaments are now much defaced by time.t The other
stones used in the building of the tower are grey-coluured freestone.
Many years ago a second entrance was made, leading to the adjoining
church, by removing a number of stones from the tower, which
weakened it, and which perhaps accounts for “the large mass, in
storms of wind, being seen to sway from side to side.Ӥ There are
six unequally sized stories, with platforms of wood, resting upon
abutments or supports of hewn freestone, each of which projects
from six to ten inches, and bears a strong timber floor. The top of
the tower is reached by a series of six ladders. The only ‘mason-
marks’ yet discovered in Pillar Towers are in the interior of this
building, and have been delineated by Mr. Chalmers.|| They are
often repeated, particularly about the middle, and are generally cut
* Perhaps symbolical of evil. See Eusebius’ Life of Constantine, B. 3, ch. 3.
Tt See Sculptured stones of Scotland (Spalding Club,) plates 86 and 138.
{ This opening was built up in 1847 by order of the Commissioners of Woods and
Forests. Iam indebted to the accurate Mr, Jervis for this and other particulars.
§ Black’s History of Brechin, p. 259.
|| Mr. Chalmers, of Aldbar, was so kind as to allow me the use of a beauti-
ful drawing of the doorway, which is here lithographed on a reduced scale, and
which was intended to illustrate a posthumous work of his late able and laments
ed brother, prepared by the distinguished antiquary Cosmo Innes, Esq.
4 ¢ 2
22 AETEW Sh Mie Ae PET
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564. The Pillar Towers of the British Islands. [No. 5
along the whole length and depth of the face of the stone. Uh-
fortunately the stones of the Abernethy Tower are so much disintegrat-
ed that, if any such marks ever existed, they are not now to be found.
They have not been noticed in the Pillar Towers of Ireland. (Arche-
ologia, v. 34. p. 33.) At the time the adjoining church was built, two
bells were placed in the Tower; but the situation was found incon-
venient, and they were removed. |
y
P. T. Antrim. Donnaghmore. Old Church Fore.
The simple cross over the door of the Antrim Pillar Tower proves
its Christian origin, and resembles that over the Church of St. Fechen
at Fore; this saint died in A. D. 664. The crucifixion over the
Donnaghmore and Brechin doorways proves that they were built at a
more modern period.
We can suppose that the watcher on the Tower, on the approach of
danger, could collect his friends by the horn, drum, or cymbals; and
priests, in more peaceable times, could exhibit their relics, and instruct
their followers, from the elevated doorway. ‘These suppositions serve
to explain the number of the Towers in unsettled countries, and among
a, turbulent race of people.
To the third variety of Pillar Towers belong Tunahoe, Queen’s
County ; Seven Churches, Smaller Tower Norsida; Kildare, Kildare ;
Antrim, Antrim; Donnaghmore, Meath; and Brechin, Scotland.
Such are the three classes in which the Irish Pillar Towers may
be arranged. The first or original form was most probably erected
by Eastern Missionaries, chiefly for religious purposes; and the other
two classes were modifications introduced in the course of time, as the
buildings were more required as places of defence. As such, they were
probably used both before, and after the Buddhist Eastern religion had
ceased in the country in which it was first propagated, as they afforded
_ the simplest, and most effectual means of protection ; and this explains
ee
1864. ] The Pillar Towers of the British Islands. 565
their number among turbulent races, as compared with those in more
peaceful countries; the few in Scotland compared with the number
among the warlike inhabitants of ancient Ireland. They long retained
their sacred character, and while used for religious ceremonies, they
were ijound most useful as places of security and defence. There the
Priests deposited their most precious effects, as the monks of the present
day preserve their books, records, and other valuables in their in-
accessible monasteries in Egypt and Syria; on the approach of danger
they carry their shrines of gold and silver, and holy relics, into their
Towers of safety.
Round Towers which have no connection with religion are found
in many countries. In Egypt, where the inhabitants are subject
to the depredations of robbers, they resort to such Towers. That
=
1 be @€s
Fig, 2. Rig. 3.
delineated in the margin (Fig. 1) still exists where shepherds hold
watch, and in it they deposit all their most valuable goods, with their
women and children.* When they have drawn up their rope-ladder
they can annoy their enemies with great effect. In border countries
where the people were turbulent and warlike, round towers often
exist in considerable numbers as the most useful and_ strongest
places of refuge. A good many of them are found on the ghauts,
in Hindustan ; on the road between Arcot and Bangalore ; and skirting
the Mysore country. They are from 50 to 60 feet in height, with
a door 12 or 15 feet from the ground, reached by means of a ladder:
this was drawn up and the door secured. These Towers are often of
considerable size, the lower part being used for harbouring cattle.
Where the doors are closed, the garrison could easily defend
* L’Kgypte Htat modern, quoted by Dr. Kiito,
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/
566 The Pillar Towers of the British Islands. [No. 5,
themselves from their enemies armed with bows and arrows, and the
like. In the “ Histoire des découvertes dans la Russe et la Perse,”
there is an account of many round towers, “ said by the inhabitants to
be the work of very remote times.” At Bulgari there is a round
Tower called Misger,* according to Pallas. In the midst of the ruins
of Kasvmof, on the Oha, which falls into the Volga, is a round and
elevated Tower called in the language of the country Misguwr.+ Tn
the Kzste and Ingushti, very ancient nations of the Caucasus, most of
the villages have round towers.{
In Rajputana there were numerous round insulated Towers, thirty or
forty feet in height, built on commanding eminences,
whence could be descried the approach of enemies
es
from a distance, and from which the garrison were
> ™ te be
enabled to alarm the country. The only entrance to
these Towers was by a small doorway 12 or 15 feet
from the ground. ‘This was reached by means of a
ladder, which was pulled up in times of danger, and
the door closed, and secured; thus out of danger, a
few could repel a great many. The enemies most
dreaded were Pindaree horsemen; and the Towers
afforded a ready and secure retreat to the husband-
men, who could use their matchlocks with great
effect from the loop-holes with which the tower was pierced. LHven
when the door was reached and driven in, the defenders had the differ-
ent stages to retire to, which thus became so many successive fortresses.
Some of these were flanked with breastwork ; and such facility did they
atford for refuge, and such encouragement to continual warfare, that
many of them were destroyed by order of the English Government.§
The late Colonel Stacy met with a characteristic example of the use
to which these Towers were often put, in his advance on Cabul from
Candahar ;—“ near the camp, within one hundred yards of the road,
on the slope of a hill, there was a small but high Tower, with only one
774
* A corruption of Muzei, os°° which signifies ‘to make a holy fire burn
bright.’ Richardson.
+ Guttorn.
ft Ib. p. 145, referred to by Dr. Petric, p. 29.
§ Cap. Western, B. HE. told me he had blown up some thirty or forty, to the
great benefit of the inhabitants, as they were no longer required, and they had
become harbouring places for robbers.
SS ee
Tt Pe
1864. | The Pillar Towers of the British Islands. O67
door about eight feet from the base, in which three men were concealed.
They suffered the column, and some of the baggage to pass, and
then opened their fire. Fortunately a guard over some stores was
passing at the time, and four men were sent up to the Tower, which
appeared to have no floor; for they placed a musket inside, pointed
upwards, and brought down one of the assailants the first shot. Fear-
ing the others might escape, a fire was kindled in the doorway below,
which filled the inside of the tower with smoke, and soon obliged
the other two to descend; one was killed close to the door, and
the other was shot in attempting to escape.*” So well suited are
these towers for defence, that the Block-houses, which were erected
during the late rebellion in Canada, (1838 and 1839) were upon
the same principle—modified so as to be
constructed of the materials of the country.
In Canada the retreat was supported upon
logs of wood, so as to raise the house 8
or 12 feet above the ground. The only
entrance was by means of a ladder, which
was then drawn up and the trap door
closed ; and the floor and walls being loop-
holed, any one approaching was exposed to musketry.
Lhe Buddhist missionaries changed their symbolical Pillars (Jats) to
hollow cylinders or Pillar Towers, to protect their persons and the pre-
clous relics which they carried with them to distant countries, and
valued so highly. The remains of some of these are still to be found
in different parts of Hindostan. Tennent states that the pagodas of
Blyars, of the Circars, are chiefly buildings of a cylindrical or ‘Round
Tower’, shape ; with their tops either pointed, or truncated at the sum-
mit, which frequently bears a round ball on a spike, to represent the
sun.t Hanway, in his travels in Persia, states that there are four
round temples of the G'uebres, or worshippers of fire, “ about thirty
feet in diameter, and about 120 feet in height.t
The sacred nature of these Pillar Towers in Buddhist countries ex-
plains why they are sometimes delineated upon coins, with other sacred
objects; as in the accompanying drawing, in which the “ Tower of
Deliverance,” and the sacred tree are both represented as springing out
* Narrative of Services, p. 205. |
+ View of Hindostan, vol. IT. p. 128, or vol. VI. p. 133.
f Ibid, p. 187,
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ed a ee ee
- we
re?
68 The Pillar Towers of the British Islands. No. 5,
of a sacred pot.* The second
_ figure annexed is that of a Pillar
Tower in the Island of Ormus,
in the Persian Gulf. Sailors
often erroneously consider it to
be a light house, without any
lantern.}
Near the Tower of safety in
former times was the chapel
(wrbarva) or the place of worship,
which consisted of a quadran-
gular building; and the solid
cairn (dagoba) in which the relic
of the body of a saint, or good
, buried. The Pillar
an eer ~=SCman,_was
—_—ot
Tower, protected the priests,
their most precious effects, and the relics employed in worship. Fa Hian,
who travelled in Hindustan in the beginning of the filth century for the
special purpose of studying the Buddhist ritual in its original seat, at
the-time it was the prevailing religion of India, has left us an interesting
account of his travels in that country.t He informs us that in his time,
as indeed in Buddhist countries of the present day, the relics of the great
Buddhist saints, were considered of inestimable value ; and when a Temple
or city possessed such a treasure, its security was ensured by every
possible means. Fa Hian informs us that Nakie, a city east of
Ghuzni, possessed a portion of the skull of Buddha. (Foe), for which
the king of the country entertained the greatest veneration. The relic
was gilded, and covered with the most costly ornaments ; and so much
afraid was he of its being purloindé, that eight chieis of the pring...
pal families of the kingdom, had each a-seal, which they set on the wate
of the chapel, or ‘ Tower of deliverance.”* Early ‘im the morning the
eight proceeded to verify the seals, and then opeiied: the gate. On
entering, the chief washed his hands, took up the venerated skull-bone
of Buddha, conveyed it to the chapel, and secured it, under a bell-
* In Major Cunningham’s Bhilsa Topes, Plate 32, No. 2.
+ London Illustrated News for 38rd January, 1857
+ The Journal of this pilgrim was translated from the Chinese by M. M.
Remusat, Klaproth and Landresse; and reprinted in Calcutta, in 1848, with
interesting notes and illustrations by J. W. Laidlay, Hsq.
a
=
ee
co
1864. ] The Pillar Towers of the British Islands. 569
glass, upon a round stone table, placed on a throne adorned with all
kinds of precious ornaments. Every day at sunrise, the attendants of
the chapel ascended the pavilion, beat the great drum, sounded the
conch, and struck the copper cymbals, to collect the inhabitants for
worship. The king, and the assembled people offered up flowers and
perfumes, and performed their devotions. Hach one, according to his
rank, placed the relic upon his head, and then retired to his ordinary
occupations. The skull bone was then taken back to the chapel, or
“tower of deliverance’ and secured.
The most magnificent tower in the entire continent of India, was
constructed by oe leon sha, in honour of Buddha; in this his beg-
sing pot was preserved, an indispensable and characteristic utensil of
the Buddhist recluse. We are informed that the possession of such a
treasure induced the king of Yuets to invade the country with a power-
ful army, to gain possession of this sacred pot.* In this case the
tower was a place of great strength: but such was not always the
case, as the towers were of various sizes and forms, according to
fancy, or the purposes for which they were intended. ‘They had often
seven, nine, or twelve stories, corresponding to fortunate numbers, or
to the twelve nzdans or conditions of relative existence. In some cases
‘they were erected on spots made sacred by some holy action, as the
receptacle of some relic of a saint. When such a Tower was erected by
any one directed “‘ by great faith, and the impulsion of a well directed
heart,’ who then established ‘ the ceremonies and worship,” he was
promised re-birth among the gods;} the highest state of Buddhist
reward in the next world. This tenet is stated to be taken from the
sacred book, “‘ of the names and titles of the eight great divine towers.”
According to this authority, there are upon the earth and in the heavens,
a great number of these Towers. This explains why king Ni Kia
erected a tower upon a sacred spot, more than forty toises high
(about 400 English feet); and adorned it with all manner of precious
things. So that all who beheld it, and the Temple, admired their
beauty and magnificence, to which nothing can be compared. t
It was considered by the Buddhists to be of the greatest. importance
to visit and join in worship at the shrines of these sacred Temples.
If such Towers existed in considerable numbers, and of such a size
* Ibid, p. 76. + Ibid, p. 172. + Ibid, p. 74,
| 4p
57 The Pillar Towers of the Britush Islands. [No. 5,
in Hindustan and other countries where the Buddhist religion prevailed,
we must expect to find them still remaining, Such is the fact; and a
few of them may now be mentioned. Lord Valencia, gives the drawing
of two round towers, he saw near Bhaugulpore in Bengal,* which re-
semble those in Ireland: the door being elevated above the surface of
the ground, and the tower provided with four large windows near the
summit, and a stone roof.t Captain Smith has delineated another
such Tower, which he found at Cole near Allyghur.t These Towers
were never common among the peaceful inhabitants of Bengal, and
many were most probably destroyed by the persecuting Brahmans and
fanatical Mahommedan conquerors of Hindustan.
The Buddhists of Hindustan were originally separatists from the Hin-
du religion, having rejected caste, and the sacred books of the Hindus,
&c., while they adopted a pure system of morals, and believed that no
good work was equal to that of spreading their religion to the uttermost
extremity of the world; and such was the enthusiasm of these Asiatics,
that in a few centuries they converted a large portion of the inhabitants
of Asia to their faith. They even penetrated at an early period to
Africa and Hurope; extensive traces of their presence are still found in
the British Islands, and a Buddhist community still exists in Huropean
Russia.§
In these distant countries, and among such different races of people,
they found it necessary to vary their forms and ceremonies, to suit the
fancy and circumstances of the people among whom they resided;
this explains the contradictory nature of a few of their precepts, and
the obscurity of some of their doctrines.
On reaching Europe, the enthusiastic Hastern missionaries soon
* Travels in India.
+ These Towers are often referred to, but I have in vain made various
efforts, when in the neighbourhood, to procure drawings of them. They
are the same referred to by the Marquis of Hastings in his private journal.
He states there are two insulated Towers near Bhaugulpore, which have some
resemblance to the Round Towers of Ireland; but ‘ they are not above half the
height. The door was on a level with the ground. Hvidently those which I
saw to-day were of no considerable antiquity.”* These cannot be considered as
examples of the Pillar Towers; and as the late Magistrate of the Bhaugulpore
district could not find any trace of them, I suspect his Lordship must have made
a hurried sketch, or the engraver took great liberties with the drawing which
he got. The late distinguished Jurist HE. A. Samuells, C. B., long the able
Magistrate of the Bhaugulpore district, could not find any traces of them.
~ In William Benham’s Iberia Celtica, v. 2, p. 200.
§ In Chambers’s Journal for August, 1858.
* Vol. I. p. 95.
a.
a
ae
| 1864. ] The Pillar Towers of the British Islands. aval
- visited the beautiful British Islands, and at an early period acquired
i the confidence of the Celtic inhabitants of the North Hast of Scotland
= end Ireland. In both these countries many specimens of their
ao architecture exist ;—in the engraved stones of Hastern Scotland, and
ny the Pillar Towers of Ireland; to execute which, a religious purpose
alone would urge such a population as inhabited Scotland and
Treland, at the time of their erection. These Buddhist missionaries
It} were well known in Europe, and are repeatedly referred to, by the
ity primitive fathers of the Church, in the first centuries of the Christian
a era. Clement of Alexandria, who lived at the close of the second
century, had heard of the monastic practices, and peculiar monuments
7 or topes of the Buddhists. He mentions the Brachmani, and the
Hi Sarmani who worship Buddha, or Bouth, whom they honour as
ae a god: and about the middle of the followimg century, Porphyry
one repeats information alluding to Buddhist practices, from Bardesanes,
a who obtained it from Indian envoys sent to Antoninus. ‘ There are,”
he writes “two divisions of the Gymnosophists, Brachmans and
a, Sarmani.” The former are so by birth, the latter by election, consist-
1 ing of all those who give themselves up to the cultivation of sacred
| learning ; they live in Colleges, in dwellings, and temples constructed
by the princes, abandoning their families and property. They are
summoned to prayer by the ringing of a bell, and live upon rice and
fruits.” Cyril of Alexandria mentions that the Samansans were the
philosophers of the Bactrians, showing the extension of Buddhism
beyond the confines of India; and St. Jerome, who like Cyril, lived at
the end of the fourth and the beginning of the fifth century, was acquaint-
ed with Buddhistical legends; for he says that Buddha was believed
ev to have been born of a virgin, and to have come forth from his mother’s
side. From Cyril of Jerusalem and Ephraim, who wrote in the middle
4? oi the fourth century, we learn that Buddhism tainted some of the
og heresies of the early Christian Church, which the latter terms the
‘ Indian heresy. Their accounts demonstrate that the Buddhism of
India was known to Christian writers between the second and the
fifth century of our era ;* but as no Towers of Safety were erected in
any part of Hurope, except in Ireland and Scotland, we could not sup-
pose that the primitive Christians were the first architects.
The Pillar Towers were erected by artists from the Hast, with a
* In H, H. Wilson’s Works, v. 2, p. 313, et seq.
4p 2
SS aa
wile
572 The Pillar Towers of the Brotish Islands. [No. 5,
degree of skill that has never been surpassed, and at a time when the
inhabitants of Ireland and Scotland were in a state of great rudeness.
The towers were well adapted for defending their persons and effects |
from the rapacity of the warlike chiefs among whom they dwelt.
From the elevated windows they could descry their enemies ; on which
they raised the entrance ladder, shut and secured the high door, and
gave warning to their friends at a distance.
The able and enthusiastic pagan architects may have refused to
construct any other sacred buildings than their sacred Pillar Tower; as
they appear to have erected the standing stones only, in the north-east
of Scotland. These at first bore only the pagan symbols, to which
conquering races aiterwards added the symbols of the Christian faith,
In like manner in Ireland, at first a sacred pillar was erected, on which
the national ornaments and Christian emblems were placed, in a more
advanced state of the arts. In no other erections of the earlier period
was the same architectural superiority exhibited, as sacred forms were
alone considered worthy of the exertions of the architects.
In peaceable times, the missionaries collected their followers by
sounding the horn or beating the drum at stated times; and from the
elevated doorway, they performed their religious ceremonies and
exhorted the people, as they did in Scotland while standing by the side
of the sacred erect stones bearing pagan emblems, to which the
Christian cross appears to have been afterwards added. It would be
difficult to construct any other building that would possess so many
advantages as the Pillar Tower.
From the above facts I conclude—
1. That the Pillar Towers were first erected in Asia as a. religious
symbol ; and the form was modified in foreign and unsettled countries
in order to afford protection to the persons, the relics, and other
valuable effects of the builders.
2. That eastern missionaries erected those sacred symbols in Ireland,
as places of refuge and observation, from whence they could alarm their
friends by the blast of the horn, the clang of the cymbal and the roll
of the drum during the day; and by waving a torch from the aper-
tures at the top of the Tower at night.
3. These Towers were found so useful that they were adopted by
conquering races, who decorated them with their national ornaments,
and Christian symbols,
<>
ee
PROCEEDINGS
OF THE
ASIATIC SOCIETY OF BENGAL,
For NovempBrr, 1864.
wa
The Monthly General Meeting of the Asiatic Society of Bengal
was held on the 2nd instant. | |
Baboo Rajendralal Mitra, Vice President, in the Chair.
The Proceedings of the last meeting were read and confirmed.
Presentations were announced—
1. From Baboo Rajendra Mullick, a young Emu, and a mounted
specimen of a crown pigeon.
2. From L. B. Bowring, Esq, a photograph of an Inscription on
a rock at Taikal.
The following letter accompanied the presentation :—
‘“BanGALoRE, 17 tH Suprumper, 1864.
‘“My Duar Sir,—I have the pleasure to send you a photograph of
a curious rock inscription at Taikal, a few miles from the Colar Road
Station of the Bangalore Branch Railway. It is in Teloogoo, which
is the prevailing language in the Colar District of Mysore; but it has
been deciphered with difficulty, and the translation given overleaf is
rather the general purport than a literal rendering.
“At the time mentioned, 1438 Salivahan, the Colar country was
apparently under the rule of the Anagundi kings, and it is probable
that the Deva Raja referred to in the inscription was of that Dynasty.
“Yours truly,
(Signed) “L. B. BOWRING,”
4
er7sc.8i"s3
sitygee «
514. Proceedings of the Asratic Society. [No. 5,
TRANSLATION.
“The order of Deva Raya, the chief ruler, to his next in authority
Gopa Raja, son of Kanthappa Raja Wodiar, dated 1438.
Banda Baliaka Naik.
Allarpa Naik.
Bhungeeda Naik.
‘These three are counsellors of the said Gopa Raja, their household
god being Vardharaj Devaru; they conducted their domestic affairs in
the form of a procession in the service of that god.
“‘ At this time it was reported that a tiger had killed a cow in the
vicinity. Then a hero, named Pratap Singh, visited Gopa Raja, with
his followers, during the procession in honor of the god. At the
request of Gopa Raja, he hunted and slew the tiger, for which service,
Deva Raya, on the recommendation of Gopa Raja, granted to the said
Pratap Singh, in the name of the god, 93 wet lands and 13 dry lands
near the village of Coomsee.”
Under the figure of a Tiger :—
“This shasanam is engraved by Kallukote Tirumallaga. 93 wet
lands and 18 dry lands have been granted for slaying the tiger by
order of Deva Raya. The said wet and dry lands have been obtained
by the favor of Vardharaj Devaru.”’
3. From J. Beames, Hsq., two silver oa four copper coins.
4, From C. A. Elliott, Hsq., Rubbings of Inscriptions at the foot
of some Jain Images in the Hoshungabad district.
Mr. Blanford exhibited some specimens of flint implements of the
‘early stone period,’ found at St. Acheul, near Abbeville, which he
had lately received from England. He pointed out the resemblance
of their general form to that of the stone implements from Madras
exhibited a few months since by Mr. Oldham, and gave a brief descrip-
tion of the deposits in which these implements were found. He spe-
cially pointed out that the evidence of the immense antiquity of man
rested not on mere vague calculations of the rate at which alluvial
deposits were formed, as had been recently stated, somewhat dogma-
tically, by an eminent mathematician, who was evidently but slightly
informed on the enormous changes that have been effected in the
physical Geography of Western Europe since the formation of the
deposits in which these implements were found. To suppose that the
. =
1864. ] : Proceedings of the Ascatie Society. 515
Somme Valley had been hollowed out ina period of six thousand
years, or even six thousand years two or three times multiplied, would
be utterly at variance with all that we know of the eroding action of
rivers; and the Somme Valley only offered one instance out of a great
‘number in which broad river valleys must have been formed since man
lived on the earth. Some persons without practical acquaintance with
the forms of stones naturally fractured, had doubted whether the flint
implements were really of human manufacture, in spite of all the
evidence of design afforded by their uniformity, and the number of
fractures by which that unformity had been attained; and the absence
of human bones from the deposits containing the flint implements had
been much commented on, as being adverse to the view of the human
origin of the flint knives. It might be satisfactory, therefore, to such
persons to know, that within the last few months a considerable
number of human bones, including a human skull of very depressed
form, a sacrum, portions of jaws and other bones, had been disinterred
from the old flint-knife gravels of Moulin Quignon, not by the
questionable agency of workmen, but by M. Boucher des Perthes and
a number of French Geologists, whose names were a sufficient guaran-
tee for the genuineness of the discovery. Mr. Blanford concluded
by reading a paragraph from the August number of the Annals and
Magazine of Natural History, which gave an account of these dis-
coveries.
Mr. Blanford then drew the attention of the Meeting to some
portions of a semi-fossil human skull, found some years since, unlabelled
and without any note of locality, in the Society’s Museum. It consist-
ed of the occipital and parietal bones and a portion of the frontal,
with portions of upper and lower jaws, and was filled with a mags of
shells of the genus Unio, also semifossilized, and loosely connected
together by calcareous infiltration, in a sandy matrix. The Unio was
of a living species, but that fact would afford no indication of age, as
the fresh water shells which accompany the bones of extinct Mam-
mala in the Nerbudda alluvium are all of living species. Mr. W.
Theobald had found this specimen some years ago in the Museum,
shortly after hig return from the Nerbudda Valley, and then stated
that the matrix of the specimen resembled that of certain of the
Nerbudda bone deposits. The specimen had been laid by, and had
4H 2
4B Ad dae Rey
o- Ys,
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’
.
.
-
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|
“~
aS
a.
=:
-*.
x.
576 Proceedings of the Asiatic Societys [No. 5,
only been refound lately after much search. Mr. Blanford now exhibit-
ed it to the Meeting, in the hope that some of the older Members of
the Society might be enabled to throw some light on its history. The
skull, so far as could be judged from the fragments preserved, was
well formed, and not unlike that of some of the recent native skulls
in the Society’s Museum. Until something was known of its history,
no inference could be drawn as to its antiquity.
Mr. Blanford then read to the Meeting a note by Professor John
Phillips, of Oxford, on the supposed Spiti fossils in the Oxford Mu-
seum, prefacing the reading with the following remarks :—
‘Tt will be remembered by those Members who were present at the
December Meeting of the Society last year, that Mr. Oldham read
a paper ‘on the reputed Spiti fossils,’ in the Society's Museum, in
which I was called to account for having rejected on insufficient
grounds the genuineness of certain of the fossils in that collection,
more especially a few species of Ammonites which differed trom those
forming the majority of the collection in apparent geologic age, as
well as in matrix, &c.; while they were absolutely identical in species,
matrix, and every other point with the well known Lias fossils from
Whitby in Yorkshire. Some of them were figured as forming part ol
Dr. Gerard’s Spiti collection, by Mr. James Prinsep, in the Gleanings
in Science of 1831, and again inthe 18th vol. of the Asiatic Re-
searches; but as this was the only evidence that I could discover of
their genuineness, and as similar fossils had not been discovered by
any other collectors in Spiti or elsewhere in the North Himalaya, 1
considered it probable that the specimens in question had been acci-
dentally intermixed with the genuine Spiti fossils subsequent to the
receipt of the latter by the Society. Mr. Oldham endeavoured to
combat this view by adducing the fact that fossils of the same species
and similar in character to those rejected by me existed in the Oxford
Museum, where they were labelled as Spiti fossils; and that it was
absurd to suppose that a similar accidental intermixture of Whitby
and. Spiti fossils had taken place at Oxford and Calcutta.
“In replying to Mr. Oldham’s remarks, I pointed out that the
Oxford specimens could not be received as independent evidence, unless
it could be proved that they had been despatched by Dr. Gerard to
England as an independent series, and under circumstances which
» ry)
1864. ] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. DTT
rendered it impossible that the supposed intermixture had been effected
prior to their despatch. Admitting the fact that the Oxford fossils
had been received in England some time previous to the publication of
the 18th Volume of the Asiatic Researches, I stated that I had been
unable to find any record of the date of the actual receipt of the
fossils by Dr. Buckland, or of that of the Society’s series by the
Society. If these two dates could be ascertained and compared, it
would then be seen whether the evidence of the Oxford fossils could
be regarded as that of an independent series or not. I asked Dr,
Oldham whether he had any such dates, to which he did not reply
at the time, but afterwards rose and said that he had not his notes
with him, but that he knew that the Oxford series was received at
Oxtord before the Asiatic Society had received theirs. Thinking
however, that Dr. Oldham might possibly be mistaken on this head,
and with a view, if possible, to settle this very important point of
evidence, I wrote to Professor Maskelyne, to ask him to ascertain
whether there existed any record of the actual date of receipt of the
Spiti fossils at Oxford, and briefly stating the question at issue, which
that date was required to decide. Professor Maskelyne very kindly
communicated my letter to Professor John Phillips, and the result is
the note which I now read to the society.
“* Notes on Himalayan Fossils in the Museum at Oxford ; June 2nd,
1864. By Prof. John Phillips.
‘About 80 years since, I sent from York to Calcutta a considerable
series of the fossils of Whitby and some other tracts. The specimens
were selected from the duplicates of the Yorkshire Philosophical
Society, and were presented by that Institution to some individual of
position in Calcutia, whose name I cannot remember (it seems to me
to have been Patterson), but could find out. Whether the collection
was careiully kept separate at Calcutta, I know not; but some years
aiterwards, on being shown in England a specimen of A. communis
said to be ‘from the Himalaya,’ I at once conjectured that the York-
shire collection might have given forth this offset so like—so absolutely
like—in form, colour, and accompaniments of shale or ironstone. The
Same astonishing resemblance occurs in regard to these specimens in
the Oxford Museum, especially in regard to the Ammonites communis
and A. bifrons (Walcott), which are very common at Whitby.
i ee oe oe
/
-
*
oe ee
a“ if~e-«
578 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [No. 5,
‘On the other hand, the other fossils in this collection do not offer
any especial analogy to Yorkshire types; some are of Oxfordian
shapes, and of the Belemnite in particular, it is unknown in York-
shire, but a good deal like some found in the South of England, as
to form, not, I think, as to conservation, &.
‘Among the fossils we note as of Liassic age, Ammonites communis.
‘Ammontes Bifrons (Walcott): such occur at Whitby. The
variety of A. commums called crassus, is found both at Whitby, and
in this series, from the Himalaya!
‘Pachyodon Listert in plenty. It is not quite like ordinary English
specimens.
‘Small Spirifera of the Liassic type, such as occurs in South of
Hngland, not in Yorkshire.
‘With this Sprrifera in plenty, occurs :—
‘Rhynchonella of the types conconna and obsoleta.
In separate masses,
‘Avicula like Braamburiensis.
‘ Astarte.
‘Trigoma of atype near middle and top of Bath Oolite series, not
quite like any English form, and separate.
‘Belemmtes of the group B. Sulcatus, Miller, probably of Oxiord
clay.
‘ Palceozoic Fossils also occur, including
‘ Producta antiquata.
‘ Sporifer 1.
2.
= 3. ‘ Attenuata
‘ Strophomena.
(Sd.) ‘JOHN PHILLIPS,
Oxford.
‘2nd June 1864.’
“Tt would appear from this note, that Professor Phillips entertains
some doubt on the genuineness of the Oxford fossils, but as he omits
to give the date, which is especially required to settle the question,
I am still uncertain whether any record of it exists. Dr. Oldham has,
however, given us to understand, that he possesses such evidence of
the dates both of the receipt of the Society’s and of the Oxford collec-
1864. | Proceedings of the Asvatec Society. 579
tions, as will tend to settle the point, and it will materially aid in the
elucidation of the question if Dr. Oldham will communicate these, for
record in the Society’s proceedings, in order that their authenticity
may be thoroughly sifted, and the question of genuineness, if possible,
thereby set at rest.’’
Babu Rajendralal Mitra made the following remarks on four unde-
scribed coins, which were exhibited by him.
“Since the last meeting, I have had occasion twice to examine the
Cooch Behar trove at the Mint, in order to select afew sets of coins
for a friend; and while so employed, I discovered two varieties of
coins, which had before escaped my notice. Both of them appear to
me to be unknown to numismatologists. I take this opportunity,
therefore, to submit them to the inspection of the meeting: one of
them has on the obyerse the name of one Sultan Ruknuddin Kaikaus,
the son of a Sultan, and the grandson of a Sultan; and on the reverse,
that of the Khalif Mostasim. The margin of none of the four speci-
mens that I have seen is perfect, but on one of them the words Sulsh
and Satamayd, or “six hundred and three,”
are distinct, with a word
in the middle, which appears to me to be very like Tasaayin or ninety.
On asecond, the words Saneh ahad, ‘“‘In the year one,” are clearly
legible, and traces exist of Zasaayin Satamayd. ‘The third specimen
has Tasaayon or ‘‘ ninety,” the rest being illegible. Reading the dates
with the help of each other, I take them to be 691 and 693 respective-
ly. The place of coinage, I read with some doubt to be Sonargaon.
It follows hence, that the king who issued these coins must have lived
in the last decade of the 7th century, and exercised sway either at
Delhi or Gour. Now it is well known that Nasiruddin Bagora, the
second son of Balban, was in undisputed possession of Bengal from
the Hejira year 681 to 698, or A. D. 1282 to 1299; and our Kaikaus,
therefore, could not have been a King of Bengal at that time. At
Delhi, Ghyasuddin Balban died in the year 1286, leaving his Empire
to his grandson, Kai Khusro, son of Muhammad. But his nobles set
aside his will, and raised another of his grandsons, Kaikobad, son of
Nasiruddin of Bengal, to the throne. That dissolute prince reigned
for only three years, and was succeeded by Jellaluddin Firuz, the
Khilji, in H. 687, or A. D. 1288. Ziaa-i-Barni, the historian and
contemporary of this Viruz, says, that during the last illness of Kaiko-
ev FAY
rong fe § 7/¢«
Saye
ery Fa PF
/
fe eer
aad oil
580 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [No. 5,
bad his Moghal Omrahs got possession of his only son Kaimurs, a boy
of three years of age, and proclaimed him King under the title of
Shamsuddin. They were, however, unable to maintain their ground,
and in three months Firuz mounted the throne, and subsequently
caused the young prince to be put to death. This statement has been
repeated by all subsequent historians, except the author of the Mirat
al’Alum, who, according to Mr. Thomas, changes the name of the
prince, from Kaimurs to Kaikaus; and it is to this prince that I feel
disposed to assign the coin under notice. Its shape, size, and style of
writing are very like those of the coins of Kaikobad, its legend is
mutatis mutandes the counterpart of that of the other, and its reverse
has the name of the Khalif Mostasim, given in identically the same
words, as on the coins of Balban and Kaikobad, while there is a strong
family likeness in the names of Kaikaus, Kaimurs, Kaikobad and Kai
Khusro.
The dates of the coins, however, are opposed to this assignment.
The units “one” and “three,” are perfectly clear, and they will not
admit of our bringing the coins which bear them to the year 687,
when Kaimurs was proclaimed king, even if we doubted the term for 90
(Sasayin) and read it 80 (Samanin.) The title also is opposed to my
assignment. According to a contemporary historian, the prenomen of
Kaimurs was Shamsuddin, while that of the Kaikaus of our coin is
Ruknuddin, These difficulties, however, may be explained away.
There are on record several instances in which Muhammadan Sove-
reiens have appeared under different prenomens at different times, and
this may be one of them; and the discrepancy in the dates may be
due either to the prince having lived as a fugitive much longer than
Ziaa-i-Barni admits, or to a desire on the part of Nasiruddin, Governor
of Bengal, to continue his allegiance to his grand son Kaimurs, even
after his deposition, and possibly after his death; for he could not
readily recognize the usurpation by Firuz of an empire which belonged
to his family for three generations. Should this theory of mine be
untenable, it will be for others to decide who this prince was, whose
coin we have now on hand.
Osv. “Ul Sultan ul A’zam Ruknuddunia-o-din Abu Mozattar
Kaikaus Sultan ibn ul Sultan ibn Sultan.” Rev. “Ul imam ul
Mustasim, Amir ul momnin Maz Zarb haézeh ulsikka Saneh stls
tasaayin satamaya,” :
—
ai 3 op A
1864.] Proceedings of the Asvatic Socrety. 581
The second coin I have to notice, has the name of one Ali Shah
on the obverse. His prenomen was Alauddin, and he calls himself
the Alexander of his age, Sekander uljeman; I have found several
specimens of his coinage, but none sufficiently perfect to give me his
date in full. . The only word legible is Sabaamaya, or “ seven hundred.”
Traces also are visible of a word which may be taken for arbayin, or
forty, but what the unit was [ cannot make out. The place of coinage
was Lucknouty. Assuming upon those premises that it is a Bengal
coin of the 5th decade of the 7th century, I attribute it to Aly
Mubarik, the officer of Kaddar Khan, who proclaimed himself king
of Bengal, in 742 Hejira, or A. D. 1342, under the prenomen of
Alauddin. He was assassinated, after a reign of a year and five
months by his foster brother Hajy Ilias.
The legend on the coin is as follows :—Osv. “ Ul Sultan ul Azam
Ala ul dunia-o-din Abul Mozaffar Ali Shah ul Sultan.” Rev.
“Sekander ul jeman ul *** zarb ul Sikka Lakhnauti, Saneh Arbayin
* Sabamaya,”
I take this opportunity to exhibit two Assam silver coins, placed
at my disposal by Col. Guthrie. They bear the names of Surjané-
raéyana Deva and Surja Deva Chakradhvaja Sinha, with the Saka
years 1570, 1575, ov A. D. 1648 and 1653. They were the earliest
Hindu Kings of Assam, but their dates had hitherto remained un-
settled. James Prinsep, following the Assam Burunjt of Holirama
Dhekial Fukan, placed the first Hindu King of Assam, Chakam or
Jayadhvaja Sinha, in the year 1665, with a mark of interrogation
alter it, and a Chakradhvaja Sinha in 1621, immediately below him.
The Assam Burunji of Radhénatha Bor Borua removes Chuhun-
mung alias Surjanéréyana the first Hindu Raja, to the year 1497; and
then, after two Burmese names, has a Chuhingtfa, alias Surjanarayana,
who after two Burmese successors was followed by a Chutamla, alias
Jayadhvaja Sinha, in 1658, and a Chupangmung, alias Chakradhvaja,
in 1663. Chakam, alias Jayadhvaja Sinha, is said to have defeated
a general of Aurungzeb, and his era, therefore, must be subsequent
to 1658, and he is evidently identical with the Surjadeva Chakradh-
vaja Sinha of our coin, who commenced his reign before 1658, Hig
immediate predecessor was Surjandréyana, who was probably the first
convert to Hindu faith; for the first prince ‘of that name in Radhé-
AR
582 Proceedings of the Asvatie Socrety. [No. 5,
nitha’s history 1s evidently a mistake. In his coins he invokes both
Hari and Hara for his patron divinities.
The legends of the two coins, are, Ist, of Surjanarayana.
Isr Arga.—Sri Sri Hari Haracharana pardyanasya.
2np ArnEA.—Sri Sri Surjandréyana Devasya Sake 1570.
2nd, of Surjadeva.
Ist Arna.—Sri Sri Siva Rémagana paréyanasya.
2nd Arza.—Sri Sri Surjadeva Chakradhvaja Sinhasya Sake 1575,
A letter from Mr. Carlyle, announcing his resignation of the Curator-
ship, alter the Dussehra holidays, which has been accepted by the
Council, was recorded.
The following resolution was proposed by the Council, expressive
of the Society’s recognition of Mr, Blyth’s services :—
“ On the eve of transferring the Zoological collections of the Society
to Government, to form the nucleus of an Imperial Museum of Natural
History, the Society wishes to record its sense of the important services
rendered by its late Curator, Mr. Blyth, in the formation of those
collections. In the period of 22 years, during which Mr. Blyth was
Curator of the Society’s Museum, he has formed a large and valuable
series of specimens, richly illustrative of the Ornithology of India and
the Burmese Peninsula, and has added largely to the Mammalian, and
other vertebrate collections of the Museum; while by his numerous
descriptive papers, and catalogues of the Museum specimens, he has
made the materials thus amassed by him subservient to Zoological
science at large, and especially valuable to those engaged in the study
of the vertebrate faunas of India and its adjoining countries.”
The resolution, being put to the vote, was carried unanimously.
Letters from the Rev. J. Cave Browne, Lt. Col. A. Fraser, and
Mr. T. Dickens, intimating their desire to withdraw from the Society,
were recorded.
The following gentlemen, duly proposed at the last meeting were
balloted for, and elected Ordinary Members :—~
Baboo Bhoodeb Mookerjee.
H. H. Locke, Esq. )
The Hon’ble J. B. Phear.
Lieut. Col W. D. Short, R. E.
©. W. Hatton, Kisq.
— ~. a _
ae
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1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatic Socrety. 583
The following gentlemen were named for ballot, as ordinary members
at the next meeting.
W. Anderson, Esq., proposed by Captain W. N. Lees, seconded by
Mr. H. F’. Blaniord. /
H. Dunlop, Esq., proposed by Captain W. N. Lees, seconded by
Mr. Geoghegan.
J. G. Sarkies, Esq., proposed by Mr. Woodrow, seconded by Mr.
H. F. Blanford.
D. R. Onslow, Esq., proposed by Mr. Sandeman, seconded by Mr.
H. F. Blanford.
J. H. A. Branson, Hsq., proposed by Mr. Heeley, seconded by Mr.
Wheeler.
Whitley Stokes, Hsq., proposed by Mr. H. B. Medlicott, seconded
by Mr. Heeley.
R. J. Richardson, Hsq., C. 8., proposed by Mr. H. F’. Blantord,
seconded by Mr. Heeley.
E. S. Robertson, Esq., C. S., proposed by Mr. Heeley, seconded
by Dr. Colles.
K. T. Atkinson, Hsq., C. S., Jaunpore, proposed by Mr. Heeley,
seconded by Mr. H. F. Blanford.
The Council reported that they had elected Colonel C. Douglas to
the Meteorological and Library Committees.
Communications were received :—
1. From E. Thomas, Hisq., A continuation of his paper on Ancient
Indian Weights.
2. From Baboo Gopee Nath Sen, Abstract of the results of the
Hourly Meteorological Observations, taken at the Surveyor General’s
Office in July and August 1864.
3. From the Secretary Antiquarian Association of the Central
provinces :—
I. A Memorandum on some of the principal Hill Tribes of the
Satpoora Range.
II. Notes on the Gurjat State of Patna, by Major H. B. Impey,
Deputy Commissioner of Sumbulpore.
Tif. —
For Decempur, 1864.
The monthly General Meeting of the Asiatic Sodiety of Bengal
was held on the 7th instant.
Colonel R. Strachey, senior member present, in the chair.
The minutes of the last Meeting were read and confirmed.
Mr. Oldham desired to correct a misapprehension which had taken
place in the report of what he had said at the Meeting in December
last. He said that Dr. Gerard had sent a collection to Mr. Buckland
and the Asiatic Society had sent one also, and that Dr. Gerard’s was
the first;—not that Dr. Gerard’s collection reached home before the
collection sent from Calcutta. Professor Phillips with characteristic
caution had left the matter where he found it.
Mr. Blanford reminded the Meeting that, on the occasion referred
to, he had reduced the argument of the validity of the Oxford fossils
as affording evidence of the authenticity of the disputed specimens in
the Society’s Museum to one crucial question, viz, “Could it be
proved by a comparison of dates, that Dr. Buckland’s fossils reached
England before the Society’s collection reached Calcutta?’ To this
question he, and he believed others at the Meeting, had understood
Mr. Oldham to reply that he had not his notes with him at the time,
but he knew that he had notes of the dates required, and that they
shewed that Dr. Gerard’s fossils could not have been sent from the
Society’s Museum. Mr. Blanford still thought that it would aid the
settlement of this question if Mr. Oldham would place his notes upon
record in the Society’s proceedings.
Mr. Oldham replied that he had some notes, but he declined to
produce them. .
Mr. Blanford remarked that in that case the whole matter remained
4
598 Proceedings of the Asvatec Socrety. [No. 5,
exactly where it was before Mr. Oldham made his attack upon his
(Mr. Blanford’s) paper on the Spiti Fossils.
Dr. Stoliczka mentioned that Mr. Schlagintweit has described from
Gnari-Khorsum an Ammonite, viz., Ammonites Kobellz, which is very
analogous to A. befrons, so much so, that the one might be taken for
the other; that both the species or varieties, as they may be called,
exist in the Society’s collection; and that it would be desirable to
know whether the same are represented in the Oxford collections.
Mr. Blanford remarked that, though the species might be similar,
the peculiarity of the supposed Gerard Fossils was in the absolute
identity of their mineral character with that of the Whitby fossils;
moreover, the abundance of the same species at Spiti and Whitby,
and the absence at Spiti of other fossils having the same mineral
character, but not specifically identical with Whitby fossils.
Colonel Strachey made some remarks tending to throw doubt on the
authenticity of the disputed Gerard fossils.
The following presentations were announced :—
1. From W. Cornish, Esq. a specimen of the Black-backed Goose
(Sarkidiornis melanonotus. )
2. From Lieutenant R. C. Beavan; two specimens of Dendrocitta
rufa.
3. From Dr, F. Stoliczka; a specimen of Lagomys Curzome.
4, From Baboo Rajendra Mullick; two specimens of Goura
Coronata, or crowned Pigeon; five specimens of Wild Ducks, a
Flamingo, and a black Lemur.
5, From A. ©, L. Carlyle, Esq., Officiating Curator; three speci-
mens of Bats: one Nycticejus canus, and two of a species of Scotophilus,
Calcutta,
6. From Baboo Poorno Chunder Bysack, Assistant Curator ; several
specimens of young Rats. |
7. From Lieutenant R. C. Beavan; three books, viz., “ Hngland’s
Workshops;” “The Utilization of Minute Life,” and another work.
8. From the Government of India, Foreign Department; two
copies of a series of es likenesses of the tribes of Nepal,
taken by Captain Taylor..
The Officiating Curator exhibited the skeletons of a large Crocodile
and a Frog, kana Brahma, prepared for the Museum.
1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. D99
A letter from Major A. B. Johnson, intimating his desire to withdraw
from the Society, was recorded.
The Secretary read the following copy of a letter from the Secretary
of State for India, sanctioning the transfer to Government of the
Museum of the Asiatic Society of Bengal; forwarded by the Under-
Secretary to the Government of India, Home Department :—
“Tndia Office, London, 15th October 1864. Public.
No. 79. -
“His Excellency the Right Hon’ble the Governor General of India
in Council.
“Srr,—I have received and considered in Council your letter dated
27th June (No. 85) 1864; and I have in reply to communicate my
sanction to the proposals therein submitted for the transfer to Govern-
ment of the Museum of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, and for the
formation of an Imperial Museum at Calcutta.
“9. JT shall take immediate steps in accordance with your request
for the selection of a competent Curator for the Museum, on the terms
proposed by you, together with the allowance of one hundred and filty
pounds (£150) as passage and outfit money.
I have, &.,
(Sd.) C. Woop.”
No. 5870.
“Copy forwarded to the Secretary to the Asiatic Society, Calcutta,
with reference to correspondence ending with his letter No. 177, dated
Sth April 1864.
“By order,
(Sd.) ‘A. Corvin,
“ Officiating Under-Secy. to the Govt. of India.”
The Council reported that, having received a letter from the officiat-
ing Curator requesting that his resignation, as announced to the last
Meeting of the Society, might be withdrawn, they had allowed Mr.
Carlyle to defer his resignation to the end of the current month
(December), about or shortly after which time the Curator appointed
by the Secretary of State may be expected to arrive.
The following gentlemen, duly proposed at the previous Meeting,
were balloted for as Ordinary Members :—
4 2
600 _ Proceedings of the Asiatec Society. [No. 5
W. Anderson, Esq. Whitley Stokes, Esq.
H. Dunlop, Esq. R. J. Richardson, Esq.
J. C. Sarkies, Esq. Ii. 8. Robertson, Esq.
D. R. Onslow, Esq. K. T. Atkinson, Esq.
J. H. A. Branson, Esq.
The following gentlemen were named for ballot as Ordinary Members
at the ensuing Meeting.
Lieutenant J. H. Urquhart, R. E., proposed by Captain Godwin
Austen, seconded by H. F. Blanford, Esq.
Dr. J. Anderson, proposed by Dr. Partridge, seconded by W. L.
Heeley, Esq.
The receipt of the following Communications was announced :—
I. From Baboo Gopee Nauth Sen; an abstract of the Hourly
Meteorological Observations taken at the Surveyor General’s Office in
September last.
2, From Dr. Stoliczka; a note on Lagomys Curzonie Hodgson.
The Secretary read Dr. Stoliczka’s paper, of which the following is
an abstract :—During a late visit to Hastern Ladak, Dr. Stoliczka had
succeeded in procuring several specimens of this animal, one of which
had been prepared for the Society's Museum, and was exhibited on
the table of the meeting room. Although occurring plentifully in
Ladak, this was the first specimen that had reached the Society’s
Museum. After a detailed description of specimens of different age,
é&c., and noting the differences which characterized young and adult
specimens, Dr. Stoliczka gives an account of the habitat of the species.
It does not live usually at a less elevation than 15,500 ft. above the
sea. Round the Chomoriri lake it is associated with Phaiomys lucurus
and Arctomys bobac. The greatest elevation at which Dr. Stoliczka
met with it was 18,672: ft., at the top of the Ladak pass, on the
confines of vegetation. Between 15,500 ft. and at the latter
elevation, it is very abundant throughout Ladak, and it appears to
range far to the Hastward, as Mr. Hodgson obtained specimens from
Chumbi, N. W. of Sikhim. Dr. Stoliczka had not observed it
south of the Bara Lacha range. In Spiti L. Ourzonie is represented
by another species, Z. Roylet, which ranges between 12,500 and
16,000 ft.
ef
1864. ] Proceedings of the Asiatic Socrety. 601
On the motion of the Chairman, the thanks of the meeting were
voted to Dr. Stoliczka.
The Secretary read the following report of the Meteorological
Committee of the Society, prefaced by an Introductory Memorandum ;
also a letter from the Government of India, Military Department, and
the resolution of the Council thereupon.
Intropuctory Memoranpum.
The Meteorological Committee of the Society, as it at present exists,
was formed on the proposition of Colonel Strachey in April 1857,
apparently in the expectation that, as a deliberative body, it would
superintend the Collection of Meteorological observations, acting, to
quote the words of the original Memorandum, “as a controlling power
capable of combining the work of all observers.”
There are no records of any work having been done by the Committee
up to February 1861, when the offer of some self-registering instru-
ments to the Society gave rise to a discussion, which resulted in the
resolution, “That it is not desirable for the Society itself to attempt
to make Meteorological observations, but that the Council should be
recommended to address Government generally, on the importance of
establishing a uniform system of Meteorological Observation through-
out India, so managed as to admit of proper comparison; and on the
means which should be adopted to bring about improvements in
existing registers; and generally to further the accurate investigation
of Meteorological phenomena.” At a subsequent meeting of the
Committee in April 1862, Colonel Strachey submitted the draft of
a Report in accordance with the above Resolution, and this with slight
alterations was sent up to the Council, and laid before the Meeting of
the Society in May 1862.
In this report, after pointing out the great importance of a know-
ledge of Meteorological laws, and the direct influence of Meteorolo-
gical Phenomena on life, health, and property, and adducing the
drought and consequent famine of the previous year, as a prominent
instance in support of their view, it was shewn that the present system
of Meteorological Observation and record is totally inadequate to afford
the data requisite for the elucidation of the laws of the climate, or for
enabling us to avail ourselves of them even were they known; that
while many of the records, now kept, are made with no sufficient
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602 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [No. 5,
attention, and are not susceptible of comparison one with the other,
from the very different ways in which they are kept, the value of the
whole is very much diminished if not altogether lost, owing to the
impossibility of distinguishing the good from the bad. It was further
observed that the very essence of the value of such observations is,
that they should be brought in relation one with the other, and that
this must be done in a regular, systematic, and scientific manner. It
was therefore suggested that a Board of the leading scientific men in
India should be appointed by Government to make suggestions on
this and kindred subjects; and it was conceived that the suggestions
of a Board so constituted would be received with thankfulness by
Government and all individual observers, and that such recommend-
ations would practically carry with them sufficient weight, to give
that spirit and unity of method to all meteorological observation which
is so entirely wanting at present, and which is so essential to any real
progress in the science and its practical application. The Council, in
presenting this report, requested the authority of the Society to address
Government in accordance therewith; which authority, after an inter-
esting and animated discussion, was formally accorded.
A letter, dated 20th June 1862, was therefore addressed to Govern-
ment, recommending that a Meteorological Committee should be consti-
tuted by Government, on the plan of the Meteorological Committee
of the Board of Trade in London, for the advancement of Meteorological
Science. In this letter the special importance of Meteorological —
information in this country was strongly insisted on. “ The terrific
hurricanes that from time to time have swept over the Sea of Bengal,
causing the most calamitous destruction of property in shipping, and
carrying death almost to the entire population of whole districts that
have been submerged by the storm-wave,”’ were quoted as well-known
facts; and it was predicted (a prediction the disastrous fulfilment of
which is fresh in the recollection of us all), that such storms would
surely be repeated in the future. The horrors of the famine of the
previous year, and the importance of any knowledge that would enable
us to foresee those terrible calamities, were appealed to as strong
arguments for systematic reform of the existing inefficient machinery,
and as an instance of the interest which the Government has in the
eltects of Meteorological phenomena, Other arrangements of a similar
1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 603
character, and tending to the same end, were also adduced; and finally
the Council stated that they would be prepared to submit a definite
plan without loss of time, should the general views they had expressed
be approved by His Excellency the Governor General in Council.
The reply of Government to this letter was received in February
1863. The Government intimated that it fully recognized the value
of Meteorological observations properly conducted and collated by
persons really competent to the task, and that it would afford all
reasonable assistance, if a scheme can be devised likely to effect the
object desired by the Asiatic Society. Further, the Government
would be glad to receive and take into consideration the definite
proposals of the Society, concluding that the nature of the observations,
and the forms of recording them, will be proposed by the Society with
a due regard to the circumstances under which, and the persons by
whom, they may have in many cases to be conducted, and also to the
great importance of ensuring as far as possible that they may be relied
on as accurate.
This letter being referred to the Meteorological Committee, the
preparation of a draft Report was entrusted to Colonel Strachey, on
his intimation that he had a detailed scheme of operations which he
wished to recommend to the Society.
Colonel Strachey’s draft was received in April 1864, but in the
interim, viz., in November 1863, a memo. was received from the
Military Department, intimating that the Government would be glad
to be favoured with an early reply to the previous letter.
On the receipt of Colonel Strachey’s draft it was at once circulated
to the Committee, and a number of alterations were suggested, which,
retaining the fundamental propositions of Colonel Strachey’s draft,
were embodied in a second draft, for circulation to the absent members
of the Committee, and others, not members of the Committee, but
whose suggestions might, it was thought, be useful to the end in
view. It was desired to obtain the fullest expression of opinion on
the part of those, who, from their scientific acquirements or their
special interest in Meteorology, might be in a position to give impor-
tant aid to the Committee; and the Draft, as agreed upon by the
resident members of the Committee, was therefore printed with half
margin, and circulated as already mentioned. To these circulars a
604 Proceedings of the Asiatic Socvety. [No. 5,
number of answers and comments were received, the majority being in
full accordance with the terms of the report. These were circulated to
the resident members of the Committee, and a meeting was then held,
(on the 22nd August,) at which the whole Report was reconsidered, and
some slight alterations agreed upon. The Report thus completed was
sent up to the Council, and recorded at the meeting held on the 2nd
September ; but as it was thought desirable that a subject of so much
importance should receive the leisurely consideration of the Council, it
was ordered to be circulated to the Council, and to be reconsidered at the
following meeting. The chief alteration suggested by the Council was,
that that part of the Draft which provided for a Board of Meteorology
should be struck out, on the ground that the essential requirements of the
system were efficient administration, and that it would be undesirable to
divide the responsibility between an executive Secretary and a delibera-
tive Board. The report was therefore referred back to the Committee,
recirculated and considered at two meetings, and in its final revised form
is now submitted by the Council at this meeting of the Society.
At the time when these lengthened deliberations were approaching
completion, vz., on the 19th October, a letter was received from the
Military Department, informing the Society, that “in consequence of a
further communication from the Right Hon’ble the Secretary of State,
transmitting some suggestions of the War Department, the Governor-
General in Council has decided to entrust the consideration of the ques-
tion to the Sanitary Commission, and does not therefore consider it neces-
sary to trouble the Society any further inthe matter. His Excellency
desired, however, to convey the acknowledgments of Government to
the Asiatic Society for their original offer, and for the trouble they are
believed to have taken preparatory to carrying it out.” On receipt of
this letter, it was decided that the Report be completed as originally
intended, and that its submission to the Society be deferred for a month,
in order that, should any further information be received respecting
this most unexpected communication, it might be submitted to the
meeting, together with the Report and the Government letter.
No further communication has been received, and the Report is
therefore now submitted to the Society, together with all correspondence
relating thereto.
The following letter was then read :—
— a —
uh ew
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1864. | Proceedings of the Astatec Society. 605
Mitirary DepaRTMENT.
To the Secretary to the Asiatic Socrety.
Sir,—With reference to the office Memo. from this Dept. No. 226,
dated 11th November 1863, requesting an early reply to a previous
communication relative to the offer of the Asiatic Society to submit
a scheme for systematically conducting and recording Meteorological
Observations in India, I am directed to acquaint you that, in consequence
of a further communication from the Right Hon’ble the Seeretary of
State, transmitting some suggestions of the War Department, the
Right Hon’ble the Governor General in Council has decided to entrust
the consideration of the question to the Sanitary Commission, and does
not therefore consider it necessary to trouble the Society any further
in the matter.
His Excellency in Council, however, desires me to convey the
acknowledgments of Government to the Asiatic Society for their
original offer, and for the trouble they are believed to have taken,
preparatory to carrying it out.
Tam, &.,
(Sd.) H. K. Burnz, Captain,
Ofjg. Secy. to the Govt. of India.
Revort or THE Merroronodican CoMMITTEs.
In reporting upon the measures which, in the opinion of the
Meteorological Committee, are essential to a sound and useful system
of Meteorological registration, it must be premised that in Meteoro-
logy, as in all branches of physical science, accuracy of observation,
and a clearly defined and rational aim, are indispensable to utility ;
and that, however desirable it may be that observations should be
numerous, it is far better to limit them to any degree, than, by
attempting to ensure fulness, to risk the accuracy and trust-worthiness
of the record. Labour and money are equally thrown away upon any
scheme which does not fulfil these all-important conditions.
That this proposition is true, when the object is purely to ascertain
abstract laws, needs no argument; that it is equally true when the
observations are made partly or chiefly with an economic or social
object, is no less certain, though it may not at first sight be equally
Ay
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606 Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. [No. 5
apparent. ‘The value of lunar tables to the seaman, that of a geological
map to the miner, or of a chemical analysis to the manulacturer, |
depends upon their respective trustworthiness. If they cannot be trusted
they are worthless; and the data, which it is the object of Meteoro-
logy to supply, in no way differ in this respect from those furnished by
the Astronomer, the Geologist, or the Chemist. Among the more
important indications of Meteorological data are the amount of rainfall,
and the variation which this undergoes as cultivation increases or as
forests are cleared; the causes of local and epidemic disease, which,
although much wrapped in obscurity, may not improbably be in part
dependent on the dampness of the atmosphere, the absence of ozone,
the prevalence of particular winds, &e.; and the prognostication of
storms, or of seasons of drought or unusual rainfall. Such phenomena
are indeed only in a few cases capable of control, but it is only neces-
sary to point to the results attained by Admiral Fitzroy, to prove
that, when forewarned, we may be able in a great number of cases
either to avoid or diminish their more disastrous effects. But in order
that any of the laws of these phenomena may be determined, so that
they may be acted upon with confidence, it is essential that the
observations from which they are deduced be reliable and accurate,
The observations of many successive years must, in most cases, be
recorded, in order that the laws of recurring atmospheric changes, and
the effects of those changes on agriculture, health, &c,, may be ascer-
tained, and the observations taken at different times and places must
be capable of strict comparison. It is clear that no loose system of
record will admit of this; and indeed the very knowledge that a series
of observations had been made by an incompetent observer, or with
instruments not strictly trustworthy, would at once be sufficient to
warrant their rejection, when, asin Meteorology, the increments of
variation are so small, that the error of observation will in many cases
conceal or neutralize, if it does not absolutely invert, their true law ol
succession. ven if, at one and the same station, the conditions of
error are so constant that a result true in the main is obtained, when
the observation of different periods are compared, this will be the
utmost attainable ; and the observations are neither comparable with
those taken under different conditions elsewhere, nor can they in any
case be accepted with that confidence which alone will give them value,
4 '
—
|
1864.] Proceedings of the Asiatic Socrety. 607
when their indications are to be taken as the basis of active measures
involving great interests. In truth, it may be stated as an invariable
axiom, that scientific data which cannot be confidently accepted as
trustworthy, are equally worthless to science and economics.
Strongly holding this view, the Meteorological Committee cannot
recommend the adoption of any scheme which does not provide com-
petent means of observation, and skilled and intelligent, in other
words, special scientific supervision. They consider that in establish-
ing a system of Meteorological registration for India, it may be wise
not to aim at much detail, or at very extensive results at the outset,
but it will be better to devote whatever sums the Government may grant
for Meteorology, to provide a small but efficient staff, which may be
extended in such manner and direction as experience may hereafter
show to be advisable. It should be the duty of this staff, in the first
place, to review the existing machinery of observation; to select and
improve such parts as may be found capable of yielding useful results ;
and the rest should be strictly excluded from the Government official
record as being only calculated to vitiate the general results if mixed
up with more accurate data. When, by selection and careful super-
vision, a reliable system of record shall have been established, a Central
Office will be necessary, at which the general results, furnished by the
Local Officers of the staff, may be worked up into such a form as to
render them available to Government and Foreign Meteorological
bodies; and in the interim the whole system should be under the
control of a skilled and trustworthy officer.
The general scheme which the Committee would therefore recom-
mend, consists of the following parts :—
1st.—A Superintendent.
9nd.—Local Reporters, one to each of the seven Governments of
India.
3rd.—Local observers, to be selected from those now existing, and
others, who should be furnished with compared instruments and in-
structions to ensure uniformity of results.
The appointment, duties, and emoluments of each of these may be
treated somewhat more in detail.
The Superintendent would be the sole responsible officer, to whose
intelligence and scientific knowledge the formation and administration
47,9
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608 Proceedings of the Asvatic Society. [No. 5;
of the entire system would be entrusted, and would be the immediate
superior of the local Reporters. His duties would be to issue in-
structions as to the local Officers, to superintend the comparison and
distribution of instruments, and their repair when necessary. He
would carry on all correspondence with the Government and local
Officers, and would receive all local reports, from which he would.
undertake the preparation of maps and such general reductions of the
results of the department as would bring them into a form readily
available to Government and the public, for general application. He
would also place himself in communication with the Meteorological
Departments of England and other countries, with a view to the
exchange of Meteorological data, and in order that European Science
might avail itself of the undoubtedly valuable additions which sys-
tematic observations in an inter-tropical country, possessing features go
marked and varied as those of India, .cannot fail to afford. These
duties would demand much scientific knowledge and administrative
capacity; and indeed the success of the system must, in a great
measure, depend on the efficiency of this Officer. It would probably
not be practicable to obtain a person qualified for the post at any
salary below 1,000 Rupees per mensem, with travelling expenses and
office allowance superadded. The appointment of some such officer is,
it is considered, an essential part of any useful scheme of Meteorolo-
gical registration, and the greatest care should be exercised in the
selection of a person for the post.
The local Reporters, of whom one to each Government would
probably prove sufficient at the outset, need not, it is considered, be
Officers appointed exclusively to Meteorological work, It would be
highly desirable that they should possess something beyond a mere
empirical knowledge of Meteorology, and should be at least well
acquainted with those portions of physics and physical geography
which most closely relate to Meteorological phenomena; and to secure
such qualifications, either a high salary must be offered, or a more
moderate salary as an addition to that drawn for some other appoint-
ment. The latter course would probably be preferred; the more
readily, asa larger field of selection would in this way be secured.
It is considered desirable that persons habitually devoted to the pursuit
of abstract knowledge, such as, for instance, some of the Professors of
the Government or other Colleges, should, as a rule, be preferred for
these appointments.
4) /
4
*,
a ©
1864.] Proceedings of the Asiatic Society. 609
The local Reporters should be. carefully selected, and such a salary
should be offered as would make it worth their while to devote time
and care to the duties. Ifa very small remuneration be offered, it is
scarcely probable that time and attention of more than equivalent
value will be given; for Meteorological work, involving much tedious
detail, does not present the same attractions to speculative minds, as
are possessed by sciences of more immediate generalization. It 1s
considered that Rs. 400 per mensem for pay and travelling expenses,
and Rs. 100 for office, would be a just and moderate remuneration
for the local Reporters. An annual report on the reduced and gener-
alized results should be a sene qua non.
The local Reporters would, in the first place, be entrusted with the
collection of all observations actually made by different Officers of
Government ; and from the whole would select such as, with improved
appliances and systematisation, may be brought to that standard of
accuracy which has been pointed out as a primary condition of value.
They would then see that the selected observers be furnished with
properly compared instruments, and with instructions to enable them to
conform to the general system adopted; and they would occasionally
visit the observing stations, to ensure that the instructions issued are
strictly observed.
They would also receive the tabulated results, and either reduce
them to the standards of comparison, or, if too numerous to deal with
themselves, forward them to the Central Office for that purpose; in the
former case, they would send to the Central Reporter, copies of the
reduced observations, together with the annual report on the general
results, for the area of observation.
The observations now recorded under orders of Government may
be classed under four heads, vz. :—those made at—
Ist—The Government Observatories at the Presidency stations.
These are generally trustworthy, and made with standard instruments.
It is proposed that the Central Observatories be placed under the
superintendence of the local Reporters, and that special attention be
directed to them in order that the observations there made may be
used as standards of comparison. In certain cases, also, extension
may be advantageously given to the observations, sothat at all central
stations the following classes of phenomena be recorded, by self-
registering instruments wherever possible :—
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610 Proceedings of the Asiatic Socvety. [No. 5
Temperature of air and solar rays.
Atmospheric moisture,
Rain-fall.
Strength and direction of wind.
Clouds.
Atmospheric pressure.
Klectrical condition of lower atmosphere.
Ozone.
Magnetic dip, variation and intensity.
2nd.—The observations made at the Government Hospitals. These
are, it 1s believed, rarely trustworthy, and it would probably be found
desirable to restrict the records to the larger stations; and unless
special observers are appointed, to limit the observations to those at
the known hours of maximum and minimum, restricting the instru-
ments to the thermometer (dry bulb), barometer and rain-gauge. By
thus limiting the number and kinds of observations, it would probably
be found practicable to give them a value, which for the most part
they cannot be considered to have at present.
3rd.—The observations recorded at Civil Stations, Prisons, and
Police Stations. The majority of these are believed to have but little
value, and the observers are rarely of sufficient education or intelligence
to be entrusted with a register, in which accuracy cannot be ensured
without constant intelligent supervision. There may be particular
cases in which an educated Officer might take such interest in the
subject of Meteorology that he would volunteer the superintendence
of the observations. In this case, the offer might be accepted at the
discretion of the local Reporter, and the requisite instruments furnished
by Government. All such observers should be volunteers; it being
unquestionable, that it is impolitic and disadvantageous to impose the
duties of registration on those who take no personal interest in the
work. At the discretion of the local Reporters, and with the approval
of the Superintendent, a certain small allowance for writers should be
made to observers of this class. Hlsewhere, but little would probably
be lost by the abandonment of this class of registers; if retained, they
should be made for local record only, and should not be allowed to
appear side by side with those of more value, upon which, such an
association would only tend to throw discredit,
1864. | Proceedings of the Asiatic Socrety. 611
4th_—On Government ships. These are fairly trustworthy, and,
with a little care and attention on the part of the Reporter, may proba-
bly be made moreso. The barometrical observations so made are
especially of value, and those on the direction olf the wind; every
encouragement should be given to the multiplication of this class of
observations on the larger merchant ships and private steamers.
A. fifth class of observations may be recorded with advantage when
obtainable, viz., those made by educated Planters, Hngineers, and
others scattered through the country, not in Government service.
Though these may be few in number, in certain cases they will be
of a value fully equal to those made at the Central Observatories.
The Society now receives a series of observations of this character
from a gentleman in Ceylon, which, for accuracy, care and fulness,
are surpassed by none in the country. Should any registers of this
class be obtainable, it would clearly be advisable to afford the observers
furnishing them every aid in the loan or repair of instruments, the
supply of forms of registers, de.
The scheme thus submitted would involve an immediate maximum
annual cost of about Rs. 67,000, including cost of instruments, office,
travelling expenses for the Superintendent, &c., which may be divided
as follows :—
Monthly.
Secretary and Superintendent,............c0ssesssssecseescrnee 1,000
7 Local-Reporters, at Eis. 500, = 2. <:.. scseqess-aevsseeeere 0,000
Central Office, Computers, &c., say .....seeccesveereseeeeee 300
4.800
POP ONNUMcinccseracpencesss 01,000
Instruments, Printing Oc. say 3... si cee 10,000
Total, per annum............ 67,600
The Committee believe that this scheme, without being very costly,
would yield results which would amply compensate the expense,
They would strongly urge as a general principle that any attempt to
obtain Meteorological data on a cheap scale of payments will fail, as
previous attempts have failed, and they believe that any expenditure
612 Proceedings of the Asiatic Socrety.
which is so incurred will prove a loss of money, entailing only
disappointment on all who look to the registration of Indian Meteoro-
logy to give information of value in sanitation, agriculture, and the
general administration of the country. “
On the proposition of the Chairman, it was resolved that, seeing
the small number of members present at the meeting, the discussion
of the Meteorological report should be deferred till the next meeting,
JOURNAL
OF THE
ASIATIC SOCIETY.
OOS SOE
SUPPLEMENTARY NUMBER.
Report of the Proceedings of the Archeological Surveyor to the
Government of India for the Season of 1862-63.
NOTE.
[Received 16th April, 1864. |
In A. D. 634, when the Chinese pilgrim Hwen Thsang crossed the
Satlaj from the westward, the first place that he visited was Po-l-ye
to-lo, or Pariyatra, which has been identified by M. St. Martin with
Vairét, to the northward of Jaypur. This place I have not yet
visited, as my explorations during the cold season of 1862-63 were
confined to Delhi, Mathura, aud Khalsi, on the line of the Jumna,
and to the ancient cities lying north of that river in the Gangetic
Doab, Oudh, and Rohilkhand. In these provinces, I have followed
Hwen Thsang’s route from Mathura to Srdvaste; and, with his aid,
I have been successful in discovering the once famous cities of Ahv-
chhatra, Kosémbi, Shdchi, and Sravastz. ‘The sites of other celebrated
places have likewise been determined with almost equal certainty, as
Srughna, Madipur, Govisana, Pilosana, Kusapura, and Dhopdpapura.
IT begin the account of my explorations at Delhi, which is the only
place of note not visited by the Chinese pilgrim, whose route I take
up at Mathura, and follow throughout Rohilkhand, the Doab, and
Oudh. The places visited during this tour are accordingly described
in the following order :—
I. Delhi.
II. Mathura.
IJ. Khalsi, or Srughna.
IV. Madawar, or Mladipur.
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V. Kashipur, or Govisana.
VI. Ramnagar, or Ahi-chhatra.
VII. Soron, or Sukrakshetra.
VIII. Atvranjikhera, or Pelosana.
IX. Sankisa, or Sangkasya.
X. Kanoj, or Kanyakubja.
XI. Kakupur, or Aynto.
XII. Daundiakhera, or Zayamukha.
XIII. Allahabad, or Praydga.
XIV. Kosam, or Kosémét.
XV. Sultanpur, or Kusapura.
XVI. Dhopdpapura.
XVII. Ajudhya, or Saéketa.
XVIII. Hatila, or Asokpur.
XIX. Sahet-Mahet, or Srdvaste.
XX. ‘Tanda.
XXII. Nimsar.
XXII. Bari-khar.
XXIIT. Dewal.
XXIV. Parastia Kot.
XXYV. Bilai-khera.
XXVI. Kabar.
J.— DELHI.
1. The remains of Delhi are graphically described by Bishop
Heber* as “a very awful scene of desolation, ruins after ruins, tombs
after tombs, fragments of brick+work, free-stone, granite, and marble,
scattered everywhere over a soil naturally rocky and barren, without
cultivation, except in one or two small spots, and without a single
tree.” This waste of ruins extends from the south end of the present
city of Shahjahanabad to the deserted forts of Rai Pithora and
Tughlakabad, a distance of 10 miles. The breadth at the northern
end, opposite Firuz Shah’s Kotila, is about 3 miles, and at the south-
ern end, from the Kutb Minar to Tughlakabad, it is rather more than
6 miles; the whole area covered with'ruins being not less than Ad
square miles. It is most probable, however, that not more than a
third of this extent was ever occupied at any one period, as the pre-
* Journal, II, 290,
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sent ruins are the remains of seven cities, which were built at different
times by seven of the old Kings of Delhi.
2. A few other forts are recorded to have been built by the Em-
perors Balban, Khizr, and Mubarak ; but there are no remains of them
now existing, and even the sites of them are doubtful. It seems even
probable that there were no remains of these three cities so far back
as A. D. 1611, in the reign of Jahangir, when the English merchant,
William Finch, travelling from Agra to Delhi, entered the Mogul
Capital from the south, for he states that on his left hand he saw the
ruins of old Delhi, called “the 7 Castles and 52 gates,’ a name by
which these ruins are still known in the present day. With regard
to the work of the Emperor Ghids-uwddin-Balban, who reigned from
A. D. 1266 to 1288, I think that too great importance has been
attached to its name of Azla or fort. The Kila Marzghan, which
Syad Ahmed places at Ghidspur, near the tomb of Nizdm-uddin
Auliya, was built as an asylum, (@=,° marjd) or place of refuge for
debtors. Now this asylum for debtors was still existing in A. D.
1335 to 1840, when [bn Batuta was one of the Magistrates of Delhi.
He describes it as the Dér-ul-aman (wYtjle) or “ House of safety,”
and states that he visited the tomb of Balban, which was inside this
house. From this, as well as from its name of Dér-wl-aman, I infer
that the building was a walled enclosure of moderate size, perhaps not
much larger than that which now surrounds the tomb of Tughlak
Shah. This inference is rendered almost certain by Ibn Batuta’s
description of Delhi,* which he says “now consists of jour cities,
which becoming contiguous, have formed one.” Now three of the
four cities here alluded to are certainly those of Rai Pithora, Jahén-
panih, and Seri, (of which the continuous walls can be easily traced
even at the present day,) and the fourth city must have been Tugh-
lakabad. The date of the building of Jahan-panah is not recorded ;
but as Ibn Batuta was employed on the insane expedition against
China in 18387, and as Delhi was very shortly afterwards abandoned
by Muhammad Tughlak for Deogir, it is certain that J ahan-panah,
which was built by this Emperor, must have been one of the four
contiguous cities described by Ibn Batuta. I feel quite satisfied,
therefore, that the Avla-Marzghan, called also Dér-ul-aman, or “ House
of refuge,” was not a fortress, or large fortified city, but only a small
* ‘Travels, p. 111.
A 2
IV Report of the Archeological Survey.
walled enclosure surrounding his own tomb, and forming, at the same
time, a place sufficiently large as an asylum for debtors and criminals.
3. The “seven forts” of old Delhi, of which remains still exist,
are, according to my view, the following :—
1.—Ldlkot, built by Anang Pal about A. D. 1052.
2.—Kila kai Pithora, built by Rai Pithora about A. D. 1180.
3.—NSirt or Kela-Ala, built by Ala-uddin in A. D. 1304.
4.—Tughlakabad, built by Tughlak Shah in A. D. 1821.
5.—Citadel of Tughlakabad, ditto ditto.
6.—Adilabad, built by Muhammad Tughlak about A. D. 1325.
7.—Jahan-panéh, ditto ditto.
In this list there 1s no mention of Indraprastha, because this celebrat-
ed Capital of the Pandus is always described as being situated on the
bank of the Jumna, and because the present fort of Indrpat no doubt
represents some portion of the actual site, as well as the name of the
famous city of Yudhishthira. Jndraprastha and Delhi were therefore
two different cities, situated about 5 miles apart; the former on the
bank of the Jumna above Humayun’s tomb, and the latter on a rocky
‘hill to the south-west, surrounding the well known Iron Pillar. At
the time of the Muhammadan conquest, the Hindu city of Dilli was
confined to the two forts of Lalkot and Rai Pithora; but after Firuz
- Shah had moved the seat of Government to Firuzabad on the very
site of the ancient Jndraprastha, the name of Dilli was sometimes
applied to the whole of the old city, including the Musalman fort of
Sirz and the fortified suburbs of JSahdn-pandh. Sharf-uddin, the his-
torian of Timur, restricts the name of old Delhi to the two Hindu
Jorts, and describes the cities of Sirt and Jahdn-panéh separately.
Ferishta also does the same in his account of the later kings of the
Tughlak dynasty. But after Humayun had rebuilt Indrpat, under
the name of Dinx-pandh, and after Shir Shah had founded his fort of
Kila-Shir-Shah on the site of Firuzabad and Indraprastha, the com-
mon people began to use the names of old Deihi and new Delhi—the
former being confined to the cluster of cities about the Hindu Dilli,
while the latter was applied to those situated on the Jumna, on the
site of the ancient Indraprastha.
4. Indraprastha or Indrpat.—At the time of the Mahibhérata,
or “Great War” between the Pandus and Kurus, this was one of the
Report of the Archeological Survey. Vv
well known five pats or prasthas which were demanded from Dur-
yodhan by Yudhishthira as the price of peace. These five pats, which
still exist, were Panipat, Sonpat, Indrpat, Tilpat, and Baghpat, of
which all but the last were situated on the right or’ western bank of
the Jumna. The term prastha, according to H. H. Wilson, means
anything “spread out or extended,” and is commonly applied to any
level piece of ground, including also table-land on the top of a hill. |
But its more literal and restricted meaning would appear to be that
particular extent of land which would require a prastha of seed, that
is, 48 double hands full, or about 48 imperial pints, or two-thirds of a
bushel. This was, no doubt, its original meaning, but in the lapse
of time it must gradually have acquired the meaning, which it still
has, of any good-sized piece of open plain. Indraprastha would
therefore mean the plain of Indra, which was, I presume, the name of
the person who first settled there. Popular tradition assigns the five
pats to the five Pandu brothers.
5. The date of the occupation of Indraprastha as a Capital by
Yudhishthira, may, as I believe, be attributed, with some confidence,
to the latter half of the 15th century before Christ. The grounds
on which I base this belief are as follows :—1st, that certain positions
of the planets, as recorded in the Mahdbhdrata, are shown by Bentley
to have taken place in 1424-25 B.C., who adds that “there is no
other year, either before that period or since, “in which they were so
situated.” 2nd, in the Vishnu Purana it is stated thet at the birth
of Parikshita, the son of Arjuna Péandavwa, the seven Rishis were in
Maghé, and that when they are in Purva Ashdrha, Nanda will begin
to reign. Now, as the seven Rishis, or stars of the Great Bear, are
supposed to pass from one lunar asterism to another in 100 years, the
interval between Parikshita and Nanda will be 1,000 years. But in
the Bhagavata Purana this interval is said to be 1,015 years, which
added to 100 years, the duration of the reigns of the nine Nandas, will
place the birth of Parikshita 1,115 years before the accession of
Chandra Gupta in $15 B. C., that is, in 1480 B. C. By this account
the birth of Parikshita, the son of Arjuna, took place just six years
before the Great War in B. C. 1424. These dates, which are
derived from two independent sources, mutually support each other,
and therefore seem to me to be more worthy of credit than any other
Hindu dates of so remote a period. |
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6. Indraprastha, the city of Yudhishthira, was built along the
bank of the river Jumna between the Kotila of Firuz Shah and the
tomb of Humayun. At that time the river flowed upwards of one
mile to the westward of its present course, and the old bed is still
easily traceable from Firuz Shah’s Kotila, past Indrpat and Humayun’s
tomb to Ailu Garhi. 'The last place was on the immediate bank of
the river, so late ag the reign of Kaikobad in A. D. 1290, as his
assassins are reported to have thrown his body out of the palace
window into the Jumna. The name of Indraprastha is still preserved
in that of Indrpat, a small fort, which is also known by the name of
Purdinah Kila or the “old fort.” This place was repaired by the
Emperor Humayun, who changed its name to Din-pdnah ; but none,
save educated Musalmans ever make use of this name, as the common
people invariably call it either Indrpat or Purdnah Kila. Jn its
present form, this place is altogether 1 Muhammadan structure ; and I
do not believe that there now exists even a single carved stone of the
original city of Yudhishthira. The only spot that has any claim to
have belonged to the ancient city is a place of pilgrimage on the
Jumna called Nigambod Ghdt, which is immediately outside the
northern wall of the city of Shahjahdndbad. This Ghat is celebrated
as the place where Yudhishthira, after his performance of the Aswa-
medha, or “ horse-sacrifice,” celebrated the Hom. A fair is held at
Nigambod whenever the new moon falls on a Monday. It is said to
be held in honour of the river Jumina.
7. According to the Bhagavata Purana, Yudhishthira was the first
king of Indraprastha, and the throne was occupied by the descen-
dants of his brother Arjuna for 30 generations down to Kshemaka.
This last prince was deposed, according to all the copies of the
Rajavah, by his minister Visarwa, of whose family 14 persons are
said to have held the throne for 500 years. They were succeeded
by a dynasty of 15 Gautamas, or Gotama-vansas, who were followed
by a family of nine Mayuras. Raja-pdla, the last of the Mayuras, is
stated to have been attacked and killed by the Raja of Kumaon,
named Sakdditya, or “ Lord of the Sakas.” But this was only the
title, and not the name, of the conqueror ; for VikramAditya is said
to have obtained his title of Sakari by defeating him.
8. At this point of the traditional histories, the name of Dilli
makes it first appearance; but nothing is recorded regarding the
—s
Report of the Archeological Survey. Vil
change of name, and we are left to conjecture whether the city of
Dilli* had already been founded, or whether this name has been used.
instead of that of Indraprastha through simple inadvertence. Ac-
cording to one tradition, which is but little known, the city of Dilli
was founded by Raja Dilipa, who was the ancestor in the fifth gene-
ration of the five Pandu brothers. But this story may be dismissed
at once as an ignorant invention, as Dilli is universally acknowledged
to be of much later date than Indraprastha, the city of Yudhishthira
himself.
9. According to a popular and well known tradition, Dilli, or
Dhili, was built by Rajah Dilu, or Diilu, whose date is quite uncer-
tain. This tradition was adopted by Ferishta, who adds that Raja
Dilu, after a reign of either 4 or 40 years, was attacked and killed by
Raja Phur, or Porus, of Kumaon, who was the antagonist of Alexan-
der the Great. If this statement could be depended upon, it might
perhaps be entitled to some consideration, as giving the probable
period of the foundation of Dili. But unfortunately Ferishta’s
ancient chronology is a mere jumble of errors; thus, for instance,
Phur’s nephew, Jwna, who should have been a contemporary of
Seleukos Nikator, is said to be a contemporary of Ardashir Babekan,
the founder of the Sassanian Dynasty in A. D. 226. But Ardashir
himself is afterwards made a contemporary of Vikramaditya of Ujain
in 57 B. C. The most probable explanation of these different dates
would seem to be some confusion regarding the name of Ardashir,
and perhaps the safest plan will be to accept the author’s last state-
ment, that Raja Dilu was a contemporary of Vikramaditya.
10. Now the story of Dzlu, and of his defeat by Phur, Raja of
Kumaon, is exactly the same as that of Rajya Pdl, King of Dilli, and
of his defeat by Sukwanti, (or Sukdat, or Sakdditya,) Raja of
Kumaon, as related in several different copies of the Rajavali. As in
all of these the invader is said to have been defeated and slain by
Vikramaditya Sakéri, the date of this event must be assigned either
to 57 B. C. or to A. D. 79. The latter date is the true one, accord-
ing to Abu Rihan; and as Sakaditya is said to have reigned 14
_ years in Dili, his conquest must have taken place in A. D. 65. I
confess, however, that I have but little faith in the dates of any
Hindu traditionary stories, unless they can be supported by other
* Dili or Dehli,
vill Report of the Archeological Survey.
testimony. That the city of Dili was founded by a Raja of similar
name, is probable enough, for it is the common custom in India, even
at the present day, to name places after their founders. But there is
unfortunately so much uncertainty about the dates in all the stories
eonnected with the foundation of Dilli, that it is difficult to form
any satisfactory conclusion as to the truth.
11. According to Kharg Rai, the Gwalior Bhat, who wrote in the
reion of Shahjahan, the last Pandu Prince, named Nildghpati, was
king of Dilli when 3000 years of the Kaliyuga had expired, that is,
in 101 B. C. In that year he was attacked by a Raghuvansi Raja,
named Sankhdhwaj, with whom he fought 17 battles, but was even-
tually defeated and killed after a reign of 44: years, which brings us to
57 B. C. Sankhdhwa himself is said to have been defeated and
killed by the famous Vikramaditya of Ujain, who thus became king
of Dili, (Dilil-pat-kahayo) ; his descendants are recorded to have
reigned in Ujain for 792 years, during the whole of which time Dill
was deserted (warh rahi). At the end of these 792 years, or in 792
—562—735+ years complete, or A. D. 736, Dilli was re-peopled by
Bilan De Tomar, whose descendants occupied the throne until dis-
placed by the Chohins under Bisal De, who is of course the Visala
Deva of the two inscriptions on Firuz Shah’s Pillar.
12. In this account of Kharg Rai, I recognize another version of
the former story of the Raja of Dilli being overcome by the king of
the Sakas, who was himself afterwards defeated by Vikramaditya.
The name of Sankhdhwaj would appear to be only a misreading
either of Sakwant, or of Sakdat or Sakaditya; but Nilagh pati is quite
unlike Raja Pal, although it might be a mistake for Tilak pati, and
would thus, perhaps, have some connexion with the name of Raja Dilu.
13. I think also that I can recognize another version of the same
legend in the story of Rdsal; king of Hind, and his sons Rawal and
Barkamarys, as preserved in the Mojmal-ut-tawarikh of Rashiduddin.*
In this version king Raésal, whom I identify with Raja Pal of the
Rajavali, is driven from his throne by a rebel, who is afterwards
conquered by Barkamérys, a name in which, though slightly altered,
T still recognize the famous Bikramddit or Vikramaditya.
14. The overthrow of the Sakas is universally attributed to the
Vikraméditya who assumed the title of Sakdri, and established the era
* Reinaud Fragments Arabes, &c., p. 47.
*,
P
Report of the Archeological Survey. ik
which still bears his name, beginning in 57 B. C. But if the prince
who founded this era was a contemporary of Pravarasena, Raja of
Kashmir, and of the poet Kalidasa, as well as of the Astronomer Varaha
Mihira, as there seems good reason to believe, it is quite certain that
he cannot be dated earlier than the beginning of the sixth century of
the Christian era. This conclusion is supported by the strong testimony
ef Abu Rihén, who states that the great victory over the Sakas was
gained at a place called Koror, between Multan and Loni, by a prince
named Vikramaditya, just 135 years after the prince of the same name
who founded the Vikrama Samvat. As the date of this event corresponds
exactly with the initial point of the Swke-era which was established by
Sdlivdhana, it results that the Vikramaditya of Abu Rihan is. identical
with the Salivahana of the popular Indian traditions. This conclusion
is further strengthened by the fact that in Colonel James Abbott’s
list of the Rajas of Syalkot, a reign of 90 years is assigned to Sahivahana,
which is exactly the same as.is allotted to Vikramaditya, the conqueror.
of the Sakas, in all the seven copies of the Rajavali that I have seen.
On these grounds, I venture, with some confidence, to fix the date of
the defeat of the Saka conqueror of Dilli in A. D. 79, which is the
initial point of the Sake era of Salivahanz.
15. Accepting this date as tolerably well established for an event
in ancient Indian history, the foundation of Dildé must be placed at
some earlier period, and perhaps the date of 57 B. C., or contemporary
with Vikramaditya, as recorded by Ferishta, may not be far from the
truth. Regarding the widely spread tradition that Dili was deserted
for 792 years, from the conquest of Vikramaditya to the time of the
first Tomara Raja Anang Pal, I think that it may be fully explained
by supposing that during that period Dilli was not the residence of
the king. Itis almost certain that it was not the Capital of the
powerful family of the Guptas, who most probably reigned from A. D,
78 to 819; and itis quite certain that it was not the Capital of the
great King Harsha Varddhana and. his: immediate predecessors, whose
metropolis was Kanoj, during the latter half of the sixth, and the first
half of the seventh century. That Dilli was most probably oceupied
during this period, we may infer from the erection of the Iron Pillar
by Raja Dhava, the date of which is assigned to the third or fourth
century by James Prinsep. Mr. Thomas “ considers that Prinsep has
assigned too high an antiquity to the style of writing employed on
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this monument ;” but on this point I differ from Mr. Thomas, as I
find, after a eareful examination of the inscription, that the whole of
the letters are the same as those of the records of the Gupta dynasty,
whose downfall Mr. Thomas assigns to A. D. 319. I thmk it pro-
bable that Raja Dhava had been one of the princes who assisted in the
overthrow of the once powerful Guptas, and I would therefore fix on
A. D. 319 as an easily remembered and useful approximation to his
true date. :
16.
mention of the city of Dill, and that only a single allusion to it is
made by Abu Rihan in his Kdnun-al-masudt. It is indeed a fact
worthy of special notice that Dill is not once mentioned in Abu Rihan’s
geographical chapter, which gives the routes between all the principal
places in Northern India. He notices Thanesar, and Mathura, and
Kano}, but Dilli is never mentioned, an omission which could hardly
have happened had Dilli been the Capital of the famous Tomar Rajas
at that time. I conclude, therefore, that Dilli was not their residence in
the beginning of the eleventh century, and I think that I can show with
much probability that Kanoj was the metropolis of the Tomar Rajas
for several generations prior to the invasion of Mahmud of Ghazni.
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96. In A. H. 303, or A. D. 915, India was visited by the well
known Geographer Masudi, who records that “the Kine of Kanoj,
who is one of the kings of es-Sind, is Budah; this is a title general
to all kings of el-KKanoj.”* The name which in the above extract
is read as Budah by Sir Henry Elhot, is said by Gildem Meister} to
be written Bovarah, %)99!, in the original, for which he proposes to
read Poravah, %9)92 for the well known Pawrava. From the king of
Oudh’s Dictionary two different spellmgs are quoted, as Pordn, wlyg93
and Fordn, wls% while in Ferishta the name is either Korrah, as
written by Dow, or Kwwar, as written by Briggs. In Abulfeda the
name is Nodah, %ss. Now, as the name, of which so many readings
have just been given, was that of the king’s family or tribe, I believe
that we may almost certainly adopt Zovarah, 3)954, as the true reading
according to one spelling, and Zorah, 8)9°, according to the other, In
the Sanskrit inscriptions of the Gwalior dynasty of this name, the
word is invariably spelt Zomara, atat. Kharg Rai writes Tomdr,
at4x, which is much the same as Colonel Tod’s Tudr, and the Tuvdr;
qaix, of the Kumaon and Garhwal manuscripts. Lastly, in Glad-
win’s Ayin Akbari I find Tenore and Teoncor, for which I presume
that the original has 39495, Tunwar, and ye, Tanwar. From a com-
parison of all these various readings, I conclude that the family name
of the Raja of Kanoj in A. D. 915, when Masudi visited India, and
again in A. D. 1017 and 1021, when Mahmud of Ghazni invaded
India, was in all probability Zovar or Tomar. In favour of this con-
clusion there is the further testimony of Masudi that in A. D. 915
the four great kings of India known to the Musalmans, were, Ist, the
Bathard, who lived in Mankir; 2nd, the king of Kanoj; 8rd, the
king of Kashmir; and 4th, the king of Sind. As no king of Dili
is mentioned, it seems only reasonable to infer that at that time, in
A. D. 915, the powerful Zomars most probably held their Court at
Kano}.
27. If I am correct in the above identification, then the name of
the king at the time of Mahmud’s invasion should correspond with
that of the Tomar Raja, who, according to the genealogical lists, was
reigning at that particular period. According to Obit the name of
* Sir H. M. Hiliot—Historians of India, I, 57.
* Scriptoram Arab. de rebus Indicis, p. 160.
£ Reinaud Fragments Arabes, p. 263.
Report of the Archeological Survey. XV
this Raja of Kanoj was Raj Pdi, Sets or Rdjaipdl, Jas), which if
take to be equivalent to Raja Jaypdl. Now the 14th prince in Abul
Fazl’s list* is Jaypdl, whose death, according to the lengths of reigns
given in the Ayin Akbari, occurred 287 years and 6 months after the
re-building of Dilli by Anang Pal. Adding this number to A. D.
7361, we obtain the year 10232 as that of the death of J aypal. By
comparing the lists of Abul Fazl and Syad Ahmad with those of my
Gwalior, Kumaon, and Garhwal manuscripts, and taking the lengths
of reigns according to the majority of these five authorities, the period
elapsed from the accession of Anang Pal to the death of Jaypal,
amounts to 285 years and 6 months. Adding this number to A. D.
736% we get 10214 as the date of Jaypal’s death, which is, I believe,
within a few months of the true date. According to Ferishta,f
Mahmud first heard of the alliance of the Hindu princes against his
tributary the king of Kanoj, some time in the Hijra year 412, which
began on 17th April, 1021. As several other events are previously
recorded, and as Mahmud is said to have marched to his aid at once,
I conclude that he may have left Ghazni about October, 1021, and as
Kanoj is three months’ march distant from Ghazni,t he must have
reached that city in January, 1022. On his arrival, Mahmud found
that the king of Kanoj had already been attacked and killed. ‘The
death of Jayp4l must, therefore, have occurred about December, 1021,
which agrees almost exactly with the date of his death, which I have
already deduced from the genealogical lists. Precisely the same date
also is obtained by working backwards by lengths of reigns from the
date of Muazuddin’s conquest of Dilli in A. D. 1192.
28, The following lists of the Tomar dynasty of Dill contain all
the information which, up to this time, I have been able to collect.
The list of Abul Fazl is given-in the Ayin Akbari ; and Syad Ahmad’s
list is printed in his Asdr-ws-Sunnddid. ‘The Bikaner manuscript,
which J obtained in 1846, agrees exactly in the order of the names,
and very closely also in the spelling of them, with those of the
printed lists just noticed ; but it unfortunately wants the lengths of
reigns. The Gwalior manuscript, which I procured in 1849, agrees
very closely with the others as to the lengths of reigns, but it differs
* Ayin Akbari, II—94.
7 Briggs, I—68.
{ Briggs’s Ferishta, I—5’7,
=|
5 4
3
wes
i
=f
XV1 feport of the Archeological Survey.
slightly in the order of the names. As this list is appended to Khare
Rai’s History of Gwalior, which was composed in the reign of Shah
Jahan, it is valuable as an independent authority. The Kumaon and
Garhwal manuscripts which were obtained in 1859 and 1862 respec-
tively, are imperfect in the same places, which shows that they must
have been derived from a common source. They are valuable, how-
ever, for their agreement in omitting the last king of the other lists,
named Prithvi Lat or Prithivi Pdla, who is beyond all doubt the
same asthe Chohan Prithivi Raja, commonly called Rai Pithora. In
proof of this I may adduce the fact that the promised number of
nineteen Lomara Kajas is complete without this name.
Tat Tomara, or Toar, Dynasty or DI xt.
s| Abul Fazl, Syad Gwalior Kumaon, Reigns. Accession. _
| Ahmed, Bikaner | manuscripts. Garhwal
E manuscripts. manuscripts. Y. M. D.| An. Dom, |
7,
od
SORES on
J) Ananga Pala,.... | Bilan De,......| (Caret), ......| 18 O 0} 736 3 0
2|Vasu Deva,......|(Caret), ....../ (Caret), ......| 19 118 754 8 O
oiGangya, .......|Ganggeva, ....|(Caret), ......| 21 8 28) 773 4 18
4 Prithivi Malla,*.. | Prathama, ....| Mahi Pala,....| 39 619! 794 8 16
\|Jaya Deva,......| Saha Deva,....|Jada Pala, ....]| 20 7 28! 814 3 5
6) Nira, or Hira P, | Indrajita, ....|Nai Pala, ....{ 14 4 9] 884 11 3
7\Udiraj, or Adereh,| Nara Pala, .... | Jaya Deva Pala,| 26 7 11) 849. 3 12
8/ Vijaya, or Vacha, | Indrajita, ....|Chamra Pala,..| 21 2 13) 875 10 23
9/Biksha, or Anek, | Vacha Raja, ..| Bibasa Pala, ..| 22 8 16) 897 1 6&6
10/Riksha Pala, ....| Vira Pala, ....|Sukla Pala,...| 21 6 5/919 4 22
11|Sukh, or Nek P., | Gopala, ......| Teja Pala, ....| 20 4. 4| 940 10 27
12/Gopala, ........|Tillan De, ....| Mahi Pala,....] 18 3 15] 961 3 2
15/Sallakshana P., ..|Suvari, ......|Sursen, ....,-| 25 1010] 979 6 16
14\Jaya Pala, ......|Osa Pala, ....|Jaik Pala, ....| 16 4 38/1005 4 26
15|Kunwar Pala, ... | Kumara Pala, | (Caret), ......| 29 9 18/1021 8 29
16) Ananea, or Anek, | ANANGA Pata, | Anek Pala,....| 22 6 18/1051 617
17| Vijaya Sah, or Pal,| Teja Pala, ....|Teja Pala, ....| 24 1 6/1081 1 5
18|Mahatsal, Mahi P.,) Mahi Pala, ....| Jatin Pala,....| 25 2 23/1105 2 11
19)Akr Pal Akhsgal,..|Makund Pala,..| Ane Pala, ....| 21 2 15/1130 5 4
—|—————_ -—- pe Capture of 1151 7 19
Dilli.
20|Prithivi Raja,.... | Prithivi Pala, ..| (Caret), .....-
29. In the above list I have adopted as a starting point the exact
amount of 792 years complete from the time of Vikramaditya ; or 792
—06;==735% years complete, or April A. D. 736, But it is obvious
* Or Pala,
”
=. ~~
-_——-)
Report of the Archeological Survey. Xvil
that the period elapsed is more likely to have been 792 years and
some months over, than the exact number of 792 years. For in-
stance, 7924 years would place the death of Jaya Pala in A. D, 1021-
11-29, that is, on the 29th December, A. D. 1021; but as the exact
date of this event is not recorded by the Muhammadan historians, I
have thought it best to adhere to the date obtained from the complete
period of 792 years. 7
30. I will now consider the claim which I have put forward on
the part of the Zomara dynasty as Rajas of Kanoj. We know that
alter the conquest of Kanoj by Mahmud early in A. D. 1022, the
reigning family changed its residence to Bdri, which was three days’
journey distant, on the east side of the Ganges. Mirkhond states that
it was situated at the confluence of three rivers, namely, the Saro, the
Kubin, and the Rahab. According to Rashiduddin, the three rivers
are the Hahet, the Gomati, and the Sarju. The second of these
rivers is undoubtedly the Gwmti, which in Sanskrit is the Gomati.
The first is either the Behta, or else the Rahria, which joins the
Behta, and the third is the Sarain, a good sized stream which passes
by Sitapur. Both the Behta and Sarain join the Gumti near Béri,
which still exists as a good sized village. As Abu Rih4n, who records
this change of capital, was actually resident in India at the time
when it toek place, and as his work was written in A. D. 1031, we
have the most complete authentication of Mirkhond’s date of this
event. J presume that the change was made on account of the
exposed situation of Kanoj, which had so lately been twice captured,
first, in A. D. 1017 by Mahmud, and again in A. D. 1021 by the
Raja of Kalawar and his allies. I conclude, therefore, Kunwar Pil,
or Kuméra Pédl, who was the suecessor of J aypal, reioned at Bari
from A. D. 1021 to 1051.
81. About this very time also, as we learn from several iInserip=.
tions, the kingdom of Kanoj was conquered by Chandra Deva, the
founder of the Rahtor dynasty of Kanoj. We possess no inscriptions
of Chandra Deva himself, but there is one, of his son, Madana Pala,
which is dated in S. 1154 or A. D. 1097; and another, of his grand-
son, Govinda Chandra, which is dated in S. 1177 or A. D. 1120.
We know also from other inscriptions that Govinda’s grandson
ascended the throne between A. D. 1172 and 1177, or say in A. D,
1175. With these dates before us, we may safely fix Govinda’s
Cc
XVI Report of the Archeological Survey.
accession in A. D. 1110 or 1115, and that of his grandfather, Chandra i
Deva, the founder of the dynasty, in A. D. 1050. Now this is the ?
very date, as we learn from other sources, at which Anang Pal 2nd, ip
the successor of Kumara Pala, established himself at Dilli, and. built
the Fort of Ldalkot. On the Iron Pillar there is a short inseription |
in three lines, which appears to be a contemporary record of Anang le
Pal himself, as the characters are similar to those of the mason’s
marks on the pillars of the colonnade of the Great Mosque, but are )
quite different from those of the two modern Nagari inscriptions,
which are close beside it. The following are the words of this short s
record :—“ Samvat Dihali 1109 Ang Pal bahi,’ which may be trans- |
lated thus:—‘‘In Samvat 1109 (equal to A. D. 1052) Ang (or
“ Anang) Pél peopled Dill” This statement is borne out by the
testimony of the Kumaon and Garhwal manuscripts, in which, opposite rl:
the name of Anek Pal, I find recorded that in Samvat 1117, or A. D. |
— 1060, on the 10th of Mdrgasiras Sudi “he built the Fort of Dilli
and called it “ Lalkot” (Dili ka kot kardya, Lalkot kahdya). This
name was still in use during the reign of the first Musalman king,
Kutbuddin Aibeg, as I find in the manuscripts of Mék-72, the bard
of the Ahicht Chohans, that Kutbuddin, soon after his accession,
issued seven orders to the Hindu Chiefs, of which the fifth is “ Zélkot
tar nagdro bate a,’ or “kettle-drums are not to be beaten in
-
dc
ee
Hy? ry S44 47 TO .
Puy pl :
. in, 4
Ne eRe
\n
~
Cs
—_—
\"
tab 1
Lge Rh
pu a or edas
et i
See
|
=
;
Lalkot.” This is a rule which is still observed, as none but the royal
drums are beaten where the sovereign is present. Kutbuddin must is
therefore have taken up his residence in Lalkot, or the fortified Be a
of Anang Pal. gy
32. Now this date, recorded on the Iron Pillar, agrees so exactly a
with the period of the Rahtor conquest of Kanoj, that I think we t
may infer, with considerable probability, that the rebuilding of Dilli MN)
a
Si wee eee wt oe ws o -
_ " ee ean wate ee
iG - wis ; j rs
: pi*y :
f she
by Anang Pal was owing to the loss of the territory of Kanoj along 4
with its new Capital of Bari in Oudh. ‘The accession of Anang Pal Ud
2nd, according to the genealogical lists, took place in A. D. 1081, Gy)
and in 1052 we find a record of him on the Iron Pillar at Dili. If | iy
then, we suppose that he commenced rebuilding at once, there is every
probability in favour of the accuracy of the statement that he finished ty
the Ldlkot, or “ Red Fort,” of Dilliin A. D. 1060. If the site of Yi
‘ie Haste se alt
ys 2 J
ae a
CONC
the Red Fort may be fixed by the position of the Anang Tél, as well “lh
as by that of the Iron Pillar which records the work, then the grand
Report of the Archeological Survey. xix
old fort which now surrounds the Kutb Minar is in all probability the
very Lalkot that was built by Anang Pal. But there are also three
other points in favour of this identification, viz., Ist, that all the 27
temples destroyed by the Musalmans would appear to have stood inside
the walls of Lalkot ; 2nd, that one of these 27 temples was almos”
certainly built in the reign of Anang Pal; and 3rd, that the Fort of
Rai Pithora is only an extension of the older fort, which now surrounds
the Kutb Minar. For these reasons I believe that this massive old
fort which is still in very good order in many places, is the identical
Lalkot of Anang Pal. The circuit of its walls, according to my survey,
is 2+ miles.
33. To this Anang Pal I attribute the construction of a very deep
tank situated one quarter of a mile to the north-west of the Kutb
Minar, and which is still called Anang Tal. This tank is 169 feet long
from north to south, and 152 feet broad from east to west, with a
depth of 40 feet. It is now quite dry, but Syad Ahmad quotes a
statement that, in the time of Sultén Ala-uddin Khilji (A. D. 1296—
1316,) the water used for the mortar of the great unfinished Minar
was brought from this tank. I refer also to this Anang Pal the
founding of a village in the Balamgarh District, which is still called
Anekpur. According to Syad Ahmad, the popular date of this work
is 8. 733, or A. D. 676; and he attributes it to Anang Pal Ist, the
founder of the dynasty. But I think it more probable that the date
refers to the Balabhi era of A. D. 319, which will place the building
of the village in 783 + 3818 = A. D. 1051, in which year Anang Pal
2nd, the true founder of Dilli, succeeded to the throne. Another work
of the same time is the Suraj Kund, a fine deep tank near Anekpur,
the building of which is attributed to Suraj Pal, one of Anane P4l’s
sons, in §. 748, which, referred to the Balabhi era, is equivalent to
A, D. 1061, a date which corresponds most exactly with those which
we have already obtained.
34. To Anang Pal I attribute also the erection of at least one of
the 27 temples which once stood around the Iron Pillar, Many of
the pillars and beams of this temple have been made use of by the
Musalmans in the construction of the south-east corner of the colonnade
of the Great Mosque. Most of them are inscribed with mason’s marks,
as will be noticed at length when I come to speak of the ruins in detail :
and one of them bears the date of 1124, which, referred to the era of
c 2
XX feport of the Archeological Survey.
Vikramaditya, is equivalent to A. D. 1067, in the very middle of the
reign of Anang Pal 2nd.
35. According to the traditions of the people, which I feanasedl to
pick up, the following were some of the numerous sons of Anang
Pal :—
1st.—Tey Pal, or Tejran, who founded Tejéra between Gurgaon
and Alwar. In the Bikaner manuscript this prince is called Vijaya
Sal, or Pal.
2nd.—Jndra faj, who founded Indragarh.
3rd.— ang Ltaj, who founded two places named Térdgarh, of which
one is said to be near Ajmere.
4th.—Achal Lea, founded Acheva, or Achner, between Bharatpur
and Agra.
dth.—Draupada, who is said to have lived at Asi, or Hansi.
6th.— Sisu Pal, who founded Sirsa, and Siswal, said to be same as
Sirsi Patan.
If these traditions are of any value, they will enable us to judge of
the extent of Anang Pal’s dominions by the names of the places which
were founded or held by his sons. According to this test, his
dominions extended from Hansi on the north to Agra on the south;
and on the western side they reached nearly as far as Alwar and Ajmer.
Lo the eastward they were most probably bounded by the Ganges,
beyond which the whole country was then held by the Katehria
Rajputs. I see nothing improbable in these traditions of the Tomar
possessions, and I am therefore willing to accept them as valuable
additions to our present scanty knowledge of Hindu history.
36. There are traditions of a similar kind regarding the sons of
another Tomar Raja, called Karna Pal; but his name is not to be
found in any of the lists. As, however, one of his sons was called
Bach Deo, a name which is given in three of the lists as Vacha Raja, in
a fourth list as Vijaya Raja, and in two others as Bibasa Pdéla, I think
that we have some grounds for identifying Karna Pél with the father
of Vacha Deva of the lists, more especially as the lists differ so much
amongst themselves regarding the name of the father. He is variously
ealled Adereh, Udi-Ray, Indrajit, and Chamra Pal, of which the first
three names are evidently only various readings of one original name.
The sons of Karna Pai, according to the popular tradition, were the
following :—
Report of the Archaeological Survey. XX1
- Ist —Bach Deo, who founded Baghor, near Narnol, and Bachera, or
Baghera, near Thoda Ajmer.
- 2nd.—Nag Deo, who founded Wagor, and Négda near Ajmer.
8nd—Krishn Ray, who founded Kishessgarh, 10 miles to north
north-east of Alwar, and Khds Ganj between Soron and Etah.
Ath.—Nihdl Ray, who founded Ndrdyanpur, 10 miles to west of
Alwar.
5th.—Somast, who founded Ajabgarh, between Alwar and Jaypur.
6th.—Har Pdl, who founded Harsora, 16 miles to north north-west
of Alwar, and Harsoli, 23 miles to north of Alwar.
To this list I may add Bahddurgarh, 7 miles to north-east of Alwar,
which is said to have been founded by Karna Pél himself.
37. The only other work of the Tomaras which has come to my
knowledge is the village of Mahipdipur, situated 2 miles to the east
north-east of the Kutb Minar, with its great embanked lake, three
quarters of a mile long and one quarter broad. Mahi Pal, the grand-
father of Jay Pal is the 12th in the list, and reigned from A, D. 961
to 979. The embankment was the work of Firuz Tughlak. A second
Mahi Pal reigned from A. D. 1105 to 1130.
38. If these traditions are true, the dominion of the Tomaras must
at one time have extended to the westward as far as Sirsa and Nagor.
To the south-west there is the District of Zodrvati, or Lomaravati,
between Alwar and Shekavati; and to the south-east there is the
District of Zodrghdr, or LTomarghér, between Dholpur and Gwalior,
both of which still preserve the name of this once powerful clan. The
Tomara dynasty of Gwalior, which held that strong fort for nearly a
century and a half, traced its descent from Anang Pal of Dill, and the
present Chief of Toarvati, as well as the Tomar Zemindars of Toarghar,
still proudly lay claim to the same origin.
39. Anang Pal 2nd was succeeded by three other Rajas of the
Tomar family, of whom the last was a prince of the same name, Anang
Pal 8rd. During the reign of this last King, Dili was captured by
the Chohans under Visala Deva ; but the date of this event has not
yet been satisfactorily ascertained. According to Abul Fazl it
eccurred in 8. 848, which, referred to the Balabhi era, gives A. D.
1166; but as the date of Vasala’s inscription on Firuz Shah’s Pillar
is 8. 1220 of Vikrama, or A. D. 1168, it is certain that the capture of
Dilli must have preceded the conqueror’s advance to the foot of the
XX feeport of the Archeological Survey.
hills near Khizrabad, where this pillar was then standing. This ,.
position at the foot of the Himalaya Mountains is specially referred to in q)
the record where Visala speaks of having made tributary all the regions 4
between Himavat and Vindhya. Mék-ji, the bard of the Khichi
Chohans, gives the date as S. 821, which, compared with Abul Fazl’s
date, 1s probably too early. The author of the Araish-i-mahfil says
that it was rather more than 1200 Samvat, that is, somewhat later
than A. D. 1143. ‘The Kumaon and Garhwél manuscripts place it in
§. 1191, or A. D. 1134; but as they also place the final conquest of
the Muhammadans in S. 1231, or A. D. 1174, or just 19 years t00
early, it seems probable that the capture of Dili by the Chohans may
also be ante-dated by about the same number of years. Admitting
this view as probably correct, the capture of Dilli by the Chohans will
be referred to A, D. 1153. Lastly, by the list which I have already
given of the Tomar dynasty, the close of Anang PAl’s reign is placed
late in A. D. 1151, or early in 1152, by accepting the longer reign bh
which is found in the Gwalior manuscript. | be
_ 40. By a comparison of all these dates with the period assigned to “
the Chohan dynasty, it seems most probable that the true date of the a
capture of Dillz by the Chohans must have been about A. D. 1152. +e
The period assigned to the Chohans varies from 4.04 years to 413. By ei
deducting the latter number from. A D. 1193, the date of Moazuddin ‘Nu
Sam’s conquest, we obtain A. D. 11524 as the probable period of the diy
capture of Dili by Visala Deva, when, according to the Kumaon and ind
Garhwal manuscripts, Chuwdn takht baitha, Dilli aj kiya, “the iil
Chohan sat on the throne and established his kingdom in Dilli.” But Pe
although Visala thus became the actual lord of Dilli, itis almost certain ¥
that Anang P&l was left in possesssion of his ancient kingdom as a
tributary of the Chohan, while Someswara, who was either the son or
Th:
‘
-
; .-
-#
J
Th
Wag:
> 25
eS
—
i
t=
: S
ie
= Z,
e a
a
7 e
=
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=
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a
grandson of Visala, received Anang Pal’s daughter in marriage. ‘The
issue of this union, the famous Prithvi Rdj, or Rai Pithora, became ‘a
the adopted son of the Tomar King, and was formally acknowledged |
as heir to the throne of Dilli. According to the Prithvi-Rai-
Charitra, this adoption took place in A. D. 1169, at which date
Prithvi Raj must have been about 16 years of age. Now, as the
bard Chand records that the adoption took place during the lifetime
of Anang Pal, this last of the Tomar Kings was still reigning in
A. D. 1069. We may therefore safely fix the close of his reign, at the Me
fi 2? ; |
fee fe ee
Liles Le EM
ee PCIE
y; hae Y y,
yr etre
Re mM Cn MEET hyny
Report of the Archeological Survey. xxii
end of the Tomar dynasty, in the following year 1170. This will
give a reign of upwards of 22 years to Prithvi Raja, which is the
very term assigned to him in all the manuscripts, at the end of the
Tomar dynasty. It will also add about 19 years to the length of
Anang PAl’s reign, during which time I suppose him to have been
tributary to Visala Deva. |
41. The subject of the Chohan dynasty has been so much con-
fused by the conflicting accounts given by Colonel Tod, that I have
found it impossible to make any satisfactory arrangement, either of the
names of the Princes, or of the lengths of their reigns. So far as
our information goes, the only Chohan Princes of Ajmer, who were at
the same time actual kings of Dilh, were Visala Deva and Prithvi
Raja. During the other half of Anang Pal’s reign, I consider him
to have been only the titular king of Dilli, and tributary to the
paramount Sovereign of Ajmer. On Anang Pal’s death im A. D.
1171, the throne of Dilli would of course have fallen to Prithvi Raja
by his adoption as the successor of the Tomar Prince. On Visala’s
death, which would seem to have oecurred somewhat earlier, or about
A, D. 1169, I infer that Someswara succeeded to the throne of Ajmer.
When he was killed in battle seven years afterwards, or in A. D.
1176, the throne of Ajmer would have fallen to Prithvi Raja. But
between Someswara and his son Prithvi Raja we find the names of
Ohéhara Deva and Naga Deva (or saga Deva), and I can only
account for their insertion by supposing that they were the tributary
Rajas of Dilli under Prithvi Raja as lord paramount. This seems
highly probable if we may place any dependence on the latter part
of Colonel Tod’s genealogical list of the Chohans, in which Chahara
Deva is made the younger brother of Prithvi Raja. That Chahara,
or Chahada Deva was a person of some consequence, we know from
his coins, which are less uncommon than those of Prithvi Raja him-
self. Perhaps Vdga Deva may have been another brother or a near
relative. /
ai _ 42. Colonel Tod gives the substance of an inscription discovered
i at Bijoli, which is dated in 8. 1226, or A. D. 1169, during the life-
iy time of Someswara. In this inscription it is stated that Someswara
yas one called Prithvi Raja, but “having obtained the regal
dignity through Someswara, he was thence called Someswar.” Now,
vf if the date of this inscription has been rightly read, it seems most
XXIV Report of the Archeological Survey.
probable that the Hansi inscription, which mentions a Prithvi Raja in
S. 1224, or A. D. 1067, or just two years earlier, must refer to the
father, who afterwards obtained the name of Someswara, and not to the
son, who is popularly known as Hai Pithora. This assignment of the
Hansi inscription to the father is rendered certain by another fact
recorded in it, which has escaped the notice of Colebrooke, Fell, and
Tod, namely, that Atrana, or Kilhana, of the Guhila or Grahilot
race, was the maternal uncle of Prithvi Raja. Now, if there is one
point undisputed in the history of Rai Pithora, it is that his mother
was the daughter of the Tomar Raja Anang Pal. I conclude, there-
fore, that the Prithvi Raja, whose mother was a Grahilot, must have
been Someswara, whose original name, before his accession to the
throne, was also Prithvi Raja.
43. With the above explanations, I now give all the lists of the
Chohan dynasty which I have been able to collect, excepting that of
Mik-j2 the Khichi bard, which agrees closely with Colonel Tod’s, and
is evidently erroneous.
The Cowan dynasty of Drt11.
Gwalior, Ku-
maon, Garh-
Abul Fazl, Syad Inscriptions | Vik
Abmad. net wal Manu- Belen. and Coins. |Samvat. A.D.
scripts.
Y~MeD. Y. M. D.
Bil Deo, ............| 6 1 4 Visala Deva,.| 6 1 4/Vella Deva.
Amara Gangu, ...|5 2 5Gangeva, or
| | Amara Deva, 5 2 3
Kehar Pal, ........ |20 1 5 Pahadi, or 3
: | Pada Deva,! 8 1 5/Visala Deva, 7
or Vigraha,| 1220 |1163
SUMEY, ..cccvceees.| © 4 2/Samas, or Su-
veras, .....| 7 4 2'Someswara,or|
PrithviRaja
Ist. ......---| L224 {1167
Jahir, 929000008 000 be: A, A, 8 Vehan De, or
Bala Deva,.
Nag Deo,.....0...| 8 1 5iJag Deo, or
Jagarmaneur,
Pithora or Prithvi
4 4 l1/Chahada De-
Vae seovesee-| 1226 11169
3 5 I
Raja, ........... 48 5 1|Prithvi Raja,.!6 1 1/Prithvi Raja.
On comparing these lists, I think it very probable that Bil Deo of
Abul Fazl is the Vella Deva of the Inscription on Firuz Shah’s Pillar,
ey
— > -
_™ Ragatetnorsrrs io traesscs em ete ae
Report of the Archeological Survey. XXV
and that Kehar Pdl may be a corruption of the last two syllables of
Vigahar or Vigraha. The other names require no remarks.
44, The reign of Prithvi Raja has been rendered memorable by
three events which form separate parts of the rather voluminous work
of the bard Chand, named Prithvi dj Chohan Rasa. The work is
divided into several Khands, or books, which are generally known by
the names of the subjects of which they treat; thus, the Kanoj
Khand gives the story of the forcible abduction of the not unwilling
daughter of Jaya Chandra, the Rahtor Raja of Kanoj; while the
Mahoba Khand relates the various fortunes of the successful war
with Parmélik, or Paramdrd: Deva, the Chandel Raja of Mahoba,
and the last books are devoted to the great struggle between the
Hindus and Musalmans, which ended in the final overthrow of
Prithvi Raj, and the establishment of Kutb-uddin Aibeg on the
throne of Dilli as a dependant of the paramount Sovereign Muazuddin
Ghort.
45, The date of the abduction of the Kano} Princess may be assigned
with great probability to the year A. D. 1175, as we know from
inscriptions that Vijaya Chandra, the father of Jaya Chandra, was
still hving in 1172, and that Jaya Chandra had succeeded to the throne
before 1177. This event cannot, therefore, be placed earlier than 1175 ;
and as Prince Rains, the issue of this union, was able to bear arms in
the last fatal battle with the Musalmans in 1193, in which he was
killed, it is not possible to place the date of the abduction later than
1175.
46. ‘The date of the great war with the Chandel Prince of Mahoba
_is given in the Mahoba Khand of Chand’s poem as Samvat 1241, or
A. D. 1184. My copy of this portion of the poem was obtained in
Mahoba itself, and I have every reason to believe in the correctness of
the year named, as it is borne out by two existing inscriptions of
Paramirda Deva, the Chandel Raja, which are dated respectively in
Samvat 1224 or A. D. 1167, and S. 1241, or A. D. 1184.
47, The date of the final conquest of Dilli by the Musalméns
is variously given by the different authorities. Thus, Ibn Batuta has
A. H. 584, or A, D. 1188; Abul Faz] has A. H. 588, or A. D. 1192 :
and Ferishta has A. H. 589, while Syad Ahmad has adopted A. H. 587
The last date, however, is undoubtedly erroneous, as it is founded on
a misreading of the written date on the Hastern Gateway of the
D
XXV1 Report of the Archeological Survey.
Kutb Masjid. Syad Ahmad has read the unit of this date as @iw,
Saba, or 7, whereas it is clearly and unmistakeably @~J, tisa, or 9.
The error has arisen from the omission of the two points of the initial ¢e
letter in Syad Ahmad’s plate of this inscription. My attention was i
particularly drawn to this date by Mr. Thomas’ note on Syad Ahmad’s |
date, which, as he says, “anticipates the epoch ordinarily assigned to _—_ i
the Muhammadan conquest of India, by two years.” I examined
this portion of the inscription minutely with a telescope, and I found
the two dots or points of the inital letter of ew), tisa, which are
omitted in Syad Ahmad’s lithographed copy of the inscription, are
quite distinct, one over the other, between the words Sanh and wa,
and immediately over the unit of the date, which is placed below
4
those words. The date of the capture of Dilli, as here given by
Kutb-uddin himself, is therefore the year A. H. 589, which began on
7th January, 1193.
48. ‘Lhe only work which is attributed to Prithvi Raja is the
extensive fort to the north and east of Anang Pal’s LAlkot, which is
still called Kilah Rat Pithora or “ Pithora’s Fort.” From the
north-west angle of Lalkot the lines of Rai Pithora’s walls can still
vre ; f a
my Eclat mae
ee
T t
—™
é in
ve.
:
We
7
af
ah
iQ
t
aa |
«
uw
a
afsuidt
+ ’
ue 7) ar |
Peat
dy,
pi ies
be distinctly traced, running towards the north for about half a mile.
From this point they turn to the south of east for one and a half
ls
miles, then to the south for one mile, and lastly, to the west and
north-west for three-quarters of a mile, where they join the south-
west angle of Lalkot, which being situated on higher ground, forms a
lofty citadel that completely commands the Fort of Rai Pithora.
The entire circuit of the walls of the two forts is 4 miles and 3
furlongs, or. rather more than half the size of the modern city of ¢
ShahjahanabAd. = he
49. Up to this point I have endeavoured to trace the outline of ™
a.
SN ee eee er
WO FLOR hata
visit it. ff j }
kag heen lag
: A " re ye,
¥ rf tals Mah rh fi
y.
f
wie
the history of Hindu Dilli, partly from existing monuments, partly 74)
ZIT CIF
f :
LEO CE SN 2D
€, Aidan aces
from inscriptions, and partly from other records, both printed and 7]
AIRS
manuscript.. The history of Muhammadan Dihti, or Delhi, according Ml
to our corrupt spelling, will be found in ample detail in Ferishta and |
Par
other Moslem authors. I will now therefore confine my remarks to .
a description of the many noble remains of by-gone days, which, either
by their. grand size, their solid strength, or their majestic beauty, still
proudly testify that this vast waste of ruins was once Imperial Delhi, )
the Capital of all India. ay
———— oa ee or
Pe ee a
i i i a
4° tars
+P Fany,
sa eats ye at cena ae ees -
Report of the Archeological Survey. XXV1l
Hinpu REMAINS.
50. The most ancient monuments of Delhi are the two Stone Pillars
i bearing the edicts of Asoka, both of which were brought to the Capital
_ by Firuz Shah Tughlak, about A. H. 757, or A. D. 1356. The ac-
count of the removal of these pillars from their original sites 1s given
in detail by Shams-i-Sirdj, who was most likely an eye-witness of
-s". —
their re-erection in FiruzibAd, as he records that he was 12 years of
age at the time when they were set up.* This circumstantial account
of a contemporary writer at once disposes of Colonel Tod’s storyt
that Firuz Shah’s Pillar was originally standing “at Wigambod,
a place of pilgrimage on the Jumna, a few miles below Delhi, whence
it must have been removed to its present singular position.” Negambod
still exists as a place of pilgrimage, being a giat immediately outside
the northern wall of the city of Shahjahanabad. It is therefore above
the city of Delhi, instead of being a few miles below it, as described
by Colonel Tod.
re D1. Hruz Shah's Pillar, according to Shams-i-Sirij, was brought
from a place which is variously called Toyur, Topera, Toparsuk,
Lohera, Tawera, and Nahera.t The place is described as being “on
the bank of the Jumna, in the district of Salora, not far from
Khizrabad, which is at the foot of the mountains, 90 koss from
Delhi.” The distance from Delhi and the position at the foot of the
mountains point out the present Khizrabad on the Jumna, just below
the spot where the river issues from the lower range of hills, as the
place indicated by Shams-i-Siraj. Salora is perhaps Sidhora, a large
place only a few miles to the wesi of Khizrabad. From the village
where it originally stood, the pillar was conveyed by land on a truck
to Khizrabad, from whence it was floated down the Jumna to Firuza-
bad, or new Delhi. From the above description of the original site
of this pillar, I conclude that the village from whence it was brought
was perhaps the present Paota, on the western bank of the Jumna,
and 12 miles in a direct line to the north-east of Khizrabad. Now,
jn this immediate neighbourhood, on the western bank of the J unina,
and at a distance of 66 miles from Thanesar, Hwen Thsang places the
ancient Capital of Srughna, which was even then (A. D. 630— 640)
* Journal of Archzological Society of Delhi, 1—74.
TY Rajasthan, [I—452,
F % Journal of Archeological Society of Delhi, pp. 29-75,
D 2
BS
rf 7 . y: - J i
ae Lr nj
iS ee ees
; y ia
ne Any
pie Pack
AR ky
dg A abinite,
:~wre ee ie ee ee
inv
Die dy
nD ped fy
- ms vi
ide
af
a
rorrw
a ee ee
if
b abn eaigyvt
F ‘vi et Ga
f ad big * vil
ab yds Hoh
i. 202
j
.
—)
if
\s opr,
¥ ay we ee
”
7
ry
- =
ag oS
in
‘ nn
Oe. =.
“g
1
= es
‘ .
* "
ie
~~
ick
+
ar
*
.
=
L m
-
ca
.
at
penis
pil dams Seca Latin
ry
/
ite—2
XXVII feeport of the Archeological Survey.
in ruins, although the foundations were still solid. The Chinese
Pilgrim describes Srughna as possessing a large Vihdr, and a grand
stupa of Asoka’s time containing relics of Buddha, besides many other
stupas of Sdriputra, Maudgalyayana, and other holy Buddhists. From
the very exact agreement in the descriptions of the site of the village
of Laopar with that of the city described by Hwen Thsang, I feel
quite satisfied that the original site of Firuz Shah’s Pillar was some-
where in the unmediate vicinity of the ancient Capital of Srughna,
I think it probable also that in the work Suk, which is appended to
one of the various readings of the name of the village of Zucpar, we
still have a fair approximation to Sughan, the popular form of the
Sanskrit Srughna.
52. When the pillar was removed from its original site, a large
square ssone was found beneath it, which was also transported to
Delhi (a similar large square stone was found along with the Zamaniya
Pillar which now stands in the grounds of the Benares College). This
stone was again placed beneath the pillar in its new situation on the
top of the three-storied building called Firuz Shah’s Kotila, where it
may now be seen, as a gallery has been pierced through the solid
masonry immediately beneath the base of the pillar. According to
Shams-i-Siraj, the whole length of the shaft was 32 gaz, of which 8
gaz were sunk in the building. As the pillar at present stands, I
found the total height to be 42 feet 7 inches, of which the sunken
portion is only 4 feet | inch. But the lower portion of the exposed
shaft to a height of 5 feet is still rough, and I have little doubt,
therefore, that the whole of the rough portion, 9 feet in length, must
have been sunk in the ground on its original site. But according to
Shams-i-Siraj, even more than this, or one-fourth of its whole length,
that is, LO feet 8 inches, was sunk in the masonry of Firuz Shah’s
Kotila. This I believe was actually the case, for on the west side
of the column there still remain 7 sitw the stumps of two short
octagonal granite pillars that would appear to have formed part of a
cloister or open gallery, around a fourth story, which cannot have
been less than 6% or 7 feet in height. I conclude, therefore, that the
statement of Shams-i-Siraj is quite correct.
53. When the pillar was at last fixed, the “top was ornamented
with black and white stone-work surmounted by a gilt pinnacle,
from which no doubt it received its name of Dinar Zarin or ‘Golden
Pe sy oe
+ A atthe enn ie LS i ne as
Report of the Archeological Survey. XXIX
Pillar’ This gilt pinnacle was still in its place in A. D. 1611, when
William Finch entered Delhi, as he describes the Stone Pillar of
Bimsa, which, after passing through three several stories, rises 24
feet above them, all having on the top a@ globe surmounted by @
crescent.” The 24 feet of this account are probably the same as the
24 gaz of the other, the gaz being only a fraction over 16 inches.
54, The great inscription of Asoka, which is engraved on this
pillar, attracted the notice and stimulated the curiosity of Firuz Shah,
who assembled a number of learned Brahmans to decypher it, but
without success. ‘ Some, however, interpreted the writing to signify
that no one would ever succeed in removing the pillar from the spot
on which it originally stood, until a king should be born, by name
Firuz Shah.” This sort of unblushing mendacity is still but too
common in India. Almost everywhere I have found Brahmans ready
to tell me the subject of long inscriptions, of which they could not
possibly read a single letter. Equally untrue, although not so shame-
less, are the accounts of this inscription given by Tom Coryat. Ina
letter to L. Whittaker,* he says “I have been in a city of this
country called Delee, where Alexander the Great jomed battle with
Porus, King of India, and defeated him, and where, in memory of his
victory, he caused to be erected a brazen pillar, which remains there
to this day.” The same story, with additions, was repeated to the
unsuspecting Chaplain Edward Terry,t who says, “I was told by
Tom Coryat (who took special note of this place) that he beg in
the city of Delee, observed a very great pillar of marble, with a
Greek inscription upon it, which time hath almost quite worn out,
erected (as he supposed) there and then by Great Alexander to
preserve the memory of that famous victory.” This erroneous opinion
of Coryat was adopted by most of the early English travellers, as
noticed by Purchas,{ who states that these inscriptions are in Greek
and Hebrew, and that some affirm the pillar was erected by Alexander
the Great. Coryat’s mistake about the Greek most probably arose
from an actual inspection of the inscription, in which he would na.-
turally have recognized the O,4,Gnh A, 1c, € and PD as Greek
letters. ‘The similarity struck James Prinsep also. A notable ex-
* Kerr's Voyages and Travels, [IX—423,
+ Journal, p. 81.
t Kerr, VILI—293, note 6,
oe
— ee ee, OE eS = ere oe =
*
2 ee oe
Farag pa
Ji Io. rer
vw
et oe, ©. P ty
ets) ie by Pies;
hinde ae lah *
ry ae
—— —o. 7
Psy pare aA nt fy) 4
pla 5 uc ~ -)
?
~~
AS vi en » Wi i iin
ae rs a
yor
Nop ieires
Tt
—_
— =
wy
-
=
7
;
_
ae
ee
f
;
=
)
.
_
-~
Te
ry
Ne
-
-
rae Vy ant
‘f HY ie is i doe CO ter ee eee
ais
5 jesd, viele. ae i ttte y
a eee,
Lh dat taal el dng
FREE LARIAT
Li,
al
oe rears tntugnta
LAG nicl
is wan
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LE aie 3
ELE SMED 3
OP ey. ty
ld
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sr Si
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BAM AMA: A SNL LEAR E IEE AER CNP!
ae Bd Soe Te
XXX Report of the Archeological Survey.
ception to the other English travellers is William Finch, who simply
states that “it has inscriptions.”
55. The mistakes that have been made about this column are,
however, not confined to its inscriptions, as we have seen above, where
Coryat calls ita “ Brazen Pillar.” Strange to say, a similar mistake
has been made by the generally accurate Bishop Heber, who ealls it
“a high black pillar of cast-metal ;” and again, in describing the Iron
Pillar, he calls it a Metal Pillar like that in Firuz Shah’s Castle*.
Again Colonel Tod has identified this pillar with the Nigambod
column alluded to by the bard Chand “as telling the fame of the
Chohan.” It is quite possible that some other pillar may once have
stood at Nigambod; but as the golden column of Firuz really doeg |
“tell the fame of the Chohan,” and as its inscriptions were recorded
only thirty years prior to Chand’s death, it seems most probable that
his allusion must be to this particular pillar. ‘The name of Nigambod
may perhaps be a corruption of the real name of the place where the
column then stood, or an ignorant interpolation in the text of a date
later than Firuz Shah.
06. The “Golden Pillar” is a single shaft of pale pinkish sand-
stone, 42 feet 7 inches in length, of which the upper portion, 85 feet
in length, has received a very high polish, while the remainder is left
quite rough. Its upper diameter is 25°3 inches, and its lower diameter
38°8 inches, the diminution being ‘389 inch per foot. Its weight is
rather more than 27 tons. In its dimensions it is more like the
Allahabad Pillar than any other, but it tapers much more rapidly
towards the top, and is therefore less graceful in its outline.
57. There are two principal inscriptions on Firuz Shah’s pillar,
besides several minor records of pilgrims and travellers from the first
centuries of the Christian era down to the present time. The oldest
inscriptions for which the pillar was originally erected, comprise the
well known edicts of Asoka, which were promulgated in the middle of
the third century B. C. in the ancient Pali, or spoken language of
the day. The alphabetical characters, which are of the oldest form
that has yet been found in India, are most clearly and beautifully cut,
and there are only a few letters of the whole record lost by the peeling
off of the surface of the stone. The inscription ends with a short
* Journal II., pp. 291—307.
ied ee en ae . ae een
Report of the Archeological Survey. ‘Xxxi
‘ sentence, in which King Asoka directs the setting up these monoliths
’ in different parts of India as follows :—
oy “Tet this religious edict be engraved on stone pillars (sila thambha)
ny and stone tablets (sila phalaka), that it may endure for ever.” In
Ry this amended passage we have a distinct allusion to the rock inscrip-
" tions, as well as to the pillar inscriptions. As this is the longest and
rnost important of all the pillar inscriptions of Asoka I made a careful
impression of the whole, for comparison with James Prinsep’s pub-
lished text. The record consists of four distinct inscriptions on the
four sides of the column facing the cardinal points, and of one lone
inscription immediately below, which goes completely round the pillar.
I may mention that the word Ajakandm, at the end of the 7th line
south face, was not omitted “ accidentally,” as James Prinsep supposed,
by the original engraver, but has been lost by the peeling away of the
stone for about 4 inches. The vowel 2 attached to the final letter is
still quite distinct. ‘The penultimate word on the eastern face is not
agmim, as doubtfully read by Prinsep, but abhywm, and, as he rightly
conjectured, it is the same word that begins the 19th line. The last
word in the llth line, which puzzled Prinsep, is not atikata, but
atikantam, the same as occurs near the beginning of the 15th line.
The few corrections which I have noticed here show the accuracy of
Barmouf’s opinion, that a new collation of the pillar inscriptions would
be of the greatest value. Jam happy to say that I have now made
new copies of the inscriptions on the pillars at Delhi, Arar, and
Navandgarh, for collation by competent scholars.
58. The last 10 lines of the eastern face, as well as the whole of
the continuous inscription round the shaft, are peculiar to the Delhi
pular. ‘There is a marked difference also in the appearance of this
part of this inscription. The characters are all thinner and less boldly
cut ; the vowel marks are generally sloping, instead of being horizontal
or perpendicular, and the letters 7, ¢, s, and h are differently formed
raiepenpsy eee on
"uf the Jumna, which is only a few miles above bee ene : -
Ti » the probable site
dh from whence the Pillar was brought by Firuz Shah,
wut 59. The ose mmschiption is that which records the victories of
ih the Chohan Prince Visala Deva, whose power extended “ fp
C : | om Himéadri
to Vindhya,” This record of the fame of the Chohan consists of two
fiw 4. hb ok ni —T * : 6 by = -
{ ioe | 7" se +f ,. | i tA eat eu, :
. ' ‘ wi \ ’ CaF
F ; { ; ber - rl \ ’ ieee’ -
- i- . eee ya: * j rien , :
Sue eer vier oe bad fi gh eal ‘ATs feo& bie TPAD Oo . weiss! mi
.
wy
erty
oat av BY
a G hs A
ih ieo
7
:
2)
hese
v i r. l, - f ah eS
‘
5
‘zy
f
Payee ot
-
|
ahd
a oo. ee oe
, < ‘ a i
vy ’ >
at
7 ane
De a tte nee bee
SA pei eonrnery
frei ed ©
v
, A 4
ng Pry #.
CAI ,
LILLIE OTS,
ie
XXXil Report of the Archeological Survey.
separate portions, the shorter one being placed immediately above
Asoka’s edicts, and the longer one immediately below them. But as
both are dated in the same year, viz., S. 1220, or A. D. 1168, and
refer to the same Prince they may be considered as forming only one
inscription. ‘The upper portion, which is placed very high, is engraved
in much larger characters than the lower one. A translation of this
inscription was published by Colebrooke in the Asiatic Researches,
Vol. III. p. 180; and his rendering of the text has been verified by
H. H. Wilson from a copy made by Mr. Thomas.* The reading of
Sri Sallakshana proposed by Mr. Thomas is undoubtedly correct,
instead of Sri Mad Lakshana, as formerly read. I would suggest also
that the rendering of Chdhumina tilaka, as “most eminent of the
tribe which sprang from the arms,” (of Brahma,) seems to me much
less forcible than the simple translation of “ Chief of the Chéhumans”
or Chohan tribe. I believe also that there is an error in referring the
origin of the Chohans to Brahma, as J/ih-j2, the Bard of the Khichi
Chohans, distinctly derives them from the dnal kund, or fount of fire
on Mount Abu, an origin which corresponds with that assigned to them
by Colonel Tod. It is Chaluk Kao, the founder of the Chalukya, or
Soldnkhi tribe, that is fabled to have sprung from Brahma.
60. The minor inscriptions on Firuz Shah's Pillar are of little
interest or importance. ‘They are however of different ages, and the
more ancient records must have been inscribed while the pillar yet
stood on its original site, under the hills to the north of Khizrabad.
One of the oldest is the name of Sri Bhadra Mitra, or Subhadramtra,
in characters of the Gupta era. ‘This is written in very small letters,
as are also two others of the same age. In larger letters of a some-
what later date, there are several short inscripfions, of which the most
legible is Surya Vishnu Subarnakakana. A second begins with ara
Singha Subarnakakana, the remainder being illegible, with exception
of the word Kumdra. .
~
cei
yy
ie
i
|
&
i
if
BG
i;
WILE OR
my Aan
XXXVili feeport of the Archeological Survey.
have belonged to the Iron Pillar is rendered certain by his referring
it to the period of “the conquest of the country by the Musalmdns,”
About the same time also a similar story was heard by Major Archer,*
who records that “as long as the pillar stood, so long would
Hindustan flourish.” At a later date, a similar story was repeated to
Mrs. Colin Mackenzie,+ who says that the Iron Pillar bears a Sanskrit
inscription, “the purport of which is, that as long as this pillar
stands, the fid or kingdom has not finally departed from the
Hindus.” Lastly, Syad Ahmad relates that the pillar was driven into
the head of Vaswhki, king of the snakes, to make his empire lasting.
71. IfI am right in ascribing the origin of this tradition to a late
period in the history of the Tomars, when the long duration of their
rule had induced people to compare its stability with that of the Iron
Pillar, I think that the saying may be referred with considerable
probability to the prosperous reign of Anang Pal 2nd, whose name is
inscribed on the shaft with the date of Samvat 1109 or A. D. 1052.
72. The remaining inscriptions on the Iron Pillar are numerous,
but unimportant. There are two records of the Chohan Raja Chatra
Sinha, both dated in 8S. 1888, or A. D. 1826. They state that the
Raja was descended from Prithivi Raja in 29 generations, which is
quite possible, although the period allowed for each generation is under
23 years. The date of Prithivi Raja is given as 8. 1151, or A. D.
1094, which is just 99 years too early, an amount of error which agrees
with the false dates in the Pritht Raj Chohan Rdsa of the Bard
Chand. ‘There is also another modern Nagari inscription of six lines,
dated in 8. 1767, or A. D. 1710, of the Bundela Rajas of Chdndert.
Below this there are two Persian inscriptions, dated in A. H. 1060 and
1061, or A. D. 1651-52, which merely record the names of visitors.
73. The only other remains of Hindu Delhi are the numerous pillars
which form the colonnades of the Court of the Great Masjid close to
the Kutb Minar. The Arabic inscription over the eastern entrance of
this Court-yard, states that the materials were obtained from the
demolition of 27 idolatrous temples, each of which had cost the sum
of 20 lakhs of Dilials. I agree with Mr. Thomast that the Délial
must have corresponded with the original billon currency of Prithivi
Raja. Now the value of the Dilial was as nearly as possible the same
as that of the Jital or Chital of Ala uddin Khilji, 50 of which, as we
* T1220, 7 2nd edition, p. 46. t Prinsep’s Essays, I, 326.
Report of the Archeological Survey. XXXIX
learn from Ferishta,* were equal to one Rupee. The cost of each of
these temples would not therefore have been more than Its. 40,000,
and that of the whole number, only Rs. 10,80,000, or £108,000. ‘The
cost of these temples seems excessive when expressed in such small
money as Dilials ; each coin being worth only a little more than a
half-penny ; but the sum is moderate enough when it is named in
Rupees. .
74, Mr. Fergussont has expressed an opinion that “it is not easy
to determine whether the pillars now stand as originally arranged
by the Hindus, or whether they have been taken down and re-
arranged by the conquerors.” In this instance he thinks it “ most
probable that the former was the case, and that they were open
colonnades surrounding the palace of Prithivi Raja ;” but he presently
adds that “if this is so, it 1s the only instance known of Hindu pillars
being left undisturbed.” When Mr. Fergusson formed this opinion,
he was not aware of the fact recorded over the eastern gateway by
the Musalman conqueror, that the Great Masjid had been built of the
materials of no less than twenty-seven. Hindu temples. He knew only
the common tradition that on this site once stood the palace and
temple attributed to Prithivi Raja. On this account he may have
supposed that most of these pillars must have belonged to those
buildings, and therefore that they might possibly still be in their
original positions. But evidently he had strong doubts on the subject,
for he repeats his opinion that “if the pillars at Kutb are im situ, it
is the only instance known of such being the case.” In February
1853 I examined very minutely the pillared cloisters of the Great
Mosque, and I then came to the conclusion, as recorded in my Note-
book at the time, that “the square about the Iron Pillar is all made
up; the outer walls are not Hindu; the pillars are all made up of
pieces of various kinds; the shaft of one kind being placed above
that of another for the purpose of obtaining height. The general
effect is good; but a closer inspection reveals the incongruities of
pillars, half plain and half decorated, and of others that are thicker
above than below.” Just ten years later in J anuary 18638, with Mr.
Hers ussons book in my hand, I re-examined the whole of these pulars
with exactly the same result. very single pillar is made up of two
separate Hindu shafts, placed one above the other; and as these shafts
* Briges, I, 360. * Hand-book of Architecture, I, 418,
xl Report of the Archeological Survey.
are of many various sizes, the required height is obtained by the
insertion of other pieces between the shorter shafts. In one instance
in the north cloister there is a pillar made up of no less than three |
shafts of exactly the same pattern, piled one over the other. This
may be seen in Beato’s photograph of this cloister (see the 4th pillar
on the left hand). The general effect of these large rows of made- -up
columns is certainly rich and pleasing ; but this effect is due to the
kindly hand of time, which has almost entirely removed the coating
of plaster with which the whole of these beautifully sculptured pillars
were once barbarously covered by the idol-hating Musalmans.
75. Thesame doubling up of the old Hindu pillars has been follow-
ed in the cloister of the large Court of the Kutb Minar, the shaft of
one plain pillar beg placed over another to obtain height. A similar
re-arrangement may be observed in the Court of the Jdmai or Dina
Masjid of Kano} commonly called Stta-ka-fasti, or “ Sita’s kitchen.”
76. ‘The number of decorated pillars now remaining in the Court-
yard of the Great Mosque around the Iron Pillar, is, as nearly as I
could reckon them, 340; but as the cloisters are incomplete, the |
original number must have been much greater. My reckoning makes |
them 450. In the interior of the Great Mosque itself, there are 35
pillars now remaining, of a much larger size and of a somewhat |,
different style of decoration. When the Mosque was complete, there
must have been not less than 76 of these pillars. Of the plain pillars
in the Court-yard of the Kutb Minar, I counted 376, but the total
number required to complete the cloisters would be about 1,200. ay
77. Ihave given these figures i detail, for the purpose of corro- re
borating the statement of the Musalman conqueror, with regard to
the number of temples that were standing in Dilli, at the close of the Mi
Hindu power. The usual number of columns in a Hindu templeis
from 20 to 80, although a few of the larger temples may have from 50 to A
60. But these are exceptional cases, and they are more than balanced Ale
by the greater number of smaller temples, which have not more than tie
12 or 16 pillars. The great temple of Vushnupad at Gaya has 50 a
pillars, and Mr. Fergusson mentions that a temple of 56 pillars was yi
the most extended arrangement that he had met with under a single
dome.* The magnificent temple at Chandrdévati, near Jhdlra Patan, Mi
and the pillared temple of Ganthai, at Kajraha, have only 28 columns ,
* Jllustrations of Indian Architecture, Introd. p. 18.
ye
Pe aL EF NEES!
ee
an
yy = mary :
y TOPE a CALA A WR RE ea bas
— aera uae Ab 4 TAR TOP MEAN ¥
P Fay me RS SSSR — a : = Sie ae a
j
Report of the Archeological Survey. xii
each. The Baroli temple has 24 columns; the great temple at
Bindraban has only 16; and the Chaora in the Mokandra Pass has
not more than 12. But there are many temples that have even fewer
pillars than these, as, for instance, that of Mdta Devi, in Gwalior,
which has only 6 pillars, and that of Chatur Bhuja, also in Gwalior,
which has nol more than 4 pillars. Taking these temples as fair
specimens of many various styles and ages, the average number of
pillars in a Hindu fane is between 94 and 25; or, if the extremes be
omitted, the average number is 21. Accepting these numbers as a
fair guide, we may set down the 76 pillars of the Great Masjid as the
spoils of at least 2, but more probably of 3 temples, each equal in
size to the magnificent fane at Chandravati. Similarly the 450 pillars
of the Court of the Masjid will represent the spoils of not less than
from 18 to 22 temples, of 20 and 25 columns each, ‘These numbers
added together give a total of from 20 to 25 temples, which agrees
so nearly with the number recorded in the Muhammadan inscription,
as to leave no doubt whatever of the truth of the conqueror’s boast,
that the Masjid was built of the spoils of 27 temples.
73 A curious confirmation of the average size of these temples
has been afforded by a discovery which I first made in 1853, and
which I completed during the present year. In the south-east corner
of the cloisters of the Great Mosque, the pillars, with bases and
capitals complete, are nearly all of one style and size, and quite
different from the other columns. Now, the bases, shafts, and capitals
of these pillars are numbered, the Inghest number discovered being
19. I found 15 numbered shafts, of which No. 18 is in the north
cloister, far away from its fellows. I found also 18 numbered bases,
and 7 numbered capitals; but only m one instance, that of No. 10,
do the numbers of base, shaft, and capital, as they now stand, rae
Here, then, we have a direct and convincing proof that these particular
pillars have all been re-arranged. The total number of shafts dis-
covered was only 15, but they were all numbered. Of the bases,
I discovered 19, of which 4 were square, and 15 had the angles
recessed, like all the shafts. Of the capitals, all of one uniform
pattern, I found 20, of which one was inscribed with the number 19,
From a these facts I conclude, with a probability amounting almost
to pen that the temple from which these pillars were obtained
consisted of 20 columns only. On No. 12 shaft there is the word
ER
xin Report of the Archeological Survey.
Kachal in Nagari letters on one face, with the date of 1124 on another
face, which, referred to the Vikramaditya Samvat, is equivalent to
A. D. 1067, at which time Anang Pal 2nd, the founder of Lalkot, was
reigning in Dill.
79. But the mason’s marks on the stones of this temple were not
confined to the pillars, as I discovered them on no less than 18 dif-
ferent portions of its entablature. These marks are more than usually
detailed, but unfortunately, in spite of their length and apparent
clearness, I am still unable to make them out completely. They will
be found in plate 3, along with a drawing of the pillar itself. The
marks are the following :— 7
A.—Chapa Vida 3 .......... seeoevee Upper Vida (?) No. 38.
B.— Chapa Vida 4 oo... ccc cec eevee Ditto (€) No. 4.
C.—Pitchukt | ....scecesecees. Rear (?) No. 4.
D.—Pichakt 5 pachhim..... Rear (?) No. 5 west.
Ei. —Vt Chath... 2c. cccearcereernens Viet () fourth.
F'.—Vi panchama ......... secseeeee Vid (?) fifth,
G.—Prathama Dishen .......... .. First Arehitrave.
H.—Pachchhim Raki Dashen ... West side Architrave.
K.—Purab Prathama ............ Hast first.
TP Ute 8 esi cicsviberescsssasses east No. 3.
M.—Péichchhim Ra 3 A-(ge?) ... West side No. 3., front?
N.—Pachchhim Raki pachchhe ... West side back.
O.—Pachchhim haki 6 pachehhe West side No. 6, back.
80. There is a peculiarity about the numbers of the pillars which
is worthy of note. Hach cypher is preceded by the initial letter of
the word for that number. Thus, 3 is preceded by é& tor tin, 10 by
da for das, and 16 by so for solah. The same style of marking would
appear to have been used for a second temple, as I found a pillar of
another pattern with the number dw 2, and a pilaster of the same kind
with w 19. It is possible, however, that these two shafts may have
belonged to the set of pillars just described, as they are algo of sand-
stone. Their height is exactly the same, and the numbers are two of
the five that are missing. In this case the temple would have had 4
pillars (probably an outer row) of one pattern, and 16 of another
kind, but all of the same height.
—
ats “s _— a ba 1 <=. ae om ye?
apt me mae Sa tae tn PR 0 ne 0 a
Report of the Archeological Survey. xi
81. The dimensions of these inscribed pillars are as follows :—
Ft. In. Ft. In.
a Upper member, with brackets, QO 10
Lape ee GibbOy— sss ee ees 0
1 4
SHOPl; = Bae neeeert Serpico ts oes eee 4 lls
3 ( Upper portion, ornamented,... 1 2%
Base 7 ; .
( Lower ditto, plain, ............ 0 9
ee IRS:
Total height, 8 3
82. The only other Hindu remains are the two Forts of Ldlkot
and Kat Pithora, which together formed the old Dilli of the Musal-
mans, after the building of the new Fort of Svri by Ala-uddin Khilji.
Of these two, the older Fort of Ldlkot has hitherto remained unknown,
being always described by the Musalmans as a part of the Fort of Rai
Pithora. Itis called Szvz by Lieutenant Burgess, who made a survey
of the ruins of Dilli in 1849-50, and the same name is given to it by
Messrs. Cope and Lewis in their interesting account of Firuzabad,
published in the Journal of the Archeological Society of Delhi for
1850. The reasons which induce me to identify this Fort with the
Ldlkot of Anang Pal have already been given when speaking of the
refounding of Dali, and the reasons which compel me to reject its
identification with Sirz will be detailed when I come to speak of that
place.
83. The Fort of Ldlkot, which was built by Anang Palin A. D.
1060, is of an irregular rounded oblong form, 2+ miles in circumference,
Its walls are as lofty and as massive as those of Tughlakabad, although
the blocks of stone are not so colossal. By different measurements
1 found the ramparts to be from 28 to 80 feet in thickness, of which
the parapet is just one-half. ‘The same thickness of parapet is algo
derived from the measurement given by Ibn Batuta in A. D. 1340,
who says that the walls were eleven cubits thick. Accepting this
measure as the same that was in use in Firuz Shah’s time, namely, of
16 inches, as derived from the length of Firuz Shah’s pillar, the thick-
ness of the walls of old Dill was 142 feet. These massive ramparts
have a general height of 60 feet above the bottom of the ditch, which
F-2
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_xliv Report of the Archeological Survey.
still exists in very fair order all round the Fort, except on the south
side, where there is a deep and extensive hollow that was most pro-
bably once filled with water. About one-half of the main walls are
still standing as firm and as solid as when they were first built. At
all the salient points there are large bastions from 60 to 100 feet in
diameter. ‘T'wo of the largest of these, which are on the north side,
are called the Mateh Burj and the Sohan Burj. The long lines of
wall between these bastions are broken by numbers of smaller towers
well splayed out at the base, and 45 feet in diameter at top, with
curtains of 80 feet between them. Along the base of these towers,
which are still 30 feet in height, there is an outer line of wall forming
a raont or faussebraie, which is also 80 feet in height. The parapet
of this wall has entirely disappeared, and the wall itself is so much
broken, as to afford an easy descent into the ditch in many places.
The upper portion of the counterscarp walls has nearly all fallen down,
excepting on the north-west side, where there is a double line of works
strengthened by detached bastions.
84. ‘The positions of three of the gateways in the west half of
the Fort are easily recognized; but the walls of the eastern half are
so much broken, that it is now only possible to guess at the probable
position of one other gate. The north gate is judiciously placed in
the re-entering angle close to the Sohan Burj, where it still forms
a deep gap in the lofty mass of rampart, by which the cowherds enter
with their cattle. The west gate is the only one of which any portion
of the walls now remains. It is said to have been called the Ranjit
gate. This gateway was 17 feet wide, and there is still standing on
the left-hand side a large upright stone, with a groove for guiding the
ascent and the descent of a portcullis. This stone is 7 feet in height
above the rubbish, but it is probably not less than 12 or 15 feet. If
is 2 feet 1 inch broad and 1 foot 3 inches thick. The approach to
this gate is guarded by no less than three small out-works, The
south gate is in the southmost angle near Adan Khan’s tomb. I¢ is
now a mere gap in the mass of rampart. On the south-east side,
there must, I think, have been a gate near Sir Thomas Metcalfe’s
house, leading towards Tughlakabad and Mathura.
85. Syad Ahmad states, on the authority of Zia Barni, that the
west gate of Rai Pithora’s Fort was called the Ghazni gate after the
Musalman conquest, because the Ghazni troops had gained the fortress
ae a so hig eS WI SI eA Sn
Report of the Archeological Survey. , = haky
by that entrance. I feel satishied that this must be the Lanjit gate
of Lalkot for the following reasons :—
Ist.—The Musalmans never make any mention of Lalkot, but
always include it as a part of Rat Pithora’s Fort.
Ond.—The possession of the larger and weaker fortress of Rai Pithora
could not be ealled the conquest of Delhi, while the stronger citadel
of Lalkot still held out.
9yd.—The evident care with which the approach to the Aanjit gate
has been strengthened by a double line of works, and by three separate
out-works immediately in front of the gateway itself, shows that this
must have been considered as the weakest point of the fortress, and
therefore that it was the most likely to have been attacked. For this
reason I conclude that the Ranjit gate was the one by which the
MusaimAns entered Lalkot, the citadel of Dilli, and that, having proved
its weakness by their own success, they at once proceeded to strengthen
the works at this point for their own security. A case exactly similar
occurred less than forty years afterwards, when the Emperor Altamish,
having gained an entrance into the fortress of Gwalior by the deep
ravine on the west side called Urwdhi, immediately closed it by a
massive wall, to prevent his enemies from taking advantage of the
same weak point. I believe that the western gate was called the
Ghazni gate for the simple reason only that Ghazni les to the west
of Delhi.
86. The Fort of Rai Pithora, which surrounds the citadel of Lalkot
on three sides, would appear to have been built to protect the Hindu
city of Dilli from the attacks of the Musalmans. As early as A. D.
1100, the descendants of Mahmud, retiring from Ghazni before the
rising power of the Saljukis, had fixed their new capital at Lahore,
although Ghazni still belonged to their kingdom, and was occasionally
the seat of Government. But a new and more formidable enemy soon
appeared, when the celebrated Muaz-uddin Sam, commonly called
Muhammad Ghori, after capturing the cities of Multan and Pesh4-
war, appeared before Lahore in A. D. 1180, and put an end to the
Ghaznavide dynasty by the capture of their capital in A. D. 1186.
The danger was Or ee, and only 5 years later, in A. D. 1191,
we find the Ghori King in full march on Ajmere. But the Raja of
Dilli was well prepared for this invasion, and, with the aid of his allies
he defeated the Musalmans, with great slaughter, at Tilaor :
2, midway
|
.
|
:
.
:
PAA Ee es a
ping cp, !
4
a,
Tealule oe |
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Py es We ais oT eat ta epi
Wee
~ oe
lees
wat
biadand TAR, age te aaa mene: >.
PM
«
af “>
xlvi feeport of the Archeological Survey.
between Karnal and Thanesar. As the first appearance of the formid-
able Ghoris before Lahore corresponds so nearly with the accession of
Prithivi Raja, I think it very probable that the fortification of the
eiby of Dili was forced upon the Raja by a well-grounded apprehen-
sion that Dilh itself might soon ke attacked; and so it happened, for
within two years after the battle of Zilaori, the Raja was a prisoner,
and Dill was in the possession of the MusalmAns.
87. The circuit of Rai Pithora’s Fort is 4 miles and 8 furlongs, or
just three times as much as that of Zdlkot. But the defences of the
city are in every way inferior to those of the citadel. The walls are
one half the height, and the towers are placed at much longer intervals.
The wall of the city is carried from the north bastion of Lalkot, called
Hateh Burj, to the north-east for three quarters of a mile, where it
turns to the south-east for 13 miles to the Damdama Burj. From
this bastion the direction of the wall for about 1 mile is south-west,
and then north-west for a short distance to the south end of the hill
on which Azim Khan’s tomb is situated. Beyond this point the wall
can be traced for some distance to the south along the ridge which was
most probably connected with the south-east corner of Lalkot., some-
where in the neighbourhood of Sir 'T. Metcalfe’s house.
88. The Fort of Rai Pithora is said to have had 9 gates besides the
Ghazni gate. Four of these gates can still be traced; the Ist is on
the west side, and is covered by an out-work ; the 2nd is on the north
side, towards Indrpat ; the 3rd is on the east side, towards Tughlakabad ;
and the 4th is on the south-east side. But besides these there must
have been other gates somewhere on the south side, one of which could
not have been far from Sir T. Metealfe’s house. Such was the Hindu
eity of Dilli when it was captured by the Musalmans in January 1199.
The circuit of its walls was nearly 43 miles, and it covered a space of
ground equal to one-half of the modern Shahjahénabad, the Capital of
the Mogul Sovereigns of India. It possessed 27 Hindu temples, of
which several hundreds of richly carved pillars remain to attest both
the taste and the wealth of the last Hindu Rulers of Dilli.
MUHAMMADAN REMAINS.
89. The first Musalman Sovereigns of Delhi are said to have
remained content with the fortress of Rai Pithora, although it seems
highly probable that they must have added to the defences of the west
satel ei Rig oT i a na ES
1 FT phen hm G4 dnc Wr we PUP a
Report of the Archeological Survey. xlvii
gate, by which they had entered Lalkot, the citadal of the Hindu Kings.
But though the first Musalman Kings did not build huge forts or
extensive cities to perpetuate their names, yet in the Great Mosque
and magnificent column of Kutb-uddin Aibeg, as well as in the richly
carved tomb of Altamish, they have left behind them a few wonderful
works, which are in every way more worthy of our admiration.
90. The Great Mosque of Kutb-uddin was called the Jdma
Masjid, according to the inscription over the inner archway of the east
entrance. But it is now more commonly known as the Masjid-i-Kutb-
ul Islam, or the “ Mosque of the Pole Star of Islamism,” a name which
appears to preserve that of its founder. It seems probable, however,
that the Kutb Mosque, as well as the Jéinar, may have been named
after the contemporary Saint Kutb-uddin Ushi, whose tomb is close by ;
Syad Ahmad adds that the Mosque was also called the Adina Masjid.
This Great Mosque, which even in ruin is one of the most magnificent
works in the world, was seen by Ibn Batuta* about 150 years after its
erection, when he describes it as having no equal, either for beauty or
extent. In the time of Timur, the people of old Delhi prepared to
defend the Great Mosque, but they were all, according to the Muham-
madan Historian Sharif-uddin, despatched by the sword “ to the deepest
hell.” The Mosque is not mentioned by Baber, although he notices
the Minar and the tomb of Khwaja Kutb-uddin, which he perambu-
lated.+ It is not mentioned either by Abul Fazl; but no inference can
be drawn from his silence, as he does not even allude to the Kutb Minar.
The Minar itself was repaired during the reign of Sikandar Lodi: but
we hear nothing of the Great Mosque, from which, perhaps, it may be
inferred either that it was still in good order, or that it was too much
ruined to be easily repaired. I conclude that the latter was the case
as it seems probable that the permanent removal of the Court ce
Delhi to Firuzabad must have led to the gradual abandonment of the
old city. We have a paralled case in the removal of the Hindu Court
| aS to Bari in the time of Mahmud of Ghazni. This removal
00 ace in A. D. ; ithi
Abu Bihan Le a a ae be
) having been deserted by its ruler, “ fell
to ruin.”
ies oe ee = pees was pen immediately after
. 1. 989, or A. D. 1193, as recorded by the
* Travels, p. 111, * Memoirs, p. 308.
=
wl
—
al
it
li
lis
}
43
5.’
:
‘ we
ees eg eee
~ Tie 2. Le ’
re:
t +i ¥
j :
xlviii feeport of the Archeological Survey.
King himself, in the long inscription over the inner archway of the
east entrance. The date is given by Syad Ahmad as 587, but this
difference in the unit has been caused by his own omission of the two
points of the initial letter of the word isa, e~3, or nine, instead of
Saba, ei», or “seven,” as he has got it. In this inscription, as well
as in the shorter one over the outer archway of the same gate, Kutb-
uddin refrains from calling himself by the title of Sultan, which he
bestows on his Suzerain Muaz-uddin in the inscription over the north
gateway. ‘This last inscription is dated in A. H. 592. And here
again I have to notice the omission of two points in the Syad’s copy
of the second number of the date. In my copy, which was taken in
1859, I find the word (A, tisain, or “ninety,” quite complete. In
this inscription it is recorded that the foundation of the Masjid was
laid in the reign of the Sultan Mudiz-uddin Muhammad, bin Sdm (in
the time of the Khalif) Waser, Chief of the Faithful. The date of
A. H. 592, or A. D. 1196, must therefore I think, be referred to the
completion of the building. It is true that three years may seem but
a short time for the completion of this large Mosque, yet, when we
remember that the whole of the stones were obtained ready squared
from the Hindu temples on the spot, our wonder will cease, and any
doubts that might have arisen in our minds will be dissipated at once.
92. ‘The /déma Masjid is not so large aS many buildings of the
same kind that have been raised in later years, such as the great
Mosques of Jonpur and others; but it is still unrivalled for its grand
line of gigantic arches, and for the graceful beauty of the flowered
tracery which covers its walls. The front of the Masjid is a wall
8 feet thick, pierced by a line of seven noble arches. ‘The centre arch
is 22 feet wide and nearly 53 feet in height, and the side arches are
10 feet wide and 24 feet high. Through these gigantic arches the
first Musalmans of Delhi entered a magnificent room 185 feet long
and 31 feet broad, the roof of which was supported on five rows of
the tallest and finest of the Hindu pillars. The Mosque is approached
through a cloistered court, 145 feet in length from east to west, and
96 feet in width. In the midst of the west half of this court, stands
the celebrated Iron Pillar, surrounded by cloisters formed of several
rows of Hindu columns of infinite variety of design, and of most
delicate execution. There are three entrances to the court of the
Masjid, each 10 feet in width, of which the eastern entrance was the
J Ne eget oe eS ep ED Te rete WS ATE RR Se PET 10 0k enema es ae Se
Report of the Archeological Survey. xlix
principal one. The southern entrance has disappeared long ago, but
the other two are still in good order, with their interesting inscrip-
tions in large Arabic letters.
93. I have already noticed that the whole of the beautiful Hindu
pillars in these cloisters were originally covered with plaster by the
idol-hating Musalmans as the readiest way of removing the infidel
images from the view of true believers. A further proof of this may
be seen on two stones in the north side of the court, one fixed in the
inner wall in the north-east angle just above the pillars, and the other
in the outer wall between the north gate and the north-east corner.
The inner sculpture represents several well known Hindu gods,—Ist,
Vishnu lying on a couch with a lotus rising from his navel, and covered
by a canopy, with two attendants, one standing at his head and one
sitting at his feet; 2nd, a seated figure not recognized ; 3rd, Indra
on his elephant ; 4th, Brahma with three heads seated on his goose ;
Sth, Siva, with his trident seated on his bull nandi ; 6th, a figure with
lotus seated on some animal not recognized. The outer sculpture
is of a different description. The scene shows two rooms with
a half-opened door between them. In each room there is a female
lying on a couch with a child by her side, a canopy over her
head, and an attendant at her feet. In the left-hand room two females
are seen carrying children towards the door, and in the right-hand
room, two others are doing the same. The whole four of these
females appear to be hastening towards the principal figure in the
right-hand room. I am unable to offer any explanation of this very
curious scene. But as itis quite certain that these figures could not
have been exposed to the sight of the early Musalmdns, I conclude
that these stones must also have been carefully plastered over.
94. During the reign of Altamish, the son-in-law of Kutb-uddin,
the Great Mosque was much enlarged by the addition of two wings
to the north and south, and by the erection of a new cloistered court
six times as large as the first court. The fronts of the two wing
buildings are pierced by five arches each, the middle arches being 24
feet span, the next arches 18 feet, and the outer arches only 84 feet.
The walls are of the same thickness, and their ornamental scrolls are
of the same delicate and elaborate tracery as those of the original
Mosque. But though the same character ig thus preserved in these
new buildings, it would seem that they were not intended simply as
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additions to the Jama Masjid, but as new and separate Mosques. J
infer this from the existence of a large niche in the middle of the rear
wall of the north wing, which, as far as my observation goes, is the
usual mode of construction for the middle of the back wall of every
large Mosque. The whole front of the Jama Masjid, with its new
additions, is 384 feet in length, which is also the length of its cloistered
court. ‘The wall on the south side of the court, as well as the south
end of the east wall, are fortunately in good preservation, and, as
about three-fourths of the columns are still standing, we are able to
measure the size of the enclosure with precision, and to reckon the
number of columns with tolerable certainty. The number of columns
must have been as nearly as possible 600, and as each of them consists
of two Hindu shafts, the whole number of Hindu pillars thus brought
‘inte use could not have been less than 1,200. By my measurements
the court is a square of 862 feet inside the walls, of which the west
wall, which isthe front of the Masjid, is only 8 feet thick, the other
walls being 11 feet thick. The whole area covered by the Masjid and
its court is therefore 420 feet by 384 feet; and exactly in the middle
of the south side of this great quadrangle stands the majestic column
called Autb Minar, within 11 feet of the line of cloister pillars.
95. During the present century, much speculation has been wasted
as to the origin of the Kutb Minar, whether it is a purely Muham-
madan building, or a Hindu building altered and completed by the
conquerors. ‘The latter 1s undoubtedly the common belief of the
people, who say that the pillar was built by Rai Pithora for the pur-
pose of giving his daughter a view of the River Jumna. Some people
even say that the intention was to obtain a view of the Ganges, and
that, the Kutb Minar having failed to secure this, a second pillar of
double the size was commenced, but the work was interrupted by the
conquest of the Musalmans. The first part of this tradition was warmly
adopted by Sir T. Metcalfe, and it has since found a strong advocate
in Syad Ahmad, whose remarks are quoted with approval by Mr.
Cooper in his recent hand-book for Delhi. Syad Ahmad, however,
refers only the basement story to Rai Pithora; but this admission
involves the whole design of the column, which preserves the same
marked character throughout all the different stories. The Hindu
theory has found a stout opponent in Colonel Sleeman, who argues
that the _ slope of the building “is the peculiar characteristic of
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Report of the Archeological Survey. li
all architecture of the Pathans,” and that the arches of the Great
Mosque close by it “ all correspond in design, proportion, and execution
to the tower.” 7
96. Mr. Cooper* recapitulates Syad Ahmad’s arguments, and
finally states as his opinion that it “ remains an open question whether
this magnificent pillar was commenced by the Hindus or Muham-
madans.” I must confess, however, that I am myself quite satisfied
that the building is entirely a Muhammadan one, both as to origin
and to design; although, no doubt, many, perhaps all, of the beauti-
ful details of the richly decorated balconies may be Hindu. To me
these decorations seem to be purely Hindu, and just such as may be
seen in the honeycomb enrichments of the domes of most of the old
Hindu temples. The arguments brought forward in support of the
Hindu origin of the column are the following :-—
97. Ist.—‘ That there is only ene Minar, which is contrary to
the practice of the Muhammadans, who always give two Minars to
their Masjids.” I allow that this has been the practice of the Muham-
madans for the last three hundred years at least, and I will even
admit that the little corner turrets or pinnacles of the Kala, or Kalan,
Masjid of Firuz Shah, may be looked upon as Minars. This would
extend the period of the use of two Minars to the middle of the 14th
century ; hut it must be remembered that these little turrets of
Firuz Shah’s Masjid are not what the Musalmans called Mazinahs,
or lofty towers, from the top of which the Muazzin ealls the faithful
to prayer. But the Kutb Minar is a MMazinah ; and that it was the
practice of the early Muhammadans to build a single tower, we have
the most distinct and satisfactory proofs in the two Minars of Ghazni,
which could not have belonged to one Masjid, as they are half a mile
apart, and of different sizes. These Minars were built by Mahmud
in the early part of the 11th century, or about 180 years prior to the
erection of the Kutb Minar. Another’ equally decisive proof of this
practice is the solitary Minar at Koel, which was built in A. H. 652,
or A. D. 1254, by Kutlugh Khan during the reign of Nasiruddin
Mahmud, the youngest son of Altamish, in whose time the Kutb
Minar itself was completed. These still existing Minars of Ghazni
and Koel show that it was the practice of the early Muhammadans to
* Hand-book for Delhi, p, 73.
a 2
hi deeport of the Archeological Survey.
have only one Minar even down to so late a date as the middle of the
13th century.
98. 2nd.—lIt is objected that the slope of the Kutb Minar is much
greater than that of any other known Minars. This objection has
already been satisfactorily answered by Colonel Sleeman, who says
truly that “the slope is the peculiar characteristic of the architecture
of the Pathans.”
99. 38rd.—Syad Ahmad agrees that, if the Minar had been intended
as a Mazinah to the Great Mosque, it would have been erected at one
end of it, instead of being at some distance from it. In reply to this
objection I can point again to the Koel Minar, which occupies exactly
the same detached position with regard to the Jama Masjid of Koel
as the Kuth Minar does with respect to the Great Mosque of Delhi.
Both of them are placed outside the south-east corner of their respec-
tive Masjids. This coincidence of position seems to me sufficient to
settle the questicn in favour of the Kutb Minar having been intended
as a Mazinah of the Great Mosque.
100. 4th.—Syad Ahmad further argues “that the entrance door
faces the north, as the Hindus always have it,” whereas the Muham-
madans invariably place it to the eastward, as may be seen in the
unfinished “ Minar of Ala-uddin to the north of the Kutb Minar.”
Once more I appeal to the Koel Minar, which, be it remembered, was
erected by the son of the Emperor who completed the building of the
Kutb Minar, and which may therefore be looked upon as an almost
contemporary work. In the Koel Minar the entrance door is to the
north, exactly asin the Kutb Minar. In both instances, I believe
that it was so placed chiefly for the convenience of the Muazzin when
going to call the faithful to prayer. I think, also, that Syad
Ahmad has overlooked the fact that the Minars of modern days are
“engaged” towers, that is, they form the ends of the front wall of the
Mosque, and, as the back wall of every Mosque is to the westward,
the entrances to the “engaged” Minars must necessarily be to the
eastward. But the case is entirely different with a solitary disengaged
Minar of which the entrance would naturally be on the side nearest
to its Masjid. But waiving this part of the discussion, I return to
the fact that the entrance of the Koel Minar is to the northward
exactly the same as in the Kutb Minar, and that the entrances to the
two great tombs of Bahdwal Hak and Rukn-uddin in Multan are not
+ FF igen ans 54 ei aI OP REE Fae REE
Report of the Archeological Survey. hit
to the eastward but to the southward, as are also those of the Taj Mahal,
and of most other modern tombs. The only exception that I know is the
tomb of Altamish, of which theentrance is to theeastward. Theargument
of Syad Ahmad includes also the position of the entrance doors of Hindu
buildings, which, as he says, are always placed to the northward.
But this is an undoubted mistake, as a very greab majority of Hindu
temples have their entrances to the eastward. On referring to my
note-books, I find that, out of 50 temples, of which I have a record,
no less than 38 have their entrances to the east, 10 to the west, and
only 2 to the north, both of which last are in the Fort of Gwalior.
101. 4th.—Syad Ahmad further objects that “it is customary for
the Hindus to commence such buildings without any platform (or
plinth), whereas the Muhammadans always erect their buildings upon
a raised terrace or platform, as may be seen in the unfinished Minar
of Ala-uddin Khilji.” In this statement about the Hindu buildings,
Syad Ahmad is again mistaken, as it is most undoubtedly the usual
custom of the Hindus to raise their temples on plinths. I can point
to the gigantic Buddhist temple at Buddha Gaya as springing from a
plinth nearly 20 feet in height. The two largest temples in the Fort
of Gwalior, one Brahmanical and the other Jain, are both raised on
plinths, so also are the elaborately sculptured temples of Kajraha,
and so are most of the temples in Kashmir. Lastly, the Great Pillar
at Chitor has a plinth not less than 8 or 10 feet in height, as may be
seen in Fergusson’s and Tod’s Drawings, and which Tod* describes
as “an ample terrace 42 feet square.” ‘The smaller pillar at Chitor
must also have a good plinth, as. Fergusson describes the entrance as
at some height above the base. That the Muhammadans in India
also erect their buildings on plinths or raised terraces, I readily
admit ; for, on the same principle that a cuckoo may be said to build
a nest, the Musalmans usually placed their buildings on the sites of
Hindu temples which they had previously destroyed. The Mosques
at Mathura, Kanoj, and Jonpur, are signal examples of this practice.
The raised terrace is therefore only an accidental adjunct of the
Muhammadan building, whereas it is a fundamental part of the Hindu
structure. But the early Musalmans did no¢ place their buildings on
raised terraces or platforms, as may be seen by a reference to the
drawings of Mosques in Syria and Persia, which are given in Fer-
gusson’s Hand-book.t The Ghaznivides also, who were the more
* Rajasthan, II. 761. t Vol. L, p. 415.
eS ee RS
liv Leeport of the Archeological Survey,
immediate predecessors of the Indian Musalmans, built their Minars
at Ghazni without plinths. The contemporary tomb of Altamish ig iF
likewise without a plinth. From all these facts I infer that the early
Musalman structures in India were usually built without plinths, and
therefore that the Kutb Minar is undoubtedly a Muhammadan ie
building. ie
102. 5th.—The last argument brought forward by Syad Ahmad ip
is, that bells, which are used in Hindu worship, are found sculptured .
on the lower part of the basement story of the Kutb Minar. It is fl
true that bells are used in the daily worship of the Hindus, and also at
that they are a common ornament of Hindu columns, as may be “fi
seen on most of the pillars in the cloisters of the Great Mosque. But io
bells are no more idolatreus than flowers, which are used in such
profusion in the daily service of the Hindu temples. The fact is,
that, where Muhammadan Mosques have been built of the materials
stolen from Hindu Temples, such portions of architectural ornament ,
as were free from figures either of men or of animals, were invariably =.
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circle, which is completely covered with Arabic inscriptions. One of
the Hindu circles is made up solely of the Swastzka or mystic cross of -k
the early Indians. This symbol is essentially an idolatrous one,
although it is most probable that the Musalmans were not aware of r
its significance. But if the ornamental bells of the Kutb Minar are Oh
to be taken as a proof of its Hindu origin, even so must the orna-
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design of the building is strictly Muhammadan, while its ornament- ‘ty
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that supports: the central dome of this Mosque is made up of two old yy
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Report of the Archeological Survey. lv
103. The strong evidence which I have brought forward in reply
to the arguments of Syad Ahmad and others, appears to me to be
quite conclusive as to the origin of the Kuth Minar, which is essenti-
ally a Muhammadan building. But the strongest evidence in favour
of this conclusion is the fact that the Musalmans, of Ghazni had
already built two separate Minars of similar design, whereas the only
Hindu pillar of an early date, namely, the smaller column at
Chitor, is altogether dissimilar, both in plan and in detail. The
entrance to this Hindu tower is at some height above the ground,
while that of the Kutb Minar is absolutely on the ground level. The
summit of the Hindu tower is crowned by an open pillared temple of
almost the same width as the base of the building, whereas the cupola
of the Kutb Minar is little more than one-sixth of the diameter of its
base. But this small cupola of less than 9 feet in diameter was pecu-
harly adapted for one special purpose connected with the performance
of the Muhammadan religion. From this narrow point the Muazzin
could summon the faithful to prayer from all sides by simply turning
round and repeating the Jzan, and on all sides he would be visible to
the people. The small size of the cupola which crowns the Kutb
Minar, is a characteristic peculiar to Muhammadan towers for the
special reason which I have just mentioned. On this account, there-
fore, 1 conclude that the Kutb Minar isa Mazinah or Muazzin’s
tower.
104. That the Kutb Minar was actually used as a Mazinah, we
may infer from the records of Shamsi Siraj, who, about A. D. 1880,
records that the magnificent Minar in the Jama Masjid of old Delhi
was built by Sultan Shams-uddin Altamish. But the fact is placed
beyond all doubt by Abulfeda, who wrote about A. D. 1800. He
describes the AMJazinah of the Jama Masjid at Delhi as made of red
stone and very lofty, with many sides and 360 steps.
Now this description can be applied only to the Kutb Minar, which,
as 16 at present stands, has actually 379 steps; but we know that the
Minar was struck by lightning in the reign of Firuz Shah, by whose
orders it was repaired in A. D. 1868. There is therefore nothing
improbable in the account of Abulfeda that the Minar in his time had
only 860 steps. On the contrary, I accept the statement as a valuable
hint towards ascertaining the height of the original Minar as com-
pleted by the Emperor Altamish. }
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105. The object of building this lofty column seems to me to be
clear enough. ‘The first Musalman conquerors were an energetic race,
whose conceptions were as bold and daring as their actions. When
the zealous Muhammadan looked on the great city of Delhi, the
metropolis of the princely Tomars and the haughty Chohans, his first
wish would have been to humble the pride of the infidel ; his second, to
exalt the religion of his prophet Muhammad. ‘To attain both of these
objects, he built a lofty column, from whose summit the Dfwazzin’s call
to morning and evening prayer could be heard on all sides by Hindus
as well as by Musalmans. The conqueror’s pride was soothed by the
daily insult and indignity thus offered to the infidel, while his religious
feelings were gratified by the erection of a noble monument which
towered majestically over the loftiest houses in the city.
106. ‘The Kutb Minar as it stands now is 288 feet and 1 inch in
height, with a base diameter of 47 feet 3 inches, and an upper diameter
of nearly 9 feet. The base or plinth of the pillar is 2 feet in height, —
the shait is 234 feet and 1 inch, and the base or stump of the old cupola
is 2 feet more; thus making the whole height 238 feet 1 inch. The
shaft is divided into five stories, of which the lower story is 94 feet 1]
inches in height, and the upper story is 22 feet 4 inches, the two
measurements together being just equal to one-half of the height of the
column. The height of the second story is 50 feet 83 inches, that of
the third story is 40 feet 93 inches, and that of the fourth story 1s 25 feet
4: inches, or just one-half of the height of the second story. There are
two other proportions which may be noticed, as they most probably
entered into the original design of the building. The column, as it
stands now, omitting only the stump of the old cupola, is just five
diameters in height ; thus, 47 feet 3 inches, multiplied by 5, gives 236
feet 3 inches as the height of the column, which is only 2 inches in
excess of the mean measurement. Again, the lower story is just two
diameters in height. Both of these proportions were, I presume,
intentional. But there is another coincidence of measurements, which
is, I think, too curious to have been intentional, namely, that the
circumference of the base is equal to the sum of the diameters of the
six stories of the building, the old cupola being considered as a sixth
story.
107. As some of the dimensions here given differ from those recorded
by Ensign Blunt in the Asiatic Researches, it is necessary that I
, oe ‘ cere meetin in is NS SS ED RON OED
FET Di cet ct ne Se WORRIES ZS art Hn CA eH ERG HST ig SO SSN = : ess = : = =
Report of the Archeological Survey. Ivil
should state that they are the mean results of two sets of measurements,
the first taken by myself in 1839, and the other by Sir Frederick
Abbott im 1846. I now give these measurements in detail for
comparison :—
A. D. 1839. A. D. 1846. Mean. Blunt.
Ht. In, Ht. In, Ht. dn, Ft. In.
Upper story 21 10 22 10 22 A
4th story wo. 20 4 25 4 25 4 23 0
ord, 40-9 40 10 40 93 40 0
Pad 5, ... 00 10 50 7 50 8% 50 O
Basement stery .. 95 38 94 7 94 11 90 0
234 0 284 2 234 1
Plinth so oe 2 0 2 0
236 OQ 236 2 2386 1
Stump ofold cupola... 2 O 2 0 2 0
Total present height... 288 0 288 2 288 1 242 6
Sp
The only way in which I can account for the great difference of 5 feet in
the height of the lower story between Blunt’s measurements taken in
1794 and the actual height as it now stands, is by supposing that there
must have been an accumulation of rubbish at the foot of the tower
which would have diminished the actual height of the basement story.
His heights of the second and third stories agree very closely with my
measurements, but that of the fourth story is mere than 2 feet short
of the true height. The height of the fifth story is not given.
108. In recording Blunt’s measurements Mr. Fergusson has, I
think, made a mistake in excluding the eupola from the ascertained
height of 242 feet 6 inches. Blunt distinctly states that the height
of the third story was 180 feet, which, deducted from 2421 will give
no less than 625 feet for the height of the two upper stories. But
this height, as we know from present measurements, is only 25 feet 4
inches, plus 22 feet 4 inches, or altogether 47 feet 8 inches, which
deducted from 623 feet leaves 14 feet 10 inches unaccounted for. I[
conclude, therefore, that this must have been the height of the cupola
as it stood in A. D. 1794. Accepting this view as correct, the true
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height of the Kutb Minar in 1794 must have been 236 feet 1 inch, |
plus 14 feet 10 inches, or 250 feet 11 inches.
109. The base or plinth of the Kutb Minar is a polygon of 24
sides, each side measuring 6 feet 14 inches, or altogether 147 feet,
The basement story has the same number of faces formed into convex
flutes, which are alternately angular and semi-circular. This last fact
alone is sufficient to show the inaccuracy of Blunt’s description of the
plan as a polygon of 27 sides,* as any uneven number of faces would
have brought two flutes of the same kind together. In the second
story the flutes are all semi- circular, and in the third story they are
all angular. The fourth story is circular and plain, and the fifth
story is partially fluted with convex semi-circular flutes. Round the
top of each story runs a bold projecting balcony, which is richly and
elaborately decorated. The three lower stories are also ornamented
with belts of Arabic writing, bordered with richly decorated bands.
These three stories are built entirely of red sandstone, but there is a
difference in the colours of the stone, that of the second story being
generally a pale pinkish buff, while that of the third story is a dark
red. ‘The whole of the upper part of the fourth story is built of
white marble, and there are also two ornamental bands of white
marble in the fifth story. According to Ibn Batuta,} the pillar was
said to have been built “of stones from seven different quarries; but
I could not trace more than three different kinds of stone, viz., the
grey quartzose rock of Delhi, the white marble of Jaipur, and the
red sandstone of the hills to the south of Delhi. If, however, the
different colours of the sand-stone be taken into account, there are
certainly three distinct colours, or buff, pink, and red, which may be
considered as forming three distinct varieties of sand-stone. The
grey quartzose stone is used only in the interior of the building, and
the white marble is confined to the two upper stories. Inside the
pillar there is a spiral stair-case of 376 steps from the ground level
to the balcony of the fifth story. Above this, there are three steps
more to the present top of the stone-work, which once formed the
floor of the paltry pavilion which Major Robert Smith was allowed to
stick on the top of this noble column.
110. In 1794, when Ensign Blunt sketched the Kutb Minar, the
* Asiatic Researches of Bengal, TV., 324.
+ Travels—p. 111.
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Report of the Archeological Survey. lix
old cupola of Firuz Shah was still standing, although much ruined.
Blunt’s rude Sketch, as given in the Asiatic Researches, conveys no
intelligible idea of the old cupola, and is sarcastically compared by
Robert Smith to “a large stone harp.” A better idea of the old
eupola will be formed from an aquatint view of the pillar given in
Blagdon’s “ Brief History of India,” which was published about 18—.
By comparing this view with the statement of the Natives that the
eld cupola was a “plain square top on four stone pillars,”* I think
that it would be quite possible to restore the upper part of the pillar
in a style that would harmonize with the rest of the building. It is
difficult, indeed, to conceive anything more incongruous than the
flimsy Mogul pavilion, which Robert Smith fixed on the “top of this
grand and massive specimen of Pathan architecture.” In my Note-
book of 1839, I find a remark that “the balustrades of the balconies
and the plain shght building on the top of the pillar do not harmo-
nize with the massive and richly ornamented Pathan architecture.”
Major Smith’s pavilion was taken down in 1847 or 1848 by order of Lord
Hardinge. I presume that this was done at the suggestion of his
eldest son, the present Lord Hardinge, whose known artistic taste and:
skill would at once have detected the architectural unfitness of such
a flimsy pavilion for the summit of this noble column.
111. On the Ist August 1808, the old cupola of the Kutb Minar
was thrown down, and the whole pillar seriously injured by an earth-
quake. A drawing of the pillar while it was in this state was made
by Captain Elliot upwards of two years after the earthquake, but the
engraving of this drawing is too small to show the nature of the
balustrades of the balconies. About this time the dangerous state of
the pillar was brought to the notice of the Governor-General, who
authorized the necessary repairs to be begun at once. This difficult
work was entrusted to Major Robert Smith, of the Engineers, and
was completed by the beginning of the year 1828, at a cost of Rs.
17,000, with a further charge of more than Rs. 5,000 for clearing the
ruins around the pillar. The intricate nature of some of these yepairs
can be best seen and understood by an examination of Mallitte’s large
photograph of the lower baleony. All the forms of the mouldings
have been carefully preserved, but the rich ornamentation has been
* Robert Smith’s Report in Journal, Archeological Society of Delhi,
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omitted as too costly, and the new stone-work is therefore quite plain
throughout. ‘This part of the work appears to have been done with
much patience and skill, and Major Smith deserves credit for the
conscientious care whieh he bestowed upon it. But this commenda-
tion must be confined to the repairs, for the restorations of the
entrance door-way, of the balustrades, and of the cupola, are altogether
out of keeping with the rest of the pillar.
112. It appears from Major Smith’s Report that the old entrance
doorway was still in existence at that time, although mueh broken. This
being the case, he should have adhered strictly to the original design,
instead of which, to use his own words, “the former rude and frac-
tured entrance door of the base of the column (was) repaired, and
anproved with new mouldings, frieze, and repair of the inscription
tablet.” From this statement I infer that the whole of the entrance
doorway is Smith’s own design, a conclusion whieh has already been
drawn by Mr. Fergusson, who denounces this work as being “in the
true style of Strawberry Hill Gothic.” Perhaps it may not now be
possible to recover the original design, but its main features may be
ascertained from the other three existing doorways. All of these are
plain, and 16 is evident from Major Smith’s account that the lower
doorway was also plain, or, as he calls it, “rude,” and without frieze
or mouldings, which were added by himself. I confess, therefore, that
I should like to see Smith’s doorway altogether removed, and the old
entrance restored in the simple but massive style of the other doorways.
The entrance of the Koél Minar, which is still in existence, is also
plain, and might be studied with advantage.
113, ‘Phe fimsy balustrades are even a greater eye-sore than the
modern entrance, as they form a prominent part in every view of the
building. But although not ornamental, they are useful, and might
on that account alone be tolerated. 1 would not, however, be either
difficult, or expensive to remove them, and to furnish new balustrades
more in harmony with the rich style of the balconies. Ensign Blunt
describes the old balustrades as “small battlements;” and such, I
believe, must have been the nature of the original balustrades, at once
rich and massive, like the battlements of the older tombs. The
present balustrades might be sold with advantage in Delhi, as they
belong to the flimsy style of garden-house architecture of the present&
day.
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Report of the Archeological Survey. 1xi
_ 114. The history of the Kutb Minar is written in tts inscriptions.
ih, In the basement story there are six bands or belts of inscriptions
encircling the tower. The uppermost band contains only some verses
* from the Koran, and the next below it gives the well known ninety-
* nine Arabic names of the Almighty. The third belt contains the
' name and praises of Mauz-uddin, Abul Muzafar, Muhammad Bin
Sdm. The fourth belt contains only a verse from the Koran, and the
q fifth belt repeats the name and praises of the Sultan Muhammad Bin
4 Sam. The lowermost belt has been too much injured, both by time
7 and by ignorant restorations, to admit of being read, but Syad Ahmad
i has traced the words “ Amir-ul-Umra,” or Chief of the ‘ Nobles.”
om The inscription over the entrance doorway records that “this Minar
hl of Sultan Shams-uddin Altamish having been injured, was repaired
she during the reign of Sikander Shah, son of Bahlol, by Fatah Khan,
ans the son of Khawas Khan, in A. H. 909,” or A. D. 1508.
aw 115. In the second story the inscription over the doorway records
that the Emperor Altamish ordered the completion of the Minar,
The lowermost belt contains the verses of the Koran respecting the
| summons to prayers on Friday, and the upper line contains the
praises of the Emperor Altamish. Over the door of the third story
the praises of Altamish are repeated, and again in the belt of inscrip-
tion round the column. In the fourth story the door inscription
records that the Minar was ordered to be erected during the reign of
Altamish. Theinscription over the door of the fifth story states that
| the Minar having been injured by lightning, was repaired by the
, Emperor Firuz Shah in A. H. 770 or A. D. 1868.
) 116. But besides these long inscriptions, which form part of the
architectural ornament of the pillar, there are a few other short
records which are worth preserving. On the basement story is re-
corded the name of Fazzil, son of Abul Muah, the Mutawali or high
priest; and on one side of the third story is found the name of
Muhammad Amircho, Architect. On the same story, also, there is a
| short Nagari inscription in one line with the name of Muhammad
ry Sultan and the date of Samvat 1382, or A. D. 13825, which was the
ip first year of Muhammad Tughlak’s reign. On the wall of the fourth
| story there is another Nagari inscription, in two lines, which is dated
} in the Samvet year 1425, or A. D. 1368, in the reign of Piroj Sdh, or
Firuz Shah 'Tughlak, A third Nagari inscription is found on the
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south jamb of the doorway of the fourth story, cut partly on the
white marble and partly on the red sand-stone. ‘This also gives the
name of Firuz Shah, but the date is one year later than the last, or
Samvat 1426. This is the longest and most important of the Nagari
mscriptions, but unfortunately it is not in such a state of preservation,
—more especially the upper portion on the white marble,—as to be
easily legible. I can make out the words Sr Viswakarma prasdde
rachita, and towards the end I find the title of Stlpi, or “ Architect,”
applied to the son of Chdhada Deva Pdla, named Nana Salha, who
repaired the Minar, But in the middle of the inscription I find no
Jess than five numbers given in figures, all of which are preceded by
the word gaj, as gaj 22, gaj 3, gaj 26, gaj 181, and gaj 134. TI infer
from these measurements that the inscription may probably be of
some importance in determining the nature and extent of the repairs
that were executed by Firuz Shah. As I read one passage of this
inseription, the Architect was obliged to a down (nipatit) a con-
siderable portion of the pillar.
117. It now only remains to ascertain who was the actual builder
of the Kutb Minar. The learned Syad Ahmad assigns the original
building of the basement story to Rai Pithora, and its adaptation by
the Musalmans to Kutb-uddin Aibeg. The name and titles of this
King were, he thinks, engraved in the lowermost band of inscriptions,
as the leoible words of this band correspond with portion of Aibeg’s
inscription over the inner arch of the eastern gateway of the Great
Mosque. ‘The completion of the Minar he assigns to Altamish. The
claim of the Hindus has already been fully discussed and disposed of as
altogether baseless. That of Kutb-uddin Aibeg is founded chiefly on
the fact that the pillar is called by his name, and partly on the fact that
the name of Muhammad Bin Sim is twice recorded on the lower
story of the column. ‘The occurrence of this name makes it highly
probable that the name of Kuthb-uddin Aibeg was also engraved on
this story, as argued by Syad Ahmad. With these two names en-
graved on the basement story it seems only natural to conclude that
the building of the pillar was begun by Aibeg during the life-time of
his Suzerain, Muhammad Bin SAm, and in full accordance with this
conclusion is the statement recorded over the doorway of the second
story, that the completion of the pillar was ordered by Altamish.
Under this view, the building of the Minar may have been begun by
sate ecg OT A pet A SE OT ORG ORG OA PI EET TS pte —
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Report of the Archeological Survey. Ix
Aibeg in about A. D. 1200, and completed by Altamish in about
1220.
118. The other view which attributes the foundation of the pillar
to Altamish is based chiefly, I believe, on the statements of Abulfeda
and Shams-i-Sirdj, which are supported by the inscription of Sikan-
dar Lodi over the entrance door of the pillar. Syad Ahmad refers to
the inscription over the doorway of the second story, which records
that Altamish ordered the completion of the Minar, as a proof that
he did not commence it. But another inscription over the doorway
of the fourth story seems to be equally explicit in assigning the
beginning of the Minar to Altamish. Both Syad Ahmad and Nawéb
Zia-uddin give the same translation of this inscription, namely, that
“the erection of this building was ordered during the reign of Shams-
uddin Altamish.” It is possible, however, that the order recorded in
this inscription may refer to the fourth story only, and as this limited
view of its meaning will bring the two otherwise conflicting inscrip~
tions into strict accord with each other, I think that it may be accept-
ed as the most probable intention of the inscriber. The statements
of Abulfeda, Shams-i-Siraj, and Sikandar Lodi, all of which agree in
calling this pillar the Minar of Altamish, may, perhaps, be explained
as conveying only the popular opinion, and are certainly not entitled
to the same weight as the two inscriptions on the basement story
which record the name and titles of Muhammad Bin Sam, the
Suzerain of Kutb-uddin Aibeg, whose name is now attached to the
pillar. The absence of Altamish’s name in the inscription of the
lower story is, I think, a conclusive proof that he himself did not
claim it as his own work.
119. According to Syad Ahmad, the Emperor Altamish erected
five stories in addition to the basement story, and another story was
atterwards added by Firuz Shah; thus making, altogether, seven
stories, of which he says that “ two have fallen down and five remain
to this day.” But both of these statements I believe to be erroneous,
for the mention of 360 steps by Abulfeda in about A. D. 1300, makes
it certain that the Minar, as completed by Altamish, could not have
been higher than the present one, which has 379 steps. The five
stories of Altamish must therefore have included the basemen¢ story,
which, although begun by Aibeg, was most probably completed by
himself, In this state the Minar must have remained uni] the reign
Ixiv Report of the Archeological Survey.
of Firuz Tughlak, when, having been struck by lightning, it was
repaired by that Emperor in A. H. 770, or A. D. 1868. The nature j
and extent of his repairs may, I think, be gathered from the inscrip-
tions; thus, the inscription of the fifth story is placed over the door-
way, and there is no record of any other Emperor on this story. I
conclude, therefore, that the whole of the fifth story was rebuilt by
Firuz Shah. But as there are two inscriptions of his reign recorded
on the fourth story, I infer that he must have made some repairs to
it also, although these repairs could not have been extensive, as the
inscription over the doorway of this story belongs to the reign of !
Altamish. Under this view, the Kutb Minar has always consisted of
five stories, from the time of 1ts completion by Altamish in about a
A. D. 1220, down to the present day. mf
120. Of the same age as the Kutb Minar is the tomb of the ‘ain
Emperor Altamish, who died in A. H. 633, or A. D. 1285. It is am
situated just outside the north-west corner of the Great Mosque, as wy
enlarged by Altamish himself. ‘Theinterior is asquare of 29% feet, Wee
with walls 7+ feet thick, making the exterior a square of 44 feet. |
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out with elaborate and highly finished ornament of great beauty. lee
But there is no dome to the building, and as there are no ruins lying "
about, it seems probable that the tomb was never finished, and that
we see it now just in the same state as 16 was left about the time of
the King’s death.
121. The only other buildings connected with the Great Mosque
of Delhi are the beautiful south gateway of the quadrangle, and the ”
gigantic unfinished Minar, both of which were the work of Ala-uddin
Khilji, who reigned from A. D. 1296 to 1316. The south gateway
is called by Syad Ahmad the Ala: Darwdza or “Gate of Ala-uddin ;” on
but this appellation is not known to the people. The age of the i"
building is, however, quite certain, as the name of Ala-uddin is severay
times repeated in the Arabic inscriptions over three of the entrances, 1
with the addition of his well known title of Sikandar Sdni, and the
date of A. H. 710, or A. D. 1310. This date had already been ™
anticipated, from the style of the building, by Mr. Fergusson, who
considered the gateway as at least a century more modern than the
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Report of the Archeological Survey. Ixv
tomb of Altamish. The building is a square of 345 feet inside, and
564 feet outside, the walls being 11 feet thick. On each side there is
a lofty doorway, with a pointed horse-shoe arch; the outer edge of
the arch being fretted, and the underside panelled. The corners of
the square are cut off by bold niches, the head of each niche being
formed by a series of five pointed horse-shoe arches, lessening in size
as they retire towards the angle. The effect of this arrangement 1s
massive and beautiful, and justly merits the praise which Mr. Fer-
gusson* has bestowed upon it, as “more simply elegant than any
other Indian example with which he was acquainted.” ‘The interior
walls are decorated with a chequered pattern of singular beauty. In
each corner there are two windows, of the same shape and style as
the doorways, but only one-third of their size. These are closed by
massive screens of marble lattice-work. ‘The exterior walls are panel-
led and inlaid with broad bands of white marble, the effect of which
is certainly pleasing. The walls are crowned by a battlemented
parapet and surmounted by a hemispherical dome. For the exterior
view of the building this dome is, perhaps, too low, but the interior
view is perfect, and, taken altogether, I consider that the gateway of
Ala-uddin is the most beautzful specimen of Pathan architecture that
I have seen. .
122. The unfinished Minar of Ala-uddin stands due north from
the Kutb Minar at a distance of 425 feet. ‘This massive pillar is
built wholly of the rough shapeless grey stone of the country, and
the surface is so uneven, that there can be no doubt it was the Archi-
tect’s intention either to have faced it with red stone, or to have
covered it with plaster. ‘The Minar stands upon a plinth 44 feet in
width, and the same in height, which is raised upon a terrace 21 feet
in breadth and 73 in height. The rough mass of the superstructure
is 257 feet in circumference, and 82 feet in diameter; but with a fac.
ing of red stone, this diameter would have been increased to at least
85 feet, or nearly double that of the Kutb Minar, as is usually stated
by the people. The entrance is on the east side, and on the north, at
same height, there is a window intended to light the spiral stair-case.
But the steps were never commenced, and there is only a circular
passage 9 feet 9 inches wide around the central pillar, which is 26 feet
“in diameter. ‘The thickness of the outer wall is 18 feet 3 inches, the
* Handbook of Architecture, I, 433
Ixvi Report of the Archeological Survey.
whole pillar being 82 feet in diameter, as noted above. The total
height of the column, as it new stands, is about 75 feet above the
plinth, or 87 feet above the ground level. ‘The outer face of the wall
is divided into $2 sides of 8 feet and 3 inch each. The form of each
face or flute is difficult to describe, but it may be likened to the shape
of a crown work in fortification, or to that of an old Roman M, with
shallow body and long widely-splayed limbs. J think it probable that
the central angle of each face, as it now exists in the rough stone,
would have been modified in the red stone facing into a shallow curved
flute. The flutes would have been 4: feet wide and 4 feet apart, with
a deep angle between them. The plinth is also divided into 82 straight
faces, or projections, which are separated by the same number of
depressions of equal breadth, the whole being exactly like a gigantic
eogwheel. Syad Ahmad states that the building of this Minar was
eommenced in A. H. 711, or A. D. 1811; but as Ala-uddin did not
die until A. D. 1316, the work was probably stopped some time before
the end of his reign. I suspect, indeed, that the work was actually
stopped in the following year, as I find from Ferishta that in A. D.
1312 the King became so extremely ill, that his wife and son entirely
neglected him, while his Minister exercised all the powers of the State,
and even aspired to the throne. As the King never rallied, 1t seems
not improbable that all the expensive works of Ala-uddin then in
progress may have been stopped by the Minister, who wished to secure
the money for himself.
Siri, on Kinan AAI.
123. The Fort of Siri, with Ala-uddin’s celebrated Palace of “ The
thousand pillars,” has been identified by Messrs. Cope and Lewis, and
also by Lieutenant Burgess, the Surveyor of the ruins of Delhi, with
the citadel of Rai Pithora’s fort, in the midst of which stands the
Kutb Minar. But in describing this fort, I have already brought
forward strong reasons to show that it was the ancient Ldlkot ot
Anang Pal, and I now propose to follow up the same argument by
proving that the true site of Siri was the old ruined fort to the north-
east of Rai Pithora’s fort, which is at present called Shahpur. A
glance at the Sketch Map of the ruins of Delhi, which accompanies
this account, is all that is necessary to make the following argument
quite clear.
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Report of the Archeological Survey. herd
124. Sharif-uddin, the historian of Timur, describes Delhi as
consisting of three cities, and as quite distinct from Firuzabad, near
which the conqueror’s camp was: pitched. These three cities were
Siri, Jahén-pandh, and old Delhi. To: the north-east was Sird, the:
walls of which formed a circle, and to the south-west was old Delha
similar in form, but larger than Siri, and the space between the two
forts, which was much larger than old Delhi, was Jahdn-pandh. The
relative sizes and positions of the three cities are here so accurately
described, that it is quite impossible to mistake them. Szrz answers
exactly to Shdhpur, not only in size and position, but also in shape;
for, though not circular, it is certainly oval. To the south-west of
Shahpur lies the fort of Rai Pithora, which therefore corresponds ex-
actly with the old Delhi of Sharif-uddin, both in. its size and in its
position, and somewhat also-in its form, which may be described as an
oblong square with the corners cut off. The name of eld Delhi was
appropriately applied to the fort of Rai Pithora as by far the most
ancient of the three cities. Between Siri and old Delhi was Jahdén-
panéh, a name which is still applied to the old walled city between
Shahpur and Rai Pithora’s fort; and as the size of this city is more
than double that of Rai Pithora’s fort, there can be no doubt what-
ever of its identity with the Jahan-panah of former days.
125. I now turn to Ferishta’s account of Turghai Khan’s invasion
of India during the reign of Ala-uddin, the founder of Siri, In
A. H. 708, or A. D. 1308, the Mogul Chief reached Delhi with
120,000. horse, and eneamped on the bank of the Jumna, most
probably about the spot where Humayun’s tomb now stands, as that
is the nearest point of the river towards old Delhi. “The King,’ as
Ferishta relates, “was in no condition to face the enemy on equal
terms, and therefore contented himself with entrenching his Infantry
on the plain beyond the suburbs till he could collect the Forces of the
distant districts.” But after the lapse of two months, the Mogul
Troops were seized with a panic, and retreated precipitately to. their
own country. The historian then relates that ‘* Ala-uddin, relieved
from the perils of this. invasion, caused a Palace to be built on the
spot where he had entrenched himself, and directed the citadel of old
Delhi to be pulled down and built anew.” Now the spot where the
King entrenched himself may be fixed with some precision, partly
from Ferishta’s description that ib was outside the suburbs, and
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partly from the strategical consideration that it must have beén ‘on
the north-east side facing towards the enemy, and covering the city,
On this side the suburbs of old Delhi extended for a considerable
distance. We know, also, that they were without walls, because the
Moguls plundered them during their stay, and because they were
afterwards enclosed by Muhammad Tughlak, when they received the
separate name of Jahan-panah. Immediately in front of these suburbs,
and facing towards the enemy, is the old ruined fort of Shahpur, and
inside the western half of this fort there still exist the remains of a
very extensive Palace. This Palace I believe to be the celebrated Kasr-
Hazir-Situn, or “ Palace of the thousand pillars,’ which Ala-uddin
built on the spot where he had entrenched himself. This Palace
was also called Hazar Minar, or “the thousand minarets.” |
126. ‘There is yet one more evidence which I can bring forward in
favour of the identification of Siri with Shahpur. In the Ayin
Akbari 1b is related that Shir Shah destroyed the city built by
Ala-uddin, which was called Siz, and founded another. Again»
in the Araish-i-Mahfil it is recorded that Shir Shah pulled down the
Koshak Subz, or the “Green Palace,” and built a new city. Syad
Ahmad repeats the same story, adding that the materials of the old
fort and Palace of S272 were used in the construction of the new fort
of Shir-Shah-Kot. From these aceounts it is quite certain that Siri
eannot be identified with the citadel that surrounds the Kutb Minar,
for the walls of Sve were pulled down, and the materials removed by
Shir Shah, while the walls of the Kutb Minar Citadel are stil]
standing. And further it seems almost certain that Shahpur must
be Sw, because of its vicinity to the new site of Shir Shah’s fort, for
it is hardly possible to believe that the King would have brought his
building stones from the Kutb Minar, a distance of 7 miles, when he
could have obtained them from Shahpur, which is only half the dis-
tance. ‘That he did obtain his materials from the latter place, and
not irom the former, may be regarded as almost certain, for the very
sufficient reason that the walls of Shahpur have actually been removed,
while those of the Kutb Citadel are still standing. |
127. ‘The only evidence in favour of the identification of Sirt with
the Kutb Citadel is the fact which Ferishta records, that the citadel
of old Delhi was re-built by Ala-uddin, and the existence near the
Kutb Minar of the remains of an old Palace, which still bears this
Report of the Archeological Survey. Ixix
King’s name. As the historian does not mention the new city of
Siri, it would seem to have been inferred that the re-bwilding of the
citadel of old Delhi was only a perverted account of the founding of
the new city of Sir. Isee no reason, however, why Ferishta’s state-
ment should not be accepted exactly as it stands, for, on summing up
the works of Ala-uddin, he records* that, during his reign, “Palaces,
Mosques, Universities, Baths, Mausolea, /orts, and all kinds of public
and private buildings, seemed to rise as if by magic.” As from this
account it would appear that Ala-uddin built more than one fort, and
founded more than one Palace, I see no difficulty in assigning to him
the building of the Palace near the Kutb Minar, and the re-building
of the citadel of old Delhi, as well as the founding of the new city of
Siri and its celebrated Palace of Kasr-Hazdr-Situn, or “the thousand
pulars.” Much stress has been laid upon another statement made by
Ferishta regarding the meeting of Nusrat Shah and Mallu Khan in the
Palace of Siri at the tomb of Khwaja Kutbuddin Bakhtiar Kaki. But
this statement, and others connected with the confused history of this
period, only shows that Ferishta was not well acquainted with the
topography of ancient Delhi. Thus he records that Mahmud Shah
occupied old Delhi, and Nusrat Shah held Miruzabad, while Siri was
in the possession of Mallu Khan and other Nobles who professed
neutrality. He then relates that Mallu made overtures to N asrat,
who came to Siri, when a mutual compact was sworn at the tomb of
Khwaja Kutbuddin in Sti. But as this tomb is close to the Kutb
Minar, and within the walls of the citadel of old Delhi, which was
held by Mahmud, it would have been impossible for Nusrat and Mallu
to have met there. I would suggest that the place of meeting may
have been the shrine of the famous Saint called Chirdgh Delhi, or the
“Lamp of Delhi,” which is just outside the south-east corner of
Shahpur or Siri.
128. The next monuments in point of time are the grand old fort
of Tughlakabad, with the tomb of its founder Lughlak Shah, and the
castle of his son Muhammad, called Adilabad, and the city named
Jahan-panah.
129. The fort of Tughlakabad may be described, with tolerable
accuracy, as a half hexagon in shape, with three faces of rather more
than three quarters of a mile in length each, and a base of one mile
* Briges,—I. 855.
Ixx Report of the Archeological Survey.
and a half, the whole circuit being only 1 furlong less than 4 miles,
The fort stands on a rocky height, and is built of massive blocks of
stone, so large and heavy, that they must have been quarried on the
spot. The largest stone which I observed measured 14 feet in length
by 2 feet 2 inches and 1 foot 10 inches in breadth and thickness, and
must have weighed rather more than 6 tons. The short faces to the
west, north, and east, are protected by a deep ditch, and the long fave
to the south by a large sheet of water, which is held up by an embank-
ment at the south-east corner. On this side the rock is scarped, and
above it the main walls rise to a mean height of 40 feet, with a
parapet of 7 feet, behind which rises another wall of 15 feet, the whole
height above the low ground being upwards of 90 feet. In the south-
west angle is the citadel, which occupies about one-sixth of the area
of the fort, and contains the ruins of an extensive Palace. The
ramparts are raised, as usual, on a line of domed rooms, which rarely
communicate with each other, and which, no doubt, formed the quar-
ters of the Troops that garrisoned the fort. The walls slope rapidly
inwards, even as much as those of Hgyptian buildings. The rampart
walls are pierced with loop-holes, which serve also to give light and
air to the soldiers’ quarters. The parapets are pierced with low slop-
ing loop-holes, which command the foot of the wall, and are crowned
with a line of rude battlements of solid stone, which are also provided
with loop-holes. The walls are built of large plainly dressed stones,
and there is no ornament of any kind. But the vast size, the great
strength, and the visible solidity of the whole give to ‘Tughlakabad an
air of stern and massive grandeur that is both striking and impressive.
180. The fort of Tughlakabad has 18 gates, and there are three
inner gates to the citadel. It contains 7 tanks of water, besides the
ruins of several large buildings, as the Jama Masjid and the Biry
Mandir. The upper part of the fort is full of rumed houses, but the
lower part appears as if it had never been fully inhabited. Syad
Ahmad states that the fort was commenced in A. D. 1821 and finish-
ed in 1328, or in the short period of two years. It is admitted by all
that the work was completed by Tughlak himself; and as his reign
lasted for only four years, from 1321 to 1825, the building of the fort
must have been pushed forward with great vigour.
131. The fine tomb of Tughlak Shah was built by his soa
Muhammad, who is not without suspicion of having caused his father’s
yh baie
Report of the Archeological Survey. Ixxi
death. In A. D. 1304, during the reign of Ala-uddin, a second army of
4,000 Mogul horse burst into the Punjab and plundered the country
as far as Amroha, in Rohilkhand, but they were defeated with great
slaughter by Tughlak Khan, who, as a reward for his services, was
appointed Governor of the Punjab. In the following year a third.
Mogul Army of 57,000 horse invaded India and ravaged Multan ; but
this army was also defeated by Tughlak with such tremendous slaugh-
ter, that it is said only 8,000 prisoners survived the defeat. Towards
the end of the same year, a fourth invasion of Moguls was driven back
by the same able commander, whose very name at last inspired such
terror amongst the Moguls, that the women made use of it to quiet
their children, and whenever a man showed any alarm, his companions
would ask, “ Why do you start? Have you seen Tughlak ?’? From
A. D. 1305 to 1821, Ghazi Beg Tughlak was Governor of the Punjab,
residing sometimes at Lahore, and sometimes at Depalpur and Multan.
In the fort of Multan he built a magnificent tomb for himself, which
exists to this day under the title of Rokn-i-alam, a name derived from
Rukn-uddin, avery holy Saint of those days, the son ef Baha-uddin
Zakaria, more commonly called Bahawal Hak. The people of Multan
say that Muhammad presented the tomb to Rukn-uddin to secure his
silence in the matter of his father’s death; but agreeably to another
version, Tughlak himself had incurred the displeasure of Rukn-uddin
by an attempt to carry off one of his women. ‘The angry Saint
prophesied that he would never reach Delhi, and accordingly he was
killed near Tilpat just as he was about to enter Delhi. There may,
perhaps, be some truth in this tradition, as we learn from Ibn Batuta*
that Rukn-uddin was the most noted Saint in India, and that his fame
had extended even to Alexandria. Under any circumstances, it was
politic to conciliate the good-will of this influential personage, and the
worthy Saint himself was no doubt highly gratified with the magni-
ficence of the gift. A similar story is current at Delhi, but the Saint
of this tradition is the celebrated Nizam-uddin Auliya. The holy man
had given some offence to Tughlak, who threatened to punish him
when he returned to Delhi. “He will never return to Delhi,” ‘said
the prophetic Saint when the threat was repeated to him. Nizam-
uddin died a few years afterwards, and his tomb was erected at the
* Travels, pp. 7—10l1.
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[xxii Report of the Archeological Survey.
expense of Muhammad, out of gratitude, as the people say, for his
assistance in placing him on the throne.
132. I have referred to this earlier tomb of Tughlak, which still
exists in the fort of Multan, as it is the oldest building that I have
seep with the rapidly sloping walls, which form the most prominent fea-
ture of the Delhitomb. The Rokn-i-dlam, however, is octagonal, with
small towers at the angles, and is, besides, a much larger building, the
inside diameter being 56 feet, and the outer diameter 76 feet. But
the Multan tomb is built entirely of brick, while the Delhi tomb is
built throughout of stone, and is ornamented with white marble.
133. The tomb of Tughlak Shah is situated outside the southern
wall of Tughlakabad, in the midst of the artificial lake already de-
scribed, and is surrounded by a pentagonal outwork, which is connected
with the fortress by a causeway 600 feet in length, supported on 27
arches. The stern beauty and massive strength of this tomb have
justly elicited the following warm praises of Mr. Fergusson:* “'The
sloping walls and almost Egyptian solidity of this Mausoleum, com-
bined with the bold and massive towers of the fortification that sur-
round it, form a picture of a warrior’s tomb unrivalled anywhere.” In
this praise I heartily concur, with only one reservation in favour of
the situation of the Multan tomb, which, besides being both larger
and loftier, is placed on the very top of the fort close to the northern
wall.
134. In plan the Delhi tomb is a square of 88% feet interior ad
615 feet exterior dimensions. The outer walls are 383 feet in height
to the top of the battlement, with a slope of 2°383 inches per foot.
At this rate the whole slope is 73 feet in 884 feet. The walls at base
are 115 feet thick, and at top only 4& feet, but the projecting mould-
ings of the interior increase the thickness of wall at the springing
of the dome to about 6 or 7 feet, or perhaps more, for I had no means
of making measurements so high up. ‘The diameter of the dome is
about 34 feet inside and about 44 feet outside, with a height of 20
feet. ‘The whole height of the tomb to the top of the dome is 70 feet,
and to the top of the pinnacle about 80 feet.
135. Each of the four sides has a lofty doorway in the middle,
24: feet in height, with a pointed horse-shoe arch fretted on the outer
edge. ‘here isa smaller doorway, only 5 feet 10 inches in width,
* Hand-book of Architecture, I—434.
Report of the Archeological Survey. Ixxi
but of the same form, in the middle of each of the great entrances, the
archway being filled with a white marble lattice sereen of bold pattern.
The decoration of the exterior depends chiefly on difference of colour,
which is effected by the free use of bands and borders of white marble,
with afew panels of black marble, on the large sloping surfaces of
red-stone. The horse-shoe arches are of white marble, and a broad
band of the same goes completely round the building at the springing
of the arches. Another broad band of white marble in upright slabs,
4 feet in height, goes all round the dome just above its springing.
Lhe present effect of this mixture of colours is certainly pleasing, but
I believe that much of its beauty is due to the mellowing hand
of time, which has softened the crude redness of the sand-stone, as
well as the dazzling whiteness of the marble. The building itself is in
very good order, but the whole interior of the little fort in which it
stands is filled with filthy hovels and dirty people, and the place reeks
with ordure of every description. I would strongly recommend that
the whole of these hovels should be removed, and the interior of the
fort cleaned. The people might be located in Tughlakabad, only
200 yards to the north, where there are hundreds of domed rooms
under the ramparts, all in good repair and quite unoccupied.
135 a. Inside the Mausoleum there are three tombs, which are
said to be those of Tughlak Shah and his queen, and their son Juna-
Khan, who took the name of Muhammad when he ascended the throne.
This prince was the most accomplished of all the Pathan Sovereigns
of India; but he was also the most inhumanly cruel and most madly
tyrannical of them all. His cruelties were witnessed by his cousin
and successor Firuz Tughlak, who adopted one of the most curious
expedients which the mind of man has ever conceived for obtaining
the pardon of his tyrannical predecessor. I quote the words of Firuz
himself, as given by Ferishta,* from the inscriptions on the Great
Mosque of Firuzabad. “I have also taken pains to discover the
surviving relations of all persons who suffered from the wrath of my
late Lord and Master Muhammad Tughlak, and having pensioned and
provided for them, have caused them to grant their full pardon and
forgiveness to that prince in the presence of the holy and learned men
of this age, whose signatures and seals, as witnesses, are affixed to the
documents, the whole of which, as far as lay in my power, have been
* Brigos, I—464,
Ixxiv Report of the Archeological Survey.
procured and put into a box, and deposited in the vault in which
Muhammad Tughlak is entombed.” This strange device of placing
he vouchers in the tomb ready for the dead man’s hand to pick up
at the last day, is as bold as it 1s original. It would be interesting to
read some of these documents, which are, in all probability, still quite
safe, as all the tombs appear to be in the most perfect order. 4
135 6. Another work attributed to Muhammad Tughlak is the |
small detached fort of Adilabad, or Muhammadabad, near the south-
east corner of Tughlakabad, with which it was once connected by a
double wall along the causeway which crosses the intervening low
eround. ‘This fort is built in the same style as Tughlakabad, but it
is a very small place, as the exterior line of works is not more than
half a mile in circuit.
136. The greatest work of Muhammad Tughlak was the fortifica-
tion of the extensive suburbs of Delhi, lying between the Hindu 4
fort of far Pithora and the Musalman Citadel of Sivz. These suburbs —_ il
had been plundered by the Moguls in the early part of the reign of a(
Ala-uddin, and their unprotected state fully justified the vast outlay “thi
which the King must have incurred upon their defences. The north- oun
west wall is 1? mile in length, the east wall is 14 mile, and the south inet
wall is 2 miles; the whole length of the walls being just 5 miles, or Ah a
somewhat more than the circuit of the fort of Rai Pithora. A consider: lh
able portion of the south wall still exists; but the east and north- ‘tlly
west walls have been pulled down, and are now only traceable by their ni,
ruins. Sharif-uddin states that Jahdn-panéh had 13 gates, 6 being to 4
the north-west and 7 to the south-west. . is
137. Having now described the seven forts of old Delhi, I will 1,
complete the account with a detail of the number of gates in each of | in
the forts, which together make up the total of “52 gates,” as recorded a
by the old English traveller William Finch, and as preserved by the . |
people down to the present day in their pithy description of Sat-hila
Biwan-Darwiza or “ seven forts and 52 gates.” Moe
Gates. ty
Lélkot of Anang Pal ........... poe 4 sey
Fort. of Bai Pithora .eccccccesesscccesccese. 10 ‘wy
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Total of Hindu Ditmar .......,......, 14 gates.
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Report of the Archeolcgical Survey. Ixxv
Su7e-ot Aland qin See sce se stones 7
Jahan-panah of Muhammad ........... ateese
Total of Musalman Delhi ............ 20 gates.
‘Lotalsof old aD clits seaccs nanan ase 34 gates.
Pughlakabad:. — = Seve dcrsden stots acl
Citadel of Cttt0s= wan vos cessor
PRCA SUL =clyactershes eae eee
Total of Tughlakabad ...........0s0000 18 gates.
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otal naniber 35,06 ssn0-e easate ces 52 gates.
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138, The next remains in point of antiquity are the buildings of
Firuz Tughlak, who devoted the greater part of a long reign of nearly
40 years (A. D. 1851 to 1388) to the construction of numerous works,
of which all but 20 palaces, 10 monumental pillars, and 5 tombs, may
be called works of real public utility. Perhaps the most useful of
these works was the canal which he drew from the west bank of the
Jumna to supply his new Capital of Firuzabad with water. This
canal having become choked from neglect, was cleared out by Ali
Mardan Khan in the reign of Shahjahan, to furnish the Mogul’s new
Capital with water. Having again become choked, it was once more
cleared out and improved by the British Government, and it is still
flowing through modern Delhi under the name of the Western
Jumna Canal.
139. But the most extensive work of Firuz was the building of
the new city of Firuzabad, with its two palaces of Kushak Firuzabad
and Kushak Shikar. Major Lewis has published much interesting
information regarding this new city from the Persian of Shams-i-Sirdy
Afif, who was contemporary with the latter end of this Emperor’s
reign. ‘The new city was begun in the year A. H. 755, or A. D.
1354. It extended from the fort of Indrpat to the Kushak Shikdp
or hunting palace, a length of five koss. Now the distance from old
Delhi is said to be also five koss, which fixes the position of the
Kushak Shikar approximately on the low range of hills to the north.
west of the modern Shahjahénibad. But the exact position is ab.
I 3
IXXVi Report of the Archeological Survey.
solutely determined by the mention that the second stone pillar from
Mirat was erected within the precincts of the palace, as the stone
pillar is now lying in five pieces on the top of the hill close to Hindu
Rao’s house. Shams-i-Sird adds that the whole distance from Indrpat
to the Kushak Shikar was occupied by stone-houses, mosques, and
bazars, but as the limits noted above include the whole of the modern
Shahjahanabad, it is very improbable that the entire space was actu-
ally occupied. It is certain, however, that some considerable portion
of the site of Shahjahanabad was well populated, as the “ala Masjid,
which was built in Firuz’s reign, is situated at some distance within
the Turkoman Gate of the present city. But even if thinly inhabited,
the population of Firuzabad could not have been less than that of
Shahjahanabad, as it was more than double its size. The number of
inhabitants would therefore have been about 150,000; and if we add
100,000 more for the population of old Delhi, the total number of
inhabitants in the Indian Metropolis during the reign of Firuz Shah
must have amounted to one quarter of a million.
140. The palace of Firuzabad, which formed also the citadel of the
new city, was strongly fortified with massive stone walls and towers
of more than Egyptian slope. One of the gateways, which still exists,
between the well known Ldl Darwdza and Firuz Shah’s pillar, is a
fine specimen of this bold, but rude, architecture. I believe, however
that we now see these old buildings under very favourable cireum-
stances, as time has most effectually stripped off all the flaring and
gaudily coloured plaster which the taste of those days so much delight-
edin. I found it impossible to trace the exact size or shape of Firuz
Shah’s Citadel, as many of the parts in the best preservation appear
to me to be of decidedly later date. Thus the Kabuli Gate or Ldl
Durwéza, as it is now called from its red colour, is of quite a different
style of architecture, and belongs, as I believe, to the time of Shir
Shah, of whose city it formed the northern or Kabul Gate. From
what I was able to trace, my opinion is, that Firuz Shah’s palace was
much smaller than the palace of Shahjahan in the modern city.
141. A characteristic and favourable specimen of the architecture
of this age is the Kdla Masjid, or “ Black Mosque,” which is situated
inside the present city, at a short distance from the Turkoman Gate.
A detailed account of this building has been published by Messrs.
Lewis and Cope in the Bengal Asiatic Society’s Journal for 1847,
Report of the Archeological Survey. | Ixxvii
p. 577. According to these authors, the original name was most probab-
ly the Kaldén Masjid, or “ Great Mosque.” This is no doubt correct,
as, when I first visited this Mosque in February 1888, the people in
charge called it by that name. The common name, however, is the
Kéla Masjid. But I am quite satisfied that this could not have been
the original name, as the taste of those days would most assuredly
have covered the whole building with a coating of coloured plaster.
The present name of Adla Musjid could not therefore have been given
to it until most of the plaster had faller off, and the bare walls of dark
grey quartzose sand-stone had become visible.
142. The Kala Masjid is a single room 71 feet in length by 41
feet m breadth, with two rows of four pillars each down the centre,
and one row of coupled pillars along the front. These columns divide
the whole area into 15 squares, each of which is covered by a small
dome, the central dome being somewhat higher than the others.
The walls are six feet thick, with three openings at each end, closed
by massive red stone lattice-work. In front of the building there is
a small open quadrangle, of the same dimensions as the interior
of the Mosque, and on three sides of the quadrangle there are cloisters
which are continued round the Mosque itself. The whole is enclosed
- by an outer wall 5 feet thick, which forms an oblong block of building
140 feet in length by 120 feet in breadth. On the outside the build.
ing consists of two stories, the middle of the lower story being a solid
mass, which forms the floor of the Masjid. The four faces of the lower
story have two rows of small rooms, which are now rented to petty
shop-keepers. ‘This is the invariable practice at present, and was, no
doubt, the same in the time of Firuz, as the money thus obtained
always formed the principal revenue, and eventually became the only
income of the attendants of a Mosque. The lower story 1s 28 feet in
height, and the upper story to the top of the battlements is 38 feet
making a total height of 66 feet. The four angles are supported by
small round towers with sloping walls as plain and bare as the rest of
the building. The entrance to the upper story is reached by a steep flight
of steps, at the head of which, but outside the general mass of building
as a —_ ante-room of small dimensions. The walls of the upper story
are pierced with a row of arched openings which correspond in number
and size with the doorways of the lower story. ‘These were once filled
with bold strong lattice-work, but many of them have been built up
Ixxvill _Leport of the Archeological Survey.
ih
The plain but massive appearance of the walls is highly suggestive of Ke
strength and solidity, which is fully borne out by the excellent state ia
of preservation of this old building after a lapse of nearly five centuries. “ah
142 a. The small fort of Indrpat, or Purdéna Kila, was repaired “4h
by the Emperor Humayun in A. H. 940, or A. D. 15388, and re-named oft
by him Din-pandh; but the new name is never used, except by ‘ai
pedantic or bigoted Muhammadans. Within a few years, or about f E
A. D. 1540, the works were much strengthened by Shir Shah, who p .
made Indrpat the Citadel of his new city under the name of Shir- ie
garh, by which it is now very generally known, although Purdna a
Ala, or “the old Fort,” is perhaps the most common appellation. Lae
The lofty massive towers and solid walls of this old fort were strene- if
thened by a ditch which once communicated with the Jumna. Sfir- rig
garh is, however, but a small place when compared with the mighty al .
fortresses of Rat Pithora, Siri, and Tughlakabad, the whole circuit pa
of its walls being only one mile and one furlong. In shape it is ifed
almost rectangular, being 3 furlongs in length by 14 furlong in ‘meu
breadth. The fort had four gates, one in the middle of each face, of tale th
which the south-west gate alone is now open. The interior is almost Ivana
filled with native huts; but towering above these hovels are two fine inah
remains of former days, a handsome massive Mosque, and a lofty 1 Gab
octagonal building, which is still called Shir Mandir, or “ Shir’s
Palace.” The front of the Mosque has five horse-shoe arches, and is
decorated with blue tiles and marble. The roof is formed of low
flattened domes. It was built by Shir Shah in A. H. 948, or A. D.
1541, and is a favourable specimen of the architecture of the Afghan
period.
143. The new city of Shir Shah called Delhi Shirshah extended
from the neighbourhood of Humayun’s tomb on the south to Firuz
Shah’s Kotila on the north, near which there still exists a fine massive
gateway, which was the Kdbuli Darwaza of the new city. It is now,
however, always called the Ldl Darwdza or “red gate.” Willam a
Finch, who entered Delhi from the Agra side on 16th J anuary, 1611, ‘Ul
describes the city as being two koss in length from gate to gate, hy
“surrounded by a wall which has been strong, but is now ruinous.”
The value of Finch’s koss is determined at rather more than 12 mile, ‘iy
by his mention that the hunting seat or Mole (thatis, mahal of Firuz Nee
Shah) was two koss from the city. From the Lal Darwdza to the
Report of the Archeological Survey. [xxix
ruins of the Kushak Shikar the distance is 82 miles, and from the
same point to Humayun’s tomb the distance is exactly 3 miles. But
as Purchas, on the authority of other English travellers, states that
Humayun’s tomb was in the city of Shir Shah Salim, the south gate
of the city must have been somewhere beyond the tomb. The distance,
however, could not have been great, as Finch mentions that “ a short
way from Delhi is a stone bridge of 11 arches,” which is clearly the
long massive bridge of 11 arches, that is now called Bara Pul or
the “ Great Bridge.”* The south gate of Shir Shah’s city must
therefore have been somewhere between the Bara Pul and Humayun’s
tomb. The east wall of the city is determined by the line of the high
bank of the Jumna, which formerly ran due south from Firuz Shah’s
Kotila towards Humayun’s tomb. On the west the boundary line of
the city can be traced along the bank of a torrent bed, which runs
southward from the Ajmer Gate of Shahjahanabad, and parallel to the
old course of the Jumna, at a distance of rather more than 1 mile.
The whole circuit of the city walls was therefore close upon 9 miles,
or nearly double that of the modern Shahjahanabad.
144. The small fort of Salimgarh was built by Salim Shah, the
son of Shir Shah in A. H. 958, or A. D. 1546. It is situated at the
north end of Shahjahan’s Palace, after the building of which it was
used only as a state prison. It 1s not quite one quarter of a mile in
Jength, and the whole circuit of its walls is only of three quarters of a
mile. It stands on an island close to the west bank of the river, and with
its lofty towers and massive walls, forms a most picturesque object from
the opposite side of the Jumna. A bridge of five arches was built in front
of the South Gate by Jahangir, after whom the name of the place was
changed to Nurgarh according to Syad Ahmad. But the old name of
Salimgarh has prevailed, and is the only one that I have ever heard
used by the people, either educated or uneducated. '
145. The tomb of Humayun is too well known to need any detailed
description, unless illustrated by pictorial representations, which will
more appropriately accompany my proposed account of Muhammadan
* Syad Ahmad writes the name Béirah Palah, or the “ 12 arches,’ and states
that the bridge was built in A. H 1021, which began on 28rd February
1612. But there is probably a mistake of one year in this date, witehe
I think, should be A. H. 1020, or A. D. 1611. This would agree with
Finch’s date of 16th January, 1611, or properly 1612, according to our
present reckoning. =
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architecture. It was built after the Emperor’s death in A. H. 962,
or A. D. 1554, by his widow Adjz Begam. Jt is therefore the
earliest specimen of the architecture of the Mogul dynasty. The
exterior form of the main body of the tomb is a square with the corners
cut off, or an octagon with four long and four short faces, and each of
the short faces forms one side of the four octagonal corner towers.
The dome is built entirely of white marble, the rest of the building
being of red sand-stone, with inlaid ornaments of white marble. In
this tomb we first see towers attached to the four angles of the main
building. It is true that these towers are very stout and massive, but
they form an important innovation in the Muhammadan architecture
of North India, which was gradually improved and developed, until it
culminated in the graceful Minars of the Taj Mahal. The intervening
links are, lst, the one-storied towers of Itimad-udaolah’s tomb at
Agra; 2nd, the two-storied Minars of the gateway of Akbar’s tomb at
Sikandra; and 8rd, the three-storied octagonal Minars of Jahangir’s
tomb at’ Lahore. In all these specimens the Muinars are attached to
the main building, as in the original example of Humayun’s tomb.
But in the Taj Mahal the Minars are placed at the four angles of the
square terrace or plinth, on which the tomb is raised, an arrangement
which was probably copied from the position of the four corner towers
_ of the platform of Shir Shah’s tomb at Sassaram. Another innovation
observable in this tomb is the narrow-necked dome, which was alfter-
wards adopted in all the Mogul buildings.
146. The citadel or palace of Shajahanabad was begun by the
Emperor Shahjahan in the year A. H. 1048, or A. D. 1688, but the
new city was not commenced until 10 years later. ‘The circuit of the
walls of the citadel is 14 mile, or just the same as that of the old
citadel of Tughlakabad ; but the new city is considerably larger than
either Tughlakabad or Rat Pithora’s Fort, the circuit of its walls be-
ing 54 miles. The citadel has two gates, named the Lahore and Delha
Gates. The city has 10 gates, which are named as follows, beginning
from the north-east gate near Salimgarh, which is now called the
Calcutta Gate, because it leads to the bridge-of-boats over the Jumna
on the line of the high road to Calcutta :—
1. Calcutta Gate to north-east.
2. Kashmir Gate to north,
3. Mori Gate to north.
Report of the Archeological Survey. Ixxx1
4. Ka&bul Gate to west. |
5. Lahor Gate to west.
Farash Khana to south-west.
Ajmere Gate to south-west.
Turkoman Gate to south.
Delhi Gate to south.
10. Rajghat to east on river face.
147. The original round towers of the city defences were much
enlarged and altered into angular bastions by the British Government
early in the present century, and at the same time a regular glacis
was formed all round the land faces of the fortress. These new works
added considerably to the streneth of the fortifications, as we found,
to our cost, in the mutiny of 1857. The two principal streets, form-
ing nearly a right angle, ran from the Lahor and Delhi Gates of the
Citadel to the Lahor and Delhi Gates of the city. The two principal
buildings in the city are the Jéma Masjid and the Zinat Masjid.
‘The former was built by Shahjahan in A. D. 1648, and is one of the
largest and finest Mosques in India. The latter was built by Zinat-
un-nissa, the daughter of Aurangzib, in A. D. 1710, and is a favour-
able specimen of the later style of Mogul architecture. Both of these
buildings will be described more fully hereafter in my proposed
historical account of the Muhammadan architecture of Northern
India.
148. The Citadel of Shahjahanabad, which contained the Emperor’s
palace, and the two celebrated open halls or courts called the Dewdn-
© HO sto
d-dm and the Dewdn-i-khds, is too well known to require any deserip-
tion in this place; bnt it will be duly considered hereafter in my
account of the architecture of Shahjahin’s reion. I will therefore
confine my remarks at present to the short account of the two life-size
statues of elephants and their riders that have lately been discovered ;
and which, as we learn from Thevenot and Bernier, once stood outside
the Delhi Gate of the Citadel.
149. The earliest notice is that by Bernier in his description of
Delhi, written on 1st July, 1668 :—* TI find nothing remarkable at the
entry, (of the palace,) but two great elephants of stone, which are
on the two sides of one of the gates. Upon one of them is the
statue of Jamel, the famous Raja of Chitor, and upon the other that of
Patta, his brother, These are those two gallant men that, together
+
BA
Ixxxu fieport of the Archeological Survey.
with their mother, who was yet braver than they, cut out so much
work for Hckbar, and who in the sieges of towns, which they main-
tained against him, gave such extraordinary proofs of their generosity
that at length they would rather be killed in the out-falls with their
mother than submit: and for this gallantry it is that even their
enemies thought them worthy to have these statues erected for them.
These two great elephants, together with the two resolute men sitting
on them, do, at the first entry into this fortress, make an impression of I
know not what greatness and awful terror.” Thevenot, who was at
Delhi in 1667, corroborates Bernier’s account of these statues; but
as he knew that Bernier intended to publish a description of Delhi, he
merely notices the principal objects, of which the first are, “ the two
elephants at the entry which carry two warriors.”
150. ‘The next reference that I have been able to find is by
Tieutenant Franklin, who visited Delhi in 1793. Stimulated by
Bernier’s account, he made enquiries after the statues, and was informed
that “they were removed by order of Aurangzib, as savoring too much
of idolatry, and he enclosed the place where they stood with a screen
of red stone, which has disfigured the entrance of the palace.”’*
151. ‘The romantic account of Bernier did not escape the notice of
the enthusiastic historian of the Rajputs, who, after quoting the pas-
sage given above, adds,} that “ the conqueror of Chitor evinced an
exalted sense, not only of the value of his conquest, but of the
merits of his foes, in erecting statues to the names of Jaymal and
Patta at the most conspicuous entrance of his palace at Delhi.” From
Colonel Tod also we learn that Jaymal was a Mertiya Rdathor of Bednor,
and that Patta was the Chief of the Jagdwat Sisodiyas of Salimbra, both
being feudatories of Udaypur. Their names, he says, “are as house-
hold words inseparable in Mewar, and will be honoured while the
Rajput retains a shred of his inheritance, or a spark of his ancient re-
collections.” On Akbar’s adyance to Chitor, the spiritless Rana Uday
Sing retired to the western jungles, and the defence of the capital of
the Sisodiyas was left to the Rathor Governor Jaymal. But the war-
like spirit of the Sisodiyas was roused by the mother of the young
Chief of Salimbra, who “commanded him to put on the saffron robe
and to die for Chitor.” Patta was then only sixteen years old, and
had lately married; but to check any compunctious reluctance which
* Asiatic Researches, IV—-446, t Rajasthan, I—328,
sy _ = — : nee nay RG Sa
Fe gt see One E OO e ind OE ORD BIC ER ct cae arya SE To
Report of the Archeological Survey. ]xxxuil
he might feel in leaving his bride, the heroic mother armed the young
wife as well as herself, and “with her descended the rock, and the
defenders of Chitor saw her fall, fighting by the side of her ama-
zonian mother.” The siege still continued, but without making any
progress, when, through some unfortunate delay in the springing of one
of their mines, the assailants suffered a severe loss, and fled in disorder.
to their camp. The operations of the siege had now to be re-com-
menced, when a lucky shot deprived the Rajputs of their leaders.
“Other mines,” says Ferishta,* “were directed to be constructed, and
as the works were in progress, the King, while in the batteries,
observed Jaymal, the Governor of the place, superintending the re-
pairs of the breaches, and giving his orders by torch-light. Akbar,
seizing a matchlock from one of his attendants, fired at him, and was
so fortunate as to lodge the bail in Jaymal’s forehead. The spirit of
the besieged fell with their Governor, and, in their despair, they per-
formed the ceremony of the Johar, and putting their wives and children
to death, burned them with the corpse of their Chief on a funeral
pile.” Akbar then entered the fort, and after a slight opposition, the
capital of the Sisodiyas, for the third time, was in the hands of the
Musalmans. |
152. It remains now only to consider the value of the evidence
recorded in the above statements. In the first place, then, with re-
spect to the statues, I feel quite satisfied with the testimony of Bernier.
As the physician and companion of Dénishmand Khan, a highly res-
pectable Nobleman of Aurangzib’s Court, he was in the most favour-
able position for obtaining accurate information regarding the history
of Akbar and his successors. I accept, therefore, without any hesita-
tion, the account of Bernier that the statues were those of Jaymal
and Patta, the two Rajput heroes who defended Chitor against Akbar.
Both statues, as I have already pointed out, are those of Hindus, as
their dresses open over the right breast. Admitting this much I am
likewise prepared to allow that the two statues must have been erected
by Akbar, as is also stated by Bernier. But, as the building of
Shahjahanaébad was not begun until seventy years after the siege of
Chitor, it is absolutely certain that Akbar could not have erected the
statues in front of the gate of the Delhi Palace, where they were seen
* Briggs, 1231
Ixxxiv Report of the Archeological Survey.
by Bernier and Thevenot. What, then, was their original site? This
I believe to have been the fort of Agra in front of the river gate.
153. In his account of the city of Agra, Abul Fazl,* the Minister
of Akbar, states that “His Majesty has erected a fort of red stone,
the like of which no traveller has ever beheld.” “ At the eastern
gate are carved in stone two elephants with their riders, of exquisite
workmanship.” ‘The eastern gate of the fort of Agra is the river gate,
in front of which the two statues most probably remained undisturbed
until the reign of Shahjahan, who, as I presume, must have removed
them to Delhi to adorn his new capital of Shahjahanabad. It is
scarcely possible that Jahangir could have removed them to Delhi;
but, if he did so, they would have been placed in front of the gate of
Salimgarh, to which he added a bridge, at the same time changing the
name of the place to Vurgarh, after his own title of Nur-uddin.
154. Ihave been disappointed in not finding any mention of these
elephant statues in the accounts of our early English travellers. Cap-
tain Hawkins and William Finch both visited Agra in the beginning
of Jahangir’s reign. The former attended the Royal Durbar in the
Agra Fort regularly for two years, and describes minutely the King’s
qaily occupations, which, according to William Finch, included the
witnessing of animal fights on every day except Sunday, and of
executions on every Tuesday. Both the fights and the executions took
place in a courtyard, or out-work, in front of the river gate. This
gate is described by Finch as follows:—“The fourth gate is to the
river called the Dursane (Darsan Darwdza, or “Gate of Sights’)
leading to a fair court, extending along the river, where the King
jooks out every morning at sun-rising. * * Right under this place is a
kind of scaffold, on which the Nobles stand. * * Here, likewise, the
King comes every day at noon to see the Tuwmdsha (shows) or fighting
with elephants, lions, and buffaloes, and killing of deer by leopards.
* * Tuesdays are peculiarly the days of blood, both for fighting
beasts and killing men, as on that day the King sits in judgment,
and sees it put in execution.” I ean only account for the silence of
Finch and Hawkins by supposing that they had never seen these two
remarkable elephants with their warrior riders. This, indeed, is likely
enough, for the principal cate near the city, by which they would have
entered the fort, is on the western side; and unless they had passed
* Ayin Akbari, II—36.
Te Tee
ith hie»
ht {ils (i
ihanbes
te |
ii
IS it)
!
Mi iN bo
‘wad Ab
: '
Ml Weg
“wre
Si TO he ecm el ee i aE aE TTS
Report of the Archeological Survey. Ixxxv
right through the fort, they could not possibly have seen the statues.
There is no road along the bank of the river, and no one would think
of passing in that direction without some special reason. No doubt
the statues might have been seen from the opposite bank of the river,
but as our travellers bad no call to go there, they probably never went.
Both of them came to Agra from Surat, and approached the fort on
the south side; and Finch left Agra by the Delhi Road vid Mathura
without crossing the river, while Hawkins returned to Surat. Had Finch
seen the statues, I feel satisfied that he would have mentioned them,
as he takes notice of the elephant statue in front of the Hdthi Paur,
or “ Elephant Gate,” of the Gwalior fort.
155. With regard to Akbar’s object in setting up these statues, I
differ altogether from Bernier and Tod. Speaking of the heroes Jaymal
and Patta, the former says that “even their enemies thought them
worthy to have these statues erected to them.” This is somewhat
amplified by Tod, who says that Akbar “ evinced an exalted sense, not
only of the value of his conquest, but of the merits of his foes, erect-
ing statues to the names of Jaymal and Patta.” Here we see that
both Bernier and Tod were of opinion that these statues were erected
by Akbar in honour of his enemies, the two Rajput heroes of Chitor.
But when we remember that Akbar prided himself on having killed
Jaymal with his own hand; that he gave the name of Durust Andaz,
or “ true-shooter,” to his match-lock, and that both his Minister Abul
Fazl and his son Jahangir make much boasting of the HEmperor’s
lucky shot, the more natural conclusion is that the statues were erect-
ed in honour of Akbar himself. Had they been set up in honour of
his gallant foes, the fact would most assuredly have been comme-
morated in their loudest voice by the Rajput bards; but so far was
this from being the case, that Colonel Tod wag entirely indebted to
Bernier for this knowledge of their existence.
156. Again, when I remember that the same Akbar assumed the
title of Ghdee (or warrior for the faith) after putting to death with
his own hand in cold blood his able, gallant, and wounded antagonist
imu, I cannot believe that he would afterwards erect statues in
honour of any infidel Hindus, however noble in blood, or gallant in.
the tield. When I recollect, also, the position thatthe statues occu-
pied, one on each side of the Hastern Gateway of the Agra Fort, I can-
not help feeling that they stood, like the two horsemen at the gate of
Ixxxvi Leport of-the Archeological Survey.
the Horse Guards in London, as sentinels at the gate of their imperial -
foe, to do honour to their conqueror. Admitting this view to be correct,
I can understand why Shahjahan removed them to Delhi to occupy
the same position at the gate of his new citadel. Under the same
view I can also understand why they were spared for a time by the
bigotted Aurangzib. On the other hand, if we suppose with Bernier
and Tod that the statues were set up in honour of the two Rajput
warriors, their re-erection by Shahjahan is to me quite incomprehen-
sible. | |
157. But the question of Akbar’s intention, whether it was to do
honour to his foes or to himself, is one of comparatively little moment.
To us the statues are simply valuable as works of art, as they are,
perhaps, the only portrait statues that have been executed in India for
many centuries. ‘They are made of red sand-stone, and are of life-size,
while the huge elephants on which they sit are of black marble, and
the housings are decorated with white and yellow marbles. On these
grounds, I conclude that the dresses and turbans of the Rajput Chiefs
were coloured, while the faces and hands were most probably left of
the natural reddish brown colour of the sand-stone. When set up
again in the Delhi garden, I have no doubt that they will command
as much attention and admiration from our own countrymen as they
did two hundred years ago from the enthusiastic Frenchman Bernier.
158. There are many other remains at Delhi that are both beauti-
ful and interesting, but as their age and origin are well known, they
will naturally form a part of my proposed account of the Muhammadan
architecture of Northern India. Such are the Zinat Masjid, more
commonly called the Kwdri Masjid, or ‘ Maiden’s Mosque,” because
built by Zinat-un-nissa, the virgin daughter of Aurangzib; the
Kashmiri Masjid, and the Begam Masjid in the city, and the tombs
ot Jahdndré Begam and Zib-un-nissa, the sister and daughter of Au-
ranegzib, outside the city. I will only notice here a grave mistake made
by Mrs. Colin Mackenzie in her account of the epitaph on Jahdndra’s
tomb. ‘The marginal inscription records the name of “the perishable
Fakir, Jahdnéra Begam, the daughter of Shahjahan, and the disciple
of the Saints of Chist:, A. H.1094 (or A. D. 1682).” The holy
men here mentioned are the Muhammadan Saints of the well known
family of Ohisti, of whom famous shrines exist at Ajmere, Fatehpur
Sikri, Thanesur, and Kasiir. - This notorious Muhammadan name is
or ale
Panchen SAT FE em WO RRR ERIE ree ca erat tn at eA YY FoR eS pS Cha tre ee Ieee pe Al BR es oor SRS
Report of the Archeological Survey. Ixxxvil
changed by Mrs. Mackenzie as follows, “the humble, the transitory
Jahanara was a disciple of the holy men of Christ, supposed to be
Roman Priests.” Jahanara was the builder of the Jima Masjid at
Agra, and has always been considered a most devout follower of
Muhammad. Her name is still held in much veneration in Delhi for
her numerous charities. i
A. CUNNINGHAM, Major General,
Archeological Surveyor to the Govt. of India.
- eiec es - hg Set SEE LEDL EELIDOLEIEOEA
Te . a ceaalp GRR TR cg pan th ER RE ET OS eS =
2 he ging eT EES ET Ee Saeres S125 =
APPENDIX
TO THE
JOURNAL OF THE ASIATIC SOCIETY.
4
Classified List of Naturalists and others engaged 7 the Collection
of Objects of Interest.
[.—NaturaL History GENERALLY.
Name. Address. 7 Particulars.
Rdgar L. Layard, Curator of Museum!Would be elad to assist the
Hisq. | at Cape Town. Asiatic Society generally.
Gerard Krefft, Hsq.|Curator of Museum Would exchange all sorts, espe-
| at Sydney. cially Reptilia. 7
C. Horne, Esq. |Benares. Studies Natural History gene-
rally, and would like a list
of works attainable-at any,
or a moderate cost.
TL.—MAMMALIA.
Gerard Krefft, Esq.|Curator of Museum Can supply skeletons and skins
at Sydney. of Australian Mammalia for
Indian specimens.
Lieut. R. C.Beavan.|Purulia,Manbhoom.|Collects specimens whenever
practicable.
Capt. T. Hutton. . Mussoorie. Is writing a popular account
of the Mammalia of the
Himalaya.
W. Theobald, Esq.,, Rangoon. Micro-Mammalia.
Junior,
t
il Classified Inst of Naturalists.
Name. Address. 7 Particulars.
a
+
IiI.—Birrps.
Lieut. R. C. Beavan.|Purulia, Manbhoom./Collects specimens wherever
practicable. :
Capt. T. Hutton. |Mussoorie. | poet
Capt. J. Mitchell. |Supt., Madras Mu-|Particularly wants good speci-
| seum. mens of Birds from all coun- jab
tries from Calcutta to (and
including) the Himalayas.
In exchange offers Birds
of Madras Presidency, parti-
cularly the neighbourhood
of Madras.
Ornithology and Oology espe- |
cially with reference to Bri-
tish Birds in India. Has
several duplicate eggs, too
numerous to give the whole
in this notice. Requires
duplicate eggs of Aquila lth
nevia, Turdus Whitei, Re-
gulus modestus, Anthus Ri-
cardi, Acanthylis caudacuta,
Otis Macqueeni, Anser rufi-
collis, Sturna stolida, Sturna
anglica, Sturna fuliginosa,
Procellaria hesitata, Alauda
W. E. Brooks, Esq.,!Tonse Bridge, Alla-
C. H. |
habad.
hi,
= | brachydactyla, &e. —
W. Theobald, Esq.,|Rangoon. Oology. i.
Junior. | bs
[V.—Reprites. |
Capt. R. H. Bed-|Conservator of For-|Collects all Indian reptiles;
dome, | ests, Ootacamund.| has a large collection of
| | snakes from all parts of '
= Madras Presidency particu- | “[ij
larly from the dense forests r
and mountains of the western ‘ihe
side. Has discovered some
12 or 15 new species partly
named by Dr. Gunther and
Tie" . = = 2 Te TSE RAL SAE EO ES By Ea HE ea tS Sips
ats I capt ae Steg SD ee aE RS POA SS
Classified List of Naturalists. ae
Name. Address. Particulars.
partly by himself; has nu-
merous duplicates, &c. He
will be glad to exchange for
snakes fromthe Khasya Hills
or Assam.
Capt. J. Mitchell. |Supt., Madras Mu-,;Wantsreptilesin spirit(Indian.)
seum. |
Gerard Krefft, Esq.|Curator of Museum,|Has a fine series of duplicate
Sydney. reptiles which he is wishing
to exchange.
V.—F isu.
Capt. J. Mitchell, |Supt., Madras Mu-| Wants fresh-water fish of North
seum. India either stuffed or in
alcohol, can furnish marine
fish of Madras stuffed or in
spirit and some fresh water
species.
Gerard Krefft, Esq./Sydney, N.S. W. |Can exchange Australian fishes
for others.
VI.—Mo.tuvsca
GENERAL.
Sir W. Denison, K.|Madras. Willing to purchase or ex-
C. B. change.
MajorG.C. Evezard.|\Cantonment Magis-|\Conchology, would exchange
trate, Poona. land shells of Western India
for Burmah, Java, and Ben-
galland and fresh water shells.
Has Cyclophorus altivagus,
Indicus, &c. of Poona and its
neighbourhood.
Capt. Julian Hob-|Revenue Survey,|Ditto.
son. Sattara.
Capt. J. Mitchell. |Supt., Madras Mu-|Wants Indian land and fresh
seum., water shells from any part
of the coast, can furnish
Madras sea and backwater
shells,
yes
LPL rye tee
<
k ul
:
5
<
3
}
iv Classified Inst of Naturalisis.
Name. Address. — | Particulars,
SS SSS | eS SSS 6G SSSR See
George French An-51, Portland Villas,|The Mollusca generally. Hag
gus, Lisq. | Portland MRoad,) formed a very large collec-
| NottingHill,Lon-| tion in various parts of the
don, W. world, many of which were
new to science and have been
described since his return to
England, by Messrs. Adams,
Crosse, Pfeiffer, himself, &e,
Can offer for exchange du-
plicates of Australian shells,
from time to time, properly
named from the types. His
desiderata would be chiefly
the shells of the Japanese
and Chinese seas, Kamschat-
ka, Behring’s straits, &e—
also a series of East Indian
pulmonijera generally. All
species from theCape of Good
Hope would also be accepta-
| ble, both land and marine.
Capt. G. H. Fryer. ‘BurmahPolice. San-|Collects all, but chiefly fresh-
doway, Aracan. water and Land Mollusks.
J.H.Cox, Hsq.M.D./147 Phillipant St.,\Conchology.
Sydney.
Hon'ble W. Cooper. Judge | Hoboken, Conchology in all its branches.
New Jersey, U.S.
VIl—Lanp anp
FRESH WATER
i:
SHELLS.
Sir W. Denison, K./Madras. Would be glad to purchase or
C. B. exchange specimens, wants
particularly those of South
America.
W. King, Esq. Care of Messrs. Ar-|Collects and has sundry dupli-
buthnot & Co.,| cates; for instance,
Madras. Hi. Basileus, H. ungulata, H.
Malabarica :
the Ist and 8rd of which may
be interesting additions to
some collections,
(ban
i
= uv ad ee Pre manila me ne : CRORES a eae hesenee een
Classified List of Naturalists. Vv
Name. Address. Particulars.
Capt. G. Ei. Fryer. Burmah Police. Collects all, but chiefly fresh-
| water and land mollusca.
Honololu, . Sand-\Is engaged cataloguing the
wich Islands. shells of the group, and
wishes shells from the east
Coast of India, also shells of
Murotomide, mitrade and
fine examples ol
Cyprea onyx
C. Hrasta
C. pantherina
C. Pulchra
C. lentigera
also Ricinula lotata, a Var.
of R. digitata found in the
Seychelles. He offers in ex-
change, any shells from the
W. H. Pease, Hisq.
| ame
| Pacific.
Capt.R.H.Beddome.|Ootacamund. Land shells.
C. Horne, Esq. Benares. Would like to know something
of the land shells of these
parts.
Hon'ble W. Cooper.|Hoboken N. Jersey./Has a fine series of American
land and fresh-water shells
which he is willing to ex-
| change for Indian species.
Bengal Club, Cal- Fresh-water shells of S. K. Asia,
cutta. the Eastern Archipelago,
Australia, and Oceania, espe-
cially Melania, Paludomus,
and Unio with a view to
determine variation and dis-
tribution of the species, also
any land, fresh water or
marine shells from India or
neighbouring countries and
seas. Can exchange Ceylon
Paludomi and Melanie and
some other fresh water and
land shells.
H. F. Blanford, Hsq.
W. Theobald, Esq., Geological Survey,
Junior, | Rangoon.
<4)
Je
Classified List of Naturalists.
Name. | Address. Particulars.
Vili. —Inszcrts
GENERAL,
Lieut. R.C. Beavan. Camp Purulia, Man-Collects specimens of Entomo-
bhoom. logy, chiefly Lepidoptera
: | and Coleoptera.
Sir W. Denison, K.|Madras. Willing to purchase or ex-
C. B. | change specimens of Lepi-
| doptera.
Capt. A. M. Lang,'Simla. Collects all orders.
R. E.
Capt. T. Hutton. (Mussoorie. Entomology.
Capt, J. Mitchell. |Supt., Madras Mu-|Would be glad to receive In-
seum. sects in exchange for speci-
mens in other branches of
| the animal kingdom.
Capt. T. M. Alex-|Sagur. Wants names of Books giving
ander. descriptions of species.
(. Horne, Esq. Benares. Collects all orders, more to
assist others and to note
facts regarding insects than
for accumulation, will be
happy to give any local in-
sect he may possess to others
needing it, does not need
others in exchange; but from
want of local knowledge, de.
is not at present able to
furnish lists.
J.C.Cox, Esq.,M.D./Sydney, N. 8. W. |Entomology.
W. Theobald, Esq.,|Rangoon, — Insects and crustacea.
Junior. |
TX .—CoLkorrTEera.
Lieut. R.C. Beavan.|Camp Purulia, Man-|Collects specimens of Entomo-
bhoom. logy, Coleoptera.
A. EH. Russell, Esq./At present, care of|Collects specimens of Coleop-
2 CU. 8. Messrs. Coutts &| tera.
Co., pun, Lon-
don,
ee
ta)
i
=
Ge,
EER AIO
-
vr
7
Capt. T. M. Alex-/Sagur.
= SSS eee Ae gE ETS OSES ae EES
Teg ign r pies ath ee aE SE ee =i 2 s
ie alin tee EES UT heh er a a : pics: ead
Olassified List of Naturalists. vil
Name. Address. Particulars.
Capt. T. M. Alex-|Sagur. Collects specimens of Coleop-
ander, 8, Madras tera.
Cavalry.
W. Macleay, Esq. (Sydney, N.S. W. [Has a large number of dupli-
cates which he wishes to
exchange for Indian species.
Capt. Julian Hob-Sattara. Coleoptera.
son.
X.—HEMIPTERA.
Ditto. Sattara.
X1.—HymMeEnopr-
TERA.
Collects specimens of Hymen-
ander. | optera.
J. G. Peels. Pharmacéen Place|Collects all Hymenoptera and
delaCalandre,III.| Diptera and is ready to
Gand, Belgium. | exchange with any Indian
Entomologist but only the
| abovenamed orders.
W. Theobald, Esq.,!Rangoon.
Junior.
XIL.—Dirrera.
J. G. Peels. See under Hymenoptera,
XII1.—Lzpipor-
TERA.
Lieut. R.C. Beavan.|Camp Perulia, Man-|Collects specimens of Lepidop-
bhoom. tera.
Sir W. Denison, K.|Madras. ‘Willing to purchase or ex-
C. B. | change specimens.
Capt. A. M. Lang,|Simla. Has a large collection of Lepi-
R. E. doptera from N. W. Hima-
laya and Punjab, would be
glad to obtain in exchange,
Lepidoptera of H. Himalayan
India. Describes and figures
transformations of Indian
Lepid.,
—
~
2 a:
*yaett<
# ot § ++
’
aha x
™ (ee
ote ee | ee
rtd GE
ie
« et hee A oe re
is ae Be) NS a
rae memos OB te stim haart He tame ee
|
>
mt in (ah
ALAS
Re ARS
¥
7¥
7 Vp
fe TITY,
pate
ae
“ 7 Pers . yii oy
sd staat did dans
r.
4
;-
+ P
>
a
_.
>
S:
4
Vili Classified List of Naturalists.
Nome Address. : Particulars.
Se SE GS SEE
S CATS VaR
A. E, Russell, Hsq.|Care of Messrs.|Collects and observes the trans-
| Coutts and Co.,; formations. Collectionshave
Strand, London. | been shipped for England
| where he will be glad to
exchange Indian for other
| exotic Lepidoptera.
|Has on hand a monograph of
silk producing species of
| Indian Bombycide and Sa-
| turiniade.
Capt. J. Roberts. (Late Darjeeling. Lepidoptera.
W.S. Atkinson, Hsq.|Director of Public|Collects Lepidoptera, will be
Instruction, Cal.| glad to exchange Silhet and
Darjeeling species for those
| of other parts of India, especi-
ally the Punjab, Central and
Southern India; wishes also
an accurate local list of Lepi-
| doptera from all parts of
India with the view of de-
termining the geographical
: range of species and varieties.
Capt. T. M. Alex-jSagur. Collects specimens.
ander. !
W. Macleay, Esq. |Sydney, N.S. W. (Collects and has a large num-
ber of duplicates which he
wishes to exchange for Ii-
dian species.
Capt. T. Hutton. (Mussoorie.
|
\
}
i)
t
Capt. Julian Hob-|Sattara.
son.
XAXLV.—Dtoromaca
MicrRoscopr.
Capt. J. Mitchell. |Supt., Madras Mu-Interested in the microscope,
seum. wishes to work out the Dio-
tomace of the neighbour-
hood and considers it desir-
able that the Museum should
have a complete collection.
Capt. Julian Hob-Sattara. |Desmideze and Diatomace. :
son,
4
—*
aut, Es
|
y
'
i h
| An “A
| Ah
1 agains PELLICLE FD he es a a heal ae ES
Classified List of Naturalists. 1X
Name. Address. : Particulars,
XV.—Borany.
G. CG. M. Birdwood,|/Victoria Garden, Economic Botany of India,
Kisq., M. D. Bombay. wants specimens of products
and seeds of plants yielding
them wants also seed vessels
of all kinds for a carpologi-
cal collection; willing to
make exchanges, or to pur-~
2 chase.
H. Cleghorn, Esq.,/Simla. Economic Botany; Foresting.
M. D. Has a large Herbarium of
S. Indian plants and a small
collection of Punjab plants.
J. L. Stewart, Hsq.,{Lahore. General Economic Botany of
M. D. | India.
J. KH. T. Aitchison,|Simla. Botany.
Hsq., M. D.
Capt. R. H. Bed-|Conservator of For-|Ditto.
dome. ests. Madras.
XVI—Ferrns.
Capt. R. H. Bed-Conservator of For-/Collects Ferns and is publish-
dome. ests. Madras. ing a work on the Ferns of
| India. Has duplicates of
all Madras Ferns and would
be glad to exchange for speci-
mens from Khasia, Assam,
&e.
XVIT.—Guonoey.
F. Drew, Esq. ‘Srinagger, Kashmir.|Physical Geology.
Capt. T. Hutton. ‘Mussoorie. Geology.
R. Bruce Foote, sq. Geological Survey,
: Madras.
W. King, Esq. Care of Messrs. Ar-|Collects specimens illustrative
buthnot & Co.) of Geology and its allied
Madras, branches of Natural History,
LER en,
i, oat |
« ee
o
t
fafa
SENT
- @¢ Are
-
x Classified List of Naturalists.
Name. Address. Particulars.
Capt. H. Godwin/Engineer engaged,|Takes an interest in Geology,
Austen. Bhotan expedi-| and hasmade a small collec-
tion, tion of fossils carboniferous
limestone of the Kashmir
valley at Zanskar, We. also a
|
few from the Oolitic and other
formations of that part of the
Himalaya; some fossils have
been sent home and have
been examined by Professor
Woodward; theremainder he
proposes (when leisure can be
obtained) to figure. Sections
have been made by him of
many portions of the Western
Himalaya, and a Geological
map of those portions that he
hassurveyed. To more detail-
ed sections and an exploration
of the beds abovementioned,
he imtends to devote a sum-
mer leave when obtainable ;
he has also some drawings of
Buddhist remains found in
the Kashmir valley.
A.M. Verchere, Hsq.| Assistant Surveyor,|Has a large collection of fossils
~Bunnoo, Punjab.| and rocks from Salt Range,
Kashmir, &e., 1s anxious to
enter into correspondence
with any person who knows
of beds of Carboniferous
limestone in India (not in the
Punjab or western Himalaya)
especially in the THastern
Himalaya.
XVIIL.—Erano-
LOGY.
W. King, Esq. Geological Survey,Is interested in evidences of
care of Messrs.| the prehistoric origin of man
Arbuthnot & Co.,| and has in conjunction with
Madras. Mr. Foote of the Geological
oe mee
We Re gina aces wets eae ETE ae OS
Classified List of Naturalists. Xi
Name. Address. Particulars.
EEE SCS ESS | ES
Capt. C. L. BR. Glas- Deputy
furd. sioner,
Ditto. ‘Ditto.
&
|
Rev. M. A. Sher-|Benares.
ring.
Col. J. Abbott. 'Umballa.
XLX.—ARCHAO-
LOGY.
Survey, discovered a great
number of chipped stone
weapons or implements, scat-
tered about and buried in
the alluvial deposits in the
neighbourhood of Madras ;
may probably have duplicates
during the year and will be
glad to exchange for speci-
mens from the parts of India
especially the smooth or
polished variety of these
“ Celts.”
Commis-|Indo-Scythian remains and affi-
Sironcha,| nities between the wild tribes
GentralProvinces,, in the vicinity of the Goda-
very and the Todas, Kotturs,
&e, of the Neilgherries.
Would be glad to meet with
a correspondent who could
give him informationregard-
ing the customs religion and
traditions of the Sonthals,
and of the wild tribes in
Assam, and on the N. K,
frontier, or of Seythian re-
mains in these parts.
Especially interested in the
Archeology of Benares and
its neighbourhood.
Antiquities of all kinds, Geo-
graphical, Architectural, Kith-
nological including sculpture,
numismatics, engraving tra-
ditions, d&e., especially such
as relate to the SUCCESSOT'S
of Alexander in the Hast,
Xil Classified List of Naturalists.
SS
Name. Address. Particulars.
C. Horne, Esq. Benares. Archeology, especially Bud-
dhist remains, and collects
coins for others.
Capt. H. H. Godwin Dehra Dhoon. Has some drawings of Bud-
Austen. dhist remains found in the
Kashmir valley,
Baboo Rajendralala|\Manicktollah, Cal-/Has a collection of Sanscrit
Mitra. cutta. MSS. of which he would
eladly have copies made for
those requiring them. Has
the Taittiriya A’ranyaka in
the press and wants a copy
of Sdyana’s commentary on
the same for collation.
XX.—Corns,
Lieut. Ayrton Pul-/Topographical Asst.;/Will be happy to make ex-
Jan. of G. T. Survey,| changes of silver or copper
of India, Dehra; Bactrian or Hindoo coins.
Dboon or Mus-
SOOr1e.
Major George G.Care of Messrs. Ar-|Collects Bactrian coins, gems,
Pearse, R. A. buthnot & Co. and ancient Indian coins;
Madras. requires coins of Archibeus,
Amyntas, Pantaleon, Diony-
sius, Artemon, Artemidorus,
Epander, Zoilus, Teleppus
and Pakores and any good
copper coins of Hucratides
andAgathon. Requires gems.
Has large number of Maha-
medan coins of all ages, Cash-
mere coins and modern coins
for disposal, also coins ol
Alexander the Great.
‘Commanding 5th)Has at present no wish to ex-
| Horse Brigade) change duplicate coins.
| Royal Artillery,
| Unmballa.
Col, J. Abbott.
HP et |
wee
VET At
NM Of
|S oe oe
ul lhstratig
lethany
it if AW
ala
- Fc cpea nc teee hg ow nea Oe SRNR HORAN 2A Cea yao RA TA EG eS Seeman eas
~ | Classified List of Natwralists. xiii
ee ee
Name. Address. Particulars.
a Co ES EEE Eee | ae? GES GSES SSS RS SS OY SLES
O.W. Wilmott, Esq.|Assistant Commis-|Has formed a small collection
sioner, Deoghur. | of foreign and other coins.
Baboo Rajendralala|Manicktollah, Cal-|Has a few coins; wishes to ex-
Mitra. cutta. change duplicates.
NOTES AND QUERIES,
ZooLoGgy.
1. “TI seein Blyth’s Catalogue that he makes Inuus Assamensis
of McClelland and Inuus pelops of Hodgson to be one and the same.
They are totally distinct species the former inhabiting—* Subhima-
layan region, As4m”—and the other being strictly confined to the
Northern forests bordering on the snows in Nipal, Kumaon, Mussooree
and Simla. Mr. Blyth never saw a specimen of Pithex (Inuus)
pelops of Hodgson. I think Dr. Jerdon is convinced of the distinctness
of our species as I showed him a living individual.” Carr. T, Hurzon,
Mussoorve.
2. What books are attainable respecting the wasps and ants of
India at a moderate cost ? In what Journals and of what date may
papers be found on these subjects? Is there any work with coloured
or plain illustrations of the Dragon Flies of India? C. Hornz, Benares,
NuMISMATICS.
8. Since dies of the ancient coins have been engraved at Rawul
Pindee it is hard to pronounce on the genuineness of coins purchased.
Most of the forgeries are smeared with lamp-black mixed either with
water or withoil. Boiling water or the action of oil of turpentine
will remove this; whereas the oxide on an old coin can be removed
only by mechanical action on the edge of a sharp tool. Cou. J.
Aszort, Umballa.
( {tp BERG LIPLELPIPLIISLIIGE SSL ILLGS I SGARALS I ELIIOALIPIEIL SL,
— >
— ~ = ~ be
——4 es — — >
Me , — = * - Se = > =
= = : > a * = <> > =z =
So — ~~ =— => = =. —a oo —s ee oS =~ = —— —
ar aae
=~ —— = st ee — —=- = = = = — = = == > = a =
IEEE EE CLD SOLIS 5 RETESET _ = =e 7 <
Meteorological Observations.
Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
im the month of January, 1864.
Latitude 22° 33’ 1” North. Longitude 88° 20’ 34” East,
Feet.
Height of the Cistern of the Standard Barometer above the Sea-level, 18.11.
Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements
dependent thereon,
o © re
Bos Range of the Barometer = o Range of the Tempera.
“an 5 3 during the day. PQ S ture during the day.
2 5 ae
Dia & ana =
° eo 28 ro ©
© Stee Max Min Diff a Max. | Min. | Diff.
a :
a | =
Inches. | Inches. | Inches. | Inches. Oo ) 0) 0)
1 | 29.969 | 30.051 | 29.908 | 0148 65.8 76.2 | 57.0 | 19.2
2 965 .030 .912 118 67.2 76.4 09.8 | 16.6
3 | Sunday.
4, | 30.033 130 .969 161 65.1 74.4) 56.4 | 18.0
5 001 .066 .948 118 65,5 75.8 57.2 | 18.6
6 O21 .093 967 126 65.8 75.0 58.4 | 16.6
7 -068 154 | 30.018 136 64.2 73.6 56.4 | 17.2
8 .076 157 .020 137 63.2 73.0 55.0 | 18.0
9 .089 177 027 150 64.3 75.0 09.6 | 19,4
10 | Sunday.
11 033 L111 | 29.965 146 65.6 17.4 57.4 | 20.0
12 038 123 991 132 66.9 77.0 58.6 | 18.4
13 044 129 992 137 65.5 76.4: 56.0 | 20.4
14 | 29.995 .090 .923 167 64.8 74.8 56.0 | 18.8
15 94: 042 .876 .166 65.7 76.7 56.0 | 20.7
16 884 | 29.933 836 097 65.3 71.9 08.0 | 13.9
17 | Sunday.
18 943 | 30.025 883 142 64.5 73.2 56.4 | 16.8
19 951 040 894: 146 65 1 74,7 06.6 | 18.1
20 O74 .051 922 129 64,8 75.9 55.0 | 20.9
21 | 30.002 087 945 142 64.3 74.8 59.4 | 19,4)
22 | 29.969 059 912 147 65.8 17.3 04.8 | 22.5
23 898 | 29.980 028 152 69.7 82.2 09.6 | 22.6
24 | Sunday.
25 979 | 30.051 .930 121 62.4 73.1 52.8 | 20.3.
26 999 070 935 135 62.8 74,0 62.8 | 21.2
27 967 .039 924 115 64.0 76.2 54.0 | 23.2
28 .960 023 917 106 | 64,5 75.8 06.0 | 19.8
29 | 380.000 .080 959 121 64.7 76.2 59.4 | 20.8
30 -000 086 933 153 63.3 14.7 o4.2 | 20.5
dl | Sunday.
The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb
Faeeueret Means are derived from the hourly Observations made during
the day.
ii Meteorological Observations.
Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations J
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta, if! !
in the month of January, 1864. i"
Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements
dependent thereon.—(Continued).
a ce te » 0 “ ¢ Hi lath 7
F 5 x Sic 8 | 2s
i : 2 Q . oo ee tee = 8
S G E é S Boe ees ia
= S : = Sis ete | ee ~
Z : E = 2 2e (52s) 6s if
2 a ‘a BQ es |e she
o - = ae Se | Os aoe oo: Be
te 2 2 2 Ss a El s oO a ca e o 4 S i
i) ee = aa = ) O;,o|/ C28 ran
¢ so ca a. = a 5 s* [220] = 2 x ly
= 5 b> 5 aan Se | OS (Saal $9.8 ri
=) Zi a 'S) an) = A
; 5 =
ry
iv Meteorological Observations.
Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
im the month of January, 1864.
Hourly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements
dependent thereon.—( Continued).
All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants.
= + E w 1 © Ci ; 1 ©
o fas rb} Ge oO) a > wn SS
= e E Z 2 352 |o8
7 = ° © a2 see oe ees a
Hour.| © 4: rc A a e- a's = See 2) ee
os 2 & a ae | Ow |S Sg 2/8 e
ee : ee a
= 9 a Da pas mag peo 2 Soe Ss es
See 5 g Pol 2s | fae Sp 28s s se
= a Oo 2 = = < =
Oo O 0 ) Inches. [Troy grs./Troy grs.
Mid- 3 :
ao 56.3 4.2 52.5 8.0 | 0.407 4,57 1.40 0.77
1 56,1 3.8 52.7 7.2 409 .60 25 AQ
2 50.6 3.0 52.3 7.0 404: 55 elo 9
3 50.2 34 | 52.1 6.5 401 2 10 80
4 54.7 3.2 | 51.8 6.1 307 48 OL 82
5 54.0 3.0 51.3 5.7 390 Al 0.93 83
6 53.9 3.0 51.2 5.7 389 40 92 83
a 03.2 3.0 90.2 6.0 316 26 95 82
8 55.2 5.0 50.7 9.5 382 .29 1.62 3
) 56.7 6.5 50.8 | 12.4 383 28 2.21 .66
10 58.2 | 8.4 61.5 | 15.1 393 .36 85 61
11 59.4 | 10.1 51.3 18.2 890 80 3.08 50
Noon.| 60.4 | 11.8 51.0 | 21.2 .386 23 4,32 50
L 60.9 13.0 ol.8 22.1 397 od 68 43
2 61.6 | 18.5 52.1 | 23.0 01 37 97 47
3 61.6 13.7 a2 O 23.3 .400 35 5.05 4,6
A 61.0 | 12.9 52.0 | 21.9 400 36 4.65 48
5 61.3 | 10.5 52.9 | 18.9 412 52 3.93 54,
6 61.3 le 00.2 13.7 445 91 2.83 63
7 60.5 6.0 55.7 10.8 453 2.02 17 70
8 09.6 D9 55.4) 9.5 449 4.98 1.87 73
9 58 6 4.9 54.2 9.3 431 80 75 13
10 58.1 4.6 54.0 8.7 4.28 Wd 62 75
11 57.0 4:2 53.7 8.0 423 v4 4S 77
19} yt
Meteorological
Observations. ¥
Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,
in the month of January, 1864.
radiation.
5 feetabove
| Rain Gauge
Ground.
Max. Solar
°
oot
=
Q
=a
o)
mM
1) 132.4
9] 129.7| -..
146.8| ...
137.41...
136.0
131.8
9} 133.2
3
A,
5
6} 127.5
7
8
JMG od G31 Oy eos
12) 183.8! ...
ES SlS6,0:= =,
14) 128.0] ...
15) 181.2
16) 124:.0
18| 131.2
19] 182.0
20) 187.5]...
21) 184.6) ,,,
22| 136.0
3| 142.8
25| 1386.0
26} 132.0
27) 136.0
28) 133.0
29) 137.0
30} 131.0
)
Solar Radiation,
=
Gy
Prevailing direction | ©
of the Wind. Pa
a
tbs
N. 4
N.& N. W 4
Sunday. “
N. & N. W. 4
N.& N. W. z
N. W. &N. a
N. &N. W. 4
N. W. &N. 2
N. 2
Sunday 4
N. S
N. ot
N. 4
N. £
S.H. &N i
N.&S. -
Sunday. 4
N. & W. 1i
N. W. & W. 1
W.&N. W. 4
N. W. & W. +
N.W.&8.&8. W.| 3
Sunday. eS
W. &N. f
W.&N.W.&N =
N.&S. i
N.& W.&S. 13
W.&N. e
N. & W a
Sunday 1
Weather, &c.
General Aspect of the Sky.
SESE) eames
al
Cloudless; also slightly foggy from
2 to 5 A. M.
4| Scatd. clouds till 1 Pp. ™m.; cloudless
afterwards.
Cloudless.
Cloudless till 5 a. m.; Scatd. “i till
Noon; cloudless afterwards.
Cloudless.
Cloudless.
Cloudless.
Cloudless.
Cloudless. [P. M.
Cloudless; also foggy between 8 & 11
Cloudless.
Cloudless till 1 p. m.; Scatd. clouds till
8 Pp. M.; cloudless afterwards also
slightly fogey at 11 p. M,
Cloudless.
Cloudless till 1 P. m.; Scatd. clouds
till 5 Pp. M.; cloudless afterwards.
Cloudless till 1 Pp. m.; Scatd. 71 & “i
till 6 Pp. m.; cloudless afterwards,
also slightly fogey from 9 to 11 P. mu.
Cloudless.
Cloudless ; also foggy from 8 to 11 Pp. m.
,| Cloudless; also slightly foeey from 8
to 11 P. uM.
Cloudless.
Cloudless ; also slightly foggy between
3&7 A. M.
-| Cloudless ; also fogey at 8 Pp. M.
-| Cloudless.
Cloudless.
Cloudless, also foggy at 5 a. M. and
between 9 & 11 P. uM,
Cloudless.
Cloudless.
M Cirri, i Cirro strati, ©1 Cumuli, ~i Cumulo strati, Wi N imbi, —i Strati,
Wi Cirro cumuli.
vi Meteorological Observations.
Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations ee
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
in the month of January, 1864.
MontHLY RESULTS.
Inches
Mean height of the Barometer for the month, oe °° 29.992 co
Max. height of the Barometer occurred at 9 a. M. on the 9th, as 30.177 a
Min. height of the Barometer occurred at 4 P. M. on the 23rd, we 29.828 ul
Huatreme range of the Barometer during the month, oe oe 0.349 :
Mean of the daily Max. Pressures, ae = 23002
Ditto ditto Min. ditto, Sc ve “s 29.936
Mean daily range of the Barometer during the month, .. ae 0.136
oO
Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer for the month, aa oe 65.0
Max. Temperature occurred at 2 P. M. on the 28rd, ee 82.2
Min. Temperature occurred at 7 a. M. on the 25th & 26th, 5 92.8
Mxtreme range of the Temperature during themonth, .. ee 29.4
Mean of the daily Max. Temperature, zs = os 75.5
Ditto ditto Min. ditto, = = S 56.2 sh
Mean daily range of the Temperature during the month, =. 19.3 i
Ii
a
_0 a
Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer for the month, Se oe 08.0 !
Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer,.. 7.0 |
Computed Mean Dew-point for the month, we oe O24 | :
Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above computed Mean Dew-point, .. 12.6 Wy
Inches | |
Mean Elastic force of Vapour for the month,.. oe ee 0.405
Troy grains a
Mean Weight of Vapour for the month, es ee =. 4.50 ,
Additional Weight of Vapour required for complete saturation, ee 2.37 | :
Mean degree of humidity for the month, complete saturation being unity, 0.66 | )
al
i
Inches | ll
Rained no days, Max. fall of rain during 24 hours, ... = Nil. fl
Total amount of rain during the month, .. <— ee Nil. | ;
Prevailing direction of the Wind, = St N. & N. W. & W. "I
Meteorological Observations. vil
Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor Generals Office, Catcutta,
in the month of January, 1864.
Monrary RESULTS.
- Table showing the number of days on which at a given hour any particular wind
blew, together with the number of days on which at the same hour,
when any particular wind was blowing, it rained.
:
4) , i y
Hour f ; | a.
ols 5 | aa id
He © H = | © F io
ia) Ss =| H =F 1 oR
opt i ? z
Wie| 8 SE y =F 1.
IZ 0 = | bo |cc| W. lek
co} | ” p YY > (00 § tea
No. of days.
RUHL
a
S&S
Midnight.
ee
NNWwWNwWONEDNN Db ww
Jeol
Jot jad
HOOnNOAOMA WN E
bo 0 CO eS
EH be ow bho DD
mdb Wool OTW BA ool
WDWNEPEPHNP OBA wD
Noon.
et
bo bO bO
a)
Aniiagahagae! Soha eh tall ca haan
fed fed ee ed fd dt feet
qo Gb 0 0 OO DO ee
TLOLOLOLOUR OU BB OB OO
SAI OD S&S Oo
+ = ——_ ——_
= —~> —= _, a ——- -
== 4 . ed
——_ — _—— — — \ - ae > —s
— = = = - — r- ee ee => — —— J
ae = a — = ma Se te =< * . => ~—~ Ge Ss =—_ —s —— <> —F fo see * » "- : c —. —* 4 ; =” <= = => Ss Ss Ss sas a=
ace =— = Senet n ee an ewes SS — ee S25 55 => = : f— £2 ss Ss = Ss SS = [SS oS = =
= = = Sates ral pemy # eee a — => = —S 3 lc CUS a ay > — == > = = = > = = = ——
2 S = = —— a es aS oe = =e = = ss = 3 = — ee 2 =F =
mS —— — — £: apes ae — Me = , ~ — a
= = — — - = . = n> a = == — —- = = =
a inode aiapinlahaeondatlanen
. : :
‘Viens &.v..
3 Fhe mein rh ek a URE EL Sa IG SREY SSIS SS =
Meteorological Observations. 1x
Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observatiosn
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
in the month of February, 1864.
Latitude 22° 331” North. Longitude 88° 20’ 34” Kast.
Feet.
Height of the Cistern of the Standard Barometer above the Sea-level, 18.11
Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements
dependent thereon.
Cet hy 2 uw
4 = 3 Range of the Barometer e Ss |Range of the Tempera-
“én 5 3 during the day. = : ture during the day.
cB) = ~ 5
Date. = ze sy = s
5 Ss Max. Min. Diff. a Ey Max. | Min. | Diff.
a | a
Inches. | Inches. | Inches. | Inches. te) ry) 0 0
1 30.074 | 30.155 | 30.015 0.140 68.0 78.4 58.8 | 19.6
2 -L11 183 .060 123 69.8 78.4) 63.6 | 14.8
3 120 193 .055 138 71.8 80.8 64.8 ' 16.0
4 132 218 072 141 71.8 81.2 65.2 | 16.0
5 136 234, 057 177 68.3 79.2 58.8 | 20.4
6 108 190 027 163 68,2 80.4: 07.8 | 22.6
7 | Sunday. |
8 034: 121 | 29,967 154 Th. 82.5 64.0 | 18.5
9 .029 119 969 150 73.5 83.4 66.0 | 17.4
10 O14: .085 944 141 74.0 84.2 67.6 | 16.6
11 29.996 .062 ‘931 74.6 85.6 66.3 | 19.3
|
74.7 ~| 85.1 67.4 | 17.7
ero
12 | 30.015 082 966 116
13 | 29.958 048 881 167 | 75.6 87.8 | 68.4 | 19.4
14 | Sunday.
15 822 | 29.899 768 131 | 76.0 85.2 | 68.6 | 16.6
16 775 852 696} .156| 75.7 83.2 | 69.6 | 13.6
17 734 798 622 | 176 76.0 82.4 69.6 | 12.8
18 847 927 792 | 135 | 65.5 72.9 | 61.2 | 11.0
19 839 898 | 779 119 | 67.2 “79 | 57.6 | 19.6
20 867 940 611 | 429: 709 80.6 | 62.6 | 18.0
21 | Sunday. | 3
22 .965 | 30.037 903 AS42 = 71-3 80.6 | 62.2 | 18.4
23 868 | 29.953 798 155 | 743 82.2 | 68.6 | 13.6
24, 799 879 713 166 | 76.0 84.2 | 69.5 | 14.7
25 791 884 734| 1501 741 81.8 | 67.6 | 14.2
26 824 911 770 141 | 74.5 83.8 | 65.6 | 18.2
27 806 893 745 148 | 75.5 84.2 | 69.2 | 15.0
28 | Sunday.
29 821 .900 752 148 | 78.4 87.2 | 70.6 | 16.6
The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther -
mometer Means are derived from the hourly Observations made during the day.
xX Meteorological Observations.
Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
im the month of HKebruary, 1864.
Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements
dependent thereon.— (Continued).
zt E = ee a
° ) ~ = bt
2 = = = © ee = S z 2
= iS 5 = So Be ee
so) Ra a Ace = et = Sa
es : 6 2 | os 8s
a = E = © on = oe es
Dae, 2 A a os a S| 2 Ge
2 8 2 + = Se ps | Se | Wess
=o = = a As bs O Sr ee
46 pa 5, ae ae e |255) bs
° s = Bae 2 1a 8
® 4 bs a PA © S25 |S ae| ous
= Q O Q = = S =
oO O O O Inches. (2) are 2 eer:
1 63.6 4,4) 60.1 7.9 0.525 5.80 1.73 0.77
2 65.8 4.0 62 7.2 510 6.28 .67 19
3 66.9 A.9 63.0 8.8 518 OO 2.12 15
4, 64.8 7.0 p92 { 12.6 009 5.58 87 .66
5 60.0 8.3 53.4 | 14.9 A19 4.63 7 OL
6 59.9 8.9 93.30 | 14.9 A418 62 .96 OL
7 | Sunday :
8 65.2 6.5 60.0 | 11.7 028 |= oe 10 68
9 67.1 6.4: 62.6 | 10.9 10 | 6,23 67 70
10 | 68.1 5.9 64.0 | 10.0 597 52 o2 72
M1 68.0 G.6 63.4 | 11.2 086 oo Rous 70
12 67.6 ta. 62.6 | 12.1 570 | 22 3.0L 67
13 69.2 6.4: 64.7 | 10.9 O11 | 65 2.893 70
14 | Sunday. |
15 69.3 6.7 64.6 | 11.4 609 | 63 97 69
16 70.3 5,4 66.5 9.2 .648 | 7.06 45 TA:
17 70.0 - 5.5 66.6 9.4) 601 | 08 2 7A
18 57.3 8.2 50,7 | 14.8 oon | 4.205 73 61
19 59.8 74 5jo.0 13.0 426 2 63 64:
20 63.1 7.8 56.9 | 14.0 A472 | 517 3.06 63
21 Sunday. |
ie 22 64.2 TA 58.5 | 12.8 A498 4.5 2.88 65
18 23 68.9 5.4: 65.1 9.2 619 6.77 0 TA:
e 24, 69.9 6.1 | 65.6 | 10.4 .630 86 TA 72
= 25 69.4: 8.7 59.8 | 14.8 | .b11 5.57 3.00 OL
26 63.8 10.7 56.3 | 18,2 A62 04: A. 14: OD
1a 27 65.1 10.41 57.8 | 17.7 486 | .28 is | .56
E a 28 | Sunday. |
a4 29 712 72 | 66.2 | 12.2 642 | 6.95 | 3.36 67
3 = All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants.
Se Pe a
Meteorological Observations. x1
Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
in the month of Hebruary, 1864.
Hourly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements
dependent thereon,
S s a Range of the Barometer = © Range of the Temperature
age for each hour during PQs for each hour during
Hour = 2 oa the month. aa the month.
“| ma & AE
do soe
<2 |Max. | Min. | Diff.| $& | Max. | Min. Diff,
= =
Inches. | Inches.| Inches.| Inches. O O 0 0
Mid- 9 =
night. 9.941 ‘30.147 |29.760 | 0 387 68.9 76.0 61.8 14.2
1 937 138 TAT 891 | 68.2 TOE 60.8 14.9
2 935 182 | .747 885 | 67.6 | 75.0 60.0 15.0
3 925 127 728 899 67.2 74.6 59.5 15.1
4, 896 L102 718 384 67.3 74.0 59.0 15.0
5 .920 mi HY 729 098 66.1 73.4) 58.5 14.9
6 944, 148 Tor 91 65.7 73.6 57.6 16.0
7 .962 a BEE 769 412 65.5 73.6 57.6 16.0
i 8 991 .209 £185 A424, 67.4: 74:6 61.2 13.4
t 9 | 30.008 2228 798 430 70.4: 76.5 62.0 14.5
| 10 .018 234 198 436 72.9 78.9 63.2 15.7
: 11 .0038 212 178 ABA 75.6 80.6 65.0 15.6
Noon. | 29.974 184 | .742 442 | 78.4 | 83.2 | 69.0 14.2
1 941 138 716 422 80.3 85.9 Ti2 14.7
2 O11 104: .676 428 81.4) 87.0 71.2 15.8
3 889 082 631 ABL 81.8 87,8 71.4 16.4
| 4, O82 072 622 450 81.2 86.8 12.2 14.6
| 5 882 .078 639 A443 79.4 86,4 70.0 16.4
) 6 888 .083 645 A38 76.8 83.6 67.6 16.0
i 7 907 L104 691 413 74.6 81.0 66.0 ° 15.0
i 8 .926 «135 746 389 72.9 79.6 64,4: 15,2
i 9 943 144, .760 084 71.5 78.0 63.0 15.0
10 950 .L53 SVEFER .880 70.7 17.4 62.6 14.8
11 949 .Ld59 166 00 69.9 Tice, 62.2 15.0
The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther-
mometer Means are derived from the Observations made at the several hours
during the month.
x Meteorological Observations.
Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
in the month of Hebruary, 1864.
Huurly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements
dependent thereon,—( Continued.)
2 as 43 E S ee) esels5
Ss ~ ont Q oO Sy 42 om fo =
po - Z = Shes SS | 4
o Flt rp) =) Ons oo x Oo Osm
~h2 ® > = = ae 2 ‘oO S oo s
ox 8 © s 2 == Pos | fae
Hour es = 5 = a os = =o) ee
° -) a} Co hes “a ee oO o om
| a @ ay 5 Fee ae 2 Be a5 0
£9 5 = Sea) Hot ee | e282 | 2s
o & FQ Du Fs ss see i eS eee
= o a Ps aly oF o Ot = So = = sS
=| he ° S BO | TE OS ‘3 3
0 ) O 0 Inches. |Troy grs./Troy gers.
night. :
1 64.3 3.9 61.2 7.0 044 OL D7 79
2 64.1 3.5 61.3 6.3 046 05 209 ol
3 64:0 3.2 61.4: 5.8 048 07 28 83
4, 64.3 3.0 61.9 5 A od 17 20 84
5 63.2 2.9 60.9 5,2 a9 5.98 12 04
6 62.9 2.8 | 60.7 5.0 .036 94 .08 80
yi 62.6 2.9 60.3 D2 028 87 Ll 84
8 63.3 4.1 60.0 7A: 023 19 .60 18
9 64.6 5.8 60.0 10.4) 523 75 2.35 AL
10 65.4: 7.9 59.4: 13.5 513 .60 3.13 64
11 ; 0259 0 18 .60
Noon. 67.5 10.9 59.9 18.5 O21 .63 4.68
7.6 | 0.546 6.02 1.72 0.78
a 1 68.0 | 12.38 | 59.4 | 20.9 518 52 5.39
ie 2 68.3 | 18.1 | 59.1 | 22.3 508 46 81 AS
ee 3 68.5. | 13.3) 59.2 | 22.6 509 AT .93 48
ie A 68.2 | 13.0 59.1 291 508 .46 75 49
3 5 68.2 | 11.2 | 604 | 19.0 530 72 4.90 5A
2 6 68.2 8.6 | 62.2 | 14.6 563 6.10 Bee: 62
is 7 67.5 A625. 12) .568 .20 .00 .67
eo 8 667-4 6:2 1-617 | 112-1 554 05 2.68 69
13 9 66.2 5.8 =b2.0 9.5 559 13 25 73
fe. 10 65.8 4.9 | 61.9 8.8 ae 12 .06 75
4 11 65.5 4.4 | 62.0 7.9 559 15 1.83 wus
?
%
oP)
Se
OU
io)
oP)
3 =
—_ if
ot
sit
Or
All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants.
i
Ne Troy Sees TRE IN FETATACN AN OSS PE
eh Airs Gaurd a eae Wa iy
ATE ca Ma Catt RRNA are Soke oR oi tne pee tte a
Aon Les
A re ey
He eee
4°te-
"0 aioe
Meteorological Observations.
ice ee i he AS AO A a RT GE ee Sadoaiass
xi
Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,
in the month of February, 1864.
Solar Radiation, Weather, &c.
# ¢ |S —
Bao eo aS
.| 2.8 |O & §| Prevailing direction | 2 iF General Aspect of the Sky.
2) #4 oS 1939 ofthe Wind. (Ac,
© S § SH -
AS eo Zhe
o |Inches Tbs
1| 127.3 W.&S5, 1 | Cloudless till 5 a. mu. Scatd. clouds
till 5 p. mu. cloudless afterwards
also foggy from 5 to 10 A. M.
2) 133.0 S. W. & W + | Cloudless till 7 a. m. cloudy till 11
A. M., cloudless afterwards also
slichtly foggy at 10 & 11 a. M.
3| 133.6 S.&8. W. & W 1 | Clondless till 3 a. m. Scatd. clouds
till 7 Pp. m., cloudless afterwards
also slightly drizzling at 7 P. M.
4) 1384.0] .. N.&N. W. Scatd. clouds till 8 a. m., cloudless
| afterwards.
Bi -185:64 —& N. & S. W. + | Cloudless.
6; 138.0; . N.&S. & W x | Cloudless.
Tiare Sunday. z
ro aed OS lesa pl aie S. W.&5. + | Cloudlegs till 4 a. u., cloudy & foggy
till 7 a. mM. cloudless afterwards.
9) 138.8 . | s & W. Cloudless; also foggy from 3 to 7 A.M.
10; 139.8; ... |S. & W. ... | Cloudless; also foggy from 5 to 7 A.M.
11) 144.0 . |S. W.&8 + | Cloudless; also foggy from 1 to 7 A.M.
12) 141.2 S. 4 | Cloudless till 2 a. mu. cloudy & foggy
till 8 A. m., cloudless afterwards.
13; 140.38} ... |S. &8. W. 1 | Cloudless; also slightly foggy be-
tween 2 & 4 A. M,
14)... Sunday. 1
15| 185.8 Ss. + | Cloudless.
Por 133.04 S. 42 | Scatd. i till 4.4. m., cloudless till 4
Pp. M. Scatd. clouds afterwards.
17| 124.0) 0.88 | S.& N. 132 | Scatd. clouds till 4 P. m., cloudy
afterwards; also raining at 3 A. M.
& at 8 P. M.
18 = N.G&N. W. 2 | Scatd. i& “itill5 a. m., cloudy
till 6 Pp. u., cloudless afterwards.
19} 183.0 . |N H&S x | Cloudless till 1 Pp. Mm. Scatd. “i
afterwards.
20} 134.0 H.& NE. &S. EH. z | Scatd, \oi till 6 a. mM. Seatd. “i
afterwards.
21)... vee =| Sunday. 1?
22| 1384.0; ... | N.&@N.E.G&N.W.| & | Scatd. i till 1 p. ., cloudy after-
wards; also slightly drizzling at
10 P. M.
23| 1381.01 ... Variable. a | Cloudy till 11 a. m.; Scatd. i till 5
Pp. M. cloudless afterwards; also
slightly drizzling at 1 a. M,
‘i Cui, \-i Cirro strati, \i Cumuli, “i Cumulo strati, \-i Nimbi, —i Strati
\ i Cirro cumuli,
X1V
Meteorological Observations.
Abstract. of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
in the month of Hebruary, 1864.
Solar Radiation, Weather, &c,
= ee 2
edi | Ps. 5 rj
Poe |r no
| 28 © S 8| Prevailing direction | 9 = General Aspect of the Sky.
=| We eo 2 of the Wind. Ayr
A) Ae jawed ae
o |inches. Tbs
24; 140.0, 0.09 | W. & 8. 134 | Cloudy till 7 a. m., cloudless till 1
p. M., cloudy afterwards, also fogey
from 5 to 8a. M, and raining and
lightning at 8 P. M,
25| 182.0| ... |S. & W. 1 | Cloudy till 2 a. m.; cloudless after-
wards.
ZCI 2138: 94- =... N. W.&S. & W. 14 | Cloudless.
27| 139.0} ... | N. & 8S. & W. + | Cloudy till 7 a. mM.; cloudless after-
wards.
282. = Sunday. 2 +
29, 141.8) .... |S i | Cloudless till 4 a, m. Scatd, clouds
till 2 p.m.; Scatd. 71 till 7 P.M.
cloudless afterwards,
— J
hi
on
f
0 ate air Sa ENS EO OER CR Te OS RSENS TTS Sn
at SST c = 2 + 2 aos
M eteorological Observations. XV
Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
in the month of Hebruary, 1864.
Montupiy ReEsvunts.
Inches
Mean height of the Barometer for themonth, ..
=
——
=
Sine,
=
<— —_
SS —
“> «co
=
AN
Andoy
Hy
ie
i)
hil
Mi)
iy
|
oe
| a
|
|
M0
Uday,
a>
Y ies ee see ee cn WRI OTT a ba yp ce RG OT ere tn Re bee STE SE EIT AS EA SERA TSS RE NE IE IE
Meteorological Observations. XV
Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
ey } taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
| in the month of March, 1864.
Latitude 22° 33’1” North. Longitude 88° 20’ 34” Hast.
Feet.
Height of the Cistern of the Standard Barometer above the Sea-level, 18.11
Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements
dependent thereon.
= 5 as |
~ 2 ou Range of the Barometer | Pc 3 |Range of the Tempera-
“of 5 3 during the day. > # ture during the day.
| =~
| Date. = e a 5 :
=S
| Sia Max Min Diff. & a Max. Min, | Diff.
i Inches. | Inches. | Inches. | Inches. Oo Oo O = 0
i) 1 29.905 | 29.975 |} 29.833 0.142 77.2 85.3 69.6 | 15.7
af; 2 948 | 30.042 897 145 73.5 83.6 63.4 | 20.2
ei 3 919 | 29.980 852 128 74.5 83.7 | 64.6 ' 19.1
| 4 963 | 30.042 895 147 76.4 85.6 68.8 | 16.8
vail 5 30.036 124 987 137 73.6 | 85,1 61.2 | 23.9
i 6 | Sunday. | | |
|
| q 29,947 031 873 158 | 76.2 86.6 67.9 | 18.7
iH 8 896 | 29.968 827 | 141 717.2 89.5 67.4 | 22.1
Mi 9 918 .980 S61 119 79.2 88.9 72.4 | 16.5
ii 10 970 | 30.052 914 138 171A 84.4 71.6 | 12.8
| 11 935 .040 B44 | 196 11.9 88.1 70.0 | 18.1
i 12 921 | 29.992 864 | 128 78.3 ; 87.8 69.8 | 18.0
Mat 13 | Sunday.
14, 0827 910 743 | 167 79.0 87.6 73.0 | 14.6
15 613 O74 763 LIL 80.8 90.5 74.7 | 15.8
16 .870 .956 : 811 145 82.7 92.8 74.4 | 18.4
17 828 911 753 158 82.6 91.7 75.8 | 15.9
18 811 902 752 150 80.7 89.0 74.2 | 14.8
; 19 870 955 809 146 17.9 88.0 70.0 | 18.0
| 20 | Sunday.
21 865 .945 784 161 80.3 91.6 | 71.6 | 20.0
22 846 £927 766 161 | 81.5 91.8 | 74.0 | 17.8
23 .816 .897 3k 166 $2.2 91.8 76.3 | 15.5
24 790 .866 712 154 81.3 91.5 72.8 | 18.7
a ae 882 793 129 82.9 92.3 76.2 | 16.1
2 876| .946| .885|} 111} 82.9 | 89.0
27 | Sunday. Coe ae
28 822/ 914| .764| 150 | 79.1 | 884 | 14
29 826 | .896 768 128} 78.9 | 882 | 698 a
30 888 | OOF 774 | —_18 = 805 Oko. m1 ee
31 841 929 157 172 82.3 91.8 75.6 | 16.2
: | , z 2 = Se ee
i / The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther.
mometer Means are deriyed from the hourly Observations made during the day
ey i>) 4 q @
XVIii Meteorological Observations.
Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor Generals Office, Calcutta, ’
in the month of March, 1864.
Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements
i
dependent thereon.— (Continued).
|
|
aoa E ‘5 Bee edges
@ = ° oO fax} a
: 2 | 2 a ge | Be |S | Bs +
2 Se ie ee ee i
Date. | =. z= a D 5 =o (oe 2 fe it?
ae S He) Eee a0 9 E oS Ss hee
Sr Q So —! mit Oo 5 =o & O'S af
| eo = 2 ae Be ie CO fe eo os it,
aS Fa a. 5 =! «a8 |S38/ J ma (8
3 S) eet Oo =o) & aes o .
® s = Pe o> 5 |3ac8| Soa é
= Q 5) A = Sp = co
| | bh
| Oo O o 0 Inches.| T. gr.
1 66.5 10.7 | 59.0| 182 | 0.506 | 5.49 0.55
2 61.4. 12.1) 529 | 20.6 412 | 4.50 51 KI
3 67.4 71{ 624 | 121 567 | 6.18 67 r
4, 65.8 10.6 | 58.41 18.0 496 | 5.38 55 ‘y
8B 62.2 114 | 542) 194 | .481 | 4,70 58 rf
6 | Sunday. i
7 | 66.6 96] 59.9) 163 | .521| 3.66 59 es
8 68.5 8.7 | 624] 148 | .567| 6.14 62 Np
9 73.5 5.7 | 69.51 9.7 | 715 | 7.72 73 =
10 70.5 6.9 | 65.7 | 11.7 632 | 6.85 68 a
tl 69.4 ; 81] 63.7] 138 591 Al 64: aw
22 2693 : 9.01 63.0 | 15.3 578 .26 61 a
13 | Sunday. a
|
14. 738 | 5821 yo2| ss | .732| 7,91 75
15 741 6.7) 69.4} 11.4 713 69 70
16 73.2 |. 95 | 66.5 | 16.2 648 | 6.96 59 uy
17 74.7 7.9 | 69.2| 13.4 .708 | 7.61 65 §
18 68.5 12.2 | 60.0 | 20.7 523 | 5.62 51 &
19 65.1 | 12.8] 56.1 | 21.8 459 | 4.97 AQ i
20 | Sunday. : rT
Wi)
oi | 692 4 1112/6141 189 | 548 | 5.91 BA r
22 | 73.8 7.7 + 68.4} 13.1 690 | 7.42 .66 rr
23 | 76.4 5.8 | 72.38) 9.9 783 | 8,41 YO r
PA {= 159 5.4) 72.1 9,2 1718 38 10 r
ee ered 68] 713) 16 | .758 13 69 ;
: 26, “768 5.1 73.2 | 8.7 .806 66 | 76 i
a 27 | Sunday. | \
e: gs 7h3 78 | 65.8 | 13.3 634 | 6.86 65
& 29 | 1.8 71} 66.8) 12.3 655 | 7.09 68
= 30 = 78.0 75 | 67.7 | 12.8 674, 27 66 ly.
= 31 | 75.9 : 6.4, | 714} 109 | %61)| 8.17 vee ke
i i dy
A\l the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants.
it etl a a ie - hh S. dj
‘ ~~ rye
So as ere ROR
ie Mitt eee, AN is CaN Ai
Taha gach BNR RS ENR S anes aM Lr
npiliny near ea eae
“i
Meteorological Observations.” Kix
Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
in the month of March, 1864.
Hourly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements
dependent thereon.
‘oS s a | Range of the Barometer = o Range of the Temperature
a g a for each hour during pas for each hour during
Hour = x Fy the month. ae the month.
° | Mae mi A ai
do ‘ : = 3 : sng
sau | Max. Min. Diff. se, | Max. Min. Diff,
= is
Inches. | Inches.| Inches.| Inches. Oo Oo | fy) 1)
Mid-
night 29.877 ‘30.040 -|29.793 | 0.247 75.0 80.5 68.4: 12.1
1 .868 013 716 237 74,2 80.0 66.9 13.1
2 .048 |29.966 756 210 74.0 19.4 66.4 13.0
3 846 {30.008 (52 .256 73.3 79.0 64.6 14.4:
4, 846 016 165 251 92.7 78.0 63.2 14.8
5 863 .029 781 248 72.2 771A: 62.0 15.4
6 8s8l 043 792 201 71.7 76.8 61.2 15.6
7 904 074 B24 250 72.1 17.8 62.2 15.6
8 931 .099 .850 249 75.4 79.8 68.4: 11.4
9 .950 118 .866 i202 78.5 83.4: 73.2 10.2
10 953 124 861 .263 81.2 85.5 715A 10.1
11 943 L102 843 209 83.6 87.9 | 77.6 | 10.3
| |
|
Noon. | .917 | .082 | 814 | 268) 85.7] 902] 80.4 | 9.8
1 .886 049 | 1774 275 | 87.8 | 91.7, “812 | 10.5
2 .856 0138 745 .268 88.1 91.8 81.9 9.9
3 833 |29.988 £725 263 88.9 92.8 83.6 2
4, 822 995 719 276 88.0 92.4: 82.4 10.0
5 822 (30.012 718 | 294: 86.1 90.8 82.0 8.8
6 828 {29.987 ‘712 | .275 82.6 86.8 72.8 14.0
7 845 994: 157 237 80.1 85.4 TA.2 11.2
8 866 (80.011 782 | 229 78.6 83.0 | 73.0 10.0
9 .885 017 198 | 219 77,0 81.7 71.2 10.5
10 897 .049 803 -; .246 | 76.2 | 81.0 70.0 11.0
11 898 | 052 PFO 5S. te SD i, 1 ek | 79.8 : 68.4: 11.4
pees ae
The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther-
mometer Means are derived from the Observations made at the several hours
during the month.
|
| | |
! } i
| | |
| | 4
|
Lh Se eee Are —
~
CAEN ERNE
Seiler eRe Sea en Fes
ee Le 2B oR Et TER a ar
very
Aelita Se 6
pages err ten ta hucestl
TELE TES P IR REN IE
LG Rak aN Mee) Pere re heuh: pace ee
Ue Sh ee
Cm ds tubes eae
4 ‘
sar 4 rr ‘ae myn
Pe SPSS
- ee
’
We ELS
BES
Hevea Siete es,
re el ghee
DM LAD
TRE!
phat ps
CN eR
Cc) Gs ween le #
XX Meteorological Observations.
Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta, |
in the month of March, 1864.
Huurly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements Hee
dependent thereon.—( Continued.) be
fe
Se ee ee ' ,
= . 2 E r 3 (654 |s8 a
Ss if) 8 |A |e (|£= |e See
ge, fle | 8 | 8h | 855\ 32s a
ee Ss 2 3 ee | 225 oS Hi
Hou.| ES | 2 a “s BS. |e [ESS | See i
rS oS fe o & Ess. oO oO sq
a = 2 =s| ge a (eee co 8 |
| = © Ss rs S r= ea ° ss oe |256 a c a 4j 097
® & aa 5. AQ -s os & eee SS ee i
as | & PB [em | & | 634 | Bes | Sse
: = A © A = Se Sil ° as
2 ee ee es a a ee = i,
0 0 oO o Inches. |Troy grs.|Troy grs. Alb
| tN.
Mid- 3 | 0.67 7 ie
siglit 70.7 4.3 67.7 7.3 | 0.674 7.36 1.95 0.79
“4 | 702 | 40 | 674 | 68 | .668 29 80 80 i
2 M08 | 3.7 67 6.3 674, 37 67 82
3 | 696 | 37 | 666 | 67 | .651 11 73 80 |
A 69.2 3.0 66.4 6.3 .646 .08 .60 82 :
5 68.7 | 3.5 | 65.9 6.3 | .636 | 6.98 57 82 i
6 68.1 3.6 65.2 6.5 621 ol 62 BL bi le
ole Oe is 7g | 79
8 69.4: 6.0 65.2 10.2 621 T4 2.66 179, \
9 70.7 | 7.8 65.2 13.3 621 73 2 62 65 “es
10 | 711 | 101 | 640 [17.2 | .597 42 | 4.79 57 hh
11 714 | 12.2 ; 629 20.7 576 16 5.87 51
i
Noon.| 71.9 | 13.8 | 62.2 | 23.5 | .6868 | 5.99 6.81 AT |
1 72.0 15.3 62.8 24.5 OTA 6.10 7.31 46 H
ye 72.5 | 15.6 63.1 25,0 080 15 VE AD i
3 72,3 | 16.2 | 62.6 | 259 | .570 05 83 AA
4 72,4 | 15.6 | 63.0 | 25.0 | 978 13 55 45 My
5 72.5 | 13.6 63.0 23,1 578 15 6.80 48 |
6 72.1 | 10.5 64.7 17.9 611 06 5.12 56 i)
7 71.7 | 84 | 658 (14,8 | .634 84 4,00 63
S715 | 71 | 665 | 12t + 648 | 702 | 3.86 68 i"
9 71.1 | 59 | 67.0 | 10.0 659 15 2.74, 72 |
10 10.9 a3 67.2 9.0 064 22 AA) 75 |
il 70.6 4.5 67.4: Ved 668 27 07 8 i
i)
i
SE LS Beas Wy
All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants.
Meteorological Observations.
XX]
Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
in the month of March, 1864.
Solar Radiation, Weather, &c.
Max. Solar
radiation,
| Date.
cio Tod Sra ct ee
et
WW 4
o> I
i co
=
۩ (oo =P) OU
10
11) 135.0
12) 139,0
13)...
14; 135.0
15] 139.0
16| 138.5
17) 187.4
18} 137.0
19; 133.0
20)...
21) 144.3
22 133.8
a 130.0
|
So E
ao ae
© § &| Prevailing direction | 9 ©
S32| ofthe Wind. [Am
a 4
fae bes) o = :
Inches. ibs
N.& N. W. a
N,&N. W. a
W.&N. W. vee
0.37 |N. GN. W. 2
we «| N. & WW.
Sunday ves
W. | 22
Seles a
ee | 4a
0.09 | 8. W. & W. 3
a | Week, 4
0.09 | Sunday. 1
|S. & 8S. W. 3a
8. & 8._W. Z
S. & W. z
.. |S. W.& W. la
ee6 N. W. & 8. 13
a NG Wee ae 24
Sunday.
soe W. & S. W
: S.W.GW.&S8. |
HS ES Crear 2
ee EEE EEEEEEEESiEEEEEEEE
General Aspect of the Sky.
Cloudless.
Cloudless.
Cloudless till 9 a.M., cloudy till 7
Pp. M., cloudless afterwards.
Cloudy till 7 a. m.; cloudless after-
wards; also raining at 1& 2 a, M.
& foggy at 10 & ll P.M. |
Cloudless; also foggy at Midnight
and 1 A. M.
Cloudless.
Cloudless; also slightly foggy at 5
& 6 A. M.
Cloudy till 9 4. m.; Scatd. “i till 7
P. M.; cloudless afterwards.
Cloudless till 5 a, m. cloudy after-
wards.
Cloudy till 9 a. u., Scatd. i till 7
Pp. M.; cloudless afterwards also
raining at 2 A. M,
Cloudless,
Cloudless till 5 4, m. Scatd. clouds
afterwards, also lightning at mid-
night & 8 P. M.
Cloudless till 3 a. M., cloudy till 9
A.M. ; Cloudlegs till 2 P. uw. Scatd. \i
till 7 Pp. m. cloudless afterwards.
Cloudless till 10 a. m.; Scatd. \i&
\-i till 7 Pp. m. cloudless afterwards.
Cloudless till 5 a. m. Seatd. clouds
till 7 ep. u. cloudless afterwards,
Cloudless till5 4,mM, Secatd. i till
11 a. m., cloudless afterwards.
Cloudless till ll a.m. Scatd. \i &
\—itill 38 Pp. mM.; cloudless after-
wards.
Cloudless; also slightly foggy at 6
& 7 A. M.
Cloudless.
Scatd. clouds; also thundering at 5
P, M. & lightning at 7 P, M.
XX. Meteorological Observations.
|
, | af!
Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations Y in
ar
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Caleutta,
in the month of March, 1864.
Solar Radiation, Weather, &c,
g d |25 a sae
| 22 |O & € | Prevailing direction | ° General Aspect of the Sky. iio
$| 45 1438] — of the Wind. Kg i
ei © s jaw yl
a = mM |Ag 10 O yt
O Inches. | ily Duy
94) 132.0| 1.22 |8. &S. H. | Cloudless till 5 a. M.; Scatd. 91 & i"
| | i till 4 Pp. mw. cloudy afterwards ; jm
also thundering, lightning, raining gy rage
with a heavy fall of hail-stones %
| at 5 & 6 P. M.
25| 185.0; .. |S. GN. | Scatd. clouds till 9 a. M.; cloudless
, till 3 Pp. u., cloudy afterwards. us
2612 — ae S. | Cloudless till 5 a. m. Scatd. clouds Droid 4
afterwards. * lata
2h 0.07 | Sunday. = | be.
28] 126.0] ... S.& 8. W. Cloudy till 5 a. M.; Scatd. “i till nena
6 p. M. cloudy with thunder, and venue of
lightning afterwards; also slightly bi
| drizzling at 8 & 9 P. M. :
29} 128.0; ... |S. W.&S. | Scatd. clouds till 5 a, m.; cloudless + dit
| till 11 a.m. Scatd. -—i & 11 till
7 P, M. overcast afterwards. wl
30) 186.01. 2 | 8. | Seatd. clouds till 3 a. M.; cloudless
| afterwards.
gle 13104 2 8. | Cloudless till 6 a. m.; Secatd, 1i& |
| \—i afterwards; also slightly driz- Mibu
zlinge between 9 & 10 P. M. ‘ihr
yu
‘Hilfag |
"NY
al
Meh
=
bees,
te
as
12s
Pear
28
Lis,
Ls
metas
eis
=
ss
ser ae
Bes)
wy
Su
nee
st Oe aera Ee eee
Meteorological Observations.
XxXUi
Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Oaleutta,
an the month of March, 1864.
Montruny RzEsvutts.
Inches
Mean height of the Barometer for the month, .. ae se. 20,878
Max. height of the Barometer occurred at 10 A. M. on the 5th, oe 380,124
Min. height of the Barometer occurred at 6 P. M. on the 24th, se 20502
Extreme range of the Barometer during the month, a eo 0.412
Mean of the Daily Max, Pressures, .. “= Sr ss > 29907
Ditto ditto Min. ditto, .. ae oy re eed es
Mean daily range of the Barometer during the month, .. ee 0.145
7 )
Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. ee oe 79.1
Max, Temperature occurred at 3 P. M. on the 16th, = ee 92.8
Min. Temperature occurred at 6 4. M. on the Oth, ee ee 61.2
Kutreme range of the Temperature during the month, - ee d1.6
Mean of the daily Max. Temperature, A “s ee 88.7
Ditto ditto Min. Gitto,-
Rain on.
Rain on.
Z
Rain on.
Le
ee he
~
ahh
Midnight.
on
ht DD el
oOnpwnwwwrye wep bs
et
MOOnYIAMAWNHe
Bm WO ac GH Ousl GO NIG O1
COLNNH Ww
fuel
Noon.
I A
f= OO
CR BA ost oo bo Ww ATT
CHW OO OM RWATA
me BB OL Otol Ot Oud OLE DO
eS OO ONT OL
fod fel
Dopp ww lst bw © OO
i
\
www PRNNHye
2 LON MORES
Ty a ME BEY
Va Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
Table showing the number of days on which at a given hour any particular wind
eb me oe
=< <—_>Ff
=e
»
|
lt
in
ny
&
dl i
lid
wd
Uday.
.
‘
\. Meteorological Observations. XX¥
“i |
" Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,
wn the month of April, 1864.
Latitude 22° 33’ 1” North. Longitude 88° 20’ 34” Bast.
Feet.
Height of the Cistern of the Standard Barometer above the Sea-level, 18.11
Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements
dependent thereon.
Se 2s
7 2 O = Range of the Barometer a 3 |Range of the Temperas
| "So © 3 during the day. p # ture during the day.
aes =
| es == |
| Date. | ™ 2 ee = es
% fo} - : Ss
i SO 3 Max. Min. Diff, S fy Max, | Min. | Diff.
: 1 SR | A LT | ee rescemmmesen | neers a [ment et
, | Inches, ! Inches. | Inches. | Inches. 0 ) Oo 0
| \ 29.829 | 29.896 | 29.764) 0.1382} 81.7 | 922 | 74.6 | 17.6
873 939 O19 120 84.5 94.0 | 78.0 | 16.0
Sunday.
1
2
3
& 822 894 751 143 86.0 97.8 77.4 | 20.4
5) 801 .866 124 142 86.2 97 A 76.5 | 20.9
6 751 032 667 165 86.4: 97.6 78.6 | 19.0
@ “702 167 624 143 77.2 | 21.6
8 117 822 6623 199 83.7 92.2 74.2 | 18.0
9
| ‘739! .800| .680| .120| 814 | 93.2 | 728 | 904
i 10 | Sunday. :
@0
ay
food
en)
ce
GO
\ 11 £780 845 721 124 85.7 96.4: 77.5 | 18.9
\ 12 £758 845 .678 167 87.1 99.8 78.0 | 21.8
i 13 692 .780 .610 .L70 88.5 101.2 78.6 | 22.6
682 735 .606 129 84.8 96.8 77.6 | 19.2
748 890 648 242 80.1 88.4. | 75.6 | 12.8
774: 6855 713 142 82.4 92.8 73.8 | 19.0
— ae 2
fad pt fed
Doe
17 | Sunday.
7 18 749 821 671 | .150| 868 | 97.8 | 79.4 | 18.4
. | 19 704 782 635 | .147/ 866 | 965 | 78.0 | 185
. 20 708 .805 638 | .167| 85.0 | 93.6 | 77.9 | 15.7
| 21 731 814} 1659 | 1551 843° | 93.8 178.0 | 15.3
it 22 769 £830 716} 114] 85.1 | 948 | 80.0 | 148
; | 23 804 | .867 748 | 119] 85.2 | 947 | 7941 153
| 24 | Sunday.
ay), 25 685 764 601 163; 87.7 | 98.6 |.80.2 | 18.4
; 26 637 731 578 153 | 90.5 | 103.6 | 80.2 | 93.4
247 633 708 B55 153 | 89.3 | 101.6 | 81.0 | 206
ays) 28 674 739 605 134| 87.6 | 98.0 | 80.0 | 18.0
Ho. «(29 739 813 650 163 | 86.5 | 948 | 78.2 | 16.6
- - 80 783 844) 711 133 | 83.9 | 94.8 | 74.2 | 20.6
The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther.
mometer Means are derived from the hourly Observations made during the day.
-
5
= .< ea —
ee
cn
anae
ae
ae
fa
is
q iS
hess
i
ee
| Ore
oa
> hase
ey
a
ag
\ Pee
=
a
aye!
ws
Die
a
ie.
So
a]
1a
IPs:
af
fe
ee
BES
Ts
F
ia
ms
.
a
he
has
A
a
1
i
iS:
i253
=
a%
=
2s
ea
4
; Te.
‘ ‘e077, 20?
é “
aes
ajlas
ilies ™ 7 . . ve ~~
LOAN te RENT NOTE URNE ATENe AD
chai sa eaisis Rnanas aah dear Semnnmeap tls peck
=> bie,
Paw '
be os
iieet
wn >). ars are = Rye ~ 4 he
ne : rare: eae a . eit WHEE
SPN Cee ee ee
gt E(t faa ties Isiah cee esa ce pee tie
SEDANS OM ATL ae se
a, pre 3 ST RAM LTS eS Ane
RKVI
Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations i
Meteorological Observations.
taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Caicutta,
in the month of April, 1864.
- Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements
dependent thereon.—(Continued).
5
ies
Ee
a
=|
Date. Bes
oO
ae
oo
=
C0)
1 75.4
2 78.1
3 | Sunday.
4 76.2
5 76.0
6 77.0
7 74.8
8 TIA
9 73.5
10 | Sunday.
11 78.0
12 77.0
13 16.2
14: 72.8
15 71.8
16 73.9
17 | Sunday.
18 78.0
19 76.6
20 73.8
21 76.9
22 ~ 78.0
23 78.5
24 | Sunday.
25 80.2
26 | 74.4
27 79.1
28 TOF
29 18.0
30 16.3
Dry Bulb above Wet.
Computed Dew Point.
Dry Bulb above Dew
Point.
|
Oo fe)
71.0 | 10.7
73.6 | 10.9
69.3 | 16.7
68.9 | 17.3
70.4 | 16.0
67.4 | 19.7
62.8 | 20.9
68.0 | 13.4
72.6 | 13.1
70.9 | 16.2
68.8 | 19.7
64.4 | 20.4
66.0 | 14.1
67.9 | 14.5
72.7 | 14.1
70.6 | 16.0
66.0 | 190
71.7 | 12.6
73.0 | 12.1
73.8 | 11.4
75.7 | 12.0
64.7 | 25.8
73.0 | 16.3
75.0 | 12.6
74,0 | 12.5
71.0 | 12.9
|
|
Mean Elastic force of
Vapour.
| Inches.
©
J
ON
=
817
il
AOL
136
.668
O74:
O81
790
148
699
.605
.638
679
192
AL
6638
168
SOL
822
873
611
OL
854
827
51
Mean Weight of Vapour
in a Cubic foot of air.
wt jAdditional Weight of Va-
pour required for com-
plete saturation.
dity, complete satura-
Mean degree of Humi-
tion being unity.
©
SOU OUD Ot OL at Ay
Ce GO mo bt ed
>
© 9a
OU
Go
OU
bo
All the Hyerometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants.
+t
Nie es OX alate <
tlaes Sen =k. one
. =<» aba ft
| hy
——- —=
=i
—
FE Se ath ee tt NS ND EOI St A RELY PEAT PR CAPE LALO P LEENA AA LAI LL
Meteorologicat Observations. XXVi
Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,
ibe in the month of April, 1864.
Hourly Means, &c: of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements
dependent thereon.
|
z
The Mean Height of the Bar a as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther-
mometer Means are derived from the Observations made at the several hours
during the month,
poe. Range of the Barometer ze o Range of the Temperature
Oo ao)
Jaga for each hour during FQ a for each hour during
H | ee 2 the month, DS the month.
ote | i es 8 AF
| Boyclree sy 5 ate ; :
} |} sae | Max Min. Diff. se | Max. Min. Diff.
; = =
Inches. | Inches.| Inches.| Inches. ) O Oo Oo
me g0.3 | 83.8| 74
night, 29.749 ‘29.863 {29.605 | 0.258 : : 0 98
1 (a2 2855 97 .258 80.0 83.2 73.7 95
2 722 | 98491 588 | .261| 79.6] 836] 73.5 10.1
3 | wi4 | .945 | 589 | .256| 79.0 | 83.0] 73.2 98
A, 714 .850 | .605 245 | 788 | 82.8 72.8 10.0
5 723 | 86F | .622 | .289| 785) 82.0) — 782 88
6 | .749 | 872} .643 | .229| 783) 816) 73,8 78
7 773 898 | .668 | .230| 79.38) 82.6] 74.8 78
8 795 904 701 .208 82.7 | 87.0 76.4 10.6
9 S11 925 707 218 85.9 90.0 77.2 12.8
10 O14: 939 £708 231 88.5 95.4 78.0 17.4
11 004, Jol 689 242 91.0 99.6 76.4 23.2
Noon, | .781 | .912| .663 | .249| 93.2 | 102.0] 78.0 | 24.0
de |= = 2754: 885 632 253 94.8 | 102.6 83.8 18.8
ps 728 861 .6038 .208 95.59 | 103.2 84.6 18.6
eal eeO0) 830 Sl 249 95.5 | 103.6 83.5 20.1
4 | .679 821 | .556 265 | 946 , 102.9 87.3 | 15.6
5 .678 819 dd 204 91.9 | 101.6 $2.0 - 19.6
6 685 829 068 261 88.7 96.2 79.2 17.0
vi 703 840 78 262 86.2 92.6 79.0 136
8 726 873 620 62538 83.8 88.0 742 13.8
9 744 892 635 257 82.9 86.4: 75.6 10.8
10 755 900 | .649 | .251| 81.8 | 858 | 74.7 1
11 752 g93 | 640 | .253 | 810 | 848] 74.8 10.0
| |
|
See ak
X¥XV11 Meteorological Observations.
Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
in the month of April, 1864,
Hourly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements
dependent thereon.—(Continued.)
oy ° » emt . 4 Gas, =
e 8
= a 2 s ° 3 O S6og{s34
3 i = an oO > Oo etoe IS) see
= ee Ay = eg See ee
© o 2 o-= oP & 0 O's
Oh a or]
eee ~) E io) 3) | os 5 ee
cS) 2 2D rQ2 ae =O Ss os 2 ace
Hour, s os © Fee Ts Dw Sg oP
: ° SS 2) ne — S et 05 o 8 =
4y =| oa @ eS Sar oe: Sue | co 8'5O
| Ee) = = es ot Sse ©
= 5 3 = oS i) “= ,° one s a
2 Ss jaa) or QO =m a ol Saya ona © Oy CRA
F ty © mS So a oa o-= 5
4 = o Pa = DAL, cee oS ro 8 ei 7 .S
=: = = = = CS a8 i oS Aun
=. a co Oo fo =. = < qs
Leas
*
°
°
°
Inches. Troy ers.|Troy gers.
iB ete febey
a ee 75.5 | 48 | 721 ! 82 | 0778 | 839 | 959 | 077
We 1 752 4.8 | 71.8 8 2 771 31 50 afer
te 2 74.9 4.7 71.6 8.0 .766 27 42 ld
z 3 74.7 oe vee 7.3 .768 31 19 | .79
1 Ay ide AA 418 7.5 758 20 24 79
uy 5 74.2 4.8 | 712 7.3 .756 18 17 79
as G 74.1 AD 7A2 71 756 18 10 .80
3 : "7 74.8 4.5 | 71.6 reve .766 27 32 78
ay 8 76.0 6.7 | 71.3 [11.4 | .758 15 3.57 70
48 9 76.7 88 | 70.5 | 15.0 | .739 | 7.89 4.83 62
4a 10 Vik AAS | 70.8 = 182 734 79 6.09 56
ae 11 17.4 | 1386 | 69.2 | 21.8 108 AW 7.46 .50
15 Woon.| 77.6 | 156 | 68.2 | 25.0 | .686 21 8.69 | 45
a8 1 77.7 | 17.1 | 67.4 | 27.4 | .668 .00 9,65 42
Bee 2 | 77.9 | 17.6 | 673 | 282 | 666 | 696 | 1093 | 41
ic 3 776 |17.9 | 66.9 | 28.6 657 .87 12 40
a 4, 77.8 | 168 | 67.7 | 26.9 | .674 | 7.06 9,49 43
14 5 77.38 | 14.6 | 685 | 23.4 692 30 8.02 48
ia. 6 77.5 |112 | 708 | 17.9 746 90 6.06 57
8 7 76.6 96 | 69.9 | 16.3 725 72 5.27 59
ae 8 Ws (1-75 |—70 2-12 8 751 8.04. 4.06 66
vig 9 76.3 6.6 | 71.7 | 11.2 768 24 3.55 70
Shr: 20 76.1 Bp 2A 9.7 778 .36 04 73
a: 11 75.7 Da 72.0 9.0 776 135 2.79 75
Be:
fa
es
Jeli
Bie t
. aa
=
i
eo
Fw
thre!
All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants.
,
i!
Ws see
eal later tie hd
f Rha Hal RE
pens %
ar aes
ow lee
he
ee ser HME
9 Ee iat ncaa eta ee HORTONS ett not Sn NRG EE
Meteorological Observations. RXIX
Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor Generals Office, Caleutia,
un the month of April, 1864.
Solar Radiation, Weather, &e.
. {oo
elStes OO &
ma O SO.
O°e-r Pot
ns jb sq
mele 6B Pe
»| 4S |.8.0 2
S) 85 Sion
Als es
0 |Inches.
1} 129.0; 0.13
Or He 9 ho
a
Os
COs
OX
6| 137.0! ,
7) 145.0
8| ... | 0.20
9) 130.5
10 a70 eee
TEE 18445
12) 140.0
13/ 142.0] -,..
14) 131.4)...
15 gee @ee
16] 132.4 ;
ORR
Prevailing direction
of the Wind.
S.
S.
Sunday.
H. & 8.
S.&GN.W.&N.
W.&S8. &S. W.
S.GN.,
Sunday.
S. & W.
W.&5S. W.&S,
M. Pressure
of Wind
Ale Ale
Blo © Ble
foal
es CO BIH
IR
General Aspect of the Sky.
Cloudless till 6 a. um. Scatd, i till 4
Pp. M. cloudy with thundering and
raining at 5 Pp. mM. cloudless after-
wards.
Cloudless till 2 4. Mm. Scatd. “i & 91
till 4: p. m. cloudless afterwards.
Cloudless till 2 Pp. m. Scatd. \i till 6
Pp. M. cloudless afterwards.
Cloudless till 10 4. mw. Scatd. i & i
till 6 Pp. mM. cloudless afterwards
also fogey at 6 & 7 A. M.
Cloudless till 5 a. Mm. Scatd. -i & 91
till 4 ep. uw. cloudless afterwards.
Cloudless till 1 Pp. m. cloudy after-
wards, also thundering & lightning
at 8 p. M. & drizzling at 10 P. M.
Cloudy ; also thundering, lightning
& raining at 8 & 9 P. M.
Clondy till noon ; cloudless till 4 P. Mm.
Scatd. -i till 8 Pp. mM, cloudless
afterwards,
Cloudless.
Cloudless till 4. a, um. Scatd. -i & Mi
afterwards.
Cloudless.
Cloudless till 4 a. m. Scatd. clouds
afterwards; also thundering and
drizzling at 5 P. M.
Cloudless till 6 a. mM. cloudy till 3
Pp, M. Scatd. -i after wards also
slightly drizzling at 9 & 11 a. M.
Cloudy till 7 a. mM. Seatd. —i & oi
till 7 p. mu. cloudless afterwards
also slightly drizzling at 6 P. M.
Cloudless till 3 a, m. Seatd. clouds
till 9 a. mw. cloudless afterwards.
Cloudless till 5 a. mw. Scatd. —i& “i
tillil a. Mm. cloudy till 6 P.M. Scatd,
i afterwards.
Ni Cirri, i Cirro strati, 01 Cumull, i Cumulo strati, -i Nimbi, —i Strati,
W i Cirro cumuli,
eS
XXX Meteorological Observations.
Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations le
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Caleutta,
in the month of April, 1864.
Solar Radiation, Weather, &c,
2 50 S S if Ith
Reco, BS rd ate
oe ne e7° . 5 De : svat tli
: = a= Prevailing direction | 2 = General Aspect of the Sky. ao
Be) bd a S © of the Wind. (rig Cis sy of te
S| ose | aH ; ly
foo = ES a o = = : a4 f
— ———_—_—. | ——— oa ——— yee
o _|inches. Ths | ip Dail
BO = .. |S. &S. W. 4 | Cloudy till 4 p.m, Scatd, \—i after- tah
wards. a
21| 199.7; .. |8.&58, W. 5 | Scatd, -i till 6 vp. mw. cloudless after- _j if?
wards.
221 130.0} .. | 8.&S8. W. 1 | Cloudless till 5 a. m. Scatd. —-i & 91
| ! till 8 ep. mM. cloudless afterwards ;
i | | also thundering at 4: P. M. ahh T
4 23) 199.4) << | 8: 1 | Cloudless till 6 a. m. Scatd. ©1 till 3 f
4 p.M Scatd.\-itill 7p. u.cloudless,
-. afterwards. ip
| = OA ... | Sunday. | 2 Wr
1 25-197.0 1 (| 8 | 1$ | Cloudless. lite
| 26) 136.8 [ . 1S. & N. W. & S. EH, | 22 | Scatd. -itill 3 a.m. ; cloudless after- ~tpdaly
a | wards. by
| . 2187.0 a0 [Be 8 |) Cloudless till 3 a. mM. cloudy till 8 a. a
te mw. cloudless afterwards; also hazy _/ii
Ei | from 9 A, M. to 1 P. M.
We 28) 183.0} s+ S. 12 | Cloudless.
te 291 131.0] ... |S. | 52 | Cloudy till 3 a. m. cloudless till 7 a.
8 | m. Scatd, i till 11 a.m. cloudless Ant
oe afterwards; also very slightly _.
— | drizzling between 7 & 8 P. M. mbub!
= 301 126.0! 0.78 | 8. &8. H. 1122 | Scatd. clouds till 9 a. mM. Scatd. — iil
| Litill 3 rm. cloudy afterwards
tg | also thundering, lightning and a
a: raining from 6 to 9 P. M.
ee ‘leo
~
cane Se
~~
is
e:
ae
et
a
e
——
-
aS
hati
TWh
Me
aud]
Sy
BNE
havea
e aa
———
anche
wreas ° =o
LSHPARE READIN Sere, NUE AS Oe rege
SL ay iL pieS antes Sed AD a
ine, 6 a
De ear RA a
i Lei ivan
we De
aN
FE a paar Sm WL PETTERS a ce RR eS SLES ,
Meteorological Observations.
XXKi
Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Caleutta,
in the month of April, 1864.
Montuty REsvunts.
- Mean height of the Barometer for the month, .. ee ee
Max. height of the Barometer occurred at 10 A. M. on the 2nd, oe
Min. height of the Barometer occurred at 5 P. M. on the 27th, ee
Extreme range of the Barometer during the month, a if
Mean of the Daily Max. Pressures,.. ee ee at
Ditto ditto Min. ditto, .. aA ee os
Mean daily range of the Barometer during the month, .. oe
Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. ee or
Max. Temperature occurred at 3 P. M. on the 26th, es aa
Min. Temperature occurred at 4 a. M. on the 9th, ee as
Extreme range of the Temperature during the month, Ze ot
Mean of the daily Max. ’emperature, ie es =
Ditto ditto Min. ditto, .. ot os —
Mean daily range of the Temperature during the month, .. oe
Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. : we
Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above Mean Wet Bulb iPhenmcimeter ee
Computed Mean Dew-point for the month, .. ee ee
Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above computed Mean Dew-point, ee
Mean Elastic force of Vapour for the month, .. oe ee
Inches
29.741.
29.939
29.555
0.384
29.819
29.669
0.150
Oo
85.6
103.6
72.8
30.8
96.2
77.6
18.6
Inches
76.2
9.4:
69.6
16.0
Inches
0.717
T'roy grains
Mean Weight of Vapour for the month, ee oe ee
Additional Weight of Vapour required for complete saturation, es
Mean degree of humidity for the month, complete saturation being unity,
Rained 8 days, Max. fall of rain during 24 hours, ee ee
Total amount of rain during the month, = = ee
Total amount of rain indicated by the gauge attached to the Anemo-
meter during the month, os as ee ne
Prevailing direction of the Wind, .. ee oe
7.09
5.11
0.60
Inches
0.78
Lil
0.93
j
|
|
i
;
‘
qe
5
Le
Sites
Seb:
Ae |
4;
at
aE
te
* e 4
a
cd
al
a
AL + i
=
i
1
;
wOns,
gical Observat
Meteorolo
CR RAIL
x
~~
“=e ao =
7)
=
2
=
=
3S
=
Ss
joa)
Ben hee
an ys
S08
8
3
SS
S
2 & =
S&e
CO
bas Se)
ei Naa
=
Pea
SS 5
5 on
Ss 8
SS
he ee Ss
oe
ay) SS
eS
> 3
Sa
Raa ASD]
AS
by)
oS ea
os
“
S
=
sh}
S
3
~~
Abstract of the Results of t
A) oes A
eT ee es
Montruny Resvuts.
*DOSSTTT | el ret wom ri
| SCN Ge Gol eun nay el ease Re Le GO be 20 Of maANN
a SVs
— SAN we Ss see ee eam
wind was blowing, it rained.
: | ee a NC CCR OL Sas oe
i
t
z
Pe RR RE CARIES ei arr err ee
with the number of days on which at the same hour,
when any particular
Pega TONDO
blew, together
Hour.
Midnight.
att
are Ar aS AS Roweih tah oc dat ome NRT ns Svat gly at
pitti ae oe aes are eo behwcas ee er sia
pa Cor re : : > ain a — ae a A Sella - ~ 2, ey agg wie I wrorhy: ear e aa
etic By 5 Aan ap My te Bie TH ny 4 otesy “re ——— —
— Tan — — Lcpsmaitin’ seth Spear ES IER ES SETS EME aes sige eee asa
1 RE eA OS eae i IS RTI See ee reel rn eee RT ES Eee Sa ae Sat Naa aS a2
| Meteorological Observations. Be. ahbh
Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
im the month of May, 1864.
Latitude 22° 33’ 1” North. Longitude 88° 20’ 34” Rast.
Feet.
Height of the Cistern of the Standard Barometer above the Sea-level, 18.11
Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements
dependent thereon.
roms Sou
oo Range of the Barometer a 2 Range of the Tempera-
c 5 s during the day. 32 : ture during the day.
3 \ g
Date. " S o S =
Ss =
SS 4 Max Min Diff S Ss Max Min. | Diff.
Inches. | Inches. | Inches. | Inches. Oo 0) 0) ny)
1 | Sunday.
2 29.691 | 29.790 | 29.593 0.197 84.2 95.0 |! 74.6 | 20.4
3 705 162 635 127 86.1 94,4 80.6 | 13.8
T] 4, (ARS) 188 697 131 86 6 95.3 80.6 | 14.7
5 697 162 624 138 86.9 97.0 504 | 16.6
6 .669 719 580 139 86.8 98.0 77.6 | 20.4
7 677 134 .619 115 87.0 98.8 77.8 | 21.0
8 | Sunday.
9 776 852 709 143 88.1 99.8 | 79.2 | 20.6
10 812 887 767 120 83.3 94.6 79.0 | 15.6
11 838 902 756 146 82.1 91.7 75.2 | 16.5
12 846 923 771 152 83.7 93.0 75.0 | 18.0
18 827 892 165 127 | 86.7 98.4 79.2 | 19.2
14. 798 876 — J 04) 72 87.1 99.6 78.4 | 21.2
15 | Sunday.
16 787 |. .881 .706 175 82.9 94.0 73.8 | 20.2
17 805 883 712 L71 82.8 93.6 73.0 | 20.6
I8 871 947 807 140 (eee 92.0 74.0 | 18.0
19 818 892 “146 146 81.6 93,6 74.2 | 19.4:
20 “769 851 .658 193 83.8 94,0 -| 74.7 | 19.3
21 “106 163 616 | Lad 87.0 98.2 79.0 | 19.2
22 | Sunday. : |
23 663 139 .080 159 89.2 101.6 81.2 | 20.4
24, 082 | 645 500 145 90.6 104.2 | 81.4 | 22.8
25 083 649 5893 112 87.3 96.6 83.0 | 13.6
i 26 647 708 602 101 82,2 95.6 76.6 | 19.0
| 27 686 749 614 135 3.8 | 928 | 76.0 | 168 ,
i 28 .686 748 096 152 81.9 93.0 73.2 | 19,8
yah 29 | Sunday.
30 668 | .720| 614| .106| 772 | 830 | 746) 8.4
) 3] .628 .695 565 .130 79.9 86.4: 75.0 | 11.4
y The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb Ther.
mometer Means are derived, from the hourly Observations made during the day.
XXXIV Meteorological Observations.
Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations i
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
in the month of May, 1864.
*
Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements 4
dependent thereon.— (Continued). f
ss E ‘S 5. | ag “A gs
o ° : ss 3 ta
= 8 Eee 2 a. |£8 | 2 f
= ° a wy SO oS a ti
2 & = P = ee (ae ele oe 4
3 > cs 2 o6 mss), Sos ft
faa) 2 © Es} — 2S oH & ote = ‘'
Date.| 3 A ‘B me (255) See :
Ges a = 2 Be) 38 |e oe a5 ‘
a 2 B | 28 | 82 i426 (¢2"\e22
ae pA = fe a oe ee .
3 8 b 8 pe | oF | of 2a) eos d
= =) Oo Q ai = = = |
luh
0 ) i) fy) Inches.| T. gr. | T. gr.
1 Sunday .
2 78.1 6.1} 73.81 10.4 { 0.822] &80 | 3.44 | 072
3 79.8 6.3 | 754} 10.7 865 | 9.22 73 VA.
4, 80.5 6.1/ 768} 9.8 905 .63 51 73 i
5 80.0 6.9 | 59] 11.0 879 .36 .89 71 ‘
6 79.2 76 | 74.6} 12.2 843 | 8.98 | 4.23 | .68
7 76.5 10.5 | 70.2} 16.8 732 | 7.78 | 6.51 59
8 Sunday
9 16.7 114] 699] 18.2 725 69 | 6.08 56
10 76.0 7.3 | 70.9 | 12.4 ‘748 | 8.03 | 8.90 67 -
11 73.1 9.0 66.8 | 15.3 655 7.04 447 61 ;
12 74.9 8.8 | 68.7 | 15.0 697 AG 61 62 ;
13 77.3 9.4 | 71.7} 15.0 .768 | 8.18 | 5.00 62
14, 77.5 9.6 | 71.7 | 15.4 .768 18 15 61
15 Sunday.
Lill
16 75.4 7.5 | 70.1-| 12.8 729 | 782 | 3.97 66
te 17 76.3 Bias Sea 768 | 8.24. 51 70.
FI 18 75.1 AB 1-717 | 82 768 30 | 2.48 AE
ae: 19 76.0 5.6 | 721} 9.5 778 .36 .98 74 i
te 20 769 6.91 72.1 17 | 178 83 | 3.77 .69
ig 21 78.9 8.1| 74.0 | 13.0 827 80 | 4,49 .66
un 22 | Sunday.
is 23 81.1 8.1| 762 | 13.0 {| .887 | 9.41 75 67
a: 24 80.6 10.0| 746] 16.0 | .843| 891 | 5.85 | .60 1
“i 25 81.3 6.5 | 77.4 | 10.4 922 | 9.81 | 8.79 72
ae ‘ 26 774 | 481 74.01 8.2 827 | 8.90 | 264 | .77 |
ie 27 77.1 6.7 | 72.4 | 11.4 785 Al | 8.69 70 |
ee: 28 772 4.7 | 73.9 | 8.0 824 Bi 2257 78
| ee 29 | Sunday. \
ee 30 74.8 248 Tod 4 .803 72 | 1.28 .88 ‘l
= 31 76.8 Si 946 | 538 843 | 9.11 67 .85 ih
All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants.
eT +E he geet on ante ee na WO ne ATER aces Sas eee ereieg eee
Meteorological Observations. XXXV
Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,
in the month of May, 1864.
Hourly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements
dependent thereon.
So S wz | Range of the Barometer = ® Range of the Temperature
age for each hour during pos for each hour during
Hour = c Fo the month. ae) the month,
| mo Qk
a 0% : a
x32 | Max Min Diff seo | Max. Min. Diff.
= =
Inches. | Inches.| Inches.| Inches. ) 0 Oo 0
Mid- |!
night. 29.733 (29.862 | 29.572 | 0 290 80.0 85.2 73.8 11.4
1 719 828 | .553 275 79.9 84.6 74.0 10.6:
2 715 841 AL -300 79.5 84.4 74.6 9.8.
3 708 -853 546 07 79.4 84.0 75.0 9.9
4, .699 857 049 .308 79.5 83.8 74.0 9.8
5 £728 872 .550 022 78.9 83.6 74.0 9.6
6 744 893 O79 14 79.2 84.0 74,0 10.0
7 762 915 593 022 80.4: 85.2 (52 10.0
8 71718 .930 604 2326 83.3 86.8 77.8 9.0
9 198 937 .636 3801 85.7 89.4) 79.3 10.1
10 £795 947 645 .302 88.4 93.2 79.8 13.4
il 782 9389 629 2310 90.5 97.4 77.6 19.8
Noon.| .765 | .917/ .611 | .306| 92.3 | 99.4. | 76.4 | 23.0
1 TAL 877 086 291 92.8 | 101.9 76.0 25.9
2 LL 8o7 562 279 92.8 | 102.9 | 75.6 27.3
3 682 .809 53L 248 92.6 | 104.0 5.2 28.8
A, 665 832 506 .026 91.1 , 104.2 74.8 29.4:
5 664 848 500 048 88.2 | 101.6 74.6 27.0
6 675 842 5OL 841 85.7 95,4 74.6 20.8
7 694, 852 524: 328 83.7 91.2 74.6 16.6
8 714 869 545 324: 82.0 88.4 73.0 15.4
9 730 883 555 328 81.3 87.2 73.2 14.0
10 746 892 571 321 80.7 86.4, 713.8 12.6
11 738 887 582 305 80.0 86.0 73.6 12.4
|
ee ee ee
The Mean Heicht of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb There
mometer Means are derived from the Observations made at the several hours
during the month,
XXXVI Meteorological Observations.
Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta, |
inthe month of May, 1864. 3
Hourly Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements
dependent thereon.—( Continued. )
= 2 s E S 2S (65a | 45 ‘:
B P| 6s (a 1 8 {2 4252 oe
0 As o 5) > 2 ‘eo 2 = © O-n 1
Sao E e = 2 S52] 034 i
@ + ac ® 3 2 a6 tos | a> |
“. Hour. = s os Fa s es “an? ee Sh eet
: 2 2 Sel =e | 2s @,2)/ 33%
3 Eo s 5 $2) Ae |F2:) 822) 234
he ® 8 ea a, PQ += a cee eee eee
a = 3 a & A o> S Oa Se a So =
ce a > 18 = Bo |e | ee
48 SS a
4 B 0 oO Oo Inches. |Troy grs.|Troy grs.
as : mn
af i. | 768 | 87 | 737 | 68 | 0819 | 885 | 196 | oz
—_— 1 76.5 84 | 741 58 830 96 82 83
Ve | 762 1 381-7890 | 66 | 824 - 90 46 | Bh
Ae 3 76.2 | 8.2 | 74.0 5.4 827 95 67 84
. A 76.3 82 741 5.4 | .830 .98 68 84.
1s 5 45.8 | 3.1 |~ 73.6 5.8 817 84 63 84
as 6 We Bl |780 5.3 | 824 92 64 85 _
zt "7 76.8 8.6 | 74.3 6.1 .835 9.01 93 82
baa 8 78.0 | 53 | 74.3 9.0 | .885 | 8.96 .| 2.97 15
as 9 78.9 | 68 | 74.1 | 11.6 | .830 185 3.95 69
| ta 10 79.4 9.0 74.0 14. 4) 827 |= .79 5.05 64) |
ata 11 80.0 | 105 | 73.7 {16.8 | .819 .66 6.06 59 |
8 Noon. 80.6 11.7 73.6 18.7 817 09 91 5
+6 1 79.9 {129 | 72.2 | 206 | .781 19 7.53 52 !
1 2 79.4 | 18.4 | 714 | 214 761 .00 72 51 ie
4 3 79.2 |184 | 71.2 | 214 756 | 7,95 68 51
4 4 786 1125 | 711 | 20.0-| .753 95 02 53
: 5 Tio AE 706 3-16 741 .86 5.90 57
4 6 76.9 8.8 70.7 15.0 744 93 4.87 |. .62
= 7 76.5 Ha yal ae 763 | 818 3.89 68
; ieee 8 75.9 | 6.1 | 71.6 | 104 | .766 28-1 24 72:
d 9 76.1 5.2 | 72.5 8.8 7871 = AT 217 15 \
4 10 76.1 | 4.6 | 72.9 TS 797 59 45 78 M
a at 762°) 48) 732 7.3 .806 .70 .28 79 |
4 ‘
a )
4 All the Hygrometrical elements are computed by the Greenwich Constants. a
u ‘h
c — sae Se (cata pho eenigenN SET AM seasbiesPaeioin a Saar
0 Se ean SPRINGER oan Sern Stang Se re
Meteorological Observations. XXXVl
Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
is, taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
‘> an the month of May, 1864.
| Solar Radiation, Weather, &c.
x 2 | Soe :
48 |83< ae
Az |S © 4 / Prevailing direction | 9 iE General Aspect of the Sky.
2| ¥ rs age of the Wind. aoe
= tos) Ss a chy = fo)
mh Ale me at
o (Inches. ibs
BEES ... | Sunday. 3 ;
2) 128.4! 0.37 |S. 17; | Cloudless till 8 a. m. cloudy till 9
A, M. Scatd. i till 4 Pp. wm. cloudy
afterwards; also raining between
o& 6 P.M,
3 140.0; ... |S.&S8. EH. 2z | Cloudless till 3 a, m. Scatd. clouds
: till noon, cloudless afterwards,
=< A) 132.2| ,.. |S. 2z | Cloudless till 11 a. m. Scatd. “i till
7. M. cloudless afterwards.
Bl 1354.1... Ss. 85 | Cloudless till 4 a. m. Scatd. clouds
till 9 4. m cloudless afterwards.
6| 136.4! 0.09 | S. 4 | Cloudless till 6 a. m. Seatd. -i till 4
Pp. M. cloudy afterwards, also thun-
dering and lightning from 9 to 11
P. M. & drizzling between 6 & 7
Pp, M. and at 10 & 11 P. mu.
7| 136.0) ... |S.&S8. W. 2 | Cloudy till1l a. wm. Scatd. “i till
| 7 ve. M. cloudy afterwards; also
drizzling from 9 to 11 Pp. mM.
Sie .. | Sunday. 3
9 139.9| ... |8.&S8. W. 1; | Cloudless till 2 Pp, m., cloudy after-
wards.
5 |Scatd. “i; also drizzling & thun-
dering at 3 P. M,
11} 128.4) ,., |N.H.& H.& 8S. HE, | 2 | Overcast till 3 a.m. Seatd, Hi & oi
| till 3 P. M. cloudy afterwards,
also thundering & lightning from
7tollp. u. & drizzling at 7 P. M.
12| 127.0! ... |W.&S8. 4 | Cloudless till 7 a. Mm. Scatd. -i & 71
till 5 Pp. M. cloudless afterwards, ec lcee
also lightning and drizzling at es
midnight. ,
13/ 140.0| ... |S.&S8S. W. 43 | Cloudless till 3 a. um. Seatd, \i till 11
| A. M. Seatd. “i till 3 p.m. cloudy
till 8 Pp. mu. cloudless afterwards =
also drizzling & thundering at6 p.m,
10 125.0; 0.18 |S. & N. HE, & .
14; 1382.0! ,.. S. x | Cloudless till 2 a.m. Scatd, —i till 9
A. M. cloudless till 1 p.m, Scatd.
clouds afterwards.
15 0.86 | Sunday. 21%
16| 130.0 . |S. H&S. W.& 8. | 0 | Scatd. clouds; also thundering and
lightning at 8 & 9 P. M.
“i Cirri, i Cirro strati, [i Cumub, ~i Cumulo strati, \-i Nimbi, —i Strati,
ft W i Cirro cumuli,
od 2~
i Saree AeSie)
LE TLS OAS EE ee ea : ; ; Malco tn ion Ne nicer a eyes cea ans
bial nia da dmesteeen AD Fit Sede a Me Rerearr s WEXGENE fred Vit Une tl apse Sas Wis Sal ao aco ci Tyme T wi e
< gt
peop cate &
soe
reac
-
“3
aah yoy
as NT
Renee
XKXVH1
Meteorological Observations.
Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
im the month of May, 1864.
Solar Radiation, Weather, &c,
o oO ©
eg | Ss. i
0.9 |B Oo nm
.| 2 |O & €| Prevailing direction | 9 = General Aspect of the Sky.
S| xo Lea of the Wind. Py
o| © se | ewe is
Ale A ipo a
o |Inches. tbs
17} 124.0} 2.60 |S. 15 | Cloudless till 5 a. mu. Scatd. cloudg
till 1 P. m. cloudy afterwards;
also thundering and lightning
from 5 toll P. M. and raining at
3 P, M. and from 7 to 11 Pp. m,
18: 120.0| 0.72 |8. HE. & N. HE. 4 | Cloudy till 3 a. m. Scatd, “i till
noon, Cloudy afterwards also rain-
ing at midnight and 1 a. M. & at
35 “4 and 11 P. uM.
19] 119.4) 048 /S.E.&8.&9.W. 19 | Scatd. Vig 73 till 3 yp, Mu. cloudy af-
| terwards, also raining at midnight
andat 5 & 6 Pp. mM.
90| 119.0! ... S.&S.W. 54 | Cloudless till noon, Scatd. -iand i
till 6 Pp. M. cloudy afterwards, also
thundering & lightning at 7 P.M.
21; 1386.0; ... |S. &S8, W. 2 | Cloudless till 5 A, M. Scatd. “i till
10 A. mM. cloudless till 2 Pp, um, Scatd,
| clouds afterwards.
7s ee 0.28 | Sunday. i)
23 144,0:\-- 2-18, 0 | Cloudless,
24' 144.4) ... |S. &S8. W. 1 | Cloudless.
O51 89- Os =s|-G. 53 | Cloudless till 3 a. mw. Scatd. clouds
till 3 Pp. mM. cloudy afterwards also
slightly drizzling at 5 p. .
26 0.18 |S. HE. & 8. & H. 25 | Cloudy; also drizzling occasionally
from 1 to 9 Pp. M, & lightning from
| 7 to9 P, M.
27 80-8 |= os 0 | Scatd, \-i till3 a. mu. cloudy till noon
Scatd, i afterwards,
28; 118.0} 1.86 |18S.&8. E 4% | Cloudy; also raining constantly, from
Jl a.m. toll p.m, & thundering
& lightning from 6 to 9 P. M.
29 0.14 | Sunday. ls
30]... 3.10 | 8. & H, 3 Cloudy ; also raining and ee
from 9 A. M. to 2 P. M,
Olly. S.E&S 4 | Cloudy; also drizzling at 10 a, M.
&atd5&6Pp. uM,
saad 9 Ocalan eins ges wn a ng RS TERS acre nee Serene
wi scams ee oe nN ee a ea
Meteorological Observations. XXX1x
Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
in the month of May, 1864.
Monruty Reasvurts.
Inches
Mean height of the Barometer for the month, .. ee ve, 295729
Max. height of the Barometer occurred at 10 a.m. on the 18th, ee 29,94'7
Min. height of the Barometer occurred at 5 Pp. M. on the 24th, eo 29.500
Extreme range of the Barometer during the month, we os = 0.447
Mean of the Daily Max. Pressures,.. * ee ee 29,798
Ditto ditto Min. ditto, .. as ge s« —29:650
Mean daily range of the Barometer during the month, .. ee «©0148
te)
Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. ve ee 84.6
Max. Temperature occurred at 4 p. mM. on the 24th, ee ee 104.2
Min. Temperature occurred at 8 p. mM. on the 17th, ee o« 73.0
Hatreme range of the Temperature during the month, 0° as 31.2
Mean of the daily Max. Temperature, ee ee oo 95.2
Ditto ditto Min. ditto, .. a ae a 77.2
Mean daily range of the Temperature during the month, .. oe 18.0
Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer for the month, .. ss ae 17.5
Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above Mean Wet Bulb Thermometer, .. 7.1
Computed Mean Dew-point for the month, .. ee ee 72.5
Mean Dry Bulb Thermometer above computed Mean Dew-point, a 12.1
Inches
Mean Elastic force of Vapour for the month, - << 0-487
Troy grains
Mean Weight of Vapour for the month, ee a at 8.42
Additional Weight of Vapour required for complete saturation, = 3.97
Mean degree of humidity for the month, complete saturation being unity, 0.68
Inches
Rained 18 days, Max. fall of rain during 24 hours, AS = 3.10
Total amount of rain during the month, = a <= =10.36
Prevailing direction of the Wind, ., as ms S.&S. H,
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x] : Meteoro logical Observations.
Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
taken at the Surveyor General's Office, Calcutta,
in the month of May, 1864.
Monruty RESULTS.
Tables showing the number of days on which at a given hour any particular wind
blew, together with the number of days on which at the same hour,
when any particular wind was blowing, it rained.
Hour.
Rain on.
Missed.
Midnight.
be
eS ho
he DD SS ee
te |
mM WBRDD WOO
I
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AM OwWe bd bd
eon
fot food
bed
i
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mI bo
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On the 26th May, the wind which had been blowing steadily from S., and
by HE. suddenly veered round at 12h. 30m. to N. W. blowing very strongly, and
in heavy gusts varying in pressure from 8 to 25lbs per square foot till 2h. lom. P. M.
when it became calm, having veered during the interval by W. to 8. W. About
8h. 30m. the wind again changed suddenly from 8. W. to N. and by E. and
subsequently to E. and by N. The gale was accompanied by a good deal of
thunder and lightning and a little rain, The ten minutes observations taken
during the gale show that at Noon the Barometer stood at 29.79 Inches at
12h. 30m., the moment of the first sudden change of wind, and commencement
of gale, it rose to 29.83 Inches and then fell gradually and continuously to
29,738 Inches at 5 p.m, At 8 P. M, it again rose to 29.882 Inches,
: me wees mension Ula RR I es SN URS NO SE RPREEO
TT Pee a ap wer SRS ar tapes eG OR : 5
iS 2 pn Ew. = SS ee ae = = =
ah Meteorological Observations. xl
wh,
Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations
‘ taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta,
wn the month of June, 1864.
Latitude 22° 33’ 1” North. Longitude 88° 20’ 34” East.
Feet.
Height of the Cistern of the Standard Barometer above the Sea-level, 18.11.
Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements
dependent thereon.
a ee Se er ee oes ere ee
o 5 au
2» © < Range of the Barometer RG & |Range of the Tempera-
“Ep : = during the day. = E ture during the day.
is nS ~
Date,.| = Aes z ; |
S24 | Max. | Min. | Dif. #& | Max. | Min, | Dif,
uM = =
Inches. | Inches. | Inches. | Inches. ) ) Oo Oo
1 | 29.574 ) 29.633 | 29.493 0.140 85.2 91.9 79.4 | 12.5
2 507 563 44:7 116 85.9 93.0 78.4 | 14.6
3 511 09 455 100 86.7 95.0 79.2 | 15.8
4 009 601 465 136 88.4 97.4: 80.6 | 16.8
| 5 | Sunday.
6 584 641 A938 148 | 88.8 94.6 | 82.8 | 11.8
t 7 588 .650 025 125 85.8 94,4: 82.8 | 11.6
i 8 078 .628 512 .L16 87.8 94.6 81.8 | 12.8
| 9 559 614 480 134 87.9 96.6 76.6 | 20.0
| 10 558 .628 ATL L157 85.8 93.6 78.0 | 15.6
i) 11 AT 603 488 oL15 80.5 86.2 77.6 | 8.6
\\ 12 | Sunday.
it 13 531 | 605 448 | .157 | 87.0 | 96,4 | 82.0 | 144
| 14 587 .630 540 090 84.5 90.2 80.8 | 9.4
15 .580 627 538 089 83.0 88.8 80.0 | 8.8
16 41 596 488 »L08 84.1 90.6 78.0 | 12.6
17 487 o2 429 123 86.1 94.2 79.8 | 14.4
18 539 093 482 111 85.8 89.0 | 81.4 | 7.6
19 | Sunday.
mi 0 617 | .672| .517| .155| 849 | 922 | 46.0 / 169
21 580 .630 523 107 95.9 92.8 78.0 | 14.8
| 22 546 992 A73 119 88.6 95.8 83.8 | 12.0
23 524 504 468 086 89.5 96.2 84.2 | 12.0
24) 048 577 506 071 85.5 93.4 80.8 | 12.6
AN 25 535 O12 A84 088 86.7 94:,4: 79.6 | 14.8
Ai 26 | Sunday.
Ve 27 565 |} 611 | .512| 099) 868 | 926 | 836) 90
“i 28 523 569 470 .099 81.4 83.6 80.0 | 3.6
yi 29 514 576 A738 L038 79.3 82.8 76.8 | 6.0
Zi 30 495 036 AAT 089 81.1 85.8 75.0 | 10.8
vf See ee ee
fy The Mean Height of the Barometer, as likewise the Dry and Wet Bulb There
f mometer Means are derived, from the ho urly Observations made during the day.
eat}
ae
:o
25
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et
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eee Se Bd
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re 4, 5)
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t
41
a
xi Meteorological Observations.
= i
Abstract of the Results of the Hourly Meteorological Observations y
taken at the Surveyor General’s Office, Calcutta, ;
in the month of June, 1864.
Daily Means, &c. of the Observations and of the Hygrometrical elements yi
dependent thereon.— (Continued).
- : E ‘Oo 5.4 a ‘— s pe
a 8 2S 3 Pee ee f
S © @ = Se oe if
2 é Ps 5 <3 ee ny
3 > Ss 2 o 6 mes), Cos Ht
sa e © = 8 es ae H
ae Date. aoe oa f= a) anes = See ee 0 a
Re oo 2 So = | 8a [ean] 853 be
i see n
ff |
BY ) Oo Oo | fy) Inches.| T. gr. | T. gr
if 1 79.9 5.3 | 762) 9.0 | 0.887 | 9.49 | 3.12 | 0.75 m
4 2 80.2 Bia, 762 9.7 .887 AT 4.0 74 f
2 3 81.3 5.4] 78.11 86 943 | 10.04 14. .76 a
Le 4 83.2 5.2 | 80.1; 8.3 | 1.005 67 17 77 m
12 5 | Sunday. in
ce 6 81.9 6.4] 781] 10.2 | 0,948 02 78 73 i
Le 7 80.4: 5.4) 766 | 9.2 899 | 9.59 24, 75 ii
ia 8 81.9 59 78.4. 94 .952 | 10.12 48 74 it
44 9 81.6 63 | 77.8} 10.1 934 | 9.98 71 73 is
} 43 10 80.4 5A 76.6 9,2 .899 59 24 75 il
48 il 76.4 AA l= 73.5 \— 7.0 814 | 8.78 | 2.20 80 4
ne 12 Sunday. 1%
4 13 81.5 5.5 | 78.2) 88 | 946] 10.07 | 3.22 76
— 14, 80.2 43) 77.2 | 73 916 | 9.81 | 2.54 79
fe: 15 79.2 AS 276012 7-3 .887 52 48 79 -
a 16 79.6 4.5 | 76.4 | 7.7 .893 56 65 78 We
a 17 81.2 49| 778! 88 934: 97 98 ae: Me
c 18 81.5 43 | 78.5 | 7.3 955 | 10.21 62 80 =
o 19 | Sunday. | s
ES 20 80.8 AN 779 | -70- | 937 | 02 AT 80 the
: 21 81.9 4.0} 791} 68 973 38 | .49 81 |
2 22 83.8 4.8 | 80.91 7.7 | 1.030 92 | 3.00 78 al
a 23 84.4 5.1 | 813) 82 043 | 11.06 23 7. a
a 24, 81.1 4.4) 78.0) 75 | 0.940 | 10.03 | 2.69 79 ia
ey 25 81.0 5.7) 77.6] 91 928 | 9.89 | 3.29 75 | al
i 26 | Sunday. \4
a 27 82.2 46} 79.41 74 983 | 10.47 | 2.74 79
a 28 78.8 26 | 77.0 | 4,4 910 | 9.81 1.46 87 be
ee 29 76.8 2.5| 75.0 | 43 854. 24 BD .87 |
i 30 78.6 25) 76.8 | 43 .905 75 AQ .87 ‘ly
os ‘tlh
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